PAULO FREIREPEDAGOGYof theOPPRESSED;• 30TH ANNIVERSARY EDITION •Translated by Myra Bergman Ramos

With an Introduction by Donaldo Macedo

A continuum•

I f N E W

YORK•LONDON2005
The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc
15 East 26,h Street, New York, NY 10010
The Continuum International Publishing Group Ltd
The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX
Copyright © 1970, 1993 by Paulo Freire
Introduction © 2000 by Donaldo Macedo
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form orby any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording,or otherwise, without the written permission of
The Continuum International Publishing Group Inc.
Printed in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Freire, Paulo, 1921[Pedagogia del oprimido. English]
Pedagogy of the oppressed / Paulo Freire ; translated by Myra
Bergman Ramos ; introduction by Donaldo Macedo.—30th anniversary ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-8264-1276-9 (alk. paper)
1. Freire, Paulo, 1921- 2. Education—Philosophy. 3. Popular
education—Philosophy. 4. Critical pedagogy. I. Title.
LB880.F73 P4313 2000
370.11*5—dc21

00-030304

To the oppressed,
and to those who suffer with themand fight at their sideContents
Publisher's Foreword

9

Introduction to the Anniversary Editionb y DONALDO MACEDO

11

Foreword by RICHARD SHAULL

29

Preface35

Chapter 1^

43

The justification for a pedagogy of the oppressed; the contradiction
between the oppressors and the oppressed, and how it is overcome;
oppression and the oppressors; oppression and the oppressed;
liberation: not a gift, not a self-achievement, but a mutual process.

Chapter 2

71

The "banking" concept of education as an instrument of oppression—
its presuppositions—a critique; the problem-posing concept of
education as an instrument for liberation—-its presuppositions; the"banking" concept and the teacher-student contradiction; theproblem-posing concept and the supersedence of the teacherstudent contradiction; education: a mutual process, world-mediated;people as uncompleted beings, conscious of their incompletion, andtheir attempt to be more fully human.

8•CONTENTS

Chapter 3

87

Dialogics—the essence of education as the practice of freedom;
dialogics and dialogue; dialogue and the search for programcontent; the human-world relationship, "generative themes," andthe program content of education as the practice of freedom; theinvestigation of "generative themes" and its methodology; theawakening of critical consciousness through the investigation of"generative themes"; the various stages of the investigation.

Chapter 4

125

Antidialogics and dialogics as matrices of opposing theories ofcultural action: the former as an instrument of oppression and thelatter as an instrument of liberation; the theory of antidialogicalaction and its characteristics: conquest, divide and rule,
manipulation, and cultural invasion; the theory of dialogicalaction and its characteristics: cooperation, unity, organization, andcultural synthesis.

Publisher's Foreword
This is the thirtieth anniversary of the publication in the United Statesof Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Since the original publication, this revolutionary work has gone into more than a score of printings and soldover 750,000 copies worldwide.
In his foreword to the first edition, which is included in this one,
Richard Shaull wrote:
In this country, we are gradually becoming aware of the work ofPaulo Freire, but thus^far we have thought of it primarily in termsof its contribution to the education of illiterate adults in the Third
World. If, however, we take a close look, we may discover that
his methodology as well as his educational philosophy are as important for us as for the dispossessed in Latin America.... For
this reason, I consider the publication of Pedagogy of the Oppressed in an English edition to be something of an event.
These words have proved prophetic. Freire's books have since taken
on a considerable relevance for educators in our own technologicallyadvanced society, which to our detriment acts to program the individual—especially the disadvantaged—to a rigid conformity. A newunderclass has been created, and it is everyone's responsibility to react
thoughtfully and positively to the situation. This is the underlying
message of Pedagogy of the Oppressed.
As times change so do attitudes and beliefs. The translation has
been modified—and the volume has been newly typeset—to reflect
the connection between liberation and inclusive language. An important introduction by Donaldo Macedo has been added.
This revised thirtieth-anniversary edition of Pedagogy of the Oppressed thus represents a fresh expression of a work that will continue tostimulate and shape the thought of educators and citizens everywhere.

Introduction
Never in my wildest dreams would I have imagined when I first read
Pedagogy of the Oppressed in 1971 that, a decade later, I would beengaged in a very close collaboration with its author, Paulo Freire—a collaboration that lasted sixteen years until his untimely death on
May 2, 1997. Never in my wildest dreams would I have thought that,today, I would have the honor to write an introduction to commemorate the thirtieth anniversary of the publication of Pedagogy of the
Oppressed, a book that according to Stanley Aronowitz, "meets the
single criterion of a 'classic' " in that "it has outlived its own time andits authors."
I remember vividly my first encounter with Pedagogy of the Oppressed, as a colonized young man from Cape Verde who had been
struggling with significant questions of cultural identity, yearning to
break away from the yoke of Portuguese colonialism. Reading Pedagogy of the Oppressed gave me a language to critically understand thetensions, contradictions, fears, doubts, hopes, and "deferred" dreams
that are part and parcel of living a borrowed and colonized cultural
existence. Reading Pedagogy of the Oppressed also gave me the innerstrength to begin the arduous process of transcending a colonial existence that is almost culturally schizophrenic: being present and yet
not visible, being visible and yet not present. It is a condition that I
painfully experienced in the United States, constantly juggling thepower asymmetry of the two worlds, two cultures, and two languages.
Reading Pedagogy of the Oppressed gave me the critical tools to reflect on, and understand, the process through which we come to knowwhat it means to be at the periphery of the intimate yet fragile relationship between the colonizer and the colonized.

12 • INTRODUCTION
Paulo Freire's invigorating critique of the dominant banking modelof education leads to his democratic proposals of problem-posing education where "men and women develop their power to perceive critically the way they exist in the world with which and in which theyfind themselves; they come to see the world not as a static reality but
as a reality in the process of transformation." This offered to me—
and all of those who experience subordination through an imposed
assimilation policy—a path through which we come to understandwhat it means to come to cultural voice. It is a process that always
involves pain and hope; a process through which, as forced cultural
jugglers, we can come to subjectivity, transcending our object position
in a society that hosts us yet is alien.
It is not surprising that my friends back in Cape Verde—and, forthat matter in most totalitarian states—risked cruel punishment, including imprisonment, if they were caught reading Pedagogy of the
Oppressed. I remember meeting a South African student in Boston
who told me that students would photocopy chapters of Pedagogy of
the Oppressed and share them with their classmates and peers. Sometimes, given the long list of students waiting to read Freire, theywould have to wait for weeks before they were able to get their hands
on a photocopied chapter. These students, and students like them inCentral America, South America, Tanzania, Chile, Guinea-Bissau andother nations struggling to overthrow totalitarianism and oppression,passionately embraced Freire and his proposals for liberation. It is nowonder that his success in teaching Brazilian peasants how to readlanded him in prison and led to a subsequent long and painful exile.
Oppressed people all over the world identified with Paulo Freire's
denunciation of the oppressive conditions that were choking millionsof poor people, including a large number of middle-class families that
had bitterly begun to experience the inhumanity of hunger in a potentially very rich and fertile country.
Freire's denunciation of oppression was not merely the intellectual
exercise that we often find among many facile liberals and pseudocritical educators. His intellectual brilliance and courage in denouncing the structures of oppression were rooted in a very real andmaterial experience, as he recounts in Letters to Cristina:

INTRODUCTION • 13
It was a real and concrete hunger that had no specific date ofdeparture. Even though it never reached the rigor of the hunger
experienced by some people I know, it was not the hunger experienced by those who undergo a tonsil operation or are dieting.
On the contrary, our hunger was of the type that arrives unannounced and unauthorized, making itself at home without an end
in sight. A hunger that, if it was not softened as ours was, would
take over our bodies, molding them into angular shapes. Legs,arms, and fingers become skinny. Eye sockets become deeper,making the eyes almost disappear. Many of our classmates experienced this hunger and today it continues to afflict millions ofBrazilians who die of its violence every year.1
Thus, Pedagogy of the Oppressed has its roots in Paulo Freire's lived
experiences.
The experience of hunger as a child of a middle-class family that
had lost its economic base enabled Freire to, on the one hand, identify
and develop "solidarity with the children from the poor outskirts oftown"2 and, on the other hand, to realize that "in spite of the hungerthat gave us solidarity... in spite of the bond that united us in our
search for ways to survive—our playtime, as far as the poor children
were concerned, ranked us as people from another world who happened to fall accidentally into their world."3 It is the realization ofsuch class borders that led, invariably, to Freire's radical rejection ofa class-based society.
Although some strands of postmodernism would dismiss Freire's
detailed class analysis in Pedagogy of the Oppressed, it is an enormous
mistake, if not academic dishonesty, to pretend that we now live in aclassless world. Although Freire understood very well that "material
oppression and the affective investments that tie oppressed groups tothe logic of domination cannot be grasped in all of their complexity
within a singular logic of class struggle/'4 he consistently argued thata thorough understanding of oppression must always take a detour
through some form of class analysis.
Until his death, he courageously denounced the neoliberal position
that promotes the false notion of the end of history and the end ofclass. Freire always viewed history as possibility, "recognizing that
History is time filled with possibility and not inexorably determined—14 • INTRODUCTION
that the future is problematic and not already decided, fatalistically,"5
In like manner, Freire continued to reject any false claim to the endof class struggle. Whereas he continually revised his earlier class analyses, he never abandoned or devalued class as an important theoretical category in our search for a better comprehension of conditionsof oppression. In a long dialogue we had during his last visit to New
York—in fact, the last time we worked together—he again said that
although one cannot reduce everything to class, class remains an important factor in our understanding of multiple forms of oppression.
While poststructuralists may want to proclaim the end of class analysis, they still have to account for the horrendous human conditions
that led, as Freire recounted, a family in Northeast Brazil to scavenge
a landfill and take "pieces of an amputated human breast with which
they prepared their Sunday lunch/' 6
Freire also never accepted the ' poststructuralism tendency to translate diverse forms of class, race, and gender based oppression to thediscursive space of subject positions/'7 He always appreciated the theoretical complexity of multifactor analyses while never underestimating the role of class. For example, he resisted the essentialist approachof reducing all analysis to one monolithic entity of race. For instance,
African functionaries who assimilate to colonial cultural values constitute a distinct class with very different ideological cultural values
and aspirations than the bulk of the population. Likewise, it would bea mistake to view all African Americans as one monolithic culturalgroup without marked differences: United States Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas is black, after all (and conservative). Somewhat
similar gulfs exist between the vast mass of African Americans who
remain subordinated and reduced to ghettoes and middle-class African Americans who, in some sense, have also partly abandoned thesubordinated mass of African Americans. I am reminded of a discussion I had with a personal friend of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., who
had joined him in the important struggle to end segregation and oppression during the 1960s. During our discussion, King's friend remarked, "Donaldo, you are right. We are using euphemisms such as
Economically marginal' and avoid more pointed terms like 'oppres-I N T R O D U C T I O N • 15

sion/ I confess that I often feel uneasy when I am invited to discuss
at institutions issues pertaining to the community. In reality, I haven't
been there in over twenty years." Having achieved great personal
success and having moved to a middle-class reality, this African American gentleman began to experience a distance from other African
Americans who remain abandoned in ghettoes.
In a recent discussion with a group of students, a young African
American man who attends an Ivy League university told me that his
parents usually vote with the white middle class, even if, in the longrun, their vote is ^detrimental to the reality of most black people. Thus,
we see again that race, itself, is not necessarily a unifying force.
Freire never abandoned his position with respect to class analysis
as theorized in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. However, as he continuallydid, he reconstituted his earlier position throughout the years, particularly in our co-authored book Ideology Matters. In it Freire argues
that whereas, for example, "one cannot reduce the analysis of racism
to social class, one cannot understand racism fully without a classanalysis, for to do one at the expense of the other is to fall prey into
a sectarianist position, which is as despicable as the racism that weneed to reject."8 In essence, Freire's later works make it clear thatwhat is important is to approach the analysis of oppression through aconvergent theoretical framework where the object of oppression iscut across by such factors as race, class, gender, culture, language,
and ethnicity. Thus, he would reject any theoretical analysis thatwould collapse the multiplicity of factors into a monolithic entity, including class.
Although Freire was readily embraced in societies struggling
against colonialism and other forms of totalitarianism, his acceptancein the so-called open and democratic societies, such as the UnitedStates and the nations of Western Europe, has been more problematic. Even though he has an international reputation and following, his work is, sadly, not central to the curricula of most schools of
education whose major responsibility is to prepare the next generation of teachers. This relative marginality of Freire's work in theschool-of-education curricula is partly due to the fact that most of16 • I N T R O D U C T I O Nthese schools are informed by the positivistic and management models
that characterize the very culture of ideologies and practices to which
Freire was in opposition all his life. For example, the Harvard Graduate School of Education sanctions a graduate course called "Literacy
Politics and Policies" without requiring students to read, critique, andanalyze the work of Freire. In fact, one can get a doctoral degreefrom this school, or from others, without ever learning about, muchless reading, Paulo Freire. This is tantamount to getting a doctoral
degree in Linguistics without ever reading Noam Chomsky, The following illustrates my point. In a lecture at Harvard that analyzed
Paulo Freire's theories, given by Professor Ramon Flecha from the
University of Barcelona, a doctoral student approached me and asked
the following: "I don't want to sound naive, but who is this PauloFreire that Professor Flecha is citing so much?" I wonder, how can
one expect this doctoral student to know the work of "perhaps themost significant educator in the world during the last half of the century" in the words of Herbert Kohl,9 when his graduate school pretends that Paulo Freire never existed?
Whereas students in the Third World and other nations struggling
with totalitarian regimes would risk their freedom, if not their lives,to read Paulo Freire, in our so-called open societies his work suffersfrom a more sophisticated form of censorship: omission. This "academic selective selection" of bodies of knowledge, which borders on
censorship of critical educators, is partly to blame for the lack ofknowledge of Paulo Freire's significant contributions to the field of
education. Even many liberals who have embraced his ideas and educational practices often reduce his theoretical work and leading philosophical ideas to a mechanical methodology. I am reminded of apanel that was convened to celebrate Freire's life and work at Harvard
after his death. In a large conference room filled to capacity and withpeople standing in hallways, a panelist who had obviously reduced
Freire's leading ideas to a mechanized dialogical practice passed anote to the moderator of the panel suggesting that she give everyonein the room twenty seconds to say something in keeping with thespirit of Freire. This was the way not to engage Freire's belief inINTRODUCTION • 17
emancipation—unless one believes that his complex theory of oppression can be reduced to a twenty-second sound bite. Part of the
problem with this mechanization of Freire's leading philosophical andpolitical ideas is that many psudocritical educators, in the name ofliberation pedagogy, often sloganize Freire by straitjacketing his revolutionary politics to an empty cliche of the dialogical method.
Pseudo-Freirean educators not only strip him of the essence of hisradical pedagogical proposals that go beyond the classroom boundaries and effect significant changes in the society as well: these educators also fail to understand the epistemological relationship of
dialogue. According to Freire,
In order to understand the meaning of dialogical practice, wehave to put aside the simplistic understanding of dialogue as amere technique. Dialogue does not represent a somewhat false
path that I attempt to elaborate on and realize in the sense of
involving the ingenuity of the other. On the contrary, dialogue
characterizes an epistemological relationship. Thus, in this sense,
dialogue is a way of knowing and should never be viewed as amere tactic to involve students in a particular task. We have to
make this point very clear. I engage in dialogue not necessarily
because I like the other person. I engage in dialogue because I
recognize the social and not merely the individualistic characterof the process of knowing. In this sense, dialogue presents itself
as an indispensable component of the process of both learningand knowing.10
Unfortunately, in the United States, many educators who claim to
be Freirean in their pedagogical orientation mistakenly transform Freire's notion of dialogue into a method, thus losing sight of the factthat the fundamental goal of dialogical teaching is to create a processof learning and knowing that invariably involves theorizing about theexperiences shared in the dialogue process. Some strands of criticalpedagogy engage in an overdose of experiential celebration that offersa reductionistic view of identity^ leading Henry Giroux to point out
that such pedagogy leaves identity and experience removed from the
problematics of power, agency, and history. By overindulging in the18 • INTRODUCTION
legacy and importance of their respective voices and experiences,these educators often fail to move beyond a notion of difference structured in polarizing binarisms and uncritical appeals to the discourseof experience. I believe that it is for this reason that some of theseeducators invoke a romantic pedagogical mode that "exoticizes" discussing lived experiences as a process of coming to voice. At the sametime, educators who misinterpret Freire's notion of dialogical teachingalso refuse to link experiences to the politics of culture and criticaldemocracy, thus reducing their pedagogy to a form of middle-classnarcissism. This creates, on the one hand, the transformation of dialogical teaching into a method invoking conversation that provides
participants with a group-therapy space for stating their grievances.
On the other hand, it offers the teacher as facilitator a safe pedagogical zone to deal with his or her class guilt. It is a process that bell
hooks characterizes as nauseating in that it brooks no dissent. Simply
put, as Freire reminded us, "what these educators are calling dialogical is a process that hides the true nature of dialogue as a process oflearning and knowing. . . .Understanding dialogue as a process oflearning and knowing establishes a previous requirement that always
involves an epistemological curiosity about the very elements of the
dialogue."11 That is to say, dialogue must require an ever-present curiosity about the object of knowledge. Thus, dialogue is never an end
in itself but a means to develop a better comprehension about theobject of knowledge. Otherwise, one could end up with dialogue as
conversation where individual lived experiences are given primacy. I
have been in many contexts where the over-celebration of one's own
location and history often eclipses the possibility of engaging the object of knowledge by refusing to struggle directly, for instance, withreadings involving an object of knowledge, particularly if these readings involve theory.
As Freire himself decidedly argued,
Curiosity about the object of knowledge and the willingness andopenness to engage theoretical readings and discussions is fundamental. However, I am not suggesting an over-celebration of

I N T R O D U C T I O N • 19

theory. We must not negate practice for the sake of theory. To
do so would reduce theory to a pure verbalism or intellectualism. By the same token, to negate theory for the sake of practice, as in the use of dialogue as conversation, is to run the riskof losing oneself in the disconnectedness of practice. It is forthis reason that I never advocate either a theoretic elitism or apractice ungrounded in theory, but the unity between theory
and practice. In order to achieve this unity, one must have an
epistemological curiosity—a curiosity that is often missing in dialogue as conversation.12
That is, when students lack both the necessary epistemological curiosity and a certain conviviality with the object of knowledge understudy, it is difficult to create conditions that increase their epistemological curiosity in order to develop the necessary intellectual toolsthat will enable him or her to apprehend and comprehend the objectof knowledge. If students are not able to transform their lived experiences into knowledge and to use the already acquired knowledge asa process to unveil new knowledge, they will never be able to participate rigorously in a dialogue as a process of learning and knowing.
In truth, how can one dialogue without any prior apprenticeship withthe object of knowledge and without any epistemological curiosity?
For example, how can anyone dialogue about linguistics if the teacher
refuses to create the pedagogical conditions that will apprentice students into the new body of knowledge? By this I do not mean thatthe apprenticeship process should be reduced to the authoritarian
tradition of lecturing without student input and discussion. What becomes very clear is that the bureaucratization of the dialogical processrepresents yet another mechanism used by even some progressive
educators to diminish Freire's radical revolutionary and transformative
proposals through a process that gives rise to politics without content.
Thus, it is not surprising that some liberals join conservative educators
to critique Freire for what they characterize as "radical ties." Forexample, Gregory Jay and Gerald Graff have argued that Freire's proposal in Pedagogy of the Oppressed to move students toward "a critical perception of the world"—which "implies a correct method of
approaching reality" so that they can get "a comprehension of total

20 • INTRODUCTION
reality"—assumes that Freire already knows the identity of the oppressed. As Jay and Graff point out, "Freire assumes that we know
from the outset the identity of the Oppressed' ahd their 'oppressors/
Who the oppressors and the oppressed are is conceived not as anopen question that teachers and students might disagree about, but
as a given of Freirean pedagogy."13 This form of critique presupposesthat education should be nondirective and neutral, a posture that
Freire always opposed: "I must intervene in teaching the peasantsthat their hunger is socially constructed and work with them to help
identify those responsible for this social construction, which is, in myview, a crime against humanity."14 Therefore, we need to intervene
not only pedagogically but also ethically. Before any intervention,
however, an educator must have political clarity—posture that makes
many liberals like Graff very uncomfortable to the degree that heconsiders "Radical educational theorists such as Freire, Henry Giroux,
and Stanley Aronowitz . . . [as having a] tunnel-vision style of. . . writing . . . which speaks of but never to those who oppose its premises."15
The assumption that Freire, Giroux, and Aronowitz engage in a"tunnel-vision style of. . . writing" is not only false: it also points to a
distorted notion that there is an a priori agreed-upon style of writingthat is monolithic, available to all, and "free of jargon." This blindand facile call for writing clarity represents a pernicious mechanism
used by academic liberals who suffocate discourses different fromtheir own. Such a call often ignores how language is being used tomake social inequality invisible. It also assumes that the only way todeconstruct ideologies of oppression is through a discourse that involves what these academics characterize as a language of clarity.
When I was working with Freire on the book Literacy: Reading
the Word and the World, I asked a colleague whom I considered to
be politically aggressive and to have a keen understanding of Freire's
work to read the manuscript. Yet, during a discussion we had about
this, she asked me, a bit irritably, "Why do you and Paulo insist on
using Marxist jargon? Many readers who may enjoy reading Paulo may
be put off by the jargon." I was at first taken aback, but proceeded
to explain calmly to her that the equation of Marxism with jargon did

INTRODUCTION ' 2 1
not fully capture the richness of Freire's analysis. In fact, I reminded
her that Freire's language was the only means through which he could
have done justice to the complexity of the various concepts dealing
with oppression. For one thing, I reminded her, "Imagine that insteadof writing Pedagogy of the Oppressed Freire had written "Pedagogyof the Disenfranchised.77 The first title utilizes a discourse that names
the oppressor, whereas the second fails to do so. If you have an "oppressed," you must have an "oppressor/' What would be the counterpart of disenfranchised? "Pedagogy of the Disenfranchised77
dislodges the agent of the action while leaving in doubt who bears
the responsibility for such action. This leaves the ground wide open
for blaming the victim of disenfranchisement for his or her own disenfranchisement. This example is a clear case in which the object of
oppression can also be understood as the subject of oppression. Language like this distorts reality.
And yet, mainstream academics like Graff seldom object to theselinguistic distortions that disfigure reality. I seldom hear academics
on a crusade for "language clarity" equate mainstream terms such as"disenfranchised" or "ethnic cleansing," for example, to jargon status.
On the one hand, they readily accept "ethnic cleansing," a euphemism
for genocide, while, on the other hand, they will, with certain automatism, point to the jargon quality of terms such as "oppression/' "subordination," and "praxis." If we were to deconstruct the term "ethnic
cleansing" we would see that it prevents us from becoming horrified
by Serbian brutality and horrendous crimes against Bosnian Muslims.
The mass killing of women, children, and the elderly and the rape of
women and girls as young as five years old take on the positive attribute of "cleansing," which leads us to conjure a reality of "purification" of the ethnic "filth" ascribed to Bosnian Muslims, inparticular, and to Muslims the world over, in general.
I also seldom heard any real protest from the same academics whowant "language clarity" when, during the Gulf War, the horrific blood
bath of the battlefield became a "theater of operation," and the violent
killing of over one hundred thousand Iraqis, including innocent
women, children, and the elderly by our "smart bombs," was sanitized22 • INTRODUCTION
into a technical term: "collateral damage." I can go on with examples
to point out how academics who argue for clarity of language not only
seldom object to language that obfuscates reality, but often use thesame language as part of the general acceptance that the "standard"
discourse is given and should remain unproblematic. Although theseacademics accept the dominant standard discourse, they aggressively
object to any discourse that both fractures the dominant language
and bares the veiled reality in order to name it. Thus, a discoursethat names it becomes, in their view, imprecise and unclear, andwholesale euphemisms such as "disadvantaged," "disenfranchised,""educational mortality," "theater of operation," "collateral damage,"and "ethnic cleansing" remain unchallenged since they are part ofthe dominant social construction of images that are treated as unproblematic and clear.
I am often amazed to hear academics complain about the complexity of a particular discourse because of its alleged lack of clarity.
It is as if they have assumed that there is a mono-discourse that ischaracterized by its clarity and is also equally available to all. If
one begins to probe the issue of clarity, we soon realize that it isclass specific, thus favoring those of that class in the meaningmaking process.
The following two examples will bring the point home: Henry Giroux and I gave a speech at Massasoit Community College in Massachusetts to approximately three hundred unwed mothers who werepart of a GED (graduate-equivalency diploma) program. The directorof the program later informed us that most of the students were considered functionally illiterate. After Giroux's speech, during the question-and-answer period, a woman got up and eloquently said,"Professor Giroux, all my life I felt the things you talked about. I justdidn't have a language to express what I have felt. Today I have cometo realize that I do have a language. Thank you." And Paulo Freire
told me the story of what happened to him at the time he was preparing the English translation of Pedagogy of the Oppressed. He gavean African American student at Harvard a chapter of the book to readto see how she would receive it. A few days later when he asked theINTRODUCTION ' 2 3
woman if she had read it, she enthusiastically responded, "Yes. Not
only did I read it, but I gave it to my sixteen-year-old son to read.
He read the whole chapter that night and in the morning said, 'I wantto meet the man who wrote this. He is talking about me/ " Onequestion that I have for all those "highly literate" academics who find
Giroux's and Freire's discourse so difficult to understand is, Why is itthat a sixteen-year-old boy and a poor, "semiliterate" woman could so
easily understand and connect with the complexity of both Freire andGirouxs language and ideas, and the academics, who should be themost literate, find the language incomprehensible?
I believe that the answer has little to do with language and everything to do with ideology. That is, people often identify with representations that they are either comfortable with or that help deepen
their understanding of themselves. The call for language clarity is an
ideological issue, not merely a linguistic one. The sixteen-year-old andthe semiliterate poor woman could readily connect with Freire's ideology, whereas the highly literate academics are "put off by somedimensions of the "same ideology. It is, perhaps, for this reason thata university professor I know failed to include Freire's work in a graduate course that she taught on literacy. When I raised the issue withher, she explained that students often find Freire's writing too difficultand cumbersome. It could also be the reason that the Divinity Schoolat Harvard University offers a course entitled "Education for Liberation," in which students study Freire and James Cone extensively,
whereas no such opportunities are available at Harvard's School of
Education.
For me, the mundane call for a language of "simplicity and clarity"
represents yet another mechanism to dismiss the complexity of theoretical issues, particularly if these theoretical constructs interrogate
the prevailing dominant ideology. It is for this very reason that Gayatri
Spivak correctly points out that the call for "plain prose cheats." Iwould go a step further and say, "The call for plain prose not only
cheats, it also bleaches."
For me, it is not only plain prose that bleaches. Gerald Graffs
pedagogy of "teaching the conflict" also bleaches to the extent that it24 • INTRODUCTION
robs students of the opportunity to access the critical discourses thatwill enable them not only to deconstruct the colonial and hegemonicparadigms, but will also help them realize that one cannot teach conflict as if, all of a sudden, it fell from the sky. The conflict must be
anchored in those competing histories and ideologies that generated
the conflict in the first place. David Goldberg captures this problem
when he argues that Graffs suggestion:
presupposes that educators—even the humanists of Graffs address—occupy a neutral position, or at least can suspend theirprejudices, in presenting the conflicts, and that the conflicts are
fixed and immobile. One cannot teach the conflicts (or anythingelse, for that matter) by assuming this neutral "view from nowhere," for it is no view at all. In other words, the Assumptionof a View from Nowhere is the projection of local values as neutrally universal ones, the globalizing of ethnocentric values, as
Stam and Shohat put it.16
The problem with the teaching of the conflict is that the only referent for engaging authority is a methodological one. As a result,
Graff demeans the ability of oppressed people to name their oppression as a pedagogical necessity and, at the same time, he dismisses
the politics of pedagogy that "could empower 'minorities' and build
on privileged students' minimal experience of 'otherization' " to help
them imagine alternative subject positions and divergent social
designs.17
As one can readily see, the mechanization of Freire's revolutionary
pedagogical proposals not only leads to the depolitization of his radically democratic work but also creates spaces for even those liberals
who embrace Freire's proposals to confuse "the term he employs tosummarize his approach to education, pedagogy' [which] is often interpreted as a 'teaching method rather than a philosophy or a social
theory. Few who invoke his name make the distinction. To be sure,neither does The Oxford English Dictionary. "lH This seeming lack of
distinction is conveniently adopted by those educators who believethat education is neutral as they engage in a social construction of not

INTRODUCTION ' 2 5

seeing. That is, they willfully refuse to understand that the very term"pedagogy," as my good friend and colleague Panagiota Gounari explains it, has Greek roots, meaning "to lead a child" (from pais: childand ago: to lead). Thus, as the term "pedagogy" illustrates, education
is inherently directive and must always be transformative. As Stanley
Aronowitz so succinctly argues, "Freire's pedagogy is grounded in a
fully developed philosophical anthropology, that is, a theory of humannature, one might say a secular liberation theology, containing its own
categories that are irreducible to virtually any other philosophy."19
The misinterpretation of Freire's philosophical and revolutionary pedagogical proposals in Pedagogy of the Oppressed and his subsequent
books lies not only in the depolitization of his revolutionary aim "totransform what Frantz Fannon terms 'the wretched of the earth' from'being for others' to 'beings for themselves,' "20 but also in the disarticulation of Freire's thinking from his enormous debt to a philosophical tradition that included Marx, Gramsci, Hegel, and Sartre
among others.
Although I was immobilized when I received the devastating news
that Paulo Freire, my friend, my collaborator, my teacher, and mymentor, had died, I found comfort in the certainty that Pedagogy of
the Oppressed had indeed "outlived its own time and its author's." Ifound comfort in the immeasurable hope that Paulo represented for
those of us who are committed to imagine a world, in his own words,
that is less ugly, more beautiful, less discriminatory, more democratic,
less dehumanizing, and more humane. In his work and in his life,
Paulo teaches us and the world—with his hallmark humility—what itmeans to be an intellectual who fights against the temptation of becoming a populist intellectual. As always, he teaches us with his penetrating and unquiet mind the meaning of a profound commitment
to fight sopial injustices in our struggle to recapture the loss of ourdignity as human beings. In Paulo's own words:
We need to say no to the neoliberal fatalism that we are witnessing at the end of this century, informed by the ethics of themarket, an ethics in which a minority makes most profits against26 • INTRODUCTION
the lives of the majority. In other words, those who cannot
compete, die. This is a perverse ethics that, in fact, lacks ethics.
I insist on saying that I continue to be human . . . I would
then remain the last educator in the world to say no: I do not
accept. . . history as determinism. I embrace history as possibility [where] we can demystify the evil in this perverse fatalism that characterizes the neoliberal discourse in the end of
this century.21
Paulo Freire did not realize his dream of entering the twenty-first
century full of hope for "a world that is more round, less ugly, andmore just." Although he did not hold our hands as we crossed thethreshold of the twenty-first century, his words of wisdom, his penetrating and insightful ideas, his courage to denounce in order toannounce, his courage to love and "to speak about love without fearof being called ascientific, if not antiscientific," his humility, and hishumanity make him immortal—a forever-present force that keeps
alive our understanding of history as possibility.
I always accepted with humility Paulo's challenge through the coherence and humility he exemplified. With much sadness, magoa, butalso with much affection and hope, I say, once more, thank you Paulo:
for having been present in the world, for having given us Pedagogyof the Oppressed, for having taught us how to read the world and forchallenging us to humanize the world.
DONALDO MACEDODistinguished Professor of Liberal Arts and Education
University of Massachusetts, Boston

INTRODUCTION -27
Notes
1. Paulo Freire, Letters to Cristina. (New York: Routledge, 1996),
p. 15.
2. Ibid. p. 21.
3. Ibid.
4. Henry A. Giroux, "Radical Pedagogy and Educated Hope: Remembering Taulo Freire." Typewritten manuscript.
5. Ibid.
6. Paulo Freire and Donaldo Macedo, Ideology Matters (Boulder CO.:
Rowman & Littlefield), forthcoming.
7. Henry A. Giroux, "Radical Pedagogy and Educated Hope."
8. Paulo Freire and Donaldo Macedo, Ideology Matters.
9. Herbert Kohl, "Paulo Freire: Liberation Pedagogy" in The Nation,
May 26, 1997, p. 7.
10. Paulo Freire and Donaldo Macedo, "A Dialogue: Culture, Language,and Race" in Harvard Educational Review, vol. 65, no. 3, fall 1995, p. 379.
11. Ibid. p. 382.
12. Ibid.
13. Gregory Jay and Gerald Graff, "A Critique of Critical Pedagogy,"
Higher Education under Fire, ed. Michael Barube and Gary Nelson (NewYork: Routledge, 1995), p. 203.
14. Paulo Freire and Donaldo Macedo, "A Dialogue: Culture, Language,and Race," p. 379.
15. Gerald Graff, "Academic Writing and the Uses of Bad Publicity,"
Eloquent Obsessions, ed. Mariana Torgormick (Chapel Hill: Duke University
Press, 1994), p. 215.
16., David Theo Goldberg, "Introduction," Multiculturalism: A Critical
Reader, ed. David Theo Goldberg (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1994), p. 19.
17. Robert Stam and Ella Shohat, "Contested Histories? Eurocentrism,
Multiculturalism, and the Media," Multiculturalism: A Critical Reader,p. 19.
18. Stanley Aronowitz, "Paulo Freire's Radical Democratic Humanism"
in Peter McLaren and Peter Leonard, Paulo Freire: A Critical Encounter(London: Routledge, 1993), p. 8.
19. Ibid. p. 12.
20. Ibid. p. 13.
21. Paulo Freire and Donaldo Macedo, Ideology Matters.

Forewoid
Over the years, the thought and work of the Brazilian educator
Paulo Freire have spread from the North East of Brazil to an entire
continent, and have made a profound impact not only in the field of
education but also in the overall struggle for national development.
At the precise moment when the disinherited masses in Latin
America are awakeningfromtheir traditional lethargy and are anx­ious to participate, as Subjects, in the development of their coun­tries, Paulo Freire has perfected a method for teaching illiterates
that has contributed, in an extraordinary way, to that process. In fact,
those who, in learning to read and write, come to a new awareness of
selfhood and begin to look critically at the social situation in which
they find themselves, often take the initiative in acting to transformthe society that has denied them this opportunity of participation.
Education is once again a subversive force.
In this country, we are gradually becoming aware of the work ofPaulo Freire, but thus far we have thought of it primarily in termsof its contribution to the education of illiterate adults in the Third
World. If, however, we take a closer look, we may discover that his
methodology as well as his educational philosophy are as importantfor us as for the dispossessed in Latin America. Their struggle tobecome free Subjects and to participate in the transformation of
their society is similar, in many ways, to the struggle not only of
blacks and Mexican-Americans but also of middle-class young peo­
ple in this country. And the sharpness and intensity of that struggle
in the developing world may well provide us with new insight, newmodels, and a new hope as we face our own situation. For thisreason, I consider the publication of Pedagogy of the Oppressed in
an English edition to be something of an event.

