The Japanese Journal of American Studies, No. 14 (2003)

A Strong Man to Run a Race:W. E. B. DuBois and the Politics
of Black Masculinity at the Turn of the Century
Ayumu KANEKO
I rejoice as a strong man to run a race, and I am strong—is it egotism—is it assurance—or is [it] the silent call of the world spirit that makes
me feel that I am royal and that beneath my sceptre a world of kings
shall bow.
—William Edward Burghardt DuBois, Berlin, 18931

INTRODUCTION: HISTORICIZING THE MONOLITHIC CONCEPT OF RACE
Scholars of African-American history have paid much attention to theturn of the twentieth century, for it was both the “nadir” of political andcivil rights for black people and the age of rising African-American
struggle against racism. Recent historical studies focus not only on famous stories of the Niagara Movement and NAACP, but also on black
intellectuals’ search for positive black representation and on AfricanAmerican female activists’ developing feminist ideologies and organized struggles against racism and sexism.2
Most of these studies are based on an assumption that the black community is monolithic. They tend to reduce historical experiences ofAfrican-American men and women at the turn of the century to an ahistorical notion of blackness, ignoring the diverse and complicated natureof inter- and intraracial relations. Consequently, race has been analyzed
in separation from its socio-historical contexts such as class or gender
Copyright © 2003 Ayumu Kaneko. All rights reserved. This work may be used,with this notice included, for noncommercial purposes. No copies of this work
may be distributed, electronically or otherwise, in whole or in part, without permission from the author.

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relations. Here I shall take up the case of W. E. B. DuBois. Most biographies emphasize that DuBois was a representative of the black race, ora race man. Even if biographers criticize his elitist inclinations, they assume that his racial ideology was authentic and its essential importancecould be immune from the elitism.3
Race and racism are, however, not ﬁxed or unchangeable factors ofhistory but historically situated discursive concepts which (re)constructsocial relations, interests, and institutions. As Michael Omi and Howard
Winant point out, “race is a concept which signiﬁes and symbolizes
social conﬂicts and interests by referring to different types of humanbodies.”4 Indeed, recent works on turn-of-the-century black history focus
on relations between black elites’ construction of racial discourse and its
socio-historical contexts such as black middle-class formations and gender issues. Willard Gatewood, Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Kevin
Gaines and others insist that the emphasis on class differentiation among
the black community was a compelling strategy for black elite men andwomen at that time in their struggle against racism. This emphasis, called“politics of respectability” or “racial uplift ideology,” was a discursive
strategy which constructs a representation of black lower-class people
as the uncivilized Other and the black elites as respectable and civilized
as the white middle-class, thereby justifying black claims to citizenshipand bourgeois privileges regardless of race. Moreover, according to
Higginbotham and Gaines, the black elites’ concept of respectability wassigniﬁed by notions of proper gender roles in Victorian culture.5 Thus
race was inseparably entwined with class and gender matters at the turnof the century. Therefore, we should pay attention to the problem of how
and why turn-of-the-century racial discourses were used to construct particular kinds of social relations in terms of class and gender.
Hereafter I shall analyze DuBois’s racial discourse and its relations toclass and gender formations. This essay focuses on masculinity, for it isindispensable to understand the meaning of gender for DuBois, a prominent black male leader. Most studies on DuBois’s attitude toward gender and feminism simply argue that he was a champion of women’s
rights, especially black women’s dignity. However, because they assume
existence of essential unity and cooperation between DuBois and black
feminists on the ground of shared blackness, they never address the question of what racial and class relations DuBois’s apparently pro-feminist
discourse constructed.6 To answer to the question requires us to regard
masculinity as not ﬁxed but ﬂuid and constructed in relation to repre-

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107

sentations of woman, and to analyze how DuBois positioned his own
elite black male agency through pro-feminist discursive practices.
I

CLASS DISTINCTION AS MANLY ANTI-RACISM:
DUBOIS IN THE NORTH, 1890S

The Philadelphia Negro, DuBois’s ﬁrst major sociological study
published in 1899, is a typical text which emphasizes class distinctions
within the black community to counter negative racial representations
produced by and circulated in the white society. American culture in thelate nineteenth century was inundated with racist stereotypes which recognized neither the existence of diversity among black people nor the
possibility of African-Americans’ upward social mobility. The stereotypical characters of the happy-go-lucky “sambo” and “coon,” suited
only for lower-class jobs, were disseminated through popular entertainments such as vaudeville shows and novels.7 For example, Thomas
Nelson Page, famous at that time as writer of plantation-praising novels,
argued that black people were ﬁt only for occupations such as “barbers,
white-washers, shoe-blacks and chimney sweeps,” and that they would
not climb to middle-class positions such as lawyer or doctor.8 The antiblack racial discourse was often constituted by this kind of class-biased
discourse which assumed that whites were superior to blacks because
only whites could be truly middle-class.
DuBois’s discursive strategy in The Philadelphia Negro is not torefute the class-based racial discourse itself but to dislocate the relations
between race and class by arguing that racism was wrong because notrace but class qualiﬁes a person for citizenship. Given this maneuver, itappears that his intention in this text was to undermine the monolithic
concept of race. DuBois argues, “there is always a strong tendency on
the part of the community to consider the Negroes as composing one
practically homogeneous mass. [. . .] Nothing more exasperates the better class of Negroes than this tendency to ignore utterly their existence.”9Then he represents the black residents in Philadelphia as not homogeneous but consisting of four classes, divided according to the standardsof the Victorian concept of respectable gender relations. He insists thatthe highest of the classes arefamilies of undoubted respectability earning sufﬁcient income to live well;
not engaged in menial service of any kind; the wife engaged in no occupation save that of house-wife, except in a few cases where she had special

