SOLOMON ISLANDS’
ROAD TO RECOVERY FROMTHE COVID-19 PANDEMIC
Key Findings of Public Opinion ResearchAugust 2021

This research is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States
Agency for International Development (USAID) under Award No. AID-OOA-L-15-00007 to the Consortium forElections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS). The analysis and interpretation herein are those of theauthors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government.
The National Democratic Institute (NDI) would like to acknowledge the key contributions by Tebbutt Research for fielding and conducting primary analysis for this research. Ancuta Hansen, NDI Senior Director for
the Pacific Islands, coordinated this research and drafted the text of this document. The report was edited by
Christina Socci, NDI Program Officer, and was designed by Marc Rechdane.
NDI (or the Institute) is a non-profit, non-partisan, non-governmental organization that works in partnership around the world to strengthen and safeguard democratic institutions, processes, norms and values tosecure a better quality of life for all. NDI envisions a world where democracy and freedom prevail, with dignity
for all. The Institute’s work in the Pacific Islands aims to support inclusive and citizen-centered governanceby advancing domestic election monitoring efforts, strengthening civil society, enhancing government transparency and accountability, and raising awareness on barriers to women’s political participation. NDI began
working with civil society and women activists in the Pacific Islands in 2015.
Cover photo: Voters heading to the Provincial Assembly to hear the election results, Gizo, 2019, Zelda Hilly @NDI
For more information about this research, please email us at ahansen@ndi.org.

Table of Contents

I.

Executive Summary

4II.

Introduction

6

II.1. Research Context

6II.2. Methodology

8III. Key Research Findings

10

III.1. The Government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic is viewed
positively overall, but vaccine hesitancy remains high10III.2. Public services improve, but economic concerns drive pessimistic
views about direction of the country

15

III. 3. Corruption is perceived as getting worse, but there is support for
anti-corruption efforts

18

III.4. Confidence in religious leaders and civil society is high, but economic
concerns threaten the social fabric

24

IV. Recommendations

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

313I. Executive Summary
The government’s measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 are largely seen positively, as they
have contributed to keeping the country safe, but widespread rumors drive persistent COVID-19
vaccine hesitancy. In contrast with the strong approval of the government’s anti-COVID-19 healthmeasures, there is near-universal agreement that there is a lack of transparency in government when it
comes to public funding of pandemic recovery policies, which drives calls for more efficient monitoring,
especially in terms of the COVID-19 Economic Stimulus Package (ESP).
Access to basic services is seen as satisfactory in the context of the pandemic, though people believe that the government should do more to develop the country outside the Capital Territory. The national government is seen as performing well when it comes to ensuring access to public services suchas free healthcare and education, as well as improving key infrastructure. Still, the manner in which
natural resources are managed is seen as opaque and detrimental to the interests of Solomon Islanders.
Unemployment and the increased cost of living drive pessimism in the future of the country. Solomon Islanders across provinces and socio-demographic groups call on the government to address
deep-seated economic concerns. Demands for paid work opportunities are highest in the capital, Honiara. Men and those over 45 years old are significantly more concerned about the cost of living.
Confidence in government is tenuous, but some hesitate to voice their discontent. Eleven percent
of survey respondents say they trust government ministries “a lot” and 37 percent “trust some,” while alarge majority do not trust the Parliament to act in their best interests. Freedom is held in high regard by
Solomon Islanders, but not all feel they can speak their mind freely and publicly about issues that concern them the most. While many say that they feel free to criticize the government’s performance andlack of progress on addressing corruption, some worry about reprisals in voicing their concerns.
Strong institutions, independent monitoring, and civic education are needed to effectively fightcorruption. The sense of urgency the public feels around corruption can be harnessed and supported
by creating opportunities for citizens to engage with the government and anti-corruption institutions.
Corruption is viewed as pervasive and affecting every area of public life. The political elite is viewed as
manipulating the system and taking advantage of leadership positions to serve their own interests andthose who support them.
Solomon Islanders praise diversity and harmony, but competition for resources and changing social behaviors threaten the social fabric. A sense of unfair distribution of resources can create tension
not only between citizens and their government, but also between provinces, within the community,
and in the family. Women and youth are disproportionately affected by the nexus of poverty, violence,and crime. The research also finds that there is a clash between more progressive and more conserva-

4

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

tive Solomon Islanders, with the latter lamenting that some CSOs and increased access to technology,
especially social media, promote “Western,” liberal values and behaviors.
Almost unanimous trust in religious leaders and high confidence in CSOs’ ability to deliver at thegrassroots level drive wide support. CSOs are generally trusted for their long-term engagement andrespected for their efforts across a range of sectors, particularly in providing assistance to marginalized
populations, including children in need, people with disabilities, victims of domestic violence, and atrisk youth. There is a demand for an increased presence of CSOs on the ground, more awareness, andmore sustainable funding.

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

5II. Introduction
II.1. Research Context
Solomon Islands has a recent history of civil unrest, weak governance institutions, and dependence oninternational aid and foreign investment for development. Corruption and long-unaddressed grievances have led to a perception that the political elite is disconnected from local realities and people’s everyday needs. International analysts and Solomon Islanders alike have been concerned that weak politicalinstitutions can enable state capture by the narrow interests of the political elite, allowing incumbents
to stay in power by gaming the political system, particularly through the manipulation of Constituency
Development Funds (CDFs),1 Ward Development Committees,2 cross-border voter registration3 and votebuying,4 and allocating infrastructure and development contracts in an untransparent manner.
This public opinion research was conducted in the context of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. Similarly
to other countries in the Pacific Islands, restrictions imposed to limit the spread of the COVID-195 virus
have proven efficient, but studies show that in many countries, corruption has become even more of
an issue during the pandemic and a lack of political integrity and emergencies have fed off each other,creating a vicious cycle of mismanagement that has deepened the crisis.6 Additionally, countries that
perform poorly in controlling corruption have tended to breach human rights and democratic norms
in their management of the COVID-19 pandemic.7 For instance, some have been concerned that theSolomon Islands Government may want to curtail freedom of speech, a fear that almost became reality

1

2

3

4
5

6

7

6

CDF refers to government funds that are given to members of parliament to spend within their constituency
districts. Kerryn Baker, “The surprising sameness of Solomon Islands elections,” The Interpreter by the Lowy Institute, April 23, 2019, https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/surprising-sameness-solomons-elections.
Ward Development Committees have members elected by local residents of each ward to advise the elected
member of parliament who represents the ward. WDCs also oversee the spending of CDF funds, in cooperation
with their member of parliament representative. UNDP, Solomon Islands Development Finance Assessment, https://www.un.org/ohrlls/sites/www.un.org.ohrlls/files/solomon-islands-dfa.pdf.
James Batley, Colin Wiltshire, Joanne Ridolfi and Athena Rogers, “The Voter as Commodity: The Phenomenonof Cross-border Voter Registration in Solomon Islands,” Australian National University Department of Public Affairs
InBrief 21 (2019), http://dpa.bellschool.anu.edu.au/sites/default/files/publications/attachments/2019-11/dpa_
ib_2019_21_batley.pdf.
Koroi Hawkins, “Vote buying and cross-border registration mar Solomon Islands elections - ANU,” RNZ, February
12, 2020, https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/409374/vote-buying-and-cross-border-registrations-mar-solomons-election-anu.
For a list of government actions in response to COVID-19, including repeated renewals of its State of Emergency orders, see UNESCAP, “Solomon Islands COVID Country Profile,” last updated March 23, 2021, https://www.
unescap.org/sites/default/d8files/2021-03/Solomon%20Islands_COVID%20Country%20profile%20230321.pdf;“SOPE ends soon,” Solomon Star, July 5, 2021, https://www.solomonstarnews.com/index.php/news/national/
item/25882-sope-ends-soon.
Jon Vrushi and Roberto Martínez B. Kukutschka, “Why Fighting Corruption Matters in Times of COVID-19,” Transparency International, January 28, 2021, https://www.transparency.org/en/news/cpi-2020-research-analysiswhy-fighting-corruption-matters-in-times-of-covid-19; Transparency International, “Corruption Perceptions
Index,” 2020, https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi/2020.
Vrushi and Kukutschka 2021.

