京都大学大学院 経済学研究科 再生可能エネルギー経済学講座

ディスカッションペーパー No. 63

京都大学大学院経済学研究科
再生可能エネルギー経済学講座
ディスカッションペーパー

Climate Change, Gender, and Policy:
Gender Mainstreaming in EU Climate Adaptation Policies

2024 年 3 月
March 2024

京都大学大学院経済研究科 Ting WANG
Ting WANG, Graduate School of Economics, Kyoto University

ディスカッションペーパー No.63

京都大学大学院 経済学研究科 再生可能エネルギー経済学講座

Climate Change, Gender, and Policy:
Gender Mainstreaming in EU Climate Adaptation Policies

京都大学大学院経済研究科 Ting WANG
Ting WANG, Graduate School of Economics, Kyoto University

Abstract:
As one of the greatest challenges of our time, climate change has significant impacts on various aspects of societies,
ecosystems and economies. However, it is important to note that climate change has different impacts for different gendergroups, which intersect with and amplify existing gender inequality. Focusing on the application of gender mainstreamingin EU climate adaptation policies (2007 to 2021), this study aims to assess the extent to which the EU has succeeded inmainstreaming gender within its climate adaptation-related policy and institutional framework. Several findings are
revealed. First, there is a distinct lack of gender-related terminology in most of these policies, indicating a lack of explicit
gender mainstreaming. Second, when gender is mentioned, the description tends to position women as vulnerable subjects
rather than active participants in climate adaptation actions, further reinforcing traditional gender narratives andstereotypes. Third, while the existence of gender differences is recognized, there is a lack of comprehensive strategies anddata to support the integration of gender perspectives into climate adaptation. Finally, gender tends to be narrowly defined
as a women’s issue, with its key points shifting depending on the thematic focus of the policy, and only in the case ofpeople-centered, social themes, gender become more prominent. In conclusion, this paper emphasizes the importance ofthe need for greater gender integration in EU climate adaptation policy, and gender mainstreaming should be given a more
central and prioritized place in EU climate policy. It is important not only to address already existing gender differences,
but also to empower women and to further work on addressing systemic biases.
Keywords: Climate Change; Gender Mainstreaming; European Union; Climate Adaptation Policies; Gender Disparities

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Table of Contents
1.

2.

Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 2
1.1.

Background .......................................................................................................................... 2

1.2.

Complicated gender and rationale of the study ................................................................ 4

1.3.

Research objectives and questions...................................................................................... 5

Literature Review .............................................................................................................. 8
2.1

Gender Mainstreaming ....................................................................................................... 8

2.1.1 History of Gender Mainstreaming ...................................................................................................... 8
2.1.2 The Definition of Gender Mainstreaming .......................................................................................... 9
2.1.3 Gender Mainstreaming in the EU ..................................................................................................... 10

2.2

Gender in European Climate Adaptation Policies ........................................................ 122.2.1 Review of European Climate Adaptation Policies ........................................................................... 122.2.2 Gender in EU Climate Adaptation Policies ........................................................................................ 13

3.

Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................... 14

4.

Analysis of Gender Mainstreaming in EU Climate Adaptation Policies (2007-2021) . 17
4.1

Introduction to Analysis .................................................................................................... 17

4.2

The Extent of Gender-Related Terms in the Policy Documents .................................... 18

4.3

Qualitative Analysis of Gender Integration in EU Policy .............................................. 26

4.3.1 Absence of Gender Consideration .................................................................................................... 26
4.3.2 Limited gender consideration in policies ............................................................................................ 27•

Focus on Gendered Impacts ............................................................................................................... 27•

Lack of Comprehensive Data and Strategies ..................................................................................... 29•

Gender as a Subordinate Issue ........................................................................................................... 30•

Narrow Framing: Gender as Women’s Issue ..................................................................................... 30•

Gender Prominent in Human-Centered Themes ................................................................................ 31

4.4

Unrealised Potential: Gender Mainstreaming Opportunities in European Climate

Adaptation Policies ......................................................................................................................... 32

5.

Discussion ........................................................................................................................ 33

6.

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................... 36

7.

Reference ......................................................................................................................... 382024 年 3 月

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1. Introduction
1.1.

Background

There is no doubt that climate change is becoming one of the most significant issues of thetwenty-first century. Even if greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) are reduced, the earth willcontinue to suffer the consequences of the greenhouse gases that already been presented in theatmosphere for past several decades. The increasing frequency of observable changes inclimatic phenomenon has been marked, and the need for stronger adaptation strategies isobvious now. However, climate change has long been viewed primarily from an efficiency,
economic, and technological perspective, rather than from a human perspective (Hemmati andRöhr, 2009). Climate change adaptation must be a key component of climate policy been given
an equal importance to the tasks of climate change mitigation and the reduction of greenhousegas emissions. It is significant to develop policies that actively adapt to climate change at thepolitical, practical and economic levels.
The European Union has committed to achieving climate neutrality by 2050,, which is animperative and laudable goal. However, assuming that this goal is achieved and global
adherence to the Paris Agreement’s Nationally Determined Contributions is maintained,
projections indicate that global average temperatures by 2100 will rise by 2.4 degrees Celsius
above pre-industrial levels (Climate Action Tracker, 2021). Climate change is already exerting
substantial and measurable impacts on Europe. This phenomenon threatens Europe’s naturalenvironment, nearly every facet of society, and its economy. Over the past century, the region
has experienced rapid temperature increases of nearly 1°C, outpacing global trends. Northern
Europe experiences notable increases in rainfall and snowfall, while Southern Europe grapples
with more frequent droughts. Urgent action is imperative to mitigate future costs. Taking
proactive measures offers significant economic advantages by pre-empting potential damages
and reducing risks to ecosystems, human health, economic growth, property, and criticalinfrastructure (European Commission, 2007). Therefore, the best time to start climate
adaptation strategies and actions is now. It is necessary to give climate adaptation top priority
to handle the serious and ongoing climatic challenges that are imminent.
Due to increasing climatic disruptions, European nations have intensified their commitment
to climate adaptation policies. Although the regional disparities and varying intensities ofclimate impacts, often demand localized responses, measures for climate adaptation action at
the EU level can benefit from a coordinated and integrated approach across the EU. In 2009,
the EU declared to implement adaptation measures to address the ongoing impact of climatechange for the next 50 years (European Commission, 2009c). Additionally, sectors including
agriculture, water, biodiversity, fisheries, and energy networks that are connected by the single
market and shared policies require coordinated EU action, where a coordinated approach, theEU’s role in promoting cooperation and the exchange of best practices among Member Statesis clear (European Commission, 2009c).
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Although climate change affects ecosystems, economies and communities globally, it is notequally affecting. Social inequality is one of the key factors affecting vulnerability to climatechange, and gender plays an important role in this. Policies in any social context have an
inherent gender dimension. Policies will inevitably have gendered outcomes within aframework shaped by entrenched gender dynamics. Ignoring this reality perpetuates existing
inequalities. For example, a lack of gender analysis in adaptation policies can perpetuate agendered division of labor in carbon-intensive sectors. This absence prioritizes alternative
employment opportunities for men, while ignoring the important contribution of women in paid
and unpaid care work within the same community (Allwood, 2023). Makina and Moyo (2016)
explain how different genders are affected by climate change through the concept of ‘rights’:women are more vulnerable due to less control over resources, and climate change makes
women more responsible for survival due to society. The Sixth Assessment Report of theIntergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) also highlights the ways in which gender
exacerbates vulnerability to climate change. The report emphasizes the need to examine power
structures, processes and relationships between groups of women and men, as well as potential
intersectionality with other social categories (IPCC, 2022). As a result of this gap and the lackof equal privileges or benefits for women, gender inequality will also increase under the impact
of climate change. Therefore, integrating gender considerations into climate adaptation policies
is not only because of social justice, but also of policy effectiveness.
However, despite the widely recognized importance of gender mainstreaming as a concept in
the climate change discourse, the extent to which gender should be integrated into Europe’s
climate adaptation plans, and how this integration should be facilitated, is not well understood.
Despite clear differences in environmental behaviors and attitudes between the sexes, andgrowing evidence of the gendered impacts of climate change, EU climate change policies havelargely ignored gender considerations. While current EU climate change policies are relevant
to gender dynamics, especially in the broader context of the Sustainable Development Goals(SDGs), they lack a comprehensive gender perspective (Allwood, 2023). Governments,
including the European Union (EU), are required to regularly update their Nationally
Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change (UNFCCC). These NDCs outline their commitments to mitigation andadaptation efforts. While the EU submitted its formal NDCs in 2015 and an updated version in
2020, the focus remains largely on mitigation rather than adaptation. The report notes that little
progress has been made on gender mainstreaming, with 24% of the 120 countries identifying
NGIs as part of climate change governance and only 27% noting the importance of women’s
participation in decision-making on climate action (United Nations Secretary General, 2022).
Besides, the current EU environmental action program, which guides EU energy policy
alongside environmental policy until 2020, fails to incorporate a gender perspective. Similarly,
initiatives such as the 2015 Energy Union Strategy and the 2016’ Clean Energy for All
Europeans policy framework, which aim to facilitate Europe’s transition to cleaner and more
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efficient energy sources, also fail to incorporate gender considerations (European Institute for
Gender Equality, 2020). This knowledge gap may reduce the effectiveness of climate adaptation
strategies, especially in addressing gender-specific vulnerabilities. Given the clear genderdifferences in many aspects of society, the integration of a gender perspective in climate policy
is crucial. At the same time, given Europe’s prominence on the international stage, the EU’s
stance on gender integration in climate policy could also serve as a model for the next phase ofdevelopment in other regions.

1.2.