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employment at home. The children not compelled to be bread-winners, but
found in school; the family living in a well-kept home.10

The bottom of the class hierarchy is characterized by a degraded lifestyle.
They were “the able-bodied, well-dressed loafers and criminals who [. . .]are supported partly by crime and gambling, partly by the prostitution of
their female paramours, but mainly from the vast corruption fund gathered from ofﬁce-holders and others, and distributed according to the willof the party Boss.”11 These assertions indicate that the black elite weredeﬁned by their Victorian manliness which meant keeping the wife ensconced in domesticity and the failure of which meant depending on thefemale partner’s income.
DuBois frequently points out that environmental factors, especially
racial prejudice, had maintained the circumstances of the degraded
blacks. His discourse, however, emphasizes that the lower-class black’s
licentious and degraded behavior reproduces immorality. Consequently,
his representation of lower-class African-Americans is a sort of “underclass,” or an essentially different people from the middle-class blacks.
For example, he argues that black men’s low wages compelled poor
black wives to work outside the home, and it resulted in “[leaving] thechildren without guidance or restraint for the better part of the day—athing disastrous to manners and morals.”12
By emphasizing class differentiation within the black race, DuBois
tries to conserve or regain black middle-class men’s rights and privileges. Hence he severely criticizes racism for undermining class differentiation. He decries, “young men and women from some of the best
Negro families of the city [. . .] have actually had to go to the South to
get work, if they wished to be aught but chambermaids and bootblacks.”13 DuBois uses the class difference as an argument condemning
racism in 1899, when he petitioned against a Georgia disfranchisement
bill because it intended to disfranchise not the ignorant masses of bothraces but the black race as a whole.14
DuBois’s strategy in the 1890s was to overcome racial labeling anddiscrimination by insisting that the American citizenship should be limited not by race but by class. What motivated him to choose such a strategy was a destabilization of relations between racial categorization andclass caused by massive immigration of Eastern and Southern Europeans, most of whom dwelled as the lower class in Northern cities andwhose whiteness was therefore suspected by nativists.15 It gave black
elites many opportunities to undermine white supremacy by using theA STRONG MAN TO RUN A RACE

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class-biased discourse of nativism. DuBois deplored “the policy of thecity to-day [that] simply drives out the best classes of young people
whom its schools have educated and social opportunities trained, andﬁlls their places with idle and vicious immigrants.”16
Such a discursive strategy aimed at appealing to white liberal elites.
In The Philadelphia Negro DuBois appeals to the city’s white elites forcooperation with black elite citizens by reminding readers of the municipal history of disorder caused by Irish immigrants. He writes of how,
before the Civil War, the city’s Democratic rulers had retained power“by manipulation of a mass of ignorant and turbulent foreign voters,
chieﬂy Irish.” On the other hand he emphasizes that black elite citizens
would contribute to the common good of the city: “Any worthy cause ofmunicipal reform can secure a respectable Negro vote in the city, showing that there is the germ of an intelligent independent vote.”17 Contrasting the ignorant foreigners with the respectable blacks, DuBois demandsin the last chapter:
Social sympathy must exist between what is best in both races and there mustno longer be the feeling that the Negro who makes the best of himself is ofleast account to the city of Philadelphia, while the vagabond is to be helped
and pitied.18

DuBois’s wish was to encourage the cooperation between the black andwhite elites against racial prejudice on the ground of difference between
them and the lower class, black and nonblack.
Such a strategy might have been effectual to some extent because in
the Northern cities many white elites had recognized class differentiation
among African-Americans and they had sometimes suspected lowerclass immigrants’ whiteness by treating with some sorts of black people
better. In the 1890s, the American Protective Association, famous for its
nativist activities, welcomed African-American supporters in order toconfront “the menace of the Irish.”19 Ray Stannard Baker, a famous
Northern progressive journalist, points out later in 1906 that “the vast
majority of Negroes (and many foreigners, and ‘poor whites’) [were]still densely ignorant,” and criticizes the Southern suffrage laws as“keep[ing] many capable Negroes from the exercise of their rights,” and“executed unjustly as between white men and coloured.”20 Therefore it
was a practical strategy at that time for black elites like DuBois to emphasize differences between themselves and the lower class, black or white,
in gendered terms.

