euodoōٗ‫٭غ٭؛‬journal of rural future study㕼 ‫ ח‬欰ֹ ‫׷‬劢 勻㷕
Vol.3

2019

Seeds: Private Property or“�e Common Heritage of All
Humankind”? ٬ 甦㲳‫☭ע‬꿔⪴劔‫ס‬鬙氙‫⚕׵כ׿א‬噺‫ס‬䨾劔朮
Raymond Epp ٬ ٝؕٓ٤‫غ‬٬‫وشؙ‬�e Role of Plant Factories on Food
Production and Technology in Japan
Kaihei Koshio‫ف٭ئ‬٤‫ع‬ٛ‫כوشب٭ر٭‬劔塌ꀸ噺册⹳‫מ‬ꫀ‫┞׾׌‬脝㷋蠮䈢岕

One Pig and Me ٬ ┞ⶐ‫ס‬骢‫׊ג؂כ‬Chigira Hasumi٬讙锶ⶨ僻ր㖪‫ס‬侷芌ց‫ס‬䩘岺‫כ‬勓鮐ٜؓ‫ظ‬٤‫ؖغ‬٬‫٭ةذٔز‬‫ب‬٤ٍٜ‫סי׊כ‬ꀸ噺‫ס‬牞皑؅‫י׊׉״‬㸯㘇嶮䌐Questioning the Culture of
Gluttony ٬ 냦낛‫ס‬倀ⵊ؅ゼֹ

Toshihiro Takami ٬둜锶侧䑡Journal of the Asian Rural Institue
Published by the Asian Rural Institute㷕吤岀➂،‫آ‬،㷕ꤍ秀銲涪遤խ㷕吤岀➂،‫آ‬،㷕ꤍeuodoōٗ‫٭غ٭؛‬journal of rural future study㕼‫ח‬欰ֹ‫׷‬劢勻㷕
Vol.3

2019

Journal of the Asian Rural Institue㷕吤岀➂،‫آ‬،㷕ꤍ秀銲

ii

In this Issue  ٥ 湡 如

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS ٬ 詇脢‫ יַחמ‬..................................................................... iv
EDITORIAL NOTE ٬ 紬겏脢‫ ׼־‬............................................................................................ vi

Th e s e s ٥锷俑SEEDS: PRIVATE PROPERTY OR “THE COMMON HERITAGE OF
ALL HUMANKIND”? ..............................................................................................................
Raymond Epp2甦㲳‫☭ע‬꿔⪴劔‫ס‬鬙氙‫⚕׵כ׿א‬噺‫ס‬䨾劔朮

14ٝؕٓ٤‫غ‬٬‫وشؙ‬

THE ROLE OF PLANT FACTORIES ON FOOD PRODUCTION ANDTECHNOLOGY IN JAPAN .................................................................................................... 25
Kaihei Koshio
植物䈰㖪‫ס‬յ傽勓‫ס‬낛竵气氙‫כ‬䪫銉嗘‫ס׫‬䔔꼸㸯㘇嶮䌐

E s s ay s ٥ 㼭锷俑‫ف٭ئ‬٤‫ع‬ٛ‫כوشب٭ر٭‬劔塌ꀸ噺册⹳‫מ‬ꫀ‫┞׾׌‬脝㷋 ................................................ 40蠮䈢岕
Considering Servant Leadership and the Spread of Organic Farming(Osamu Arakawa)┞ⶐ‫ס‬骢‫ ׊ג؂כ‬46讙锶ⶨ僻

iii

ONE PIG AND ME .......... 56
Chigira Hasumiր㖪‫ס‬侷芌ց‫ס‬䩘岺‫כ‬勓鮐 67ٜؓ‫ظ‬٤‫ؖغ‬٬4٬‫٭ةذٔز‬Essence and Techniques of “Place-Based Education”(Ardhendu S. Chatterjee)‫ب‬٤ٍٜ‫סי׊כ‬ꀸ噺‫ס‬牞皑؅‫י׊׉״‬媃朮ⵊ٬塌唩ⵊ٬䈰噺ⵊ٬‫┾׾׌ⵊؠطؕـ‬汔‫מ‬䫎‫י׊‬㸯㘇嶮䌐
Aiming at the Establishment of Agriculture as Symbol—Against a World Transformed by
Lifelessness, Mechanization, Industrialization, and High Tech (Kaihei Koshio)76

E s s ay by Dr. Ta ka mi ٥넟鋅⯓欰‫ך‬㼭锷俑냦낛‫ס‬倀ⵊ؅ゼֹ 87둜锶侧䑡

QUESTIONING THE CULTURE OF GLUTTONY ...................................................... 94
Toshihiro Takami
ABOUT EUODOŌ ٬ アジア学院紀要ٗ‫٭غ٭؛‬について .............................................. 99

iv

Notes on Contributors

Raymond Epp (MAPS) is a mission associate with the Mennonite Mission Networkand holds a Master’s degree in Peace Studies from the Anabaptist Mennonite Biblical
Seminary. Together with his wife, he has introduced community-supported agriculture
in Japan through the Menno Village initiative in Hokkaidô.
Kaihei Koshio (PhD) is a professor at the
Department of International Agricultural
Development at Tokyo University of Agriculture (TUA). He earned his doctoral degree at the TUA Graduate School’s Divisionof Agriculture and has widely published papers on agricultural chemistry and practice.
He is a member of the Church of Christ inJapan.
Osamu Arakawa is the associate director,
educational director, and farm manager at
ARI. He has worked with the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) as an
agricultural adviser in Tanzania, Nepal, andEast Timor in the past.
Chigira Hasumi has completed the Rural
Leaders Training at ARI in 2017 and the Advanced Training Course in 2018. She returns
to pursue her undergrad degree at the Faculty of Global Studies at Sophia University
in Tokyo.

Ardhendu S. Chatterjee is an ARI Graduateof 1976 and secretary of the Development
Research Communication and Service Center(DRCSC) in India. As an expert on sustainable resource management and agro-ecology,
he has educated people throughout Asia,
cooperated with international humanitarian
projects, and published numerous books.
He has studied Permaculture Design and isan avid nature photographer as well.
Takami Toshihiro (PhD) was the founderand honorary president of ARI. He holds
degrees by the Yale Divinity School and has
been awarded numerous recognitions forhis achievements, among them the 1996
Ramon Magsaysay Award in International
Understanding. He passed away in September
2018 at the age of 91.

v

衼罏‫ג ְ אח‬ٝؕٓ٤‫غ‬٬‫وشؙ‬մْ‫عؕػؿ‬㵋侷‫عشؾ‬둜 锶 侧 䑡մؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖⱁ陭脢յ⻏霵㳔ꯖꩽն臉剹玗㳔吾‫׽׻‬䌐⾔㳔⟵㛶⺴؅⺅䕑ն㢐‫⪴כ‬ 䌑ُ‫ؕئؕئء‬㎼갾槏闋魼⺇魼ն 䌑٠‫סؠ٭‬㵋侷䊘նؓ‫عتطوفػ‬٬ْ‫عؕػؿ‬٬‫ⵌמ‬嶮ꇓꩽ岗永‫لؿْס‬ٝ‫ةش‬؅篑ㅰ‫ֿם׊‬‫ ׼‬㐌 㔔 佻 䴈 㒘 ꀸ 噺 DPNNVOJUZTVQQPSUFEBHSJDVMUVSF ؅傽勓‫מ‬箩♃‫׾ַי׊‬ն㸯 㘇  嶮 䌐մ匯☒ꀸ噺㝕㳔 ㎼갾낛倣䝠㖥㳔ꌃ‫ֽ׊ ׆‬‫ַ׫ַ־‬㎼ 갾 ꀸ 噺 ꪛ 溪 㳔 璇 侷 䱅ն 匯 ☒ ꀸ 噺 㝕 㳔 㝕 㳔ꯖ ‫ ך‬ꀸ 㳔 ⷆ 㛶 ⺴ ⺅ 䕑ն 傽 勓 ‫ ؞‬ٛ ‫ ع ت‬侷 ⚶ 匯☒⼴溮侷⚶⚶〉ն蠮䈢岕մؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖⰶ吾ꩽյ侷芌ꌃꩽյꀸ㖪ꩽնֵ ‫׳׈ֽ ؂ ־ ׼‬귱䌑嶮㜽ⶾⲇ갟ꓩ褺갟〉‫ذי׊כ‬٤‫מؓؼا‬㐂⛿ն‫♑סא‬յ‫٭قؾ‬ٜյ匯‫٭ٓز‬ٜ‫ךלם‬ꀸ匆ꪛ溪◜噺‫מ‬䶏‫׾؂‬ն‫׼ׁ ה‬讙 锶 ⶨ 僻մ 䌑㐂禶‫┪׾׌‬冝㝕㳔‫ء‬ٞ‫٭‬‫ײ ׌ע‬‫ف‬ٜ‫ث٭ؔظذت‬煝疴璇؅⚪㳔‫ؓةؓי׊‬㳔ꯖꀸ匆ꪛ溪璇⪜㳔յⶻ噺ն 䌑ؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ煝疴璇箽◗䔿յ┪冝㝕㳔‫מ‬䕮㳔նٜؓ‫ظ‬٤‫ؖغ‬٬4٬‫٭ةذٔز‬մ 䌑ؓ‫ؓة‬㳔 ꯖ ⶻ 噺ն ؕ ٤ ‫ غ‬锞 ‫ ي‬٤ ‫ ؝‬ٜ 䈣 ‫ ך‬嵛 ⳛ ‫׾ ׌‬%FWFMPQNFOU 3FTFBSDI $PNNVOJDBUJPO
BOE4FSWJDF$FOUFS %3$4$ ╭ ◜ն 䭥 籽 ⺪茣‫ם‬魕徎硄槏‫ءؓכ‬ٞ‫٭ؚن‬ٝ‫عت‬ٛ‫٭‬յ‫٭ق‬ُ‫؜‬ٜ‫ס٭ٔز‬㸗ꪎ㵵‫י׊כ‬յؓ‫סؓة‬䌮碃㎪‫ך‬侷芌嵛ⳛյ㎼갾☭ꇓ佻䴈嵛ⳛ‫מ‬䓜‫׾ג‬ն詇剹㝂俙ն蔦撬⫬澵㵵‫׾ֵ׵ך‬ն‫ײ ־ג‬‫؀ץ׊כ‬稌 ‫ ٭ ؙ‬ٜ 㝕 㳔 玗 㳔 ꯖ ‫ י מ‬玗 㳔 ⷆ 㛶 ⺴ ⺅ 䕑ն 劓⺥㝘 婸նvi

Editorial Note W e are excited to bring you the third publication in Landscape Change and Resource

issue of euodoō, the annual journal of the
Asian Rural Institute. As always, we present
thesis papers and essays that delve into thetheme of “rural futures.” Many people
envision such a future as the transformation of rural areas through privatization,
supply chain control, and highly specialized
technologies. However, at the end of thatpath lies the total absorption of food, labor,
resources, and infrastructure by powers
beyond the influence of ordinary people.
The papers we present in this journal question the imperative of agriculture shaped bycorporate monopolies.

Utilization in East Asia.
The essay about industrial meatproduction and animal welfare by 2017
ARI graduate, Ms. Chigira Hasumi, follows
similarly. Ms. Hasumi’s research involved
raising a pig in more humane ways at ARI.
That this project sparked a fierce debate on
campus and social media proves that thequestion of how we treat animals touches
upon profound inequities in society,culture, even the human psyche. This is thefirst contribution by a Japanese Graduate
Intern, expanding ARI’s voice in the public
discourse.

Beginning with Mr. Raymond Epp’s
research paper, we review recent Japaneselegislation on public plant breeding andpresent a deeper analysis of global seed policies. We express gratitude to Ms. Ryôko Tsuboiof the monthly Ainô for allowing us to reprint
this compelling thesis by a kindred spirit.
We are also thankful to include two
texts from Professor Kaihei Koshio who has
been a long-time friend of ARI. His Japanese
essay explores the relationships between
spirit, agriculture, and technology while his
English research paper is an eye-opening
description of the plant-factory industry.
We thank Prof. Liu Ts’ui-jung for permitting us to reprint this thesis after its original

Seed rights, technology, and animal
welfare are topics of existential importance
if we are to find a “good way” (euodoō) of livingby the soil. The texts of Mr. Osamu Arakawa
and Mr. Ardhendu Chatterjee propose arural future in which those outside of large
power structures take ownership of leadership and knowledge.
Mr. Arakawa highlights servant leadership as a way for grassroots groups to sharepower, and “awareness“ as a servant leader’sunique skill. We hope these thoughts fromour educational director will further readers’
understanding of our training program.
Mr. Chatterjee, who is a graduate of1976 and has lectured at ARI for many years,

vii

suggests learning methods based on the ideaof Place-Based Education (PBE): Educatorsand learners enhance the relationship with
their rural landscape by understanding its
ecology better. We thank Mr. Junichi Ômae,General Manager of NPO ECOPLUS forkindly providing these notes of Mr. Chatterjee’s keynote lecture from the International
Symposium on PBE, 2017.
The past year was marked by the deathof ARI’s founder, Dr. Toshihiro Takami. We
have since decided to include one of his writings in each issue of euodoō so that Takami’s
philosophy may continue to inspire ARI’scommunity of learning. From his many
essays, we chose one that examines thequestion of “power“ mentioned above. One
cannot help but appreciate Dr. Takami’s
fusion of theology, politics, and agriculturethat enabled him to scrutinize the spirit of
the age with clear insight.
We express our heartfelt gratitude to all
writers for their valuable contributions and
Mr. Steven Cutting and Mr. Toshiaki Kusunoki for their help translating. We hope that
euodoō will not only inform but spur you intomeaningful action to generate a rural futurein which humans, animals, and plants may
live together and thrive together.
Finally, we extend our special appre-

ciation to Ms. Jan Garood for allowing us to
use a beautiful painting of hers as the coverart. Ms. Garood is the secretary of Sophia’s
Spring, a small eco-feminist church community in Melbourne, Australia. The community
is an encouraging example of how grassroots groups who deeply care for the environment and social justice enlighten thisworld with wisdom.

Thomas Fujishima
Public Relations, editorial member

viii箟꧊罏ַ‫׵‬ؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ笫锡րٗ‫٭غ٭؛‬ց䌑┞㎇溪鉿䍲煝疴璇ⶻ噺‫ס‬讙锶ⶨ僻‫׈‬؆‫׾׻מ‬յ䈰㖪汫ׂ䘼ַ‫׌ױ‬ն♀⺴‫ס׆׵‬笫锡‫׾ֵךُ٭طס‬⯼脢‫ס‬韢倀‫׋⻎כ‬嵣‫׿‬؅尤؆‫׌ךס׵ד‬ն讙锶睗⺴؅溺坎‫ֽמ‬㺐ׄ‫כ׆׾׀ך‬؅㝕㜟㯹‫׊‬

ր㏸‫מ‬气‫׾׀‬勑匡ց‫יַחמ‬幾ׂ䱡‫גׅ┫׽‬韢倀‫׷‬雄韢ֿ겏‫ג׊ױ׽ױ‬ն♀傽յꀸ匆㐌㔔‫ס‬勑匡؅脝ֻ‫׾‬免յ㝂ׂ‫ֿ☭ס‬둚䍲‫ם‬㸗ꪎ䪫銉‫وئ׷‬ٚؕ‫٭ؘز‬٤‫ס‬簡⯜յ宐ㅰⵊ؅ꄼ‫י׊‬ꀸ匆㐌㔔ֿ㜟㵼‫מכ׆׾׌‬㸝匡؅锶⮂‫כֹא‬‫׌ױַי׊‬ն‫סא׊־׊‬ꇓ‫ס‬箽‫ס׾ֵמ׽؂‬‫ע‬յ┞薭‫☭ס‬չ‫ס‬䔔꼸؅鱩ֻ‫ג‬րⲇց‫׾׻מ‬յ낛朮յⲨ⦍յؕ٤‫ن‬ٚյ魕徎‫ס‬㴞⪢‫׾ם‬겏笴٬✶⻉‫׎ױ׽ֵ־׊ך‬؆ն♀⺴‫מ‬䲔鼥‫׾׌‬韢倀‫ע‬յ䈴㝕⚕噺‫מ‬䓺✑‫םֹ׻סאג׿׼‬ꀸ噺‫ס‬䖩锡䙎‫מ‬ゼַ؅䫋‫׌ױַיׄ־ׅ‬ն‫מ״׋ע‬䲔鼥‫׾׌‬ٝؕٓ٤‫غ‬٬‫وشؙ‬宋‫ס‬煝疴韢倀‫ע‬յ儨♀傽勓㎼⫐‫ך‬ゼ꾴‫יזםכ‬ַ‫╭׾‬锡ꀸ✑朮甦㲳岺؅⺅‫ׅ┪׽‬յ‫מ׼׈‬甦㲳‫מ‬ꫀ‫׾׌‬㎼갾溷‫ם‬偙ꓹ‫יַחמ‬幾ׂ脝㷋‫׊‬氙‫ُؼؓכ‬ٜ‫ؘؗ‬ٜ‫סיַחמؘؓن‬㸯韢‫ע‬յ‫׈‬؆‫ס‬煝疴‫ע‬յؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ‫יַֽמ‬骢؅‫׽׻‬☭ꇓ溷‫מ‬芌‫׾י‬雧‫מײ‬㕈‫׌ױַיַט‬ն‫ס׆‬煝疴‫ע‬յ㳔ꯖ⫐‫גױ‬┪‫ך‬懈‫ַ׊‬韢◚؅⽿‫צ‬鱍‫ֿג׊ױ׊׆‬յ‫׽׻מכ׆ס׆‬瑭‫הג‬‫ע‬յ瑭‫☭הג‬ꪨ‫ⳛס‬朮‫ס‬䪒ַ偙‫מ‬㸐‫׾׌‬ゼַֿյ獗⚶յ倀ⵊյ‫☭עמ׼׈‬ꪨ‫ס‬窢玗‫מ╚ס‬ֵ‫׾‬幾⯣‫┮ם‬䌐瞏‫מ‬阋⹳‫כ׆׾ַי׊‬؅焒‫׽‬‫ג׊ױ‬ն笫锡‫מ‬䲔鼥‫סי״⮴׾׿׈‬傽勓☭煝疴璇ⶻ噺气‫ס‬㸯韢‫׽ֵך‬յؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ‫ס‬㛽؅‫׽׻‬䌮ׂ┾‫׌ךס׵׾ֻ⚻מ‬ն

㏸‫מ‬气‫׾׀‬ր虘ַꇓցٗ‫٭غ٭؛‬؅ꃯ寛‫ף׿ֵךס׾׌‬յ甦㲳‫ס‬埫⯈յ䪫銉յؓ‫ُؼ‬ٜ‫ؘؗ‬ٜ‫עؘؓن‬յ‫׿ב׿א‬㵅㲽溷‫ם‬ꓨ锡䙎؅䭥‫׌ױה‬ն蠮䈢岕宋ؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ侷芌ꌃꩽ٬ꀸ㖪ꩽ‫׌ױַי‬ն☭‫ס‬䖥‫מ‬陻ֻ‫ס׆׾‬韢倀‫ס‬黨鼥陵‫ؓכ‬ٜ‫ظ‬٤‫ؖغ‬٬‫٭ةذٔز‬宋ؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ‫מ‬䠊颍ַ‫׌ױ׊ג‬ն‫☭׾ֵמ‬չֿյٛ‫כوشب٭ر٭‬焒餟؅蔦⮔‫ג‬⺪؅┫‫ג׊ױַ׈‬劓⮜ր䠀ꀸց‫ס‬㑢◪帘㲳宋匯☒ꀸ噺㝕㳔‫ס‬㸯㘇嶮䌐侷䱅‫ח◝עמ‬‫ס‬韢倀؅‫ׇ‬䳀❵ַ‫ג׊ױ׀דג‬ն㸯㘇宋‫ס‬傽勓靣‫ס‬㸯韢‫ע‬յꀸ噺յ䪫銉յ☭ꪨ‫ס‬괵䙎‫ס‬婹

ⶻ噺气‫׾׻מ‬韢ꃍ‫ע‬յ䈴㝕‫ם‬埫ⲇ塌圸‫ס‬㜽‫׾׌כס׵סה‬ꀸ匆‫ס‬勑匡؅䳀呾‫׌ױַי׊‬ն蠮䈢宋‫ע‬յ蠗‫ס‬呧‫ءס‬ٜ‫ⲇֿو٭‬؅⮔ׄ⻉ֹ偙岺‫ف٭ئסי׊כ‬٤‫ع‬ٛ‫وشب٭ر٭‬⺮溷‫ם‬ꫀ➳‫יַחמ‬յ蝠靣‫ס‬煝疴韢倀‫ע‬յ嗘☭‫׾ֻ♐מ‬ٛ‫وشب٭ر٭‬յ‫גױ‬峜䟨幾ַ‫׌ ױ‬ն ‫ ס ׆‬韢 倀 ‫ע‬ր-BOETDBQF$IBOHFBOE‫סو‬杅沌䙎‫כ׾ֵך‬䒣鞪‫׌ױ׊‬նؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ朮䈰㖪氙噺‫ס‬덺ׂ‫׀׬‬㵅䡢ֿ阾ꃍ‫ַי׿׈‬3FTPVSDF6UJMJ[BUJPOJO&BTU"TJBց‫מ‬䲔鼥‫׈‬‫ךס׵ג׿‬յ‫ס׆‬䍲黨鼥陵⺪؅┫‫ג׊ױַ׈‬ⱦ胈志宋‫מ‬䠊颍ַ‫׌ױ׊ג‬ն籽ׂ  䌑䍲ؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖⶻ噺气յ 䌑ր宜‫׀ט‬ց‫ف٭ئֿא׆‬٤‫ع‬٬ٛ‫شب٭ر٭‬‫ס‬侷芌ꌃꩽ؅ⳡ‫׾״‬蠮䈢宋‫ס׆ס‬锶闋ֿյ鞅‫ײ‬䩘‫ؓةؓס‬㳔ꯖ煝⟵‫׽׻סיַחמ‬幾ַ槏闋‫מ‬縕ֿ‫כ׆׾‬؅꿈ַ‫׌ױ‬ն 䌑‫ؕס‬٤‫غ‬☭ⶻ噺气‫٭ةذٔز׾ֵך‬宋‫ע‬ꩽׂؓ‫ؓة‬㳔‫‪ix‬‬‫‪ַ✑⿣؅勓霺‬׊‪ֿյ耘‬ג׊ױ׽םמ‪劄䔿‬‬‫ס‪侷芌ց1#&‬ס‪յր㖪‬״ⳡ‪杅⯁颉䊘؅‬ך‪ꯖ‬‬‫‪ ٤٬‬٭ ؘ ة ג ׊ ױ ַ ׈ ד ׂ ❵ ‪ 䳀‬ׇ מ ‪ 銨 筤‬ס‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ׀י׊‪ׂ㳔肪偙岺؅䳀ゃ‬ט‪㕈‬מֻ‪脝‬‬‫‪ٍْٜٜ٤‬סؓ‪ٚٛ‬عت٭؛ע‪宋‬غ٭‪ٜ‬؝‬‫‪ꫀ➳؅‬סכ‪յ蔦撬‬ך┪ג׊‪气䡢笠؅虘ׂ槏闋‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬כַג׬‪䠊颍؅ꃍ‬מ‪杅‬מ‪宋‬غ٭‪ٜ‬؝‬‫خ‪ؔյ‬طؼِٖؤ⚶‪侷‬عتؘِنؤؙ׾ֵמ‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׿׈‪璓剹؅‬סء‪ٛ٤‬وت‪٬‬ثؓؔن‬‫‪獗⚶婞聋‬׷‪յ欎㘶‬עء‪ٛ٤‬وت‪٬‬ثؓؔنخ‬‫ז׻מ‪☭չֿյ焒䛒‬ס‪呧‬ס‪蠗‬׾׌‪䠀‬׼־‪؅䖥‬‬‫‪؅‬־ס׾׀ךֿכ׆׌׼‪┾؅攍‬ס׆מ־ַי‬‫ؼِٖؤ׾םכײⲤסהג‪յ瑭‬׾׿ׂי׊‪獏‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ך٭ؔط‬‫تُ٭ع‪跥䅢‬‬‫〉‪紬겏㣗‬٭غ٭؛ٗ‪䌮㖥䬎䓜յ‬‬‫ס‪脢ֿꀸ匆㐌䊝‬ש‪㳔‬כ‪脢‬׾ֻ‪յ侷‬עכ & ‪1 #‬‬‫٭ةذٔزע‪ն䲔鼥倀‬׌ך‪ַֹ脝ֻ偙‬כ׾״‪둚‬‬‫‪㕈鞪‬סّؗةَ‪٤‬ب‪  䌑䍲 1#& ㎼갾‬ס‪宋‬‬‫‪杅㴻긊ㅰ‬גַדגַ‪䳀❵؅‬ׇס‪յ⸮畇‬ך‪颉悍‬‬‫‪䠊‬מ‪㝕⯼筙┞宋‬ס◜‪⯈嵛ⳛ岺☭ &$01-64 槏‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׊גַ‪颍‬‬‫׾ֵך‪⻏霵㳔ꯖꩽ‬ס‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓע‪ 䌑‬‬‫‪〡‬ס‪ն둜锶‬ג׊ױ׽םכ‪䌑‬ס‪⺥㝘‬ס‪둜锶侧䑡‬‬‫מצ‪㳔‬סؔطؼِٖؤ‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓ׵‪㳔ֿ♀䔿‬‬‫׽׻⺴♀‪؅꿈ַյ‬כ׆׾ׄ‪؅┰ֻ籽‬׀״׼ץ‬‫✑‪詇‬ס‪յ둜锶‬ח׍⿣✑┞מ⺴‪ց嬐‬٭غ٭؛ٗ‪ր‬‬‫‪둜锶‬ע‪ն♀㎇‬ג׊ױ׊גַככ׆׾׌‪؅䲔鼥‬‬‫י׿׼׬‪ꃍ‬ך‪յ┪阾‬׼־╚ס✑‪詇‬סׂ‪俙㝂‬ס‬‫י׊‪ゼַ؅脝㷋‬ם‪呧勓溷‬׾׌‪ꫀ‬מ‪րⲇց‬׾ַ‬‫‪玗㳔յ侓岕յ‬ע‪ն둜锶‬ג׊ױצ‪؅ꈷ‬ס׵׾ַ‬‫‪窢吉‬מ‪窢玗؅溷牞‬ס♣‪槁‬יז׻מ⻉‪鄋‬ס‪ꀸ噺‬‬‫ױ׽ֵ־׊‪䠊颍‬עמ‪幾ַ崫㷋‬סא‪յ‬׽ֽי׊‬‫‪؆ն‬׎‬‫‪㕂瞉脢‬סי⪢גז׈┫י׊‪鬚桬؅‬ם‪㝂㝕‬‬‫┫יז⚻‪吾婞؅䩘‬׷‪脌陹‬י׊א‪յ‬מױ׈‪溺‬ס‬‫‪噢⯈僻‬כ‪宋‬ء‪ؔ٤‬طش؜‪٤٬‬ه٭ؔطتגז׈‬‫ٗ‪ր‬ס׆‪ն‬׌ױׅ┪׊‪ֽ獓؅氰‬ס׼־‪䖥‬מ‪宋‬‬‫ׄד׾׌❵‪䝠㖥؅䳀‬מ‪؆‬׈‪ցֿյ溺‬٭غ٭؛‬‫‪յ‬׀‪气‬מ⪴ֿ‪ׂյ☭ꪨյⳛ朮յ嗘朮‬םעךס׵ס‬‫⮂׽✑‪勑匡؅‬ס‪ꀸ匆‬׾׀ךסכ׆׾ֻ‪吖‬מ⪴‬‫‪؅‬כ׆׌ױ‪镊‬צ⽿‪鉿ⳛ؅‬׾ֵ⽱‪յ䟨‬ס״ג׌‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַ‪꿈‬‬

x

Theses  ٥ 锷 俑

2Raymond Epp

Seeds: Private Property or“The Common Heritage of all Humankind”?

“Germplasm is the absolute underpinningof the global food system.”(Pat Roy Mooney)I n regard to the importance of strengthening local economies and improving the welfareof farmers and rural communities, empowering women and ensuring a safe, sustainable,
and secure source of daily sustenance for all people nothing is more important than the firstlink in the food system—seeds. Without access to seeds, there is no food. Who owns andcontrols seeds and the world’s genetic diversity and who controls the development of plantvarieties shapes the destiny of all human life. It is of utmost importance that we pay attention to what is going on regarding our nation’s seed laws.
This past year, the Japanese government announced that it will be abandoning its seedlaws protecting public plant breeding and variety development. It is a move that has beenmet, in Japan, with mostly public apathy, outside of a small number of activists; and a concerted, yet at this point, marginal opposition. To grasp the significance of the Japanese government’s move to abandon public plant breeding and variety development it is importantto understand that this action takes place in a historical context. It is not a random act.

S E E D S : P R I VAT E P R O P E RT Y O R “ T H E C O M M O N H E R I TA G E O F A L L H U M A N K I N D“?

“History is not a series of discontinuous events; the future is systematically connected to thepast.”1 I see that the changes that we are witnessing in the seed laws of Japan “are taking place
within a particular social, economic and ecological context with established and knowable
trajectories.”2 Those trajectories are no different than that of the United States. We are seeing
a shift taking place that is centralizing power shifting attention away from public ownershipand responsibility towards a political economy that is market-driven and privatized.
Two of those established and known trajectories are the impacts of high yielding varieties on traditional agricultural communities and the impact of research on modern industrial agriculture. We have learned that out of the best intentions to combat world hunger theInternational Agricultural Research Centers (IARC’s) introduced new high yielding seed varieties (HYV’s) to replace the traditional varieties that were grown by peasant farmers. This
project has come to be known as the Green Revolution. Researchers found that the miracle
grains grown under ideal conditions which included chemical fertilizers and chemicals tocontrol weeds, pests and diseases contributed to significant yield increases, but their introduction also resulted in a host of social, political and ecological problems including:regional inequalities, income inequalities at the farm level, increased farm sizes, specialization of production, displacement of labor, accelerating mechanization, depressed productprices, changing land tenure patterns, rising land prices, expanding markets for commercial
inputs, agrochemical dependence, genetic erosion, pest-vulnerable monocultures, and environmental deterioration.3

How much attention have farmers and citizens paid to the research priorities of the Japanese government’s research stations in developing new plant varieties for Japanese agriculture? Could it be that the problems confronting Japanese agriculture today are becauseof the development of high yielding grain varieties? Could it be we are experiencing thehidden costs of our own Green Revolution without even knowing it? As important as it is fora nation to control its own seed breeding programs it is equally important for farmers andcitizens alike to pay attention to the questions that breeders ask in developing new varieties
for the nation’s farmers.
Agricultural research and the resulting technologies and techniques derived from theresearch has also had a profound impact on society. We know what technological changes
do to a nation’s political economy from previous experiences in other countries. The plant
physiologist Boysie Day, appearing at the 1977 American Society of Agronomy meetings, said:
The agronomist is the moving force in many of the social changes of our time. I include under
the title of “Agronomist” all crop production scientists of whatever discipline. He has brought

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about the conversion of a rural agricultural society to an urban one. Each advance has sent a
wave of displaced farm workers to seek a new life in the city and a flood of change throughout
society... Probably, no meeting in 1977 of politicians, bureaucrats, social reformers, urban renewers... or anarchists will cause as much change in the social structure of the country as the
ASA of crop and soil scientists.4

The introduction of new plant varieties, mechanization, and the introduction of various
forms of technology through scientific research has been an unspoken way of carrying out
economic planning that contributes toward the creation of an urban industrial economy.
Were the Japanese government and Japanese agricultural researchers aware of this when
they launched public plant breeding in the post World War II era?
In this article I want to draw on the work of Jack Kloppenburg, a rural sociologist fromthe University of Wisconsin and author of First the Seed, to set the framework for understanding the contested nature of seed laws in the rise of private plant breeding in the United States and what impact this understanding has on the way in which we in Japan think
about the changes occurring in plant breeding and the nation’s seed laws. In the end, I wantto suggest possible responses to this historical process by referring to the work of Pat Roy
Mooney who was the first to draw public attention to the issue of seeds through his work,
The Law of the Seed, in 1983. These two books, I believe, offer the keenest insights into thismost important issue of our day.
Kloppenburg’s analysis starts with the premise that “scientific plant improvement has developed in the historical context of capitalism”5 and proceeds to ask the questions “has plant
breeding and seed production become a means of capital accumulation? If so, how has thisbeen accomplished, and what have been its effects?”6 Our topic of concern in this article is
the Japanese experience and so our attention will focus on the Japanese experience of plant
improvement. I am not an expert on this topic and there are more able and knowledgeable
people on this subject that would be able to fill in more of the details. With this article, I am
hoping to start a discussion. Given these limits to my knowledge, I will proceed with ananalysis of Japanese seed improvement guided by the premise and questions which Kloppenburg raises with the hope that some new insights can be gained to help guide us in shaping public discourse on this important subject.
The rebuilding and modernization of the Japanese economy in the aftermath of WorldWar II have been seen as an economic miracle. Modernization requires that a nation moves
from a mere subsistence agriculture to one that promotes surplus production. As mentioned
earlier, scientific research contributes to the creation of surplus commodity production that
results in a reduction in the need for farm labor. Surplus laborers move to the city in search

S E E D S : P R I VAT E P R O P E RT Y O R “ T H E C O M M O N H E R I TA G E O F A L L H U M A N K I N D“?

of a new life and find themselves selling their labor to industrial capitalists. Food takes on
the commodity form for the urban, industrial labor force. It is bought, in other words, withthe commodified labor of the worker. The role of seed improvement should not go unnoticed in this drama. The efforts to develop a public plant breeding and a seed distribution
network has been spoken of in some circles as a means of attaining national food security.
How did Japanese politicians think about the role of scientific plant breeding on capital accumulation and the economic recovery and modernization of the nation? I don’t have ananswer to that question. But I would like to know. What we do know is that a commitment
to public breeding has assured farmers of a stable, high quality, and affordable seed supply.
We also know that Japan is now a modern economy in which capital accumulation has been
institutionalized as the mode of economic activity.
If capital accumulation is indeed the mode of economic activity it becomes readily apparent that private seed companies will see that a public commitment to plant breeding by
the Japanese government is a direct interference in the operation of the market economy
and private capital accumulation. In the United States, private plant breeders and seed
companies started a public discussion on the government funding of plant breeding. Public money spent on plant breeding, they argued, was unfair competition to private investment and public duplication of private research was wasteful. The proper role of the government
should be to encourage private investment and capital accumulation, not constrain it.7 This has been
the message that has been communicated to public plant breeders in the United States since1945. This same logic was applied by the Japanese Association of Corporate Executives intheir submission to the Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry Committee of the Lower House
when they argued for the abolishment of Japanese public plant breeding. ‘Publicly funded
development of crops at prefectural research stations hinder our business expansion into
this sector and it is a form of suppression of private sector business by public institutions.’8
It took five hours of discussion with no input from farmers or citizens to reach a decision
to abolish the Japanese law. It is clear that private capital accumulation is the mode of economic activity that contributed to this decision. No clear analysis of farmers’ rights seemed
to enter into the decision.

Overcoming the Barriers to Capital Accumulation
If private breeders are discouraging public involvement in plant breeding and variety release how does the existing network of research stations and university research relate to
private industry? Kloppenburg points out private breeders and seed companies often carryout their public discourse through professional association meetings and journals. What

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private industry was suggesting was not an end to public research but a redefinition of roles.
Public research was to be “basic” whereas the work of private breeders was to build on the“basic” research and “apply” the research in releasing privately controlled seed varieties. It
was to be a new “division of labor” in which public money was to be used on backgroundresearch that was not economical for private seed companies to be involved in and seed
companies would then release the commodity form—seeds—into the market.
The nature of seeds is that when you plant them they multiply. If farmers continue to
use their own seed there is no incentive for private seed companies to be involved in variety
improvement. There is an economic incentive on the part of seed companies to keep farmers from saving seed. The development of inbred lines to create hybrids was a method thatwould make seeds “economically sterile” meaning that farm-saved seeds would produce lessincome than the returns that could be earned if the farmer bought new seeds. Hybridization
enables capital accumulation by keeping farmers from using their own seeds and returning
annually to buy new seeds. The drive for capital accumulation has resulted in mergers andacquisitions in the seed market resulting in a small oligopoly of seed companies controlling major portions of the global seed market.9 These mergers and acquisitions have linked
together seed companies with some of the world’s largest pharmaceutical, chemical, andenergy companies supporting genetic engineering of seeds to allow for the companies tomarket seeds and the companies proprietary chemicals allowing for additional capital accumulation. Space constraints do not allow for a discussion on the merits of population breeding which is a road not chosen by plant breeders. Some scientists believe that if a similarcommitment of time and money to population breeding may have resulted in similar gains
in yields that we have seen in hybrids. To have chosen such a path would have resulted in avery different political economy in which farmers would have maintained control of seed. It
would have been the antithesis of capital accumulation.
To sum up thus far, private companies have historically employed hybridization to keep
farmers from saving seed as a means to capital accumulation and have mounted a frontal
attack on public variety development to reshape a division of labor with public researchers
to give private companies a more decisive role in the creation and marketing of new seedvarieties which is the commodity form contributing to capital accumulation.
One final barrier to be overcome to further capital accumulation by private seed companies is the legal access to genetic resources from the Centers of Origin10 of the world’s
major food crops and gaining the legal access to emerging markets in the less developed
world. Historically, seed market creation and accessing the Center of Origin germplasm
was accomplished through the International Agriculture Research Centers (IARC’s). Rockefeller and Ford Foundation money spent in Mexico and Latin America resulted in the
HYV’s which led to the Green Revolution, and the research stations also participated inS E E D S : P R I VAT E P R O P E RT Y O R “ T H E C O M M O N H E R I TA G E O F A L L H U M A N K I N D“?

germplasm collection.
Private plant breeders of the developed nations have known since the 1950’s that genetic
diversity is being lost and that access to Centers of Origin genes is necessary to maintainthe productivity of the developed world’s agriculture. Collection efforts were undertakenby the International Board for Plant Genetic Resources (IBPGR) under the guidance of theFood and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations in the 70’s to preserve whatmany Centers of Origin farmers believed to be the “common heritage of all humanity.” Thegenetic diversity once in the vaults of the developed nations’ seed banks was used by private
breeders for the creation of new varieties that formed the basis for the high yielding varieties (HYV’s) which were promoted and sold by development agencies as a replacement fortraditional varieties to the farmers in the Global South, contributing to the further loss ofgenetic diversity. Nations which contributed to the collections of “the common heritage of
all humanity” were understandably upset. They were reluctant to continue to share their
genetic resources with the developed North. And yet, collections continued and charges of“biopiracy” or bio-theft were laid against northern nations. It is well recognized that without
access to Center of Origin biodiversity, agriculture in the “breadbasket nations” will fail.
‘If the United States had to rely only on the genetic resources that existed only within the
United States we would soon experience losses... and these losses would rapidly accelerateand cover the entire crop spectrum.’11 How then do Northern nations maintain access to the
germplasm in the Global South since there has been a growing reluctance to sharing germplasm? One way is to embed seed laws into regional trade agreements.
Every trade agreement that the United States has entered into has included a paragraph granting intellectual property right over seeds and plants to private plant breeders.12
This is becoming a standard for other regional trade agreements. One of the main seed laws
is promoted by the International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties of Plants(UPOV). UPOV was established in 1961 and Japan became a member in 1978. The mission of
the organization, according to its website, is to “provide and promote an effective system ofplant variety protection, with the aim of encouraging the development of new varieties ofplants, for the benefit of society.” In the early years of the organization’s history, there were
few signatory nations but as seed industry consolidation proceeded in the 1990’s the numbers steadily increased.
According to a recent analysis of the UPOV 91 laws by GRAIN, farmers are not allowed
to share privatized seeds amongst themselves. In an increasing number of countries, thelaw has been interpreted to mean that farmers are banned from saving and reusing seedaltogether. If a farmer uses seed without the permission of the variety owner, by either saving the seed and replanting or receiving it as a gift from another farmer, “their crop can beseized and destroyed... including products obtained from the harvest. This sanction can be7

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imposed even before the farmer accused is actually declared guilty.”13 In the Dominican Republic, the interpretation of the seed laws allows for farmers to be fined and imprisoned andfor their crops and farm machinery used in the production of the crops to be confiscated.14
Some of the latest draft laws require the registration of all farmers who use privatized seeds
and if they are found to be in violation of the seed laws it would be possible for farmers to beeither temporarily or permanently banned from farming in the future.15 To further insurecompliance, seed laws in Cambodia allow for the military to search and seize seeds fromfarmers or other seed saving organizations.16 It is turning farming into a criminal act.17 For
those farmers who think that they are safe from these laws if they never buy or use privatized
seeds think again. UPOV 91 laws allow for seed companies to take seeds from farmers’ fields
and do some selective breeding to create a certain level of homogeneity and then privatize
them as a newly discovered variety. “New” in this case is new to the market.
If the company claiming rights over a seed variety has not previously sold this seed even if thevariety has been circulating in farmers’ markets for years, it is still considered “new” and canbe privatized. Also, “previously known” and “common knowledge” refer not to what common
people or peasants know, but to what is known to the seed industry, seed institutes, and intellectual property officers. Therefore, something that is well-known by farmers or peasants but
not acknowledged as existing by industry or the authorities can be privatized too. 18

Under this law no one is safe. No one is outside the reach of this law.
The Japanese government has included UPOV 91 stipulations in its FTA negotiations with
Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. These countries are a potential
market for Sakata and Takii Seed.19 This has incurred in conjunction with a Japanese government effort to further enhance private seed company profits through the Japan Association for Techno-Innovation in Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (JATAFF). JATAFF has
been conducting workshops in Asian countries to promote plant variety protection (PVP).
The workshops are being done with the stated intent of improving varieties and adding
value for farmers while adding better food quality, choice and price for the consumer in accordance with the mission of UPOV. They are helping researchers in these countries identify
unique food crop varieties that can then be registered as new varieties even though they
have existed either in the wild or in Asian farmers’ fields. The new varieties can then be entered into a registry and once registered can then be protected under the PVP laws.
Private seed corporations understand that ‘plant variety protection and patents are theway [to] stake out their territory and controlling the conditions for sale and distribution of“their” product.’20 My first response to this is that these actions are just an elaborate form ofS E E D S : P R I VAT E P R O P E RT Y O R “ T H E C O M M O N H E R I TA G E O F A L L H U M A N K I N D“?

