Book Reviews

community-owned land and administered by theresidents and analyzes how direct management by
the residents transitioned to contracted management
by a well-known hotel chain, as well as how the profits are shared. It outlines a new livelihood strategy ofthe herders to hire tourism business professionals
who can generate a larger profit than themselves anduse the profit to divide the communal land into private lands.
Chapter 4 analyzes community participation in
the administration of a conservancy (Ospuko
Conservancy) that a non-profit environmental conservation organization took the lead in establishing.
In the conservancy, which is a private sanctuary, multiple land owners form a management associationand determine the methods of its operation. The
chapter explains situations such as the interventions
by the non-profit environmental conservation organization and the problems arising due to the autonomous management by the community representatives.
Chapter 5 analyzes in detail the process in which
the residents select a private company to operate thesanctuary. It describes situations such as how theintervention by politicians thwarts the choices thatmost benefit the residents. The second half of thechapter looks at the damage caused by wild animals
and describes the gap in perception between conservation advocates and the residents.
Chapter 6 refers to the so-called "Amboseli Crisis"
involving a boy killed by a wild animal and therevenge taken by the local community and discusses
the coexistence of humans and wild animals in thearea.
The author's main interest involves an investigation of the forms of coexistence brought by the CBC
approach to wildlife conservation. An interesting
point that he notes is that, whereas the governmentthat promotes a benefits-based approach forces residents to "coexist," the non-profit conservation organization uses the fact that the privatization ofland isincreasing to select and exclude residents whileemphasizing personal responsibilities. Despite thefact that traditional conservation policy and the neoliberal conservation approach of recent years aretaking place concurrently, the government and thenon-profit conservation organizations are increasingly involving the residents by prioritizing the CBC
approach. In the midst of this situation, the damage

Maasai and "Coexistence" at Large: From the Field
of WUdlife Conservation in Kenya (Samayoeru
Kyouzon to Massai: Kenya no Yaseidoubutsuhozen no
Genbakara). Toshio Meguro, Tokyo: Shinsensha,

2014, pp. 456 (in Japanese).
The conservation of diverse ecosystems with abundant fauna and flora has been a crucial policy goal ofcolonial and post-colonial African governments
since the early 20th century. However, enforced conservation policies have often resulted in serious conflicts between government authorities and the local
people who use the natural resources within andaround the conservation areas. Despite the fact thatsince the 1990s, community-based conservation(CBC) has become a popular conservation strategy,
most members of the community are not consulted
in the decision-making processes concerning theland and natural resources. This book, based on theauthor's doctoral thesis, submitted to Tokyo
University in 2011, examines the Massai people
living in the Amboseli ecosystem located in southern
Kenya and discusses issues surrounding the field ofcommunity-based conservation.
Chapter 1 introduces the various perspectives ofCBC, which has various interpretations dependingon the individual, and clarifies these differences.
Four approaches: integrated conservation and development projects (ICDPs), CBC, community conservation (CC), and community-based natural resource
management (CBNRM), are reviewed as new paradigms. The chapter then argues that three aspects:
benefits, rights, and dialogues, represent the key for
local residents to proactively become involved inconservation activities, and lists the various angles ofanalysis that appear in subsequent chapters.
Chapter 2 presents a basic background on the history of wildlife conservation policy in Kenya, thesociety of Massai herders, and the Loitokitok
District. It describes what drives the Massai as herders to attempt to diversify their livelihoods into areas
such as tourism and irrigated agriculture, as well as
the factors that drive the Kenyan government, which
has traditionally adopted strict conservation policies,
such as the total ban on hunting unique in Mrica, toturn to implementation of CBC.
Chapter 3 describes a community sanctuary(KIMANA Community Sanctuary) established on4142