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AYUMU KANEKOIICLASS DIFFERENTIATION AND RACIAL IDENTIFICATION:
MANLINESS IN THE SOULS OF BLACK FOLK AND
THE NIAGARA MOVEMENT

In the 1890s, DuBois emphasized class differentiation among theAfrican-American community. He would never abandon the class distinction. However, we can ﬁnd the emergence of a new discourse on racein DuBois’s later texts. The new discourse stressed racial identiﬁcation
rather than class distinction. It was an outcome of two historical factors
at the turn of the century: polarization of race relations and Booker T.
Washington’s attack on higher education for blacks.
The turn of the century was an age of strengthening of black-white
racial polarizing in the United States, especially in the South. The number of lynchings drastically increased, race riots frequently occurred, andthe amount of Jim Crow legislation increased. According to C. Vann
Woodward, these laws “applied to all Negroes—not merely to the rowdy,
or drunken, or surly, or ignorant ones.” Moreover, imperialistic policies
such as the Spanish- and Philippine-American wars provided an excellent opportunity for redrawing the color line. African-Americans wereidentiﬁed with the natives of the colonies in the imperialists’ discourse,
while many Eastern- and Southern-European immigrants and white
workingmen identiﬁed themselves with the “white man’s burden” andstrengthened their white identity. In addition, the Spanish-American War
was utilized by white supremacists to symbolize the ﬁrm reunion of thenation, namely, Northern and Southern whites. Differences among thewhite people were submerged under the alleged unity of the white race.21
DuBois perceived the aggravation of racism as targeting the middleclass blacks. He articulated his sense of a black middle-class crisis using
the holistic language of race. His most inﬂuential book, The Souls ofBlack Folk, is famous for its use of racial metaphors such as double-consciousness and the color line.22 But these binary metaphors speciﬁcallydescribe the turn-of-the-century crisis of the black middle class. The
tragedy of double-consciousness is articulated as “the contradiction of
double aims” of black ministers, doctors, scholars, artisans, and artists
posited between the whites and the black masses.23 Moreover, DuBois
insists that the color line was experienced differently by blacks according to class difference. For him the line is drawn most stringently between “the better classes” of both races: “The best of the whites and thebest of the Negroes almost never live in anything like close proximity.”
He sees no intellectual exchange between “ministers, teachers, physi-

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cians, merchants, mechanics, and independent farmers, who by natureand training are the aristocracy and leader of the blacks” and “the bestelement of whites.” Consequently, “the color-line comes to separate natural friends and co-workers.” On the contrary, “at the bottom of the socialgroup, in the saloon, the gambling-hell, and the brothels, that same line
wavers and disappears.”24 Therefore DuBois perceived that the worsening of racial antagonism damaged middle-class blacks most severely andfrustrated his efforts to seek the interracial anti-racist cooperation ofelites that he had expected in the 1890s.
Booker T. Washington’s attack on higher education also encouraged
DuBois to change his discursive strategy. Before Washington, one of themost inﬂuential African-American men at that time, published his
autobiography, DuBois and Washington had maintained friendly relations. What divided them was Washington’s attack on higher education
for blacks in his autobiography, Up from Slavery, published in 1901.25
His opposition to higher education irritated DuBois because it undermined the legitimacy of college-educated black elites. Washington’s
bashing of higher education divides the black middle class into the college-bred and the non-college-educated. DuBois decries in his review ofWashington’s autobiography, “he learned so thoroughly the speech andthought of triumphant commercialism and the ideals of material prosperity that he pictures as the height of absurdity a black boy studying a
French grammar in the midst of weeds and dirt.”26 DuBois perceives that
Washington discourages black higher education: “one of the effects of
Mr. Washington’s propaganda has been to throw doubt upon the expediency of such training for Negroes.”27 He concludes that in Washington’s
narrative industrial and higher educations were mutually exclusive.
DuBois’s response was to publicize the usefulness of college-trained
blacks for the African-American community. In his sociological research
reports DuBois argued that they would contribute to the race less by theireconomic activities than by cultural inﬂuence: “Work alone will not do[uplift a people . . .] The Talented Tenth of the Negro race must be madeleaders of thought and missionaries of culture among their people.”28 But
how to prove that African-American college graduates are truly representative of the entire black community? DuBois intended to prove it bycriticizing Washington in dichotomous gendered terms in The Souls,
which describes college-bred blacks as anti-materialistic, assertive andmanly by representing Washington as a materialistic, submissive andtherefore effeminate man.
DuBois equates Washington’s emphasis on industrial education with