30-PAULOFREIRE

Paulo Freire's thought represents the, response of a creative mind
and sensitive conscience to the extraordinary misery and sufferingof the oppressed around him. Born in 1921 in Recife, the center of
one of the most extreme situations of poverty and underdevelopmentin the Third World, he was soon forced to experience that reality
directly. As the economic crisis in 1929 in the United States began
to affect Brazil, the precarious stability of Freires middle-class family gave way and he found himself sharing the plight of the "wretchedof the earth." This had a profound influence on his life as he cameto know the gnawing pangs of hunger and fell behind in school
because of the listlessness it produced; it also led him to make avow, at age eleven, to dedicate his life to the struggle against hunger,
so that other children would not have to know the agony he wasthen experiencing.
His early sharing of the life of the poor also led him to the discovery of what he describes as the "culture of silence" of the dispossessed. He came to realize that their ignorance and lethargy were
the direct product of the whole situation of economic, social, andpolitical domination—and of the paternalism—of which they werevictims. Rather than being encouraged and equipped to know andrespond to the concrete realities of their world, they were kept
"submerged" in a situation in which such critical awareness andresponse were practically impossible. And it became clear to himthat the whole educational system was one of the major instruments
for the maintenance of this culture of silence.
Confronted by this problem in a very existential way, Freire
turned his attention to the field of education and began to work on
it. Over the years, he has engaged in a process of study and reflection that has produced something quite new and creative in educational philosophy. From a situation of direct engagement in the
struggle to liberate men and women for the creation of a new world,
he has reached out to the thought and experience of those in manydifferent situations and of diverse philosophical positions: in his
words, to "Sartre and Mounier, Erich Fromm and Louis Althusser,
Ortega y Gasset and Mao, Martin Luther King and Che Guevara,

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D ' 3 1

Unamuno and Marcuse." He has made use of the insights of these
men to develop a perspective on education which is authenticallyhis own and which seeks to respond to the concrete realities of Latin
America.
His thought on the philosophy of education was first expressed in
1959 in his doctoral dissertation at the University of Recife, and laterin his wbrk as Professor of the History and Philosophy of Educationin the same university, as well as in his early experiments with theteaching of illiterates in that same city. The methodology he devel­
oped was widely used by Catholics and others in literacy campaigns
throughout the North East of Brazil, and was considered such a
threat to the old order that Freire was jailed immediately after the
military coup in 1964. Released seventy days later and encouraged
to leave the country, Freire went to Chile, where he spent five
years working with UNESCO and the Chilean Institute for Agrarian
Reform in programs of adult education. He then acted as a consult­
ant at Harvard University's School of Education, and worked in close
association with a number of groups engaged in new educational
experiments in rural and urban areas. He is presently serving as
Special Consultant to the Office of Education of the World Councilof Churches in Geneva.
Freire has written many articles in Portuguese and Spanish, andhisfirstbook, Educagdo como Prdtica da Liberdade, was publishedin Brazil in 1967. His latest and most complete work, Pedagogy of
the Oppressed, is the first of his writings to be published in thiscountry.
In this brief introduction, there is no point in attempting to sum
up, in a few paragraphs, what the author develops in a number ofpages. That would be an offense to the richness, depth, and com­
plexity of his thought. But perhaps a word of witness has its place
here—a personal witness as to why I find a dialogue with thethought of Paulo Freire an exciting adventure. Fed up as I am withthe abstractness and sterility of so much intellectual work in aca­
demic circles today, I am excited by a process of reflection which is
set in a thoroughly historical context, which is carried on in the32'PAULOFREIRE

midst of a struggle to create a new social order and thus represents
a new unity of theory and praxis. And I am encouraged when aman of the stature of Paulo Freire incarnates a rediscovery of thehumanizing vocation of the intellectual, and demonstrates the powerof thought to negate accepted limits and open the way to a new
future.
Freire is able to do this because he operates on one basic assump­tion: that mans ontological vocation (as he calls it) is to be a Subject
who acts upon and transforms his world, and in so doing moves
toward ever new possibilities of fuller and richer life individuallyand collectively. This world to which he relates is not a static andclosed order, a given reality which man must accept and to which
he must adjust; rather, it is a problem to be worked on and solved.
It is the material used by man to create history, a task which heperforms as he overcomes that which is dehumanizing at any par­ticular time and place and dares to create the qualitatively new. For
Freire, the resources for that task at the present time are provided
by the advanced technology of our Western world, but the social
vision which impels us to negate the present order and demonstratethat history has not ended comes primarily from the suffering andstruggle of the people of the Third World.
Coupled with this is Freires conviction (now supported by a widebackground of experience) that every human being, no matter how"ignorant" or submerged in the "culture of silence" he or she may
be, is capable of looking critically at the world in a dialogical encoun­
ter with others. Provided with the proper tools for such encounter,
the individual can gradually perceive personal and social reality as
well as the contradictions in it, become conscious of his or her own
perception of that reality, and deal critically with it. In this process,the old, paternalistic teacher-student relationship is overcome. A
peasant can facilitate this process for a neighbor more effectively
than a "teacher" brought in from outside. "People educate eachother through the mediation of the world."
As this happens, the word takes on new power. It is no longer an
abstraction or magic but a means by which people discover them-PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED ' 3 3
selves and their potential as they give names to things around them.
As Freire puts it, each individual wins back the right to say his or
her own wordy to name the world.
When an illiterate peasant participates in this sort of educational
experience, he or she comes to a new awareness of self, has a newsense of dignity, and is stirred by a new hope. Time and again,
peasants have expressed these discoveries in striking ways after a
few hours of class: "I now realize I am a person, an educated person.""We were blind, now our eyes have been opened." "Before this,words meant nothing to me; now they speak to me and I can makethem speak." "Now we will no longer be a dead weight on thecooperative farm." When this happens in the process of learning toread, men and women discover that they are creators of culture, andthat all their work can be creative. "I work, and working I transformthe world." And as those who have been completely marginalized
are so radically transformed, they are no longer willing to be mere
objects, responding to changes occurring around them; they are
more likely to decide to take upon themselves the struggle to change
the structures of society, which until now have served to oppress
them. For this reason, a distinguished Brazilian student of national
development recently affirmed that this type of educational work
among the people represents a new factor in social change and devel­
opment, "a new instrument of conduct for the Third World, bywhich it can overcome traditional structures and enter the modern
world."
At first sight, Paulo Freire's method of teaching illiterates in Latin
America seems to belong to a different world from that in which wefind ourselves in this country. Certainly, it would be absurd to claimthat it should be copied here. But there are certain parallels in
the two situations that should not be overlooked. Our advanced
technological society is rapidly making objects of most of us andsubtly programming us into conformity to the logic of its system. To
the degree that this happens, we are also becoming submerged ina new "culture of silence."
The paradox is that the same technology that does this to us also

3 4 ' P A U L O FREIRE
creates a new sensitivity to what is happening. Especially among
young people, the new media together with the erosion of old concepts of authority open the way to acute awareness of this new bondage. The young perceive that their right to say their own word has
been stolen from them, and that few things are more important than
the struggle to win it back. And they also realize that the educational
system today—from kindergarten to university—is their enemy.
There is no such thing as a neutral educational process. Education
either functions as an instrument that is used to facilitate the integration of the younger generation into the logic of the present systemand bring about conformity to it, or it becomes "the practice of
freedom," the means by which men and women deal critically andcreatively with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world. The development of an educational methodology that facilitates this process will inevitably lead to tension andconflict within our society. But it could also contribute to the formation of a new man and mark the beginning of a new era in Western
history For those who are committed to that task and are searchingfor concepts and tools for experimentation, Paulo Freires thought
will make a significant contribution in the years ahead.
RICHARD SHAULLPreface
These pages, which introduce Pedagogy of the Oppressed, result
from my observations during six years of political exile, observations
which have enriched those previously afforded by my educational
activities in Brazil.
I have encountered, both in training courses which analyze therole of conscientizagao1 and in actual experimentation with a truly
liberating education, the "fear of freedom" discussed in the firstchapter of this book. Not infrequently, training course participants
call attention to "the danger of conscientizagao" in a way that reveals
their own fear of freedom. Critical consciousness, they say, is anar­chic. Others add that critical consciousness may lead to disorder.
Some, however, confess: Why deny it? I was afraid of freedom. I am
no longer afraid!
In one of these discussions, the group was debating whether theconscientizagao of men and women to a specific situation of injusticemight not lead them to "destructive fanaticism" or to a "sensationof total collapse of their world." In the midst of the argument, aperson who previously had been a factory worker for many years
spoke out: "Perhaps I am the only one here of working-class origin.
I cani say that I've understood everything you've said just now, but
I can say one thing—when I began this course I was naive, andwhen I found out how naive I was, I started to get critical. But this
discovery hasn't made me a fanatic, and I don't feel any collapse
either."1. The term consctentizagdo refers to learning to perceive social, political andeconomic contradictions, and to take action against the oppressive elements ofreality. See chapter 3.—Translator s note.

36-PAULOFREIRE

Doubt regarding the possible effects of conscientizagdo implies apremise which the doubter does not always make explicit: It is betterfor the victims of injustice not to recognize themselves as such. In
fact, however, conscientizagdo does not lead people to "destructive
fanaticism." On the contrary, by making it possible for people toenter the historical process as responsible Subjects,2 conscientizagdo
enrolls them in the search for self-affirmation and thus avoids fanaticism,
The awakening of critical consciousness leads the way to theexpression of social discontents precisely because these discontents are real components of an oppressive situation.3
Fear of freedom, of which its possessor is not necessarily aware,
makes him see ghosts. Such an individual is actually taking refuge
in an attempt to achieve security, which he or she prefers to therisks of liberty. As Hegel testifies:
It is solely by risking life that freedom is obtained; . . . theindividual who has not staked his or her life may, no doubt, berecognized as a Person; but he or she has not attained the truthof this recognition as an independent self-consciousness.4
Men and women rarely admit their fear of freedom openly, however,tending rather to camouflage it—sometimes unconsciously—by presenting themselves as defenders of freedom. They give their doubts
and misgivings an air of profound sobriety, as befitting custodians of
freedom. But they confuse freedom with the maintenance of thestatus quo; so that if conscientizagdo threatens to place that status
quo in question, it thereby seems to constitute a threat to freedom
itself.
2. The term Subjects denotes those who know and act, in contrast to objects,
which are known and acted upon.—Translator's note.
3. Francisco Weffort, in the preface to Paulo Freire, Educagdo como Prdtica da
Liberdade (Rio de Janeiro, 1967).
4. Georg Hegel, The Phenomenology of Mind (New York, 1967), p. 233.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED ' 3 7

Thought and study alone did not produce Pedagogy of the Oppressed; it is rooted in concrete situations and describes the reac­
tions of laborers (peasant or urban) and of middle-class persons
whom I have observed directly or indirectly during the course of
my educative work. Continued observation will afford me an oppor­
tunity to modify or to corroborate in later studies the points pro­
posed in this introductory work.
This volume will probably arouse negative reactions in a numberof readers. Some will regard my position vis-a-vis the problem of
human liberation as purely idealistic, or may even consider discus­
sion of ontological vocation, love, dialogue, hope, humility, and sym­
pathy as so much reactionary "blah." Others will not (or will notwish to) accept my denunciation of a state of oppression that gratifies
the oppressors. Accordingly, this admittedly tentative work is forradicals. I am certain that Christians and Marxists, though they may
disagree with me in part or in whole, will continue reading to theend. But the reader who dogmatically assumes closed, "irrational"
positions will reject the dialogue I hope this book will open.
Sectarianism, fed by fanaticism, is always castrating. Radicalization, nourished by a critical spirit, is always creative. Sectarianism
mythicizes and thereby alienates; radicalization criticizes andthereby liberates. Radicalization involves increased commitment to
the position one has chosen, and thus ever greater engagement in
the effort to transform concrete, objective reality. Conversely, sectar­
ianism, because it is mythicizing and irrational, turns reality into a
false (and therefore unchangeable) "reality."
Sectarianism in any quarter is an obstacle to the emancipation of
mankind. The rightist version thereof does not always, unfortu­
nately, call forth its natural counterpart: radicalization of the revolu­
tionary. Not infrequently, revolutionaries themselves become
reactionary by falling into sectarianism in the process of responding
to the sectarianism of the Right. This possibility, however, should
not lead the radical to become a docile pawn of the elites. Engaged
in the process of liberation, he or she cannot remain passive in theface of the oppressors violence.

38'PAULOFREIREOn the other hand, the radical is never a subjectivist. For thisindividual the subjective aspect exists only in relation to the objective aspect (the concrete reality, which is the object of analysis).
Subjectivity and objectivity thus join in a dialectical unity producing
knowledge in solidarity with action, and vice versa.
For his or her part, the sectarian of whatever persuasion, blindedby irrationality, does not (or cannot) perceive the dynamic of reality—or else misinterprets it. Should this person think dialectically,
it is with a "domesticated dialectic." The rightist sectarian (whom I
have previously termed a born sectarian5) wants to slow down thehistorical process, to "domesticate" time and thus to domesticate
men and women. The leftist-turned-sectarian goes totally astraywhen he or she attempts to interpret reality and history dialectically,and falls into essentially fatalistic positions.
The rightist sectarian differs from his or her leftist counterpart
in that the former attempts to domesticate the present so that (heor she hopes) the future will reproduce this domesticated present,
while the latter considers the future pre-established—a kind of inevitable fate, fortune, or destiny. For the rightist sectarian, "today,"linked to the past, is something given and immutable; for the leftist
sectarian, "tomorrow" is decreed beforehand, is inexorably preordained. This rightist and this leftist are both reactionary because,starting from their respectively false views of history, both develop
forms of action that negate freedom. The fact that one person imagines a "well-behaved" present and the other a predetermined future
does not mean that they therefore fold their arms and become spectators (the former expecting that the present will continue, the latter
waiting for the already "known" future to come to pass). On thecontrary, closing themselves into "circles of certainty" from which
they cannot escape, these individuals "make" their own truth. It is
not the truth of men and women who struggle to build the future,running the risks involved in this very construction. Nor is it thetruth of men and women who fight side by side and learn together
5. In Educagdo como Prdtica da Liberdade.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED - 3 9

how to build this future—which is not something given to be re­ceived by people, but is rather something to be created by them.
Both types of sectarian, treating history in an equally proprietaryfashion, end up without the people—which is another way of being
against them.
Whereas the rightist sectarian, closing himself in "his" truth, does
no more than fulfill a natural role, the leftist who becomes sectarianand rigid negates his or her very nature. Each, however, as he re­volves about "his" truth, feels threatened if that truth is questioned.
Thus, each considers anything that is not "his" truth a lie. As thejournalist Marcio Moreira Alves once told me, "They both sufferfrom an absence of doubt."*
The radical, committed to human liberation, does not become
the prisoner of a "circle of certainty' within which reality is also
imprisoned. On the contrary, the more radical the person is, themore fully he or she enters into reality so that, knowing it better,he or she can better transform it. This individual is not afraid toconfront, to listen, to see the world unveiled. This person is notafraid to meet the people or to enter into dialogue with them.6 This
person does not consider himself or herself the proprietor of history
or of all people, or the liberator of the oppressed; but he or she does
commit himself or herself, within history, to fight at their side.
The pedagogy of the oppressed, the introductory outlines ofwhich are presented in the following pages, is a task for radicals; itcannot be carried out by sectarians.
I will be satisfied if among the readers of this work there are those
sufficiently critical to correct mistakes and misunderstandings, todeepen affirmations and to point out aspects I have not perceived. It
is possible that some may question my right to discuss revolutionary
cultural action, a subject of which I have no concrete experience.
The fact that I have not personally participated in revolutionary
action, however, does not negate the possibility of my reflecting on
6. "As long as theoretic knowledge remains the privilege of a handful of 'academi­
cians* in the Party, the latter will face the danger of going astray." Rosa Luxembourg,
Reform or Revolution, cited in C. Wright Mills, The Marxists (New York, 1963).

40-PAULO FREIRE
this theme. Furthermore, in my experience as an educator withthe people, using a dialogical and problem-posing education, I haveaccumulated a comparative wealth of material that challenged me
to run the risk of making the affirmations contained in this work.
From these pages I hope at least the following will endure: mytrust in the people, and my faith in men and women, and in thecreation of a world in which it will be easier to love.
Here I would like to express my gratitude to Elza, my wife and"first reader," for the understanding and encouragement she has
shown my work, which belongs to her as well I would also like toextend my thanks to a group of friends for their comments on mymanuscript. At the risk of omitting some names, I must mention
Joao da Veiga Coutinho, Richard Shaull, Jim Lamb, Myra and Jovelino Ramos, Paulo de Tarso, Almino Affonso, Plinio Sampaio, Ernani
Maria Fiori, Marcela Gajardo, Jose Luis Fiori, and Joao Zacarioti.
The responsibility for the affirmations made herein is, of course,
mine alone.
PAULO FREIREPEDAGOGY
of theOPPRESSEDCHAPTER

1

W

hile the problem of humanization has always, from anaxiological point of view, been humankind's central
problem, it now takes on the character of an inescapablelconcern. Concern for humanization leads at once to the recognitionof dehumanization, not only as an ontological possibility but as anhistorical reality And as an individual perceives the extent of dehumanization, he or shertiayask if humanization is a viable possibility.
Within history^ in concrete, objective contexts, both humanizationand dehumanization are possibilities for a person as an uncompleted
being conscious of their incompletion.
But while both humanization and dehumanization are real alternatives, only the first is the people's vocation. This vocation is constantly negated, yet it is affirmed by that very negation. It is
1. The current movements of rebellion, especially those of youth, while theynecessarily reflect the peculiarities of their respective settings, manifest in theiressence this preoccupation with people as beings in the world and with the world—
preoccupation with what and how they are "being." As they place consumer civiliza­tion in judgment, denounce bureaucracies of all types, demand the transformationof the universities (changing the rigid nature of the teacher-student relationship andplacing that relationship within the context of reality), propose the transformation ofreality itself so that universities can be renewed, attack old orders and establishedinstitutions in the attempt to affirm human beings as the Subjects of decision, allthese movements reflect the style of our age, which is more anthropological thananthropocentric.

44-PAULO FREIRE
thwarted by injustice, exploitation, oppression, and the violence ofthe oppressors; it is affirmed by the yearning of the oppressed for
freedom and justice, and by their struggle to recover their lost hu­
manity.
Dehumanization, which marks not only those whose humanity
has been stolen, but also (though in a different way) those who havestolen it, is a distortion of the vocation of becoming more fully
human. This distortion occurs within history; but it is not an histori­
cal vocation. Indeed, to admit of dehumanization as an historical
vocation would lead either to cynicism or total despair. The struggle
for humanization, for the emancipation of labor, for the overcomingof alienation, for the affirmation of men and women as persons would
be meaningless. This struggle is possible only because dehumaniza­
tion, although a concrete historical fact, is not a given destiny but
the result of an unjust order that engenders violence in the oppres­sors, which in turn dehumanizes the oppressed.
Because it is a distortion of being more fully human, sooner orlater being less human leads the oppressed to struggle against those
who made them so. In order for this struggle to have meaning, theoppressed must not, in seeking to regain their humanity (which isa way to create it), become in turn oppressors of the oppressors, butrather restorers of the humanity of both.
This, then, is the great humanistic and historical task of the op­pressed: to liberate themselves and their oppressors as well. The
oppressors, who oppress, exploit, and rape by virtue of their power,
cannot find in this power the strength to liberate either the op­pressed or themselves. Only power that springs from the weaknessof the oppressed will be sufficiently strong to free both. Any attempt
to "soften" the power of the oppressor in deference to the weaknessof the oppressed almost always manifests itself in the form of false
generosity; indeed, the attempt never goes beyond this. In order tohave the continued opportunity to express their "generosity," theoppressors must perpetuate injustice as well. An unjust social orderis the permanent fount of this "generosity," which is nourished bydeath, despair, and poverty. That is why the dispensers of false gen­erosity become desperate at the slightest threat to its source.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 45

True generosity consists precisely in fighting to destroy the causes
which nourish false charity. False charity constrains the fearful andsubdued, the "rejects of life," to extend their trembling hands. True
generosity lies in striving so that these hands—whether of individ­
uals or entire peoples—need be extended less and less in supplica­tion, so that more and more they become human hands which work
and, working, transform the world.
This lesson and this apprenticeship must come, however, from theoppressed themselves and from those who are truly solidary withthem. As individuals or as peoples, by fighting for the restorationof their humanity they will be attempting the restoration of true
generosity. Who are better prepared than the oppressed to under­
stand the terrible significance of an oppressive society? Who suffer
the eflFects of oppression more than the oppressed? Who can better
understand the necessity of liberation? They will not gain this libera­tion by chance but through the praxis of their quest for it, throughtheir recognition of the necessity to fight for it. And this fight, be­cause of the purpose given it by the oppressed, will actually consti­
tute an act of love opposing the lovelessness which lies at the heartof the oppressors violence, lovelessness even when clothed in false
generosity.
But almost always, during the initial stage of the struggle, theoppressed, instead of striving for liberation, tend themselves to be­come oppressors, or "sub-oppressors." The very structure of theirthought has been conditioned by the contradictions of the concrete,
existential situation by which they were shaped. Their ideal is to bemen; but for them, to be men is to be oppressors. This is theirmodel of humanity. This phenomenon derives from the fact that the
oppressed, at a certain moment of their existential experience, adopt
an attitude of "adhesion" to the oppressor. Under these circum­
stances they cannot "consider" him sufficiently clearly to objectivize
him—to discover him "outside" themselves. This does not necessar­
ily mean that the oppressed are unaware that they are downtrodden.
But their perception of themselves as oppressed is impaired bytheir submersion in the reality of oppression. At this level, theirperception of themselves as opposites of the oppressor does not yet

46-PAULOFREIREsignify engagement in a struggle to overcome the contradiction;2 theone pole aspires not to liberation, but to identification with its opposite pole.
In this situation the oppressed do not see the "new man" as the
person to be born from the resolution of this contradiction, as oppression gives way to liberation. For them, the new man or woman
themselves become oppressors. Their vision of the new man or
woman is individualistic; because of their identification with theoppressor, they have no consciousness of themselves as persons or
as members of an oppressed class. It is not to become free that theywant agrarian reform, but in order to acquire land and thus become
landowners—or, more precisely, bosses over other workers. It is arare peasant who, once "promoted" to overseer, does not become
more of a tyrant towards his former comrades than the owner himself. This is because the context of the peasant's situation, that is,
oppression, remains unchanged. In this example, the overseer, inorder to make sure of his job, must be as tough as the owner—andmore so. Thus is illustrated our previous assertion that during theinitial stage of their struggle the oppressed find in the oppressor
their model of "manhood."
Even revolution, which transforms a concrete situation of oppression by establishing the process of liberation, must confront thisphenomenon. Many of the oppressed who directly or indirectly participate in revolution intend—conditioned by the myths of the oldorder—to make it their private revolution. The shadow of their former oppressor is still cast over them.
The "fear of freedom" which afflicts the oppressed,3 a fear which
may equally well lead them to desire the role of oppressor or bindthem to the role of oppressed, should be examined. One of the basic
elements of the relationship between oppressor and oppressed is
2. As used throughout this book, the term "contradiction" denotes the dialecticalconflict between opposing social forces.—Translator s note.
3. This fear of freedom is also to be found in the oppressors, though, obviously,
in a different form. The oppressed are afraid to embrace freedom; the oppressors
are afraid of losing the "freedom" to oppress.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED -47
prescription. Every prescription represents the imposition of one
individual's choice upon another, transforming the consciousness ofthe person prescribed to into one that conforms with the pre­servers consciousness. Thus, the behavior of the oppressed is aprescribed behavior, following as it does the guidelines of the op­pressor.
The oppressed, having internalized the image of the oppressor
and adopted his guidelines, are fearful of freedom. Freedom would
require them to eject this image and replace it with autonomy andresponsibility. Freedom is acquired by conquest, not by gift. It mustbe pursued constantly and responsibly. Freedom is not an ideal
located outside of man; nor is it an idea which becomes myth. It israther the indispensable condition for the quest for human com­pletion.
To surmount the situation of oppression, people must first criti­
cally recognize its causes, so that through transforming action they
can create a new situation, one which makes possible the pursuit ofa fuller humanity. But the struggle to be more fully human has
already begun in the authentic struggle to transform the situation.
Although the situation of oppression is a dehumanized and dehu­
manizing totality affecting both the oppressors and those whom they
oppress, it is the latter who must, from their stifled humanity, wage
for both the struggle for a fuller humanity; the oppressor, who ishimself dehumanized because he dehumanizes others, is unable tolead this struggle.
However, the oppressed, who have adapted to the structure of
domination in which they are immersed, and have become resigned
to it, are inhibited from waging the struggle for freedom so long as
they feel incapable of running the risks it requires. Moreover, theirstruggle for freedom threatens not only the oppressor, but also theirown oppressed comrades who are fearful of still greater repression.
When they discover within themselves the yearning to be free, they
perceive that this yearning can be transformed into reality only
when the same yearning is aroused in their comrades. But while
dominated by the fear of freedom they refuse to appeal to others,

48-PAULO FREIRE
or to listen to the appeals of others, or even to the appeals of theirown conscience. They prefer gregariousness to authentic comrade­ship; they prefer the security of conformity with their state of unfreedom to the creative communion produced by freedom and even thevery pursuit of freedom.
The oppressed suffer from the duality which has established itself
in their innermost being. They discover that without freedom theycannot exist authentically. Yet, although they desire authentic exis­
tence, they fear it. They are at one and the same time themselves
and the oppressor whose consciousness they have internalized The
conflict lies in the choice between being wholly themselves or being
divided; between ejecting the oppressor within or not ejecting
them; between human solidarity or alienation; between following
prescriptions or having choices; between being spectators or actors;
between acting or having the illusion of acting through the action of
the oppressors; between speaking out or being silent, castrated intheir power to create and re-create, in their power to transformthe world. This is the tragic dilemma of the oppressed which theireducation must take into account.
This book will present some aspects of what the writer has termed
the pedagogy of the oppressed, a pedagogy which must be forged
with, not for, the oppressed (whether individuals or peoples) in theincessant struggle to regain their humanity. This pedagogy makes
oppression and its causes objects of reflection by the oppressed, andfrom that reflection will come their necessary engagement in the
struggle for their liberation. And in the struggle this pedagogy will
be made and remade.
The central problem is this: How can the oppressed, as divided,
unauthentic beings, participate in developing the pedagogy of theirliberation? Only as they discover themselves to be "hosts" of the
oppressor can they contribute to the midwifery of their liberating
pedagogy. As long as they live in the duality in which to be is to be
like, and to be like is to be like the oppressor, this contribution is
impossible. The pedagogy of the oppressed is an instrument for
their critical discovery that both they and their oppressors are mani­
festations of dehumanization.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED - 4 9

Liberation is thus a childbirth, and a painful one. The man or
woman who emerges is a new person, viable only as the oppressoroppressed contradiction is superseded by the humanization of all
people. Or to put it another way, the solution of this contradiction
is born in the labor which brings into the world this new being: nolonger oppressor nor longer oppressed, but human in the processof achieving freedom.
This solution cannot be achieved in idealistic terms. In order forthe oppressed to be able to wage the struggle for their liberation,
they must perceive the reality of oppression not as a closed worldfrom which there is no exit, but as a limiting situation which they
can transform. This perception is a necessary but not a sufficientcondition foi* liberation; it must become the motivating force forliberating action. Nor does the discovery by the oppressed that they
exist in dialectical relationship to the oppressor, as his antithesis—that without them the oppressor could not exist4—in itself constituteliberation. The oppressed can overcome the contradiction in which
they are caught only when this perception enlists them in the strug­
gle to free themselves.
The same is true with respect to the individual oppressor as aperson. Discovering himself to be an oppressor may cause consider­able anguish, but it does not necessarily lead to solidarity with theoppressed. Rationalizing his guilt through paternalistic treatmentof the oppressed, all the while holding them fast in a position of
dependence, will not do. Solidarity requires that one enter into thesituation of those with whom one is solidary; it is a radical posture.
If what characterizes the oppressed is their subordination to theconsciousness of the master, as Hegel affirms,5 true solidarity withthe oppressed means fighting at their side to transform the objective
reality which has made them these "beings for another." The oppres-

4. See Hegel, op. cit.y pp. 236-237.
5. Analyzing the dialectical relationship between the consciousness of the masterand the consciousness of the oppressed, Hegel states: "The one is independent,
and its essential nature is to be for itself; the other is dependent, and its essence
is life or existence for another. The former is the Master, or Lord, the latter theBondsman." Ibid., p. 234.

50-PAULO FREIRE
sor is solidary with the oppressed only when he stops regarding theoppressed as an abstract category and sees them as persons who
have been unjustly dealt with, deprived of their voice, cheated in
the sale of their labor—when he stops making pious, sentimental,
and individualistic gestures and risks an act of love. True solidarity
is found only in the plenitude of this act of love, in its existentiality,
in its praxis. To affirm that men and women are persons and aspersons should be free, and yet to do nothing tangible to make thisaffirmation a reality, is a farce.
Since it is a concrete situation that the oppressor-oppressed contradiction is established, the resolution of this contradiction must
be objectively verifiable. Hence, the radical requirement—both forthe individual who discovers himself or herself to be an oppressor
and for the oppressed—that the concrete situation which begets
oppression must be transformed.
To present this radical demand for the objective transformation ofreality, to combat subjectivist immobility which would divert therecognition of oppression into patient waiting for oppression to disappear by itself, is not to dismiss the role of subjectivity in the
struggle to change structures. On the contrary, one cannot conceiveof objectivity without subjectivity. Neither can exist without theother, nor can they be dichotomized. The separation of objectivity
from subjectivity, the denial of the latter when analyzing reality or
acting upon it, is objectivism. On the other hand, the denial of
objectivity in analysis or action, resulting in a subjectivism whichleads to solipsistic positions, denies action itself by denying objective reality. Neither objectivism nor subjectivism, nor yet psychologism is propounded here, but rather subjectivity and objectivity inconstant dialectical relationship.
To deny the importance of subjectivity in the process of transforming the world and history is naive and simplistic. It is to admit
the impossible: a world without people. This objectivistic positionis as ingenuous as that of subjectivism, which postulates people
without a world. World and human beings do not exist apart fromeach other, they exist in constant interaction. Marx does not espousePEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D - 5 1

such a dichotomy, nor does any other critical, realistic thinker. What
Marx criticized and scientifically destroyed was not subjectivity, but
subjectivism and psychologism. Just as objective social reality exists
not by chance, but as the product of human action, so it is nottransformed by chance. If humankind produce social reality (whichin the "inversion of the praxis" turns back upon them and conditionsthem), then transforming that reality is an historical task, a task forhumanity.
Reality which becomes oppressive results in the contradistinctionof men as oppressors and oppressed. The latter, whose task it is
to struggle for their liberation together with those who show true
solidarity, must acquire a critical awareness of oppression throughthe praxis of this struggle. One of the gravest obstacles to theachievement of liberation is that oppressive reality absorbs thosewithin it and thereby acts to submerge human beings consiousness.6
Functionally, oppression is domesticating. To no longer be prey toits force, one must emerge from it and turn upon it. This can bedone only by means of the praxis: reflection and action upon theworld in order to transform it.
i

Hay que hacer al opresion real todavia mas opresiva anadiendoa aquella la conciencia de la opresion haciendo la infamia todavia
mas infamante, al pregonarla.7

Making "real oppression more oppressive still by adding to it
the realization of oppression" corresponds to the dialectical relation
between the subjective and the objective. Only in this interdepen­
dence is an authentic praxis possible, without which it is impossible
6. "Liberating action necessarily involves a moment of perception and volition.
This action both precedes and follows that moment, to which it first acts as aprologue and which it subsequently serves to effect and continue within history.
The action of domination, however, does not necessarily imply this dimension; forthe structure of domination is maintained by its own mechanical and unconscious
functionality." From an unpublished work by Jose Luiz Fiori, who has kindly
granted permission to quote him.
7. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, La Sagrada Familia y otros Escritos (Mexico,1962), p. 6. Emphasis added.

52-PAULO FREIRE
to resolve the oppressor-oppressed contradiction. To achieve thisgoal, the oppressed must confront reality critically, simultaneously
objectifying and acting upon that reality. A mere perception of reality not followed by this critical intervention will not lead to a transformation of objective reality—precisely because it is not a true
perception. This is the case of a purely subjectivist perception bysomeone who forsakes objective reality and creates a false substitute.
A different type of false perception occurs when a change in objective reality would threaten the individual or class interests of theperceiver. In the first instance, there is no critical intervention inreality because that reality is fictitious; there is none in the second
instance because intervention would contradict the class interests ofthe perceiver. In the latter case the tendency of the perceiver is tobehave "neurotically." The fact exists; but both the fact and what
may result from it may be prejudicial to the person. Thus it becomes
necessary, not precisely to deny the fact, but to "see it differently."
This rationalization as a defense mechanism coincides in the end
with subjectivism. A fact which is not denied but whose truths arerationalized loses its objective base. It ceases to be concrete andbecomes a myth created in defense of the class of the perceiver.
Herein lies one of the reasons for the prohibitions and the difficulties (to be discussed at length in Chapter 4) designed to dissuade
the people from critical intervention in reality. The oppressor knows
full well that this intervention would not be to his interest. What is
to his interest is for the people to continue in a state of submersion,
impotent in the face of oppressive reality. Of relevance here is Lukacs warning to the revolutionary party:. . . il doit, pour employer les mots de Marx, expliquer aux
masses leur propre action non seulement afin d'assurer la continuity des experiences revolutionnaires du proletariat, mais aussi
d'activer consciemment le developpement ulterieur de ces experiences.8
In affirming this necessity, Lukacs is unquestionably posing the
8. Georg Lukacs, Lenine (Paris, 1965), p. 62.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D - 5 3

problem of critical intervention. "To explain to the masses their own
action" is to clarify and illuminate that action, both regarding its
relationship to the objective facts by which it was prompted, andregarding its purposes. The more the people unveil this challenging
reality which is to be the object of their transforming action, themore critically they enter that reality. In this way they are "con­sciously activating the subsequent development of their experi­
ences." There would be no human action if there were no objective
reality, no world to be the "not I" of the person and to challenge
them; just as there would be no human action if humankind were
not a "project," if he or she were not able to transcend himself or
herself, if one, were not able to perceive reality and understand it
in order to transform it.
In dialectical thought, world and action are intimately interdepen­
dent. But action is human only when it is not merely an occupation
but also a preoccupation, that is, when it is not dichotomized fromreflection. Reflection, which is essential to action, is implicit in Luk£cs' requirement of "explaining to the masses their own action,"just as it is implicit in the purpose he attributes to this explanation:that of "consciously activating the subsequent development of expe­
rience."For us, however, the requirement is seen not in terms of ex­
plaining to, but rather dialoguing with the people about their ac­
tions. In any event, no reality transforms itself,9 and the duty which
Lukacs ascribes to the revolutionary party of "explaining to themasses their own action" coincides with our affirmation of the needfor the critical intervention of the people in reality through thepraxis. The pedagogy of the oppressed, which is the pedagogy ofpeople engaged in the fight for their own liberation, has its roots
here. And those who recognize, or begin to recognize, themselves
9. "The materialist doctrine that men are products of circumstances and up­
bringing, and that, therefore, changed men are products of other circumstancesand changed upbringing, forgets that it is men that change circumstances and thatthe educator himself needs educating." Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Selected
Works (New York, 1968), p. 28.