Complicated gender and rationale of the study

Climate change does not impact populations uniformly. An individual’s adaptive capacity is
deeply influenced by their gender roles, responsibilities, resource accessibility, and decisionmaking agency. Compared with climate mitigation, climate adaptation is more a societal than atechnical issue, seeking a more inclusive and equitable approach towards building resilienceand addressing the impacts of climate change is important.
Many factors contribute to different vulnerability to climate change, such as poverty, inequality,
insecure land rights, agricultural dependence, and limited education and information access,where often connected to gender roles. Women’s vulnerability is compounded by a lack ofassets, social marginalization, restricted mobility, and exclusion from disaster response
decision-making processes (Yadav and Lal, 2018). Even in the developed world, females werealso more susceptible to heat-related mortality. Studies conducted on the European heat waves
from 2003 to 2006 revealed that women were more vulnerable than men, especially older
women. The gender disparity was evident, with 93% of female victims being 70 years or older
compared to 75% of male victims. Notably, women represented over 65% of the total fatalities(Toulemon and Barbieri, 2008, p43). According to heat wave studies conducted in nine
Mediterranean cities between 1990 and 2004, women aged 75 to 84 had a considerably higher
risk of dying in heat waves than men of a similar age (D’Ippoliti et al., 2010). Natural disasters
tend to adversely affect women’s life expectancy more than men’s, but the negative effect of
the gender disparity in life expectancy diminishes with the rise in women’s socioeconomic
status, which suggests that the ingrained gender-specific vulnerabilities in societal structurescontribute to the heightened disaster mortality rates among women (Neumayer and Plümper,2007).
However, there are two problems that exist in the gender consideration in climate change
issues now. First, gender considerations are notably lacking in policy documents and research
reports concerning climate change. There is a dearth of gender-specific research on climatechange adaptation and mitigation, especially in industrialized countries. In Canada, despite thefact that the international framework on climate change acknowledges the necessity for gendersensitive policies, there is a lack of gender considerations in Quebec and federal policy, andthese gender-blind policies run the risk of escalating these inequities (Rochette, 2016). Second,
due to the disproportionate effect on women, research focuses primarily on underdeveloped

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countries (Rochette, 2016). Existing small efforts predominantly concentrate on the tangible
effects of climate change on women in the Global South, argument for the inclusion of gender
as a category of analysis in climate change research depends heavily on the use of quantitative,
gender-disaggregated measures of climatic causes and impacts (e.g., who is more at fault, who
is more hurt) ( Macgregor, 2017). However, data reveals that gender features also exist in
affluent countries as a result of gendered roles and inequities (Rochette, 2016). Emphasizing
too much on vulnerable women groups in developing areas, creating a “gender equals women”
issue and giving the misleading appearance that gender in climate change is just an issue thatclimate change affects women more severely than it does men, but resulting insufficiently
addressing the gendered power dynamics and discourse framing that shape climate politics(Macgregor, 2017). In the meantime, the cultural-discursive (or ideational) aspects of climatechange, or the ways in which gendered environmental discourses form dominant
understandings of climate change, appear to have received insufficient attention in gender andclimate change research (Macgregor, 2017).
The gender dimension in climate policy is both important and complex, and gender-neutral
policies can place additional burdens on women and lead to ineffective outcomes, but at thesame time misleading gender narratives can reinforce biases. The gender dimension in climate
policy is both important and complex, and gender-neutral policies can place additional burdens
on women and lead to ineffective outcomes, but at the same time misleading gender narratives
can reinforce biases. For example, research has shown that by repeatedly emphasizing thevulnerability of women in the Global South and the environmental virtues of women in the
Global North, these narratives reinforce biases between these regions. Moreover, suchgeneralizations often lead to increased burdens on women without commensurate recognition
or reward (Arora-Jonsson, 2011). Allwood (2023) calls for gender equality and climate change
to be fully integrated into all internal and external EU activities. In this way, the systemicchanges needed to promote gender equality and climate justice can be achieved, and thesynergies between these two priorities can be fully exploited to maximize their impact (Allwood,2023). Adaptation to climate change is fundamentally rooted in the society, therefore, the needfor an approach that promotes inclusiveness and equity, can ultimately increase climate
resilience and mitigating the impacts of climate change. Integrating gender perspectives into
climate adaptation methodologies allows for a comprehensive understanding of the distinct
challenges and vulnerabilities unique to each gender.

1.3.

Research objectives and questions

For the investigation of gender inequality in climate change, it is necessary to move beyond
the traditionary idea that climate change impacts are limited to tangible, quantifiable effects felt
by “empirical” and “vulnerable” women in the Global South, and a feminist constructivist
methodology must be used in the analysis to delve deep into the discourses that underpin genderand environmental politics worldwide (Macgregor, 2010). Further investigation into the issue2024 年 3 月

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of gendered presumptions in climate change rhetoric by feminist environmental academics aswell as by everyone concerned with climate justice is needed (Macgregor, 2010). We still live
in a world where gender equality has not been achieved. Patriarchy tends to make women more
vulnerable to the adverse impacts of climate change, while men have better adaptive capacity,
especially in terms of mobility and flexibility in employment (Onwutuebe, 2019). Compared tomen, women have limited capacity to manage risks and external shocks, for example, they tend
to be less involved in decision-making and have less power over resources and household
finances (Ongoro and Ogara, 2012). Patriarchal oppression often obscures the differential
impacts of climate change on women and further excludes feminist voices from decisionmaking. In climate policy formulation, male voices typically dominate and determine theassessment and prioritization of issues.
As a result, policies that fail to integrate gender considerations tend to ignore the differential
impacts of climate change, thereby exacerbating existing gender inequalities through systemic
neglect. At the meantime, Macgregor (2017) criticized the emergence of a “vulnerabilityresilience” dichotomy in climate policy, which labels resilient people as active and strong while
categorizing victims as passive and in need. By portraying victims as helpless and dependent,
this contradiction sustains hegemonic masculinist norms. These discourses and research arefrequently been seen in academic construction. It’s crucial to challenge these hegemonic
discourses, reveal their sexism-based roots, and contextualize gender norms and power
dynamics (Macgregor, 2017).
The pursuit of gender sensitivity within climate policies is a multifaceted endeavour,demanding more than the mere inclusion of women in the decision-making processes. Mere
numerical gender parity in climate change decision-making is insufficient; the key lies in
integrating the perspectives and insights of women and men to formulate effective climatechange responses (Kronsell, 2013). Traditionary gender bias often perpetuates victimizing
perceptions of women in the climate change discourse, particularly those in the Global South
and, by associating gender with women, which oversimplifies the issue and serves to reinforce
negative stereotypes and oppressive power structures (Macgregor, 2017). In light of thesecomplexities, it is essential to use a feminist “gender lens“, which in this paper refers to theneed for gender mainstreaming in climate policy, as I detail in the next section.. This lens helps
to examine how climate change has been constructed and framed in culture, thus enabling abetter comprehension of gender in climate change adaptation issues. It also encourages an
examination of the formation and enactment of gender identities with an emphasis on howsocieties divide power, labour, resources, knowledge, and information in accordance withgender divisions.
Gender mainstreaming, recognized as a globally accepted strategy for promoting genderequality, represents a methodology towards strategy, policy and planning that guarantees theconsideration of gender points of view in all movements. It has been embraced as the major
approach by significant organizations including the UN, EU, WTO, international NGOs, and62024 年 3 月

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aid organizations to address gender equality issues (Wittman, 2010). As a universal strategy forachieving equality, gender mainstreaming aims to uncover and challenge institutionalized
sexism, with the core of the recognition of androcentric practices within an organization’s
culture, policies, and practices (Rees, 2005). Integrating gender mainstreaming within climatechange adaptation ensures a thorough consideration of the diverse needs and priorities of both
women and men. Such an approach not only prevents the reinforcement of pre-existing
inequalities but also guarantees that the adaptation measures reverberate effectively andsustainably across all societal segments.
In 1996, the European Union formally committed itself to promoting gender equality andmainstreaming gender equality in all its policies field (Commission of the European
Communities, 1996), and gave a definition for the principle of “mainstreaming” – “It isnecessary to promote equality between women and men in all activities and policies at alllevels”. Notably, women in certain European nations have shown greater support than men forgovernmental climate protection efforts, and they also tend to favour more aggressive reduction
objectives, aspiring for their countries and the European Union to spearhead these efforts(Hemmati and Röhr, 2009). Such advocacy is also crucial for international climate discussions.
Hence, policies that disregard gender issues may unintentionally uphold or increase current
inequities. It is important to acknowledge and resolve these inequities not only for reasons ofjustice but also to make sure that measures for coping with the effects of climate change aresuccessful and inclusive.
My research focuses on the application of gender mainstreaming in EU climate adaptation
policies, with the objective of assessing the extent to which the EU has successfully
mainstreamed gender within its policy and institutional framework related to climate adaptation.
Analysis of gender mainstreaming is critical to understanding and effectively addressing
gender-sensitive climate challenges. Failure to do so, based on gender-neutral assumptions toface inherently unfair power relations, resource allocation and responses to climate disasters,risks further exacerbating gender inequality in the face of climate problems. In other words, thequality of policymaking will remain unacceptably low, if the discourse does not consider genderissues, including relevant differences between women’s and men’s experiences (Hemmati andRöhr, 2009).
Climate change provides the context and capacity to re-examine gender mainstreaming andhow to think about its fundamental potential to revolutionize gender relations as new crises
emerge. It is not just a theoretical exercise to incorporate gender considerations into climate
adaptation measures. Rather, it delves into the practical application of these considerations,evaluating the effectiveness of existing strategies and pinpointing areas in need of improvement.
As international organizations and agreements place an increasing emphasis on genderresponsive approaches, such an EU policy study can highlight policy framework gaps, pinpoint
best practices globally, and promote information exchange. Understanding the status of gender
integration in European climate policies is also crucial for ensuring that the continent’s
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adaptation efforts benefit all of its citizens and more people.

2. Literature Review
2.1

Gender Mainstreaming

2.1.1

History of Gender Mainstreaming

Gender mainstreaming as a strategy to achieve gender equality, stresses the need to consider
gender-related issues in all standard political, economic, and social circles. Its main goal is toachieve gender equality by changing the way policies are made so that gender considerations
are taken into account at every stage.
The first World Conference on Women (1975) and the declaration of the “United Nations
Decade for Women (1976-1985)” laid the foundation for gender mainstreaming 1 . The
declaration mentioned that primary goals were to eliminate gender discrimination, integrate
women into development (WID) strategies, and increase the contribution of women to world
peace. While the WID approach yielded significant gains, it was criticized for treating women’schallenges as peripheral to development, rather than directly addressing the core issue of genderinequality, which consequently promoting the emergence of the Gender and Development(GAD) framework (Rathgeber, 1990). At the 1985 World Conference on Women in Nairobi, theGAD was introduced, which means a shift from the WID2. Rather than focusing just on women,
it underscores the imperative nature of tackling gender relations and the wider social formationof gender norms. This modification recognized that in order to achieve actual gender equality,
it was necessary to address the complex relationships between society norms, expectations, andpower dynamics.
The concept of gender mainstreaming was first introduced during the Fourth World
Conference on Women in Beijing, China in 1995, by the United Nations. Gender mainstreaming,as defined by the Beijing Platform for Action, is “the process of assessing the implications for
women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programs, in all areas
and at all levels.3“ It was created as a global strategy to deal with the issue of gender viewpoints
being disregarded in the creation of laws and the carrying out of programs. As a result, following
the Beijing United Nations Conference on Women in 1995, “gender mainstreaming” became
widely publicized as a political strategy for achieving gender equality (Rees, 2005). This
marked the inception of a concerted effort to incorporate a gendered perspective into all policies
and programs (Alston, 2006).

1 According to the United Nations (1975), World Conference of the International Women’s Year 19 June-2 July 1975, Mexico
City, Mexico, accessed 10 June 2023, <https://www.un.org/en/conferences/women/mexico-city1975>.
2 According to the United Nations (1985), World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations
Decade for Women 15-26 July 1985, Nairobi, Kenya, accessed 10 June 2023,< https://www.un.org/en/conferences/women/nairobi1985>.
3 According to the United Nations (1995), Fourth World Conference on Women, 4-15 September 1995, Beijing, China,
accessed 10 June 2023, <https://www.un.org/en/conferences/women/beijing1995>.