Illustration 1: Countries involved with the RCEP

organized theft. But private corporations are only doing what they were created to do andthat is to increase profits for shareholders. To enable the search for profits they need the
support of government laws and regulations that promote profit accumulation.
The timing of the seed law changes coincides with their negotiating of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). This agreement contains language promoting seed laws
promoted by UPOV. The proposed RCEP includes all of the nations of Asia (see illustration 1).
The area is home to more than one-half of the world’s farmers and in this region, 80% of
the farmers rely on farm-saved seed. It is also one of the Centers of Origin for food plants as
identified by Russian scientist N. I. Vavilov in the 1920’s (see illustration 2).
I believe the seed law changes in Japan are a preface for Japanese seed companies opening
new marketing opportunities and for gaining access to genetic resources in this Center ofOrigin. Takii Seed Company has already developed a network of regional offices throughout
this trade area I am assuming for these purposes (see illustration 3).

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14

12

4
2

7

3
5

8

13

6

1

9
11

10

Illustration 2: Valivov centers of plant genetic diversity

Qingdao Huang Long
Takii Korea Co.

T.W. Company Ltd.

Takii Seeds India Pvt.Ltd.

Illustration 3: Takii Seed regional offices in Asia

Head Oﬃce

P.T. Takii Indonesia

S E E D S : P R I VAT E P R O P E RT Y O R “ T H E C O M M O N H E R I TA G E O F A L L H U M A N K I N D“?

Where to go from here?
Pat Mooney, the man who was instrumental in raising public awareness about the loss of
the world’s genetic diversity as early as the 1970’s, outlined a number of things that need to
be done to keep control of seeds in the hands of farmers and protect the genetic diversity of
our major crops in his book, The Law of the Seed, written back in 1983, at the dawn of biotechnology and the beginning of the mega-mergers of the global seed industry. There are things
that need to be done both on the individual level and in the public realm. First of all, we needto create awareness of the importance of these issues. We need to also promote biologicalreserves, national conservation centers, and international gene banks under the control of
the United Nations as opposed to private initiatives. The germplasm ought to be recognized
as “the common heritage of all humanity.” International conventions ought to be written
to make germplasm and private collections safely stored, documented, and freely available
to all. Where plant genetic resources no longer exist in the countries of origin they should
be duplicated and returned to the nation of origin. The International Agricultural ResearchCenters must resist the pressures of the global seed industry and instead focus their energy
on variety developments for national adaptation. Continuous monitoring of the consolidation of the global seed industry must urgently be carried out. Public and private breeders
should be required to issue environmental impact studies related to the introduction of newvarieties and its impact on the loss of genetic diversity. National laws ought to be passed barring pesticide companies from participating in the seed industry. Where it already exists,
the companies ought to divest themselves from its seed or pesticide interests. We need tosupport an international evaluation of the impact of exclusive plant breeders’ rights to any
and all food crops. Any nation that is considering aligning their national laws with UPOV
standards ought to delay acting until an evaluation of the impact on exclusive rights of ownership of seeds has been carried out. Finally, “governments must substantially increase
their financial commitment to public plant breeding (including both basic research andvarietal release work) as the best means of maintaining control of the food system (emphasis mine).”21
Over the past 35 years, it appears that most of Mooney’s advice has been ignored. Private
seed companies have continued to consolidate and laws protecting plant breeders’ rights
are spreading while public variety development is disappearing. Nevertheless, I believe weneed to oppose UPOV laws that turn seed saving into a criminal act. These laws are unjust. We need to enter into the struggle to support public plant breeding in Japan. Perhaps
new partnerships between public research stations and regional farmers in developing new
varieties can be carried out in Japan. Farmers should not be penalized within the present
Japanese agriculture policy structure for saving seeds. The shift towards privatization of

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plant breeding has involved a long struggle between capital accumulation and the common
good. It matters whether plant breeding is done by private companies or public institutions.
Public breeding has historically focused on affordability, resistance to insects and disease,and variety quality. Private breeding has sought to overcome barriers to capital accumulation such as hybridization and biotechnology, undermine public confidence in public plant
breeding, and support laws which protect intellectual property, patents and privatization of
germplasm and seeds. We need to be concerned about the growing concentration and control of the global seed industry and control of the world’s germplasm and find ways to act topreserve what is right and just in solidarity with others around the world. There is nothing“natural” or “God-given” about seed laws, they can be written to reflect the will of the people.
Do we have the social structures in place to protect seeds and provide guidance to plant
breeders? In my opinion, protecting private seed companies’ right to capital accumulation
is a poor reason to change the seed laws of Japan. My hope is that this paper will spark conversation on the importance of the first vital link of the food chain.

NOTES
1.
Kloppenburg, p.4
2. Kloppenburg, p.4
3. Kloppenburg, p.6
4. Kloppenburg, p.7
5. Kloppenburg, p.7
6. Kloppenburg, p.8
7.
Kloppenburg, p.109
8.
The Japan Times, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2017/04/13/editorials/sowing-seeds-lowerfood-security/#.WoTek6Nh2_I, accessed February 15,
2018
9. http://www.etcgroup.org/content/monsanto-bayer-tie-just-one-seven-mega-mergers-and-big-data-domination-threaten-seeds-food accessed February 12,
2017.
10. The Centers of Origin are the places where our original food crops were first cultivated according to a Russianagronomist named Nikolai I. Vavilov. Vavilov travelled theworld collecting seeds and discerned that our major foodcrops and their wild “weedy”relatives with which theyshare similar genes came from these areas. Corn originated in central and South America, potatoes in Peru, wheat

in Mesopotamia, rice and soybeans in China and Korea.
The original plant breeders were farmers in these regions
who were able to take “weedy” wild plants and select forhigher seed yields. These domesticated cultivars known as
landraces have formed the basis for the breeding of highyielding varieties in the IARCs and national plant breeding programs in Japan and other countries.
11. Mooney, p.13
12. Asia’s Seed Laws—Control Over Farmers’ Seeds,
GRAIN.org, grain-4156-asia-s-seed-laws-control-over-farmers-seeds.pdf, p. 4 accessed November 27, 2017
13. Ibid, p. 13
14. Ibid, p. 13
15. Ibid, p. 13
16. Ibid, p. 13
17. Ibid, p. 17
18. Ibid, p. 8
19. Asia’s Seed Laws—Control Over Farmers’ Seeds,
GRAIN.org, grain-4156-asia-s-seed-laws-control-over-farmers-seeds.pdf, p. 11, accessed November 27, 201720. Mooney, p. 162
21. Mooney, p. 168-172.

S E E D S : P R I VAT E P R O P E RT Y O R “ T H E C O M M O N H E R I TA G E O F A L L H U M A N K I N D“?

REFERENCES
Jack Ralph Kloppenburg, Jr., Second Ed., First the Seed: The Political Economy of Biotechnology 1492-2000,
Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2000.
Pat Roy Mooney, “The Law of the Seed:Another Development and Plant Genetic Resources in Development Dialogue,
Uppsala, Sweden: Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, 1983:1-2.

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‫נ‬

‫ג‬

‫ג׭ⴱח〾‪剢ⴚջ䠥鴋ռ䎃٥剢‬כ‪劤俑‬‬‫‪կ‬ך׮׋׸ׁ‪䲓鯹‬‬‫‪鏬虠靼僇㶨ծ㗣❁巛㶨ծ♲㸓❊秀‬‬‫‪ꀸ‬‬‫‪‬נג‪ր甦㲳‬׾ֻ‪阋‬׵כ׽ױ׋עסّطتبס‪┞ꅙ‬ס‪낛‬כ‬‫׎ױ׽ֵעס׵ם⮗‪㝕‬ל׮‪ց‬‬‫‪յ‬׵מ״ג׾׀ך‪յ㟕䙎ֿ嵛鹀‬׵מ״גס‪溪㺤‬ס‪ꀸ匆‬׷‪յꀸ㵵‬׵מ״ג׾׌ⵊ‪؆ն㐌㔔篑座؅嵛䙎‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׊ג‪䔢ⰺ؅卸‬ם⮗‪㝕‬ע‪յ甦㲳‬׵מ״ג׾‪낛倣؅傽չ䕑‬ם⪢‪㴗‬י׊‪䭥籽‬י׊א‬‫׊‪յ甦㲳؅䨾劔‬ע‪⾀ꆻ‬ס‪ֻ☭꿔‬׹׿א‪؆ն‬׎ױ׀ךעכ׆׌⮂׽✑‪朮؅‬׬‪낛‬י׊ׂם‪甦㲳‬‬‫׼‪䳢‬יז׻מ‪脢‬׾׌‪ꪛ溪؅佻ꏕ‬ס‪脢յ✑朮⿣甦‬׾׌‪ꈽ⚻魕徎؅䨾劔‬ם‪㝂坎‬ס‪脢յ┾汔‬׾׌‪佻ꏕ‬‬‫סלֿ‪岺䔾‬׾׌‪ꫀ‬מ‪甦㲳‬ס‪㎼‬ס׆עהג‪瑭‬׼־׌ך‪؆ն‬׎ױ׽ֵעך‪ꇃ阋‬׵יזַכ׾ַי׿‬‫‪؆ն‬׎ױ׽םעיׂם־ַיז‪峜䟨؅䩧‬ס‪劄㝕ꮹ‬מכ׆ַֹכ־׾ַי׿׼ֻ‪㜟‬מֹ׻‬‫‪芌甦‬כ‪煝疴‬ס‪✑朮⿣甦‬ךױ׿׆‪ַֹյ‬כ‪◝ջ┞┢䌑◝劓յր╭锡ꀸ✑朮甦㲳岺ց‬ע‪傽勓侓䍟‬‬‫‪⪪溷‬ע‪傽勓侓䍟‬׏ם‪ն‬ג׊ױ׊‪䎰婝؅ꫂ饗尴㴻‬ס‪岺䔾‬ג׀יז‪⿣甦؅㴕‬ם‪䬎ַյ㝂坎‬מ‪؅⪪溷‬‬‫עמ״ג׳־ח‪槏氮؅‬ס‪勓䓜‬סא‪ն‬־ֹ׺׊ךסגזױ׊י׊‪尴㴻؅‬׌⮂׽‪芌甦؅侑‬׷‪煝疴‬ם‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵֿ‪闋ׂ䖩锡‬׵ץ‪婹⺮؅‬סךױ׿׆‬‫׀ךַםס‪┞鬪䙎‬ע⺮‪؆ն婹‬׎ױ׽ֵעךכׇ׀ךגַ‪彏‬יז‪؆ꮳ‬׏חכ‪յ‬ע‪甦㲳岺䎰婝‬‬‫‪甦㲳岺‬ס‪傽勓‬י׊א ‪ն‬׌ךס׾׆‪鱍‬יזֿםחמ‪✄笠溷‬׼־⹛‪ꇃ‬ע‪ׂյ勑匡‬םעך‪ꅙ籽‬סכׇ‬‫‪ֿ䫱ׂ獗⚶٬‬הג☭׾׌כֹ׻׊‪؅䱿ꅼ‬׿׆‪յ‬עⵊ‪㜟‬׾ַי׊כֹ׻׀‪鱍‬׼־׿׆יז‪䎰婝؅䈩‬‬‫┾מך׌ע׿׆‪յ‬׽ֵךכׇ׀ךם‪䓜‬ז‪ׂ澵‬ׇ׊‪յ‬ף׿׌׼־‪┾汔镸‬׾ֻ‪篑座٬蔦撬欎㘶؅䯚‬‬‫מ־׼‪僻‬עמ‪ֿյ瑭‬כ׆ַֹכד‪ց‬׋׌‪ꇓ‬ג׿׼‪ׂ焒‬׻‪ր‬ג׀יז׆‪鱍‬ך‪㖪䨾‬ם؀ַ؀ַס‪汔‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׿כי‪锶‬‬‫‪⪪溷‬ס‪㎼ֿ甦㲳‬עך؜‪նْؓٛ‬׌ױ׽ֵ׵ך׋׌‪ꇓ‬גזלגֿ؜‪ْؓٛ‬מ⯼‪俙ⶥ䌑‬ע׿א‬‫‪ⵊ㳔良倣٬‬כ‪甦㲳‬ס‪篙卸յ둚⹺ꓪ⿣甦‬ג׊ⵊ‪宐ㅰ‬נ‪؅㣗‬׼׿אמ‪䉖㖪⸮槏‬׊‪鬬⚈؅䩘侑‬׷‪䨾劔‬ם‬‫‪㜟‬ם׀‪㝕‬מؔطؼِٖؤ‪ꀸ匆‬ם‪յ⚻簡溷‬׿׼״‪ꀸ噺ֿꅼ‬ג׿׈ⵊ‪䈰噺‬ם‪ꁿ♣溷‬׾׌‪ꀸ赟؅✶氠‬‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ׿׈׼ג׵ֿⵊ‬‫‪15‬‬‫‪䨽剣暟‬ך‪⟰噟‬׮ה׸׉‪頿欵‬ך‪➂겲Ⱏ剣‬כ‪珏㶨‬‬‫‪⣨긖‬ס‪鬘‬ג׊׼ג׵ֿ‪긞⾀ց‬ס‪ր糽‬‬‫‪긞⾀ց‬ס‪ր糽‬ע⪜‪㸬‬ס‪둚⹺ꓪ⿣甦‬ג׿׼״‪ꅼ‬יז׻מ‪ց‬و٭‪ٜ‬ء‪ր㎼갾ꀸ噺煝疴ⶾ饗‬‬‫־־‪ַֹ潨溷؅‬כ׾׌‪┞▟⪭ջ䌑♣䔿⶯յ낢넜؅乳忶‬עכ‪긞⾀ց‬ס‪նր糽‬׌ױַי׿׼‪焒‬י׊כ‬‫ג‪ն煝疴脢‬׌ךכ׆ס‪䪫銉긞偆‬ס‪ꀸ噺‬גזם׆ֽי׊‪㸐‬מ‪溪㺤ꄫ┪㎼‬ס╚‪⩰ꅼ頲㎼ֿ┾汔‬יׅ‬‫‪槏䞯溷‬ס‪杅㴻‬לם‪择寊‬ם⮔⩩‪㝂䫋յ‬ס‪ⵊ㳔良倣‬׷‪畉朮ֿյꀸ赟‬ס‪㞂鴎‬ג׿׈םֿ‪⿣甦侉虘‬עה‬‫‪册‬מ‪ꀸ匆‬ס‪甦㲳؅䌮ׂꄫ┪㎼‬סא‪յ‬׊דַ‪؅锶‬כ׆׾׌‪둚⹺ꓪ؅㵅槁‬ס׽ם־ךכ׵ס⚂‪匛‬ם‬‫ס׆‪յ‬׽؂♣מ‪⚻簡⿣甦‬ג׀ךַםח׽‪㴕‬ך‪䩘‬סהג⮔‪蔦‬ךױ׿׆‪յ‬עהג‪նꀸ宐‬ג׊ױ׊⹳‬‫‪┮䌐瞏յ‬ס‪䨾䕑‬ס‪┮䌐瞏յꀸ㖪ꪨ‬ס‪㐌㔔ꪨ‬ע‪䪫銉긞偆‬ס׆‪ֿյ‬ג׊ױ״‪㢼‬י‪⿣甦؅芌‬ס‪ַ㞂鴎‬׊‪偆‬‬‫‪┫訒յ‬ס‪闋겒յ气氙朮❿呬‬ס‪ⲎꅋյⲨ⦍脢‬סⵊ‪杅ⵊյ塌唩‬ס׫‪✑朮气氙‬ס‪䬺㝕յ杅㴻‬ס‪ꀸ噺锺埛‬‬‫׫‪ꀸ赟‬כ‪㙟Ⲏյⵊ㳔良倣‬ס‪气氙魕包‬׾׌⪜‪鮫‬׼־‪յ㜽ꌃ‬׽ֿ┪‪⡑‬ס‪㜟ⵊյ㏸㐌‬ס‪㏸㐌⟛劔䓺䡢‬‬‫‪獗⚶溷٬‬גזַכ‪蠮䎰‬ס‪䬺㝕յ欎㘶‬ס‪䒘ַⷃ┞呭㕆‬מ‪ㅗ㝤յ洠㵬輮‬ס‪ꈽ⚻魕徎‬ם‪❸㲽յ㝂坎‬ס‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ׽ם׵כ‪⸮㎋‬׌׆‪鱍‬׀‪ゼ꾴؅䑛‬ם‪侓岕溷٬气䡢溷‬‬‫‪倀ⵊ؅‬׷‪篑座‬׷׊׼‪凰‬סהג‪ꀸ宐‬י׊א‪ꪛ溪ֿꀸ噺؅յ‬ס‪ַ⿣甦‬׊‪偆‬מֹ׻ס׆עהג‪瑭‬‬‫‪⪪溷‬׾ֽׄמ‪ն傽勓‬־ֹ׺׊ךג׀יז‪峜䟨؅䩧‬סל׮׿למכ׆׾םמ‪⸮㎋‬׾ֻ‪ׂ㜟‬׀‪㝕‬׵‬‫‪յ‬׽ֽי׀י׿׼״‪ꅼ‬י׊‪둚ַꀸ噺䓺䡢ց؅潨䭰‬ס‪ր篑座ⲯ椙‬׷‪ׂր㙟⹺ց‬׋⻎כ⾀‪긞‬ס‪糽‬׵‪芌甦‬‬‫☭סׄד׿ל‪յ‬מכ׆ַֹכדס׾ַי׊‪긞⾀ց؅篑닫‬ס‪ր糽‬מך׌׵‪傽勓‬יַֽמ⽱‪䟨‬סא‬‫‪ն‬־ֹ׺׊ך׾ַיַט‪ֿ宜‬‬‫׼םײסؔطؼِٖؤ‪ꀸ匆‬׷‪ꀸ噺‬ע‪ꪛ溪‬ס‪䪫銉‬׷‪ַ⿣甦‬׊‪偆‬׾ֽׄמ‪յꀸ噺‬؀׆כס‪㵅갾‬‬‫‪յ‬ך⚶‪稌㎼ꀸ㳔‬ג׿؂ם׆ֽמ‪ն┞▟┢┢䌑‬ג׊ױ׀יֻ┰‪؅‬عؠق‪ؕ٤‬ם׀‪㝕‬׵מ✄⪢⚶‪յ獗‬׍‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַיז‪阋‬מֹ׻ס‪姌‬ע‪ؕ宋‬ظ‪٬‬٭ةٍؕס‪嗘朮气槏㳔脢‬‬‫‪կ‬׷ְג׸ֶֹֿׁ‪䒷‬ג׏״ח‪鴋㷕罏‬כ⻉‪爡⠓涸㢌‬ךֻ‪㢳‬׷ְג׃‪ָ穗꿀‬׍׋‪猘‬גְֶח➿‪植‬‬‫‪կ‬ׅ‪䭷‬׾הֿך‪猰㷕罏‬׷׻ַַח‪欰欵‬ך‪⡲暟‬׸֮ד‪ⴓꅿ‬ז׿ו‪ֹծ‬הְֲה‪猘ָջ鴋㷕罏ռ‬‬‫‪կ䕹‬׋׏׌הֿ׷ִ‪㢌‬חך׮ז‪鿪䋐涸‬׾‪爡⠓‬ז‪鴋噟欰欵涸‬ך‪ծ歊莔‬כהֿ׋׃׵׋׮ָ׵‪䕹‬‬‫ְג׸‪崧‬פ‪鿪⠓‬׸׻‪㤽‬׾‪㜥‬ך⫴⸤כ‪ծ鴋孖‬ג׏״ח‪ꬠ倜‬ךאהמא♧׋׸ׁⰅ‪㼪‬ג׏״ח׵‬‫׸׻זֶֿח‪ֻ♧⛯♫♫䎃‬׵׉ֶ‪կ‬׋׃ֶֹֿת׾⻉‪㢌‬ךוקֲת׃גִ‪㢌‬׾‪ֹծ爡⠓Ⰻ⡤‬‬‫‪㕼‬װ‪ծ⡲暟‬׮׶״‪⠓陽‬ז׿ו׷״ח׍׋زأؗ‪٦‬ش‪،‬כ׋ת‪佟屚㹺ծ㸼⬌ծ爡⠓㢌ꬠ罏ծ‬׷‬‫זכך׮׷ֹדָהֿ׷ִ‪㣐ֹֻ㢌‬׾‪爡⠓圓鸡‬ך‪㕂‬ךֿוק‪⠓陽‬ך‪㠫㷕罏ָ꧊ֲ碛㕂鴋㷕⠓‬‬‫‪ֲկ‬׹֮דְ‬‫‪岺փ‬ס‪ւ甦㲳‬כ‪փ‬׀׽ֵ‪甦㲳‬מ״׋ע‪ւ‬‬‫׽ⱁ‪篑座؅‬ג׿׈ⵊ‪䈰噺‬ג׊כ‪յꌬ⚶؅╚䖥‬ע⪜‪㸬‬סאכ‪煝疴٬ꪛ溪‬ס‪ꀸ噺塌唩‬׷‪ַ⿣甦‬׊‪偆‬‬‫‪⪪溷‬׊‪ն睗◝姌㝕䨏䔿յ傽勓侓䍟ֿ甦㲳岺؅⯜㴻‬ג׊ױ׽םכ‪皑䔢脢‬ס‪ַׂ䔔‬י׎׈‪溪㺤‬׊⮂‬‫י׊‪յ䟨餟‬׊‪槏闋‬ךױ׆ל‪؅‬כ׆ס׆ע‪煝疴脢‬׷‪յ侓䍟‬׀כג״‪㢼‬ײ‪篁‬׽⺅מ‪✑朮芌甦‬ך‪塌ꫀ‬‬‫‪ն‬־ֹ׺׊ךגַ‬‫׵ך‪詇脢‬ס‪փ‬׀׽ֵ‪甦㲳‬מ״׋ע‪ւ‬׽ֵך‪ꀸ匆獗⚶㳔脢‬ס‪٤㝕㳔‬ب‪٤‬ؤتؔؗ‪յ‬עך׆׆‬‫‪芌‬׾׻מ‪宐ꪨ⚕噺‬יַֽמ؜‪յْؓٛ‬חח׊♃‪煝疴؅箩‬ס‪宋‬ء٭ف‪ً٤‬ش‪ٞ‬ؠ‪٬‬ؠشٔة׾ֵ‬‫فحؒ‪٥‬س‪ٖ؎ٌٝ‬‬‫י׊א‪ն‬׌ױצ‪؅㳔‬־סגזַיז؂‪㜟‬מֹ׻סלֿ‪岺䔾‬׾؂־־מ‪甦㲳‬ך־ם׳‪甦侉虘ֿꅼ‬‬‫‪؅脝‬־ס׾ַי׊כֹ׆ַי׊ⵊ‪㜟‬מֹ׻סלֿ‪岺䔾‬׾؂‪ꫀ‬מ‪甦㲳‬כ‪芌甦‬ך‪♀䔿傽勓‬׼־׆א‬‫٭ؼ٭ّ‪٬‬عشقג׊‪溪阋‬מ⪪‪ゼ꾴؅‬ס‪甦㲳‬י״׋ע┪⺮‪յ婹‬עמ‪ն劄䔿‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬כַג׀ַיֻ‬‫ַי׊⭦‪㸐‬מֹ׻סלמ׿‪嵣‬ם‪婹⺮溷‬ס׆‪յ‬חח׊♃‪岺փ؅箩‬ס‪詇剹ւ甦㲳‬ס‪┞▟⪧┩䌑‬ס‪宋‬‬‫זכמ׊׼‪凰‬ס‪傽չ‬סהג‪勓ֿ瑭‬ס⫖◝ס׆‪ն‬׌ױַיז‪䘼‬כַג׊‪䳀呾‬׵יַחמ־ַ׻ףׄ‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׋⟤כ׾׿ׂיֻ┰‪ꚣַ崫㷋؅‬מ‪긊䊬‬יַחמ‪ゼ꾴‬ס‪甦㲳‬׾ַֻ׵כ‪ꓨ锡‬׵כז׵י‬‫‪յ‬ע‪⮔卥‬ס‪宋‬ء٭ف‪ً٤‬ش‪ٞ‬ؠ‬‫؂‪鉿‬ך־םס‪ַֹ婹⺮溷芻再‬כ‪魕勓╭聋‬ע‪芌甦侉虘‬ס‪ր✑朮‬‬‫‪气氙ֿ魕‬ס‪甦㲳‬כ‪յ✑朮芌甦‬ף׿׌כדֹא‪ր‬י׊א‪ն‬׌ױ׽ױ‪㢼‬׼־׀‪ַֹ⯼翝‬כ ‪ց‬ג׀י׿‬‫ס׾ֻ‪ֹ阋‬א׊׵‪‬־ֹ؀ד׾ֻ‪阋‬׵מֹרַֹכג׿׼ַ‪氠‬י׊כ‪䩘嫘‬ס״ג׾׎׈‪勓؅㙟㝕‬‬‫ַכ ‪ց‬־ֹ؀דסג׀יֻ┰מ⚶‪䔔꼸؅獗‬ם‪؆‬ל‪յ‬׿׈‪ꇖ䧯‬י׊מֹ׻סלע׿א׼ם׾ֵך‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׀ַיַ‪籽‬כ׫ַ‪ֹゼ‬‬‫ֽׄמ‪傽勓‬עסַגֵׅ׽⺅ך׆׆‪ֿյ‬׌ך؜‪ْؓٛ‬ע⺫‪薊‬ס‪韢脝‬ס‪宋‬ء٭ف‪ً٤‬ش‪ٞ‬ؠ‬‫כַגיֵ‪撋掾؅‬מ‪⿣甦侉虘‬סךױ׿׆ס‪傽勓‬עך׆׆‪յ‬ךסםיַחמ׀ⳛ׾׃״‪甦㲳؅‬׾‬‫‪յ‬ךֹֻג׊‪؅槏闋‬כ׆׾ֵֿ‪ꮹ汔‬ס‪焒餟‬ס‪蔦麃‬ךסַםעך‪㸗ꪎ㵵‬ס‪⮔ꓩ‬ס׆ע‪ն瑭‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬‬‫‪⿣甦‬ס‪✑朮‬׾ֽׄמ‪յ傽勓‬׼ֿם׿־‪㸬‬מַ‪ゼ‬כ׀‪⯼翝‬ג׿ׂי׊‪宋ֿ䳀獏‬ء٭ف‪ً٤‬ش‪ٞ‬ؠ‬‫‪䌮ׂ䉖宐‬יַחמُ٭طם‪ꓨ锡‬ס׆י׊א‪ն‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬כַג׀ַי״‪⮔卥؅ꅼ‬סיַחמ‪侉虘‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׊‪؅劻䔵‬כ׆׾׿׼‪崫㷋ֿ䕑‬םֹ׻׾םמ⫐‪ꇓ呾‬ס״גֹ׼׵י״‪饗韢؅幾‬ך‪ꪨ‬ס‬‫׫‪ցꀸ噺‬׌⮂ײ‪ր✍ⰷ气氙؅气‬׼־‪ց‬״גַׂי׀‪ր气‬‬‫כ‪ꀸ噺‬עⵊ♣‪նꁿ‬ג׊ױ׀י׿׼‪锶‬כ‪㞂鴎‬׵׼־‪┾汔‬עⵊ♣‪ꁿ‬ם‪䙊ꅋ‬כ‪둚䍲䧯ꩽ‬ס‪傽勓‬ס‪䨏䔿‬‬‫ַי׊ⵊ‪㜟‬כ׫‪ꀸ噺ց‬׌⮂ײ‪ր✍ⰷ气氙؅气‬׼־‪ꀸ噺ց‬ס״גַׂי׀‪ր气‬יַֽמ‪ַֹ⮔ꓩ‬‬‫׌⮂ײ‪✍ⰷꀸ氙朮؅气‬׾םכ⿣‪յカ‬ע‪煝疴٬ꪛ溪‬ס‪䪫銉‬׳⻻‪ն⿣甦侉虘؅‬ג׊ױ״‪؅寛‬כ׆ׂ‬‫ע‪ն‬ג׊ױ׽םׂם׼ַ׵׽׻⯼♧עⲇ⦍Ⲩס‪ꀸ匆‬׽׻מ⹳‪册‬ס‪ꀸ赟‬׷ⵊ‪յ塌唩‬׊‪鬚桬‬מכ׆‬‫‪Ⲩ⦍ⲇ؅‬ס׼‪䔦‬מ‪յ魕勓㵵‬׊ⳛ‪瓌‬כ׫‪ꌬ䉖‬י״‪㖪؅寛‬ס‪气嵛‬םג‪偆‬ע‪ꀸ噺Ⲩ⦍脢‬ג׿׈⮂׀׋‬‫Ⲩג׿׈ⵊ⿣‪カ‬׽ע׷‪յ‬׽םכ‪րカ⿣ց‬ס״גס‪ꌬ䉖Ⲩ⦍脢‬ע‪朮‬׬‪ն낛‬ג׊ױ׽םככ׆׾‪㛿‬‬‫‪篁‬מ‪傽勓⪢✄ֿ魕勓╭聋篑座‬י׊ֹא‪ն‬ג׊ױ׽םמֹ׻׾׿׈⪜‪鮫‬יז׻מ‪րⲨ⦍ց‬ס‪⦍脢‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ךסגזַי׿׼׿⪜ײ‬‫‪؆ն⪪溷塌ꫀֿ✑朮‬׎ױַׄעי׊‪䔢ⰺ؅摾镄‬׾ַי׋‪⿣甦侉虘ֿ悍‬ס‪甦㲳‬מ׀‪瞔剹‬ס׆‬‫؂ַכ׾ֿםחמ‪낛倣㴗⪢⟛걀‬ס‪յ㎼㵵‬עכ׆׾׌⹳‪册‬׊‪ַ⿣甦؅ꪛ溪‬׊‪ַյ偆‬ם׆ֽ‪芌甦؅‬‬‫סא׊־׊‪ն‬׌ךכ׆ַֹכ׾׌‪⯈漨؅ꃯ寛‬ס⪴⪪יז❈‪魕ꓭ؅‬ם‪⪪溷‬ע׿א‪ն‬ג׊ױ׀י׿‬‫ג׊ֿםֹ‪謾畤؅‬ס‪魕勓‬ס‪⚕噺‬י׊כ‪յ篙卸‬׽םכⲙ┞׾׌׊‪ꁿ♣ⵊ؅䔿䬁‬ס‪ֿ傽勓篑座‬כ׆‬‫׺׊ךסג׀יזם׆ֽמ‪؅䟨餟溷‬׿׆׊‪槏闋‬ךױ׆לע‪侓岕㵵‬ס‪յ傽勓‬יַחמכ׆ַֹכ‬‫ַג׽‪焒‬יַחמ־סםֹלע؀׆כס‪؆ֿյ勓䓜‬׎ױַי׎؂⻉ה‪瞩ֻ؅䭥‬סאע‪瑭‬־ֹ‬‫‪㴗‬ך‪虘鮐‬ע‪յꀸ㵵‬יז׻מ‪芌甦ꪛ溪‬ם‪յ⪪溷‬עס׾ַיז‪ֿ焒‬הג‪瑭‬ך‪ն┞偙‬׌ױַיז‪䘼‬כ‬‫‪⪪溷芌甦‬סא‪յ‬מ‪⻎免‬י׊א‪ն‬׌ךכ׆ַֹכג׀י׀ךֿכ׆׾׌מ‪䩘‬י׊‪甦㲳؅㴗㴻‬ם❿‬‫‪ꁿ♣篑座㎼‬׷♀‪յ‬׊ֿםֹ‪謾畤؅‬ס‪魕勓‬ס‪ַֹ㎼ֿ⚕噺‬כ‪յ傽勓‬י׊‪ꁿ♣ⵊ؅ꄼ‬ס‪ꀸ噺‬׳⻻׵‬‫‪ն‬׌ךכ׆ַֹכגזםמ‪㵵‬‬‫‪16‬‬