Nilo-Ethiopian Studies

caused by wild animals-the largest issue for the
residents-is ignored. Meguro criticizes this fact bystating that the conservation advocates are not considering the meaning and changes in the circumstances and relationships of the Massai's specificinvolvement, which has enabled their coexistencewith wild animals until now. However, after analyzing the opportunities for the Massai to negotiatewith the government, non-profit organizations, andprivate companies that appear frequently in eachchapter, the author notes that the community representing the area is actually an "illusion" and that thisis precisely the strategy of the Massai. While listing
the proactive efforts by the Massai, Meguro alsomentions the potential for intrinsic development,such as an initiative to invest their own funds toestablish a compensation system for the damage
caused by wild animals, and the "Massai Olympics"
held as an alternative to hunting. However, because
the non-profit conservation organization is heavily
involved in holding the Massai Olympics, it is questionable whether it can be regarded as a completely
independent idea of the residents.
Whatever the approaches, the strategic response towildlife conservation policy by the Massai society,which has been strongly affected by policy in Kenya, acountry with advanced wildlife conservation
approaches with heavy emphasis on tourism, represents an important lesson when considering wildlife
conservation in other Mrican countries facing a similar situation. This is a book that is highly recommended for students and scholars in the fields ofboth
natural and social sciences who are interested in thewild animals that symbolize the Mrican continent.
NOBUKO NISHIZAKI
Fukushima University

Improvised 'Stage Performance': Social Relationships among Young People in Contemporary
Africa (Sho Pafomansu ga Tachiagaru: Gendai
Afurika no Waluzmonotachi ga musubu Syaluzillankei).
Midori Daimon, Yokohama: Shumpusha, 2015, pp.
380 + iv (in Japanese).
A passionate kind of 'Stage Performance' isdepicted in this richly descriptive ethnographic
monograph by Dr. Midori Daimon. As a member ofa karioki performance troupe, Daimon conducted
intensive research in Uganda, East Mrica, from 2003
to 2014, collecting the material for this book. Not
content to be a simple observer, Daimon decided tojoin a troupe and perform karioki herself during her
stay in Kampala, the capital of Uganda. For her,
everyday participation in a karioki performancegroup and life as a performer become an inseparable

part of academic participant observation as a PhD
candidate at Kyoto University. Her active participation in performances enabled Daimon to depict the
everyday lives of young people in Kampala in a vivid
way, including the inevitable occurrence of conflictand misunderstanding.
The Luganda (the language of the Baganda andthe major language in Kampala) word karioki comesfrom a Japanese term, karaoke, meaning "empty
orchestra", or musical accompaniment to singing. In
Uganda, however, although music is one of the mostimportant components of karioki, usually the performers themselves do not sing; in most cases, themusic from the sound equipment contains complete
songs, including vocals, meaning that karioki here isnot "empty". Ugandans, unlike Japanese, do not singto the instrumental accompaniment of a karaoke
machine. Performers, instead, mime songs, imitating
real music stars, dancing and pretending to sing thesongs playing from the speaker.
Most karioki stage performances consist of threeforms of program: 'mime', 'dance', and 'comedy';
additionally, sandwiched between the performances,
a commentary is provided by a master of ceremonies.
Besides miming the act of singing, they also perform
dances, solo, in pairs, or in groups. In 'comedy,' thecomic version of karioki, they also mime playing themusic coming from the loudspeakers, again, without
using their own voices. Such karioki activity includes
performances at restaurants or bars, which provide a
stage setting; such places are where actors can assemble for a one-act performance that relays the experience of city life in a fluid world. The existence of this'stage' is not constant, as the possibility of cancellation is apparently always present.
Daimon focuses on three sets of relationships that
hinge on karioki: relationships between young people
who are committed to karioki activities and people ofthe ordinary world; the relationship between an individual and a group of participants in a karioki performance; and relationships among the performers of
karioki.
Throughout the book, features of an ideal hybridity, or a combination of interdisciplinary academic
methods and theories, are presented. Daimon is a
product of The Graduate School of Asian and
African Area Studies (ASAFAS) at Kyoto University;
thus, she has a multi-disciplinary, 'area studies' background, and has carried out long-term fieldwork,
employing a participant-observer methodology. As
is common in contemporary sociocultural anthropology, but unlike most traditional studies in anthropology, Daimon's work has a clear topic, focused on a
specific cultural phenomenon, namely a kind of
performance. Having systematically collected data
through her deep immersion in this subculture, her

