Creating World Histories from
Asian Perspectives
4th AAWH Congress
5 & 6 January 2019, Osaka

Asian Association ofWorld Historians

Creating World Histories from Asian
Perspectives
4th AAWH Congress
Osaka, 5 - 6 January 2019

PROGRAMME
Contents
Words of Welcome

2

Conference at a Glance4

Panel at Glance

6

Plenary Keynote Speech

10

Synopsis

24

Venue & Floor Plan

87

Conference Poster

96

AAWH Congress
Organising Committees

97

Welcome   W

elcome to Osaka University!
In October 2014, Osaka University, on
the initiative of its President, establishedtheInstitute
for
Open
and
Transdisciplinary Research Initiatives (OTRI).
‘Global history’ became one of nine principal
research areas incorporated in this neworganizational framework. The global history
division proposes to explore, among others, ‘global
history’ from Asian perspectives throughinterdisciplinary research embracing a wide range ofacademic fields: history, international relations, economics, the arts and social sciences, and cultural
studies. In addition, Osaka University can draw on a wide range of expertise in area studies andAsian studies which it inherited from the previous Osaka University of Foreign Studies. The global
history division consists of three research groups focusing on: (a) the supra-regional history of
networks and interactions in ancient Central Eurasia and early-modern maritime Asia; (b) the microhistory of medieval Kansai (Japan) and modern China; and (c) global economic history and theModern World System. As the host of the 4th AAWH conference at Osaka University, the Osaka
research group will build on these academic foundations.
At the turn of the second millennium in 2000, new research trends in world and global
history attracted increasing attention, mainly focusing on the reevaluation of Asia’s position in theworld. Two studies have given a strong impetus to the so-called ‘global turn’: Angus Maddison, The
World Economy: a millennial perspective (OECD, 2001), and, in a provocative manner, Kenneth
Pomeranz, The Great Divergence—China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy(Princeton, 2000). The publication of these two books led to the reconsideration of the ‘early-modern
period’ or the ‘long eighteenth century’ based on reciprocal comparisons between Europe and Asia.
Nonetheless, the exchange of views between experts of ‘global history’ and ‘local’ histories is still
limited. Even after the ‘California School’ presented revisionist views challenging the Eurocentrismof the received approaches to globalism, the latter continued to adhere to an analysis along the lines
of an East-West binary.
In the last ten years since the establishment of AAWH at Tianjin/Osaka, the association has
continued to explore new interpretations of world and global histories from Asian perspectives. As
stated in the AAWH Charter at its foundation, ‘the concepts and methods of world/global history
differ considerably from country to country in this region’. We still need more time before we canpresent a grand alternative vision and interpretation of world and global history from Asian
perspectives. However, the Osaka conference will serve to explore and present new interpretations
based on trans-regional or trans-national analyses. This framework combines a vertical historicalperspective of the longue-durée from the ancient to the contemporary period with a horizontal
analysis encompassing a range of specific regional studies beyond the purview of national histories.
The conference is anchored by three plenary lectures by distinguished Asian historians. Prof. Li
presents an analysis of Central and Eastern Eurasian history based on the study of global economic-2-

Welcome

history. Prof. Mitani reconsiders the historical significance of the Meiji Revolution on the occasionof its 150th anniversary, and Prof. Mukherjee examines the modern and contemporary developmentof the world economy and globalization from perspectives of the ‘Global South’. These keynote
lectures together with 17 large panels and 30 individual papers promise to offer valuable insights andperspectives for creating world and global histories from Asian perspectives.
By drawing on the expertise of our participants, the AAWH Osaka conference will explore
perspectives on a long historical period from ancient to contemporary times within a trans-regionalframework. In doing so, the conference hopes to promote the study of world and global histories
from Asian perspectives.
In addition, our aim is to make a lasting contribution to society by collaborating with seniorhigh-school teachers and journalists in view of reforming world history education in Japan and Asia
through the publication of several text books. Collaborations with prominent senior-high school
teachers are arguably the most promising outreach activities that allow historians to demonstrate theusefulness of their research for society.
Shigeru AKITA
President of Asian Association of World Historians (AAWH)
Professor of Global History,
Graduate School of Letters, Osaka University, Japan
Shigeru AKITA-3-

AT A GLANCEThe Conference A T

A GLANCE

Saturday, 5 January

Sunday, 6 January

8:30

Registration

9:30 - 12:00 Panel Sessions 3

9:10 - 9:20

Welcome Remarks(Saji Keizo Memorial Hall)

12:00 - 13:30 Lunch

9:30 - 12:00

Panel Sessions 1

13:30 - 14:30 Plenary-Keynote Speech III(Saji Keizo Memorial Hall)

12:00 - 13:30 Lunch

14:30 - 15:00 Tea Break

13:30 - 15:30 Panel Sessions 2

15:00 - 17:30 Panel Sessions 4

16:00 - 17:00 Plenary-Keynote Speech I(Saji Keizo Memorial Hall)

17:30 - 18:30 General Assembly & Closing
Remarks(Saji Keizo Memorial Hall)

17:00 - 18:00 Plenary-Keynote Speech II(Saji Keizo Memorial Hall)
19:00 - 21:00 Reception(Rihga Royal Hotel)-4-

AT A GLANCEThe Keynote Speech A T

A GLANCE

Saturday, 5 January
16:00-17:00(Keizo Saji Memorial Hall, 10F)

Plenary-Keynote Speech I
LI Bozhong
The End of the Silk Road? A CRITICAL Reaction to the Hot
Discussion of the Concept throughout China

17:00-18:00

Plenary-Keynote Speech II
Aditya MUKHERJEEThe Transformation of the Indian Economy in theContemporary Period: From the Colonial to the Post
Colonial

Sunday, 6 January
13:30-14:30(Keizo Saji Memorial Hall, 10F)

Plenary-Keynote Speech III
Hiroshi MITANI
Meiji Revolution in Global History-5-

AT A GLANCE

The Panels A T

A GLANCE

Saturday, 5 January

Panel Sessions 1 9:30 am – 12:00 pm
Panel No.

Panel Title

Venue

1.1

International Trade in East Asia during the 16th-

Keizo Saji Memorial

Century Korea War

Hall, 10F

The Influence of Chinese Seals, Signatures and Kaō-

Seminar Room 301

1.2

Signatures on Official Documents in Pre-Modern
Japan, Korea and Vietnam: A New MethodologicalApproach to East Asian Comparative History
1.3

The Role of Universities in the Reform of High

Seminar Room 703

School-Level History Education
1.4

Maritime Asia in Modern and Contemporary Eras

Seminar Room 304

1.5

Reconsidering the Teaching of Japanese History:

Seminar Room 507

Based on Recent Studies of Global History
1.6

Knowledge Transfer and Translation in Eurasia in
Early Modern and Modern Era-6-Seminar Room 406

AT A GLANCE

The Panels A T

A GLANCE

Saturday, 5 January

Panel Sessions 2 13:30 pm – 15:30 pm

Panel No.

Panel Title

Venue

2.1

India and Modern World

Keizo Saji Memorial
Hall, 10F

2.2

Inter-regional Connections

Seminar Room 507

2.3

Through Japan to the World

Seminar Room 406

2.4

East Asian Historiography

Seminar Room 301

2.5

Different Perspectives to World History

Seminar Room 201-7-

AT A GLANCE

The Panels A T

A GLANCE

Sunday, 6 January

Panel Sessions 3 9:30 am – 12:00 pm
Panel No.

Panel Title

Venue

3.1

‘Energy Diverse Societies’ in Modern Asia: Between

Keizo Saji Memorial

Survival and Economic Development

Hall, 10F

Another History of Japanese Prisoners of War underSeminar Room 507

3.2

the Cold War
3.3

Ideas of Rule in Wartime Japan and the

Seminar Room 703

Transformation of East and Southeast Asia in theContext of Ongoing Failure
3.4

An Attempt to Establish East Asian Numismatic

Seminar Room 301

Archeology: Expansion and Acceptance of Chinese
Coinage in East Asia as Seen in Archaeological
Source
3.5

Aiming for Unity, Overcoming Divisions: Entangled

Seminar Room 702

Transformations of East Asian and European Nations
States in a Global History Perspective
3.6

Early Modern Southeast Asian History-8-

Seminar Room 304

AT A GLANCE

The Panels A T

A GLANCE

Sunday, 6 January

Panel Sessions 4

15:00 am – 17:30 pm

Panel No.

Panel Title

Venue

4.1

The Opium War and other Encounters with the West

Keizo Saji Memorial

as the Roots of Asian Awakening

Hall, 10F

Economic Aid and the Development of Consortiums

Seminar Room 507

4.2

in Asia in the 1960s
4.3

Chinese World Order and its Challengers in East

Seminar Room 406

Asia, 1300-1900
4.4

Maritime History during the Late Early Modern Era

Seminar Room 301

4.5

Empire and Boundary: New Perspectives in East

Seminar Room 702

Eurasian History for the 10th to 13th Centuries
4.6

Teaching the Exchange between Asian Regions andJapan in the Age of Imperialism: Practices in HighSchools in Japan-9-

Seminar Room 703

KEYNOTE SPEECH

The Conference ＫＥＹＮＯＴＥＳＰＥＥＣＨPlenary Keynote Speech I
The End of the Silk Road? A CRITICAL Reaction to the Hot Discussion of theConcept throughout China
LI Bozhong
Abstract
In 1524, the imperial court of the Ming made a decision: to relocate seven frontier garrisons in
the country’s northwest border areas (Guanxi Seven Garrisons, 關西七衛) from their original
stations outside Jiayu Pass (嘉關) at the western end of the Great Wall to their new stations within
the pass. Though this decision with its implementation hasn’t attracted much attention of historians,
it is an event of far-reaching significance in world history: It marked the closing of the Silk Road
which stretched across the Eurasia Continent and was seen a “great channel of international trade”
regarded by many scholars.
This decision was not an indiscretion of Jiajing Emperor of the Ming dynasty on impulse
without counting the cost, but the result of much thought of the top policymakers of the Ming state:
Years earlier, memorials were submitted to the throne to suggest to “Close the door [to thebarbarians in West China] and Suspend the tribute trade [with them], and never have dealings withthem (閉關貢，永不與通).” The suggestion was supported by the Board of War. Though it was
not indorsed by the crown then, it heralded the decision. Some deep-seated reasons stood behind thedecision.
First, economic consideration
In terms of trade volume and size, the trade of the Silk Road was not important as thought. Oneof the main restrains of the expansion of the trade was the unendurably high costs of the trade, whichwere caused with not just the extremely poor transportation, but very high risks that the merchantssuffered from the unsafety caused with political instability in this area. Second, the trade was highly
unbalanced: China’s export dwarfed its import greatly and made the trade a one-way trade in somesense. Third, the trade was mainly official for political purposes and in charge of the Chinese state.
As a result, the size and frequency depended on policies of the Chinese state. Moreover, during thesixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, two great changes happened: climate changes and the riseof the maritime trade. Both of them, in particular the later, had great effect on the trade of the Silk
Road and accelerated the fall of it.
The Chinese maritime trade saw a great expansion during the sixteenth century, partly becauseof the rise of Japan, the tapping of rich resources of Southeast Asia and the arrival of the Portuguese- 10 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

and Spanish through whom China was linked with a great business world that these Western powers
created. Quite different from the trade along the Silk Road on land, the maritime trade was lucrative,
though not in the official tribute trade. The prosperity of multinational private trade resulted introubles for the Ming state. The state had to take precedence over the troubles in the trade along the
Silk Road which was trivial in the size.
Second, security considerations.
The traditional threat to China came from the nomads in the steppes of Inner Asia, Central Asia
and Manchuria. The sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, however, saw the second great wave
of expansion of Islam, which reached Central Asia and reshaped the political and cultural map of thisregion completely. Though the plan of conquest of China of Tamerlane (“Timur the Lame”, 13361405) did not succeed because of his sudden death en route in the march of his massive army to
China before he ever reached the Chinese border, the rulers of different Muslin regimes in this region
did not abandon their goals to convert China into Islamic, and some of them took actions and waged
Jihads against the Ming. Because these nomads enjoyed the superiority in battle fields thanks to their
excellent cavalries and took up the cause of Jihad with evangelical fervor, they became very
aggressive to Ming China.
Facing the increasing threat from the nomads in the Northwest, the military power of the Ming
declined after the disastrous defeat in the battle with Mongols at Tumubao in 1449. Through theMing military force was recovered later, the threat from Mongols was still serious. Even worse, in
sixteenth century, old threats from ‘Japanese Pirates’ (倭寇) intensified, while new threats from thePortuguese and Spaniards and from Luchuan (China’s another border area) and Vietnam in the south
appeared in the east in the south. These threats, old and new, put enormous pressures on the Ming
state whose financial resources were quite limited. For the Ming policymakers, the threats from therivals and enemies in the east and south were more severe since they were much closer to China’s
political center and most prosperous areas as well as the major sources of the revenue of the state.
Facing a stark choice, the Ming policymakers decided to take an ‘East and North First’ strategy
which was most reasonable. As for the northwest, the best way for the Ming state was to take astrategy of ‘passive defense,’ that is, resist the offensives of the enemies from Central Asia with thehelp of the formidable Great Wall, as it did in the defense against the Mongols in the east. For thisconsideration, the Ming state decided to withdraw the Guanxi Seven Garrisons back into the Great
Wall. The Jiayu Pass was the main entrance to China Proper from Central Asia along the Silk Road,
and the Guanxi Seven Garrisons, established in the early Ming, were the major force to defend orderand promote stability in the vast areas beyond the Jiayu Pass. It was also the major measure of the
Ming state to keep safety of activities along the Silk Road. The removal of the garrisons into the passmeans that the Ming state abandoned its role of the safeguard of the road. This action was “Close thedoor [to the barbarians in West China]” (閉關) , and a necessary consequence of it was “Suspend thetribute trade [with them]” (貢). Since the tribute trade, no matter how small its size was, had been
the majority of the trade along the Silk Road, the suspension of the tribute trade was the end of the
trade along the road. Moreover, since the road had been the major channel to connect China Properand Central Asia, no trade means the breaking off of the traditional link. In this sense, it is what the- 11 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

Ming policymakers wanted in their proposal of “Never have dealings with them (永不與通).” The
withdrawing of the Guanxi Seven Garrisons in 1524, therefore, marks the end of the Silk Road as amajor trans-Eurasian international trade channel. After then, the trade between China Proper andCentral Asia along the Silk Road became negligible.
This situation didn’t change a lot in the following centuries. The Qing dynasty, the successor of
the Ming, was much more powerful in military force and proactive in dealing with the frontieraffairs. Though the Qing established its effective rule over the vast region outside the Jiayu Pass after
more than a century fighting, the trade along the previous Silk Road never prospered again. The roadwas gradually forgotten. It didn’t come into view of the people until Ferdinand von Richthofen aGerman traveler, geographer and scientist “re-discovered” it and coined the terms "Seidenstraße" and"Seidenstraßen," or "Silk Road(s)" and "Silk Route(s)" in English, in 1877. Today when we talkabout the Silk Road, we should have better knowledge of its history. The road was never a “greatchannel of international trade.” The trade along the road was never very large in size, and thebusiness along the road was going on just on and off. Compared with the maritime trade routes, theSilk Road was not as important in history as many people have imagined today. In a perspective ofglobal history, the closing of the road in 1524 is an event of great significance because it reveals thefact: The rise of the maritime world and the fall of the inland world in the early modern times.

Plenary Keynote Speech II
The Transformation of the Indian Economy in the Contemporary Period: From theColonial to the Post-Colonial
Aditya MUKHERJEE
Abstract¨

I shall question two very divergent perspectives on the Transition from the colonial to thepost-colonial situation in India.

¨

First, the neo-colonial position that colonialism led to economic development and prepared
the ground for the rapid post colonial development seen in India in recent years and otherpost colonial countries of East and South-east Asia.

¨

Second, the orthodox Left view that correctly does not see colonialism playing any positiverole in the development of the colony. However, it denies the possibility of any transition to
independent development in the colony even after independence unless the colonial economy‘shoots out’ of the capitalist world system into socialism. The Dependency School reiterates
this view.

¨

I shall argue that both these positions are incorrect.

¨

I shall provide contrasting data between colonial and post-colonial development in India
which suggest that it is the breaks rather than the continuity with colonialism that made it
possible.
- 12 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH¨

The post-colonial developments in India also belie, in my opinion, the orthodox Left viewthat it was leading to further neo-colonial or dependent development rather than independent
development, because India remained within the world capitalist system.

¨

While the post-colonial situation in the colony definitely marks significant breaks in theeconomic sphere the continuities with colonialism remain in the area of social divisions
promoted during the colonial period and in the persistence of the colonial mindset,
particularly in the intellectual domain.

Plenary Keynote Speech III
Japan’s Meiji Revolution in Global History: Searching for some generalizations outof history
Hiroshi MITANI
It is my pleasure and honor to give one of the keynote speeches for the fourth congress of AAWH. In
this lecture, I would like not only to introduce what the Meiji Revolution was (and coincidentally,
just last year was the 150th anniversary of this event), but also to try to extract two useful types ofgeneralizations from this historical event; one is hints for comparative studies of revolutions, and theother is ways to cope with long-term crisis. I hope my speech today will help provide some hints forhistorians to present their scholarly work in ways that will be more and more meaningful to the
future of human beings in general.

Part 1 What was the Meiji Revolution?
The Meiji Revolution was one of the largest revolutions anywhere in the nineteenth century andoccurred in the state with one of the largest populations in the world, possibly as high as sixth. At
that time, below China and the Mughal Empire, there were five countries whose populations were allabout the same size: Russia, the Ottoman Empire, France, Japan and the US. The Meiji Revolution
dissolved the hereditary system of the early modern era and sparked incessant efforts for social
reforms in this populous country.
Yet, the Meiji Revolution has been almost invisible in the historiography of modern revolutions.
This is because the revolution was different from the model of revolution prevalent during thetwentieth century. After the Russian Revolution, revolutions became strongly associated with theoverthrow of the monarchy and were expected to feature the intentional use of violence andpropaganda. In contrast, Japan’s monarchy was actually strengthened by the Meiji Revolution. Thisis partly because early modern Japan was a double-headed federal state. The Meiji Revolution
consolidated the double kingship under a single imperial throne, abolished about 260 daimyo states,and dissolved the hereditary status system of the samurai except for a tiny minority of about 500
houses which consisted of members of the imperial family, former daimyo and court nobility. In thename of the emperor, Japan carried out radical reforms of polity and society.
- 13 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

On the other hand, this revolution led to a smaller sacrifice compared to other revolutions, costingaround 30,000 lives. The French Revolution saw a death toll of 1,550,000, about 400,000 in the civil
war and another 1,150,000 in international wars. The Russian and Chinese Revolutions in the 20th
century, meanwhile, each led to ten million deaths or more. So, the death toll in the Meiji Revolution
was smaller, by a factor of 50 to more than 300, than most other major revolutions in modern history.
These differences make the Meiji Revolution useful in widening the concept of revolution. In order
to correct social injustice, people are not necessarily obliged to overthrow a monarchy, nor must they
resort to large-scale violence. On the other hand, an autocratic polity often emerges after a monarchy
and in the wake of a revolution; it is relatively common to see a period of unceasing violence andcivil wars. Thus, reframing the Meiji Revolution in a global context will give us an opportunity tosearch for and perhaps identify methods of achieving radical reforms without triggering widespreadloss of life or causing deep-seated resentment.

Ⅰ. Structural changes during the Meiji Revolution: Japan in 1858 and 1877
In order to understand the structural changes during the Meiji Revolution, it is useful to compare thestate of Japan’s polity and society in 1858 and 1877. The year 1858 was the starting point of thecollapse of the early modern regime, while the year 1877 saw the beginning of a period of steadydevelopment following the end of violent rebellions against the new Meiji state.
1) Changes in polity: from a double-headed federal state with a hereditary status system to a unified
nation state under a single emperor.
In 1858, Japan had a very unique polity that consisted of two ruling heads that governed around 260
daimyo states. The basic units of governance were local states headed by daimyo lords who
controlled administration, taxation, and justice within their domains. The largest daimyo was theTokugawa Shogunate, which directly governed one fourth of Japan. Other daimyo had feudal
relationships with the Shogunate, which monopolized such supreme powers as command of thenational military, diplomacy, the minting of coins and the authority to supervise the imperial court in
Kyoto. Around 30 daimyo were large enough to finance their own armies. Yet, they were excluded
from national decision-making, regardless of their kinship with the Tokugawa Shogunate.
Each top-level daimyo had about 1,000 to 2,000 registered samurai vassals. Among these vassals,
two percent became top administrators and others assumed various offices according to their
hereditary status. There basic role was to go to war every time their master asked. Yet, they assumed
the role of civil servants during the prolonged period of peace, over 200 years in a row. Commoners
who lived in rural areas and towns had no obligation to go to war instead of paying taxes andproviding corvée labor.
Early modern Japan had another political head in Kyoto: the Tennō (“emperor” in English, hereafter).
From ancient times, the emperor retained the right to worship national deities and to confer official
ranks to court noblemen, the Tokugawa, daimyo and other samurai. In this respect, the emperor’scourt held a higher status than the Shogunate. Yet, it had no right to make country-wide decisions- 14 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

and was compelled to obey laws set forth by the Shogunate. While people did not question thisdouble-headed monarchy during the first half of the early modern period, by the early nineteenth
century intellectuals had begun to promote and disseminate the idea that the emperor in Kyoto was
the true sovereign of Japan.
Now let’s fast-forward to 1877. By this point, Japan had become a single polity organized under theauthority of the Meiji Emperor. The emperor had begun to legitimize governmental policy and law
after the imperial restoration coup in 1868. In 1871, the new government had abolished daimyo
domains and changed them into prefectures ruled by governmental officials. Moreover, it thenproceeded to abolish samurai’s status. Based on these drastic polity reforms, the Meiji government
began to create a ‘nation’ through various means: the invitation of men of ability, includingcommoners, to governmental offices, the abolishment of the hereditary status of the discriminatedand the introduction of a compulsory educational system and a military conscription system. The
Meiji Revolution led to a highly centralized political system and brought about a semi-classlessgovernment, at least in principle.
2) Changes in Society
One of the most remarkable changes during the Meiji Revolution was the abolition of the samurai
aristocracy. The Meiji government began its efforts to ease status discrimination from the start In
1868, The Meiji Emperor announced the integration of court nobility and samurai in his very firstdecree and then enacted the first constitution (Seitai) that prescribed to invite any person with ability,
irrespective of their hereditary status, to contribute to the new government. As a result, non-samurai
by birth already accounted for 20% of governmental positions before 1877. Next, the government
dared to dissolve the traditional hereditary status system. The samurai class, which amounted toaround 6% of the Japanese population, lost their income in exchange for small amounts of publicbonds and were forced to eke out a living for themselves. At the same time, the Meiji government
incorporated traditionally discriminated groups into the status of commoners. Yet, there was an
exception to this official renunciation of status distinction. The government created a new Peerageclass, consisting of about 400 families of former court nobility and daimyo lords in addition to theimperial family.
Reform of the taxation system not only improved public finance but also changed social ties among
the people. The old system of rice-based agricultural taxes was transformed into a new cash-based
land tax, which was collected according to a uniform nationwide standard. This change greatly eased
the process of budget-making for the Meiji government. Yet, it is noteworthy that this reform alsochanged the fundamental nature of people’s rights and duties. Before, taxes were imposed oncommunities, villages or towns, en masse. After the reform, individuals were compelled to pay taxes
along with the government's recognition of their right to own property. The tax reform eased thetransfer of land ownership, but in the long run it also loosened pre-existing social ties among various
groups of people.
The Meiji government also relaxed various regulations that had been previously imposed on thepeople with regards to travel, habitation, occupation and marriage. Such measures were meant toincrease social mobility in order to expand national power. Thus, Meiji leaders combined these- 15 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

