SOUVENIR OF KYOTO'S ENTERTAINMENT:THE SHIOMI RAKUCHU-RAKUGAIZU SCREENSIN THE JORDAN SCHNITZER MUSEUM OF ART

byHEATHER HANSON

A THESIS
Presented to the Department of Art History
and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree ofMaster of Arts
December 2009

11

"Souvenir of Kyoto's Entertainment: The Shiomi Rakuchu-Rakugaizu Screens in the
Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art," a thesis prepared by Heather Hanson in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in the Department of Art
History. This thesis has been approved and accepted by:

Akiko Walley, Chair of the Exa ining Committee

Date

Committee in Charge:

Accepted by:

Dean of the Graduate School

Akiko Walley, ChairCharles Lachman
Andrew Edmund Goble

III© 2009 Heather Hanson

IV

An Abstract of the Thesis of
Heather Hanson

for the degree ofto be takenin the Department of Art History

Master of Arts
December 2009

Title: SOUVENIR OF KYOTO'S ENTERTAINMENT: THE SHIOMI RAKUCHORAKUGAIZU SCREENS IN THE JORDAN SCHNITZER MUSEUM OF ART

Approved:
Akiko Walley!

I;
~,'

"

This thesis examines an unstudied pair of eight-paneled Japanese rakuchurakugaizu screens donated by Dr. Robert H. Shiomi to the Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art(JSMA). Rakuchu-rakugaizu (Scenes in and Out of the Capital) was a popular painting
genre that developed over the late sixteenth to seventeenth centuries. In contrast to mostaccepted scholarly views of this genre, I believe the Shiomi screens are void of politicalintentions and function as souvenirs. Closely comparing the visual traits to other known
examples and contemporary travel guides demonstrates the shift in focus to entertainment
and famous sites in the capital available to Kyoto's citizens and visitors alike. Kyoto's
history, the prevalence of travel that came with a reunified Japan during the Tokugawa
hegemony, and the identification of activities, temples, and shrines within the screens
solidifies this argument. This facilitates a nuanced understanding of this painting genre anddemonstrates alternative approaches for its study.

v

CURRICULUM VITAE
NAME OF AUTHOR: Heather Hanson
PLACE OF BIRTH: St. Paul, Minnesota
DATE OF BIRTH: July 9, 1984

GRADUATE AND UNDERGRADUATE SCHOOLS ATTENDED:
University of Oregon, Eugene, Oregon
Beloit College, Beloit, Wisconsin

DEGREES AWARDED:
Master of Arts, Art History, 2009, University of Oregon
Bachelor of Arts, Art History and East Asian Studies, 2006, Beloit College

AREAS OF SPECIAL INTEREST:
Japanese art

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:
Graduate Teaching Fellow, Department of History, University of Oregon,
September 2009- December 2009
Maude Kerns Internship in Visual Resources, Architecture and Allied Arts
Library, University of Oregon, March 2008- June 2009
Graduate Teaching Fellow, Department of Art History, University of Oregon,
September 2007- March 2008

VI

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the many individuals who were fundamental to the completionof this thesis. Akiko Walley, whose willingness to take charge of my committee late in theprocess and her thoughtful questions, enthusiasm, and translating assistance truly gave
shape to this thesis. Charles Lachman, who provided me the opportunity andencouragement to work on the Shiomi screens. Andrew Goble, with his never-ending
supply of energy, enthusiasm, and assortment of Japanese tea during hours of conversation,
lifted my spirits and solidified the significance of this project. Sandy Kita, although his visit
to the university was brief, his excitement for the screens and eagerness to stay in contact
with me provided many insights to the Japanese art history field and my thesis. Yoko
McClain, who took a chance in meeting an art history graduate student and assisted me inreading Japanese calligraphy; and Jean Nattinger, for her willingness to arrange numerous
screen viewings in the museum. I would especially like to thank my family and friends who
have provided a never-ending amount of support throughout my entire academic career.
Their genuine interest in my work kept me motivated and their proofreading assistance isgreatly appreciated. Last, but not least, my boyfriend, Bemy Kleszyk, who was my rockthroughout my entire graduate career and kept my head above water when I felt like I wasdrowning. I do not know what I would have done without his support, guidance, and his
ability to keep things in perspective.

Vll

TABLE OF CONTENTS
ChapterI. INTRODUCTIOJ'J

Page

.