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

in November 2020, when the government announced its intention to ban Facebook under the guiseof preventing the spread of misinformation.8 The initiative received an angry response online and was
eventually dropped. This controversy took place just a few days after the government had suspended
the nurses’ trade union for protesting against the lack of COVID-19 protective equipment.9
The decline of state coherence goes hand-in-hand with shrinking social cohesion. Increased competition
for resources and a deteriorating quality of life—compounded by the economic effects of the COVID-19
crisis—have disproportionately affected marginalized groups, in particular by increasing the incidenceof violence against women. Divisions between provinces run deep, and the wounds created by the civil
conflict that took place from 1998 to 2003, locally known as “the tensions,” are still present. For instance,
disagreement with the national government’s decision to recognize China led to increased hostility between Malaita and the national government, culminating with Malaitan Premier Daniel Suidani announcing an independence referendum in September 2020.
However, inter-province competition for resources and demands for secession10 are not new in Solomon
Islands—or limited to Malaita—and are supported by a feeling that provinces other than Guadalcanal,
where the capital Honiara is located, are being left behind when it comes to development, public services, and economic opportunities. Additionally, a lack of jobs and increased cost of living, especially in
Honiara, drive some people back to villages, which has only further increased citizens’ resentment. This
resentment not only prevents the formation of a cohesive national identity; it also perpetuates vulnerability to future calls for secession. Internal turmoil adds to the challenge of being positioned on geopolitical fault lines, raising concerns about the country’s resilience to withstand pressures from countries
with interests in the islands’ resources and strategic location. The geopolitical struggle for influence
between China and democratic countries in the region complicates existing political tensions in the
Pacific nation and reinforces internal divisions as foreign actors vie for influence.
In the absence of public, independent, and statistically representative data, it has been difficult to quantify the timeline and intensity of changes in public opinion related to the government’s response to the
COVID-19 pandemic, Solomon Islanders’ top-of-mind concerns, corruption, and social cohesion. This
study thus aims to fill that gap by anchoring qualitative information in objective numbers to provide abaseline upon which future research into public opinion in Solomon Islands can build.

8

Evan Wasuka, “Solomon Islands set to ban Facebook in the name of ‘national unity,’” ABC News, November 23,
2020, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-11-23/solomon-islands-set-to-ban-facebook-for-sake-of-nationalunity/12910786.
9 Solomon Islands Government, “Suspension of Solomon Islands Nurses Association [SINA] as a Trade Union,” November 2, 2020, https://solomons.gov.sb/suspension_of_the_solomon_islands_nurses_association_sina_as_a_
trade_union/.
10 “Western Breakaway Movement,” Solomon Islands Historical Encyclopaedia (1893-1978), https://www.solomonencyclopaedia.net/biogs/E000340b.htm.

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

7

II.2. Methodology
In April-May 2021, the National Democratic Institute (NDI) commissioned a two-pronged researchstudy consisting of a national survey followed by qualitative research, to understand public perceptions around issues related to political transparency and accountability in critical sectors in Solomon
Islands, including public awareness and perceptions of COVID-19 policies. This independent public opinion research aims to provide the Government of Solomon Islands, civil society, and the international
community with insights to enable them to respond to the evolving needs of Solomon Islands citizens.
Evidence-based analysis can help inform public policy and programming aimed at strengthening citizen
engagement, democratic processes, and inclusive development in Solomon Islands. The study identifies
priority areas for citizen monitoring and advocacy for responsive policy making, and informs how andwhere CEPPS/NDI and other organizations can focus their engagement in the country. The study serves
as a benchmark for future research efforts in the country and the Pacific region, providing a baseline ofperceptions from which changes in attitudes can be measured and assessed over time.
Tebbutt Research was commissioned to conduct a national survey and six in-person focus groups in thethree most populated provinces in Solomon Islands. The national survey, fielded between April 22 andMay 20, 2021. A number of 1,249 Computer-Assisted Telephone Interviews (CATI) were conducted withrespondents aged 18 years or older. The random sample of mobile phone numbers uses the Random
Digit Dial (RDD) method for respondent selection. Interviews were conducted by local interviewers, inEnglish and Solomon Islands Pidgin.
Province, gender, and age within province quotas were applied to ensure a representative national sample. Given the specificity of nested quotas, no weights have been applied to the final data set. The average margin of error (MoE) is +/-2.8 percent at the 95 percent confidence level; MoE at the subgrouplevel varies by subgroup sample size. Significance testing at the 95 percent confidence level has been
applied to the final data. Statistically significant differences between population subgroups are noted
throughout the presentation (e.g. any reference to “significant differences” has been statistically verified, as have references to groups where support is “highest” or “strongest”). Mobile phone penetration
is estimated at 77% or more across Solomon Islands.11 The response rate was 62 percent. It is estimated(using 2009 census data) that about 47 percent of the population is under 18 years of age. In determining
survey quotas, we calculated 18 to 19-year-olds as 40 percent of the 15 to 19-years-old age group.

11 Telecommunications Commission Solomon Islands, Annual Report, 2019, https://www.tcsi.org.sb/index.php/
library/annual-reports/88-2019-annual-report-low-resolution-version/file.

8

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

Table 1. Survey Sample Distribution
Province

Male
18-29

Male
30-44

Male
45+

Female18-29

Female30-44

Female45+

Total

Malaita

51

44

40

54

45

40

274

Guadalcanal

53

46

35

53

44

29

260

Honiara*

62

49

32

58

50

21

272

Western

30

30

26

30

28

22

166

Other**

49

51

44

51

48

34

277

Total

245

220

177

246

215

146

1249

*Capital Territory** Choiseul, Isabel, Rennell-Bellona, Central, Makira-Ulawa, and Temotu

Each province of Solomon Islands is distinct in terms of culture and geographical spread, giving thequalitative component of the research breadth. Two focus group discussions were conducted in each of
the largest three provinces—one with men and one with women. Adults between the ages of 25 and 40
were invited to participate in groups with the understanding that these respondents would be able tospeak to the views of multiple generations living within the same household—children in their care aswell as older adults they may live with. Each discussion accommodated between 7 and 8 participants.
Focus groups were conducted in a mix of English and Solomon Islands Pidgin, depending on the language preferences of participants. The analysis was conducted on the English language transcripts.
Table 2. Focus Group Discussion Details
Location

GenderNumber of Participants

Date

HoniaraWomen

8

May 25

HoniaraMen

7

May 31

Malaita—Auki

Women

7

May 21

Malaita—AukiMen

7

May 22

Western— Gizo

Women

7

May 26

Western—Gizo

Men

8

May 27

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

9III. Key Research Findings
III.1. The Government’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic is viewed
positively overall, but vaccine hesitancy remains highLarge majorities approve of the government’s measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19, as
they have contributed to keeping the country safe. Nationally, only 15 percent of survey respondents
see COVID-19 as one of the top issues that the government should prioritize. The highest level of concern is in the Western province, particularly among women (28 percent). The province shares a borderwith Papua New Guinea (PNG), a country that registered a surge of COVID-19 cases starting at the endof February 2021. While they acknowledge that government-imposed restrictions—including social distancing, limitations of movement, and closing borders—affected livelihoods and lifestyle, focus group
participants accept these measures and appreciate that the government did a good job in preventing
the spread of COVID-19 in the country. A man from Honiara noted, “for me, the prevention measure putby the government is not unnecessary. I fully support it, but I will not deny that it has affected me. For
instance, some of us who are supposed to go back and continue our studies outside of the country will
not be able to do so because of the restriction of international flights coming in and going out. So yes,it has affected me and my studies.”
Figure 1: “How would you rate the job the government of the Solomon Islands is doing in each of
the following areas related to COVID-19—excellent, good, not so good, or poor?”
Preventing the spread of COVID-19