measures with plans for enlightenment and industrialization. They made great efforts to acquireWestern knowledge, sending students abroad, creating a compulsory education system, and forming
state schools and state factories. Such measures encouraged and supported peoples’ ambitions for an
improved standard of life. The Meiji state thus institutionalized its Westernization efforts.
In short, the Meiji Revolution introduced radical changes in polity and society and created anation with equal rights, at least as far as males were concerned. These changes mirrored similar
developments in the West during the same century.
3) Sequential pattern of the transformation
No major revolution is truly over in a day; in fact, they often take many, many years. For example,
the French Revolution did not really end in 1792 when the French monarchy was overthrown.
Instead, this event set in motion a series of governmental transformations. The new republic changed
into Napoleon’s imperial rule, Bourbon monarchy, the Second republic, Napoleon Ⅲ’s imperial ruleand the Third republic. It took more than 90 years for France to establish a stable order that
embodied the ideals of the revolution. As for the Chinese revolution, it also took many years toestablish a new order, with about 40 years separating the Xinhai revolution in 1911 and theestablishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. And if we add the years for China toachieve a stable society that steadily saw economic development, the duration of its revolution iscloser to 70 years.
Compared to these other revolutions, the duration of the Meiji Revolution was somewhat shorter andtriggered no reactionary years. It took about 20 years of political turmoil, civil wars and international
incidents from 1858 to 1877. The duration extends to 40 years if we begin counting in 1853, with thevisit of the US envoy, and keep counting until 1890, when Japan opened its National Diet andlaunched its full-fledged constitutional monarchy. Although Japan would experience a period of
militarism and the suppression of liberty after 1931, the framework of that Meiji-era polity has
persisted in many ways to the present day. The turmoil which occurred in Japan during the first halfof the twentieth century was not a continuation of the Meiji Revolution.
As for the political turmoil during the Meiji Revolution, its time sequence was quite unique. Changes
during the late Tokugawa period occurred very slowly. Tokugawa government managed to maintaintheir monopoly of supreme power for 10 years despite increasingly spirited political opposition,
whose demands for political participation in national politics utilized slogans like ‘politics based on
public opinion’ or ‘Revere the Emperor, Expel the Barbarians.’ In contrast, the pace of change in theearly Meiji period was very fast. Once established, the new government began to appoint officials
irrespective of hereditary status in the very first year; within three and a half years, they had
abolished daimyo states and integrated discriminated people into commoner status; and in just nine
years, they had started to abolish samurai’s hereditary stipends in exchange for a small amount inpublic bonds. So, within a single decade, Japan had transformed into a society where all people, or atleast all men, enjoyed egalitarian rights, except for the previously mentioned peerage group.
This acceleration in the speed of change between the late Tokugawa and the early Meiji periods was
closely related to the scarcity of systematic political ideologies. In the late Tokugawa era, politicians
began political movements simply to correct the mistakes that they thought Shogunate had made. At- 16 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

the beginning, there was few plans for polity reform. Yet, during prolonged complicated politicalnegotiations, they reached a national consensus to establish a central government under imperial rulethat would seek the inclusion of any and all political parties, although some parties refused to accept
this idea. At the same time, the top leaders of the new government had already found their next goal:
to abolish both the daimyo domains and the samurai elite’s hereditary status. In short, slow changes
toward a certain direction during the late Tokugawa period made it possible for Japan to gain amature consensus for radical reforms in the next period.
Part 2 Raising general questions from Meiji Revolution
The Meiji Revolution offers several interesting insights for comparative historical studies.
Today I will identify two types. First, the Meiji Revolution illuminates several issues forcomparative studies of revolutions, and second, if treated as a case study, the Meiji Revolution sheds
light on how to cope with an anticipated long-term crisis.
1) Comparative Studies of Revolutions
How does the study of the Meiji Revolution contribute to our understanding of revolutions
more generally? Here I will discuss three key issues.
The first is about the initial conditions of revolutions. That is, what kind of political structures
tend to invite revolution.
The early modern Japanese regime was comparatively stronger in collecting taxes than China
and Korea were at that time. The tax rate during the Qing dynasty was relatively low and taxes werecollected only indirectly from rich or powerful members of the community (rather than fromeveryone directly) throughout its territory. The small states in Japan, by contrast, imposed a direct
land tax that was relatively high compared to the rest of East Asia. Taxes amounted to no less than
15% of GDP despite a gradual decline during more than 200 years of continuous peace. And daimyostates did not lose their power even during the political turmoil during 1860s.
Yet, the Japanese regime was weak in its national framework. It was a double headed
federation of more than 260 small states. This dispersed structure made it easier for the Japanesepolity both to be dissolved and to be re-integrated. China and Korea, on the other hand, had highly
centralized, consistent polities. The monarchs there recruited high officials by imperial examination,a process that was justified by Confucianism. The imperial examination system caused severe
competition and many applicants never managed to pass at all. Yet it supplied strong legitimacy bypromising a high ‘equality of opportunity’ among men and was designed to reward candidates who
could demonstrate they had acquired Confucian virtue. The government carefully watched andexcluded any kinds of ideology that might injure this regime. As a result of this system’s meritocraticelements and governmental oversight, people never imagined the need for fundamental reforms.
In contrast, the Japanese double kingship became unstable in the 19th century. As nativist
scholarship spread countrywide beginning in the latter half of the 18th century, many people began
to believe that the emperor in Kyoto was the true king of Japan. Compounding this background, theShogunate lost legitimacy when it gave in to armed pressure from the West. After the Kyoto emperor- 17 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

criticized the Shogunate’s concessions to the West, more and more daimyo and people transferred
their faith and trust to the emperor to integrate Japanese sovereignty into the sole body of theemperor. After the imperial restoration, daimyo states also lost their legitimacy. The dissolution ofdaimyo states resulted in the mass unemployment of their samurai retainers, a blow to the elite
samurai status group which in turn enabled the abolition of the hereditary status system.
In short, Japan’s dispersed structure facilitated those who wished to dissolve the polity, while
double kingship (in which one sovereign, if discredited, can be easily replaced by the other) madeJapanese reintegration much easier, since it entailed addressing the discrepancy between thehereditary status system and the actual distribution of talents.
This experience suggests revolution tends to happen if the existing regime has any
fundamental inconsistencies. Inconsistencies themselves do not cause revolution, as early modern
Japan, despite the inconsistencies in its polity, enjoyed peaceful stability for over 200 years. Yet, if
and when the regime faces strong and sudden pressure, those inconsistencies can and do turn into
contradictions, which brings self-destruction.
The second issue concerns the death toll. About 30,000 people were killed during the Meiji
Revolution. This number is very low compared to other major revolutions. As noted in the
introduction, the death tolls in the French, Russian and Chinese Revolutions were larger by a factorof 50 to more than 300.
How can we explain this difference? One salient factor was whether foreign wars occurred or not. In
Japan, both central governments, first the Shogunate and then the Meiji government, made aconcerted effort to avoid war. Only two daimyos dared to engage in gun battles against Western
ships but abandoned those efforts very quickly. In contrast, the wars which occurred in the aftermathof the French Revolution, for example, caused about 1,150,000 deaths.
Yet, the difference in the death toll is dramatic even when limited to during the civil war alone. In
France, the death toll from the initial civil war was about 400,000. This means that despite having a
population that was 20% smaller than Japan’s, the civil war in late 18th century France killedthirteen times more people. What could have caused such a wide divergence? One factor was theexistence and degree of popular involvement. When the populace begins to participate in therevolution, often they become concerned about blaming and excluding some figures they see as
villains instead of creating some policy that might give concrete solutions. Those acting in the nameof justice seldom hesitate to appeal to violence.
We can point out another factor: the presence or absence of a confrontation between ideologies. As
the Wars of Religion in Europe showed, people tend to become extremely intolerant during religious
or ideological confrontations. During the French Revolution, a severe struggle emerged between the
secular government and the Catholic Church. In addition, French intellectuals presented a wide
variety of competing blueprints for an ideal society. These conditions made it very difficult to reachany compromise or acceptable solution.
Similarly, in the Chinese case, the struggle between the Nationalists and the Communists escalated
into a large-scale civil war. In contrast, Japan in the 19th century had little ideological conflict. Even
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KEYNOTE SPEECH

the Shogunate accepted the ultimate authority of the Kyoto emperor. Although there were a varietyof religions and religious sects, the majority of them co-existed peacefully together , even whencombined in in a single person’s belief system. These conditions prevented Japan in the 19th century
from encountering strong ideological conflicts.
The third issue is how the public sphere feels about violence. The Pen and the Sword emerge
simultaneously in revolutions. When political movements demand radical, large scale reforms, theytend to resort to any means. People involved in enthusiastic movements sometimes do not hesitate toresort to violence to punish what they see as injustice or in revenge against the people who are
believed to have betrayed the public. This is why revolutions often draw much blood. Yet, if
revolutions are to be successful, they must create a new order by refusing to endorse violence nomatter how bloody they had been or not. So, we must track how the public sphere breaks withviolence.
As for the Meiji Revolution, assassination and armed threat sometimes changed the political climate.
Yet, the political actors who demanded ‘politics based on public opinion’ relied on persuasion andnegotiation to form the main stream of political opposition. Just after the small-scale war in which
Satsuma and Choshu defeated the army of the former Shogunate, daimyos in Western and Central
Japan immediately began supporting the new imperial government. They embraced opportunism andauthoritarianism in order to keep the right to rule their domains. Next, the former Shogun himself
offered a complete surrender. It is difficult to understand this decision because at that point heretained enough ground and naval forces to resist the imperial government. One might suppose that
his fear of possible Western intervention convinced him to avoid exacerbating the civil war. Thus,
only the Northeastern daimyos rose to fight against the new government, a fact which kept the death
toll and the length of hostilities to a minimum. Syntonic mentality and nationalism against the Westcombined to keep 19th century Japan from prolonging its civil war or expanding it in scale.
Yet, the civil war was not the final case of political violence. Japan saw little reaction from the losersof the civil war. Yet there came a series of threats from the winners. The military leaders and soldiers
among Satsuma, Choshu and Tosa refused to break up after the war ended. Moreover, after failing tofind respectable governmental positions, they became anxious to provoke a new civil war. The
Tokyo government tried to appease them by appointing them as Imperial guards. Yet, this tactic
failed due to the debate over another issue, namely whether to send a military expedition to Korea
over a perceived diplomatic slight; the debate over this issue caused a major split in the highest
levels of the government. After losing the debate and being thus unable to invade Korea, the troops
of Satsuma and Tosa returned home and developed strong military oppositions. In the end, Satsuma
actually rose in revolt and Tosa began to prepare to do so. Yet the Tokyo government managed, if
only barely, to block Satsuma’s advance. Even before the outcome of the Satsuma Rebellion was
clear, Tosa stopped preparing to revolt and decided to switch tactics, opposing Tokyo not on thebattlefield but in the public sphere, by speech only.
This experience testifies as to how difficult it can be to control the victorious army when it hascontributed to the success of the revolution. And this point is also related to the final question below.

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KEYNOTE SPEECH

Revolutions fail if the country is unable to reach a cease-fire. In such cases, civil war only ends after
completely destroying society. By contrast, revolutions are successful if they succeed in building a
new regime. Yet this does not necessarily mean the new regime must embody the ideals that 19th
century Europe presented. It is far from certain that the newly established order will become an
egalitarian and liberal society. It may be the extent of violence mobilized during the revolution that
determines the degree of freedom enjoyed by the resulting society. If armed forces play a greater rolein the revolution, the new regime becomes more authoritative, tainted as it is by militaristic culture.
Meiji Japan was fortunate to have escaped from this trap, although militarism would gradually
infiltrate into Japanese society after the first Sino-Japanese war.
2. How shall we cope with an anticipated long-term crisis?
Japan’s Meiji Revolution presents another important question for historical studies: how tocope with a long-term crisis? Some in late eighteenth-century Japan predicted a future crisis with
Western countries and advocated changes in foreign policy and rearmament. Although their proposal
was rejected by the contemporary government, this prescient groundwork contributed much inpreparing the Tokugawa government to receive an American envoy sixty years later. The
government changed its foreign policy from seclusion to opening its ports and succeed in adapting to
the globalization led by the West. Japan avoided major wars, enacted the Meiji Revolution andstarted economic and cultural development.
The experience of Japan’s neighbors was very different. Qing China, despite its sizable tradewith the West since the eighteenth century, fought several wars with foreign countries without
making fundamental changes in its polity. Joseon Korea also fought two wars and kept refusing
Western civilization. This key difference between Japan and its neighbors, each country’s
willingness to fight wars with foreign countries, caused a major divergence in the modern history ofthese countries. One of its pre- condition was whether they had anticipated a future crisis with theWest or not beforehand.
In this regard, the Japanese experience during the first half of the nineteenth century can shedvaluable light on the question of how to cope with long-term crises.
Most people go through their daily lives without paying any attention to potential future crises. They
do so even though crises can and sometimes do occur which can have devastating impact on society
at large. For example, the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011 was the most powerful earthquake tostrike Japan in at least 1000, perhaps 2000 years. And some crises are global in scale: if a large
asteroid were to hit the earth, almost all life would perish. On the other hand, there are also noncyclic, anticipated future crises such as global warming, a decline of resources, dwindling space todispose of waste, etc. We cannot predict exactly when these sorts of crisis will emerge as a fatal
issue. Yet, both types provoke a similar reaction: people tend to avoid facing the problem, finding it
extremely difficult to discover the solution and preferring to hope for the best and let things continue
as they have been.
Japan in early nineteenth century faced a similar problem: fear of a future invasion from theWest. Sadanobu Matsudaira, prime minister of the Tokugawa government in late eighteenth century,
foresaw the possibility of future conflicts with the West. He studied world geography imported via- 20 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

Nagasaki, the only port opened to the Dutch, and paid keen attention to trends in the long-term
global expansion of the Western powers. His measures in response were to tighten Japan’s seclusion
policy and to strengthen coastal defenses.
In 1792, Russian envoy Adam Laxman visited a port in the island now called Hokkaido. Sadanobu atonce informed Laxman that Japan was not interested in opening international relations with Russia.
Yet, to stave off any immediate confrontation with Russia, he also gave Laxman an official permit toenter Nagasaki port.
After the Russian envoy went back, Sadanobu took action. He launched an effort to reinforce
Japan’s coastal defense; ordered daimyo to take stock of the state of their own coastal defenses;
sounded out the Dutch representatives at Nagasaki about the possibility of arranging the importationof Western ships and crewmen; and personally launched a coastal survey expedition to explore thecoasts near Edo, Japan’s capital.
What did his foresighted efforts earn him? He was dismissed by the Shogun and hiscolleagues (other high-level ministers) right after he returned to Edo. And it is easy to understandtheir decision. Was it proper to prepare for imagined invasions from countries situated on the
opposite side of the globe? How much money would it cost to re-arm Japan given its totally
unprepared state? Such steps would mean tax increases, and wouldn’t any such tax increase
potentially provoke popular riots? For politicians with common sense, Sadanobu’s ambitious defense
plans looked like a dangerous and unnecessary disturbance of Japan’s long (then already nearly 200
years) peacetime state.
The Tokugawa government after Sadanobu continued tightening the seclusion policy without
strengthening coastal defenses. When the second envoy from Russia arrived at Nagasaki ten years
later, the Japanese government refused his demand for trade and forced him to leave Japan without
granting a re-entry permit. This rebuff caused Russians to invade some places in northern Japan. Yet,this conflict did not escalate into a war, partly because Russia faced Napoleon’s invasion on theEuropean front at that time. In 1821, both governments exchanged prisoners and settled the conflict.
Russian ships seldom appeared along the Japanese coast after this point.
After the détente with Russia, the Japanese government concluded that no country on theother side of the globe had the resources to send large numbers of troops to Japan. Consequently,
they relaxed coastal defenses while tightening Japan’s seclusion policy, issuing a national decree in1825 to drive off any Western style ships from the coast by any means necessary. The majority ofJapanese politicians thought that Japan would be able to maintain its peaceful seclusion from theworld indefinitely.
This shortsightedness was what Yukoku Aizawa, the founder of the ‘Revere the emperor,
Expel barbarians’ ideology that would prevail in early 1860s, once described with the phrase‘Summer insects do not know ice.’ Because insects are born in spring and die in fall, they cannot
imagine the existence of frozen water. Aizawa lamented that ordinary people could not foresee theemergence of future crises and chose to mock him as a madman, obsessed with a groundless fear.

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KEYNOTE SPEECH

Yet, this did not mean the Japanese returned to an old policy. At this point, they had
conceived of—and wrote down—a range of foreign policies: to keep the status quo, to allow partial
trade with the West to avoid war, to send Japanese ships abroad for inspection, trade and rearmament, or even to provoke Western ships to attack Japan and use this as an opportunity to start
fundamental domestic reforms. The Tokugawa government kept these policies in its library andsome cabinet members stored these documents in their own houses as part of their family papers.
This was because in the end of 1830s, the Tokugawa government withdrew the decree to oustWestern ships and began re-armament of coastal defense. This step was taken right after
governmental leaders heard about the outbreak outcome of the first Opium War in China. This policychange was also rejected when tax increase for reforms aroused many popular uprisings. Yet, it
became clear that thought experiments (simulations, so to speak) for about 60 years would prove
effective. In the early 1850s, thanks to Dutch news via Nagasaki, the report of a Japanese castaway
and also official notification by the Dutch government, the Tokugawa cabinet became aware of thelikelihood that a US envoy would visit Japan in the near future. Thus, then-chief minister Masahiro
Abe had enough information and a range of foreign policies already prepared when the US envoy
visited Japan in 1853.
Abe, having learned that the number and military strength of American ships exceeded
Japan’s defense capabilities, decided to loosen Japan’s seclusion policy. He did so as a temporary
measure, opening two minor ports to American ships without beginning trade or diplomatic relations.
Then, he began re-armament by introducing Western military technologies, including war ships, andestablishing academies to train students in Western languages while mobilizing men of ability toenter them from all over Japan. Next, the Tokugawa government totally altered its foreign policy
three years after the first treaty with the US. With gradual steps in mind, Tokugawa cabinet
concluded the first treaty of trade with Dutch and Russia in 1857 and eventually concluded an evenmore open treaty with the US and other Western countries; these steps led to constant diplomatic
links with the West.
Because these quick changes meant the total abolition of seclusion policy, which had been inplace for over 200 years, a strong opposition movement rose from within Japan. Yet despite thisinternal pressure, the Tokugawa government steadfastly refused to violate its treaties with the West,right up until it was overthrown. Also, the daimyos who initially advocated a war to expel theforeigners also came to support opening Japan after each tried fighting a short foreign war, an act
which motivated and sped up domestic reforms. It was thanks to these conditions that Japan in the
mid-nineteenth century was able to avoid major wars with the West. In short, thethought
experiments of foreign policy for over 60 years prior to the actual moment of crisis proved to be very
useful.
It is difficult for any people to prepare for future crises. It is also difficult to predict exactly
when the issue will become serious even if people do anticipate the coming of such a crisis. The
Japanese experience in the first half of the nineteenth century seems to offer some lessons: 1) Weshould not neglect pessimistic predictions, however strange they seem to be; 2) When people face
unexpected situations, the minority’s opinions will sometimes help them; 3) It is useful to run
simulations on how to respond to crises, as the alternatives such early efforts provide can then be- 22 -

KEYNOTE SPEECH

adapted according to the changing situation in the present; and 4) If we encounter some strange
phenomenon, it is necessary to collect concrete data. Late Tokugawa Japan barely escaped from thethreat of Western invasion, using their small store of information about the wider world, but more
information would certainly have been better. It would surely have been easier for the Tokugawa
government to change its foreign policy in response to the looming crisis if it had earlier taken thestep of loosening the seclusion policy to allow governmental officials, at the very least, to go abroad,as this would have greatly increased their ability to gather concrete data. It is also likely that, if there
had been more information about the world available throughout Japanese society at that time, public
opinion to support the opening policy might have emerged before the arrival of the US envoy.
Conclusion
We historians seldom present generalizations from the particular aspects of history we are studying.
Yet we should do so! Our narrow research projects, if seen from the right perspective, can lead tointeresting generalization that enrich our understanding of history and human society. These
generalizations can offer valuable comparative insights and inform responses to present-day
problems as well as help prepare us to deal with future crises. I will be happy if this lecture has
contributed something, however elementary, to historical studies on the subject of the comparative
study of revolutions and on the handling of long-term crises.

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Synopsis

Saturday, 5 January

9:30 am – 12:00 pm Panel Sessions 1

Panel No.

Panel Title

Venue

1.1

International Trade in East Asia during the 16th-

Keizo Saji Memorial

Century Korea War

Hall, 10F

The Influence of Chinese Seals, Signatures and Kaō-

Seminar Room 301

1.2

Signatures on Official Documents in Pre-Modern
Japan, Korea and Vietnam: A New MethodologicalApproach to East Asian Comparative History
1.3

The Role of Universities in the Reform of High

Seminar Room 703

School-Level History Education
1.4

Maritime Asia in Modern and Contemporary Eras

Seminar Room 304

1.5

Reconsidering the Teaching of Japanese History:

Seminar Room 507

Based on Recent Studies of Global History
1.6

Knowledge Transfer and Translation in Eurasia in
Early Modern and Modern Era- 24 -

Seminar Room 406

Synopsis

1.1

International Trade in East Asia during the 16th-century Korea
War

Chair: Gakusho NAKAJIMA (Kyushu University)
Discussant: Takeshi YAMAZAKI (Nara University)
Panel Abstract:
Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s invasion of Korea in the 1590’s triggered the largest-scale war in the world in
the 16th century, involving Japan, Korea and the Ming China, with Japanese and Ming soldiers using
firearms and cannons of Western origin. Bitter hostility and colossal casualty notwithstanding, thewar enhanced long-distance trade of munitions, provisions and human beings across the world.
Cultural and economic exchanges were also realized through special agents, and in a less comforting
way: the trade of prisoners of war. This panel studies the international trade in East Asia during thewar, examining how the trade was transformed by the war, and conversely, how the war was affectedby the trade.
Firstly, Puk Wing-kin discusses on the roles played by the Ming merchants who went to
Korea together with the Ming force and investigates on their operation of trade during the Korean
War. Secondly, Nakajima Gakusho analyzes on the development of munition trade in the maritime
East Asia during the war, with focusing on trade of saltpeter and lead. Thirdly, Oka Mihoko
researches on the trading activity of a merchant in Sakai, who was the merchant-quartermaster of the
Shimazu force in Hideyoshi’s army, reveals that he was an informant in Manila supplying
intelligence of the Korean War. Lastly, Lucio de Sousa investigates the structure on Korean slave
trade by Portuguese merchants, during the war, reconstructs their slave trade network in the Asian
Seas by analising Portuguese archival sources.
Papers:Ming-Korean Trade during the 16th-Century Korea War
Wing-kin PUK (Chinese University of Hong Kong)
Maritime and overland trade between Ming and Korea existed long before the outbreak of the 16thcentury Korea War. The war certainly disrupted the trade. On the other hand, the logistics for the
Ming expedition force would have created urgent and great demand for the trade. What were theroles played by the Ming merchants who went to Korea together with the Ming force? Can we findout more details about the operation of the trade? This paper attempts to explore these issues.
Munition Trade between Japan and Maritime Asia before and after the Invasion of Korea
Gakusho NAKAJIMA (Kyushu University)- 25 -

Synopsis

During the Korea War, Japanese troops continuously and urgently demanded large amount of lead,saltpeter and sulfur for making bullets and gunpowder. Since lead and saltpeter were not available
within Japan, they had to be imported from overseas. Until the early-16th century, inability of
producing or importing saltpeter had hindered the spread of Chinese style firearms, which werewidespread in East and Southeast Asia. As early as mid-16th century, however, accompanied theintroduction of Western style matchlock guns, Japanese daimyos endeavored to acquire themthrough Portuguese merchants and Chinese smugglers. During the war, Japanese daimyos continued
to rely on overseas trade for the supply of munition materials, enlisting the service of Portuguese andChinese merchants from Macao, Siam and Fujian. On the other hand, while Japan continued toimport natural saltpeter from Siam, the war boosted Japan’s domestic production of industrial
saltpeter, so much so that after the war, Japan became an exporter rather than importer of industrial
saltpeter.
Sakai Merchants in the East Asian Maritime Trade in the 1590s
Mihoko OKA (University of Tokyo)
In this paper, I study the roles of Sakai merchant during the Korea War and their diversified
strategies of survival. I focus on the trading activity of the Itamiyas, a mercantile family in Sakai inthe 1590s. Itamiya Sukeshiro was the merchantquartermaster of the Satsuma (of the Shimazu family)
force in Hideyoshi’s army, and continued to serve the Satsuma family after the war. Meanwhile,
Spanish archives reveal that an Itami Somi was an informant in Manila supplying intelligence of the
Korea War and Hideyoshi’s armies. With careful cross-examination, I conclude that Itamiya
Sukeshiro and Itami Somi might be from the same Itamiya family, and their commercial networks
were closely connected.
Korean Slave Trade in the Portuguese Maritime Networks
Lucio DE SOUSA (Tokyo University of Foreign Studies)
In 1590’s, the arrival of thousands of Korean captives to Japan began to be noticeable throughout theregion of Kyūshū and particularly in Nagasaki. From 1592 to 1598, the city had an incalculable
number of displaced Koreans, and many thousands of them were sold to the Portuguese. The aim of
this presentation is to shed light on the purchase and sale of Korean slaves and with all possible
accuracy, to reconstruct the economic reality experienced by Europeans in the seas of China, as wellas their networks of slaves from 1592 to 1598. I will focus this presentation in four main topics: thestructure of Korean slave trade, the perpetual ballots system, the limited time ballots system and the
Korean diaspora.

