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UN/ISDR-19-2008-Bangkok

International Environment andDisaster Management Laboratory,
Graduate School of Global
Environmental Studies,
KYOTO UNIVERSITY
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Indigenous Knowledge forDisaster Risk Reduction:
Good Practices and Lessons Learned
from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

2008

“The European Union is made up of 27 Member States who have decided to gradually link together their know-how, resourcesand destinies. Together, during a period of enlargement of 50 years, they have built a zone of stability, democracy and sustainable
development whilst maintaining cultural diversity, tolerance and individual freedoms.
The European Union is committed to sharing its achievements and its values with countries and peoples beyond its borders.”
Disclaimer“This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole
responsibility of UN/ISDR secretariat and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union.”

Editorial Team: Rajib Shaw, Noralene Uy, and Jennifer Baumwoll
Graphic Design by Mario Barrantes
The cover photo illustrates a Dhani, a traditional family dwelling in the district of Barmer in Rajasthan, India. The Dhani has been
improved using modern technology called Stabilized Compressed Interlocking Block technology (SCEB). For more information, see“Indigenous Knowledge and Modern Science Give Environment Friendly Shelter Solution in Flood Affected Desert Region of India” inthis publication.
(Cover Photo Source: SEEDS)
Please send your feedback and suggestions (including further case studies for consideration) to:
Christel Rose
Regional Program Officer
UN ISDR Asia and Pacificrosec@un.org
www.unisdr.org
Disclaimer:
The Information and opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the policies of the UN/ISDR secretariat

European Union

Indigenous Knowledge forDisaster Risk Reduction:
Good Practices and Lessons Learned
from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region
Bangkok, July 2008

2008

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Photo by Steve Evans, Thailand, Hill Tribesii

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Foreword
Development research tells us that the success and the sustainability ofinterventions at the community level depend, among a number of factors, on
the availability of relevant local culture, knowledge and indigenous practices
that can combine with new ideas to generate innovation. The importance ofindigenous knowledge contributes not only to the success of intervention,
but more importantly to its sustainability in the longer term. Considering
the participation and integration of these communities in all disaster-related
processes as a necessary means for pursuing the Hyogo Framework for Action
highlights the importance of indigenous knowledge in assisting to mainstream
disaster risk reduction policies and practice.
Even before we came up with high technology based early warning systems,
or standard operating procedures for response, numerous local communities
worldwide have prepared, operated, acted, and responded to natural disasters
using indigenous methods passed on from one generation to the next. The
United Nations already considers indigenous knowledge within Priority 3 of
the Hyogo Framework for Action, which focuses on education and knowledge.
One of the key activities identified under this priority action focuses on theimportance of information management and exchange, and highlights the useof “relevant traditional and indigenous knowledge and cultural heritage” to beshared with and adapted to different target audiences.
In order to fulfill this objective, we all need to understand, acknowledge andrespect indigenous knowledge as a valuable source of information and as a key
contributor to reducing risk in many parts of the world.
This publication, “Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction:
Good Practices and Lessons Learned from experiences in the Asia-PacificRegion” aims to build awareness for indigenous knowledge as an effective tool
for reducing risk from natural disasters. By improving the understandingof indigenous knowledge and providing concrete examples of how it can be
successfully used, I hope this publication will inspire all practitioners andpolicy makers to consider the knowledge held by local communities and act tointegrate this wealth of knowledge into future disaster-related work.
Jerry Velasquez
Senior Regional Coordinator
UN/ISDR Asia Pacificiii

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Photo by Maureen Keogh, Cambodia

iv

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

PrefaceThis publication presents a collection of 18 indigenous practices which weredeveloped over time in the communities in the Asia-Pacific region. Typesof disasters include earthquake, cyclone (typhoon), drought, landslides, riverbank erosion, tsunami and zud. The cases were chosen based on the following
criteria: origin of the knowledge, its relative level of adaptation over time, its
relationship to local skills and materials, its success in surviving or copingwith disasters over time, and its applicability to other societies facing similar
situations.
Each of the cases found in this publication follow the same general format
including a brief abstract, background information to orient the reader to thecommunity demographics and location, an explanation of the specific story or
event in which the community successfully used its knowledge, a description of
the indigenous knowledge held by the community, and finally the lessons which
can be learned from the specific case. While each contribution is distinct, thisuniform organization allows the cases to be analyzed and discussed as a group,comparing and contrasting these different elements.
Indigenous knowledge is culture specific, and represents people’s lifestyle. Thus,
the dissemination and wider practices of the knowledge is often a challenging
issue. The publication emphasizes that the principles of indigenous knowledge
can be applicable to different locations, which needs local cultural calibration.
Application is a process and needs both participation of wider stakeholders andpolicy support. That part remains as the future focus area.
I would like to convey my sincere thanks to all contributors, and hope thatreaders will gain insight into how the values of indigenous knowledge should berecognized and practiced to reduce disaster risk for different types of hazards.
Rajib Shaw
Kyoto UniversityvIndigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Photo by Sean Hawkey, Bangladeshvi

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Introduction
After the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, two success stories emerged, bringing
new interest to the concept of indigenous knowledge. The Simeulueans living off
the coast of Sumatra, Indonesia and the Moken, living in the Surin Islands off
the coast of Thailand and Myanmar both used knowledge passed on orally fromtheir ancestors to survive the devastating tsunami. While these two cases stole thelimelight in recent years, there are many less conspicuous examples of communities
who have also used indigenous knowledge to survive disastrous events and copewith difficult environmental conditions. These communities’ use of indigenous
knowledge to reduce risk, cope and survive recent natural disasters provides many
lessons for practitioners and policy makers on the value of indigenous knowledge
for disaster risk reduction.
Indigenous knowledge refers to the methods and practices developed by a groupof people from an advanced understanding of the local environment, which hasformed over numerous generations of habitation. This knowledge contains several
other important characteristics which distinguish it from other types of knowledge.
These include originating within the community, maintaining a non-formal meansof dissemination, collectively owned, developed over several generations andsubject to adaptation, and imbedded in a community’s way of life as a means ofsurvival.
The relationship between indigenous knowledge and natural disasters hasdeveloped more interest in recent years. The new discussions around indigenous
knowledge highlight its potential to improve disaster risk reduction policies
through integration into disaster education and early warning systems. Throughout
disaster risk reduction literature, four primary arguments have been made forthe value of indigenous knowledge. First, various specific indigenous practices
and strategies embedded in the knowledge, which prove valuable against natural
disasters, can be transferred and adapted to other communities in similar situations.
Second, an incorporation of indigenous knowledge in existing practices andpolicies encourages the participation of the affected community and empowers its
members to take the leading role in all disaster risk reduction activities. Third,
the information contained in indigenous knowledge can help improve project
implementation by providing valuable information about the local context. Finally,
the non-formal means by which indigenous knowledge is disseminated provides
a successful model for other education on disaster risk reduction. While thispublication focuses on collecting specific indigenous strategies and mechanisms
which can be transferred and adapted to other communities, the lessons learnedemphasize all of these four areas.
This publication has been compiled to build awareness for the value indigenous
knowledge holds for reducing risk against different types of hazards in different
environmental and cultural settings throughout Asia and the Pacific. It is part of avii

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

broader initiative in the region which aims to analyze the importance of indigenous knowledge
and develop ways for this knowledge to be further integrated into disaster risk reduction policy
and practice. This publication is the first step, providing a forum for knowledge sharing
such that the experiences and strategies of various communities throughout the region arecommunicated to important disaster risk reduction stakeholders. In addition, this collection
will also trigger further analysis on the importance of indigenous knowledge, which can feed
into policy-making and inform curriculum development. Finally, this publication intends toencourage other regions to also invest in gathering cases in their countries and contribute to
exploring the global importance of indigenous knowledge for disaster risk reduction.
Many of the communities discussed in this publication have been given little attention by otherdisaster planning mechanisms and have employed their knowledge as a way to help themselvesin difficult times. Much of the knowledge embedded in these communities has been dismissedby outsiders as inferior and often ignored as belonging to “backward” and “less-educated”
people. Yet many of these communities have developed successful lessons and strategies for
managing recurring disasters and surviving extreme events which even high tech instruments
are unable to help. All of these communities share a common ability to depend on themselves
during disasters and a similar understanding of local threats and how to reduce these risks.
There are many lessons to be learned from these communities.
Jennifer Baumwoll
Co-editor

viii

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Table of contents
Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
China

Karez Technology for Drought Disaster Reduction in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Weihua Fang, Fei He, Jingning Cai and Peijun Shi

India

Earthquake Safe Traditional House Construction Practices in Kashmir . . . . . . . . . 5
Amir Ali Khan

India

Indigenous Knowledge and Modern Science Give Environment Friendly
Shelter Solution in Flood Affected Desert Region of India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Anshu Sharma and Mihir Joshi

India

Soil and Water Conservation through Bamboo Plantation: A Disaster
Management Technique Adopted by the People of Nandeswar, Assam. . . . . . . . . 14
Irene Stephen, Rajiv Dutta Chowdhury and Debashish NathIndonesia

Legend, Ritual and Architecture on the Ring of Fire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Koen Meyers and Puteri Watson

Japan

Traditional Flood Disaster Reduction Measures in Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Yukiko Takeuchi and Rajib Shaw

Mongolia

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction of the Shiver Herder
Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Bolormaa Borkhuu

Nepal

Indigenous Knowledge on Disaster Mitigation: Towards Creating
Complementarity between Communities’ and Scientists’ Knowledge. . . . . . . . . . . 30
Man B. Thapa, Youba Raj Luintel, Bhupendra Gauchan and Kiran Amatya

Nepal/Pakistan

Local Knowledge on Flood Preparedness: Examples from Nepal
and Pakistan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
Julie Dekens

Pakistan

Indigenous Coping Mechanisms for Disaster Management in Mansehra andBattagram Districts, North West Frontier Province (NWFP), Pakistan . . . . . . . . 41
Takeshi Komino

Papua New Guinea

Living with Floods in Singas, Papua New Guinea. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
Jessica Mercer and Ilan KelmanixIndigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Philippines

Combining Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge in the Dagupan City Flood
Warning System. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
Lorna P. Victoria

Philippines

Indigenous Know-How on Mayon Volcano’s Lava-Spittle Mysticism . . . . . . . . . 55
Gerardine Cerdena

Philippines

Shaped by Wind and Typhoon: The Indigenous Knowledge of the Ivatansin the Batanes Islands, Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Noralene Uy and Rajib Shaw

Solomon Islands

Indigenous Knowledge Saved Lives during 2007 Solomon Islands Tsunami . . . . 64
Brian G. McAdoo, Jennifer Baumwoll and Andrew Moore

Sri Lanka

Village Tank Cascade Systems: A Traditional Approach to Drought Mitigation
and Rural Well-being in the Purana Villages of Sri Lanka. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
C.M. Madduma Bandara

ThailandSaved by an Old Legend and a Keen Observation: The Case of Moken
Sea Nomads in Thailand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73
Narumon Arunotai

Vietnam

Weather Forecasting through Indigenous Knowledge for Crop Cultivationin the Drought Prone Area of Vietnam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Nguyen Ngoc Huy and Rajib Shawx

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Turpan, Xinjiang, Northwestern China

Karez Technology for Drought Disaster
Reduction in China
Weihua Fang, Fei He, Jingning Cai and Peijun Shi
Abstract
Karez is a traditional irrigation water system which is able to make use of undergroundwater efficiently. The Karez system has a long history in the Xinjiang area of China. As
a comprehensive system, Karez is composed of four primary components: vertical wells,
underground canals, a surface canal and small reservoirs. Because of the Karez system, Turpan,a basin located in the arid area of Northwestern China, is well-known for its wide variety ofagricultural products. In the Turpan area of Xinjiang, Karez is still being used to supply water
resources for irrigation and domestic uses. At present, modern technology has been integrated
into the traditional Karez system to further reinforce the successful traditional practice.

Background

Story/Event

The Turpan depression, with a height of 32.8m, islocated in the Turpan basin which is the second lowest
basin in the world. It is surrounded by several highmountainous areas (3500~5000m) which are covered
with glacier or permanent snow. The minimum
height of Aiding Lake, at the south of the basin, isaround -155m, which represents the lowest lake in
China. Underground water is abundant in the shallow
underground water-bearing layer. The terrain of themountains around Turpan basin is mainly formedby hercynian movement at the end of the Paleozoic
period. It is hard and fractured and therefore fissured
water is easily formed. The exposed rocks of Flaming
Mountains mainly consist of sandy conglomerate andmud stones of Jurassic, cretaceous as well as Tertiary.
Therefore, the geological condition of Turpan district
is fit to construct an underground canal with little
reinforcement for amassing sufficient water resources.
The Turpan area is famous for its wide variety of fruits
such as grapes, watermelons, and Hami muskmelons.

Turpan is very dry in all seasons and very hot during
spring, summer and autumn. The highest temperaturerecorded is 47.7°C in summer. High temperature andstrong solar radiation result in high annual evaporation
amounting to 2800~3000 mm.1 Turpan is in an innerland with total annual precipitation of only around16~17 mm. Because of strong evaporation or theevapotranspiration process, precipitation (rain or snow)
falling on the slope of the mountain would evaporate or
seep underneath sand and soil before it can converge
into a stream and reach the flat agricultural area along
the foot of the mountain. Surface water is scarce in mostareas. Under such tough circumstances, few plants oranimals survive.
1 Ji ZHAO (2001).

1

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Indigenous Knowledge
when no modern equipment was available. Hence, thevertical well is primarily used to assist in digging theunderground canals. When the wells are dug, sand andsoil are excavated with the help of animals.

Karez is a traditional irrigation water system with along history in Xinjiang area of China which makes useof underground water efficiently. Where farmland islocated in the mountainous area, it is built on an alluvial
fan or plain. Most existing Karez systems were mainly
constructed between the 17th and 20th century. The
currently functioning Karez systems are distributedin the dry areas of the southern slope of Mountain
Tianshan in eastern Xinjiang, in the Hami district
as well as the Turpan, Shanshan and Toksun districtsof Turpan Basin. In the Turpan district, 1,016 Karez
systems still exist of which 686 are operational. The total
length is about 3,000 kilometers. The average depth of
the underground canal is 20 meters whilst the utmost
depth is 90 meters. The total outflow of the karez
systems in Turpan Basin is about 10 cubic meters per
second accounting for about 20% of the total diversion
water of the basin.2 At present, modern facilities such as
electromechanical wells are integrated into the system.

The major functions of vertical wells are for ventilation,
proper orientation of the canal during construction andexamination and repair of canals after construction.
The distance between vertical wells is generally around60~100 meters in the upper reaches, 30~60 metersin the middle, and 10~30 meters in the lower reaches.
The depth of wells is approximately 40~70 meters,
100 meters in the upper reaches, 30~40 meters in the
middle, and 3~15 meters in the lower reaches. Verticalwells are utilized not only to aid in digging undergroundcanals, but also to take out water from these canals after
the whole Karez system is completed. An aerial image ofvertical wells is presented in Figure 2.
Underground and Surface Canals

The structure of a complete Karez system can becomplex but its basic structure is essentially composedof four main components: vertical wells, undergroundcanals, surface canal, and small reservoirs (Figure 1).

Of the two types of canals, the majority of them areunderground. The canals under the surface are generallypart of a network which enables underground water toaccumulate (as illustrated in Figure 3a). Usually the
deep soil around the underground canal is very strong
and does not collapse easily. However, when the canal
is close to the surface, the soil is loose. To preventthe underground canal from collapsing, it is usually
reinforced with wooden pillars. At the bottom of thewell, both sides are excavated for the underground canal.
When the underground canal reaches the farmland, it
becomes a surface canal and is linked to a small reservoir
or directly connected to a system of water channels for

Vertical Well
The length of the underground canal varies fromaround 3 km to 30 km. It is almost impossible to dig
such a long underground canal without digging a
vertical well, especially in the past agricultural period
2 ZHONG and CHU (1993); www.karez.org

Figure 1.
The components of a typical Karez system

2

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

irrigation (Figure 3b). Usually
the surface canal is short to limit
evaporation.
Small Reservoir
Water resources are collectedin small reservoirs which canbe adjusted for water level andtemperature. Constructing
reservoirs increase the water levelso that a larger area of farmlandis irrigated. Moreover, the water
stored in reservoirs receives
sunlight which increases theirtemperature. The warmer water
is more appropriate for irrigation,
since the low temperature of water
due to snow melting or becauseof its underground source may dosevere harm to crops.
A variety of simple tools are
employed for building Karez
systems. These include an
excavating hoe, a planning hammer,
a basket, a winch and an oil lamp
(as displayed in Figure 4). The
excavating hoe and planninghammer are used for digging
passages underground. The basket
and winch are used for carrying soil
and sand. Iron oil lamps with anarrow for orientation are used for
digging underground canals. The
lamp can also be conveniently fixedon canal walls. Currently in Hami
city of China, a sunlight reflecting
mirror is also used for orientation.
In constructing the different
components of the Karez system,
it is vital to ensure that along theunderground canal, water resources
are sufficient. A crucial first step is
to find water sources in the upper
reaches and the depth of water
estimated in accordance with thelocation of farmland. The location
for digging the well can then be
decided. Subsequently, wells andcanals can be built gradually fromthe lower to the upper reaches
following the water source.

Figure 2.
Aerial image of vertical wells in Turpan area of China. Source: www.sunnychina.com

Figure 3.
(a) underground canal reinforced with wooden pillars. Source: www.chinahw.net ; and(b) outreach of underground canal to surface canal. Source: www.travelchinaguide.com

a

b

d

c

Figure 4.
(a) traditional oil lamp with side-arrow, (b) excavating hoe, (c) basket
and (d) a modern sheave used in building the Karez system.
Source: www.karez.org, and cersp.com

3

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Lessons Learned
The Karez system is a proven and effective indigenous drought reduction technology that is still in use. This
traditional knowledge has several advantages as follows:
1. Support by Earth’s Gravity. Since Karez takes advantage of topography to divert deep subsurface flow throughan underground canal to land surface for gravity irrigation, the cost for water-lifting equipment and its
maintenance are almost negligible.
2. Stable Outflow. The major water sources of the Karez system are melting snow and underground water. The
underground canal can minimize high evaporation in the windy Turpan district hence, the impact of climatechange is small. In addition, problems with sand blast can be avoided in the underground canal. All thismakes the Karez system able to provide stable water resources, though total water volume may not be verylarge. As observed, there has been a very stable population for thousands of years in Karez areas, regardless ofenvironment changes.
3. High Water Quality. Melting water from snow enters the system and the soil provides a very good filter toremove polluted materials. Unlike water channels on land, the underground canal minimizes water pollution
and at the same time is rich in minerals. The water quality is suitable for drinking and domestic use.
4. Construction with Simple Tools. Most Karez systems are built with simple tools and do not require complex
equipment.
Conversely, the Karez system has constraints. There is a spatial limitation on its construction and use. It is only
applicable in areas with stable underground water supply and hard soil. Some Karez systems were built around
Guanzhong Plain in Central China in the Han Dynasty which did not last because the underground canals
collapsed. Furthermore, the volume of water in the Karez system may change with the season although there islittle variation in the volume daily. In the summer, there are sufficient water resources if the water source is frommelting snow. In the spring, Karez water is limited, while in autumn and winter it is substantial. This is sometimes
in discord with water demand for agriculture.
There is thus a need to strengthen the traditional Karez system with modern technology. Its value as an efficientindigenous drought reduction technology should not be ignored. Instead, this traditional knowledge should be
improved and reinforced with modern technology. Its widespread use promoted in the face of severe drought
disaster in the future.

References-

SI Maqian, SHIJI (historical records), 91 B.C.
Shouyi BAI (eds.), General history of China, 2004, Shanghai People’s Press.
Xingqi ZHONG and Huaizhen CHU (eds.), Turpan Karez system, Xinjiang University Press,
Page 5~19, 1993.
Ji ZHAO, Geography of China, 2001, Higher Education Press.
http://travelguide.sunnychina.com/travel_image/14441/1420/1
http://it.chinahw.net/homepage/2006/baman/homepage/08xinjiang/01xinjiang/01.htm.
http://www.travelchinaguide.com/attraction/xinjiang/turpan/karez.htm.
www.karez.org
http://blog.cersp.com/2005/11/06/165519.jpg.

4Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

State of Jammu & Kashmir, Northern India

Earthquake Safe Traditional House
Construction Practices in Kashmir
Amir Ali Khan
Abstract
Due to the frequent occurrence of earthquakes in the Kashmir region, the people of this area
have developed indigenous construction practices for earthquake safe housing. The techniques,
known as “Taq” and “Dhajji-Dewari” system, have been found to have earthquake resistantqualities. This case study examines the indigenous knowledge of earthquake safe housing
construction practices prevalent in the rural and urban areas of the state of Jammu and Kashmirin northern India.

Background

Story/Event

The state of Jammu and Kashmir, with a total area of
222,236 sq. km., is located in the northern part of India.
It is different from other parts of the country in terms
several characteristics, including topography, climate,economy, and social setting, among others. The region isessentially mountainous, where population density is highin the valleys and low in the hill slopes. Administratively,
the state is divided into three distinctive parts namely the
Jammu region in the south and southeast, the Kashmir
valley in the west and the Ladakh region in the north andnortheast. With regards to topography, the state is divided
into four geographical areas, specifically: mountainous andsemi mountainous plains, lower hills (Shiwalik Range),
mountains of Kashmir valley and Pir Panjal Range andLadakh and Kargil Mountains on the Tibetan tract.

The Kashmir region lies in a high seismic hazard
zone, where destructive earthquakes take place atregular intervals. On October 8, 2005, the Mw
7.6 earthquake occurring at a depth of 26 km, withepicenter at 34.6 0N, 73.0 0E near the town ofMuzaffarabad, was felt throughout Pakistan andIndia. In Northern India, the most severe impactof the earthquake was felt in the state of Jammu &Kashmir. The worst affected districts were Poonch
in the Jammu Division and Baramula and Kupwara
in the Kashmir Division. The earthquake paralyzed
standard daily living for a considerable time dueto the damage and destruction of houses andinfrastructure in the area, as well as the disruption
in communications and other essential services. A
population of more than half a million was affected
due to the earthquake. About 90,000 households inthe Kashmir Division and 8,000 households in the
Jammu Division were greatly affected. Regardlessof this destruction and devastation, indigenous
construction techniques helped to save the lives ofmany individuals.

Climatic conditions vary from arctic cold desert of the
Ladakh region to temperate in the Kashmir Valley andsubtropical in the Jammu region. Similarly, there arevariations in the annual rainfall pattern from 92 mm in
Leh in the Ladakh region, 650.5 mm in Srinagar in the
Kashmir region and 1,115.6 mm in Jammu in the Jammu
region. Soil condition in the Kashmir valley is poor andaffords very inferior condition for building construction.
5

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Indigenous Knowledge
The Kashmir region is known for its traditional earthquake safe construction practices, where two types of construction
practices are prevalent: Taq system (timber laced masonry) and Dhajji-Dewari system (timber frame with infill walls).

Taq System
In the Taq system, large pieces
of wood or timber are used ashorizontal runners embedded into
the masonry walls. These runners
are located at floor level and at the
top of windows. These runners tie
together all of the elements of thebuilding or house and keep theentire structure in concert, thus
preventing spreading and crackingof masonry. The runners are joined
together with small pieces of timber,
giving the shape of a ladder laid
over a wall covering two exterior
faces of the wall. Figure 1 showshouses built using the Taq type of
construction.
In the local language Taq means
window. This generally refers toa modular layout of the piers andwindow bays which make up thistype of construction. Piers arealmost 1.5 – 2.0 feet square andthe bays are about 3.5 feet wide.
There is no practice of putting
a complete frame of timber. The
timber runners act like horizontal
reinforcement which ultimately
holds the masonry together.

Figure 1.
Houses with typical Taq type construction in Srinagar. Photo: Amir Ali Khan

6

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Dhajji-Dewari System
In the Dhajji-Dewari system,
timber frames for confining
masonry in small parcels are used.
The timber frames, not only havevertical elements, but also havecross members, which divides
the masonry infill into various
small panels. The most importantcharacteristic of this type of
construction is the use of lean mud
mortar. A common practice in theregion is to use the Dhajji-Dewari
system in the upper story walls,
especially for the gable portion of
the wall. Some of the houses built
using the Dhajji-Dewari type of
construction are shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2.
Houses with typical Dhajji-Dewari system of construction in Srinagar.
Photo: Amir Ali Khan

7

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Lessons Learned
After the Kashmir Earthquake in 2005, existing construction practices of
the Region were assessed to find appropriate earthquake resistant features.
The following are some of the observations:
1. Building conditions were found to be quite poor due to the lack ofearthquake resistant features in the existing houses and buildings. In
cases where traditional knowledge had been applied, using either Taq
system or Dhajji-Dewari technique, the houses and buildings wereable to withstand the earthquake. There were numerous instanceswhere a portion of a house or building having the Dhajji-Dewari andTaq system sustained the shock of the earthquake, even when the
portion without such system had given away (Figures 3 a & b).
2. Houses, constructed using quality material like load bearing
masonry with stone in cement and lime mortar and bricks in cement
mortar, performed poorly when built without proper and adequate
professional knowledge. In the absence of proper professional
guidance, reinforced cement concrete structures became highly
hazardous and resulted in the complete collapse of the structureduring severe shaking. The Kashmir earthquake clearly demonstrated
the advantages of traditional practices for house or building
construction over modern techniques, which were employed without
proper application of professional know-how.
3. The traditional techniques of Dhajji-Dewari and Taq system for house
construction have not been popularly employed in recent times. These
techniques need to be reintroduced in order to demonstrate theiradvantages over modern techniques. More Kashmiri masons shouldbe imparted training in constructing houses using these techniques.