54-PAULOFREIRE

as oppressed must be among the developers of this pedagogy. No
pedagogy which is truly liberating can remain distant from the oppressed by treating them as unfortunates and by presenting for theiremulation models from among the oppressors. The oppressed must
be their own example in the struggle for their redemption.
The pedagogy of the oppressed, animated by authentic, humanist(not humanitarian) generosity, presents itself as a pedagogy ofhumankind. Pedagogy which begins with the egoistic interests of
the oppressors (an egoism cloaked in the false generosity of paternalism) and makes of the oppressed the objects of its humanitarianism,
itself maintains and embodies oppression. It is an instrument of
dehumanization. This is why, as we affirmed earlier, the pedagogyof the oppressed cannot be developed or practiced by the oppressors. It would be a contradiction in terms if the oppressors not only
defended but actually implemented a liberating education.
But if the implementation of a liberating education requires political power and the oppressed have none, how then is it possible tocarry out the pedagogy of the oppressed prior to the revolution?
This is a question of the greatest importance, the reply to which is
at least tentatively outlined in Chapter 4. One aspect of the reply
is to be found in the distinction between systematic education,
which can only be changed by political power, and educational projects, which should be carried out with the oppressed in the processof organizing them.
The pedagogy of the oppressed, as a humanist and libertarianpedagogy, has two distinct stages. In the first, the oppressed unveil
the world of oppression and through the praxis commit themselvesto its transformation. In the second stage, in which the reality of
oppression has already been transformed, this pedagogy ceases tobelong to the oppressed and becomes a pedagogy of all people in
the process of permanent liberation. In both stages, it is always
through action in depth that the culture of domination is culturally
confronted.10 In the first stage this confrontation occurs through the

10. This appears to be the fundamental aspect of Mao's Cultural Revolution.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED -55
change in the way the oppressed perceive the world of oppression;in the second stage, through the expulsion of the myths created
and developed in the old order, which like specters haunt the new
structure emerging from the revolutionary transformation.
The pedagogy of the first stage must deal with the problem of
the oppressed consciousness and the oppressor consciousness, theproblem of men and women who oppress and men and women who
suffer oppression. It must take into account their behavior, theirview of the world, and their ethics. A particular problem is theduality of the oppressed: they are contradictory, divided beings,
shaped by and existing in a concrete situation of oppression andviolence.
^
Any situation in which "A" objectively exploits "B" or hinders hisand her pursuit of self-affirmation as a responsible person is one of
oppression. Such a situation in itself constitutes violence, even whensweetened by false generosity, because it interferes with the individ­
ual's ontological and historical vocation to be more fully human.
With the establishment of a relationship of oppression, violence has
already begun. Never in history has violence been initiated by the
oppressed. How could they be the initiators, if they themselves are
the result of violence? How could they be the sponsors of something
whose objective inauguration called forth their existence as op­
pressed? There would be no oppressed had there been no priorsituation of violence to establish their subjugation.
Violence is initiated by those who oppress, who exploit, who failto recognize others as persons—not by those who are oppressed,
exploited, and unrecognized. It is not the unloved who initiate disaf­
fection, but those who cannot love because they love only them­selves. It is not the helpless, subject to terror, who initiate terror,
but the violent, who with their power create the concrete situation
which begets the "rejects of life." It is not the tyrannized who initiate
despotism, but the tyrants. It is not the despised who initiate hatred,
but those who despise. It is not those whose humanity is denied
them who negate humankind, but those who denied that humanity(thus negating their own as well). Force is used not by those who

5 6 ' P A U L O FREIRE
have become weak under the preponderance of the strong, but by
the strong who have emasculated them.
For the oppressors, however, it is always the oppressed (whomthey obviously never call "the oppressed" but—depending onwhether they are fellow countrymen or not—"those people" or "theblind and envious masses" or "savages" or "natives" or "subversives")
who are disaffected, who are "violent," "barbaric," "wicked," or "ferocious" when they react to the violence of the oppressors.
Yet it is—paradoxical though it may seem—precisely in the response of the oppressed to the violence of their oppressors that a
gesture of love may be found. Consciously or unconsciously, the actof rebellion by the oppressed (an act which is always, or neafly
always, as violent as the initial violence of the oppressors) can initiate
love. Whereas the violence of the oppressors prevents the oppressedfrom being fully human, the response of the latter to this violenceis grounded in the desire to pursue the right to be human. As the
oppressors dehumanize others and violate their rights, they themselves also become dehumanized. As the oppressed, fighting to be
human, take away the oppressors power to dominate and suppress,
they restore to the oppressors the humanity they had lost in theexercise of oppression.
It is only the oppressed who, by freeing themselves, can free theiroppressors. The latter, as an oppressive class, can free neither others
nor themselves. It is therefore essential that the oppressed wage thestruggle to resolve the contradiction in which they are caught; andthe contradiction will be resolved by the appearance of the newman: neither oppressor nor oppressed, but man in the process ofliberation. If the goal of the oppressed is to becomS fully human,
they will not achieve their goal by merely reversing the terms of thecontradiction, by simply changing poles.
This may seem simplistic; it is not. Resolution of the oppressoroppressed contradiction indeed implies the disappearance of the
oppressors as a dominant class. However, the restraints imposed by
the former oppressed on their oppressors, so that the latter cannot
reassume their former position, do not constitute oppression. An act

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED - 5 7

is oppressive only when it prevents people from being more fully
human. Accordingly, these necessary restraints do not in themselves
signify that yesterdays oppressed have become today's oppressors.
Acts which prevent the restoration of the oppressive regime cannot
be compared with those which create and maintain it, cannot becompared with those by which a few men and women deny the
majority their right to be human*,
However, the moment the new regime hardens into a dominating"bureaucracy"11 the humanist dimension of the struggle is lost andit is no longer possible to speak of liberation. Hence our insistencethat the authentic solution of the oppressor-oppressed contradiction
does not lie in a mere reversal of position, in moving from onepole to the other. Nor does it lie in the replacement of the former
oppressors with new ones who continue to subjugate the oppressed—all in the name of their liberation.
But even when the contradiction is resolved authentically by a
new situation established by the liberated laborers, the former oppressors do not feel liberated. On the contrary, they genuinely consider themselves to be oppressed. Conditioned by the experienceof oppressing others, any situation other than their former seems tothem like oppression. Formerly, they could eat, dress, wear shoes,
be educated, travel, and hear Beethoven; while millions did not eat,
had no clothes or shoes, neither studied nor traveled, much lesslistened to Beethoven. Any restriction on this way of life, in thename of the rights of the community, appears to the former oppressors as a profound violation of their individual rights—although they
had no respect for the millions who suffered and died of hunger,
pain, sorrow, and despair. For the oppressors, "human beings" refers
only to themselves; other people are "things." For the oppressors,
there exists only one right: their right to live in peace, over against
11. This rigidity should not be identified with the restraints that must be im­
posed on the former oppressors so they cannot restore the oppressive order. Rather,
it refers to the revolution which becomes stagnant and turns against the people,
using the old repressive, bureaucratic State apparatus (which should have been
drastically suppressed, as Marx so often emphasized).

58-PAULO FREIRE
the right, not always even recognized, but simply conceded, of the
oppressed to survival. And they make this concession only because
the existence of the oppressed is necessary to their own existence.
This behavior, this way of understanding the world and people(which necessarily makes the oppressors resist the installation of a
new regime) is explained by their experience as a dominant class.
Once a situation of violence and oppression has been established, it
engenders an entire way of life and behavior for those caught up in
it—oppressors and oppressed alike. Both are submerged in thissituation, and both bear the marks of oppression. Analysis of existential situations of oppression reveals that their inception lay in^an actof violence—initiated by those with power. This violence, as a process, is perpetuated from generation to generation of oppressors,
who become its heirs and are shaped in its climate. This climate
creates in the oppressor a strongly possessive consciousness—possessive of the world and of men and women. Apart from direct,
concrete, material possession of the world and of people, the oppressor consciousness could not understand itself—could not even exist.
Fromm said of this consciousness that, without such possession, "itwould lose contact with the world." The oppressor consciousness
tends to transform everything surrounding it into an object of its
domination. The earth, property, production, the creations of people, people themselves, time—everything is reduced to the statusof objects at its disposal.
In their unrestrained eagerness to possess, the oppressors develop the conviction that it is possible for them to transform everything into objects of their purchasing power; hence their strictly
materialistic concept of existence. Money is the measure of allthings, and profit the primary goal. For the oppressors, what is
worthwhile is to have more—always more—even at the cost of the
oppressed having less or having nothing. For them, to be is to haveand to be the class of the "haves."
As beneficiaries of a situation of oppression, the oppressors cannot
perceive that if having is a condition of being, it is a necessary
condition for all women and men. This is why their generosity is

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D - 5 9

false. Humanity is a "thing," and they possess it as an exclusive
right, as inherited property. To the oppressor consciousness, thehumanization of the "others," of the people, appears not as the pur­suit of full humanity, but as subversion.
The oppressors do not perceive their monopoly on having moreas a privilege which dehumanizes others and themselves. They can­not see that, in the egoistic pursuit of having as a possessing class,they suffocate in their own possessions and no longer are; they
merely have. For them, having more is an inalienable right, a rightthey acquired through their own "effort," with their "courage to takerisks." If others do not have more, it is because they are incompetentand lazy, and worst of all is their unjustifiable ingratitude towards
the "generous gestures" of the dominant class. Precisely because
they are "ungrateful" and "envious," the oppressed are regarded as
potential enemies who must be watched.
It could not be otherwise. If the humanization of the oppressedsignifies subversion, so also does their freedom; hence the necessity
for constant control. And the more the oppressors control the op­pressed, the more they change them into apparently inanimate"things." This tendency of the oppressor consciousness to "in-ani­mate" everything and everyone it encounters, in its eagerness topossess, unquestionably corresponds with a tendency to sadism.
The pleasure in complete domination over another person (orother animate creature) is the very essence of the sadistic drive.
Another way of formulating the same thought is to say that theaim of sadism is to transform a man into a thing, something
animate into something inanimate, since by complete and abso­lute control the living loses one essential quality of life—
freedom.12
Sadistic love is a perverted love—a love of death, not of life. One of
the characteristics of the oppressor consciousness and its necrophilicview of the world is thus sadism. As the oppressor consciousness,
12. Erich Fromm, The Heart of Man (New York, 1966), p. 32.

60-PAULOFREIRE

in order to dominate, tries to deter the drive to search, the restless­ness, and the creative power which characterize life, it kills life.
More and more, the oppressors are using science and technology as
unquestionably powerful instruments for their purpose: the mainte­
nance of the oppressive order through manipulation and repres­sion.13 The oppressed, as objects, as "things," have no purposes
except those their oppressors prescribe for them.
Given the preceding context, another issue of indubitable impor­tance arises: the fact that certain members of the oppressor classjoin the oppressed in their struggle for liberation, thus moving fromone pole of the contradiction to the other. Theirs is a fundamentalrole, and has been so throughout the history of this struggle. It
happens, however, that as they cease to be exploiters or indifferent
spectators or simply the heirs of exploitation and move to the sideof the exploited, they almost always bring with them the marks of
their origin: their prejudices and their deformations, which include
a lack of confidence in the peoples ability to think, to want, and to
know. Accordingly, these adherents to the people's cause constantly
run the risk of falling into a type of generosity as malefic as that of
the oppressors. The generosity of the oppressors is nourished by anunjust order, which must be maintained in order to justify thatgenerosity. Our converts, on the other hand, truly desire to trans­
form the unjust order; but because of their background they believethat they must be the executors of the transformation. They talkabout the people, but they do not trust them; and trusting thepeople is the indispensable precondition for revolutionary change.
A real humanist can be identified more by his trust in the people,
which engages him in their struggle, than by a thousand actions intheir favor without that trust.
Those who authentically commit themselves to the people must
re-examine themselves constantly. This conversion is so radical as
not to allow of ambiguous behavior. To affirm this commitment but
to consider oneself the proprietor of revolutionary wisdom—which
13. Regarding the "dominant forms of social control," see Herbert Marcuse,
One-Dimensional Man (Boston, 1964) and Eros and Civilization (Boston, 1955).

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D - 6 1

must then be given to (or imposed on) the people—is to retain theold ways. The man or woman who proclaims devotion to the causeof liberation yet is unable to enter into communion with the people,
whom he or she continues to regard as totally ignorant, is grievously
self-deceived. The convert who approaches the people but feels
alarm at each sfelp they take, each doubt they express, and eachsuggestion they offer, and attempts to impose his "status," remains
nostalgic towards his origins.
Conversion to the people requires a profound rebirth. Those who
undergo it must take on a new form of existence; they can no longer
remain as they were. Only through comradeship with the oppressed
can the converts understand their characteristic ways of living andbehaving, which in diverse moments reflect the structure of domina­tion. One of these characteristics is the previously mentioned exis­
tential duality of the oppressed, who are at the same timethemselves and the oppressor whose image they have internalized.
Accordingly, until they concretely "discover" their oppressor and inturn their own consciousness, they nearly always express fatalistic
attitudes towards their situation.
The peasant begins to get courage to overcome his dependence
when he realizes that he is dependent. Until then, he goes alongwith the boss and says "What can I do? I'm only a peasant."14
When superficially analyzed, this fatalism is sometimes interpreted
as a docility that is a trait of national character. Fatalism in the guiseof docility is the fruit of an historical and sociological situation, notan essential characteristic of a people's behavior. It almost always isrelated to the power of destiny or fate or fortune—inevitable forc­
es—or to a distorted view of God. Under the sway of magic andmyth, the oppressed (especially the peasants, who are almost sub­merged in nature)15 see their suffering, the fruit of exploitation,
14. Words of a peasant during an interview with the author.
15. See Candido Mendes, Memento dos vivos—A Esquerda catdlica no Brasil(Rio, 1966).

62-PAULOFREIRE

as the will of God—as if God were the creator of this "organizeddisorder."Submerged in reality, the oppressed cannot perceive clearly the"order" which serves the interests of the oppressors whose image
they have internalized. Chafing under the restrictions of this order,
they often manifest a type of horizontal violence, striking out at theirown comrades for the pettiest reasons.
The colonized man will first manifest this aggressiveness which
has been deposited in his bones against his own people. This is
the period when the niggers beat each other up, and the policeand magistrates do not know which way to turn when faced withthe astonishing waves of crime in North Africa. . . . While thesettler or the policeman has the right the livelong day to strikethe native, to insult him and to make him crawl to them, youwill see the native reaching for his knife at the slightest hostileor aggressive glance cast on him by another native; for the lastresort of the native is to defend his personality vis-a-vis his
brother.16
It is possible that in this behavior they are once more manifesting
their duality. Because the oppressor exists within their oppressedcomrades, when they attack those comrades they are indirectly attacking the oppressor as well.
On the other hand, at a certain point in their existential experience the oppressed feel an irresistible attraction towards the oppressors and their way of life. Sharing this way of life becomes anoverpowering aspiration. In their alienation, the oppressed want at
any cost to resemble the oppressors, to imitate them, to follow them.
This phenomenon is especially prevalent in the middle-class oppressed, who yearn to be equal to the "eminent" men and womenof the upper class. Albert Memmi, in an exceptional analysis of the"colonized mentality," refers to the contempt he felt towards thecolonizer, mixed with "passionate" attraction towards him.

16. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York, 1968), p. 52.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 63

How could the colonizer look after his workers while periodicallygunning down a crowd of colonized? How could the colonizeddeny himself so cruelly yet make such excessive demands? How
could he hate the colonizers and yet admire them so passionately? (I too felt this admiration in spite of myself.)17
Self-depreciation is another characteristic of the oppressed, which
derives from their internalization of the opinion the oppressors holdof them. So often do they hear that they are good for nothing, know
nothing and are incapable of learning anything—that they are sick,lazy, and unproductive—that in the end they become convinced of
their own unfitness.
The peasant feels inferior to the boss because the boss seems tobe the only one who knows things and is able to run things.18
They call themselves ignorant and say the "professor" is the one
who has knowledge and to whom they should listen. The criteria ofknowledge imposed upon them are the conventional ones. "Why
don't you," said a peasant participating in a culture circle,19 "explain
the pictures first? That way it'll take less time and wont give us aheadache."Almost never do they realize that they, too, "know things" they
have learned in their relations with the world and with other womenand men. Given the circumstances which have produced their duality, it is only natural that they distrust themselves.
Not infrequently, peasants in educational projects begin to discussa generative theme in a lively manner, then stop suddenly and say
to the educator: "Excuse us, we ought to keep quiet and let you
talk. You are the one who knows, we don't know anything." They
often insist that there is no difference between them and the animals; when they do admit a difference, it favors the animals. "Theyare freer than we are."17. The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston, 1967), p. x.
18. Words of a peasant during an interview with the author.
19. See chapter 3, p. 113 ff.—Translators note.

64-PAULOFREIRE

It is striking, however, to observe how this self-depreciation
changes with the first changes in the situation of oppression. I hearda peasant leader say in an asentamiento20 meeting, "They used to
say we were unproductive because we were lazy and drunkards. All
lies. Now that we are respected as men, were going to show everyone that we were never drunkards or lazy. We were exploited!"
As long as their ambiguity persists, the oppressed are reluctant
to resist, and totally lack confidence in themselves. They have a
diffuse, magical belief in the invulnerability and power of the oppressor.21 The magical force of the landowners power holds particularsway in the rural areas. A sociologist friend of mine tells of a groupof armed peasants in a Latin American country who recently took
over a latifundium. For tactical reasons, they planned to hold thelandowner as a hostage. But not one peasant had the courage toguard him; his very presence was terrifying. It is also possible thatthe act of opposing the boss provoked guilt feelings. In truth, theboss was "inside" them.
The oppressed must see examples of the vulnerability of the oppressor so that a contrary conviction can begin to grow within them.
Until this occurs, they will continue disheartened, fearful, andbeaten. 22 As long as the oppressed remain unaware of the causes of
their condition, they fatalistically "accept" their exploitation. Further, they are apt to react in a passive and alienated manner whenconfronted with the necessity to struggle for their freedom and selfaffirmation. Little by little, however, they tend to try out forms ofrebellious action. In working towards liberation, one must neither
lose sight of this passivity nor overlook the moment of awakening.
Within their unauthentic view of the world and of themselves, theoppressed feel like "things" owned by the oppressor. For the latter,to be is to have, almost always at the expense of those who have
20. Asentamiento refers to a production unit of the Chilean agrarian reform
experiment.—Translators note.
21. "The peasant has an almost instinctive fear of the boss." Interview with apeasant.
22. See Regis Debray, Revolution in the Revolution? (New York, 1967).

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED ' 6 5

nothing. For the oppressed, at a certain point in their existential
experience, to be is not to resemble the oppressor, but to be underhim, to depend on him. Accordingly, the oppressed are emotionallydependent.
The peasant is a dependent. He cant say what he wants. Before
he discovers his dependence, he suffers. He lets off steam at
home, where he shouts at his children, beats them, and despairs.
He complains about his wife and thinks everything is dreadful.
He doesn't let off steam with the boss because he thinks the boss
is a superior being. Lots of times, the peasant gives vent to hissorrows by drinking.23
This total emotional dependence can lead the oppressed to what
Fromm calls necrophilic behavior: the destruction of life—their own
or that of their oppressed fellows.
It is only when the oppressed find the oppressor out and become
involved in the organized struggle for their liberation that they begin
to believe in themselves. This discovery cannot be purely intellec­
tual but must involve action; nor can it be limited to mere activism,but must include serious reflection: only then will it be a praxis.
Critical and liberating dialogue, which presupposes action, must
be carried on with the oppressed at whatever the stage of theirstruggle for liberation.24 The content of that dialogue can and should
vary in accordance with historical conditions and the level at which
the oppressed perceive reality. But to substitute monologue, slo­gans, and communiques for dialogue is to attempt to liberate theoppressed with the instruments of domestication. Attempting toliberate the oppressed without their reflective participation in theact of liberation is to treat them as objects which must be saved
from a burning building; it is to lead them into the populist pitfall
and transform them into masses which can be manipulated.
At all stages of their liberation, the oppressed must see them23. Interview with a peasant.
24. Not in the open, of course; that would only provoke the fury of the oppressor
and lead to still greater repression.

66-PAULO FREIRE
selves as women and men engaged in the ontological and historical
vocation of becoming more fully human. Reflection and action become imperative when one does not erroneously attempt to dichotomize the content of humanity from its historical forms.
The insistence that the oppressed engage in reflection on theirconcrete situation is not a call to armchair revolution. On the contrary, reflection—true reflection—leads to action. On the other
hand, when the situation calls for action, that action will constitutean authentic praxis only if its consequences become the object of
critical reflection. In this sense, the praxis is the new raison d'etre of
the oppressed; and the revolution, which inaugurates the historicalmoment of this raison d'etre, is not viable apart from their concomitant conscious involvement. Otherwise, action is pure activism.
To achieve this praxis, however, it is necessary to trust in the
oppressed and in their ability to reason. Whoever lacks this trust
will fail to initiate (or will abandon) dialogue, reflection, and communication, and will fall into using slogans, communiques, monologues,
and instructions. Superficial conversions to the cause of liberation
carry this danger.
Political action on the side of the oppressed must be pedagogicalaction in the authentic sense of the word, and, therefore, action
with the oppressed. Those who work for liberation must not takeadvantage of the emotional dependence of the oppressed—
dependence that is the fruit of the concrete situation of domination
which surrounds them and which engendered their unauthentic
view of the world. Using their dependence to create still greater
dependence is an oppressor tactic.
Libertarian action must recognize this dependence as a weak
point and must attempt through reflection and action to transform
it into independence. However, not even the best-intentioned leadership can bestow independence as a gift. The liberation of the
oppressed is a liberation of women and men, not things. Accordingly,
while no one liberates himself by his own efforts alone, neither is
he liberated by others. Liberation, a human phenomenon, cannot
be achieved by semihumans. Any attempt to treat people as semihu-

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED ' 6 7mans only dehumanizes them. When people are already dehuman­ized, due to the oppression they suffer, the process of their liberationmust not employ the methods of dehumanization.
The correct method for a revolutionary leadership to employ inthe task of liberation is, therefore, not "libertarian propaganda." Nor
can the leadership merely "implant" in the oppressed a belief in
freedom, thus thinking to win their trust. The correct method lies
in dialogue. The conviction of the oppressed that they must fightfor their liberation is not a gift bestowed by the revolutionary leader­ship, but the result of their own conscientizagdo.
The revolutionary leaders must realize that their own convictionof the necessity for struggle (an indispensable dimension of revolu­
tionary wisdom) was not given to them by anyone else—if it isauthentic. This conviction cannot be packaged and sold; it isreached, rather, by means of a totality of reflection and action. Only
the leaders own involvement in reality, within an historical situation,
led them to criticize this situation and to wish to change it.
Likewise, the oppressed (who do not commit themselves to thestruggle unless they are convinced, and who, if they do not makesuch a commitment, withhold the indispensable conditions for thisstruggle) must reach this conviction as Subjects, not as objects. They
also must intervene critically in the situation which surrounds themand whose mark they bear; propaganda cannot achieve this. Whilethe conviction of the necessity for struggle (without which the strug­gle is unfeasible) is indispensable to the revolutionary leadership(indeed, it was this conviction which constituted that leadership), it
is also necessary for the oppressed. It is necessary, that is, unless
one intends to carry out the transformation for the oppressed rather
than with them. It is my belief that only the latter form of transfor­
mation is valid.25
The object in presenting these considerations is to defend theeminently pedagogical character of the revolution. The revolutionary
leaders of every epoch who have affirmed that the oppressed must
25. These points will be discussed at length in chapter 4.

68-PAULO FREIRE
accept the struggle for their liberation—an obvious point—have also
thereby implicitly recognized the pedagogical aspect of this strug­gle. Many of these leaders, however (perhaps due to natural andunderstandable biases against pedagogy), have ended up using the"educational" methods employed by the oppressor. They deny peda­
gogical action in the liberation process, but they use propaganda toconvince.
It is essential for the oppressed to realize that when they accept
the struggle for humanization they also accept, from that moment,
their total responsibility for the struggle. They must realize thatthey are fighting not merely for freedom from hunger, but for. . . freedom to create and to construct, to wonder and to ven­ture. Such freedom requires that the individual be active andresponsible, not a slave or a well-fed cog in the machine. . . . It
is not enough that men are not slaves; if social conditions further
the existence of automatons, the result will not be love of life,
but love of death.26
The oppressed, who have been shaped by the death-affirming cli­mate of oppression, must find through their struggle the way to lifeaffirming humanization, which does not lie simply in having moreto eat (although it does involve having more to eat and cannot failto include this aspect). The oppressed have been destroyed precisely
because their situation has reduced them to things. In order toregain their humanity they must cease to be things and fight as men
and women. This is a radical requirement. They cannot enter the
struggle as objects in order later to become human beings.
The struggle begins with men's recognition that they have been
destroyed. Propaganda, management, manipulation—all arms ofdomination—cannot be the instruments of their rehumanization.
The only effective instrument is a humanizing pedagogy in which
the revolutionary leadership establishes a permanent relationship of
dialogue with the oppressed. In a humanizing pedagogy the method
26. Fromm, op. cit., pp. 52-53.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED - 6 9ceases to be an instrument by which the teachers (in this instance,
the revolutionary leadership) can manipulate the students (in thisinstance, the oppressed), because it expresses the consciousness ofthe students themselves.
The method is, in fact, the external form of consciousness mani­
fest in acts, which takes on the fundamental property of con­sciousness—its intentionality. The essence of consciousness isbeing with the world, and this behavior is permanent and un­
avoidable. Accordingly, consciousness is in essence a 4way to­wards something apart from itself, outside itself, whichsurrounds it and which it apprehends by means of its ideational
capacity. Consciousness is thus by definition a method, in themost general sense of the word.27
A revolutionary leadership must accordingly practice co-intentional education. Teachers and students (leadership and people), cointent on reality, are both Subjects, not only in the task of unveilingthat reality, and thereby coming to know it critically, but in the taskof re-creating that knowledge. As they attain this knowledge of real­
ity through common reflection and action, they discover themselves
as it£ permanent re-creators. In this way, the presence of the op­pressed in the struggle for their liberation will be what it should
be: not pseudo-participation, but committed involvement.

27. Alvaro Vieira Pinto, from a work in preparation on the philosophy of science.
I consider the quoted portion of great importance for the understanding of a prob­
lem-posing pedagogy (to be presented in chapter 2), and wish to thank Professor
Vieira Pinto for permission to cite his work prior to publication.

CHAPTER

2

A

careful analysis of the teacher-student relationship at any
level, inside or outside the school, reveals its fundamen­tally narrative character. This relationship involves a nar­rating Subject (the teacher) and patient, listening objects (thestudents). The contents, whether values or empirical dimensions ofreality, tend in the process of being narrated to become lifeless andpetrified. Education is suffering from narration sickness.
The teacher talks about reality as if it were motionless, static,
compartmentalized, and predictable. Or else he expounds on a topic
completely alien to the existential experience of the students. His
task is to "fill" the students with the contents of his narration—
contents which are detached from reality, disconnected from thetotality that engendered them and could give them significance.
Words are emptied of their concreteness and become a hollow, alien­ated, and alienating verbosity.
The outstanding characteristic of this narrative education, then,is the sonority of words, not their transforming power. "Four times
four is sixteen; the capital of Para is Belem." The student records,
memorizes, and repeats these phrases without perceiving what fourtimes four really means, or realizing the true significance of "capital"in the affirmation "the capital of Para is Belem," that is, what Belemmeans for Pard and what Para means for Brazil.
Narration (with the teacher as narrator) leads the students to72'PAULO FREIRE
memorize mechanically the narrated content. Worse yet, it turns
them into "containers," into "receptacles" to be "filled" by theteacher. The more completely she fills the receptacles, the better ateacher she is. The more meekly the receptacles permit themselves
to be filled, the better students they are.
Education thus becomes an act of depositing, in which the students are the depositories and the teacher is the depositor. Insteadof communicating, the teacher issues communiques and makes deposits which the students patiently receive, memorize, and repeat.
This is the "banking" concept of education, in which the scope ofaction allowed to the students extends only as far as receiving, filing,and storing the deposits. They do, it is true, have the opportunity
to become collectors or cataloguers of the things they store. But inthe last analysis, it is the people themselves who are filed away
through the lack of creativity, transformation, and knowledge in this(at best) misguided system. For apart from inquiry, apart from thepraxis, individuals cannot be truly human. Knowledge emerges only
through invention and re-invention, through the restless, impatient,continuing, hopeful inquiry human beings pursue in the world, withthe world, and with each other.
In the banking concept of education, knowledge is a gift bestowed
by those who consider themselves knowledgeable upon those whomthey consider to know nothing. Projecting an absolute ignorance
onto others, a characteristic of the ideology)of oppression, negates
education and knowledge as processes of inquiry. The teacher presents himself to his students as their necessary opposite; by considering their ignorance absolute, he- justifies his own existence. The
students, alienated like the slave in the Hegelian dialectic, accept
their ignorance as justifying the teachers existence—but, unlike theslave, they never discover that they educate the teacher.
The raison d'etre of libertarian education, on the other hand, lies
in its drive towards reconciliation. Education must begin with thesolution of the teacher-student contradiction, by reconciling thepoles of the contradiction so that both are simultaneously teachersand students.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED ' 7 3This solution is not (nor can it be) found in the banking concept.
On the contrary, banking education maintains and even stimulates
the contradiction through the following attitudes and practices,which mirrOr oppressive society as a whole:(a) the teacher teaches and the students are taught;(b) the teacher knows everything and the students know nothing;(c) the teacher thinks and the students are thought about;(d) the teacher talks and the students listen—meekly;(e) the teacher disciplines and the students are disciplined;(f) the teacher chooses and enforces his choice, and the students
comply;(g) the teacher acts and the students have the illusion of acting
through the action of the teacher;(h) the teacher chooses the program content, and the students(who were not consulted) adapt to it;(i) the teacher confuses the authority of knowledge with his or
her own professional authority, which she and he sets in oppo­
sition to the freedom of the students;(j) the teacher is the Subject of the learning process, while thepupils are mere objects.
It is not surprising that the banking concept of education regards
men as adaptable, manageable beings. The more students work atstoring the deposits entrusted to them, the less they develop thecritical consciousness which would result from their intervention in
the world as transformers of that world. The more completely they
accept the passive role imposed on them, the more they tend simply
to adapt to the world as it is and to the fragmented view of reality
deposited in them.
The capability of banking education to minimize or annul thestudents creative power and to stimulate their credulity serves theinterests of the oppressors, who care neither to have the world re­vealed nor to see it transformed. The oppressors use their "humanitarianism" to preserve a profitable situation. Thus they react almost
instinctively against any experiment in education which stimulates

74-PAULO FREIRE
the critical faculties and is not content with a partial view of reality
but always seeks out the ties which link one point to another and
one problem to another.
Indeed, the interests of the oppressors lie in "changing the consciousness of the oppressed, not the situation which oppresses
them";1 for the more the oppressed can be led to adapt to thatsituation, the more easily they can be dominated. To achieve thisend, the oppressors use the banking concept of education in conjunction with a paternalistic social action apparatus, within which
the oppressed receive the euphemistic title of "welfare recipients."
They are treated as individual cases, as marginal persons who deviate from the general configuration of a "good, organized, and just"society. The oppressed are regarded as the pathology of the healthysociety, which must therefore adjust these "incompetent and lazy"
folk to its own patterns by changing their mentality. These marginals
need to be "integrated," "incorporated" into the healthy society thatthey have "forsaken."
The truth is, however, that the oppressed are not "marginals," arenot people living "outside" society. They have always been"inside"—inside the structure which made them "beings for others."
The solution is not to "integrate" them into the structure of oppression, but to transform that structure so that they can become "beings
for themselves." Such transformation, of course, would undermine
the oppressors purposes; hence their utilization of the banking concept of education to avoid the threat of student cpnscientizagdo.
The banking approach to adult education, for example, will neverpropose to students that they critically consider reality. It will deal
instead with such vital questions as whether Roger gave green grassto the goat, and insist upon the importance of learning that, on thecontrary, floger gave green grass to the rabbit. The "humanism" ofthe banking approach masks the effort to turn women and men into
automatons—the very negation of their ontological vocation to be
more fully human.
1. Simone de Beauvoir, La Pensee de Droite, Aujord'hui (Paris); ST, El Pensamiento politico de la Derecha (Buenos Aires, 1963), p. 34.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED ' 7 5Those who use the banking approach, knowingly or unknowingly(for there are innumerable well-intentioned bank-clerk teachers who
do not realize that they are serving only to dehumanize), fail toperceive that the deposits themselves contain contradictions about
reality. But, sooner or later, these contradictions may lead formerly
passive students to turn against their domestication and the attempt
to domesticate reality. They may discover through existential experi­ence that their present way of life is irreconcilable with their voca­
tion to become fully human. They may perceive through theirrelations with reality that reality is really a process, undergoing
constant transformation. If men and women are searchers and their
ontological vocation is humanization, sooner or later they may per­ceive the contradiction in which banking education seeks to main­
tain them, and then engage themselves in the struggle for theirliberation.
But the humanist, revolutionary educator cannot wait for this pos­sibility to materialize. From the outset, her efforts must coincidewith those of the students to engage in critical thinking and thequest for mutual humanization. His efforts must be imbued with aprofqund trust in people and their creative power. To achieve this,they must be partners of the students in their relations with them.
The banking concept does not admit to such partnership—andnecessarily so. To resolve the teacher-student contradiction, to ex­change the role of depositor, prescriber, domesticator, for the roleof student among students would be to undermine the power of
oppression and serve the cause of liberation.
Implicit in the banking concept is Uie assumption of a dichotomy
between human beings and the world: a person is merely in theworld, not with the world or with others; the individual is spectator,
not re-creator. In this view, the person is not a conscious being(corpo consciente); he or she is rather the possessor of a conscious­
ness: an empty "mind" passively open to the reception of deposits
of reality from the world outside. For example, my desk, my books,
my coffee cup, all the objects before me—as bits of the world whichsurround me—would be "inside" me, exactly as I am inside my76-PAULOFREIRE

study right now. This view makes no distinction between being accessible to consciousness and entering consciousness. The distinction, however, is essential: the objects which surround me are simply
accessible to my consciousness, not located within it. I am aware ofthem, but they are not inside me.
It follows logically from the banking notion of consciousness thatthe educator s role is to regulate the way the world "enters into" thestudents. The teachers task is to organise a process which alreadyoccurs spontaneously, to "fill" the students by making deposits of
information which he or she considers to constitute true knowledge.2
And since people "receive" the world as passive entities, education
should make them more passive still, and adapt them to the world.
The educated individual is the adapted person, because she or heis better "fit" for the world. Translated into practice, this concept iswell suited to the purposes of the oppressors, whose tranquility rests
on how well people fit the world the oppressors have created, andhow little they question it.
The more completely the majority adapt to the purposes which
the dominant minority prescribe for them (thereby depriving themof the right to their own purposes), the more easily the minority cancontinue to prescribe. The theory and practice of banking education
serve this end quite efficiently. Verbalistic lessons, reading requirements, 3 the methods for evaluating "knowledge," the distance between the teacher and the taught, the criteria, for promotion:
everything in this ready-to-wear approach serves to obviate
thinking.
The bank-clerk educator does not realize that there is no true
security in his hypertrophied role, that one must seek to live withothers in solidarity. One cannot impose oneself, nor even merely

2. This concept corresponds to what Sartre calls the "digestive" or "nutritive"
concept of education, in which knowledge is "fed" by the teacher to the students
to "fill them out." See Jean-Paul Sartre, "Une idee fundamentale de la phenomenologie de Husserl: L'intentionalite," Situations I (Paris, 1947).
3. For example, some professors specify in their reading lists that a book should
be read from pages 10 to 15—and do this to "help" their students!

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 77

co-exist with one's students. Solidarity requires true communica­
tion, and the concept by which such an educator is guided fears andproscribes< communication.
Yet only through communication can human life hold meaning.
The teachers thinking is authenticated only by the authenticity ofthe students thinking. The teacher cannot think for her students,
nor can she impose her thought on them. Authentic thinking, think­ing that is concerned about reality, does not take place in ivory
tower isolation, but only in communication. If it is true that thought
has meaning only when generated by action upon the world, thesubordination of students to teachers becomes impossible.
Because banking education begins with a false understanding of
men and women as objects, it cannot promote the developmentof what Fromm calls "biophily," but instead produces its opposite:"necrophily."
While life is characterized by growth in a structured, functionalmanner, the necrophilous person loves all that does not grow, allthat is mechanical. The necrophilous person is driven by thedesire to transform the organic into the inorganic, to approachlife mechanically, as if all living persons were things. . . . Mem­ory, rather than experience; having, rather than being, is whatcounts. The necrophilous person can relate to an object—aflower or a person—only if he possesses it; hence a threat to his
possession is a threat to himself; if he loses possession he loses
contact with the world. . . . He loves control, and in the act ofcontrolling he kills life.4
Oppression—overwhelming control—is necrophilic; it is nour­ished by love of death, not life. The banking concept of education,
which serves the interests of oppression, is also necrophilic. Basedon a mechanistic, static, naturalistic, spatialized view of conscious­
ness, it transforms students into receiving objects. It attempts tocontrol thinking and action, leads women and men to adjust to theworld, and inhibits their creative power.
4. Fromm, op. cit.y p. 41.