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Synopsis

1.2

The Influence of Chinese Seals, Signatures and Kaō-Signatures on
Official Documents in Pre-Modern Japan, Korea and Vietnam: A
New Methodological Approach to East Asian Comparative History

Chair: Takashi HASUDA (Niigata University)
Discussant: Kazuma ITO (Osaka University)
Panel Abstract:
The purpose of this panel is to compare how East Asian countries surrounding China, namely Korea,
Vietnam, Japan localized Chinese administrative models, focusing on the cultures of signatures andseals derived from China. Three historians specializing in the history of each country will clarify
what kind of cultural transformation of Chinese document culture had been achieved in each country.
Then the differences in cultural change in the three countries are to be clarified, while focusing on
the impact of China, especially the Tang Dynasty and the Ming Dynasty, which had a great influenceon neighboring countries.
Why are these countries to be compared from the perspective of diplomatics or paleography?
Because the situation of transmission of documents depend on that of each country, the studyof them lead us to face to various aspects the sources give us. However, by setting historical scienceas the basis of comparison, it will become possible to make a new comparative history beyond thebias of the situation of transmission of historical materials.
In Japan, since many original documents before the 16th century remain, the modern
historical study of Japan, established as a model of European historical studies, developed the
diplomatics or paleography which studies the original documents. The historical studies in Japanemphasized the comparison with Europe, so there was little attitude in thinking about Japan oneself
in the document culture of East Asia.
However, the development of Korean diplomatics or paleography urges Japanese scholar toreexamine Japanese old documents from an East Asia perspective. In Korea, original documents arefewer than in Japan, but in the last 30 years, systematic studies are developing.
In Vietnam, there are no historical documents before the 16th century, so the diplomatics or
paleography have not developed. However, as a country adjoining the China, Vietnam has acommonality with Korea, and with Japan, in that it has established a small empire order independent
from China. In considering the characteristics of Japan and Korea, Vietnam's data seems to play amajor role. By focusing on a specific theme of document theory focusing on signatures and seals,
comparative historical discussions with Japan and Korea will encourage the development of
diplomatics or paleography in Vietnam. As a result, as a neighboring state of China, it will bepossible to try new comparative history beyond the restriction of the remaining historical materials.

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Synopsis

Through these attempts, the historical images of the new East Asia / Southeast Asia, which isneither a European model nor a regional image of the Chinese centers, is constructed from theconcrete material level such as of the old documents, signatures, and seals.
Papers:Seals and Kaō-Signatures in Medieval and Early Modern Japan
Yuki SATO (Rikkyo University)
This paper aims to introduce seals and kaō-signatures on official documents in medieval and earlymodern Japan: especially from the 11th century to the 17th century. In Japan, a lot of original
documents before the 16th century remain, so that diplomatics or paleography developed, revealing
many points of the shape and function of the seals and kaō-signatures on old documents. The ancient
nation of Japan, modeled after Tang system, introduced a seal in the official document. An official
document is basically issued by the government office: the red seal of that office was pressed on it.
Ancient seals were square marks engraved with the names of the government office, linked to thecentralized bureaucratic administration based on the documents. The seal was also the symbol ofstate rule.
In the 11th and 12th centuries, it was expanded to write kaō-signatures representing the nameof the issuing authority or his chancellery officers, while seals were gradually disappeared. Kaō wasa kind of stylized signature and was originally composed of some letters of the writer’s name written
in cursive. As a result of the bureaucracy being altered, the kaō-signatures of the heads of thegovernment offices raised importance. Kaō-signatures guaranteed the reliability of that documents,
along with the identity of the men who wrote them. In the end of the 12th century, the Kamakura
shogunate (the warrior government) was established, but it did not make its own seal.
However, through pre-modern times, ancient seals remained. Even in the civil government
under the Emperor, the use of kaō-signatures was generalized, but the seals were used in scenes
related to national authority and state rite since ancient times. For example, the royal seal (nai-in)
was stamped on the documents giving the rank (iki). In the old temple or shrine, the seal of thetemple of shrine remained as ritual.
While such old seals remained, new types of seals were born and spread in the medieval age
and early modern age. Unlike the ancient seals, the seals that the Sengoku Daimyo used in the 16th
century were individual. Such individual seals were used as an alternative to kaō-signatures andeventually began to replace them. There were two kinds, red and black. The red sealed letters were
issued by the unified government of Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and the Tokugawa
shogunate. The overlord (shogun) of Tokugawa used his real name as the name of his seal. It
wonders if the individual seals were used on official documents in other East Asian countries. If not,how was it born? It wonders if Japanese seals were not affected by Ming Dynasty like Korea andVietnam. This paper aims to discuss such problems, focusing on some changes of kaō-signatures andnew seals in the late of the middle ages.
Seals, Signatures and Kaō-Signatures in Premodern Korea- 28 -

Synopsis

Yuya KAWANISHI (Niigata University)
This paper aims to consider the seals, signatures and kaō-signatures in the official documents of the
Joseon Dynasty (14th-19th centuries).
In the Silla era (1st century BC-the 10th century AD), it seems that document administration
was already widely done at that time, judging from that the advanced bureaucracy system seemed to
be developed. In recent years, the discovery of a large number of document wooden letters also
supports the speculation. However, details are unknown due to lack of historical materials.
In the Goryeo era (10th-14th centuries), the document system of Tang dynasty and Songdynasty were introduced, independently added arrangements to it, as the tool of the administrative
control besed on the documents. However, it is difficult to clarify the system and style of public
documents in detail, because there are very few original documents.
In the Joseon Dynasty, various state systems gradually developed after the foundation of1392. In the latter half of the 15th century, when the "Gyeongguk-Daejeon", the fundamental code oflaw, was completed, the state system and the document system of the Joseon dynasty was also
consolidated.
The official document of the Joseon Dynasty can be divided into two types: the king's
documents that the king issues entity and the official documents that the official issues entity.
A king's seal was printed on the king document. In the early days of founding, the Joseon
used "Joseon-Gugwang-Ji-In" which was given as a testimonial from the Ming dynasty as a proof of
the tributary(), but later created the unique king seals.
The king seals were used properly according to the type of king documents. For example,"Simyeong-Ji-Bo" was used for documents on appointment of official, "Gwageo-Ji-Bo" forevidential documents of passing the civil service examination, and "Yuseo-Ji-Bo" for notification
documents.
It was very rare for the king himself to write a signature or sign kaō-signatures in the kingdocument. The signature was written in diplomatic documents against China and Japan. On the other
hand, the kaō-signatures was written in Buddhist documents and letters. Park Junho, a leading
researcher of signatures and kaō-signatures in South Korea, presumed that kaō-signatures of the kingwas written only in his personal documents.
The government official seals were printed on the official documents, which were also notedby kaō-signatures of the officials. In recent years, Park Junho clarified the use of signature and kaōsignatures. According to his study, there was clear distinction between use of signature and kaōsignatures. The official’s signature (or signature + kaō-signatures) was written on the upward
document and the official’s kaō-signatures was written on the descending document. Such use of thesignature and the kaō-signatures is said to have been influenced by Song Dynasty.

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Synopsis
This paper will point out some topics of seal, signature and kaō-signatures of the Joseon
Dynasty. in order to advance document comparison research in East Asia.
Seal and Signature in Official Document during Early Modern Vietnam: Its Format, Usage, andCharacteristics.
Takashi HASUDA (Niigata University)
This paper aims to introduce usage and format of seals and signatures on official documents in
Vietnam, then indicates some features for further comparative studies among East Asian countries.
The diplomatics or the palaeography in the Vietnamese studies is still underdevelopment. For lack oforiginal documents we can pursue analyses based on original documents only after the seventeenth
century. On the contrary we can use a diversity of official documents after the sevnteenth centuries
such as the documents on diplomacy, appointment of official, village ritual, and military affair.
Almost documents contain seal and signature.
Seals are divided into two: a) the seal of post / office () and b) the seal of document type(lệnh chỉ, thị, phái etc.). The former contains red seal and black seal. On the latter, there are both seal
and hand writing. Signatures are divided into three types: 1) signature, 2) the symbolized signature
like the Kaō in Japan, and 3) the seal of the symbolized signature. The third type is found in Ming
China. There is no signature in the imperial letter, the royal letter of the Trịnh kings, and letter ofNguyễn lords.
The type b) seal and the third type signature indicate that the development of the bureaucratic
administration based on the documents generate the “seal-nization”. It is expected that the great
impact of Ming style administration through twenty years domination of Ming China in the early
fifteenth century, though there are few original documents in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
This is one of the further subjects.

1.3

The Role of Universities in the Reform of High School-Level History
Education

Chair: Shiro MOMOKI (Osaka University)
Discussant: Lisa RIGGIN (California State University, Fullerton),
PHAM Quang Minh (VNU University of Social Sciences and Humanities)

Panel Abstract:
This panel will deal with recent situation of history teaching in East Asian countries, focusing on
university entrance examination and teacher training programs, for both of which universities are
responsible. The panel organizer has organized collaborations among East Asian and world scholars- 30 -

Synopsis

regarding various issues related to the reform of history education of both high school and university
levels, including panels in previous congresses of AAWH (“How to Design World History
Learning/Teaching in the Era of Globalization, ICT, and Post Modernism” at Seoul in 2012;“Teaching Asian History to Students and Teachers within New Frameworks of Subjects andCurriculums” at Singapore in 2015). This time he would like to directly tackle the key issue of
educational reform in East Asian countries that is university entrance examination, which have often
determined the entire effect of high school education (and often university education as well). For
instance, if the entrance examination of universities is still conservative, many teachers in Japan are
afraid, the overall reform of Japanese teaching system (from primary to high schools) that wasannounced in 2016/7 by the government will be emasculated. However, the university side often
blames conventional high school teachers who tend to block innovative forms and questions ofentrance examination, without reflection to the fact that such teachers are also products of university
education. It is apparent that this mutual shifting of responsibility can be solved only with an overall
reform of teacher training enforced by universities, and it in turn requires a reform of the training ofprofessional scholars who may teach at the university. For this reason, this panel will also discuss
about teacher training as an indispensable condition of the reform of entrance examination. The
chairperson (an authority of history education in Europe) and the commentator (a specialist in
California, from where pioneering achievements often appear) will stimulate a wider comparison anddiscussion of the issues.
Papers:College Entrance Examination Reform and History Teaching in China
YANG Biao (East China Normal University)
China has carried out the comprehensive reform of the examination and enrollment system in
Universities since 2017. The pilot areas are Shanghai and Zhejiang province. After the generalentrance examination, universities and colleges have given more power to recruit students, but theyalso cause a series of problems. For example, some colleges and universities may require candidates
to choose specific compulsory subjects and may cause congestion of some subject examinations. In
the daily teaching arrangement, the combination of students who choose elective subjects aredifferent, that will cause problems of class scale. For the History itself, since its knowledge structure
is complicated, so the discipline of history is difficult to attract good students to choose learning. On
the other hand, a higher qualified student may have a better chance to get higher grades if the history
subject is chosen to exam. The college entrance examination reform has also brought about reform inhistory teaching itself.
What are history teachers expected to do in the implementation of the top down curricular reforms
and standardized tests in Korea?
YANG Hohwan (Seoul National University)
In Republic of Korea, political changes have often brought about curricular reforms, which included
redefining educational aims, establishing and rearranging required or elective subjects, modifying
credit units of subjects and reframing the organization and contents of textbooks. In almost all- 31 -

Synopsis

curricular reforms, the subject of history, especially Korean history, finds itself at the center ofpublic debate on the definition and articulation of national legitimacy and identity. Once the history
curriculum was established, the Ministry of Education provided a guideline for textbook writing,which authors and publishers had to comply with for textbook authorization. History textbooks are arecognized and respectful source of knowledge and should adhere to a standard interpretation. Its
actual contents serve as the reference and criteria to various test materials including the College
Scholastic Ability Test, the Achievement Test, and the regular school exams. The importance of
these tests further strengthens the dominant role and function of history textbooks in classroom
teaching. In this whole process, teachers seem to be expected only to transmit authoritative textbook
accounts to students. In my presentation, I will review the effects of past curricular reforms onclassroom teaching practices. In doing so, I will explore some measures to be taken for promoting
teachers’ initiative of choosing and reconstructing teaching materials and contents.
Teaching History in Vietnam: Realities and Prospects
Pham Quang Minh (VNU University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Hanoi, Vietnam)
This paper discusses the pedagogical landscape of History as a class subject in Vietnam’s education
system. It begins with an overview of how History is taught to Vietnamese students, including inschool system, followed by a suggestion on how to improve the History learning and teachingexperience of Vietnamese, as well as implications of such a new approach. The paper argues that,rather than teaching History as simply a chronicle of events in the past, a theme-based method thatseeks to explore key aspects of world and Vietnamese History should be preferred and proposes sucha method called the 3Cs Approach.
The Reform of Entrance Examinations and Teacher Trainings in Contemporary Japan
Shiro MOMOKI (Osaka University)
This paper introduces recent situation of educational reform in Japan including that of history,
focusing on the discussions and trials regarding entrance examinations and teacher training programs.
In 2016 the Ministry of Education announced an overall reform of the education of every level,emphasizing “active learning” by students instead of traditional didactic teaching by teachers. The
majority of history teachers (and question makers of entrance exams) are required to improve their
methods which stressed too much on memorizing historic events and names. At the same time, areform of university entrance examination and a reorganization of teacher training programs werealso proposed. In the case of high school education, a series of reorganization of subjects was alsoannounced (which will be enforced from 2022). Regarding the subject area “Geography and History”,
for instance, new compulsory courses of “General Geography” and “General History” will start. In“General History”, the history of modern and contemporary periods of the world including Japan
will be taught. Because Japanese History and World History have been treated as separate subjects
since the Meiji Period, “General History” will likely cause many difficulties in high school teaching,and in making questions of entrance examinations (their results in turn, may influence upon theentire effect of university teaching). Though discussion and trials have been made in positive
direction in many places, the burden as a whole of current history education is no less light than thatof English education, the latter being forced to follow global practical standards.
- 32 -

Synopsis
The Role and Function of Historiography in East Asian Civilization: Comparative Perspective
Masayuki SATO (University of Yamanashi)This panel is designed to question the role and function of historiography in various world settings incomparative perspective. The questions debated will initially be asked chiefly from the point ofview of East Asian historiography.
The art of recalling the past has developed very differently in Europe and East Asia. Since the timeof Herodotus and Thucydides, Western historiography has centered around history written byindividuals for individuals, whereas East Asian historiography has pivoted on public, state-sponsoredhistoriography since ancient times. The project of historiography in East Asia has traditionally been
run by the state. “Official histories,” resulting in the effort to compile relevant documents andhistorical materials, constitute the core of East Asian historiography. Such a project represented an
important, even the primary, cultural undertaking of East Asian states. This stands in stark contrast
to the cultures of Europe, India, the Islamic World, Africa and the Americas, where states rarely
sponsored histories, nor sought to fix their own authority and cultural power through the medium ofhistory.
Historical writing in East Asia--comprising China, Korea, Japan and Vietnam--was usually based on
the Confucian philosophical premise that historical facts constituted the only certain and immutablereality, because people could not alter that which had already occurred. Thanks to this tenet, history
became the axis of East Asian civilizations. History set itself apart from political affairs, stood
above administrative matters, and deemed itself the basis for all human judgment. Therefore, East
Asian traditions required historiographical objectivity, which was already fostered in China before
the Christian era.
With the introduction of Western culture and historiography to East Asia after the mid-nineteenth
century, history was re-institutionalized. It first became the concern of modern governmental
bureaus and was then transferred to the newly established universities. Thereafter East Asian
historiography evolved largely along the lines of “modern” historiography and pursued the same
basic methodological and theoretical goals as the rest of the world. As historiography underwent
evermore professionalization and specialization, East Asia was also drawn into the same whirlpool.
Today individual historians, working outside the framework of the state, are the main producers of“history,” which they publish in their research papers and books.
Whereas in the West the “professionalization” of historical research as an independent academic
field has represented a great achievement for what had until then been an institutionally neglecteddiscipline, in East Asia the introduction of modern Western historical research has heralded the endof the prestigious traditional East Asian historiography that aimed at a comprehensive description of
the entire world. Nevertheless, many historians are also involved in publicly sponsoredhistoriographical projects. Countless university-based Japanese historians, for example, serve on theeditorial boards of local and prefectural historical undertakings. We can thus observe the continuing
coexistence of the two differing traditions of historical study. To put it differently, East Asian
historians simultaneously inhabit two worlds of historiography: one a world of Rankean (or- 33 -

Synopsis
traditional East Asian) factual objectivity; and another of postRankean interpretations of varied and opposing voices.
The convener of this conference panel, who bases himself in the historiographical experience of East
Asia, and who will present the keynote paper, plans to invite those historians who are interested in
the role and function of historiography in various world settings in comparative perspective.

1.4

Maritime Asia in Modern and Contemporary Eras

Chair: Yasuko-Hassall KOBAYASHI (Osaka University)
Panel Abstract:
As a result of external pressures presented by the inroads of Western colonialism / imperialism andinternal dynamics from within the region, Maritime Asia, both as the “geo-bodies” of the different
Asian political and cultural entities and the thalassic and oceanic spaces and networks createdthrough the movement of people, commodities, and ideas, underwent significant transformations in
the 19th and 20th centuries. How were these forces intertwined in the reshaping of Maritime Asia?
What were the main mechanisms and who were the key players in the process of this transformation?
What was the role of national, regional, and transnational networks in connecting and sustaining
Maritime Asia? The papers in this section will critically and comparatively address these questions
from both temporal and spatial perspectives.
Papers:The Origin and Evolution of Maritime Asia’s Institutions: ASEAN and ASPAC during 1960s/70s
Kei KOGA (Nanyang Technological University)
Multilateral regional institutions led by regional states in the Maritime Asia—covering from theWestern Pacific to the Eastern Indian Ocean—were scarce in the post-war era. However, there wasan exception, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Since its inception in 1967,
ASEAN has been the dominant multilateral institution in the region. In the post-Cold War period,
ASEAN expanded its membership, comprising 10 Southeast Asian states while proliferating its own
regional institutions, including the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN+3, East Asia Summit(EAS), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting (ADMM), and ADMM-Plus. Many scholars therefore
consider ASEAN the most important multilateral institutions in the Maritime Asia, designing andpromoting regional rules and norms. A certain question arises: why has ASEAN been able to lay asolid institutional foundation in Maritime Asia and become the main multilateral framework?
In fact, there was an alternative institution to ASEAN—the Asia Pacific Council (ASPAC).
ASPAC, the less known regional institution led by regional states, including Australia, Japan,- 34 -

Synopsis

Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, South Vietnam, Thailand, the Republic of Korea (ROK),
and the Republic of China (ROC). Although the institution was considered an anti-communist
institution, those members including Australia and Japan avoided being stigmatized as such, andpromoted political dialogues as well as functional cooperation. However, the conventional wisdom
says that when Asia’s strategic environment changed due to the People’s Republic of China’s
accession to the United Nations in 1971 and the 1972 Sino-US rapprochement, it became difficult for
the ASPAC member states to sustain the institution because the members included ROC, which was
replaced with PRC in the United Nations. ASPAC eventually lost momentum due to Malaysia’s
decision to withdraw its membership in 1973 and collapsed in 1975.
This paper analyses the reasons of ASEAN’s survival and ASPAC’s collapse by comparing
the origin and evolution of ASEAN and ASPAC during the 1960s and 1970s. Its central argument isthat a structural factor—a change in regional distribution of power caused by US and UK
withdrawals and the intensification of Sino-Soviet rivalry—created a condition under which both
ASEAN and ASPAC required institutional changes for their survival. But, it is ultimately an agent
factor, namely Malaysia, that played a decisive role in ASEAN’s institutional survival and ASPAC’s
collapse by promoting the idea of “regional neutrality” in ASEAN and withdrawing from ASPAC.
This illustrates the importance of ideas to sustain regional institutions.
China Engages Maritime Asia: The Belt and Road Initiative in an Historical and Institutional
Perspective
LIU Hong (Nanyang Technological University)
Since it was first proposed by Xi Jinping in the late 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative has constituted
China’s defining strategy in engaging with the outside world, especially in the 70-plus countries
alongside the two routes connecting China with Europe and Africa. As the main pathway for the
Maritime Silk Road and China’s major economic partner, Southeast Asia--where the great majorityof the Chinese diaspora reside--occupies a significant place in the new initiative. In view of China’s
growing clouts and the fact that economic relations are inevitably intertwined with the nations’ socialtransformations, there are important ramifications with the implementation of the BRI for the region
and its Chinese diaspora. There are a number of new institutions such as AIIB have been establishedto support the BRI. How should one interpret the BRI in an historical and institutional perspective?
As one of the most economically influential groups in the region, how do the Chinese communities
react to the opportunities and challenges associated with the BRI? What are the roles of ethnic
capital, nationalism and transnationalism in the unfolding of the BRI? How do Chinese diaspora
confront with the seemingly conflicting logics between transnational mobility and national
identifications? What are the theoretical implications, if any, of the Southeast Asian experiences for
deciphering new patterns of Chinese transnationalism and diaspora engagement? This paper attempts
to provide some preliminary answers to these questions.
Maritime port cities as an arena of transnational revolutionary underground in Asia: comparative
study of Yokohama/Tokyo, Shanghai, and Canton in early 20th century
Takeshi ONIMURA (Kyushu University)- 35 -