8

Figure 3. a) Portions where Dhajji-Dewari
system (gable portion) and b) Taq system(entire structure except gable portion)
survived the destruction of the 2005 earthquake.
Source: Durgesh C Rai and C V R Murty (IIT
Kanpur, India) -Preliminary Report on the2005 North Kashmir Earthquake of October
8, 2005.

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Barmer, Rajasthan, India

Indigenous Knowledge and Modern Sciencegive Environment Friendly Shelter Solution
in Flood Affected Desert Region of India
Anshu Sharma and Mihir Joshi
Abstract
August 2006 saw unprecedented heavy rains and flooding in several villages of the otherwise
drought stricken Barmer District of the desert state of Rajasthan in western India. Over one
hundred hours of continuous rains inundated several villages in up to thirty feet of water. Suchrains and floods had never been witnessed in this region in over 200 years of recorded history
and the local communities and administrative system were not prepared for such an emergency
situation.
SEEDS, a national NGO, immediately visited the affected areas and carried out a damage
assessment along with a study of the local natural and built environment. The team examined
the traditional construction practices in the area, which were based on mud walls and thatchroofs, with circular shelter designs. The houses had many benefits to the existing environmental
conditions. Nonetheless, while the traditional mud structures were appropriate for other types ofdisasters, such as earthquakes and sandstorms, they did not have a high water resistant capacity
and had therefore suffered severe damage during the floods.
While traditional wisdom has provided a very high level of performance for generations, itneeded the support of some technological intervention and reinforcement, so as to help it face
the challenges posed by unprecedented disasters linked to climate change which will become
more frequent in the future. SEEDS and its partners helped to develop a new technology
which integrated indigenous knowledge with limited scientific inputs. With the help of Village
Development Committees, several new buildings were developed and constructed to adapt tocurrent disaster threats.

9

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Background

Story/Event

The district of Barmer is the westernmost districtof the state of Rajasthan, India. Located along
the border of India and Pakistan, this district
falls completely under the Thar Desert region.
SEEDS worked in Sheo block of Barmer district
where 300 shelters were constructed for the worstof the flood-affected families, specially targeting
those from socially excluded groups who had no
capacity to rebuild their houses on their own.

Incessant rains in the desert state of Rajasthan gave rise to
one of the worst floods in Rajasthan in two centuries. Heavy
monsoon rains that started on 16 August 2006 engulfed abouta hundred villages of the 12 odd districts of Rajasthan. By
midnight of 21 August 2006, Barmer had received 577 mm ofrainfall in three days, 300 mm more than the annual average
rainfall. Some of the worst affected villages were Kavas,
Malua, Bhadkha and Shiv. The water level reached close to
thirty feet above the ground level. It is officially reported that103 people died, with about 95 percent of the families in theaffected villages (over 50,000 people) were rendered homeless.
The impact was felt more because the region is very sparsely
populated and has very low level of infrastructure facilities,
thus making access to services very difficult.

The local community is characterized by sparseand scattered living. There are four to five circular
structures in one cluster bound by a low boundarywall, which forms a family’s abode and is calleda Dhani in the local language. Each structureis used for a different activity such as sleeping,storage, cooking and daily activities. A cluster of
Dhanis constitutes a village. These communities
are living in very harsh climatic conditions andmaking judicious use of the sparse resources
available within their surroundings for both their
day-to-day requirement and for construction ofhouses. The population density of Barmer districtis among the lowest in India. Water is a major
problem in this area. Village women walk long
distances with headloads of pots to fetch drinking
water, sometimes making more than one trip a day.
Life in this region is full of hardships. Means of
livelihood are severely limited.

The floods caused additional damage since most housesin this region are normally built in depressions in between
sand dunes so as to protect them from sandstorms. This
worked to their disadvantage as these low-lying pockets got
flooded worst, and due to the impervious sub-soils, the water
stagnated for weeks. Even in many places where parts ofhouses were standing, they were rendered uninhabitable. In
addition, since the structures were mostly made of mud, many
were badly damaged and destroyed by the flood. As the local
people had never experienced this kind of disaster before, they
were shocked and did not know how to handle the situation.
Some local people thought that it was an act of displeased
gods, while those linked to the scientific world pointed fingers
at climate change.

Indigenous Knowledge
The house is oriented in such a way that the winddirection and sun path ensure good ventilation andthermal comfort, which is very critical since summer
temperatures in this region reach about 50o C. Normallythe size of the openings is very small as it reduces heatgain and also gives less exposure to sand storms, which
are a common local threat.

Indigenous knowledge for shelter comfort andsustainability
Communities living in rural Rajasthan are used toconstructing houses with local materials and indigenous
technology for many generations. For construction of
their dhani, all the family members play a major roleand have assigned responsibilities. While the men of thefamily collect soil of good quality from nearby places,
the womenfolk gather cow dung, which they mix withthe mud to prepare the basic construction material.
The women of the family do the plasterwork for the
new house, as well as for regular maintenance of thewalls and floor. The roof is made by tying and weaving
the dried stalk and by-product of the local Jowar crop.

The people generally produce houses that are circularin plan and opt for lower heights. This is usually due
to the location in the High Wind Velocity Zone where
there are heavy winds especially during the summer.
The circular plan helps to streamline the airflow withthe least amount of resistance. A diagram of the dhani is
illustrated in Figure 1.

10

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

people in the community live in Dhanis. Seeing this,
therefore, other community members are encouraged
to follow.
2. Community involvement in construction of shelter
All of the community and family members are
involved in various activities of shelter construction.
Involvement of family members as well as relatives
eases the burden of construction and strengthens
community spirit. This is also one of the reasons thistechnology has survived and continues to be used inthis rural and tradition-centered area.
3. Extreme climatic conditions
In Barmer, summer temperatures reach as high as
50o C and in winter the night temperature is near
the freezing point. Concrete houses become ovens
in the heat and chillers in the cold. There is noelectricity and fuel is very scarce and unaffordable
for thermal control. In order to survive in these
extreme conditions, an appropriate house is required.
Though some people have started opting for modernmaterials, they are not as comfortable in thesemodern houses as they are in traditional ones.

Figure 1. A diagram of the dhani

Since this area is also located in the moderate to highseismic zone, based on the Earthquake Vulnerability
Map of India , the circular shape can also give goodlateral resisting strength to the houses. During the 2001
earthquake in Kutch, Gujarat, which is very near toBarmer, very less damage was observed in houses withsimilar designs .

4. Availability of local materials at no cost
Availability of local materials, which is free ofcost and transportation, is a major attraction for acommunity already impoverished by inadequate
livelihood options and a harsh climate.

Survival and propagation of indigenous
construction knowledge
The indigenous technology for constructing shelters
is widely used in the area. The community members
themselves are the messengers for transferring thistechnology to the next generation. As all members of thefamily are part of the construction activity, they have asense of ownership of the shelter and an understandingof the materials and processes.

5. Good design for safety and comfort
A circular shape is capable of resisting wind pressure
created by sand storms and wave pressure created

Community
leaders set an
exampleThere are five main factors why this technology ofshelter construction is still surviving in the remote desert
areas and how it is disseminated to other communities
in the larger region. These are shown in Figure 2 andelaborated below.

Good design forsafety andcomfort

1. Community leaders set an example by using thistechnology
One very common and important tradition followed
in most rural communities in India is to have agroup of respected people who set an example
for the rest of the community. Members of thecommunity will often follow these leaders withregards to their behavior, choices, and general wayof life. In Barmer villages, most of the respected

Extremeclimatic
conditions

Indigenous
Shelter
Technology

Community
involvement inconstruction of
shelters

Availability of
local materials
at no cost

Figure 2. Factors for the survival and propagation of indigenous
shelter technology.

11

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

by earthquakes. The walls are of insulating quality
and are thick, giving good thermal comfort inside
the house for both temperature extremes. Roofingis also properly connected to the walling system,
giving higher structural safety to the shelter as aunit. The combination of safety and comfort has
resulted in a time tested shelter technology that isrespected locally for its immediate as well as longterm benefits.

Stabilized Compressed Interlocking Earth Block(SCEB) technology. In SCEB technology, local mud
is stabilized with five percent cement, and compressed
into blocks that have high structural strength and water
resistant capability.
In partnership with Christian Aid, and with funding
from the Humanitarian Aid Department of theEuropean Commission, the shelters were built using thisappropriate technology, which was a mix of indigenous
knowledge and limited scientific inputs to make itfurther resilient in the face of new threats (Figures
3a & 3b). Village Development Committees (VDCs)
were formed in each village to make decisions and to
guide and monitor the construction process. The VDCs
comprised of men, women, local leaders, school teachers,
NGO representatives and project team personnel
working closely with local government officials. The
traditional circular designs and the `breathing’ thatchroofs were retained. An efficient system was establishedto mass-produce the SCEBs very quickly to provide
housing to the affected families in a span of six months.
The house-owning families mainly did the construction
with limited support from the project team. The
knowledge and skills were left with local construction
workers so that they can be replicated and scaled up in
the region. Upon completion, local families preferredthese traditional structures far more than the modern
concrete technology based houses provided by othersources, which turned into ovens under the scorchingdesert sun.

The Support of Science
SEEDS visited the affected areas immediately after
the floods and carried out a damage assessment alongwith a study of the local environment, both natural andbuilt. The team assessed and documented the traditional
construction practices in the area, which proved tohave several benefits. The structures were found to bevery environmentally friendly as the materials created
no ecological or carbon footprint; the houses were very
conducive and thermally comfortable in the extreme
weather conditions prevalent in the area; the circular
design protected the structures from strong winds andearthquakes; and the construction processes were simple
and suited to local skill levels.
SEEDS and their various partners intervened in theconstruction of 300 shelters under the Barmer Ashray
Yojana (Barmer Shelter Program). Research was
carried out on appropriate technologies for supporting
the traditional construction system, which led to the

Figure 3. The traditional dhani

12Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Lessons Learned
The lessons learned through project intervention and documentation of this case are related to construction
technologies, material sciences, as well as social systems and processes. The main lessons learned aresummarized as follows:
1. Post-disaster shelter programs must capitalize on existing traditional wisdom on construction materials
and technologies, since it has been tested over generations and is best suited to the local environment andculture.
2. Technology should be introduced where necessary, but in minimalistic ways, so as to add value to the
traditional systems and make them more resilient in the face of new threats such as those posed by climatechange3. Materials used for construction should be eco-friendly and local to the extent possible. This keeps the costlow, and also minimizes the carbon footprint of the intervention.
4. Participation of the beneficiaries in decision making regarding the site, design and construction details is
critical to their involvement and ownership of the process.
5. Participation of house-owning families in the construction process is very useful in cutting costs, enhancing
the sense of ownership, and keeping the design and construction process flexible enough for each family tobe able to customize small elements to suit their preference and convenience.
6. Transfer of technology to local construction workers is very useful to ensure the sustainability of theconstruction approach, its replication and improvement in the area.
7. Linkage with local stakeholders including governments, academia and the private sector is useful for thesmooth completion of such projects, and also for creating a local buy-in for the approach, which will help for
its sustainability in the long term.
8. Linkage with other sectors such as water, sanitation, livelihood and education helps create a morecomprehensive package around shelter, habitat and lifestyle and provides value added benefits to the local
community.

References-

Vulnerability Atlas of India. 2006. Building Materials and Technology Promotion Council, Government of India.
SEEDS. 2007. “Barmer Aashray Yojna – Post Flood Shelter Restoration Programme”, Project Document,
SEEDS, Delhi.

13

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Nandeswar Village in Goalpara District, Assam, India

Soil and Water Conservation throughBamboo Plantation: A Disaster Management
Technique Adopted by the People ofNandeswar, Assam
Irene Stephen, Rajiv Dutta Chowdhury and Debashish NathAbstract
Bamboo plantation along canal bunds by the local people of Nandeswar Village in many
ways has benefited their village. With plantation of bamboo, one of Assam’s most prevalentvegetation, canal bunds (embankments) are kept from being breached and soil is kept fromfurther erosion. Although floods occur every year in Assam, this technique has maintained andprotected embankments and has kept bridges and roads from damage during heavy rains.

Background

Story/Event

Nandeswar Village is located in Goalpara District(Gram Panchayat–Karipara under Matia Development
Block), Assam, India. Most of the people ofNandeswar Village are farmers. Their livelihoods
depend on the land and agro-based activities. Assamand other northeastern states frequently experience
floods during the monsoon months from June to
September.

While severe floods were experienced in 2002, 2004
and 2007, the years from 1953-1998 were the worst.
The area’s physical conditions and factors such as
deforestation, land use pressure, rapid population
growth and river channel stresses have caused constantshifting of river courses and channels, as well as erosionof river banks within the Brahmaputra river basin.
During heavy rains, large areas surrounding Assam aresubmerged, forcing many villages and towns in Assamto become isolated. In particular, breached embankments
and roads, broken bridges and landslides typicallyleave people stranded. For years, people in this region
repeatedly face prolonged flooding days.

14

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Indigenous Knowledge
People have learned to prevent
losses by using viable methods
that have been practiced forgenerations. Certain traditional
techniques can help rivers andchannels from getting silted
and prevent excessive run offs
during heavy rains. Floods often
breach bunds (embankments) anddamage roads that are important
links between villages. Planting
bamboo helps to protect the bunds
from being breached and prevent
rapid run off from the river
channel when the river overflows
during heavy rainy days (Figure1). Moreover, planting bamboo
along fish ponds and paddy fields
prevents soil erosion and stops
water from submerging low areas
during peak flooding days.
In preparation of the arrival of
monsoon days from December to
February, people in Nandeswar
Village usually clear the river
channels from silt and sand.
Removed matter is then used tobuild bunds along the river andchannel. Grass is grown to pad
the bund surface and keep the soil
from being eroded (Figure 2).
Grassroots help bind the top soil.
After a month, bamboo shots areplanted in pits that are spaced 24
inches over the bunds. The process
is done through a local planting
method known as bamboo rootpressure technique. As bamboo
grows, its deep-seated roots exertpressure in all directions of themain shoot allowing newer shoots
to grow and the roots to bind thesoil. Bamboo roots run on thesurface (i.e. near the top soil) to
2.5 to 3 feet and on deeper soil to
up to 5 feet.

Figure 1. Bamboo planted along the river in Assam.

Figure 2. Bunds are built out of silt and sand and padded with grass.

The local people obtain many benefits from this plantation technique.
While soil erosion is checked, the bamboo grown within a period of 5 years
is also used as material for construction, crafts making and paper making.
These activities provide additional employment to the community. Cost for
repairing and maintaining the bunds remains low. De-silted soil from river
channels are put to good use in various agriculture activities.

15

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Lessons Learned
The people of Nandeswar
Village have learned how
to cope with flood and soil
erosion. They have utilized theplanting of bamboo to prevent
major damages. As opposedto the past, where bamboo wasgrown simply for commercial
purposes, this technique is acost effective way to help local
people conserve water, and stopsoil and bank erosion. The
method requires less investment
for repairs and maintenance ofbunds, reduces siltation during
heavy rains and prevents river
channels from overflowing.
People have benefited fromthe multiple uses of bamboo
through this locally developed
conservation technique. Bamboo
plantation has played an
important role in the livelihoodand survival of the people ofNandeswar, Assam.

Figure 3. Bamboo planted along the river protects a major bridge.

16Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Simeulue, Nias and Siberut, Indonesia

Legend, Ritual and Architectureon the Ring of Fire
Koen Meyers and Puteri Watson
Abstract
Indigenous practices have proven to reduce the impacts of natural disasters in three islands
in Sumatra, Indonesia, namely Simeulue, Nias and Siberut. Though culturally different, allthree islands have within the last five years experienced earthquakes and tsunamis and havebrought to light indigenous practices previously unremarked by the international community
concerned with disaster risk reduction. These practices include traditional communication,
human-settlement planning and building methods and associated rituals. These practices
will be examined in detail to fully understand their impact and consider what relevance theseindigenous practices and knowledge have for modern development.

Backgroundis estimated at 713,0451. A view of a village in Nias isshown in Figure 1.

Simeulue

Siberut

Part of the Province of Aceh, Simeulue is an island
district which consists of 1 large island, i.e. Simeuleu
Island, and approximately 40 small islands. The islands
cover a total area of 205,148.63 ha and are locatedapproximately 155 km from the mainland Sumatra.

With an area of 400,030 ha, Siberut is the largest of
the Mentawai islands which encompasses more thanseventy islands and islets. It is located off the west
coast of the province of West Sumatra. The more than
35,000 indigenous inhabitants of Siberut, belonging
to the Mentawai ethnic group, represent one of the
few remaining communities in Southeast Asia whose
way of life is still to a large extent dependent on thenatural environment. Many parts of Siberut still feature
a semi- subsistence economy in which indigenous
environmental management and related belief systems
play an important role in the daily lives of peoples. A
typical Siberut village is displayed in Figure 2.

Nias
Nias consists of a group of islands located between
Simeulue and the Mentawai islands, approximately
100 kilometers off the west coast of North Sumatra,Indonesia. The islands cover an area of 4,771 km2.
Administratively, Nias Island group belongs to theNorth Sumatra Province and is divided into two
districts, Nias and Southern Nias. According to the
population census of 2006, the total population of Nias

1 Badan Pusat Statistik Sumatera Utara

17

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Story/Event
Within the last five years, Simeulue, Nias and Siberut
have born the brunt of several earthquakes andtsunamis. The December 2004 Tsunami affected both
Simeulue and Nias. Simeulue, however, only suffered asmall number of casualties compared to other areas. The
official report issued by the district government declared
only seven casualties out of a total population of over
78,000, nearly 95% of whom live in coastal areas. Whenthe earthquake occurred on 26 December 2004, theinhabitants of Simeulue knew that they had to evacuate
to higher ground, as there was the possibility of atsunami. This reaction to the earthquake minimized thepotential devastating impact of the tsunami. Besides theindigenous knowledge, the hilly topography of the island
was also another important factor that contributed to asmall number of casualties. The hills are located only a
few hundred meters from the villages and the shoreline.

Figure 1. A village in Nias.

Nias Island was strongly affected by the 26 December
2004 earthquake and by the following tsunami thatkilled 140 islanders and rendered hundreds homeless3.
The earthquake that hit a few months later, on 28 March
2005, measured a devastating 8.7 on the Richter scaleand claimed 8394 lives. The impact of the earthquake
was so enormous that some areas of the island were
uplifted by more than 2 meters, exposing coral reefs
and other areas as much as 100 meters seawards. The
earthquake affected the lives of 90% of the population,leaving 15,000 houses needing rehabilitation and 29,000
needing reconstruction5.

Figure 2. A Siberut village.

On 12 September 2007, an earthquake measuring 7.9
on the Richter scale occured near Siberut. On the entire
island there was only one casualty. One of the reasons forthe low death toll was that most people left their houses
as soon as they felt the earthquake and took refuge in an
open space. Such collective reaction to earthquakes canbe attributed to the public knowledge communicatedthrough legends.

2 UNORC (2005).
3 Badan Rekonstruksi dan Rehabilitasi (BRR) NAD – Nias, (2005, October)
4 BRR (2005, October).
5 BRR (2005, October).

Indigenous Knowledge
Simeulue

The Simeulue community uses the word smong todescribe this event, which has the same meaning as
tsunami. The existence of a local name to depict
a tsunami event shows that the local community
possesses a certain level of knowledge in regard to thephenomenon. Though it is unclear whether the word
smong existed before the tsunami event of 1907, many
people on Simeulue believe strongly that it did andthat it is derived from ni semongan or splashing (ofwater) in one of the three local languages. The current

The low death toll on Simeulue Island can be attributed
to the community’s indigenous knowledge. According
to local people, this knowledge can be traced back to
an “ancestral experience” in 1907, when an earthquake
generated a tsunami and killed a large number of theisland’s dwellers. Stories from the disastrous 1907 event
were translated into stories, testimonial monuments
and reminisce, which were then transferred to younger
generations in an unstructured and ad-hoc pattern.
18

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

interpretation of smong by the local islanders is that it
consists of a linear series of natural events that start withstrong earthquakes, a receding sea and then followed by
giant waves and flooding.

diagonally bracing the ndriwa in both directions allows
the structure to withstand the strongest of tremors.
The roof of the building has a similar construction as
the understructure of the house. Depending on thesize of the building the roof will have several layers of
diagonal beams which are placed in a lateral positionand lean against vertical and horizontal beams at bothends. Both the understructure and the roof provide athree-dimensional structure that enhances the elasticity
and stability of the house when an earthquake occurs.
This feat of engineering is still considered to be themost effective example of a tried and tested earthquake
resistant architecture on Nias Island.

The events occurring during the 1907 tsunami weretransferred orally through stories within the community
without an outlined structure. The story telling was not
aimed at preparing new generations for future similar
events, but instead gave a description of a historicalevent. The event was so deeply traumatic that it wastranslated into a series of individual stories, which weretransferred at both the family and community level.
Each story covered the event in its own way and often
referred to the suffering or death of family members.
Since the 1907 tsunami happened on a Friday, at thetime the men were coming back from the mosques
after their Friday prayers, the event took on a symbolic
significance which led the Islamic community of
Simeulue to also perceive the 1907 event as the wrath ofGod. The event is often referred to as a means by God
to rectify behavior of family members which depraved
the existing social and religious norms. The stories also
refer to natural tsunami monuments such as the presenceof coral in the inland rice fields.

Siberut
The Mentawai community’s past individual andcollective experiences with natural phenomena
like earthquakes have been translated into tangible
and intangible strategies that reduce the impactsof earthquakes. For example, one of the intangible
strategies is a legend highlighting the metaphysicalrelationship between peoples and earthquakes. The
legend provides a detailed description of the firstearthquake ever to occur. Besides raising the awarenessregarding the dangers of the earthquake, it also reminds
the listener of the human origin and emotions of theearthquake.

Nias
The earthquake of 28 March 2005 had a huge impact
on Nias island’s inhabitants and infrastructure. Amidst
this devastation a solid example emerged of how
indigenous practice can reduce the impact of disaster.
After the earthquake, most of the few remaining
traditional wood houses had resisted the impact of theearthquake.
As shown in Figure 3, thetraditional houses in Nias are builtof wood, where the structuralmembers are slotted together rather
than nailed. This technique adds
to the flexibility of the house. The
houses are supported by verticalpillars (enomo), which rest on stone
blocks and a number of diagonal
beams (ndriwa). The ndriwa areplaced between the enomo bothacross and along the building,
functioning as longitudinal andlateral bracing. They lean against
each other at their base and top
where they fit into the horizontal
beams located under the floor of
the building. The technique of

The following is a version of the legend as heard in
Attabai, a small settlement in southern Siberut:

Figure 3. The traditional house in Nias, a time-tested and effective earthquake resistant
structure.

19

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Figure 4. Shamen are the instruments by which traditional belief is passed on.

“Once upon a time in one of the valleys in the west coast of Siberut Island lived an
extended family that planned to build a big new ‘longhouse’ (uma). Preparations andefforts were made to build the uma: large trees were cut down for the pillars, sagopalm leaves were weaved for roofing, timber was cut for the flooring, and rattanvines were made into ropes. To ensure that there was enough manpower to construct
the uma, the extended family invited many relatives and neighbours living in othervalleys to help.
After all the preparatory work was finalized, it was time to dig the hole for the firstpillar. After the whole was dug, the owner of the uma dropped his chisel into thehole and asked his brother-in-law to pick it up. The owner of the uma did not likehis brother in law and when his brother-in-law was in the hole, the owner orderedother members of his extended family to entrench the huge pillar into the hole. A faintmoan of tremendous pain was heard and after a strong thrust on the huge pillar, only
silence remained.
The construction of the uma was finalized and was renowned for its beauty all overthe island. The time had come for inaugurating the house through a big ceremonyand festivity, and the owner of the uma invited many relatives and neighbours toparticipate in the feast. Many pigs and chickens were slaughtered and cooked for alarge meal.
The spirit of the brother-in-law who could not rest in peace was very angry at theowner and the people participating in the feast. Before the celebration, he came towarn his sister and her children that during the party, they should not eat in theuma and instead hide under a banana tree.
When everyone started eating, the ground suddenly shook extremely strong, and athundering noise came from below the ground. The earthquake was the vengeance ofthe spirit. The newly built uma collapsed and all people were killed, except from thefamily of the spirit. They were the only survivors.
From that day on, according to the story teller, the Mentawaiers named theearthquake “Grandfather” (teteu).”
20

There are actually two words
for earthquake in Mentawaian
language, sigegeugeu and teteu.
Sigegeugeu can be translated as“a shaking” and has very muchthe same connotation as the word
earthquake in English. The othername ‘teteu’, or grandfather has
clearly a metaphysical meaning. It
reflects an anthropomorphizationof a possibly lethal natural
phenomenon that needs to beapproached with a certain levelof respect and fear. According to
the traditional belief system, eachtime a new house is built, people
must give offerings to the spirits ofthe earth (Taikabaga) to avoid theteteu (grandfather) from becoming
upset and angry. The offerings
are put near the important pillarsof the house to appease the earth
spirits and prevent the house fromcollapsing if teteu strikes again. The
act of making the offering serves
to subconsciously reinforce thecommunity’s collective awarenessof the risk of earthquakes andkeeps it alive in the consciousness.
Figure 4 illustrates the shamen at aceremony.