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In 1997, the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) further emphasized
the definition of the gender mainstreaming: “ Mainstreaming a gender perspective is theprocess of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including
legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for making
women’s, as well as men’s, concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design,
implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political,
economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not
perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality 4 “. When developing,
implementing, monitoring, and evaluating policies and programs, gender mainstreaming was atechnique used to make sure that the interests and experiences of both men and women weretaken into consideration in all political and financial contexts. However, when UN General
Assembly Special Session reviewed the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action’s
implementation5 in 2000, it revealed a lack of substantial progress in achieving gender equality
in decision-making positions at national and international levels. The majority of countries still
have low rates of female representation, and despite advancements in public sector roles, there
are still few women serving on the boards of significant firms. The meeting recommended
stepping up surveillance even more in order to draw attention to the difficulties facing genderequality today and to encourage women’s equal participation in positions of leadership.
2.1.2

The Definition of Gender Mainstreaming

However, the definition and implementation of “gender mainstreaming “is controversial andobscure for a long time. “The concept of gender mainstreaming is both a contentious idea anda method used inconsistently in many situations.” (Rees, 2005). Gender mainstreaming is not
only a policy or practice, but a comprehensive approach to transform corporate governance.
Rees (2005) gave her definition of gender mainstreaming as：“Gender mainstreaming is the promotion of gender equality through its systematic integration
into all systems and structures, into all policies, processes and procedures, into theorganisation and its culture, into ways of seeing and doing.”
By placing organizations as a whole in charge of maintaining gender equality rather than justindividuals, gender mainstreaming enables the seamless incorporation of gender issues into anorganization’s daily operations by altering standard operating procedures, policy processes, andcultural norms (Wittman, 2010). Gender mainstreaming fundamentally departs from the
Seen in United Nations Economic and Social Council (1997), E/1997/66 Mainstreaming the gender perspective into allpoliciesandprogrammesintheUnitedNations
system,accessed
10
June
2023,
<https://www.un.org/esa/documents/ecosoc/docs/1997/e1997-66.htm>.
5 Seen in the United Nations (2000), 23rd Special Session of the General Assembly, 5-9 June 2000, New York, UnitedStates, accessed 10 June 2023, <https://www.un.org/en/conferences/women/newyork2000>.
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acceptance of a dominant male norm and challenges systems privileging this norm bytransforming systems and structures, and dismantling gender-based hierarchies and power
dynamics (Rees, 2005).
Rees (2001) discussed the concept of “gender mainstreaming” from a historical approach bycomparing it with two main approaches – “equal treatment” and “ positive action” to achieve
gender equality. Before the introduction of “gender mainstreaming,” one of the predominant
approaches to gender equality was “equal treatment” where the legal framework was designed
primarily around men’s experiences aimed to align women’s rights with those of men,addressing historical discrimination. However, the “equal treatment” had its limitations since it
saw women’s differences as issues that required special consideration. These kinds of actions
were frequently insufficient and of short duration to address systemic inequalities in practiceand policy. Similarly, “positive action” attempted to overcome perceived gaps in knowledge orexperience while upholding the idea that women’s needs were unique. These kinds of initiatives,
however, mainly educated women to adapt to circumstances where men predominated, rather
than addressing the underlying cultural difficulties. Even though they are required, thesebehaviours have the potential to inadvertently perpetuate a particular type of masculinity inworkplace settings that restricts both men and women. Positive gender acts are crucial, but they
can’t change the larger popular culture that perpetuates gender inequality (Rees, 2001).
Different from the individual-focused “equal treatment” and the group-oriented “positive
action” approaches to achieve gender equality, gender mainstreaming represents a shift. This
strategy focuses on addressing structural sexism, recognizing the institutionalized systemic
factors that support gender inequality, and going beyond the more limited definitions ofindividual rights and the needs of certain groups (Rees, 2005). Gender mainstreaming, as
framed by Rees ((Rees, 2005), functions under the fundamental assumption that genderdifferences exist in addition to shared similarities. It aims to ingrained gender equality within
the basic structure of organizations, norms, and policies, while at the same time, power relations
are to be dismantled by means of redistribution. Within this context, my research will adhere to
the framework and understanding of “gender mainstreaming” outlined by Rees (2005), in order
to conduct an analysis of the gender aspects within European Union (EU) climate adaptation
policies.
2.1.3

Gender Mainstreaming in the EU

The document from the Commission of the European Communities (1996) requires an active
and deliberate consideration of the potential impacts of policies on both men and women fromthe outset. This entails a thorough assessment of measures and policies, ensuring that theirimplications on gender dynamics are acknowledged and addressed during both the design andexecution phases. The document explained that “mainstreaming” is a holistic approach toachieving gender equality that goes beyond just implementing specific interventions for women.
In 1997, gender mainstreaming was adopted as the official policy approach to gender equality
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in the EU via the Amsterdam Treaty (1997), which required that new EU members adopt thegender mainstreaming approach when joining the EU since then. The European Parliament (EP)committed to implementing gender mainstreaming in its own work and organizational structureand has firmly backed gender mainstreaming at the supranational level (Elomäki and Ahrens,2022). As mentioned before about gender mainstreaming development, the EU pursues genderequality through positive action and gender mainstreaming as a dual-track strategy (Rees, 2005).
In spite of the fact that EU policy texts stress the importance of gender equality and call for its
inclusion throughout all policies, there is a discernible discrepancy between policy intentions
and practical outcomes (Allwood, 2020). After almost ten years since the EU adopted gendermainstreaming in its policies, there are very few instances of a gender mainstreaming strategy(agenda setting) where advancing gender equality is the primary policy goal. More frequently
than not, gender mainstreaming as an approach is frequently used to integrate gender equality
within broader agendas like economic development or poverty reduction, effectively serving asa tool to deliver policy on diverse issues (integration), rather than as the central target (Rees,
2005). In recent years, the emergence of interlinked issues like migration, security, and climatechange that are systematically framed as crises within the EU development policy framework
has strengthened this situation that gender mainstreaming is not the primary policy goal.
Development policy’s response to crises extended its focus beyond poverty alleviation toencompass these global challenges and EU priorities, including migration, security, and climatechange. However, aside from brief mentions of gender mainstreaming, gender considerations
are frequently absent from policy documents. Although gender issues between various crises
play a crucial role in shaping development strategy, these relationships exhibit startling gender
blindness (Allwood, 2020). Even in cases where development policy is largely gender-sensitive,
the introduction of another intersecting problem, like climate change, might push genderconsiderations to the background. Intricate cross-cutting policy concerns don’t seem to beadequately addressed by the gender mainstreaming structures and processes now in place,which seem to be limited to tackling gender within certain policy domains (Allwood, 2014).
Interviews with gender experts who work for NGOs in Brussels emphasize this issue. They
claim that the EU’s predominant focus on security and migration has a negative influence on
attempts to advance gender equality. Migration management receives a lot of resources andattention, which overshadows gender-related issues. While some EU citizens may support
gender equality, the current emphasis on security and migration makes it difficult to implement
significant changes that emphasize (Allwood, 2020).
Seen from inside of the EU system, the inclusion of a gender perspective varies noticeably inpolicy texts from the European Parliament and the Commission. The European Parliament,
particularly through its Committee for Women’s Rights and Gender Equality, conducts
thorough gender analysis of climate-related issues while the Commission frequently ignores
gender (Allwood, 2014). Besides, gender mainstreaming in topics of broad applicability, suchas climate change, is hampered by the EU’s distinctively sectoral policy-making frameworks.
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(Allwood, 2014). Similarly, Elomäki and Ahrens (2022) also mentioned that obstacles stemfrom formal and informal regulations governing committee responsibilities and the EU sectors’
reluctance to address matters outside committee domains. Therefore, gender is frequently
marginalized as a result of this interconnectivity.
Elomäki and Ahrens (2022) look into how micropolitical strategies affect the implementationof gender mainstreaming in the European Parliament and discovered that political groups’
ideologies have an impact on efforts to mainstream gender. Prospects for meaningful gendermainstreaming are slim given the European Parliament’s propensity for consensus-seeking
policy formation. For instance, committees like the European Parliament’s Committee
on Economic and Monetary Affairs exhibit resistance due to entrenched informal patriarchal
norms that especially marginalize gender perspectives (Elomäki and Ahrens, 2022). In addition,
gender mainstreaming processes can become routine operations, similar to many “environment
proofing” techniques if the people in charge of carrying out the gender impact study are nottrained and gender aware. The technical form of gender mainstreaming’s effectiveness also
depends on people utilizing the tools’ proficiency and politicians’ commitment to making surethe exercise goes beyond checking boxes (Rees, 2005).