Synopsis

From mid-19th century onwards, the world was increasingly connected by modern modes oftransportation and technologies of communication, such as railways, steamships, modern banking
systems, the telegraph, and so on. In East and Southeast Asia, the highest degrees of connectivity
were found in and between the capitals or maritime port cities, including Tokyo, Yokohama, Kobe,
Nagasaki, Shanghai, Canton, Hong Kong, Manila, Saigon, Bangkok, Singapore, Batavia, andRangoon. These cities were linked by regular steamship, rail, and telegraph services, and covered
with networks extending the flows of people, commodities, money, and information. That era ofdeepening regional connectivity and flows in East and Southeast Asia corresponded with the peak ofpolitical revolutionary movements grounded in nationalism, communism, religion, or anticolonialism. Colonial and national governments regarded these movements as threats, and closely
monitored and severely suppressed political activists. Under such circumstances, many
revolutionaries were forced into exile by arrest and deportation or in order to escape detention.
Exiled activists regularly moved between different cities connected by modern transportation andcommunication technologies. This paper offers a comparative study of three particular cities,
Yokohama/Tokyo, Shanghai, and Canton, in which these exiled revolutionaries based or pursued
their political movements, and explains why these cities were chosen for their arenas ofrevolutionary activity. These three were the major maritime cities of Asia, serving as national orcolonial state capitals or the leading trading centers in the region. Besides the advantage of having
regular services of steamships and communication technologies at hand, the revolutionaries had
differing reasons for selecting cities for their revolutionary headquarters. For example, Sun Yat-sen
frequently visited and stayed in Yokohama/Tokyo because of his links with Japanese politicians,
entrepreneurs, and supporters. On the other hand, Shanghai was the preferred city of underground
revolutionaries, such as Tan Malaka, because Shanghai was divided into three municipalities. In
short, a close understanding of the relations between cities and revolutionary movements requires acareful analysis of the political, economic, social, and historical background and character of thecities themselves.
War and knowledge mobilities: The demand for Japanese Language in Australia during the
Pacific War
Yasuko Hassall KOBAYASHI (Osaka University)
Wars often destroy our lives physically and psychologically. But at the same time, wars also create
different flows (mobilities) of knowledge, people and capital. Through these mobilities, different
social spaces are created which would not have happened otherwise. This presentation pays attention
to how the value of Japanese language shifted in Australia during WWII.
The primary aim of the Pacific War for the Allied forces was to conquer the Empire of Japan. Thisrequired the gathering of information regarding the Japanese Imperial Army, a difficult task taken on
by the Allied military intelligence. It is well known that the US military force created an intelligence
sector, Allied Translation and Interpretation Service (ATIS), to gather information about Japan andalso to better understand the incomprehensible psychology of Japanese soldiers.
Though it is not much mentioned, this important military intelligence agency, ATIS, was infact set up in Australia, in Melbourne (and later on it moved to Brisbane), when General Douglas- 36 -

Synopsis

MacArthur moved to Australia from the Philippines. It began with a handful of Australian ‘linguists’.
How did they obtain Japanese personnel who had a command of Japanese, so they could read thelanguage and obtain key information? Australia did provide a few Japanese language courses forAustralian students at University level before WWII, but such courses were not sufficient to provide
enough human capital. Consequently, Australian military intelligence was forced to scavenge for
personnel with a sufficient command of the Japanese language. Ironically, the value of the enemy’s
language saw its height during WWII, and Australia also obtained much information about theenemy country Japan, through their interrogations of Japanese Prisoners of War.
Although Australia is often left out of the narrative of WWII in Japan, the two nations werein fact connected through flows of knowledge and people beyond Asia. This presentation will focus
on this overlooked history to reconsider the space of Asia and the Pacific during WWII. And by
doing so, it will also show that mobilities/flows of knowledge create different spaces from those ofstate relations.

1.5

Reconsidering the Teaching of Japanese History: Based on Recent
Studies of Global History

Chair: KIM Minkyu (Northeast Asia Foundation)
Panel Abstract:
This panel aims to reconsider the teaching of Japanese history from the perspective of teachingcontent. This will be achieved based on studies of global history centered on Asia, which focus on
the movement and exchange of people and objects. These studies have developed remarkably inrecent years. In addition, this panel focuses the pre-modern era.
Regarding the modern era (from around the mid-19th century in Japan, Matthew Perry’s visit
to Japan, to the present), the joining of global and Japanese history has been discussed both inhistorical research and high school education, because of the close relationship between Japan andforeign countries. However, Japan before modernization is not currently that popular as a theme,
especially in high school education, for many reasons.
The main reason is that research on pre-modern Japanese history emphasizes internal
development. Consequently, few researchers focus on pre-modern Japan’s relations with foreigncountries, and these highlight a direct relationship such as for war and trade. Furthermore, many
researchers interested in “domestic” affairs have been too busy to pay attention to foreign history andJapan’s foreign relationships, because there are many “raw” historical materials such as old
documents, records, and annals.
In addition, it seems that the tendency of such research is reflected in Japanese history
textbooks and actual history classes.
- 37 -

Synopsis
If so, now that studies of global history centered on Asia have accumulated for early modern
history, the content of Japanese history education will need to be reconsidered based on these.
In this panel, three high school teachers, who majored in Japanese history at undergraduate
and graduate school, present their findings.
Nobuyuki Onishi, a teacher at Chuo University Suginami High School, where students areguaranteed to enter the affiliated university without an entrance examination, discusses the textbooks
on Japanese history and world history, which is known as foreign history. For a long time, he hastaught history through an experimental method, without necessarily getting caught up in theuniversity entrance examination. His presentation takes advantage of this experience.
The Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology of Japan sets “the Course of
Study” as the basis of the school curriculum. Textbooks on Japanese history are produced inaccordance with these guidelines, while world history textbooks are relatively freely created without
being held to the periodization of “the Course of Study.” As a result, inconsistencies remain in termsof periodization and historical images.
In the next revision of the “Course of Study,” Japanese and world history, which are currently
separated, will be united under a new subject, “Comprehensive history.” This is regarded as afundamental subject of history learning in high school, and will be treated as a prerequisite.
Therefore, it is necessary to unite the image provided by these subjects to students.
Next, Shigeyuki Yokoi a teacher at Kaijo Junior and Senior High School, will focus on earlymodern Japan and Islamic regions in his presentation.
Kaijo Junior and Senior High School is located in Tokyo, and many students who graduate
from here advance to renowned universities including the University of Tokyo.
His presentation focuses on the ebb and flow of the “Moor interpreters” in Nagasaki. It reveals thelinkage between Japanese society in the early modern age and Islamic communities in the Kingdomof Siam, the Mughal Empire and Safavid Persia.
Furthermore, he emphasizes that the VOC (De Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, Dutch
East India Company) ships and “Tosen”, Chinese junk ships bound for Nagasaki from acrossSoutheast Asia introduced calico (“sarasa” in Japanese) and carpets to Japanese society.
These textiles were welcomed by the common people in Japan, and are still showcased in the “GionFestival” in present-day Kyoto.
Certainly, these facts can be good teaching material through which to reconsider the positionof Japanese culture, which is often considered as unique and isolated from other cultures of the world.
The presentation also shows that this subject matter is suitable for teaching in both Japaneseand world history subjects.

- 38 -

Finally, Shinzo Kobayashi, a teacher at Rokko Junior and Senior high Synopsis
school, prestigious
school in the Kansai region, will discuss early modern Japanese history and “traditional” nationalism
such as “Koukoku Shikan”, emperor-centered historiography in the Meiji period.
Research on Japanese history has made great progress after World War Ⅱ, most of which is reflectedin the textbooks for high school students. Regrettably, we still find the vestiges of prewar times in
the historical views included in many sections of these textbooks. Descriptions based on Kokoku
Shikan have not been excluded, and theories rejected years ago still appear both in the textbooks anduniversity entrance examinations. The situation is serious to the extent that many teachers teach theseincorrect historical views as facts. Furthermore, the students taught these views unconsciously
consider Japanese history as special, unlike that of other countries, which hinders a global
understanding of history.
The purpose of this report is to share the status of Japanese history education, and search fora way to resolve these issues.
These three presentations provide us with an opportunity to deepen the discussion on theJapanese history education, our national history suitable for the era of globalization.

1.6

Knowledge Transfer and Translation in Eurasia in Early Modern andModern Era

Chair: SUN Laichen (California State University, Fullerton)
Papers:Flow of Languages: Early Modern Translation in Eastern Eurasia from a Global Perspective (c.
1400-1800)
SUN Laichen (California State University, Fullerton)In this research I combine three things: translation history, early modern era, and global history. I
examine translation of the early modern (circa 1400-1800) Eastern Eurasia (East and Southeast Asia)
from a global perspective. Different from the research on translation history by Translation Studies
scholars and nation-based historians, I emphasize a broader approach and a global perspective. The
former treats the eastern part of the Eurasian continent as a whole, while the latter not only compares
Eastern Eurasia to other parts of Eurasia, but also study translation as an important force in
civilizational or cultural exchanges. More than just asking questions like “what were and whotranslated?” I concern with the impact of translation on state formation (specifically social andeconomic development). Inspired by Joseph Fletcher’s “quickening tempo” of the early modern era,
my another goal is try to discern and define an “early modern translation” by demonstrating thevolume, speed, and content of translation of the early modern era in Eastern Eurasia (and in thewhole world) increased or expanded dramatically comparing to the past eras. Knowledge transfer- 39 -

Synopsis

across the world accelerated. Last but not least, regarding the driving forces behind the expanded
early modern translation, in addition to emphasizing the European drive in Asia, I equally stress
Asian dynamism which was independent of European expansionism but has received little attention:
the vernacularization (inventing new scripts such the kana in Japan, nom in Vietnam, hangul in
Korea, etc.) and/or multilingualism across Eastern Eurasia (which urges us to think about a“linguistic early modernity”). In other words, besides the familiar translations between WesternAsian languages, there were also the understudied translations among Asian languages (inter- andintra-language translations). All in all, I argue that early modern translation is indispensable forunderstanding early modern Eastern Eurasian history.
Making the Image of Beijing in the Nineteenth Century: Bichurin's Plan of Peking and its
Derivatives
ZHENG Cheng (Chinese Academy of Sciences)
N. Y. Bichurin, the founding father of Russian sinology, spent fourteen years in Beijing from 1808 to
1821 as a member of the Russian ecclesiastical mission. Besides many important works, in 1829
Bichurin published a Russian pamphlet Description of Peking, attached with a plan of the capitalsurveyed in 1817. The text is mainly a selected translation from a 1788 Chinese work, while the plan
is a new one prepared by Bichurin himself. This plan is large and colorful, with bilingual notes in
Russian and French, providing an unprecedented detailed printed map of Beijing for Europe. Soon
after, it replaced the old plans of Peking by French Jesuits published in the mid-eighteenth century.
In England and France, Bichurin's plan was reprinted as military map in the war against China, andalso became quite popular in books and atlases. Only until early twentieth century, it was replaced by
new ones drawn by surveying bureaus of Foreign army and Chinese government. This paper
explores the making and influence of Bichurin's plan. The map is heavily based on Chinese text, nota result of serious surveying, even misrepresenting part of the outline of the city wall. Although there
are better Chinese maps in the same period, they are not available, or very rare in market. A series ofcolored plan of Peking, drawn by Beijing's painting shop after 1861, always known as Chinesemanuscript ones, are actually derived from Bichurin's plan. One of the earliest Chinese lithography
map of Beijing, "Detailed plan of the capital", which was reprinted five times from 1905-1911, is infact a revised edition of Bichurin's. The transfer and transformation of the image of Beijing happened
between Western and Chinese materials time and again.
The Formation of Modern “Nation-State” and “Identity”: The Translation and Application of theOverseas Frontier and Boundary Terms by the Modern China’s Intellectual Circles.
YUAN Jian (Minzu University of China)
In contemporary time, the issue of “nation-state” and “identity” had been one of the key questions
not only in China but also in other countries. In the modern time, the discourse of “nation-state” and“identity” had experienced a process of the conflict, adjustment and compromise between theindigenous knowledge and the overseas knowledge. It is a long process which combined acted by the
specific events and the translation of the overseas discourse. In the framework of China’s traditional“Tianxia” (land under heaven) narrative, the inner space and outer boundary had the self-consistentin this kind of “old world or China”, China’s traditional discourse of the frontier and boundary was- 40 -

Synopsis
formed on this basis. With the changing of the modern world
situation, the overseas frontier and boundary terms were translated
into China by the intellectual circles gradually, and used in the related narrative of China’s innerspace and identity. This paper will trace some cases of thetranslation to analysis the influence of the translation which took in the formation of the modern“nation-state” and “identity”.
A Study of the Books Translated from Chinese Character to Romanized Vietnamese
Ngu in the 20th Century

Chu Quoc

Ye Shaofei (Associate Professor, Honghe College, Yunnan)
In the last of 19th century Vietnam became colony of French, and the colony government’s officers
promoted the Romanized Vietnamese and the language of French in Vietnam, and attempted toreplace the Chinese characters and Nom characters with the new writing system. At the beginning of
20th century, the Vietnamese intellectuals accepted the Romanized Vietnamese and spread it to all
people at Vietnam. Therefore, the intellectuals began to translate the classic books of Vietnam to the
Romanized Vietnamese. Because the most intellectuals had received the traditional education andcould read the ancient historical books in Chinese Characters and Nom Characters, they didn’ttranslate the ancient historical books to Latin Vietnamese at the beginning. After tens of years, theyoung generation educated in Romanized Vietnamese and couldn’t read the Chinese Characters and
Nom anymore. Since to the middle of 20th century the translator named Mac Bao Than was the firstto translate The Great history books of Vietnam(Dai Viet su ky toan thu) to the Romanized Character.
In 1954, Vietnam was separated into North and South and set out to organize the translation of theancient historical books to Romanized Vietnamese. The project included many famous and important
historic books of Vietnam and lay down the foundation of Vietnamese civilization for people.
However, the translated historical books of Latin Vietnamese were the understanding of thetranslators, and the different translators understand the words and sentences differently too. It’s easy
for the common readers to understand the idea, but the researchers couldn’t rely on the translations
and should read the traditional character books. The researchers must study the books by Chinesecharacter and Nom and give opinions to the translation project by Romanized Vietnamese.

- 41 -

Synopsis

Saturday, 5 January

13:30 am – 15:30 pm Panel Sessions 2

Panel No.

Panel Title

Venue

2.1

India and Modern World

Keizo Saji Memorial
Hall, 10F

2.2

Inter-regional Connections

Seminar Room 507

2.3

Through Japan to the World

Seminar Room 406

2.4

East Asian Historiography

Seminar Room 301

2.5

Different Perspectives to World History

Seminar Room 201- 42 -

Synopsis

︎2.1

India and Modern World

Chair: Shigeru AKITA (Osaka University)
Papers:The Industrializing Process of Cotton and Chemical Industries in East Asia in the Inter-war
PeriodShin TAMAMURA (Osaka University)
When we pay attention to the rise of native enterprises, or industrialization, in the cotton andchemical industries of Japan, India and China during the inter-war period, even at the time ofprotectionism, the trade between Briton and Asia was still so dynamic not as Cain & Hopkins
insisted. It was led by commercial merit rather than an intolerant nationalism. On the other hand, atthe same time, both empires, Briton and Japan, had experienced the shift or transferring from old
industry to new one but there laid the problem of ‘double structure’ in their society. As a result of
this problem and the British policy of ‘empire development’, multi-nationalized Japanese cotton
firms (zaika-bo) and British chemical firm (ICI) sought East Asian market as ‘the last resort’. In theaftermath of the Great depression, free trade among four countries bent to bilateral trade, or‘managed economy’. Government intervention to cotton and chemical industry based on the aim offinancial or political issue by each country killed the self-dynamism of the two industries in 1937.
Finally, they were trapped into war-economy.
The Global History of Nationalism
Mridula MUKHERJEE (Jawaharlal Nehru University)
In this paper, I contrast nationalism as it emerged in Europe with the anti-imperialist nationalism thatemerges in the colonies, particularly India.
In Europe the political process of the emergence of nations and nationalism started, in an embryonicway in the middle of the seventeenth century with the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 which
recognized national sovereignty. Nations emerged as a new political state formation to take the placeof the earlier empires. This process took about two centuries.
A particular feature in Europe was that almost right from the beginning, nationalism gets tied up withcolonial agendas. Oliver Cromwell, having defeated Charles I, conquered Ireland in the name of the
British Parliament, almost immediately after the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, and let loose
unspeakable atrocities on the Irish. This speeds up in the eighteenth century. India, for example, isconquered from the middle of the eighteenth century onwards. So the nationalism that emerges in
Europe has from the very beginning also an aggressive and aggrandising aspect to it. From mid and- 43 -

Synopsis

late nineteenth century onwards, it becomes more and more reactionary, and in the twentieth century
we get it in its worst form of Fascism and Nazism.
The Bombs in Beijing and DelhiThe Global Spread of Bomb-Making Technology and the
Revolutionary Terrorism in Modern China and India
CAO Yin (Tsinghua University)
In early 1910, Chinese revolutionaries attempted to assassinate the regent of the Qing Empire byplanting a bomb near his residence in Beijing. Two years later, an explosive of a similar type wasused by Indian revolutionaries in their attempted assassination of the viceroy of the British Raj in
Delhi. Through investigating these two seemingly irrelevant events, this article demonstrates thatradical political activists in both China and India acquired their explosive-making skills fromdiasporic Russian revolutionaries in Japan and France respectively after the failure of the 1905
Russian Revolution. Although both assassination attempts failed and have largely been marginalized
in the national narratives in both countries, the transnational connections between Chinese andIndian revolutionaries in their pursuit of learning the portable dynamite technology overseas sheds
light on how modern Chinese and Indian history can be analyzed in a single framework. By staging
Chinese and Indian revolutionary terrorism in the context of the cross-boundary circulation ofdissident ideologies and technologies in the early twentieth century, this article not only reexamines
the marginalized aspects of China’s 1911 Revolution and the Indian Nationalist Revolution, but also
tries to uncover the correlation between them. In other words, this research aims to launch an
experiment in writing a shared history of modern China and India from marginalized perspectives.

︎2.2Inter-regional Connections

Chair: Shingo MINAMIZUKA (Hosei University)
Papers:The Interregional Trade between Latin America and the Caribbean and Asia-Pacific: The East
Asian Perspectives
CHAOWARIT Chaowsangrat (Thammasat University)
The economic success of the East Asian region in the past decades shows that regional cooperationand integration, supported by both open trade and regional cooperation, is a key factor for sustained
growth and development. East Asia’s phenomenal rise makes it a model for economic success indeveloping economies. It also showed that closed cooperation with neighbours could be beneficial tomember economies as regional integration facilitates specialization and economies of scale. Regional
cooperation is also a critical force in addressing common issues such as energy security, food- 44 -

Synopsis

security, environmental degradation, and human security issues, among others.
At the national level, regional cooperation helped lock-in reforms within domestic economies
that led to the creation of a coherent and efficient environment for doing business within that
economy. At the global level, regional cooperation helped Asia, especially its developing economy
members, secure a role in decision making for various issues relating to the region’s economy andpolitics. In a lot of ways, Asia’s outstanding economic performance can be attributed to its pursuit ofopen and flexible regionalism.
While regional cooperation had been explored as early as the 1960s and regional economic
integration initiatives had been initiated by ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), whichlead to the signing of the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (AFTA) in 1992, East Asia-wide
cooperation was not seriously pursued in the region until after the Asian financial crisis in 1997. The
Asian financial crisis prompted negotiations for bilateral and plurilateral agreements in the East
Asian region and led to the creation of institutions for regional cooperation, particularly the
ASEAN+1, ASEAN+3 (APT), and the East Asian Summit (EAS). There regional cooperation
initiatives helped spur trade, investment, and financial reforms that deepened Asia’s growing andwide-ranging regional links. Most recently, the scope and depth of cooperation had deepened toinclude cooperation to manage regional risks and addressing common issues. Area-wise, the scope
had also expanded to include economies outside of East Asia, as shown by the negotiations for the
Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), an RTA that involves countries in East
Asia and India, with potential for further expansion in South Asia.
Latin American and the Caribbean, on the other hand, did not display the same success as the
Asia and the Pacific Region in integrating their economies and securing a stronger role in the global
economy. Unlike the Asia and Pacific region, and in particular East Asia, the Latin America andCaribbean region had not shown the same level of enthusiasm for open regionalism and had not been
aggressive enough in looking for third markets. Latin American markets had been fragmented andthe business environment needs to be improved to make it more attractive for foreign investment(FDI).
The idea of linking the dynamic Asia and Pacific region with Latin America and the
Caribbean had been explored in various fora. The main challenge for establishing this connection is
how to strengthen trade and investment links between the two regions. Lack of coherent andsustained policies, poor infrastructure support, and high transportation costs have also dampened
previous attempts to integrate the two regions.
There are many opportunities for growth and development between the two regions once
appropriate policies and support systems are in place. Efforts to expand trans-regional cooperation
would not only be valuable for improving the regional value chain, but could also help enhanceinnovation and competitiveness, especially for Latin America and the Caribbean. Interregional
cooperation between the two regions would be very challenging since they are divided by substantial
geographic distance and are characterized by profound disparities in economics, politics, culture, and- 45 -

Synopsis

history. Nonetheless, it is certainly worth considering, given the mutual benefits that can be derived
from this cooperation.
This article explores the potential for regional cooperation between the Asia and Pacificregion and Latin America and the Caribbean from the perspective of East Asia. The first section
provides a brief background on changing patterns of regionalism. The second section gives abackground on Asian regionalism and the factors for its success. The third section provides theconclusion and some recommendations to strengthen partnership and cooperation between the tworegions.
Asia and Euro-American and Russian Civilisations
María Alicia LACAL MOLINA (University Complutense of Madrid)
On June 18 1908, the Kasato Maru, a cargo/passenger ship arrived to the Port of Santos. It brought
the first official group of Japanese immigrants to Brazil who arrived covered under the Tratado de
Amizade, Comércio e Navegação (Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Navigation).
It was not the first time that the Kasato Maru ( ) was carrying immigrants, previously
it had been used to transport Japanese immigrants to Hawaii in 1906 and to Peru and Mexico in 1907,
but this trip was the most important. The arrival of Kasato Maru meant a new period between two
emerging powers of the time (Imperialist Japan and emergent Brazil).
Thus, from 1908 Japanese immigrants began to arrive to Brazilian territory, forming amigratory movement that would lead Brazilian society to consider important changes in the search
for its identity as a young nation (the Independence of Brazil was declared on September 7th 1822).
These changes were due to the fact that, from the beginning, the introduction of the Japaneseelement in the Brazilian society drew its attention. So far, Asian immigration was an immigration
generating a whole series of arguments against and in favor but whose presence did not cease up to
be more than a simple minority. However, the Kasato Maru was the beginning of an immigrationthat at present, together with its descendants reaches 1.9 million individuals throughout the Brazilian
territory (of a population of 211,561,166).
As well as the immigrant community started to grow, also grew the controversy over the needfor the Brazilian government, in mutual agreement with the Japanese one, to sponsor thisimmigration. On the one hand, for some prominent citizens this immigration was necessary since it
came to replace the labor that the European immigration had not been able to completely replace: theblack slaves. In this way, the shortcomings of the Brazilian economy based on the export of rubber
were met.
However, for others, this immigration was detrimental for the creation of a Brazilian society basedon eugenic principles and whose structure had already been strongly altered by the existence of alarge group of liberated black slaves. That is that the presence of the Asian element made difficult
the attainment of what was so called branqueamento social (social whitening).