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Lessons Learned
Simeulue
It is important to highlight some key characteristics of the traditional story telling in Simeulue that saved
so many lives in 2004. Firstly, the stories are concerned with local information. Secondly, the story-tellingtakes place in the home from one family member to another. These two factors together serve as aneffective communication method to inform a community about the risk of disaster in their locality. Modern
communication methods are less focused on information pertaining to the local area and disseminate information
in a much broader manner. With the introduction of modern communication channels, such as radio, televisionand telephone comes a broadening of horizons and a wider scope of information. Lessons are taken fromthe world beyond instead of from the past or the specific local context. In this instance, new means to inform
communities about the threats of disaster in their localities must be found. These means must carry relevant
information and must also replicate the effectiveness of the oral story-telling tradition in dissemination and
immediate relevance to local communities. In Simeulue, a bedtime story about an event in local history saved
hundreds of lives. Modern development programs, which seek to prepare communities through brochures andfocus-group discussions, may yet have something to learn from indigenous story telling traditions and practices.
Also it is important to remember the part played by the topography of the island of Simeulue. Villagers, armed
with their advanced knowledge of the threat of a tsunami, where able to access hills to where they escaped tosafety. This indicates the importance of the role of human settlement planning in disaster risk mitigation. Had
there been no access to safe areas, knowledge of the legend in 1907 would not have saved so many. This is a
key lesson for future disaster risk reduction efforts – a holistic approach needs to be taken towards protecting
communities from disasters. Furthermore, risk reduction strategies must be integrated in all aspects of thecommunity’s existence.
Nias
Since the March 2005 earthquake, the indigenous practices used to construct traditional houses in Nias havebeen studied and have gained a reputation for their earthquake resistant quality. However, whilst this example
of indigenous practice is celebrated, the devastating impact of the March 2005 earthquake on Nias Island, its
population and its economy, must not be forgotten. This seems ironic given that Nias Island was at the time andstill is home to one of the world’s best example of earthquake resistant architecture. This irony shows us firstly
that isolated examples of indigenous practice alone cannot contribute significantly to disaster risk reduction.
Secondly, it demonstrates that as the traditional is given up in favor of the modern, communities can be left
exposed to the risk of disasters. Modernization has played a big part in the rapidly disappearing traditionalarchitecture of Nias. The status symbol which is represented by this shift to modern design and lifestyle isadequate reason for most people to choose the less resistant Malayan houses over the traditional wooden
structures. Deforestation has exacerbated the situation. The hardwood needed to build traditional houses is in
scarce supply. As a consequence many of the methods and techniques used to build traditional houses are slowly
being forgotten since concrete and bricks have replaced timber as construction material.
Siberut
The story of teteu is part of the traditional belief system of the Mentawai people. The local communities makefrequent reference to traditional legends and songs which had shaped their reactions to the earthquake when it
was felt. In many cases, people were saved because of the knowledge they had gained from listening to theselegends and songs.
The legend which helped reduce the casualties resulting from the earthquake may not be considered a disasterrisk reduction method in itself, since its impact is inextricably linked to traditional house building rituals;

21

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

however, the traditional belief system and related legends do contribute to disaster risk reduction. With thepressure of development, these may lose significance and impact within the local communities. The adoptionof monotheistic religions has started to erode people’s belief in spirits, including teteu, and the ritual offerings
made to such spirits are not as frequent as before. It was seen how the act of making offerings serves to reinforce
knowledge of earthquakes in the collective memory of the communities. Yet as these practices are replaced by
the introduction of more modern beliefs, this knowledge is on the brink of being forgotten. Therefore, in orderfor this knowledge not to be lost, there is a need for modern alternatives which emulate the same transfer ofknowledge with similar significance to the local communities.
The three examples of indigenous practices in disaster risk reduction illustrated here have one important common
thread: they are all found in remote, underdeveloped areas, which is often but not always the case with indigenous
practice. In the cases of Simeulue, Nias and Siberut these examples still exist in practice today precisely because
the islands have been cut off from the more developed main land and they have largely been exempt from modern
development. They have all been minimally touched by modern infrastructure, education, communication andtransportation methods. Development has only just begun to make inroads into the three islands, but already theeffects can be seen on indigenous disaster risk reduction practices and knowledge. The question that poses itself
here is how will development and modernization affect indigenous practice as progress continues? With regards
specifically to disaster risk reduction, what is role of indigenous practices in the modernization of these threeislands? Should efforts be made to preserve these isolated examples of indigenous practice or is it naïve to think ofthese practices as easily packaged solutions that can be reproduced for the benefit of future generations?
The pace and nature of modern development does not always leave room for indigenous practices. When
indigenous practice is not replaced by a modern alternative, communities can become more vulnerable to disasters.
Indigenous practices have allowed many communities over the centuries to live alongside disaster, but whenmodernization progresses too rapidly the value of these indigenous practices within this new, modern context is
not always understood. It is only when development progress is interrupted by nature in the form of devastating
disasters that examples of indigenous practices are once again thrown into the spotlight and it will be remembered

References-

Badan Pusat Statistik Sumatera Utara. http://sumut.bps.go.id/pop/2006/pop05.html
Badan Rekonstruksi dan Rehabilitasi (BRR), NAD – Nias, 2005, October. Meletakkan Fondasi. Membangun
Harapan. 6 month Report.
Herry Yogaswara and Eko Yulianto, 2006. SMONG, Pengetahuan Lokal Pulau Simeulue: Sejarah dan
Kesinambungannya. Jakarta: UNESCO and LIPI.
Sieh, K., 2007. The Sunda Megathrust: Past, Present and Future. For presentation at the National University ofSingapore, March 7-9. Retrieved from www.gps.caltech.edu/~sieh/pubs_docs/submitted/Snu.pdf
UNORC, 2005. Total Population per Simeulue Village District. Retrived at www.humanitarianinfo.org/sumatra/
mapscentre/docs/81_Simeulue/30_Population/SUM81-020_Simeulue_Population_Village_HIC_2005_04_18_
A4.pdf22

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Gifu Prefecture, Japan

Traditional Flood Disaster Reduction
Measures in Japan
Yukiko Takeuchi and Rajib Shaw
Abstract
Indigenous knowledge for flood mitigation in Japan has been developed and tested over time,and has been found to be effective. A combination of flood prevention, erosion control anddamage reduction technology is examined in the flood-prone Gifu prefecture in central Japan.
Through the documentation of this experience, it is argued that proper utilization of indigenous
knowledge and technology requires on one hand, appropriate policy support and awareness by
researchers, and on the other hand, recording, verification and testing of technology.

Backgroundareas are very rapid. Rivers are flooded soon after aheavy rain. In addition, Japan is situated in the circumPacific seismic zone and suffers from severe seismic
and volcanic activities. Active volcanoes in Japan
make up one-tenth of the world total. The greaterpart of the population of more than 100 million lives
in the narrow plains with exceedingly high densities.
Inappropriate land use prevails as a result of rapid anddisordered urbanization. Artificial changes in naturalenvironments are rapid and large, accompanying thesizable increase in economic activity and exploitation.1
Most cities in Japan are concentrated on coastal plains.
Considering that 10% of the country’s land area is floodprone, about 50% of the population and almost 75%
of property is situated in flood plains.2 Specifically, theGifu prefecture, one of the most flood-prone areas ofJapan, is located in the junction of three rivers: the Kiso,
Nagara and Ibi Rivers. These three rivers surround the
Noubi plain, a low altitude flood plain.

Japan, an island arc which belongs to the monsoon
region, is under the influence of warm and moist air
masses in summer and cool air masses in winter. The
moisture in the air masses from the sea is absorbed andis emptied over the country by typhoon in summer, bysnowfall in winter, by the “Bai-u” front in June andJuly, and by depressions and fronts in all seasons. The
average amount of precipitation is 1,800 millimeters (70inches) a year. This is two or three times the amountreceived in other areas of the same latitude. In thesouthern Pacific coast areas, precipitation amounts
to 4,000 millimeters (160 inches). Owing to Japan’s
slender shape and complex landform, aerial differencesin climate are considerable.
Three-quarters of the land is mountains at generallyhigh relief. Chains of spinal mountains, some reaching
3,000 meters (10,000 feet) above sea level, run
through the center of the long and narrow country.
Consequently, the rivers are generally short with steep
gradient. Erosion and devastation in the mountain

1 T. Nakano et al. (1974).
2 Japan Water Forum (JWF) (2006).

23

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Story/Event
Flood disaster happens every year in the alluvial plain and delta area of the Gifu prefecture. Owing to its location andtopography, the Noubi plain experiences a number of flood disasters as a consequence. For over 200 years, people havestruggled to protect lives and assets from flood disaster.

Indigenous Knowledge
In the past, people had no control of the rivers; yet life
and assets were protected through small scale technology,
knowledge, tradition and cooperation in the community.
For example, in the early 19th century (Edo period),
flood mitigation activities were mandated through thepractice of “goninggumi”, a system of mutual assistance,cooperation and monitoring consisting of five families ina given community. There were several other programs
including bamboo planting to prepare for and mitigate
flooding and forest management in the flood plains.
During the late 19th century (Meiji period), many flood
control technologies were implemented by engineersfrom the Netherlands. People were able to safeguardlife and assets better by technological interventions suchas concrete dikes, check dams, water gates and pumpfacilities, among others.

Figure 1. Types of traditional knowledge and technology

In earlier times, flooding from the river was considereda natural phenomenon in which people never tried toblock the flood but rather developed some knowledgebased tool to reduce the damage. Three important typesof traditional knowledge and technology in the Gifu
prefecture are depicted in Figure 1 and discussed below.
Flood Prevention
To reduce the impacts of flood, traditional ring dykes
have been built in the area, protecting several houses andcultivated land areas (Figure 2). This is known as Waju
(inside ring). In historical maps, these types of ringdykes can be observed in several locations, interconnected
in many places. A key point of the ring dyke is its
maintenance by communities. Every village maintains
special committees that look after the ring dykes. This
cooperation helps to develop self-esteem and strengthen
local community ties. As a result of the countermeasures
undertaken by the government in the Kiso, Nagara andIbi watershed areas in the 18th century, the frequency offlood in these areas has been reduced. After which theimportance of the ring dike became low and some werebrought down so land can be put to other use.

Figure 2. The Waju protects the community from floods(Photo by Iwanami Co., Ltd.,1956)

24

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Erosion Control
To minimize erosion, simple
structures have been built on riverbanks, especially on the winding
portions of the river. This structure
is called Hijiri-ushi, meaning GrandOx, possibly due to its similar form to
the ox. The objective of this structure
is to reduce the force of the waterin the river to lessen the impact oferosion. There are several types ofHijiri-ushi based on the kind of
material used. The most common
types are shown in Figures 3 & 4.
Typically, a set of hijiri-ushi consistsof 5 structures. In each winding
portion of the river (depending on thelength of the winding portion), 13-15
sets are usually placed (Figure 4).

Figure 3. Hijiri-ushi made of concrete (Photo by NIED-KU, 2007)

Figure 4. Hijiri-Ushi at Nagara River(Photo by NIED-KU, 2007)

It is notable that the same technology
is still practiced today with only aslight modification in the type ofmaterial. Nowadays, concrete is usedinstead of wood to give the structure
a longer life span.
Damage Reduction
To reduce damages from floods,
elevated houses called Mizuya havebeen built (Figure 5). Well-off
families commonly have the Mizuya
in addition to the main house touse in case of flooding. Initially, theMizuya was built as a storage room
to protect household assets. Whena severe flood disaster occurred in
1896, the Mizuya’s plinth height was
only 2 m. When the flood destroyed
the Mizuya, house owners had theMizuya reconstructed by raising
the plinth level 1.3 m higher thanthe previous level (Figure 6). The
Mizuya was further modified so
people can stay inside for a longer
period. The modified Mizuya
consisted of two rooms, a storage
room and a toilet. Well-off families
also have an emergency boat forevacuation (Figure 7).

Figure 5. Mizuya, the flood house (Photo by NIED-KU, 2007)

Figure 6. The Mizuya’s plinth height was increased after the 1896 flood disaster(Photo by NIED-KU, 2007)25

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Lessons Learned
Figure 7. Emergency boat
(Photo by NIED-KU, 2007)

Although the existence and application of traditional knowledge
and technologies have gradually diminished in most parts of Japan,
there are several shortcomings in being solely dependent on modern
disaster reduction technology. Traditional knowledge has proven to
be useful in local cultural and socio-economic contexts, maintaining
traditional principles, though modified over time, to develop higher
resiliency. Moreover, the community’s involvement is a key toindigenous knowledge practice. Relying on modern technology
makes people too dependent on external forces, thus reducing
the community’s capacity and ability to help themselves. Many of
the recent disasters have demonstrated the failure of the system tosupport affected communities, making people helpless and causing
greater damage. Therefore, an ideal disaster reduction measure
should incorporate a balanced mix of modern technology andtraditional knowledge.
On one hand, it is necessary to focus on the development of disaster
reduction technology. On the other hand, it is important to focus
on the implementation of technology, to walk through “the lastmile” and bridge the gap between theory and practice. For this,traditional and indigenous knowledge plays a crucial role, since thisis directly linked to the communities. For effective use of traditional
knowledge, there should be clear policy at different levels, in bothdisaster reduction and research and education, to support its use. It
is important to document the traditional knowledge in a systematicway. The steps for documentation include: (i) collection of basic
information, (ii) verification of strengths and weaknesses, (iii)examination of applicability in different contexts (physical, social,
culture and economic) and (iv) classification of the technology basedon certain criteria.

References--

Nakano, T., H. Kadomura,T. Mizutani, M. Okuda, and
T. Sekiguchi, 1974. “Natural
hazards: Report from Japan.”
In Natural Hazards: Local,
National, Global, edited by
White, G. and I. Burton,
231-245. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Japan Water Forum (JWF),
2006. Flood Fighting in Japan:
15.
Settu City, 2007. http://www.
city.settsu.osaka.jp/section/222_
shougaigaku-sports/p106-107.
pdf

Risk communication is a two-way interactive tool for sharing risk
information among government officials, researchers and the local
people. To reinforce risk communication, government, researchers
and the local people must build upon one another’s knowledge.
Government departments and the research community usuallypossess a much higher level of ‘risk information’ compared to
local communities. Nonetheless, local communities are rich interms of local knowledge. Available risk information needs to bewell complemented with local wisdom and traditional knowledge
to effectively reduce disaster risks in local communities. Even if
there is a need to implement new technology for disaster reduction,
the local people must be involved to allow them to understand theadvantages as well as the shortcomings of the technology (i.e. withspecific details pertaining to new materials used, investment required,time consumed and others). Governments, as well as academia,
need to appreciate existing traditional practices and techniques to beable to propose context-based improvements most appropriate for aparticular area.

26

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Shiver Herder Community, Mandal, Selenge, Mongolia

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk
Reduction of the Shiver Herder Community
Bolormaa Borkhuu
Abstract
The herder community “Shiver” of Selenge aimag (province) in Mongolia is continually
exposed to hazards brought by disasters in the form of zud (Mongolia-specific winter disaster),drought, forest fire, rainstorm and infestation of harmful forest insects. The community
collectively brought together indigenous knowledge that can be used for disaster risk
reduction. The community’s land use map, knowledge of disasters, seasonal calendar and socialorganization comprise some areas of indigenous knowledge which help the community prepare
for disasters throughout the year, especially in winter.

Story/Event

Background

The rural people in Mongolia are highly dependent on
climatic conditions and are often exposed to hazards
brought by natural disasters of which zud, drought,
forest fire, rainstorm, and infestation of harmful forest
insects are the most widespread. Due to climatic andecological changes, the incidence of droughts and zuds
has become more frequent. Zud is the most common
natural disaster. Zud is a Mongolia-specific winterdisaster which undermines the welfare and food securityof the herding community through large-scale deathand debilitation of livestock. The direct cause of a zud
The herder community Shiver in Mandal soum of
Selenge aimag consists of nearly 30 herder households. C disaster is the build up of damaging natural phenomena
including (i) severe widespread drought in summer,
Since ancient times, herders in Mongolia used to join in(ii) unusually cold temperatures in autumn and winterkhot ails - groups of 4-5 families by family and kinship.
(below –40°C), (iii) deep snow (more than 70 cm),(iv) ice layers on the land and (v) low nutrient value ofgrass. These conditions, along with the increase of othernatural disasters, all considerably affect the country’s
economy and the livelihood of the rural population.
Mongolia is divided into the capital city and 21 aimags
or provinces, with further divisions of aimags intosoums, soums into bags, capital city into districts, anddistricts into horoo. The community members of theherder community “Shiver” belong to the Mandalsoum. The center of Mandal soum is located in
the northern part of the country, 160 km away from
Ulaanbaatar (the capital of Mongolia), 200 km awayfrom Selenge aimag’s center.

27

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Indigenous Knowledge
The herder community “Shiver” collectively identified
the indigenous knowledge useful for disaster risk
reduction (Figure 1). Several important groups ofknowledge emerged, including land use map, knowledgeof disaster causes and impacts, seasonal calendar andsocial networks.
Land Use Map
Through a survey, herders produced a map of the place
where they lived with a description of the land underuse (Figure 2). Areas on the map designated seasonalquarters, hay fields, reserved pastures, rivers, springs,
forests, burnt forests, roads, bridges, cultivation, areasof high snowfall during zuds, among others. The map
shows that herders’ territory is surrounded by forest
in the east and north. The herders’ winter quarters aresparsely located in mountain valleys including Chavgants
valley, Urtuunii am, Khuurai Shaazgait, Marz, Shar
Khad, Tsagaan chuluut, Nariin pass. Summer quarters
can be found in the sides of Ar bulag, Galsan bulag and
Saalinch rivers. Autumn quarters are densely locatedclose to winter quarters of herders.

Figure 1. Collecting indigenous knowledge for disaster risk reduction

The map indicates 30 households living in 13 winterquarters with 1-5 households in each winter quarter and43 households in 8 summer places with 2-9 households
per summer quarter. The number of households inthe summer quarters exceeded that in winter quarters
because many families from urban settlements come tothe area to spend the summer and return in the autumn.
Hay fields cover the areas of the Shiver river basin andare close to the autumn quarters.
Knowledge of Disasters and their Causes and Impacts
Herders name zud, drought, forest fire, rainstorm,
and infestation of harmful forest insects as the mostwidespread of natural disasters in the area. They
recognize the causes of these disasters as various
conditions, such as poor implementation of laws,
pastureland problems, deforestation and climatechange. The impacts are likewise varied such as animal
loss, changes in flora composition and shortage of
pastureland.

Figure 2. Mapping the land surrounding Mandal Soum.

Seasonal Calendar
A seasonal calendar is used to identify the seasonalityand duration of disasters. The following are observed
and acknowledged by the herder community:28

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Zud and Drought: June-September
Forest fires: April – June in Spring, September– October in Autumn
Heavy rains: June – August
Infestation of harmful forest insects – May (beginningof growing season) – September

The main objectives of the herder communities are
to ensure rational use of pastures, prevention andmitigation of natural disasters and a shift to a market
economy. Grass-root level initiatives that extend
beyond water and pasture protection to a broader
scope including environmental protection, sustainable
use of natural resources and disaster management areencouraged.

Social Organization

Indigenous practices are prevalent due to a need tomobilize disaster management actions at the grass-root
level. It is the local community that is hit by disasters
and therefore its members must directly understand local
disaster risks and undertake measures to mitigate theconsequences of impending disasters.

In rural areas, herders and residents form many selfhelp units and cooperatives in order to collectively solve
problems related to drought, zud, forest and steppe fires.
During disasters, neighbors, family members, relatives
and soum authorities provide the most assistance.
Moreover, the local Red Cross and Member ofParliament elect also give aid and support.

Lessons Learned
There are several key lessons learned with regards to indigenous knowledge for disaster reduction from the caseof the Shiver community:
1. In Mongolia, herders in rural areas have already developed the initiative and built up enthusiasm to joingroups in order to work, conduct business activities and overcome problems and difficulties through acollective effort.
2. The Shiver community is able to recognize and identify common natural disasters in Mongolia such aszuds, droughts, forest and steppe fires, storms and heavy rains. Special characteristics of the disasters
include: relatively long duration, enormous scope and large amount of damages. Rural communities
should be able understand their vulnerability to these continual and economically destructive disasters.
3. Livelihoods of Mongolian herders, their settlement and occupation are considerably different from othercountries. Therefore, a disaster management system should be adapted to specific local conditions.
4. Local disaster management systems at the grassroots level are needed to enable herders to overcome
disasters with minimal losses.
5. Disaster management should not focus only on availability of good pastures and hayfields to enable herders
to overcome winter successfully. It is important that management also involves sustainable utilization ofnatural resources of the area.
6. Use of indigenous knowledge of rural communities for disaster risk reduction is a cost-effective and efficientmethod and is vital for reducing risks of most frequent, continuous and economically destructive disasters
such as zud, drought, and forest and steppe fires.
7. State institutions should implement comprehensive measures aimed at increasing awareness of “disastermitigation” among the population, especially among the poor. Moreover, grass-root initiatives should bepromoted. People’s perceptions on vulnerability to disaster should be altered and the understanding ofdisaster management as limited to post-disaster relief assistance should be broadened to include disaster risk
reduction and prevention from disasters.

29

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Bardiya, Chitwan, Syangja and Tanahu Districts, Nepal

Indigenous Knowledge on Disaster
Mitigation: Towards Creating
Complementarity between Communities’
and Scientists’ Knowledge
Man B. Thapa, Youba Raj Luintel, Bhupendra Gauchan and
Kiran Amatya
Abstract
Nepal is prone to several natural disasters, including landslides, floods, earthquakes, fire anddroughts, due to topography, unplanned development and rapid population growth, among
other causes. As a result, many remote and isolated communities have made use of different
indigenous mitigation and preparedness practices to minimize the negative impacts of disasters
to life and property.
Systematic and in-depth studies on indigenous knowledge for disaster management are rare in
Nepal. Nonetheless, the experiences of the UNDP-supported project Participatory Disaster
Management Program on indigenous knowledge for disaster management focuses on landslide
mitigating techniques that exist and are practiced in the districts of Bardiya, Chitwan, Syangja
and Tanahu in Nepal. The project aims to encourage policymakers to incorporate a diverse
range of indigenous knowledge in the disaster management initiatives of the country.

Bardiya District. The program, based on the experienceof a similar earlier program called Upgrading Disaster
Management Capacity in Nepal, aims to combine
modern knowledge and indigenous knowledge indisaster preparedness and mitigation with the goalof building community capacity in a participatory,
sustainable and cost-effective manner.

Background
The Participatory Disaster Management Program(PDMP) was implemented in 2000 in eight villages
spanning four districts of Nepal. The targeted villages
included Bhandara and Kathar of Chitwan District,
Risti and Kyamin of Tanahu District, Kahule andOreste of Syangja District and Guleria and Padnaha of30

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Story/Event
Landslides are common in many
parts of Nepal. Landslides canoccur both downstream (i.e. of awatershed system) and upstream(i.e. mountains). Several conditions
and practices exacerbate theproblem of landslides. For
example, the growing extractionof boulder and sand from oralong the riverbeds in a massive
scale intensifies the problem.
The increasing level of riverbeds
downstream, due to debris
deposition, can also lead tolandslides .
The lack of proper forest
management also contributes tolandslides. Actions such as nottrimming the trees and not cutting
down the old trees in proper time
augment the problem. Heavy
deforestation and poor agricultural
practices also amplify the problem.
Dandhelo (forest fire) increases
the depletion of forest resources.
Dandhelo happens not only becauseof human negligence or error in
the dry season but also because
it is done deliberately due to themyth that it helps regenerate thevegetation. The practice of khoria(slash-and-burn cultivation) system
also intensifies the depletion offorest resources.
Furthermore, gully erosion may
cause landslides. Gullies emerge
due to overgrazing, regular grazing(i.e. in the same field), insufficientor improper natural drainage
system for monsoon water andincreasing road works (e.g. trails,
roads, etc.) that are not friendly
to the local environment. Lastly,
in many cases, landslides cause
floods. Therefore, there is a close
relationship between landslides andfloods.