Book Reviews

analysis, by turns, shows features of sociology, social
theory, and cultural studies. However, she refuses toinvoke Marxist theory or deprivation theory, as theperformers with whom she has worked are notdeprived and do not subjectively resist domination asa class or a group. The instrumentality often ascribedto subcultures may be difficult to prove here.
To Daimon, the most outstanding characteristic ofthese karioki performers is that they enjoy complete
freedom. They appear to be constrained by no commonly shared goal, value system, or morality.
Critically, Daimon suggests that, to grapple with andinterpret the reality that these kinds of performers
inhabit, as well as that of their activities and the wayof life they pursue, a mode of analysis that takes them
to be a monolithic group or class must be criticized as
being misleading, although it has been taken for
granted by previous researchers. Existing generalsociological theories concerning social roles and class
may very well be useless in portraying the real lives of
Daimon's karioki performers. They do not follow any
formal, prescribed norms. Even if such a norm
appeared as a verbal or written rule, or as a certain
value system or type of morality, the karioki performers would still constitute their own sociality themselves, with their own actions or choices. They do nothesitate to change systems or rules if, temporarily,such a change is needed. Implicit, loose rules are
sometimes observed, but their ranges are limited, andthe period in which such a rule is active is also very
short. This principle leads the actors to not form
groups or to avoid constructing steady relationships
in the groups; it makes them independent individuals
who happen to occupy the same space for the time
being. In their life worlds, nothing is set and everything is flexible; they are not willing to be permanendy fixed from the beginning. On the spot, from aselection of possible alternatives, they perform theirreal world, constructed through being in the swing ofthings. The metaphors of stage and drama are often
used to describe the dynamism of social units. In thiscontext, however, the character of the stage for the
subculture might be seen as a more ad hoc and temporal phenomenon, in contrast with most dramatic
performances, which are already scripted, with plotsthat lead to certain conclusions. Ad hoc improvisation is the essence of a karioki performance, and thesocial action or principle of the actors' behavior may
be, as the author suggests, in accordance with theirown performance.
The important factor to assess in this work is time.
With every social phenomenon, we can point to akind of irregularity, as Daimon's book stresses; butwhen we analyze societies or groups as a whole, we
are inclined to omit such a characteristic as a trivial
exemption.

43

As the author is aware, this study covers a very
short time span. Inevitably, it must portray a timelimited aspect of the reality of a cultural movement.
It is impossible, then, to determine what will happen
to this younger generation in the future. This work
cannot examine the character of the activity of thiskarioki troupe from a diachronic point of view. Thus,
this story, which may become part of the history of
the rise and fall of karioki, can tell only of the rise; therest is left untold. It will be told in the future, as acomplement to this study, and will show whether theauthor's arguments are correct. If the karioki activities she has observed continue as a social activity, we
can expect to learn about not simply what may be
attributed to disparate individual actors but also toapprehend how people act in collective groups.
The worldview, as presented in this book, whichlauds the freedom and subjectivity of the performers
studied without analyzing the structural context inwhich they find themselves, and omits the concept ofdeprivation, may fascinate some but will appear frivolous to certain academic conservatives. Such figuresin the world of academic social theory may leap to
the conclusion that this work is not serious, or that
Daimon's methods are not rigorous enough to depict
a world system. Such an attitude may remind us, thereaders, of the perspective adopted by conservative
elders in Uganda, who take youth subcultures likethat of karioki to be ephemeral and effervescent.
Such features, of course, may simply be part of thecharacter of the modern city and the younger generation itsel£ The author in this academic debate may
be a mirror image of the karioki performer in
Kampala. Thus, this work may well be regarded as
manifesting a successful ethnographic strategy, suggesting a new future for this genre. Additionally,
even if the style and sensibility that emerge in thisbook are not easy for conservative academics toaccept, we as general readers, welcome this new
hybrid writing style and anticipate the next work bythis author.
KIYOSHI UMEYA
Kobe University
Analysis of the Relationships Between Local
Development NGOs and the Communities in
Ethiopia: The Case of the Basic Education Subsector. Yoshiko Tonegawa, Osaka: Union Press,
2014, pp. 174.
Local development NGOs are established by residents of local communities and play important rolesin the development of developing countries. In general, such NGOs are expected to act on behalf of thegrassroots interests of the local communities in44