- 46 -

Synopsis

In fact, at the same time that the number of Japanese immigrants in Brazilian territory was
bigger, this controversy grew up to become a relevant state issue once the United States entered
World War II in 1941. In 1941 Brazil, as an ally of the United States, declared war on Japan,
Germany and Italy (when it allowed US forces to use bases to patrol the South Atlantic). As a result,the Brazilian government had to take a series of measures against every Japanese subject in Brazilian
territory, among them:- displacement of coastal populations inland- closing of Japanese media in Brazilian territory- closure of Japanese schools- prohibition of meetings or any other manifestation within the Japanese community
In 1941, fate seemed to be right for those who had campaigned against Japanese immigration foryears, despite the fact that Japanese subjects had been exemplary immigrants all along (they foundedcolonies, founded cooperatives, set up a system of aid to the immigration, they fomented the BrazilJapan commercial relations, they strengthened the relations nipo-brazilians,...).
Nevertheless, and after the end of the war, with the resumption of diplomatic relations, thepicture varied greatly. It began a new wave of Japanese immigrants more prepared than the previous
one which came fleeing from a country devastated politically and economically. And despite thedifferences between them, the Japanese community ended up integrating into Brazilian society.
This document aims to analyze the whole process and especially how an immigrantcommunity, at first as insignificant as the Japanese, ended up being a participant in the destruction of
an ideal, the eugenics, that had become rooted in Brazilian society and politics.
In the same way, this document goes into Asia-America relations when analyzing one of themost significant Japanese communities. In fact and despite the fact that Japanese immigration to
Brazil is later than other areas of the continent, it is currently one of the most numerous in America(despite the earliest immigration to Peru or Hawaii) and it is characterized by its durability.
It is important to mention that this immigration, in addition to contributing to the destructionof anachronistic ideals contributed to something that transcends itself, the creation of a Brazilian
identity based on the multiculturalism with which today's Brazilians feel strongly identified.
Another aspect that will highlight this document will be the various contributions that the
Nikkei community has contributed during more than one hundred years of presence in Brazil. These
contributions are characterized by transcending the political sphere and reaching other areas,
especially the primary sector. In fact it should be noted that the Nikkei community introduced
various agricultural crops in addition to perfecting agricultural and fishing techniques. Also due tothis community is the initial installation of urban green belts in charge of supplying the big cities,
being Sao Paolo the most important of them.

- 47 -

SynopsisOn the other hand, over time, the Nikkei community became integrated and theircontributions have become evident in other economic sectors apart from the primary. But in addition,
the Nikkei community is now present in all areas and is a bridge between Brazilian culture andJapanese culture. That is to say, they are a living example of that Asia has influenced and influences
positively in the evolution of the American continent.
White Plague and American Society in the Early 20th Century
Seohyung KIM (Inha University)
It was Black Death that has had fatal effect to European in 1340s. The first Black Death broke out in
China in 1330s and it spread so rapidly within the Mongol empire. Generally, plague means black
plague or Black Death, people called tuberculosis as White plague, because most of the patients
appeared pale. Tuberculosis is a disease, which happened tuberculosis germs have passed throughthe lung and become inflamed. The tuberculosis bacillus was founded by German bacteriologist,
Robert Koch in 1882, but there were few effective medicines, as a result, it was the most frequent
infectious disease in the United States during the early 20th century.
Many tuberculosis patients were isolated in sanatorium, but the mortality was so high, it wascalled as “waiting rooms for death” at that time. More than 110,000 people died from tuberculosis
per year in the early 20th century. The outbreak and high mortality of tuberculosis wasindustrialization, because poor workers had mal-nutritious meals and lived unsanitary houses. As themortality of tuberculosis increased in the United States, Virginia formed Anti-Tuberculosis League
in 1908 and established the first state-supported sanatorium, Catawba Sanatorium in 1909. With thisexperience, Virginia played an important role to control the one of the fatal infectious diseases,
tuberculosis and the role of the Federal government also expanded.
In this article, I will try to examine the cause and fatal effect of tuberculosis in the early 20th
century in the United States and search various measures and policies of state government and theFederal government by seeking their interconnections. This analysis can provide important
foundation to look at the conflicts and cooperation between state and the federal government of biopower and interactions between human beings and the environments.
Contesting Memories of the Marco-Polo Bridge Incident in China and Japan: Mass Mobilization,
Propaganda and the Perception of the War
ZOU Can (Osaka University)- 48 -

Synopsis

On July 7, 1937, a local skirmish between the Japanese and the Chinese troops had soon escalated
into a total war in East Asia. During their uneasy confrontation with their enemies, China and Japan
had respectively developed their own rhetoric of war propaganda to mobilize the folk to embrace thewar. For crucial dates that signify significant turning points of the war are usually bestowed special
values in wartime propaganda, the Memorial Day activities on 7 July was naturally made the mostrepresentative case to understand how people’s various kinds of perception of the war have been
shaped by ultra-nationalist propaganda. By shedding light on the respective memorial activities of
the July 7 in different places, including Mainland Japan, Japanese occupied areas in China, areas
under the Nationalists government, and the Communist areas, this paper analyzes the different rulingparties’ standpoints and their purposes of propaganda. In Japan, the Memorial Day activities on 7
July served to legitimate the country’s “Holy War”, in Japanese occupied areas the enhancement of
security and counter-propaganda against the two local Chinese administrations. On the other hand,
the Nationalist Party sought to dominate the memorial activities in order to demonstrate its authority
as the central government and to ask for aid from the international community. The CCP saw thisspecial Memorial Day as an opportunity to demonstrate its legitimacy as an anti-Japanese force andinstigate the folk’s chauvinistic emotion. By analyzing how the aforementioned different memorialactivities on July 7 had differently shaped the Chinese’ and Japanese’ perception of the Second SinoJapanese War, the present paper seeks to answer the question how China and Japan’s perception of
the war had gradually taken shape in the light of the two countries’ recent conflict over the “History
Problem”.

︎2.3

Through Japan to the World

Chair: Yasuko-Hassall KOBAYASHI (Osaka University)
Papers:From Central-Local Relations to Government-Envoy Relations: Reconsidering China andJapan’s Transformation of Foreign Relations 1868-73
Isami SAWAI (London School of Economics and Political Science)
It has long been said that China and Japan are two contrary cases of the ‘Western Impact’ in the 19th
century. Japan learned and adapted to Western international order, which led to the revision ofunequal treaties. On the other hand, China stuck to the traditional China-centric international order,
which prevented them from fully negotiating with imperialism. This understanding has been severely
criticized, yet no one could provide a full alternative picture. Their criticisms, mainly based on the
new historical approaches such as frontier history, transnational history, and others, resulted not in
the critical investigation of the ‘diplomatic’ matters but in the simple ignorance of them. This
paradoxically kept the traditional and Western-centric comprehension of the East Asian foreign
relations still alive. To overcome these problems, this paper will revisit the ‘diplomatic’ matters.
- 49 -

Synopsis

However, it should be done not in the way of traditional diplomatic history but from fresh and global
perspectives influenced by the new historical approaches. This paper will introduce the following
three analytical viewpoints. Firstly, the central-local/government-envoy relations and its impact on
the transformation of foreign relations. While traditional diplomatic history assumed the unity ofstate and did not pay much attention to the difference and miscommunication between the center andthe distant places in handling foreign affairs, this aspect was the key element that characterized theEast Asian foreign relations at that time. Secondly, the detailed investigation of East Asian historical
documents. Newly published and discovered historical materials have not been fully included
especially in Western academia. The update of the historical documents is required. Thirdly, thecomparison between China and Japan. East Asian historians tend to focus on the details of the one
country’s historical facts, which quite often prevent them from submitting a big picture of the period.
Through the revision of classical cases, China and Japan, this paper will also make an impact
especially on East Asian academia. The outline of the paper is as follows: The first ‘foreign office’in China and Japan, Zongli Yamen and Gaikoku-gata, had similar decision-making processes. They
adopted a council system in their institutions. They did not have a direct authority to control
ports/frontiers, but as several leaders of these institutions concurrently being the member of the
Ground council and Bakkaku, the Zongli Yamen and Gaikoku-gata could substantially control local
governments. On the other hand, the opinions of local leaders are sometimes collected and discussed
by the central governments. However, this structure, because of its decentralized nature, gradually
lost authority to control foreign affairs, which led to the dramatical transformation of China andJapan’s foreign relations in the Meiji restoration (1868) and Tianjin Massacre (1870). In Japan,
through the transfer of political center (Kyoto-Osaka to Tokyo) and the struggles between Meiji
leaders and Western ministers, the systematization of Tokyo-treaty ports relations had been
conducted mainly by Gaimusho. In China, through the negotiations with Western ministers, Li
Hongzhang in Tianjin substantially established his leadership in foreign relations, which reduced thepresence of the Zongli Yamen in Beijing. In the next stage, Giamusho in Tokyo faced the difficulty
to control their envoys (the Sino-Japanese Friendship and Trade Treaty negotiaions and Iwakura
Mission), which caused serious problems. Compared to Japan, Li’s leadership was rather reasonable
in the situation in China, but it paradoxically allowed the passive attitude towards the developmentof the networds between the central government and foreign envoys.
Not So Gentlemanly Capitalism: Foreign Trade at Treaty Port Hakodate 1854-1884
Steven Edward IVINGS (Kyoto University)
Trade Sitting in calm and deep waters, neatly tucked away from the sometimes perilous streams of
the North Pacific and Japan Sea, Hakodate was in some ways an obvious choice as a port to beopened. It offered a suitable location for American whalers to call for supplies and repairs as they
ventured on voyages of plunder in the nearby seas, and a safe anchorage for the naval ships of treaty
powers. Despite the blessings of its physical geography, however, Hakodate sat on the southern tipof Ezo (now Hokkaido), the thinly populated Northern fringe of the Japanese realm, and thus offered
only the prospect of a modest trade. Yet in the decades that followed the port’s trade and population
expanded rapidly, transforming what was previously described by the British minister to Japan as “along fishing village” into a bustling port of over 50,000 by the mid-1880s. Nonetheless, this paper- 50 -

Synopsis

will argue that this expansion was not primarily a result of the opening of Hakodate to international
trade; rather, it was the opening of Hakodate’s hinterland which allowed Hakodate to prosper,
enhancing its existing role as a hub for the marketing and distribution of Northern marine products
throughout Japan. Furthermore, it will closely examine the struggles of foreign traders to makeinroads into Hakodate’s principal trades, giving a face to foreign enterprise in nineteenth century
East Asia.
Japan's Last Colonial Frontier: Settler Migration, Development and Expansionism in theBrazilian Amazon
Facundo GARASINO (Osaka University)
Recent scholarship on the History of Japanese Migration has been exploring the entanglements
between Japan's overseas migrations and imperial colonialism. In doing so, these studies arguing thatthe experiences of migrants in Hawaii, the West Coast of the US and Brazil were fundamental in
shaping narratives and schemes for national mobilization for expanding Japan’s colonial empire in
Northeast Asia since the late 1930s. Engaging in the above discussions, this paper attempts, however,a further critical exploration, by analyzing how endeavors for Japanese settler migration andagricultural development in the Brazilian Amazon during the 1930s attempted to create an alternativecolonial space in the “empty lands” of South America.
This paper will focus on the Amazonia Industrial Institute, a private institution with partial
public funding, which planned and managed projects of settler migration and agriculturaldevelopment in the Brazilian Amazon during the 1930s. By analyzing the Institute’s efforts on juteproduction, and the cooperative relationships between the migrants and the host society, it will argue
that the Amazonia Industrial Institute embodied a distinctive colonial project that diverged fromJapan’s colonial expansion in Asia. The Institute sought to secure the global economic hegemony of
the Japanese empire by developing the Amazon’s vast resources using Japanese migrants’ workforce,
while performing as agents of Brazil’s policies for nation-building and development of its "empty
lands" through foreign settler migration. By paying attention to the intersection between Japan’s
expansionism and Brazil’s policies migratory and economic policies, this paper will allow to
decenter current understandings of Japan’s colonial imperialism as a continuous, borderless, andself-consistent project culminating in Asia, revealing its broader articulations and mutations indiverse local contexts.
‘To the Shores of Japan’: Russian-Led Travels to the Northern Japanese Territories”
Scott C. M. BAILEY (Kansai Gaidai University)
Scientific and geographic exploration looms large in our understanding of world history. When
explorers, expeditionary leaders, and travelers from nations worldwide traveled over long distances,world historians have found that sources on such travels reveal cultural and economic differences,while also providing a rich store of information on the intentions and observations of global travelers.
As Jerry Bentley argued in Old World Encounters: Cross-Cultural Contacts and Exchanges in PreModern Times, cross-cultural encounters which resulted from initial contacts, as a result of long- 51 -

Synopsis

distance travels, followed broadly one of three patterns: conversion, syncretism, or resistance. In
conversion, locals readily adapted the cultural beliefs and practices of the visiting traveler(s). A mostcommon result was cultural syncretism, in which the infusion of outside cultural practices into anarea led to a blending of cultural traditions over time. A third pattern was outright resistance to thetraveler’s beliefs and practices and a rejection of that person and their society. World historians who
have focused their research attention on long-distance travel and ethnographic/scientific expeditions,have found Bentley’s theoretical model a useful one for interpreting the short and long-term effectsof cross-cultural travel.
Drawing upon research being conducted through a Japan Society for the Promotion of
Science (JSPS- Kakenhi) Type C Scientific Grant, this paper will look at examples of early Russian
expeditions to the Northern Japanese territories, in order to analyze them using Bentley’s model ofglobal cross-cultural analysis. Some of the research from this study will draw upon the extensive
research of George Lensen on this topic, whose study The Russian Push Toward Japan provides
great detail on these studies. Focus will be on the intentions, observations, and outcomes of early
Russian travels to the Northern Japanese territories. This paper will also utilize primary Russianlanguage resources collected through his ongoing research on this topic, including the use of theRussian Northeast Asia Collection at the University of Hawaii at Manoa’s Hamilton Library.

︎2.4

East Asia Historiography

Chair: SUN Laichen (California State University, Fullerton)
Qi Sihe's Dissertation in Chinese History and American Academic Tradition at Harvard
University
YANG Zhao (Beijing Foreign Languages University)
Qi Sihe, famous historian in the Republican China period, was the first Chinese student who studied
American history and got Ph.D degree at Harvard University in modern China. The researches on Qi
Sihe of domestic scholars mainly relied on the Chinese primary documents and secondary books,
concentrating on the academic achievements and activities after he came back to China. They usedneither his doctoral dissertation nor original documents at Harvard University in English and ignored
his four years’ study at Harvard University relatively. Qi Sihe’s doctoral dissertation, submitted tothe department of history of Harvard University in 1935, was Chinese Feudalism during Ch’unCh’iu Period. It chose feudalism as its research subject, which was very hot for historians ofRepublican China period, with great academic value. Qi Sihe’s academic training of American
history at Harvard University broadened his academic horizon and inspired him on the historicalresearch approach, benefiting his doctoral dissertation a lot.
To Reevaluate Shen Weijing’s Role in the Imjin War- 52 -

Synopsis
SUN Weiguo (Nankai University)
Shen Weijing was an important and special figure in the early period of the Imjin War. He was not aformal official of the Ming, but he was the most important representative for communicating with
the Japanese for peaceful negotiations. Shi Xing as the Ming Military Minster entitled Shen Weijing
to serve as a medium for the Ming and Japan’s communication. Shen Weijing was quite special,what is his identity? What is his main activity? How to evaluate him by the Ming, Chosen Korea andJapan historians? In fact, many problems are plausible, but lack of in-depth research. Although herushed between the three countries, after the failure of negotiation, he and Shi Xing became thevictims of this defeat. As a small person, it seems that it is unfair for Shen Weiing to bear the
nickname of the ages.
Japanese East-Asia History Study and Its Inspiration for Our Discipline Construction
Chen Fenglin (The History College of Beijing Normal University)
Abstract : With its distinct research object, methods and specific system, the Eastern-Asia history
composes an important part of the whole human history. It takes a long historical period to form aconnected East-Asia regional history from those dispersed national histories; and probing into theregional overall history rather than mere national history is more meaningful and aligned with thefundamental law of human society development. A complete and continuous of such study, surly aprogress of conception of history, paved the oriental nations’ emergence with cultural construction
and and theoretical preparation. Though it is a must cause, the East-Asian study has drawn attention
far from enough over the long time. As the history, culture and reality is extremely connected in East
Asia, and there are a lot lessons we should learn from, it should be a top priority for social scientists
to conduct East Asian history study.

︎2.5

Different Perspectives to World History

Chair: Shiro MOMOKI (Osaka University)
Papers:The Construction of Historical GDP Estimates of Singapore, 1870-1900 at Current and ConstantPrices: Progress and Perspective
Ichiro SUGIMOTO (Soka University)- 53 -

Synopsis

The construction of historical national accounting has been regarded as one of the most dynamic
branches of economic history. The quantification of past economic activities using the SNA
approach is crucial in the attempts to seek general characteristics relating to structural transformation,technological change, income distribution and population growth. In the case of former British
Colonies, individual scholars have recently succeeded in constructing retrospective national accounts
for several former British Colonies. I constructed first cut estimates of GDP in the colony ofSingapore for the period 1900-39 and 1950-60 (Sugimoto 2011). Based on derived time-series data,
two empirical studies have been conducted (Sugimoto and Tan 2011 and Choy and Sugimoto 2013).
This paper provides the new estimates of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Singapore for theperiods 1870-1900 based on the expenditure approach in current and constant (1914) prices. Various
creative methodologies were applied but consciously conforming to the definitions as outlined in“The System of National Accounts (SNA) 1968”. The following the estimating procedures wereapplied for each component of GDP, namely, Private Final Consumption Expenditure by Resident
Household, Government Final Consumption Expenditure, Gross Capital Formation, Exports andImports of Goods and Services.
Fighting Side by Side: Cross-border Military Cooperation between the Chinese Communist Party
and the Việt Minh (1945-1949)
GAO Jiayi (Huadong Normal University)
After the Second World War, the Chinese People’s Liberation War and the Indochina War broke out
one after another. The Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Vietnam Independent Alliance(Việt Minh) launched cross-border military cooperation, challenging the legitimacy of theKuomintang (KMT) and the French colonialists’ regimes, and bringing together the socialist
revolutionary cause of China and the anti-colonial movement of the people of Southeast Asia. At thattime, the cooperation was mainly divided into three categories: Firstly, when the guerrillas of the
CPC in the southern border of China were forced to transfer to the Vietnamese territory forconcealment and training, the Việt Minh helped to provide accommodation as well as financial andmaterial support. Secondly, while in Vietnam, the CPC members assisted the Việt Minh in carryingout daily organization, intelligence and publicity work to help the Vietnamese army in training andin organizing the overseas Chinese’s self-defence forces. Thirdly, starting from 1948, the CPC andthe Việt Minh army carried out joint military operations at their border. On the whole, ChinaVietnam exchanges and cooperation between 1945 and 1947 were spontaneous, small-scale,scattered, and secretive. However, with the transformation of the civil war situation in China in 1948,
the exchanges and cooperation between the two sides took a strategic and long-term perspective. The
Vietnamese side first sent troops to help the Chinese side liberate the border areas, and then waited
for the Chinese People’s Liberation Army to move to the south to help Vietnamese’ resistance,laying the foundation for anti-France campaign after the founding of new China. At this time, thetwo parties of China and Vietnam were equal and mutually supportive, and the CPC’s leadershipover the Việt Minh after the socialist revolution division was not formed yet. In short, the mutual
assistance during the revolution between China and Vietnam advanced the process of therevolutionary war in the two countries, reconstructed the relations between the two parties and two- 54 -

Synopsis

countries, and had a far-reaching impact on the revolutionary situation in Southeast Asia and thedevelopment of the Asian socialist camp.
The Globalization of the Addictive Commodities in the Early Modern World
MA Wanli (Dalian University of Technology)
Ever since Christopher Columbus’ exploration of the new route to America, the exchange between
the two worlds, which is called "Columbian Exchange", has taken place in various areas: biology,
population, culture, etc. Europeans brought various virus to America, resulting in a sharp decline in
the number of native people, “Indians”. Crops and livestock have been spread from America toEurasia, where the food types and dietary patterns have been altered. In addition to the exchange ofthese common species, addictive foods have also begun to be produced and consumed worldwide.
With the exchange of animals and plants, the variety of human consumption goods has greatly
increased. To obtain these goods, much higher intensity of labor was required in Europe, Asia, andAmerica. Certain addictive foods were welcomed because of their efficacy in relieving fatigue. In
Asia and America, Europeans were much interested in producing and selling tobacco, tea, opium,
wine, coffee, as well as hemp, cocoa, cocaine and other addictive foods in large quantities, andplayed a leading role in promoting the globalization of the addictive foods in early modern times.
The History of Yunnan’s Horse and the Institutional Transformation of Southern East Asia
WEN Ting (Pu’er University)
The legend of “Golden Horse and Jade Rooster” has been existed for a long time in the south of East
Asia and the mountainous area adjacent to Indo-China Peninsula that equivalent to Yunnan province,
China. Due to the restriction of natural and social conditions, the “Golden Horse” in Yunnan is quite
different in physiological feature when compared with the horse on the prairie in the north of East
Asia, which reveals the difference between battle steed and the horse for business. In the dynasty
period of China, Yunnan's horses broke through the space limitation and were active in nomadic
civilization, agricultural civilization and mountainous civilization through “Tea-Horse Trade”, thus,
these horses and the people harness them became the bond of different economic systems, and theusage of horse reflected diverse production pattern and economic characteristics. Organization andinstitution of the usage of horse has been built with improvement of domestic level and expansion of
economic and political communication, the horse caravans therefore has been grown up in
mountainous area and midlevel of Yunnan province, and the complete system that consist of stage,
post road and horse stage turn into the prototype of modern logistics industry. Yunnan has become
the center place of various institution and culture depending on the horse caravans’ organization.
Since modern times, Yunnan has transformed into forward position of contacting with foreignculture and institution from the edge of ancient Chinese civilization. In addition, the horse caravans
and the gangs of businessmen depend on and interrelate with each other, and both of them participate
in the main political and economic activities of China's modernization and throughout the process ofChina's institutional transformation from dynasty period to modern country.

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Sunday, 6 January

9:30 am – 12:00 pm Panel Sessions 3

Panel No.