2.2

Gender in European Climate Adaptation Policies

2.2.1

Review of European Climate Adaptation Policies

Over the past three decades, the European Union (EU) has exhibited a steadfast commitment
to addressing climate change, with a predominant focus on climate mitigation. However,climate adaptation has historically taken a more cautious approach within the EU’s climate
adaptation. There are various causes for this hesitation. First, decision-makers were afraid that
putting adaptation first may diminish the EU’s reputation as a leader in mitigation measures.
Second, the issue of legal competence is a major worry within the EU: as a result of the EU’s
limited authority in areas like land-use planning, which the Member States closely guard as amark of sovereignty, made things much more difficult (Tyndall and Tyndall, 2016).
Besides, While understanding climate change impacts and vulnerabilities is essential, thecomplexity of adaptation makes efficient policy decisions challenging, especially on a national
level. The uncertainty surrounding climate change, along with limited short-term guidance due
to its long-term nature and evolving research, hinders prompt action. Financial aspects ofadaptation, including costs and funding, establishing institutions and ensuring policy continuity,
often remain unaddressed in National Adaptation Strategies (NASs), leading to postponeddecisions (Biesbroek et al., 2010). Adaptation, the endeavour to mitigate the adverse impactsof climate change on human and natural systems in the EU, primarily manifests as a regional
and local concern (Biesbroek et al., 2010). In recent years, climate change has exacerbatedexisting tensions within the EU. For example, climate-induced shifts affect sectors like
viticulture and winemaking. The socioeconomic and environmental sustainability of Europe’s
esteemed viticulture industry is now contingent on its capacity to effectively adapt to climate
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change (Santos et al., 2020).
Only around the turn of the century, as the effects of climate change became more apparent,
did adaptation become a priority for policymakers, and EU Member States began to develop
National Adaptation Strategies (Biesbroek et al., 2010). The EU is increasingly engaged in this
aspect as well (Tagliapietra, Wolff and Lenaerts, 2022). Adaptation policies are being adopted
at a quick speed in Europe. There was a 635% increase in the number of adaptation policies
recorded in the EU from 2005 to 2010 (Massey et al., 2014). In 2007, the EU published a
Green Paper about Adapting to Climate Change in Europe (CEC, 2007), highlighting the
primary effects of climate change in Europe and developing an adaptation plan. The paper (CEC,
2007) defines ‘adaptation’ as an approach that aims to reduce the risks and damage from current
and future harmful impacts cost-effectively, encompassing national or regional strategies aswell as community-level or individual steps, both anticipatory and reactive. In its White Paper(European Commission, 2009c), the EU stressed that adaptation needs to be mainstreamed into
EU policies. To facilitate adaptation, it is important to review how policies can be re-focusedor amended to each policy area. The number of Local Adaptation Strategies (LAS) saw aremarkable threefold increase between 2011 and 2016 driven by political dynamics, catalytic
research initiatives, and climate-induced extreme events, such as heatwaves, droughts, storms,
and increased precipitation, within the European context (Aguiar et al., 2018).
Although there are many barriers existing to launching and implementing adaptation plans andstrategies from the EU level, and the primary responsibility for climate change adaptation lies
with regional and local actions, there exist compelling reasons for the European Union (EU) to
be involved and take the leadership. These reasons include the advantages of scale, the potential
territorial spillovers, and impacts that intersect with the EU’s other competencies, including themaintenance of a functional single market (Lenaerts et al., 2022). The Green Paper on Adapting
to Climate Change in Europe (CEC, 2007) articulates the rationale for a cross-boundary
approach in the EU to climate adaptation, emphasizing that climate impacts transcendadministrative boundaries and the need for coordinated efforts. Certain sectors, such as
agriculture, water, biodiversity, fisheries, and energy networks, are deeply integrated at the EU
level through the single market and common policies, making it sensible to directly incorporate
adaptation goals into these sectors. The EU has the necessary technical know-how, people
capacity, and financial resources to take on a significant leadership role. Political coherence,
proactive planning, and constant and coordinated action are primarily required for adaptation.
In the face of this global challenge, the EU is in a prime position to show how adaptation canbe successfully included in all pertinent EU policies and to step up international collaboration.
2.2.2 Gender in EU Climate Adaptation Policies
A comprehensive analysis of EU climate policy documents underscores the historically limited
references to women, gender equality, or gender until 2012, and such references remained
scarce thereafter (Allwood, 2014). Alston’s examination of EU climate change policy

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documents, which mostly come from the Commission, reveals a predominant framing ofclimate change as a matter of markets, technology, and security, with a heavier emphasis ontechnological and market-based solutions rather than the human dimension and the role ofgender. Gender factors are glaringly lacking when the dominant narrative frames climatechange as a market- or technology-centred issue (Allwood, 2014).
The paucity of research dedicated to gender issues in EU climate policies is a notable gap.
Western feminist scholars (Macgregor, 2010) have often shied away from discussing
environmental issues. Women affiliated with UN organizations like UNIFEM and UNEP as
well as gender, environment, and development (GED) experts are the main researchers on
gender and climate change. However, researchers from the UN frequently depict women in the
Global South as victims - especially those in the Global South like India, Bangladesh, andTanzania, are the main focus, while addressing these women’s pressing needs is crucial,perpetuating a victim stereotype will reinforce notions of powerless women. These discussions
overly depend on quantitative approaches, simplify gender dynamics by concentrating only on
women, and lack a normative stance on environmental exploitation (Macgregor, 2010).
The EU’s declared commitment to gender equality and its actual implementation are very
different. Although gender equality is a generally recognised issue, it has been challenging toincorporate it into more comprehensive EU policies since it is challenging to coordinate
programs horizontally. As the effectiveness of development policy falls, it is projected that theemphasis on and integration of gender equality will diminish. In addition, the mainstreamingof gender concerns faces formidable challenges like a lack of funds, institutional resistance, andpower struggles (Allwood, 2020).
Despite being widely acknowledged as a technique for furthering gender equality, gendermainstreaming’s actual application frequently falls short of fulfilling its transformative promise.
Alston (2014) discussed that gender mainstreaming frequently takes a bureaucratic approach inorder to fit into current organizations without questioning conventions, but often ignores themain importance of gender power dynamics and the underlying goal of establishing genderequality. Furthermore, the term “mainstreaming” itself might possibly dilute resources devoted
to gender mainstreaming and reduce it to one of many cross-cutting concerns. When integrating
environmental sustainability and gender equality into development policy sometimes, it often
takes place in parallel processes rather than taking into account their inherently interrelated
nature. Consequently, gender mainstreaming processes are frequently circumvented in thecontext of climate change as a cross-cutting issue (Allwood, 2014). The EU’s ambitions forgender equality and development have been neglected, which represents a backwards trend that
affects not only the EU but also those who want to emulate its policies. It is crucial to integrate
gender perspectives and coordinate strategies across several policy domains (Allwood, 2020).

3. Theoretical Framework

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Gender mainstreaming offers an invaluable lens through which to examine the degree to which
gender ideas are incorporated into laws and practices, despite being widely employed as a tactic
and tool. Gender mainstreaming lies in the recognition of androcentric practices within an
organization’s culture, policies, and practices, which aims to expose and challenge
institutionalized sexism (Rees, 2005). Mainstreaming fosters a holistic transformation bydirecting the power dynamics that exist across departments and organizations (Alston, 2006).
Gender mainstreaming provides a theoretical framework for this study that directs the analysisof the climate adaption policy of the European Union. It challenges the conventional
categorization of gender as a distinct issue and highlights how vital it is to successfully integrate
gender characteristics into policy at all levels. Through its conceptual framework, gendermainstreaming initiates a transformation by concentrating scholarly attention on a complete
understanding of how policies intrinsically consider the different needs, experiences, andcontributions of people of all genders.
Rees (2005) identified three principles of gender mainstreaming as well as some of the tools
for implementing them, which include “ Regarding the Individual as a Whole Person”,“Democracy and Participation”, and “Justice, Fairness, and Equity”.
• Regarding the Individual as a Whole Person
This principle pushes beyond gender norms and presumptions to acknowledge people for theirwhole identities. It questions long-standing gender conventions and assumptions andacknowledges that individuals have a variety of roles, interests, and responsibilities that go
beyond traditional stereotypes. Historically, the gender contract model has limited policy areasand impeded the progress of gender equality. It aims to demolish this model. This concept
supports family-friendly policies that help all workers, not just women, and recognizes thatcaregivers can be of any gender.
•
Democracy and Participation
Achieving gender parity in political involvement and decision-making, as well as equal
representation, participation, and decision-making authority for men and women in various
aspects of society, is emphasized by this principle. It is more comparable to a workable planthat supports policies that advance gender parity in bodies that make decisions and stimulate
greater public participation, which eventually cultivates a more inclusive and democraticsociety. It emphasizes how important it is that women’s opinions and viewpoints be fairly
represented in all spheres of public life. Gender mainstreaming seeks to further state
democratization and more inclusive and representative governance by including women in
discussions and policy formulation.
•
Justice, Fairness, and Equity
Gender mainstreaming is based on the principles of justice and social equity. It seeks to treat
everyone fairly and give them equal access to opportunity. This idea emphasizes the necessityof eradicating gender-based discrimination and fostering equity in all spheres of public andprivate life.
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Here I summarize three principles “ Equality”, “Democracy and Participation” and “Justice”,
as well as related tools according to Rees’s research（Table 1）, to provide a comprehensive
framework for analyzing gender mainstreaming in the context of EU climate adaptation policies.
These principles will act as the standards for judging how well the European Union incorporates
gender perspectives into its policies, ensuring that gender concerns are an essential part of theframework for climate adaptation. The evaluation of European Union policies will be guided
by the application of these principles as we assess how closely they adhere to the aims andobjectives of gender mainstreaming. This examination will address gender-specificvulnerabilities and support gender-equitable climate adaptation measures will be shown throughthis analysis.
Table 1 Gender mainstreaming principle and tools
Principles

Description

Tools

Valuing individuals
beyond genderstereotypes,
challenging traditionalroles, advocating forfamily-friendly
policies, promoting
diversity, andencouraging the use ofa “gender lens” toidentify and rectify
biases in policies andpractices.

•

Work/Life Balance Policies: Recognizing diverseroles outside work.

•

Dignity at Work Policies: Ensuring a respectful
and inclusive workplace environment.

•

Modern HR Practices: Emphasizing transparency,
fairness, and equal opportunities.

•

Equal Pay Reviews: Ensuring that work is valued
appropriately, irrespective of gender.

•

Awareness and Training: Educating employees
about the importance of this principle and how to
implement it.

•

Using a ‘gender lens’: Identifying and rectifying
biases in policies and practices.

Achieving equal
representation indecision-making roles,
Democracy
supporting women’s
andadvancement,enhancing democracy
Participation
by including women’sissues and encouraging
their participation inpolitics, overcoming
political culture, and•Gender Monitoring: Ensuring gender balance indecision-making bodies.

•

Gender-Disaggregated Statistics: Collecting andanalyzing data separately for men and women.

•

Equality Indicators: Metrics measuring genderequality in various spheres.

•Transparency in Government: Ensuring open andtransparent government processes. Legislation on
Gender•Balance: Mandating gender representation indecision-making bodies.

Equality

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encouraging wider
participation.

•

Consultative Procedures:
Engaging the public and stakeholders for input on
policies.

Justice

Combating genderinequalities throughsocial values of justice,reassessing resource
allocation, identifying
and rectifying genderbiases in systems andstructures, and•National Machineries for Women: Entities
promoting women’s representation in decisionmaking processes.

•

Gender Budgeting: Analyzing government
budgets for gender-balanced resource allocation.

•

Gender Impact Assessments: Evaluating genderspecific impacts before policy implementation.

•

Gender Proofing: Ensuring policies don’t
perpetuate gender biases or inequalities.

•

Women’s Studies/Gender Studies: Academic
disciplines providing insights into genderfostering collaborationand politicalcommitment.

dynamics and inequalities.
•

Visioning: Identifying and reimagining biased
systems for more inclusivity and equity.