Indigenous Knowledge
Local communities possess a range of traditional measures to mitigate
landslides. In addition, the local people observe signs in the environment
which allow them to take precautions before a disaster occurs.
Agro-Forestry
Instead of heavy trees, communities in the hills prefer to grow shrubs, bushes
and grasses in and around the villages. Farmers perceive that small trees, shrubs
and grasses in bounds and steep areas protect their farms from soil erosion andlandslides. Their experience shows that such shrubs and bushes prevent topsoil
loss and do not have the risk of falling down during a heavy rainfall. Farmers
in Terai plant such species on marginal lands not suitable for cultivation. In
addition, farmers plant amriso (bouquet grass) and babiyo (eulaliopsis) toprotect the terrace riser. These plants have deep roots scattered around the area
thus firming up the soil. Likewise, bamboo is planted in gullies and shady areas
to control water runoff. The bamboo’s widely spread roots intermingle in sucha way that they act as a natural interlocking system for soil conservation. Agroforestry practices such as these not only provide fodder, firewood and bedding
materials for livestock but also supply cash income.
Improving terrace riser
In areas where arable land is scarce, people have no option but to cultivate on
marginal and steep lands. Most often such lands are vulnerable to landslides.
However, for centuries farmers have been developing terraces on steep slopes toreduce water runoff and topsoil losses and to make crop cultivation easy. They
are also able to build and manage terraces that have a slight slope on the corner
rather than at the end in hills and mountains. By putting stones and mud
blocks at the edge of the terrace, the water retained in the terrace is able to passthrough the corner. With this practice, land in steep slopes is converted into
terraced plain land (Figure 1). Although the primary objective is to enlarge thesize of cultivated land, this technique results in minimizing topsoil losses andreducing water runoff which ultimately reduces the probability of landslides.
Additionally, farmers also allow grasses to grow on the terrace riser. Grasses
grown on the terrace riser keep the soil intact and reduce the rate of rain andirrigated water run off. Consequently, growing grasses helps control topsoil
loss and reduces the vulnerability of the terrace riser from landslides.
Fencing
Fencing has been one of the most popular ways to protect standing crops
from animal damage and allows plants and grasses to grow on marginallands. Mature plants and grasses help prevent soil erosion and landslides.
Two common types of fencing are dry wall fencing and bio fencing,
Dry wall fencing. In the hill districts, farmers construct dry stone walls on
the side of the farm or near streams, gullies or trails. Construction of such
dry walls is an effective practice in minimizing the effect of floods, landslides,
soil erosions, side cuttings and slope failures. It also diverts floods and keeps
animals off the farmland. The structure consists of big boulders and rocks set
31

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

upon an excavated foundation, with smaller stones stacked
on the soil surface. Usually, farmers plant bamboo andother tree species beside the wall to make the structuresstronger and more durable.
In areas near farm land where rocks and boulders areavailable, farmers place these structures on the sides of
streams with strong currents. Since working with big
rocks is difficult, groups of people are often mobilized
to carry out the task of construction. Although stone
wall fencing is an expensive practice and needs regular
maintenance, it is an effective practice since it diverts theflow of the stream or river from the cultivated lands.
Bio Fencing. Bio fencing is practiced by a large numberof farmers in Terai and other hill villages. It serves as
an alternative for dry wall fencing when stones in thedesired size and quantity are unavailable. Commonlyused fencing plants include sajiwan, neem tree, khirro,and simali. Some species of fodder trees are also grown(alone or mixed with fencing trees) such as badhar,
dabdabe, gindari, koiralo, kutmiro, phaledo, siris, andtanki for fencing purposes. These are deciduous anddeep-rooted plants which lose their leaves during winterthus providing sunlight for seasonal crops. The deadleaves also serve as organic matter that enriches the soil.
Furthermore, these deep-rooted plants do not competewith cereal crops for nutrient and moisture.

Figure 1. Terrace riser in Tanahu with bamboo matting as landslide
protection.

Mixed and Inter Cropping
Farmers in the hills as well as in Terai increase crop
intensity through mixed and inter-cropping. In the hills,
they plant maize with soybean or cow-pea; finger millet
with masyang (black gram); wheat with potato, and soon. One of the primary objectives of intensifying crops
is to increase and diversify harvest. It is also an effective
method of reducing topsoil loss since it breaks the rateof surface run-off. Keeping one crop at a time means notleaving the farm fallow and uncovered. Farmers’ years ofexperience have shown that bare fields are prone to soil
erosion due to wind, water and landslides.

Figure 2. Stone fencing for river control and to keep animals off the
farmland.

In addition to these various mitigation techniques, thecommunities also have the ability to recognize warning
signs for impending landslides, for which they can
prepare before the disaster occurs. For instance, if
new faults appear in the earth’s surface, it can be anindication of landslides in the immediate future. Water
sprouting in new places can be another indication.
Furthermore, a change in the posture of the tree in any
vertical or horizontal angle may be an indication oflandslides in or around the area.
Figure 3. Bio Fencing with plants in Chitwan.

32

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Lessons Learned
Nepal is a small but vastly mountainous and highly disaster prone country. The country’s capacity tocope with floods and disasters has been terribly weak, both at national and community levels. Several
reports are available on the value of indigenous knowledge for natural resource management in Nepal;
however, literature on indigenous knowledge for disaster mitigation and preparedness is scattered andscarce. Systematic and in-depth studies on disaster mitigation in general and indigenous knowledge inparticular virtually do not exist..
Further, a review of the existing literature reveals that the indigenous knowledge and practices held bythese communities are neither taught in the classroom nor recorded. For the most part, such knowledge
continues to exist for two reasons: First, the knowledge has a functional utility in the communities
concerned; Second, such knowledge has a strong and dynamic nature of inter-generation transmission
through practice and oral tradition.
After almost a year of observation and interaction with the local people in the eight villages, it becomesapparent that not all communities hold an equivalent range of knowledge on disaster mitigation, as canbe expected. Such knowledge has been found to be stronger in homogenous and tribal communities
than in migrant communities (such as Brahmin and Chhetri in Terai districts). Communities that havea strong sense of solidarity and harmony, such as Gurung and Tharu, possessed more knowledge on
disaster mitigation. The more self-reliant and relatively endogenous a community is, the higher the
chance that it possesses a rich stock of indigenous knowledge. For all communities, however, there is
the increasing threat of erosion of traditional wisdom due partly to the effects of modernization.
Communities have a large and diverse body of knowledge on disaster mitigation based on traditional
wisdom. Since they live in remote, isolated and inaccessible hamlets on the ridges or on the foothills,
they have their own coping strategies in times of disaster. Cross-fertilization and blending of thisindigenous knowledge with modern scientific knowledge would strengthen the communities’ capacity
in disaster mitigation and preparedness. Detailed, systematic and intensive studies on indigenous
knowledge would contribute to a more comprehensive understanding and appreciation of their overall
contribution for better and safer living conditions of the people. It is therefore highly imperative
to collect, compile and systematize the diverse range of indigenous knowledge before it disappears.
A record of such knowledge will show if more can be done to make the efforts of building disastermanagement capacity in the communities not only cost-effective but also sustainable and harmonious to
the nature-culture interface.

33

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Further Reading-

Carter, A.S. and D.A. Gilmour.1989. “Increase in tree cover on private farm land in Central Nepal,” MountainResearch and Development, 9(4), pp. 381-391.
Chand, S.P. Gurung, B.D. and P.G.Rood.1991. Farmers’ traditional wisdom: where does it stand within thepresent agricultural research system of Nepal? Pakhribas Agricultural Center Occasional Paper No. 4, Dhankuta.
Fisher, R.J.1989. Indigenous Systems of Common Property Forest Management in Nepal, Environment andPolicy Institute (EAPI) Working Paper No. 18, East-West Center, Honolulu.
Gautam, K.H.1991. “Indigenous Forest Management Systems in Nepal,” an unpublished M. Sc. thesis.
Australian National University.
Gilmour, D.A. and R.J.Fisher.1991. Villagers, Forests and Foresters: The Philosophy, Process and Practice ofCommunity Forestry in Nepal, Kathmandu: Sahayogi Press.
Gilmour, D.A.1989. Forest Resources and Indigenous Management in Nepal,” Environment and Policy Institute(EAPI) Working Paper No. 17, East-West Center, Honolulu.
Jackson, W.J.1990.“Indigenous Management of Community Forest Resources in Middle Hills of Nepal: A Case
Study,” an unpublished graduate diploma essay, Australian National University.
Metz, John J.1990.“Conservation practices at an upper-elevation village of West Nepal,” Mountain Research andDevelopment, 10(1), pp. 7-15.
Rai, Navin K. and Man B.Thapa.1992. Indigenous Pasture Management Systems in High Altitude Nepal: A
Review, Research Report Series, HMG Ministry of Agriculture and Winrock International, Kathmandu.
Rusten, E.P.1989. “An Investigation of an Indigenous Knowledge System andManagement Practices of Tree Fodder Resources in the Middle Hills of Nepal,” an unpublished PhD thesis,
Michigan State University, Michigan.

34

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Eastern Terai of Nepal and Chitral District of Pakistan

Local Knowledge on Flood Preparedness:
Examples from Nepal and Pakistan
Julie Dekens

Extracted and adapted from “The Snake and the River Don’t Run Straight. Local Knowledge
on Disaster Preparedness in the Eastern Terai of Nepal” and “Herders of Chitral. The
Lost Messengers? Local knowledge on Disaster Preparedness in Chitral District, Pakistan”
Kathmandu: ICIMOD, 2007.

Abstract
Local knowledge on flood preparedness was documented through two case studies in various
rural communities of Eastern Terai of Nepal and Chitral District of Pakistan. Information wascollected in regards to people’s capacity to observe, anticipate, adapt to, and communicate about
flood risks. The examples demonstrate that over time people generally develop considerable
local knowledge and practices on flood preparedness which contribute to improve survival andmitigate property losses. However, this local knowledge is often overlooked by external agencies,
both national and international, which tend to focus on external, scientific knowledge. Local
knowledge is also getting eroded due to rapid change in environmental and socio-economic
contexts. The case studies demonstrate the need to further assess local knowledge and practices
in order to strengthen good local practices (those which are sustainable and equitable) andattenuate unsustainable ones. Ultimately, understanding local knowledge and practices is a precondition for integrating local contexts and needs into DRR programs. DRR projects would
benefit in combining external, scientific knowledge with local knowledge in order to create
innovative and sustainable solutions.

Background

Eastern Terai

The case studies were done in the districts of Dhanusa,
Mahottari, Rautahat and Sarlahi in Eastern Terai in
Nepal and in the Chitral district of the North Western
Frontier Province in Pakistan. The rural communities
in both case studies often combine subsistence farming
and off-farm activities. Like throughout the Himalaya,communities are facing rapid changes in environmental
and socio-economic contexts which influence theirvulnerability to natural hazards risks and the way they
respond to it.

Compared to the rest of Nepal, most communities in the
Terai are more conservative and the Hindu caste systeminfluences people’s socioeconomic relationships morestrongly. In the study area, the few high-caste persons in
the village were mostly landowners and moneylenders.
Poorer, lower-caste people are therefore often dependent
on the higher castes for survival because of their lackof access to assets. Important differences exist in social
vulnerabilities among different castes and socioeconomic
levels, among different age groups and within each35

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Story/Eventhousehold. Moreover, gender vulnerability is more
pronounced in the studied districts as women in theMaithali culture, which predominated in the villages,
mainly stay and work at home. Following increased malemigration, however, more and more men are working
outside the village or the country and more women must
undertake work outside their homes.

Floods in both case studies are recurrent eventsoccurring almost every year. Loss of life due to floods
is low, but physical damage to agricultural land anddomestic property is high with important consequences
for people’s livelihoods, because most people mainly
depend on farming.

Chitral District

The eastern Terai of Nepal has a tropical monsoon
climate characterized by hot, wet summers and mild,
dry winters, resulting in wide seasonal variations inamount of water discharged. Most of the rainfall isconcentrated during the months of June to August.
Any continuous and heavy rainfall during the monsoon
season can provoke inundation in the already saturated
soil. Similarly, heavy rainfall higher up in the mountains
can trigger a flash flood or a riverine flood downstream.
People can easily draw a boundary between normal
yearly flooding and exceptional floods that are more
destructive and that happen at greater intervals thannormal ones.

Socio-economic disparities between people in the Chitral
district are not as pronounced as in Nepal. What is moreunique about this case is the physical context of thoseremote mountain communities. The physical geographyof Chitral district does not, in general, provide many safe
places to live. Barely 3.5% of the Chitral area is suitablefor farming. The mountain slopes often consist of steep,barren land unsuitable for settlement. The river plains
are exposed to recurrent floods making them equally
unsuitable for settlement. People are often in a situationin which they have to find the least vulnerable spot
within the alluvial fans. In general, such places are at
the sides or at the very edges of the fan. Those fans aretransformed into oases when people construct irrigation
channels. These rain-fed irrigated lands are very fertile
because of the constant deposition of eroded sediment.
Farmers grow cereals, fruit trees, and some vegetables
mainly for subsistence purposes, using buffaloes toplough the land.

Indigenous Knowledge
The local knowledge used by the community which
contributes to their capacity to reduce disaster risks
includes at least the following aspects:

houses and homesteads. As a result, houses in Chitral
are normally built in relatively safe places despite theextremely high risk for flash floods and other natural
hazards in the districts.

• Local environmental and historical knowledge:
Local people have knowledge about the history
and nature of floods in their own locality throughobservation and experience of floods, based on daily
observation of their local surroundings, close ties with
their environment for survival, and an accumulated
understanding of their environment throughgenerations. This is important because past experienceand understanding of floods is going to influencecurrent ones. One example relates to people’s capacity
to observe their local surroundings in Chitral District.
There, one of the most important adaptation strategies
to flash floods based on local knowledge is theability to “read” the landscape, and thereby to makeinterpretations on where to build, or not to build,• Local organizational knowledge: People planning,monitoring, and assessment capacities are basedon various trade-offs, perceptions, beliefs, andpast experiences of floods. People often anticipate
floods through observing and interpreting local,
environmental warning signals (e.g., color of thewater, color of the clouds). They also manage to
identify safe places for human and cattle and time
thresholds (i.e., when it is time to store firewood andfood in advance, remove important belongings andleave the house).
• Knowledge about development projects: People’s
beliefs about regional, state, and international actors
36

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

likely to intervene in disasters influence how people
are going to respond to the interventions of thoseactors.

adopting new cropping strategies such as planting
along the river, or planting vegetable on the riverbank
to reduce the impact of flood, beliefs and attitudes
towards change such as the ability to learn frompast mistakes and flood events, and developing
institutional linkages outside of the community).

• Technical local knowledge: Examples of technicaladaptation strategies to floods include measuresrelated to house construction and protection measures
for walls, elevated stores, drinking water andtransportation, and measures taken to divert streams.
For example, in eastern Terai of Nepal people haveadopted various simple strategies related to house
construction (e.g., increasing the house plinths,
consolidating and protecting walls with piled up mud,bamboo fence and mud etc.), constructing elevatedfood stores and platforms to keep small items, food,small livestock and people themselves away fromwater (Figure 1).

• Local communication strategies: These include oral
and written communication about past and upcoming
floods and local early warning systems (e.g., whistling,
shouting, running downhill).
Everybody has local, everyday knowledge about theenvironment. The degree of local knowledge also
depends on the nature of the community (e.g., migrantcommunities have less knowledge than a community
who has been settled in a specific area for generationand generation. At the same time, communities likenomads might have local knowledge about more than
one area). Some community experts and some specificsocial groups also have local, specialist knowledge;that is, they have key skills that are not known toevery community members and which can be usefulfor flood preparedness. Examples include fisherman
community whose everyday life is in close relation withwater. As such, they can often notice any changes inwater availability and quality and they often know how
to swim. Other groups may have knowledge related tocarpentry and bamboo weaving, a useful skill for theconstruction of the elevated platform against floods
found in the Terai of Nepal. Some informal leaders may
also be respected and have communication skills whichenable them to speak in public and convey warning
messages about time thresholds (e.g., “it is time to leave
your houses!”) which people trust and follow.

• Non-technical local knowledge: Examples of nontechnical adaptation strategies include measuresrelated to spatial and social mobility (e.g., ability
to rely on relatives and neighbors, economic
diversification strategies), food security, micro-financearrangements, natural resources management (e.g.,community regulations on grazing and deforestation,
reorganization of cropping patterns and landholdings,

The communities in Chitral have also developed several
other adaptation strategies in order to increase theirresilience to flash floods. For example, locals have learned
to interpret early signs of potentially destructive flash
floods. Such signs may be the color, smell and behaviorof mountain streams as well as meteorological forecast
skills. In 2005, 106 houses were destroyed in Brep
village due to a Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF).
However, not a single life was lost since the interpretationof the stream behavior acted as an early warning and thevillage was evacuated in time (Figure 2).
Knowledge about flood preparedness is transmitted
orally through learning by doing, daily observationof their local surroundings, story telling, and theinternalization of certain practices over generations.
The dissemination of this knowledge occurs at twolevels: among community members (i.e., early warning

Figure 1. Circular mud repository ‘chakka’, with unusual “pigeon hole”
design to keep valuable belongings during floods in Katarait VDC,
Dhanusha district, a flood-proneTerai region of Nepal (Photo: Julie
Dekens)37

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reductionof upcoming floods) and between generations (i.e.,transmitting knowledge and lessons learnt of previous
flood events). In the case studies, as in the rest of theHimalaya, communities do not record history in books
and the past is transmitted orally by elders throughstory telling. As such, the role of elders is crucial as theyoften are the social memory of a community and/or acertain group. In many societies based on oral tradition,
past events, including flood crises, are embedded inmemory through storytelling, songs, poems, proverbs,
worshipping activities and ceremonies, rituals and soforth. For example, traditionally, songs and poems are an
important part of the Nepali and Terai culture. One such
example is the proverb: “the snake and the river don’t
run straight”. The shape of the rivers in the Eastern
Terai of Nepal can be compared to the movement of asnake referring to the nature of the rivers in the study
sites: the water channels are very unstable, taking new
directions and changing the landscape on a regular basis.
Some of the songs collected in the Nepal case study
focus entirely on floods, whereas others mention floods
among other important issues the villagers are facing. In
some cases, songs and proverbs become the repository(as much as the relay) of past floods event and canhelp stimulate people’s learning, memory and creativity(Figure 3).

Figure 2. A glacially derived debris flow destroyed 106 houses andlarge areas of agricultural land in July 2006 in Brep, Chitral District,Pakistan. (Photo: Arun B. Shrestha)Songs and proverbs also contribute to the transmissionof flood-coping strategies, create common knowledge,
and share a common understanding of change related
to frequent and infrequent flood events. Songs andproverbs can also help to build a sense of communityand solidarity within the village and/or within the
different groups affected. Local singers or composers
are key knowledge carriers and change agents who playa vital role within the community in terms of building
awareness. Some worships, sacrifices, and ceremonies
help the community to understand and remember
past floods and relieve the anxiety related to the threatof future disaster risks. For example, in the Kalash
community, one ethnic minority of the Chitral District,Pakistan, a collective ceremony called “lavak natek”
seems to stimulate elements of floods through symbolic
actions (i.e., running down from the hills and shouting)and acts as cathartic events for the whole community.

Figure 3. Part of the ICIMOD research process was to record anddocument local songs and proverbs relating to disaster, letting thepeople hear their own recording. Local songs and proverbs can beused in preparing communities for disaster (photo from Shreepur VDC,
Sharlahi district, Nepal). (Photo: Julie Dekens)

38

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Lessons Learned
Overall, the two case studies demonstrate that indigenous and local practices often, but not always, have atleast the following advantages compared to most external, top-down strategies:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•

Low cost strategies using local resources and know-how
Well-accepted, trusted and understood (internalized)
Community ownership
Culturally sensitive
Continuous monitoring
Time tested reliability
In tune with local contexts and needs
Empower the community, including the most vulnerable and disadvantage groups, to take action instead of
relying on external help only
• Holistic (takes into account other stresses or priorities which affect the vulnerability of social groups,
households or individuals)
Based on the two case studies, the following conclusions can be obtained:• Over time local people generally have developed considerable local knowledge and practices on flood
preparedness which contribute to improve survival and mitigate property losses• Social relationships, and especially caste arrangements, are important elements that help in theunderstanding of local knowledge
Many limitations and barriers to the use of local knowledge in disaster management exist. These include atleast the following:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

the belief that conventional or scientific knowledge is ‘superior’ to local knowledge is still dominantlocal knowledge is difficult to identify, use, assess, validate, generalize and replicate
local knowledge is often monopolized by dominant groups in the community
some local practices, beliefs, and adaptation strategies are unsustainable and/or not socially equitable
due to rapid changes, local knowledge and practices are becoming inappropriate, irrelevant or inaccessible
over time
local knowledge lacks accountability within the communities themselves especially with the younger
generations
the focus on local knowledge can be perceived as a threat to national interests and political structures
especially in authoritarian regimes
natural hazards and disasters have been conceived primarily as an issue pertaining to national defense andsecurity, which makes decentralization efforts in this sector difficult
the documentation and use of local knowledge can be used by outsiders against local people themselves tomaintain control over communities and their resources

More data and technology alone will not contribute to improve people’s lives unless it is combined with anunderstanding of local contexts and needs. Many external interventions are ignoring local knowledge (thatis, they do not understand and account for local contexts and needs). In doing so, they are creating new
vulnerabilities/disasters due to the lack of a holistic picture and deeper analysis of the local vulnerability
context.
Therefore, indigenous and local knowledge, if combined with external, scientific knowledge, can enable
implementing organizations to create innovative and sustainable solutions to reduce disaster risks. Examplesof potential applications of local knowledge in disaster preparedness include the following:39

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

1. Combining local knowledge with conventional knowledge for hazard mapping, surveys and other inventories inorder to verify information
2. Accounting for local advice about safe locations, construction sites for buildings and roads – as local knowledge
can provide information related to local environmental variability and specificities
3. Understanding and accounting for local perceptions of natural hazards which influence how people perceive andrespond to natural hazards, risks, and disasters
4. Understanding and accounting for people’s risk tradeoffs in the context of multiple stresses
5. Identifying, understanding and accounting for vulnerable groups and individuals, local elite and power relations
6. Understanding and accounting for changes in people’s vulnerability to natural hazards over time
7. Identifying what mechanisms can be promoted at the local level (e.g., which coping strategies are sustainable,
equitable and need to be strengthen), how to attenuate unsustainable practices, and how to foster people’s
participation in disaster risk reduction activities. The focus on local knowledge and practices helps to identify
and capitalize on people’s existing strengths and local institutions (instead of creating parallel institutions)8. Learning from local knowledge in order to create new concepts, methods, or strategies for improved disastermanagement and to strengthen relevant and sustainable local coping mechanisms
9. Building community confidence as communities themselves need to be convinced that some of their local
knowledge and practices are of relevance to disaster preparedness. The current systems of education should bereconsidered in order to clearly link local communities with schools so that school curricula are adapted to local
needs and realities and incorporate and foster local knowledge and practices
10. Adapting communication strategies to local understanding and perceptions, and integrating local values into
decision-making processes (e.g., early warning systems)
The rapid environmental and socio-economic changes faced by most communities are as much a source of newvulnerabilities as of new opportunities for exploring new ways of risk adjustment. The extent to which local
knowledge and practices can contribute to improving disaster preparedness at the local level is not white or blackand in any case cannot be ignored.

40

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Mansehra and Battagram Districts, North West
Frontier Province, Pakistan

Indigenous Coping Mechanisms for
Disaster Management in Mansehra andBattagram Districts, North West Frontier
Province (NWFP), Pakistan
Takeshi Komino
Abstract
The people of the districts of Mansehra and Battagram in Pakistan have developed several
social, functional and sequential coping mechanisms to face the impacts of recurring disasters,
particularly landslides. These mechanisms depend on the capacities of the people. Therefore,
the aim of disaster management should be to increase people’s capacities to better deal withadverse events. This can be achieved by understanding the communities’ perceptions andstrengthening the existing coping mechanisms so that disaster impacts can be reduced.

extreme weather events such as heavy rains, storms,
severe snow, and hailstorms. Because of the frequencyof these disasters, local people have developed a belief
that disasters are part of their lives which cannot be
avoided and may be a form of punishment from God.
The impacts of disasters are severely felt by ruralcommunities because of their long-term effects on
livelihood.

BackgroundThe districts of Mansehra and Battagram in the
North West Frontier Province (NWFP) of Pakistan(Figure 1) are highly vulnerable to hazards becauseof environmental, climatic, geographical and social
conditions in the area. Vulnerabilities include (i)physical vulnerability from high altitude, harshweather, mountainous terrain and non-fertile land for
agriculture, (ii) architectural vulnerability manifest
in poor buildings and infrastructure, (iii) economic
vulnerability pertaining to poverty, unemployment
and a decline in agricultural production, (iv)
demographic vulnerability due to increasing
population and health problems and (v) political andadministrative vulnerabilities since there is neither adisaster management structure, nor a political will to
implement disaster management in these areas. For
centuries, these districts face many recurring disasters
including landslides, flashfloods, earthquakes andSeveral other characteristics distinguish this region.
The climate varies throughout the year, where
December, January and February are the coldest
months, and June and July are the hottest months.
Rainfall and snowfall are common in these areas. The
village topography is mountainous. There is hardly any
plain except for small agricultural lands, which havebeen leveled off for cultivation.
Small-scale agriculture, shop keeping and nongovernment employment (e.g. school teachers and41

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Story/Eventbank employees) are the main sources of income forthe people of Mansehra and Battagram districts. The
entire population is Islam, yet they are separated
into several different clans and lineages including
gujjar, sayed, swati, tanuli and pashtoon. On religious
grounds, family planning is not observed. As aconsequence, boys and girls marry at a very young age,
18-25 and 15-22, respectively, contributing to a rapid
increase in population. Unemployment and poverty arewidespread. Male migration to big economic hubs of
the country is also very common.