Nilo-Ethiopian Studies

which they have emerged. However, few studies
have examined the relationships between local development NGOs and the communities in which they
operate. Indeed, despite recognition of the need for
qualitative analyses of data obtained through field
work, most studies and reports in the domain ofdevelopment cooperation have been based on analyses of quantitative data. Focusing specifically on thebasic education sub-sector, this book analyzes the
position of local development NGOs in their communities from the perspective ofboth the NGOs andthe members of the community.
This book consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 discusses the three objectives of this study and theirsignificance. The first objective was to clarifY theconditions of local development NGOs, as previous
studies have focused primarily on international
NGOs. Indeed, local NGOs should be examined
separately from international NGOs because theseorganizations differ with regard to financial conditions
and relationships with communities. The second
objective was to investigate relationships between
local NGOs and communities, as most studies on
NGOs have analyzed only NGO-government relationships. The third objective was to examine thepossible factors that influence the relationships
between local development NGOs and the communities.
Chapter 2 presents a review of the literatureaddressing development NGOs, which focus onsocial and economic development and operate primarily in developing countries. The number ofdevelopment NGOs has increased remarkably, andthey now exert greater influence at the international
level. These organizations are expected to represent
opinions at the grassroots level, and many researchers
have regarded development NGOs as providing vital
links among governments, international organizations, and local communities. It has also been suggested that NGOs are the organizations closest tocommunities; however, other researchers have argued
that they cannot represent the interests of all social
classes.
Chapter 3 provides overviews of local development NGOs and basic education in Ethiopia.
Historically, local NGOs have operated under difficult conditions in Ethiopia. Although these organizations have recendy been officially recognized asvital for development, it has also been reported thatthey are under strict regulation by the Ethiopian
government. In many cases, NGOs depend on external sources to finance their activities. The current
Ethiopian government expects NGOs to be engaged
not in advocacy activities but in service-delivery
activities. Local development NGOs have played
important roles in the basic education sub-sector,

including by providing higher quality education for
more children. On the other hand, it has beenreported that some communities view NGOs as
unrepresentative of local communities and hold negative images about these groups. In such cases, lowlevels ofcommunity participation have been reported,and the relationship between the communities andthe NGOs has been perceived as unidirectional, with
the NGOs acting as givers and the local communities acting as receivers. In other words, the relationship between the local NGOs and the communities
has not been characterized as strong.
Chapter 4 explains the research methods and analytical framework adopted by the study. The main
focus of this book is the relationships between local
development NGOs and their communities, which
are examined from the perspectives of both theNGOs and the communities. This research examined eight NGOs in the Oromia region, which has
historically been home to active local development
NGOs. The NGOs included in this research wereselected based on the following: 1) Their status asofficial NGOs registered by the Ethiopian government. 2) Their membership in an association ofNGOs focused on basic education. 3) Their completion of at least one educational project. The_ author
worked as a consultant for Japanese Grant Assistancefor Grassroots Projects at the Japanese Embassy in
Ethiopia, and she has lived in Ethiopia for 2 years.
The main data used in this study were collected over
3 months in 2009, when the author conducted semistructured interviews with both the staff and directors of each NGO and the members of thecommunities they serve.
The results of field research are presented in
Chapter 5, and Chapter 6 summarizes the conclusion. Chapter 5 begins with a description of thecharacteristics of the eight NGOs examined in thisstudy. All depend on foreign governments or multinational institutions for financial support. Although
they recognize the importance of the community
they serve, they have been forced to emphasize theinterests of their donors. According to legislation on
NGOs enacted in Ethiopia in 2009, NGOs thatreceive more than 10% of their financial resourcesfrom outside sources are classified as "Ethiopian resident" NGOs, and their activities are more limited
than are those of"Ethiopian" NGOs. However, thisstudy examined the situation within the previous
legal environment. The author analyzed the relationships between local development NGOs and communities in Ethiopia by examining the participationand perceptions of communities, as well as the motivations and perceptions of NGO staff. The author
describes the relationships between local development NGOs and communities in Ethiopia as "two-Book Reviews

way, giver and receiver relationships," which meansthat both parties are givers and receivers. In contrast,
previous studies have argued that local development
NCOs have played the role of giver by delivering
public services. However, this book explores communities that perceive themselves as givers by virtueof their provision of land and human capital or their
participation in the activities ofNCOs.
As noted in the conclusion, this book has "contributed to the understanding of the dynamics of relationships between local development NCOs andcommunities by addressing the background circumstances and perspectives of both local development
NCOs and communities." (p. 150)
I have only one suggestion for this book: that
additional analyses of more detailed data on thecharacteristics of the relationship between each
NCO and community be performed to address thequestion, "What is community?" This book definescommunity as the Afan Oromo term Ummata, whichrefers to "the group of people living in the same territory and often sharing the same culture, values,
customs, and traditions." (p. 71) This book examines
differences in the perceptions of local people withdifferent status. However, should these perceptions
be regarded as representative of the entire community? Scholars working in the field of education
development have noted the ambiguity of the concept of community at the same time as they haveargued for the importance of community participation in schools. Yamada (2013) pointed out that thecommunity was not a single unified group but was
multilayered while discussing 'community participation' in school management based on a case study of
the Oromia region. The author also acknowledges
such multilayered communities in her description of
the formal kehele administration and the traditional]arsahiya (the elder) system and in her selection of
influential community members as informants.
Indeed, she mentioned the exclusion of individuals
without an official position in the communities orchildren enrolled in the selected schools as a limitation of this study. Thus, I was left wondering how thecomplex structure of communities affects their relationships with local development NCOs.
This book explores the complex relationships
between local development NCOs and local people
based on case studies conducted in Ethiopia. It presents the major perspectives on development, and I
recommend it not only to researchers in the area of
education development and to NCO staff, but also topractitioners and policy-makers in the field of development cooperation.
Reference
Yamada, Shoko