4. Analysis of Gender Mainstreaming in EU Climate Adaptation
Policies (2007-2021)
4.1

Introduction to Analysis

The study looks into how much gender mainstreaming there was in the European Union’s (EU)climate adaptation policies between 2007 and 2021. It emphasizes how these policies shouldtake gender perspectives and equality into account by using a gender-sensitive framework thatconsiders gender equality. The main goal of the research is to clarify the extent to which genderfactors have been incorporated into the EU’s climate change adaptation strategy. The
importance of gender awareness and the implementation of gender mainstreaming within EU
climate adaptation policy is highlighted. Individuals of different genders have different roles
and responsibilities, and have different access to resources. At the very least, in a society thathas not yet achieved gender equality, it is critical to acknowledge the differential effects ofclimate change on gender-diverse populations. As such, this analysis seeks to reveal the levelof gender integration within climate adaptation strategies to ensure that these policies
comprehensively address the diverse vulnerabilities and needs of all individuals.
Furthermore, this investigation looks at climate adaptation going beyond merely examining
gender. It has wider implications for the overarching framework of EU climate policy. The
outcomes can contribute to future policy making and execution by adding to the discussion

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about improving the effectiveness, fairness, and resilience of climate adaption initiatives.
This analysis section is organized as follows: Section 2 gives a summary of the particularpolicy papers examined in this study and provides an evaluation of how gender-related
terminology (such as “gender,” “women,” “men,” and “equality”) have been included into thetext of the policy documents. This part analyses the extent of gender integration in related policy
documents and gives a basic picture of the gender dimension in EU climate adaptation policies.
Qualitative analysis is conducted in Section 3 to identify the main characteristics of gender
integration within the policy papers. It investigates how gender is considered in particular policy
fields. Section 4 critically examines European climate adaptation policies through the lens ofgender mainstreaming principles, which underscores the opportunity to align gendermainstreaming principles with the broader participation agenda in EU climate adaptation
policies. It emphasizes that gender-related concerns should be integrated into decision-making
processes. Although analysis reveals room for the inclusion of gender dimensions in thesepolicies, it’s evident that gender mainstreaming has not been given the priority it deserves in
the context of climate adaptation.

4.2

The Extent of Gender-Related Terms in the Policy Documents

In this section, I list the specific EU climate adaptation policy documents that were examinedin this analysis and describe how much gender was integrated into them. These policy
documents show the whole range of EU climate adaptation plans, ranging from foundational
strategies to more recent legislative changes. They cover a crucial time period from 2007 to
2021 and represent how the European Union’s climate adaptation policies have changed overtime. These documents were chosen based on their importance in establishing the EU’s climate
adaptation agenda and their applicability to the main goals of this research. As part of theanalysis, I investigate to which extent gender mainstreaming has been incorporated into EU
climate adaptation policies through a comprehensive examination of these documents.
In this part, each policy document underwent a careful study in order to determine theprevalence of gender-related terms. I present an analysis (Table 2 ) of the extent to which
gender-related terms, such as “gender,” “women,” “men,” and “equality,” appear in the EU
climate adaptation policy documents for the period from 2007 to 2021 that was the subject of
this study, with the goal of capturing even inconspicuous allusions to gender issues.
Table 2 Gender integration in selected EU climate adaptation documents (2007 – 2021)
Document
SEC (2007) 849 Green Paper on
Adapting to climate

18

Year

2007

GenderContextual informationno

Recognizes the importance of developing
adaptation strategies, “the poorer segments ofsociety will be more vulnerable to the changes”;

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change in Europe –options for EU

Acknowledges the need to pay attention to thesocial aspects of adaptation (young children andactionelderly are more vulnerable) but without genderdimensions.

COM (2009) 147 White Paper on
Adapting to climatechangeSEC (2009) 387 Impact assessmenton the White paperon adapting toclimate change
SEC/2009/0386 Policy paper on
Water, Coasts andMarine Issues
Non-paper
Guidelines for
Project Managers:
Making vulnerable
investments climate
resilientyes

Only recommends “social policy (including
gender issues)” as a substantial contribution toclimate adaptation.

no

Acknowledges the impacts of climate change aredifferent, especially on the more vulnerable partsof society, take examples from “migrants”, and“low-income groups”, and recognizes thedifference of “adaptive capacity” among
different population, without any mention ofgender perspectives.

2009

no

No mention of gender but encourages to provide
for greater public involvement in key decisions
on water management.

2013

no

No mention of gender; Presents seven modules
which make up the climate resilience toolkit

2013

no

No mention of gender

2013

no

No mention of gender

2009

2009

IP/13/329 Strengthening
Europe’spreparedness
against natural andman-made disasters
MEMO/13/334 Questions andAnswers/ EU
strategy on
adaptation toclimate change

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MEMO/13/335 - EU
strategy on

Presents examples of adaptation projects in EU

adaptation toclimate change Media resource
sheet
The EU Strategy on
adaptation toclimate change

2013

yes

Member States, only in case of Hungary,mentions that heat waves cause health risks,
especially for those most vulnerable, including
older people, children and pregnant women.

no

Sets out a framework and mechanisms for taking
the EU’s preparedness for current and futureclimate impacts to a new level, including threeobjectives and eight actions, without any
mention of gender.

2013

no

Acknowledges the importance of “training” inimplementation process, but without the mentionof gender.

2013

no

No mention of gender

2013

SWD (2013) 299 Principles andrecommendations
for integratingclimate change
adaptationconsiderations
under the 2014-2020
European Maritime
and Fisheries Fundoperational
programmes
COM (2013) 216 An EU Strategy on
adaptation toclimate change

Mentions the various capacity to face climate

SWD (2013) 132 Impact Assessment
Part 1&2

20

2013

yes

impacts, takes women as example that “ may beplaced in a disadvantaged position when
expensive adaptation measures are required” ;Acknowledges gaps in adaptation action at subEU level, including gender – sensitive;
Recognizes fundamental rights are affected byclimate change and climate change adaptation
policies differently, “In particular, women arelikely to be disproportionately affected byclimate change as social exclusion has a strong

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gender bias that increases their vulnerability to
climate change, as they have fewer means on
average” ;Admits “Economic disparities lead to differencesin adaptive capacity between man and women.
Climate change should be used as a further
argument to reduce these disparities and to
reduce vulnerabilities in particular of women.”;
Includes “implementation of gender equality andother human rights” as part of “ Other social
issues”;
Lists mainstreaming priorities of climate
adaptation in EU policies, one of them is“Social issues” - “Particular focus should bespent on vulnerable groups (e.g. older people),but also on how to make use of gender issues forstrengthening adaptation efforts.”
COM (2013) 213 Green paper on theinsurance of naturaland man-madedisasters

2013

no

No mention of gender

SWD (2013) 133 Climate change
adaptation, coastal
and marine issues

2013

no

No mention of genderAcknowledges different health impacts fromclimate change, mental health disorders caused

SWD (2013) 136 Adaptation toclimate change
impacts on human,
animal and plant
healthSWD (2013) 137 Adapting
infrastructure toclimate change

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2013

yes

2013

no

by flooding affects more females than males;
Mentions that climate change leads to uneven
distribution and additional burdens for lower
income groups and certain vulnerable groups,
such as children, those working outdoors, theelderly, and women.

No mention of gender21

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SWD (2013) 138 Climate change,
environmental
degradation andmigration
SWD (2013) 135 Technical guidanceon integratingclimate change
adaptation inprogrammes andinvestments ofCohesion Policy

Acknowledges migration in the context ofenvironmental change is complex, and
2013

no

immigrant’s needs vary, depending on their age,
health, gender and socio-economic status, but nomention of gender in climate adaptation context.

2013

yes

Requires that programmes describe how toaddress the horizontal principles in Articles 7(gender equality and non- discrimination).

2013

no

No mention of gender

2013

no

No mention of gendernoMentions social justice issues – “with poorer
neighbourhoods being less resilient to climatechange; social co-benefits could be an additional
driver for adapted infrastructure development,
strengthening the political case for investment.”
but no mention of gender specifically.

no

An adaptation preparedness scoreboard to
identify key indicators for measuring Member
States’ level of readiness to climate adaption, no
gender related score.

SWD (2013) 139 Principles andrecommendations
for integratingclimate change
adaptationconsiderations
under the 2014-2020
rural development
programmes
SWD (2013) 134 Guidelines ondeveloping
adaptation
strategies

Evaluation support
study report

SWD(2018) 460 Adaptation
preparedness
scoreboard –

22

2018

2018

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Country Fiches
SWD(2018) 461 Evaluation of the
EU Strategy on
adaptation toclimate changeCOM(2018) 738 Report on theimplementation of
the EU Adaptation
StrategyCOM(2021) 82 - EU
Climate Adaptation

2018

no

No mention of gender

2018

no

No mention of gender

2021

yes

Strategy

SWD(2021) 123 Closing the climate
protection gap –Scoping policy anddata gaps

Acknowledges that the impacts of climatechange are not neutral. Men and women, older
people, persons with disabilities, displaced
persons, or socially marginalised have different
adaptive capabilities. Adaptation measures needto consider their situation.

2021

no

No mention of gender

Mentions the varying effects of climate change
on women and men and how climate impacts
internationally may amplify gender inequalities(e.g. social responsibilities, practices) areessential to any adaptation effort;
Sets 4 objectives that is to be achieved in the
SWD(2021) 25 Impact Assessment

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2021

yes

future, and mentions that Objective 4 (O4) –Strengthen global action for climate change
adaptation and resilience is to contribute togender-responsiveplanning,
and
implementation;
Mentions that the current focus on social
adaptation is insufficient, particularly for women
and workers, in particular among civil society
representatives;
Discusses gender as one topic that should be

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addressed in the new Strategy: “reinforcing
multi-levelgovernanceandprioritising
initiatives with co-benefits; accounting fordiffering social vulnerabilities, including genderspecific vulnerabilities”;
Discusses the integration of gender issues into
policymaking, including how and why it should
be mainstreamed in the new EU Adaptation
Strategy;
Mentions needs to address broader questions ofequity, such as gender, indistributional
impacts of climate change.
SWD(2021) 26 Impact Assessment

2021

no

No mention of gender

Executive Summary
Out of the 28 examined EU climate adaptation strategy documents from 2007 to 2021, a mere
7 (25%) explicitly incorporated language that acknowledged the importance of genderconsiderations in the context of climate adaptation. Within this subset, some publications
articulated an understanding of the interaction between gender and climate adaptation, whileothers merely used the term “gender” without substantial discourse. In striking contrast, amajority of the policy texts, constituting 21 out of the 28 (75%), were devoid of any mentionsof gender-related terminology. According to the concept of gender mainstreaming, as definedby the Beijing Platform for Action, underscores the need to assess the implications of any
planned action on both women and men. It emphasizes the importance of integrating genderconsiderations into all standard political, economic, and social spheres, with the overarchinggoal of achieving gender equality by ensuring that gender issues are systematically addressedat every stage of policy development and implementation. It serves as a global strategy aimed
at rectifying the historical oversight of gender perspectives in policy formulation andimplementation. Mainstreaming gender in climate policy, as committed by the EU, necessitates
the inclusion of gender perspectives in policy deliberations. Furthermore, it is crucial torecognize that gender is not synonymous with “female,” and equating gender issues solely withwomen overlooks the broader goals of systemic change and equality that gender mainstreaming
aims to achieve. As detailed in the analytical section of the article, the focus on gender in climate
policy should extend beyond mere representation of women and instead encompass acomprehensive approach that addresses the diverse vulnerabilities and capacities of individualsof all genders. However, these documents lacked explicit gender commentary, emphasizing
climate adaptation through a lens that ignored gender factors, which is a problem.