78-PAULOFREIRE

When their efforts to act responsibly are frustrated, when theyfind themselves unable to use their faculties, people suffer. "Thissuffering due to impotence is rooted in the very fact that the humanequilibrium has been disturbed/'5 But the inability to act whichcauses people's anguish also causes them to reject their impotence,by attempting. . . to restore [their] capacity to act. But can [they], and how?
One way is to submit to and identify with a person or grouphaving power. By this symbolic participation in another persons
life, [men have] the illusion of acting, when in reality [they] only
submit to and become a part of those who act.6
Populist manifestations perhaps best exemplify this type of behav­
ior by the oppressed, who, by identifying with charismatic leaders,come to feel that they themselves are active and effective. The rebel­lion they express as they emerge in the historical process is moti­
vated by that desire to act effectively. The dominant elites consider
the remedy to be more domination and repression, carried out inthe name of freedom, order, and social peace (that is, the peace ofthe elites). Thus they can condemn-—logically, from their point ofview—"the violence of a strike by workers and [can] call upon thestate in the same breath to use violence in putting down the strike."7
Education as the exercise of domination stimulates the credulityof students, with the ideological intent (often not perceived by edu­
cators) of indoctrinating them to adapt to the world of oppression.
This accusation is not made in the naive hope that the dominantelites will thereby simply abandon the practice. Its objective is tocall the attention of true humanists to the fact that they cannot use
banking educational methods in the pursuit of liberation, for theywould only negate that very pursuit. Nor may a revolutionary society
inherit these methods from an oppressor society. The revolutionarysociety which practices banking education is either misguided or
5. Ibid., p. 31.
6. Ibid.
1. Reinhold Niebuhr, Moral Man and Immoral Society (New York, 1960), p. 130.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED - 7 9

mistrusting of people. In either event, it is threatened by the specterof reaction.
Unfortunately, those who espouse the cause of liberation arethemselves surrounded and influenced by the climate which gener­
ates the banking concept, and often do not perceive its true signifi­
cance or its dehumanizing power. Paradoxically, then, they utilize
this same instrument of alienation in what they consider an effort
to liberate. Indeed, some "revolutionaries" brand as "innocents,""dreamers," or even "reactionaries" those who would challenge thiseducational practice. But one does not liberate people by alienatingthem. Authentic liberation—the process of humanization—is notanother deposit to be made in men. Liberation is a praxis: the action
and reflection of men and women upon their world in order totransform it. Those truly committed to the cause of liberation can
accept neither the mechanistic concept of consciousness as an empty
vessel to be filled, nor the use of banking methods of domination(propaganda, slogans—deposits) in the name of liberation.
Those truly committed to liberation must reject the banking con­
cept in its entirety, adopting instead a concept of women and men
as conscious beings, and consciousness as consciousness intent upon
the world. They must abandon the educational goal of deposit-mak­ing and replace it with the posing of the problems of human beingsin their relations with the world. "Problem-posing" education, re­sponding to the essence of consciousness—intentionality—rejects
communiques and embodies communication. It epitomizes the spe­cial characteristic of consciousness: being conscious of, not only as
intent on objects but as turned in upon itself in a Jasperian"split"—consciousness as consciousness of consciousness.
Liberating education consists in acts of cognition, not transferrals
of information. It is a learning situation in which the cognizable
object (far from being the end of the cognitive act) intermediates
the cognitive actors—teacher on the one hand and students on theother. Accordingly, the practice of problem-posing education entails
at the outset that the teacher-student contradiction to be resolved.
Dialogical relations—indispensable to the capacity of cognitive

80-PAULO FREIRE
actors to cooperate in perceiving the same cognizable object—are
otherwise impossible.
Indeed, problem-posing education, which breaks with the vertical
patterns characteristic of banking education, can fulfill its function
as the practice of freedom only if it can overcome the above contradiction. Through dialogue, the teacher-of-the-students and the students-of-the-teacher cease to exist and a new term emerges: teacherstudent with students-teachers. The te&her is no longer merely
the-one-who-teaches, but one who is himself taught in dialogue withthe students, who in turn while being taught also teach. They become jointly responsible for a process in which all grow. In thisprocess, arguments based on "authority" are no longer valid; in orderto function, authority must be on the side of freedom, not against
it. Here, no one teaches another, nor is anyone self-taught. People
teach each other, mediated by the world, by the cognizable objects
which in banking education are "owned" by the teacher.
The banking concept (with its tendency to dichotomize everything) distinguishes two stages in the action of the educator. During
the first, he cognizes a cognizable object while he prepares his lessons in his study or his laboratory; during the second, he expounds
to his students about that object. The students are not called upon
to know, but to memorize the contents narrated by the teacher. Nor
do the students practice any act of cognition, since the object towards which that act should be directed is the property of theteacher rather than a medium evoking the critical reflection of bothteacher and students. Hence in the name of the "preservation ofculture and knowledge" we have a system which achieves neither
true knowledge nor true culture.
The problem-posing method does not dichotomize the activity ofthe teacher-student: she is not "cognitive" at one point and "narrative" at another. She is always "cognitive," whether preparing a project or engaging in dialogue with the students. He does not regard
cognizable objects as his private property, but as the object of reflection by himself and the students. In this way, the problem-posing
educator constantly re-forms his reflections in the reflection of thePEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D - 8 1

students. The students—no longer docile listeners—are now critical
co-investigators in dialogue with the teacher. The teacher presents
the material to the students for their consideration, and re-considers
her earlier considerations as the students express their own. The
role of the problem-posing educator is to create; together with thestudents, the conditions under which knowledge at the level of thedoxa is superseded by true knowledge, at the level of the logos,
Whereas banking education anesthetizes and inhibits creative
power, problem-posing education involves a constant unveiling ofreality. The former attempts to maintain the submersion of consciousness; the latter strives for the emergence of consciousness andcritical intervention in reality.
Students, as they are increasingly posed with problems relating
to themselves in the world and with the world, will feel increasingly
challenged and obliged to respond to that challenge. Because they
apprehend the challenge as interrelated to other problems within atotal context, not as a theoretical question, the resulting comprehension tends to be increasingly critical and thus constantly less alienated. Their response to the challenge evokes new challenges,
followed by new understandings; and gradually the students cometo regard themselves as committed.
Education as the practice of freedom—as opposed to education
as the practice of domination—denies that man is abstract, isolated,
independent, and unattached to the world; it also denies that theworld exists as a reality apart from people. Authentic reflection considers neither abstract man nor the world without people, but people in their relations with the world. In these relations consciousness
and world are simultaneous: consciousness neither precedes theworld nor follows it.
La conscience et le monde sont donnes d'un meme coup: exterieur par essence a la conscience, le monde est, par essence relatif a elle.8

8. Sartre; op. cit., p. 32.

82 • P A U L O

FREIREIn one of our culture circles in Chile, the group was discussing(based on a codification9) the anthropological concept of culture. In
the midst of the discussion, a peasant who by banking standards wascompletely ignorant said: "Now I see that without man there is noworld." When the educator responded: "Let's say, for the sake ofargument, that all the men on earth were to die, but that the earth
itself remained, together with trees, birds, animals, rivers, seas, thestars . . , wouldn't all this be a world?" "Oh no," the peasant repliedemphatically. "There would be no one to say: This is a world'."
The peasant wished to express the idea that there would be lacking the consciousness of the world which necessarily implies theworld of consciousness. 7 cannot exist without a non-I. In turn, thenot-I depends on that existence. The world which brings consciousness into existence becomes the world of that consciousness. Hence,the previously cited affirmation of Sartre: "La conscience et le mondesont donnes dun meme coup."
As women and men, simultaneously reflecting on themselves andon the world, increase the scope of their perception, they begin to
direct their observations towards previously inconspicuous phenomena:
In perception properly so-called, as an explicit awareness[Gewahren], I am turned towards the object, to &e paper, forinstance. I apprehend it as being this here and now; The apprehension is a singling out, every object having a background inexperience. Around and about the paper lie books, pencils, inkwell, and so forth, and these in a certain sense are also "perceived", perceptually there, in the "field of intuition"; but whilst
I was turned towards the paper there was no turning in theirdirection, nor any apprehending of them, not even in a secondary sense. They appeared and yet were not singled out, were
not posited on their own account. Every perception of a thinghas such a zone of background intuitions or background awareness, if "intuiting" already includes the state of being turned
towards, and this also is a "conscious experience", or more briefly

9. See chapter 3.—Translator's note.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 83

a "consciousness of* all indeed that in point of fact lies in theco-perceived objective background.10
That which had existed objectively but had not been perceived inits deeper implications (if indeed it was perceived at all) begins to"stand out," assuming the character of a problem and therefore ofchallenge. Thus, men and women begin to single out elements fromtheir "background awareness" and to reflect upon them. These ele­ments are now objects of their consideration, and, as such, objectsof their action and cognition.
In problem-posing education, people develop their power to per­ceive critically the way they exist in the world with which and inwhich they find themselves; they come to see the world not as astatic reality, but as a reality in process, in transformation. Although
the dialectical relations of women and men with the world exist
independently of how these relations are perceived (or whether or
not they are perceived at all), it is also true that the form of action
they adopt is to a large extent a function of how they perceive them­selves in the world. Hence, the teacher-student and the studentsteachers reflect simultaneously on themselves and the world without
dichotomizing this reflection from action, and thus establish an au­thentic form of thought and action.
Once again, the two educational concepts and practices underanalysis come into conflict. Banking education (for obvious reasons)attempts, by mythicizing reality, to conceal certain facts which ex­plain the way human beings exist in the world; problem-posing edu­
cation sets itself the task of demythologizing. Banking education
resists dialogue; problem-posing education regards dialogue as in­dispensable to the act of cognition which unveils reality. Banking
education treats students as objects of assistance; problem-posing
education makes them critical thinkers. Banking education inhibits
creativity and domesticates (although it cannot completely destroy)
the intentionality of consciousness by isolating consciousness from
10. Edmund Husserl, Ideas—General Introduction to Pure Phenomenology(London, 1969), pp. 105-106.

84-PAULO FREIRE
the world, thereby denying people their ontological and historical
vocation of becoming more fully human. Problem-posing education
bases itself on creativity and stimulates true reflection and action
upon reality, thereby responding to the vocation of persons as beings
who are authentic only when engaged in inquiry and creative transformation. In sum: banking theory and practice, as immobilizing
and fixating forces, fail to acknowledge men and women as historicalbeings; problem-posing theory and practice take the peoples historicity as their starting point.
Problem-posing education affirms men and women as beings in
the process of becoming—as unfinished, uncompleted beings in andwith a likewise unfinished reality. Indeed, in contrast to other animals who are unfinished, but not historical, people know themselves
to be unfinished; they are aware of their incompletion. In this incompletion and this awareness lie the very roots of education as an
exclusively human manifestation. The unfinished character of human beings and the transformational character of reality necessitatethat education be an ongoing activity.
Education is thus constantly remade in the praxis. In order to be,
it must become. Its "duration" (in the Bergsonian meaning of theword) is found in the interplay of the opposites permanence andchange. The banking method emphasizes permanence and becomesreactionary; problem-posing education—which accepts neither a"well-behaved" present nor a predetermined future—roots itself inthe dynamic present and becomes revolutionary.
Problem-posing education is revolutionary futurity. Hence it isprophetic (and, as such, hopeful). Hence, it corresponds to the historical nature of humankind. Hence, it affirms women and men as
beings who transcend themselves, who move forward and lookahead, for whom immobility represents a fatal threat, for whomlooking at the past must only be a means of understanding moreclearly what and who they are so that they can more wisely build
the future. Hence, it identifies with the movement which engages
people as beings aware of their incompletion—an historical movement which has its point of departure, its Subjects and its objective.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D - 8 5

The point of departure of the movement lies in the people them­selves. But since people do not exist apart from the world, apartfrom reality, the movement must begin with the human-world rela­tionship. Accordingly, the point of departure must always be withmen and women in the "here and now," which constitutes the situ­
ation within which they are submerged, from which they emerge,
and in which they intervene. Only by starting from this situation—
which determines their perception of it—can they begin to move.
To do this authentically they must perceive their state not as fatedand unalterable, but merely as limiting—and therefore challenging.
Whereas the banking method directly or indirectly reinforces
men's fatalistic perception of their situation, the problem-posing
method presents this very situation to them as a problem. As thesituation becomes the object of their cognition, the naive or magicalperception which produced their fatalism gives way to perception
which is able to perceive itself even as it perceives reality, and canthus be critically objective about that reality.
A deepened consciousness of their situation leads people to ap­
prehend that situation as an historical reality susceptible of transfor­
mation. Resignation gives way to the drive for transformation andinquiry, over which men feel themselves to be in control. If people,
as historical beings necessarily engaged with other people in a move­
ment of inquiry, did not control that movement, it would be (andis) a violation of their humanity. Any situation in which some indi­viduals prevent others from engaging in the process of inquiry is
one of violence. The means used are not important; to alienate
human beings from their own decision-making is to change theminto objects.
This movement of inquiry must be directed towards humanization—the people's historical vocation. The pursuit of full humanity,
however, cannot be carried out in isolation or individualism, but
only in fellowship and solidarity; therefore it cannot unfold in the
antagonistic relations between oppressors and oppressed. No one
can be authentically human while he prevents othersfrombeing so.
Attempting to be more human, individualistically, leads to having

8 6 ' P A U L O FREIRE
more, egotistically, a form of dehumanization. Not that it is notfundamental to have in order to be Human. Precisely because it isnecessary, some men's having must not be allowed to constitute an
obstacle to others having, must not consolidate the power of theformer to crush the latter.
Problem-posing education, as a humanist and liberating praxis,
posits as fundamental that the people subjected to domination mustfight for their emancipation. To that end, it enables teachers andstudents to become Subjects of the educational process by overcoming authoritarianism and an alienating intellectualism; it also enables
people to overcome their false perception of reality. The world—nolonger something to be described with deceptive words—becomes
the object of that transforming action by men and women which
results in their humanization.
Problem-posing education does not and cannot serve the interestsof the oppressor. No oppressive order could permit the oppressed
to begin to question: Why? While only a revolutionary society can
carry out this education in systematic terms, the revolutionary leaders need not take full power before they can employ the method. In
the revolutionary process, the leaders cannot utilize the banking
method as an interim measure, justified on grounds of expediency,with the intention of later behaving in a genuinely revolutionary
fashion. They must be revolutionary—that is to say, dialogical—fromthe outset.

CHAPTER

3

A

s we attempt to analyze dialogue as a human phenomenon,
we discover something which is the essence of dialogue
itself: the word. But the word is more than just an instru­
ment which makes dialogue possible; accordingly, we must seek its
constitutive elements. Within the word we find two dimensions,reflection and action, in such radical interaction that if one is sac­rificed—even in part—the other immediately suffers. There is notrue word that is not at the same time a praxis.1 Thus, to speak atrue word is to transform the world.2
An unauthentic word, one which is unable to transform reality,
results when dichotomy is imposed upon its constitutive elements.
When a word is deprived of its dimension of action, reflection auto­
matically suffers as well; and the word is changed into idle chatter,
into verbalism, into an alienated and alienating "blah." It becomesan empty word, one which cannot denounce the world, for denuncia­
tion is impossible without a commitment to transform, and there isno transformation without action.
1. Action
1
J
I
Reflection ) ^ d = ^ k = praxis
Sacrifice of action = verbalism
Sacrifice of reflection = activism
2. Some of these reflections emerged as a result of conversations with Professor
Ernani Maria Fiori.

88-PAULOFREIREOn the other hand, if action is emphasized exclusively, to thedetriment of reflection, the word is converted into activism. The
latter—action for action s sake—negates the true praxis and makes
dialogue impossible. Either dichotomy, by creating unauthentic
forms of existence, creates also unauthentic forms of thought, which
reinforce the original dichotomy.
Human existence cannot be Silent, nor can it be nourished byfalse words, but only by true words, with which men and womentransform the world. To exist, humanly, is to name the world, tochange it. Once named, the world in its turn reappears to the namers as a problem and requires of them a new naming. Human beings
are not built in silence,3 but in word, in work, in action-reflection.
But while to say the true word—which is work, which is praxis—isto transform the world, saying that word is not the privilege of somefew persons, but the right of everyone. Consequently, no one cansay a true word alone—nor can she say it for another, in a prescriptive act which robs others of their words.
Dialogue is the encounter between men, mediated by the world,
in order to name the world. Hence, dialogue cannot occur between
those who want to name the world and those who do not wish thisnaming—between those who deny others the right to speak theirword and those whose right to speak has been denied them. Those
who have been denied their primordial right to speak their word
must first reclaim this right and prevent the continuation of thisdehumanizing aggression.
If it is in speaking their word that people, by naming the world,transform it, dialogue imposes itself as the way by which they achievesignificance as human beings. Dialogue is thus an existential necessity. And since dialogue is the encounter in which the united reflection and action of the dialoguers are addressed to the world which
3. I obviously do not refer to the silence of profound meditation, in which men
only apparently leave the world, withdrawing from it in order to consider it in its
totality, and thus remaining with it. But this type of retreat is only authentic whenthe meditator is "bathed" in reality; not when the retreat signifies contempt for theworld and flight from it, in a type of "historical schizophrenia."

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED - 89

is to be transformed and humanized, this dialogue cannot be re­duced to the act of one persons "depositing" ideas in another, nor
can it become a simple exchange of ideas to be "consumed" by the
discussants. Nor yet is it a hostile, polemical argument between
those who are committed neither to the naming of the world, nor
to the search for truth, but rather to the imposition of their own
truth. Because dialogue is an encounter among women and men
who name the world, it must not be a situation where some nameon behalf of others. It is an act of creation; it must not serve as acrafty instrument for the domination of one person by another. The
domination implicit in dialogue is that of the world by the dia­logues; it is conquest of the world for the liberation of humankind.
Dialogue cannot exist, however, in the absence of a profound love
for the world and for people. The naming of the world, which is an
act of creation and re-creation, is not possible if it is not infusedwith love.4 Love is at the same time the foundation of dialogue anddialogue itself. It is thus necessarily the task of responsible Subjects
and cannot exist in a relation of domination. Domination reveals thepathology of love: sadism in the dominator and masochism in thedominated. Because love is an act of courage, not of fear, love iscommitment to others. No matter where the oppressed are found,the act of love is commitment to their cause—the cause of liberation.
And this commitment, because it is loving, is dialogical. As an act
4. I am more and more convinced that true revolutionaries must perceive therevolution, because of its creative and liberating nature, as an act of love. For me,
the revolution, which is not possible without a theory of revolution—and therefore
science—is not irreconcilable with love. On the contrary: the revolution is madeby people to achieve their humanization. What, indeed, is the deeper motive whichmoves individuals to become revolutionaries, but the dehumanization of people?
The distortion imposed on the word "love" by the capitalist world cannot preventthe revolution from being essentially loving in character, nor can it prevent therevolutionaries from affirming their love of life. Guevara (while admitting the "riskof seeming ridiculous") was not afraid to affirm it: "Let me say, with the risk of
appearing ridiculous, that the true revolutionary is guided by strong feelings oflove. It is impossible to think of an authentic revolutionary without this quality.**
Venceremos—The Speeches and Writings of Che Guevaray edited by John Gerassi(New York, 1969), p. 398.

9 0 ' P A U L O FREIRE
of bravery, love cannot be sentimental; as an act of freedom, it must
not serve as a pretext for manipulation. It must generate other actsof freedom; otherwise, it is not love. Only by abolishing the situationof oppression is it possible to restore the love which that situation
made impossible. If I do not love the world—if I do not love life—if
I do not love people—I cannot enter into dialogue.
On the other hand, dialogue cannot°exist without humility. The
naming of the world, through which people constantly re-create thatworld, cannot be an act of arrogance. Dialogue, as the encounter of
those addressed to the common task of learning and acting, is broken if the parties (or one of them) lack humility. How can I dialogue
if I always project ignorance onto others and never perceive myown? How can I dialogue if I regard myself as a case apart fromothers—mere "its" in whom I cannot recognize other "I"s? How canI dialogue if I consider myself a member of the in-group of "pure"men, the owners of truth and knowledge, for whom all non-members
are "these people" or "the great unwashed"? How can I dialogue if
I start from the premise that naming the world is the task of an elite
and that the presence of the people in history is a sign of deterioration, thus to be avoided? How can I dialogue if I am closed to—andeven offended by—the contribution of others? How can I dialogue
if I am afraid of being displaced, the mere possibility causing me
torment and weakness? Self-sufficiency is incompatible with dialogue. Men and women who lack humility (or have lost it) cannot
come to the people, cannot be their partners in naming the world.
Someone who cannot acknowledge himself to be as mortal as everyone else still has a long way to go before he can reach the point of
encounter. At the point of encounter there are neither utter ignoramuses nor perfect sages; there are only people who are attempting,
together, to learn more than they now know
Dialogue further requires an intense faith in humankind, faith intheir power to make and remake, to create and re-create, faith intheir vocation to be more fully human (which is not the privilege ofan elite, but the birthright of all). Faith in people is an a priori
requirement for dialogue; the "dialogical man" believes in others

P E D A G O G Y OF T H E O P P R E S S E D - 9 1even before he meets them face to face. His faith, however, is notnaive. The "dialogical man" is critical and knows that although it iswithin the power of humans to create and transform, in a concrete
situation of alienation individuals may be impaired in the use of thatpower. Far from destroying his faith in the people, however, thispossibility-strikes him as a challenge to which he must respond He
is convinced that the power to create and transform, even whenthwarted in concrete situations, tends to be reborn. And that rebirth
can occur—not gratuitously, but in and through the struggle forliberation—in the supersedence of slave labor by emancipated laborwhich gives zest to life. Without this faith in people, dialogue is a
farce which inevitably degenerates into paternalistic manipulation.
Founding itself upon love, humility, and faith, dialogue becomesa horizontal relationship of which mutual trust between the dia­logues is the logical consequence. It would be a contradiction interms if dialogue—loving, humble, and full of faith—did not pro­
duce this climate of mutual trust, which leads the dialoguers into
ever closer partnership in the naming of the world. Conversely, such
trust is obviously absent in the anti-dialogics of the banking methodof education. Whereas faith in humankind is an a priori requirementfor dialogue, trust is established by dialogue. Should it founder, it
will be seen that the preconditions were lacking. False love, false
humility, and feeble faith in others cannot create trust. Trust is
contingent on the evidence which one party provides the others of
his true, concrete intentions; it cannot exist if that party's words do
not coincide with their actions. To say one thing and do another—totake one's own word lightly—cannot inspire trust. To glorify democ­racy and to silence the people is a farce; to discourse on humanism
and to negate people is a lie.
Nor yet can dialogue exist without hope. Hope is rooted in men's
incompletion, from which they move out in constant search—asearch which can be carried out only in communion with others.
Hopelessness is a form of silence, of denying the world and fleeing
from it. The dehumanization resulting from an unjust order is nota cause for despair but for hope, leading to the incessant pursuit of

92-PAULOFREIREthe humanity denied by injustice. Hope, however, does not consist
in crossing ones arms and waiting. As long as I fight, I am moved
by hope; and if I fight with hope, then I can wait. As the encounterof women and men seeking to be more fully human, dialogue cannot
be carried on in a climate of hopelessness. If the dialoguers expect
nothing to come of their efforts, their encounter will be empty andsterile, bureaucratic and tedious. Finally, true dialogue cannot exist unless the dialoguers engage incritical thinking—thinking which discerns an indivisible solidarity
between the world and the people and admits of no dichotomy
between them—thinking which perceives reality as process, astransformation, rather than as a static entity—thinking which does
not separate itself from action, but constantly immerses itself in
temporality without fear of the risks involved. Critical thinking con­trasts with naive thinking, which sees "historical time as a weight,
a stratification of the acquisitions and experiences of the past,"5 fromwhich the present should emerge normalized and "well-behaved."
For the naive thinker, the important thing is accommodation tothis normalized "today." For the critic, the important thing is thecontinuing transformation of reality, in behalf of the continuing humanization of men. In the words of Pierre Furter:
The goal will no longer be to eliminate the risks of temporality
by clutching to guaranteed space, but rather to temporalize
space . . . The universe is revealed to me not as space, imposing
a massive presence to which I can but adapt, but as a scope, adomain which takes shape as I act upon it.6
For naive thinking, the goal is precisely to hold fast to this guaran­
teed space and adjust to it. By thus denying temporality, it denies
itself as well.
Only dialogue, which requires critical thinking, is also capable ofgenerating critical thinking. Without dialogue there is no communi5. From the letter of a friend.
6. Pierre Furter, Educagdo e Vida (Rio, 1966), pp. 26-27.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED -93

cation, and without communication there can be no true education.
Education which is able to resolve the contradiction between
teacher and student takes place in a situation in which both address
their act of cognition to the object by which they are mediated.
Thus, the dialogical character of education as the practice of freedom
does not begin when the teacher-student meets with the studentsteachers in a pedagogical situation, but rather when the former first
asks herself or himself what she or he will dialogue with the latter
about. And preoccupation with the content of dialogue is really
preoccupation with the program content of education.
For the anti-dialogical banking educator, the question of content
simply concerns the program about which he will discourse to his
students; and he answers his own question, by organizing his own
program. For the dialogical, problem-posing teacher-student, theprogram content of education is neither a gift nor an imposition—
bits of information to be deposited in the students—but rather theorganized, systematized, and developed "re-presentation" to indi­viduals of the things about which they want to know more.7
Authentic education is not carried on by "A" for "B" or by "A"
about "B," but rather by "A" with "B," mediated by the world—aworld which impresses and challenges both parties, giving rise toviews or opinions about it. These views, impregnated with anxieties,
doubts, hopes, or hopelessness, imply significant themes on thebasis of which the program content of education can be built. In its
desire to create an ideal model of the "good man," a naively con­ceived humanism often overlooks the concrete, existential, present
situation of real people. Authentic humanism, in Pierre Furter swords, "consists in permitting the emergence of the awareness of
our full humanity, as a condition and as an obligation, as a situation
7. In a long conversation with Malraux, Mao-Tse-Tung declared, "You know Tve
proclaimed for a long time: we must teach the masses clearly what we have received
from them confusedly." AndrS Malraux, Anti-Memoirs (New York, 1968), pp. 361362. This affirmation contains an entire dialogical theory of how to construct the
program content of education, which cannot be elaborated according to what theeducator thinks best for the students.

94-PAULOFREIREand as a project. "8 We simply cannot go to the laborers—urban orpeasant9—in the banking style, to give them "knowledge" or to impose upon them the model of the "good man" contained in a program whose content we have ourselves organized. Many politicaland educational plans have failed because their authors designed
them according to their own personal views of reality, never once
taking into account (except as mere objects of their actions) the menin-a-situation to whom their program was ostensibly directed.
For the truly humanist educator and the authentic revolutionary,
the object of action is the reality to be transformed by them together
with other people—not other men and women themselves. The
oppressors are the ones who act upon the people to indoctrinate
them and adjust them to a reality which must remain untouched.
Unfortunately, however, in their desire to obtain the support of thepeople for revolutionary action, revolutionary leaders often fall forthe banking line of planning program content from the top down.
They approach the peasant or urban masses with projects which
may correspond to their own view of the world, but not to that ofthe people. 10 They forget that their fundamental objective is to fight
8. Furter, op. cit., p. 165.
9. The latter, usually submerged in a colonial context, are almost umbilicallylinked to the world of nature, in relation to which they feel themselves to becomponent parts rather than shapers.
10. "Our cultural workers must serve the people with great enthusiasm anddevotion, and they must link themselves with the masses, not divorce themselvesfrom the masses. In order to do so, they must act in accordance with the needs
and wishes of the masses. All work done for the masses must start from theirneeds and not from the desire of any individual, however well-intentioned. It often
happens that objectively the masses need a certain change, but subjectively they
are not yet conscious of the need, not yet willing or determined to make the change.
In such cases, we should wait patiently. We should not make the change until,
through our work, most of the masses have become conscious of the need and arewilling and determined to carry it out. Otherwise we shall isolate ourselves fromthe masses. . . . There are two principles here: one is the actual needs of themasses rather than what we fancy they need, and the other is the wishes of themasses, who must make up their own minds instead of our making up their minds
for them." From the Selected Works of Mao-Tse-Tung, Vol. III. "The United Front
in Cultural Work" (October 30, 1944) (Peking, 1967), pp. 186-187.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D - 9 5alongside the people for the recovery of the people's stolen human­
ity, not to ' Avin the people over" to their side. Such a phrase does
not belong in the vocabulary of revolutionary leaders, but in that of
the oppressor. The revolutionary's role is to liberate, and be liber­
ated, with the people—not to win them over.
In their political activity, the dominant elites utilize the banking
concept to encourage passivity in the oppressed, corresponding withthe latter s "submerged" state of consciousness, and take advantageof that passivity to "fill" that consciousness with slogans which createeven more fear of freedom. This practice is incompatible with atruly liberating course of action, which, by presenting the oppres­sors slogans as a problem, helps the oppressed to "eject" thoseslogans from within themselves. After all, the task of the humanists
is surely not that of pitting their slogans against the slogans of the
oppressors, with the oppressed as the testing ground, "housing"
the slogans of first one group and then the other. On the contrary,
the task of the humanists is to see that the oppressed become awareof the fact that as dual beings, "housing" the oppressors within them­selves, they cannot be truly human.
This task implies that revolutionary leaders do not go to the peo­
ple in order to bring them a message of "salvation," but in order tocome to know through dialogue with them both their objective situation and their awareness of that situation—the various levels ofperception of themselves and of the world in which and with which
they exist. One cannot expect positive results from an educationalor political action program which fails to respect the particular viewof the world held by the people. Such a program constitutes cultural
invasion,11 good intentions notwithstanding.
The starting point for organizing the program content of educationor political action must be the present, existential, concrete situ­
ation, reflecting the aspirations of the people. Utilizing certain basic
contradictions, we must pose this existential, concrete, present situ­
ation to the people as a problem which challenges them and requires

11. This point will be analyzed in detail in chapter 4.

96-PAULOFREIREa response—not just at the intellectual level, but at the level ofaction.12
We must never merely discourse on the present situation, mustnever provide the people with programs which have little or nothing
to do with their own preoccupations, doubts, hopes, and fears—
programs which at times in fact increase the fears of the oppressed
consciousness. It is not our role to speak to the people about ourown view of the world, nor to attempt to impose that view on them,but rather to dialogue with the people about their view and ours.
We must realize that their view of the world, manifested variously
in their action, reflects their situation in the world. Educational andpolitical action which is not critically aware of this situation runs therisk either of "banking" or of preaching in the desert.
Often, educators and politicians speak and are not understoodbecause their language is not attuned to the concrete situation of
the people they address. Accordingly, their talk is just alienated andalienating rhetoric. The language of the educator or the politician(and it seems more and more clear that the latter must also become
an educator, in the broadest sense of the word), like the languageof the people, cannot exist without thought; and neither language
nor thought can exist without a structure to which they refer. In
order to communicate effectively, educator and politician must
understand the structural conditions in which the thought and lan­
guage of the people are dialectically framed.
It is to the reality which mediates men, and to the perception ofthat reality held by educators and people, that we must go to findthe program content of education. The investigation of what I havetermed the people s "thematic universe"13—the complex of their"generative themes"—inaugurates the dialogue of education as thepractice of freedom. The methodology of that investigation must
likewise be dialogical, affording the opportunity both to discover
12. It is as self-contradictory for true humanists to use the banking method as
it would be for rightists to engage in problem-posing education. (The latter arealways consistent—they never use a problem-posing pedagogy.)
13. The expression "meaningful thematics" is used with the same connotation.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED -97
generative themes and to stimulate people's awareness in regard tothese themes. Consistent with the liberating purpose of dialogicaleducation, the object of the investigation is not persons (as if they
were anatomical fragments), but rather the thought-language withwhich men and women refer to reality, the levels at which they
perceive that reality, and their view of the world, in which theirgenerative themes are found.
Before describing a "generative theme" more precisely, which will
also clarify what is meant by a "minimum thematic universe," itseems to me indispensable to present a few preliminary reflections.
The concept of a generative theme is neither an arbitrary invention
nor a working hypothesis to be proved. If it were a hypothesis to be
proved, the initial investigation would seek not to ascertain the na­
ture of the theme, but rather the very existence or non-existence ofthemes themselves. In that event, before attempting to understandthe theme in its richness, its significance, its plurality, its transforma­tions, and its0 historical composition, we would first have to verify
whether or not it is an objective fact; only then could we proceed
to apprehend it. Although an attitude of critical doubt is legitimate,it does appear possible to verify the reality of the generative
theme—not only through one's own existential experience, but also
through critical reflection on the human-world relationship and on
the relationships between people implicit in the former.
This point deserves more attention. One may well remember—trite as it seems—that, of the uncompleted beings, man is the only
one to treat not only his actions but his very self as the object of hisreflection; this capacity distinguishes him from the animals, which
are unable to separate themselves from their activity and thus areunable to reflect upon it. In this apparently superficial distinction
lie the boundaries which delimit the action of each in his life space.
Because the animals' activity is an extension of themselves, the re­sults of that activity are also inseparable from themselves: animals
can neither set objectives nor infuse their transformation of nature
with any significance beyond itself. Moreover, the "decision" to per­form this activity belongs not to them but to their species. Animals
are, accordingly, fundamentally "beings in themselves."

98'PAULOFREIRE

Unable to decide for themselves, unable to objectify either themselves or their activity, lacking objectives which they themselves
have set, living "submerged" in a world to which they can give no
meaning, lacking a "tomorrow" and a "today" because they exist inan overwhelming present, animals are ahistorical. Their ahistoricallife does not occur in the "world," taken in its strict meaning; forthe animal, the world does not constitute a "not-I" which could set
him apart as an "I." The human world, which is historical, serves asa mere prop for the "being in itself." Animals are not challenged by
the configuration which confronts them; they are merely stimulated.
Their life is not one of risk-taking, for they are not aware of taking
risks. Risks are not challenges perceived upon reflection, but merely"noted" by the signs which indicate them; they accordingly do not
require decision-making responses.
Consequently, animals cannot commit themselves. Their ahistorical condition does not permit them to "take on" life. Because
they do not "take it on," they cannot construct it; and if they do notconstruct it, they cannot transform its configuration. Nor can theyknow themselves to be destroyed by life, for they cannot expand
their "prop" world into a meaningful, symbolic world which includes
culture and history. As a result, animals do not "animalize" theirconfiguration in order to animalize themselves—nor do they "deanimalize" themselves. Even in the forest, they remain "beings-inthemselves," as animal-like there as in the zoo.
In contrast, the people—aware of their activity and the world inwhich they are situated, acting in function of the objectives which
they propose, having the seat of their decisions located in themselves
and in their relations with the world and with others, infusing theworld with their creative presence by means of the transformation
they effect upon it—unlike animals, not only live but exist;14 andtheir existence is historical. Animals live out their lives on an atemporal, flat, uniform "prop"; humans exist in a world which they are
14. In the English language, the terms "live" and "exist" have assumed implica­
tions opposite to their etymological origins. As used here, "live" is the more basic
term, implying only survival; "exist" implies a deeper involvement in the processof "becoming."