Landslides are a common phenomena in Mansehra andBattagram (Figure 1). The most recent disaster in thearea occurred on 14 February 2004 when an earthquake
struck the area, causing landslides and widespread
damage in many areas in the NWFP.
There was no government disaster management planin place in Mansehra and Battagram when the disasteroccurred. Instead, the people used indigenous coping
strategies passed on from generation to generation tocope with the impacts of the disaster.

Communities have a strong social and organizational
system. Along with local community based groups,
four main social institutions exist: kinship, hasshar,jirga and village hood. First, kinship allows for theextention of support for a given problem or emergency.
For instance, kin members help relatives in housing
reconstruction through labor, food and material aid.
Second, Hasshar is reciprocal labor arranged to solve
problems and during emergencies wherein help iscalled in from relatives and other villagers. Third,
Jirga is usually conducted to resolve local quarrels andfind solutions to communal problems. Finally, village
hood allows people to obtain things on credit fromvillage shops.

Figure 1. Landslides are common in the area

Indigenous Knowledge
The existing indigenous knowledge can be divided
into three different categories: social, functional, andsequential coping mechanisms. Each of these categories
is used by the communities in Mansehra and Battagramat several levels of society (individual, domestic andcommunity levels) to manage disasters.

residing in vulnerable houses are informed by shouts
and knocks on their doors. When water level reaches acritical level, concerned households start moving things
to relatives’ or other villagers’ houses. Family members,
especially women, children and the disabled, withdraw
to a safe location, preferably in the house of a relative
or neighbor. In the village of Paras, this duty is rotatedamong community members throughout the duration of
the rainy season.

Social Coping Mechanisms
There exists a variety of formal and non-formal
structures and relationships that mobilize resources
and help solve problems at the local level. These
include internal or external structures such as social
units, religious institutions, political organizations andeconomic systems. The Committee Bra-e-Tahaffuze –Jangalat, for instance, takes part in disastermanagement by coordinating with the forest department
in deforestation issues to avoid floods, land erosion andlosses from heavy rain.

During recovery, strong social ties help poor affectedfamilies by allowing them to borrow money and fooditems from relatives, friends, villagers and village
shopkeepers. In some villages, performance of rituals
like “khatam,” or the recitation of the Holy Quran, andoffering of prayers take place after big disasters.
Functional Coping Mechanisms
To minimize risks from landslides, the communities haveadopted several infrastructure techniques which havedeveloped over hundreds of years.

Furthermore, community groups often monitor the levelof water during heavy rains. In case of danger, people
42

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Houses in many villages are constructed with a distanceof 2 to 3 feet apart. Houses built adjacent to eachother were found to be the most badly damaged fromdisasters and caused more deaths when rocks fall fromthe mountains. Furthermore, in the village of Gantar,
wooden strips are used in stone wall construction tobuild resistance. Construction of a 2 x 2.5 foot wallof stones produces cohesion and causes less damage
to infrastructure. People belonging to the upper class,especially in the village of Paras, have increased thenumber of wooden pillars and beams in their houses forfurther support.
In addition, roofs 1 to 2 feet wide are constructedwith certain precautionary measures. They are firstdeveloped with wooden pillars for support. Thereafter,
tons of soil is spread on the roof tops to stop water
seepage (Figure 2). Some people spread plastic sheets,
jute or nylon under the soil to further secure the roofs.
Before the monsoon season, naturally growing grass is
usually weeded off from the roofs because grass roots
contribute to water seepage. The center of the roof ismade slightly higher while all sides are diagonal fromthe edges to facilitate the flow of water. Half of a longmetal strip is placed under the soil in edges for easy
flow of water from the roof. Similarly, roof edges arealso extended to prevent water penetration from the roof
to the wall. Furthermore, stones are sometimes used inedges to keep roofs from being damaged. The roof andarea along the walls are then hammered with a local
wooden tool called ‘dabkan’ to prevent water penetrationand secure the foundation of the house.

Figure 2. Roof technique to prevent water seepage.

Figure 3. Zinc sheets used as roof

Due to recurring disasters, people are careful in selecting
land for their houses. They choose to build houses ona plain, far from a water source, close to the road andon white soil, which according to local belief is good
because it is more solid. To cope with the vulnerabilityof the land, they plant walnut, sherol and kikar trees
around their houses. The roots of these trees extend far
distances, thereby contributing to the firmness of thesoil. Some people also construct stone foundations up to
2 feet deep, especially under the walls of houses.

the roof. After the February 2004 earthquake, a specificiron object called ‘kalab’ is now used to join the pillars
and wooden roof strips.
The government’s Public Works Department visits thearea often during the rainy season to monitor the riskof landslides. The department also constructs retaining
walls along road sides which are at risk from landslides(Figure 4).

For mud houses, people use traditional materials mixed
in mud for stability of roofs and walls, which include
cow dung, cotton, wheat chaff, goat hair, pine leaves,
grinded jute sacks, sand and sawdust. For those who
can afford them, zinc sheets are used for the roof inorder to save on labor, time and maintenance (Figure 3).
Sometimes, heavy stones are scattered on the zinc roofs
to save them from being blown away during a storm. In
the pre-earthquake architecture of mud houses, no joints
were used between pillar and batar, or wooden strips inSequential Coping Mechanisms
During disasters, communities mobilize diverse
resources following a sequence based on vulnerabilities
and capacities. Since the primary concern is livelihood,they first adopt a strategy to secure livelihoods. Somedietary changes are made especially by the poor.
Temporary migration to other villages has been observed
43

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

in cases of severe disaster, especially when the affectedfamily has not been offered help or prefers not to stayin houses of neighbors, relatives, or friends. Sometimes
young boys are sent to the nearest urban centers andbig cities for labor. When disaster impact is extensive,the poor families, as a last resort, sell their assets (e.g.
animals, jewelry, and land).
As the community members themselves develop
knowledge in these three categories through various
experiences, they become imbedded in their culture andfamiliar and easy to implement. The knowledge evolves
in situ and is dynamic and creative, constantly growing
and adapting to meet new conditions. It is entrenchedin a dynamic system in which spirituality, kinship,
local politics and other factors are both connected andinfluence one another.
There is no formal system rooted in the community
to disseminate this indigenous knowledge. However,this knowledge has been transferred informally fromgeneration to generation through individuals in thecommunity. No importance was given to the use of these
coping strategies before the 2004 disaster, as there was
no formal government structure working on disastermanagement. The community alone disseminates andemploys indigenous knowledge techniques in different
ways to cope with disaster.

Figure 4. Specifications of retaining wall against landslides

44

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Lessons Learned
Indigenous knowledge, as illustrated in NWP, provides important mechanisms to reduce disaster risk, and is
especially valuable for community level disaster management. Policy makers should consider preserving such
effective, traditional coping mechanisms and improve on them to ensure that development does not increase
vulnerability to natural hazards. Further, encouraging community involvement through the use of traditional
practices provides a more realistic and local-specific strategy since the community understands the situation
due to past disaster experience.
Indigenous coping mechanisms alone are not sufficient to manage disasters effectively. While this knowledge
helps reduce risk, it is sometimes inadequate to cope with new disasters in the community. For example, theexperience of the 2004 earthquake shows that the technique in preventing water seepage has resulted in morehouses being damaged because of the heavy load of soil on roof tops. Traditional coping mechanisms may
not always work as coping strategies and are always subject to internal and external environment changes.
For example, changing social, political and economic conditions in the area will affect the mechanisms andtheir effectiveness. There is a growing need to improve these coping mechanisms in a way that they would
not impact negatively on communities.
Coping mechanisms in Mansehra and Battagram mainly depend on the capacities of affected communities.
While self reliance and solidarity of households and communities are invaluable in the face of disasters,
capacity for social support is an unquantifiable factor; nonetheless, a strong support system constitutes the
backbone of coping mechanisms in Mansehra and Battagram. The aim of disaster management should be
to increase people’s capacities to deal with adverse events. Development and disaster management programs
should promote activities that mobilize and strengthen local resources and capacities at household andcommunity levels. This can be achieved by understanding people’s perceptions and strengthening existing
coping mechanisms in a way that reduces the impact of disasters.
Limited resources and people’s perception of hazards often influence the acceptance of a particular coping
mechanism. Assessment and understanding of current practices, perceptions, and constraints are importantfor improving coping strategies. For instance, an understanding of indigenous livelihood systems isimportant in order for development initiatives not to result in the loss of self reliance, the destabilization ofcultural values and the undermining of traditional livelihood systems.
A community based approach, which aims to understand the way communities deal with different disasters,
their level of understanding of disaster, and their capacity to manage it in an effective and sustainable
manner, would be the best way to implement disaster management programs. Community participation
should not be viewed only as a consultation process but also as an effective empowering process to address
the root causes of vulnerability. It would be helpful to develop a system to monitor the impact of disasters
at community and national levels. Improved risk and vulnerability mapping, disaster awareness and early
warning systems at community level would also be useful.
Above all, socio-economic analysis and a community-based livelihood approach should be integrated indisaster management planning and programs in affected communities.

45

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Singas Village, Papua New Guinea

Living with Floods in Singas,
Papua New Guinea
Jessica Mercer and Ilan Kelman
Abstract
The experiences of the members of Singas village, situated in Morobe Province, Papua New
Guinea (PNG), illustrate how indigenous knowledge can contribute to disaster risk reduction.
Singas village is a small community situated along the banks of one of PNG’s major rivers,
the Markham River. As a consequence, it is affected by yearly flooding following heavy rains
experienced during the rainy season. The example holds particular significance as not only does
the river represent a potential hazard but it is also the source of the community’s livelihood andtherefore holds great importance within the community. As a result the community is extremely
pro-active in its efforts to mitigate the consequences of flooding. Indigenous knowledge in fivespecific areas, namely building methods, social linkages, land use planning, food strategies andenvironmental strategies, has proven to help contribute to the community’s ability to mitigate
the impact of regular flooding events.

which they can cross via a bridge which is often broken
and impassable.

Background
Singas village is situated in an isolated enclave in theMarkham District of Morobe Province along the banksof the Markham River in PNG.

The village population is 296 and divided into five
family groups. The community previously depended on
betel nut trees (the nut is chewed like tobacco) for their
cash income. However, as a result of a recent disease
that killed the trees, the community now depends heavily
on selling garden produce, coconuts, mangos (when inseason) and fish for their livelihood. Education levels
within the village are low, as parents are unable to afford
school fees, mainly as a result of the betel nut crop loss.
Income sources are nevertheless diversifying with new
cash crops being introduced to the area such as peanuts
and coffee. There are three primary schools nearby
which the children attend, though access to these schools
is often restricted as a result of flooding and the need tocross the Markham River.

The closest town is Mutzing Station, located acrossthe river from Singas, which is the centre of Markham
District. Mutzing Station contains the nearest
government buildings, secondary school, health clinicand market to Singas. The Markham River varies
in width from 3-8 km as it travels through its lower
reaches, with the crossing by Singas village being oneof its widest points. The walk across the river fromSingas to Mutzing Station takes approximately one totwo hours depending on the river flow (Figure 1). Thisroute is only passable in the dry season and even thenit is often still treacherous. During the rainy season, thevillagers have to walk for two days to reach a point at

46

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Story/Event
Living alongside the banks of oneof PNG’s major rivers, the Singas
community is constantly under
threat from flooding, especiallyduring the rainy season. Usually,
the village is flooded to someextent each year, dependent on theamount of rainfall received. The
last big floods remembered by thevillagers were in 1998 and 2002
when water rose above the stilts
and into the houses (Figure 2). It
was during these years that theiruse of indigenous knowledge was
especially important in reducing therisk of the disaster to themselves
and their livelihood.
Singas villagers have been told
to move their settlement awayfrom the river banks to higher
ground in the hills, as part ofa ‘top-down’ solution to theirproblem of flooding. However,they never moved. There were
multiple reasons for this including(i) the river was valuable for theirlivelihood in terms of fishing,
agriculture, water supply and clay
to make cooking pots, (ii) they
were close to amenities (the main
provincial buildings and medical
facilities were located on the otherside of the river) and (iii) they had
resided there for years, coping withprevious floods. Despite the risks,
the community was very muchaware of its situation and pro-active
in its response to flooding in orderto ensure its continued survival
along the river bank.

Figure 1. Crossing the Markham River

Figure 2. Mud left behind by flood water47

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Indigenous Knowledge
The main disaster risk reduction strategies practiced
within Singas community to deal with flooding canbe grouped into five general categories which include
building methods, social linkages, land use planning,food strategies and environmental strategies. In manycases these strategies are embedded in community
culture and daily life, unidentifiable by the community
as specific strategies for disaster risk reduction.
While such a situation is not unique to an indigenous
community, in the case of Singas it was especiallyapparent as the community viewed the river first andforemost as a source of livelihood and only second as ahazard. This resulted in many of their indigenous risk
reduction strategies being intertwined within their daily
lives as they dealt with the river on a daily basis.

out-migration and new forms of trade rather than
traditional forms such as inter-village bartering—Singas is very much reliant on its own resources.
Whilst in the past importance was placed on land
and land use planning by the community, today thisis gradually declining with villagers growing gardens
wherever they please rather than following traditional
planning. Nevertheless, when gardens are destroyed
during floods, the entire community participates,
working together to dig and plant new plants for thecommunity.
Singas is very much a cohesive community, assistingeach other in times of need as with the disruption
caused by a flooding event. Resources and experiences
are shared at the community level, so in times ofdisaster all in the community are aware of the best
action plans or where to re-group if necessary. The
cohesiveness of the community is possible because ofa strong and active community leader who ensuresregular community meetings are held to discuss
relevant issues and ways forward (Figure 4). There isalso a strong positive attitude of wanting to ensure thecommunity’s own survival, since while assistance would
be gratefully received, it may not be available.

Building Methods
Many village cultures have their own traditional typeof house appropriate to local environmental conditions.
Singas community is no exception. They use in-depth
environmental knowledge to search for dry, strong
places to build their houses. Aware of the possibilityof flooding, the people build their houses on stilts,
which have been gradually lengthened over the years
to accommodate the rising flood water and increased
incidence of flooding. They also build large mounds
under the houses to stem the rising flood water. Landis cleared for houses in the area and then used as a
rubbish burial pit where rubbish gradually builds up
until it is a significant mound. This is then covered
with soil and stabilised with plants before the buildingof the house begins (Figure 3). Houses are made of
traditional bush materials which not only make themtransportable and fixable but also cheap and accessible.
Houses are built during the dry season to allow theposts time to settle into the ground, thus slowing therotting process. Houses that are built on the groundcontain kitchens which are made out of light and easyto-dismantle bush materials to limit loss during floods.

Land Use Planning
Location of villages and housing has often been
influenced by hazard vulnerability. Communities,
where possible, would locate their settlements on highground to avoid storm surges and floods, in areas notprone to landslides, and on volcanic islands in areas
where lava flow was less likely and prevailing winds
did not deposit ash or acid rain on crops.2 Singas
community, in recognition of the threat of flooding,has a comprehensive drainage system dug out by handsurrounding their gardens and land so that flood water
is directed away from critical areas. Land use andplanting times are planned to avoid the rainy season inorder to minimise disruption and damage as gardens
are planted alongside river banks to avail of the mostfertile soil. There are also safe areas marked out towhich the community can move in times of serious
flood.

Social Linkages
Rarely in the past were communities under stress fromflooding or other environmental hazards, as they were
often not totally dependent on their own resources.1
Despite the consequences of incorporation of ruralcommunities into the global economy—including
the impacts of increased population, poverty levels,

Trees, flowers and plants are regularly planted toprotect and stabilise the soil, especially around houses.
Careful planning and monitoring of surroundings

1 Campbell (1990).

2 South Pacific Applied Geo-Science Commission (2004).

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Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Food Strategies
Many rural indigenous societies have developed hazard
resistant varieties of crops, contributing to community
resilience in times of hardship or disaster. Among
Singas village’s disaster crop is the banana, a hardy
crop which survives in flood water. Singas villagers
wrap the bananas in leaves to protect them and keepbirds away. For taro growth, drains are made to dry
the soil out. Bamboo is used to store water and forcooking. A special plant is also used to collect rain waterin the rainy season to avoid drinking flood water andbecoming sick. Prior to the rainy season and potential
flooding, food is preserved in traditional clay pots toensure food availability when people cannot leave theirhouses. This food can last up to a few months in pots
and still be edible. Food and seeds are also dried andpreserved in the sun’s heat until enough is saved for next
year’s crop. Traditional food in the area are also used intimes of shortage, e.g. yam and taro are grown on themountainside as disaster crops in case the villagers haveto temporarily seek shelter in the hills.
Figure 3. Traditional housing in Singas village – photo depicts housing
on stilts, with taller stilts used more regularly today seen on the newer
house in the background and the beginnings of a mound surrounded
by a drainage ditch in the foreground prior to house building.

Flooding precludes fishing in the river as a result of thefast flowing water so the village uses two inland lakes
for their fish supply. The village women all cooperate,working in a large circle and driving the fish into thecentre to catch with their hands. Within individual
families, when food is scarce as a result of flooding,adults often limit their food intake to ensure children
receive plenty. Village women have gone to the extent
of tying belts made of cloth or bark tightly around theirwaists in order to restrict hunger pains.
Environmental Strategies
Since the Singas community is dependent upon theenvironment for its livelihood, it has developed a vast
amount of knowledge enabling it to identify signs ofimpending trouble. For example, if members of thecommunity see a lot of rain in the hills they start toprepare for an impending flood by packing belongingsand ensuring food supplies are plentiful. ‘Spotters’ areoften sent upstream to determine the river’s behaviour
and report back through messages passed from person
to person reaching the village quickly. Markers are used
to determine the changes in height of the river itself
and the villagers are constantly on alert with adequate
plans in place in case flooding occurs. Within PNG, oral
traditions passed down through generations in the formof legends, visions and stories are plentiful and relianceis often placed on these for guidance as to what to dowhen disaster strikes.

Figure 4. Community meeting discussing flood risk reduction

for bush materials that can be used is also done.
For example, only certain trees are cut, namely thestrongest ones suitable for building and those which do
not impact on soil stabilisation. This strategy gives the
younger trees time to mature while ensuring that whenmaterials are needed in times of flooding, they will beavailable.

49

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Lessons Learned
The indigenous practices described above and used by the Singas community for disaster risk reduction have
proved to successfully minimize the risks its members face whilst enabling them to continue using the river as avaluable source of livelihood. The indigenous knowledge used by Singas community for flood risk reduction iscurrently contained within the community. The sharing of resources and experiences at a community level ensuresthat, if a flood were to occur, the whole village will be able to help one another. The cohesiveness of the community
and the willingness to help one another are strong underlying factors behind Singas’s success in reducing flood risk.
Further, this attitude and social coherence has enabled the dissemination of disaster risk reduction knowledge in thecommunity through public meetings and sharing of experiences.
The experience of Singas is contradictory to many other communities in PNG. Typically within PNG, there is ahighly defeatist attitude among indigenous communities resulting from lack of governmental support, a ‘hand-out’
culture and the perception that vulnerability levels are impossible to address. In the case of the Singas village, whilst
to some extent there is an element of ‘we can’t do anything’, the village has been proactive in their strategies for
dealing with environmental hazards. What is needed now is for the experiences of Singas to be acknowledged byother communities, policy makers, government offices (such as the provincial disaster office) and non-governmentalorganizations. Acknowledging the success of the Singas community can allow its members to interact withappropriate stakeholders to further build upon these disaster risk reduction capabilities. Further, these interactions
would make possible the dissemination of indigenous knowledge and enable other communities to identify with thelessons learnt and build upon their own existing disaster risk reduction knowledge.
The community is keenly aware of its situation, yet it feels that it possesses the knowledge to deal with recurring
hazards. A proposed ‘top-down’ solution considered neither the whole picture nor the needs of the community, so
the community rejected it in favour of its own strategies. This reiterates the importance of existing disaster-related
knowledge and demonstrates the need for ownership to occur at a local level. Increasingly, it has been advocatedthat populations directly affected by environmental hazards should be the ones to decide and develop policies todeal with these.3
This said, a paternalistic viewpoint is still frequently taken with the voices of the disadvantaged either buried orignored. As this example shows, ownership needs to be directed from the ‘bottom-up’ rather than infiltrated fromthe ‘top-down’ by those who may not understand the community’s situation. There should be a support system
existing alongside community strategies in case more support is required. Whilst these are clearly relevant strategies
in dealing with disaster risk reduction, anthropogenic and non-anthropogenic processes are increasing the likelihoodof adverse effects of environmental hazards on indigenous societies.4 Indigenous communities such as Singas
could further reduce their vulnerability to flooding through integrating indigenous and scientific knowledge. The
recognition, recording, and promotion of indigenous coping mechanisms with culturally compatible scientificstrategies can only contribute to enhancing the capacity of indigenous communities to mitigate, prepare for andrecover from environmental hazards.5 Only then will disaster risk reduction practices be seen to successfully address
the vulnerability of indigenous communities to environmental hazards.
3 Wisner et al. (2004).
4 Hay, 2002; Wilbanks and Kates (1999).
5 Mercer et al. (2007).

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Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

References-

Campbell, J.R., 1990. Disasters and development in historical context: tropical cyclone response in the Banks
Islands, Northern Vanuatu. International Journal of Mass Emergencies and Disasters 8 (3), 401-424.
Dekens, J., 2007. Local Knowledge for Disaster Preparedness: A Literature Review. International Centre forIntegrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) Kathmandu, Nepal.
Hay, J.E., 2002. Integrating disaster risk management and adaptation to climate variability and change: needs,
benefits and approaches, from a South Pacific perspective. UNDP Expert Group Meeting – Integrating Disaster
Reduction and Adaptation to Climate Change. Havana, Cuba.
Mercer, J., Dominey-Howes, D., Kelman, I. and Lloyd, K., 2007. The potential for combining indigenous
and western knowledge in reducing vulnerability to environmental hazards in small island developing states.
Environmental Hazards 7 (4), 245-256.
National Disaster Centre, 2005. Papua New Guinea National Disaster Risk Reduction and Disaster Management
Framework for Action 2005-2015. National Disaster Centre Port Moresby, PNG.
South Pacific Applied Geo-Science Commission, 2004. Implementing the Yokohama strategy and plan of action:
Pacific Islands Regional Progress Report (1994-2004). South Pacific Applied Geo-Science Commission, Fiji.
United Nations, 2004. PNG Map (http://www.un.org/Depts/Cartographic/map/ profile/papua.pdf) Accessed 29
October 2007.
United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction, 2005. Hyogo Framework for Action 2005-2015:
Building the Resilience of Nations and Communities to Disasters (http://www.unisdr.org/eng/hfa/docs/Hyogoframework-for-action-english.pdf) Accessed 08 December 2007
United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction, 2007. Papua New Guinea: Disaster Profile (http://
www.unisdr.org/eng/country-inform/papua-new-guinea-disaster.htm) Accessed 08 December 2007
Wilbanks, T.J. and Kates, R.W., 1999. Global change in local places: how scale matters. Climatic Change 43, 601628.
Wisner, B., Blaikie, P., Cannon, T. and Davis, I., 2004. At Risk: Natural Hazards, People’s Vulnerability andDisasters, 2nd Ed. Routledge, London.

51

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Dagupan City, Pangasinan, Philippines

Combining Indigenous and Scientific
Knowledge in the Dagupan City Flood
Warning System
Lorna P. Victoria
Abstract
The kanungkong is a bamboo instrument which was traditionally used to call community
members to assemble at the village hall for meetings, alert people or call children home. The
flood early warning system set up in eight villages in Dagupan City, Philippines, has revived
the use of the kanungkong along with staff gauges as flood markers in strategic locations in thevillages of the city. The indigenous knowledge is combined with modern scientific knowledge
and equipment for use in disaster risk reduction.

Background

Story/Event

Eight flood-prone barangays (villages) in Dagupan
City in the province of Pangasinan in northwestern
Philippines, namely Mangin, Salisay, Tebeng, Bacayao
Norte, Bacayao Sur, Lasip Grande, Lasip Chicoand Pogo Grande, have incorporated the use of the
kanungkong to relay warning messages to households
in the communities, especially those living along theriverbanks. These villages prioritized flood preparedness
and mitigation activities under the Program for Hydrometeorological Disaster Mitigation in Secondary Cities
in Asia (PROMISE) project. The community members
held workshops to discuss the early warning system andhad community drills.

Dagupan City is prone to heavy flooding. In 2007,
typhoons with monsoon rains hit Northern and Central
Luzon in August and November causing swelling of
the river system in Dagupan City. This event put the
kanungkong based early warning system to the test.
Because the Barangay Disaster Coordinating Council(BDCC) monitored the flood markers and reported
these to the Emergency Operations Center of the City
Disaster Coordinating Council (CDCC), the villages
were prepared in case heavy flooding occurred. The
system successfully allowed the entire community to
prepare and respond to the disaster with sufficient time.

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Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Figure 1a & b. The kanungkong is acommunication medium in the village
early warning system.