40%

47%

Educating people about
prevention

37%

51% 9% 2%

Communicating about emergency
measures34%

Communicating about a vaccine

22%

Providing financial assistance21%

Communicating about its
economic stimulus package
Being transparent about how
stimulus funds were spent

Excellent

10

48%

40%

28%

12%

8%

49%

22%

Good

38%

9% 3%

13%

3%

20%

8%

26%

9%

19%

38%

28%

Not so good

Poor

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

Solomon Islanders profess familiarity with most COVID-19 related government measures, although survey respondents are less aware of the COVID-19 relief package, especially those in Honiara and Malaita.
Radio is the main source of information about COVID-19, with 77 percent of survey respondents sayingthat this is where they get most of their news, including information about how to stay healthy andemergency measures put in place to prevent the spread of the virus. Social media (31 percent), healthcare workers (31 percent), and newspapers (24 percent) are also go-to sources on information about the
pandemic. A smaller percentage of survey respondents (17 percent) say that they get their informationfrom family, friends and neighbors.
Figure 2: “I am going to read you a list of things countries have done in response to COVID-19.
After each item I read, please tell me, to your knowledge, whether the government of the Solomon
Islands has taken that action. If you do not know, please say so and we will move on.”
1%

1%

5%

7%

94%

93%

91%

90%

Hygieneeducation

Temporarily closed
schools

Banned publicgatherings

Closed informal
markets

1%

2%

2%

10%

9%

9%

9%

8%

13%
20%

89%

89%

85%

72%

Temporarily
evening curfew

Obtained COVID
vaccineBanned foreigners
from entering SI

Provided financial
assistance

Yes

No

Don't know / Refuse to answer

However, some focus group participants reported dissatisfaction with certain aspects of the government’s COVID-19 policy response. Some participants, especially women, noted that it was difficult toprovide for their families when the markets were closed and they could not sell their produce. Additionally, as access to public buildings was conditioned by wearing face masks, those who could not affordthem were not able to obtain official documents. Finally, a woman in Malaita referred to a government’s
decision in September 2020 when it allowed a repatriation flight from China—where the majority ofthe passengers were Chinese workers, not Solomon Islanders—which reignited tensions between the

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

11

national government and Malaita leaders, culminating with a call for an independence referendum. The
participant noted, “one of my concerns is during the COVID-19 pandemic, there was a measure taken
for foreigners not to enter our country or any other country for that matter. But I have heard of flights
coming into our country with many Chinese people in them. We are putting our country at risk.”
A lack of government transparency and accountability around the COVID-19 economic stimulus package drives calls for more efficient monitoring. In contrast with the strong approval of thegovernment’s anti-COVID-19 health measures, there is near universal agreement that there is a lack oftransparency in government when it comes to communicating about the Economic Stimulus Package(ESP). Survey results show that men in general and Honiara residents in particular are more critical of
the government’s communication about economic stimulus funds. Negative impressions increase withage and are highest among men aged 30 to 44 years, who are the most likely to participate in paid
employment. The same gender and regional trends can be seen with regards to views of governmenttransparency in the distribution of stimulus funds, from the ESP to other funding mechanisms. In focus
groups, complaints about how decisions are made start with the national level and trickle down to theprovincial government, and range from implementing foreign policy and development projects to how
the ESP and the Constituency Development Funds (CDFs) have been allocated.
A widespread lack of awareness about the ESP in particular has led to unrealistic expectations acrossprovinces which, unmet, channel people’s frustration toward the government and those groups or individuals suspected of benefiting unfairly from this program. A key source of confusion is related to
who qualifies to apply for funding and under what conditions. Some focus group participants havebeen under the impression that this funding is intended to keep established companies afloat during
the pandemic, while others anticipated that informal trade, subsistence farming, and fishing activities—sectors that were also hit hard by the pandemic—could register as businesses and apply for support. In other cases, people hoped that they could access this funding as compensation for losing theirjobs or as an entitlement for working essential jobs. As one man from Honiara explained, “I rememberthat month when the stimulus package was announced. A lot of my uncles asked me to help them register their businesses and I can tell not only they were doing this; a lot of people were registering theirbusinesses just to apply for this stimulus package. Even some people living in town claimed they werefarmers doing business in the village. And at that time, I assumed, and my assumption was true, that
there would be confusion to who are the real farmers and who are the fake ones and it ended up like
that, those that really needed it did not receive the package and those frauds are the ones who received
it and misused it.”In the absence of clear qualification criteria and verification mechanisms, research participants wereconcerned that the ESP has opened opportunities for preferential allocation and misuse of money, andcalled on the government to assess allowability of expenditures. In some instances, because participants don’t know of anyone around them receiving ESP, they assume that the money has been channeled to other provinces to the detriment of their own, further solidifying a widespread perception thatthe government has failed to act fairly and transparently about the scope and distribution of ESP. The
discussion among women in the Western province illustrates this aspect:

12

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

“We have heard of it, and see how unfairly these funds are distributed. We expect these ESP funds to reachprovinces that are far away from civilization, to be prioritized, because COVID-19 also affects them in thesense there is no market for them to sell their produce and catch. Take, for example, farmers and fishermen
from Shortland and Choiseul; they are affected when borders are closed, because Bougainville is their market
outlet, so today they are struggling as ships only go there once in every month. If ESP funds are targeted tothese people, I think we all Solomon Islanders will benefit from our government. Only businesses that are
well established are still getting bonuses in the ESP funds, facilitated to them.”“One of my uncles received it, but through our member of Parliament. He did not use this money wisely
and for the intended purpose, he drank with the money, the next day the money was gone. The government
should do research like this to follow up on the recipient, follow up on the progress and how the funds are
utilized. I see an unfair distribution of ESP funds.”

Solomon Islanders have strong views on vaccines—public opinion is sharply divided about accepting the vaccine if available. Participants’ trust in the government to keep the country virus-freedoes not extend to its efforts to vaccinate the population against COVID-19. Despite the government’s
awareness campaign, including the Prime Minister himself taking the vaccine, most say they do notknow enough to make an informed decision, or don’t feel it is justified to get vaccinated as the country
is COVID-19 free. Less than half of Solomon Islanders are willing to get a vaccine when it becomes available. An equal number are not willing to get a vaccine at all, including 34 percent who feel very strongly
about this. Men, particularly men aged 45 years or older, are more willing to vaccinate than their female counterparts, as are residents of smaller provinces. Population groups most resistant to getting
a COVID-19 vaccine include respondents under the age of 45, Malaitan men, Western Province respondents under the age of 45, and current students. Relatively few are on the fence—adults are either “verywilling” or “not willing at all.”Figure 3: “How willing are you to get a COVID-19 vaccine when it is made available in your area? Are
you very willing, somewhat willing, not too willing, or not willing at all?”4%
Very willing
34%

36%

Somewhat willing
Not too willing
Not willing at all
Don't know / Refused to answer

14%

12%

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

13

“I do not trust this information, yet this information is frightening for me”—widespread rumors
drive COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy. Misinformation is prevalent, and many people are still not convinced that it is in their best interest to get vaccinated even if it becomes available. Social media andword of mouth seem equally prolific in spreading misinformation. Rumors about conspiracies andmedical side effects of vaccines are generally constructed around an authority figure—an official orsomeone working in the medical system—and the information is passed through social media or wordof-mouth by wantoks.
Rumors generally mention side effects that lead to serious illness or death. Other stories talk about
somebody taking the vaccine and blood running down their nose, or a nurse who collapsed in hospital
after receiving the vaccine. As a man from Honiara described, fake news spread on social media included
a video allegedly “taken by a government officer from Finance who took the vaccine, he put a coin onto
where the injection was, and the coin stuck to it like a magnet. Just a crazy thought that from the liquidgoing in, then it somehow forms a device or chip, something like that.” Other rumors revolve aroundreligion, especially imagery pertaining to the New Testament’s Book of Revelation, and spread fear thatthe vaccine contains “the mark of the beast” or its number “666.” Although biblical scholars maintain thatthe “beast” was a reference to first-century Roman Emperors who persecuted Christians, the metaphor
has been used throughout history, in times of crises or new phenomena; its resurfacing in relation to the
COVID-19 vaccine is the latest example of such misunderstanding.
Discussion among Honiara men:

“What I heard on the radio yesterday, Seventh Day-Adventist church decided they will not take this vaccine
based on their religious belief saying it is a form of 666.”“Members in my house also say that it is form of 666. So, I questioned them saying if this was a vaccine for
Malaria, would you also say that it is 666? It is kind of funny to me, I am not criticizing their belief but, in asense, that it is just another virus gone wrong. But I respect their belief, so for me, I will not force my way to
get the vaccine. I know it is there, but if they were to hand it to me personally for good reasons, I will take it.
All vaccines have side effects, one is because our immune system is not able to withstand the vaccine, and a
lot of us has already taken this vaccine and no one has died from it yet, I do not see it as a big deal.”