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED - 9 9

constantly re-creating and transforming. For animals, "here" is only
a habitat with which they enter into contact; for people, "here"
signifies not merely a physical space, but also an historical space.
Strictly speaking, "here," "now," "there," "tomorrow," and "yester­day" do not exist for the animal, whose life, lacking self-conscious­
ness, is totally determined. Animals cannot surmount the limits
imposed by the "here," the "now," or the "there."
Humans, however, because they are aware of themselves and thusof the world—because they are conscious beings—exist in a dialecti­
cal relationship between the determination of limits and their own
freedom. As they separate themselves from the world, which theyobjectify, as they separate themselves from their own activity, as they
locate the seat of their decisions in themselves and in their relations
with the world and others, people overcome the situations which
limit them: the "limit-situations."15 Once perceived by individuals
as fetters, as obstacles to their liberation, these situations stand out
in relief from the background, revealing their true nature as concrete
historical dimensions of a given reality. Men and women respond tothe challenge with actions which Vieira Pinto calls "limit-acts": those
directed at negating and overcoming, rather than passively ac­
cepting, the "given,"Thus, it is not the limit-situations in and of themselves which
create a climate of hopelessness, but rather how they are perceived
by women and men at a given historical moment: whether they
appear as fetters or as insurmountable barriers. As critical percep­
tion is embodied in action, a climate of hope and confidence devel­ops which leads men to attempt to overcome the limit-situations.
This objective can be achieved only through action upon the con15. Professor Alvaro Vieira Pinto analyzes with clarity the problem of "limitsituations, w using the concept without the pessimistic aspect originally found in
Jaspers. For Vieira Pinto, the "limit-situations" are not "the impassable boundaries
where possibilities end, but the real boundaries where all possibilities begin**; they
are not "the frontier which separates being from nothingness, but the frontier
which separates being from nothingness but the frontier which separates beingfrom being more." Alvaro Vieira Pinto, Consciencia e Realidade Nacional (Rio deJaneiro, 1960), Vol. II, p. 284.

100-PAULO FREIRE
crete, historical reality in which limit-situations historically arefound. As reality is transformed and these situations are superseded,
new ones will appear, which in turn will evoke new limit-acts.
The prop world of animals contains no limit-situations, due to its
ahistorical character. Similarly, animals lack the ability to exercise
limit-acts, which require a decisive attitude towards the world: separation from and objectification of the world in order to transform it,
Organically bound to their prop, animals do not distinguish between
themselves and the world. Accordingly, animals are not limited bylimit-situations—which are historical—but rather by the entire
prop. And the appropriate role for animals is not to relate to theirprop (in that event, the prop would be a world), but to adapt to it.
Thus, when animals "produce" a nest, a hive, or a burrow, they
are not creating products which result from "limit-acts," that is,transforming responses. Their productive activity is subordinated tothe satisfaction of a physical necessity which is simply stimulating,rather than challenging. "An animal's product belongs immediately
to its physical body, whilst man freely confronts his product."16
Only products which result from the activity of a being but do
not belong to its physical body (though these products may bear itsseal), can give a dimension of meaning to the context, which thus
becomes a world. A being capable of such production (who thereby
is necessarily aware of himself, is a "being for himself") could nolonger be if she or he were not in the process of being in the world
with which he or she relates; just as the world would no longer exist
if this being did not exist.
The difference between animals—who (because their activity does
not constitute limit-acts) cannot create products detached fromthemselves—and humankind—who through their action upon theworld create the realm of culture and history—is that only the latterare beings of the praxis. Only human beings are praxis—the praxis
which, as the reflection and action which truly transform reality, is

16. Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, Dirk Struik,e d (New York, 1964), p. 113.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 101

the source of knowledge and creation. Animal activity, which occurs
without a praxis, is not creative; peoples transforming activity is.
It is as transforming and creative beings that humans, in theirpermanent relations with reality, produce not only material goods—
tangible objects—but also social institutions, ideas, and concepts.17
Through their continuing praxis, men and women simultaneously
create history and become historical-social beings. Because—in con­trast to animals—people can tri-dimensionalize time into the past,
the present, and the future, their history, in function of their own
creations, develops as a constant process of transformation within
which epochal units materialize. These epochal units are not closed
periods of time, static compartments within which people are con­fined. Were this the case, a fundamental condition of history—its
continuity—would disappear. On the contrary, epochal units inter­
relate in the dynamics of historical continuity.18
An epoch is characterized by a complex of ideas, concepts, hopes,
doubts, values, and challenges in dialectical interaction with theiropposites, striving towards plenitude. The concrete representationof many of these ideas, values, concepts, and hopes, as well as the
obstacles which impede the people's full humanization, constitutethe themes of that epoch. These themes imply others which areopposing or even antithetical; they also indicate tasks to be carriedout and fulfilled. Thus, historical themes are never isolated, inde­
pendent, disconnected, or static; they are always interacting dialectically with their opposites. Nor can these themes be found anywhere
except in the human-world relationship. The complex of interacting
themes of an epoch constitutes its "thematic universe."
Confronted by this "universe of themes" in dialectical contradic­
tion, persons take equally contradictory positions: some work tomaintain the structures, others to change them. As antagonism
deepens between themes which are the expression of reality, there
17. Regarding this point, see Karel Kosik, DiaUtica de lo Concreto (Mexico,1967).
18. On the question of historical epochs, see Hans Freyer, Teoria de la tpoca
atual (Mexico).

102-PAULO

FREIRE

is a tendency for the themes and for reality itself to be mythicized,
establishing a climate of irrationality and sectarianism. This climate
threatens to drain the themes of their deeper significance and todeprive them of their characteristically dynamic aspect. In such asituation, myth-creating irrationality itself becomes a fundamental
theme. Its opposing theme, the critical and dynamic view of theworld, strives to unveil reality, unmask its mythicization, and achievea full realization of the human task: the permanent transformationof reality in favor of the liberation of people.
In the last analysis, the themes19 both contain and are containedin limit-situations; the tasks they imply require limit-acts. When thethemes are concealed by the limit-situations and thus are not clearly
perceived, the corresponding tasks—people s responses in the formof historical action—can be neither authentically nor critically ful­
filled. In this situation, humans are unable to transcend the limitsituations to discover that beyond these situations—and in contradic­
tion to them—lies an untested feasibility.
In sum, limit-situations imply the existence of persons who are
directly or indirectly served by these situations,, and of those whoare negated and curbed by them. Once the latter come to perceive
these situations as the frontier between being and being more hu­
man, rather than the frontier between being and nothingness, they
begin to direct their increasingly critical actions towards achieving
the untested feasibility implicit in that perception. On the other
hand, those who are served by the present limit-situation regard
the untested feasibility as a threatening limit-situation which mustnot be allowed to materialize, and act to maintain the status quo.
Consequently, liberating actions upon an historical milieu must cor­
respond not only to the generative themes but to the Way in whichthese themes are perceived. This requirement in turn implies an­other: the investigation of meaningful thematics.
19. I have termed these themes "generative" because (however they are compre­
hended and whatever action they may evoke) they contain the possibility of un­
folding into again as many themes, which in their turn call for new tasks to be
fulfilled.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 103

Generative themes can be located in concentric circles, movingfrom the general to the particular. The broadest epochal unit, which
includes a diversified range of units and sub-units—continental, re­gional, national, and so forth—contains themes of a universal charac­
ter. I consider the fundamental theme of our epoch to be that ofdomination—which implies its opposite, the theme of liberation, as
the objective to be achieved. It is this tormenting theme which gives
our epoch the anthropological character mentioned earlier. In orderto achieve humanization, which presupposes the elimination of de­humanizing oppression, it is absolutely necessary to surmount thelimit-situations in which people are reduced to things.
Within the smaller circles, we find themes and limit-situations
characteristic of societies (on the same continent or on different
continents) Avhich through these themes and limit-situations sharehistorical similarities. For example, underdevelopment, which can­not be understood apart from the relationship of dependency, repre­
sents a limit-situation characteristic of societies of the Third World.
The task implied by this limit-situation is to overcome the contradic­
tory relation of these "objects-societies to the metropolitan societies;
this task constitutes the untested feasibility for the Third WorldAny given society within the broader epochal unit contains, inaddition to the universal, continental, or historically similar themes,
its own particular themes, its own limit-situations. Within yet
smaller circles, thematic diversifications can be found within thesame society, divided into areas and sub-areas, all of which are re­lated to the societal whole. These constitute epochal sub-units. For
example, within the same national unit one can find the contradic­
tion of the "coexistence of the non-contemporaneous."
Within these sub-units, national themes may or may not be per­ceived in their true significance. They may simply be felt—
sometimes not even that. But the nonexistence of themes within the
sub-units is absolutely impossible. The fact that individuals in acertain area do not perceive a generative theme, or perceive it in a
distorted way, may only reveal a limit-situation of oppression inwhich people are still submerged.

104-PAULO

FREIREIn general, a dominated consciousness which has not yet perceived a limit-situation in its totality apprehends only its epiphenomena and transfers to the latter the inhibiting force which is theproperty of the limit-situation.20 This fact is of great importance forthe investigation of generative themes. When people lack a criticalunderstanding of their reality, apprehending it in fragments which
they do not perceive as interacting constituent elements of thewhole, they cannot truly know that reality. To truly know it, theywould have to reverse their starting point: they would need to havea total vision of the context in order subsequently to separate andisolate its constituent elements and by means of this analysis achievea clearer perception of the whole.
Equally appropriate for the methodology of thematic investigationand for problem-posing education is this effort to present significant
dimensions of an individual's contextual reality, the analysis of which
will make it possible for him to recognize the interaction of thevarious components. Meanwhile, the significant dimensions, whichin their turn are constituted of parts in interaction, should be perceived as dimensions of total reality. In this way, k critical analysis
of a significant existential dimension makes possible a new, critical
attitude towards the limit-situations. The perception and comprehension of reality are rectified and acquire new depth. When carriedout with a methodology of conscientizagdo the investigation of thegenerative theme contained in the minimum thematic universe (thegenerative themes in interaction) thus introduces or begins to introduce women and men to a critical form of thinking about theirworld.
20. Individuals of the middle class often demonstrate this type of behavior, al­though in a different way from the peasant. Their fear of freedom leads them toerect defense mechanisms and rationalizations which conceal the fundamental,
emphasize the fortuitous, and deny concrete reality. In the face of a problem whose
analysis would lead to the uncomfortable perception of a limit-situation, their ten­dency is to remain on the periphery of the discussion and resist any attempt toreach the heart of the question. They are even annoyed when someone points out
a fundamental proposition which explains the fortuitous or secondary matters towhich they had been assigning primary importance.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 105

In the events however, that human beings perceive reality as
dense, impenetrable, and enveloping, it is indispensable to proceedwith the investigation by means of abstraction. This method does
not involve reducing the concrete to the abstract (which would sig­
nify the negation of its dialectical nature), but rather maintaining
both elements as opposites which interrelate dialectically in the actof reflection. This dialectical movement of thought is exemplified
perfectly in the analysis of a concrete existential, "coded" situation.21
Its "decoding" requires moving from the abstract to the concrete;
this requires movingfromthe part to the whole and then returning
to the parts; this in turn requires that the Subject recognize himself
in the object (the coded concrete existential situation) and recognize
the object as a situation in which he finds himself, together withother Subjects. If the decoding is well done, this movement of flux
and reflux from the abstrct to the concrete which occurs in theanalysis of a coded situation leads to the supersedence of the abstrac­
tion by the critical perception of the concrete, which has alreadyceased to be a dense, impenetrable reality.
When an individual is presented with a coded existential situation(a sketch or photograph which leads by abstraction to the concreteness of existential reality), his tendency is to "split" that coded situ­
ation. In the process of decoding, this separation corresponds to thestage we call the "description of the situation," and facilitates thediscovery of the interaction among the parts of the disjoined whole.
This whole (the coded situation), which previously had been only
diffusely apprehended, begins to acquire meaning as thought flows
back to it from the various dimensions. Since, however, the coding
is the representation of an existential situation, the decoder tends
to take the step from the representation to the very concrete situ­
ation in which and with which she finds herself. It is thus possible
to explain conceptually why individuals begin to behave differently
with regard to objective reality, once that reality has ceased to look
21. The coding of an existential situation is the representation of that situation,
showing some of its constituent elements in interaction. Decoding is the criticalanalysis of the coded situation.

106-PAULO FREIRE
like a blind alley and has taken on its true aspect: a challenge whichhuman beings must meet.
In all the stages of decoding, people exteriorize their view of theworld. And in the way they think about ancb face the world—
fatalistically, dynamically, or statically—their generative themes may
be found. A group which does not concretely express a generative
thematics—a fact which might appear to imply the nonexistence ofthemes—is, on the contrary, suggesting a very dramatic theme: thetheme of silence. The theme of silence suggests a structure of mutism in face of the overwhelming force of the limit-situations.
I must re-emphasize that the generative theme cannot be foundin people, divorced from reality; nor yet in reality, divorced frompeople; much less in "no man's land." It can only be apprehended
in the human-world relationship. To investigate the generative
theme is to investigate peoples thinking about reality and peoples
action upon reality, which is their praxis. For precisely this reason,
the methodology proposed requires that the investigators and thepeople (who would normally be considered objects of that investigation) should act as co-investigators. The more active an attitude men
and women take in regard to the exploration of their thematics, themore they deepen their critical awareness of reality and, in spellingout those thematics, take possession of that reality.
Some may think it inadvisable to include the people as investigators in the search for their own meaningful thematics: that theirintrusive influence (n.b., the "intrusion" of those who are most interested—or ought to be—in their own education) will "adulterate" thefindings and thereby sacrifice the objectivity of the investigation.
This view mistakenly presupposes that themes exist, in their original
objective purity, outside people—as if themes were things. Actually,
themes exist in people in their relations with the world, with reference to concrete facts. The same objective fact could evoke different
complexes of generative themes in different epochal sub-units.
There is, therefore, a relation between the given objective fact, theperception women and men have of this fact, and the generative
themes.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 107

A meaningful thematics is expressed by people, and a given mo­ment of expression will differ from an earlier moment, if they havechanged their perception of the objective facts to which the themesrefer. From the investigator s point of view, the important thing is
to detect the starting point at which the people visualize the "given"and to verify whether or not during the process of investigation
any transformation has occurred in their way of perceiving reality.
(Objective reality, of course, remains unchanged If the perceptionof that reality changes in the course of the investigation, that fact
does not impair the validity of the investigation.)
We must realize that the aspirations, the motives, and the objec­
tives implicit in the meaningful thematics are human aspirations,motives, and objectives. They do not exist "out there" somewhere,
as static entities; they are occurring. They are as historical as humanbeings themselves; consequently, they cannot be apprehended apartfrom them. To apprehend these themes and to understand them isto understand both the people who embody them and the reality
to which they refer. But—precisely because it is not possible tounderstand these themes apart from people—it is necessary thatthose concerned understand them as well. Thematic investigation
thus becomes a common striving towards awareness of reality andtowards self-awareness, which makes this investigation a starting
point for the educational process or for cultural action of a liberating
character.
The real danger of the investigation is not that the supposed
objects of the investigation, discovering themselves to be co-investi­
gators, might "adulterate" the analytical results. On the contrary,
the danger lies in the risk of shifting the focus of the investigationfrom the meaningful themes to the people themselves, thereby
treating the people as objects of the investigation. Since this investi­
gation is to serve as a basis for developing an educational programin which teacher-student and students-teachers combine their cog­nitions of the same object, the investigation itself must likewise bebased on reciprocity of action.
Thematic investigation, which occurs in the realm of the human,108-PAULO FREIRE
cannot be reduced to a mechanical act. As a process of search, ofknowledge, and thus of creation, it requires the investigators to
discover the interpenetration of problems, in th^linking of meaning­
ful themes. The investigation will be most educational when it ismost critical, and most critical when it avoids the narrow outlinesof partial or "focalized" views of reality, and sticks to the comprehen­sion of total reality. Thus, the process of searching for the meaningfulthematics should include a concern for the links between themes,a concern to pose these themes as problems, and a concern for their
historical-cultural context.
Just as the educator may not elaborate a program to present to
the people, neither may the investigator elaborate "itineraries" forresearching the thematic universe, starting from points which hehas predetermined. Both education and the investigation designed
to support it must be "sympathetic" activities, in the etymologicalsense of the word. That is, they must consist of communication andof the common experience of a reality perceived in the complexityof its constant "becoming."
The investigator who, in the name of scientific objectivity, trans­
forms the organic into something inorganic, what is becoming into
what is, life into death, is a person who fears change. He or she seesin change (which is not denied, but neither is it desired) not a signof life, but a sign of death and decay. He or she does want to studychange—but in order to stop it, not in order to stimulate or deepenit. However, in seeing change as a sign of death and in making
people the passive objects of investigation in order to arrive at rigid
models, one betrays their own character as a killer of life.
I repeat: the investigation of thematics involves the investigationof the people's thinking—thinking which occurs only in and amongpeople together seeking out reality. I cannot think for others or
without others, nor can others think for me. Even if the people's
thinking is superstitious or naive, it is only as they rethink theirassumptions in action that they can change. Producing and acting
upon their own ideas—not consuming those of others—must consti­
tute that process.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 109

People, as beings "in a situation,"findthemselves rooted in tem­poral-spatial conditions which mark them and which they also mark.
They will tend to reflect on their own "situatipnality" to the extent
that they are challenged by it to act upon it. Human beings arebecause they are in a situation. And they will be more the morethey not only critically reflect upon their existence but critically act
upon it.
Reflection upon situationality is reflection about the very condi­tion of existence: critical thinking by means of which people discovereach other to be "in a situation." Only as this situation ceases topresent itself as a dense, enveloping reality or a tormenting blindalley, and they can come to perceive it as an objective-problematic
situation—only then can commitment exist. Humankind emerge
from their submersion and acquire the ability to intervene in reality
as it is unveiled. Intervention in reality—historical awareness it­
self—thus represents a step forward from emergence, and resultsfrom the cdnscientizagao of the situation. Conscientizagao is thedeepening of the attitude of awareness characteristic of all emer­
gence.
Every thematic investigation which deepens historical awarenessis thus really educational, while all authentic education investigates
thinking. The more educators and the people investigate the peo­ple s thinking, and are thus jointly educated, the more they continue
to investigate. Education and thematic investigation, in the prob­
lem-posing concept of education, are simply different moments ofthe same process.
In contrast with the antidialogical and non-communicative "de­posits" of the banking method of education, the program content of
the problem-posing method—dialogical par excellence—is consti­
tuted and organized by the students' view of the world, where theirown generative themes are found. The content thus constantly ex­pands and renews itself. The task of the dialogical teacher in aninterdisciplinary team working on the thematic universe revealedby their investigation is to "re-present" that universe to the people
from whom she or he first received it—and "re-present" it not as alecture, but as a problem.

110-PAULO

FREIRELet us say, for example, that a group has the responsibility of
coordinating a plan for adult education in a peasant area with a highpercentage of illiteracy. The plan includes literacy campaign anda post-literacy phase. During the former stage, problem-posing edu­
cation seeks out and investigates the "generative word"; in the postliteracy stage, it seeks out and investigates the "generative theme."
Let us here, however, consider only the investigation of the gen­erative themes or the meaningful thematics.22 Once the investigators
have determined the area in which they will work and have acquireda preliminary acquaintance with the area through secondary
sources, they initiate the first stage of the investigation. This begin­ning (like any beginning in any human activity) involves difficulties
and risks which are to a certain point normal, although they are notalways evident in the first contact with the individuals of the area.
In this first contact, the investigators need to get a significant num­
ber of persons to agree to an informal meeting during which they
can talk about the objectives of their presence in the area. In thismeeting they explain the reason for the investigation, how it is tobe carried out, and to what use it will be put; they further explainthat the investigation will be impossible without a relation of mutual
understanding and trust. If the participants agree both to the inves­tigation and to the subsequent process,23 the investigators should
call for volunteers among the participants to serve as assistants.
These volunteers will gather a series of necessary data about thelife of the area. Of even greater importance, however, is the active
presence of these volunteers in the investigation.
Meanwhile, the investigators begin their own visits to the area,
never forcing themselves, but acting as sympathetic observers withan attitude of understanding towards what they see. While it isnormal for investigators to come to the area with values which influ22. Regarding the investigation and use of "generative words," see my Educagdo
como Prdtica da Liberdade.
23. According to the Brazilian sociologist Maria Edy Ferreira (in an unpublishedwork), thematic investigation is only justified to the extent that it returns to thepeople what truly belongs to them; to the extent that it represents, not an attempt
to learn about the people, but to come to know with them the reality which chal­lenges them.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 111

ence their perceptions, this does not mean that they may transformthe thematic investigation into a means of imposing these values.
The only dimension of these values which it is hoped the people
whose thematics are being investigated will come to share (it ispresumed that the investigators possess this quality) is a criticalperception of the world, which implies a correct method of ap­
proaching reality in order to unveil it. And critical perception cannot
be imposed. Thus, from the very beginning, thematic investigation
is expressed as an educational pursuit, as cultural action.
During their visits, the investigators set their critical "aim" on
the area under study, as if it were for them an enormous, unique,living "code" to be deciphered. They regard the area as a totality,and visit upon visit attempt to "split" it by analyzing the partial
dimensions which impress them. Through this process they expand
their understanding of how the various parts interact, which will
later help them penetrate the totality itself.
During this decoding stage, the investigators observe certain moments of the life of the area—sometimes directly, sometimes bymeans of informal conversations with the inhabitants. They register
everything in their notebooks, including apparently unimportant
items: the way the people talk, their style of life, their behavior atchurch and at work. They record the idiom of the people: theirexpressions, their vocabulary, and their syntax (not their incorrect
pronunciation, but rather the way they construct their thought).24
It is essential that the investigators observe the area under varying
circumstances: labor in the fields, meetings of a local association(noting the behavior of the participants, the language used, and the
24. The Brazilian novelist Guimaraes Rosa is a brilliant example of how a writer
can capture authentically, not the pronunciation or the grammatical corruptions of
the people, but their syntax: the very structure of their thought. Indeed (and thisis not to disparage his exceptional value as a writer), Guimaraes Rosa was theinvestigator par excellence of the "meaningful thematics" of the inhabitants of theBrazilian hinterland. Professor Paulo de Tarso is currently preparing an essay whichanalyzes this little-considered aspect of the work of the author of Grande Sertdo—
Veredas [in English translation: The Devil to Pay in the Backlands (New York,1963)].

112-PAULO FREIRE
relations between the officers and the members), the role played
by women and by young people, leisure hour§, games and sports,
conversations with people in their homes (noting examples of husband-wife and parent-child relationships). No activity must escape
the attention of the investigators during the initial survey of thearea.
After each observation visit, the investigator should draw up
a brief report to be discussed by the entire team, in order to evaluate the preliminary findings of both the professional investigatorsand the local assistants. To facilitate the participation of the assistants, the evaluation meetings should be held in the area itself.
The evaluation meetings represent a second stage in the decodingof the unique living code. As each person, in his decoding essay,
relates how he perceived or felt a certain occurrence or situation,
his exposition challenges all the other decoders by re-presenting tothem the same reality upon which they have themselves been intent.
At this moment they "re-consider," through the "considerations" ofothers, their own previous "consideration." Thus the analysis of reality made by each individual decoder sends them all back, dialogically, to the disjoined whole which once more becomes a totality
evoking a new analysis by the investigators, following which a new
evaluative and critical meeting will be held. Representatives of the
inhabitants participate in all activities as members of the investigating team.
The more the group divide and reintegrate the whole, the moreclosely they approach the nuclei of the principal and secondary
contradictions which involve the inhabitants of the area. By locatingthese nuclei of contradictions, the investigators might even at thisstage be able to organize the program content of their educational
action. Indeed, if the content reflected these contradictions, it would
undoubtedly contain the meaningful thematics of the area. And one
can safely affirm that action based on these observations would bemuch more likely to succeed than that based on "decisions from the
top." The investigators should not, however, be tempted by thispossibility. The basic thing, starting from the initial perception of

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 113

these nuclei of contradictions (which include the principal contradic­
tion of society as a larger epochal unit) is to study the inhabitants'
level of awareness of these contradictions.
Intrinsically, these contradictions constitute limit-situations, in­volve themes, and indicate tasks. If individuals are caught up in andare unable to separate themselves from these limit-situations, their
theme in reference to these situations is fatalism, and the task im­
plied by the theme is the lack of a task. Thus, although the limitsituations are objective realities which call forth needs in individ­
uals, one must investigate with these individuals their level of aware­ness of these situations.
A limit-situation as a concrete reality can call forth from persons
in different areas (and even in sub-areas of the same area) quite
opposite themes and tasks. Thus, the basic concern of the investiga­
tors should be to concentrate on the knowledge of what Goldman
calls "real consciousness" and the "potential consciousness."
Real consciousness [is] the result of the multiple obstacles anddeviations that the different factors of empirical reality put into
opposition and submit for realization by [the] potential con­sciousness.25
Real consciousness implies the impossibility of perceiving the "un­tested feasibility" which lies beyond the limit-situations. But
whereas the untested feasibility cannot be achieved at the level of"real [or present] consciousness," it can be realized through "testing
action" which reveals its hitherto unperceived viability. The un­tested feasibility and real consciousness are related, as are testing
action and potential consciousness. Goldman's concept of "potential
consciousness" is similar to what Nicolai terms "unperceived praticable solutions"26 (our "untested feasibility"), in contrast to "perceived
practicable solutions" and "presently practiced solutions," which
25. Lucien Goldman, The Human Sciences and Philosophy (London, 1969), p.
118.
26. See Andre Nicolai, Comportment Economique et Structures Sociales (Paris,
1960).

114-PAULO

FREIRE

correspond to Goldman's "real consciousness." Accordingly, the factthat the investigators may in the first stage of tjje investigation ap­
proximately apprehend the complex of contradictions does not au­
thorize them to begin to structure the program content ofeducational action. This perception of reality is still their own, notthat of the people.
It is with the apprehension of the complex of contradictions thatthe second stage of the investigation begins. Always acting as ateam, the investigators will select some of these contradictions todevelop the codifications to be used in the thematic investigation.
Since the codifications (sketches or photographs)27 are the objects
which mediate the decoders in their critical analysis, the prepara­tion of these codifications must be guided by certain principles otherthan the usual ones for making visual aids.
The first requirement is that these codifications must necessarily
represent situations familiar to the individuals whose thematics arebeing examined, so that they can easily recognize the situations (andthus their own relation to them). It is inadmissible (whether during
the process of investigation or in the following stage, when the mean­
ingful thematics are presented as program content) to present pic­tures of reality unfamiliar to the participants. The latter procedure(although dialectical, because individuals analyzing an unfamiliar re­ality could compare it with their own and discover the limitations ofeach) cannot precede the more basic one dictated by the partici­
pants' state of submersion, that is, the process in which individuals
analyzing their own reality become aware of their prior, distorted
perceptions and thereby come to have a new perception of thatreality.
An equally fundamental requirement for the preparation of thecodifications is that their thematic nucleus be neither overly explicit
nor overly enigmatic. The former may degenerate into mere propa27. The codifications may also be oral. In this case they consist of a few words
presenting an existential problem, followed by decoding. The team of the Institutode Desarrollo Agropecuario (Institute for Agrarian Development) in Chile has used
this method successfully in thematic investigations.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 115

ganda, with no real decoding to be done beyond stating the obvi­
ously predetermined content. The latter runs the risk of appearing
to be a puzzle or a guessing game. Since they represent existential
situations, the codifications should be simple in their complexity
and offer various decoding possibilities in order to avoid the brain­
washing tendencies of propaganda. Codifications are not slogans;they are cognizable objects, challenges towards which the criticalreflection of the decoders should be directed.
In order to offer various possibilities of analysis in the decoding
process, the codifications should be organized as a "thematic fan."As the decoders reflect on the codifications, the codifications should
open up in the direction of other themes. This opening up (which
does not occur if the thematic content is either too explicit or too
enigmatic) is indispensable to the perception of the dialectical rela­tions which exist between the themes and their opposites. Accord­
ingly, the codifications reflecting an existential situation must
objectively constitute a totality. Its elements must interact in the
makeup of the whole.
In the process of decoding, the participants externalize their thematics and thereby make explicit their "real consciousness" of theworld. As they do this, they begin to see how they themselves acted
while actually experiencing the situation they are now analyzing,
and thus reach a "perception of their previous perception." By
achieving this awareness, they come to perceive reality differently;
by broadening the horizon of their perception, they discover moreeasily in their "background awareness" the dialectical relations be­
tween the two dimensions of reality.
By stimulating "perception of the previous perception" and"knowledge of the previous knowledge," decoding stimulates theappearance of a new perception and the development of new know­
ledge. The new perception and knowledge are systematically contin­
ued with the inauguration of the educational plan, which transforms
the untested feasibility into testing action, as potential consciousness
supersedes real consciousness.
Preparing the codifications further requires that insofar as possi-

116-PAULO

FREIREble they should represent contradictions "incisive" of others whichconstitute the system of contradictions of the #rea under study 28 As
each of these "inclusive" codifications is prepared, the other contradictions "contained" therein should also be codified. The decodingof the former will be dialectically clarified by the decoding of thelatter.
In this connection, a very valuable contribution to our method
has been made by Gabriel Bode, a young Chilean civil servant in
one of the most significant Chilean governmental institutions: theInstituto de Desarrollo Agropecuario (INDAP).29 During his use ofthis method in the post-literacy stage, Bode observed that the peasants became interested in the discussion only when the codification
related directly to their felt needs. Any deviation in the codification,
as well as any attempt by the educator to guide the decoding discussion into other areas, produced silence and indifference. On theother hand, he observed that even when the codification30 centeredon their felt needs the peasants could not manage to concentrate
systematically on the discussion, which often digressed to the pointof never reaching a synthesis. Also, they almost never perceived therelationship of their felt needs to the direct and indirect causes ofthese needs. One might say that they failed to perceive the untested
feasibility lying beyond the limit-situations which engendered theirneeds.
Bode then decided to experiment with the simultaneous projection of different situations; in this technique lies the value of his
contribution. Initially, he projects a very simple codification of an
existential situation. He terms his first codification "essential"; itrepresents the basic nucleus and opens up into a thematic fan extending to "auxiliary" codifications. After the essential codification
is decoded, the educator maintains its projected image as a reference
28. This recommendation is made by Jos£ Luis Fiori, in an unpublished manu­
script.
29. Until recently, IN DAP was directed by the economist and authentic human­
ist Jacques Chonchol.
30. These codifications were not "inclusive," in Fiori's definition.

PEDAGOGY OF. THE OPPRESSED • 117

for the participants and successively projects alongside it the auxil­
iary codifications. By means of the latter, which are directly related
to the essential codification, he sustains the vivid interest of theparticipants, who are thereby enabled to reach a synthesis.
The great achievement of Gabriel Bode is that, by means of thedialectics between the essential and the auxiliary codifications, he
has managed to communicate to the participants a sense of totality.
Individuals who were submerged in reality, merely feeling theirneeds, emerge from reality and perceive the causes of their needs.
In this way, they can go beyond the level of real consciousness tothat of potential consciousness much more rapidly
Once the codifications have been prepared and all their possible
thematic facets have been studied by the interdisciplinary team, theinvestigators begin the third stage of the investigation by returning
to the area to initiate decoding dialogues in the "thematic investiga­
tion circles."31 These discussions, which decode the material pre­pared in the preceding stage, are taped for subequent analysis by
the interdisciplinary team.32 In addition to the investigator acting
as decoding co-ordinator, two other specialists—a psychologist anda sociologist—attend the meetings. Their task is to note and record
the significant (and apparently insignificant) reactions of the de­coders.
During the decoding process, the co-ordinator must not only lis31. Each "investigation circle** should have a maximum of twenty persons. There
should be as many circles as necessary to involve, as participants, ten percent of
the area or sub-area being studied.
32. These subsequent meetings of analysis should include the volunteers fromthe area who assisted in the investigation, and some participants of the "thematicinvestigation circles.** Their contribution is both a right to which they are entitledand an indispensable aid to the analysis of the specialists. As co-investigators of thespecialists, they will rectify and/or ratify the interpretations the latter make ofthe findings. From the methodological point of view, their participation gives theinvestigation (which from the beginning is based on a "sympathetic" relationship)an additional safeguard: the critical presence of representatives of the people fromthe beginning until the final phase, that of thematic analysis, continued in theorganization of the program content of educational action as liberating culturalaction.