Indigenous Knowledge
The kanungkong is a communication device which wasused extensively in the past by the people of Dagupan
City, nearby municipalities and provinces in Northern
Luzon (Figures 1a & b). Its uses include calling thecommunity to assemble at the village hall for a meeting,alerting citizens of a robbery incidence during the night,
calling attention to midwives to assist a pregnant woman
getting ready to give birth, and calling children to comehome. With modern ways of communication, it has beenforgotten.

Table 1. Warning codes adopted in Dagupan City

Kanungkong comes from the word mangkanungkong
which literally means to make a sound. The kanungkong
is made of bamboo and when hit with a stick produces
the sound kung, kung, kung. The village-level early
warning system uses the kanungkong as a local relay andcommunication medium. For flood monitoring, and as
the basis for the relaying of messages, staff gauges orflood markers have been put up and are monitored instrategic locations in the villages.
Presently, people have become familiar with the warning
codes adopted in the city, which conform to international
disaster warning color standards. In order to put the
kanungkung into a system, an agreed upon rhythm
and sound (i.e. number of strikes of the kanungkung at
designated time intervals) were made to correspond to
specific actions. One kanungkung for every 5 houses
relays the warning to the households along the riverbanks. Table 1 explains the warning codes.

Color

Alert Level

Warning Signal by
the Kanungkung

White (Ready)NormalYellow(Get Set)

Alert (warning, thereis danger)

5 strikes of the
kanungkung at 20
minutes interval

Orange(Go)

Prepare for
evacuation orproceed to holding
area (heavy flooding
approaches)

10 strikes at 20
minutes interval

Red

Full evacuation(evacuate fromhomes to designatedsafe areas) Forced
evacuation

Non-stop (15strikes at 10
minutes interval)
Non-stop (20strikes at 5
minutes interval)

Green

Back to normal

its own agreed upon flood markings at strategic placesin the barangay. The gauges show critical levels todetermine when people have to prepare to move out andproceed to evacuation centers.
The monitoring and relay of information of flood levelfrom the staff gauge is done by the barangay warningand communications team by hand-held radio to the
BDCC. The kanungkung is then sounded and relayed
from point to point (every 5 houses apart) (Figure 3).
Each BDCC has a radio connection with the CDCC,
and information is relayed from one to the other throughits Emergency Operations Center by radio.

Staff gauges have been constructed at the lowest point in
the barangays to correspond to the alert warning, basedon information from past flooding in the communities(Figures 2a, b & c). A common zero point was initiallysuggested to be standardized by the city government
but the system now operates with each barangay having
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Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

The flow of the early warning
system is illustrated in Figure 4.
The Emergency Response and/or
Disaster Risk Management Plan
details the responsibilities of the
CDCC and BDCC committees andpersonnel with regards to warningand evacuation. As part of theplan, the early warning system has
been drawn up through a seriesof consultations, study visits andworkshops.

Figure 3. The Barangay Disaster Coordinating Council gives out the initial warning using the
kanungkung

Figure 4. Relay of information to the community through the kanungkung.

Lessons Learned
The Dagupan City flood warning system, a combination of indigenous
and modern scientific knowledge, is an effective response to theperennial problem of flooding in the city. In formulating the system,some important lessons were realized which are as follows:
1. The use of the kanungkong has mobilized local capacity whilereviving and maintaining a local practice which is now used indisaster preparedness.
2. It is important to involve the community in risk assessment (i.e.
hazard, vulnerability and capacity assessments) and designing of theearly warning system.
3. It is important to test the warning system and evacuation procedurethrough table top exercises and practical community drills.
Figure 2a, 2b & 2c. Staff Gauges showing
warning levels monitored by warning andcommunications team

4. “Learning from good practice” visits to the communities involved incommunity based disaster preparedness and mitigation encourages
the communities as well as local government officials to continue thegood work. Study visits by local officials and community members tosimilar projects afford critical reflection on how to improve their own
preparedness and mitigation activities.

54

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Barangay Matanag, Legazpi City, Albay, Philippines

Indigenous Know-How on Mayon Volcano’s
Lava-Spittle Mysticism
Gerardine Cerdena
Abstract
Residing near a volcano does not mean people cannot thrive on its surroundings. In the case of
Barangay (village) Matanag, inhabitants stand defiant against volcano disasters and still callthe volcano home. The local knowledge acquired within this community about warning signs
and how to predict volcanic eruptions helps to minimize risk and cope with the dangers of theMayon volcano.

“If Mayon is spitting fierysparks, that is the signal that
it will erupt. Sometimes weworry about it, sometimes
not. The volcano always
makes low rumbling sounds
and the farmers are the ones
who hear it first.”
Domingo Arias, Barangay
Matanag resident

Background
One of the active volcanoes on the Philippine island of Luzon,
Mayon is considered by some as the world’s most perfectly
formed volcano because of its symmetrical cone (Figure 1).
It is one of the volcanoes in the “Pacific Ring of Fire” locatedaround the lip of the Pacific Ocean where volcanic activity
and earthquakes are common. The volcano is situated 15
kilometers northwest of Legazpi City, Albay, Philippines in
the Bicol Region.
Mayon Volcano is a basaltic-andesitic volcano located between
the Eurasian and the Philippine plate that was developed
through alternate pyroclastic and lava flows spouting out ashes
in the past 400 years (Figure 2).
The upper slopes of the volcano are precipitous and rugged,
averaging 35-40 degrees, and are capped with a small crater.
Its sides are layers of lava and other volcanic material. Magmais formed where the rock melts and eruption usually begins
with lava flowing like a geyser from a long crack in the cone.
Barangay (Village) Matanag in Legazpi City, a farming
village which comprises of 1,400 residents, is one of thelava-prone areas flanking a slope of Mayon Volcano. It was
declared a danger zone by volcanologists from the Philippine
Institute of Volcanology and Seismology through the use of
remote sensing and satellite relays.
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Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Story/Event
Mayon has had forty-seven eruptions in recorded
history. The most fatal eruption of Mayon occurred on
1 February 1814 wherein 2,200 people were killed andvolcanic ash buried the town of Cagsawa. In Mayon’s
last fatal eruption in 1993, pyroclastic flows killed 77
people, mainly farmers.
Mayon eruptions often trigger people’s fear of losing
their homes and crops. On the impact of Mayon’s
eruption, Bienvenido Belga Sr., Barangay Captainof Matanag shares, “An niyog tapos mga gulayonnagkakaaralang tapos nagkakagaradan pag nagtutuga
an Mayon. Su mga gapo nagdadalagasan nin mga
kalayo hali sa Mayon kaya minsan nagigipit kami sa
negosyo pagmay eruption. – Coconuts and vegetables
wilted and died due to Mayon’s eruption. Hot rocks fallheavily from Mayon so our businesses were affected.”
The town solely depends on the locals’ coconut andrice products for income and livelihood. In addition,
mudslides of volcanic ash and boulders off of Mayoncan kill hundreds and can cover a large portion in mud
up to the village houses’ roofs. In contrast, eruptions
can also be viewed as favorable since many inhabitants
know that eruptions of volcanic ash also enrich the soil,
producing better crops. In fact, threats of volcanic
activity and eruption over the years have not dampened
the Matanag villagers’ spirits.

Figure 1. Mayon Volcano with its perfectly symmetrical cone.
Photo: Jenny Exconde

Figure 2. Pyroclastic flows descending from Mayon Volcano.

Indigenous Knowledge
When asked about their indigenous knowledge relating
to Mayon Volcano’s eruptions, several villagers stated:
Dakulon an palatandaan na aram mi tungkol sa pagtugakang Mayon. – There are lots of warning signs related
to Mayon’s eruption.” They mention that when rivers
and creeks run dry, it is often an important forewarningof when Mayon will be scoffing down its dreaded lava.
“Pag ubas an tubig na talagang diretso sa pirang bulan,aram mi na ma tuga na an Mayon. Tapos an lava anpighahaditan ming maray. – If the water runs dry forseveral straight months, we know that Mayon will be
erupting soon. And lava forming from the volcano is theone we really worry about.”

In addition, local farmers can hear roars and sense
earthquakes unfelt by residents far from the volcano.
As Domingo Arias, a barangay policeman, stated, “Pagmay naguusok na kalayo hali sa Mayon, yan an siñales
na matuga na. Minsan nahahadit kami, minsan dai man.
Sigeng tanog kang bulkan asin nakakadangog inot su
mga para tanom ky maluyang daguldol. – If Mayon is
spitting fiery sparks, that is the signal that it will erupt.
Sometimes we worry about it, sometimes not. The
volcano always makes low rumbling sounds and thefarmers are the ones who hear it first.” Totems are used
to see if winds carry ashes.
Furthermore, animals such as baboy-damo (wild boars)
and chickens live out their bionic senses too. Villagers
have seen these animals scurry away from the volcano.
When animals race recklessly from Mayon, it sends out

The villagers also talk about sparks coming fromthe volcano which rapidly create many sparkling rills
among the crevices and signal the eruption of Mayon.

56

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Regionan alarm that it is time to evacuate because these animals
can feel high temperature from the volcano.

“An mga gurang mi an nagturo samuya kang gabos
na dapat ming maaraman. Maski aki mi aram an mga
siñales. – Our elders were the ones who taught us what
we really ought to know. Even our children know thesignals.” Arias affirmed.

According to its residents, native premonitions andsuperstitions regarding the eruption of Mayon Volcano
have always been right. Queried about whether they
worry about the approaching doom from the volcano
when they see and feel these warning signs, they answer
that they have gotten used to the situation. “Tuod na
kami pagnagtutuga an Mayon, - We are immune toMayon’s upsurge. “ coconut farmer Romeo Nantes, afather of three, commented. “We would not evacuate
now unless it’s really urgent and there’s a big eruption,”
Rosario Nantes, Romeo’s wife said, while tending
to her little store. This is why in spite of mandatory
evacuations, many of the villagers stayed put on theirfarms around Mayon to tend to crops and livestock
while guarding homes and possessions.

When asked if they still pay attention to scientificannouncements, Belga, another resident replies, “Daikami nagtutubod sa awtoridad ta sala sinda minsan.
Masabi na matuga pero wara man kaming napapansin
na palatandaan o babala kaya dai kami mina hiro nangad
hanggang sigurado kami. Pero pag aram ming tama,ma hali man sana kami siyempre. – We don’t really takenote of what the authorities say sometimes. They tell usthat Mayon will erupt but we don’t see any signals so we
don’t really pull out unless we are really sure. But if weknow that it’s true, we evacuate of course. ““Mga para tanom sana kadklan samo digdi pero aram
mi kung ano an dapat gibuhan and tubodan. Sa pagtugakang Mayon, sadiri ming kahiruan an kaipuhan.
Aram mi yan, kaito pa. – Most of us are only farmers
but we know what we should do and what to believe.
Regarding Mayon’s eruption, we only rely on our own
impulses. We have known that ever since.” Belga said
almost stubbornly. With their indigenous knowledge,
the villagers of Matanag do know to move out of harm’s
way in case a major eruption occurs.

A long-time resident of Matanag, Geronimo Toledo
remarked, “Pag mauran, baha ang mas delikado pag
nagtuga an Mayon. Pero pag maray an oras wara man
dapat haditan. – If it rains, floods are more dangerous
if Mayon erupts. But if the weather is fine, there isnothing to worry about.”
Such knowledge about the signs of the volcano’s spitting
plumes of ash contributes to disaster risk reduction. By
following these beliefs, locals have gathered warning
signals from the impending threat and can be readily
prepared. These locals are generally grateful that theirelders have passed this knowledge to them.

Lessons Learned
Officials often have trouble persuading villagers to clear out of danger zones despite natural vulnerabilities
and disasters. Instead of listening to officials, geologists and volcanologists, people rely on spiritual advisersand credulous beliefs for guidance. People’s failure to evacuate in the face of fury-spouting, lava guzzling
volcanoes just because of stubborn standpoints sometimes equates to absurdity.
Nonetheless, not all cultures view volcanic eruptions as destructive. Instead, many of those living near
Mayon view its eruptions as beneficial acts of creation and evolution. Being near a volcano does not mean
people cannot thrive on its surroundings. The local people know that volcanoes do not disgorge things out
without reason. Volcanoes are often thought of as significant entities that wreak vengeance and impartiality to
the world, bringing justice to life’s misgivings and wrongdoings of its inhabitants.
The differing views on volcanic eruptions produce a disconnection between scientists and the people who are
directly affected. These views confound the scientific community but they cannot be dismissed immediately.
In truth, the indigenous knowledge that has been passed from generation to generation helps them to57

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

minimize risk, cope with natural dangers and learn how to survive. The level of risk people are willing to takebecause of their indigenous knowledge may be disbelieving. But these irrational tales and rituals also help thesepeople cope with disaster. Social scientists observe that these are no longer naïve views of nature. Superstitions
and myths are still grounded in people’s core beliefs. These beliefs make them hopeful and unrelenting in theface of danger.
Scientists who use the latest technology can bridge the gap between the people who stand to benefit from theirwork. However, they must not underestimate the indigenous capabilities that the people possess and should
understand how their work will be received by people who intimately experience and cope with volcanic
eruptions.

58

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

The Ivatans of the Batanes Islands, Philippines

Shaped by Wind and Typhoon: The
Indigenous Knowledge of the Ivatans in the
Batanes Islands, Philippines
Noralene Uy and Rajib Shaw

Extracted and adapted from Hornedo, Florentino H. 2000. Taming the Wind:
Ethno-Cultural History on the Ivatan of the Batanes Isles

Abstract
The Ivatans of the Batanes Islands have a long history of struggle and adaptation to typhoons,rough seas and meager resources. Regardless of these hardships, the indigenous knowledge
embedded in their traditional housing and watercraft construction techniques, as well as theirsocial dynamics, prove successful in the face of these disasters. Their exceptional culture
demonstrates the harmonious relationship of the Ivatan people with their environment as ameans of surviving and coping with these various ecological stresses.

Background

Then comes the storm that breaks it
Then comes the thunder rumbling,
Then comes the lightning flaring,
And then down pours the heavy rain,
But the lightning is my torch,
The thunder beats the cadence of my steps,
And for my walking cane the rain.
- Ivatan Folk Lyric

The Batanes Islands are part of the northernmost clusterof islands in the Philippines. Located between 121° 45’
to 122° 15’ east longitudes and at 20°15’ north latitude,
it is closer to Taiwan (only 218 km away) than to themainland of Luzon. Batanes is the smallest province
in the country in terms of population (15,656 in 2000)
and land area (230 sq. km.). It is composed of ten small
islands of which only three are inhabited, namely Batan,
Sabtang and Itbayat. It is bounded by the Bashi Channelon the north, by the Pacific Ocean on the east, by theSouth China Sea on the west and the Balintang Channelon the south.
The climate and topography in Batanes is different
from any other province in the country. The weather
is rather cool and windy. It has an almost temperatetemperature which can dip as low as 7°C. The province
is constantly battered by wind, rain and typhoons. It
has no pronounced wet or dry season, while it is almost
always raining, from a minimum of 8 days a month to59

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

through the Batanes Islands en route from southern
Philippines in a northwesterly direction.

a maximum of 21 days a month. The islands also havevery distinctive landscapes. Steep cliffs, rolling hills,
deep canyons, undulating plains and boulder-lined
shores characterize the land. In some way, the province
is reminiscent of Ireland or New Zealand.

Every Ivatan has a remarkable typhoon story to tell.
In 1905, strong winds suffocated cattle to death. In
1918, a fishing boat was swept away to Annam, which islocated in present-day northern Viet Nam. In 1921, thecathedral was unroofed and the wireless tower twisted.
In 1952, a citizen who was determined to recover hisgalvanized iron roof chased after it and eventually
recovered it at the town plaza only to find it rolled
into a ball, driven about like tumbleweed. In 1987, aPhilippine Navy ship tank ran aground in Basco, theprovincial capital, and a school building was blown
away in Mahatao, one of the towns in Batan Island.
Not so long ago, a fisherman was set adrift to Taiwan.
Lastly, the provincial governor tells the story of one
stormy night long ago when a family gathered in theliving room to wait out the typhoon. The roof gave way,disgorging in their midst a cow. There was a feast thenext day.1

The people who inhabit the islands of Batanes arecalled Ivatans. About 75% of the Ivatans are farmers
and fishermen. Garlic and cattle are major cash crops
but rice, corn and other root crops are planted as well.
Since all towns and villages lie along the coast, natural
conditions favor fishing. The entire Ivatan culture isbuilt on self-sufficiency due to its isolation from the restof the country.

Story/EventWind is a significant part of the Ivatan’s life and hashelped to shape the people’s lifestyle, especially its
most severe manifestations. The anin, or typhoon, is
a common occurrence in the islands since Batanes lies
along the typhoon belt. An average of 20 typhoons
enters the Philippines every year, with 8 of those passing

1 Feleo (2006).

Indigenous Knowledge
The architecture, boatmaking techniques, agriculture
and social institutions of the Ivatans have all been
adapted to the harsh and shifting weather. The Ivatan
traditional houses are built with thick walls of stone
and lime and thatched with thick layers of cogon towithstand the battering of typhoons. Sturdier boats
called paluwas serve as the main mode of transportation
between islands. Fields are often hedged with trees thatbreak the wind’s fury and allow root crops to grow.
The Ivatan cooperative and self-help social institutions
strengthen community ties. The Ivatan traditional house,watercraft and social dynamics are elaborated in thefollowing.

to the typical, tropical and impermanent materials (e.g.
wood, bamboo and nipa palm roofing) commonlyused throughout the country. Since centuries ago, theIvatans have lived in their traditional stone dwellings in
defiance of nature, using stone in response to the windand monsoon stresses. An Ivatan house is built withlimestone walls two to four feet thick and layers uponlayers of reeds and cogon grass as roofing- a structure
sturdy enough to withstand the numerous typhoons
that ravage the islands. Windows and doors are small
and narrow. These are closed with thick solid woodenaneb (shutters) hinged to the door frames with thickyembra y machu (hinges) and locked from the insidewith panahtah (wooden bars). Only three walls of thehouse have windows wherein the wall that does nothave one faces the direction where the wind usuallyblows strongest. The temperature within its interior isconditioned. It is relatively cool during the summer andwarm during the cold stormy season.

Traditional House
The evolution of what is called the traditional Ivatan
house is a story of a people’s perennial struggle todefend themselves against many types of weather. It
is also an illustration of adaptation, assimilation andcreative use of locally available materials.

Most Ivatan households have two separate housing units– the rakuh (living room) and the kusina (kitchen). The
kusina, the most important part of the house, is built
around a big stove likened to a campfire. It represents

In the Philippines, it is only in Batanes where traditional
house architecture is of stone (Figure 1), as opposed60

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

warmth, safety and is a source of communal well-being.
The Ivatans know that it is time to fill the kitchen with
provisions when the aruyo trees grow unusually long,tender leaves. This is a sign that a typhoon will hit themin a few days. When the typhoon comes, the entire
family stays inside the house.2
The layout of human settlement also responds intimately
to nature. Villages consist of these low-slung, thickwalled stone houses capped by a thick thatch roof
huddled in clusters to protect the homes of fellow
villagers from strong typhoons. The streets that separate
the houses are straight and narrow, sometimes barely
wide enough to allow a vehicle to pass.3

Figure 1. The Ivatan traditional house. Photo: Mario Babiera

Unique watercraft and knowledge of the sea
The Ivatans are seafarers and boat builders. Boatmaking
is a tradition and watercraft techniques had been kept
for centuries with no technological change until the mid20th century. These unique techniques are the result of
endeavors to perfect the watercrafts in order to lessen
lives lost at sea due to frequent turbulence especiallyduring the typhoon season. The traditional Ivatan
watercrafts are called tataya, chinarem, chinedkeran
and paluwa, of which the paluwa is the most common.
Since navigation between islands is difficult due tounpredictable and strong currents, the paluwa isunlike the typical Southeast Asian outriggered banca(motorized boat). The paluwa is a wooden boat with arounded bottom that pitches and rolls with the waves
and skims the rough seas. Nowadays, the paluwa used
for transportation retains its traditional form but ismotorized (Figure 2).

Figure 2. The paluwa is a common mode of transportation to get from
one island to another. Photo: Arnel Murillo

Ivatan Social Dynamics

As well-educated seamen, the Ivatans read the face ofthe sea. They know the swiftness of the currents by its
texture and rhythm. They observe the time of day andphase of the moon to forecast the ebb and flow of tides.
When crossing the straits, they mark their progressby the appearance or disappearance of land features.
By the direction and temperature of the wind, they
forecast the temper of the sea. The idaud (north wind)
is usually harsh and the avayat (west wind) is unsettled,
and seas may be rough. The pangaditan (east wind) andsumla (south wind) are much gentler. This exceptional
knowledge of the sea dissuaded people, especiallyfishermen, from venturing out during bad weather
conditions, thus minimizing accidents at sea.

Batanes’ isolation has made the Ivatans a close-knit
community that is accustomed to hardship and deprivedof the luxuries people elsewhere take for granted.
Bayanihan4 is clearly evident. While nature batters theirislands, the Ivatans remain in close touch and help eachother, whether it be communally repairing a neighbor’s
house, keeping villages clean, or harvesting crops.5
To assure a greater chance in winning the contest
with the land, the Ivatans have created many formsof labor cooperatives based on one main principle:“Work you do not need today, when invested with a

4 Bayanihan is a Filipino term which refers to a spirit of communal effort

and unity.

2 Feleo (2006).
3 Villalon (2000).

5 Villalon (2000).

61

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

townsman in need today, will be
paid back to you when and where
you need it in the future”. This is
the code from which permanentand occasional work groups suchas the kayvayvanan, payuhwan,
kapaychahwan, kapanidungan,
among others, operate on. The
community self-help cooperative
called yaru, to which every
household sent at least one ablebodied representative to renderservice to the community, isparticularly important in times ofdisasters such as typhoons.
The education pattern by which
indigenous knowledge is passed
on, particularly in traditional
house building and watercraft
construction, is essentially byapprenticeship and participant
observation. The skills for housebuilding in the traditional way are
not taught in school but learned
from practice and apprenticeshipto veteran community constructors.
The same is true for theconstruction of the traditional
Ivatan watercraft.

Lessons Learned
Apart from the Ivatans, no other culture in the Philippines has
successfully mastered the ravages of the seasonal typhoons. The
Ivatan culture is a product of a long history of struggle and adaptation
to typhoons, the rough seas and meager resources. It exemplifies the
harmonious relationship of people with their environment.6
Several lessons can be learned and some conclusions can be drawn
from the case of the Ivatans.
1. The rich stock of indigenous knowledge of the Ivatans draws
on local resources and therefore is cost-efficient as only locallyavailable skills and materials are utilized.
2. Despite its natural limitations, self-sufficiency was achievedby this group of tiny and isolated islands through the use ofindigenous knowledge.
3. It is common custom for Ivatans to mutually help one another.
In times of disaster, the existing social institutions make anorganized and concerted community effort uncomplicated.
4. Kaalamang Bayan (community knowledge), the way of life, themethod of doing things, and the beliefs all based on traditional
knowledge and customs, are the core tenets of Ivatan culture.
This traditional culture has served the Ivatans well in theirstruggle for survival over many centuries. Nevertheless, history
and current conditions show that traditional culture assuressurvival but not much more as evidenced by the persistentpoverty in Batanes. There is a need to affect a meaningful
development program in Batanes recognizing its unique culture
and providing support to its existing conditions, namely limited
resources and severe weather conditions.
5. In many cases, the traditional knowledge of the Ivatans isregarded as primitive and therefore is often discouraged
or disregarded. For instance, school buildings have been
constructed which do not take native wisdom into account.
The project became an exercise of futility since no building
remained after the passing of just a few typhoons. It is importantto recognize the value of traditional knowledge, especiallythat which is time-tested and effective, despite modern-day
technology.

6 Datar (2002).

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Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

References-

Café Ivatan. Batanes: A Historical and Descriptive Profile of the Ivatans. http://uproar.fortunecity.com/sports/490/
Batanes/Batanestoday.htm. Retrieved 6 March 2008
Carballo, Bibsy M. Batanes on the Rise. http://www.batanesonline.com/Features /Batanes_On_The_Rise.htm.
Retrieved 6 March 2008.
Datar, Francisco A., 2002. The Batanes Islands. http://www.ncca.gov.ph/about-culture-and-arts/articles-on-c-na/article.php?igm=4&i=226. Retrieved 29 May 2008.
Feleo, Anita. Batanes: Another World, 2006. http://www.livinginthephilippines.com/philculture/philippine_articles/
batanes.html. Retrieved 6 March 6, 2008.
Hornedo, Florentino H., 2000. Taming the Wind: Ethno-Cultural History on the Ivatan of the Batanes Isles.
UST Publishing House, Manila, Philippines.
Ignacio, Jose F. Challenges in Preserving the Heritage Houses of Batanes, Philippines. http://rizal.lib.admu.edu.
ph/conf2005/conf/ARCH.%20JOSE%20IGNACIO%20 PAPER%20FOR%20ATENEO.pdf. Retrieved 6
March 2008.
Lainez, Aileen. Batanes: Sea and Storm Shape the Islands. http://www.seasite.niu. edu/Tagalog/Tagalog_Default_
files/Philippine_Culture/Regional%20Cultures/northern_luzon_cultures.htm. Retrieved 6 March 2008.
Navarro, Celerina M. Something Different Up North. http://www.batanesonline.com/ Features/UpNorth.htm.
Retrieved 6 March 2008.
Villalon, Augusto F, 2000. Batanes: Majestic Harmony between People and Nature. Bandillo Batanes. http://
www.batanesonline.com/Features/Majestic.htm. Retrieved 6 March 2008.