45

2014 Determinants of'Community Participation':
The Tradition of Local Initiatives and The
Institutionalisation of School Management
Committees in Oromia Region, Ethiopia, Compare:
A journal of Comparative and International
Education, 44(2): 162-185.

HARUKAARII
Kyoto University

Embedded Mutualism for Co-Living in African
Pastoralism: Ethnographic Studies of the
Karimojong and Dodoth in Northeastern Uganda(Bokuchiku Sekai no Kyosei Riron: Karimojong to
Dodoth no Minzokushi). ltsuhiro Hazama, Kyoto:
Kyoto University Press, 2015, pp. 312 (in Japanese).
This book is an ethnographic study of the humananimal relationships that serve a pivotal area in thedaily life-world of pastoralists in northeastern
Uganda. The Karimojong and Dodoth are peoples
from a semi-arid zone who live self-sufficiently withanimals-mainly cattle, goats, and sheep. In previous
research, they have been treated as independentethnic groups; classical ethnographic studies of eachgroup have been conducted. However, because thetwo ethnic groups may be considered to comprise asocial and cultural cluster, the author discusses themas the "Karimojong-Dodoth" in this book.
In the Western perspective, pastoralism is regarded
as a type of technical knowledge by which humans
control and use nature for production. As the author
states, "domestication" is defined with a focus onhumans. From the viewpoint of industrial production, researchers have argued that subsistence pastoralism in Mrica no longer enables sustained
production, and is headed for a demise. The author
clearly refutes this argument:"Subsistence pastoralism is not achieved merely byhaving enough goats and cows to transform plantresources that cannot be directly consumed byhumans into the usable forms of blood and meat.
Obvious facts are neglected and are not includedin this recognition. Pastoralism depends onhumans perceiving the attributes of animals andacting based on this, eliciting responses from theanimals' side. In other words, pastoralism only
exists when relational techniques based on sensory
stimuli are deployed for mediation at the level ofcommunication. Namely, humans display gestures
and touch animals in a specific way, occasionallygiving auditory instructions. Animals approachhumans, provide milk, and change their directionof movement and behavior" (p. 2).

46

Nilo-Ethiopian Studies

Thus, the author's objective was to examine pastoralism not as a technique used to control nature for production but as a type of art, shaping the daily, mutual
relations between people and animals. To this end,
the author's first achievement is the presentation,
based on an ethnographic study of the daily lives of
pastoralists, of extremely detailed descriptions andfirst-rate data showing how interactions unfold
between people and animals, and of the explanationsof the social and cultural structures created throughthese accumulated interactions (Chapters 2-4).
The second achievement of this book is that itpresents socio-historical accounts of pastoralists'
cattle raiding, and the possession of automatic rifles,at the level of the pastoralists' experience. The author
urges a reconsideration of low-intensity conflicts
between pastoralist ethnic groups in the Hom ofAfrica, an arena that has drawn continual attentionin academia and politics (Chapter 5). Here, I summarize and review these two main contributions of
the book.
On the first point, the author discusses humananimal relationships using empirical data and casedescriptions, enabling an understanding of pastoralists' activities as reflections of their overall view ofhumans and animals. Individual animal and human
lives are mutually involved and overlap. Mter children are weaned at around the age of 2 years, they
carry goat kids and calves-weighing about 2 kilograms each-into kraals (enclosures). This activity istheir "debut"; from this point on, they participate incaring for animals throughout their lives (p. 111).
Humans raise animals from a very young age: theanimals live in kraals in human settlements, whichbecome their homes and differ markedly from extensive grazing lands. By this process, one may consider
that a heterogeneous, intermixed sociality is acquired(p. 247).
For instance, when a herdsman calls a specificcow/bull/ox by the name given to it, the animal
responds and nearby animals do not. The author
tested the accuracy of these responses and describes
clearly positive results (Chapter 3). In addition, men
have "ox names" based on individual oxen. Althoughseveral men may have the same ox name, they do nothave a special relationship. In other words, thesenames do not have an individual, specific function for
personal identification. Rather, their significance liesin their representation of the body color and patternof a man's favorite animal (Chapter 2). Moreover,individual herdsmen sing pastoral songs; they saythat they "recall" the songs or that the songs "appear
to" them, rather than that they "compose" them. The
names of individual animals are included in therepetitive lyrics of these songs. The author describes
topics appearing frequently in a collection of 745