‫‪17‬‬‫‪䨽剣暟‬ך‪⟰噟‬׮ה׸׉‪頿欵‬ך‪➂겲Ⱏ剣‬כ‪珏㶨‬‬‫־ג׿׈‪饗韢‬ע⯈‪埫‬ס‪ꀸ㵵‬יזגֵמ‪甦㲳岺䎰婝‬‬‫׆ֽךױ׿׆ֿ‪յ傽勓侓䍟‬׀כ׾׌כֹ׻׊‪芌甦ꪛ溪؅‬י׊‪謾畤؅潨䭰‬ס‪甦㲳⚶獗ֿ魕勓‬ס‪宐ꪨ‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׿׈םײכ‪걀㚦‬׾׌‪⯈漨؅ꮞ㵬‬ס‪宐ꪨ⚕噺‬כ‪䉖㖪篑座‬עײ‪篁‬׽⺅ס‪芌甦‬ם‪⪪溷‬ג׀יזם‬‫‪㸐‬מ‪ֹ芌甦ꪛ溪‬ם׆ֽֿ‪ֿյ⪪溷塌ꫀ‬הג‪ֹ煝疴脢‬ם׆ֽ‪芌甦؅‬ך‪宐ꪨ⚕噺‬עך؜‪ْؓٛ‬‬‫י׊‪㸐‬מ‪宐ꪨ䫋魕‬עכ׆׾׌⪜‪⪪溷魕ꓭ؅䫋‬מ‪ր芌甦‬ע׼‪ն䔦‬׌ױַי׊׆ֽ׀ױ‪饗韢؅‬י׊‬‫׆ֹם׆ֽמ‪煝疴؅⪪溷塌ꫀֿ◝ꓨ‬׾ַיזם׆ֽֿ‪յ宐ꪨ‬׽ֵךס׵׾ַ‪盨◚؅䒣‬ם‪┮䌐瞏‬‬‫כ‪勓匡յ宐ꪨ䫋魕‬עכⰺ‪䔢‬׀׬ֹ‪ն侓䍟ֿ䬎‬׌ױַיז‪阋‬כ‪ց‬׾ֵךכ׆ם‪ׂ摾뉬‬גזױעכ‬‫ס׼‪ֿ䔦‬סַֹכדסַםעךכ׆׾׌‪؅ꮞ㵬‬׿א‪յ‬יזֵךכ׆׾ׄⲙ‪謾畤؅‬ס‪魕勓‬ס‪⚕噺‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ך‪╭䒟‬‬‫׆‪յ‬׀כג׿׈‪䎰婝ֿ饗韢‬ס‪⪪溷芌甦‬ך‪㖪‬ס⚶〉‪儨䌑յ⹧饗ꯖꀸ卲寊氙㣗‬ע‪篑座汔‬ס‪傽勓‬‬‫׆עכ׆׾׌‪✑朮؅ꪛ溪‬יז❈‪魕ꓭ؅‬ם‪⪪溷‬ך‪雧닫㖪‬ס‪նրꌬꇓ䍟澛‬ג׊ױַ‪韢槏؅氠‬׋⻎כ׿‬‫‪ց‬׾ֵך‪䫅㐁‬ס‪宐ꪨ⚕噺‬׾׻מ‪⪪溷塌ꫀ‬ע׿׆‪յ‬׽ֵךס׵׾׌‪⹧⪜؅ꮞ㵬‬ס‪宐ꪨ‬ס׫‪⮔ꓩ‬ס‬‫‪甦㲳‬ך‪㷤饗‬ס‪ⶥ◝免ꪨ‬גזגי׎؂ֵ‪ׂյ鉴⹧╋ꯖ‬ם׵כ׆ׂ‪㛽؅臝‬ס‪䉖宐‬׷‪ꀸ㵵‬י׊א‪ն‬כ‬‫׾ֵךⳛ‪篑座嵛‬ם‪ꓨ锡‬יזכמ‪ַֹ㎼‬כ‪魕勓謾畤ֿ傽勓‬ס‪ն宐ꪨ⚕噺‬ג׊ױ׊‪䎰婝ֿ尴㴻‬ס‪岺‬‬‫ג׿׈⽱Ⲏיַֽמ‪埫⯈ֿ饗韢‬ס‪ꀸ㵵‬ך‪ն┞偙‬׌ך־׼‪僻‬עסג׊➶‪尴㴻؅‬ס׆ֿ‪ַֹ霼餟‬כ‬‫‪ն‬׌ך‪┮僻‬ע־ֹל־‬‫‪宐ꪨ⚕噺‬׾׌ⵊ⿣‪甦㲳؅カ‬‬‫‪ն‬־ֹ׺׊ךס׾ַך‪؅劳؆‬כ׆׾׌‪ꮞ婝‬י׬׌‪ֹ芌甦ꪛ溪؅‬ם׆ֽֿ‪յ⪪溷塌ꫀ‬ע‪宐ꪨ⚕噺‬‬‫‪㸗ꪎ霺‬׷‪⚶饗‬׾ױ‪ֿյ㸗ꪎ㵵ֿ겏‬הג‪芌甦煝疴脢‬ג׿؂‪겒‬מ‪յ宐ꪨ⚕噺‬ע‪宋‬ء٭ف‪ً٤‬ش‪ٞ‬ؠ‬‫‪䔢ⰺ؅⫙㴻聋‬סא‪ׂյ‬םעךכ׆ַֹכ׎ׂם‪յ⪪溷煝疴塌ꫀ؅‬עס׾ַי׊‪䳀呾‬י׊ֽכ‪؅‬‬‫ךס׵׾׌❵‪ր㕈狸ց؅䳀‬ע‪煝疴‬׾ֽׄמ‪⪪溷塌ꫀ‬ע׼‪ն䔦‬׌ױַיז‪阋‬כדכ׆ַֹכ؀׊‬‫⚕ע‪⿣甦‬ג׎׈‪րꈌ䗎ց‬י׊ֹא‪յ‬׿׼ֵׅ׀‪碎‬מ┪ס‪ր㕈狸ց‬סאע‪煝疴‬ס‪յ宐ꪨ⚕噺‬׽ֵ‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׊‪╭䒟‬כדס׾׀ך‪⪪ꪛ‬י׊כ‪䨾劔朮‬ס‪噺‬‬‫‪㕈‬ס״ג׾׌‪甦㲳؅ꪛ溪‬םג‪偆‬ףֻאמ‪╭䒟‬סא‪ն‬׌ךג־׽ֵס‪ր⮔噺ց‬םג‪偆‬ע׿א‬‫ז❈‪瓭ꓭ؅‬׽ױח‪⪪溷塌ꫀֿ⪪溷魕ꓭյ‬עⰺ‪䔢‬סא‪ׂյ‬םכ׆׾׋‪䫋‬׵‪┞꘵‬ע‪甦㲳⚶獗‬מ‪狸煝疴‬‬‫⿣‪カ‬ס׼‪ր甦㲳ց؅䔦‬ג׊‪ꪛ溪‬מ⩧‪㕈狸煝疴؅‬סאע‪甦㲳⚶獗‬י׊א‪ն‬׌ױ׽םמכ׆ֹ‪䬎‬י‬‫‪ն‬׌ךס׾׀ך⮂‪侑‬מ‪յ䉖㖪‬׊ⵊ‪瑭劔‬י׊כ‬‫ֻ‪嗘‬׽‪甦㲳؅䱰‬׼־‪✑朮‬גי‪ꀸ㵵ֿ蔦⮔ֿ芌‬׊׵‪ն‬׌ױ׀ַיֻ‪㙟‬כ׾י‪芌‬יַ‪乨‬ע‪甦㲳‬‬‫‪؆ն‬׎ױ׽ֵ׵מ׆לע‪槏氮‬׾׌‪⿣甦؅ꪛ溪‬םג‪յ甦㲳⚶獗ֿ偆‬ף׼ם׌ֻ־׽ׂ‪؅嬐䌑‬כ׆׾‬‫ם‪篑座溷‬׳ׂ׽כמ‪յ甦㲳⚶獗ֿ⿣甦侉虘‬׼םג׀ךֿכ׆׾׎׈״׷‪؅‬׽‪甦䱰‬מ‪ꀸ㵵‬׊־׊‬‫‪յ‬׊מ‪┮嬰ց‬מ‪甦㲳؅ր篑座溷‬סיזכמ‪յꀸ㵵‬ע‪ꪛ溪‬ס‪ն┞♣★ꏕ甦‬׌ױ׿ױ‪ⳛ塌ֿ气‬‬‫ס׫‪潨յ⹺ꓪյ洠㵬輮‬ג‪锶‬׷⽱‪յ‬ע‪甦㲳‬ס‪ն‬ג׊ך‪偙岺‬סח┞ס״ג׾׎׈״׷‪؅‬׽‪甦䱰‬‬‫‪✑朮‬גז‪芌‬׼־‪甦㲳‬ס‪ֿյ‬׌ױַיֻ⤫‪ַ䓺鮐؅‬׊ױ‪㟱‬יזכמ‪巆魀脢‬׷‪յꀸ㵵‬לם‪脸䙎‬‬‫׵עכ׆׾‪甦؅䱰‬יזכמ‪ꀸ㵵‬ךסַםג‪芌‬עס׵ס‪䓺䡢‬׋⻎כ‪镩‬׵יֻ‪甦㲳؅嗘‬ג׎׼‪ֿ㵅‬‬‫فحؒ‪٥‬س‪ٖ؎ٌٝ‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ךסַםֻ‪؅‬׾׉׎‪气氙‬יז‪ַ甦㲳؅鬼‬׊‪յ偆‬׍׼ֿםחמֹׄ‬‫‪魕勓؅謾畤‬ך‪甦‬ע‪宐ꪨ⚕噺‬‬‫‪ַ甦㲳؅‬׊‪嬐䌑偆‬י׎׈״׷‪蔦㵵䱰甦؅‬מ‪ꀸ㵵‬ע‪甦㲳⚶獗‬יז׻מכ׆׾׌‪甦㲳؅ꪛ溪‬ס‪‬‬‫׫‪ն魕勓謾畤‬ג׊ױ׊מ‪؅⺪茣‬כ׆׾׌כ‪䩘嫘ց‬ס‪յ甦㲳؅ր魕勓謾畤‬׊Ⲍ‪䧯‬מכ׆׾׎؂‪鬼‬‬‫ס‪甦㲳䉖㖪‬ס‪篙卸յ┾汔‬סא‪յ‬׊׆‪鱍‬׀‪⼔⹺⻉✶؅䑛‬ס‪յ⚕噺‬׍׼‪؅焒‬כ׆׾ױלכע‪姯寛‬ס‬‫⚶‪甦㲳‬עמ✶⻉⹺⼔ס׆ ‪ն‬ג׊ױ׽םמכ׆׾׿׈ⷑ‪栃‬יז׻מ‪甦㲳⚶獗‬ס‪㸴俙‬ס‪؆‬׮ע⶯‪㝕‬‬‫ג׊ֹא‪ն‬׌ױַי׿ױ⻻׵‪⚶獗‬٭؟‪ٜ‬ؾؙ‪鏫赟⚕噺յⵊ㳔⚕噺յ‬ס‪ׂյ┾汔劄㝕‬םךׄד‪獗‬‬‫ם׼׈יז‪ꀸ赟؅㛿‬םױ׉ױ׈ח‪յ杅陵؅䭥‬י׎؂⻉ככ׆׌⮂׽‪㛿‬י׊כ⿣‪甦㲳؅カ‬ע‪⚕噺‬‬‫ז‪鉿‬׵‪ꪛ溪‬ס‪䳕ֻ甦㲳‬ײ‪ꈽ⚻㲳篁‬גז‪脸䙎؅䭥‬מ‪ꀸ赟‬ס‪յ杅㴻‬״ג׾׌מ‪謾畤؅⺪茣‬ס‪魕勓‬׾‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי‬‫‪յ‬׼םגׄ־‪ֽꓭ؅‬כ‪免ꪨ‬סׄד׋⻎כ‪甦㲳ꪛ溪‬ס‪‬מ‪⿣甦侉虘‬ס‪甦㲳‬׾׻מ‪⮔곐芌甦岺‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַ׵‪ַֹ璇㳔脢‬כֹ؀דגַי׀ך‪⿣甦؅ꪛ溪‬׾׿׼‪⹺ꓪֿ䕑‬סַ׼ׂ׋⻎כ‪甦㲳‬ס‪‬‬‫יזג؂׵מ♣┾✇‪؅‬ס׵גז‪䓺鮐؅䭥‬ם‪⨲虘‬׼־־םסס׵ג׊‪յ겏㎒呭㕆‬עכ‪⮔곐芌甦岺‬‬‫׊׵‪ն‬׌ך‪偙岺‬ג׀י׿؂‪鉿‬יז׻מ‪䩘‬ס‪ꀸ宐蔦麃‬׼־ׂ⺜‪յ‬ך‪䩘岺‬ס‪ַׂ⿣甦侉虘‬י׊‪ꈷ䫕‬‬‫‪յ‬׊ֹ׺׊ךגזֵמ⫐ס‪䩘‬ס‪ꀸ㵵‬דױַע‪յ甦㲳‬׼םגַי׊‪ꇓ؅ꈷ䫘‬ס׼האֿהג‪瑭‬׵‬‫למ‪㝕⚕噺‬י׊א‪ֹն‬׺׊ךגז־ם׵כ׆׾םמ⿣‪カ‬ס״ג׾׎׈‪魕勓؅㙟㝕‬ס‪甦㲳ֿ⚕噺‬‬‫׊כ‪篙卸‬סא‪ն‬׌ך׍עגַיז׆‪ֿ鱍‬כ׆ס‪ׂ⹸㸐‬גזױעכסַׂי׊╚‪؆魕勓ֿ겏‬ל‪؆‬‬‫ס‪宐ꪨ‬؀׆כס‪㵅갾‬׊־׊‪ֹն‬׺׊ךגַיזםמס׵גז‪ׂꇙ‬גזױעכ♀ע‪侓岕٬篑座‬י‬‫‪ꈽ‬ס‪甦㲳‬ג׀י׊‪侉虘‬יׄ־‪ꀸ宐ֿꩽַ免ꪨ؅‬׷‪㕈狸煝疴‬ג׀יז‪յ⪪溷塌ꫀֿ鉿‬ע‪甦㲳⚶獗‬‬‫‪ֿ焒溷䨾劔埫؅䳢‬׼‪յ蔦‬׊‪甦㲳؅ꪛ溪‬ס‪‬׾׎؂‪䟨姯؅㝤‬ס׽‪甦㲳䱰‬מ‪ꀸ㵵‬מכ׵‪⚻魕徎؅‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ךסג׀י׊כ⿣‪カ‬׾׎׈ⵊ‪甦㲳؅篑座؅嵛䙎‬סאךהג־׾‬‫‪✑朮‬ם‪╭锡‬ס‪յ┾汔‬ע‪걀㚦‬ס‪劄䔿‬׀׬׌‪⩴劚‬מ״גֹ‪謾畤؅鉿‬ס‪魕勓‬׾ם׼׈ֿ‪甦㲳⚶獗‬‬‫‪ꪛ溪ꄫ┪㎼‬י׊א‪յ‬כ׆׾‪⪜䩘埫ꮹ؅䕑‬ם‪岺溷‬י׊‪㸐‬מ‪ꈽ⚻魕徎甦㲳‬׾׌‪㲽㐂‬מ‪⸮氙㐌‬ס‬‫‪ն‬׌ךכ׆׾‪⹧⪜䩘嫘؅䕑‬ם‪岺溷‬ס׫‪甦㲳䉖㖪‬ם׀‪㝕‬׾ֵחח׿‪槁‬מ‬‫‪‬و٭‪ٜ‬ء‪㎼갾ꀸ噺煝疴ⶾ饗‬עتجؠؓס׫‪ꈽ⚻魕徎‬׷‪䓺䧯‬ס‪յ甦㲳䉖㖪‬ךױ׿׆‬‫٭ؚن׷‪鬙㎒‬٭‪ٚ‬ؘنؠش‪յٞ‬יַֽמ‪ⷁ稌‬׷ؤب؞ْע‪篁縨‬ס׆‪ն‬ג׊ױ׀יז‪ֿ䬎‬‬‫‪յ⸮氙‬מ‪⻎免‬כ׌⮂׽✑‪둚⹺ꓪ⿣甦؅‬׾ֵך‪╭䔢‬ס‪긞⾀ց‬ס‪ր糽‬מ⩧‪魕ꓭ؅‬׾׌❵‪鬙㎒ֿ䳀‬غ‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ׀י׊‪ꈽ⚻魕徎؅⹺겏‬׾ֵמ‪㐌‬‬‫‪⪴劔鬙氙ց‬ס‪ր☭꿔‬ע‪甦㲳‬‬‫‪蔦‬ככ׆׾ֵחח׿؂‪յꈽ⚻溷㝂坎䙎ֿ㝤‬׼־♣‪┞▟◩ջ䌑‬עהג‪煝疴脢‬ס‪芌甦؅鉿ֹ⩰ꅼ㎼‬‬‫ַיַט‪宜‬מכ׆׾ֵךⳡ‪ֿ䙊‬כ׆׾׌‪ꈽ⚻魕徎؅⹺겏‬ס‪⸮氙㐌‬עמ״ג׾׌‪ꀸ噺ֿ溪㺤‬ס‪㎼‬‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ‬‫‪㎼ꅙ낛竵ꀸ噺塌ꫀ‬צ׻ֽ‪‬٭ذ‪٤‬ج‪յ㎼갾气朮㝂坎䙎‬כ׾םמ♣‪┞▟┢ջ䌑‬‬‫ױֵֿהג‪ꀸ宐‬ס‪յ⸮氙㐌‬ע‪甦㲳‬׾ֵך‪նꈽ⚻魕徎‬׌ױ׊⮂׽▗מ‪⹺겏‬ס‪ĺֿꈽ⚻魕徎‬‬‫‪甦‬ס‪⩰ꅼ㎼‬ע‪ꈽ⚻魕徎‬ם‪㝂坎‬ג׿׼״‪ն겏‬ג׊ךס׵גַי׋⟤כד‪⪴劔鬙氙ց‬ס‪ׂր☭꿔‬נ‬‫‪18‬‬

‫‪19‬‬‫‪䨽剣暟‬ך‪⟰噟‬׮ה׸׉‪頿欵‬ך‪➂겲Ⱏ剣‬כ‪珏㶨‬‬‫סⲙ‪؅㎼갾䴈‬׿א‪յ‬׊‪둚⹺ꓪ⿣甦؅ꪛ溪‬יז❈‪ꈽ⚻㲳؅‬סאע‪յ宐ꪨ⚕噺‬׿׼״‪等‬מؠ‪٤‬ف‪㲳‬‬‫ס‪ꈽ⚻溷㝂坎䙎‬עך‪㎼չ‬ס׼׿א‪յ‬יז׻מכ׆ס׆‪ն‬ג׊ױ׊⹳‪册‬מ‪ꄫ┪㎼‬י׊‪؅ꄼ‬ײ‪♐篁‬‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ׊‪ㅗ㝤ֿⲎꅋ‬‬‫⹸מכ׆׾ֻ┰ׄ⮔‪ꈽ⚻魕徎؅‬ס┪♧׿׆מ‪յ⩰ꅼ㎼‬׊‪ׂ䤚䢚‬כׇס‪䓜撬‬ע‪☭չ‬ס‪⸮氙㐌‬‬‫יׄ‪ׂꈽ⚻魕徎؅㟃ַ籽‬םכ׆׾ׄ⥰‪膀؅‬מ‪㛽‬סאע‪⩰ꅼ㎼‬׊־׊‪ն‬ג׊ױ׽םמֹ׻׾׌‪溪‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׿׈‪긊곓‬כלם‪րꈽ⚻㲳峗啥ցրꈽ⚻㲳嶮魚ց‬ע׼־‪յꄫ┪㎼‬״ג׾ַ‬‫‪ꈽ⚻魕徎؅‬םג‪偆‬׼־‪⸮氙㐌‬ח‪ꈽ⚻魕徎؅䭥‬ם‪յ㝂坎‬׵יזֵך‪ꀸ噺㝕㎼‬סלם؜‪ْؓٛ‬‬‫מלםⳛ‪宜⠿㜟‬׷‪ַ洠㵬輮‬׊‪ն偆‬׌ך‪僻溮‬עכ׆ַם׿׼ׄ‪ꀸ噺؅籽‬עמ׊םכ׆׾ׄ‪㟃ַ籽‬‬‫םכ‪ꈽ⚻魕徎ֿ䖩锡‬גז‪ַ䓺鮐؅䭥‬׊‪偆‬מ‪յ䊬‬עמ״ג׾ׄ‪籽‬׊‪ꪛ溪‬לחסא‪甦㲳؅‬׾׌‪㸐䗎‬‬‫׌ף׿םׂם‪؅䕑‬׾׉׼‪꾙‬מׄד‪ꈽ⚻魕徎‬׾ֵמ⫐‪㎼‬؜‪ֿْؓٛ‬؜‪ْؓٛ‬׵׊׵‪նր‬׌ך׼־׾‬‫‪ֹց‬؀דֹױ׊ך‪ꁎ؆‬ײ‪յ畉⠡㐌䊝؅냊‬׊‪䬺㝕‬מ‪䙊ꅋ‬ע‪蠮䎰‬סא‪ֹն‬؀ד׾׌‪蠮䎰‬ע‪ꀸ㐌‬מ׃‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי‪锶‬ע‪㸗ꪎ㵵‬כ‬‫׊‪؅⟛䭥‬تجؠؓס׫‪ꈽ⚻魕徎‬יזםמ‪䖩媃‬ע‪յ⩰ꅼ㎼‬ך־ם׾ױ‪긊곓ֿ둚‬ס׼־‪ꄫ┪㎼‬‬‫׾؂‪ꫀ‬מ‪甦㲳‬מ‪匛倀‬ס‪魈儅ⶾ㴻‬ם‪յ㎼갾溷‬י׊כחכץס‪䨏汻‬ס״גסא‪ն‬׌ױַי׊כֹ׻‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵֿ‪偙岺‬׾׿⪜ײ‪⫐㵼؅篁‬‬‫‪焒溷䨾劔埫‬ס‪宐ꪨ‬׾׌‪⟛隍‬ך‪魈儅ⶾ㴻‬‬‫ֿ‪匛倀‬׾׌‪焒溷䨾劔埫؅⟛隍‬מ‪芌甦㵵‬ג׊‪յ⿣甦؅ꪛ溪‬עמ‪魈儅ⶾ㴻‬סי׬׌ש‪ֿ篙‬؜‪ْؓٛ‬‬‫‪ն┞▟⪭┞䌑‬׌ױ׿׼‪锶‬׵מ‪魈儅ⶾ㴻‬ס‪㎼չ‬ס♑״׋ע‪յ傽勓؅‬ע⻔⥰ס׆ ‪ն‬׌ױַי׿ױ⻻‬‫‪篁‬מ‪魈儅ⶾ㴻‬סׂ‪㝂‬ע‪㎼갾匛笴ĺ匛笴ց‬׾׌‪ꫀ‬מ‪⟛饦‬ס‪偆⿣甦‬ס‪ր嗘朮‬ג׿׼ׂחמ‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ׀יז‪䔢ⰺ؅䬎‬ם׀‪㝕‬יַֽמכ׆׾׌‪埫⯈؅⟛걀‬ס‪յ芌甦㵵‬׿׼׿⪜ײ‬‫‪侉‬י׊‪埫⯈䒣ⵊ؅潨䭰‬׾ם׼׈ס‪芌甦㵵‬מ‪յ▟┞䌑‬׊‪Ⲏ潊‬מ‪匛笴‬ס׆מ‪┞▟┢⪧䌑‬ע‪傽勓‬‬‫מ⚶‪յր獗‬ע⾀❈ס‪յ紛笴㎼‬כ׾‪؅锶‬عؕئهؘؗ‪ն‬׌ױַי׊⬭‪䪞‬׵מ‪匛笴‬ג׿׈‪阏‬‬‫ם‪ⲯ卸溷‬׾׌‪⿣甦؅⟛饦‬סא‪յ‬׊כ‪؅潨溷‬כ׆׾׌‪偆⿣甦؅ꪛ溪‬ס‪✑朮‬םֹ׻׌׼ג׵‪⯈漨؅‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵכ‪ց‬כ׆׾׌‪➶ꅼ‬׊❵‪؅䳀‬ײ‪♐篁‬‬‫ז⪜מ♣‪ֿյ┞▟▟ջ䌑‬׌ךסגז־ם‪㸴‬ע‪ַֹ㎼‬כֹ׻׊‪Ⲏ潊‬ע‪ꪨ‬סׂ׼ף׊י׊‪溪鳉‬‬‫‪ꆻㅰ‬יזםכ✄╭ֿ‪նꀸ㵵‬ג׊ױ׀ַיֻ‪Ⲏ潊㎼ֿ㙟‬מ‪䙊ꅋ‬כ׾םמ‪⻉✶ֿ潂؆‬ס‪甦㲳⚶獗‬י‬‫★ס‪յ甦㲳‬יז׻מ‪匛笴‬ס׆‪յ‬ף׿׻מ‪⮔卥‬ס‪ٝؕ٤ց‬ء‪㎼갾ĺ㎒✄ր‬׾׌‬‫‪ն‬׌ךֹאַםנ־׽םמ‪㸐骭‬ס⯜‪ֻ锺‬׈‪䳕‬‬‫׌׽גי‪芌‬יַ‪甦㲳؅乨‬סא׽ג׊‪؅‬׽‪ꀸ㵵ֿ甦㲳䱰‬ע‪匛笴‬ס׆‪յ‬׿חמ׾ֻ‪Ⲏ潊㎼ֿ㙟‬‬‫ֹ׻׾׿׈⤫‪㎼⫐岺ֿ俠‬ס‪Ⲏ潊㎼‬יַט‪㕈‬מ‪槏闋‬סא‪յ‬׿׈‪槏闋‬כדס׵׾׌‪珡婝‬׵‪؅‬כ׆׾‬‫כ׆ׂ‪甦㲳؅乨‬סא׷כ׆׾׌⺅‪甦㲳؅䱰‬ך‪ꀸ㵵ֿ摾偂‬עך‪㎼‬ג׊ֹא‪ն‬׌ױַי׀יזםמ‬‫⪴؜ؼِغףֻכג ‪ն‬׌ױַיזםׂם׀ך׼׌כ׆ֹ׼׵‪甦㲳؅‬׼־‪ꀸ㵵‬ס♑‪؆յ‬؀ה׵ע‬‫⹺‪ׂյ‬םךׄד׾׿׈‪篙卸յꀸ㵵ֿ翡ꓭ؅璇‬ג׿׈⤫‪㎼⫐岺ֿ俠‬יַט‪㕈‬מ‪匛笴‬ס׆עך‪⾔㎼‬‬‫ַי⮂׵ت٭آ׾׿׼׿⪜מ‪⮥ⳡ䨾‬י׊כ‪յ枩翘脢‬׽ג׿׈⹺‪ꀸ噺塌唩ֿ屲‬גַיז❈׷‪疛朮‬‬‫‪յ‬׍׼םףנ׎‪溫ꜗ؅‬מ‪侓䍟‬ע‪甦㲳؅❈ֹ㖪⻉յꀸ㵵‬ח‪յ⚕噺ֿ䨾劔埫؅䭥‬עך؜ؼِغ ‪ն‬׌ױ‬‫ؓةٍ‪٤‬؜ ‪ն‬׌ךסֹױ׊יזםׂם׀ךֿ‪ꀸ噺‬מ╽‪寏‬עַ׾ֵ‪┞免溷յ‬ע‪ꀸ㵵‬גז‪؅䙁‬׿א‬‫فحؒ‪٥‬س‪ٖ؎ٌٝ‬‬‫‪陵‬ך‪؅岺䔾‬כ׆׾׌⹺‪甦㲳؅屲‬ג׀ךַ‪ֿ繟‬׼‪䔦‬י׊‪甦㲳⟛㲽ⶾ⚶؅䯽吉‬׷‪յ黉갟ֿꀸ㵵‬עך‬‫‪䪒‬מֹ׻ס־‪ֿ枩翘鉿掿‬כ׆׾׌‪ꀸ噺؅‬י׊‪ꀸ㵵ֿ蔦皑‬׍׼‪꾙‬מ‪㝕⚕噺‬ך׾ױ ‪ն‬׌ױַי׊⺪‬‫‪ն‬׌ךס׾ַי׿؂‬‫ⵊ‪⚕噺ֿ瑭朮‬ע‪ַ⿣甦ց‬׊‪ր偆‬‬‫‪脝‬כד‪㝕┨㝜‬ע⮔‪蔦‬׼־ַםַ׵יז❈׊ַם׵כ׆גז‪甦㲳؅鬼‬םֹ׻ג׿׈┰♕ֿ‪䨾劔埫‬‬‫־‪㏸㐌‬ס‪յ甦㲳⚶獗ֿꀸ㵵‬עך‪ĺ匛笴‬ס׆‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵֿכ׆ַגֻ⚻׼גַֿ‪ꀸ㵵‬׾ֻ‬‫‪؅ր偆‬׿א‪յ‬׼םג׊⮂ײ‪㐬鮐䙎؅气‬ס‪┞㴻‬׾ֵ‪յ‬׊‪⿣甦侉虘؅偡‬ס‪㝂㸴‬י׀יזכ‪甦㲳؅‬׼‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׿׈‪ֿ陵‬כ׆׾׌ⵊ‪瑭劔‬י׊כ‪ַ⿣甦ց‬׊‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׊⽱‪؅䟨‬כ׆ַֹכגז־םמ‪䉖㖪‬ךױ♀‪յ‬עכ‪ַց‬׊‪ր偆‬יזכמ‪甦㲳⚶獗‬‬‫׉‪ծ‬׮ג׃ה׋׏׌‪ㅷ珏‬׋ֹגֽ‪竲‬׸ׁ׶ה׶װד‪꟦‬ך‪鴋㹺‬ג׏׋׻ח‪ㅷ珏ָꞿ䎃‬ך׉ִה׋‬‫׉‪ծ‬׸ׁ‪钠㹀‬ג׃ה‪ְㅷ珏պ‬׃‪չ倜‬כ׸׉‪ծ‬ל׸֮ד‪ְ珏㶨‬זךהֿ׋׸ׁ‪顋㡰‬ד‪ָ䋐㜥‬׸‬‫׫‪ַչ‬ה‪պ‬׷ְג׸׵‪濼‬׵ַ⵸⟃‪չ‬ח׵ׁ‪կ‬ׅדך׷ֹדָהֿ׷ׅ⻉‪⟰噟ָ猘剣‬׋׃‪涫ꐮ‬׾׸‬‫‪ֻծ珏㶨欵‬זכדֲַוַ׷ְג׏‪鴋孖ָ濼‬װ‪➂ղ‬ך‪ծ兛鸐‬כךְֲה‪պ‬׷ְג׏‪ָ濼‬ז׿‬‫‪ծ‬׵ַׅד‪կ‬ׅת׃‪䠐㄂‬׾ֲַוַ׷ְג׏‪䕵➂ָ濼‬׷׻ַַח‪灇瑔堣ꟼծ濼涸頿欵‬ך‪珏㶨‬װ‪噟‬‬‫‪铩‬׆׵ֶג׃‪钠陎‬׾‪䔲㽷ָ㶷㖈‬װ‪ծ珏㶨欵噟‬׮ג׏֮ד‪ㅷ珏‬׷ְג׸׵‪ֻ濼‬״כד‪꟦‬ך‪鴋㹺‬‬‫ָ֮הֲֿת׃ג׸ׁ⻉‪猘剣‬ח‪ծ⟰噟‬כ‪珏㶨‬זֲ״ְזְג׸ׁ‪涫ꐮ‬ג׃ה‪չ䨽剣暟պ‬ךַ‬‫‪կ‬ׅדך׷‬‫סַםַע‪ꀸ㵵‬׾׿׼׿‪ꄁ‬׼־‪岺‬ס׆‪؆ն‬׎ױ׊‪㲽㐂‬ע‪ꀸ㵵‬ם➳‪摾ꫀ‬ךכ׵ס‪岺䔾‬םֹ׻ס׆‬‫‪ն‬׌ך‬‫ⶾ‪篑座ꅙ䶏‬׾ַך‪篙؆‬כّػعي‪ؕյ‬ذ‪٤յ‬م‪ؔٛ‬ن‪ؓյ‬بؾغ‪ؓյؕ٤‬ب٭‪傽勓侓䍟ֿُٝ‬‬‫ئ‪ր‬׷‪ؕ甦蜧ց‬؞ذ‪㝕䩘甦㲳⚶獗ր‬ס‪傽勓‬י׊א‪ն‬׌ױַי׿ױ⻻ֿ‪ĺ匛笴‬ס׆עמ‪㴻‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׊כֹ׻ׅ‪鬦㛿粵؅䌮‬׼־׿׆ך‪㎼չ‬סؓةؓⷁ‪匯‬ס׼׿׆ע‪ց‬ؾذסذ؜‬‫‪յ⪪漨獗㎒岺☭րꀸ卲寊氙٬낛⿣氙噺䪫銉䮴蕟ⶾ⚶ց‬מ״ג׾׌‪⯈漨؅⟛걀‬כ⯈‪埫‬ס‪甦㲳⚶獗‬‬‫‪嗘朮⿣甦⟛饦‬יַט‪㕈‬מ‪ĺ匛笴‬יׄ⻔מ‪芌甦㵵‬סؓةؓ‪յ‬ך‪㎼չ‬סؓةؓ‪յ‬ע‪‬כ‬‫ֿהג‪յ芌甦煝疴脢‬מ‪⻎免‬ע⚶ⶾ⻎‪ն‬׌ױַיַ‪؅ꪛ‬وش٘بؠ٭‪٠‬ס״ג׾״‪؅ꅼ‬‬‫ױַי׊Ⲥ‪؅㟀‬כ׆׾׌‪ַ✑朮؅杅㴻‬׊‪楻‬םֹ׻׾׀ך‪溫ꜗ‬י׊כ‪ַ⿣甦‬׊‪偆‬ך‪㎼չ‬ס׼׿א‬‫׵ג׿׈⮂‪锶‬ך‪㏸㐌‬ס‪ꀸ㵵‬׽גזֵך‪⿣甦‬גַיׄ‪籽‬׊‪㲽㐂‬מ‪蔦撬汔‬מך׌ֿ׿אֻכג‪ն‬׌‬‫‪嗘朮⿣甦؅⟛饦‬ע‪♧䔿‬׿א‪յ‬ףֻױ׊י׿׈‪溫ꜗ‬י׊כ‪⿣甦‬םג‪ն偆‬׌ך׵י׊׽גזֵךס‬‫⚶‪甦㲳‬ס‪ն宐ꪨ‬׌ױ׽םמכ׆׾׿׼‪䨾劔埫ֿ㴕‬׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪⿣甦‬סאס‪芌甦㵵‬ךכ׵ס‪岺䔾‬׾׌‬‫י׊כ⿣‪カ‬סהג⮔‪甦㲳؅蔦‬ס‪⿣甦‬סא‪յ‬ךכ׆׾׌׽גז⺅‪杅陵؅‬׽ג׊‪յ⿣甦؅溫ꜗ‬ע‪獗‬‬‫‪免յ‬גז‪焒‬מ⮴‪؅劄‬׿׆ע‪ն 瑭‬׌ױַיז‪ׂ焒‬׻‪؅‬כ׆׾׀ךמס׵ם־‪籽ׄյ⯈漨؅牞‬׊‪鬦㛿‬‬‫‪⯈漨‬סׂ‪㝂‬׽׻‪յ‬׊־׊‪ն‬ג׊ױ׋‪䠊‬כ־ַםעך‪䒣漻㎒‬ג׿׼✑יז‪篁縨皑‬מ׽⪜‪䗻‬ך׾ױ‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ׊‪䘼ַ潲‬כדסםַ‪鉿‬ס‪ֿ䓜撬‬׿׆עיזכמ‪宐ꪨ⚕噺‬׌‪؅潨䭰‬כ׆׾׌‪⮔ꏕ‬מ╭‪؅呎‬‬‫‪20‬‬

珏㶨‫➂כ‬겲Ⱏ剣‫ך‬頿欵‫⟰׮ה׸׉‬噟‫ך‬䨽剣暟㔳 խ匌،‫آ‬،㖑㚖⺪䭍涸穗幥鸬䵿3$&1ꟼ⤘㕂‫⚕מ״גסא‬噺‫ע‬岺䔾‫׷‬锺⯜؅䖩锡‫מ‬䗎‫י׋‬㜟ֻ‫׌ךסגזַי‬ն傽勓‫ס‬甦㲳⚶獗‫׵‬魈儅ⶾ㴻‫ך‬嶮㜽㺤ꪛ傽勓‫ך‬甦㲳岺䎰婝ֿ尴‫עסגזױ‬յ傽勓侓䍟ֿ匯ؓ‫ؓة‬㐌㔔ⴭ䭇溷篑座ꅙ䶏‫⻔מ‬ׄ‫★י‬庩؅ꅼ‫גַי״‬免劻‫כ‬ꓨ‫׌ױ׽ם‬ն‫ע‬յ匯ⷁؓ‫ؓة‬頲㎼ꅙ⻉ ‫כ‬傽勓յ╚㎼յ껜㎼յؕ٤‫غ‬յ‫عت٭؛‬ٚٛؓյ‫٭ة٭ٖؼ‬ٚ٤‫؜⪭ⶥסغ‬㎼ֿ⹧Ⲏ‫׾׌‬䌮㔔溷‫ם‬蔦氮魈儅ⶾ㴻‫ך‬յĺ匛笴‫ס׆׵‬ꅙ䶏ⶾ㴻‫׌ױַי׿ױ⻻מ־םס‬ն‫ⶾס׆‬㴻‫★ס‬庩⹧Ⲏ㎼㎫‫┾עמ‬汔‫⶯ס‬俙‫ס‬ꀸ㵵ֿ㲽㐂‫׾׌‬‫כ‬阋‫׽ֽי׿؂‬յ‫עⰺ⪧סא‬蔦㵵䱰甦‫ג׊‬甦㲳‫ך‬ꀸ噺؅‫׌ױַי׊‬ն‫ס׆‬㐌㔔ֿ⻎免‫מ‬㝂ׂ‫✑ס‬朮‫⸮ס‬氙㐌‫עכ׆׾ֵך‬յ┞▟◝ջ䌑♣‫מ‬ٞ‫סؓب‬璇㳔脢‫ؤؼ‬ٚؕ٬٥ؒ٥ؔٞ‫ن‬宋ֿ溪銨‫ג׊‬ꄼ‫׌ך׽‬㎫ն瑭‫ע‬յ傽勓‫ס‬甦㲳⚶獗ֿ‫✑׼׿׆‬朮‫⸮ס‬氙㐌‫סך‬ꈽ⚻魕徎‫تجؠؓס׫‬؅粪䭥‫׼ֿם׊‬甦㲳‫ס‬鬦㛿؅䌮‫ֹװזַ׾ׅ‬յ傽勓㎼⫐‫ס‬甦㲳氙
噺‫ע‬甦㲳岺‫⪪כ׵ס‬溷塌ꫀ‫ך‬㴕‫ַֹכַׂיז‬烾澃‫ס׫‬䪞⮿ֿյ甦㲳岺䎰婝‫ס‬芻再‫סגזֵמ‬‫כ־ַםעך‬脝ֻ‫׌ױַי‬ն㵅갾յ‫ؕ؞ذ‬甦蜧‫ס׼׿׆ע‬㎼չ‫מך׌ך‬佻獗؅翝‫׀‬ㅰ噺؅㺤ꪛ‫׌ױַי׊‬㎫ն

21

22

ٖ؎ٌٝ‫س‬٥ؒ‫فح‬

14

12

4
2

7

3
5

8

13

6

1

9
11

10

㔳 խٞ؋ٞ‫׷״חؿٗ؍‬⡲暟鼋⠗涸㢳圫䚍‫⾱ך‬欵㖑

Qingdao Huang Long
Takii Korea Co.

T.W. Company Ltd.

Takii Seeds India Pvt.Ltd.