Panel Title

Venue

3.1

‘Energy Diverse Societies’ in Modern Asia: Between

Keizo Saji Memorial

Survival and Economic Development

Hall, 10F

Another History of Japanese Prisoners of War underSeminar Room 507

3.2

the Cold War
3.3

Ideas of Rule in Wartime Japan and the

Seminar Room 703

Transformation of East and Southeast Asia in theContext of Ongoing Failure
3.4

An Attempt to Establish East Asian Numismatic

Seminar Room 301

Archeology: Expansion and Acceptance of Chinese
Coinage in East Asia as Seen in Archaeological
Source
3.5

Aiming for Unity, Overcoming Divisions: Entangled

Seminar Room 702

Transformations of East Asian and European Nations
States in a Global History Perspective
3.6

Early Modern Southeast Asian History- 56 -

Seminar Room 304

Synopsis

3.1‘Energy Diverse Societies’ in Modern Asia: Between Survival andEconomic Development

Chair: Sayako KANDA (Keio University)
Discussant: Chaisung LIM (Rikkyo University)
Panel Abstract:
Monsoon Asia is characterised by the diversity of its flora and fauna, and an ideal environment forthe survival of plants and animals in general. Therefore, Asian people have been able to use various
resources as energy. Even after the ‘fossil-fuelbased world economy’ prospered from the late 19th
century (Sugihara 2012), Asia has employed diverse energy sources while promoting
industrialization and supporting a growing population. Even today, many regions continue to use
locally available various types of non-fossil fuel. This cannot be necessarily discussed solely fromthe perspective of a ‘lower equilibrium’ due to delays and inequalities in the supply of fossil fuel.
Instead of a teleological and linear understanding of energy conversion from non-fossil to fossil
energy sources, which also views that the emergence of industrialized societies as the result of suchenergy conversion, the panel explores the historical significance of energy diversity in Asia,
especially East Asia. Historically, decisions have been made about which energy resources to use
according to ecological, technological, commercial, social and cultural circumstances of each region.
These decisions are not made simply to increase productivity, but also to provide the necessary heatsources for survival, and to maintain and reproduce the individual. Based on the example of India’senergy use in the 19th and 20th centuries (Kanda 2015), the organizer has defined an ‘energy diverse
society’ as a society that uses diverse energy sources, which has emerged in connection with the riseof the fossil-fuel-based world economy. This is not merely a society that uses different resources for
its energy. Such a society plays a role not only in economic development by mitigating energy
constraints, but also in maintaining the basis of livelihood for its people in the long run. Does thisargument only apply to countries like India that still use diverse energy resources today? Certainly,
the fossil-fuel-based world economy has prospered, but forms of fossil energy use were different
from one region/country to another until the 1960s, and energy use has seen diversification as well as
intensification (Sugihara 2012). That is to say, until the 1960s, diverse paths were taken even inadvanced industrial countries, and they got to where they are today through trial and error andsetbacks. As in the case of Japan, a country/region would try to solve energy constraints byimporting energy resources from foreign countries or colonies and/or by developing energy-saving
technologies. The panel proposes that the emergence of an energy diverse society can be seen as analternative or additional way of easing energy constraints, and a reaction of a society as a whole in
the face of the growing fossil-fuel-based world economy. In this series of four papers, we analyze theissues above.

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Synopsis

Papers:
Sayako KANDA, ‘The birth of “energy diverse society” in 19th-century India’ is an
introductory paper, showing how and why an energy diverse society was formed in 19th-century
India. It is followed by the examples of energy diverse societies which existed in Taiwan and Japanin the late 19th and 20th centuries.
Kensuke HIRAI, ‘Energy use in the sugar industry in colonial Taiwan’ deals with the energy use
in Taiwan’s sugar industry, which was one of the largest industries in Japan’s colonies. It shows that
firewood and coal were used as energy to supplement the bagasse, the main energy source, but newtechnologies began to reduce the amount of supplementary energy (firewood, coal, and electric
power) used in the industry, and in the 1930s fossil fuels were mostly eliminated. It is apparent that
locally-available diverse energy resources were used even in Taiwan’s most modernized industrial
sector, which led her industrialization.
Asuka YAMAGUCHI, ‘Energy use in Japan’s copper industry from the Meiji period to WWI’,clarifies that: 1. While (heat) energy for smelting converted from wood and charcoal to coal and cokein large-scale mines, mines with less financial muscle chose oil, coal tar, and charcoal. 2. Whileenergy (sources of power) for mining purposes tended toward hydroelectric power in large-scale
mines, the use of traditional water wheels and oil engines grew in small-scale mines. 3. All the mines
were limited in mechanization, while labour grew due to the conditions of mineral deposits. As aresult, the demand for wood and charcoal declined for smelting but increased for the labourers. In
this way, the mines changed into a space that is based on a diverse combination of energy depending
on differences in location, natural conditions, financial muscle, and technologies.
Tomoki SHIMANISHI, ‘Changes in domestic energy use in 20th century Japan’, examines the
popularization process of rentan and mametan (anthracite briquette) in Japanese households. It points
out that a scarcity of wood and charcoal and the supply of anthracite and molasses (used as anadhesive) from Asian countries encouraged to invent and implement such new types of fuels. They
were widely accepted because they did not change conventional energy use habits. It also shows that
until the diffusion of imported oil and gas in the 1960s, rentan and mametan had been supporting theenergy consumption of family units as transitional energy. One may claim that the foundation for anenergy diverse society is the robustness of customs and culture of energy use, and the diverse paths
for turning resources into energy.
Chaisung Lim, from the standpoint of the comparative economic history of East Asia, serves as a
discussant.

︎3.2

Another History of Japanese Prisoners of War under the Cold War

Chair: Shingo MINAMIZUKA (Hosei University)- 58 -

Synopsis

Panel Abstract:
It has passed sixty-two years since the last group of Japanese prisoners of war repatriated from the
USSR. The research on the Japanese former servicemen and civilians interned in Soviet labour
camps in the aftermath of World War II is approaching a new stage nowadays. First, in 1980-90s,
many Japanese former servicemen who were interned in the Siberia started to record theirunforgettable hard history. It is said that more than two thousand books of their memories were
published in Japan. After 1990s, another important path has been emerging within the topic inaddition to the study of testimonies or recollections of the POWs and investigations of the real stateof affairs in the Soviet prisoner-of-war (POW) camps based on Russian archival sources. These new
avenues of research concern the ways in which the Japanese returnees from the Soviet camps were
thrust into the US-Soviet ideological confrontation and often became its victims, the participation ofthese returnees in interest groups and movements in post war Japanese society, and the impact theirpresence had on the new, ‘peaceful and democratic’ and anti-communist Japan.
This panel aims to present a comprehensive look at the Japanese captives’ experiences inboth the Soviet camps and, upon return, in the post war Japanese society. It is, in this respect, acollaboration of scholars who aim to reconsider the history of the immediate post war by looking at
movements of people, and the impact these migrations had on the societies involved. The panel,consisting of four presentations, can be divided, chronologically, into three parts: the firstpresentation is on the Internment, the second focus on the captives’ reaction from their oral histories,
the third is on the captives’ lives after repatriation. We start with a look at the Soviet camp system, as
well as how the Soviet authority strengthened the treatments of and attitudes towards the Japanese
POWs during the high tension between the US and the USSR. The panel then explains and analyses
their experience of this interment that originated in the camps, based on some records of theirinterview. The last paper provides the case study of cultural activities among the repatriates.
Papers:Japanese servicemen in Soviet captivity: surrender, labor and repatriation
Sergey KIM (Russian Academy of Sciences)
On the 14th of August 1945 Japan, personalized by the Emperor Hirohito, declared its surrender tothe Allied forces. Later, on the 2nd of September, 1945 it was officially confirmed by signature of
the Japanese Instrument of Surrender on board American USS Missouri battleship. With awithdrawal of Japanese influence from Manchukuo, Korea and China, allied powers were toestablish completely new political balance in the North-East Asia and Far East, as well as to decide afate of Japan. Nearly 6,6 million Japanese citizens remained outside Japan, overwhelming majorityof whom were settlers and military personnel. The number of Japanese servicemen, awaiting its
repatriation to the metropolis, estimated nearly 3 million men in 1945-1946.Their fate waspredetermined in the Potsdam Declaration, in which USA, United Kingdom and China proclaimed
terms of “unconditional surrender” of all Japanese forces. According to it, all surrendered Japanese
troops were to be “permitted to return to their homes with the opportunity to lead peaceful andproductive lives.” The Soviet Union joined Potsdam Declaration on the 8th of August, starting a war
with Japan, and assaulted Japanese Kwantung Army, which was disclosed on Sakhalin and Kuril- 59 -

Synopsis

Islands, Manchukuo (Northern China) and Northern Korea. But on the 23rd of August while
disarmament of the Japanese forces was still going on, the Soviet authorities issued an order,
according to which all 640 thousand Japanese servicemen were to be interned to the labour camps inSiberia, Soviet Far East and other regions of the USSR.In perception of Japanese captives the defeat
in the World War 2, surrender of their own country, and almost 5-years custody in labor camps were“pressed” in one period of their life which later was named “The Siberian Internment”. For majorityof the interned Japanese soldiers and officers the “Siberian internment” was and, for some of them,still is a quite traumatic experience. Their repatriation took nearly 10 years, from 1946 to 1956.
Collective and individual captive experience of former Japanese soldiers and officers has alreadybeen researched by Japanese and Russian scholars. Therefore, the principal aim of the report is not
only to recreate harsh labor camp reality from the perspective of Japanese captives, but to reveal
Soviet policy towards surrender, labor and repatriation of the Japanese servicemen after the WorldWar 2. Although displacement of Japanese former military personnel deep to the Soviet territory wascaused by political, rather than economic reasons, Japanese servicemen contributed to soviet
economic development, as their forced labor was used by some Soviet enterprises.
The analysis from the oral history of the Japanese captives’ in the Soviet camps
Akina KOBAYASHI (Hosei University)
This study shows some interesting cases and the reactions of the repatriates who were under orders
from the Soviet propaganda. Nowadays Russian archives indicate that about 600,000 Japanese
POWs were transported to the USSR and Mongolia in compliance to Stalin’s order No.9898 on 23
August 1945 and the Soviet indoctrination started on September 4th. The indoctrination, similar tothat of German POWs (about 2,500,000 people), was characterized by a variety of ideologies such as
Marxism-Leninism, anti-Japanese militarism and anti American feelings. Many repatriates wrote
their experience down as the history of the internee in the USSR. It is said that Japan has more than
two thousand books were published by these repatriates.
The aim of the Soviet indoctrination of Japanese POWs was to train them as communists orpro-Soviet sympathizers before repatriation. The Soviet policy of indoctrination strengthened due tothe high tension between the United States and the USSR. Then, to create “a new democratic nation”,
they would be sent back to Japan, which was occupied by GHQ. Almost all the POWs except for war
criminals had been repatriated by 1949. In 1956, the last surviving Japanese war criminals
repatriated from the USSR. This study analyzes through the use of the Russian archives and Japanese
testimonies and will consider the propaganda and cultural activities under the Cold War.
Post-repatriation activities of the returnees: from a musical standpoint
Risa MORIYA (Moscow P. I. Tchaikovsky Conservatory)
What was “Siberian internment”? – this thesis has been argued through historical, pol itical,
statistical way and the way of International relationship study before. However, when we pay
attention to the background that the Soviet Union has attached import ance to the power of art andattempted to use it for the realization of its policy, it is obvious that treating this problem in a cultural
way from the aspect of art is as impo rtant as the points mentioned above.
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Synopsis

In the history of music, as another sphere of art and culture, it is well known that cr eative
activity and compositions of artists, D. Shostakovich, for instance, has been at the mercy of the time
during the Soviet Union, had a great deal of influence on the intentions of Lenin and Stalin.
That policy also had affected in the Soviet internment camps of Japanese POWs. In theSoviet internment camps musical- theatrical ensembles with professional and ama teur musicians
were organized from all across Siberia. Some of them, after repatriatio n, became specialists ofRussian music and contributed to spreading Russian songs and music in the post-war period of Japan.
Apart from that, at the micro level, in many camps of Japanese POW cultural circle ofhobbies including music and individual cultural activities occurred spontaneously. They were theirown initiatives to make the life in the camps more smooth and healing. That saved them mentally tosurvive on the boundary between life and death. In addition, despite the tragic situation, from the
aspect of cultural contact, there were different opportunities for Japanese people to meet with
Russian musical culture- especially with songs sung by Russian people. The impact of encountering
Western – Russian songs was so strong that Japanese people gradually began singing and making
songs in Western music style. We can prove the process of changing their songs from Japanesemilitary song style to Russian and Western style in scores and tapes they left through musicalanalyze. There also is reflected their mental transition from wartime to the post-war period.
Soldiers of the Fallen Empire: Returnees from the Soviet Camps as Remnants of Militarism andAgents of Communism in US-Occupied Japan, 19451952
Sherzod MUMINOV (University of Cambridge)
The Siberian Internment of Japanese former servicemen and civilians in the Soviet camps (1945-56)
was one of the great tragedies of the past century. One of the largest forced migrations in recent
history, it influenced the lives of several million people in Japan – the captives, members of theirfamilies, and even their children. And while it was a transnational event that barely fits inside
traditional boundaries and frameworks, the internment is also a useful mirror into the making of
postwar Japan. The experiences of the Japanese returnees from the Soviet Union, written in hundredsof memoirs or gleaned from a large number of archival sources now available to historians, arecrucial to understanding the tectonic transformations of the Occupation period Japan.
In this essay, I will briefly analyse the return of the Japanese soldiers and civilians from
captivity in the Soviet Union, and their attempts to reintegrate into the postwar Japanese society. I
am primarily interested in the reception of the Japanese returnees from the USSR by the domestic
society as the remnants of the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA), and as possible communist converts.
These two identities influenced how the domestic Japanese society received and perceived thereturnees. I demonstrate how under the influence of international and domestic circumstances, theJapanese domestic discourses about the captives in Siberia evolved critically; if in the initial years of
the Siberian Internment and well until the late 1940s many of the Japanese media, politicians andordinary citizens viewed the Siberian internees primarily as “brethren” unlawfully captured by theideological enemy, starting from 1949 the perceptions became more negative. In this essay I shallbriefly analyze some of the reasons why.
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Synopsis

︎3.3

Ideas of Rule in Wartime Japan and the Transformation of East andSoutheast Asia in the Context of Ongoing Failure

Chair: Christopher Robin Jamie CRAIG (Tohoku University)
Panel Abstract:
It is undeniable that Japan transformed East and Southeast Asia during the wartime period andscholars have analyzed these changes in detail. It is not the case, however, that these changes
matched the intentions of Japanese leaders. Had Japan realized its aims, the war would have gonedifferently. Scholarship from economic or social perspectives is able to point how East and Southeast
Asia changed, but is unable to clarify the reasons for these transformations. In order to create a clear
picture of the causes behind the transformations in East and Southeast Asia during the war and its
aftermath, it is necessary to analyze the conceptions of the imperial order in wartime Japan and why
Japan was unable to achieve its goals. Even when plans fall into disorder, Officers deal withadministration on the ground. The systems and situations produced in that confusion changed Eastand Southeast Asia on a large scale.
In this panel, standing on the above common foundation, each panelist will present a setbackin the planned order to rule East and Southeast Asia in wartime Japan. Analyzing planning processesof economic and political officials, scientific researchers, and military administrators shows us
different images of transformation of East and Southeast Asia in the wartime and postwar periods.
The transformation of Asia and the world is reconsidered in this new context.
Papers:The Greater East Asia Land Development Program and the Conception of East and Southeast
Asian Economic Zones in Wartime Japan
Hiroaki ADACHI (Tohoku University)
Hiroaki Adachi points out the limitations in the ideas of creating East and Southeast Asian economic
zones in wartime Japan. The Planning Board had played a pivotal role in forming a landdevelopment program covering Japan, Manchuria, and China since 1940. After the outbreak of the
Pacific War, that program grew to include Southeast Asia and became the ‘Greater East Asia Land
Development Program’ and was ranked as a tentative plan of the Development of Greater East Asia
Council. The plans of the council were mere frameworks because serious conflicts had broken out
among government officers over their sectional interests. Consequently, the Planning Board
continued drafting programs directed at industry and populations in Asia. These plans, however,were flawed. Adachi demonstrates that the ambiguity of the long-term plans for creating East andSoutheast Asian economic zones led to makeshift economic management by central government
officials resulting in confusion in various places and transforming East and Southeast Asia.
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Synopsis

The Failure of the Idea of a Japanese Sphere of Influence: The Second European War and theGreater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere
Kosuke KAWANISHI (Tohoku Gakuin University)
Kosuke Kawanishi doesn’t take even the understanding that the plans for the Greater East Asia CoProsperity Sphere were a major influence on the transformation of East and Southeast Asia. Somescholars consider the concept of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere as nothing more thanrhetoric in the war with the United States. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the second Konoe
Fumimaro Cabinet, Matsuoka Yosuke, first announced the concept in 1940; however, he originallypredicted that the Second European War would finish without the participation of both Japan and theUnited States. Therefore, Matsuoka didn’t present his plans for the purposes of war with the UnitedStates and it is necessary to reconsider the conception of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.
Kawanishi clarifies the nature of the original concept of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere
and why the idea was unable to achieve its goals, creating a new context for understanding thetransformations of each region in East and Southeast Asia.
Planning the Research Systems of Imperial Universities in Wartime Japan
Satoshi KATO (Tohoku University)
Satoshi Kato investigates the ideas of the world of science in wartime Japan. The structure ofscientific research in postwar Japan affected transformations in East and Southeast Asia indirectly,
but dramatically, owing to high economic growth in Japan. In the wartime period, the establishmentof large numbers of attached research institutes in Imperial Universities was an effective means of
expanding productivity and mobilizing the scientific world. This drastic expansion of the research
opportunities, however, often produced results that differed from the original goals of the Imperial
Universities, as an analysis of a budgetary request recently disclosed by archives of Kyoto University
and Tohoku University demonstrates. The Imperial Universities followed national policy, so they
requested funding for research in areas like resource development and the study of East Asia culture.
Budgets submitted by different Imperial Universities were often similar, causing confusion andconflicts in the course of the assessment of budget requests, the establishment of institutes, andscientific research in general. This confusion and conflict led to a lack of consistency in the scientificresearch of Imperial Universities.
Disdain and Discord: The Navy Research Division and the Citizens’ Brain Trust
Yasunobu TESHIMA (National Institute of Technology, Fukui College)
Yasunobu Teshima clarifies a factor behind the failure of an early concept of the Southern Political
Department in his investigation of the Navy Research Division and the brain trust of citizens
organized by the division. The Japanese military administration over Southeast Asia transformed
East and Southeast Asia on a large scale. That transformation was a result of the lack of leadershipover military governments spread over a wide area. The Southern Political Affairs Department inTokyo was unable not only to display its leadership over local military governments, but also toestablish a policy for Southeast Asia. The Southern Political Affairs Department was formed with the- 63 -

Synopsis

Navy Research Division at its center, so the reasons why it was unable to exert a strong politicalinfluence is made clear through an analysis of the prestige and capabilities of the Navy Research
Division. The Navy Research Division had no strong political influence and no leadership over thepolicymaking process of the administration of Southeast Asia in spite of its possession of a brain
trust. This was because the Navy Research Division was unable to make the best use of the brain
trust and the opinions of the brain trust were not always acceptable for the Navy. The Navycommissioned the brain trust to investigate South East Asia as a strategy in its ongoing rivalry
against the Army, and so the survey lacked the vision to produce effective results.

︎3.4

An Attempt to Establish East Asian Numismatic Archeology:
Expansion and Acceptance of Chinese Coinage in East Asia as Seen inArchaeological Sources

Chair: Kazuyuki NAKAMURA (National Institute of Technology, Hakodate College)
Panel Abstract:
In China during the Song Dynasty a large amount of round copper coins with square holes wereminted, and these coins supported the foundation of the cash economy. These Chinese copper coinsbegan circulating into East Asia from the end of the Song Dynasty in the latter part of the 12th
century, and began to be used as currency in Japan, Vietnam and other areas. While these regions
had formed unique economic zones, they utilized the same Chinese coinage. For this reason, they
were in a situation that made them feel the impact of economic trends in other regions. This situation
continued into the 17th and 18th centuries, from which time Japan and Vietnam began to mint theirown currencies.
The purpose of this panel is to elucidate the circulation conditions of Chinese coinage duringthat period through archaeological sources. It is also an attempt to share the investigative andresearch methods of a new research field known as numismatic archaeology, which has not yet been
established in East Asia, with researchers from a variety of countries.
Round copper coins with square holes have not only been excavated inside China itself but
also from ruins located across East Asia in large numbers. The majority of these have been Chinese
coins minted in China. These include both large-volume hoards and single-finds discovered withinruins. By codifying and sampling the characteristics of Chinese coins found in various regions ofEast Asia, it is possible to know what varieties of Chinese coins were being accepted in regions
outside of China, and whether each region had any particular characteristics.
We believe that in establishing these investigative and research methods as numismaticarchaeology and then sharing them with researchers in China and other regions of East Asia it will
become possible to compare research being conducted from the unique viewpoints of each region.
Furthermore, it is our belief that it will be possible to elucidate the circulation of Chinese coinage in
East Asia.
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Synopsis

At this panel, the theses of five researchers will be presented. These presentations are basedon the results of investigations and research advanced in various regions of East Asia. They analyze
excavated Chinese coinage from the viewpoint of numismatic archaeology, as well as elucidate thespread of Chinese coinage throughout East Asia and the conditions for its acceptance in each region.
First, East Asia Numismatic Archaeology proponent Shin’ichi SAKURAKI will explain theimportance and methodologies of numismatic archaeology in East Asia. Upon doing this Mr.
SAKURAKI will clarify the characteristics of currency circulation within Japan and its acceptance ofChinese coinage based on information gained from coin hoards as the archaeological source.
Next panel organizer Toshihiko MIYAKE will elucidate the characteristics of Chinesecurrency circulation based on coin hoards excavated inside China. Using this data as a standard Mr.
MIYAKE will then make comparisons with Mongolia and other regions of North Asia, as well aswith Indonesia and other regions of Southeast Asia. In doing this the characteristics of Chinesecoinage circulation in China proper and surrounding East Asian regions will be grasped, and the
major currents of Chinese money circulation within East Asian Numismatic Archaeology will be
understood.
Following this, Polina ARTEMIEVA will make a presentation on regional conditions in
Russia’s Primorskaya Oblast, where she has been involved in investigations and research on coins
excavated from ruins dating from the Jin to the Dong Xia. Primorskaya Oblast lies on the peripheryof the circulation area of Chinese coinage. Here many mountain castles from the Jin to Dong Xia
periods are being investigated, and a considerable number of Chinese coins have been found within
the excavated remains. Characteristic of this region is that one cash coins are not the only typediscovered. Large coins are also found in high proportions.
In addition, Kazuyuki NAKAMURA shall make a presentation on coin hoards excavated in
Hokkaido and Sakhalin Island to elucidate regional conditions. Chinese coinage is hypothesized tohave entered Sakhalin Island primarily by the Amur River basin route. However, in the case of
Hokkaido the influx of Chinese coinage can be considered to have occurred from two directions.
From large coins extant and other reasons, it can be hypothesized that Chinese coinage came not
only from Honshu Island but also through a Sakhalin Island route.
Last, Ms. Yuriko KIKUCHI will give a presentation on the acceptance and circulation ofChinese coinage in Vietnam, where she has investigated a great number of excavated coin hoards.
Fundamentally speaking the only Chinese coinage accepted in Vietnam was the one cash coin, acondition also shared in Japan and Indonesia. This similarity is notable as a commonality between
regions that introduced Chinese coinage as the currency for their own domestic economies unrelated
to the Chinese monetary economic sphere.
Through this series of presentations, we hope to stress the importance of establishingnumismatic archaeology in East Asia as well as clarify the spread of Chinese coinage in the said
regions. If we are able to share the methodologies of numismatic archaeology, we will likely be able
to compare Chinese coinage discovered across an extensive range, which in turn will greatly develop
this area of research.
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Synopsis

A major prerequisite of the circulation conditions of Chinese coinage is the existence of amonetary economic sphere centered on China proper that imparted an effect on North Asia,
Northeast Asia and other bordering regions. Within this sphere the one cash and large coins both
circulated. In neighboring countries such as Japan, Vietnam and Indonesia Chinese coinage was
accepted but it is implied that these regions formed an economic sphere unrelated to the Chinesemonetary economic sphere in which only the one cash coin was circulated and accepted. We hopethat with further developments in terms of investigation and research even more detailed debates on
this subject will become possible.