II. IDENTIFIED MONUMENTS AND ACTIVITIES ON THE SCREENS .........

5

III. KYOTO AND ITS HISTORICAL CONTEXT: CREATINGMEANING FOR THE SCREENS

28

IV. THE SHIOMI SCREENS: A SOUVENIR

44

V. CONCLUSION61

APPENDIX: FIGURES

67

BIBLIOGRAPHY

92

Vlll

LIST OF FIGURES
FigurePage

1. Photograph of Dr. Robert H. Shiomi and Yoko McClain........

67

2. Pair of Shiomi screens........

68

3. Identified Places on Right Shiomi screen..............................................................

69

4. Identified Places on Left Shiomi screen70

5. Toshiya (archery competition)

71

6. Photograph of Otowa Waterfall.............................................................................

72

7. Backstage of bunraku theater.................................................................................

73

8. Pair of Shokoji screens...........................................................................................

74

9. Shokoji screens, detail ofNijo Castle....................................................................

75

10. Shiomi screens, detail of Hokoji

76

11. Shiomi screens, detail of Kiyomizudera

76

12. Shiomi screens, detail of Yasaka Shrine..

77

13. Shiomi screens, detail of Kamigamo Shrine..........................................................

77

14. Modem map of Kyoto.................................................................................

78

15. Map of Heian (Kyoto)............................................................................................

79

16. Painted portrait of Toyotomi Hideyoshi

80

17. Pair of Sanjo screens81

18. Pair of Funaki screens............................................................................................

82

IX

FigurePage

19. Diagram of a folding-screen

83

20. Kyowarabe, theater page excerpt

84

21. Shiomi screens, detail of theater district..

85

22. Shiomi screens, detail of Kamigamo horse races

85

23. Shiomi screens, detail of picnic along Mitarashi-gawa

86

24. Shokoji, detail of Shijo

86

25. Funaki screens, detail of theater district87

26. Amusements at Higayashima88

27. Pair of Edo-zu (Hayashi screens)...........................................................................

89

28. Iwasa Katsushige, Priest Beading..........................................................................

90

29. Shiomi screens, detail of painter's seal.....

91

30. Iwasa Katsushige, Priest Beading, detail of seal...................................................

91

1

CHAPTER IINTRODUCTION

Housed in the Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art, (JSMA), is a pair of Japanesefolding-screens depicting a panoramic view of Kyoto during the seventeenth century.

Rakuchu-rakugaizu, or "Scenes in and out of the Capital," documents the urban lifestyleat the junction of the late medieval to early modern Japan and falls into a painting gemethat emerged during a period of constant warfare beginning in the sixteenth century andcontinuing into the seventeenth century. This pair of eight-paneled screens isdistinguished from other extant works in this geme by the fact that the screens show acomplete panoramic view along the Kamo River in Kyoto. This thesis will argue that the
Shiomi screens are souvenirs due to the number of differences found when comparing
them to other rakuchu-rakugaizu examples. Before we proceed, a brief introduction to thescreens' previous owner is in order.
The JSMA is fortunate to own these screens because Dr. Robert H. Shiomi(Fig. 1) generously donated them to the museum and like its donor, not much is known
regarding their histories. Unfortunately, any record that may have existed upon thepurchase of these screens was lost after their donator passed away. Dr. Shiomi had afruitful, but difficult life. Born in 1904 on a little island off the coast of Japan, Dr. Shiomi
traveled to the United States, by himself, at the age of thirteen to reunite with his father
on the West Coast. His father may have been trying to earn money to send back to his

2family in Japan, or saving up money in order to return horne. Regardless, Dr. Shiomi
stayed in the United States and worked his way through college when his father finally
returned to Japan. Eventually, Dr. Shiomi became a student at the University of Oregon
and gradually made his way through medical school, while supporting himself with odd
jobs. He graduated from the University of Oregon in 1930 in which his tie to theuniversity was solidified.
After his time at the University of Oregon, he pursued a medical degree and uponfinishing, he established his first practice in Portland. Shortly thereafter, World War II
broke out and he and his family were sent to an internment camp; he had lost everything.
They were relocated to Joliet, Illinois, where Dr. Shiomi continued to practice medicine
until he, and his family were approved to move back to Portland, their horne. Upon his
return, he opened a new medical practice where he treated fellow Japanese-Americans forno charge because he was sympathetic to their predicaments. Amazingly enough, all ofthese patients paid him back to thank him for his kindness.
Dr. Shiomi passed away in 2004; five months shy of his one-hundredth birthday.
He is remembered as a generous man. Throughout the years, he continued to support the
University of Oregon by sponsoring the university's athletic events and buying art inJapan and donating it to various museums, especially to the JSMA. Regarding the
donation of his rakuchu-rakugaizu folding-screens (hereinafter, the "Shiomi screens"),
Dr. Shiomi's chauffeur dropped them off wrapped in blankets at the security door of the