Even when conspiracies like this are not believed, others based on pseudo-scientific reasoning can sway
Solomon Islanders. In Malaita, for example, a man explained, “I will not take the vaccine because as a
Christian I believe that it will not enter into our country, even if we do have a case, I believe that thevirus will not survive our weather, we have some cases from our students studying abroad, but as soon
as they entered into our country, the virus was not stable, negative, positive and then negative again.”
Despite saying that they don’t trust these rumor sources, some focus group participants remain concerned about the potential negative side effects of the vaccine that they predict will happen. These con-

14

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

cerns—however exaggerated or irrational—need to be addressed in order to effectively reduce vaccine
hesitancy. There is a need for a comprehensive awareness campaign using clear messages and credible
spokespersons, such as WHO representatives, the Ministry of Health, and medical personnel, to provide
information and reassurance. However, medical explanations will not convince those who hold strong
religious beliefs that the vaccine is harmful. Religious leaders—some of the most trusted individuals in
the country—need to dismiss rumors and endorse pro-vaccination messages, including by personal example. Those focus group participants who have taken or are planning to take the vaccine say that they
are doing so to protect their families or to be able to work.

III.2. Public services improve, but economic concerns drive pessimistic
views about direction of the country
Access to public services is seen as satisfactory in the context of the pandemic. This is driven mainly
by respondents in the capital, Honiara. Solomon Islanders living outside the capital, and respondents
aged 45 years or older, have significantly more pessimistic views of access to services. In terms of positive perceptions, the national government is seen as performing well when it comes to ensuring accessto public services such as free healthcare and education, as well as improving key infrastructure. As awoman from the Western Province noted in a focus group, “the government keeps the law and order,
peaceful, supports us in school, builds schools, clinics.”
Figure 4: “Now I am going to read you a list of issues facing the Solomon Islands. Please tell me if
you think the issue is getting better or worse in the Solomon Islands.”
Access to schooling

-44%

47%

Access to basic services –electricity, water

-44%

43%

Access to healthcare-51%

Availability of affordable,
safe housing

-54%

40%
30%

-61%

Over-development

23%

-81%

13%

Cost of living

-86%

9%

Land, land disputes

-86%

7%

Violence against women and girls

Unemployment

-91%

6%

Corruption

-93%

3%

-100%

-50%
Worse

0%

50%

100%

BetterSolomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

15

However, people surveyed outside the capital, especially men from Malaita (29 percent), demand moredevelopment. Frustrations with the lack of development are illustrated by a man who complained in
his focus group: “millions of dollars have [been] poured into the Ministry of Infrastructure and Development. Look at the roads here in Auki town, which have never been repaired for so long now, and it is[rough] like driving inside an open sea. And, for example, my uncle, he’s been working for the government for the last 40 years.”
Unemployment and the increased cost of living drive pessimism in the future of the country. Solomon Islanders across provinces and socio-demographic groups call on the government to address thelack of paid work opportunities and the cost of everyday life. Demands for paid work opportunities arehighest in the capital, Honiara. Men and those over 45 years old are significantly more concerned about
the cost of living.
Figure 5: “What are the TWO most important issues or problems facing the Solomon Islands today
you would like government to address?” [OPEN-ENDED]
36%

Unemployment/Lack of paid work
Cost of living

27%

Corruption

26%

Development

16%

COVID-19

15%
13%

Education, schooling
Health care, being able to accessand afford services

10%

Violence against women and girls

9%

Alcohol and drugs

9%Land, land disputes

6%

Economy/Financial Crisis

6%
0%

40%

80%

*Only responses garnering > 5% are shown

Similarly, across focus groups, participants discussed deep-seated economic concerns as well as a culture ofcorruption that seems to pervade all levels of society and public life. According to participants, a rapid population growth over the past decade has further stressed limited community resources and job opportunities, especially for younger adults. As a result, the country’s public service and a modest-size private sector

16

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

are unable to absorb the ever-growing demand for jobs from new graduates and more mature citizens alike.
This problem is compounded by costs of housing, food, and school fees, which pushes people to undertake
desperate measures such as moving in with their relatives, taking children out of school, or paying bribes
to get a job. Strains are evident with regards to increasing food scarcity and overcrowding in villages. Focus
group participants also explained how their inability to get paid work has ramifications in every aspect ofpeople’s lives, and impacts their views on a range of issues, from their views on the direction of the country
to their trust in government to perceptions of other socio-demographic groups and foreign influence.
Figure 6: “Overall, do you think things in the Solomon Islands are going in the right direction or do
you think things are going in the wrong direction?”
100%

73%

66%

68%

50%

18%
0%

Total
Right Direction

65%

61%

17%

17%

17%

19%

Malaita

Guadalcanal

HoniaraWestern

61%

21%
Other

Wrong Direction

Solomon Islands, like many countries in the region, has also felt the worsening impacts of COVID-19 on
the local economy. Despite an absence of cases in Solomon Islands since mid-April 2021, border closuresand emergency measures intended to prevent its spread have deepened economic distress. Shipping
routes and border closures have heavily disrupted trade, particularly in areas of the Western provincethat share a border with Bougainville, as well as tourism in the region. But while COVID-19 may haveaffected people’s livelihoods, the pandemic has aggravated rather than created hardships in Solomon
Islands. Outside of the Western province, relatively few participants mention the role of COVID-19 incontributing to or worsening their economic situation. Solomon Islanders speak of present and ongoing financial hardships that have worsened over time, stemming from a lack of development—including
infrastructure necessary to bring products to market or improve trade—and paid work opportunities,
particularly in rural areas, rather than the virus itself.
This research not only shows a high level of reliance on the government to provide jobs, but also that people often feel locked out of opportunities to obtain employment on foreign investment projects in sectors
like infrastructure and natural resource extraction, because investors tend to hire foreign workers to complete projects. The influx of foreign workers has ripple effects in society—from driving up prices of housing
and goods to triggering tensions through behavior seen as disrespectful to the local community. Not only
newcomers are seen negatively; businesses owned by members of the local Chinese community—someSolomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

17

of whom have been living in the country for decades—are seen as becoming stronger by expanding into
economic sectors traditionally supplied by Solomon Islanders and taking over prime real estate.