pastoral songs: the songs of adolescent herdsmen frequently refer to pasturage, and those of men aged ~30 years frequently refer to animal ownership(Chapter 4).
Has the intensity of cattle raiding between ethnic
groups actually increased with the spread of automatic rifles since the end of the 1970s? Why have theefforts of developmental aid organizations and thegovernment-which has intervened through disarmament-failed? On the second point, the author
reconstructs changes in people's relationship withrifles using oral history data, describing such conflictas a form of social suffering, determined in a multilayered way, according to the circumstances of history and the political economy (Chapter 5).
The author's research included: an investigation of
the background regarding the acquisition of 214
riHes possessed by adult males in a semi-sedentary
Karimojong village; interview-based surveys of people's past experiences with raiding and the historicalorigin of animal herds obtained by two Dodoth families; examples of how people coped with raiding that
occurred around the time of the research; and examples of experiences with disarmament by government
troops, including arrest and being taken into custody.
Guns have been perceived as a means of attack, butthey have great significance to pastoralists as a meansof defense. When the sovereignty of Uganda and theneighboring state of South Sudan weakened, thepastoralists obtained rifles from neighboring groups
and government troops. The author clarifies that disarmament by the government resulted in experiencesof irrational, violent oppression in which the government-arbitrarily and without discriminationseized the guns it had distributed previously.
In modem warfare, conflicts can develop into fullscale war. In the context of the pastoralists' conflicts,
the government's oppression did not prevent thisprogression. The primary factor behind the escalation was a complex and entangled situation ofincreasing tension between the two ethnic groups,
coupled with the maintenance of personal relationships through association and gift giving between
individuals from these groups. The pastoralists' reality in relation to conflict differs substantially fromthe usual story of full-scale warfare, motivated bycollective hostility toward a neighboring ethnic
group, with enmity fabricated by politicians and themass media. Individuals from neighboring groups
had formed personal relationships, characterized by
the sharing of water and pasture for their animals, aswell as the occasional exchange of gifts. Some conflicts have involved the unification of two ethnic
groups, and others have occurred between subgroups of the same ethnic group or clan. KarimojongDodoth society does not follow the pastoralist

Book Reviews

lineage system that became known widely after E. E.
Evans-Prichard described it in '!he Nuer (1940}. If
anything, their political societies are formed based ondaily relationships between neighbors who identify
with each other-through regional bonds, rather
than blood relationships. Rather than being boundconceptually by a categorical awareness of othergroups as adversaries or allies, which is not the case inthis context, their society is conceived through theaccumulation of individual relationships between"me" and "you". The herdsmen share the joy of gaining cattle through raiding; they also sympathize withthe distress of losing cattle through raiding, experienced by those with whom they have personal relationships. The author emphasizes that this attention
to the irreplaceable nature of individuals is the key todeciphering these societies.
Individual humans and animals spend their whole47

lives in coexistence. Society is conceived based on
individual social relationships between humans; inthis context, "multicultural co-living", as an ideological intervention, is not needed. These acts of thorough and personal closeness with other individuals
differ fundamentally from the hierarchical categorization of particular, co-essential groups according todifferential traits in the modern Western mentality(pp. 11-12). The concept of "mutualism for coliving" discussed by the author in this book is a corpus
of practical logic founded on trans-species relationships between humans and animals and relationships
with identifiable neighbors; these relationships havebeen refined in a unique way through life experiencesin Karimojong-Dodoth pastoralist society.
SOICHIRO SHIRAISHI
Hirosaki University