63

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Western Province, Solomon Islands

Indigenous Knowledge Saved Lives during
2007 Solomon Islands Tsunami
Brian G. McAdoo, Jennifer Baumwoll and Andrew Moore
Abstract
On 2 April 2007, an earthquake with a magnitude of 8.1 and its subsequent tsunami hit theSolomon Islands, killing 52 people. That number would have likely been considerably higher was
it not for the appropriate reaction of the indigenous coastal populations. Immigrant populations
died at disproportionate rates in comparably damaged areas because they did not recognize thesigns of the impending tsunami. Both the indigenous and immigrant populations had little time
to respond because their villages were very close to the earthquake’s epicenter. While buoy-based
early warning systems are necessary to mitigate the effects of trans-oceanic tsunamis that hit
coastlines hours after an earthquake, they are limited in the near field regions close to the epicenter,
especially those with developing infrastructure. Tsunami mitigation plans that seek to educate
local populations must be cognizant of not only the physical environment of the region, but also
economically and culturally diverse populations and their knowledge of the local environment.

Background

Story/Event

Between 1955 and the early 1960s, the ethnic
demographics of the Western Province changed when agroup of ethnic Gilbertese emigrated from their native
Kiribati, a country of remote, low-lying coral atolls
located in the southwest Pacific Ocean, far from any
active earthquake sources. Due to resource depletion andpopulation increase there, they came to the region as partof a British colonial resettlement scheme.1 According to a
2002 Solomon Island government census, the Gilberteseconstitute less than 4% of the country’s population(~4000 of 495,000). The Gilbertese are traditionallyatoll-dwellers that rely heavily on ocean resources, thus
the majority of their settlements are located adjacent to
the lagoons. Since the Gilbertese moved to the region
there have not been any tsunamigenic earthquakes.2

On 2 April 2007 at 7:39AM local time, a magnitude 8.1
earthquake hit the Solomon Islands’ Western Province.3
The earthquake caused strong shaking (hard enough thatmost people had problems remaining standing) whichlasted over 1 minute, damaging structures and shearing
off coral reef colonies,4 while at the same time warning the
populace of the potential for a tsunami. Structures in theregion were significantly damaged, and injuries resulted
from falling building materials and burning water fromcook stoves.5 The earthquake also triggered over 1,000
landslides on the steep volcanic island of Ranongga- one
occurred at the village on Mondo, killing 2 people.6 Strong
shaking and coseismic uplift also damaged the delicate
coral reef in the lagoons, which will have lasting effects on
the recovery of the fisheries on which both the indigenous
Melanesian and immigrant Gilbertese populations rely.

1 Matthew (1996).
2 Fritz and Kalligeris (2008) report eyewitness accounts of small

3 USGS (2007).
4 McAdoo et al. (2008).
5 Fritz and Kalligeris, (2008).
6 McAdoo et. al. (2008).

tsunamis on Ranongga generated by a local Ms=7.2 earthquake in 1959,
and in Honiara on Guadalcanal in 1952 that likely resulted from a distantearthquake in Kamchatka in the far NW Pacific.

64Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Almost immediately after theshaking stopped, according toeyewitnesses, water rushed out of
the shallow coral lagoon, leaving
the seafloor exposed. The tsunami
came back in between 3 and 10
minutes after the shaking ceased.
Anecdotal evidence, supported bygeologic observations, describes
two or three subsequent waves thatcame in as relatively low power,
rapidly-rising tides rather thanfast-moving turbulent bores.7 Low
density coral colonies with large
surface areas that the earthquake
sheared off at their bases landed
near their original growth positions,and would have been moved in
the presence of a strong current.
The tsunami picked up vehicles
and houses, floating them inlandand dropping them with very
little damage—more powerfulbores tend to roll vehicles anddismantle structures. The tsunami
was responsible for 50 of the 52
deaths caused by this disaster.
Figure 1 illustrates the geographic
distribution of runup heights asthey relate spatially to deaths.

Figure 1. Geographic distribution of runup heights from the 2 April 2007 Solomon Islands
tsunami as they relate spatially to deaths. Villages on the map are those that suffered significant
damage, and those in larger bold type recorded deaths. There tend to be more deaths where thetsunami was larger, however most of those deaths occurred in the minority, immigrant populations. (After McAdoo et al., in press, Natural Hazards)

7 McAdoo et al. (2008).

Indigenous Knowledge
The geologic survey found that a tsunami thatcame ashore at the same height in similar physicalsurroundings in areas with different demographics
produced inconsistent mortality patterns which could not
be explained by the physical hazards alone- Gilbertese
immigrants died at disproportionate rates comparedto the indigenous Melanesians.8 While the immigrantvillages tend to have higher populations, their responseto the earthquake, which was to investigate the emptied
lagoon, demonstrated a lack of understanding of how
tsunamis behave. Each of the villages had a good coral
reef/lagoon buffer, and one of the affected immigrantvillages (New Manra) even had an additional standof mangroves that the indigenous communities

lacked. This evidence suggests that the primaryfactor contributing to increased mortality was a proper
response based on generations accustomed to living onan active island arc adjacent to a subduction zone.

8 McAdoo et al. (in press).

9 McAdoo et al. (2008).

The immigrant community of Titiana is only 3 km
east of Pailongge on the south coast of Ghizo Islandthat took the brunt of the tsunami. The broad lagoon(100-400 m wide) lies behind a steep coral reef front,
like Pailongge, and reflected some of the wave energy
back to sea.9 According to survivors, however, when the
shaking stopped and the ocean receded from the lagoon,
curious children from the village went down to explore
the exposed seafloor. In the Gilbertese villages of New

65

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

There were a lot ofheroic stories thatemerged after thedisaster; stories ofwomen and men
who dashed backinto the raging sea tosave their love ones.
Some succeeded, most
however lost their lives
in their final act to save
lives.

Manra, Titiana and Nusa Mbaruku, 67.7% of those that died were children.
In Titiana alone, 8 of the 13 people that died were children who were notstrong enough to swim against the incoming waves. As described in Figure 2,
the immigrant villages recorded more deaths in Ghizo Island.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that many adults here were overwhelmed by thetsunami as they went to rescue their childrenOn the other hand, there were no deaths in the indigenous Solomon Island
village of Pailongge (population 76) on Ghizo’s south coast. The sea
withdrew almost immediately after the earthquake shaking ceased, according
to eyewitnesses. The geologic evidence suggests that the steep reef front andbroad lagoon (100-500 m wide) slowed the incoming tsunami,10 however thewave was still quite large when it came ashore, flowing overland around 3 m
deep.11 After the shaking stopped, village elders noticed that the lagoon had
emptied, helped direct everyone inland, and heads of households made surethat children were accounted for and evacuated.

Gizo resident
Robertson Szetu(Galathea Expedition)

Figure 2. Gizo has a population of indigenous Solomon Islanders (yellow) andimmigrant Gilbertese (red) that live in largely
segregated villages. The indigenous village
of Pailongge lies on the south coast exposedto the brunt of the tsunami, as was the immigrant village of Titiana, and both villages
have accessible high ground for escape.
No one died in Pailongge, and only 2 diedin the more populous Gizo, where each of
the immigrant communities recorded deaths
regardless of geography. New Manra, an immigrant community, had not only a protective
reef, but also a stand of mangroves in frontof the village, yet 8 people (of 206) died.
(after McAdoo et al., submitted to Natural
Hazards)

10 McAdoo et al. (2008).
11 Fritz and Kalligeris (2008).

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Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Lessons Learned
Of the 52 people that died during the Solomon Islands earthquake and tsunami, 31 (59.6%) were immigrant Gilbertesefrom Titiana, New Manra and Nusa Mbaruku that did not react properly because they had no memory in their cultureof such an event.12 Kiribati is a coral atoll nation, situated far from any regular earthquake sources. Because there
have been no major, tsunamigenic earthquakes in the 50 years since their emigration, they simply lacked the indigenous
knowledge of their adopted environment that could have helped save their lives. Gilbertese children were particularly
vulnerable because not only were they too weak to swim against the relatively slow-moving yet deep tsunami, but they
lacked the indigenous knowledge that would have kept them from exploring the emptied lagoons. The indigenous
Solomon Islanders, on the other hand, in large part responded in a way that reduced their overall mortality.
Indigenous knowledge of the Solomon Islands, where active volcanoes and earthquakes are more common,
mitigated the effects of this tsunami. In indigenous villages on hard-hit Ghizo Island, the effects of the tsunami
were mitigated by the combination of 1) a healthy coral reef with a steep barrier front and wide, shallow lagoon thatreflected and attenuated some of the tsunami’s energy, 2) accessible and effective escape routes and high groundprovided by the existing topography, and 3) an indigenous knowledge of what to do during a strong earthquake
followed by an emptying lagoon.13 Immigrant Gilbertese villages with both the same physiography and who were
hit by a tsunami of equal intensity, lacked indigenous knowledge which led them to suffer more casualties. Many
people died at the indigenous village on Tapurai, which lacked an effective coral reef barrier due to its naturalmorphology that evolved on the lee side of Simbo Island.
Indigenous knowledge is an effective tsunami mitigation tool when the right combination of education andphysiography come together. Locations with broad coastal plains would have a hard time evacuating the coast,
especially if population densities are high as is the case with Banda Aceh, Indonesia during the 2004 Indian Ocean
tsunami. Nonetheless, a barrier reef, wide lagoon and stand of mangroves were not enough to protect the residents
of New Manra since they had no knowledge of tsunamis in this region.
12 McAdoo et al. (in press).
13 McAdoo et al. (in press).

References-

Fritz H, and N. Kalligeris, 2008. Ancestral heritage saves tribes during 1 April 2007 Solomon Islands tsunami.
Geophys Res Lett. doi:10.1029/2007GL031654
Galathea Expedition Gizo Tsunami Assistance Fund, 2005. Available at http://www.lifhaus.com.sb/galatheaassist/.
Accessed 7 January 2007
Matthew, P., 1996. Solomon Islands, Western Province overview. In: Sant G, Hayes E (eds) The Oceania
Region’s Harvest, Trade and Management of Sharks and Other Cartilaginous Fish: An Overview, Volume II.
Traffic Network, Cambridge, UK
McAdoo B., L., Dengler, V. Titov, and G. Prasetya, 2006. Smong: how an oral history saved thousands on
Indonesia’s Simeulue Island. Earthquake Spectra 22(S3):661–669
McAdoo B et al., 2008. Solomon Islands earthquake and tsunami damages reef, affects local economy. EOS
McAdoo B et al., in press. “Indigenous Knowledge Saved Lives during 2007 Solomon Islands Tsunami,” Natural
Hazards.
National Geophysical Data Center, Tsunami Database. 2008. Available at http://www.ngdc.noaa.gov/seg/hazard/
tsu.shtml. Accessed 17 January 200867

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Purana Villages, Sri Lanka

Village Tank Cascade Systems: A
Traditional Approach to Drought Mitigation
and Rural Well-being in the Purana
Villages* of Sri Lanka
C.M. Madduma Bandara
Abstract
There is a wide variety of social and technological adaptations to recurrent droughts by theindigenous communities inhabiting the dry zone of Sri Lanka. These include tank cascadesystems, traditional water management practices, disaster forecasting systems, adoption of
appropriate cropping calendars, use of drought compatible rice and other seed varieties, uniquesystems of land tenure and land use, institutional mechanisms, cultural adjustments and traditional
systems of values and beliefs.
The experience of the communities has been hardly studied from a holistic and interdisciplinary
perspective, despite some interesting work done on different individual aspects of their life.
Attempts to duplicate their experience in other settings as in the case of the ‘bethma system’
sometimes failed due to lack of its understanding from the perspective of the existing systems.
However, such systems continued to stay in the drought prone villages over hundreds of years dueto their usefulness to rural society. With increasing drought proneness resulting from on-going
global climate changes, the value of such practices and technologies has gained new currency.
‘Cascade Systems’ - an ancient, small-scale but widespread irrigation technology - is still observedin the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka. Some systems date back to over two thousand years, but still
remain operational, providing a unique case of resilience and long-term sustainability. However,
due to deforestation of catchments, changes in management systems, increasing external economic
controls and the breakdown of old social order, their present functioning remains far below
optimum levels. This may be rectified through certain improvements in land use planning,
innovative management approaches and promotion of certain types of market- oriented agricultural
systems.

* Ancient Villages of the Dry Zone particularly in the North Central Province of theAnuradhapura District of Sri Lanka

68

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

sharing, as reflected in the bethma (water sharing) system.
In the village rice field for example, tail-enders of theirrigation ditches were related to those of the top-end
either by descent or by marriage. This resulted in the
scattering of land parcels insuring them against severe
droughts or damage from wild life. The rice fields werelaid out as elongated strips parallel to the tank bundso that water management would be more rational andeconomizing. With increasing family size, some strips
became narrower and narrower due to sub-division over
the years. Whatever was produced from the local resourcebase had been sufficient for an egalitarian life style, withrice for all meals supplemented with finger millets andvegetables from chena (swidden) farming and freshwater
fish from the tanks. In the past, these villages have been
virtually self-sufficient except for a few items like salt.

Background
Sri Lanka, an island nation located near the southern
tip of India and in the core area of the South Asian
Monsoon, has developed its own endemic forms ofadaptation to recurrent disasters of droughts and floods.
The rainfall is seasonal as governed by the monsoons.
In the Dry Zone where the cascade irrigation systems
prevail, annual rainfall exceeds 1000 mm on the average.
However, due to high evaporation rates, serious seasonal
water deficiencies occur, and therefore the term ‘Dry
Zone’ came into usage. The natural vegetation is largely
deciduous in consonance with the marked seasonality ofrainfall. The rolling topography of the terrain in mostareas, creating a myriad of small watersheds, provided
the necessary natural setting for the evolution of tankcascade-based agriculture.

Story/Event

The North Central Dry Zone became the cradle ofIsland’s civilization with the national Capital City ofAnuradhapura, established there as far back in the
3rd Century BC. Civilizations whose agriculture andculture were dependent upon minor as well as largescale waterworks for irrigation, flood control and watersupply are referred to as “hydraulic civilizations” by many
writers.1 The villages that continued to remain fromthat great civilization are generally referred to as purana
villages. These villages were traditionally dependent onrice fields, chena land (swidenning) and home gardens.
The village settlements are often located near the tankbunds and the rice fields. Home gardens benefiting frommoisture in the tanks contain a wide variety of drought
resistant tree crops. On average, each village has about
25-75 families with about 3-7 persons per household.

Droughts are not dramatic disasters like earthquakes,
tsunamis, cyclones, land slides and floods. However,droughts similarly generate serious stresses on society,particularly in the poor rural areas, by creating foodshortages, mal-nutrition and ill health and which often leadto death. The total economic and social damage of droughts
is sometimes even higher and more devastating than otherdisasters, as in the case of Sri Lanka.

Communities of the purana villages still continue to begenerally homogenous, often confined to a single caste
group. They usually inter-marry people of the same caste
spread out in a number of neighboring villages belonging
to the same Variga or clan. The Variga system is now
virtually defunct, but the caste system prevails. Due tothe higher degree of homogeneity, the community spirit
in these areas has been high, fostering the practices ofDuring the period 1981-1995, droughts and related
problems of water supply affected nearly three millionfamilies. It has been reported that the government had toincur over 2 billion rupees (around 49 million USD) for
drought relief during this time.2 This was primarily due toprolonged periods of extremely low rainfall. For instance,
it has been reported that in the 1983 drought, almost 55%of the total land area on the island received less than 10%of the average rainfall for the January-March period - oneof the worst in recent years. Economically and sociallydisastrous droughts recur once every 3-5 years. Some of theworst droughts hit the area in 1981 and 1983. The threat
not only continues but also likely to be more acute due toglobal climatic change.

1 E. R. Leach (1959).

2 Madduma Bandara & Pathirana Assela (1999).

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Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Indigenous Knowledge
provide water for ‘chena’ or slash-and-burn agriculturein the more hilly areas.

The purana (ancient) village communities of Sri
Lanka, living in the drought prone areas of the dryzone, evolved their own strategies to combat drought
impacts over the centuries. The unique character ofthis community is their self-reliance in response torecurrent droughts and long dry spells. Such strategies
manifest themselves in the unique systems of hydraulicengineering, drought forecasting, land tenure, landuse, cropping calendars, agricultural systems, animalhusbandry, fresh water fishing, food processing, food
habits, cultural traits and rites and rituals. There had
been hardly any systematic effort to invent, analyze
or extract the substance of the indigenous knowledge
embedded in these communities. Further, thisknowledge-base had been gradually eroded with theexistence of economic, demographic and social changes.
The ‘cascade systems’ that evolved had been effectivein mitigating droughts as well as floods during highrainfall and dam breaches; they were also effective
in soil erosion control and bringing about ecologicaland social harmony. The ‘cascade systems’ along with
their other ramifications, reflect a holistic approach towater management and disaster reduction among theindigenous communities in the dry zone of Sri Lanka.

The erosion control tank, or ‘pota weti’, was designed
to gather any silt deposited from the upper slopes
before entering the main water storage tanks. Several
erosion control tanks were associated with each village
irrigation system. All were built in such a way that they
could easily be de-silted. The storage tank, of which,traditionally, there were two types - one being usedwhilst the other was being repaired. For that reason,such tanks were known as ‘twin tanks’.
Village tank settlements have always been the backbone of the Hydraulic Civilization from ancient times.
These small tanks find their best expression across theundulating landscapes of the North Central, North
Western and Southern Regions reflecting the essenceof traditional irrigation technology. At the same time,
the small tank systems have always occupied a special
place in the national consciousness and heritage of Sri
Lanka. They represent some of the earliest sedentary
human settlements with its well known cultural trinity- the Wewa (tank), Wela (rice field) and the Dagaba(religious monument).

The Village Tank Systems

Tank Cascade Systems: Their Form and SubstanceIn addition to its large-scale irrigation works, thedrier areas of Sri Lanka are covered with thousands ofman-made lakes and ponds, known locally as ‘tanks’(after ‘tanque’, the Portuguese word for ‘reservoir’)that harvest rain water effectively to face the recurrent
drought conditions. Some tanks are truly massive;
many are thousands of years old, and almost all show ahigh degree of sophistication in their construction anddesign.3

A ‘cascade’ is a connected series of tanks organizedwithin a micro-(or meso-) catchment of the dry zone
landscape, storing, conveying and utilizing water froman ephemeral rivulet.4 It appears that the raison d’etre
for the emergence and continued existence of village
tank cascade systems was the need for a sustainableirrigation and water management technology to meetthe challenge of recurrent water shortages and drought
conditions in a seasonally dry environment. Therefore,
it was the need for more economical and rational use
of water that led to the development of the recycling
or re-use principle (Figs. 1a and 1b). Water from theupper parts of the cascade was used and re-used several
times before it reached the outlet. It may be argued,
therefore, that the village tank cascade systems only
gave expression to King Parakramabahu’s famous royal
dictum of the 12th Century that states ‘Let not a single
drop of water go waste into the sea without benefiting
the world’ (Fig. 1a).

Traditionally, several different types of tanks were built- some of which had nothing to do with irrigation per se,
but all of which had a critical role to play in the practiceof irrigation agriculture. It was, for example, traditional
to build a forest tank in the jungle above the village.
That tank, however, was not used to irrigate land. On
the contrary, its express purpose was to provide water
to wild animals and, hence, to reduce the likelihoodthat they would descend into the cultivation areas anddestroy the crops in search for water. Other types oftanks included the mountain tanks that were built to
3 R. L. Brohier, R.L (1934) and E.J. Tennent (1860).

2 Madduma Bandara (1985).

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Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

The tank cascade systems areassociated with a variety of
ecological and socio-economic
subsystems that include (i) the
ecological system with catchment
forests, aquatic habitats, andthe commons (ii) land use
zoning systems (iii) various crop
combination systems (iv) elaborate
water management systems
including sluices, spills and water
control weirs (Karahankota) withrotational water distribution systems
and (v) institutional systems such as
the Velvidane (irrigation headman)system that dates back to precolonial times.
Another principle that would
have ensured the sustainability ofcascade systems would have been
ecological harmony. An impressionof a tank village system is given in
Figs. 2a and 2b. By trial and error
the people would have discoveredthat they have to adhere to thelaws of nature if they are to survive
in a challenging environment.
Therefore, the land use systembecame adjusted in such a way thatthe richer alluvial humic gley soils
were used for rice fields, while thesloping areas of reddish brown
earths in the upper segments of thecatena, were devoted to shifting
cultivation (chena) that allowed
the soils to recuperate after several
years of fallow. The most infertile
areas of the watersheds were left
intact under rocks and forests,
except for being used for spiritual
purposes such as temples. A thirdprinciple that may have governed
the sustainability of cascade systems
was the socio-economic harmony
where the village society and its
economy evolved and thrived on thewise utilization of the local resourcebase. This society retained a highdegree of homogeneity throughkinship and caste that ensured ahigher community spirit and self
reliance.

Figure 1a: The Royal Edict and 1b: Recycling Principle of Cascades

Figure 2a & 2b: Impressions of a Cascade-based ‘Eco-Village’ (Adapted from unpublishedmanuscript by P.U. Ratnatunge, the late Chairman, Freedom from Hunger Campaign Board,
Colombo, Sri Lanka).

71Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Lessons Learned
Tank cascade systems undoubtedly improved the food security of rural communities while strengthening ecologicaland social harmony. The dissemination of this knowledge had taken place by word of mouth and through practiceby successive generations, which also resulted in unique land use systems, animal husbandry and aquaculture.
The tank cascade systems reflect a unique adaptation to withstand devastating drought conditions. Their protection
and improvement has the potential to ensure food security and ecological stability with relative low investments.
The purana village communities that continue to use this technology harbor a unique knowledge base evolved
through the centuries with untapped potential.
At present there are indications of increasing recognition of the value and potential of cascade-based development
among regional planners and civil engineers. It is a time-tested technology verified by the local communities.
Some initiatives have been made by international organizations such as ‘Plan International’ and the North Central
Provincial Council to promote cascade-based rural development. These efforts, though commendable, lack vision,
direction and leadership. Activities at the local level are often incoherent due to the lack of understanding thesystems’ principle and the elements of the cascade.
The tank cascade knowledge, when properly practiced, demonstrates the value of the principle of recycling ina challenging environment. An analysis of its deeper meaning would indicate that it can ensure not only social
harmony and food security but also ecological sustainability.

References-

Bandara, C.M. Madduma, 1982. Effect of Drought on the Livelihood of Peasant Families In the Dry Zone of
Sri Lanka: A Study of the Mahapotana Korale in the North Central Province. Climatological Notes: no. 30.
University of Tsukuba, Japan.
Bandara C.M., Madduma, 1985. “Catchment Ecosystems and Village Tank Cascades in the Dry Zone of Sri
Lanka: A Time-Tested System of Land and Water Management.” In Strategies for River Basin Management,edited by J. Lundqvist, et.al. Linkoping, Sweden.
Bandara, C.M., Madduma, 1995. “Tank cascade systems in Sri Lanka: Some thoughts on their development
implications.” In International Irrigation Management Institute, edited by Haq, K. A. et.al. Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Bandara C.M., Madduma and Pathirana Assela, 1999. Extreme Rainfall Events in Sri Lanka: Some Statistical
Aspects and Social Impacts International Conference on Climatic Change, Tokyo Metropolitan University,
Japan.
Brohier, R.L., 1934. Ancient Irrigation Works in Ceylon. Colombo: Government of Sri Lanka.
Kennedy, J.S., 1936. Administrative Reports of the Department of Irrigation. Colombo.
Leach, E. R, 1959. “Hydraulic society in Ceylon.” Past and Present 15, no. 1: 226.
Panabokke, C.R, 2000. The Small Tank Cascade Systems of the Rajarata: Their Setting, Distribution Patterns,and Hydrography. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Mahaweli Authority of Sri Lanka.
Tennent E.J., 1860. Ceylon : An Account of the Island, Physical, Historical, and Topographical with Notices of
its Natural History, Antiquities and Productions. London: Longman and Roberts.

72

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Surin Islands, Thailand

Saved by an Old Legend and a Keen
Observation: The Case of Moken Sea
Nomads in Thailand
Narumon Arunotai
Abstract
There is a lesson to be learnt in the case of the Moken sea nomads in Thailand – that the
Moken have indigenous knowledge that enable them to reduce risk from disaster. It could besaid that the Moken were saved by an old legend, a keen observation of the sea and a strong
sense of precaution, their intimate knowledge of marine and forest environment, their cleverselection of village site, and their boat maneuvering skill. This article explores lessons from
Moken indigenous knowledge in risk reduction and the implications for applying these lessons
to relevant policy and practices.