3
JSMA on a rainy day, a fact that is always repeated when discussing these screens within
the JSMA community. I

Rakuchu-rakugaizu is a painting genre for folding-screens that was popularamong the warrior class during the late sixteenth to early seventeenth centuries.
Considered highly treasured pieces of art, early works of this genre were commissioned
predominately by daimyo, or territorial lords. Early rakuchu-rakugaizu screens arepolitically charged because warriors commissioned them and because they include theirmajor monuments. Whether the patron is a significant figure in Kyoto or not, they still
contribute to this inherent political message portrayed in these screens. The stability ofthe political powers and the rise of the wealthy merchant class in the Edo period changed
the function of the rakuchu-rakugaizu screens from gifts to be exchanged among warriors
to souvenirs purchased by commoners.
This study consists of three chapters. Following a close visual analysis of the
Shiomi screens (Chapter 2) and a discussion on the history ofthe rakuchu-rakugaizu as agenre (Chapter 3), Chapter 4 investigates the possible function the Shiomi screens servedat their conception. I will argue that unlike their predecessors, the Shiomi screens arevoid of any political implications, instead serving a more leisurely purpose. Chapter 4
will demonstrate that the Shiomi screens reflect the culture of travel that emerged during
the Edo period and the new types of commodity associated with it. In short, this study

I Bibliographic accounts for Dr. Shiomi's life have been pieced together from stories shared by his daughter,
Carol Murata, and Yoko McClain, Professor Emerita of East Asian languages at the University of Oregon
and sponsored by Dr. Shiomi when she was a student. Dr. and Mrs. Shiomi's time spent in the internment
camp and their family's relocation are not mentioned because he never discussed this experience withothers.

4argues that the Shiomi screens were not produced as vessels for specific politicalopinions, but rather as souvenirs.
For the purpose of this thesis, I define "souvenir" as a luxury craft that was massproduced or privately commissioned to serve to encapsulate one's memory of a specificplace. A Japanese term for souvenir, meibutsu ("named things"), refers to a local product(craft, food, and monuments, etcetera) that has an inherent traditional quality specific to aparticular geographic location. Meibutsu-when used in this context-were the objects of
attraction a traveler would have looked for and consumed upon arrival to his/her
destination and carried back with him/her upon departure either physically, or as amemory. The Shiomi screens may fall into this category of Japanese souvenirs.
As it will be discussed in both Chapters 3 and 4, unlike the earlier works of thisgenre, which often prominently featured key political monuments in and around Kyoto,
the Shiomi screens focus on famous temples, shrines, pleasure districts, and recreational
activities that took place within them. They display a seeming disinterest in the politicaldimension of the city. The shift in attention from palaces and castles to meibutsu sites andfestivities, combined with their inclusion of motifs rarely seen in earlier rakuchu-

rakugaizu, but featured in contemporary gazetteers, suggest that the Shiomi screensserved a fundamentally different function from their predecessors. This study will
demonstrate that the Shiomi screens are the prime examples of the new type of souvenir

rakuchu-rakugaizu, refining our understanding of this painting genre.

5

CHAPTER II
IDENTIFIED MONUMENTS AND ACTIVITIESON THE SCREENS

Since the Shiomi screens have not been the subject of scholarly investigation until
now, one of the objectives ofthis thesis is to identify many ofthe temples, shrines, andactivities and provide a basic description of them. Although the screens' scenes contain alarge number of buildings accompanied by a gold cartouche, a thorough identification of
the monuments is by no means an easy task, as the labels are written in seventeenthcentury style cursive script. While visual comparisons to other rakuchu-rakugaizu
screens helps, it can only take us so far since the imaginary topography of the Shiomi
screens do not match any of the other existing rakuchu-rakugaizu. In addition, one has tokeep in mind that the Shiomi screens portray Kyoto in the seventeenth century and somebuildings may no longer be extant. Since rakuchu-rakugaizu are paintings of an actual
city, they often record such architectural changes found in Kyoto.
Identification of the major monuments and activities and their historicalsignificance highlights the Shiomi screens' distinct characteristics. In the latter half of
this chapter, I will also compare the Shiomi screens to their earlier counterparts. Thesevisual analyses will demonstrate that the compositional and thematic choices made for
the Shiomi screens cannot be explained entirely through differences in personal taste.