㔳 խ‫؎ؗة‬珏蕐吳䒭⠓爡‫ך‬،‫آ‬،佄爡

Head Oﬃce

P.T. Takii Indonesia‫‪23‬‬‫‪䨽剣暟‬ך‪⟰噟‬׮ה׸׉‪頿欵‬ך‪➂겲Ⱏ剣‬כ‪珏㶨‬‬‫‪䳀呾‬ס‪宋‬٭ؼ٭ّג׀יׄ‪籽‬׿׈‪摾镄‬‬‫٭ؼ٭ّ‪٬‬عشقג״׊׼‪؅䌮ׂ焒‬כ׆׾ֵמ‪ꈽ⚻溷㝂坎䙎ֿⷩ塌溷枱岞‬ס‪┾汔‬מ♣‪┞▟┢ջ䌑‬‬‫ה‪埫⯈؅䭥‬ס‪甦㲳‬מ‪䩘‬סאי׊מ־ַֿ‪յꀸ㵵‬ך־םס‪岺փ‬ס‪ւ甦㲳‬ג׊‪⮂曫‬מ‪┞▟⪧┩䌑‬ע‪宋‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׬‪ꃍ‬יַחמ־ַׂיז⟛‪ꈽ⚻溷㝂坎䙎؅‬ס‪ꀸ✑朮‬ם‪╭锡‬סהג‪瑭‬י׊א‪յ‬־׾ׄ‪籽‬‬‫‪꼿յ䈴㝕㝂㎼禶⚕噺‬׾׌כֹ׻⮂מ┾ֿ‪䳕ֻ✑朮‬ײ‪ꈽ⚻㲳篁‬לֹ׺ה‪յ‬ףַֻכ♣‪⪧ջ䌑‬‬‫׾״‪篁‬׽⺅ך‪ٜ‬ي‪ٝ‬ס☭‪յ⠥չ‬עך־םס✑‪詇‬ס׆‪ն‬ג׊ך‪꼿‬ג׀י׊‪⺫꾁‬י׊כ‪ֿ甦㲳⚶獗‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׿־‪╋偙ֿ剹‬סכ׆ַם׼םף׿ׄםױ‪篁‬׽⺅ך‪ٜ‬ي‪ٝ‬ס‪յ⪪溷塌ꫀ‬ככ׆‬‫‪յꈽ⚻魕徎‬עכ׆ם‪䖩锡‬׍ױ׽׻✇‪ն‬׌ױַי׬‪ꃍ‬מֹ׻ס‪姌‬ך־םס✑‪詇‬ע‪宋‬٭ؼ٭ّ‬‫➳‪ꫀ‬ס‪㎼‬מ״ג׾׌⪢⟛‪甦㲳؅‬מ‪ն姌‬כ׆ֹ׼׵יז‪焒‬מהג☭סׂ‪؅㝂‬׈⮗‪㝕‬ס‪甦㲳‬׾ֵך‬‫‪⪴劔鬙氙ց‬ס‪նꈽ⚻魕徎ֿր☭꿔‬כ׆׾׌ⵊ‪䒣‬׽׻‪؅‬ؠ‪٤‬ف‪ꈽ⚻㲳‬ם‪㎼갾溷‬׾׌‪㎼ꅙֿ硄槏‬׷‪塌ꫀ‬‬‫ֿהג☭סי׬׌׊‪阾ꜗ٬⟛㲽‬כ׽־ז׊‪ꈽ⚻魕徎؅‬ך‪匛笴‬ם‪ն㎼갾溷‬כ׆׾׌‪霼餟‬כ׾ֵך‬‫מ‪㐌㔔‬גזױ׊י׿׼⹛ה‪ꈽ⚻魕徎ֿ䭥‬מך׌׼־‪ն⸮氙㐌‬כ׆׾׌ⵊ‪ֹ僻倀‬׻׾ֻ❈מ‪蔦氮‬‬‫‪宜‬ס‪յ㐌㔔‬׍׎‪㺌‬מⲇ‪㐁‬ס‪甦㲳⚶獗‬עو٭‪ٜ‬ء‪ն㎼갾ꀸ噺煝疴ⶾ饗‬כ׆׌‪؅䨴‬ס׵ג׊‪鏿鏫‬ע‬‫‪؅峜‬׀ⳛס✶⻉⹺⼔ס‪甦㲳⚶獗‬׾ַי׀‪鱍‬ך‪ն┾汔‬כ׆׃‪ⲇ؅峜‬מ‪ꪛ溪‬ס‪⿣甦‬ג׊‪ꈌ‬מ‪⠿뀸㏸‬‬‫מ‪免‬׌⮂מ┾‪⿣甦؅‬םג‪偆‬ע‪յ芌甦ꪛ溪脢‬׿ֵך‪宐ꪨ‬׿ֵך‪ն⪪溷‬כ׆׾ֵֿ‪ַׂ䖩锡‬י׊‪镄‬‬‫־ַם׼ֿםחמ‪ㅗ㝤‬ס‪ꈽ⚻溷㝂坎䙎‬מ‪յ杅‬־ס׾ֻ┰‪؅‬عؠق‪ؕ٤‬ם‪؆‬למ‪⿣甦ֿ欎㘶‬סא‬‫מ‪յ甦㲳‬׍׈‪⹧Ⲏ؅陵‬ס‪ꀸ赟⚶獗‬מ‪ն甦㲳氙噺‬כ׆׾ׄ♕ⳡ‪؅聋‬כ׆׾׌‪嗱隍‬יַחמ־ֹל‬‫‪偙‬ס‪劄ㄌ‬׾׌‪ّ؅粪䭥‬طتب‪낛竵‬מ‪ն劄䔿‬כ׆ַֹכד׀׬׌‪⯜㴻‬יַ‪؅ꯙ‬׼‪䔦‬ע‪岺䔾‬׾؂‪ꫀ‬‬‫״‪寛‬מ‪؅侓䍟‬כ׆ׂⰺ‪◙砯؅‬ם‪潸䓜‬מ‪‬׵‪ꪛ溪‬ס‪⿣甦‬׵‪芌甦ꪛ溪㕈狸煝疴‬ם‪յ⪪溷‬י׊כ‪岺‬‬‫‪ն‬כ׆ַׂי‬‫‪ֹն甦㲳⚶獗‬׺׊ך׾ֻ‪阋‬כגׄ‪籽‬׿׈‪┩ⶥ◩䌑ꪨ摾镄‬ס׆‪յ‬ע‪䳀呾‬ס‪宋‬٭ؼ٭ّס┪♧‬‫כֹ׻ֻ‪巆‬ע‪յ⪪溷芌甦‬׽ֿ‪䌮‬ע⯈‪埫‬ס‪芌甦㵵‬׾׌‪⿣甦؅ꪛ溪‬ך‪籽ׄյ宐ꪨ⚕噺‬׊✶⻉⹺⼔ע‬‫؂־⻔ה‪皑‬מ‪䪒ֹ岺䔾‬מֹ׻ס־׾ֵך‪؅枩翘‬כ׆׾‪յ甦㲳؅䱰‬עהג‪瑭‬׊־׊‪ն‬׌ױַי׊‬‫‪؆ն‬׎ױֻ‪䘼‬עכ׾ֵך‪岺䔾ֿ婞聋‬םֹ׻ס׆‪؆ն‬׎ױ׽םעיׂם‬‫מ״ג׌‪䨴‬׽⺅‪╭埫؅‬ס‪ꀸ㵵‬‬‫‪㐌‬ס׿ב׿אס╚‪傽勓‬ע‪ն瑭‬־ֹ׺׊ך׾׀ךֿ✇מ״גַׂיׄ‪⪪溷塌ꫀֿ芌甦؅籽‬ך‪傽勓‬‬‫׊א‪ն‬׌ױ׊‪؅䳀呾‬כ׆׳‪篁‬׽⺅מ‪⿣甦侉虘‬י׊ⲇⶾ‪յ‬׀‪ꅙ䶏؅碎‬םג‪ꀸ㵵ֿ偆‬כ‪芌甦㵵‬ך‪㔔‬‬‫‪䎰婝‬ע‪⯜䍲‬׾ׅ‪蔦㵵䱰甦؅㡢‬ס‪ꀸ㵵‬םֹ׻׾׿׈׼‪ⲙ䧯ꓭ꾵ֿ庿‬כַםֿ‪꽝⹺剹‬ס⪜‪甦㲳鮫‬י‬‫‪ն‬׌ך׀׬׾׌‬‫‪յ‬׼־־םסַ⻉ׁ״׎סח◝ס׆‪յ‬־ס׾׌⩰⨲‪⯈漨؅‬ס⪴⪪־ס׾׌⩰⨲‪謾畤؅‬ס‪魕勓‬‬‫ס׾ַי׊عنبמ⻔‪ַׂ偙‬י׊ⵊ‪⿣甦؅瑭劔‬גׅ┪׽✑׼־׆אכ‪ֿ芌甦‬הג‪脢‬ח‪魕勓؅䭥‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ךס׾ַעהג‪瑭‬מ‪潨‬׿־⮔ס־סֹ‪鉿‬ך‪յ⪪溷塌ꫀ‬־סֹ‪鉿‬ך‪ն芌甦؅宐ꪨ‬׌ך‪ֿ槁枱‬‬‫‪䫷䫎䙎‬׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪洠㵬輮‬׊‪ꈌ‬מ‪յ뀸㏸‬־׾ֵך‪ַ❿呬‬׌׷׊מ‪յꀸ㵵ֿ䩘‬ע‪鉿ֹ芌甦‬ך‪⪪溷塌ꫀ‬‬‫‪؅‬־׌׷‪㙟‬מ־ַ‪謾畤؅‬ס‪յ魕勓‬ע‪芌甦‬ס‪宐ꪨ‬ךֹװזַ‪ն‬׌ױ׿؂‪鉿‬מ‪؅鼎‬־׾ַיז‪؅䭥‬‬‫ס‪ַ⿣甦؅յ芌甦㵵‬ם׀ך‪⫙气氙‬םֹ׻ס‪䳕ֻ甦㲳‬ײ‪ꈽ⚻㲳篁‬׷‪┞♣★ꏕ‬גזַכ‪甦‬מ‪鼎‬‬

24ٖ؎ٌٝ‫س‬٥ؒ‫فح‬埫⯈؅㴕‫׾‬岺䔾؅俠⤫‫׌ױ׀ַיׅ┪׽✑׼ֿם׊‬ն甦㲳⚶獗ֿ䈴㝕㝂㎼禶⚕噺‫יזםכ‬埫ⲇ‫כ‬佻ꏕ؅䒣‫מכ׆׾ַי״‬餾ꢿ؅럭‫׊׼‬յꀸ㵵ֿ╭埫؅⺅‫׽‬䨴‫┾מ״ג׌‬汔‫☭ס‬չ‫כ‬ꅙ䊝‫ֹ׺׊ױ׀ַי׊‬ն䉖宐‫ס‬䟨䘼ֿ⹸儙‫ג׿׈‬岺䔾‫ע‬蔦撬‫כ‬气‫ף׿ׄם׵ךס׵׾׿ױ‬㝘‫׼־‬ꮳ‫׌ךסַם׵ךס׵׾ׂיז‬ն⚕噺‫ס‬魕勓謾畤؅⟛隍‫ס׆מ״ג׾׌‬㎼‫ס‬岺䔾ֿ㜟ֻ‫׵מ׽ױֵעס׾׿׼‬媘䗻‫׎ױ׽ֵעךכ׆ם‬؆‫־‬ն낛朮ꅙꟃ‫ס‬劄⮴‫ס‬齡‫׾ֵך‬甦㲳յ‫סא‬㝕⮗‫ם‬㲽㐂ֿⷩ塌‫מ‬潲긖‫ס׆׾ַי׊‬免‫מ‬յ勓畇ֿ䋀䌮ַ饗韢‫ס‬‫כ׆׾םמׄ־ז׀‬؅꿈‫׌ױַיז‬ն峜ꓡ
1.
Kloppenburg, p.4
2. Kloppenburg, p.4
3. Kloppenburg, p.6
4. Kloppenburg, p.7
5. Kloppenburg, p.7
6. Kloppenburg, p.8
7.
Kloppenburg, p.109
8.
The Japan Times, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2017/04/13/editorials/sowing-seeds-lowerfood-security/#.WoTek6Nh2_I, accessed February 15,
2018
9. http://www.etcgroup.org/content/monsanto-bayer-tie-just-one-seven-mega-mergers-and-big-data-domination-threaten-seeds-food accessed February 12,
2017.

10. Mooney, p.13
11. Asia’s Seed Laws—Control Over Farmers’ Seeds,
GRAIN.org, grain-4156-asia-s-seed-laws-control-over-farmers-seeds.pdf, p. 4 accessed November 27, 201712. Ibid, p. 13
13. Ibid, p. 13
14. Ibid, p. 13
15. Ibid, p. 13
16. Ibid, p. 17
17. Ibid, p. 8
18. Asia’s Seed Laws—Control Over Farmers’ Seeds,
GRAIN.org, grain-4156-asia-s-seed-laws-control-over-farmers-seeds.pdf, p. 11, accessed November 27, 201719. Mooney, p. 162
20. Mooney, p. 168-172.

⹧脝倀桬
Jack Ralph Kloppenburg, Jr., Second Ed., First the Seed: The Political Economy of Biotechnology 1492-2000,
Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2000.
Pat Roy Mooney, “The Law of the Seed:Another Development and Plant Genetic Resources in Development Dialogue,
Uppsala, Sweden: Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, 1983:1-2.

25

Kaihei Koshio

The Role of Plant Factories on
Food Production and Technology in Japan
This thesis was first published in the May 2018 issueof Landscape Change and Resource Utilization in East
Asia: Perspectives from Environmental History (Routledge). We reprint it here with the kind permissionof the journal's editor.

Introduction:
National Policy of Plant Factory Use
We are now seeing an unprecedented boom of plant factories that produce marketable
vegetables in high-technology facilities controlled precisely by computers. According to
METI (Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry) data,1 the number of plant factories has
increased from 50 in March 2009 to 80 in March 2011, to 127 in March 2012, and finally to
153 in March 2013. This increase was largely due to a Japanese national policy known as the“Economic Growth Strategy for Widespread Plant Factory Use”2 that was approved by thecabinet of Tarô Aso (묄气㝚ꋝ, 1940- ) in September 2008. Large budgets were subsequently
allocated by the MAFF (Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries) and METI. The 2009
MAFF supplementary budget allocated 9.7 billion yen for plant factory investment, including 3.4 billion yen for plant factory operation; 2.6 billion yen to promote the leasing of plantfactories; and 3.7 billion yen for demonstration programs and personnel training. The investment in plant factories from the METI budget for that same year was 5.02 billion yen
for research facilities. Following this, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the dominant
political party between 2009 and 2012, also recognized the need for “strong agriculture.”
In 2011, METI appropriated 1.5 billion yen subsidize for collaboration between agriculture,commerce, and industry, as well as 500 million yen in the 2012 supplementary budget foradvanced agriculture industrialization system.
After the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan (LDP) returned to power in 2013, the gov-

26

K A I H E I KO S H I Oernment allocated 2.29 billion yen for advanced agriculture industrialization projects. In
2014, three billion yen was allocated to MAFF to promote projects for accelerating the introduction of next-generation greenhouse horticulture. And 3.3 billion yen was appropriated for METI to promotion collaboration between agriculture, industry, and commerce.
In sum, despite major events such as changes of government and the Great East Japan
Earthquake (2011), plant factory projects were pushed forward with strong commitment
from the government.
Despite strong government backing, the majority of plant factories are operating at aloss. Survey results by the non-profit organization Innoplex, Inc. indicate that 60 percent of
current commercial plant factories operate with a deficit (30 percent broke even).3 A similar survey conducted by Sogo Planning Inc. indicates that 70 percent of commercial plantfactories operated with a deficit, while only 16 percent of plant factories turned a profit (14percent of plant factories broke even).4 In addition, Nomura Agri Planning & Advisory also
stated that “It may be a good scenario if [commercial plant factories] can attain profitability(EBITDA) within seven years.”5 A “Plant Factory Business” Survey Research Report by Innoplex Inc. showed that the number of profitable companies is close to zero, particularly forlarge-scale commercial plant factories that rely upon artificial light.6
In short, despite strong financial support from the central government, most plant factories struggle financially. The salient question is, why?

1. What is a Plant Factory?
First, we need to define the characteristics of plant factories before addressing their performance. The first Japanese text on plant factories was A Plant Factory (1979) by Masamoto
Takatsuji (둚ꁌ婞㕈, 1940-).7 In the opening sentence of the book, Takatsuji asks, “Is there
any farming without sunlight or soil? A Plant Factory would answer ‘Yes’ to this question.”
According to him, a plant factory is a location of production similar to any facility that produces industrial products. Computer systems control cultivation while the indoor environment is automatically managed. Takatsuji states that “Eventually, lamp replaces sun, culture
solution replaces soil, and computer replaces the practical farmer.” He differentiates plantfactories worldwide into “solar power” facilities and “complete control” facilities. Our current understanding of plant factories in Japan adheres fundamentally to this idea.
However, such definition and classification methods did not immediately take root inJapan. For instance, in a book entitled Prospects and Challenges of the Plant Factory (1987)8 compiled by the Science & Technology Agency of the Japan Resources Council, the term “plantfactory” only appears in the title. Instead, “plant production using advanced environmental

T H E R O L E O F P L A N T FA C TO R I E S O N F O O D P R O D U C T I O N A N D T E C H N O LO G Y I N J A PA N

control systems” is used consistently throughout the book. In addition, Tadashi Takakura(둚⠡潲, 1937-) states in a book entitled Comprehensive Guide to Plant Factories (1986), compiledby the Japan Greenhouse Horticulture Association, that “I still do not fully understand what
type of facility should be called a plant factory.” Toshitaka Itagi (卆勎⯈갖, 1929-) also statesin the same book that “the definition of a plant factory is not yet clear.” However, he divides
factory-like plant production into two categories: nutriculture greenhouses employing natural light, and those that utilize artificial sources of light. 9 My definition is similar to Itagi’s,and I further believe it is more suggestive if we use the “hydroponic greenhouse” in place ofthe term “sunlight plant factory.”
In recent years, the Netherlands is often cited as a leader in utilization of plant factories.
The Netherlands is the second largest agro-food exporter in the world, despite the fact that
the Netherlands is approximately only as large as Japan’s Kyûshû Island. In 2013 Yoshimasa
Hayashi (卲蛢婞, 1961-, the Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, MAFF), Takumi
Nemoto (呧勓ⵞ, 1951-, the Japanese Minister of Reconstruction), and Akira Amari (氈⯈僻, 1949-, the Minister of Economic Revitalization) visited horticulture sites in the Netherlands. Minister Hayashi of MAFF laid out a goal of “learning from the Netherlands andpromoted the next generation end-to-end horticultural facilities that utilize regional energy supplies, regional resources, production technologies, and shipping services to achieve
income-doubling while reducing costs and supporting local efforts at job creation.”10 As described earlier, he secured 3 billion yen from the 2014 MAFF budget to accelerate the introduction of next-generation greenhouse horticulture. However, mainstream plants in the
Netherlands are sunlight greenhouses. Researchers in the Netherlands are skeptical aboutplant factories. Ep Heuvelink at Wageningen University, for instance, points out that energy loss reaches 10-fold if you compare the amount of natural gas to produce 1kg of tomatoes
in enclosed glasshouses (0.36 m3) to that in artificial light plant factories (3.5m3).11 Thoughboth sunlight and artificial light facilities are called plant factories in Japan, they should be
discussed separately because of their different characteristics and origins. Before focusing
on the performance of plant factories in Japan, I will first outline the nature of hydroponic
greenhouses in Japan, followed by an overview of the artificial light plant factory.

2. Hydroponic Culture of Clean Vegetables
and the Sterilization Concept
Hydroponic culture has a long history, with origins that can be traced back to the Hanging
Gardens of Babylon. Julius von Sachs (1832-1897), a German plant physiologist, began theacademic study of hydroponics sometime after he became a lecturer at the University of

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K A I H E I KO S H I OPrague in 1857.12 The US Army during World War II was the first to apply hydroponics in apractical setting. US Army units successfully produced vegetables hydroponically at various
overseas bases including Ascension Island in British Guiana, and at Iwo Jima where crushed
volcanic rock was employed as the growing medium.13 They used these methods because oflimited available arable land.
On the other hand, General Headquarters (GHQ) had a different reason to apply hydroponic methods in Japan near Chôfu and Ôtsu. Here is an excerpt from “Current and Future
Prospects of Clean Vegetables” (1953) written by Kaname Katô (Ministry of Agriculture andForestry, Regional Products and Industrial Crops Division) that explains the rationale:
The Allied Forces at that time procured food from their homeland. In addition to vegetables
that transported from the homeland in refrigerated vessels, they built hydroponic farms in
Chofu, Tokyo and Otsu, Shiga to provide vegetables for themselves. Hydroponic farms werechosen because they were concerned about the method of soil fertilization used by the Japanese. Human manure was used as fertilizers, raising concerns about hygiene and parasites.
Since then, those vegetables were delivered to PX (Post Exchange) and OSS (Overseas Supply Store) for family members of the Allied Occupation forces, and to hotels. They were also
supplied to foreign ships that called at Kobe and Yokohama. This is how the sanitary cultureof so-called western vegetables started. In addition, at the time that the San Francisco Peace
Treaty was expected to be signed towards the end of 1951, Allied Forces decided to change theirpolicy to allow local procurement of perishable foods that would not impact the local economy. Therefore, the issue became thought about in terms of economic potential.14“Clean vegetables” were first grown in 1927 “by the Department of Agriculture at Kyôto Imperial University when researchers cultured lettuce and celery using only compost and oil
seed meal. These vegetables were called ‘University Salad’ and were served at The Miyako
Hotel to foreign guests.” Clean vegetables were “on a growth path heading towards 1940 Tokyo Olympic Games, the rights to which Japan ultimately had to forfeit as the Sino-Japanese
War intensified. In addition, material shortages as a result of chronic warfare forced a decline in the production of chemical fertilizers. Ultimately, the clean vegetable initiative had
to be discontinued.”15 The novel “Clean Vegetables” by Kiyoshi Usui appeared in the Japanese literary magazine Shinchô [偆愲] in 1956, describing a farmer who sprinkles Bordeauxmixture and grows lettuce.16 Cultivation of clean vegetables with large amounts chemicalfertilizers and pesticides, reinforced by the strong impression of DDT sprayed by the Allied
Occupation forces, informed the “disinfection culture” in Japan. This may be the reason why
vegetables produced at plant factories are still called “clean vegetables.”According to Katarzyna J. Cwiertka (2012), hydroponic farms in Chôfu and Ôtsu wereT H E R O L E O F P L A N T FA C TO R I E S O N F O O D P R O D U C T I O N A N D T E C H N O LO G Y I N J A PA N

run by 1,115 Japanese operators in 1949 (including 16 officers and 63 non-commissioned officers. Some of the workers were prisoners dispatched from Sugamo prison). Once the Korean War started, lettuce and tomatoes that were harvested in the morning were boxed andtransported to either Tachikawa or Ashiya airfields, shipped by air to the Korean Peninsula
the next morning, and delivered to the mess hall by truck on the same day.17

3. The Origin of the Artificial Light Type Plant Factory
Having explained the close connection between the first hydroponic farms in Japan using
sunlight and the role of the GHQ, we ask who initiated the artificial-light plant factory andwhat were the motivating factors given the tremendous investment necessary to constructand operate these operations.
The US nuclear reactor manufacturer, General Electric Company (GE), developed thefirst artificial light plant factory in the world. Erin E. Murphy reported in 1987 that GE received funding from the United States Department of Defense (DoD) in 1973 to grow salad
vegetables in nuclear submarines.18 Several years later in 1980, the Japanese business magazine Diamond Weekly published an article entitled “Corporate War for ‘Plant Factory’ Ignited
by Foreign Capital Japanese Corporations in Hasty Attempt to Take on US General Mills”.
The article explained that General Mills, GE, Westinghouse Electric, General Foods, and others were competing to establish plant factories in the United States.19
Following the reduction of U.S. Department of Defense outlays on research and development after the onset of détente with the Soviet Union in the 1970s, GE sought to develop
civilian applications from its investment in military technology. They developed computerbased imaging, microchips for compact color video cameras, and dedicated personnel todevelop plant factories. GE decided to take on the cultivation of “perfect tomatoes” for theplant factory project.20 The “perfect tomatoes” project was proposed by the same GE manager and engineers who had been involved with the development of vegetable cultivation
technology for NASA during the Apollo program. The project started in 1973 after the hiringof two mechanics, a civilian designer, and an electrician.
Plant factories were conceived, as we have seen, in the context of particular environments such as in a nuclear submarine or in outer space. As for the GE project, a civilian
engineer designed the factory layout; mechanical engineers developed a highly-efficient recycling ventilation system; and electricians developed electric circuits and control panels for
specially-designed lighting fixtures. In addition to tomatoes, they grew spinach, eggplants,
onions, daikon radishes, strawberries, turnips, melons, medicinal plants, ornamental plants,
and tree seedlings. Nutrient solution was constantly circulated to promote the absorption

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of nourishing water through root systems. The design also had to ensure that roots had
sufficient oxygen at all times. As for concentration and volume of the nutrient solutions,
technicians carefully measured electrical conductivity and pH levels. High-pressure sodium
lamps with red/blue wavelength were used as the major light source, and air conditioners
were installed to maintain temperature. CO2 was automatically injected into the chamber if
CO2 levels measured by the infrared analyzer dipped below minimum levels.
At the time, tomato harvests on conventional farms in the United States averaged 1.5
pounds (671 g) per square foot (26.8 cm2). Greenhouse growers were able to harvest 4 pounds(1.8 kg) per square foot. The GE’s Geniponics facility harvested about 50 pounds (22.7 kg) per
square foot. In addition, their products were free from disease and pest damage with wellcontrolled plant size, color, and aroma. And there was no need to apply pesticides. GE tomatoes had approximately 30 percent higher Vitamin C content than other tomatoes, and GE
lettuce also had higher concentration of Vitamin A. However, due to the rising cost of fuelfollowing the oil crises of the 1970s, GE granted the Geniponics patent to Nobel Industries, aSwedish company. Geniponics was purchased by Control Data Corp. in 1980. GE withdrew
entirely from the plant factory business at this time.

4. The Plant Factory Boom in JapanThe first individual to initiate the artificial-light plant factories in Japan was Masamoto
Takatsuji. He started research on plant factories at Hitachi’s Central Research Laboratory(1973). Here is an excerpt from “The Birth of Plant Factory” that describes his creative ideas:
First I thought that even a layman like me should be able to grow vegetables. Then I thoughtthat it is critical to control the environmental conditions for controlled agriculture, and Hitachi
manufactures the necessary equipment such as microcomputers, air-conditioners, lamps, andvarious sensors. Many measurement instruments may be necessary, but we have a Measurement Equipment Division as well. There may even be a possibility of receiving orders for advanced agricultural plants. In conclusion, this is consistent with Hitachi’s technology.21

This was in 1972-1973, in the middle of the oil crisis when powerful inflationary pressurespushed grocery prices sharply higher. This is when the “Plant Factory System Investigative
Committee” was established within the Japan Electronic Industry Development Association(JEIDA) under the sponsorship of MITI (Ministry of International Trade and Industry). The
committee listed 21 companies as members, including Matsushita Electric Industrial, Sumitomo Electric Industries, SANYO Electric, Nippon Electric Company, TOSHIBA CORPORA-

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TION, Tateishi Electric (Now OMRON Corporation), Sharp Corporation, Fujitsu Limited,
and Yokogawa Electric Corporation. However, little effort was made except for the initiativeby Hitachi described above. The Diamond Weekly explains the reasons: “There was much
resistance from MAFF (Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fishery) saying that even theterm ‘plant factory’ is blasphemous to agriculture and is a provocation to farmers. MITI’s
passion for plant factories was completely disrupted.”22 In addition, only registered farmers
were allowed to bring agricultural products to wholesale markets due to the Food Control
Law promulgated in 1944. Therefore, companies that would grow crops in a factory setting
were not allowed to bring them to the wholesale markets since they were not technicallyfarmers (as delineated in the 1944 law). Momentum for plant factories was postponed formore than a decade.
The first plant factory boom in Japan was launched by a series of developments including the start of a plant factory (bio farm) installation at Daiei LaLaport in 1985, a “vegetablefactory” at the World Expo ‘85 in Tsukuba, and the start of mass production of radish sprouts
by KAIYO BOKUJO KK (1980). This enthusiasm for food factories came during the heyday of
the “bubble economy” when there was much talk about so-called “venture industries” suchas electronics and biotechnology.
The second boom was triggered by the entry of food processing companies such as Kewpie Corporation and JFE LIFE CORPORATION beginning in the 1990s. This phase began after the enactment of corporate deregulation policies that encouraged corporate investmentin the agricultural sector beginning in 1993. Since that time, the Koizumi cabinet approved
the “Act on Special Zones for Structural Reform” in 2003, allowing general corporations tolease agricultural land in special deregulation zones designated by municipal governments.
These zones were comprised of agricultural land that was no longer under traditional cultivation. The amendment of the “Agricultural Land Act” in 2009 extended the length of leases
to 50 years, and investment limits were increased to 50 percent (from 10 percent) for agricultural corporations. This and additional acts clearly induced additional investments inplant factories.
The recent plant factory boom is called the third boom, but it is worth noting that prior
to allocating the aforementioned large national budget outlays, a series of laws were passed
to promote the entry of private firms. The recent plant factory boom did not happen overnight as a result of actions solely attributable to the encouragement of the Aso cabinet. As
we have explored, the positive investment climate for the creation of plant factories was anevolution over a considerable period of time.

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5. Nuclear Reactors and Plant Factories
My initial impulse to investigate plant factories arose as I became aware that large-scale
plant factories were built one after another in the earthquake-affected areas in Tohoku. I
wondered why nuclear reactor builders such as Hitachi, GE, and Toshiba were so actively
involved in the plant factory business in this area.
Here are some excerpts from the press releases of each company:
On May 8, 2013, Hitachi made a cooperative agreement with a new agricultural venture Granpa
Corporation to invest 100 million yen, and began providing cloud services to users of air-filled,
high-tech greenhouses called ‘Granpa Domes’.23
Mirai and General Electric Company Japan will work toward the achievement of optimum environment control by using IT technology at the artificial light plant factory to be built in Takajô
City, Miyagi Prefecture.24
Toshiba Group invested 100 million yen to support the Minamisôma Solar Agri-Park project,launched by Fukushima Solar Inc. to help rebuild Fukushima Prefecture. Minamisôma Solar
Agri-park supplies electricity generated at photovoltaic power stations to plant factories andsells surplus electricity to other parties. In order to support children’s development, effective
use is made of the photovoltaic power station and plant factories to offer ‘Green Academy’classes, which enable children to learn through hands-on experiences. Electric power generation is scheduled to start in the spring of 2013.25

Mitsubishi has deployed businesses to support plant factories mainly in Fukui where theyreceived orders for nuclear reactors. A recent press release went like this:Mitsubishi Plastics, Inc. (Head Office: Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo; President Takumi Ubagai) hereby
announces its launch of a sunlight-type plant factory installed within our Nagahama Plant(located in the city of Nagahama, Shiga Prefecture). Mitsubishi Plastics adopted the sunlighttype plant factory manufactured by our subsidiary Mitsubishi Plastics Agri Dream Co., Ltd. We
installed the facilities in our Nagahama Plant in February 2014, promoting the employment of
disabled workers.26

Nuclear reactor builders are granted immunity from liability in cases of nuclear accidents byvirtue of the provision of the Act on Compensation for Nuclear Damages. At the same time,
many have claimed that these firms have shown little remorse over the Fukushima disaster.

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This line of criticism extends by claiming that responsibility is masked by so-called goodwill
efforts suggested by phrases like “help rebuild Fukushima Prefecture”, “Green Academy andhands-on experiences”, “children’s development”, and “hiring challenged personnel”. As I
investigated further, I came to feel that such behavior went beyond “The Shock Doctrine”(the exploitation of disaster-shocked people and countries) described by Naomi Klein, andmore like “match and pump”—a Japanese idiom that means stirring up trouble, or manufacturing a crisis, only to get credit from the solution.27 Then I started to investigate otherpurposes of the plant factories beyond growing vegetables. All of these additional purposes
serve to support the business of nuclear power.

6. The Plant Factory Business of Mitsubishi Group
Authorized by MAFF and MITI, the Mitsubishi Research Institute played a promoting role insparking the third plant factory boom by conducting the first “Investigation on How Plant
Factory Policy Should Be Developed.” According to the statement of one of the directors of
Mitsubishi Chemical, the investment of Mitsubishi in Fairy Angel Co., LTD., triggered MAFF
and MITI to establish a Plant Factory Working Group. The association became a symbolof agriculture-commerce-industry cooperation.28 As for the number of patents awarded by2008 for plant factory technology, Mitsubishi possessed the largest number, 23 (Mitsubishi Chemical 21, Mitsubishi Heavy Industry 1, and Mitsubishi Electric 1), followed by CCS
Inc. with 14 (an LED maker in financial cooperation with Mitsubishi Chemical), and thenToshiba Lighting and Technology Corporation with 8.29
Mitsubishi gave high priority to exporting container plant factories with LED lighting
systems. According to the aforementioned director of Mitsubishi Chemical, the container
plant factory is made of “a full set of Japanese devices like solar batteries, lithium batteries
for backup LEDs, and heat insulators.”30 In the first instance of this kind, Mitsubishi exported a similar plant factory to Qatar in January 2010.
Prime Minister Shinzô Abe (㴗⠨兗┩, 1954-) visited Qatar on August 28, 2013, accompanied by the directors of the Keidanren (Japan Business Federation), the Japan Greenhouse
Horticulture Association, and Mitsubishi Corporation. Prime Minister Abe stated, “Thehighest evel of technology in the world can successfully cultivate fresh lettuce in the midst ofa parched environment. I would like the people of Qatar to come to think that the one whoalways comes through for us is none other than Japan. Of course, I would also like to urge
the people of Qatar to eliminate the regulations that have impeded the import of Japanesefood items.”31

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7. The Analogy of Animal Factories
The main purpose of the paper is to explicate the national forces that aggressively advanced
the creation of plant factories. I believe the animal factory movement, driven by giant agribusiness companies in the United States in the late 1950s, may serve as a useful historicalprecedent. Osamu Takamatsu (둚千⟵, 1935-2000), who translated Animal Factories (by Jim
Mason and Peter Singer) offered this commentary:
In animal factories, at first glance we may think that low-cost animal products are manufactured; however, once we analyze the energy balance of livestock animals, there is in fact a lotof waste. The authors reveal the fact that animal factories are nothing short of a ‘food waste
factory’. If so, why do the products of an animal factory seem attractively priced to consumers?
That is because of ‘hidden factory expenses’ that are paid by the government through various
subsidies. The subsidies were tax money paid by consumers in the first place. Therefore, it islike an octopus eating its own arms. Then who is directing the business of animal factories,
and who is making the profits? The answer is neither farmers nor consumers, it is the agribusiness industry. The term agribusiness is supposed to mean agri-business but it is said in the
United States that they should be called ugly-business. Agribusiness entered the agriculture
sector with massive capital and vertically integrated structures. For example, the broiler business from broiler factories and feed companies to manufacturing, distribution, and sales. They
dominated the broiler business and drove poultry farmers out of the market. Now the next
victims are pig farmers.32

Let us replace “animal factory” with “plant factory”, “animal products” with “vegetables”,“broiler” with “lettuce”, and “feed company” with “electric power company”. The story still
makes perfect sense after these changes. Feed manufacturers and pharmaceutical companies producing antibiotics and hormones cooperatively developed business with the government in the case of animal factories. Similarly, electric power companies, electric appliance manufacturers, and general contractors are working closely with the government in
the case of plant factories.
Let me give you an example. During an interview with Nikkei Micro Devices, Masashi
Muromachi (㵍永婞䗄, 1950-), the Corporate Executive Vice President of Toshiba Corporation said: “(As for the LED lighting business), Korean manufacturers are very aggressive
and we are preparing ourselves for a very intense competition. I believe the efforts madetwo to three years from now will determine the outcome of the competition. Due to longshelf life of LED lighting, we will not regain lost market share for a long time once we loseout to our competitors. We want to establish the position as the top supplier in this field.

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Therefore, we will invest 100 billion yen by 2015.”33 There is no doubt that plant factories
should be the perfect market for the LED business because more than 1,000 LED fixtures are
installed in one artificial light plant factory. Electric appliance manufacturers are investingin plant factories to sell devices including LEDs at a profit, and nuclear reactor builders
congregate around plant factories because they are counting on the factories’ night-time
power consumption. In short, general contractors, builders, engineering firms, electric
power companies, and electric appliance manufacturers would have no problem even if
plant factories themselves come to a standstill. At the same time, the business is structurally supported by powerful government interests. As businesses, these entities benefit frompreferential treatment for land acquisition, plant construction costs, and electricity cost.
They may receive government-guaranteed bonds from the Development Bank of Japan.
Therefore, these investors can close the factories once they become unprofitable, or they
can utilize old factory sites if further deregulation promotes beneficial use for other purposes. In short, these concerns are “plant factory” only in name, and they should be called“LED consumption factories” or “night-time power consumption factories” or “temporary
factories waiting to be repurposed.” Therefore, we can say that such a collusive structure inplant factories is no less carefully camouflaged by the lettuce grown at a plant factory thanchickens in animal factories.
As we consider plant factories from this perspective and examine the members of
the Plant Factory Working Committee established by the agriculture-commerce-industry
nexus—which was a voluntary group but had a great power to appeal to the government
to promote plant factory policy—we begin to see the logic of these factories. The Working
Committee was established by the Council on Competitiveness-Nippon (COCN), and represented by the former chairman of Tokyo Electric Power Co., Tsunehisa Katsumata (⳧⟨䚀╽, 1946-). On the list we see no names of farmers or agricultural cooperatives. We only see
general contractors including Kajima Corporation and Shimizu Corporation, plant manufacturers such as Hitachi Plant Technologies, electric power companies such as TEPCO,
engineering firms such as Nippon Steel Engineering, electric appliance/material manufacturers including Sharp Corporation, Sumitomo Electric Industries, Dai Nippon Printing,
Nikon Corporation, TableMark, Kao Corporation, Denso Corporation, and transportationcompanies such as RYOBI HOLDINGS. MAFF and METI bureaucrats were included andfrom available records, often discussed topics such as “All-Japan vector alignment” (i.e., having the same goal).34

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K A I H E I KO S H I OConclusion
Inside a plant factory, you find an environment that is almost completely sterile, absent evenof insects for pollination. Operators wear protective suits to perform their tasks as they are“bacterial carriers.” Labor in these plants is of the menial variety, despite industry verbiagethat touts a working environment that is air-conditioned and comfortable. Plant factories
are, in other words, little different than other types of industrial production facilities. It isalso important to note that similar to other industrial sectors, the impulse to establishingplant factories involved several different political and economic interests in Japan. For example, the Japanese government purposely grants generous subsidies to encourage plantfactories to aid electric power companies and electric device manufacturers. This paper is
not intended to deny the economic role of plant factories. Instead, I have attempted to highlight the broader context of plant factory production in Japan. An additional topic worthy offurther investigation is the potential economic and political consequences of the spread offactory production of food to traditional farming patterns. From one perspective, the subsidies advanced to plant factory owners may be seen in neo-liberal terms as an effort to “sidewith the strong and crush the weak”.

NOTES
1.
Greenhouse Horticulture & Plant Factory
Promotion Forum 2013 material (Organizer: Japan
Greenhouse Horticulture Association, Co-Organizer:
Super Hort Project Conference, Sponsor: MAFF/METI,
6 November 2013, Tower Hall Funabori).
2.
METI, “New Economic Growth Strategy Revised
2008” (approved by the cabinet on September 19, 2008).
3.
NPO Innoplex, Inc. “Plant factory business
investigation report ‘60% of current commercial plantfactories operate with a deficit balance/How do we breakthrough the current situation whereby only 30% of plantfactories are break-even’”, Date created: July 10, 2010,
Date modified: February 28, 2011.
4.
Sogo Planning Inc. “2011 Current situation andfuture prospects of industrial agriculture market”(February 24, 2011).
5.
Nomura Agri Planning & Advisory Co., Ltd.
“Toward commercialization of plant factory – 7 points
to establish a plant factory business model” (July 2011).