Background“We call this big wave ‘laboon”. It isthe cleansing wave that came to washthe dirty shore. It is the god of wave, afurious one that consumes and destroys. I
had never seen such wave, only heard it
from the ancient ones. They talked aboutthe ‘seven roller waves’ that visits us oncein every two generations.”
Salama Klatalay, Moken elder

The Moken, the “sea nomads” or “sea gypsies” of theAndaman Sea, are a former marine nomadic group
generally known in Thailand as Chao Lay (sea people).
During the dry north-east monsoon season when thesea is calm the Moken lived in traditional boats calledkabang, traveling to islands in the Mergui Archipelago
in the Andaman Sea to make a living. The social
structure consists of kin groups of about two to ten
families traveling together. In the southwest monsoon
season the sea is rough and unpredictable, so the Moken
adapt to this by living in temporary huts in protectedbays and making their livelihood close to their villages.
The large Moken communities in Thailand can befound in the islands of Lao, Sinhai, Phayam, and Chang
in Ranong Province, the Surin Islands in Phang-nga
Province, and in Rawai Beach in Phuket Province.
The Moken from the Surin Islands remain relatively
traditional compared to the other groups. Even though
they have started living in the same place for a longer
period, they still use forest materials for their huts73

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Story/Eventand occasionally move their village to another site.
Nowadays there are about 2,000 Moken in the MerguiArchipelago in Myanmar and about 800 Moken in
Thailand.1

On the morning of Sunday December 26, 2004, theMoken of the Surin Islands observed a sudden change
in the sea level. This occurred without any change
of weather and it was considered a very unusual
phenomenon. For several Moken elderly, it signaled
the coming of “seven rollers”, a legend that has passed
down for generations. The whole community ran up to
the hill behind the village very quickly, and all survived
the tsunami disaster, though the entire village was swept
away along with a few boats.

The Surin Islands have been the home and theforaging ground for the Moken for centuries. The
islands are located in the Andaman Sea, approximately
60 kilometers off the southwest coast of Thailand.
Administratively, the Surin Islands are part ofKhuraburi District in Phang-nga Province, which lies
approximately 720 kilometers southwest of Bangkok.2
Phang-nga is one among six provinces that received themost devastated impact from the tsunami.

At the same time, over 20 Moken had been working
at the National Park. Those who took tourists out forsnorkeling noticed a change in the current and decided
to steer the boats away from the shore. Due to their
sharp instinct and outstanding boat maneuvering skill,they saved the lives of many tourists. Again, it was the
Moken who took the National Park staff and tourists
up their foraging trails to seek a safe place to spend thenight while waiting for a bigger boat to take them all toshore.
After their two villages were swept away by the tsunami,
the Moken of the Surin Islands came to shore to takerefuge in the local temple. Within two weeks, theymissed the islands and the sea, and felt confident enoughto move back to the Surin Islands. Since they are agroup that accumulates few material possessions, they
did not dwell on the past, but continue with their daily
lives as in pre-tsunami days.

The Surin Islands’ main natural features are coral reefs
and forests. The coral reef surrounding the Surin Islands
is reported to be the largest and widest in Thailand.
Tropical rainforest is the other major natural feature on
the islands. It accounts for over 90 percent of the forested
area. The forested areas are well preserved and play animportant role in the Moken’s traditional lifestyle.3 The
Surin Islands were declared Thailand’s twenty-ninth
national marine park in 1981. Facilities for tourists havebeen gradually developed and during 2003 the Park
received over 36,000 tourists during their 6 months
opening season (from mid November to mid May).
Prior to the tsunami, there were 2 Moken communities
on the Surin Islands. One community, consisting of
16 households, was located at Sai-En Bay on North
Surin Island. The other community, consisting of 30
households, was located at Small Bon Bay on South
Surin Island. The Moken population on the Surin
Islands fluctuated seasonally and annually. Some
individuals and families migrated between the Surin
Islands and other islands in Myanmar waters andbetween the two communities within the Surin Islands.
During 2004, there were 184 Moken living on the Surin
Islands. Of these, 77 were male and 107 were female.
About half of the population is 18 years old or younger,
and children under the age of ten constitute about onethird of the population.4 As of February 2008, there areabout 220 Moken on South Surin Island, living in one
large village at Large Bon Bay.

4 Arunotai, Wongbusarakum, and Elias (2007): 12.

1 Arunotai (2006):140
2 Arunotai, Wongbusarakum, and Elias (2007):8-9.
3 Arunotai, Wongbusarakum, and Elias (2007):8-9

Figure 1. The Moken and their kabang. Photo: Paladej Na Pombejra

74

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Indigenous Knowledge
2. Keen sense of observation and precaution. The
Moken are very observant, especially regarding thechange in weather and other unusual occurrences.
They use the principle of precaution and arealways alert. This is due to the risk encountered ineveryday lives – from natural risks like unexpected
storm, dangerous sea and forest animals, to humanrelated risks which can be traced from the Moken’slong history of being abused and exploited byoutsiders – pirates, slave-raiders, robbers, bandits,
etc.6 Therefore, as soon as sea water receded in an
unusual way on December 26, 2004, the Moken
flagged one another to seek refuge on the hill behindthe village, and those who were taking tourists out
for snorkeling headed their boats away from theshore to avoid impact.

The Moken of the Surin Islands have become widely
known in Thailand and internationally as the group ofpeople who escaped from the tsunami unscathed. The
Moken survived not only because of the old legend of
the seven rollers, but also because of their keen sense ofobservation, their alertness and sense of precaution, theirintimate knowledge of marine and forest environment,
the clever selection of their village site, and their boat
maneuvering skill. The details of their knowledge, keensense, and relevant skills are as follows:
1. Legend of the seven rollers. The Moken are a nonliterate group but their “oral literature” is creativeand rich. Living on islands and coastal areas for
centuries, their ancestors must have experienced
tsunami incidents, and they cleverly encoded thedanger of tsunami disaster in a legend of the laboon
or giant wave. The legend teaches that the laboon
which usually comes as series of waves, hence “sevenrollers”. While openly talking about laboon was
forbidden out of fear that it would bring the deadly
wave upon them, everyone knew that when the wateralong the shore suddenly went dry, they had to run
to higher ground to save their lives. This knowledge
represents the most effective natural disaster warning
system, without any help from modern technology.5
The tsunami warning sign is imprinted in their
cognitive system, so they are all able to survive eventhough most have not even seen a tsunami before.

3. Intimate knowledge of marine environment. Being
the “sea people” who live off, from, and by the sea,
the Moken have a deep-seated knowledge of thenatural rhythms, an ability to recognize natural signs
and to distinguish between “usual” and “unusual”
phenomena. For them, the mass of water receding
very quickly was peculiar, and the incoming white
breaker was definitely a sign of laboon as it occurred
without any stirring wind or a changing sign in thesky.

5 Arunotai (2006):143

6 Hinshiranan (1996):131-133

Figure 2. Left: Tsunami sign seen throughout the southern coast of Thailand. Right: Such a sign can be “imprinted” in the young throughindigenous knowledge.

75Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

4. Knowledge of forest trails and survival in the wild.
After running uphill to seek refuge from the tsunami
impact, the Moken know “where” to run to because
they are familiar with the forest environment andterrain.

6. Boat maneuvering and other marine-related skills.
Moken men have very good boat maneuveringskills because they become familiar with rowing
smaller boats and operating the motor for larger
boats at an early age. In turbulent waters, the men
can skillfully steer boats away from shore. Both men
and women also have other marine-related skills
such as swimming and diving. Furthermore, men
and women, young and old, relatively maintaintheir physical fitness as their work usually involves
physical strength. Even the elderly and children areable to run and climb up to higher ground without
much difficulty.

5. Clever selection of village site. The Moken
who reside on different islands within Thailand’s
Andaman Sea carefully select an appropriate site for
their villages, that is, the area on the eastern part ofthe islands. A comparative analysis of indigenous
settlements (Moken’s and Urak Lawoi’s) leads tothe conclusion that each of the settlements are ina protected bay on the east. This is because theislands in the Andaman Sea are influenced by two
monsoons, southwestern monsoon which brings rain,strong winds, waves, and storms; and northeastern
monsoon which brings drier weather and milder
winds. Having settlements on the eastern side of
the island means being relatively well-protected fromsouthwestern wind (and thus from tsunami from thehigh sea).7 For the Moken of Surin Islands, the highmountain behind the village also provides enoughhigh ground for evacuation.

With regard to the passing on of indigenous
knowledge, there is no means of documenting
or transforming knowledge into the textual form
that people can read or follow because the Moken
language has only verbal form, no script or written
language. From a modern education perspective,
this poses a limitation as there is no means to record
the knowledge and no other “short-cut” to thatknowledge except by learning it directly from those
who know through, 1) observation, 2) memorization
or bearing in mind, 3) trial or hands-on, 4)
discovery-exploring-reinventing, and 5) practicing
and reviewing.

Moken traditional settlement, village, andhuts, including beliefs and practices about hut
construction, all reflect traditional knowledge whichenables the Moken to reside comfortably andsafely in the coastal environment. In addition, asmall village with long-stilted huts situated on thewater has been a significant part of Moken cultural
identity.8 It should be noted here that their tsunami
survival is partly due to “keen observation” – fromtraditional village layout, most Moken are able toobserve the sea right from their hut.

In the eyes of the sedentarized land-based populationof Thailand who have permanent homes, the nomadic
and simple lives of the Moken seem to be outdated,backward, and without potential for progress.9 Thisis likely to be a social representation that the Moken
themselves have adopted from mainstream society.10
As a result, the Moken indigenous knowledge israrely recognized or valued.

7 Arunotai and Elias (2005).
8 Arunotai and Elias (2005).

9 Arunotai (2003):116–117.
10 Arunotai (2006):141.

Figure 3. Pre-tsunami huts, with entrance facing
inland but with back porch overlooking the sea.

76

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

Lessons Learned
The major lesson learnt here is that traditional Moken knowledge previously regarded as “common” or even “outdated”
enabled the Moken (and others) to survive the tsunami disaster. It is unfortunate that these forms of knowledge are now
limited only to the adults and the elderly. They are gradually forgotten and rarely passed on to the young generations.
As for the legend and folktales, “Some of the tales are merely short versions of longer tales, and oral literature nolonger has much meaning for them.”11 “The traditional indigenous knowledge of the Moken is not recognised
as knowledge or science; thus the direction of change is towards the kind of development defined and induced byoutsiders who see them as backward and poor.” 12
There are several implications for applying these lessons to relevant policy and practices.
1. To value and promote indigenous knowledge through the development of relevant local curriculum andcommunity participation in education management. Children should have a chance to learn from the elderlyin the community, to absorb and practice “keen observation” and the “precautionary principle”, and to learn
and cherish intimate knowledge of marine and forest environment. Formal education places an emphasis on“explicit” knowledge, but such “tacit” knowledge and skills have proved to be crucial to the Moken’s physicaland cultural survival.
2. To “internalize” early warning signs and disaster preparedness plans like evacuation, escape routes, and getting
to emergency shelter. For the Moken, the coming of laboon is actually imprinted in their cognitive system
although it was previously half-myth and half-reality. Not only were they able to recognize warning signs, they
were also familiar with the forest trails which they used as their escape routes and staying/surviving in the wild
was not a problem for them either. For other communities, apart from having educational materials on natural
disaster for communities and schools, there needs to be regular practices and drills for different kinds of possible
disaster or occurrence in the area.
3. To learn important survival knowledge and skills like swimming, climbing, first-aid, etc. One should keep
physically fit in order to be prepared. The Moken community is small, so they know one another well andknow who needs special help. For other communities, there should be a mapping of the elderly, people withdisabilities, and others who need special help so that they can be taken care of during the emergencies.

11 Ivanoff (2001):3.
12 Arunotai (2006):148

77

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

References-

Arunotai, Narumon. 2003. “For a Better Understanding of the Moken Knowledge and Myth about Chao Lay
Ethnic Groups” in Ethnic Groups and Mystification. (Thai language). Bangkok: National Board of Culture,
Ministry of Culture.
Arunotai, Narumon. 2006. “Moken traditional knowledge: an unrecognised form of natural resourcesmanagement and conservation”. International Journal of Social Science, 187:139-150.
Arunotai, N. and D. Elias. 2005. “Moken –Their changing huts and village”. An unpublished paper written for
the Andaman Pilot Project.
Arunotai, N., S. Wongbusarakum, and D. Elias. 2007. Bridging the gap between the rights and needs ofindigenous communities and the management of protected areas: Case studies from Thailand. Bangkok:
UNESCO Bangkok.
Hinshiranan, N. 1996. The Analysis of Moken Opportunistic Foragers’ Intragroup and Intergroup Relations.
Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation. University of Hawai’i.
Ivanoff, Jacques. 2001. Rings of Coral. Bangkok:White Lotus.
Paladej Na Pombejr, 2003. The World According to the Moken: Reflection from traditional ecological knowledge
on marine environment. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University,
Bangkok.
Wongbusarakum, Supin. 2005. Loss of traditional practices, loss of knowledge, and the sustainability of culturaland natural resources: a case of Urak Lawoi people in the Adang Archipelago, Southwest Thailand. From http://
www.iucn.org/themes/ceesp/WAMIP/Aichi%20Paper%20submitted%2031%20Aug%2005.doc. Retrieved
February 7, 2008.

78

Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

An Hai Commune, Ninh Phuoc District, Ninh Thuan
Province, Vietnam

Weather Forecasting through Indigenous
Knowledge for Crop Cultivation in theDrought Prone Area of Vietnam
Nguyen Ngoc Huy and Rajib Shaw
Abstract
The coastal area of Ninh Thuan province is the driest area of Vietnam. The annual rainfall
is normally between 600 mm and 800 mm per year with uneven distribution throughout
the month. Since weather forecasting is still limited in some low developed areas, the useof indigenous knowledge for weather forecasting is very useful in crop cultivation in thecommunity. Specifically, the methods of moon observation and dragonfly observation forpredicting weather changes have played an important role in agriculture activities in the An Hai
community.

Background“Dragonfly flies high, sunny sky
Flies low, rain
Flies neither high nor low, cloudy sky”

An Hai is one of several coastal communes locatedto the East of Ninh Thuan province. The total
geographical area is 2,091.98 ha with 1,057.37 ha inagriculture, 4239 ha in forestry, 4833 ha in dwelling andthe rest in aquaculture and other uses. In 2005, the total
population of the An Hai commune was 12,890, divided
into about 2,596 households in a total of 6 hamlets.

(Lyrics of a folk song used in weather
forecasting)

The main livelihood of the community is agriculture,with rice, grapes and short-duration vegetables (suchas tomatoes, carrot, chili and potatoes) as main crops.
Animal husbandry is another one of the strengths of
the An Hai commune, focused mostly on raising cattle,
sheep and goat.
There are three rice crop seasons in irrigated areas:
Winter-Spring from early Dec to early April; SummerAutumn from late April to early August and main
cropping season from September to early December.
79

Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

norm. The drought continued in 2005 and 2006 withpoor rainfall during the first two cropping seasons.
Prolonged dry days have caused significant damage to
agriculture and changed the salinity of groundwater thus
damaging aquaculture. The increasing drought eventsin the Ninh Thuan province are major concerns for bothgovernment and local communities.

The primary sources of water in the dry season are riverwater and well water. In the rainy season, people mainly
use rainwater for crop cultivation.

Story/Event
Temperatures in inland Vietnam are rising and theweather is becoming extreme and unpredictable. Averagetemperatures are now 1º C higher than they were about
100 years ago. Changes in rainfall patterns are complex
and vary depending on the location; however, the main
trend is towards hotter, longer and more arid dry seasonsand more intense rain in the wet season.

Whilst annual rainfall has been steadily increasing, thefarmers experience droughts because rain now comes inintense, concentrated bursts. They have to change theircrops and crop schedule to adapt to the hard weather
and climate conditions. Communities are always seeking
new ways to adapt. Farmers work together to growcrops and keep herds of goats and sheep of the Sultan
breed from India, which can tolerate high temperatures.
Farmers have switched from growing rice to maize orother short-time seeds and changed to more droughtresistant varieties. They have devised ways to economize
on water use and reuse water. In particularly difficult
times, family members migrate to the cities to find work.
Some of these adaptation techniques are productive, butothers carry a cost. Migration of young people increases
the workload of the older people left behind. Women
sometimes go without water in order to give it to theirhusbands or children.

Ninh Thuan is one of the nine provinces that are
most affected by drought in Vietnam. This province
has experienced yearly drought since 2002. There are
two seasons in this area: the rainy season from July to
November and the dry season from December to June.
Normally, the amount of rainfall received in the coastal
regions is very low. The annual rainfall in the coastal
town of Phan Rang – Thap Cham (very near the An
Hai commune) is 712 mm. The rainy season is heavy
during the three months of September to December.
The province was severely affected by drought in August
2004 with a 50% reduction in rainfall compared to theIndigenous Knowledge
Through weather forecasting, recommendations onplanting dates and changing agricultural varieties can begiven to make sure that rice and other crops will grow.
Since weather forecasting systems were not available in
the past, many farmers cultivated their crops based onmoon observation and by watching the habits of insects.

Corona Moon
A corona is a type of plasma “atmosphere” of the sun orother celestial body, extending millions of kilometers into
space, most easily seen during a total solar eclipse, butalso observable in a coronagraph. The Latin root of theword corona means crown.

Moon Observation

The high temperature of the corona gives its unusual
spectral features, which led some to suggest in the
19th century that it contained a previously unknown
element, “Coronium”. These spectral features have since
been traced to highly ionized Iron (Fe (XIV)) whichindicates a plasma temperature in excess of 10° Kelvin(Aschwanden, 2004).

The An Hai community has an old proverb that has
been used in weather observation for drought forecasting
and crop scheduling. The proverb is passed on to
generations in the whole community. The proverb states:

Halo Moon

In English, it means,“Corona around the moon, there will be a drought year;
Halo around the moon, rain soon.”

A halo moon is a ring of light that surrounds either thesun or moon and typically appears as bright white rings.
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Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

However, some halos can also havecolor patterns. A halo is an opticalphenomenon similar in concept toa rainbow but also very different.
Halos form when the sunlight or
moonlight is refracted or bent by ice
crystals associated with thin-high levelclouds, like cirrus or cirrostratus.
The most common type of halo is the
22 degree halo. In this halo, a ringof light 22 degrees from the sun ormoon is projected by hexagonal (i.e.
six-side) ice crystals with diameters
less than 20.5 micrometers.1 Often,
a halo around the moon or sun is anindicator of cloudy or rainy weather
as high level cirrus and cirrostratus
clouds that cause halos tend to drift
ahead of frontal systems (especiallywarm fronts) that produce rainfall.

Figure 1. Corona Moon
Source: http://www8.ttvnol.
com/forum/f_533/862476.ttvn

Dragonfly Observation
The An Hai community uses anotherfolk song for weather forecasting.
They observe the habits of the
dragonfly to know when it will rain
and when there will be sunshine. The
Vietnamese lyric of the folk song is asfollows:
Figure 2. Halo Moon
Source: http://www8.ttvnol.
com/forum/f_533/862476.ttvn

In English, it is translated:“Dragonfly flies high, sunny sky
Flies low, rain
Flies neither high nor low, cloudysky”
The farmers explained that whendragonflies fly a distance lower than
80 cm from the ground, it will rainsoon. Based on that, the farmers
prepare soil and seeds for the crops.
Using the method of dragonfly
observation, the farmers can decide
the time to sow and plant, and maketheir crop schedule appropriately.

Figure 3. A dragonfly
Source: http://www.scientificillustrator.com/illustration/insect

1 NASA (2003)

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Lessons Learned
Observation of insects and atmospheric phenomena such as halos were used as an empirical means of weather
forecasting before meteorology was developed. The indigenous knowledge is passed on through thousands of years
and from generation to generation by the community. These are based on practical experience and have been in
use for a long time. In some regions where the residents do not have access to high technology, traditional weather
forecasting based on observation of the moon and insects play an important role in agriculture activities.
The main problem in the An Hai community is lack of fresh water for crop cultivation. Knowledge of the rainyseason and forecast of the exact drought year helps farmers choose crops, seeds and the time to sow and plant.
Since this traditional knowledge is very useful in regions which do not have access to meteorological methods offorecasting, these strategies can and should be disseminated to other communities in low developed regions.

References-

Aschwanden, M. J., 2004. Physics of the Solar Corona, An Introduction. Praxis Publishing Ltd. ISBN 3-54022321-5.
Huy, Nguyen Ngoc, Rajib Shaw, Prabhakar SVRK, Provash Mondal, 2007. Adaptation to Drought: A Case
Study Of Ninh Thuan Province, Vietnam, International Symposium on Mitigation & Adaptation of Climatechange-induced Natural Disasters 20–21 September 2007, Hue city, Vietnam
Shaw, Rajib, Prabhakar SVRK, Huy Nguyen, Rovash Mondal, 2007. Drought-Management Considerations for
Climate- Change Adaptation: Focus on the Mekong Region. Available at: http://www.oxfam.org.uk/resources/
policy/climate_change /downloads/ninh_thaun_research.pdf
Vietnamese Historical and Cultural Forum Online. Explained the proverb “Trang quang thi han, Trang tan thimua” http://www8.ttvnol.com/forum/f_533/862476.ttvn

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Good Practices and Lessons Learned from Experiences in the Asia-Pacific Region

For more information on the good practices presented in this publication, please contact the following contributors:
China: Karez Technology for Drought Disaster Reduction in China
Weihua Fang
fang@ires.cn
India: Earthquake Safe Traditional House Construction Practices in Kashmir
Amir Ali Khan, Assistant Professor, National Institute of Disaster Management
Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, New Delhi, India
alikhanamir@gmail.com
India: Indigenous Knowledge and Modern Science Give Environment Friendly Shelter Solution in Flood Affected
Desert Region of India
Anshu Sharma, SEEDS India, Director: Strategy
anshu@seedsindia.org
India: Soil and Water Conservation through Bamboo Plantation: A Disaster Management Technique Adopted by the
People of Nandeswar, Assam
Irene Stephen, UNDP India, Disaster Risk Management Programme
Irene.stephen@undp.org
Rajiv Dutta Chowdhury, Disaster Management Branch, Office of the Deputy Commissioner, Goalpara, Assam, India
rdchowdhury@gmail.com
Debashish Nath, Agriculture Development Officer, Matia Development Block, Goalpara, Assam, India
Indonesia: Legend, Ritual and Architecture on the Ring of Fire
Koen Meyers, UNESCO Jakarta, Technical Advisor for Environmental Sciences
k.meyers@unesco.org
Japan: Traditional Flood Disaster Reduction Measures in Japan
Yukiko Takeuchi, Kyoto University
y.takeuchi@fw7.ecs.kyoto-u.ac.jp
Rajib Shaw, Kyoto University
shaw@global.mbox.media.kyoto-u.ac.jp
Mongolia: Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction of the Shiver Herder Community
Bolormaa Borkhuu, Ministry of Nature and Environment of Mongolia, Officer, Sustainable Development andStrategic Planning Department
bolorbor@yahoo.co.uk
Nepal: Indigenous Knowledge on Disaster Mitigation: Towards Creating Complementarity between Communities’
and Scientists’ Knowledge
Man B. Thapa, UNDP Nepal, Participatory Disaster Management Programmeman.b.thapa@undp.org
Nepal/Pakistan: Local Knowledge on Flood Preparedness: Examples from Nepal and Pakistan
Julie Dekens, International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD)
jdekens@icimod.org
Pakistan: Indigenous Coping Mechanisms for Disaster Management in Mansehra and Battagram Districts, NorthWest Frontier Province (NWFP), Pakistan
Takeshi Komino, Christian World Service Pakistan
takeshi@cwspa.org.pk

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Indigenous Knowledge for Disaster Risk Reduction

Papua New Guinea: Living with Floods in Singas, Papua New Guinea
Jessica Mercer, Human Geography Department, Division of Environmental and Life Sciences, Macquarie University,
Sydney, New South Wales, Australia
Jessica-mercer@hotmail.com
Philippines: Combining Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge in the Dagupan City Flood Warning System
Lorna P. Victoria, Center for Disaster Preparedness
Oyvictoria@yahoo.com
Philippines: Indigenous Know-How on Mayon Volcano’s Lava-Spittle Mysticism
Gerardine Cerdena, Dios Mabalos Po Foundation
Philippines: Shaped by Wind and Typhoon: The Indigenous Knowledge of the Ivatans in the Batanes Islands,
Philippines
Noralene Uy, Kyoto University
noralene.uy@ky7.ecs.kyoto-u.ac.jp
Rajib Shaw, Kyoto University
shaw@global.mbox.media.kyoto-u.ac.jp
Solomon Islands: Indigenous Knowledge Saved Lives during 2007 Solomon Islands Tsunami
Brian G. McAdoo, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie New York
brmcadoo@vassar.edu
Sri Lanka: Village Tank Cascade Systems: A Traditional Approach to Drought Mitigation and Rural Well-being in the
Purana Villages of Sri Lanka
C.M. Madduma Bandara, Professor Emeritus, University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka
madduband@yahoo.com
Thailand: Saved by an Old Legend and a Keen Observation: The Case of Moken Sea Nomads in Thailand
Narumon Arunotai, Chulalongkorn University, Thailand
hnarumon@chula.ac.thVietnam: Weather Forecasting through Indigenous Knowledge for Crop Cultivation in the Drought Prone Area ofVietnamNguyen Ngoc Huy, Kyoto University
huy.nguyen@ky7.ecs.kyoto-u.ac.jp
Rajib Shaw, Kyoto University
shaw@global.mbox.media.kyoto-u.ac.jp84