6
Instead, they reflect a shift in the social function that rakuchu-rakugaizu played in the
Edo period.

Structure of the Shiomi screens

Each Shiomi screen (Fig. 2) consists of eight panels (W: 121.9 x H: 335.2
centimeters; 4 x 11 feet). Unlike other rakuchu-rakugaizu screens, which often portrays aprogression of the four seasons, the Shiomi screens only feature two seasons: spring on
the right screen and autumn on the left one. The number of monuments varies from panel
to panel, depending on the geographical direction it portrays. Depending on the area ofHigayashima, the number of structures ranges from as few as one structure to four.
Presently, twenty-four sites on the right screen and twenty-five on the left are labeled.
Considering that the screens date to the seventeenth century, a surprising amount oflabels is still intact. Some of the labels are identified in this chapter. While the screens arecontinuous, I will explore the sites in sequence, comment on them and draw attention totheir features that might have been of interest to contemporary viewers. I will be
describing each panel moving from right to left (Fig. 3 & 4).2

The Right Screen/Eastern View of the Kamo River

Beginning with the upper half of the first panel on the right, there are threereligious complexes nestled in Higayashima. Along a path on the right edge of this panel
is a shrine indicated by its red torii, or Shinto gate, which is the entrance to Inari Shrine

2 For example, (R-l-l) denotes the right screen, first panel from the right, location number one, this method
will be used for both screens.

7(R~I~I). Opposite Inari Shrine on the fold of the first and second panel is Imagumano

Shrine (R-1-2), and continuing further down from this shrine is Chishaku-in (R-1-3).
While Chishaku-in is not noted for being a tourist location, it is a repository of slidingdoor paintings (fusuma-e) from Shoun-in built for Sutemaru, Hideyoshi's first son who
died at the age of two in 159]. The fusuma-e are all that remains of Shoun-in. Originallyestablished on Mount Koya in Wakayama prefecture in 1585, Chishaku-in moved to
Higayashima after the fall of the Toyotomi and eventually became the head temple of
Shingon Buddhism in Kyoto. 3
Below Chishaku-in is Sanjusangendo (R-l-4) in the middle ground and thisbuilding extends just beyond the first panel into the second. Sanjusangendo, "ThirtyThree Bay Hall," was requested by Emperor Go Shirakawa (1127-1192) and funded by
Taira no Kiyomori (1118 -1181) in 1164. Within this long hall are 1001 statues of theThousand-Armed Kannon, with 1000 smaller statues and one larger statue of Kannon in
the middle. In addition front of the Kannon statues are the statues of Buddhism's
guardians. Taira no Kiyomori and members of his clan, likened themselves to theseguardian statues because they were self-proclaimed to be the protectors of the state. 4 The
major festival that takes place at this temple ground is the Toshiya, an archerycompetition occurring in the gallery on the west side of the hall (Fig. 5). In 1246, thetemple complex was burned down, but a replica of the main hall was constructed in) Herbert E. Plutschow, Historical Kyoto: With Illustrations and Guide Maps. (Tokyo: The Japan Times,
Ltd., 1983), 135.
4

Ibid, 73.

81266. 5 Continuing further down in the first panel is a smaller religious shrine withvisiting monks, and the beginning of the Kamo River (R-1-5). At the river 'mouth,' one
can see fishermen on their boats and some walking in the water dragging nets behindthem.
In the second panel from the right lies Toyokuni Shrine, also known as Hokoku
Shrine (R-2-6) nestled in Higayashima. The official tomb for Toyotomi Hideyoshi, thisshrine was constructed in 1599 to commemorate his death. On the anniversaries of
Hideyoshi's death, townspeople, nobles, priests, and warriors would gather here to holdlarge celebrations, honoring him with dance. The mausoleum at this shrine was built on alavish scale to reflect all of Hideyoshi' s lifetime accomplishments. 6
In the third and fourth panels from the right, atop Higashiyama, is the temple
Kiyomizudera (R-3-7). Kiyomizudera or, "Pure Water Temple," was first constructed in
798; the current buildings have renovations dating from 1633. This temple offers one of
the best overlooks of Kyoto; this area is known for viewing blossoms and autumnal
foliage, even today. In fact, cherry blossoms surround the temple grounds in these panels.
Even before the construction of this temple, the site was considered sacred. Labeledwithin the Kiyomizudera complex is the Shikama, or "deer mound" (R-4-lO). This area isassociated with a founding legend of the complex. The legend involves monk Enchin
who was for land large enough for establishing a new temple. One day, a mountain deity,in the form of a deer, visited Enchin's camp in the night and flattened enough land for his
temple. The second legend dates from after the establishment of the temple. One time, an
5

Ibid.