6.
NPO Innoplex, Inc. “Plant factory business”
investigation report, Date created: March 31, 2010,
Date modified: February 28, 2011.
7.
Masaki Takatsuji, A Plant Factory, (Kôdansha Blue
Backs, 1979).
8.
Resources Council, “The Prospect and Challenge ofPlant Factory,” Science and Technology Agency, Ministryof Finance Printing Works (1987).
9.
Japan Greenhouse Horticulture Association, All
About Plant Factory, Fumin Foundation (1986).
10. MAFF “Next generation green house horticulture
and its nationwide extension,” (2014), http://www.maf f.go.jp/j/seisan/ryutu/engei/NextGenerationHorti
culture/pdf/siryou4.pdf, accessed on Nov. 14, 2017.
11.
Ep Heuvelink, “High Tech tomato production in
the Netherlands” GPEC (Greenhouse Horticulture &Plant Factory Exhibition and Conference), 2010.
12.
Booker T. Whatley, “Growing Lettuce byHydroponics: Tokyo QM Depot,” The Quartermaster

T H E R O L E O F P L A N T FA C TO R I E S O N F O O D P R O D U C T I O N A N D T E C H N O LO G Y I N J A PA N

Review, 33.5 (1954): 108.
13.
Yoshio Masuda, “History of Botany,” Baifukan(1992).
14.
Kaname Katô, “Current and future prospects ofclean vegetables”, Agricultural Technology Research, 7.6(1953): 21-24.
15.
Noboru Harada, “About Clean Vegetables,” Life &Culture Research, 13 (1965): 181−186.
16.
Kiyoshi Usui, “Clean Vegetables,” Shincho, 53.7
(1956): 174−183.
17.
Katarzyna J. Cwiertka, “Feeding the UN Troops
in the Korean War (1950-1953),” in Katarzyna J. Cwiertka
ed., Food and War in Mid-Twentieth-Century East Asia
(London: Routledge, 2013).
18.
Erin E. Murphy, “Whatever happened to
Geniponics?” IEEE Spectrum, 24.11 (1987):17.
19.
J. E. Board, “The engineered Tomato,” Electronics& Power, 27.3 (1981): 206.
20.
J. E. Board, “Corporatization war for ‘Plant
Factory’ ignited by the landing foreign capital,”
Diamond Weekly (May 31, 1980).
21.
Masaki Takatsuji, “The Birth of a Plant Factory –How this ingenious research got started,” Japan
Industrial Journal (1990).
22.
See Note 20.
23.
Hitachi Co. Ltd. and Granpa Co. Ltd. “Hitachi
and Granpa (Agricultural Venture Company ) agreed topromote cooperative agricultural businesses funded by
Hitachi,” Date created: May 8, 2013.
24 . Mirai Co. Ltd. and Japan GE Co. Ltd. “Mirai andGeneral Electric Company Japan will work toward theachievement of optimum environment control by using
IT technology at the artificial light plant factory to bebuilt in Takajô City, Miyagi Prefecture,” Date created:
April 4, 2012.
25.
Toshiba Co. Ltd. “Investment on solar energy
generation in Minamisoma city, Fukushima prefecture,”
Date created: May 29, 2012.
26.
Mitsubishi Plastics Co. Ltd. “Installment of solar
type plant factory in Nagahama factory, promoting
employment of disabled people,” Date created: Sep. 17,
2013.
27.
Naomi Klein “Shock Doctrine, the rise of disaster
capitalism,” Penguin (2008).
28.
Council on Competitiveness-Nippon (COCN),“Agriculture-commerce-industry cooperation – “plantfactory working committee” (2011).
29.
Eiji Gotô, “Agro-photonics toward the plant factory using LED”, CMC publisher (2008).
30.
See Note 28.
31.
Remarks by H. E. Mr. Shinzô Abe, Prime Minsiterof Japan, a the Qatar-Japan Business Forum,
Wednesday, August 28, 2013. http://japan.kantei.go.jp/96_abe/ statement/201308/28qatar_e.html, accessedon July 20, 2016.
32.
Jim Mason and Peter Singer, Animal Factories,
translated into Japanese by Osamu Takamatsu (Tokyo:
Gendai Shokan,1982).
33.
An Interview to the Vice President of Toshiba,“The coming two-three years are most important for the
LED illumination market”, Nikkei Micro Device (Nov. 4,2009), http://kenplatz.Nikkeibp.co.jp/article/building/news/20091104/536709/, accessed on July 20, 2016.
34.
See Note 28.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Board, J. E. “Corporatization war for ‘Plant Factory’ ignited by the landing foreign capital,” Diamond Weekly (May 31, 1980).
Board, J. E. “The engineered Tomato,”, Electronics & Power, 27.3 (1981): 206.
Council on Competitiveness-Nippon (COCN) 気噺盨暽ⲇ䥡鞻劋, “Agriculture- commerce- industry cooperation – “plantfactory working committee (ꀸ卲寊気噺‫כ‬䈰噺‫ס‬ꅙ䶏煝疴⚶֐嗘朮䈰㖪⮔璇⚶֐˒, 2011.
Cwiertka, Katarzyna J. “Feeding the UN Troops in the Korean War (1950-1953),” in Katarzyna J. Cwiertka ed., Food and
War in Mid-Twentieth-Century East Asia (London: Routledge, 2013).
Ep Heuvelink, “High Tech tomato production in the Netherlands” GPEC (Greenhouse Horticulture & Plant Factory
Exhibition and Conference), 2010.
Gotô, Eiji 䔿跥蝠⺶. “Agro-photonicsЯtoward the plant factory using LED (ؓ‫ء‬ٛ‫̸تؠؼعؚن‬؅⯈氠‫ג׊‬嗘朮䈰㖪؅‫ ”)י׊׉״‬CMC publisher (‫⮂٭بؙّ٭ب‬曫 , 2008.
Greenhouse Horticulture & Plant Factory Promotion Forum 2013 material 䌐䧯25䌑䍲偡陭㏡蛮٬嗘朮䈰㖪䱿ꅼ‫٭ؚن‬ّٚ魕倣鴤[Organizer: Japan Greenhouse Horticulture Association, Co-Organizer: Super Hort Project Conference,
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Essays  ٥ 㼭 锷 俑‫‪40‬‬‫‪虠䊛 屚‬‬‫כوشب٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئ‬‫‪┞脝㷋‬׾׌‪ꫀ‬מ⹳‪劔塌ꀸ噺册‬‬‫׀ט‪宜‬כوشبر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئ‬‫ف٭ئ‪؅‬כ׆ס٭ر٭‪佻䴈㒘ٛ‬׾׌‪佻䴈‬ך‪⪴䠊‬כ‪յ⥰舌‬י׊‪㸐‬מ٭ر٭‪佻ꏕ㒘ٛ‬׾׌‪佻ꏕ‬ךⲇ‬‫‪յ‬עמوشب٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئס׆‪ַֹն‬כ٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬‬‫‪ր⥰舌ց‬‬‫‪ր⪴䠊ց‬‬‫‪ց‬׊‪ր湕‬‬‫‪ց‬׀ט‪ր宜‬‬‫‪ր等䕑ց‬‬‫ֵֿ‪杅䖇‬סⶥַֹכ‪ց‬׽ׂט٭ؔطؼِٖؤ‪ꫀ┰ցր‬ס׫‪ր嚣䗻ⵊցր⩰锶ⲇցր㕂◜䔢ցր䧯ꩽ‬‬‫ײי׬‪脝㷋؅ꃍ‬ס׽ם⮔‪յ蔦‬יַחמ‪ց‬׀ט‪ր宜‬סיזכמ٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئ‪յ‬ע‪ն♀㎇‬׾‬‫‪յ‬כ׀ט‪宜‬ס׫‪⟤䗻‬׷ײ‪䘼ַꁎ‬ם‪摾䟨餟‬ס⮔‪蔦‬׵׿א‪յ‬׀ט‪宜‬׾׌‪㸐‬מ⮔‪յ蔦‬עח┞‪䘼ֹն‬כַג‬‫‪⥰舌‬כ‪ն幾ַ镸㷋‬׾ֵך׀ט‪宜‬ס׫‪յ潸䩘‬עח┞ֹ׵‪ն‬׾ֵך׀ט‪宜‬ס׫ث٭ؼס⮔‪蔦‬ס‪勓䓜‬‬‫٭ؼס׆‪ն‬׾׿ׂי׎־ט‪宜‬מث٭ؼס‪勓䓜‬׾ַיז‪䭥‬ס‪յ潸䩘‬ע׀ט‪宜‬ס׫‪յ潸䩘‬׌׼ג׵ֿ‬‫٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئֿס׾״׊׎ⳛ‪鉿‬י׊‪؅‬׼‪յ潸䩘蔦‬׀ט‪宜‬מ׿א׵‪յ潸䩘蔦麃‬ךכ׆׾׿‪闑‬מث‬‫‪ն‬׾ֻ‪脝‬כד⽱‪ꑕꑛ‬ס٭ر‬‫׀ט‪宜‬ס׫ⵊ‪⯸ꯙյ婩剱յ┞薭‬׾׻מײ‪䘼ַꁎ‬‬‫‪٬‬٭ؒنعت‪ٛ‬ؠכث‪ٓ٤‬ب‪ٜ٬‬ؙؼر‪䖥槏㳔脢‬ס‪յ稌㎼‬יַחמ‪⟤䗻‬׷ײ‪䘼ַꁎ‬ס‪摾䟨餟‬ס⮔‪蔦‬‬‫ֵ‪ַն‬ם׿׊׵־׾ַֿ☭ג‪锶‬ךه٭ٖز٭ٗ‪ٛٚ㵅닫ց؅‬إַםֻ‪ր锶‬גז‪ֿ鉿‬ت‪ٛ‬هٔز‬‫מ‪☭ֿⳛ氺‬׾׌‪ٜ؅‬٭ٍعشآتف‪նր‬ג׿ׂי׎‪ⳛ氺؅锶‬סאך⚶‪겏‬ס‪舓〉ֿ劸‬ס☭┞‪傽յ‬׾‬‫‪յ‬כ׾؂‪ַֹնⳛ氺؅锶箽‬כ‪ַնց‬׈דׂיֻ‪㎇俙؅俙‬ג׊تقֿ‪篁‬ג‪յ溮ַ劚؅濪‬ךס׾ׂי⮂‬‫‪؅锶‬ס׾⮗‪ֿٛٚ埭‬إך╚ס‪նրⳛ氺‬גז‪ֹ阋‬׆מ؀׳׵ֽ‪յ‬מ׍׎‪㎇俙؅鮐ゼ‬ג׊تق‪յ‬ע‪䔦‬‬‫┞ֹ׵‪յ‬׊־׊‪ַնց‬םַי‪锶‬י‪؆‬ם‪ٛٚ‬إ‪ն‬ם־ף‪նր✇؅‬גז‪ֹ䘼‬׆‪յ‬ע⮔‪նց蔦‬־ג׊ױ‬‫‪41‬‬‫‪♧罋㻊‬׷ׅ‪ꟼ‬ח⿹‪剣堣鴋噟兛‬הفحء‪٦‬ت‪ٔ٦‬ز‪ٝ‬غ‪٦‬؟‬‫‪╚؅յ‬ס‪ꈷ䩘‬׾׌‪ٜ؅‬٭ٍعشآتفֿ‪ٛٚ‬إם׀‪㝕‬ך╚ס‪ⳛ氺‬מ־‪ն牞‬ג׊‪덺䟲‬י‪䍲ⳛ氺؅锶‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךסגַיַ‪澵؆╚؅婧‬ל‪յ‬׵׿א‬‫◩׽ױח‪勒盚玗篑յ‬׾ַי׊‪䱸‬כ‪յ㜽汔‬עסַֹכ‪莊‬ס☭‪յ‬כ׾׻מ‪䖥槏㳔脢‬׷‪莊璇㳔脢‬‬‫י׬׌‪؅‬כ׆׾׋‪䠊‬ך‪ն◩䠊‬׾ֵךֹאֹױ׊י׊‪⭦槏‬י׊‪؅澈汻‬ל‪؆‬כ׮ס‪䝠㖥‬׾׋‪䠊‬ך‪䠊‬‬‫‪ն‬׾׌‪⺅䰌ꈷ䫘‬מ‪䝠㖥؅莊ֿ蔦ⳛ溷‬׾ֵס‪ꫀ䖥‬מ⮔‪յ┞ꌃ蔦‬״ג׾ׁ‪䝠㖥ꓪֿ㝂ꇃ‬עמ׾׌‪⭦槏‬‬‫‪ַֹնմ‬כֹױ׊י׊ⵊ‪䝠㖥؅⯸ꯙյ婩剱յ┞薭‬ע‪갾յ莊‬סא‬‫כעמ‪ꀸ噺‬ם‪ֿ䭥籽⺪茣‬כ׆׾‪岺؅㴕‬ס‪յ蔦撬‬י׊‪劔塌ꀸ噺؅ꄼ‬עך‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓ‪յ‬ףֻ❛‬‫‪յ‬כ׾׌‪ꀸ赟؅㝂氠‬׷‪ׂյⵊ㳔良倣‬םכ׆׌‪ն劔塌朮؅偡‬׾׌‪؅ⲇ鞃‬כ׆ַֹכ׾ֵך⮗‪㝕‬׵י‬‫‪յ洠‬׊▋‪ِ٤ֿ姊‬ذل׷‪յ䕻ꓪ锡筶‬׵ך‪皑嵞‬עׄ־‪锶‬ע‪յꓩ褺✑朮‬׿׈‪㎒穌圸ꅎֿ熏㚷‬ס‪㏸㚺‬‬‫׊י׊▸ׂ׊‪؅詇‬ت‪ٚ٤‬فס‪յ气䡢笠‬׊‪㝘信ֿ媃忶‬׷‪յ䕻气朮‬מ׼׈‪ն‬׾ױ‪脸䙎ֿ䒘‬ס׫‪㵬輮‬‬‫‪僃ַյր洠㵬輮ցֿ㝕‬ס‪ٜ‬ؠؕئنؕ‪ٚ‬׽׻‪յ㝘信‬׽םמ‪┮⣌䎘‬ע‪畉朮‬׷‪篙卸յꓩ褺‬סא‪ֹն‬ױ‬‫׆׾ׂח‪㏸؅‬ם‪ն⣌䎘‬׾‪ꯚ‬מ‪ַֹ䜬䕱欎‬כׂ‪ꀸ赟؅丵‬מ׼׈‪յ‬ע‪յꀸ宐‬י׊ׂ־‪ն‬׾׌‪ꓪ溪气‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךס׾ֿםחמ✄‪麃‬ם‪⣌䎘‬ס‪ֿյ☭ꪨ‬׿׆‪յ‬׽ֿםחמכ׆׾✑‪؅‬ס׵׬‪낛‬ם‪յ⣌䎘‬עכ‬‫כֹ׻׊⹳‪劔塌ꀸ噺؅册‬ך٭ؔطؼِٖؤס⮔‪蔦‬׉ַ‪յ‬יז‪⟤䗻؅䭥‬ס׆ֿ‪յⶻ噺气‬׊־׊‬‫ؾ‪յ‬י׊א‪ն‬׾׌כג׊‪؅呭㕆‬بؤ‪ٓٞ‬ؗعֿ‪ꀸ宐‬׾ֵ‪ն‬׾־חשמ‪⟤䗻‬ס⯁הױהג‪յ‬כ׾׌‬‫ם‪赟‬׌‪ِ؅嫣‬ثؾע‪ꀸ宐‬סא‪յ‬כ׾׌ֹא‪ն‬׾׌כג׿׼׷י⪢‪յ⹺疛朮؅‬י׊‪ֿِ㝕ꓪ溪气‬ث‬‫ל‪؆‬כ׮‪ն㵅갾յ‬׾םמֹ׻ח‪ַֹ䒣ַ⟤䗻؅䭥‬כַם׀ךעכ׆׾✑‪؅‬بؤ‪ٓٞ‬ؗع‪յ‬י׊ׂ‬‫‪ն‬־ֹ؀דַםעךס׾ַיֻ‪脝‬כַ‪ꁿ‬מ‪┮⺪茣‬עכ׆׾׌‪✑朮؅呭㕆‬ך׊ם‪ꀸ宐ֿꀸ赟‬ס‬‫סלס‪⚶獗‬סל‪ն‬׾םמֹ׻׾׌‪؅嗱筺‬׽־ף‪ⲯׂꀸ赟‬מِثؾע‪յ莊‬כַ‪⟤䗻ֿ䒣‬ס׆‬‫׷‪⺪茣䙎‬ס♑‪յ‬מ‪ն⹸㸐‬׾ֵךסַֿׂ‪潨‬מ׽־ף׿א‪յ‬־׾ֵך❿‪㴗‬ך‪ⲯ卸溷‬׵‪ꀸ赟ֿյ劄‬‬‫‪摾‬ע‪؅莊‬כ׆ס‪릲յ边‬׷‪桨‬׾ַיֻ؂ׂ‪ِ؅‬ثؾ‪ַն‬ם־ט‪宜‬׵יזֵ‪յ‬ע‪䝠㖥‬׾׌‪ꫀ‬מ׿א‬‫זםמכ׆גז־ם‪ַն锶‬ם׿׈‪յ䟨餟‬׵יַיֻ‪锶‬מ‪ֿ潨‬׿א‪ֹն‬ױ׊י׊‪⯸ꯙ‬מהֹס‪䟨餟‬‬‫‪ַնꄊ‬ם׼ם׵מ‪宜‬לםכ׆ס‪喖‬׳⛿‪؆‬׈ׂגֿ‪㝘信‬סِثؾ‪յ‬׷י׊ױ‪ն‬׾ֵךסֹױ׊י‬‫‪嗱筺‬׵חַ‪յ‬ע‪؅莊‬כ׆סא‪յ‬כ׾ַיז‪䭥‬מ‪ַֹゼַ؅䊬‬כ־ֹ‪䕋‬מ‪岺‬ס‪蔦撬‬יז׷ֹלמ‬‫־׾׌כֹֽ‪ն篙卸յ桨؅냣‬׾׌כֹ׻׊‪յゼ꾴؅⩴劚‬׊‪յ煝疴‬״‪ն䝠㖥؅겏‬׾םמֹ׻׾׌‬‫ס׵ס⯁‪ׂյ‬םךبؤ‪ٓٞ‬ؗع‪յ‬עגױ‪ַն‬ם׿׊׵־׾׌כֹ׻׊‪յ喖؅⫙气‬׊ַם׿׊׵‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵך׍ע׾ֵ׵ך׼ַׂע‪ַն⺪茣䙎‬ם׿׊׵־׾׌כֹֽ‪䕋‬מ‪岺‬ס‪蔦撬‬י׊‪؅呭㕆‬‬‫מ‪յ䊬‬כ׾ׁ׌‪ַֹ⟤䗻ֿ䒣‬כֹ‪䕋‬מ‪岺‬ס‪蔦撬‬מ⮔‪ն蔦‬׾‪䕑‬׽׆‪鱍‬׵כ׆ַֹֹ׆‪յ‬גױ‬‫‪ն‬׾םמ‪ֿ宜‬׽־ף‪ꀸ宐‬׾ַיז❈‪ꀸ赟؅‬׷‪ⵊ㳔良倣‬עך‪յ匆‬ךס׾ֵמ‪ꀸ噺ֿ䟨餟‬ם‪䭥籽⺪茣‬‬‫‪յ‬׵י׊׽גַך‪؆‬׊‪蝆‬ך‪յ⡊ꓭ‬׽גזד‪յ㲳❵ֿ洠宜‬׽גזֵמ‪ⷩ塌‬ס‪☭ֿ곐㨰‬סא‪յ‬י׊א‬‫ס‪յ潸䩘‬מ‪յ免‬ע‪莊‬׾ֵֿ‪䟨餟‬מ׽־ף‪ֹնꀸ赟‬ױ׊י׊׽־ף‪需‬ס‪ꀸ赟‬׍־ט‪宜‬מכ׆סא‬‫מ‪ַꀸ宐‬ם־‪ꫀ䖥؅䫱‬מ‪յ劔塌ꀸ噺‬׍־ט‪宜‬מ‪ַ潨‬םס⩱‪ַ阋訪յ‬ם׊ס׽▗‪宜‬׷‪ַ銨䝠‬׊‪䜸‬‬‫‪ꫀ䖥‬ס✇מ־‪؆‬ם‪劔塌ꀸ噺‬ע☭ס‪յ匆‬י׊א‪ֹն‬ױ׊י׊‪婩剱‬כ׾ַי׊‪⹸䫎‬מ⮔‪յ蔦‬י׊‪㸐‬‬‫‪ն‬דסֹױ׊י׊ⵊ‪┞薭‬כַם׵‬‫‪⟤䗻‬ס⮔‪㝕ꌃ⮔؅蔦‬סס׵ג׋‪䠊‬ס׵גַ‪臝‬ס׵ג‪յ蔦⮔ֿ锶‬מ‪䊬‬ע‪莊‬ס☭‪յ‬מ‪뀸‬ם‪؆‬׆‬‫ׂ‪臝‬עהגגםֵ‪ւ‬מ‪ֹն臉剹‬ױ׊י׊ⵊ‪յ⯸ꯙյ婩剱յ┞薭‬מהֹס‪յ摾䟨餟‬ךײ‪䘼ַꁎ‬׷‬‫‪ꇶ‬ע‪յ膀‬׽‪ꔽ‬ע‪䖥‬ס‪宐‬ס׆‪ַն‬ם״‪霼‬י׊‪ֿյ尴‬׾‪锶‬עמ׾‪յ锶‬׍׎‪槏闋‬י׊‪臝ֿׂյ尴‬עמ‬‫‪虠䊛屚‬‬‫ך‪ׂյ䖥‬םכ׆ׂ‪臝‬ך‪ׂյ膀‬םכ׆׾‪锶‬ך‪潨‬ע׼‪յ䔦‬י׊ֹ׆‪ն‬גזױ׊י׋‪ꪘ‬ע‪յ潨‬׽םׂ‬‫⮔‪ն蔦‬׾ֵכ‪ؕ  皹  硼‬ذُ‪ַնփ‬ם׈׷ַ‪؅‬׼‪䔦‬ע׊ג؂‪ַն‬ם״‪յ䜅ַ侉‬׍׎‪槏闋‬‬‫‪յ‬׽םׂםֻ‪յ锶‬מ׈ױ‪յ‬כַםַיַט‪宜‬מث٭ؼס‪勓䓜‬ס‪յ潸䩘‬׊‪؅蔦镊‬ײ‪䘼ַꁎ‬׷‪⟤䗻‬ס‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךסֹױ׊יזםׂם׀ך‪յ槏闋‬׽םׂםֻ׆‪臝‬‬‫ز٭‪ٞ‬وؓס⦍ⶾ׾׻מ‪⪴䠊‬כ‪⥰舌‬‬‫‪ّյ峒‬ث‪ٛ‬׷⼔⽿ס‪յ潸䩘‬׊ױ‪◩䠊؅煝ׁ慙‬ס⮔‪蔦‬׵חַ‪յ‬ע٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئא׆׼־ד‬‫‪յ潸‬׊‪⥰舌‬יז‪峜䟨؅䩧‬׵מⵊ‪㜟‬ם־⥾ַם׼םמ‪ׂյ阋訪‬םךׄד‪յ阋訪‬׼ֿם׎؂⻉מⳛ‬‫⪴‪ն‬׾׌‪⪴䠊‬מث٭ؼַ‪幾‬׾ֵמ╚ס‪յ潸䩘‬׊⮂‪⪴ꄼ掾؅锶‬סכ‪յ潸䩘‬י׊‪┾汔镸؅㸥ꓨ‬ס‪䩘‬‬‫٭‪րٛ‬ס׆‪ն‬׾םמֹ׻׌ׯ⹳‪䔔꼸؅‬י׊‪⪴䮴յ⪴럭‬מַ◦ֽ‪յ‬ףי‪ն⟤꾙ֿ芌‬ח‪⟤꾙ֿ芌‬ע׼־‪䠊‬‬‫ֻ‪瞩‬סא‪յ潸䩘؅‬יַיז‪ֿ瞩ֻ؅䭥‬٭ر٭‪յٛ‬׀כַֹכ׾׌غ٭‪ٛ‬ע‪ֿյ䧰չ‬׾ֵך‪ց‬غ‬‫ס٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئ‪յ‬׊־׊‪ַն‬ם׿׊׵־׾ֵֿכ׆ח‪؅䭥‬ة٭ْؕםֹ׻ַֹכׂ‪㸬‬מ‬‫⪴ֿ‪☭չ‬כ⮔‪յ蔦‬׵׽׻ַֹכׂ‪☭չ؅㸬‬מ‪٘٤‬ةلח‪蔦麃ֿ䭥‬٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئ‪յ‬ע׿א‬‫⪴י׊⦍ⶾ‪鉿ⳛ؅‬׷‪٘٤‬ةلַ׻׽׻‪յ‬׼ֿםַ⻉׊‪䔔꼸‬מַ◦‪յ‬יַט‪宜‬מث٭ؼס‪澵‬ס‪ꄼ‬‬‫‪ׂյ埭‬םעך‪潨納‬׼־┪‪յ‬ע٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئ‪ն‬׾ׂ׽ׂז׊ֿ‪偙‬גז‪阋‬כַׂי׊‪ⱁꅎ‬מ‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךס׾׌כֹ׻׊‪䧯ꩽ‬מ⪴ך‪潨納‬׼־‬‫‪潨埉ꇖ‬סعؠؘة‪ٞ‬و‪յ‬י׊ף‪낗‬ז׌‪յ⥰舌յ⪴䠊յ⟤꾙ꫀ➳؅‬׵ך‪ꪛ溪‬٭ؔطؼِٖؤ‬‫׆ַ‪㝂‬כ‪؆‬םֿعؠؘة‪ٞ‬و׾׌כֹ׻׊〉ⳛ‪յ☭չ؅‬י׊‪┾汔镸؅摾镄‬ס‪յ潸䩘‬מ״גס‪䧯‬‬‫ⳛמ‪䭥籽溷‬מ‪ն☭؅勓䓜‬׾ֵךغ٭‪ٝ‬ق‪٤‬؛סعؠؘة‪ٞ‬وם‪յ䭥籽┮⺪茣‬ע‪ֹն篙卸‬؀דכ‬‫דوشب٭ر٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئס‪յ澵‬ג׿׈־ⳛ׀‪痒‬מث٭ؼם⮗‪㝕‬ך‪册ꇀ溷‬ס‪յ☭ꪨ‬עס׌־‬‫‪ն‬׾ֻ‪脝‬כ‬‫ز٭‪ٞ‬وؓס׫ث٭ؼם⮗‪㝕‬מ‪册ꇀ溷‬ס‪☭ꪨ‬‬‫׵‪٘٤‬ب٭آؼِٖؤ‪ֿյ긊函ⲇ溷‬׾ֵ‪؆‬׈ׂגעס׵ג׿ׂי׊׼ג׵‪؅‬׀ט‪宜‬‬‫‪յ‬עך‪ն‬׾ֵ׵ךח┞ס‪ٜ‬٭ص‪٘٤‬ب٭آؼِٖؤםⲇ‪䒣‬׾ֻ┰‪䔔꼸؅‬מ‪յ☭չ‬ךח┞סא‬‫‪յ‬כ׆׾׿׼׿⪜ׄ⺇‪յ‬כ׆ֹ׼׵י״‪ն霼‬׾ַי׋⟤כ׾ֵֿث٭ؼם⮗‪㝕‬מ‪册ꇀ溷‬עמ‪☭ꪨ‬‬‫‪յ䌐⾔յ鞪⾔յ‬צ‪ٓؓյㄻ‬٭ٗ‪յ‬כ׆׾׿׈‪յ⪴䠊յ䠀յ㴗䖥յ㴗⪢յ㴗㴻յ⟤꾙յ槏闋‬׽׷ַ‪䘼‬‬‫‪ն‬לםלם‪朮յ寊յ⚪䛈յ䧯ꩽյ䉤劳յ⹧Ⲏյ蔦䉁銨槁յ蔦氮յꈷ䫘յ栃皑‬׬‪䌐瞏յ耘յ疾宜յ낛‬‬‫٭ؼסא‪ն‬׾ֵ׵כ׆ַםַיַט‪宜‬מث٭ؼסא‪ֿյ‬׾׌ⳛ‪鉿‬מ״ג׌ג‪؅彸‬ث٭ؼסאע☭‬‫ث٭ؼס‪勓䓜‬ס‪潸䩘‬׷⮔‪蔦‬׾ֵמ‪㞺‬ס‪ն䠊䝠‬׾׿‪槁‬מ‪䠊䝠‬ע־ַםַ‪յ‬־׾ַי׿׈ג‪ֿ彸‬ث‬‫٭‪ٛ‬ع‪٤‬ف٭ئ‪ն‬׾‪ֿ闋‬־ַַף׿׌‪䱸‬מ‪潸䩘‬׷⮔‪蔦‬יז‪؅䭥‬׽׷ַ‪ֹ䘼‬ל‪յ‬׀כגַט‪宜‬מ‬‫‪ׄյ‬ט‪☭չ؅ⳛ塌‬׷⮔‪յ蔦‬ךכ׆׾׌‪⪴䠊‬מث٭ؼס‪☭ꪨ‬ם‪册ꇀ溷‬ס׆‪յ‬יז׻מ‪⥰舌‬ע٭ر‬‫‪ַׂն‬י׊‪鉿ⳛ؅ⱁꅎ‬‬‫‪42‬‬

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‫‪49‬‬‫׃׋׻ה‪韀‬ך⼏♧‬‫מ┪♧‪ր⣷⾄㍊ցյ寊؅䖩锡‬׾ׄ‪籽‬׊‪⾄㍊‬מסַםַיז⪜ֿ‪넍‬מ╚ס⺚‪ցյ‬׽׋־‪ր吁‬׾ׄ‪籽‬‬‫ע‪气氙䙎‬׵יׂם؂❈‪ٜ؅‬٭عت‪ն㠑㦝‬׾׌‪沌䊬鉿ⳛֿ⮂槁‬גזַכ‪ր㝂냊鉿ⳛց‬׾ׄ‪籽‬ײ‪냊‬‬‫‪㲳‬ס׽־ףג׿ױ‪ն气‬דס׾ַיׄ‪籽‬׿؂❈‪յ‬׍׼؂‪ꫀ‬׵מ׾ַי׀יז־؂ֿכ׆ַםה‪訒‬‬‫מ״ג׃‪؅ꮐ‬כ׆ׂח⥣י׿ױ‪㊖‬מ‪骢‬ס♑‪յ‬׿׈‪⮗ꯙ؅‬ס‪枤婱‬ס״גַםׄח⥣‪յ◦ַ؅‬ע‪骢‬‬‫ױ‪յ气‬י׊כ‪؅潨溷‬כ׆׾ֻ‪յ䙎鉿ⳛ؅䫅‬כ׆ַםׄח‪蔫؅‬ت؛מ‪յ舸‬גױ‪ն‬׾׿؂‪偂㹼ֿ鉿‬‬‫ַםֿ‪㵬‬ג׊ַג‪յ‬׵יׂם׊ע‪⮗ꯙ‬ס‪ն枤婱‬׾׿׈‪偡‬ך‪㜽璇溷⹛ֿ⳰摾묄ꏣ‬מ⫐♧‪  傽‬י׿‬‫ג׾׿׈‪㺵汫‬ך‪ַֹ蝄벉‬כ‪劓벉  ֐  ग‬؜  ‪舸气氙氠骢ֿ笴‬׵⳰⹛‪ն‬׾ַיז־؂ֿכ׆‬‫⮔ⶥכ‪넍‬ם‪յꈌ婞‬גױ׵׽׋־‪ն㹼‬׾ֵֿ⼴‪㖥‬סכַםל׮׿אע‪ゼ꾴‬סⳛ‪䙎鉿‬׷‪蔫‬ت؛‪յ‬״‬‫׼׆‪鱍‬ל‪؆‬כ׮ףֻ‪냣‬ך‪냣芌㶔䍲‬ם‪؅┰ֻյꈌ婞‬לם‪㏸‬׾׀ךסכ׆׾‪䱡‬׷‪寊؅┰ֻյ٠ٚ‬ם‬‫‪յ‬تؕت׷ ‪ &6‬עי׊‪ꫀ‬מ‪ٜ‬٭عت‪յ㠑㦝‬עך‪卹䏺Qն┾汔‬׾ַי׿׈⼴‪㖥‬כַם‬‫״‪婝‬ײ‪ն浌‬׾ַי׿׈‪珡婝‬ךלםرػ؜‪ٚٛؓյ‬عت٭؛׷غ‪ٚ٤‬٭ة٭ٖؼ‪  䈣յ‬ס‪稌㎼‬‬‫‪ն偂㹼‬׾ַי׿׈‪珡婝‬ך٭ؘؗ‪ٜ‬ؿ‪յ‬صؕغ‪յ‬ر‪ٚ٤‬؛‪յ‬ؠ٭ُ‪٤‬ظ‪յ‬ע⳰⹛סך׊ם‪묄ꏣ‬׷‬‫‪յ‬עיַחמ׽⮗‪ն婱‬׾ַי׿׈‪珡婝‬ךؓؼؓع‪յٛ‬غ‪ؔ٤ٚ٤‬ن‪٤յ‬ظ٭ؘؗت‪յ‬עיַחמ‬‫‪؅‬ס׵סא‪⮗偂‬ס‪婱‬עך٭ؘؗ‪ٜ‬ؿ‪յ‬ؠ٭ُ‪٤‬ظ‪ն‬׾ַי׿׈‪珡婝‬עכ׆ֹ‪鉿‬מ‪傽䊬溷‬עך ‪&6‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ַי׊‪珡婝‬‬‫‪朙‬‬‫׈׀‪ַ㝕‬ם׼؂‪㜟‬כ✄ס⮔‪յ蔦‬׵׀כ׾‪㷆‬׵׀כ׾׌‪䱖岡‬׵׀כ׾׬‪؅낛‬ئؙ‪յ‬ע‪►朙‬ס‪傽勓‬‬‫יזכמ‪ֿյ朙‬ד‪硄槏ֿ㵼儅‬עיזכמ‪ն气氙脢‬׾ַי׿׈‪ׁ냣ַց‬םח‪ր‬ך╚ס‪ٜ‬٭عتס‬‫‪ց‬צ‪ր蕨ꆸ‬׾םמ‪㎦곓‬׼׌‪婧鉿‬״גס‪ꆻⳛ┮鳉‬ע‪朙‬ס‪ׁ냣ַց‬םח‪նր‬׾ֵךت‪ٝ‬عت‪؆‬؀ה׵ע‬‫‪ⷩ㵬‬מ‪յ☭ꪨ‬גױ‪ն‬׾ֵֿ‪䔔꼸‬׵מ‪⣌䎘枱䡢‬ס‪յ䖥麃‬לם׾׿׼ײׂ׻ֿⳛ‪沌䊬鉿‬׾׿ף⽿כ‬‫מ⩰‪밮‬ס‪㝂ַն朙‬׵כ׆׾׿؂‪鉿‬מ׊ם‪ցֿ묄ꏣ‬׽⮗‪յր閣‬ך‪ַֹ槏氮‬כ׾ֵֿ‪⺪茣䙎‬׾ֻ┰‪؅‬‬‫‪յ‬׵מ♑סא‪ն‬׾׿׼ֵֿׄ‪疮‬מ‪밮‬ך‪⮎朮‬ך׊ם‪묄ꏣ‬ע‪ꄼ䊬‬ע‪갾‬׾ׄח‪յ‬׵‪؆ց‬־‪ր밮‬׾ַיַח‬‫►‪䶗‬גױ‪յ‬כ׆׾ֵך‪┮愃‬׊‪✄؅尀‬ס‪朙‬י׿‪闑‬מ‪䱖岡朮‬ס‪㖪⻉յ㹸㹼ֿ䌼‬ס‪朙蕪‬סַ‪ׁ냣‬םח‬‫‪ֿյ㹸㹼؅‬ס׾׿׼כ‪갾‬ס׆‪ն‬׾ֵֿכ׆׾׿؂‪յ偂㹼ֿ鉿‬ך‪ַֹ槏氮‬כ׾םמ‪ꊤ땲‬מ׀כס‬‫‪ն‬׾ה‪訒‬מ‪蔦撬‬ע‪յ㹸㹼‬ךכ׆׾׎׈‪ն箖苣؅㚷媃‬ד‪ַֹ偙岺‬כ׾״‪ׂ紛‬ח׀ךלםغ‪٤‬فّإ‬‫׼ֻ┰‪ր懍⸦냣倣ց؅‬ג׏‪庋‬מ‪յ畉꿔؅㝕ꓪ‬מ״ג׾׌מ‪舸‬׽‪굤ꮳ‬׳‪յ傽勓☭ֿ㟱‬ע‪낛舸氠朙‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךت‪ٝ‬عتם‪㝕㜟‬ף׿כמהג‪朙‬ס‪յ蠗낛‬״ג׾׿׼ֻ┰ֿ‪懍⸦냣倣‬מⰺ‪‬ס‪ն넍‬׾ַי׿‬‫‪յ‬מ״ג׾׿⪜‪؅‬بئ‬‫‪յ‬׽ֵ׵‪䪫銉‬׾׎׈▋‪ِ٤ " ؅姊‬ذل‪յ‬י׊‪璻‬כ‪ٜց‬٭‪ٞ‬ع‪٤‬ؤ‪ِ٤‬ذل‪ր‬‬‫‪ַֹն‬כ׾ַ׵‪ֹ朙‬ױ׊י׊‪篙卸㝤僻‬סא‬‫םע‪岺䔾‬׾ֵסⲇ‪岺溷䬭匙‬סיַחמַ‪䪒‬סך‪ꀸ㖪‬ס‪յ朙‬עך ‪ն&6‬־ֹלע⻔ⳛס‪┾汔‬‬‫‪յ㜽‬־׮׾ַי׿׈‪յ偂㹼ֿ珡婝‬עך‪ր⳹⼴ց‬׾ַי״‪ٜ؅㴻‬٭‪ٜ‬סיַחמַ‪䪒‬ס‪ַֿյ朙‬‬‫מ‪傽䊬溷‬׵יַחמ׽⮗‪閣‬עך‪ն蝠㎼‬׾ַי׿׈‪珡婝‬׵כ׆ֹ‪؅鉿‬׽⮗‪閣‬מ׍׎‪⭦翝؅‬ם‪璇溷‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ַי׿׈‪珡婝‬עכ׆ֹ‪鉿‬‬