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materialism. Washington “came, with a simple programme, at the psychological moment when the nation was a little ashamed of having
bestowed so much sentiment on Negroes, and was concentrating its
energies on Dollars.” His “gospel of Work and Money” was “to such an
extent as apparently almost completely to overshadow the higher aimsof life.” DuBois deﬁnes Washington’s materialism as a compromising
attitude to whites: “Mr. Washington represents in Negro thought the oldattitude of adjustment and submission.” It was a “sign of compromise
which surrendered [blacks’] civil and political rights, even though thiswas to be exchanged for larger chances of economic development.”29
For DuBois the college-trained black elites were the representativesof African-American manliness because they were conceptualized as
antithetical to materialism. He writes that the function of “the Negro college” is to “maintain the standards of popular education,” to “seek thesocial regeneration of the Negro,” and ultimately to “develop men.” Thecollege-bred souls “aforetime have inspired and guided worlds, and if
we be not wholly bewitched by our Rhine-gold, they shall again.”30
Similarly he marks the difference between himself and Washington ingendered terms. DuBois writes, “manly self-respect is worth more thanlands and houses.” Washington, however, recommended “a silent submission to civic inferiority such as is bound to sap the manhood of any
race in the long run.” On the contrary, DuBois’s hero, Frederick Douglass,“in his old age, still bravely stood for the ideals of his early manhood—ultimate assimilation through self-assertion, and on no other terms.”31
He means that the pursuit of material success would undermine racial
manhood. On the other hand, it was the college-bred black elites who
could counter this emasculating materialism. In chapter ﬁve of The Souls,
submission to racism for small material success is compared to Atalanta(a girl of the Greek myth) yielding to a golden apple. What will rescue
African Americans from materialism are “the coming universities of theSouth.” Only black colleges could “bear the maiden past the temptationof golden fruit.”32
The aggravation of white-black antagonism and confrontation with
Washington’s criticism of college education encouraged DuBois to perceive the crisis of college-trained black elites, and to articulate it as
racism and materialism endangering black manhood. He never abandoned the discourse of class differentiation. Nevertheless by using thelanguage of race as a whole he later transformed his own stance to identify with the entire black race because he could not ally with non-A STRONG MAN TO RUN A RACE

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college-trained middle-class blacks symbolically represented by Washington. Consequently, his racial discourse became more holistic and inclusive than ever. We can see this discursive turn in the Niagara Movement.
The Niagara Movement was a black civil rights organization established in 1905 by several black male professional elites who opposed theleadership of Booker Washington. DuBois was a co-founder and secretary-general of the Movement. The most notable characteristic of thisorganization was its exclusiveness in membership by gender and class,33
and inclusiveness in program. The Declaration of Principles claimed foruniversal male suffrage and other various rights such as improvement ofpublic schools for blacks, equal justice, and abolition of the convict-leasesystem. In 1906 DuBois argues more deﬁnitely:
In detail our demands are clear and unequivocal. First, we would vote; withthe right to vote goes everything: Freedom, manhood, the honor of yourwives, the chastity of your daughters, the right to work, and the chance torise, and let no man listen to those who deny this.34

It is important to note that this manifesto was addressed solely to men.
The term “you” in this text does not mean black women, as the term
“your wives” implies.
Claiming rights not only for middle-class blacks but for the entire race
is justiﬁed in terms of an assertive manhood. DuBois insists on the signiﬁcance of “persistent manly agitation” as “the way to liberty.” He also
avows, “we refuse to surrender the leadership of this race to cowards andtrucklers. We are men; we will be treated as men. On this rock we haveplanted our banners.” In these texts, materialism is posited in opposition
to manliness again. He argues, “no bribe of money or notoriety, no promise of wealth or fame, is worth the surrender of a people’s manhood or
the loss of a man’s self-respect.”35 In these texts DuBois transforms his
deﬁnition of black manliness from an adaptation of Victorian gendernorms to an anti-materialist struggle against racism.
In fact DuBois’s program for racial justice was still class-biased. He
assailed the Jim Crow car since it “make[s] us pay ﬁrst-class fare forthird-class accommodations, render[s] us open to insults and discomfort
and to crucify wantonly our manhood, womanhood and self-respect.”36
DuBois did not seem aware of the contradiction in his advocating therights and dignity of the black masses on the one hand and the privilegeof middle-class blacks to keep themselves from mixing with these same
masses on the other. Such a contradictory tendency can be seen in the

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writings of many black elites at that time. For instance, J. Max Barber,
editor of The Voice of the Negro, decried Jim Crow practices in 1904:“mere separation does not hurt the colored people [. . .] it is a part of agigantic system now in practice in one part of our common country to
cow and humiliate cultured Negroes.” A Yale-trained journalist, William
H. Ferris, also deplored segregation on explicitly class-based grounds:
As I travel through the South and am penned and cooped and packed like asardine in the sweat-box known as the Jim Crow car; as I am herded, withother Negroes, as if we were all cattle, [. . .] I ask, “Why is it?” I am educated and have over a century of free and respectable ancestry behind me.37