︎3.5

Aiming for Unity, Overcoming Divisions: Entangled Transformationsof East Asian and European Nations States in a Global History
Perspective

Chair: LIU Hong (Nanyang Technological University)
Panel Abstract:
This international panel brings together early career, mid-career, and established scholars working indifferent parts of East Asia to analyze transformations of nation states in the 20th century from a
global history perspective. In particular, it focuses on links between countries and societies in East
Asia (China, Japan, Korea) and their connections to Euro-American civilizations. This panel thereby
seeks to contribute to the subtheme 4 of the conference in order to explore how and why ideas andrealities of the formations and transformations of nation states in East Asia were influenced directly
and indirectly, positively and negatively by Western models.
The first paper will focus on the Cold War era and studies how the views of a divided Europe
held by a Japanese entrepreneur and politician with a family history in Japan’s imperial policy in
Korea influenced his ideas of Japan’s position in regional and global affairs. In particular, it seeks to
explain blueprints for Japan’s Cold War relations with the People s Republic of China as well asNorth and South Korea.
The second paper will shift its focus to China in the early Republican period. It analyzes how
in the post-World War One context of the fall of empires the Polish Independence Associations
based in Tianjin and other Chinese cities embraced the new ideal of national self-determination to
help create an independent nation state of Poland. From a social history perspective, it argues that theactivities of the Polish communities in China were no isolated acts of Polish nationalists but arelinked to the mood of the times which simultaneously facilitated nationalist and internationalist
activities in Europe as well as in China, Korea, and other parts of Asia.
The last paper will discuss how supra-national ideas of pan-nationalism combined the twodominant streams of political thought emerging at the end of the First World War, that is nationalism
and internationalism. It focuses on the intellectual interactions of a young Japanese diplomat in- 66 -

Synopsis

Europe with the pan-European movement of the 1920s which resulted in his proposal of an East
Asian Common Body. This paper also discusses the impact such proposals had on Japan’s empirebuilding in East Asia and its legacies for regionalist projects in today’s East Asia.
Finally, Jie-Hyun Lim as the discussant will draw on his expertise in global history andnationalism studies to offer his insights into the specific character of the interrelated and entangledcharacter of transformations of nation states focusing on social, intellectual, and political interactions
between East Asian and Western civilizations in a longue durée perspective.
Papers:Europe as perceived by Utsunomiya Tokuma (1906-2000): Implications for East Asia in times of
the Cold War
Juljan BIONTINO (Chiba University)
Utsunomiya Tokuma (1906-2000) was a pharmaceutical entrepreneur and Liberal Democratic Party
politician who vigorously fought for disarmament throughout the world and good relations to its
Asian neighbors. Close to Ishibashi Tanzan (1884-1973, 55th prime minister) and Miki Takeo(19071988, 41st prime minister), Utsunomiya belonged to a minority group inside his party. Few
remember Utsunomiya for his contribution to the establishment of peaceful relations with thePeople's Republic of China, and also his efforts for improving ties to North Korea. Initially opposing
Japanese involvement in the Korean War, Utsunomiya was a stout proponent of a “small Japan” andthought of Japanese-South Korean normalization as hasty and irreconcilable. He lost his remaining
confidence in South Korea after the abduction scandal of Kim Daejung. From then on, he worked on
closer ties with North Korea, which lead to a visit to Kim Il-sŏng in 1974, who called him “a truefriend of the nation”. As son of a Japanese Army General, Utsunomiya’s own career took a very
different path. He studied law at the University of Kyōto, where he became a Marxist. After the war,
he showed interest in the processes of European rapprochement and often mentioned Europe's
leading countries as examples for Japan. This paper will outline Utsunomiya Tokuma’s view on
Europe during his political career and his judgment of the European role in world politics during theCold War. This perception will be scrutinized further by a comparison of his views on Germany and
Korea. Both were divided countries, whilst Japan was spared of such an experience. It is to be seen
whether Utsunomiya reflected upon this, and how his view on Cold War politics in the Western
Hemisphere shaped his ideas for an open and reconciliatory policy in East Asia.
Transient Nationalities: Registering for Polish Citizenship in Tianjin, 1918-1920
Klaus DITTRICH (Education University of Hong Kong)
Ever since the partitions of the late eighteenth century Poland had ceased to exist as an independent
state, Polish territories and populations becoming part of the Russian, Austrian and German empires.
Although Western Europe and the Americas were the foremost destinations of Polish migrations, a
Polish community of up to ten thousand individuals formed in Manchuria and smaller groups ofPoles lived in various Chinese treaty ports. The end of the First World War saw the fall of empires,the reshuffling of European borders and the creation of the Polish Second Republic. As in all centres- 67 -

Synopsiswith sizeable Polish diasporic communities, nationalist activists formed Polish independence
committees in Harbin, Shanghai, Tianjin and other Chinese cities in 1918. Among others, thesecommittees dealt with applications for Polish citizenship that individuals with a Polish backgroundwere supposed to acquire in exchange for Russian, Austrian or German citizenship. Based on a
microhistorical analysis of biographical notes, letters and other artefacts preserved in the Central
Archives of Modern Records (Archiwum Akt Nowych) in Warsaw, this paper discusses applications
for Polish citizenship submitted to the Polish Independence Association (Związek Polski
Niepodległościowy) in Tianjin in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. Decisions toapply for Polish citizenship were often made out of immediate practical considerations and weresometimes later revoked. Rather than a matter of fact that only needed formal approval, the changeof citizenship was subject to negotiation. This paper considers how the change or non-change ofnationality added a further border-crossing dimension to the lives of Poles in East Asia who without
doubt – in terms of a social history of globalization – were “transnational actors” with “global lives”
and “imperial biographies”.

3.6

Early Modern Southeast Asia History

Chair: YANG Bin (University of Macau)
Papers:Double-route and double-track: a comparative analysis of Sino-Burmese and Sino-Siamese tradein the early Qing Dynasty
WANG Juxin (Shandong provincial party school of CPC)
Although the Sino-Burmese trade and the Sino-Siamese trade were both important parts of the
trade network between East and Southeast Asia before the middle of the 19th century, there weregreat differences between them. To analyse the differences between Sino-Burmese trade and SinoSiamese trade during the early Qing Dynasty, is of great significance to understand the historicaldevelopment of Sino-Burmese and Sino-Siamese relations and to develop today's China-ASEAN
relations in seeking common ground while reserving differences.
Ⅰ. Single track and double tracks: comparison of trading methods- 68 -

Synopsis

China’s foreign trade in the early Qing Dynasty, as far as trading methods was concerned,
included tributary trade and commercial trade. There existed “single track” of commercial trade
between the Qing Dynasty and Burma, but there existed “double tracks” of tributary trade andcommercial trade between the Qing Dynasty and Siam.
Ⅱ. Single route and double routes: comparison of trading routes

In terms of trading routes, there had always been "double routes" of land and maritime routes
between the Qing Dynasty and Burma. In contrast, the trade between the Qing Dynasty and Siam,whether it was the tributary trade or the commercial trade, was carried out through "single route" ofmaritime route. Although there was also indirect land trade between the two countries through third
countries, its scale was basically negligible.
Ⅲ. Three nationalities and two nationalities: comparison of trading subjects

In the early Qing Dynasty, both the Sino-Burmese trade and the Sino-Siamese trade had
extensive participation by overseas Chinese. However, the main subjects of Sino-Burmese land tradewere the Chinese from Yunnan, and the main subjects of Sino-Burmese maritime trade were theChinese from Fukien and Kwangtung. The overseas Chinese in Sino-Burmese trade formed thepattern of "three nationalities" of Yunnan, Fukien, and Kwangtung. In contrast, the main subjects of
Sino-Siamese trade were mainly Chinese from Fukien and Kwangtung, which formed the pattern of"two nationalities". Moreover, the overseas Chinese actually controlled Siam's trade with China.
Ⅳ: Cotton and jade, rice and Sapan-wood: comparison of main commodities

In terms of trade commodities, there were many types of goods imported into Burma and Siamfrom the Qing Dynasty, among which the main commodities were raw silk, silk fabrics and otherdaily necessities. However, the main commodities imported into the Qing Dynasty from Burma andSiam were different: Burma's main commodities were cotton and jade, while Siam's maincommodities were rice and Sapan-wood.
Ⅴ. Analysis of reasons for trade differences

As mentioned above, Burma and Siam were both tributary countries in Southeast Asia during
the Qing Dynasty. However, there were large differences in trade patterns, trade routes, trade
subjects, and major commodities between the Sino-Burmese trade and Sino-Siamese trade. Why
were there so many differences? From the economic point of view, there are four main factors that
affect bilateral trade: (1) geographical transportation and native products; (2) domestic foreign policy,- 69 -

Synopsis

especially foreign trade policy; (3) foreign policy, especially foreign trade policy, of the other side
country; (4) the development and evolution of bilateral relations. The development and differencesof the Sino-Burmese trade and Sino-Siamese trade can also be analyzed from these four aspects. The
differences between the Sino-Burmese trade and Sino-Siamese trade are not only related to thegeographical transportation and native products of the three countries, but also inseparable from theirforeign trade policies and bilateral relations. The development of Sino-Burmese and Sino-Siamesetrade during the early Qing Dynasty was deeply influenced by the countries’ foreign policy and theextensive participation of Chinese people.
A Chinese Tai Nuea Polity in the Upper Mekong River: The Chronicle of Jinggu
ZHOU Hanli (University of Hamburg)
Jinggu is the name of a small district in the southwestern part of Yunnan province, the population ofwhich belongs predominantly to an ethno-linguistic group classified as “Dai” by the Chinese
authorities and “Tai” by Western linguists and anthropologists. Situated between the autonomous
Dai prefectures of Dehong (“Tai Noe”) and Xishuang Banna (“Tai Lue”), Jinggu has only the lessprivileged status of an “autonomous Tai county”, and in contrast to the other two regions which
possess the status of “autonomous Tai prefectures” Jinggu has received much less scholarly andpublic attention, both inside and outside of China. In this article, the author will analyze first thecurrent research status of Jinggu and try to demonstrate that this neglect is completely unjustified andthat Jinggu in fact played an important role among the Tai vassal states of Imperial China, the socalled “Pacification Commission” (tusi) in Chinese terminology.1 Subsequently, the author will givean overview of the research which has so far been done on the history of Jinggu. Thereafter, theauthor will explain the significance of Jinggu as a case study of state-building processes in thesouthern borderlands between China and Southeast Asia. Finally, a conclusion will be given.

An Analysis of The Construction of Post Station and Centralization in Nguyễn Vietnam, 1802–
1820
Liye YANG, PG (Sun Yat-sen University)
After Gia Long ( Nguyễn Phúc Ánh) unified the entire territory of Vietnam in 1802, how to
consolidate Nguyễn’s reign became the top priority of decision-making. To manage the "S"-shaped
kingdom with different terrains and cultural diversity, it is necessary to change Ruling Ideology fromlocal Regime Quảng Nam into a vast geographic expanse kingdom. To this end, Gia Long carriedout a series of political, economic, military and cultural reforms, including obtaining the recognitionof the Qing Dynasty, promulgating Luật Gia Long, restoring the Confucian court examination
system, the reform of administrative system, the reform of administrative structure and theestablishment of military forts, etc. To rule such a long and narrow land, how can Gia Long achieve
control over the country at the traffic level,timely conveying laws and regulations from the central
government to localities,acquainting local political and social economic conditions,and responding- 70 -

Synopsison the national levelAll of these need a set of effective and transportation communication system.
The post station in Gia Long’s period played such a role. The post station on this period wasrecorded in the book Hoàng Việt nhất thống Dư địa chí. This paper will base on this book,
combining with other historical materials, to explore the problem of post station in Gia Long’s
period. From the perspective of post station, this paper will probe into how the political andeconomic policies were transmitted on the vastest territory of the Vietnamese history in Gia Long’s
period, how the process of transmission connect the various regions of this kingdom, and how thecountry’s "tentacles" penetrate into localities and strengthen central power.
The Cowrie Money World: Reflections
YANG Bin (University of Macau)
This talk first summarizes my studies of cowrie shells and cowrie money, and confirms that cowriemoney was not small money, no traditional money, let alone primitive money, but the first global
money in human history. Indeed, cowrie money is neither traditional nor modern. Second, thechapter discusses the cowrie trade and cowrie money, thus engaging the hot topic of the rise ofEurope in world history, particularly Asia and the emergence and dominance of the modern world
system. Furthermore, the chapter outlines the wax and wane of the cowrie money in Afro-Eurasia,
and this raise the term “the Cowrie Money World”. The conceptualization of “the Cowrie Money
World” may shed some new light on the following issues such as Asian interactions, and historicalanalytical frame, namely, world regions such as Southeast Asia and China, and new paradigm suchas zomia. I argues that the term of the Cowrie Money World serves not only as a historical space andthus a research subject, but also a research paradigm and method that provides a chance ofreflections on historical methodology.

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Synopsis

Sunday, 6 January

15:00 am – 17:30 pm Panel Sessions 4

Panel No.

Panel Title

Venue

4.1

The Opium War and other Encounters with the West

Keizo Saji Memorial

as the Roots of Asian Awakening

Hall, 10F

Economic Aid and the Development of Consortiums

Seminar Room 507

4.2

in Asia in the 1960s
4.3

Chinese World order and its Challengers in East Asia, Seminar Room 406
1300-1900

4.4

Maritime History during the Late Early Modern Era

Seminar Room 301

4.5

Empire and Boundary: New Perspectives in East

Seminar Room 702

Eurasian History for the 10th to 13th Centuries
4.6

Teaching the Exchange between Asian Regions andJapan in the Age of Imperialism: Practices in HighSchools in Japan- 72 -

Seminar Room 703

Synopsis

4.1

The Opium War and other Encounters with the West as the Roots ofAsian Awakening

Chair: Shingo MINAMIZUKA (Hosei University)
Discussant: YANG Biao (East China Normal University)
Panel Abstract:
The Opium War was of course a great turning point of Chinese history. But it was symbolic of the
beginning of the Asian awakening around the middle of the 19th century. We will follow the
implication of the Opium War over Asian countries, taking into consideration of the other encountersof Asian counties with the West.
Papers:Introduction: Comparing the Descriptions of the Opium War in the History Textbooks of AsianCountries
Shingo MINAMIZUKA (Hosei University)
The Japanese Response to the Opium War and the Opening of Japan
Shigeki YOSHIMINE (Hokkaido Yuho High School) with Shingo MINAMIZUKA
Beginning of Indonesian Awakening: Java War and its aftermath 1825-1840s
Agus SUWIGNYO (Universitas Gadjah Mada Yogyakarta)
The Opening of Spanish Colonial Philippines and the Rise of Filipino Awakening, 1840s-1890s
Francis Alvarez GEALOGO (Ateneo de Manila University)
Comment: The Opium War as the Beginning of the Modern WorldYANG Biao (East China Normal University)

4.2

Economic Aid and the Development of Consortiums in Asia in the
1960s

Chair: Shigeru AKITA (Osaka University)
Commentator: LIU Hong (Nanyang Technological University)
Panel Abstract:- 73 -

Synopsis

This panel aims to explore historical significance of economic aid to the developing countries in Asia
for the formation of new international order of Asia in the 1950s-early 1970s, before the oil crisis of
1973-74.
We use a comparative-study approach, by making comparisons of three case studies: India(South Asia), Indonesia (Southeast Asia) and Taiwan (East Asia). Taiwan was the first developing
country in East Asia to achieve industrialization of consumer-goods, especially cotton-goods fromthe early 1960s, by utilizing US economic aid, including PL480 (mainly surplus agricultural foodaid). After the regime change in 1965, Indonesia tried to get more aid from Western countries,
Australia and Japan. On the other hand, India suffered from the stagnation of industrial development(capital goods industrialization) and the ‘Food crisis’ in the mid-1960s.
India had received a huge economic aid from the early 1960s, through the Aid-India
Consortium, a multiple aid-giving framework led by the World Bank. Indonesia successfully
negotiated with donor-countries and formed the Inter-Governmental Group for Indonesia (IGGI) to
get economic aid, especially food aid. It means, from the middle of the 1960s, the consortium-styleof a multi-lateral framework of economic aid tended to play increasing roles for economic
development of Asian countries. We try to analyse the mutual interactions between donor countries
and institutions (US, Japan, Australia, UK and the World Bank) and recipient countries (India,
Indonesia and Taiwan) for development aid, and to emphasize the initiatives of recipient countries.
Papers:The Aid-India Consortium and the ‘Green Revolution’ in India in the late 1960-1970s
Shigeru AKITA (Osaka University)
A multiple-aid framework of the Aid-India Consortium started in 1958 under the foreign exchange
crisis in India, and it helped to accelerate the (capital goods-centered) heavy chemicals
industrialization by the middle of the 1960s. However, in the mid-1960s, India faced with a ‘food
crisis’ due to two successive draughts, which disclosed shortcomings of planned economy---therelative neglect of agriculture. To overcome ‘food crisis’, the World Bank, the initiator of the AidIndia Consortium, played an important role to assist the growth of Indian food production (the Green
Revolution) through economic aid (project aid and technical assistance), under the new President ofRobert McNamara.
This paper tries to analyze the mutual interactions between the World Bank (donor) and theIndian government (aid-recipient), and to reveal Indian initiatives in agricultural development on the
one hand, and the changing nature of the World Bank’s policies from industrialization to socialwelfare of local communities on the other.
From the Aid to a “Thoroughly Unpleasant Neighour” to the Creation of the Inter-Governmental
Group for Indonesia: Australia’s Aid Policy towards Indonesia
Yoichi KIBATA (The University of Tokyo and Seijo University)- 74 -

Synopsis

During the first half of the 1960s Australia experienced difficulties in the relations with its northernneighbour, Indonesia, because of the West Irian problem and then "Konfrontasi" (the Malaysiandispute). During "Konfrontasi" despite Britain's repeated requests for military forces to assist its
combat activities against Indonesia, Australia delayed the decision to send them, and even after theUnited States decided to stop giving aid to Indonesia Australia continued its economic aid to
Indonesia, though the amount of aid was limited.
This paper first tries to search for Australia’s motive to deviate from the lines taken by two big
and important allies, Britain and the United States. Then this paper traces Australia’s attitude
towards Indonesia during the period from the September 30 Incident in 1965, which drasticallychanged the political climate in Indonesia, to the creation of the Inter-Governmental Group forIndonesia (IGGI) in 1967, and examines Australia’s position in the making of this international aid
regime for Indonesia.
A Study on US Aid and Taiwan: Development of Textile Industry
Wei-chen LEE (National Chengchi University)
After the outbreak of the Korean War on June 25, 1950, the US included the Republic of China on
Taiwan (Taiwan hereafter) in its Asia-Pacific containment line, and restored the military andeconomic aid to Taiwan for the sake of regional security. The US aid to the countries along the AsiaPacific defense line was not only in the form of supplying munitions, but also linked these countries
together in an economic dimension. Taiwan is one of the 120 countries which had accepted US aid
and also successfully moved from “dependence” to “independently sustained growth.”
From the industry developing point of view, the textiles industry in the early 1950s was still
an infant industry. But the government subtly used US aid goods and materials to support the textile
industry. The textile products have been able to self-sufficiency in the middle 1950s and begun toexport from the end of 1950s. From 1960s, the textile industry had become an export-oriented
industry and contributed earning foreign exchange very much until 1990s. To mention about thereasons of Taiwan textile industry development, there are for examples the Japanese colonial
heritage (Japanese enterprises), textile capital from Mainland China before 1949, US aid raw
materials, domestic market, import-controlled policies, protecting and regulating policies forpromoting the development of textile industry, technocrats, etc.
This article will firstly review the influence of US aid to Taiwan economic development, and thendiscuss the issue of US aid and Taiwan’s industrialization and economic autonomy in a case study on
textile industry.

ECAFE and Asian Industrial Development Problems in the late 1960s and early 70s
Ikuto YAMAGUCHI
From the mid-1960s facing the growing gap with developed world and the difficulties of ISI (Importsubstituting industrialization), Asian countries in ECAFE (The United Nations Economic- 75 -

Synopsis

Commission for Asia and the Far East) started an active discussion on the problems ofindustrialization. Through the discussion two strategies for industrialization emerged: one waspromoting EOI (Export oriented industrialisation) as well as strengthening trade and investment
relations with developed markets (especially with the United States and Japan). The other wasseeking regional harmonisation of industry based on coordination of investment, specialisation of
production and stimulating intra-regional trades. While the former strategy was supported bySingapore, Taiwan, Korea and several Southeast Asian countries gradually, India and the ECAFE
Secretariat under the Executive Secretary, Burmese U Nyun advocated regional cooperative
measures towards the end of the 1960s. However, with the rise of sub-regional system (for example,
ASEAN), the transformation of regional diplomatic relations as well as the changing economic
situation in the region (economic rise of Japan), around the early 1970s, the former strategy began to
get momentum in East/Southeast Asian economies.
In the late 1960s and the early 1970s, Asian countries experienced the transformation of
economic development and aid structure that led to the emergence of East Asian NIEs. This paper
explores this transformation through seeing ECAFE of this period.

4.3

Chinese World Order and its Challengers in East Asia, 1300-1900

Chair: Se-hyun CHO (Pukyong National University)
Discussant: Hyangsook PANG (Sogang University)
Panel Abstract:
The panel explores various forms of anti-Sinocentrism and post-Sinocentrism in East Asia, and theircontribution to the formation of East Asian world from the 13th to the 19th century. As the lateimperial China expanded its political, cultural, and economic influence in Asia during this period,
various elements in East Asia including state, non-state, and transnational actors responded indifferent ways. While some, like Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s Japan challenged the Chinese authorities
directly, others decided to cope with the reality of expanding Chinese influence, trying to gain
benefit from the expansion. Still others decided to exit from the order altogether. It is important tostudy these various forms of responses in order to form a more dynamic and complete understandingof the reality of East Asian world order in the early modern period. However, previous scholarshipon East Asian world order, which have primarily focused on the examination of the state-to-state
diplomatic relationship including the tributary system, have yet to examine them systematically.

This panel explores three different local and regional initiatives to challenge and respond to the
expanding Chinese political hegemony in East Asia under the late imperial Chinese authorities(Yuan, Ming, and Qing). On the basis of detailed empirical research, the papers in this panel show
- 76 -

Synopsis

how a state actor (Choson Korea), a non-state actor (conquered native elites of Yunnan) and atransnational actor (Korean migrants in Manchuria) in East Asia challenged and coped with the
expansion of the Chinese imperial authorities; how their responses shaped the structure of the East
Asian world order, while their native, religious, and national identities were transformed in theprocess of responding to the expanding Chinese hegemony.
Jeong MYEON examines the identity formation of the native local elites of Yunnan from the
13 to the 19th century, in response to the colonial expansion of three Chinese empires (Yuan, Ming,and Qing). In particular, the paper analyzes the narrative of the “Yunnan history” appearing in thevarious local gazetteers during this period. In so doing, it explores how the local historical narrative,
constructed by the non-Han native elites, originated, and how it was distinctive from the Chinese
historical narrative of Yunnan history appearing in the Chinese historical texts. Locating their
histories not only within Chinese world but also within Southeast Asian world, the emergence of thenative history of Yunnan shows how the native elites creatively responded to the Chinese imperial
expansion.
thKwangmin KIM offers Korean migrants and their agrarian development in Manchuria or
China’s Northeast in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In particular, this paper
focuses on the pivotal role that the millenarian religions (or “popular religions”) played in theorganization of their migration and the development enterprises. It shows how the Korean adherentsof the millenarian religion ironically contributed to the demographic expansion of the “Chinese”
world, while being in constant political struggles with the Chinese imperial authorities. The paper
also shows that the millenarian religion provided to the multicultural and multiethnic pioneer
community in the Sino-Korean borderlands a new identity which straddled the Han and non-Han
divide.
Jieun HU offers an examination of the production and circulation of the Records on Various
Countries of Eastern Sea (or East of the Sea)”  a 15th century Korean book on thehistory and geography of Ryukyu, Japan, and others and the diplomatic relations between the East
Asian countries. In particular, this paper focuses on how Choson Korea maintained independent
foreign relations with Japan under the tacit approval of Ming Chinese court; it also explores how theJapan government participated in the Korean initiated regional order in order to overcome theirdiplomatic isolation in which they were put after the Hideyoshi Invasion of Korea (or Imjin war)
(1592-1598).