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ס‬겏笴溷㝕锺埛汫氙‫ⰶסאכ‬氙朮‫ַכ׾׻מ‬ֹ鞃‫י״⮴ע‬臝ׂ需‫ֹ؀דַםעך‬ն廛㵍ⲯ卸‫מت؝‬ꮹ‫׍׼‬յ槁㐂‫ס‬汫氙‫ס‬㐂‫׽‬偙ֿ欎㘶‫מ‬㸐‫י׊‬鱍‫׾ַי׊׆‬ゼ꾴‫ע‬յ♑‫׵מ‬寊‫ס‬嶚魀յ꯽‫׷‬嶮‫ס‬尀叉յُؓ‫د‬٤‫ס‬斪䊝곝卲熏㚷‫לם‬յ‫׆‬‫׿אך׆‬؅獏‫ס״ג׌‬俙㲻؅⺅‫ׂם׵ךױ׾ׅ┪׽‬饗韢‫׾ֵךכ׆׾ַי׿׈‬ն‫ך׆׆‬瑭ֿ☭✄‫מ‬潲䱸ꫀ➳‫מֹ׻ַםס‬䘼ֻ‫׾‬㵵汫䠊叉洤‫׷‬欎㘶熏㚷յ尀叉‫ךױ‬؅⻻‫י״‬☭ꪨ‫מ‬㸐‫׾׌‬ゼ꾴‫עסג׊כ‬յ‫םֹ׻ס׆‬ゼ꾴‫ס‬饗韢‫ע‬յ☭ꪨ‫מ‬䔔꼸ֿ⹳‫⺪ש‬茣䙎ֿ⮔‫יז־‬‫ׂ׷ֹ׻‬㢼‫׾ֵך׼־׾ױ‬ն‫ע׿א‬嚋韢؅ַֻ‫ף‬յ☭ꪨ‫ַֹכ‬气⾀✄‫מ‬䔔꼸ֿ‫ַף׼םסַם‬ׂ‫׵ך׼‬蔦撬؅䶗⺅‫☭כַ׻׵י׊‬ꪨ‫ע‬脝ֻ‫ַֹכ׾ַי‬槏韢‫ֿ׾םמ‬յ媘䗻‫׼ֿם‬յ☭ꪨ⠥☭ֿ‫ֹא‬䟨餟‫⻉סא׵כׂםַי׊‬䟨‫┾כ׵ס‬汔ֿⳛַ‫ַם״⻲עכ׆׾ַי‬ն‫‪51‬‬‫׃׋׻ה‪韀‬ך⼏♧‬‫‪ゼ꾴‬׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪ⳛ朮‬‬‫ُؼؓ‪ն‬׾ֵך‪ゼ꾴‬ס‪յր⡠槏ց‬ע‪ٜ‬عؠيסח┞ֹ׵׾׌‪嚣䗻؅圸䧯‬סؘؓن‪ٜ‬ؘؗ‪ُٜ‬ؼؓ‬‫ֹ׻׾ַי׊כ‪⟛⣌؅潨溷‬׷‪⣌䎘‬ס‪ⳛ朮‬׵‪ր㵵汫䠊叉洤ց‬׾ַי׿׈‪饗韢‬ך┪ؘؓن‪ٜ‬ؘؗ‪ٜ‬‬‫‪⡠‬עך׆׆‪յ‬״גס‪꽃潨‬׾ַי׿؂⻉׊‪需‬ך⻉‪ꌬ‬ס‪☭ꪨ‬׽ױח‪汫氙噺汔յ‬׵׿׆‪ֿյ‬׾ֻ‪锶‬מ‬‫כֵד‪ꪨ갾յ媃؆‬ן‪媃‬׼־י׿ױ‪气‬עך־םסّطتبס‪汫氙‬ס‪ն槁㐂‬׾׌⹳‪阋‬ײס‪ゼ꾴‬ס‪槏‬‬‫ס׽־ף‪؆‬؂‪阋‬כַםעמ‪ⳛ朮‬׵ֻ׈⾀‪气‬עמַח‪յ玗篑笠յ䠊䝠յ焒䙎յ‬׵יז‪蔷‬מ‪⭦槏‬ס‬‫סגזױ׊יזַ׫׆לַגזַע‪☭ꇓ溷䠊镊‬ס‪յ☭ꪨ‬׊‪㸐‬מ‪媘軩䙎‬ס׆‪ն‬׾ַי׿׈ַֿ‪䪒‬‬‫ז׍׵⩰ס׆ֿ‪ն☭ꪨ‬׾ֵך‪韢槏‬׾׌⼯‪⡠槏 ؅‬ם‪筙穀‬׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪ֿյⳛ朮‬ס׾ַיׄ‪䱧‬צ⽿כ־‬‫‪䪒‬׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪յⳛ朮‬׵י׊כ׾ַי׊‪汫氙؅‬ס‪䓺‬׾ױ⹺מ‪䕱欎‬ס‪յ蔦撬‬םֹ׻׾״⛿מ┪‪㐌槉‬כ‬‫כג‪ն‬׾ֵךכ׆ס‪潨‬ס‪䖥‬׾ײכד‪偙؅ゼ꾴‬׽‪㐂‬ס‪汫氙‬סא‪յ‬ע⻉‪㖪‬גזֵךס׵ם‪ַֿ媘軩‬‬‫‪窢‬עַ׾ֵ‪麃✄溷‬מ‪ⳛ朮‬ס♑סאעַ׾ֵ‪յ‬׽⮗‪յ偂㹼յ閣‬׽⮗‪婱‬׷⳰⹛םֹ׻ס‪յ⯼ꃍ‬ףֻ‬‫מ‪潲䱸溷‬ך┪ַׂיז‪气嵛؅ꃻ‬ם‪䭥籽⺪茣‬מ‪յ☭ꪨֿ朮槏溷‬ע‪鉿掿‬םֹ׻׾ֻ┰‪؅‬ײ‪浌‬ם‪玗溷‬‬‫ⳛ‪ ‬ס׆‪ն‬׾ֵךַ‪ַֹゼ‬כ‪յ‬־ֹ؀דסַ׊‪婞‬מ‪☭ꇓ溷‬ע‪鉿掿‬ס׼׿א‪ֿյ‬דכ׆ַםס➳‪ꫀ‬ע‬‫ؘؗ‪ُٜ‬ؼؓף؂ַ‪յ‬׀‪䍇ꪛ‬ס‪갾‬׾׌‪ؓ؅鞃僻‬ؘن‪ٜ‬ؘؗ‪ُٜ‬ؼؓ‪յ‬ע‪⣨긖‬ס ‪⡠槏‬׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪朮‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ֻ‪脝‬ע‪瑭‬כ׾ַי׊‪塌茣‬י׊כ ‪ 꿁‬סؘؓن‪ٜ‬‬‫عؠؘة‪ٞ‬و‪؆‬׶ה‪؆‬׈‬‫‪瑭‬׍ױ‪ն‬׾ֵךײ‪篁‬׽⺅גײ‪؅雧‬ز٭‪ٞ‬وؓמ‪ٜ‬عؠيסח  ס׆עعؠؘة‪ٞ‬و‪؆‬׶ה‪؆‬׈‬‫ס‪ꇃ㶔냣芌յ嬎骢‬סךت٭ًتַ‪ն栄‬גײ‪؅雧‬כ׆ח‪皑‬מ‪皑㖪‬ס‪汫氙ꀸ㵵‬י׊‪✄닫؅ꄼ‬ס׆ע‬‫׾ַי׿׈כ‪ゼ꾴‬יַֽמ‪汫氙‬ס‪յ槁㐂‬ל׮ַםֿ׽׀ף׿״‪㢼‬ׅ‪䮕‬כ‪ٜ냣芌յ⹛⳰յ‬٭عت‬‫ַי׿׈‪偙ֿ类籽‬׽‪㐂‬ס‪汫氙‬ס‪䕋匡‬׵יַֽמ‪槁㐂‬׍׼؂‪ꫀ‬׵מ׿א‪ֿյ‬׾ֵ‪؆‬׈ׂגעכ׆‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵך׍ע׾ֵֿ‪槏氮‬ס׽ם׿א‪յ‬עמס׾‬‫מ╚ס┾‪նր‬גזֵֿכ׆ג‪؅䕑‬צ‪㳔‬םֹ׻ס׆ך╚׾ׄ⺇‪煝⟵؅‬י׊כ‪㳔气‬ך‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓ‬‫‪յ‬׊־׊‪ն‬׾ֻ‪脝‬כ ‪ 簮㸐䜬‬עהג‪؅瑭‬הג☭׾ַי׊‪ ؅‬כ׆ַ‪յ䜬‬׽ֵֿ‪ゼ꾴‬סׂ‪㝂‬ע‬‫‪圸‬ס⚶‪獗‬עַ׾ֵ‪յ‬׽גזֵֿ‪ַ槏氮‬ם׿׼ֻ‪㜟‬׵יׂגֻ‪յ㜟‬כ׾ײיז‪皑‬מ‪皑㖪‬ס☭סא‬‫םַיז‪ ㄌ ؅鉿‬מ‪յ┞嚣‬כ׽גַך‪ꃯַꁎ؆‬מ‪ַ枱岞‬ם‪؅䕑‬׾׉׼כ‪ꈷ䫘؅‬סאֿ✄‪ꅎ蔦‬‬‫‪蔦‬דג‪յ‬עמ״גַׂיֻ‪؅㜟‬־✇‪յ‬׽ױח‪ն‬׾ֵֿ‪ַ槁枱‬ם׿⮗ַ‪阋‬כ׾ֵך ‪ַ☭ֿ 䜬‬‬‫⳰‪㥌‬׾׌כֹ׻׊‪芻再؅槏闋‬׾כ‪ꈷ䫘؅‬׾ֵֿ☭‪ׂյ⠥‬םעךס׾ׄ♕׊‪䘼䞯؅䬁‬׷ֻ‪脝‬ס⮔‬‫‪ֿ獗‬כ׆׾ֻ‪؅脝‬ز٭‪ٞ‬وؓסי׊‪㸐‬מ⚶‪獗‬עַ׾ֵ☭‪յ⠥‬ךֹֻסא‪ն‬כ׆ַֹכד⮗‪ֿ㝕‬‬‫‪նց‬׾ֵך⳰‪㥌‬סי׊כ٭ر٭‪ַׂٛ‬יֻ‪⚶؅㜟‬‬‫ⳛ‪鉿‬ס‪겊骢‬סא‪յ‬יז׻מכ׆׾י‪ַ겊骢؅芌‬םַי׿׈⳰⹛מ‪յ㵅갾‬יז‪䕋‬מצ‪㳔‬ס׆‬‫‪☭չ‬׾؂‪ꫀ‬מ‪汫氙‬ס‪յ槁㐂‬׽‪؅焒‬־ס׾םׂ‪ׄ䒣‬ד׿לַֿ‪蔫‬ס‪յ舸‬־ס׾םׂ‪蠮‬ל׮׿לֿ‬‫ז‪䘼‬עכס׵׾׀ך‪槏闋‬ך⶯‪  ٧劓‬גזג‪؆յ‬؀ה׵‪ն‬גז־ג׊‪镄掾؅槏闋‬ס‪皑㖪☭ꪨ‬ס‬‫ז‪䘼‬כ׾ֵַֿ‪ׂꇙ‬׀‪㝕‬עⵊ‪㜟‬ס׫  ׼־  מ♳‪յ‬סהֹס  ׼־  ׵ך׿א‪ַֿյ‬םַי‬‫‪յ‬׊‪㸐‬מס׾ֵמ‪╋偙‬ס‪巆魀脢‬כ‪镄掾ֿ气氙脢‬׌‪䭰‬ס ‪ٜ‬عؠيס‪潨‬ח┞‪ ‬ג׬‪ꃍ‬מ⩰‪ն‬דסג‬‫‪觐鋅⼪僇‬‬‫ס׆׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪ٜ‬عؠيס‪潨‬ח┞ֿ׿׆‪ֿյ‬׾ַי׿־‪ֿ翝‬׀‪ꓨ‬מ‪气氙脢‬ע‪镄掾‬ס‪☭ꪨ‬סך׆׆‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךز٭‪ٞ‬وؓסعؠؘة‪ٞ‬و‬‫ס‪յ舸‬־סם‪朮‬׀‪气‬םֹ׻סל‪勓匡‬ע‪յ骢‬יז׻מכ׆׾؂־־ׂ‪幾‬כ‪骢‬מ‪յ㵅갾‬י׊א‬‫ס׾‪䕑‬׊ⵊ‪؅婞䓜‬כ׆׾׌‪┞ꌃ؅⮗ꯙ‬ס✄ס‪ֿ☭ꪨֿ骢‬׿א‪㖪⻉յ‬סל׮ַם׿׼׬‪蔫ַֿ낛‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךز٭‪ٞ‬وؓ׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪ٜ‬عؠيס‪潨‬ח◝ֿ׿׆‪ն‬גז־גֻ‪镄掾؅脝‬ס‪ⳛ朮‬־‬‫‪䪩霼‬ס׼־‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓ‬‫ֵךֹ׻גז‪䨯䝵‬׵‪ؓ㳔ꯖ⣨‬ةؓ‪յ劄⮴յ‬יַ‪䟨⻔؅臝‬ס‪瑭‬׾׌‪㸐‬מعؠؘة‪ٞ‬و‪؆‬׶ה‪؆‬׈‬‫ױ׊יזםׂ‪⶯⮔瓦䍲❿呬ֿ㴗‬׽׻ס׵׾ַי׿׈ע‪ַ舸‬םי׿׈⳰⹛‪յ‬עך‪枱岞‬ס‪ն傽勓‬׾‬‫ז׀‪յ‬׵יײ׼־‪긖‬ס‪㴗⪢䙎‬׵מ‪ն篑座溷‬גזד‪勑焒俙‬׵‪ⷩ각䍲‬סⳛ‪鉿‬ס‪ַֹն긊⹛⳰骢‬כֹ‬‫ؘة‪ٞ‬وס׆ע‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓ‪յ‬׍׼؂־־׵מ׿א‪ն‬דכ׆םֹ׻ַםֻ׼׵י׎׼׷עמⷃ‪祔‬כ‬‫ؓةؓ‪蕟⽱؅յ‬סצ‪㳔‬ס‪瑭‬םֹ׻ַׂמ׿׈‪槏闋‬עך⚶‪獗‬ס♀‪ն‬ג׿ׂי׊‪㵅鉿؅䪩霼‬סعؠ‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךסג׿ׂי׊‪յ㸥ꓨ‬׿⪜ׄ⺇ע‪㳔ꯖ‬‬‫‪յ냣芌ն‬׉ַ‬‫גז־ם׽‪յꌃ㺑俙ֿ鳉‬ע‪ն냣芌㖪䨾‬׾ֵך׋⻎יזגַכ‪骢‬ס‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓס‪ꄼ䊬‬ע‪냣芌欎㘶‬‬‫‪庣‬סؓؔط‪ꩽ劻ٍٚ٤‬כ‪؆‬׈ء‪٤‬؝ٌ‪٬‬ع٭ف‪ٜ‬؟ס〉‪յ너骢䬎䓜舓‬ך‪ꖗ吁‬מ╚ס‪յ┞㵍‬״ג‬‫‪ꄼ‬ס‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓ‪ն‬גזׂח‪疾ꪨ؅‬ס״גס‪؆‬׶ה‪؆‬׈‪յ‬׼ֿםַ׼׵י׊‪䩘؅鬽‬מ‪؆‬׈‪寊漨水‬‬‫‪䧯‬׵‪냣倣‬מ״ג׾׎ג‪婞牞䙎؅䭥‬ס‪յ嬟鼛‬ךסגז־ג׊‪嬟鼛؅‬ס‪舸‬ס‪؆‬׶ה‪؆‬׈כ‪骢舸‬ס‪䊬‬‬‫‪ն‬גֻ┰‪؅‬ס׵׋⻎י׋‪䗎‬מ‪ꩽ嫘갧‬‬‫ס‪յ枤氠‬׵יזַכ‪ն俆婧‬׾ֵךכ׆גײי׎׈‪俆婧؅‬ס‪劸‬עך‪劔摾♧㜽‬ס⳰⹛‪յ‬עַ‪ꇙ‬‬‫׀‪ն䝠ֿ彏‬גײי׊׵‪ׄց‬ט⻏‪ր‬׼־׿א‪ն‬גזד‪ַֹ䓺‬כ׾׎׈מ׀‪㟱‬עכֵיׄח‪눢齡؅‬‬‫ؼؓמ׍׼‪焒‬־ס׵׾ם✇‪鉿ⳛֿ㠀‬ס‪ֿյⳛ朮勓匡‬ג׿׈‪⹸㸐‬מ⻏‪俙‬כ׼־׾םׂ׼חֿ׿⯁‬‫٭ْؕ׾׌‪㸐‬מ‪ַն汫氙ⳛ朮‬ם׀ךעכ׆׾ֻ‪偙؅脝‬׽‪㐂‬ס‪汫氙‬ג׊‪ꏕ䢩‬מؘؓن‪ٜ‬ؘؗ‪ُٜ‬‬‫‪骢‬כ⮔‪յ蔦‬עמ״ג׾‪؅焒‬־סם‪朮‬׀‪气‬םֹ׻סלֿ‪骢‬סⶐ┞סא‪䩧ַյ‬ז⺅׽‪ꮹ‬׾׀ך‪؅‬ة‬‫‪ն‬גֻ‪脝‬כ׾ֵֿ‪䖩锡‬׾ׄט‪鴇곐؅ꁿ‬ם‪窢玗溷‬סכ‬‫כ׆ג׿ׂיֻ‪؆ֿ侷‬׶ה‪؆‬׈‬‫‪յ‬י׊א‪ն‬גזױ‪냣芌ֿ㢼‬ם‪⠥☭溷‬׼־‪⻎䌑  劓‬ס‪յ곐►䔿‬׿ױ‪气‬מ‪  䌑  劓‬ע‪؆‬׶ה‪؆‬׈‬‫‪ն‬גֻ‪焝⾀؅箽‬ס⶯‪  ٧劓‬סאמ‪⻎䌑  劓‬‬‫‪气‬ס‪؅傽չ‬כ׆׾ֵֿ‪焒䙎‬׷‪䠊䝠‬מ‪յ骢‬י׊א‪ն‬גַ‪彏‬ע‪յ䠀䝠‬ך╚׾י‪؆؅芌‬׶ה‪؆‬׈‬‫‪ն‬גזםמכ׆׾‪焒‬ך╚ס‪嵛‬‬‫כ‪նց‬׻׾‪؆յ䊟‬׶ה‪؆‬׈‪免劻յր‬ס⯼׾‪ն溪䝠劻ֿ匡‬׾׀ך‪⻏⯼؅霼餟‬ס⮔‪蔦‬ע‪յ骢‬׍ױ‬‫‪茣ⲇյ☭ꪨ‬׾׌‪㖪䨾؅阾䤾‬׷‪յ偙⻔䠊镊‬׽ױח‪ն‬גזֵ׵כ׆׾‪䨴‬מ‪ꌃ㺑‬ך⮔‪蔦‬כ׾ׄ־‪㛽؅‬‬‫גז־ם׊מ⺚עךױ׿א‪յ‬עמ׀כגַ‪ն┫浝ֿ籽‬׾ֵ׵ⲇ‪茣‬׾׌‪槏闋‬־׾ַיז‪ֿ✇؅阋‬‬‫‪յⳛ朮؅‬״ג׾ַיז‪焒‬מ‪朮؅勓茣溷‬׬‪ⲯׂ낛‬מ‪┮鞪‬ס⮔‪յ蔦‬ע‪նⳛ朮‬גַי׬‪겧蠗؅낛‬׾ֵ‬‫‪䠊䝠‬עמ‪ն骢‬ד‪؅㳔؆‬כ׆׾׀ךֿכ׆׾‪؅焒‬־סׂⲯמ‪洤枱‬סלֿ‪嗘朮‬סלךכ׆׾׌‪镸㷋‬‬‫‪52‬‬

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Chigira Hasumi

One Pig and Me“I want to to raise a pig, butcher it,
and eat it by myself.”(Junko Uchizawa)

You may probably know about Kaigui: The Three Pigs and Me written by the illustrative re-porter Junko Uchizawa. Ms. Uchizawa did pig raising at home for about one year, whichbegan from her desire to know the animal “before it becomes meat.” This book is a biographical report that tries to grasp the essence of current large-scale pig farming and animalhusbandry. ¹
As a graduate intern at the Asian Rural Institute (ARI), I am also conducting a pig-raising project for individual use, just like Ms. Uchizawa’s project. The project was named “Sanchan project” after the name of the pig which was given to me for that purpose. The conceptof the project was to deepen my understanding of animal welfare by raising a pig without
performing castration and then checking the smell and taste of its meat. Why uncastrated?
In Japan, male pigs are normally castrated seven days after birth. The reason male pigs for it
is to prevent the meat from getting “boar taint” and to reduce its sexual behavior. Interestingly, countries where castration is prohibited, especially castration without anesthesia, areincreasing these days. This movement is based on the idea of “Animal Welfare.”

Animal Welfare
Animal welfare is a term used to explain animal husbandry which is sympathetic to livestock, reasoning that these animals have their own sensitivities and need a healthy environment where they can behave naturally without feeling stress. The Japanese translation

ONE PIG AND ME

for animal welfare isⳛ朮珿獭(dôbutsu-fukushi). However,the katakana ،‫ؑؿٕٕؑؐوص‬،(animaru werufea) for animal welfare is also used, because, for Japanese people in the Japanese context, the word 珿獭 (fukushi) carries the meaning of “good life for elderly people.”
Even though the concept of animal welfare itself is not familiar to the Japanese, opportunities for consumers to see at least the word are increasing. Recently, it has been used on TV
news, in newspapers, in the product catalog of co-ops, and so on. Still, if somebody asks
how many Japanese know about the idea of animal welfare and understand its importance,
it would likely be very few. Even in Japan, where animal welfare towards house pets is accepted naturally, there is a tendency to feel that livestock is “off target.” What meaning doesit have for human beings to care about the environment of livestock during their lifetime if
we are to kill and eat them at the end?
The origins of animal welfare
The idea of animal welfare started in Western countries, from teachings in religious texts.
In Judaism, it says that humans can utilize animals for food, clothes, labor and transportation methods if they treat them with humanity and avoid causing unnecessary sufferingin the case of killing them. Phelps (2007: 46) described this synthesis as the “Biblical compromise,” which refers to animal welfare of today. However, yet, the Apostle Paul, from theChristian Bible, supported the ideas of Aristotle, a traditional Greek philosopher, and theideas of the Stoics who say, “Animals exists for human profit, thus humans can exploit andkill animals as they wish.” As a result, after the 4th century, the animal welfare movementin Christian Europe essentially vanished for a thousand years until the Protestant reformation. Theologians in the modern age rediscovered the “Biblical compromise” (animal welfare
in the current context) in the Hebrew Bible and began to spread this idea. 2 This contributed
to the revival and spread of animal welfare in Western countries. Additionally, the idea thatthe world was created for humans, or that only humans are special, became a “weak” theory
which coincided with the rise of scientific progress in various areas such as the heliocentric
theory, the concept of extinct species before humans, and the theory of evolution. The 18thcentury philosophers Bentham and Rousseau claimed the necessity of having respect towards animals which have their own sensitivities. This also leads to criticism against animal
abuse. (Hirasawa: 2012: 1-2)3
Animal welfare in current society
How then did the revival of animal welfare begin in current society? Influenced by Rachel
Carson’s book Silent Spring (1962), Ruth Harrison wrote Animal Machine, which was published in England in 1964. This book brought an enormous public discussion in society about
the cruelty of intensive factory farming and the pollution of livestock products caused by ex-

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cessive use of chemicals. After publication of the book, the English parliament immediately
established the “Brandel Committee” to research the welfare of livestock in intensive animalhusbandry. This committee announced animal’s “Five Freedoms” which are now a current
foundation for the idea of animal welfare.
The Five Freedoms:(1) Freedom from hunger and thirst(2) Freedom from discomfort(3) Freedom from pain, injury, or disease(4) Freedom to express natural behavior(5) Freedom from fear and distress
Nowadays the “Five Freedoms” are used as a basis in discussions about animal welfare andare also considered in making EU directives and laws regarding animal husbandry in eachcountry.

The Situation in Japan
As can be seen by the fact that the term “animal welfare” is currently not familiar in Japanesesociety, Japan is way behind in its commitment to this issue compared with other countries.
Following is a summary of the data of Mr. Edahiro (2018)4 about the difficulties that livestockin Japan face and the world movement for animal welfare.
Chickens
There are mainly five ways to raise chickens. (1) Grazing: chickens can go inside and outside
freely, (2) Open-space breeding: chickens are free in the inside, (3) Aviary: house breeding
where chickens have a range to move up and down, (4) Enriched cage: cages with egg laying
areas and perches, (5) Battery cages: a housing system that has the arrangement of rows andcolumns of identical cages connected together, in a unit, as in an artillery battery. Althoughworld-wide prohibition of battery cages is going on, most of the chicken farms in Japan use
them. According to the “Questionnaire Survey Report on the Actual Status of Hen Feeding” 5
by the Japan Livestock Technology Association, 92% of chicken farms which answered thisquestionnaire use battery cages. 95% of those farms answered that they put more than 2chickens in one cage. In such narrow cages, chickens can neither spread their wings nor
even walk around. Moreover, a lot of questionable treatments are done to them. These include beak-trimming; a treatment in which they burn off the chicken’s beak while it is still achick. They also practice forced molting, which is a method to prolong the egg-laying period
by inducing artificial molting by stopping feed for hens for a certain period.
Outside of Japan many countries are moving toward prohibition of not only the use

ONE PIG AND ME

of battery cages, but also the use of all cage-type methods of poultry rearing. In the EU, theconventional battery cages were banned in 2012 and the same for Switzerland, 6 states in
the U.S., Bhutan, and India. Also, beak trimming is banned in Norway, Sweden, Germany,and in some areas in Austria. It is going to be banned in certain industrial areas in Denmark.
Molting by forced fasting is also prohibited in the EU, Switzerland, some of states in the
U.S., and India.
Pigs
A majority of mother sows in Japan spend most of their lives in delivery pens where theycannot change their body direction or face to the side. The delivery pens, whose size arealmost the same as the body of the mother sows, are used because of convenience and efficiency. In this way it is easier to manage the mother sows; checking for impregnation andmiscarriage, feed management, cleaning dung, and so on. However, for the sows the placefor eating, excretion, and sleeping are the same area and they can do nothing but standor sit. Due to such a stressful environment, abnormal behaviors emerge: fence biting (theykeep biting the fence in front of them); sham chewing, which is a typical form of abnormal
behavior among pigs (they chew even though they don’t have anything in their mouths); andpolydipsia behavior (they keep drinking more water than necessary). Despite reports that
productivity does not decrease even without using delivery pens, it continues to be used by
pig farmers. Newborn piglets get their cuspids cut to prevent them from hurting each other.
Their tails are also cropped for prevention of being bitten or hurt by other pigs. For the
purpose of preventing boar taint on meat and seizing sexual behavior, piglets get surgicalcastration within seven days of their birth without anesthesia. However, it is already known
that even without cuspid cutting, the productivity does not decrease. There is a report thatsays the matters of boar taint and sexual behavior are not so significant. In the case of biting
tails, it is reported that it cannot be seen if the pigs are provided the proper amount of feed,water, and rice straw or soil for them to dig in. (Edahiro: 2018: 18) The use of delivery pens is
prohibited in the EU, Switzerland, 10 states in the U.S., New Zealand, Australia, and Canada.
Castration without pain killers or anesthesia is banned in Denmark, the Netherlands, Germany, and Norway. About cropping tails, Sweden, Finland, and Lithuania have banned it. In
the EU, cuspid cutting on a daily basis is prohibited. In Denmark and Norway, the treatment
itself is prohibited.
Cows
Japanese dairy cattle are kept in stall barns that are relatively the same size as the cows’
bodies. The cow eats, defecates, and sleeps in these stalls. Management is easier for the producer, but it is, of course, stressful for the cows. These cows face difficulties to even walk,

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due to lack of exercise. Abnormal behavior called “tongue playing” can be often observed,
which indicates that this environment influences not only their physical health, but also
their mental health. Also, horn cutting without anesthesia is done, due to the possibility thata person may get harmed by them. When attaching rings on the cow’s nose, holes are boredon the nose with a knife, normally without use of anesthesia. Additionally, in the case of thestall barn, the cow’s tail is cropped. This is because the tail often touches the feces on thefloor, making the body dirty and filthy and also disturbing the milking process. The method
is to tie the tail securely with a rubber band. This causes cellular necrosis, which causes thetail to fall off automatically.
Cows eaten as meat are given concentrated feed which contains a large amount ofgrain in order to make the marbled beef that is favorable in Japan. Since 90% of the feed
they are given is concentrated feed, it is obviously stressful for the cows, which are herbivorous animals. To increase the fat marbling in the meat, there is a method called “vitamincontrol,” in which cows are purposefully made deficient of vitamin A. As a result, somecows lose their eyesight.
How about the international tendency? In the EU, legally binding laws for the treatmentof farmed cows do not yet exist. However, in a number of counsels which make rules about
the treatments of cows, tail cropping is banned and any kind of cutting of the animal hornwithout special surgical treatment is prohibited. In England, dehorning is not permitted.

Two Vectors
The points that Harrison made in Animal Machine were mainly related to “livestock epidemic
disease,” “environmental pollution,” “human health,” and “animal abuses.” Summarizing her
introduction, she says that livestock and its houses in the middle of the 20th century are separated from the soil and animals are given mixed feed which was purchased in the market. The
opportunity for these animals to see the sun or sunshine is only when they go to be butchered.
Due to living in an environment where there is always dung under a perforated floor in an
unhealthy, dense space, they become “chemical-soaked” by antibiotics. What effect does thishave on human health? Also, discharged water from an animal factory pollutes the water, air,and land, which are not only necessary for human health but also all other creatures. 6
I would like to put these issues into two categories: (1) “Livestock epidemic disease,”“Environmental pollution,” “Human health” and (2) “Animal abuse.” The first category is
about “the problems which affect humans” and the second is about the “ethical issue for animal beings.” In my understanding, there are two vectors in the idea of animal welfare - thehuman perspective and the animal perspective.

ONE PIG AND ME

Issues affecting human beings
In March 2018, the Nihon Keizai Shinbun newspaper posted the following report online:
The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare research team announced that drug-resistant bacteria against which antibiotics do not work were found in more than half of the national andimported chicken meat in their research.7

Due to the excessive use of antibiotics for the purpose of preventing livestock epidemic diseases, drug-resistant bacteria have developed inside the bodies of livestock. In case a personwith less strength and a weak immune system is infected by such drug-resistant bacteria,
there is a possibility that medical treatment by antibiotics does not have any effect against
it. Throughout the world, the relationship between the excessive use of antibiotics and thedrastic increase in drug-resistant bacteria is deeply alarming. According to a first report in
December 2017, announced by a drug-resistant bacteria research team which was initiatedby English Prime Minister Cameron, without an effective plan against this matter, it is predictable that annual fatalities caused by drug-resistant bacteria would be 10 million by 2050.
This number is over 14 times more than current fatalities by bacterial infection (700,000).
This number largely surpasses fatalities due to cancer in 2014 (8,200,000). (Edahiro: 2018: 12)
It may not be the first time you hear that 51% of greenhouse gasses on earth are emitted by large-scale intensive farming and its byproducts. Additionally, other environmental
problems are caused by the current way of animal husbandry, such as excessive use of water,
land and sea pollution, rainforest destruction in the Amazon, and so on.
The reason I mention these problems of epidemic diseases and environmental destruction and pollution caused by large-scale livestock production is because a discussion of these
problems only begins when we see the risks to human beings. To speak in extremes, it implies that humans believe that we can exploit nature as much as we wish if there is no risk tohuman beings. Unfortunately, even if certain individuals do not have such an intention, it isundeniable that this world is functioning based on that consensus.
Issues toward animal beings
Another vector of animal welfare is the issue of “ethics.” From birth to death, and even after
their death, animals are treated as if they do not have a nervous system, feelings, intelligenceor even life in the current system of animal husbandry. Regarding this cruelty, such a pureethical question arises as “Where did people’s humane sense go away?” It is an issue of “theeyes of your mind,” which regards the cruel treatment of animals in animal husbandry asa serious problem, even if it seems to fall within a context of natural circulation. Are thosetreatments, such as teeth cutting, tail cropping, horn cutting and any other treatment which

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gives physical and mental pain to animals truly humane if they have no direct effect on humans? This side of ethics towards animal beings functions as a prelude in the explanation ofanimal welfare, and at the same time, it is the “face” of animal welfare in my understanding.

The San-chan Project
The San-chan Project is about raising a pig without performing castration and then checking the smell and taste of its meat. This project is an action to understand the two vectors.
I first tried to stand in the same position as livestock farmers. There is, in fact, no end if westart mentioning the problems related to animal husbandry and animal welfare, such as
raising livestock in overcrowded environments, gestation crates for mother sows, castration, and so on. There must be reasons for the continuation of these conventional ways ifthey are still being practiced today.
As a participant in the training program at ARI, I came to understand the following:“There are many problems happening in this world, and we tend to consider those who do‘bad’ as ‘absolute evil.’ However, if you look from a different perspective, you realize that they
have reasons that prevent them from changing even if they want to do so. In other words,
the social structure itself is forcing them to make that choice. We are living in such a reality
where we cannot define those who do not do ‘good’ as ‘bad.’ It means the attitude that weshould take to change something is not by forcing our own ideas or philosophies on others,
but by understanding the background of the person who makes the decisions. A leader who
shall change the society should take such approaches towards individuals and society.”
Following this learning, I tried to understand the side of those who engage in conventional animal husbandry (the human perspective) by raising an uncastrated male pig andlearning how rough the boar’s behavior and how strong the flavor of its meat would be. Of
course, I do not believe that six months are enough for me to understand the full perspective of animal husbandry. Yet, I believe that a change from 0 to 30 out of 0 to 100 is a big
difference. The points of the first vector mentioned above are related to both producers andconsumers. However, the human perspective considered in this paper is only in regard to
producers, and this is the approach toward the first vector in this project.
Secondly, I tried to learn about the original nature of pigs and if cutting a part of the
pig’s body is justified in case the smell of the meat is too strong to eat (animal perspective).
This is the approach toward the second vector.
Let’s start pig farming
The basic environment for raising San-chan was almost the same as that of ordinary pigs

ONE PIG AND ME

at ARI. Since we did not have enough room for him, I constructed a space with iron fences,with the assistance of Dr. Gilbert P. Hoggang, an ARI staff member in charge of the pig section, and Mr. Masuo Shimizu, a commuting volunteer. For accuracy in comparison of ARI
ordinary pork and “San-chan meat,” I fed him the same feed as ARI ordinary pigs according
to the different growth stages.
Aside from castration, the only difference in rearing was that I let San-chan go out for awalk in the morning. He enjoyed being outside by himself off-leash and with only a collar on.
Also, I did “naming.” Some people told me not to give the pig a name, because it will increase
my sympathy towards it and make the “farewell” harder for me. I did it because I believedthat without knowing what kind of animals pigs are initially, it would be impossible to discuss animal husbandry that considers animal welfare. To know what kind of creature this pig
was, I thought it was necessary to bring the “spiritual distance” between him and me closer.
What San-chan taught me
San-chan was born in May 2018 and my personal care for him started in June 2018 after
weaning. Then, he finished his short life of 6½ months in December 2018.
While he was in my care, I developed affection towards him in my mind. I could understand that pigs have feelings and intelligence. First of all, pigs can recognize their own
name. Up until the time he became sexually mature, he went back to his room after calling,“San-chan, let’s go back.” It means that they have a sense of direction, ability to memorize
locations and the ability to understand what humans say. When he had diarrhea, he waseating one kind of plant which he had never put in his mouth before. This finding taught methat we can learn which plant is good for certain symptoms by observing animal beings because they know what to eat according to their body condition. Pigs also have feelings. Sanchan got jealous and tried to get between myself and other pigs when I was petting anotherone. Surprisingly, pigs have logical thinking. Right before sending him to the butcher house,he was approaching sexual maturity, and he sometimes tried to mount me when I bent myback or knees and put my height the same as his. There was a time when he continually tried
to push my legs with his hard nose. I was wondering whether he was trying to play with me
or attack me, and one day, my body fell on the ground by his usual nose push. At the moment
I fell down, San-chan came down to me right away possibly trying to mount me. Since hisweight exceeded 100kg at that time, I realized that it was dangerous and got up immediately. He was trying to push my legs repeatedly knowing that I would be at the same height
as him if my legs collapsed. I learned how intelligent pigs are through my own experience.
Considering these findings, the conclusion to my first question, whether castration by humans is justified, is: “The reason to castrate pigs only based on human desire has no justifi-

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cation.” (For example, to castrate a pig to achieve a desired flavor and aroma, that is, avoiding boar taint.) I found that an uncastrated pig’s behavior differs from that of other pigs tosome extent. However, pigs are creatures with life who feel pain, have feelings and live withintelligence just like human beings. Yet, this conclusion also opposes raising animals to beeaten. Based on the idea that animals have sensitivity and therefore should not be given
mental and physical pain, taking their lives for human benefit also cannot be justified. I
am still on the way to finding an answer to the question of justification of using animals byhumans. It is obvious that animal beings have empathy. Thus, I do not think that a society
where humans exploit animals can be a society that holds up ARI’s motto, “That we may live
together.” There are many cultures in the world where humans and animals actually live
closely together and where animal meat is an important source of nutrition, and I would
like to show my respect towards these cultures. However, in the case of Japan and other“developed” countries where people consume an excessive amount of meat, the balance isupset. We call industrial methods of livestock rearing a “win-win” relationship, but in fact,
it is exploitation. Considering my view of these two situations, I find myself asking, “Wheream I really standing and thinking about the issues?”

What it Means to Think about Animal Welfare
Honestly speaking, my learning from taking care of San-chan, sending him to the butchering house and eating the meat led me to conclude that there is no justification for possessionof animals by humans. However, I feel that it is necessary to continue learning about animal
welfare. One of the reasons ARI promotes organic farming and its philosophy, as one way ofsustainable agriculture, is to hand over clean and unpolluted land soil, water, and air to ourchildren of future generations. ARI is a place that teaches us ways to share resources, which
seem unlimited but are actually limited. ARI encourages us to reflect on our lifestyle and follow the cycles of nature. In her book, Harrison describes it stating:
There are other problems too. In richer countries, they have become used to importing tons offeed ingredients for livestock to fill their demands for meat, which is expected to rise steadilyin the future. Can we really say that we are sharing resources in the world equally? Isn’t the imported feed a usage of our next generation? Don’t they also need to consume the same amountof meat as us who live currently? Thus, isn’t it better to reduce the amount of production generally and produce healthy meat? (Harrison: 1979: 5)

It is said that 2.9 earths would be required if all people on the planet lived at the same

ONE PIG AND ME

living standard as the Japanese. The lifestyle we lead is functioning way beyond the circulation of nature. It is the same for animal welfare. Especially we who live in so-called “developed” countries are consuming meat beyond the amount needed to sustain our bodies. In
order to catch up with the “want,” but not “need,” intensive factory farming moves further
and further from the circulation of nature. Their practices bring out many issues such as
forest destruction, environmental pollution, human health issues, and animal abuse. The
saddest thing is that those who will be most affected are not those who live in excess now,
but animal beings, who have sensitivity, and children in the coming generations.
The attitude of consumers
Should we just observe this situation? Isn’t there anything that we can do other than wait
until the government enacts laws about this issue, like in the EU or other countries which
force livestock farmers to improve the environment of livestock, resulting in products thatconsider animal welfare to appear in the markets? Yes, there is. I believe that it is possible toconsider these issues in our daily lives. The teaching at ARI is “proving by practicing,” which
implies that a theory is fully alive when it is in practice. Following that, a suggestion I would
like to give regarding what we can do in our daily lives to change the current situation is that
we try to understand the current situation and make a choice.
Edahiro (2018) mentions three points as necessary to improve animal welfare in Japan.
The first point is to draw up and carry out practical plans based on a mid-term vision by the
Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries. The second is to improve the scientific analysis of the basic practices of rearing livestock. The third is that each consumer tries to know,
choose, and voice out the meaning of ethical consumption. I believe that the last suggestionis the most important among all the points. Just as seen in the case of organic vegetables,
if the number of consumers who have awareness and understanding of animal welfare increases and supermarkets adjust to the consumers’ needs, there is a promising possibility
that attitudes of farmers and governments will change. In Sweden, opinion leaders and media played a big role in improving the situation by creating strong awareness. Their advocacy
towards consumers led to changes in supermarkets following consumers needs. Nowadays,
you can find battery-cage-free eggs everywhere in Sweden. Also, by the efforts of companies,
there is no price difference between conventional eggs and eggs following animal welfare in
the country. After the publication of Animal Machine by Harrison, the English government
established a research committee immediately. All these things were achieved because there
was a civil society which strongly criticized agriculture that totally depends on agriculturalchemicals and chemical fertilizers, and factory farming which does not consider the animals’ instinctive behavior. It seems that practices do not change only by small changes in one
person’s consumption style. Awareness and decisions made by each consumer are the prime

65

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CHIGIRA HASUMI

movers to make a better society. I believe that we can make a society where humans, nature,animals, and future generations can “live together” if one takes a step forward to change.

Conclusion
The “neighbor” in the term “love your neighbor” does not necessarily mean those you can see
with your eyes. It might be a neighbor who is not visible or is voiceless. We originally have
empathy toward the lives of human beings and animal beings, however, the tendency to focus on productivity and efficiency and the deification of human-centered values have madeus unable to hear our inner voices. Through addressing the issue of animal welfare, let us
think again. What are the reasons we continue to lead this life even though we already knowthat this life we lead as status quo is not sustainable for all creation on this earth? Is thisworld really the one which we want for our children? What can each of us do for the society
we want our children to see in the future?