III. 3. Corruption is perceived as getting worse, but there is support for
anti-corruption efforts
Upwards of roughly nine in ten survey respondents across demographic and geographic subgroups
believe corruption has gotten worse in the Solomon Islands, and concerns are significantly higher
in Guadalcanal and Honiara. Corruption—defined as bribery or a misuse of public funds—is viewed aspervasive and affecting every area of public life, but views are split when it comes to the origins of corruption. Some focus group participants say that corruption starts at the bottom, and it is everyone’s
responsibility to fight it, while for others, corruption starts at the top with the country’s political elite,
and trickles down to all levels of government and in all places where influence can be sold for an advantage. Individuals worry that a lack of accountability and checks and balances in governance systems isundermining their democracy. They argue that at its highest levels, corruption impedes the will of thepeople and the ability of the government to make decisions in the best interests of its citizens. Views ofcorruption are also gendered, speaking to men and women’s traditional social roles in Solomon Islands.
Figure 7: “Now I am going to read you a list of different industries and areas of public life in the
Solomon Islands. Please tell me how concerned you are about corruption in each sector I read—very concerned, somewhat concerned, a little bit concerned, or not at all concerned...”Constituency Development Funds

76%

16%

Parliament

74%

17%

Forestry/ logging

72%

17%

Government Ministries

69%

22%

Public infrastructure projects

67%

23%

Agriculture

66%

22%

Law enforcement

65%

25%

Ward Development Committees

65%

24%

Provincial government

63%

26%

Foreign aid and investments

63%

24%

Mining and resources

62%

22%

Fisheries

61%

24%

Very concerned
18

Somewhat concerned

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

The qualitative research shows that the political elite is viewed as manipulating the system and taking
advantage of leadership positions to serve their own interests and those who support them. Someparticipants say that big political corruption stems from politicians’ greed and lack of integrity, as a
man from Honiara pointed out: “when we speak of [corruption related to] funding, not only our national government, but other organizations, ministries, or offices that make up our government are toblame.” Corruption seems to embed all aspects of public life—across industry sectors, levels of government, and village life. Participants acFigure 8: “How would you rate the job the government ofknowledge a certain social tolerance

the Solomon Islands is doing fighting corruption?”to “small corruption” and a discrepancy between professed Christian values

3%and the everyday behavior of some individuals, but say that it is the govern-

17%

48%

ment that brought people into a state
Excellentof disempowerment so they do what-Good

ever they need to in order to feed theirNot so goodfamilies. Some participants seemedPoor

resigned to corruption in public life,

32%

whose structural and cultural roots
seem too deep to address, and describe
the phenomenon as being intrinsic tosocial and political interactions for as
long as they can remember. However,while some say that corruption is “bigger than us” and hard to take on, many across the different focus
groups admit that society at large should be blamed for enabling and benefiting from such practices.
Finally, some participants—men and women—show a distinct sense of agency and consider that it iseveryone’s responsibility to address it.
Though points of consensus exist, there are also observable gender differences in how men and womenview corruption. Men in this research tend to focus on big, political corruption, which they see as themain obstacle holding back the country. A few participants consider that some international partners—
namely China—are exploiting the weaknesses of the government for their own interests; but even so,
national politicians should take responsibility to protect their country’s interests. In contrast, womenparticipants seem more sensitive to “small,” everyday corruption that happens in schools, in the workplace, in hospitals, and at the marketplace, where people “bribe” each other. This suggests that men may
be more preoccupied by high-level politics and women are more aware of issues in sectors with which
they interact directly, such as education, healthcare, or informal trade, as part of their caretaker roles. A
discussion among the women in Honiara illustrates this point:“… we are born with corruption. Corruption is practiced by everyone, starting from our home, our communities, provincial level and to the national level. But the scariest one is corruption when it involves money,
and nation, people.”

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

19

“…we all know the wantok system, whether a child is performing well or not so well in school, when you
have somebody in that system it is a free ticket for them, easy access to obtain scholarship to further study.”“... for example, our hospital, if you wanted to access a quick service you would go through a relative, wantok
or a friend. And another example is our public transportation, our buses. The Ministry of Infrastructure andDevelopment (MID) passes all our transport whether private or public. But some of our public transports
are paid to be passed even though they do not meet the requirements, that is why some of our public buses
look old, seats are broken, and you can tell that it is old by the sound of their engines.”

Regardless of gender, participants feel citizens should do more about corruption, so that the next generation can have a better future in Solomon Islands. Women in particular talk about their role in changing the situation by educating their kids so that they grow up “straight,” following the right values.
Constituency Development Funds (CDFs)—“they only support their voters and not the constituency.”
Population groups most likely to be “very concerned” about corruption in CDFs include men aged 45 years
or older (84 percent) and Honiara residents aged 45 years or older (83 percent); additionally, participants
describing themselves as “very concerned” about corruption related to the allocation of CDFs increase witheducational attainment: less than primary school (64 percent), primary school (71 percent), secondary
school (75 percent), technical or college education (85 percent), university and higher (83 percent).
Solomon Islands’ CDF system is one of the largest in the world and has been criticized for being used asa way to maintain incumbents in power. While there is some recognition of MPs contributing to projects that serve the entire community, such as local transportation, housing, and roads, participants
are largely concerned with a lack of fairness and transparency when it comes to how these funds areallocated and spent. Seen as a blaring example of corruption in government, participants believe thesefunds are spent almost exclusively on candidates’ election supporters rather than all constituents.
Additionally, focus groups participants complain that only a small portion of funding actually reaches
the intended beneficiaries. They share stories of MPs using the funds to purchase assets for their own
use, such as boats and houses. Also, some MPs are only to be seen in their constituencies around elections—sometimes starting ambitious projects that are never finished—in an effort to obtain votes. In
fact, across focus groups, participants mentioned that MPs distribute financial aid, solar panels, andcopper to their supporters or church in exchange for votes. There is little public awareness of how thesefunds should be distributed. Beyond accusations of corruption, people worry their voices are not heardby elected officials (MPs) who fail to engage with local communities and represent their interests in the
country’s highest decision-making bodies.

“I do not know of other constituencies, but our member has provided houses under the housing scheme. I
do not want to sound rude but he is a new member, this is his first term, and once you get caught up in thesystem then there is no going back, as the saying goes. They are also doing maintenance for our roads, so far,20

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

he is doing well. But—there is always a ‘but’—this housing scheme is only given to his voters, I do not knowwhat the problem is, maybe the funding is not enough for the total population and resulting from this there
have been complaints made. So, the positive side is he used it on the right things, but on the other hand the
distribution is not fair. And it is evident because if we visit his village, all houses built are permanent, andin other villages only two or three houses are permanent and the rest semi-permanent. And another rumor
spreading in our constituency is that not the full funding of the housing scheme is spent, only a quarter of
it and the rest he used it for his personal assets, namely purchasing a bus. To add on, my mothers’ side, theMP only uses these funding’s when it is close to elections. Before his term ends, he uses the housing scheme
to draw people for his number of voters to increase, this is bribery.”—man from Honiara

Confidence in government is tenuous, but some hesitate to voice their discontent. Eleven percent
of survey respondents say they trust government ministries “a lot” and 37 percent “trust some,” while alarge majority do not trust the Parliament to act in their best interests. Respondents profess familiarity with Ward Development Committees, but opinions of these committees are split down the middle.
Freedom of expression and other democratic values are held in high regard by Solomon Islanders, but
not all feel they can speak their mind freely and publicly about issues that concern them the most. While
many say that they feel free to criticize the government’s performance and lack of progress on addressing corruption, as these are concerns largely shared by those around them, others express concernsthat speak to the heart of civic engagement and participatory democracy. Some worry about reprisals
in voicing their concerns and would prefer to do so in safe, organized settings, such as with a CSO orwithin a personal network.
Figure 9: “I am going to read you a list of institutions and individuals in the Solomon Islands… I
would like you to tell me how much you trust each to make decisions about the Solomon Islands
that are in the best interests of Solomon Islanders like you.” [Government ministries]
Total: Government Ministries

11%

37%

27%

22%

Malaita

12%

38%

26%

23%

Guadalcanal

12%

HoniaraWestern

Other

7%

34%

33%

15%

12%

Trust a lot

26%

25%

32%

27%

43%

40%

Trust someSolomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

27%

14%

26%

19%

Not too much

Not at all21

“[W]hen wanting to express or give our concerns to the National or provincial government […]it will not be
us facing the government, but through procedure, it will be an NGO facing the government on our behalf.
So, to protect us from the fear of getting arrested or offending the government in a way, one must know theright place to address these issues so we can channel these complaints to the government. And, as women,
we must keep our reputation as a mother and a good citizen of Solomon Islands.”— Woman from Malaita