4.4

Maritime History during the Late Early Modern Era

Chair: Shiro MOMOKI (Osaka University)
Panel Abstract:
Young scholars trained in Osaka will deal with long-distance trade and diplomatic relations during
the late early modern era and its transition to the modern era. Topics beyond maritime Asia in the- 77 -

Synopsis

narrow sense, such as trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific relationship, and the link between maritime
region and mountainous region, will shed new light on the recent scholarship that have been more
and more interested in this period.
Papers:The Rise of Silver dollar in 19th century Vietnam and other Asian countries
Yoshihiro TAGA (Keio University)
As well known, silver assumed quite important economic role in pre-modern Asia. At first, monetary
use of silver expanded simultaneously in different regions of Eurasia under the rule of Mongol
empire in the end of 13th century. Subsequently, second surge of silver flow ensued from late 16th tomid-17th century with prolific silver production in Spanish America and Japan.
Unlike Europe where silver was circulated as a form of coin, Asian countries traditionallyused silver as a form of ingot whose value was determined by their weight and fineness. However, as
European merchants took part in Asian markets with Western style silver coins, silver use of Asia
became all the more complicated. Among the various types of silver coins brought to Asian market,
most important one was the “Spanish dollar (peso)” minted in Spanish America. From the end of 16th
century, Spanish silver dollar became prevalent in Chinese coastal area and Southeast Asia.
In Vietnam, although some amount of silver dollar had been imported by Western merchantssince second half of 17th century, this coin did not become prevalent before end of 18th century. Fromthe end of 18th century, silver dollar began to be used as a mean of tax payment or reward formilitary service under the initiative of Nguyễn Phuc Anh, who eventually unified Vietnam andestablished Nguyễn dynasty 1802.
After the establishment of Nguyễn dynasty, use of silver dollar became more prevalent bothin fiscal administration and market exchange. In coastal area such as Quảng Yên region, silver dollar
accounted for over 80% of circulating silver money. Among the various types of silver dollar
circulating Vietnam, Spanish Carlos dollars were most commonly used.
Influenced by the Spanish silver dollar, Nguyễn dynasty minted its own silver coins inaddition to silver ingot. In 1832, Emperor Minh Menh ordered to mint 20,000 pieces of “Flying
silver coins (Phi long ngân tiền ). Once put in circulation, however, silver coin of Nguyễn
dynasty wasn’t welcomed by market because of their lower silver content. In spite of limited
circulation, minting of Flying silver coins had significant meaning for Asian monetary history, forthat is earliest attempt in Asia to mint silver coin modeled after silver dollar.
Local Strategy, State Policy and Global Market Change: the Case of Vietnamese Cinnamon
during from 18th to early 20th Centuries
Masashi OKADA (Kyoto University)
Cinnamon use has run in parallel with that of the herbal medicine as well as spice history. According
to notices repeated in herbal medical texts since ancient times, cinnamon is one of the most
- 78 -

Synopsis

efficacious herbs for inducing perspiration. In the East Asian traditional medicine field, Vietnamese
cinnamon, especially que Thanh (Thanh Hoa cinnamon), had been esteemed as being of the highest
grade. It was also treasured in Japan. Historical records show that the Tokugawa Japan under the“closed-door (sakoku)” policy continuously imported Vietnamese cinnamon in great quantities forsatisfying demands of the domestic herbal market. Because of the high prices cinnamon commanded
among East Asian consumers, the Vietnamese government began to manage production anddistribution of cinnamon. And later Vietnamese cinnamon came to find a new market in the Westernworld and to have a global scale circulation.
In this presentation, I will examine how the global commodity connected the local
communities with the global markets, considering a variety of agents like local producer, leaders,state governments and trans-bordering merchants. Although it is known that the Northern Indochina
mountainshaving supplied variety of forest products including cinnamon which the naturalenvironment produces historically to global market, their role during the period after French colonial
rule at the end of the 19th century has not been fully examined. This study will elucidate linkage
between transformation of the communities in the mountains during the period and theirinvolvements in forest products production and trade through analysis of historical documents andfield data. Such linkage between local resource and global market production and trade managementof forest products even will lead to review transformation in modernization of the Southeast Asian
mountain world. The case of Vietnamese cinnamon also reveals valuable implications forconservation and sustainable use of biodiversity.
Sergei Witte and the Shipping Associations: Rethinking the Russian Empire from a Maritime
Viewpoint
Yukimura SAKON (Niigata University)
In his book, The Origins of the Modern World (Third Edition, Rowman & Littlefield, 2015), Robert
B. Marks compares the industrialization of each country in the nineteenth century and, when
discussing Russia, describes the era of Sergei Witte, the Russian Minister of Finance from 1892, as
follows: the Russian government “launched a massive railroad-building program by heavy industry(coal, iron and steel, and oil)” and then played a major role in the first stage of the industrialization,“creating banks, hiring foreign engineers, and erecting high tariff barriers to protect its new
industries from foreign competition.” Witte considered that “the economic relations of Russia withwestern Europe were fully comparable to the relations of colonial countries with their metropolises”.
This is a common view on Witte, whom different historians have discussed. One mostdistinguished book about him is Sergei Witte and the Industrialization of Russia (Atheneum, 1969)
written by Theodore H. von Laue, which describes Witte’s attempts to industrialize Russia andidentifies lessons for developing undeveloped countries.
Although Laue concentrated on domestic affairs, Japanese historians have emphasized his
active role in Russia’s advance into East Asia, particularly Manchuria. In either case, it is clear that
construction of the Trans-Siberian railway was a vital point for Witte’s economic policy.

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Synopsis

This study discusses the economic policy of Witte and its ramifications, particularly withregard to how he used Russian commercial fleets effectively to find markets for Russian goods in
Asia. As Teruyuki Hara, an eminent Japanese specialist in Russian history, pointed out, Russia was
half-hearted about participating in developing intra-Asian trade in the second half of the nineteenth
century. I suppose that studies examining the relation between Russian shipping trade and Witte
revealed his attempts to change Russia’s attitude toward the Asian market.
As is commonly known, he adopted protectionism for Russia based on the theory of Friedrich
Liszt, a German economist in the first half of the nineteenth century, who identified five stages of theeconomic history: barbarian life; pastoral life; agriculture; agriculture united with manufacturing;
and agriculture, manufacturing, and commerce combined. At the same time, in his book About
Nationalism – National Economy and Friedrich Liszt published in 1912, Witte stated that it wasnecessary to develop a national fleet to boost the country to the highest economic stage, as shown in
the following, and he dealt with shipping associations in the last four years of his tenure as Ministerof Finance. That is, he did not have enough time to develop the shipping trade as a Minister, and theresults were not rich enough to attract historians’ attention, especially as Russia has been universallyacknowledged as “a Land Empire.”
This study discusses his plan to reform the organization as well as the role of the Russian
Volunteer Fleet, which made round trips between Odessa and Vladivostok from 1879. The Volunteer
Fleet was one of the two biggest shipping associations in imperial Russia, equal to the Russian SteamNavigation and Trading Company established in 1856; however, there have been few studies oneither of them. Although we can find a few good studies on the Volunteer Fleet, they deal with only
part of the history, for example, Russian shipping trade in the Far East (1860-1925) (Vladivostok,1979) written by V.P. Biankin. Examining the history of the Volunteer Fleet, especially concerning
tea trade, along with Witte’s plan will give us a chance to review the Russian Empire from amaritime viewpoint.

Cultivation System in Java and Intra-Asian Trade  Focusing on the year 1833
Atsuko OHASHI (Nagoya University)
This paper argues Asian trade of Dutch Colonial Java in 1830s, presenting the statistics in the year
1833.
Few studies have discussed Asian trade of Dutch Colonial Java during “Cultivation System” (18301870). However, the statistics of international trade of Java reveal that Java was incorporated into theintra-Asian trade networks in 1830s. Java exported huge amount of rice. The total volume ofexported rice was three times more than that of coffee to Europe. The main destination for rice
export was China and the second destination was Riau. Java imported various kinds of daily
necessities within Asian region. Among others, gambir from Riau is noteworthy. Java’s major trade
counterparts in Asia were China, Singapore, and Riau. The statistics show that these trades were

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Synopsis

done by ships with European frags. However, it can be said that European ships depended on
Chinese trade networks. In addition, Java’s balance of trade with various Asian countries and ports in
1830s seems to be maintaineed on multi-lateral trade and international settlement system.
The Dynamics of Plural Economies in Southeast Asia:Asian Traders in Indonesia and Vietnam in
the Late Colonial Period, 1900s-1930s
PHAM Van Thuy
(University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University, Hanoi, Vietnam)
This paper seeks to compare the economic structure of Vietnam and Indonesia under the European
colonial rules in the early twentieth century. Attention is given to the dynamic roles of Asian sectors
in the colonial economies of Indonesia and Vietnam, particularly the economic activities of theChinese, Indian and Arabian traders. Although the Europeans, namely the Dutch in Indonesia andFrench in Vietnam, had the top position in the economic hierarchy and controlled the most modern
sectors, the Chinese, Indians and other Asian migrants also engaged in highly profitable businesses,
such as trade, transportation, agricultural product processing industries, contracting works, andmoney lending. The indigenous people, i.e. ethnic Indonesians and Vietnamese were the main labour
forces, engaging in agriculture, or working as labourers in the Western-owned factories, mines, andplantations.
The differentiate economic positions and yet income of different ethnic groups in colonial
Indonesia and colonial Vietnam are discussed on the basis of Furnival’s theory of plural economy.
However, instead of looking at the Asian traders as intermediates between the European colonial
rules and indigenous labourers, this papers highlights their independent and dynamic roles. The
Chinese and Indian traders built their own economic institutions which protected and linked up thebusinesses of their own people operating in different parts within the colonies and between thecolonies and their home countries, as well as in oversea. In several cases, Chinese and Indian traders
became competing forces against European businesses.

4.5

Empire and Boundary: New Perspectives in East Eurasian History forthe 10th to 13th Centuries

Chair: Masaki MUKAI (Doshisha University)
Commentator: Yuko NISHIDA (Osaka University)
Panel Abstract:
The purpose of this panel is to express historical images of Eastern Eurasia from the 10th to the 13th
centuries from the perspective of “boundaries”. Eastern Eurasia is essentially a new regionalframework that regards Eurasia from east of the Pamir up to and including Japan and Southeast Asia
as a whole. In this framework, against the background of the relative weakness of the Chinese- 81 -

Synopsis

dynasties from the An Lushan Rebellion (mid-8th century) onwards and the rise of Central Asian
powers such as the Liao ( ), Jin ( ), and XiXia ( ), the traditional Chinese-centered view ofhistory in the region is contextualized, and in order to express a new regional world history, histories
of Japan and of Central Asia from Japan have been raised.
Since the 1980s, in academia in Europe, America, and Taiwan, the Sinocentric international
order as represented by Fairbank's “Chinese World Order” (The Chinese World Order, Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1968) has been challenged. Furthermore, centering on thetheme of international relations dominated by Central Asia (China among Equals, Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1983), in Japan, attempts have been made to rethink the history of thisnew region as represented in “Eastern Eurasia theory” (cf. Furumatsu Takashi. “International
Relations in Eastern Eurasia during the Multistate Era of the Tenth to Thirteenth Centuries.” Studies
in Chinese History 21, 2011, pp.113-130). However, new regional histories such as the “Eastern
Eurasia theory” basically rethink history from the viewpoint of Central Asian history, and it is notnecessarily true that these can serve as a regional world history on the Eastern Eurasian scale thatwould include Southeast Asia and Southwest China. Moreover, they rely on “international relations”
based on the premise of relations between “states” as their main themes. Therefore, various level
syntheses and the groups that Shosuke Murai describes as “marginal” (Chusei Wajin Den, Tokyo:
Iwanami Shoten, 1993), which exist mainly on the periphery of “empires” and cannot be necessarily
dealt with by frameworks of “states”, have not been adequately recognized.
While paying attention to the regional world history of Eastern Eurasia, including Southeast
Asia and Southwest China, this panel intentionally focuses on “boundary” spaces of empires.
Through doing so, we will deconstruct the traditional Eastern Eurasia theory, which assumed theexistence of “states”, from viewpoints including those of exchanges of people, goods, information,and so forth, and discuss the new image of a wide order of Eastern Eurasia that includes various
forms of integration, including of the “marginal”.
Papers:Tribute, Trade and Influence: Champa in East Asian World Order (9th-13th centuries)ĐỖ Trường Giang (Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences)ĐỖ Trường Giang explores the position and role of Champa in the context of East Asia during theperiod from the ninth to thirteenth centuries. Basing on historical records and new archaeologicalfindings, he will examine Champa's responses to the expanding influences of world civilization
centers such as Chinese civilization and Islamic civilization. The challenges from the neighboring
regional powers of Ðại Việt and Angkor and Champa’s reaction will also be discussed.
The Song Dynasty’s “International” Order and Boundary World
Satoshi ENDO (Osaka University)
ENDO Satoshi focuses on “the Chinese World Order” established by the Song Dynasty andreconsiders the historical meaning of the various elements, such as the tributary (chaogong  ) and- 82 -

Synopsis

vassalage (cefeng ) systems that embodied it. Previously, based on the general “either or”
argument, of either “belonging” or “independence,” the tributary and vassalage systems were
nervously evaluated as “a superficial form” of relations with China within the China-centricinternational order. However, he points to the aspect that various groups in Southeast Asia andSouthwest China independently “used” the tributary and vassalage systems while attracting thepolitical order established by the Song Dynasty to their respective political and economic contexts,
and he argues that they functioned as one kind of “public goods” in the Eastern Eurasia.
Tax and Corvée Duties Imposed on Dual-Governed (Double Vassal) People by the Song and the
Liao
HONG Sungmin (Waseda University)
HONG Sungmim studies the taxes and corvée duties imposed on the borderland between the Songand Liao Dynasties. The border area was governed by both the Song and the Liao and its residents
were supposed to pay taxes to both administrations. Thus, the region and the people are said to bedual-governed. Dual governance began when the Song finally gave up its plan to conquer its northand when Kitan started to attack the Song and collect taxes in the borderlands. The Song exempted
the people in the borderlands from most tax duties, but continued to impose miscellaneous taxes inorder to remain as official ruler of the region. Before and after signing Chanyuan Treaty in 1004,
residents of the dual-governed regions paid miscellaneous taxes and served corvée duties for theSong, and, at the same time, paid taxes and served corvée labor for Kitan as well. Each country
needed to impose tax and labor burden lighter than the other and deliver relief more than the other.
The Song and the Liao took different approaches in ruling the borderlands. From Kitan’s position, it
was satisfactory enough to have control and be able to exploit labor from the region. The Song, on
the other hand, took the issue as a matter of territorial integrity.
Boundaries and Tea of Southwest China during the 12th and 13th: A Consideration of the “Teaand Horse Agency System” in Southern Song China
Hajime MORIMOTO (Meiji University)
MORIMOTO Hajime discusses a new image of a wide order in Eastern Eurasia from the perspectiveof Southwest China. Traditionally, the boundary zones of Southwest China have been understood interms of tributary relationships with the Song Dynasty. More recently, however, a view has beensuggested that regards the basis of the tributary relationship with the Southern Song as having shiftedfrom ceremonial acts to trade. He argues that the tea and horse trade in Southern Song represented
tributary trade in Southwest China, referring to the system as the “Tea and Horse Agency System.”
At the same time, he points out that tribes network existed with Tibet and India beyond theframework of this regime, and presents the complex relationships of the boundary zones.
Arab and Persian’s Network behind the Tributary System during the Song Period
Masaki MUKAI (Doshisha University)- 83 -

Synopsis

The issues of tributary system in the Eastern Eurasian history were mainly argued from theviewpoint of “international” relation. On the contrary, MUKAI Masaki pays more attention to theroles of “transnational” network and aim to clarify the fact that the activities of Arab and Persian
shippers were leading force to establish and extend tributary relation between China and foreign state.
Wang Gunwu once pointed out that the Nanhai trade was divided into official trade and private trade
and the latter became more overwhelming during the Southern Sung period. However, this differenceis only superficial and both types of trade were only the reflection of strategic shift of Arab andPersian shippers’ activities.

4.6

Teaching the Exchange between Asian Regions and Japan in the Age ofImperialism: Practices in High Schools in Japan

Chair: KIM Minkyu (Northeast Asia Foundation)
Discussant: Lisa RIGGIN (California State University, Fullerton)
Panel Abstract:
This panel aims at looking for possibility of overcoming a divide between “World History” and“Japanese (National) History” in Japanese high school’s curriculum, with teaching reports inJapanese high schools undertaken in cooperation with university scholars.
History education in Japanese high school is composed of two subjects, named “WorldHistory” and “Japanese History”. “World History” is one of the first subjects for students enrolled inhigh school. They learn comprehensively the history of the world each region. In “Japanese History”,
they learn what was deepening the learning history in elementary and junior high school. In manycases, those subjects are taught by different teachers, and in different school year. The problem isthat, the contents of the history before the high school level hardly includes foreign history.
Therefore, many high school students tend to regard “World History” as a subject to learn the foreign
history other than Japan. And, they also regard “Japanese History” as the subject to learn only
Japanese history regardless of the world. Such recognitions are often seen also on the teacher side, inspite of the fact that the government curriculum guidelines determined to teach Japanese and WorldHistories in an integrated way.
The problem of that divide was also represented by HANEDA Masashi, professor of Tokyo
University, in the keynote address of the third AAWH Congress at Singapore.
The government curriculum guidelines will be revised in 2022. And a new subject, named“Integrated History”, will be constituted as a compulsory subject. It integrates the contents of theJapanese History and the World History, and is the first subject in the history of the Japanese highschool’s education. In addition, the new subject needs for paying more attention to active learning
methods than didactic teaching and memorizing by role.
- 84 -

Synopsis

Currently, at the field of Japanese high school, studies of a new approach to educational
methods are improving steadily, while studies to integrate contents of two subjects, “World History”
and “Japanese History”, effectually. One of the causes of this situation, currently, there is a tendencyof high school teachers generally do not like having access the new research trends, such as maritime
history, global history, etc., that are originating from research institutes and universities. Because,many teachers, from the elementary school up to the high school, think that it is important tointroduce a new approach to educational methods in educational content, rather than to introduce a
new research trend.
As an attempt to introduce this new perspective of historical research into high school classes,
The History Sub-Committee comprised of history teachers from Kanagawa Prefecture (next toTokyo) has held high school/university collaborative lectures in the summer holidays since 2007. In
these lectures, high school teaching staff and university researchers give lectures to high school
students on a single topic, and the high school teaching staff and university researchers that haveseen these lectures evaluate them from a common position. This practice is also a challenge that liesin the issue of how to reconcile world history for university entrance examinations and the latest
research results from universities. Many participating students reported that even if the content was
not directly relevant to their university entrance examinations, coming into contact with the latest
research results raised both their interest in history and their desire to learn about it. The mostsignificant outcome of this project was that it allowed high school teaching staff to actually see how
university teaching staff incorporates the latest historical research results into regular world history
classes. Our achievements of the past are presented in the first AAWH Congress (Osaka, 2009, titled“Teaching the Meiji Restoration in the context of World History: Practices in High Schools”), thesecond AAWH Congress (Seoul, 2012, titled Teaching Asian History in the 19th Century: Practices
in High Schools in Japan), and the third AAWH Congress (Singapore, 2015, titled Teaching
Migration History to High School Students: Problems and Practices in Japan).
The book “How to Teach World History”, published in 2008 by The History Sub-Committee
was written with an awareness of the same issue. The book, which attempts to grasp the differences
between the world history textbooks the teachers themselves learned from and current textbooks to
examine how world history should be taught in the future, has gained a readership beyond teachersof world history to a wide range of people interested in history, including undergraduate andpostgraduate university students. The main reason for its wide acceptance is the fact that many
phenomena in world history that were considered common knowledge have actually ceased to be so,and the book offers explanations about them in simple terms.
In our activities, such as presentations, publication, etc., we noted the following two respects.
The first, we interpret the exchange between Japan and other Asian regions building oncontemporary world’s historical facts, as possible. It may overcome the extreme speech, such as antiChinese or anti-Korean, that is expressed emotionally by some Japanese people. And, it may
contribute to the solidarity and the growth of Asian countries and areas, in future. The second, we
adopt some up-to-date study which is taken in cooperation with university scholars, such as Osaka
University and others. And, we teach students that as understandable for them.

- 85 -

Synopsis

In this congress, on the basis of these situations, we would like to discuss about our attempts
on the integration of foreign and domestic history in high school teaching materials, by presenting
three typical topics about the exchange between Japan and other Asian regions, after the endof nineteenth century, named the age of imperialism.
The first panelist, NAKAYAMA presents about the situation, action, and subjectivity of
Korean people who lived mainly in Japanese inland under the colonial rule of Empire of Japan withteaching practice in his school.
The second panelist KANDA presents about the change of Taiwanese society under thecolonial rule of Empire of Japan. This is an attempt to position a strong Taiwanese in the 20th
century who is trying to make the utmost maximum choice in the circumstances that was swaying in
racial self-determination and autonomy acquisition, in history education in japan.
The third panelist CHINO presents early exchange between Ottoman Empire and Japan withmentioning the incident of the Ertuğrul, an Ottoman naval training ship, in 1890.
Koreans in Japanese Inland under the Colonial Rule of Empire of Japan - Centered on the 1930s
and 40s
Takunori NAKAYAMA (Kanagawa Prefectural Maioka High School)
Teaching Minorities in Empires: Taking the Case of Taiwanese under colonial rule of Empire ofJapan
Motoshige KANDA (Kamakura Gakuen High School)
The Ottoman Empire and Japan seen from the Incident of the Ertuğrul
Toyohiko CHINO (Yokohama Civic Yokohama Commercial High School)- 86 -

- 87 -

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【多目的室６０８】【多目的室６０７】（64 ㎡）（92 ㎡）- 91 -

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- 96 -

The Fourth AAWH Congress
Organising Committees
Congress Organising Committee
Shigeru AKITA (AAWH President, Osaka University)
Yasuko Hassall KOBAYASHI (AAWH Treasurer, Osaka University)
Tatsuo INOHARA (Osaka University)
Chie CHIKAMORI (Osaka University)

Congress Program Committee
Shigeru AKITA (AAWH President, Osaka University)
Yasuko Hassall KOBAYASHI (AAWH Treasurer, Osaka University)
Sun Laichen (California State University, Fullerton)

AAWH Home Page: https://www.theaawh.com/
AAWH Contacts
Postal Address:
c/o The Institute for Open and Transdisciplinary Research Initiatives (OTRI)Global History Division,
Graduate School of Letters, Osaka University
1-5 Machikaneyama, Toyonaka-city,
Osaka 560-8532, Japan
Phone & Fax: +81+6-6850-5675
Email: aawh2018@gmail.com- 91 -

4th AAWH Congress
5 & 6 January 2019, Osaka

AAWH
Asian Association ofWorld Historians