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A pie chart (Figure 1) was made as a graphic depiction of the distribution of gender-related
terminology throughout the EU climate adaptation policy in order to visually incorporate thesefindings. The graphic shows that, during the course of the study period, a sizable majority of
EU climate adaptation policy documents showed a lack of explicit references to gender, with
only a small percentage of texts showing progress in addressing gender-specific issues.
This observed variation highlights the necessity of enhancing gender mainstreaming efforts
within EU climate adaption policies, as well as the necessity of igniting more research andadvocacy projects in this area. The importance of this issue cannot be overstated because agender-sensitive strategy is necessary for the equitable and thorough management of climate
adaptation, ensuring that the distinct vulnerabilities and advantages of various gender groups
are appropriately handled.
Figure 1 The distribution of gender-related language in EU climate adaptation policies(2007-2021)

Documents (2007-2021)

Gender related
terms
25%

Absence of gender
75%

Gender related terms

Absence of genderThis study, which offers a clear overview of the state of gender integration within EU climate
adaption measures within the indicated timeframe, serves as the analytical starting point. In theparts that follow, I go into greater depth using a qualitative study to comprehend gendermainstreaming in the fraction of papers that specifically reference gender. However, The
analytical approach used in this section has both strengths and limitations in assessing gender
integration in EU climate adaptation policies. On the one hand, a comprehensive assessment of
the inclusion of gender-related terms was possible through the systematic evaluation of specificpolicy documents. This structured approach allows researchers to analyse the extent to which
gender perspectives are included in policy documents. By focusing on terms such as ‘gender’,‘female’, ‘male’ and ‘equality’, the methodology provides a quantifiable measure of gender2024 年 3 月

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integration in policy documents. By analysing gender-related terms, it is possible to identify
trends in the integration of gender perspectives over time. This long-term perspective helps to
track progress or stagnation of gender mainstreaming in EU climate adaptation policies. The
results of this analysis can provide information on the current state of gender integration inclimate adaptation policies and thus inform policy discussions. It provides policy makers with
empirical evidence to support the need for increased gender mainstreaming efforts in EU
climate policy. On the other hand, while the methodology focuses on specific gender-related
terms, it may miss the deeper nuances and complexities of gender mainstreaming. It may not
capture the subtleties of gender dynamics and power relations embedded in policy documents.
These require a more qualitative and contextual analysis. In addition, the limited scope of themethodology, which limits the analysis to the presence or absence of gender-related
terminology in policy documents, may overlook other aspects of gender mainstreaming, suchas the quality of gender analysis or the effectiveness of policies in promoting gender equality.
A broader approach that includes qualitative evaluation could provide a more comprehensive
understanding of gender mainstreaming. In addition, the interpretation of gender-related termsin policy documents can vary. This can lead to subjective judgments about the extent of gendermainstreaming. Different analysts may perceive and categorise terms in different ways,
introducing potential biases and inconsistencies into the analysis. The methodology focuses
primarily on textual analysis and does not consider the broader socio-political context. As such,the analysis may overlook external factors that influence the inclusion or exclusion of gender
perspectives in policy development. Thus, while the methodology provides a structured
approach to assessing gender integration, it has inherent limitations that need to be recognised.
A more nuanced analysis of gender mainstreaming efforts in climate policy needs to becomplemented by qualitative methods and contextual insights in future research.

4.3

Qualitative Analysis of Gender Integration in EU Policy

In order to comprehend how gender is taken into account within these policies, and explore
the extent and kind of gender integration in EU climate adaptation strategies, I dig into aqualitative analysis of EU climate adaptation policy texts in this part.
4.3.1

Absence of Gender Consideration

Among the array of EU climate adaptation policy documents scrutinized, a glaring finding isthat there is a conspicuous absence of gender-related terms. My analysis underscores that thediscourse on gender, or the integration of gender considerations, is noticeably absent from the
majority of these policies. It becomes clear that explicit gender mainstreaming is not a
substantial part of EU climate adaptation efforts. These policies neither give concrete activities
aimed at addressing gender-related issues nor expressly reference gender mainstreaming. Thisfinding is consistent with the conclusion made in Allwood’s (2014) research, which noted thatthe absence of gender considerations from many climate change policy documents shows thatthey emanate from policy-making processes apparently untouched by the EU’s frequently
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reiterated commitment to gender mainstreaming policy in all areas.
For instance, one of the most pivotal documents in this analysis, “The EU Strategy on
Adaptation to Climate Change,6“ adopted by the European Commission in April 2013, sets forth
a comprehensive framework and mechanisms aimed at elevating the EU’s preparedness for
current and future climate impacts to a new step. However, there is a complete absence ofgender issues from its purview. Within its three overarching objectives and eight detailed
implementation actions, none of them make any reference to gender considerations or theimperative of mainstreaming gender perspectives. This omission underscores a glaring gap in
the gender responsiveness of EU climate adaptation policies. This absence raises pivotal
questions about the extent to which climate adaptation policies align with the EU’s professedcommitment to gender mainstreaming across all policy areas. It suggests that gender
perspectives need to be more thoroughly incorporated and that the commitment to promoting
gender equity within climate adaptation measures needs to be re-evaluated.
4.3.2 Limited gender consideration in policies
In examining EU climate adaptation policy documents from 2007 to 2021, it becomes evident
that very limited documents mentioned gender in the texts. I found these policies have thefollowing characteristics:•

Focus on Gendered Impacts

Gender-specific language appears in the body of EU climate adaptation strategy documentsfrom 2007 to 2021, with a particular focus on the ways in which the effects of climate change
varies for different genders of people. It is important to note, nevertheless, that these records
usually mix women with children and older persons, depicting women as vulnerable groups inneed of support rather than as agents capable of actively engaging in efforts to adapt to climatechange. In this context, while these policy texts emphasize the gendered dimensions of climatechange impacts, they inadvertently continue to reinforce gender stereotypes that portray womenas passive victims. This stereotype obscures women’s agency and potential role as leaders andinnovators in climate adaptation initiatives. This is consistent with the ‘vulnerability-resilience’
dichotomy in climate policy critiqued by Macgregor (2017). .By portraying victims as helplessand dependent, this contradiction continues to perpetuate hegemonic norms of masculinity, andthese discourses and studies are commonplace in academic constructions. This pattern isreflected in the use of gender-related terminology in EU policies. It underlines the need to
6 Seen in the European Commission(2013), The EU Strategy on adaptation to climate change, accessed 21 August
2023,<https://climate.ec.europa.eu/system/files/2016-11/eu_strategy_en.pdf>: The EU Adaptation Strategy has threeobjectives: 1. Promoting action by Member States; 2. Promoting better-informed decision-making; 3. Promoting adaptation in
key vulnerable sectors and implementation of the EU Adaptation Strategy is based on eight actions: 1. Encourage all Member
States to adopt comprehensive adaptation strategies; 2. Provide LIFE funding to support capacity building and step up
adaptation action in Europe (2014-2020) ; 3. Introduce adaptation in the Covenant of Mayors framework (2013/2014); 4. Bridge
the knowledge gap; Further develop Climate-ADAPT as the ‘one-stop-shop’ for adaptation information in Europe; 5. Facilitate
the climate-proofing of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), 6. The Cohesion Policy and the Common Fisheries Policy(CFP); 7. Ensuring more resilient infrastructure; 8. Promote insurance and other financial products for resilient investment andbusiness decisions.
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challenge these entrenched discourses and to contextualize gender dynamics within policy
frameworks. Given the persistence of patriarchy and the ongoing struggle to achieve genderequality globally, climate policy has a responsibility to promote a more equitable realization ofclimate justice. This is not only to make climate adaptation policies truly inclusive, but also toincrease their effectiveness. It is important to move beyond this narrow portrayal of women andsee them as active contributors and decision-makers in adapting to climate change. Women do
not need to be empowered by outsiders, but existing gender inequalities are barriers to their full
realization of agency. This underlines the ultimate goal of gender mainstreaming: to bring about
genuine equality in power dynamics through systemic change. Gender mainstreaming serves asa multifaceted approach to achieving holistic gender equality, with gender mainstreaming inpolicy being only one facet of this broader objective. Actively involving women in adaptationin climate policy not only strengthens their resilience, but also enriches the decision-making
process and ultimately contributes to societal resilience. Consequently, there is a need for a shift
in policy imperatives from the perpetuation of gender stereotypes to a paradigm that empowers
and mobilizes women as key stakeholders and leaders in climate resilience initiatives. In thisway, policymakers can promote gender equality, social justice and sustainable development in
the face of climate change challenges.
For instance, the document titled “ Impact Assessment Part 1&2” (European Commission,
2013c) features a conspicuous passage that illuminates this perspective: “Generally speaking,population groups with lower incomes and fewer assets are more exposed to the adverse impactsof climate change but possess fewer resources to mitigate them. To illustrate, women may findthemselves in a disadvantaged position when costly adaptation measures are necessitated.”
Additionally, the same document underscores that “ In particular, women are likely to bedisproportionately affected by climate change as social exclusion has a strong gender bias that
increases their vulnerability to climate change, as they have fewer means on average. Elderly
people and children are disadvantaged also in terms of health (greater exposition to injury, deathand destitution as a result of extreme weather events) or ability to migrate (restrictions onmobility)”. Similarly, within the document “Adaptation to climate change impacts on human,
animal, and plant health (European Commission, 2013a)“, women are subsumed within the
category of “vulnerable groups.” The document explicitly categorizes these vulnerable groups,
and the text contends, “ The overall health consequences of climate change will exhibit nonuniform distribution across Europe’s regions. This non-uniform distribution is inextricably
linked to socio-economic determinants, including income, housing, employment, education,
gender, and lifestyle. Consequently, the ramifications of climate change are poised to reshape
health disparities within and between nations, engendering unequal allocations and additionalburdens for marginalized segments, including children, outdoor workers, the elderly, women,
the homeless, and individuals grappling with pre-existing illnesses or disabilities.”
In sum, these policy texts underline the gendered elements of climate change impacts. But it’s
clear that they usually portray women as weaker parties, which potentially obscuring their28

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potential roles as active contributors to climate resilience initiatives. To build truly fair andsuccessful climate adaptation policies, acknowledging gender differences is important, but it is
not enough. Strategies that empower women and remove systemic gender prejudices must also
be included.
•