118-PAULO

FREIRE

ten to the individuals but must challenge them, posing as problems
both the codified existential situation and tlieir own answers. Dueto the cathartic force of the methodology, the participants of thethematic investigation circles externalize a series of sentiments andopinions about themselves, the world, and others, that perhaps theywould not express under different circumstances.
In one of the thematic investigations33 carried out in Santiago, agroup of tenement residents discussed a scene showing a drunken
man walking on the street and three young men conversing on thecorner. The group participants commented that "the only one there
who is productive and useful to his country is the souse who isreturning home after working all day for low wages and who is wor­ried about his family because he cant take care of their needs. He
is the only worker. He is a decent worker and a souse like us."
The investigator34 had intended to study aspects of alcoholism.
He probably would not have elicited the above responses if he had
presented the participants with a questionnaire he had elaborated
himself. If asked directly, they might even have denied ever taking
a drink themselves. But in their comments on the codification of an
existential situation they could recognize, and in which they could
recognize themselves, they said what they really felt.
There are two important aspects to these declarations. On the
one hand, they verbalize the connection between earning low wages,
feeling exploited, and getting drunk—getting drunk as a flight fromreality, as an attempt to overcome the frustration of inaction, as anultimately self-destructive solution. On the other hand, they mani­
fest the need to rate the drunkard highly. He is the "only one useful
to his country, because he works, while the others only gab." After
praising the drunkard, the participants then identify themselveswith him, as workers who also drink—"decent workers."
In contrast, imagine the failure of a moralistic educator,35 sermoniz33. This particular investigation was, unfortunately, not completed.
34. The psychiatrist Patricio Lopes, whose work is described in Educagdo como
Prdtica da Liberdade.
35. See Niebuhr, op cit.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 119

ing against alcoholism and presenting as an example of virtue some­thing which for these men is not a manifestation of virtue. In this andin other cases, the only sound procedure is the conscientizagdo of thesituation, which should be attempted from the start of the thematicinvestigation. (Obviously, conscientizagdo does not stop at the level ofmere subjective perception of a situation, but through action preparesmen for the struggle against the obstacles to their humanization.)
In another experience, this time with peasants, I observed thatthe unchanging motif during an entire discussion of a situation de­picting work in the fields was the demand for an increase in wages
and the necessity of joining together to create a union to obtain
this particular demand. Three situations were discussed during thesession, and the motif was always the same.
Now imagine an educator who has organized his educational pro­gram for these men, consisting of reading "wholesome" texts inwhich one learns that "the water is in the well." But precisely thistype of thing happens all the time in both education and politics,
because it is not realized that the dialogical nature of education
begins with thematic investigation.
Once the decoding in the circles has been completed, the laststage of the investigation begins, as the investigators undertake asystematic interdisciplinary study of their findings. Listening to thetapes recorded during the decoding sessions and studying the notes
taken by the psychologists and the sociologist, the investigators be­
gin to list the themes explicit or implicit in the affirmations madeduring the sessions. These themes should be classified according to
the various social sciences. Classification does not mean that when
the program is elaborated the themes will be seen as belonging toisolated categories, but only that a theme is viewed in a specificmanner by each of the social sciences to which it is related The
theme of development, for example, is especially appropriate to thefield of economics, but not exclusively so. This theme would also be
focalized by sociology, anthropology, and social psychology (fields
concerned with cultural change and with the modification of atti-

120-PAULO FREIRE
tudes and values—questions which are equally relevant to a philosophy of development). It would be focalized by political science (afield concerned with the decisions which involve development), by
education, and so forth. In this way, the themes which characterizea totality will never be approached rigidly. It would indeed be apity if the themes, after being investigated in the richness of theirinterpenetration with other aspects of reality, were subsequently tobe handled in such a way as to sacrifice their richness (and hence
their force) to the strictures of specialties.
Once the thematic demarcation is completed, each specialist presents to the interdisciplinary team a project for the "breakdown" of
his theme. In breaking down the theme, the specialist looks for thefundamental nuclei which, comprising learning units and establishing a sequence, give a general view of the theme. As each specificproject is discussed, the other specialists make suggestions. Thesemay be incorporated into the project and/or may be included in thebrief essays to be written on the theme, These essays, to whichbibliographic suggestions are annexed, are valuable aids in training
the teacher-students who will work in the "culture circles."During this effort to break down the meaningful thematics, theteam will recognize the need to include some fundamental themes
which were not directly suggested by the people during the preceding investigation. The introduction of these themes has proved tobe necessary, and also corresponds to the dialogical character ofeducation. If educational programming is dialogical, the teacherstudents also have the right to participate by including themes notpreviously suggested. I call the latter type of theme "hinged
themes," due to their function. They may either facilitate the connection between two themes in the program unit, filling a possible
gap between the two; or they may illustrate the relations between
the general program content and the view of the world held by thepeople. Hence, one of these themes may be located at the beginningof thematic units.
The anthropological concept of culture is one of these hinged

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 121

themes. It clarifies the role of people in the world and with theworld as transforming rather than adaptive beings.36
Once the breakdown of the thematics is completed,37 there follows
the stage of its "codification": choosing the best channel of communi­
cation for each theme and its representation. A codification may be
simple or compound. The former utilizes either the visual (pictorial
or graphic), the tactile, or the auditive channel; the latter utilizes
various channels.38 The selection of the pictorial or graphic channel
depends not only on the material to be codified, but also on whether
or not the individuals with whom one wishes to communicate are
literate. ^After the thematics has been codified, the didactic material (pho­tographs, slides, film strips, posters, reading texts, and so forth) is
prepared. The team may propose some themes or aspects of somethemes to outside specialists as topics for recorded interviews.
Let us take the theme of development as an example. The team
36. With regard to the importance of the anthropological analysis of culture, see
Educagdo como Prdtica da Liberdade.
37. Note that the entire program is a totality made up of interrelated units whichin themselves are also totalities.
The themes are totalities in themselves but are also elements which in interaction
constitute the thematic units of the entire program.
The thematic breakdown splits the total themes in search of their fundamental
nuclei, which are the partial elements.
The codification process attempts to re-totalize the disjoined theme in the repre­
sentation of existential situations.
In decoding, individuals split the codification to apprehend its implicit themeor themes. The dialectical decoding process does not end there, but is completed
in the re-totalization of the disjoined whole which is thus more clearly understood(as are also its relations to other codified situations, all of which represent existential
situations).
38. CODIFICATIONa) Simple:
visual channel
pictorial
graphic
tactile channel
auditive channelb) Compound: simultaneity of channels

122-PAULO FREIRE
approaches two or more economists of varying schools of thought,
tells them about the program, and invites them to contribute aninterview on the subject in language comprehensible to the audience. If the specialists accept, an interview of fifteen to twenty minutes is taped. A photograph may be taken of each specialist while
he is speaking.
When the taped interview is presented to the culttire circle, anintroductory statement indicates who each speaker is, what she or
he has written, done, and doing now; meanwhile, the speaker s photograph is projected on a screen. If, for instance, the speaker isa university professor, the introduction could include a discussion
regarding what the participants think of universities and what they
expect of them. The group has already been told that the recordedinterview will be followed by a discussion of its contents (whichfunction as an auditive codification). The team subsequently reports
to the specialist the reaction of the participants during the discussion. This technique links intellectuals, often well-intentioned but
not infrequently alienated from the reality of the people, to thatreality. It also gives the people an opportunity to hear and criticize
the thought of intellectuals.
Some themes or nuclei may be presented by means of brief dramatizations, containing the theme only—no "solutions"! The dramatization acts as a codification, as a problem-posing situation to be
discussed.
Another didactic resource—as long as it is carried out within aproblem-posing rather than a banking approach to education—is thereading and discussion of magazine articles, newspapers, and bookchapters (beginning with passages). As in the case of the recordedinterviews, the author is introduced before the group begins, andthe contents are discussed afterward.
Along the same lines, it is indispensable to analyze the contentsof newspaper editorials following any given event: "Why do different
newspapers have such different interpretations of the same fact?"
This practice helps develop a sense of criticism, so that people willreact to newspapers or news broadcasts not as passive objects of

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 123

the "communiques" directed at them, but rather as consciousnesses
seeking to be free.
With all the didactic material prepared, to which should be added
small introductory manuals, the team of educators is ready to re­present to the people their own thematics, in systematized andamplified form. The thematics which have come from the people
return to them—not as contents to be deposited, but as problems
to be solved.
The first task of the basic-education teachers is to present thegeneral program of the educational campaign. The people will findthemselves in this program; it will not seem strange to them, since
it originated with them. The educators will also explain (based on
the dialogical character of education) the presence in the programof the hinged themes, and their significance.
If the educators lack sufficient funds to carry out the preliminary
thematic investigation as described above, they can—with a mini­
mum knowledge of the situation—select some basic themes to serveas "codifications to be investigated." Accordingly, they can begin
with introductory themes and simultaneously initiate further the­matic investigation.
One of these basic themes (and one which I consider central andindispensable) is the anthropological concept of culture. Whether
men and women are peasants or urban workers, learning to read orenrolled in a post-literacy program, the starting point of their search
to know more (in the instrumental meaning of the term) is thedebate of the concept. As they discuss the world of culture, theyexpress their level of awareness of reality, in which various themes
are implicit. Their discussion touches upon other aspects of reality,
which comes to be perceived in an increasingly critical manner.
These aspects in turn involve many other themes.
With the experience now behind me, I can affirm that the conceptof culture, discussed imaginatively in all or most of its dimensions,can provide various aspects of an educational program. In addition,
after several days of dialogue with the culture circle participants,
the educators can ask the participants directly: "What other themes124-PAULO FREIRE
or subjects could we discuss besides these?" As each person replies,
the answer is noted down and is immediately proposed to the groupas a problem.
One of the group members may say, for example: "I'd like to talkabut nationalism." "Very well," says the educator, noting down thesuggestion, and adds: "What does nationalism mean? Why is a discussion about nationalism of any interest to us?" My experience
shows that when a suggestion is posed as a problem to the group,
new themes appear. If, in an area where (for example) thirty culture
circles meet on the same night, all the "co-ordinators" (educators)
proceed in this fashion, the central team will have a rich variety ofthematic material for study.
The important thing, from the point of view of libertarian education, is for the people to come to feel like masters of their thinking
by discussing the thinking and views of the world explicitly or implicitly manifest in their own suggestions and those of their comrades. Because this view of education starts with the conviction thatit cannot present its own program but must search for this program
dialogically with the people, it serves to introduce the pedagogyof the oppressed, in the elaboration of which the oppressed must
participate.

CHAPTER

4T

his chapter, which analyses the theories of cultural action
which develop from antidialogical and dialogical matrices,
will make frequent reference to points presented in theprevious chapters, either to expand these points or to clarify new
affirmations.
I shall start by reaffirming that humankind, as beings of thepraxis, differ from animals, which are beings of pure activity. Ani­mals do not consider the world; they are immersed in it. In contrast,
human beings emerge from the world, objectify it, and in so doing
can understand it and transform it with their labor.
Animals, which do not labor, live in a setting which they cannot
transcend. Hence, each animal species lives in the context appro­
priate to it, and these contexts, while open to humans, cannot com­municate among themselves.
But human activity consists of action and reflection: it is praxis;
it is transformation of the world. And as praxis, it requires theory
to illuminate it. Human activity is theory and practice; it is reflection
and action. It cannot, as I stressed in chapter 2, be reduced to either
verbalism or activism.
Lenin's famous statement: "Without a revolutionary theory there
can be no revolutionary movement"1 means that a revolution is
1. Vladimir Lenin, "What is to be Done," in Essential Works of Lenin, Henry
M. Christman, ed (New York, 1966), p. 69.

126'PAULO FREIRE
achieved with neither verbalism nor adtivism, but rather with praxis,
that is, with reflection and action directed at the structures to betransformed. The revolutionary effort to transform these structures
radically cannot designate its leaders as its thinkers and the op­pressed as mere doers.
If true commitment to the people, involving the transformationof the reality by which they are oppressed, requires a theory oftransforming action, this theory cannot fail to assign the people afundamental role in the transformation process. The leaders cannot
treat the oppressed as mere activists to be denied the opportunityof reflection and allowed merely the illusion of acting, whereas infact they would continue to be manipulated—and in this case by thepresumed foes of manipulation.
The leaders do bear the responsibility for coordination and, attimes, direction—but leaders who deny praxis to the oppressed
thereby invalidate their own praxis. By imposing their word onothers, they falsify that word and establish a contradiction between
their methods and their objectives. If they are truly committed toliberation, their action and reflection cannot proceed without theaction and reflection of others.
Revolutionary praxis must stand opposed to the praxis of thedominant elites, for they are by nature antithetical. Revolutionary
praxis cannot tolerate an absurd dichotomy in which the praxis of
the people is merely that of following the leaders decisions—a di­
chotomy reflecting the prescriptive methods of the dominant elites.
Revolutionary praxis is a unity, and the leaders cannot treat the
oppressed as their possession.
Manipulation, sloganizing, "depositing," regimentation, and pre­scription cannot be components of revolutionary praxis, precisely
because they are components of the praxis of domination. In orderto dominate, the dominator has no choice but to deny true praxis
to the people, deny them the right to say their own word and thinktheir own thoughts. He and she cannot act dialogically; for to do sowould mean either that they had relinquished their power to domi­
nate and joined the cause of the oppressed, or had lost that power
through miscalculation.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 127

Obversely, revolutionary leaders who do not act dialogically intheir relations with the people either have retained characteristicsof the dominator and are not truly revolutionary; or they are totally
misguided in their conception of their role, and, prisoners of theirown sectarianism, are equally non-revolutionary. They may evenreach power But the validity of any revolution resulting from antidialogical action is thoroughly doubtful.
It is absolutely essential that the oppressed participate in therevolutionary process with an increasingly critical awareness of theirrole as Subjects of the transformation. If they are drawn into theprocess as ambiguous beings, partly themselves and partly the op­pressors housed within them—and if they come to power still em­
bodying that ambiguity imposed on them by the situation of
oppression—it is my contention that they will merely imagine they
have reached power.2 Their existential duality may even facilitate therise of a sectarian climate leading to the installation of bureaucracies
which undermine the revolution. If the oppressed do not becomeaware of this ambiguity during the course of the revolutionary proc­
ess, they may participate in that process with a spirit more revanchist than revolutionary.3 They may aspire to revolution as a means ofdomination, rather than as a road to liberation.
If revolutionary leaders who incarnate a genuine humanism havedifficulties and problems, the difficulties and problems will be far
greater for a group of leaders who try (even with the best of inten­
tions) to carry out the revolution for the people. To attempt this isequivalent to carrying out a revolution without the people, because

2. This danger further requires the revolutionary leaders to resist imitating theprocedures of the oppressors, who "enter" the oppressed and are "housed" by thelatter. The revolutionaries, in their praxis with the oppressed, cannot try to "reside"in the latter. On the contrary, when they try (with the oppressed) to "throw out"
the oppressors, they do this in order to live with the oppressed—not to live withinthem.
3. Although the oppressed, who have always been subject to a regime of exploita­tion, may understandably impart a revanchist dimension to the revolutionary strug­gle, the revolution must not exhaust its forces in this dimension.

128-PAULO

FREIREthe people are drawn into the process by the same methods andprocedures used to oppress them.
Dialogue with the people is radically necessary to every authentic
revolution. This is what makes it a revolution, as distinguished froma military coup. One does not expect dialogue from a coup—only
deceit (in order to achieve "legitimacy") or force (in order to repress).
Sooner or later, a true revolution must initiate a courageous dialogue
with the people. Its very legitimacy lies in that dialogue.4 It cannot
fear the people, their expression, their effective participation in
power. It must be accountable to them, must speak frankly to themof its achievements, its mistakes, its miscalculations, and its diffi­
culties.
The earlier dialogue begins, the more truly revolutionary will the
movement be. The dialogue which is radically necessary to revolu­tion corresponds to another radical need: that of women and men
as beings who cannot be truly human apart from communication,
for they are essentially communicative creatures. To impede com­munication is to reduce men to the status of "things"—and this is a
job for oppressors, not for revolutionaries.
Let me emphasize that my defense of the praxis implies no dichot­
omy by which this praxis could be divided into a prior stage ofreflection and a subsequent stage of action. Action and reflection
occur simultaneously. A critical analysis of reality may, however, re­veal that a particular form of action is impossible or inappropriate
at the present time. Those who through reflection perceive the infeasibility or inappropriateness of one or another form of action (whichshould accordingly be postponed or substituted) cannot thereby beaccused of inaction. Critical reflection is also action.
I previously stated that in education the attempt of the teacherstudent to understand a cognizable object is not exhausted in that
object, because this act extends to other students-teachers in such
4. "While we might obtain some benefit from doubt," said Fidel Castro to the
Cuban people as he confirmed the death of Guevara, "lies, fear of the truth, com­plicity with false illusions, and complicity with lies have never been weapons of therevolution." Quoted in Gramma. October 17, 1967. Emphasis added.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 129

a way that the cognizable object mediates their capacity for under­
standing. The same is true of revolutionary action. That is, theoppressed and the leaders are equally the Subjects of revolutionary
action, and reality serves as the medium for the transforming actionof both groups. In this theory of action one cannot speak of an actor,
nor simply of actors, but rather of actors in intercommunication.
■» This affirmation might appear to imply division, dichotomy, rup­
ture of the revolutionary forces; in fact, it signifies exactly the oppo­
site: their communion. Apart from this communion, we do see
dichotomy: leaders on one side and people on the other, in a replicaof the relations of oppression. Denial of communion in the revolu­
tionary process, avoidance of dialogue with the people under thepretext of organizing them, of strengthening revolutionary power, orof ensuring a united front, is really a fear of freedom. It is fear of orlack of faith in the people. But if the people cannot be trusted, there
is no reason for liberation; in this case the revolution is not evencarried out for the people, but "by" the people for the leaders: acomplete self-negation.
The revolution is made neither by the leaders for the people,
nor by the people for the leaders, but by both acting together inunshakable solidarity. This solidarity is born only when the leaders
witness to it by their humble, loving, and courageous encounter
with the people. Not all men and women have sufficient couragefor this encounter—but when they avoid encounter they become
inflexible and treat others as mere objects; instead of nurturing life,
they kill life; instead of searching for life, they flee from it. And
these are oppressor characteristics.
Some may think that to affirm dialogue—the encounter of womenand men in the world in order to transform the world—is naively
and subjectively idealistic.5 There is nothing, however, more real orconcrete than people in the world and with the world, than humans
with other humans—and some people against others, as oppressing
and oppressed classes.
5. Once more, let me repeat that this dialogical encounter cannot take place
between antagonists.

130-PAULO

FREIRE

Authentic revolution attempts to transform the reality which be­gets this dehumanizing state of affairs. Those whose interests areserved by that reality cannot carry out this transformation; it mustbe achieved by the tyrannized, with their leaders. This truth, how­ever, must become radically consequential; that is, the leaders must
incarnate it, through communion with the people. In this commun­
ion both groups grow together, and the leaders, instead of being
simply self-appointed, are installed or authenticated in their praxis
with the praxis of the people.
Many persons, bound to a mechanistic view of reality, do not
perceive that the concrete situation of individuals conditions theirconsciousness of the world, and that in turn this consciousness con­ditions their attitudes and their ways of dealing with reality. They
think that reality can be transformed mechanistically,6 without pos­
ing the persons false consciousness of reality as a problem or,
through revolutionary action, developing a consciousness which isless and less false. There is no historical reality which is not human.
There is no history without humankind, and no history for humanbeings; there is only history of humanity, made by people and (asMarx pointed out) in turn making them. It is when the majorities
are denied their right to participate in history as Subjects that they
become dominated and alienated. Thus, to supersede their condi­tion as objects by the status of Subjects—the objective of any true
revolution—requires that the people act, as well as reflect, upon thereality to be transformed.
It would indeed be idealistic to affirm that, by merely reflectingon oppressive reality and discovering their status as objects, persons
have thereby already become Subjects. But while this perception in
and of itself does not mean that thinkers have become Subjects, it

6. 'The epochs during which the dominant classes are stable, epochs in which
the workers* movement must defend itself against a powerful adversary which isoccasionally threatening and is in every case solidly seated in power, produces
naturally a socialist literature which emphasizes the 'material' element of reality, theobstacles to be overcome, and the scant efficacy of human awareness and action."
Goldman, op. cit., pp. 80-81.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 131

does mean, as one of my co-investigators7 affirmed, that they are"Subjects in expectancy*—an expectancy which leads them to seek
to solidify their new status.
On the other hand, it would be a false premise to believe that
activism (which is not true action) is the road to revolution. People
will be truly critical if they live the plenitude of the praxis, that is,if their action encompasses a critical reflection which increasingly
organizes their thinking and thus leads them to move from a purely
naive knowledge of reality to a higher level, one which enables themto perceive the causes of reality. If revolutionary leaders deny thisright to the people, they impair their own capacity to think—or atleast to think correctly. Revolutionary leaders cannot think without
the people, nor for the people, but only with the people.
The dominant elites, on the other hand, can—and do—think
without the people—although they do not permit themselves theluxury of failing to think about the people in order to know thembetter and thus dominate them more efficiently. Consequently, any
apparent dialogue or communication between the elites and themasses is really the depositing of "communiques," whose contents
are intended to exercise a domesticating influence.
Why do the dominant elites not become debilitated when they
do not think with the people? Because the latter constitute theirantithesis, their very reason for existence. If the elites were to thinkwith the people, the contradiction would be superseded and they
could no longer dominate. From the point of view of the dominatorsin any epoch, correct thinking presupposes the non-thinking of thepeople.
A Mr. Giddy, later President of the Royal Society raised objec­tions which could be matched in every country: "However spe­
cious in theory the project might be of giving education to thelaboring classes of the poor, it would be prejudicial to their mor­
als and happiness; it would teach them to despise their lot in
7. Fernando Garcia, a Honduran, in a course for Latin Americans (Santiago,1967).

132-PAULO FREIRE
life instead of making them good servants in agricultural andother laborious employments; instead of teaching them subordi­
nation it would render them fractious and refractory as was evi­
dent in the manufacturing counties; Jt would enable them toread seditious pamphlets, vicious books and publications against
Christianity; it would render them insolent to their superiors
and in a few years the legislature would find it necessary to
direct the strong arm of power against them.8
What Mr. Giddy really wanted (and what the elites of today want,
although they do not denounce popular education so cynically andopenly) was for the people not to think. Since the Mr. Giddys of all
epochs, as an oppressor class, cannot think with the people, neither
can they let the people think for themselves.
The same is not true, however, of revolutionary leaders; if they do
not think with the people, they become devitalized. The people are
their constituent matrix, not mere objects thought of. Althoughrevolutionary leaders may also have to think about the people inorder to understand them better, this thinking differs from that of
the elite; for in thinking about the people in order to liberate (rather
than dominate) them, the leaders give of themselves to the thinkingof the people. One is the thinking of the master; the other is thethinking of the comrade.
Domination, by its very nature, requires only a dominant pole
and a dominated pole in antithetical contradiction; revolutionary
liberation, which attempts to resolve this contradiction, implies theexistence not only of these poles but also of a leadership group which
emerges during this attempt. This leadership group either identifies
itself with the oppressed state of the people, or it is not revolution­ary. To simply think about the people, as the dominators do, without
any self-giving in that thought, to fail to think with the people, is asure way to cease being revolutionary leaders.
In the process of oppression the elites subsist on the "living death"of the oppressed and find their authentication in the vertical rela­tionship between themselves and the latter; in the revolutionary
8. Niebuhr, op. cit.t pp. 117-118.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 133

process there is only one way for the emerging leaders to achieveauthenticity: they must "die," in order to be reborn through andwith the oppressed.
We can legitimately say that in the process of oppression someone
oppresses someone else; we cannot say that in the process of revolu­tion someone liberates someone else, nor yet that someone liberates
himself, but rather that human beings in communion liberate eachother. This affirmation is not meant to undervalue the importanceof revolutionary leaders but, on the contrary, to emphasize theirvalue. What could be more important than to live and work withthe oppressed, with the "rejects of life," with the "wretched of theearth"? In this communion, the revolutionary leaders should find
not only their raison d'etre but a motive for rejoicing. By their very
nature, revolutionary leaders can do what the dominant elites—by
their very nature—are unable to do in authentic terms.
Every approach to the oppressed by the elites, as a class, iscouched in terms of the false generosity described in chapter 1. But
the revolutionary leaders cannot be falsely generous, nor can they
manipulate/Whereas the oppressor elitesflourishby trampling thepeople underfoot, the revolutionary leaders can flourish only incommunion with the people. Thus it is that the activity of the op­pressor cannot be humanist, while that of the revolutionary is neces­sarily so.
The inhumanity of the oppressors and revolutionary humanism
both make use of science. But science and technology at the serviceof the former are used to reduce the oppressed to the status of"things"; at the service of the latter, they are used to promote humanization. The oppressed must become Subjects of the latter pro­cess, however, lest they continue to be seen as mere objects ofscientific interest.
Scientific revolutionary humanism cannot, in the name of revolu­tion, treat the oppressed as objects to be analyzed and (based onthat analysis) presented with prescriptions for behavior. To do thiswould be to fall into one of the myths of the oppressor ideology:
the absolutizing of ignorance. This myth implies the existence of134-PAULO FREIRE
someone who decrees the ignorance of someone else. The one who
is doing the decreeing defines himself and the class to which hebelongs as those who know or were born to, know; he thereby defines
others as alien entities. The words of his own class come to be the"true" words, which he imposes or attempts to impose on the others:
the oppressed, whose words have been stolen from them. Those
who steal the words of others develop a deep doubt in the abilitiesof the others and consider them incompetent. Each time they say
their word without hearing the word of those whom they have for­bidden to speak, they grow more accustomed to power and acquirea taste for guiding, ordering, and commanding. They can no longer
live without having someone to give orders to. Under these circum­
stances, dialogue is impossible.
Scientific and humanist revolutionary leaders, on the other hand,cannot believe in the myth of the ignorance of the people. They do
not have the right to doubt for a single moment that it is only amyth. They cannot believe that they, and only they, know anything—
for this means to doubt the people. Although they may legitimately
recognize themselves as having, due to fheir revolutionary con­sciousness, a level of revolutionary knowledge different from thelevel of empirical knowledge held by the people, they cannot impose
themselves and their knowledge on the people. They cannot slo­
ganize the people, but must enter into dialogue with them, so thatthe peoples empirical knowledge of reality, nourished by the lead­ers critical knowledge, gradually becomes transformed into know­
ledge of the causes of reality.
It would be naive to expect oppressor elites to denounce themyth which absolutizes the ignorance of the people; it would be acontradiction in terms if revolutionary leaders were not to do so,and more contradictory still were they to act in accordance with thatmyth. The task of revolutionary leaders is to pose as problems not
only this myth, but all the other myths used by the oppressor elites
to oppress. If, instead, revolutionary leaders persist in imitating theoppressors methods of domination, the people may respond ineither of two ways. In certain historical circumstances, they may

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 135

become domesticated by the new contents which the leaders depositin them. In other circumstances, they may become frightened by a"word" which threatens the oppressor housed within them.9 In nei­
ther event do they become revolutionary. In the first case, the revo­
lution is an illusion; in the second case, an impossibility.
Some well-intentioned but misguided persons suppose that since\he dialogical process is prolonged10 (which, incidentally, is not true),they ought to carry out the revolution without communication, bymeans of "communiques," and that once the revolution is won, they
will then develop a thoroughgoing educational effort. They further
justify this procedure by saying that it is not possible to carry out
education—liberating education—before taking power.
It is worth analyzing some fundamental points of the above asser9. Sometimes this "word" is not even spoken. The presence of someone (notnecessarily belonging to a revolutionary group) who can threaten the oppressor"housed" in the people is sufficient for the latter to assume destructive positions.
A student once told me how; in a certain Latin American peasant community, afanatical priest had denounced the presence in the community of two "communists"
who were "endangering" what he called the "Catholic faith." That very night thepeasants, to a man, joined together to burn alive the two simple elementary school
teachers who had been educating the local children. Perhaps that priest had seenin the house of the teachers a book with a bearded man on the cover . . .
10. Once more, I wish to emphasize that there is no dichotomy between dialogue
and revolutionary action. There is not one stage for dialogue and another for revolu­tion. On the contrary, dialogue is the essence of revolutionary action. In the theoryof this action, the actors intersubjectively direct their action upon an object (reality,
which mediates them) with the humanization of men (to be achieved by trans­
forming that reality) as their objective.
In the theory of oppressor action, antidialogical in essence, the above scheme issimplified. The actors have as simultaneous objects of their action both reality andthe oppressed, and the preservation of oppression (through the preservation of
oppressive reality) as their ojective.
THEORY OFREVOLUTIONARY ACTION

THEORY OF
OPPRESSIVE ACTION

Intersubjectivity
Subjects-Actors(revolutionary
leaders)

Actors-Subjects(the oppressed)

Actors-Subjects(dominant elites)136-PAULO FREIRE
tions. These men and women (or most of them) believe in the necessity for dialogue with the people, but do not believe this dialogue isfeasible prior to taking power. When they deny the possibility thatthe leaders can behave in a critically educational fashion before taking power, they deny the revolutions educational quality as culturalaction preparing to become cultural revolution. On the other hand,
they confuse cultural action with the new education to be inaugurated once power is taken.
I have already affirmed that it would indeed be naive to expect
the oppressor elites to carry out a liberating education. But because
the revolution undeniably has an educational nature, in the sensethat unless it liberates it is not revolution, the taking of power isonly one moment—no matter how decisive—in the revolutionary
process. As process, the "before" of the revolution is located within
the oppressor society and is apparent only to the revolutionary consciousness.
The revolution is born as a social entity within the oppressor
society; to the extent that it is cultural action, it cannot fail to correspond to the potentialities of the social entity in which it originated.
Every entity develops (or is transformed) within itself, through theinterplay of its contradictions. External conditioners, while necessary, are effective only if they coincide with those potentialities.11
The newness of the revolution is generated within the old, oppressive society; the taking of power constitutes only a decisive moment

Interaction
Objectwhich
mediates

Reality to
be transformed

Objectwhich
mediatesfor
Humaniza- Objectivetion as apermanent
process
11. See Mao Tse Tung, op. cit.

Objective

Object—the
reality to bepreserved

Object—theoppressed (aspart of reality)for
Objective—thepreservation of
oppression

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 137

of the continuing revolutionary process. In a dynamic, rather thanstatic, view of revolution, there is no absolute "before" or "after,"with the taking of power as the dividing line.
Originating in objective conditions, revolution seeks to supersede
the situation of oppression by inaugurating a society of women andmen in the process of continuing liberation. The educational, dialogical quality of revolution, which makes it a "cultural revolution"
as well, must be present in all its stages. This educational quality is
one of the most effective instruments for keeping the revolution frombecoming institutionalized and stratified in a counter-revolutionary
bureaucracy; for counter-revolution is carried out by revolutionaries
who become reactionary.
Were it not possible to dialogue with the people before power istaken, because they have no experience with dialogue, neither would
it be possible for the people to come to power, for they are equallyinexperienced in the use of power. The revolutionary process isdynamic, and it is in this continuing dynamics, in the praxis of thepeople with the revolutionary leaders, that the people and the lead­ers will learn both dialogue and the use of power. (This is as obvious
as affirming that a person learns to swim in the water, not in alibrary.)
Dialogue with the people is neither a concession nor a gift, muchless a tactic to be used for domination. Dialogue, as the encounteramong men to "name" the world, is a fundamental precondition for
their true humanization. In the words of Gajo Petrovic:
A free action can only be one by which a man changes his worldand himself... A positive condition of freedom is the know­
ledge of the limits of necessity, the awareness of human creative
possibilities . . . The struggle for a free society is not a struggle
for a free society unless through it an ever greater degree ofindividual freedom is created.12

12. Gajo Petrovic, "Man and Freedom," in Socialist Humanism, edited by Erich
Fromm (New York, 1965), pp. 274-276. By the same author, see Marx in the MidTwentieth Century (New York, 1967).

138-PAULO FREIRE
If this view be true, the revolutionary process is eminently educa­
tional in character. Thus the road to revolution involves openness tothe people, not imperviousness to them; it involves communion withthe people, not mistrust. And, as Lenin "pointed out, the more arevolution requires theory, the more its leaders must be with thepeople in order to stand against the power of oppression.
Based on these general propositions, let us undertake a morelengthy analysis of the theories of antidialogical and dialogical action.

Conquest
The first characteristic of antidialogical action is the necessity forconquest. The antidialogical individual, in his relations with others,
aims at conquering them—increasingly and by every means, fromthe toughest to the most refined, from the most repressive to themost solicitous (paternalism).
Every act of conquest implies a conqueror and someone or some­thing which is conquered. The conqueror imposes his objectives on
the vanquished, and makes of them his possession. He imposes his
own contours on the vanquished, who internalize this shape andbecome ambiguous beings "housing" another. From the first, theact of conquest, which reduces persons to the status of things, isnecrophilic.
Just as antidialogical action is a concomitant of the real, concrete
situation of oppression, dialogical action is indispensable to the revo­
lutionary supersedence of that situation. An individual is not antidia­
logical or dialogical in the abstract, but in the world. He or she is
not first antidialogical, then oppressor; but both, simultaneously.
Within an objective situation of oppression, antidialogue is neces­sary to the oppressor as a means of further oppression—not only
economic, but cultural: the vanquished are dispossessed of theirword, their expressiveness, their culture. Further, once a situationof oppression has been initiated, antidialogue becomes indispensa­
ble to its preservation.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 139

Because liberating action is dialogical in nature, dialogue cannot
be a posteriori to that action, but must be concomitant with it. And
since liberation must be a permanent condition, dialogue becomesa continuing aspect of liberating action.13
The desire for conquest (or rather the necessity of conquest) is at
all times present in antidialogical action. To this end the oppressors
attempt to destroy in the oppressed their quality as "considerers" ofthe world. Since the oppressors cannot totally achieve this destruc­tion, they must mythicize the world. In order to present for theconsideration of the oppressed and subjugated a world of deceit
designed to increase their alienation and passivity, the oppressors
develop a series of methods precluding any presentation of the world
as a problem and showing it rather as a fixed entity, as something
given—something to which people, as mere spectators, must adapt.
It is necessary for the oppressors to approach the people in order,
via subjugation, to keep them passive. This approximation, however,does not involve being with the people, or require true communica­
tion. It is accomplished by the oppressors depositing myths indis­
pensable to the preservation of the status quo: for example, the myththat the oppressive order is a "free society"; the myth that all persons
are free to work where they wish, that if they dont like their boss
they can leave him and look for another job; the myth that this orderrespects human rights and is therefore worthy of esteem; the myththat anyone who is industrious can become an entrepreneur—worse
yet, the myth that the street vendor is as much an entrepreneur as
the owner of a large factory; the myth of the universal right ofeducation, when of all the Brazilian children who enter primaryschools only a tinyfractionever reach the university; the myth ofthe equality of all individuals, when the question: "Do you know
who you're talking to?" is still current among us; the myth of the
13. Once a popular revolution has come to power, the fact that the new power
has the ethical duty to repress any attempt to restore the old oppressive power by
no means signifies that the revolution is contradicting its dialogical character. Dia­
logue between the former oppressors and the oppressed as antagonistic classes was
not possible before the revolution; it continues to be impossible afterward.

140-PAULO FREIRE
heroism of the oppressor classes as defenders of "Western Christiancivilization" against "materialist barbarism"; the myth of the charityand generosity of the elites, when what they really do as a class is
to foster selective "good deeds" (subsequently^ elaborated into themyth of "disinterested aid," which on the international level was
severely criticized by Pope John XXIII);14 the myth that~the domi­
nant elites, "recognizing their duties," promote the advancement of
the people, so that the people, in a gesture of gratitude, should
accept the words of the elites and be conformed to them; the myththat rebellion is a sin against God; the myth of private property as
fundamental to personal human development (so long as oppressors
are the only true human beings); the myth of the industriousnessof the oppressors and the laziness and dishonesty of the oppressed,
as well as the myth of the natural inferiority of the latter and thesuperiority of the former.15
All these myths (and others the reader could list), the internalization of which is essential to the subjugation of the oppressed, arepresented to them by well-organized propaganda and slogans, via
the mass "communications" media—as if such'alienation constituted
real communication!16
In sum, there is no oppressive reality which is not at the sametime necessarily antidialogical, just as there is no antidialogue inwhich the oppressors do not untiringly dedicate themselves to the
14. "Moreover, economically developed countries should take particular carelest, in giving aid to poorer countries, they endeavor to turn the prevailing politicalsituation to their own advantage, and seek to dominate them.
Should perchance such attempts be made, this clearly would be but anotherform of colonialism which, although disguised in name, merely reflects their earlier
but outdated dominion, now abandoned by many countries. When international
relations are thus obstructed, the orderly progress of all peoples is endangered/*Pope John XXIII, "Christianity and Social Progress/' from the Encyclical Letter
Mater et Magistra, articles 171 and 172.
15. Memmi refers to the image the colonizer constructs of the colonized: "By
his accusation the colonizer establishes the colonized as being lazy. He decides thatlaziness is constitutional in the very nature of the colonized/' Memmi, op. cit.t
p. 81.
16. It is not the media themselves which I criticize, but the way they are used.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 141

constant conquest of the oppressed In ancient Rome, the dominantelites spoke of the need to give "bread and circus" to the people inorder to "soften them up" and to secure their own tranquility. The
dominant elites of today, like those of any epoch, continue (in aversion of'original sin") to need to conquer others—with or withoutbread and circus. The content and methods of conquest vary histori­
cally; what does not vary (as long as dominant elites exist) is thenecrophilic passion to oppress.