But even if DuBois and other black elites’ protest was motivated by theirclass interests, the discourse which they used to articulate their interests
was the language of race, therefore it enabled them to extend their protest
agenda to include claims for the rights of black masses. It is likely that
DuBois and other elites realized that the racial destiny of college-trained
blacks was inseparable from that of the black masses. In other words,
the anti-materialistic assertive manhood identiﬁed black elites with blackmasses through the binary discourse of black-white racial struggle.
Many college-educated black men and women welcomed DuBois’s
discourse in The Souls and the Niagara Movement. For example, Ferris
praises DuBois’s “dignity and manliness of character and polish of manner,” and his opposition to Washington as one of the forces which had“roused the dormant manhood of the Negro,” though Ferris criticizes
DuBois’s personality as cold and arrogant. He accuses Washington of“the crass and sordid materialism” and declares, “I do not retreat one
inch from the manly demands of DuBois and the Niagara Movement.”
Ida B. Wells, college-trained black female journalist and activist, read
The Souls and argues in her writing against the Tuskegee sympathizers
that “all the industrial education in the world could not take the place ofmanhood.”38
The aggravation of white-black antagonism made the discursive strategy of class distinction ineffectual, and the confrontation with Booker
T. Washington necessitated establishing the legitimacy of college-educated blacks as a meaningful social group and the leadership of the entire
black community. The result was DuBois’s emphasis on racial identiﬁcation with the masses rather than on class differentiation. But the discourse of racial identiﬁcation was accomplished by the language ofmanliness. What then was the consequence of this discursive turn forblack women?

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III MASCULINITY, CLASS AND FEMINISM IN DUBOIS’S RACIALPOLITICS: THE 1910S
The National Association for Advancement of Colored People(NAACP) was established in 1909 in order to promote the civil rights ofAfrican-Americans. DuBois assumed the editorship of its organ, The
Crisis, in which he enthusiastically advocated women’s rights, especially black women’s dignity and suffrage.
DuBois justiﬁed his support for black women’s rights by linking it to
the discourse of racial identiﬁcation. He argues in 1912, “the enfranchisement of women means the doubling of the black vote at point wherethat vote is needed. [. . .] As Negroes have a larger proportion of womenthan the whites our relative voting importance in the North will be
increased.”39 His pro-feminism enabled him to seek an alliance withblack women activists in the struggle for civil and political rights. In fact,
DuBois applauded black women’s club activity. He writes, “one has only
to remember the recent biennial convention of colored women’s clubs
with its 400 delegates to realize how the [black] women are moving
quietly but forcibly toward the intellectual leadership of the race.”40
Symposia for woman’s suffrage held by the NAACP and covered by The
Crisis symbolized the alliance between black male leaders and female
activists. In September 1912, The Crisis carried essays on women’s voting rights by Fannie Garrison Villard, Adela Hunt Logan and Mary
Church Terrell. Also in August 1915, it printed reports by 26 notable
African-American male and female advocates of woman suffrage.41
These efforts urged the readers to imagine the monolithic communityof race. Indeed, white supremacists perceived that the black community was in unity. According to Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, white anti-suffragists in the South disseminated copies of articles supporting woman’ssuffrage from The Crisis, and insisted that woman’s suffrage would
result in black supremacy by enabling black women to vote for regaining of disfranchised black male suffrage in the South.42
DuBois’s discourse of racial identiﬁcation, however, is intrinsicallycombined with manliness and anti-materialism. As a result, the discoursethat includes black women into the racial leadership also functions as an
exclusive discourse elsewhere. The dichotomous discourse constructedby DuBois leaves no room for a third way. DuBois writes,
Even southern “gentlemen,” as used as they are to the mistreatment of colored women, cannot in the blaze of present publicity physically beat them

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away from the polls. Their economic power over them will be smaller thantheir power over the men and while you can still bribe some pauperized Negro
laborers with a few dollars at election time, you cannot bribe Negro women.43

In this article DuBois describes the black community as beleaguered byenemies of the race—white racists from without and race traitors fromwithin the community. He represents the race traitors as lower-classblack men whom he assumes would be bribed with a little material gain
and submit to the white supremacists. He also writes in 1914, “if theNorth enfranchises women, the proportion of unselﬁsh intelligent votes
among Negroes will be increased, and the proportion of Negro voterswhom white politicians have trained to venality will be decreased.”44 In
these discourses it appears that every elite black voter, man and woman,
will vote for the same direction. DuBois sees that elite black men represent the common interest of the entire race because he supposes that differences of interest would mean betrayal by materialistic lower-classblack men.
By assuming that the race traitors would be lower-class men, DuBois’s
texts suppose that the true racial interests should be represented by educated middle-class men. His distinction between those men who would
embody the race and those men who would betray the black community was clearly class-biased. However, he succeeds in maintaining the discourse of racial identiﬁcation because he articulates class difference byappropriating the pro-feminist discourse of black female activists. Indeed, many middle-class black women, such as Anna Julia Cooper andNannie Helen Burroughs, had long insisted that black women would
serve their race better than men. For example, Burroughs argues,
Because the black man does not know the value of the ballot, and has barteredand sold his most valuable possession, it is no evidence that the Negro woman
will do the same. The Negro woman, therefore, needs the ballot to get back,by the wise use of it, what the Negro man has lost by the misuse of it.45