Lack of Comprehensive Data and Strategies

The recognition of gender disparities in the impacts of climate change was recognized inanalyzed policy publications. However, what is noticeably lacking is comprehensive guidanceon how to address gender-specific challenges or effectively integrate women into efforts toadapt to climate change. Moreover, these records offer scant data to support a morecomprehensive comprehension of the complex interplay between gender and climate adaptation.
This observation aligns with the findings of the Evaluation of the EU Strategy on Adaptation to
Climate Change Report in 20187, which noted that while the document acknowledged womenas part of a vulnerable group affected by climate change, it lacked comprehensive informationand strategies to address this concern. For instance, the evaluation report highlighted that areas
such as disaster risk and agriculture were singled out for attention, while other sectors remained
conspicuously absent from detailed strategies. Although the inclusion of a vulnerability
assessment was acknowledged as potentially valuable, it had not been incorporated into theevaluation process. This observation aligns with the findings of Allwood’s (2014) research on
gender in EU climate change policy, which noted although an awareness existed regarding theassociation between climate change and gender in related policy, the depth of understanding of
this relationship was found to be limited, and there was no discernible evidence of proactive
efforts to incorporate gender considerations into the operations of the Unit’s activities. A similarfinding has also been found in Tanzania and Uganda, that the majority of national-level policies
on climate change, agriculture, and natural resources acknowledge the imperative of genderequality. However, these policies often lack explicit strategies, actionable measures, ormechanisms for addressing the identified issues (Ampaire et al., 2020).
These chosen EU policy documents do not provide all-inclusive strategies for the smoothincorporation of a gender viewpoint into climate adaption. The ultimate goal of these policies
should be achieving institutional equality and rectifying deeply ingrained gender biases withinclimate adaptation systems and structures. The absence of such strategic guidance raises
questions about the efficacy of achieving gender mainstreaming at all levels of EU Policies andtranslating gender considerations into tangible actions. This lack of strategic guidance not only
prevents gender equality within climate adaptation activities but also represents a lost to utilize
women’s latent potential as crucial agents in climate resilience. In the sections that follow, I go
into further detail about the effects of this omission and offer suggestions for enhancing the

7 Seen in the European Commission (2018), Evaluation of the EU Strategy on Adaptation to Climate Change – Public
consultation meeting: report, accessed 23 August 2023, <https://climate.ec.europa.eu/system/files/201803/2018_01_23_report_en.pdf>
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gender responsiveness of EU climate adaptation strategies.
•

Gender as a Subordinate Issue

Within the realm of policy documents, it becomes evident that gender considerations often
assume a subsidiary position, frequently encompassed within the broader ambit of social issues.
A case in point is the document Impact Assessment Report (European Commission, 2021)
where gender concerns find their place situated within the “Other” category, alongside topics
such as cross-border cooperation and multi-level governance. This classification suggests thatgender is integrated into the broader social framework rather than being granted the status of
an independent and essential component of climate adaptation policy. Additionally, theintegration of gender perspectives into policymaking is addressed under the umbrella of the“Other” category, which may inadvertently diminish its importance and relegate it to themargins of climate policy dialogues. Moreover, this subordinate positioning of gender can be
exemplified by the mention of gender issues in the White Paper(European Commission, 2009c),
where gender is included as part of the broader social policy supporting climate adaptation.
Specifically, it highlights, “External EU policy should also make a substantial contribution toadaptation, via water management (the EU Water Initiative and the EU-ACP Water Facility),
agriculture, biodiversity, forests, desertification energy, health, social policy (including genderissues), research, coastal erosion, and disaster risk reduction.” This places gender into the larger
framework of social policy, strengthening the idea that it is merely one element among manyrather than a crucial factor to be taken into account on its own.
Furthermore, the document Impact Assessment Part 1&2 (European Commission, 2013c)
highlighted a list of mainstreaming priorities in EU policies. This initiative lays out a list ofpriority actions to be pursued until 2020 for mainstreaming and enhancing climate resilience.
These actions span various domains, including transport, energy, construction of buildings,
health, and social issues. Although it shows a good effort to include a variety of issues in climate
adaptation strategies, it also highlights how complex these policies are, addressing not justgender but a wide range of other important issues. This complexity aligns with the findings
from Allwood’s (2014) research, which posits that The intricacies of cross-cutting policy
concerns appear to challenge the effectiveness of existing gender mainstreaming structures andprocesses, which primarily focus on gender within specific policy domains. This discovery
highlights a major obstacle to the successful integration of gender and the attainment of gendermainstreaming in relation to climate challenges. Gender is implicitly placed as secondary in theoverall social policy framework, which may obscure its crucial role in efforts to adapt to climatechange. It draws attention to the difficulty of making gender considerations a priority in climate
policy, rather than merely one of many challenges.
• Narrow Framing: Gender as Women’s Issue
Another obvious feature of the terms related to “gender” that are mentioned in these
documents and policies is that most of them frame gender as a problem specific to women rather

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than exploring the more complex dynamics of gender relations and systemic genderconsiderations. This leaves gender as a women’s issue. This finding introduces a significant
dimension to understanding implicit gender considerations within these policies. Among these
documents, related terms often default narrative that “gender-means-women” (e.g. “thereduction of vulnerabilities in particular of women”, “women may be placed in a disadvantaged
position when expensive adaptation measures are required…”, “Heat waves cause health risks,
especially for those most vulnerable, including older people, children and pregnant women”).
In the discourse of gender in climate change, the majority of analyses often fall into the wellworn trap that ‘gender’ signifies ‘women instead of conceptualizing gender as a complex socialand political relationship encompassing both masculine and feminine roles and identities(Macgregor, 2010). Not only EU policies but similar findings have also been found in researchfrom both Uganda and Tanzania, the majority of policy documents tend to predominantly
highlight women’s issues, portraying gender primarily as a women’s issue (Ampaire et al.,2020). Although these studies acknowledge gender disparities when discussing the effects ofclimate change, they mostly link these differences to females. This tendency, rather thanacknowledging the complex gender relations and gender regimes that underlie these differences,
oversimplifies complex gender dynamics and also reinforces the traditional narrative thatwomen are primarily vulnerable to climate change and just in need of protection. It is difficult
to address more general gender-related concerns when gender is viewed as a women’s problem,
and this inclination serves as an imperceptible barrier to gender mainstreaming.
•

Gender Prominent in Human-Centered Themes

One another finding that emerges from the analysis of these policy documents is thediscernible relationship between the prominence of gender considerations and the thematic
focus of the policies. It is apparent that gender considerations start to become more visible whensocial aspects of climate adaptation policies are the focus, especially social welfare and wellbeing. Essentially, gender is mentioned more frequently in climate adaptation policy documents
when they address issues that directly affect people as individuals and communities.
For instance, within policy sections addressing topics like health, disaster risk reduction, andsocial policy, gender considerations surface more prominently. These thematic areas inherently
intersect with human well-being, and the gendered dimensions of vulnerability and resilience
are more likely to be acknowledged in such contexts. Recognizing the differentiated impacts ofclimate change on men and women often becomes apparent when the policy discussions revolvearound public health, safety, and social support systems.
Conversely, in thematic areas primarily concerned with infrastructure, technology, or
ecological aspects, gender considerations tend to recede into the background. These policy
sections often emphasize physical resilience measures and technological solutions, relegating
gender perspectives to a secondary status. While gender may be mentioned in passing or within
broader discussions of social impacts, it is notably less prominent in these contexts. Human-

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related issues in climate change are not the main point for a long time.

4.4

Unrealised Potential: Gender Mainstreaming Opportunities in

European Climate Adaptation Policies
As outlined in the Impact Assessment on the White Paper on Adapting to the Climate Change(European Commission, 2009a), the overarching objective of climate adaptation in Europe is“to cope with unavoidable climate change and reduce the cost of climate change by bothdecreasing the vulnerability and enhancing the resilience of society, economy and environment
to climate change impacts”. It is evident that Europe is addressing a wide range of issues related
to climate adaptation, with human factors accounting for a relatively small percentage of thetotal. Industry development, the need to adjust to changing conditions, and institutional
advancements are given more active consideration. Within this narrow focus of persons andpersons, gender makes up a lower percentage.
Nonetheless, it’s critical to acknowledge that these EU climate adaption strategies andprotocols have more space for gender consideration and integration. Examining these policies
reveals that there are many opportunities to include gender viewpoints. According to one of thegender mainstreaming principles listed in the above Table 1 - “Democracy and Participation,”
it encourages greater participation from NGOs, community viewpoints, and a variety of voices.
It fact, the necessity of including a wider range of viewpoints is also acknowledged in numerous
EU climate adaption guidelines. For instance, in the Policy Paper on Water, Coasts, andMarine Issues (European Commission, 2009b), there is a notable emphasis on “providing for
greater public involvement in key decisions on water management.” Similarly, Guidelines on
Developing Adaptation Strategies (European Commission, 2013b) underscores the significanceof cooperation and broader participation. It notes that cooperation with relevant stakeholders,
including interest groups, NGOs, or those from the private sector, can take various forms,
ranging from providing access to information and consulting on specific concerns to facilitating
participatory involvement throughout the entire process. Guidelines (European Commission,
2013b) mentions that the level of involvement should also be adjusted during the adaptation
process, depending on the stage, whether it’s defining objectives or working on an evaluation
scheme. Similarly, in the Impact assessment on the White paper on adapting to the climatechange (European Commission, 2009a), the document has already recognized that “Social andindividual factors act as barriers to adaptation at both individual and collective decision-making
levels”, it clarified that: “There are various cognitive barriers to adaptation including, forexample, the observation that vulnerable individuals perceive themselves to be powerless to act
in the face of risk.” Despite there is space to do better gender-sensitive consideration in policies,
sadly, in the context of EU climate adaptation policies, gender mainstreaming hasn’t gotten thehigh attention it deserves.
At the policy level, adaptation policies, like many other areas of public policy, are constrainedby inertia, cultures of risk denial, and other phenomena well-known in policy sciences. These32

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barriers are often not accounted for in programmes that advocate technologically feasible andapparently sustainable adaptation. For example, by involving more voices and participation of
women to resolve cognitive barriers; and integrating the “Resource Allocation Reassessment:challenges traditional resource allocation patterns by questioning whether resources are
distributed equally between genders” from the “Equality” principle to improve financial
mechanisms and market failures. By integrating principles of gender mainstreaming, there aremany executable and specific strategies for achieving gender mainstreaming in climate
adaptation.
Surprisingly, none of these EU climate adaptation documents explicitly reference the genderdimension in the context of “wider participation.” Despite the acknowledgement of gendermainstreaming in all levels of strategies in the EU, and the emphasis on engaging diverse voices,
gender considerations appear conspicuously absent. This gap underscores a missed opportunity
to align gender mainstreaming principles with the broader participation agenda in EU climate
adaptation policies. It suggests that while participation is encouraged, there’s a need to more
explicitly incorporate gender perspectives into these mechanisms to ensure that gender-related
concerns are not overlooked but actively integrated into decision-making processes.