Divide and Rule
This is another fundamental dimension of the theory of oppressive
action which is as old as oppression itself. As the oppressor minority
subordinates and dominates the majority, it must divide it and keep
it divided in order to remain in power. The minority cannot permit
itself the luxury of tolerating the unification of the people, which
would undoubtedly signify a serious threat to their own hegemony.
Accordingly, the oppressors halt by any method (including violence)
any action which in even incipient fashion could awaken the op­pressed to the need for unity. Concepts such as unity, organization,and struggle are immediately labeled as dangerous. In fact, ofcourse, these concepts are dangerous—to the oppressors—for theirrealization is necessary to actions of liberation.
It is in the interest of the oppressor to weaken the oppressed still
farther, to isolate them, to create and deepen rifts among themiThis is done by varied means, from the repressive methods of thegovernment bureaucracy to the forms of cultural action with which
they manipulate the people by giving them the impression that they
are being helped.
One of the characteristics of oppressive cultural action which isalmost never perceived by the dedicated but naive professionals whoare involved is the emphasis on a focalized view of problems rather
than on seeing them as dimensions of a totality. In "community
development" projects the more a region or area is broken down

142-PAULO FREIRE
into "local communities," without the study of these communities
both as totalities in themselves and as parts of another totality (thearea, region, and so forth)—which in its turn is part of a still larger
totality (the nation, as part of the continental totality)—the morealienation is intensified. And the more alienated people are, theeasier it is to divide them and keep them divided. These focalized
forms of action, by intensifying the focalized way of life of the op­pressed (especially in rural areas), hamper the oppressed from per­ceiving reality critically and keep them isolated from the problemsof oppressed women and men in other areas.17
The same divisive effect occurs in connection with the so-called"leadership training courses," which are (although carried out with­out any such intention by many of their organizers) in the last analy­
sis alienating. These courses are based on the naive assumption that
one can promote the community by training its leaders—as if itwere the parts that promote the whole and not the whole which, inbeing promoted, promotes the parts. Those members of the commu­
nities who show sufficient leadership capacities to be chosen forthese courses necessarily reflect and express the aspirations of theindividuals of their community. They are in harmony with the way ofliving and thinking about reality which characterizes their comrades,
even though they reveal special abilities which give them the statusof "leaders." As soon as they complete the course and return to thecommunity with resources they did not formerly possess, they either
use these resources to control the submerged and dominated con­sciousness of their comrades, or they become strangers in their own
communities and their former leadership position is thus threat­ened. In order not to lose their leadership status, they will probably
17. This criticism of course does not apply to actions within a dialectical perspec­
tive, based on the understanding of the local community both as a totality in itself
and as part of a larger totality. It is directed at those who do not realize that thedevelopment of the local community cannot occur except in the total context ofwhich it is a part, in interaction with other parts. This requirement implies theconsciousness of unity in diversification, of organization which channels forces indispersion, and a clear awareness of the necessity to transform reality. This (under­
standably) is what frightens the oppressors.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 143

tend to continue manipulating the community, but in a more effi­
cient manner.
When cultural action, as a totalized and totalizing process, ap­
proaches an entire community and not merely its leaders, the oppo­
site process occurs. Either the former leaders grow along witheveryone else, or they are replaced by new leaders who emerge asa result of the new social consciousness of the community.
The oppressors do not favor promoting the community as a whole,
but rather selected leaders. The latter course, by preserving a stateof alienation, hinders the emergence of consciousness and criticalintervention in a total reality. And without this critical intervention,
it is always difficult to achieve the unity of the oppressed as a class.
Class conflict is another concept which upsets the oppressors,since they do not wish to consider themselves an oppressive class.
Unable to deny, try as they may, the existence of social classes, theypreach the need for understanding and harmony between those whobuy and those who are obliged to sell their labor.18 However, theunconcealable antagonism which exists between the two classes
makes this "harmony" impossible.19 The elites call for harmony be18. Bishop Franic Split refers eloquently to this point: "If the workers do not
become in some way the owners of their labor, all structural reforms will be ineffec­
tive. [This is true] even if the workers receive a higher salary in an economic systembut are not content with these raises. They want to be owners, not sellers, of theirlabor. . . . At present the workers are increasingly aware that labor represents apart of the human person. A person, however cannot be bought; neither can hesell himself. Any purchase or sale of labor is a type of slavery. The evolution ofhuman society in this respect is clearly progressing within a system said to be lessresponsive than our own to the question of human dignity, i.e., Marxism." "15
Obispos hablan en prol del Tercer Mundo." CIDOC Informa (Mexico, 1967), Doc.
67/35, pp. 1-11.
19. With respect to social classes and the struggle between them (which KarlMarx is often accused of inventing), see Marx's letter to J. Weydemeyer dated March
1, 1852: ". . . no credit is due to me for discovering the existence of classes inmodern society or the struggle between them. Long before me bourgeois historians
had described the historical development of this class struggle and bourgeois econo­
mists the economic anatomy of the classes. What I did that was new was to prove:(1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with particular historical phasesin the development of production; (2) that the class struggle necessarily leads tothe dictatorship of the proletariat; (3) that this dictatorship itself only constitutes

144'PAULO

FREIRE

tween classes as if classes were fortuitous agglomerations of individuals curiously looking at a shop window on a Sunday afternoon. The
only harmony which is viable and demonstrable is that found among
the oppressors themselves. Although they may diverge and uponoccasion even clash over group interests, they unite immediately ata threat to the class. Similarly, the harmony of the oppressed is only
possible when its members are engaged in the struggle for liberation. Only in exceptional cases is it not only possible but necessary
for both classes to unite and act in harmony; but when the emergency which united them has passed they willreturn to the contradiction which defines their existence and^ which never reallydisappeared.
All the actions of the dominant class manifest its need to divide
in order to facilitate the preservation of the oppressor state. Itsinterference in the unions, favoring certain "representatives" of thedominated classes (who actually represent the oppressor, not theirown comrades); its promotion of individuals who reveal leadershipcapacity and could signify a threat if they were not "softened up" inthis way; its distribution of benefits to some and penalties to others:
all these are ways of dividing in order to preserve the system whichfavors the elite. They are forms of action which exploit, directly
or indirectly, one of the weak points of the oppressed: their basic
insecurity. The oppressed are insecure in their duality as beings
which "house" the oppressor. On the one hand, they resist her orhim; on the other hand, at a certain stage in their relationship,
they are attracted by him or her. Under these circumstances, theoppressors easily obtain positive results from divisive action.
In addition, the oppressed know from experience the price of not
accepting an "invitation" offered with the purpose of preventing
their unity as a class: losing their jobs and finding their names on a"black list" signifying closed doors to other jobs is the least that
can happen. Their basic insecurity is thus directly linked to thethe transition to the abolition of all classes and to classless society . . . " Karl Marxand Frederick Engels, Selected Works (New York, 1968), p. 679.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 145

enslavement of their labor (which really implies the enslavement of
their person, as Bishop Split emphasized).
People are fulfilled only to the extent that they create their world(which is a human world), and create it with their transforming labor
The fulfillment of humankind as human beings lies, then, in thefulfillment of the world. If for a person to be in the world of work
is to be totally dependent, insecure, and permanently threatened—
if their work does not belong to them—the person cannot be ful­
filled. Work that is not free ceases to be a fulfilling pursuit andbecomes an effective means of dehumanization.
Every move by the oppressed towards unity points towards otheractions; it means that sooner or later the oppressed will perceive
their state of depersonalization and discover that as long as they are
divided they will always be easy prey for manipulation and domina­tion. Unity and organization can enable them to change their weak­ness into a transforming force with which they can re-create theworld and make it more human.20 The more human world to which
they justly aspire, however, is the antithesis of the "human world"of the oppressors—a world which is the exclusive possession of the
oppressors, who preach an impossible harmony between themselves(who dehumanize) and the oppressed (who are dehumanized). Since
oppressors and oppressed are antithetical, what serves the interestsof one group disserves the interests of the others.
Dividing in order to preserve the status quo, then, is necessarily
a fundamental objective of the theory of antidialogical action. In
addition, the dominators try to present themselves as saviors of thewomen and men they dehumanize and divide. This messianism,however, cannot conceal their true intention: to save themselves.
20. For this reason it is indispensable for the oppressors to keep the peasantsisolated from the urban workers, just as it is indispensable to keep both groups
isolated from the students. The testimony of rebellion of the latter (although they
do not sociologically constitute a class) makes them dangerous in the event theyjoin the people. It is thus necessary to convince the lower classes that students areirresponsible and disorderly, that their testimony is false because as students theyshould be studying, just as the factory workers and the peasants should be working
towards the "nation's progress."146-PAULO

FREIRE

They want to save their riches, their power, their way of life: thethings that enable them to subjugate others. Their mistake is thatmen cannot save themselves (no matter how one understands "salvation"), either as individuals or as an oppressor class. Salvation canbe achieved only with others. To the extent, however, that the elites
oppress, they cannot be with the oppressed; for being against themis the essence of oppression.
A psychoanalysis of oppressive action might reveal the "false generosity" of the oppressor (described in chapter 1) as a dimension of
the latters sense of guilt. With this false generosity, he attempts not
only to preserve an unjust and necrophilic order, but to "buy" peace
for himself. It happens that peace cannot be bought; peace is experienced in solidary and loving acts, which cannot be incarnated in
oppression. Hence, the messianic element of the theory of antidialogical action reinforces the first characteristic of this action: thenecessity for conquest.
Since it is necessary to divide the people in order to preserve thestatus quo and (thereby) the power of the dominators, it is essential
for the oppressors to keep the oppressed from perceiving their strategy. So the former must convince the latter that they are being"defended" against the demonic action of "marginals, rowdies, andenemies of God" (for these are the epithets directed at men who
lived and are living the brave pursuit of mans humanization). In
order to divide and confuse the people, the destroyers call themselves builders, and accuse the true builders of being destructive.
History, however, always takes it upon itself to modify these designations. Today, although the official terminology continues to call Tiradentes 21 a conspirator ("Inconfidente") and the libertarian
movement which he led a conspiracy ("Inconjidencia"), the national
hero is not the man22 who called Tiradentes a "bandit," ordered him
21. Tiradentes was leader of an abortive revolt for the independence of Brazil
from Portugal in 1789 in Ouro Preto, State of Minas Gerais. This movement ishistorically called the Inconjidencia Mineira.—Translator's note.
22. Visconde de Barbacena, royal administrator of the province.—Translators
note.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 147

hanged and quartered, and had pieces of the bloody corpse strewn
through the streets of the neighboring villages as an example. It is
Tiradentes who is the hero. History tore up the "title" given him by
the elites, and recognized his action for what it was. It is the men
who in their own time sought unity for liberation who are the he­roes—-not those who used their power to divide and rule.

Manipulation
Manipulation is another dimension of the theory of antidialogicalaction, and, like the strategy of division, is an instrument of con­quest: the objective around which all the dimensions of the theory
revolve. By means of manipulation, the dominant elites try to con­form the masses to their objectives. And the greater the politicalimmaturity of these people (rural or urban) the more easily thelatter can be manipulated by those who do not wish to lose theirpower.
The people are manipulated by the series of myths describedearlier in this chapter, and by yet another myth: the model of itself
which the bourgeoisie presents to the people as the possibility for
their own ascent. In order for these myths to function, however, thepeople must accept the word of the bourgeoisie.
Within certain historical conditions, manipulation is accom­
plished by means of pacts between the dominant and the dominatedclasses—pacts which, if considered superficially, might give the im­pression of a dialogue between the classes. In reality, however, thesepacts are not dialogue, because their true objectives are determinedby the unequivocal interest of the dominant elites. In the last analy­
sis, pacts are used by the dominators to achieve their own ends.23
The support given by the people to the so-called "national bourgeoi­sie" in defense of so-called "national capitalism" is an example in
23. Pacts are only valid for the masses (and in this case they are no longer pacts)
when the objectives of the action in process or to be developed are subject to theirdecision.

148-PAULO

FREIRE

point. Sooner or later, these pacts always increase the subjugationof the people. They are proposed @nly when the people begin (evennaively) to emerge from the historical process and by this emergence to threaten the dominant elites. The presence of the people
in the historical process, no longer as mere spectators, but with thefirst signs of aggressivity, is sufficiently disquieting to frighten thedominant elites into doubling the tactics of manipulation.
In this historical phase, manipulation becomes a fundamental instrument for the preservation of domination. Prior to the emergenceof the people there is no manipulation (precisely speaking), butrather total suppression. When the oppressed are almost completely
submerged in reality, it is unnecessary to manipulate them. In theantidialogical theory of action, manipulation is the response of the
oppressor to the new concrete conditions of the historical process.
Through manipulation, the dominant elites can lead the people into
an unauthentic type of "organization," and can thus avoid the threatening alternative: the true organization of the emerged and emerging people.24 The latter have only two possibilities as they enter thehistorical process: either they must organize authentically for theirliberation, or they will be manipulated by the elites. Authenticorganization is obviously not going to be stimulated by the dominators; it is the task of the revolutionary leaders.
It happens, however, that large sectors of the oppressed form anurban proletariat, especially in the more industrialized centers of
the country. Although these sectors are occasionally restive, theylack revolutionary consciousness and consider themselves privileged. Manipulation, with its series of deceits and promises, usuallyfinds fertile ground here.
The antidote to manipulation lies in a critically conscious revolu24. In the "organization" which results from acts of manipulation, the people—
mere guided objects—are adapted to the objectives of the manipulators. In trueorganization, the individuals are active in the organizing process, and the objectivesof the organization are not imposed by others. In the first case, the organization is ameans of "massification," in the second, a means of liberation. [In Brazilian politicalterminology, "massification" is the process of reducing the people to a manageable,
unthinking agglomeration.—Translator]

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 149

tionary organization, which will pose to the people as problems theirposition in the historical process, the national reality, and manipula­tion itself. In the words of Francisco Weffert:
All the policies of the Left are based on the masses and depend
on. the consciousness of the latter. If that consciousness is con­fused, the Left will lose its roots and certain downfall will be
imminent, although (as in the Brazilian case) the Left may bedeluded into thinking it can achieve the revolution by means ofa quick return to power.25
In a situation of manipulation, the Left is almost always tempted bya "quick return to power," forgets the necessity of joining with theoppressed to forge an organization, and strays into an impossible"dialogue" with the dominant elites. It ends by being manipulatedby these elites, and not infrequently itself falls into an elitist game,
which it calls "realism."
Manipulation, like the conquest whose objectives it serves, at­tempts to anesthetize the people so they will not think. For if thepeople join to their presence in the historical process critical think­ing about that process, the threat of their emergence materializes
in revolution. Whether one calls this correct thinking "revolutionary
consciousness" or "class consciousness," it is an indispensable pre­condition of revolution. The dominant elites are so well aware of thisfact that they instinctively use all means, including physical violence,
to keep the people from thinking. They have a shrewd intuition of
the ability of dialogue to develop a capacity for criticism. Whilesome revolutionary leaders consider dialogue with the people a"bourgeois and reactionary" activity, the bourgeoisie regard dialogue
between the oppressed and the revolutionary leaders as a very real
danger to be avoided.
One of the methods of manipulation is to inoculate individuals
with the bourgeois appetite for personal success. This manipulation
is sometimes carried out directly by the elites and sometimes indi25. Francisco Weffert, "Politica de massas," Politico e Revolugao social no Brasil(Rio de Janeiro, 1967), p. 187.

150-PAULO FREIRE
rectly, through populist leaders. As Weffert points out, these leaders
serve as intermediaries between the oligarchical elites and the peo­
ple. The emergence of populism as a style of political action thus
coincides causally with the emergence of the oppressed. The popu­
list leader who rises from this process is an ambiguous being, an"amphibian" who lives in two elements. Shuttling back and forth
between the people and the dominant oligarchies, he bears themarks of both groups.
Since the populist leader simply manipulates, instead of fighting
for authentic popular organization, this type of leader serves therevolution little if at all. Only by abandoning his ambiguous charac­
ter and dual action and by opting decisively for the people (thusceasing to be populist) does he renounce manipulation and dedicate
himself to the revolutionary task of organization. At this point heceases to be an intermediary between the people and the elites, andbecomes a contradiction of the latter; thereupon the elites immedi­
ately join forces to curb him. Observe the dramatic and finally un­
equivocal terms in which Getulio Vargas26 spoke to the workers at
a May 1 celebration during his last period as head of state:
I want to tell you that the gigantic work of renewal which my
Administration is beginning to carry out cannot be completed
successfully without the support and the daily, steadfast coopera­tion of the workers.27
Vargas then spoke of his first ninety days in office, which he called"an estimate of the difficulties and obstacles which, here and there,
are being raised in opposition to the actions of the government." Hespoke directly to the people about how deeply he felt "the help­
lessness, poverty, the high cost of living, low salaries . . . the hope26. Getulio Vargas led the revolution which overthrew Brazilian President Wash­
ington Luis in 1930. He remained in power as a dictator until 1945. In 1950 hereturned to power as elected president. In August 1954, when the opposition was
about to overthrow him, he committed suicide.—Translator's note.
27. Speech given in Vasco da Gama Stadium on May 1, 1950, O Governo TrabaU
hista no Brasil (Rio), pp. 322-324.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 151

lessness of the unfortunate and the demands of the majority wholive iri hope of better days."
His appeal to the workers then took on more objective tones:
I have come to say that at this moment the Administration does
not yet have the laws or the concrete instruments for immediate
action to defend the peoples economy. It is thus necessary forthe people to organize—not only to defend their own interests,
but also to give the government the base of support it requires
to carry out its objectives . . . I need your unity. I need for you,in solidarity, to organize yourselves in unions. I need for you toform a strong and cohesive bloc to stand beside the government
so that it will have all the force it needs to solve your problems.
I need your unity so you can fight against saboteurs, so you
do not fall prey to the interests of speculators and rapacious
scoundrels in detriment of the interests of the people. . . . The
hour has come to appeal to the workers; unite in your unions as
free and organized forces . . . at the present time no Administration can survive or dispose of sufficient force to achieve its social
ends if it does not have the support of the laboring organizations.28
In sum, in this speech Vargas appealed vehemently to the people
to organize and to unite in defense of their rights; and he told
them, as Chief of State, of the obstacles, the hindrances, and theinnumerable difficulties involved in governing with them. From thatmoment on his Administration encountered increasing difficulties,
until the tragic climax of August 1954. If Vargas had not in his lastterm shown such open encouragement to the organization of thepeople, subsequently linked to a series of measures in defense of
the national interest, possibly the reactionary elites would not havetaken the extreme measures they did.
Any populist leader who moves (even discreetly) towards the people in any way other than as the intermediary of the oligarchies will
be curbed by the latter—if they have sufficient force to stop him.
But as long as the leader restricts himself to paternalism and social
28. Ibid. Emphasis added.

152vPAULO FREIRE
welfare activities, although there may be occasional divergencies
between him and groups of oligarchies whose interests have been
touched, deep differences are rare. This is because welfare programs
as instruments of manipulation ultimately serve the end of conquest.
They act as an anesthetic, distracting the oppressed from the truecauses of their problems and from the concrete solution of these
problems. They splinter the oppressed into groups of individuals
hoping to get a few more benefits for themselves. This situation
contains, however, a positive element: the individuals who receive
some aid always want more; those who do not receive aid, seeing
the example of those who do, grow envious and also want assistance.
Since the dominant elites cannot "aid" everyone, they end by increasing the restiveness of the oppressed.
The revolutionary leaders should take advantage of the contradictions of manipulation by posing it as a problem to the oppressed,with the objective of organizing them.

Cultural Invasion
The theory of antidialogical action has one last fundamental characteristic: cultural invasion, which like divisive tactics and manipulation also serves the ends of conquest. In this phenomenon, theinvaders penetrate the cultural context of another group, in disrespect of the latters potentialities; they impose their own view of theworld upon those they invade and inhibit the creativity of the invaded by curbing their expression.
Whether urbane or harsh, cultural invasion is thus always an actof violence against the persons of the invaded culture, who lose their
originality or face the threat of losing it. In cultural invasion (as inall the modalities of antidialogical action) the invaders are the authors of, and actors in, the process; those they invade are the objects.
The invaders mold; those they invade are molded The invaderschoose; those they invade follow that choice—or are expected tofollow it. The invaders act; those they invade have only the illusionof acting, through the action of the invaders.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 153

All domination involves invasion—at times physical and overt, attimes camouflaged, with the invader assuming the role of a helping
friend. In the last analysis, invasion is a form of economic and cul­tural domination. Invasion may be practiced by a metropolitan soci­ety upon a dependent society, or it may be implicit in the dominationof one class over another within the same society.
Cultural conquest leads to the cultural inauthenticity of those whoare invaded; they begin to respond to the values, the standards, andthe goals of the invaders. In their passion to dominate, to moldothers to their patterns and their way of life, the invaders desire toknow how those they have invaded apprehend reality—but only sothey can dominate the latter more effectively.29 In cultural invasion
it is essential that those who are invaded come to see their reality
with the outlook of the invaders rather than their own; for the morethey mimic the invaders, the more stable the position of the latterbecomes.
For cultural invasion to succeed, it is essential that those invaded
become convinced of their intrinsic inferiority. Since everything has
its opposite, if those who are invaded consider themselves inferior,
they must necessarily recognize the superiority of the invaders. The
values of the latter thereby become the pattern for the former. The
more invasion is accentuated and those invaded are alienated fromthe spirit of their own culture and from themselves, the more thelatter want to be like the invaders: to walk like them, dress like
them, talk like them.
The social / of the invaded person, like every social /, is formedin the socio-cultural relations of the social stucture, and therefore
reflects the duality of the invaded culture. This duality (which was
described earlier) explains why invaded and dominated individuals,

29. To this end, the invaders are making increasing use of the social sciences
and technology, and to some extent the physical sciences as well, to improve andrefine their action. It is indispensable for the invaders to know the past and presentof those invaded in order to discern the alternatives of the latter s future andthereby attempt to guide the evolution of that future along lines that will favor theirown interests.

154'PAULO

FREIRE

at a certain moment of their existential experience, almost "adhere"
to the oppressor Thou. The oppressed / must break with this nearadhesion to the oppressor Thou, drawing away from the latter inorder to see him more objectively, at which point she criticallyrecognizes herself to be in contradiction with the oppressor. In sodoing, he "considers" as a dehumanizing reality the structure inwhich he is being oppressed. This qualitative change in the perception of the world can only be achieved in the praxis.
Cultural invasion is on the one hand an instrument of domination,and on the other, the result of domination. Thus, cultural action ofa dominating character (like other forms of antidialogical action), in
addition to being deliberate and planned, is in another sense simply
a product of oppressive reality.
For example, a rigid and oppressive social structure necessarily
influences the institutions of child rearing and education within thatstructure. These institutions pattern their action after the style ofthe structure, and transmit the myths of the latter. Homes andschools (from nurseries to universities) exist not in the abstract, but
in time and space. Within the structures of domination they function
largely as agencies which prepare the invaders of the future.
The parent-child relationship in the home usually reflects theobjective cultural conditions of the surrounding social structure. If
the conditions which penetrate the home are authoritarian, rigid,
and dominating, the home will increase the climate of oppression.30
As these authoritarian relations between parents and children intensify, children in their infancy increasingly internalize the paternal
authority.
30. Young people increasingly view parent and teacher authoritarianism as inimi­
cal to their own freedom. For this very reason, they increasingly oppose forms ofaction which minimize their expressiveness and hinder their self-affirmation. This
very positive phenomenon is not accidental. It is actually a symptom of the histori­
cal climate which (as mentioned in chapter 1) characterizes our epoch as an anthro­pological one. For this reason one cannot (unless he has a personal interest in doingso) see the youth rebellion as a mere example of the traditional differences between
generations. Something deeper is involved here. Young people in their rebellion
are denouncing and condemning the unjust model of a society of domination. ThisPEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRE SSED • 155

Presenting (with his customary clarity) the problem of necrophilia
and biophilia, Fromm analyzes the objective conditions which gen­erate each condition, whether in the home (parent-child relations
in a climate of indifference and oppression or of love and freedom),or in a sociocultural context. If children reared in an atmosphereof lovelessness and oppression, children whose potency has been
frustrated, do not manage during their youth to take the path ofauthentic rebellion, they will either drift into total indifference,
alienated from reality by the authorities and the myths the latter
have used to "shape" them; or they may engage in forms of destruc­tive action.
The atmosphere of the home is prolonged in the school, where
the students soon discover that (as in the home) in order to achievesome satisfaction they must adapt to the precepts which have been
set from above. One of these precepts is not to think.
Internalizing paternal authority through the rigid relationshipstructure emphasized by the school, these young people tend when
they become professionals (because of the very fear offreedomin­
stilled by these relationships) to repeat the rigid patterns in which
they were miseducated. This phenomenon, in addition to their classposition, perhaps explains why so many professionals adhere to antidialogical action.31 Whatever the specialty that brings them into con­tact with the people, they are almost unshakably convinced that itis their mission to "give" the latter their knowledge and techniques.
They see themselves as "promotors" of the people. Their programsof action (which might have been prescribed by any good theoristof oppressive action) include their own objectives, their own convic­
tions, and their own preoccupations. They do not listen to the peo­ple, but instead plan to teach them how to "cast off the lazinessrebellion with its special dimension, however, is very recent; society continues tobe authoritarian in character.
31. It perhaps also explains the antidialogical behavior of persons who, althoughconvinced of their revolutionary commitment, continue to mistrust the people andfear communion with them. Unconsciously, such persons retain the oppressor
within themselves; and because they "house" the master, they fear freedom.

156'PAULO FREIRE

which creates underdevelopment." To these professionals, it seems
absurd to consider the necessity of respecting the "view of the world"
held by the people. The professionals are the ones with a "world
view." They regard as equally absurd the affirmation that one mustnecessarily consult the people when organizing the program content
of educational action. They feel that the ignorance of the people isso complete that they are unfit for anything except to receive theteachings of the professionals.
When, however, at a certain point of their existential experience,
those who have been invaded begin in one way or another to reject
this invasion (to which they might earlier have adapted), the profes­
sionals, in order to justify their failure, say that the members of theinvaded group are "inferior" because they are "ingrates," shiftless,""diseased," or of "mixed blood."
Well-intentioned professionals (those who use "invasion" not as
deliberate ideology but as the expression of their own upbringing)
eventually discover that certain of their educational failures must be
ascribed, not to the intrinsic inferiority of the "simple men of thepeople," but to the violence of their own act of invasion. Those who
make this discovery face a difficult alternative: they feel the need torenounce invasion, but patterns of domination are so entrenchedwithin them that this renunciation would become a threat to theirown identities. To renounce invasion would mean ending their dual
status as dominated and dominators. It would mean abandoning all
the myths which nourish invasion, and starting to incarnate dialogical action. For this very reason, it would mean to cease being overor inside (as foreigners) in order to be with (as comrades). And so
the fear of freedom takes hold of these men. During this traumatic
process, they naturally tend to rationalize their fear with a series of
evasions.
The fear of freedom is greater still in professionals who have notyet discovered for themselves the invasive nature of their action, and
who are told that their action is dehumanizing. Not infrequently,
especially at the point of decoding concrete situations, training
course participants ask the coordinator in an irritated manner:

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 157"Whqre do you think you re steering us, anyway?" The coordinator
isn't trying to "steer" them anywhere; it is just that in facing a con­crete Situation as a problem, the participants begin to realize that
if their analysis of the situation goes any deeper they will either haveto divest themselves of their myths, or reaffirm them. Divestingthemselves of and renouncing their myths represents, at that mo­ment, an act of self-violence. On the other hand, to reaffirm thosemyths is to reveal themselves. The only way out (which functions as
a defense mechanism) is to project onto the coordinator their own
usual practices: steering, conquering, and invading?2
This same retreat occurs, though on a smaller scale, among menof the people who have been ground down by the concrete situationof oppression and domesticated by charity. One of the teachers of"Full Circle,"33 which carried out a valuable educational program in
New York City under the coordination of Robert Fox, relates thefollowing incident. A group in a New York ghetto was presented a
coded situation showing a big pile of garbage on a street corner—thevei;y same street where the group was meeting. One of the partici­
pants said at once, "I see a street in Africa or Latin America." "And
why not in New York?" asked the teacher. "Because we are theUnited States and that cant happen here." Beyond a doubt this man
and some of his comrades who agreed with him were retreatingfrom a reality so oflFensive to them that even to acknowledge thatreality was threatening. For an alienated person, conditioned by aculture of achievement and personal success, to recognize his situ­
ation as objectively unfavorable seems to hinder his own possibilities
of success.
In the case cited, and in that of the professionals, the determining
force of the culture which develops the myths men subsequently
internalize is evident. In both cases, the culture of the dominantclass hinders the affirmation of men as beings of decision. Neither
32. See my "Extensao ou Comunicacao?" in Introduccidn a la Accidn Cultural(Santiago, 1969).
33. Regarding the activities of this institution, see Mary Cole, Summer in theCity (New York, 1968).

158-PAULO FREIRE
the professionals nor the discussion participants in the New Yorkslums talk and act for themselves as active Subjects of the historical
process. None of them are theoreticians or ideologues of domina­tion. On the contrary, they are effects which in turn become causesof domination. This is one of the most serious problems the revolu­tion must confront when it reaches power. This stage demands maxi­
mum political wisdom, decision, and courage from the leaders, who
for this very reason must have sufficient judgment not to fall into
irrationally sectarian positions.
Professional women and men of any specialty, university graduates
or not, are individuals who have been "determined from above"34 bya culture of domination which has constituted them as dual beings.
(If they had come from the lower classes this miseducation would
be the same, if not worse.) These professionals, however, are neces­sary to the reorganization of the new society. And since many among
them—even though "afraid of freedom" and reluctant to engage inhumanizing action—are in truth more misguided than anythingelse, they not only could be, but ought to be, reclaimed by therevolution.
This reclamation requires that the revolutionary leaders, pro­
gressing from what was previously dialogical cultural action, initiatethe "cultural revolution." At this point, revolutionary power moves
beyond its role as a necessary obstacle confronting those who wish
to negate humanity, and assumes a new and bolder position, with aclear invitation to all who wish to participate in the reconstructionof society. In this sense, "cultural revolution" is a necessary continu­
ation of the dialogical cultural action which must be carried out
before the revolution reaches power.
"Cultural revolution" takes the total society to be reconstructed,
including all human activities, as the object of its remolding action.
Society cannot be reconstructed in a mechanistic fashion; the culture
which is culturally recreated through revolution is the fundamental
instrument for this reconstruction. "Cultural revolution" is the revo34. See Louis Althusser, Pour Marx (Paris, 1967), in which he dedicates an entire
chapter to "la dialectique de la surdttermination"

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 159

lutionary regime's maximum effort at conscientizagdo—it shouldreach everyone, regardless of their personal path.
Cohsequently, this effort at conscientizagdo cannot rest content
with the technical or scientific training of intended specialists. The
new society becomes qualitatively distinct from the old35 in morethan a partial way. Revolutionary society cannot attribute to technol­o g y the same ends attributed by the previous society; accordingly,
the training of people in the two societies must also differ. Technicaland scientific training need not be inimical to humanistic education
as long as science and technology in the revolutionary society are at
the service of permanent liberation, of humanization.
From this point of view, the training of individuals for any occupa­tion (since all occupations occur in time and space) requires theunderstanding of (a) culture as a superstructure which can maintain"remnants" of the past36 alive in the substructure undergoing revolu­
tionary transformation and (b) the occupation itself as an instrument
for the transformation of culture. As the cultural revolution deepens
conscientizagdo in the creative praxis of the new society, people will
begin to perceive why mythical remnants of the old society survive
in the new. And they will then be able to free themselves more
rapidly of these specters, which by hindering the edification of a
new society have always constituted a serious problem for every
revolution. Through these cultural remnants the oppressor society
continues to invade—this time invading the revolutionary society
itself.
This invasion is especially terrible because it is carried out notby the dominant elite reorganized as such, but by those who haveparticipated in the revolution. As men who "house" the oppressor,
they resist as might the latter themselves the further basic steps
which the revolution must take. And as dual beings they also accept(still due to the remnants) power which becomes bureaucratized andwhich violently represses them. In turn, this violently repressive
35. This process, however, does not occur suddenly, as mechanistic thinkers
naiVely assume.
36. Althusser, op. cit.

160 ; PAULO FREIRE
bureaucratic power can be explained by what Althusser calls the"reactivation of old elements"3^in the new society each time special
circumstances permit.
For all the above reasons, I interpret the revolutionary process as
dialogical cultural action which is prolonged in "cultural revolution"
once power is taken. In both stages a serious and profound effort at
conscientizagdo—by means of which the people, through a true
praxis, leave behind the status of objects to assume the status ofhistorical Subjects—is necessary. ,Finally, cultural revolution develops the practice of permanentdialogue between leaders and people, and consolidates the participation of the people in power. In this way, as both leaders and people
continue their critical activity, the revolution will more easily beable to defend itself against bureaucratic tendencies (which lead to
new forms of oppression) and against "invasion" (which is always thesame). The invadur—whether in a bpurgeois or in a revolutionarysociety—may be an agronomist or a sociologist, an economist or apublic health engineer, a priest or a pastor, an educator or a social
worker—or a revolutionary.
Cultural invasion, which serves the ends of conquest and thepreservation of oppression, always involves a parochial view of reality, a static perception of the world, and the imposition of one world
view upon another. It implies the "superiority" of the invader andthe "inferiority" of those who are invaded, as well as the impositionof values by the former, who possess the latter and are afraid oflosing them.
Cultural invasion further signifies that the ultimate seat of decision regarding the action of those who are invaded lies not withthem but with the invaders. And when the power of decision is
located outside rather than within the one who should decide, thelatter has only the illusion of deciding. This is why there can be nosocio-economic development in a dual, "reflex," invaded society. For
37. On this matter, Althusser comments "Cette reactivation serait proprementinconcevable dans une dialectique depourvue de sur'determination" Althusser, op.
cit., p. 116.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 161

development to occur it is necessary: a) that there be a movementof search and creativity having its seat of decision in the searcher;b) that1 this movement occur not only in space, but in the existential
time of the conscious searcher.
Thus, while all development is transformation, not all transforma­tion is development. The transformation occurring in a seed which
under favorable conditions germinates and sprouts, is not develop­
ment. In the same way, the transformation of an animal is not devel­
opment. The transformations of seeds and animals are determinedby the species to which they belong; and they occur in a time which
does not belong to them, for time belongs to humankind
Women and men, among the uncompleted beings, are the only
ones which develop. As historical, autobiographical, "beings forthemselves," their transformation (development) occurs in their own
existential time, never outside it. Men who are submitted to con­crete conditions of oppression in which they become alienated "be­ings for another" of the false "being for himself" on whom they
depend, are not able to develop authentically. Deprived of their own
power of decision, which is located in the oppressor, they follow theprescriptions of the latter. The oppressed only begin to develop
when, surmounting the contradiction in which they are caught, they
become "beings for themselves."
If we consider society as a being, it is obvious that only a society
which is a "being for itself" can develop. Societies which are dual,"reflex," invaded, and dependent on the metropolitan society cannot
develop because they are alienated; their political, economic, andcultural decision-making power is located outside themselves, in theinvader society. In the last analysis, the latter determines the destinyof the former: mere transformation; for it is their transformation—
not their development—that is to the interest of the metropolitan
society.
It is essential not to confuse modernization with development.
The former, although it may affect certain groups in the "satellite
society," is almost always induced; and it is the metropolitan society
which derives the true benefits therefrom. A society which is merely
modernized without developing will continue—even if it takes over

162-PAULO FREIRE
some minimal delegated powers of decision—to depend on the out­side country. This is the fate of any dependent society, as long as it
remains dependent.
In order to determine whether or not a society is developing, onemust go beyond criteria based on indices of "per capita" income(which, expressed in statistical form, are misleading) as well as thosewhich concentrate on the study of gross income. The basic, elemen­tary criterion is whether or not the society is a "being for itself."
If it is not, the other criteria indicate modernization rather thandevelopment.
The principal contradiction of dual societies is the relationship ofdependency between them and the metropolitan society. Once thecontradiction has been superseded, the transformation hitherto ef­
fected through "aid," which has primarily benefitted the metropoli­tan society, becomes true development, which benefits the "being
for itself."
For the above reasons, the purely reformist solutions attemptedby these societies (even though some of the reforms may frighten
and even panic the more reactionary members of the elite groups)
do not resolve their external and internal contradictions. Almost
always the metropolitan society induces these reformist solutions in
response to the demands of the historical process, as a new way ofpreserving its hegemony. It is as if the metropolitan society were
saying: "Let us carry out reforms before the people carry out arevolution." And in order to achieve this goal, the metropolitan soci­ety has no options other than conquest, manipulation, economic
and cultural (and sometimes military) invasion of the dependentsociety—an invasion in which the elite leaders of the dominatedsociety to a large extent act as mere brokers for the leaders of themetropolitan society.
To close this tentative analysis of the theory of antidialogical ac­tion, I wish to reaffirm that revolutionary leaders must not use thesame antidialogical procedures used by the oppressors; on the con­trary, revolutionary leaders must follow the path of dialogue and ofcommunication.
Before proceeding to analyze the theory of dialogical action, it isPEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 163

essential to discuss briefly how the revolutionary leadership groupis formed, and some of the historical and sociological consequences
for the revolutionary process. Usually this leadership group is madeup of men and women who in one way or another have belonged tothe social strata of the dominators. At a certain point in their existential experience, under certain historical conditions, these leaders
renounce the class to which they belong and join the oppressed, inan act of true solidarity (or so one would hope). Whether or not thisadherence results from a scientific analysis of reality, it represents(when authentic) an act of love and true commitment.38 Joining theoppressed requires going to them and communicating with them.
The people must find themselves in the emerging leaders, and thelatter must find themselves in the people.
The leaders who have emerged necessarily reflect the contradiction of the dominant elites communicated to them by the oppressed,
who may not yet, however, clearly perceive their own state of oppression or critically recognize their relationship of antagonism to theoppressors.39 They may still be in the position previously termed"adhesion" to the oppressor. On the other hand, it is possible that
due to certain objective historical conditions they have alreadyreached a relatively clear perception of their state of oppression.
In the first case, the adhesion—or partial adhesion—of the people
to the oppressor makes it impossible for them (to repeat Fanon s
point) to locate him outside themselves. In the second case, they
can locate the oppressor and can thus critically recognize their relationship of antagonism to him.
In the first case, the oppressor is "housed" within the people, andtheir resulting ambiguity makes them fearful of freedom. They resort (stimulated by the oppressor) to magical explanations or a false
38. The thoughts of Guevara on this subject are cited in the preceding chapter,
German Guzman says of Camilo Torres: ". . . he gave everything. At all times hemaintained a vital posture of commitment to the people—as a priest, as a Christian,and as a revolutionary." Translated from German Guzman, Camilo—El Cura Guerrillero (Bogata\ 1967), p. 5.
39. "Class necessity" is one thing; "class consciousness" is another.