DuBois used these arguments not as criticisms against every black man
but as against lower-class men of the race. Later, in 1920, he used thesame rhetoric. In his book The Darkwater, DuBois advocates for black
women’s liberation. But liberation from what or whom? He writes that“the breaking up” of black families is the result of discriminatory labormarkets in which “the wage of the male breadwinner [is] below the standard,” while opportunities for black working women are many. DuBois
continues that it will be no longer possible for “a great laboring class”

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to conﬁne black women in domesticity.46 Its implication is that lowerclass black men cannot take manly responsibility as sole breadwinnerand protector of the family (unlike middle-class men), so their wives
must be emancipated from them. The working black woman is used asa symbol that contrasts with the manly middle-class black men and theeffeminate lower-class men, without using the language of class difference of the 1890s.
As Evelyn Higginbotham suggests, black female activists at the turnof the twentieth century tended to emphasize their respectability and distinguish themselves from lower-class men and women in seeking recognition from and alliance with white elites.47 It may appear as if there werecooperative and harmonious relations between DuBois and other black
elite men and black female activists based on shared racial identity. But
in fact the alliance of educated black men and women was uncertain
because of DuBois’s discourse of manhood.
DuBois equated justice for the black race with reclaiming of manliness. In his New Year’s editorial for The Crisis in 1913, he declares a
renewed determination to ﬁght for racial justice and concludes, “I will
be a man and know myself to be one, even among those who secretly andopenly deny my manhood.”48 Since the late nineteenth century the criticism against whiteness in many black male writers’ texts was no lessthan proof of manliness, for racism had negated the manhood of AfricanAmerican men.49
DuBois often argued that black women’s victimization by racism waspart and parcel of black manhood. For him black women had been
oppressed by white men and should be protected from them by black
men. In other words, black men would contend with white men overblack women’s rights. For example, he writes in 1907 a poem entitled“The Burden of Black Women,” in which he deplored:
The White World’s vermin and ﬁlth:
All the dirt of London,
All the scum of New York;
Valiant spoilers of womenAnd conquerors of unarmed men;
Shameless breeders of bastards
Drunk with the greed of gold.
Baiting their blood-stained hooks
With cant for the souls of the simple,
Bearing the White Man’s Burden
Of Liquor and Lust and Lie!50

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These lines posit black women’s oppression in the black-white racial
dichotomy: DuBois supposes that the white racism which underminedblack manhood also oppresses black women, therefore black men andwomen are natural allies and racist white men are the common enemy.
Moreover, he writes in 1912 that “the most guarded right of white menin this land and others” has been “the right to seduce black women without legal, social or moral penalty.” However, he continues, “the black
husbands and brothers” are “beginning to revolt. [. . .] Let black men
especially kill lecherous white invaders of their homes and then take theirlynching gladly like men. It’s worth it!”51 In 1922 he writes,[To white men] the race question is at bottom simply a matter of the ownership of women; white men want the right to own and use all women, colored
and white, and they resent any intrusion of colored men into this domain.52

In DuBois’s dichotomous discourse of white-black antagonism, black
men can represent women’s rights by protecting them from racist whitemen. Hence he assumes that struggling against white men is for the beneﬁt of black women, therefore of the race as a whole.
Although it is true that white men had oppressed black women, someblack female activists pointed out, if euphemistically, there was also a
potential tension between men and women of the same race. Nannie
Helen Burroughs writes that the black woman has “been left a prey forthe men of every race,” but that she had “held the enemies of Negro
female chastity at bay. [. . .] The ballot, wisely used, [would] bring to
her the respect and protection that she [needed].”53 Her statement hints
at the possibility that black men might also oppress black women.
However, DuBois’s discourse takes it for granted that black men are
natural protectors of black women. Despite his opposition to sexualized
racism, he does not necessarily problematize sexism itself, for his concept of the progress of race is masculinized and leaves no room for black
women if they might undermine the manhood of the black men.
CONCLUSION: RACE MEN RISING
Any act of identiﬁcation depends on the construction of its Other. In
his early activist days, DuBois tried to construct interracial cooperationand promote civil rights for African-American people by representing
lower-class blacks and white immigrants as the Other. At that time theemphasis on class differentiation by the standard of Victorian genderA STRONG MAN TO RUN A RACE