Participants also admit that they sometimes mute their criticism against the government out of fear of
facing legal consequences or losing their jobs, even for the most benign negative comments made in theworkplace or on social media. A man from Honiara shared his experience: “I came across this kind of situation last year; just a post I made on Facebook and it turned out the police came to my house for questioning. We have the freedom to speak, but the only problem is the government knows they have the power
and they can manipulate the system.” In general, participants also worry that public servants, including
law enforcement and whistleblowers, are constrained from speaking out against the government forfear of personal reprisal, which dissuades officials from engaging with anti-corruption measures.
Additionally, reticence to speak up can stem from a fear of a backlash from members of the extended
family who might benefit directly from corruption, including illegitimate access to public services orresources. A woman from Honiara noted, “[the] wantok system especially in the government [is an issue]
because we are indulged by this system. We cannot correct it. If you want to raise something, but he or
she is your wantok, then you are afraid to raise concerns to responsible authorities, because he is yourrelative and he will kill you or hate you for doing so.”Finally, a paternalistic culture and a certain reverence to hierarchy, and a sense that one might not havethe right or the skills to adequately question the government, led some participants to soften criticism
toward their leaders. The government—while it may be corrupt and untrustworthy—is still viewed as a“father” or “a shield” for the nation. A man from Malaita explained, “A house with a family consists of a father, a mother and children, and with the absence of the father, then who will look after the family? Andto our country, who will look after us, the citizens, who will sustain our services to help us? But, I will not
disagree with what [another participant] said—yes our government is corrupt, but despite corruption
we still see the government as our decision maker.”
Strong institutions, independent monitoring, and civic education are needed to effectively fightcorruption. A lack of public policy awareness shows that more work is needed in the context of government transparency and accountability. For instance, focus group discussions revealed that themanner in which natural resources are managed is seen as opaque and detrimental to the interestsof Solomon Islanders who, in participants’ views, are often left with little monetary benefits and a destroyed environment.

22

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

“Not only does funding have the issue with transparency, our policies are also not transparent. Why I say thisis because our country’s policies are made to govern our country and the citizens. Just a thought… Maybe ifthey were to make a new policy, they should consult a public body, not only in the capital Honiara but also
other members from the provinces to comment and agree on the policy intended to be made. Because if a
policy is to be made that would affect the people, then the people too should have a say in this.”— Man from Honiara

Solomon Islanders speak to some measures instituted to address corruption, including the Anti-Corruption Bill, but describe these measures as in their infancy or as having had little to no effect to date. Some
describe the Anti-Corruption Bill as having not been passed yet, which in their view indicates a lack of political will to address the issue. Some participants in Honiara and the Western Province also mention the
newly created Independent Commission Against Corruption. There is some question, however, as to how
independent and, therefore, effective the commission will be in investigating leaders for wrong-doing orwhether politicians will bend the rules to their own benefit. Men in the Honiara focus group also show faFigure 10: “Who would you trust MOST to monitor government and industries, like logging andfisheries, for corruption or the misuse of public funds?”
18%

Citizens
16%

Religious groups
14%

International NGOs
9%

Parliament
Civil society organizations

8%

Police8%

Courts5%UN

5%Foreign governments

5%
4%

All

6%

None
3%

Don't know
0%Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

20%

23

miliarity with and praise the work of the JANUS Task Force, a joint task force between the Royal Solomon
Islands Police and the Ministry of Finance and Treasury, in monitoring corruption and bringing high-level
officials to justice. Similarly, there is a mix of resignation with the state of affairs, but also calls for more
integrity in public office and responsiveness to people’s demands. Nevertheless, a strong vein of distrustand disappointment with the government runs through group discussions in relation to perceptions ofa lack of transparency and corruption in government, as well as a failure to invest in local communities.
Although there is some recognition that citizens have enabled a corrupt political system, participants
across groups feel it is their personal responsibility to “straighten” the country, which aligns with thegeneral affinity Solomon Islanders have with democratic values, particularly around the role the public can play to ensure good governance. This sense of agency should be harnessed and supported bycreating opportunities for citizens to engage with the government and anti-corruption institutions,
including by increasing public awareness of the mandate of the anti-corruption commission, JANUS,
the Ombudsman, and law enforcement institutions. Additionally, establishing mechanisms for citizens
to report acts of corruption anonymously and without fear of retribution from the state would create an
avenue for effective government oversight. With adequate support, elders, religious leaders, civil society organizations, and an independent media can also act as watchdogs for all levels of the government.

III.4. Confidence in religious leaders and civil society is high, but
economic concerns threaten the social fabricAlmost unanimous trust in religious leaders and high confidence in CSOs’ ability to deliver at thegrassroots level drive wide support. Confronted by a lack of government investment in local communities and/or an inability to address their most pressing concerns, focus group participants reported
turning inwards—relying on themselves, their families, and local communities (other villagers, tribal
leaders, and church groups) to address issues facing families, with some help from CSOs. Local and international non-governmental organizations play an important role in local communities, stepping into provide services in the absence of government interventions.
CSOs are generally trusted for their long-term engagement and respected for their efforts across a
range of sectors: providing humanitarian assistance; convening the community around different issues;collecting people’s grievances; serving as a conduit between citizens and government; and advocating
to the government on policy issues and fighting corruption. Assistance to marginalized populations,
including children in need, people with disabilities, victims of domestic violence, and at-risk youth, areareas where CSOs have been successful and built a strong reputation. Among humanitarian international organizations, the Red Cross, Save the Children, and World Vision are the most well-known. Thereis a demand for an increased presence of CSOs on the ground, more awareness, and more sustainablefunding, as this discussion among men in Honiara shows:“Red Cross (…) have done many good things in terms of helping the disabilities, taking in those who cannot
live the normal life at home, teach them to be literate and many more but then on the other hand there is a24

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

weakness I have seen in this organization, and that is lack of awareness around the country. Some families
and especially the parents of the family are illiterate and have many excuses when it comes to taking thedisable to the Red Cross. Like in my community I can count that there is three people with disability living
amongst us, and every time we tell the parents to take them to Red Cross there will always be an excuse ofthem having not enough time to take them to Red Cross or afraid that Red Cross will not know how to keepthem and I think this is because they are not well educated or not aware of how Red Cross operates. So, tothis I think that the Red Cross should do more awareness in communities, near and far. Why I am addressing
this is because in my house we have one disable and whenever we try to convince our mother to take thischild to the Red Cross, she will reply saying that Red Cross will not know how to look after her, or treat her
and it is best he stays at home because members of house know how to take care of him. So, for the Red Cross
to do more awareness is a must.”“… awareness is a powerful tool especially when wanting to pass actual information to the public. Because
sometimes there is an issue, the only problem is people or individuals will not know what the issue is or what
is going on, so this leads to people just living clueless in the communities. So, that is why I say awareness is agood tool to educate people and especially the illiterate.”“World Vision has done a lot of great things in our country, for their targeted areas, though in my community I
have not seen any of their work, but that is not the point. They have dealt and supported humanitarian issues
like disaster, people with disability, and many more. One good example is, recently they funded a programthat I attended, they did disaster training and put together response plans for communities to know what to
do if there are any natural disasters. It is indeed a good idea, but one problem I see is that, after some time ifthese training sessions are not done regularly, people will tend to forget what has been taught. That is why
they need to put a plan to do visits to the communities every once a month just to remind them again.”

In Malaita, in particular, women volunteer past examples of large, international NGOs that have operated in their communities in discussions around community service organizations, rather than citing thework of locally run charities. Save the Children and World Vision were mentioned as having been activein these communities post-RAMSI under the auspices of the UNDP and World Bank, in addition to the
Red Cross. While many say that international organizations are demonstrating significant, palpable results on the ground, sustainability is an issue for time-bound projects; when these organizations finish
their budgets, activities stop, beneficiaries go idle, and good practices, such as maintaining preparedness for disasters, are forgotten.
Church groups and community-based organizations, such as Family Support Organization (Western province) and Safe Place Honiara, are held in high regard for their direct assistance to those who need it most. A
woman from Honiara said, “Safe Place is where families or women who have experienced domestic violence
at home, can go and seek help, it is where they seek refuge from their partner. A lot of women in my community are safe from their husbands because of this place. The only negative side is some women are still afraid
to go there, because they do not want to be judged by society, or the culture barrier that men are superior,
but this can be stopped if awareness and society stop judging women that seek help from these places.”