NOTES
1.
Uchizawa, J. (2012), Kaigui: Sanbiki no buta to watashi[Raising and eating: Three pigs and me], Tokyo: Iwanami
Shoten.
2.
Phelps, Norm.(2007). The Longest Struggle: Animal
Advocacy from Pythagoras to PETA, New York: Lantern
Books.
3.
Hirasawa, A. (2014) “Kaigai nôgyô/bôeki jijôchôsa-bunseki-Jigyô (Ôshû): Dai III-bu: EU ni okeru
dôbutsu fukushi (Animaru Werufea) Seisaku no gaiyôhôkokusho” [Report of overseas agriculture and trading
situation analysis project (Europe)], Tokyo: Ministry ofAgriculture, forestry and fisheries. Retrieved January, 17,2019 from http://www.maf f.go.jp/j/kokusai/kokusei/kaigai_nogyo/k_syokuryo/pdf/h25eu-animal.pdf
4.
Junko, E. (2018) Animaru werufea to wa nani ka:
Rinriteki shôhi to shoku no anzen [What is animal welfare:
Ethical Consumption and food Security], Tokyo: Iwanami

Shoten.
5.
Japan Livestock Technology Association. (2015).
“Sairankei no shiyôjittai ankêto-chôsa hôkokusho”[Questionnaire survey report on the actual status of hen
feeding]. Retrieved January, 27, 2019 from http://jlta.lin.gr.jp/report/animalwelfare/H26/factual_investigation_lay_h26.pdf
6.
Harrison, R.(1979). Animaru mashîn: Kindai chikusan
ni miru higeki no shuyaku-tachi [Animal Machine: The New
Factory Industry], Tokyo: Kodansha.
7.
“Kusuri kikanai kin toriniku no hansû kara kenshutsu Kôseirôdôsho-han” [Bacteria that drugs do nothave ef fect on detected from more than half of chickens,
research group of Ministry of Health Labor and Welfare](2018, March, 31). Nihon Keizai Shinbun Inc. Retrieved
from January, 17, 2019 from https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXMZO28845500R30C18A3CR0000/

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‫‪69‬‬‫‪劤颵‬ה‪䩛岀‬ך‪侄肪պ‬ך‪չ㜥‬‬‫& ‪Needs‬‬‫‪Tolerances‬‬‫‪Uses‬‬‫‪1‬‬‫‪Life Cycle‬‬

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Dec

JanuaryWhatthey eatWhoeats them

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Wherethey live

Feb
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us

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h
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tember
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ary

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ve

r
be
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ay

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g

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气‫ס׵׀‬؅╚䖥‫✄⪢מ‬؅锶‫׾‬럜‫־כ‬輮‫־כ‬떃؅Ⳉ䒣‫׾׌‬免‫׵‬յ‫סל׮׀׈‬勎‫نס‬ٝ‫ّ٭‬٠‫ס׵םֹ׻׋⻎כؠ٭‬؅❈ַ‫׌ױ‬㎫ ն‫סא‬气‫✇עס׵׀‬؅낛‫י׬‬气‫־ס׾ַי׀‬䈱┪յ鞋‫מ‬낛‫־סֹױ׊י׿׼׬‬⺯┪ն气䡢㳔‫סי׊כ‬ꫀ➳‫׌ך‬ն‫ל‬؆‫ם‬气‫־✇׵ס׵׀‬؅낛‫יַי׬‬յ⻎免‫מ‬յ鞋‫ס־‬낛‫׬‬朮‫זםמ‬‫׾ַי‬ն‫׌ױ׽־؂ֿכ׆ַֹֹא‬ն‫ײ⛿מ׆לֿס׵׀ַסא׼־׿א‬⺯┫յ‫יז׷ֹל‬㙟ֻ‫־׾‬䈱┫նⷯ؅氙‫׌ך־כ׳‬ն‫כ׆גזַֹ׆‬؅芻再‫מ‬յ‫ס׿ב׿א‬輮‫׷‬럜ֿյ☭չ‫ֹלמ‬槏闋‫׿׈‬յ‫ֹל‬靣‫׾ַי׿׼‬‫־ס‬؅脝ֻ‫׌ױ‬ն☭չֿյֵ‫׾‬럜‫ע‬鮂ַ‫כ‬䘼‫־כ׾ַיז‬յ⯁‫׾ֵס‬럜‫ע‬ꀸ宐‫ס‬ւ⹵ꇖփ‫ך‬䜬ַ輮؅낛‫־כ׾׿ׂי׬‬յַ‫ם؀ַ؀‬需ֵֿ‫׌ך׍ע׾‬ն‫סא‬需؅锶‫׼גׄח‬յ‫ס׆‬筤‫ס‬鎁⣨‫מ‬剹ׂն‫ס׆‬嵛ⳛ؅ꄼ‫י׋‬յ蔦⮔‫ס‬㎇‫ם؀ַ؀ַס׽‬气‫׀⦍ַֹֹלֿס׵׀‬؅‫יַי׊‬յ‫א‬‫׿‬؅‫ֹל‬嵛氠‫־׾׀ך‬ն儆‫ס׼־‬焒䛒ֿյ‫מ♀ֹל‬籽ַ‫־ס׾ַי‬؅脝ֻ‫׌ךס׾‬ն‫‪71‬‬‫‪劤颵‬ה‪䩛岀‬ך‪侄肪պ‬ך‪չ㜥‬‬‫׾‪ր笠ց؅锶‬ם׀‪㝕‬‬‫כ׾ֻ‪脝‬י׊כ‪ّ气䡢笠‬طتبؤؙ‪ׂյ‬םעך‪锡筶‬ع‪ْٝ٤‬ؙ‪յ‬עכ׆סחכץֹ׵‬‫‪ն‬׾״ח‪؅幾ׂ锶‬׆א‪յ‬־ס׾ַך‪⛿؆‬מ׆ל‪ն‬׌ךכ׆ַֹ‬‫Ⳉ‪؆‬׈ׂג‪؅‬ס׵ם؀ַ؀ַ‪ն‬־ס׾׀ך‪✇؅Ⳉ䒣‬ך‪尊‬סא‪յ‬יזֵֿ‪尊‬מ؀׆כ׾ֵףֻ❛‬‫‪ն‬׌ך‪ַֹOJDIF㺇㖪䨾‬ך‪ն蝠靣‬׾ַך‪✇ֿ⛿؆‬מ׽⽟ס‪յ尊‬׾ַך‪⛿؆‬מ׆לֿ✇‪ն‬׾׀ך‪䒣‬‬‫‪յ‬לׄד‪ 尊‬עי׊כ✄⪢‪յ‬יַך‪⛿؆‬מ‪ַֹֹ㖪䨾‬ל‪ն‬׾ֵֿ‪㖪䨾‬ם؀ַ؀ַ׵מ‪尊‬סחכץ‬‫؂‪ꫀ‬ס־׼✇מ✄⪢‪ֿյ‬ס׵׀‪气‬׾ַמ‪㖪䨾‬׾ֵסא‪յ‬יזֵֿ⚂‪匛‬ם؀ַ؀ַמ╚ס‪尊‬סא‬‫‪ն‬ח‪؅䭥‬׽‬‫מֹ׻׋⻎‪ն‬׌ױ׊‪؅需‬־ס׾ַי׊‪✇؅‬־כ־ג‪匡‬׼־׆ל‪յ‬׀כ׾׌♃‪☭ꪨֿ蔦䉁箩‬‬‫ַך‪⛿؆‬מ׆ל‪ն‬׾ֻ‪؅脝‬כ׆ַֹכ־ֹ؀ד׾׌‪ֹ鞃僻‬ל‪յ‬׼ג׊כ׾׌‪ⳛ朮ֿ蔦䉁箩♃؅‬‬‫‪末‬ףֻ❛‪尊յ‬ףֻ❛‪ַׂն‬יז׷מַגײצ‪յꆸ‬י׊מ‪ַֹֹ뀸‬א‪ն‬־׾ַי׬‪յ✇؅낛‬־׾‬‫بؤؙ‪㖪؅յ‬׾ֵמ׽⽟ס⮔‪ַն蔦‬ם׿׊׵־ׯ‪氭؆‬׾י‪ْ؅芌‬ؤ׵כ׿א‪蠗⸮յ‬םֹ׻ס‪㖪‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ךס׾׀ךֿכ׆ש‪㳔‬י׊כ‪ّ气䡢笠‬طت‬‫׳‪؅芌‬٭ب‪ٚ‬ط‪ٜٛ‬؜ة‪ٞ‬ؤؙ‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵֿ‪ַֹⷃ靣‬כ‪槏闋ⲇ‬ם‪ֹն&DPMPHJDBM-JUFSBDZ气䡢㳔溷‬׺׊ױ׀‪鉿‬מ‪嫘갧‬ס‪姌‬‬‫‪յ欎㘶侷芌‬ך╚ַֹֹא‪ն‬׾ַי׀‪㜟ⵊֿ鱍‬ם׀‪؆㝕‬ל‪؆‬ללםⵊ‪廛凇‬ס‪յ㐌槉‬עך⚶‪槁♣獗‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵֿ⽱‪յ幾ַ䟨‬עמ‪侷芌‬ס‪1MBDF#BTFE&EVDBUJPO㖪‬׷‬‫׾ַי׊כֹ׵‪ֹꅼ‬לע⚶‪獗‬ס׼־׿׆‪ն‬־ס׾׌‪闋尴‬יז׷ֹל‪ゼ꾴؅‬ם؀ַ؀ַס׆‬‫‪ն‬־ַג׽✑‪勑匡؅‬ס⯁‪ֿ㝕⮗ն‬׿איזכמ׵ל‪ն㲳‬־סַׂיזםֹלע‪勑匡‬סהג⦛‪ն‬־ס‬‫׀י׊⮂׽✑ֿ‪☭ꪨ‬ע‪ゼ꾴‬סל‪؆‬כ׮ס⚶‪獗‬סױַ‪ַն‬ם׶׋ׄ؂׾׿ׂיז✑ֿ‪玗坎‬ע‪勑匡‬‬‫‪ 6/'$$$‬מ╚ס‪㎼ꅙ‬׼־‪ַֹֹ脝ֻ偙‬א‪ַն‬ם׊‪闋尴‬כַםֻ‪䖥؅㜟‬כ‪յ☭ꪨֿ꾁‬׼־ד‪ն‬ג‬‫⮗‪㝕‬ס ‪ֿ&DPMPHJDBM-JUFSBDZ‬׆א‪ַֹ篁縨ֿ⮂匡յ‬כ‪㎼갾ꅙ⻉卽篁匛笴‬׾׌‪ꫀ‬מⳛ‪宜⠿㜟‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ַיֻ‪؅陻‬׈‬‫סהג⦛ע׿א‪ն‬׌ױַיז❈‪ַֹր阋訪ց؅‬כ־כ؛ؙؗؕؓ־כ ‪ BCDE‬׵ך‪鞋‬ע‪☭ꪨ‬‬‫ؙ‪&DPMPHJDBM-JUFSBDZ ֿ䖩锡ն‬עמ״גַׂי׀‪气‬מ‪┾汔‬ס♀‪槏闋ⲇն‬٭ب‪ٚ‬ط‪ٛ‬ס‪阋靣‬‬‫‪؅㳔‬׿א‪ն‬־ס׾ֵמ╚סّثؼ؜ַֹֹْלע‪ն欎㘶‬־׾ַי׊‪塌茣‬מֹ׻סלע٭ة‪ٞ‬ؤ‬‫‪ն‬׌ך⮗‪ֿ㝕‬כ׆ש‬‫‪侷芌ց‬ס‪ր㖪‬׾ױ‪㢼‬׼־‪⺫䨾‬‬‫‪յ‬ע‪侷芌‬ס‪ն㖪‬׌ױ׀ךֿכ׆׾״‪㢼‬׼־׆א‪ն‬׌ך‪⺫䨾‬ס‪㵵‬ס⮔‪յ蔦‬ע⺚׽⪜סחכץֹ׵‬‫סהג⦛‪ն‬׌ױ׀ך׵ך‪朮‬׬‪낛‬עחכץֹ׵‪յ‬׊׾׀ך׵ך־כ‪럜‬־כ‪輮‬מֹ׻גז‪阋‬ל׮⩰‬‫יז‪㛿‬מ‪䉖㖪‬ס׆ל‪յ‬־׆לע‪氙㐌‬סכ׵כ׵‪յ‬־ס׾‪匡‬י׿׼✑ך׆לע‪朮‬׬‪낛‬׾ַי׬‪낛‬‬‫‪镄‬מכ׆גזַֹא‪ն‬־✇ע‪齽ꃻ䩘嫘‬ס״גס׿א‪յ‬־ס׾ַי‪匡‬מ׆איז׷ֹל‪յ‬־׾ַ‬‫ס׾׀ךֿ✇מ‪免劻‬סל‪յ‬־כ٭ر‪ٝ٤‬؜ס‪朮‬׬‪յ낛‬־כⵊ‪倀‬ס‪朮‬׬‪յ낛‬מ‪ն⻎免‬׾ׅ‪ꓩ؅䌮‬‬‫זםׂם׼⮔ֿ‪僆‬׼־ד‪ն‬׾ַיז‪㛿‬׵ך✇׵ךחַףׄ‪鉿‬מؼل‪٤‬ؤעױַ‪ն‬׾ֻ‪؅脝‬־כ־‬72،ٕ‫ر‬ٝ‫؏س‬٥4٥‫آةٍث‬٦‫׾ַי‬ն‫׆א‬؅‫כז׵‬幾ׂ‫׾ײיײ‬ն‫׼־׿א‬SJUVBMT玷獓նַ‫ם؀ַ؀‬㎼‫׷‬匆‫ֽמ‬玷‫יזֵֿ׽‬յ‫ֽסא‬玷‫מ׽‬杅⯁‫ם‬낛‫׬‬朮؅낛‫׾׬‬倀ⵊֵֿ‫׌ך׍ע׾‬ն‫אךכ׆ַֹֹל‬؆‫ם‬뀸肪ֿ‫־סג׀י׀ך‬؅脝ֻ‫׾ײי‬ն낛‫׬‬朮؅呭㕆‫׼־כ׆׾׌‬㢼‫׾ױ‬㳔‫צ‬ⷁؕ٤‫סغ‬㝕㳔‫׾ַיַ⦍ך‬瑭‫ע☭⹵ס‬յ㐌⩧‫و٭؛ך‬٤‫٭ؠت‬ٜ؅薊⺫‫מ‬յ偆‫ַ׊‬䓺‫ס‬侷芌؅㺤ꪛ‫ ׌ױַי׊‬ն‫עך׆׆‬յ✇‫ַםַי׿؂❈׵‬㏸㐌؅⡊‫י׽‬յꀸ噺؅‫׌ױ׊‬ն3BHJ ‫ַכ‬ֹ‫┞סل؞‬甦؅✑‫׌ױַיז‬ն气䕉‫עהג‬յ蔦⮔‫מ״גסהג‬낛‫׬‬朮؅✑‫׼ֿם׽‬յַַ㏸؅

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IVN㏸‬׋⻎‪յ‬׽ֵך‪㲽㐂‬‬‫‪㝘汔‬تؽ‪ٚ‬ؗ‪ٚ٤‬ؗ‪յ‬׽ֵך׀׬׾׀‪ׂ气‬׊ױ‪䡩‬מ‪☭ꪨ汔‬ךכ׵סⲇ‪ꓨ‬עהג‪ն瑭‬׾ֵך‬‫ם׍׼‪瓦焒‬ס‪յ麃‬עכ׆ַֹכלם׾׌‪椟؅❈䔢‬ס‪⫿汔‬ع٭‪ٜ‬و‪ّ‬ؗؼع‪ٜ‬و׷‪椟‬ס‬‫‪ֹն‬؀דַם׼םף׿ׄםֻ‪؅䐸‬כ׆ַֹכ׾ֵך‪㝌‬ס‪輁吖‬‬‫׆‪ն‬׾ַיז‪䭥‬׵⽱‪ַֹ䟨‬כ✑‪յ腁‬מ׵ככ⽱‪ַֹ䟨‬כⵊ‪յ倀‬ע‪ַֹⷃ靣‬כ ‪ DVMUVSF‬ס‪蝠靣‬‬‫‪ն甦؅‬׾ַי׊‪؅銨‬כ׆ַֹכג׀י׊‪溪㺤‬יז׻מכ׆׌‪腁‬מ׈ױ‪倀ⵊֿյ‬ס‪յ☭꿔‬עכ׆ס‬‫‪甦؅諉‬׼גזםמ׈‪둚‬סַ׼ׂ׿לֿ‪儘‬סל‪ַն‬ם׼םעיׂם׼‪㳌硼؅焒‬ם⮗‪ꈌ‬עמ״גׂ‪諉‬‬‫ם‪ַֹֹ㝘倀溷յ㐌槏溷‬א‪յ‬־ס׾ׂיז‪㏸؅䭥‬ם‪良屁‬יז׆‪꼿崼寊ֿ鱍‬חַעַ׾ֵ‪յ‬־סׂ‬‫ֿ✄⻎⪴י׊‪ꀸ✑噺؅ꄼ‬סלם‪⹺疛‬׷‪俤陭‬ס⤫‪择悅陭‬גױ‪ն‬׾ֵך‪┮⺪姊‬ך┪׾׌‪焒餟ֿꀸ噺؅‬‬‫‪㶔‬מ‪ꀸ噺‬׵ⳛ‪㴴侷嵛‬סלם‪⹺疛䠊颍‬׷ַ■‪곝‬עמ׼׈‪ֹն‬؀ֵך׾ַֻ׵כ׆ַֹכג׿׈‪䓺䧯‬‬‫זֵך ‪氙噺‬ס‪ 睗┞筦‬׌ם‪呧䌙؅‬ס‪┾汔‬ם‪劔塌溷‬מ׈ױע‪յꀸ噺‬׽ֵך׍עגַיַחצ‪篙‬מ‪䱸‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ֵךׄ؂ג‬‫‪ꀸ噺‬סי׊כتؾةلכ‪ꀸ噺‬סי׊כ‪٤ٍٜ‬ب‬‫٭‪ٚ‬ؠ‪ٛ٤٬‬٭ؤע׿׆‪ն‬׾ַי׿׼״‪ׂ鬺‬׊‪յ詇‬עׄט‪⛺翝‬ס‪ꀸ噺‬סי׊כ‪յ♀傽յ氙噺‬׊־׊‬‫‪頲匛⚂փ‬ס‪ւ篑座溷ꅼ婧‬סؠ‬‫‪溪ꇖ꽄ֿ 篑‬ס‪♧匡յ睗┞姌氙噺̕睗◝姌氙噺̕睗┩姌氙噺‬‬‫‪յ‬׵ך‪饗韢‬ג׊‪❸䬹‬מ‪յ‬׽ֵך׼־גזםמֹ׻׾׿׼׋⟤כ‪٤‬٭ذقם‪㕈勓溷‬ס‪座ꅼⵊ‬‬‫‪ն‬׾ַי׿׼׋‪韢‬כלםַםׁ‪ꇃ‬מ׾״ⷑ‪յ䨾雹յ ؅‬עיַֽמ‪յ傽勓‬ע‪ꀸ噺‬סי׊כ‪氙噺‬‬‫‪ յ‬ךصؕغ׷ت‪ٛ‬؟ؕ‪ յ‬ך؜‪յْؓٛ‬ך׽גז‪㶐‬׽ג⛣׵ך‪♑㎼‬ע‪俙㲻‬ס׆מײםה‬‫‪յꀸ‬ך׆א‪ն‬׾ַיזםכ‪  瓦䍲‬׵ךؓ‪ٚٛ‬عت٭؛‪ֿ 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㼭㞁嵲䎂

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噺‫⪭ס‬姌氙噺ⵊցֿ䲔‫ג׿׼ׅ‬ն‫ע׿׆‬僻‫ מ־׼‬511 ⹧Ⲏ؅䗻꾁‫ֽג׿⪜מ‬꾴潨‫׾ֵך‬նր⪭姌氙噺ⵊց‫ַֹכ‬阋訪蔦✄‫ע‬յ匯☒㝕㳔侷䱅‫♀ס‬匆㞃虘蔘ֿ  䌑♣⶯‫מף‬䳀ゃ‫׾ֵךס׵ג׊‬ֿյ宐╭⪋侓埫ֿր⪭姌氙噺ⵊ‫ס‬䱿ꅼց؅ꀸ卲寊氙侓瞬㝕粳‫מ‬䲔‫ךכ׆גׅ‬荔⩱؅嶨‫כ׆׾צ‬‫גזםכ‬ն⪭姌氙噺ⵊ‫עכ‬յ气氙ꌃꪎ؅䬎‫ג׀יז‬ꀸ噺؅յⲎ䈰‫׷‬鬦㛿٬‫◝לםتل٭ئ‬姌٬┩姌氙噺‫י״⻻׵‬篑ㅰ‫ס‬㝂閣ⵊ؅㎫‫׽‬յⲎ䈰魍‫׷‬嵣ꄼُ‫ة٭‬٤‫לם‬յ♀‫◝ךױ‬姌٬┩姌氙噺‫ס‬◜噺脢ֿ䕑‫❿Ⲏ♕גַי‬⡑؅յꀸ噺脢蔦麃ֿ䕑‫יז׻מכ׆׾‬ꀸ噺٬ꀸ匆؅嵛䙎ⵊ‫כֹ׻׎׈‬ַֹ‫׾ֵךס׵‬ն䓜⮴‫┞ע‬姌◝姌┩姌‫גזַכ‬ր鳉‫׊‬砯ց‫ס‬嚣䗻‫ֿגזֵך‬յ劄ꁿ‫עך‬յ睗┞姌氙噺ֿ銺ꃸ‫עי׊‬䧯‫׽‬皑‫כ׆ַםג‬յ‫גױ‬յ潸▗ⲯ卸؅⮂‫׌‬յ‫סח◝ַֹכ‬䟨⽱؅ꁎ‫י״‬յր䱧ׄ砯ց‫ס‬嚣䗻‫מ‬䳀ゃ‫׾ַי׿׈ֽם׊‬ն‫׊־׊‬յ睗┞姌氙噺QSJNBSZJOEVTUSZյ睗◝姌氙噺TFDPOEBSZJOEVTUSZյ睗┩姌氙噺UFSUJBSZJOEVTUSZ‫ס‬ր┞ցյր◝ցյր┩ց‫ע‬րPOFյ
UXPյUISFFց‫Ⲏםֹ׻ס‬庿▗ꯙֿ⺪茣‫ם‬俙雗‫ׂםעך‬յրSTUյTFDPOEյUIJSEց‫םֹ׻ס‬꽄沁؅銨‫׌‬䍇俙‫ַם׵ך‬ն椝ꓩ◪蛢ꋝֿ╭䒟‫מֹ׻׾׌‬րQSJNBSZյTFDPOEBSZյUFSUJBSZց‫ע‬㷤筦䙎յ‫ⲑ⨲׽ױח‬؅銨‫׽ֽי׊‬յ睗┞姌氙噺‫ י״׎ע‬睗┞筦氙噺 ֵ‫ עַ׾‬睗┞嵣氙噺‫כ‬陹‫גזֵך׀׬׌‬նꀸ噺ֿ尴㴻溷‫מ‬㝕⮗‫עכ׆׾ֵך‬յ‫ّرؓמך׌‬٬‫ֿتِت‬ւ㎼㶠韢փ‫ך‬鞃ַ‫׽ֵך؀׆כ׾ַי‬յꀸカ䈰ꅙ䶏‫⪭׷‬姌氙噺ⵊ‫╭סלם‬䒟‫׵‬յ瑭‫ّرؓעמ‬٬‫ت‬ِ‫⮔סت‬噺‫⛺⨲ס‬䙎؅鱩ֻ‫עכס׵׾‬䘼‫ַם׿؂‬ն睗┞姌氙噺‫ַֹכ‬免‫ ס‬QSJNBSZ ‫ע‬ٚ‫ط‬٤靣‫ ס‬QSJNBSJVT ‫מ‬氮匡‫׼־׾ֵךס׾׌‬յꀸ卲寊氙噺‫ע‬յ麃✄‫ך‬阋ֻ‫ף‬눢‫׼׊־‬‫׽ֵך‬QSJNFNJOJTUFS눢潸յ䔢脢‫ ׼ם‬╭䔢QSJNBEPOOB‫و‬ُٛ٬‫غ‬٤‫ػ‬ ‫׾ֵך‬ն‫מײםה‬睗⪭姌氙噺‫ע‬㳔銉韢倀‫עך‬րTFYUJBSZTFDUPSց‫כ‬陹‫׽ֽי׿׈‬յ瑭‫ס‬䩘䭥‫ה‬ꀐ剹‫עמ‬䲔鼥‫ַי׿׈‬‫◲םֹ׻ַם‬勒‫ⷃם‬靣ֿ❈‫׾ַי׿؂‬ն‫גױ‬劄ꁿ‫ס‬ꀸ噺溮剹‫עך‬րTJYUIJOEVTUSJBMJ[BUJPOPG
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Essay by Dr. Takami  ٥넟鋅 ⯓ 欰 ‫ ך‬㼭 锷 俑

87Toshihiro Takami

Questioning the Culture of Gluttony
Originally given as a key-note speech at a seminar
held at the Asian Rural Institute with the themeof “Agriculture Today and Christianity,” under thesponsorship of the Department of Urban Rural Mission of National Christian Council in Japan (NCCURM) in February 1987.
Translation: Toshiaki Kusunoki

Engaging in the Lives of Rural People
One of the distinctive characteristics of the
Asian Rural Institute, of which I am Director, lies in the fact that it is quite a small
training school with a maximum capacity of
only forty entrants. Every year, it welcomespeople coming from about twenty different countries. Though it is a small institute,
what takes place on the campus daily almost
represents the world in miniature. Together
with twelve or thirteen staff members andabout ten volunteers in a given year, the Institute is determined to address the world’s
big issues and challenges.1 It is our conviction based upon our own experiences and reflection that staying smaller makes us moreable to tackle the big problems before us.
We hold ourselves accountable for the
production of what we eat, as well as what
everybody else eats, by raising questions

about and being critical of conventional
ways of agriculture. At the same time, we try
to make sure that what is to be produced will
be appropriate in terms of protecting the
lives and promoting the growth of everyone
concerned. In that area, proper methods
and manners of production must be followed. As we desire to live in a future world,
we at the Institute try to create step by stepa kind of agriculture that is desirable andappropriate to sustain lives in the future. A
certain pressure upon what we do is being
felt in the form of various comments, sometimes criticisms. Yet, because we remain
small, we are more able to discern what isreally at stake and to cope with a given situation accordingly and with flexibility. When
we try to bear a heavy burden together withthose belittled and the most vulnerable ones
among us, that is, the society’s majority,
being small makes it much easier, I believe,

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TO S H I H I R O TA K A M I

to pin down the roots, the fundamental natureof a problem.
By thoroughly contending with pressing
problems where we live, we are enabled to
become aware of other issues elsewhere;
therefore, a process of preparing ourselvesto address these issues accordingly becomesvery important. Among those who gather at
the Institute from Asia, Africa, the Pacific islands and Latin America, there are such people
as of lately called ‘Dalit’ of Kerala State of India.
The Dalits have been subject to discriminatory practices by other Indians because theprevailing belief is that just touching a Dalit
person will defile everything, even spoil thewell water. It is in sharing a day-to-day life
with them that real problems of the presentday world begin to be visible to our eyes evermore clearly.
The Urban Rural Mission (URM) within
the ecumenical movement today was originally started as the Urban Industrial Mission(UIM). There the mission workers began torealize in the process of carrying out theiractivities that the problems of urban people
were closely, inseparably related to the lifeof rural people. The urban-industrialization
as cultural, social and political movements
at large began even before the 20th century.
If we are to construe such trends and grapple with them, we need to stay in constant
touch with rural folks and deepen an understanding about their lives as well. Otherwise,
we won’t be able to move ahead. That’s how
the URM was born.
The Urban Rural Mission of the WorldCouncil of Churches (WCC-URM) is to cel-ebrate its 25th anniversary this year. It is amovement with a Christian vision of building a fair and peaceful world. It is true by allmeans that you need to have some sort of anorganization in order to keep a movement
going, but you should not put the sustenance concerns of that organization before
the movement itself, priority-wise. We of the
URM have repeated self-criticism and selfexamination on that line among ourselvesin our continuous path of being with thepeople and fighting together with them forour common goals. There is a slogan, so-tospeak, within our movement: “Organizing
People for Power.” The poor are sociallyexploited, despite the fact that they constitute a majority, simply because they have notorganized themselves, or are often hindered
to do so, thereby remaining in a seemingly
endless poverty situation. They offer a clear
contrast to camps of other people who exercise
power—military, economic or otherwise—by organizing themselves, such as thoseworking in corporations and bureaucracy.
Organizing people for power, therefore, had
to surface as an important foothold for the
movement. In so doing, the question of power,
or “What is power?” presents itself as a constant theme for review among us. Anotherpoint of emphasis, relative to that, is theneed to establish an authentic way of life andclarify its logical foundation in the process ofmaterializing a fair and peaceful society.
In early days, the rural problems weredealt with in the cities. But later, a realization dawned on us that we would be left
unable to truly understand those problems

Q U E ST I O N I N G T H E C U LT U R E O F G L U T TO N Y

if there was no solidarity with those who are
discriminated against and exploited in rural
settings. And further, we came to learn thatbuilding an effective movement without
such solidarity would soon face difficulties.
That’s the background story as to why our
engagement in the life of rural people wascalled for.

The Roots of Starvation
With respect to this whole question of a ruralurban relationship just stated, I’m lately
beginning to think that an avenue to lead us
to the most correct understanding of it lies
in viewing it as an issue of starvation and theera/culture of gluttony. This issue of starvation is not new at all, in fact, it has been withus human beings from time immemorial.
Starvation had to do largely with natural calamities in the past. The problem of hunger
and starvation today, however, poses itself
precisely as a social, political problem for themost part. To me, it seems to be closely
related to our lifestyle of gluttony. In olddays, soil cultivating activities in agriculture
were synonymous with culture itself. But today,
such human efforts of trying to escape fromstarvation are in fact forcing humans to steer
in the opposite direction: gluttony.
When compared to a starvation situation, a so-called culture of gluttony hasn’t
been one of our concerns for very long.
Gluttony occurs when a certain group ofpeople begins, by coming to hold power,
the practice of eating good foods just forthemselves, and even at the cost of others atthat, while making the least efforts on theirpart for the production of these foods. The
history of gluttony, in other words, started
when a small group of people began to build
up power to themselves, then to exploit others and nature in the form of destroying it in
actuality. There can be no denying that starvation is a social, structural problem. Take alook at the situation in Negros Island of thePhilippines. From the time of colonizationof the island by Spaniards some 300 years
ago, the rulers developed haciendas (or largescale plantations). The colonizers, in thecourse of selecting what crop items to grow,paid little respect for the local people’s will,
their way of life, tradition, and land-holding
wisdom. That’s where the root cause lies.
Sugarcane growing is another example.
An enormous amount of capital was invested
in India, South Africa, the Philippines, Sri
Lanka, Bangladesh, and Latin Americancountries; thereby the sugarcane was grownin a vast land all over the world. The result
was a dramatic fall of the market price, inwhich the farmers had absolutely no say
at all in such a buyer’s market. In the Stateof Maharashtra, India, where one of our
graduates works, sugarcane was grown ina vast land of a semi-desert zone, and there
were sugar refineries there. In addition,
the fund from the World Bank through thecentral government of India was at work in
the total sugarcane industry itself. So, there
again, the farmers have no say in the pictureof government-led sugarcane growing.
The lack of water for cultivation in such

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semi-desert areas was covered by the utilization of artesian wells. The water salinityof India’s inland regions, however, is rather
high. Since such water was sprinkled in agreat quantity, the surface of the sugarcane
fields all over turned white after three yearsof growing, to the point of being visible tothe naked eye. Now, two years after that,the sugarcane growing had to be given up
altogether. Then what was left for the farmers there to do? They either starve to deathwith no food available or go to Bombay
and settle in one of those slums there—afate of an either-or. The big capital on theother hand simply scraped the plants andwent elsewhere to start their business anew.
What’s left are salty desert and uncultivablelands. In such a way starvation situations
are spreading here and there on the globe.
The problem of desertification, as we havejust seen, is rooted in man-made, social andstructural causes more than anything else.
Natural causes, in comparison, should bearmuch less blame in this respect, I believe.
One of the keen characteristics of oursociety today can be seen in the phenomenon in which starvation and gluttony exist
simultaneously, and both of them arebecoming more critical. Each of them, in
fact, poses a threat to life—destroying natureand shortening lives. I should say that these
two are making their way hand in handwith each other in close relationships andsimultaneously while impairing human dignity. In the culture of gluttony, the businessworld just has to keep its manner of wastefulness because the surrounding economic

environment and systems themselves havebeen built on an assumption that ‘more isbetter’ however wasteful it may be. For instance, we often witness that a huge amountof foodstuffs, way more than one person canever consume, is readily served for wedding
receptions. Those reception venues and hotels,of course, charge the fee for that. If they
don’t prepare a meal table that way, they will
suffer a negative reputation. The flip side of
the coin is that the more wasteful manner inwhich a hotel serves, the more customers it
will attract. That’s how and why the said
service outlets end up in a race of serving
more and more. Because of such culture ofgluttony, Japan, for instance, is being placed
under the pressure of having to import moreagricultural products from overseas. Even
though it’s clear to everybody’s eyes that thedomestic farmers are being cornered intoa more vulnerable social position becauseof such pressure, nobody can do anything
about it. We need to understand that structural forces are at work there.

Sustaining Future Lives in the
Midst of the Culture of Gluttony
God in the Old Testament admonishes us
not to become gluttons and drunkards.
Yet, we are driving ourselves into a forcedgluttony situation. Such a lifestyle is gaining popularity more and more in developed
countries including Japan. That very trend,on one hand, is making a starvation situation
ever more severe.

Q U E ST I O N I N G T H E C U LT U R E O F G L U T TO N Y

One of the problems Japanese farmers face may be found in this context. “Howshould we, the farmers, live in the midst of
the culture of gluttony?” Farmers are cornered
little by little into a situation where thefoodstuffs they produce make the culture ofgluttony ever severe. Many farmers find
it difficult to sustain their own livelihood
unless they opt for mass-production
supported by an abundant use of pesticides,
or, in other words, unless they produce foodthat is not proper to sustain life. No one
would buy if they did not make pesticidecoated produce which even worms would
not eat. Go to any market and you will find it
full of plastic-like vegetables. Why is it thathumans must eat the stuff that even worms
wouldn’t eat? The mentality as well as thelifestyle of the general public, however, is infavor of such a choice. The culture of gluttony, therefore, goes on, with farmers getting caught in the stream.
Once upon a time, farmer wives nearby
our Institute would approach us and say,
“Could you please sell me the cucumbers you
harvested?” They were after cucumbers fortheir own consumption at home while shipping pesticide-coated ones they harvested
to their agricultural cooperative. They knew
those bent ones from our farm, not looking
so nice in appearance, were yet tasty andsafe. I can only see a tragic, miserable pictureof de-humanized Japanese farmers there—
indifferent to producing life-destroying
foodstuffs as they are drowned in the culture of gluttony.
With such a general background, we at

the Institute produce mainly organic foodstuffs using organic farming methods.2 I say‘mainly’ because it is not that easy to drawa clear line between organic and inorganic
produce. And besides, to say that organic
farming is the only answer would be goinga bit too far. The bottom line in this regard
lies solely in our judgment, I believe at the
moment, whether the food we consume isat all appropriate to sustain our life. In order
not only to support life here and now but
also future lives, indeed we are groaning today (Romans chapter 8). The question before us
is: Are we or are we not following a way of
producing foodstuffs at this very momentthat is appropriate to sustain lives to come?
Without such an appropriate way, it is impossible to sustain future lives. We are committed to promoting a kind of agriculture,or food production in general, in that themore we produce, the better and richer thesoil becomes. Along with it, we are trying toestablish ways of eating, ways of sharing foodkeeping in mind the kind of reflection about
appropriateness I stated earlier. I have toadmit, however, that the whole endeavor has
only begun. Therefore, little has reached thelevel of satisfaction in all respects, rather far
from it. At any rate, we are making concrete
efforts in that direction in our daily process
together with brothers and sisters from Asia
and Africa.
Following seasonal changes one byone, we engage ourselves in various kindsof work: growing rice and wheat, clearing
away the underbrush, and sometimes cutting down trees when needed. When you

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analyze a grain of rice, for instance, you’ll
come to know that nitrogen and carbon
in the air and water are collected throughthe roots, the leaves, and the stems. Then,through photosynthesis under the sun, one
single grain is finally formed. (If chemicals
are applied, their components get into eachof those grains.) When you examine a grainof rice closely in that way, you’ll also come todiscover very well that it has matured to thatstage out of the interactions of the whole
universe that God created. The same can besaid of just a handful of soil. By close observation of a grain of rice, a handful of soil,
we are able to understand the intertwined
works and relationships of all creation by
God. On the other hand, when you talk about
producing a ton of rice or shipping millions
of tons of foodstuffs in support of hunger
relief programs in Africa, for instance, you
get oriented to be concerned only about an
economic aspect of the matter. Let us notforget the importance of looking, staring at
a grain of rice.
In the Gospel according to John, we
come across a passage regarding a grainof wheat. Isn’t Jesus in that parable telling us to take a look at the humans as well?
“Unless a grain of wheat dies, it remains
alone; but if it dies, it bears much fruit.” By
death, or by and through a transformation, thegrain becomes able to sustain all lives. We
humans are called to live such a life. Whoever believes in Jesus the Christ is called tofollow that way of living. How should webe transformed? Lived experiences of the
URM community suggest that by joining,by living together with the people who havebeen oppressed, maltreated, marginalized,
made the poorest of the poor, or the leastof all, you and I will be also transformed.
Only then can we start the first steps ofbeing men and women with the power
to re-create life and the world as a whole.
Nurturing sensitivities to understand andshare with one another what others may
harbor in their minds can be done in theeasiest manner, I firmly believe, as we engage ourselves in the production of foodstuffs while honoring the call of co-existence with nature.
We share ideas with farmers on various
occasions as to how the farming populationin Japan may lead their lives. Unless we keep
ourselves sensitive enough to feel one another’s being, it is impossible to live together, to share a life together. That’s what andhow I feel daily at the Institute where people
gather, coming from some twenty different
countries of the world.
In the days when a majority of people
are entangled one way or another in the culture of gluttony, I believe it is important thatpeople come together as individuals and ingroups, as well as in solidarity to think overthe future, to move ahead while keeping
sincere eyes on God who lives inside of us,
and on the intricacies of creation that are atwork deep inside every living thing. In thisculture of gluttony, we are called to keep
alert for ways that will help sustain life in
the future.
Let us share what the Bible has to say:

Q U E ST I O N I N G T H E C U LT U R E O F G L U T TO N Y

Two things I ask of you, Lord;
do not refuse me before I die:
Keep falsehood and lies far from me;
give me neither poverty nor riches,but give me only my daily bread.
Otherwise, I may have too muchand disown you
and say, “Who is the Lord?”
Or I may become poor and steal,and so dishonor the name of my God.
(The Book of Proverbs 30:7-9)

In this era of starvation and gluttony, notjust a farmer, but every one of us needs topursue more seriously the question of how
we should live our lives.

NOTES
1.
In this training year 2019, there are around 30
participants and 25 staf f members at ARI.
2. ARI now exclusively uses organic farming
methods.