164-PAULO FREIRE
view of God, to whom they fatalistically transfer the responsibility
for their oppressed state.40 It is extremely unlikely that these selfmistrustful, downtrodden, hopeless people will seek their own lib­
eration—an act of rebellion which they may view as a disobedientviolation of the will of God, as an unwarranted confrontation withdestiny. (Hence, the oft-emphasized necessity of posing as problems
the myths fed to the people by the oppressors.) In the second case,when the people have reached a relatively clear picture of oppres­sion which leads them to localize the oppressor outside themselves,
they take up the struggle to surmount the contradiction in which
they are caught. At this moment they overcome the distance be­
tween "class necessity" and "class consciousness,"
In the first case, the revolutionary leaders unfortunately and invol­
untarily become the contradiction of the people. In the second case,the emerging leaders receive from the people sympathetic and al­most instantaneous support, which tends to increase during theprocess of revolutionary action. The leaders go to the people ina spontaneously dialogical manner. There is an almost immediate
empathy between the people and the revolutionary leaders: theirmutual commitment is almost instantly sealed. In fellowship, they
consider themselves co-equal contradictions of the dominant elites.
From this point on, the established practice of dialogue between
people and leaders is nearly unshakable. That dialogue will continue
when power is reached; and the people will know that they havecome to power.
This sharing in no way diminishes the spirit of struggle, courage,
capacity for love, or daring required of the revolutionary leaders.
Fidel Castro and his comrades (whom many at the time termed"irresponsible adventurers"), an eminently dialogical leadershipgroup, identified with the people who endured the brutal violence
40. A Chilean priest of high intellectual and moral caliber visiting Recife in 1966
told me: "When a Pernambucan colleague and I went to see several families livingin shanties [mocambos] in indescribable poverty, I asked them how they could bear
to live like that, and the answer was always the same: 'What can I do? It is the willof God and I must accept it'."PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 165

of the Batista dictatorship. This adherence was not easy; it required
bravery on the part of the leaders to love the people sufficiently to
be willing to sacrifice themselves for them. It required courageous
witness by the leaders to recommence after each disaster, moved by
undying hope in a future victory which (because forged together
with the people) would belong not to the leaders alone, but to theleaders and the people—or to the people, including the leaders.
Fidel gradually polarized the adherence of the Cuban people,
who due to their historical experience had already begun to breaktheir adhesion to the oppressor. This "drawing away"fromthe op­pressor led the people to objectify him, and to see themselves as
his contradiction. So it was that Fidel never entered into contradic­
tion with the people. (The occasional desertions or betrayals regis­
tered by Guevara in his Relato de la Guerra Rewlucionaria—in
which he also refers to the many who adhered—were to be ex­pected.)Thus, due to certain historical conditions, the movement by therevolutionary leaders to the people is either horizontal—so thatleaders and people form one body in contradiction to the oppres­sor—or it is triangular, with the revolutionary leaders occupying thevertex of the triangle in contradiction to the oppressors and to theoppressed as well. As we have seen, the latter situation is forced on
the leaders when the people have not yet achieved a critical percep­
tion of oppressive reality.
Almost never, however, does a revolutionary leadership group per­ceive that it constitutes a contradiction to the people. Indeed, thisperception is painful, and the resistance may serve as a defense
mechanism. After all, it is not easy for leaders who have emerged
through adherence to the oppressed to recognize themselves as be­
ing in contradiction with those to whom they adhered It is im­
portant to recognize this reluctance when analyzing certain formsof behavior on the part of revolutionary leaders who involuntarily
become a contradiction (although not antagonists) of the people.
In order to carry out the revolution, revolutionary leaders un­
doubtedly require the adherence of the people. When leaders who166-PAULO FREIRE
constitute a contradiction to the people seek this adherence, andfind rather a certain aloofness and mistrust, they often regard thisreaction as indicating an inherent defect on the part of the people.
They interpret a certain historical moment of the peoples conscious­
ness as evidence of their intrinsic deficiency. Since the leaders need
the adherence of the people so that the revolution can be achieved(but at the same time mistrust the mistrustful people), they are
tempted to utilize the same procedures used by the dominant elites
to oppress. Rationalizing theiir lack of confidence in the people, theleaders say that it is impossible to dialogue with the people before
taking power, thus opting for the antidialogical theory of action.
Thenceforward—just like the dominant elites:—they try to conquer
the people: they become messianic; they use manipulation and carryout cultural invasion. By advancing along these paths, the paths of
oppression, they will not achieve revolution; or if they do, it will not
be authentic revolution.
The role of revolutionary leadership (under any circumstances,
but especially so in those described) is to consider seriously, evenas they act, the reasons for any attitude of mistrust on the part ofthe people, and to seek out true avenues of communion with them,ways of helping the people to help themselves critically perceive
the reality which oppresses them.
The dominated consciousness is dual, ambiguous, full of fear andmistrust.41 In his diary about the struggle in Bolivia, Guevara refers
several times to the lack of peasant participation:
The peasant mobilization does not exist, except for informative
duties which annoy us somewhat. They are neither very rapid
nor very efficient; they can be neutralized. . . . Complete lackof incorporation of the peasants, although they are losing theirfear of us and we are succeeding in winning their admiration. It
is a slow and patient task.42
41. On this point, see Erich Fromm, 'The Application of Humanist Psychoanalysis to Marxist Theory/' in Socialist Humanism (New York, 1966); and Reuben Osborn, Marxism and Psychoanalysis (London, 1965).
42. Che Guevara, The Secret Papers of a Revolutionary: The Diary of Che
Guevara (The Ramparts Edition, 1968), pp. 105-106, 120.

PEDAGOGY OF THE O P P R E S S E D • 167

The internalization of the oppressor by. the dominated consciousnessof the peasants explains their fear and their inefficiency.
The behavior and reactions of the oppressed, which lead the op­pressor to practice cultural invasion, should evoke from the revolu­
tionary a different theory of action. What distinguishes revolutionary
leaders from the dominant elite is not only their objectives, but
their procedures. If they act in the same way, the objectives become
identical. It is as self-contradictory for the dominant elites to posehuman-world relations as problems to the people as it is for the
revolutionary leaders not to do so.
Let us now analyze the theory of dialogical cultural action andattempt to apprehend its constituent elements.
J

Cooperation
In the theory of antidialogical action, conquest (as its primary char­acteristic) involves a Subject who conquers another person andtransforms her or him into a "thing." In the dialogical theory ofaction, Subjects meet in cooperation in order to transform the world.
The antidialogical, dominating / transforms the dominated, con­quered thou into a mere if.43 The dialogical /, however, knows that
it is precisely the thou ("not-/") which has called forth his or her
own existence. He also knows that the thou which calls forth his own
existence in turn constitutes an / which has in his / its thou. The /and the thou thus become, in the dialectic of these relationships,
two thous which become two Vs.
The dialogical theory of action does not involve a Subject, whodominates by virtue of conquest, and a dominated object. Instead,
there are Subjects who meet to name the world in order to transformit. If at a certain historical moment the oppressed, for the reasonspreviously described, are unable to fulfill their vocation as Subjects,
the posing of their very oppression as a problem (which always in­volves some form of action) will help them achieve this vocation.
43. See Martin Buber, / and Thou (New York, 1958).

168'PAULO FREIRE
The above does not mean that in the dialogical task there is norole for revolutionary leadership. It means merely that the, leaders—in spite of their important, fundamental, and indispensable role—do
not own the people and have no right to steer the people blindly
towards their salvation. Such a salvation would be a mere gift fromthe leaders to the people—a breaking of the dialogical bond between them, and a reducing of the people from co-authors of liberating action into the objects of this action.
Cooperation, as a characteristic of dialogical action—which occurs
only among Subjects (who may, however, have diverse levels of functions and thus of responsibility)—can only be achieved through communication. Dialogue, as essential communication, must underlie
any cooperation. In the theory of dialogical action, there is no place
for conquering the people on behalf of the revolutionary cause, but
only for gaining their adherence. Dialogue does not impose, does
not manipulate, does not domesticate, does not "sloganize." This
does not mean, however, that the theory of dialogical action leads
nowhere; nor does it mean that the dialogical human does not havea clear idea of what she wants, or of the objectives to which she iscommitted
The commitment of the revolutionary leaders to the oppressed isat the same time a commitment to freedom. And because of thatcommitment, the leaders cannot attempt to conquer the oppressed,
but must achieve their adherence to liberation. Conquered adherence is not adherence; it is "adhesion" of the vanquished to theconqueror, who prescribes the options open to the former. Authentic adherence is the free coincidence of choices; it cannot occur
apart from communication among people, mediated by reality.
Thus cooperation leads dialogical Subjects to focus their attention
on the reality which mediates them and which—posed as a problem—challenges them. The response to that challenge is the action of
dialogical Subjects upon reality in order to transform it. Let me reemphasize that posing reality as a problem does not mean sloganizing: it means critical analysis of a problematic reality.
As opposed to the mythicizing practices of the dominant elites,

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 169

dialogical theory requires that the world be unveiled No one can,however, unveil the world for another. Although one Subject may
initiate the unveiling on behalf of others, the others must also be­come Subjects of this act. The adherence of the people is madepossible by this unveiling of the world and of themselves, in authen­tic praxis.
This adherence coincides with the trust the people begin to placein themselves and in the revolutionary leaders, as the former per­ceive the dedication and authenticity of the latter. The trust of thepeople in the leaders reflects the confidence of the leaders in thepeople.
This confidence should not, however, be naive. The leaders mustbelieve in the potentialities of the people, whom they cannot treat
as mere objects of their own action; they must believe that thepeople are capable of participating in the pursuit of liberation. But
they must always mistrust the ambiguity of oppressed people, mis­trust the oppressor "housed" in the latter. Accordingly, when Guev­
ara exhorts the revolutionary to be always mistrustful,44 he is notdisregarding the fundamental condition of the theory of dialogicalaction. He is merely being a realist.
Although trust is basic to dialogue, it is not an a priori conditionof the latter; it results from the encounter in which persons are coSubjects in denouncing the world, as part of the world's transforma­tion. But as long as the oppressor "within" the oppressed is stronger
than they themselves are, their natural fear of freedom may leadthem to denounce the revolutionary leaders instead! The leaderscannot be credulous, but must be alert for these possibilities. Guev­
ara's Episodes confirms these risks: not only desertions, but evenbetrayal of the cause. At times in this document, while recognizing
the necessity of punishing the deserter in order to preserve the44. Guevara to El Patojoy a young Guatemalan leaving Cuba to engage in guer­
rilla activity in his own country: "Mistrust: at the beginning, do not trust your own
shadow; never trust friendly peasants, informers, guides, or contact men. Do nottrust anything or anybody until a zone is completely liberated." Che Guevara,
Episodes of the Revolutionary War (New York, 1968), p. 102.

170-PAULO

FREIRE

cohesion and discipline of the group, Guevara also recognizes certain factors which explain the desertion. One of them, perhaps themost important, is the deserters ambiguity.
Another portion of Guevara s document, which refers to his presence (not only as a guerrilla but as a medical doctor) in a peasantcommunity in the Sierra Maestra and relates to our discussion ofcooperation, is quite striking:As a result of daily contact with these people and their problems
we became firmly convinced of the need for a complete change
in the life of our people. The idea of an agrarian reform became
crystal-clear. Communion with the people ceased to be a mere
theory, to become an integral part of ourselves.
Guerrillas and peasants began to merge into a solid mass. No
one can say exactly when, in this long process, the ideas became
reality and we became a part of the peasantry. As far as I am
concerned, the contact with my patients in the Sierra turned aspontaneous and somewhat lyrical decision into a more serene
force, one of an entirely different value. Those poor, suffering,
loyal inhabitants of the Sierra cannot even imagine what a great
contribution they made to the forging of our revolutionary ideology*5
Note Guevara's emphasis that communion with the people wasdecisive for the transformation of a "spontaneous and somewhat lyrical decision into a more serene force, one of an entirely different
value." It was, then, in dialogue with the peasants that Guevaras
revolutionary praxis became definitive. What Guevara did not say,perhaps due to humility, is that it was his own humility and capacity
to love that made possible his communion with the people. And thisindisputably dialogical communion became cooperation. Note that
Guevara twho did not climb the Sierra Maestra with Fidel and his
comrades as a frustrated youth in search of adventure) recognizes
that his "communion with the people ceased to be a mere theory, tobecome an integral part of [himself]." He stresses how from the
45. Ibid., pp. 56-57. Emphasis added.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 171

moment of that communion the peasants became "forgers" of his
guerrillas' "revolutionary ideology."
Even Guevara's unmistakable style of narrating his and his com­rades experiences, of describing his contacts with the "poor, loyal"peasants in almost evangelical language, reveals this remarkablemans deep capacity for love and communication. Thence emerges
the force of his ardent testimony to the work of another loving man:
Camilo Torres, "the guerrilla priest."
Without the communion which engenders true cooperation, theCuban people would have been mere objects of the revolutionary
activity of the men of the Sierra Maestra, and as objects, their adher­
ence would have been impossible. At the most, there might havebeen "adhesion," but that is a component of domination, not revo­
lution.
In dialogical theory, at no stage can revolutionary action forgo
communion with the people. Communion in turn elicits cooperation, which brings leaders and people to the fusion described byGuevara. This fusion can exist only if revolutionary action is reallyhuman, empathetic, loving, communicative, and humble, in order
to be liberating,
The revolution loves and creates life; and in order to create life it
may be obliged to prevent some men from circumscribing life. In
addition to the life-death cycle basic to nature, there is almost an
unnatural living death: life which is denied its fullness.46
It should not be necessary here to cite statistics to show how many
Brazilians (and Latin Americans in general) are "living corpses,""shadows" of human beings, hopeless men, women, and children
victimized by an endless "invisible war"47 in which their remnants
46. With regard to man's defenses against his own death, following the "deathof God," in current thought, see Mikel Dufrenne, Pour LHomme (Paris, 1968).
47. "Many [peasants] sell themselves or members of their families into slavery
to escape [starvation]. One Belo Horizonte newspaper discovered as many as 50,000
victims (sold for $1,500,000), and one reporter, to prove it, bought a man and hiswife for $30. 'I have seen many a good man starve,' explained the slave; 4that is
why I did not mind being sold.' When one slave dealer was arrested in Sao Pauloin 1959, he admitted having contacts with Sao Paulo ranchers, coffee plantations,172-PAULO

FREIREof life are devoured by tuberculosis, schistosomiasis, infant diarrhea. . . by the myriad diseases of poverty (most of which, in the terminology of the oppressors, are called "tropical diseases").
Father Chenu makes the following comments regarding possible
reactions to situations as extreme as the above:
Many, both among the, priests attending the Council and theinformed laymen, fear that in facing the needs and suffering of
the world we may simply adopt an emotional protest in favor of
palliating the manifestations and symptoms of poverty and injustice without going on to analyze the causes of the latter, todenounce a regime which encompasses this injustice and engenders 'his poverty.48

Unity for Liberation
Whereas in the antidialogical theory of action the dominators arecompelled by necessity to divide the oppressed, the more easily topreserve the state of oppression, in the dialogical theory the leaders
must dedicate themselves to an untiring effort for unity among theoppressed—and unity of the leaders with the oppressed—in orderto achieve liberation.
The difficulty is that this category of dialogical action (like theothers) cannot occur apart from the praxis. The praxis of oppression
is easy (or at least not difficult) for the dominant elite; but it is noteasy for the revolutionary leaders to carry out a liberating praxis.
The former group can rely on using the instruments of power; thelatter group has this power directed against it. The former group
can organize itself freely, and though it may undergo fortuitous andmomentary divisions, it unites rapidly in the face of any threat toits fundamental interests. The latter group cannot exist without theand construction projects for his commodity—except teenage girls who were soldto brothels." John Gerassi, The Great Fear (New York, 1963).
48. M.-D. Chenu, Temoignage Chretien, April 1964, as cited by Andre Moine,in Christianos y Marxistas despue's del Concilio (Bueno Aires, 1965), p. 167.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 173

people, and this very condition constitutes the first obstacle to its
efforts at organization.
It would indeed be inconsistent of the dominant elite to allow therevolutionary leaders to organize. The internal unity of the dominantelite, which reinforces and organizes its power, requires that thepeople be divided; the unity of the revolutionary leaders only exists
in the unity of the people among themselves and in turn with them.
The unity of the elite derives from its antagonism with the people;
the unity of the revolutionary leadership group grows out of communion with the (united) people. The concrete situation of oppres­sion—which dualizes the I of the oppressed, thereby making theoppressed person ambiguous, emotionally unstable, and fearful of
freedom—facilitates the divisive action of the dominator by hinder­
ing the unifying action indispensable to liberation.
Further, domination is itself objectively divisive. It maintains the
oppressed I in a position of "adhesion" to a reality which seems allpowerful and overwhelming, and then alienates by presenting myste­
rious forces to explain this power. Part of the oppressed / is located in
the reality to which it "adheres"; part is located outside the self, in the
mysterious forces which are regarded as responsible for a reality about
which nothing can be done. The individual is divided between an
identical past and present, and a future without hope. He or she is aperson who does not perceive himself or herself as becoming; hencecannot have a future to be built in unity with others. But as he or she
breaks this "adhesion" and objectifies the reality from which he or she
starts to emerge, the person begins to integrate as a Subject (an /)confronting an object (reality). At this moment, sundering the false
unity of the divided self, one becomes a true individual.
To divide the oppressed, an ideology of oppression is indispensa­
ble. In contrast, achieving their unity requires a form of culturalaction through which they come to know the why and how of theiradhesion to reality—it requires de-ideologizing. Hence, the effort
to unify the oppressed does not call for mere ideological "sloganiz­ing." The latter, by distorting the authentic relation between the
Subject and objective reality, also separates the cognitive, the affective, and the active aspects of the total, indivisible personality.

174-PAULO

FREIREThe object of dialpgical-libertarian action is not to "dislodge"
the oppressed from a mythological reality in order to "bind" themto another reality. On the contrary, the object of dialogical action
is to make it possible for the oppressed, by perceiving their adhe­sion, to opt to transform an unjust reality.
Since the unity of the oppressed involves solidarity among them,regardless of their exact status, ths unity unquestionably requires
class consciousness. However, the submersion in reality which char­acterizes the peasants of Latin America means that consciousness of
being an oppressed class must be preceded (or at least accompanied)by achieving consciousness of being oppressed individuals.49
Proposing as a problem, to a European peasant, the fact that heor she is a person might strike them as strange. This is not true of
Latin-American peasants, whose world usually ends at the bound­aries of the latifundium, whose gestures to some extent simulate
those of the animals and the trees, and who often consider them­selves equal to the latter.
Men who are bound to nature and to the oppressor in this way
must come to discern themselves as persons prevented from being.
And discovering themselves means in the first instance discovering
themselves as Pedro, as Antonio, or asjosefa. This discovery implies
a different perception of the meaning of designations: the words"world," "men," "culture," "tree," "work," "animal," reassume theirtrue significance. The peasants now see themselves as transformersof reality (previously a mysterious entity) through their creative la­bor. They discover that—as people—they can no longer continue tobe "things" possessed by others; and they can move from conscious­
ness of themselves as oppressed individuals to the consciousness ofan oppressed class.
Any attempt to unify the peasants based on activist methods

49. For someone to achieve critical consciousness of his status as an oppressed
man requires recognition of his reality as an oppressive reality. For this very reason,
it requires reaching the "comprehension de Xessence de la society," which is for
Lukacs "un facteur de puissance de tout premier ordre, pouquoi cest meme sans
doute Varme purement et simplement divisive . . . " Georg Lukacs, Histoire et Conscience de Classe (Paris, 1960), p. 93.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 175

which rely on "slogans" and do not deal with these fundamental
aspects produces a mere juxtaposition of individuals, giving a purely
rfiechanistic character to their action. The unity of the oppressed
occurs at the human level, not at the level of things. It occurs in areality which is only authentically comprehended in the dialectic
between the sub- and superstructure.
In order for the oppressed to unite, they must first cut the umbili­
cal cord of magic and myth which binds them to the world of oppres­sion; the unity which links them to each other must be of a different
j nature. To achieve this indispensable unity the revolutionary process
must be, from the beginning, cultural action. The methods used toachieve the unity of the oppressed will depend on the latters histori­
cal and existential experience within the social structure.
Peasants live in a "closed" reality with a single, compact center of
oppressive decision; the urban oppressed live in an expanding con­text in which the oppressive command center is plural and complex.
Peasants are under the control of a dominant figure who incarnates
the oppressive system; in urban areas, the oppressed are subjected
to an "oppressive impersonality." In both cases the oppressive power
is to a certain extent "invisible": in the rural zone, because of its
proximity to the oppressed; in the cities, because of its dispersion.
Forms of cultural action in such different situations as these havenonetheless the same objective: to clarify to the oppressed the ob­jective situation which binds them to the oppressors, visible or not.
Only forms of action which avoid mere speech-making and ineffec­
tive "blah" on the one hand, and mechanistic activism on the other,
can also oppose the divisive action of the dominant elites and movetowards the unity of the oppressed.

Organization
In the theory of antidialogical action, manipulation is indispensable
to conquest and domination; in the dialogical theory of action theorganization of the people presents the antagonistic opposite of this176'PAULO FREIRE
manipulation. Organization i$ not only directly linked to unity, but
is a natural development of that unity. Accordingly, the leaders pur­suit of unity is necessarily also an attempt to organize the people,
requiring witness to the fact that the struggle for liberation is acommon task. This constant, humble, and courageous witness
emerging from cooperation in a shared effort—the liberation of
women and men—avoids thejdanger of antidialogical control. The
form of witness may vary, depending on the historical conditions ofany society; witness itself, however, is an indispensable element ofrevolutionary action.
In order to determine the what and how of that witness, it istherefore essential to have an increasingly critical knowledge of thecurrent historical context, the view of the world held by the people,
the principal contradiction of society, and the principal aspect ofthat contradiction. Since these dimensions of witness are historical,
dialogical, and therefore dialectical, witness cannot simply importthem from other contexts without previously analyzing its own. To
do otherwise is to absolutize and mythologize the relative; alienation
then becomes unavoidable. Witness, in the dialogical theory of ac­tion, is one of the principal expressions of the cultural and educa­
tional character of the revolution.
The essential elements of witness which do not vary historically
include: consistency between words and actions; boldness whichurges the witnesses to confront existence as a permanent risk; radicalization (not sectarianism) leading both the witnesses and the onesreceiving that witness to increasing action; courage to love (which,far from being accommodation to an unjust world, is rather thetransformation of that world in behalf of the increasing liberation ofhumankind); and faith in the people, since it is to them that witness
is made—although witness to the people, because of their dialectical
relations with the dominant elites, also affects the latter (who re­spond to that witness in their customary way).
All authentic (that is, critical) witness involves the daring to run
risks, including the possibility that the leaders will not always win
the immediate adherence of the people. Witness which has not

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 177

borne fruit at a certain moment and under certain conditions is notthereby rendered incapable of bearingfruittomorrow. Since witness
is not an abstract gesture, but an action—a confrontation with the\torld and with people—it is not static. It is a dynamic element
which becomes part of the societal context in which it occurred;from that moment, it does not cease to affect that context.50
In antidialogical action, manipulation anesthetizes the people andfacilitates their domination; in dialogical action manipulation is su­
perseded by authentic organization. In antidialogical action, ma­nipulation serves the ends of conquest; in dialogical action, daring
and loving witness serve the ends of organization.
For the dominant elites, organization means organizing them­selves. For the revolutionary leaders, organization means organizingthemselves with the people. In the first event, the dominant eliteincreasingly structures its power so that it can more efficiently domi­
nate and depersonalize; in the second, organization only corre­
sponds to its nature and objective if in itself it constitutes thepractice of freedom. Accordingly, the discipline necessary to any
organization must not be confused with regimentation. It is quite
true that without leadership, discipline, determination, and objec­
tives—without tasks to fulfill and accounts to be rendered—anorganization cannot survive, and revolutionary action is thereby di­luted. This fact, however, can never justify treating the people asthings to be used. The people are already depersonalized by oppres­sion—if the revolutionary leaders manipulate them, instead of work­
ing towards their conscientizagdo, the very objective of organization(that is, liberation) is thereby negated.
Organizing the people is the process in which the revolutionary
leaders, who are also prevented from saying their own word,51 initi50. Regarded as process, authentic witness which does not bear immediate fruit
cannot Be judged an absolute failure. The men who butchered Tiradentes could
quarter his body, but they could not erase his witness.
51. Dr. Orlando Aguirre Ortiz, Director of a Medical School at a Cuban univer­sity, once told me: "The revolution involves three "P's": palavra, povo, e pdlvora[word, people, and gunpowder]. The explosion of the gunpowder clears the people s
perception of their concrete situation, in pursuit, through action, of their libera-

178'PAULO

FREIRE

ate the experience of learning how to name the world. This is truelearning experience, and therefore dialogical. So it is that the leaderscannot say their word alone; they must say it with the people. Leaders who do not act dialogically, but insist on imposing their decisions, do not organize the people—they manipulate them. They do
not liberate, nor are they liberated: they oppress.
The fact that the leaders who organize the people do not have theright to arbitrarily impose their word does not mean that they must
therefore take a liberalist position which would encourage license
among the people, who are accustomed to oppression. The dialogical theory of action opposes both authoritarianism and license, andthereby affirms authority and freedom. There is no freedom withoutauthority, but there is also no authority without freedom. All freedom contains the possibility that under special circumstances (andat different existential levels) it may become authority. Freedom andauthority cannot be isolated, but must be considered in relationshipto each other.52
Authentic authority is not affirmed as such by a mere transferof power, but through delegation or in sympathetic adherence. If
authority is merely transferred from one group to another, or is
imposed upon the majority, it degenerates into authoritarianism.
Authority can avoid conflict with freedom only if it is "freedombecome-authority." Hypertrophy of the one provokes atrophy of theother. Just as authority cannot exist without freedom, and vice versa,
authoritarianism cannot exist without denying freedom, nor license
without denying authority.
In the theory of dialogical action, organization requires authority,
so it cannot be authoritarian; it requires freedom, so it cannot belicentious. Organization is, rather, a highly educational process inwhich leaders and people together experience true authority andtion." It was interesting to observe how this revolutionary physician stressed theword in the sense it has been used in this essay: as action and reflection, as praxis.
52. This relationship will be conflictive if the objective situation is one of oppres­sion or of license.

PEDAGOGY OF THE OPPRESSED • 179

freedom, which they then seek to establish in society by trans­
forming the reality which mediates them.

Cultural Synthesis
Cultural action is always a systematic and deliberate form of action
which operates upon the social structure, either with the objectiveof preserving that structure or of transforming it. As a form of delib­
erate and systematic action, all cultural action has its theory which
determines its ends and thereby defines its methods. Cultural action
either serves domination (consciously or unconsciously) or it serves
the liberation of men and women. As these dialectically opposed
types of cultural action operate in and upon the social structure,they create dialectical relations of permanence and change,
The social structure, in order to be, must become; in other words,
becoming is the way the social structure expresses "duration," in the
Bergsonian sense of the term.53
Dialogical cultural action does not have as its aim the disappear­
ance of the permanence-change dialectic (an impossible aim, sincedisappearance of the dialectic would require the disappearance ofthe social structure itself and thus of men); it aims, rather, at sur­mounting the antagonistic contradictions of the social structure,
thereby achieving the liberation of human beings.
Antidialogical cultural action, on the other hand, aims at mythiciz­
ing such contradictions, thereby hoping to avoid (or hinder insofar
as possible) the radical transformation of reality. Antidialogical action
explicitly or implicitly aims to preserve, within the social structure,situations which favor its own agents. While the latter would neveraccept a transformation of the structure sufficiently radical to over­come its antagonistic contradictions, they may accept reforms which
53. What makes a structure a social structure (and thus historical-cultural) is
neither permanence nor change, taken absolutely, but the dialectical relations be­
tween the two. In the last analysis, what endures in the social structure is neither
permanence nor change; it is the permanence-change dialectic itself.

180-PAULO

FREIREdo not affect their power of decision over the oppressed. Hence, thismodality of action involves the conquest of the people, their division,
their manipulation, and cultural invasion. It is necessarily and fun­damentally an induced action. Dialogical action, however, is charac­terized by the supersedence of any induced aspect. The incapacityof antidialogical cultural action to supersede its induced character
results from its objective: domination; the capacity of dialogical cul­tural action to do this lies in its objective: liberation.
In cultural invasion, the actors draw the thematic content of theiraction from their own values and ideology; their starting point istheir own world, from which they enter the world of those they
invade. In cultural synthesis, the actors who come from "anotherworld" to the world of the people do so not as invaders. They do notcome to teach or to transmit or to give anything, but rather to learn,with the people, about the peoples world.
In cultural invasion the actors (who need not even go personallyto the invaded culture; increasingly, their action is carried out bytechnological instruments) superimpose themselves on the people,
who are assigned the role of spectators, of objects. In cultural syn­thesis, the actors become integrated with the people, who are co­authors of the action that both perform upon the world.
In cultural invasion, both the spectators and the reality to bepreserved are objects of the actors' action. In cultural synthesis,
there are no spectators; the object of the actors action is the reality
to be transformed for the liberation of men.
Cultural synthesis is thus a mode of action for confronting culture
itself, as the preserver of the very structures by which it was formed.
Cultural action, as historical action, is an instrument for superseding
the dominant alienated and alienating culture. In this sense, every
authentic revolution is a cultural revolution.
The investigation of the peoples generative themes or meaningfulthematics described in chapter 3 constitutes the starting point forthe process of action as cultural synthesis. Indeed, it is not reallypossible to divide this process into two separate steps; first, thematicinvestigation, and then action as cultural synthesis. Such a dichot-P E D A G O G Y OF T H E O P P R E S S E D • 181

omy would imply an initial phase in which the people, as passive
objects, would be studied, analyzed, and investigated by the investi­
gators—a procedure congruent with antidialogical action. Such divi­
sion would lead to the naive conclusion that action as synthesis
follows from action as invasion,
In dialogical theory, this division cannot occur. The Subjects ofthematic investigation are not only the professional investigators but
also the men and women of the people whose thematic universe isbeing sought. Investigation—the first moment of action as culturalsynthesis—establishes a climate of creativity which will tend to de­velop in the subsequent stages of action. Such a climate does notexist in cultural invasion, which through alienation kills the creative
enthusiasm of those who are invaded, leaving them hopeless andfearful of risking experimentation, without which there is no true
creativity.
Those who are invaded, whatever their level, rarely go beyond
the models which the invaders prescribe for them. In cultural syn­thesis there are no invaders; hence, there are no imposed models.
In their stead, there are actors who critically analyze reality (neverseparating this analysisfromaction) and intervene as Subjects in thehistorical process.
Instead of following predetermined plans, leaders and people,
mutually identified, together create the guidelines of their action.
In this synthesis, leaders and people are somehow reborn in new
knowledge and new action. Knowledge of the alienated culture leads
to transforming action resulting in a culture which is being freed
from alienation. The more sophisticated knowledge of the leaders isremade in the empirical knowledge of the people, while the latteris refined by the former.
In cultural synthesis—and only in cultural synthesis—it is possi­
ble to resolve the contradiction between the world view of the lead­ers and that of the people, to the enrichment of both. Culturalsynthesis does not deny the differences between the two views;
indeed, it is based on these differences. It does deny the invasionof one by the other, but affirms the undeniable support each gives
to the other.

182-PAULO

FREIRE

Revolutionary leaders must avoid organizing themselves apartfrom the people; whatever contradiction to the people may occur
fortuitously, due to certain historical conditions, must be solved—
not augmented by the cultural invasion of an imposed relationship.
Cultural synthesis is the only way.
Revolutionary leaders cofrimit many errors and miscalculations by
not taking into account something so real as the peoples view of theworld: a view which explicitly and implicitly contains their concerns,
their doubts, their hopes, their way of seeing the leaders, theirperceptions of themselves and of the oppressors, their religious be­liefs (almost always syncretic), their fatalism, their rebellious reac­
tions. None of these elements can be seen separately, for ininteraction all of them compose a totality. The oppressor is inter­
ested in knowing this totality only as an aid to his action of invasionin order to dominate or preserve domination. For the revolutionary
leaders, the knowledge of this totality is indispensable to their action
as cultural synthesis.
Cultural synthesis (precisely because it is a synthesis) does notmean that the objectives of revolutionary action should be limitedby the aspirations expressed in the world view of the people. If thiswere to happen (in the guise of respect for that view), the revolution­
ary leaders would be passively bound to that vision. Neither invasion
by the leaders of the people's world view nor mere adaptation by theleaders to the (often naive) aspirations of the people is acceptable.
To be concrete: if at a given historical moment the basic aspirationof the people goes no further than a demand for salary increases,
the leaders can commit one of two errors. They can limit their action
to stimulating this one demand54 or they can overrule this popular
aspiration and substitute something more far-reaching—but some­thing which has not yet come to the forefront of the peoples atten­
tion. In the first case, the revolutionary leaders follow a line of

54. Lenin severely attacked the tendency of the Russian Social Democratic Party
to emphasize economic demands of the proletariat as an instrument of the revolu­
tionary struggle, a practice he termed "economic spontaneity." "What is to be
Done?" in On Politics and Revolution, Selected Writings (New York, 1968).

P E D A G O G Y OF T H E O P P R E S S E D • 183

adaptation to the people's demands. In the second case, by disre­
specting the aspirations of the people, they fall into cultural invasion.
v The solution lies in synthesis: the leaders must on the one hand
identify with the peoples demand for higher salaries, while on theother they must pose the meaning of that very demand as a problem.
By doing this, the leaders pose as a problem a real, concrete, histori­
cal situation of which the salary demand is one dimension. It will
thereby become clear that salary demands alone cannot comprise adefinitive solution. The essence of this solution can be found in thepreviously cited statement by bishops of the Third World that "if
the workers do not somehow come to be owners of their own labor,
all structural reforms will be ineffective . . . they [must] be owners,
not sellers, of their labor . . . [for] any purchase or sale of labor isfa type of slavery"
To achieve critical consciousness of the facts that it is necessary
to be the "owner of one's own labor," that labor "constitutes part of
the human person," and that "a human being can neither be soldnor can he sell himself" is to go a step beyond the deception of
palliative solutions. It is to engage in authentic transformation ofreality in order, by humanizing that reality, to humanize women andmen.
In the antidialogical theory of action, cultural invasion serves theends of manipulation, which in turn serves the ends of conquest,
and conquest the ends of domination. Cultural synthesis serves theends of organization; organization serves the ends of liberation.
This work deals with a very obvious truth: just as the oppressor,
in order to oppress, needs a theory of oppressive action, so theoppressed, in order to become free, also need a theory of action.
The oppressor elaborates his theory of action without the people,
for he stands against them. Nor can the people—as long as they arecrushed and oppressed, internalizing the image of the oppressor—
construct by themselves the theory of their liberating action. Onlyin the encounter of the people with the revolutionary leaders—in
their communion, in their praxis—can this theory be built.