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic25

A portion of participants call for independent, third-party organizations, including civil society or religious organizations, to monitor corruption in government and hold guilty parties accountable. At leasta few participants in every group mentioned Transparency Solomon Islands (TSI) as the leading civilsociety organization working to hold the government of Solomon Islands accountable. TSI is seen as
being instrumental in shedding light on government corruption. TSI benefits from broad name recognition and credibility, but a few participants are disappointed that TSI can’t solve corruption cases or thatappropriate institutions don’t act on its findings. A woman in Honiara stressed: “[TSI] is a watchdog for
Solomon Islands, they represent us, Solomon Islands, carry our voices, come down to grass root level. As
we can see on the talkback show TTV Solomon Island, they create a platform where the voices of citizens
are being heard. But yet all these have to reach people that are implementing actions especially on thenational level, including the opposition, the backbenchers they are the one to overturn plans, they are
the ones representing us all 50 constituencies. Therefore, for TSI, I have so much trust and confidence
that it plays a good role for us citizens.”
Despite overall positive impressions of CSOs, some don’t grasp the importance and impact of advocacy-focused organizations, preferring instead that they deliver services. A few participants also raised
concerns that the CSOs’ agendas clash with more conservative, traditional gender norms. As one manfrom Honiara said, “One [organization] I have come across is Save the Children. They go around communities doing awareness and advocacy on teenage pregnancy, alcohol and drug abuse and support
disability children etc., but on the other hand, one of the negative sides is when they introduce condoms
in communities and try to show how to use one. It is not a bad thing but as a country whose cultures arestill maintained, it may be offensive or break some cultural beliefs.”
Solomon Islanders praise diversity and harmony, but competition for resources and changing social behaviors threaten the social fabric. Solomon Islands’ economic and development needs are asdiverse as they are pressing, and there is broad understanding that foreign investment should be an
avenue for the government to receive revenue that can be used to address unmet economic and social
needs and ultimately improve people’s lives. Focus group participants identify, however, a host of issues related to how some projects are allocated and implemented, and how revenue is then distributed
across geographies and demographic groups.
First, there is concern about a lack of transparency and consultation when making decisions on large
infrastructure projects, such as the Honiara stadium. These projects are seen as expensive, not alignedwith the people’s priorities, and potentially requiring expensive maintenance in the future. Additionally,
revenues from tuna, timber, and other exports benefit Solomon Islanders comparatively little to theinternational holding companies and overseas entities that own or are involved in their production. At
the same time, the impact of foreign investment projects on communities and the environment drives
tensions, as local communities feel taken advantage of.
Some projects are largely seen as disrespecting local laws, people, and nature. In particular, the logging
industry is highlighted as an example where the investors’ carelessness and the government’s corruption meet, angering locals who complain that “deforestation caused by logging and mining are caus-

26

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

ing floods, spoiling rivers and the ground itself for gardening. These are the areas and issues which ourgovernment should be protecting, our land and trees. But because of the under-the-table deals withloggers, our government has turned a blind eye to this issue.” Some complain specifically about logging companies harvesting protected species or under-reporting the volume of harvested trees to avoid
paying tax on the full quantity, corrupt practices for which they blame the government and the foreign
investors alike.
Some participants are also concerned about the ramifications of foreign investors’ increased encroachment on the country’s economy, as a man in Honiara said, “they have cut our trees and now they want to
dig our grounds; maybe after that they will do sea mining.” Sexual harassment, marrying young girls for
citizenship, or enabling a market for prostitution are additional side effects of a little regulated industry
that fuel tension between foreign companies and the local population.
Discussion among women in the Western province:“Hospitality of people of Western Province, when foreigners visit, we make friends with them easily which
is a good thing, but we do not know… A few foreigners have a different mindset toward us, they want to set
up businesses. For example, Chinese people marry our girls, so they can have some kind of privilege to set up
business, this is all because of our hospitality and friendliness.”“We have plenty of resorts that are owned by foreigners as well, they are interested in our islands.”

Complaints of unfairness in the distribution of foreign investment revenue were present across groups;
participants expressed suspicions of inequity stemming from misconduct in the national and local government alike. A man from Honiara explained: “when it comes to sharing, the landowners get just asmall portion of the share, the rest goes to the government. I do not see any reason why the government should get the big share, it is not government land, it is customary land. But, then again, thelandowners too are corrupt, only the person signing the agreement will benefit from the share, the rest
are brushed aside.”
Additionally, because people see little benefits in their communities, they assume that other provinces
are receiving more than their fair share. For instance, participants from the Western Province think that
Guadalcanal benefits more from foreign investments while “only leftovers reach us provinces.”
Broken trust between the government and citizens and increased economic difficulties can lead to a lossof confidence in the political system and can affect the social environment, fostering conflict between
citizens and the political elite. As the government fails to deliver on everyday needs, people withdraw
from the social contract and turn in-group for support when they need it. A sense of unfair distributionof resources can create tension not only between citizens and their government, but also between provinces, within the community, and in the family.

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

27

Across provinces and by gender, the wantok system is seen ambivalently. On the surface there is appreciation for this informal reciprocity system that can be an effective safety net in the absence of appropriate protection measures provided by the government. But increased economic pressure is putting
this traditional system to the test both at the family and society level. For instance, members of theextended family expecting support from a relative who has a stable income may be seen as having little
regard to the hardship they might cause the family unit by putting strain on housing, access to food,and ability to pay for children’s education. A discussion between Honiara men highlights these pressure
points, as shown below.

“One of Solomon Islands’ bad and common practices (…) is living with extended families. It is also part ofour culture, but then, on the other hand, it also does not let a family grow in wealth, standard of living andopportunity.”“… yes, it becomes a burden to the family when extended families are living with you because they will rely,
depend and survive under you as an employed worker.”“… with this fast-growing population, we have limited space for everyone to live in our village. The numberof people is bigger than the space in our village, so we live crowded.”

Wantok is seen as even more detrimental when linked to politics, because leaders feel obliged to support
their wantoks, in exchange for votes and support to maintain power.
Women and youth are experiencing increased vulnerability. The research uncovers particular ways
in which women and youth are disproportionately affected by the nexus of poverty, violence, and crime.
In the context of discussing corruption, some participants adopt a broad definition of the term and explain how moral values are declining in today’s Solomon Islands society, against a backdrop of increased
poverty and a lack of role models of ethical behavior. Participants of both genders are concerned about
the future of the young generation. Increased school fees and the lack of a protection system to keep
children in school if families go through social or economic hardship leads to increased drop-out rates.
Additionally, even after graduating, youth have few prospects to get a job, and might turn to using
drugs or engaging in criminal activity.
To prevent further social decline, some participants speak of the need to educate—read “discipline”—
women and youth to get them to conform with social norms. A woman from Malaita explained: “onecorruption that can disturb our community is drinking; teenagers nowadays in my community do nothave respect for the elders, when they drink alcohol, they get into fights and shoot church buildings.
And smoking marijuana in the village is not an issue, because all young boys are practicing this. Because
in our village we have a police officer, instead to be a role model to the community, the police show bad
examples for the youths, instead for him to act as a leader in the community, he shows bad example, thatuniform is to be respected and looked up to, but he is the one drinking and shouting in our community.”

28

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 PandemicFigure 11: “Now I am going to read you a list of issues facing the Solomon Islands. Please tell me if
you think the issue is getting better or worse in the Solomon Islands.” [Violence against womenand girls]
-81%

Total

13%
18%

-77%

Malaita
Guadalcanal

-82%

12%

Honiara-84%

10%

Western

-83%

15%

Other

-80%

12%

Female

-83%

12%
14%

-79%

Male

-50%

-100%
Worse

0%

50%

100%

Better

While participants are concerned about boys joining gangs to escape poverty, youth from both genders
are vulnerable to turning to prostitution to support their families. According to one man participant from
Malaita: “Here in Auki some females turn to prostitution for money, or rely on sex for money, not only in
Malaita Auki, but I know all our provinces including our central Honiara have this issue. The age groupmost affected are young teenagers both girls and boys, and this issue also includes the use of drugs.” Inparticular, participants in the Malaita and Western Province focus groups expressed concerns with regards
to women being forced into marriage or prostitution with foreign workers working in the logging sector.
The research also finds that there is a clash between more progressive and more conservative Solomon
Islanders, who lament that some CSOs and increased access to technology, especially social media, promote “Western,” liberal values and behaviors. This is compounded by the stress that some men feel toprovide for their families—and their increased demands—in the context of difficulties to find paid work.
Evolving social gender roles and women’s aspirations for more rights and freedoms are also viewed by a
few men as being in contradiction with local traditions.