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‪ ؅յ 劄 ꁿյ 낢 넜‬כ ׆ ס ׆ ‪յ‬ע ‪瑭‬‬‫؂גזםכ ‪յ63.‬ךסַֹכַם׀ךעכ‬‫ױ ׽ ֽ י ז ‪ 䘼‬כ ‪յ‬־ ַ ם ע ך ‪ ꇓ‬׾ ‪槏 闋 ؅ 䕑‬‬‫‪ 63.‬ס‪♀䌑յ┾汔侷⚶ⶾ饗⚶8$$‬‬‫ַ׊‪婞‬׵‪ֿյ劄‬ס׾‪锶‬י׊כ‪ゼ꾴‬סⵊ‪♣٬倀‬‬‫׎ ױ ׽ ֵ ע ך כ ׆ ג ז ױ ‪ 㢼‬מ ♀ ע ‪ն 낢 넜‬׌‬‫ַ י ׀ י ז כ ױ ׀ ח מ ‪ ☭ ꪨ‬׼ ־ ⮴ ‪յ 劄‬׊ ‪؆‬‬‫ס א ֿ ‪յ 蔦 撬 捇 㵬‬ע ‪ն 儆‬׌ ױ ׽ ֵ ך ‪ ゼ 꾴‬׾‬‫♀‪ֿյ‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬כגזֵךס׵ם׀‪㝕‬ס‪⸮㎋‬‬‫ַ ׻ י ז ‪ 阋‬כ ל ‪ ؆‬כ ׮ ‪յ‬ע ‪ ゼ 꾴‬ס ‪ 낢 넜‬ס ‪傽‬‬‫‪ゼ‬ס‪յ냦낛‬׽ֵך‪յ獗⚶溷յ侓岕溷ゼ꾴‬ל׮‬‫ֵַֿ׽؂‪ꫀ‬ם‪㶔䱸‬כ‪ٜؕ‬ذتنؕ‪꾴ٚ‬‬‫؜‪ٛ‬ءؓ‪ն䓜⮴յꀸ噺‬׌ךסֹ‪䘼‬כ‪յ‬׾ֵ‬‫ם׌ֿכ׆׌‪յ㏸؅腁‬עיַֽמ‪‬٭ٔز‪ٜ‬‬‫‪ֿյ槁‬ג׊ױ׀י׿׼ֻ‪脝‬כ׾ֵךⵊ‪倀‬ה؂‬‫‪Ⲛⲇֿյ‬ס‪☭ꪨ‬׾׌כֹ׻׿‪ꄁ‬׼־‪낢넜‬עך♣‬‫׽םמֹ׻׾׎؂־⻔מ‪偙‬ס‪냦낛‬י׊‪☭ꪨ؅‬‬‫‪ն‬ג׊ױ‬‫מ‪◜䡢‬ס‪յ낢넜‬עס׵ַֹכⵊ‪倀‬ס‪냦낛‬‬‫׆׳‪ꅼ‬עמ׊ם‪յ槏闋‬׷➳‪ꫀ‬סכ‪☭չ‬ס‪ꀸ匆‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ךׄ‬‫‪ٛ‬؞כ׵כ׵ע׿׆‪ն‬׌ױֻ‪ֿ◝◩⽟䌑؅ꁸ‬‬‫‪┾汔؅䩤‬ם⾔‪䌐‬ך‪ׂ⪪婞‬ט‪㕈‬מ♷⟤ס‪侷‬عت‬‫‪؆ꆻ‬؀ה׵‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵךⳛ‪ꆻ‬ס״ג׾י‪䐭‬ה‬‫ױ׽ֵך‪篁縨ֿ䖩锡‬עמ״גַׂיׄ‪ⳛ؅籽‬‬‫זםמ‪ꆻⳛֿ枈朷‬מ״גס‪粪䭥‬ס‪ֿյ篁縨‬׌‬‫⫐ ‪ 63.‬׵חַ‪յ‬ךכ׆ַֹכַם׼םעי‬‫כ‪յ宐鉴‬׼ֿם׊‪ꂉ‬׽ׂ‪嗱阧؅‬כ⮿‪䪞‬׵ך‪ꌃ‬‬‫סא‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽיׄ‪؅籽‬ײ‪ׂ婧‬׹יז‪ꬢ‬מ⪴‬‫‪0SHBOJ[JOH‬מ‪阋訪‬׀׬ַֹ׵כ‪٤‬؝٭‪ٞ‬ت‬‫‪宐鉴؅篁‬מ״ג׾‪1FPQMFGPS1PXFSⲇ؅䕑‬‬‫‪⚕噺յ㴷⦤յ‬ע׿׆‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵֿ‪‬׾׌ⵊ‪縨‬‬‫מכ׆׾׌ⵊ‪♑ֿյ篁縨‬סאⲇ‪黉◜ⲇյ篑座‬‬‫‪յ┾汔‬מ‪㸐攍溷‬עכס׾ַיז‪ⲇ؅䳢‬יז׻‬‫‪䶗‬מ‪յ獗⚶溷‬׵׼ֿם״ⷑ‪㝕㝂俙؅‬ס‪☭չ‬ס‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׿؂‪䘼‬כַ‪嵪‬ע⺮‪婹‬מ־׾ע‪յ‬ף׿׬‪嬟‬‬‫״גַםֿⲇ‪篁縨‬ע‪ַ☭չ‬׊‪鬡‬׾ַי׿׈⺅‬‫ױֹֿׄד⮔‪յ蔦‬׵ךיַֽמ‪枈朷‬ס☭ס♑‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽי׿־ֽמ‪枱岞‬םֹ׻סא‪յ‬מ״‬‫‪յ‬יז׻מכ׆׾‪☭ꪨֿ埫ⲇ؅䳢‬׾ֵ‪յ‬ע‪냦낛‬‬‫׻׾׬‪낛‬י׊׍׎Ⲩ׼‪յ蔦‬י׊‪ַ朮؅յ嚝؅‬‬‫׊‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵך‪◜䡢‬׾׆‪յ鱍‬מ׀כ׾םמֹ‬‫ⲇ‪☭ꪨֿ埫‬ס׽‪┞䳢‬ע⺮‪婹‬ס‪յ냦낛‬יזֿג‬‫‪☭ꪨ؅‬ס♑ה؂ם׌‪յ‬׾״‪㢼‬׊╚‪겏‬מ׼‪؅蔦‬‬‫‪ַֹ䓺‬כ׾׌‪蔦撬؅熏㚷‬עַ׾ֵ‪յ‬׾׌⺅‪䶗‬‬‫׺׊ױֻ‪阋‬כגזױ‪㢼‬מ‪ַֹ免‬כ׾׌⺅‪䶗‬ך‬‫׆׾ֵך‪ゼ꾴‬ם‪ֹն낢넜ֿյ獗⚶溷յ圸ꅎ溷‬‬‫ס‪٤‬م‪ؔٛ‬ن‪ն‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬כַם׀ך‪⻲㴻‬עכ‬‫ג׾ַי׿ױ‪ꮞ‬ף׊ף׊‪篁縨ⵊ؅‬י׊א‪յ‬מ‬‫׀‪㝕‬מ‪篁縨ⵊֿյ긊䊬‬ס‪յ宐鉴‬ךׄ؂ַֹכ‬‫ⲇ‪յ‬׵מ⻉‪㖪‬סא‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽיזםמ‪ⲇ掾‬ם‬‫זםמ‪鞏꾴‬ס‪嗱阧‬מ‪ֿ䊬‬כ׆ַֹכ־✇עכ‬‫ה‪䌐⾔؅䩤‬כ‪⪪婞‬ס⚶‪յ獗‬י׊א‪ն‬׌ױַי‬‫‪气‬ם־‪牞‬׽׻‪յ‬ך╚סتج‪ٞ‬وס״ג׾י‪䐭‬‬‫׆ַׂי׊מ‪㕈潒؅僻牞‬ם‪韢槏溷‬סאכ‪偙‬׀‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי׿־ֽֿ‪ⲇ掾‬מכ‬‫ז׵ך‪ꌬ䉖‬ע⮴‪յ䓜‬׵י׊מ‪ゼ꾴‬ס‪ꀸ匆‬‬‫‪넟鋅佴䒽‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬כ׾ֻ‪阋‬כַם‪㸴‬מ־׾ע‬‫ًتמ⯼‪յ┩溯䌑‬׵יײ‪枱岞؅‬ס‪䀁‬ت‪ٞ‬ءؾ‬‫ֵחח׽םמ⯣‪幾‬׵כ‪⹶偙‬גױ‪յ‬׽ֽי׊‪ꅼ鉿‬‬‫‪呭㕆⿣潨瞏؅յ‬ס‪䨾劔⯜䍲յ✑朮‬ס‪ꏕ脢ֿ㏸㐌‬‬‫‪յ‬׊‪蔦撬؅熏㚷‬׵׼הל‪ն‬׌ךס׾ֵך‪茲㥒‬׾‬‫ֵֿ‪呧徎‬סאמכ׆ג׊מ‪յ㝕㏸㐌ꀸ㏡‬׊‪㴻‬‬‫מ‪냦낛ֿ⻎免‬כ‪յ낢넜‬ע‪杅䖇‬ס⚶‪獗‬ס♀‬‫׌‪㸐‬מהסַ׵׼הלסא‪յ‬י׊א‪ն‬׌ך‪掾‬׾‬‫כ‪ն☭ꪨ‬׌ױַיזםמֹ׻׾״וה‪؅‬הסַ‬‫‪յ‬ך‪䓺‬םֹ׻ֹ‪㸥⹌؅䴮‬סי׊‬‫‪յ‬יז⟠‪╋偙ֿ潸‬‬‫ֿכ׆ַֹכ׾ַך‪ꅼ؆‬מ‪⻎免‬י׊‪ꫀꅙ‬׵־׊‬‫ׂ׊ם‪յ篑座溷‬עך╚סⵊ‪倀‬ס‪ն냦낛‬׌ױֻ‪阋‬‬‫מ╚ס‪յ냦낛‬׼־׌ױ׽ֽיזםֹאֿ✄‪蔦‬ײ‬‫‪蔦‬׵לם‪յ⚕噺‬כַם׼־חכ׽תזלֿ⮔‪蔦‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽיזםׂם׀ךֿכ׆׾׌‪؅粪䭥‬׼‬‫־׼‪ֿյ僻‬׌ױ׿׼‪ׂ锶‬׻ך‪ٜ‬طٌ׷‪篙㨰䑑㖪‬‬‫׵׬גס׵‪✇⠨‬ס‪ꓪ‬׾׿׼׬‪낛‬מ‪蔦⮔ֿ┞㎇‬מ‬‫؀ה׵‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵֿ‪ַֹ⩱再‬כ׾ׅ┪ײ‪؅畤‬ס‬‫ם׊מֹ׻סא‪ֿյ‬׌ךׄ؂׾כע‪倣ꓭ‬סא‪؆‬‬‫׻‪յ‬ךכ׆ַֹכַ‪䔵ꆰֿ䜬‬ע‪ٜ‬طٌס׆כַ‬‫ֽמ‪ٜ‬طٌ‪䨾յ‬׌ד‪؆摾뉬؅յ媘냃؅‬׈ׂג׽‬‫‪媘냃؅‬סׂ‪㝂‬׽׻‪յ篙㹾‬ךכ׆ַֹכַֿׂ‪㵉‬‬‫ס‪յ냦낛‬מֹ׻ס׆‪ն‬׌ךׄ؂׾׌‪盨◚؅‬׌⮂‬‫׌ױ׌ױ׼־‪յ嶮㜽‬עלם‪傽勓‬מ‪杅‬ך╚סⵊ‪倀‬‬‫׻ַם׼םף׿ׄם׊⪜‪ꀸ氙朮؅齽‬ס‪؆‬׈ׂג‬‫⫐‪㎼‬מ״גסא‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽיז־־ֿⲇ‪㐁‬מֹ‬‫ַי׿ױ‪ꃯַꁎ‬מ‪┞㺽䒘ַ皑㖪‬׽׻‪յ‬ע‪ꀸ宐‬ס‬‫׀ך׵כ׆׾׌ֹל‪յ‬׵יַיז־⮔ֿכ׆ׂ‬‫‪ն‬׌ךס׾ַיַ⦍ֿⲇם‪圸ꅎ溷‬םֹ׻ַם‬‫‪յ佻‬׼־‪꼿‬ג׊ⵊ‪䀁⪢✄؅嗘宐㐌‬סאֿ‪ؕ٤‬‬‫‪尴‬י׊‪⚻簡յ气嵛؅摾镄‬׷‪䟨䗄‬ס‪☭չ‬ס‪槁㐌‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽‬‫ײיזכ‪❛؅‬ס‪呭㕆‬ل؞‪յ焻竑‬ףֻכג‬‫ت‪٤յ‬م‪ؔٛ‬ن‪յ‬؜‪ٛ‬نؓⷁ‪յ‬غ‪յؕ٤‬כ׾‬‫לם‪ٖյⷁ稌յ╚稌‬بظ‪ٚ‬ء‪٤‬ف‪յ‬؜‪ٛٚ٤‬‬‫ם‪ׂ䌮㝕‬ׇ׌ס׵‪յ‬׿׈┫‪魕勓ֿ䫋‬ס‪㝕ꓪ‬מ‬‫י׊‪篙卸յ䉖㖪❿呬ֿ函訒‬ג׿؂ם‪鉿‬מ‪긖畤‬‬‫ס✇י׊‪㸐‬מ׿אע‪յ气氙脢‬׽םמ‪鬼䩘䉖㖪‬‬‫ס‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓ‪ַն‬ם׀ךֿכ׆׾ׄח׵⺝‪倀‬‬‫ُסغ‪ؕ٤‬׾ַי׊‪ⶻ噺气ֿ┞气䧂⾀♐◜؅‬‬‫ل؞‪յ焻竑‬׵ך‪⶯焻悤㐌䊝‬ס‪ٚ䈣‬عٖب‪ٚ‬ـ‬‫‪鏫‬עמ׆א‪ն‬׌ױַי׿׈‪呭㕆‬מ‪ֿ䌮ַ긖畤‬‬‫‪╚㝠侓䍟؅ꄼ‬סغ‪յؕ٤‬׽ֽי׀ך׵‪竑䈰㖪‬‬‫‪յꀸ‬׼־׌ױ׀י׽┫ֿ‪魕ꓭ‬ס‪┾汔ꗯ鉿‬י׊‬‫׀ךֿכ׆ֹ‪阋‬כ‪ց‬٭ؿ‪ր‬י׊‪㸐‬מ׿אע‪宐‬‬‫‪ ׂյ 䱡 䫕 ◪ 䨯 ؅‬ם ֿ ‪ 寊‬ך ‪ ַն ⶯ 焻 悤 㐌 䊝‬ם‬‫־עמ‪寊‬ס‪⫐꯽ꌃ‬סغ‪ֿյؕ٤‬׌ױַיז❈‬‫ׂױמ‪؅㝂ꓪ‬׿א‪յ‬יַי׿ױ⻻ֿ⮔‪㘇‬׽ם‬‫‪┩䌑‬י״‪呭㕆؅㢼‬סل؞‪յ焻竑‬׼־׌ךס׵‬‫מל׮׾־⮔׵ך‪舸濣‬ע‪銨긖‬ס‪յ㏸㐌‬עמ‪䔿‬‬‫‪յ‬י׊א‪ն‬ג׊ױַױ׊י׿؂ֽֽמ‪澵溮‬ך‪㘇‬‬‫מ‪┮⺪茣‬׵‪呭㕆‬סل؞‪焻竑‬עמ‪◝䌑䔿‬מ׼׈‬‫׾םֹלע‪ꀸ宐‬ס׆א‪ն‬ג׊ױַױ׊יזם‬‫ֵ ‪յ‬־ ׾ ׌ ‪ 넜 媃‬י ׂ ם ֿ ‪յ 낛 朮‬ף ֻ ‪ 阋‬כ ־‬‫ך╚סⵊ‪倀‬ס‪냦낛‬‬‫׾םמ‪⛿宐‬סّ‪ٚ‬تיז‪鉿‬׫ؕي‪ٍ٤‬עַ׾‬‫‪յ‬עךױױס׆‪յ‬י׊‪꽑阋脢؅ꄼ‬ע‪玗‬ס‪僀笴‬‬‫♑גױ‪յ‬ך‪؆‬גגי׬׌‪䈰㖪؅‬ע‪؆յ㝕魕勓‬‬‫עהג‪ն瑭‬׌ױַי׊⼴‪յ餾‬כב׾׌‪냦낛‬ל‬‫ׄד‪㏸㐌‬ם‪ꀸ腁┮⺪茣‬כ‪焻悤‬עס׾ַיז‪媘‬‬‫׮׌⮂׀⼖ֿ‪낛朮‬׼־‪밮‬׷‪膀‬׷‪潨‬סאע‪☭ꪨ‬‬‫‪蔦‬מ‪◜䡢‬םֹ׻׾׿׼ַ‪냦낛؅䒣‬םֹ׻סא‬‫‪٬‬نؕ‪ٚ‬םֹ׻סא‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽך‪؆‬׆ַ‪؅ꃯ‬׼‬‫ך‪ꅼ؆‬ך‪⩰ꅼ㎼‬ס‪┾汔‬׳⻻‪ֿٜؕ傽勓؅‬ذت‬‫׌ױ‪낢넜枱䡢؅‬ך‪ֿ┞偙‬כ׆סא‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽ‬‫؀ה׵‪ն‬׌ךסַםֿ‪ꇓ‬־׊ח┞מח◝‪յ‬־‬‫‪յ‬ךׄ؂׾״‪焻竑呭㕆؅㢼‬׀ַיז׵׫‪䨾‬ס‬‫‪낢넜‬י׊מֹ׻סא‪ն‬׌ױ׽םמכ׆ַֹכ‬‫׆‪յ‬ע‪ゼ꾴‬סⵊ‪ն焻悤‬׌ױַיז‪鱍‬מ‪⻄㐌‬ע‬‫‪⸮㎋ֿ睗‬ם‪☭掿溷յ獗⚶溷յ圸ꅎ溷‬מֹ׻ס‬‫ף׿׬‪嬟‬מ׿אע‪⸮㎋‬ם‪յ蔦撬溷‬יזֵך┞‬‫‪96‬‬

‫‪97‬‬‫ֲ㉏׾⻉‪俑‬ך‪귂굸‬‬‫ֵךס׾ַיַ״ֹױַ‪յ‬׵מ״ג׾ֻ‪؅佻‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽיזםמכ׆ַׂי׊מ⯣‪幾‬׌ױ‬‫ַ‪偙؅‬׽✑ס‪朮‬׬‪낛‬םֹ׻ַ׊؂׈רמ׾ֻ‬‫‪յꀸ宐‬ך╚סⵊ‪倀‬ס‪ն냦낛‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬מֹ׻׾‬‫‪佻‬׵‪؅‬הסַס‪ُ剹⪧皹ն㸝匡‬٭‪ٞ‬׌ױ׽‬‫‪♐偙؅‬םֹ׻סאגױ‪յ‬־ֹל־׾ַי׊ױ‬‫עכ׆׾ֻ‪؅佻‬הסַס‪յ㸝匡‬׼גז־ם׊‬‫׻׵‪յ㏸‬ל׮׾✑ף׿✑‪朮؅‬׬‪ַն낛‬ם׀ך‬‫‪偙؅‬׽✑ס‪朮‬׬‪ꀸ噺յ낛‬םֹ׻׾םמ־‪骅‬׽‬‫‪낛‬םֹ׻סא‪յ‬י׊‪ꫀꅙ‬כ׿אגױ‪ֹյ‬׻׊‬‫ⲇⲚיֻ‪脝‬כ‪ֹյ‬׻׊‪⻉ַ偙؅‬ה־⮔‪偙յ‬׬‬‫מ‪枱䡢‬ם‪彸鳉‬דױ‪յ‬׊־׊‪ն‬׌ךס׾ַי׊‬‫כ‪ֿյ‬׌ך׽־ףגזױ‪㢼‬דױ‪ꇶׂյ‬ל׮ע‬‫╚סتج‪ٞ‬وס‪յ嬐傽‬י׊׉״‪؅‬׿אׂ־מ‬‫כ‪☭չ‬׾ַי‪匡‬׼־‪瞏‬؜‪ٛ‬نؓ‪ؓյ‬ةؓ‪յ‬ך‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽינ‪Ⲛⲇ؅ꓨ‬ם‪⪽✄溷‬‬‫‪ ؅‬׽ ⮙ ┫ ס ‪յ 㻗‬׽ ✑ ‪ 稌յ 뫗 ؅‬ע ה ג ‪瑭‬‬‫ֵמ׆אעחכץס‪ゼ꾴‬ס‪ꀸ宐‬ס‪傽勓‬‬‫ֿ‪朮‬׾✑ֿהג⮔‪ն蔦‬־׾׀‪气‬מ־ַי׊כ‬‫םֹ׻ַׂי׊מ⯣‪幾‬׌ױ׌ױ‪倀ⵊ؅‬ס‪냦낛‬‬‫‪ꃯ‬כ‪؆‬ד‪؆‬ד‪յ‬מ‪ַ䨾‬םֻ‪؅‬׾׉׼םמכ׆‬‫‪㝕‬יז❈מ‪؆‬ד‪؆‬ר‪ַׂնꀸ赟؅‬י׿ױ׆ַ‬‫םׂ׊؂׈רעמ׾ֻ‪؅佻‬הסַ‪յ‬׊‪ꓪ气氙‬‬‫‪气嵛؅皑‬ס⮔‪յ蔦‬כַם׼✑‪낛朮؅‬םֹ׻ַ‬‫׽ֽ‪؆‬׈ׂגֿ‪ַꀸ宐‬ם׀ךֿכ׆ׂ׹יי‬‫ַם؂‪낛‬ס‪յ輮‬׵ךיַױ‪ֻ赟؅‬כג‪ն‬׌ױ‬‫‪勓‬׼־ד‪ַն‬םֻ׼׵יז‪鬼‬כַם׼✑‪朮؅‬‬‫ױ⮂מ‪ꓩ褺ֿ䉖㖪‬םֹ׻סؠشزت‪ٚ‬وמ‪䓜‬‬‫‪؅‬ס׵םֹ׻ַם؂‪낛‬׵‪ն輮‬׌ױ׽ֽיז؂‬‫‪ֿյ‬׌ך؀׆כַגַ‪阋‬כ־ס׾ֻ‪☭ꪨֿ낛‬‬‫‪㜟‬ס׽‪䫐‬׽‪յ㎂㳌䫐‬׽ג׊‪⠱‬׽⮗‪յ勎؅‬י׊‬‫‪٬‬نؕ‪ؔյٚ‬ط‪ٛ‬ذ‪ْ٤‬ס‪☭չ‬ס‪┞薭‬מ‪㵅갾‬‬‫⮔‪╚麃؅‬ס‪┞穌‬סא‪յ‬׵יײיזכ‪稌┞穌؅‬‬‫‪յ‬כ׾ַך‪ꅼ؆‬עⵊ‪յ냦낛倀‬ך‪䓺‬׾׿ױ׆׀ױ‬‫ֽ‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽי׊‪♐◜؅‬ם؀ַ؀ַך╚סⵊ‬‫לם‪掣筶‬׷‪痾筶‬ס╚‪疾宜‬׷‪յ寊‬כ׾ײי׊‪卥‬‬‫א ‪յ‬י ׀ י ז ױ ‪ 겏‬י ׊ ‪ 螛 ؅ ꄼ‬׷ ‪ 訪‬׷ ‪ֿյ 呧‬‬‫יז׻מ‪⩱⻉䧯✑氠‬סך┫ס⩱ס‪ֿ㝚갅‬׿‬‫׼ ם ׂ ‪ն ꀸ 赟 ؅ 丵‬׌ ך ׄ ؂ ׾ ם מ ‪┞ 穌 ┞ 穌‬‬‫א‪ն‬׌ױ׀יז⪜מ╚ס‪┞穌‬ע⮔‪䧯‬סא‪յ‬ף‬‫ⱁ ֿ ‪յ 玗‬כ ׾ ײ כ ז ׋ ‪յ 稌 ┞ 穌 ؅‬מ ֹ ׻ ס‬‫מ‪┞穌‬ס׆‪յ‬יַ⦍‪㴓㴹⪢✄ֿ潸‬ס׆ג׿׼‬‫ס ׽ ‪ն ┞ 䳢‬׌ ױ ׽ ־ ⮔ ׂ ׻ ֿ ס ׾ ַ י ז ם‬‫ס ׽ ‪ 稌յ ┞ 䳢‬ס ‪ն ┞ 穌‬׌ ך ׋ ⻎ ׵ י ‪㏸ ؅ 锶‬‬‫‪ ⪢ 錺‬ע ה ג ‪յ 瑭‬י ז ׻ מ כ ׆ ׾ ‪ ׂ 锶‬׻ ‪㏸ ؅‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׀יֻ‪ׂ锶‬׻ֿ➳‪ꫀ‬׾ַיַ⦍‪潸‬ס‪ꅎ朮‬‬‫‪낢넜‬ס؜‪ٛ‬نؓ‪յ‬־כ׾✑‪稌؅‬ס‪٤‬ع┞‪؅‬׿׆‬‫‪յ‬עמ‪免‬׾‪낛倣؅ꃻ‬ס‪٤‬ع┧‪✇溯‬מ״גס‪侫䴈‬‬‫‪稌‬ס‪؆ն┞穌‬׎ױ׊כֹ׻‪锶‬־׊‪긖‬ם‪篑座溷‬‬‫‪䘼‬כַם׼םעי׿‪؅䗆‬׈⮗‪㝕‬סכ׆׾‪؅锶‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַ‬‫ַכ׻‪뫗؅锶‬ס‪յ┞穌‬עמ‪珿꼞剹‬ؾـ‪ٙ‬‬‫םֹ׻סא‪յ‬עتؙؕ‪ֿյ‬׌ױ׽ֵֿ‪ֹ阋訪‬‬‫עךס׾ַיז׶׊זֽכ؀‪☭ꪨ؅锶‬ך‪锶偙‬‬‫מ׆א׵‪յꀸ宐‬׽ֽיַ⻔מ׆אֿ‪ٜؕ‬ذت‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׿؂‪䘼‬עמ‪瑭‬‬‫‪؆‬׈ײ־ֽס‪ꀸ㵵‬ס‪⽟ꁊ‬ס‪յ㳔ꯖ‬יח־‬‫׀כ׿ׂיז‪ٛ؅㛿‬ٖؗ؞ס‪ֿյ㳔ꯖ氙‬הג‬‫ׄט‪赟‬גז✑ך‪䨾‬ס⮔‪ն蔦‬׌ױ׽ֵֿכ׆ג‬‫׬‪낛‬סהג⮔‪յ蔦‬׊‪⮂衠‬מⶾ‪ꀸ‬ע‪ٛ‬ٖؗ؞ס‬‫׊־׊‪ַյ‬םךַ׿׀גזֿ‪յ剱‬י׊כ⮔׾‬‫‪匡‬מַ‪ٛ؅鬼‬ٖؗ؞ס‪㳔ꯖ氙‬ם‪㴗䖥‬יׂ⽱‪耘‬‬‫‪؅忶‬הסַ‪յ‬י׿‪忞‬מⵊ‪ն냦낛倀‬׌ךׄ؂ג‬‫☭‪ַյ긊‬ם׋‪䠊‬׵✇‪յ‬יז✑‪؅‬ס׵׬ג׌ׯ‬‫‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֵֿ‪㥌‬ם‪䜸䞠‬ס‪傽勓ꀸ宐‬ג׿׈ⵊ‪ꪨ‬‬‫‪劔塌ꀸ‬מ╭‪յ‬עך‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓך╚םֹ׻ס׆‬‫׏ם‪ն‬׌ױ׽ֽיז✑‪؅‬ס׵׬גיַ‪岺؅氠‬‬‫ֵך‪ֿ劔塌‬ךױ׆ל‪յ‬כַֹכ־ֹ‪阋‬כמ╭‬‫ױֻ‪阋‬מⷃ‪祔‬עכ׆ַֹכ־׾ֵך‪յ摾塌‬׽‬‫ַַף׿ַיז׷ׄד‪劔塌ꀸ岺‬גױ‪յ‬׊‪؆‬׎‬‫‪յ篙㹾յ‬ךסַם׿⮗ַ‪阋‬עֹא‪յ‬כֹ‪阋‬כ־‬‫׊ך־ֹל־ַ׊؂׈רמס׾ֻ‪؅佻‬הסַ‬‫‬‫‪ն‬׌ךס׾ַיז‪䘼‬כַם׀ך‪⮿偂‬־‬‫הסַס‪ׂյ㸝匡‬םךׄדהסַס‪♀傽‬‬‫‪넟鋅佴䒽‬‬‫‪ծ‬ׅת׭‪実‬ח׋ז֮׾הֿךא✳כ׃׋׻‬‫‪յ‬ף׿ׄםם‪뫗ֿ媃‬ס‪ն┞穌‬־ֹ׺׊ךַם‬‫‪ְׁկ‬׌ֻ‬‫סַסי׬׌‪յ‬יז׻מ‪䓺‬ג׿׈‪㜟긞‬סח┞‬‫‪ַֹյ‬כן‪뫗ֿ媃‬ס‪յ┞穌‬׾ַךױױס‪┞穌‬‬‫גִזַ׾׸ֿ‪ծ‬ח׍ְֲזז‪娤‬ך׃׋׻‬‫ׄםךֹא׵‪յ☭ꪨ‬מֹ׻׾⯑מ׾ֻ‪؅佻‬ה‬‫‪黅ֽׂծ‬׵ַ׃׋׻׾׶⩝‪ծ‬׉ֲ‬‫אע‪脢‬׾׍⟤‪؅‬تؙؕ‪ն‬׌ךסַם׼םף׿‬‫‪ծ‬׆ׇ׮׫‪㺡‬׋ת‪ֻծ‬ז׮ֻ׃‪顆‬‬‫ױַי׿׼״‪؅寛‬כ׆׾׌‪偙؅‬׀‪气‬םֹ׻ס‬‫ֻג׏‪균‬׾׃׋׻ד‪굸暟‬ט׵זגֻז׌׋‬‫‪ն‬־׀׬׾׿׈‪㜟긞‬מֹ׻סלעהג‪ն瑭‬׌‬‫‪ְׁկ‬׌‬‫‪皑‬ג׿׼ׅ‪յ┞沁軩‬ףַֻ׼־‪篑닫‬ס ‪63.‬‬‫‪ְְծ‬הְז׵‪濼‬׾׋ז֮‪ծ‬ג׶‪귂ֹ駈‬‬‫‪ծ‬׭׋ְזךהֲֿ‪鎉‬ה‪ַռ‬׸׌כה⚺‪ջ‬‬‫ֽמ‪ַ皑㖪‬׈‪յ┞沁䒘ַյ┞沁㸯‬יזֵמ‪㖪‬‬‫‪կ‬ׅד׭׋ְזךהֿׅ‪寅‬׾‪せ‬ך‪牞‬ך׃׋׻‬‫‬‫‪㜟‬׽✑‪⪢✄յ┾汔⪢✄؅‬הסַ‪յ‬׿׈‪㜟긞‬׵‬‫⮔‪յ蔦‬יז׻מכ׆׾םמ‪┞糿‬כ‪☭չ‬ג׿־‬‫‪ծ‬׃׾׫‪游‬גֻ׃‪顆‬׋ת‬

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‫כ‪☭ꪨ‬ח׵‪ⲇ؅‬םֹ׻׾׀ךֿכ׆ַׂיֻ‬‫‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬כ׾׀ךֿכ׆׾״‪㲽㐂؅㢼‬סי׊‬‫‪խխխխխխխխ盷鎉  剅  ։  眍‬‬‫ַ◦ֽ‪؅յ‬כ׆׾ַיז‪䘼‬ס‪䖥յ☭չ‬ס‪☭չ‬‬‫׼‪ꮹ‬מ‪յꀸ宐‬יזֵמ╚סⵊ‪倀‬ס‪냦낛‬כ‪낢넜‬‬‫‪յ‬עכ׆ַׂיז‪䠊䙎؅너‬םֹ׻׾׿כ׋‪䠊‬מ‬‫כַם׼םעיׂם־ַי״‪寛‬מⰟ‪澵‬כז׵‬‫ך‪ַ䓺‬׌׷׽׷‪յ┞沁‬מ‪ׂ免‬׹יז✑‪朮؅‬׬‬‫עהג‪յ瑭‬־׀׬׌‪偙؅‬׀‪气‬םֹ׻סל‪յ‬׍‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬‬‫‪낛‬סהג⮔‪յ蔦‬יז‪⪴㲽؅㎫‬סכ‪蔦撬‬׵׿׆‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַיז‪䘼‬כ־ַםעךס׾׀ך‬‫׆׾ַי׀יזױ‪☭չֿ겏‬ס‪㎼‬־‪◝ջ俙‬‬‫‪ֿյ‬׌ךכ׆׾ַי׋‪յ傽չ䠊‬ך‪ؓ㳔ꯖ‬ةؓס‬‫׹י׀‪气‬מ⪴‪յ‬כַםך‪侧䠊‬מ‪㲽㐂‬סַ◦ֽ‬‫‪ն‬׌ךסַם׀ךעכ׆ׂ‬‫‪偙‬׀‪气‬םֹ׻סלֿהג☭ס‪ꀸ宐‬ס‪傽勓‬‬‫׾ֻ‪脝‬מ⪴׵הג‪յ瑭‬־ַ׻׼גזַי׊‪؅‬‬‫סⵊ‪☭չֿ냦낛倀‬ס‪ն㝕㝂俙‬׌ױ׽ֵֿכ׆‬‫‪؅脝‬כ׆ס‪յ㸝匡‬ך╚׾ַי׿ױ׆׀‪䉌‬מ╚‬‫צ‪㎷ׂ篙‬י׊כو٭‪ٜ‬ءגױמ‪յ⠥☭溷‬יֻ‬‫‪յ‬׼ֿםׄ⻔‪潨؅‬מ☭׾ם⫐מⰟ‪յ澵‬יז⻉‬‫⦍מ╚ס◜‪朮‬׷‪◜厲‬׾ַיז׆‪鱍‬ך‪䓺‬׾ֻ‪锶‬‬‫׹ך‪ꅼ؆‬׼ֿם״ח‪؅锶‬ס׵׾ם⫐׾ַיַ‬‫‪յ‬ך╚סⵊ‪ն냦낛倀‬׌ױַ‪䘼‬כד⮗‪ֿ㝕‬כ׆ׂ‬‫׾ַי׿׼״‪؅寛‬כ׆ׂ׹י״‪潨ꑟ‬עהג‪瑭‬‬‫‪峜ꓡ‬‬‫‪  ⻏ն‬ע〉‪  ⻏⯼䔿յ舓‬ע‪㳔气‬ע‪ 䌑槁㐂‬‬‫。‪ 䌑現在は完全に有機農法で食料生産を行っている‬‬‫‪2.‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ךס‬‫׿׼‪阋訪ֿ靣‬םֹ׻ס┫♧‪յ‬מ╚ס‪硣阋‬‬‫‪ն‬׌ױַי‬‫‪98‬‬

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About “euodoō”
This journal presents articles and theses written
predominantly by ARI staf f and community membersthat explore ARI’s foundational spirit, motto, key
concepts, and training program. It aims to improve
supporters’ understanding of ARI while also promoting the values and philosophies ARI holds dearly to
new audiences. In the past, articles and theses about
ARI were scattered and not well publicized; even staf fmembers were often unaware of their existence. In
order to give these important writings new life andinspire a new generation of ARI friends and supporters, we deemed it meaningful to reorganize andrepublish them in journal form. The journal is published annually and is also be available electronically
via the ARI homepage.
“Euodoō,” the journal’s name, is derived from Greek.
The root meaning is “prosperity,” but another translation of euodoō is “a good way.” We humans haveachieved prosperity and development in many ways,
but we need to ask ourselves whether the way inwhich we have attained those has been through “agood way.” Did we destroy what is necessary for the
next generation? Did we disregard new lives to come?
Ref lecting on our past activities while presenting achallenge to ourselves as responsible agents for the
future, we need to keep asking, “Is this a good way?”
The name “euodoō” shows our will to prepare a spacefor careful consideration of this question.
The journal’s subtitle, “Journal of Rural Future
Study,” is also significant. One of the intentions of
the journal is to reconsider our image of what the
future should be, instead of simply recording important events in the history of ARI, or extrapolating
current trends. Further, we want a future that is derived from images of all creatures standing firmly ona living soil. Considering what healthy rural communities can and should look like is another important
aspect of the works presented here.

،‫آ‬،㷕ꤍ秀銲 ِؔ٦‫س‬٦ ‫גְאח‬ؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ笫锡‫ע‬յؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ‫ס‬槏䗻յ䘼䞯յ䒣鞪‫❿׾׌‬⡑镸‫ַ׻׽׻ס‬槏闋‫כ‬ヂ諔‫מ״גס‬յⱁ陭‫ס‬槏䗻յٓ‫٭عش‬յ‫٭؞‬‫ؤ‬٤‫عوج‬յ煝⟵⫐㵼‫יַחמלם‬յ╭‫ؓةؓמ‬㳔ꯖ‫ס‬舓〉‫ؓةؓ׷‬㳔ꯖꫀ➳脢ֿ剹ַ‫ג‬韢倀瞏؅겏‫״‬յؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ؅‫ׇ‬佻䴈ַ‫׾ַיַדג‬偙չյꫀ䖥؅䭥‫׾ַיַדגַיז‬偙չ‫מ‬䌮ׂ鞅؆‫מ״גׂדגַך‬溪鉿‫׌ךס׵׾׌‬ն‫מךױ׿׆‬‫ؓةؓ׵‬㳔ꯖ‫מ‬ꫀ‫י׊‬㝂ׂ‫ס‬偙չֿ⺅包‫׷‬煝疴؅‫׊‬յ‫׿א‬؅阾◜‫׷‬韢倀瞏‫ס‬䓺‫ֿג׊ױַיז׈דׂי׊⮂מ┾ך‬յ‫׿א‬‫⟛מ׼ף׼ףע׼‬硄‫⫖ךׄד׾ַי׿׈‬㲳‫׼״כױמֹ׻ס‬‫מ״גגז־םַי׿‬յ⫐ꌃ‫☭ס‬ꪨ‫׼׌מ‬鞅‫׾׿ױ‬塌⚶‫ע‬ꮹ‫ג׊ױַי׿׼‬ն‫ג׿⨲עמ╚סא‬煝疴‫׵⿣✑׷‬㸴‫ׂםׂם‬յؓ‫ؓة‬㳔ꯖ‫ס‬槏䗻؅⫙霼餟‫׵ךֹֻ׾׌‬յ‫׽׻‬㝂ׂ‫ס‬偙չ‫מ‬槏闋‫׵מ״גׂדגַי׊‬յ‫מ׼׈‬䔿┾‫׵ך┪ַׂיֻ⚻מ‬笫锡‫י׊כ‬㴻劻溷‫״כױמ‬յ溪鉿‫מכ׆ַׂי׊‬䟨聋ֵֿ‫׾‬‫כ‬䘼‫׌ױ׽ֽיז‬ն筤㪽✄‫מ׵ככ‬ ' 曫‫׊✑⯜׵‬յٌ‫٭‬ًّ‫ة٭‬瞏‫ؗر׼־‬٤ٞ‫׌ױ׀ךغ٭‬ն‫ס׆‬笫锡‫ⰶע‬꾴؅
ր㏸‫מ‬气‫׾׀‬勑匡㳔ցյ⻏⯼؅ FVPEPÑ
ٗ‫٭؛‬‫٭غ‬‫ג׊ױ׊כ‬ն
ր㏸‫מ‬气‫׾׀‬勑匡㳔ց‫עסג׊כ‬յ‫ס׆‬笫锡ֿⷃ‫׾ם‬ꇃ⹛‫׷‬槁㐂‫ס‬阾ꜗ‫מ‬汦‫׍׼ױ‬յ瑭‫׀׬׾ֵֿהג‬勑匡‫⫙יַחמ‬脝‫׾׌‬塌⚶‫כ׆׾םכ‬؅꿈‫׌ך׼־גז‬ն‫׈‬‫סאמ׼‬勑匡‫ע‬յ气‫׊כ׀‬气ׄ‫כ׽־ז׊ֿס׵׾‬㝕㐌‫מ‬鳉؅‫ׄח‬ր㏸‫מ‬气‫׾׀‬ց‫ַֹכ‬䉤劳‫ַֹכ׀׬׾ֵמ⩧ס‬脝ֻ‫׼־‬յ
ր㏸‫מ‬气‫׾׀‬勑匡㳔ց‫ⰶַֹכ‬꾴ֿ♕ׄ‫ג׊ױ׿׼‬ն&VPEPÑ ٗ‫؟ע ٭غ٭؛‬ٛ‫ٔب‬靣‫ך‬ր緽吖ց
QSPTQFS‫ס‬靣徎‫׾ַיזםכ‬阋訪‫ֿ׌ך‬յ‫؟‬ٛ‫ٔب‬靣‫ס‬潲陹‫ע‬րㄌַꇓց

‫ַֹכ‬䟨⽱‫׌ך‬ն☭ꪨ‫מ׈ױע‬緽吖‫׷‬溪㺤؅潨䭰‫י׊‬䧂⾀‫מ‬气؅‫ֿ׌ךׄ؂ג׀ךַםח‬յ卸‫י׬׌ע׿אי׊ג‬րㄌַꇓց‫־סגזֵך‬ն䔿┾‫סס׵׀׬׾ֻ⚻מ‬㝂ׂ؅熏㚷‫׊‬յ⥣♕ׄյ勑匡‫⾀ס‬؅鼓؆‫־גז־ם׆עי׋‬ն‫⹸םֹ׻סא‬澈؅‫י״׆‬յ‫׵ֽם׊־׊‬勑匡‫מ‬㸐‫י׊‬鬬⚈ֵ‫י׊כ✄╭׾‬‫✇׼־׿׆‬؅‫־׀׬׌ם‬յ‫ס׆‬笫锡ֿ‫סא‬瞩ֻ‫ס‬ꃯ⹳؅嵛溪‫מ‬鉿ֹ㖪‫⻏ס׆מֹ׻׾םכ‬؅♕ׄ‫ג׊ױ‬ն

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euodoō — Journal of Rural Future Studyٗ‫٭غ٭؛‬մ٬մ㏸‫מ‬气‫׾׀‬勑匡㳔

Journal of the Asian Rural InstituteVol. 3, 2019
March 31, 2019

Editing Committee
Tomoko Arakawa, Osamu Arakawa,
Yukiko Ôyanagi, Junko Tanaka, Thomas Fujishima
Proof-reading
Cody Kiefer, Yukiko Ôyanagi
Illustrations
Thomas Fujishima
Cover ArtJan Garood
Publisher
Asian Rural Institute442-1 Tsukinokizawa, Nasushiobara, Tochigi
329-2703 JAPANtel0287-36-3111
email
info@ari-edu.org
Printing
Printpac Corporation،‫آ‬،㷕ꤍ秀銲
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⽩ⵗ吳䒭⠓爡‫ٔف‬ٝ‫ؙحػز‬By living together with the people who have been oppressed, maltreated, marginalized,
made the poorest of the poor, or the least of all, you and I will be also transformed.
Only then can we start the ﬁrst steps of being men and women with the power tore-create life and the world as a whole. Nurturing sensitivities to understand and sharewith one another what others may harbor in their minds can be done in the easiest
manner, I ﬁrmly believe, as we engage ourselves in the production of foodstu�fs whilehonoring the call of co-existence with nature.
Toshihiro Takami

www.ari-edu.org