5. Discussion
The examination of EU climate adaption strategies reveals how gender responsiveness
functions in these frameworks. The numerous ramifications of these findings are explored inthis discussion section, which also highlights the importance of these findings for the creationof EU climate adaption strategies. It also takes into account the findings’ wider implications forregional and international efforts to adapt to climate change, with an emphasis on the Global
North. In doing so, it also considers how these policies that just partially take gender into
consideration may have a negative impact on social justice and the efficacy of these programs.
The primary finding of my study is that gender is not taken into consideration in the majorityof EU climate adaptation policies. Despite the EU’s declared commitment to gendermainstreaming in all policy domains, there is a conspicuous deficiency in the integration ofgender perspectives into climate adaption measures. Most policy papers lack explicit gendermainstreaming measures as well as particular acts related to gender. For example, while
defining objectives or carrying out implementation plans, gender concerns are ignored insignificant publications such as “The EU Strategy on Adaptation to Climate Change”, which
was released in 2013. It suggests that gender issues in climate change themes are not given
enough consideration when developing solutions for climate adaptation, which will exacerbate
gender disparities that already exist. This further supported Macgregor’s (2010) finding thatcritical analysis of the unequal interpersonal dynamics that might have caused the crisis and thetools used to understand its effects and develop viable solutions are often overlooked as a2024 年 3 月

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perceived luxury. And this can partly explain why gender cannot currently be prioritized inclimate change. Evidently, discerning the gender politics inherent in the context of climatechange does not command sufficient urgency to warrant inclusion on the agenda (Macgregor,2010). It also raises concerns about how closely climate adaptation strategies adhere to the EU’s
larger commitment to gender equality. It is vitally critical to reevaluate the commitment toachieving gender equity within plans for climate adaptation, with a particular emphasis on fullgender mainstreaming. The absence of gender within these policies raises concerns about theireffectiveness in addressing gender disparities and vulnerabilities.
While some policies do recognize the gender-different effects of climate change, they often
mention this by placing a disproportionate emphasis on the “vulnerability” of women. This
limited perspective reinforces the perception that women are predominantly passive victims ofclimate change by oversimplifying the complex dynamics of gender. Besides, it ignores themore extensive systemic and relational dimensions of gender that actually are the root resultsin these inequalities. For a long time, mainstream discourse on gender and climate change has
focused on highlighting the vulnerability of women, especially in the global South. By ignoring
the roles of males and maintaining stereotypes, this exclusive focus simplifies the complex
connections between gender and climate challenges (MacGregor, 2010). MacGregor
emphasized that the study of power relationships between men and women should be a part ofgender analysis and gender politics, acknowledge the complexity of gender and refrain fromlimiting it to women only. As part of this strategy, it is also important to investigate thediscursive and cultural constructions of hegemonic masculinities and femininities, as theseshape our understanding, expression, and response to a range of societal, environmental, andtechnological phenomena, such as conflict, financial crises, and climate change (MacGregor,2010). Due to the EU’s leading role in climate action, gender concerns must be strategicallyand proactively addressed in the context of climate adaptation. When the EU aims to integrate
gender mainstreaming in its all policies and strategies, it should acknowledge the complex ways
in which gender issues relate to climate adaptation. This interaction considers not just the effects
of climate change that are unique to genders, but also the broader social dynamics, power
structures, and cultural norms that shape how people view and deal with climate issues. Beyond
the conventional focus on vulnerability, such an understanding should take into account the
intricate relationships between power dynamics, cultural constructs of masculinity and gender,
and the ways in which these elements interact with climate policy and practice.
The policy text’s absence of explicit and comprehensive gender-different data and plans serves
as another example of how little gender and gender discourse are taken into account. Althoughgender disparities in the effects of climate change have been acknowledged, there are
surprisingly few workable approaches or plans to fully address them. Due to this lack, chances
to fully utilize women’s potential as significant change agents in efforts related to resilience andclimate adaptation are missed. It emphasizes how important it is to have strategic frameworks
that actively encourage participation and empowerment in addition to tackling injustice. The
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critical need for comprehensive gender mainstreaming frameworks is highlighted by the lackof gender considerations in EU climate adaptation measures. Explicit directives, thoroughguidelines, and capacity-building measures should be provided by such frameworks to ensurethat gender views are routinely included into the whole policy creation spectrum.
Moreover, gender’s inferior placement within these policies—where it is frequently classified
under the more general heading of social issues—makes it difficult to prioritize andacknowledge gender issues. Gender problems must be given key and prioritized status inclimate adaptation conversations, as this subordination unintentionally lowers the importanceof gender in these debates. Action is required in response to the policies’ subordinate placementof gender. Gender ought to be taken out of its social issue classification and given a more
prominent and important role. Policies need to understand that gender is an important factor
that affects and penetrates all aspect of climate adaptation, not just one issue among many. A
more thoughtful and thorough approach is required to address the complicated dynamics ofgender within the intricate framework of climate adaption methods.
Such an approachguarantees that gender gets the proper attention and priority within the complex web ofinterconnected concerns, in addition to acknowledging it as a significant dimension.
The analysis also reveals how the regulations narrowly frame gender as a women’s issue.
While recognizing gender inequities, policies typically default to a narrative that equates genderwith women, overlooking the larger social and political links covered by gender. This framing
will obfuscate the complex web of gender connections and institutions and serve to further
promote gender stereotypes. Just like Rees’s (2001) explanation of “gender mainstreaming”
through a historical perspective, by comparing it with two prevailing approaches before it toattain gender equality “equal treatment” and “positive action”. The “equal treatment” approach,primarily sought to align women’s rights with men’s, addressing historical discrimination
through legal frameworks. But it frequently saw women’s differences as problems that needed
special concessions, which led to short-term measures that weren’t strong enough to address
systematic prejudices in practice and policy. In a similar vein, “positive action” strategies
sought to close perceived gaps in women’s skills or experiences, equipping them for settings
where males predominate without directly challenging ingrained cultural norms. But theseactions might unintentionally promote a particular kind of masculinity in the workplace, which
would limit both men and women. In contrast, gender mainstreaming targets structural sexism,setting it apart from approaches that emphasize “equal treatment” for individuals and “positive
action” for groups. It focuses on the ways that institutional systems, rather than individual rights
or needs peculiar to a group, sustain inequality. Gender mainstreaming tackles the structuralcauses of gender disparity and emphasizes the need to move past viewing gender issues as
exclusively women’s issues. When mentioning gender in climate adaptation, EU policies often
portray women as the vulnerable group and often frame “gender” as equals to “women”, which
is far away from achieving “gender mainstreaming” in the EU. These terms in policies are more
like the inheritance of the traditional ways of “equal treatment” in climate adaptation, strategies
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insufficient to challenge systemic biases in policy and practice. It poses a challenge to achieving
comprehensive gender mainstreaming and calls for a more inclusive approach that recognizes
gender issues in a climate context. There is a need to shift from a narrow focus on women’svulnerabilities to a more comprehensive understanding of gender as a relational and systemic
construct. Such an approach would consider the wider dynamics of power, privilege, andinequality that affect the experiences of men and women in the context of climate change, in
addition to the unique challenges faced by women. This emphasizes how important it is to go
past gender as a one-dimensional issue and adopt a more complex and inclusive strategy forgender mainstreaming in climate adaption. Rather than restricting the conversation to womenas a disadvantaged group, recognizing and challenging the institutionalized gender biases andsystemic discrimination that sustain inequality is significant. To make sure not unintentionallyperpetuating negative stereotypes, policies should be sensitive to cultural norms and gender
perspectives.
Finally, the analysis demonstrates that gender is more prevalent in human-centered theme
areas of policy related to climate adaptation. When social components are addressed in policies,
gender considerations become more apparent. On the other hand, subjects that focus on
infrastructure, technology, or ecological challenges tend to be less gendered. Gender factors areglaringly lacking when the dominant narrative frames climate change as a market- or
technology-centered issue (Allwood, 2014). According to Allwood’s (2014) analysis of EU
climate change policy, the EU rarely depicts climate change as a problem that directly affects
people and usually downplays the significance of incorporating people in mitigation andadaptation measures. It draws attention to the necessity of integrating gender views morethoroughly and consistently across all theme areas in order to guarantee that the gender aspects
of climate change are handled comprehensively. To enable comprehensive gendermainstreaming, this insight highlights the need for a more consistent integration of gender
perspectives across all policy sectors. Thus, there is a need for sustained political commitment
to gender equality and recognition of gender as a fundamental aspect of climate change
adaptation.

6. Conclusion
By utilizing a gender analysis of EU climate adaptation policy documents, the research reveals
multiple aspects of current gender responses in related policy documents. The discussionsection emphasizes the importance of considering gender perspectives for the formulation of
EU climate adaptation strategies and their applicability, especially concerning the Global North.
In addition, the study considers the potential negative consequences for social justice and policy
effectiveness when gender is still only partially and superficially integrated into theseadaptation strategies.

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ディスカッションペーパー No.63

All things considered, the study’s main conclusion is evident: the majority of EU climate
adaption policies fall short of successfully incorporating a gender perspective. The majority ofpolicy texts still seem to lack explicit gender mainstreaming efforts and targeted gender-related
measures, despite the EU’s broad commitment to gender mainstreaming across all policy areas.
Notably, significant publications such as “The EU Strategy on Adaptation to Climate Change,”
published in 2013, overlook gender concerns when setting objectives and implementing theirplans. This omission indicates that gender issues are not given enough consideration whendeveloping climate adaption solutions, which exacerbates already-existing gender disparities.
This lack in gender consideration within EU climate adaption strategies raises questions about
the consistency of these policies with the EU’s overarching commitment to gender equality.
There is an urgent need for a thorough reevaluation of the commitment to achieving gender
equity within climate adaptation measures, with a particular emphasis on full gendermainstreaming.
While some policies do acknowledge the gendered impacts of climate change, they often doso by disproportionately emphasizing the vulnerability of women. This narrow approach fosters
the misconception that women are mostly passive victims of climate change, oversimplifying
the nuanced dynamics of gender. It’s critical to go beyond these oversimplified depictions ofgender and adopt a more thorough comprehension of gender as a complex and structural
construct. The analysis also highlights that, by framing gender as largely a women’s concern,these policies serve to perpetuate stereotypes and hide the complexity of gender relationships
and processes. This needs to shift to a more inclusive perspective that sees gender as a relationaland structural construct. Policies must address the larger dynamics of power, privilege, andinequality that impact the lives of all genders in the society in addition to the unique difficulties
faced by women in order to be effective.
Lastly, the analysis demonstrates that gender is more prominent in human-centered thematic
areas of climate adaptation policy, while it tends to recede into the background in subjects
concentrating on ecological, technological, or infrastructure concerns. A more consistentintegration of gender perspectives across all thematic areas is essential to holistically address
the gender dimensions of climate change.
In conclusion, the absence of gender perspectives within EU climate adaptation policies
mandates a comprehensive reevaluation and strategic reorientation. To fully embrace thecommitment to gender mainstreaming and address the complex interactions between genderand climate, the EU must adopt a holistic approach. This approach should encompass nuanced
examinations of power dynamics, cultural constructions of gender, and their intricate
relationships with climate policies and practices. Only then can effectively navigate themultifaceted nature of gender within the climate adaptation landscape. This research reinforces
the pressing need for the systematic integration of gender perspectives across all sectors ofclimate adaptation. To achieve comprehensive gender mainstreaming, sustained politicalcommitment to gender equality is paramount. An fundamental element of adapting to climate
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change is acknowledging gender. We can only hope to mitigate the gender gaps exacerbated byclimate change and start a more just and resilient future by making such a commitment.

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