“[I am] coming from a strong cultural background, and I know that each province has their own. Some CSOs
advocate women’s rights, which contradicts our culture of how women should be seen. I am not saying it isa bad thing, but this women’s right is making women take advantage of who they are. For example, where I
come from, girls are not allowed to consume alcohol within the village area, but if this is seen, our boys haveto take into action by having the responsibility to teach them, and by teach, I mean smack them. For us it

Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

29

is alright, but for a CSO this is wrong or illegal. And this suffocates our cultural norms or beliefs which intherefore will be taught and understood by younger generations and our custom will be lost.”— Man from Malaita

In contrast, a woman from the Western province noted, “family violence or domestic violence is also a
problem in Solomon Island today, many women and children are victims of this act, and it is sad to see
this in our communities.”

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Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

IV. Recommendations
Recommendations for the international community. To increase stability and resilience against internal and external pressures, international actors can prioritize projects that lead to increasing the
integrity and the performance of the public sector, and diminish internal socio-economic disparities
among geographies and ethnicities. To avoid exacerbating geopolitical and pandemic-induced insecurities and conflict dynamics, international partners can conduct a conflict-sensitivity assessment of current and future technical and financial assistance.

•

Support inclusive and effective governance by encouraging constructive national/subnational government dialogue and cooperation on adopting job-creating measures and strengthening
good practices of natural resources management. Leverage trust in the judicial system and law
enforcement institutions, as well as the strong public demand to curb corruption, to support programs that strengthen rule of law, including technical and financial assistance to the anti-corruption commission. As the pandemic has exacerbated debt distress levels globally, parliaments havebeen sidelined during loan approval processes and loans have been disbursed with inadequate anti-corruption provisions.

•Support inclusion of Solomon Islands in the Open Government Partnership (OGP). OGP isa unique partnership of governments and civil society organizations that promotes accountable,
responsive, and inclusive governance. To qualify for membership, the Solomon Islands Government would have to reform or implement specific accountability and transparency mechanisms
around transparency, access to information legislation, public officials’ asset disclosure and citizen
engagement.

•

Build on the strong trust in religious leaders and civil society to increase democratic resilience, by improving citizens’ understanding of the role of the civil society in overseeing the government and the independent media in investigative reporting. Support and strengthen the capacity of civil society to conduct research and analysis on the use of public resources, advocate fortransparency and accountability measures, and inform and support government accountability
and reform efforts.

•

Support programs to address violence against women and girls and other marginalizedgroups that have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Interventions should be
multi-pronged in order to address immediate protection needs for victims, such as providing
shelters and legal clinics, as well as strengthening advocacy efforts and addressing the effects ofharmful masculinity, which perpetuate a culture of discrimination and gender-based violence. This
multi-pronged approach is necessary for women to fully participate as equal citizens in all aspects
of private and public life, without fear of violence and exclusion.

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Recommendations for the national and subnational governments. The government is responsible for driving efficient and inclusive development, and ensuring resources are distributed fairly acrossprovinces to build trust and consolidate national identity. All institutions should provide equitable governance and improve social cohesion by engaging the furthest behind through participatory and inclusive decision making.

•

Implement policies and programs that create jobs for Solomon Islanders first and facilitate equitable development and service provision across provinces. Steps to take in this direction include
prioritizing job creation and upskilling the local workforce in foreign investment contracts, as wellas engaging local governments to implement better-informed and enhanced service provision. A
review of school curricula to align with market needs and increase the employment rates of young
people can complement these efforts.

•

Address corruption concerns by increasing transparency and implementing integrity measures in the use of pandemic relief (including the Economic Stimulus Package and vaccine acquisition), as well as topics such as the foreign debt, infrastructure and natural resources extraction contracts, and procedures for the next general elections. Support the independence and efficacy of the
new anti-corruption agency and increase transparency in public contracting. This includes the timely
publication of contract-related data in an open format and their publication in centralized platforms,
as well as designing explicit rules and protocols for emergencies and ensuring they are enforced. It
is also crucial to adequately document public contracting procedures during the crisis and beyond.

•

Increase trust in leaders and institutions, and engage local governments and legislaturesin decision making and implementation. Legislatures are critical for ensuring that policy making
reflects public needs, while local governments’ responsibility for service delivery makes them essential players in policy decisions. Rebuilding the social contract between state and citizens after
it has been disrupted by the pandemic and exploited by violent groups is also key to strengtheningsocial cohesion and preventing renewed violence. Finally, revisiting CDF policies to avoid perpetuating divisive and clientelist practices that maintain the population in a state of dependency on
handouts from their MPs should be a priority.

•

Create safe avenues for the public to report corruption anonymously as part of broader
government initiatives to prevent and address cases of corruption. This includes protecting thefreedom of expression in public, especially in online settings, to allow the public to serve as an additional layer of oversight without fear of retribution.

•

Strengthen information integrity through effective communication to reduce vaccine hesitancy due to misinformation. Support efforts to counter misinformation through inclusive and evidence-based trust building and communications strategies. Assistance and vaccine distribution
should be structured to support social cohesion by reintroducing a constructive, community-levelstate presence in combination with strong elements of civil society oversight and citizen feedback
to activate the social contract.

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Solomon Islands’ Road to Recovery from the COVID-19 Pandemic

Recommendations for civil society. Ensuring that government actually works for the public good requires informed, organized, active and peaceful citizen participation. Citizens must, therefore, understand ideas about citizenship, politics and government. They need knowledge to make decisions about
policy choices and the proper use of authority, along with the skills to voice their concerns, act collectively and hold public officials. CSOs are a vehicle through which citizens can aggregate their interests,
voice their preference and exercise the power necessary to affect sustained change. However, this requires that CSOs learn to work together and play a variety of complementary political roles that include
acting as watchdogs, advocates, mobilizers, educators, researchers, infomediaries, and policy analysts.

•

Protect civic space and advocate for freedom of speech. Civil society organizations and journalists can be an additional check on corruption by speaking on behalf of the public, especiallywhen Solomon Islanders frequently self-censor for fear of retribution. Particularly during emergencies, these groups can help monitor how funds are disbursed and whether aid reaches its intended
beneficiaries.

•

Continue to build capacity and engage in political process monitoring. CSOs interested ingovernment accountability issues should seek support to develop tools to monitor and report on
government planning, decision making, and policy implementation. Specifically, developing an increased ability to implement political process monitoring will allow Solomon Islands CSOs to collect, compile and conduct evidence-based analysis on political processes, develop and disseminate
findings, and use findings to advocate for and influence reform•

Support public education initiatives on transparency and accountability. CSOs have a crucial role in helping the public understand the substantial personal and societal cost of corruption.
In turn, increased knowledge and awareness can help citizens take ownership in the fight against
corruption and demand greater government integrity, which can create a virtuous cycle that widens and protects civic space and free expression.

•

Consolidate social cohesion. Through inter-province cultural and educational exchanges, community work, and volunteering, CSOs can contribute to fostering social trust and a strong national
identity by designing programs that aim to increase willingness to cooperate with and help othercitizens, develop a sense of belonging to the community and identify as Solomon Islanders. Additionally, civic and political education are key for a broad participation in public and political life, as
they can increase the already-present public demand for human rights, government responsiveness, and rule of law, in line with democratic values. At the same time, a new generation of citizens
that are aware of their rights and motivated to strengthen democracy and good governance canbecome tomorrow’s reform-minded political leaders.

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