119

ideals among blacks was a common strategy in the practice of antiracism. Thus he sought class identiﬁcation with white middle-classelites.
Later in the 1900s and the 1910s he transformed his own stance to construct racial solidarity by representing whites and black race traitors as
the Other. The language of race enabled DuBois to articulate the interests of college-educated African-American men as that of the entire race.
Two historical factors at the turn of the century, the polarization of whiteblack relations caused by the politics of whiteness and the division
among the black middle class triggered by Booker T. Washington’s
attack on higher education, stimulated DuBois and other college-bredblack elites to adopt the more universalist racial language. Nevertheless,the discourse of racial identiﬁcation itself compelled the speaker to articulate rights and interests for others, black women and masses.
DuBois’s language of racial identiﬁcation, however, was intrinsically entwined with class and masculinity. By using such language, DuBois
on the one hand represented uneducated black men as either followersof educated black men’s leadership or materialistic race traitors, neitherof which was deemed qualiﬁed to embody the manliness of the race. On
the other hand, he conceived of black women as victims of white men’s
sexual racism who would be protected by manly black men. Nonetheless,
DuBois succeeded in representing himself as a race man because hearticulated his classed and gendered position not through the languageof class differentiation but by employing the discourse of racial identiﬁcation. The contradictory relations between class differentiation andracial identiﬁcation and between manliness and feminism may be thecharacteristic of an emerging new African-American movement.
NOTES
1“Celebrating his Twenty-Fifth Birthday,” Against Racism: Unpublished Essays,
Papers, Addresses, 1887–1961 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1986),
27–8.
2
As for the black intellectuals’ quest for positive racial identity, see Henry Louis
Gates, Jr., “The Trope of a New Negro and the Reconstruction of the Image of the Black,”
Representations 24 (Fall 1988). On the turn-of-the-century black feminism and reformmovements, see Paula Giddings, When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Womenon Race and Sex in America (New York: William Morrow, 1984); Anne Firor Scott,“Most Invisible of All: Black Women’s Voluntary Associations,” Journal of Southern
History 56 (February 1990), 3–22; and Stephanie J. Shaw, “Black Club Women and theCreation of the National Association of Colored Women,” Journal of Women’s History
3 (Fall 1991), 10–25.

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3Francis Broderick, W. E. B. DuBois: Negro Leader in a Time of Crisis (Stanford:
Stanford University Press, 1959) and Elliott M. Rudwick, W. E. B. DuBois: A Study in
Minority Group Leadership (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1960)
assume that DuBois was essentially a representative racial leader, if an elitist. Manning
Marable, W. E. B. DuBois: Black Radical Democrat (Boston: Twayne, 1986) argues thatwhile DuBois was an elitist, he embodied the struggles of racial, class, and gender minority groups for justice and positive identity. David Levering Lewis’s W. E. B. DuBois:
Biography of a Race, 1868–1919 (New York: Henry Holt, 1993) sharply points out that
middle-class interests motivated DuBois to agitate for civil rights.
4
Racial Formation in the United States from the 1960s to the 1990s, 2nd edition(London: Routledge, 1994), 55. See also Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, “AfricanAmerican Women’s History and the Metalanguage of Race,” Signs 17 (Winter 1992),
251–74.
5
Willard B. Gatewood, Aristocrats of Color: The Black Elite, 1880–1920 (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1990); Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, Righteous Discontent:
The Women’s Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880–1920 (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1993), chapter 7; and Kevin Gaines, Uplifting the Race: Black
Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1996).
6
Jean Fagan Yellin, “DuBois’s Crisis and Women’s Suffrage,” Massachusetts
Review 14 (Spring 1973), 365–75; Irene Diggs, “DuBois and Women: A Short Story ofBlack Women 1910–1934,” Current Bibliography on African Affairs 7 (Summer 1974),
260–303; Cheryl Townsend Gilkes, “The Margin as the Center of a Theory of History:
African-American Women, Social Change, and the Sociology of W. E. B. DuBois,”
Bernard W. Bell et al., eds., W. E. B. DuBois on Race and Culture (New York: Routledge,
1996); and Garth E. Pauley, “W. E. B. DuBois on Woman Suffrage: A Critical Analysisof His Crisis Writing,” Journal of Black Studies 30 (January 2000), 383–410. David
Lewis points out that DuBois was publicly a pro-feminist but personally a paternalistic
patriarch. See his DuBois, 450–51. But Lewis does not explore what DuBois’s pro-feminism meant as a discursive practice.
7
J. Stanley Lemons, “Black Stereotypes as Reﬂected in Popular Culture, 1880–1920,”
American Quarterly 29 (Spring 1977), 102–116; and David Nasaw, Going Out: The Riseand Fall of Public Amusements (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993),
especially chapter 5.
8“A Southerner on the Negro Question,” North American Review 154 (April 1892),
409–10.
9
W. E. Burghardt DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1899), 309–10.
10
Ibid., 310–11.
11
Ibid., 375.
12
Ibid., 193–94.
13
Ibid., 395–96.
14“A Memorial to the Legislature of Georgia on the Hardwick Bill,” 1899, Herbert
Aptheker, ed., Pamphlets and Leaﬂets by W. E. B. DuBois (New York: KTO, 1986).
15
Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants andthe Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998), 68–90; andidem, Barbarian Virtues: The United States Encounters Foreign People at Home andAbroad, 1876–1917 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000), 182–201. Some urban reformers had argued in vain for the exclusion of immigrants from municipal politics. See
Michael E. McGerr, The Decline of Popular Politics: The American North, 1865–1928

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(New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), 42–52. On Philadelphian Irish immigrants’efforts to rebut nativism and claim their whiteness by distinguishing themselves fromblacks, see Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995).
16
DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro, 395.
17
Ibid., 372, 383.
18
Ibid., 396.
19
John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925(1955; reprinted in New York: Atheneum, 1963), 86.
20
Baker, Following the Color Line (New York: Doubleday, 1908), 302–3 (emphasis
added).
21
On the deterioration of race relations, see George M. Fredrickson, The Black Imagein the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817–1914(New York: Harper, 1971), chapter 9; Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, 3rdedition (New York: Oxford University Press,1974), 107 (emphasis original); and Joel
Williamson, A Rage for Order: Black-White Relations in the American South since
Emancipation (New York: Oxford University Press,1986), chapter 3. For imperialism
and racial representation, see Willard B. Gatewood, Black Americans and the White
Man’s Burden, 1898–1903 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,1975); Jacobson,
Whiteness, chapter 6; Andrew Neather, “Labor Republicanism, Race, and Popular
Patriotism in the Era of Empire, 1890–1914,” John Bodner, ed., Bonds of Affection:
Americans Deﬁne Their Patriotism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), especially 87–9, 97–8; and Cecilia Elizabeth O’Leary, To Die For: The Paradox of American
Patriotism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), chapter 8.
22
DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago: McClurg, 1903; reprinted in New York:
Norton, 1999).
23
Ibid., 12.
24
Ibid., 107, 117.
25
Booker T. Washington, Up from Slavery (Boston: Houghton, 1901).
26
W. E. Burghardt DuBois, “The Evolution of Negro Leadership,” The Dial 31 (July16, 1901), 54. The episode of Washington’s autobiography which DuBois criticized here
is in Up from Slavery, 58.
27
DuBois, “The Talented Tenth,” The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles byRepresentative Negroes of To-day (New York: James Pott,1903), 74.
28
Ibid., 75. Also see his The College-Bred Negro (Atlanta: Atlanta University Press,
1900); and The College-Bred Negro American (Atlanta: Atlanta University Press, 1910).
29
DuBois, The Souls, 34–35, 40.
30
Ibid., 73.
31
Ibid., 39–41.
32
The quotation is from ibid., 60.
33
The Niagara Movement members were only elite men. See Lewis, W. E. B. DuBois,
316–9, 328.
34
W. E. B. DuBois (with William Monroe Trotter), “The Niagara Movement: Declaration of Principles, 1905,” Pamphlets and Leaﬂets; and idem, “The Niagara Movement:
Address to the Country, 1906,” ibid., 63.
35
DuBois, “Declaration of Principles,” 58; and “Address to the Country,” 64.
36
DuBois, “Declaration of Principles,” ibid., 57.
37
J. Max Barber, “The Aggressiveness of Jim-Crowism,” The Voice of the Negro 1(June 1904), 216; and William H. Ferris, The Africans Abroad, or His Evolution inWestern Civilization Tracing His Development under Caucasian Milieu (New Haven:
Tuttle, 1913), 403 (emphasis added).

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38
Ibid., passim, especially 372, 396, 409, 911; and Ida B. Wells, Crusade for Justice:
The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells, ed. Alfreda M. Duster (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1970), 281.
39
W. E. B. DuBois, “Ohio,” The Crisis 4 (August 1912), 182.
40
W. E. B. DuBois, “Votes for Women,” The Crisis 4 (September 1912), 234.
41
“A Woman’s Suffrage Symposium,” The Crisis 4 (September 1912), 240–7; and“Votes for Women: A Symposium by Leading Thinkers of Colored America,” The Crisis
10 (August 1915), 178–92.
42
Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote,
1850–1920 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), 131–2.
43
DuBois, “Votes for Women,” The Crisis 15 (November 1917), 8.
44
DuBois, “Votes for Women,” The Crisis 8 (August 1914), 180.
45
See, for example, Anna Julia Cooper, A Voice from the South: By a Black Womanof the South (Xenia, Ohio: Aldine, 1892), 139; and Nannie H. Burroughs, “Black Womenand Reform,” The Crisis 10 (August 1915), 187. See also Terborg-Penn, African
American Women, chapter 4 (emphasis original).
46
W. E. Burghardt DuBois, Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil (New York:
Harcourt, 1920), 180–81.
47
Higginbotham, The Righteous Discontent, chapter 7.
48“A Philosophy for 1913,” The Crisis 5 (January 1913), 127 (emphasis original).
49
Mia Bay, The White Image in the Black Mind: African-American Ideas about White
People, 1830–1925 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), especially 87–88, 109–11.
50
W. E. Burghardt DuBois, “The Burden of Black Women,” The Horizon 2 (November 1907), 4–5.
51
DuBois, “Divine Right,” The Crisis 3 (March 1912), 197.
52
DuBois, “Black France,” The Crisis 23 (March 1922), 199.
53
Burroughs, “Black Women,” 187 (emphasis added).