6

Ibid., 151

9aristocrat, Sakanoue no Tamuramaro, was hunting near the temple grounds for deer; hiswife was pregnant and deerskin was believed to be a talisman for ensuring a safe birth.
After he killed a deer, Enchin lectured him on the evils of killing animals. Tamuramaro,
feeling repentant, buried the deer; hence, the Shikama. 7
The main hall of Kiyomizudera has a veranda supported by hundreds of pillars
jutting out over the hillside; impressively, not a single nail was used throughout the entire
temple. Just below the main hall is the waterfall Otowa no Taki (Fig. 6) (R-3-8), which isbelieved to have sacred properties for visitors who partake of its water. On the screen, thetemple site is full of worshippers and sightseers walking the grounds, and utilizing thesacred properties of the Otowa no Taki. To the left of the temple complex is the Saimon(R-4-9), a large gate leading to the temple complex and a three-storied pagoda at the footof Higayashima.
Continuing down from Kiyomizudera in the third panel from the right is Hokoji(R-3-11) constructed by Hideyoshi in an attempt to rival the Great Buddha Hall, Todaiji,
in Nara. Peeking out from under the roof ofHokoji's Great Buddha Hall is the Buddha's
crossed legs with his hands folded in his lap. In order to obtain enough metal for casting
the fifty-two meter (approximately 171 feet) tall Buddha, Hideyoshi ordered a sword huntin 1585. All privately owned swords, including those belonging to Buddhist priests, wereconfiscated in the campaign using the motto "give iron to the Buddha; in doing this, they
were ensuring the merit donators would receive in this life and the next."g Canals were

7

Ibid., 5.

8 Ibid., 133.

10
dug and Gojo Bridge was built to facilitate the casting of the giant statue of the Buddha.
Outside of Hokoji lies a reminder of Hideyoshi's failed attempts at conquering Korea in
1592 and 1597. This is the Mimizuka, or "ear-mound" (R-2-12). Traditionally, theenemies' heads were taken as battle trophies; in this instance, the ears were cut off,shipped back in barrels, and buried in this mound. The temple was completed in three
years, but an earthquake destroyed the Great Buddha Hall in 1596, only nine years after
completion. There were many attempts at rebuilding this large structure, especially after
Hideyoshi's death, but it seems that natural disasters destroyed any rebuilding efforts.
During Hideyoshi's reconstruction of Kyoto, he pushed the boundaries of the
Heian capital outward by constructing three bridges over the Kamo River. Gojo Bridge(R-3-14), marking Gojo-d6ri, or avenue, near H6koji was one of the great marvels of the
newly renovated city. It was a durable structure and had ornamental caps known asgiboshi. 9 Apparently, the Tokugawa rebuilt the bridge in the Genna era (1615-1624) andit was maintained by the bakufu. Maintenance and upkeep by the bakufu resulted in thebridge's nickname, Kogi-bashi. lO Goj6 Bridge connects the east bank of the Kamo Riverto the temple district (teramachi), in which temples and shops were interspersed.
Established by Hideyoshi, the Higayashima mountain district includes various temples on
the eastern side of the Kamo River and enabled him to oversee large numbers of temples
in a limited area. Hideyoshi drew upon his recent experiences, in which various temple

RAB. Ponsonby-Fane, Kyoto the Old Capital ofJapan (794-1869). (Kyoto: The Ponsonby Memorial
Society, 1956), 411.

910Ibid., 416.

11armies launched attacks within the capital, and Emperor Kammu's experiences during thefoundation of Heian-kyo by not allowing temples within the city itself. ll
Teramachi (R-4-15) runs along the bottom of the right screen and past Gojo

Bridge on the eastern bank. While there are shops continuing up to Sanjo Bridge, avariety of buildings interrupts this line of establishments. A main thoroughfare breaks up
the bottom edge of the screen and teramachi. On this road, one can see different peopleof varying social stations meandering. There are a variety of shops in teramachi ranging
from those for fans to tobacco and tobacco accessories. Shops were narrow, but deep
because during the Muromachi period (1336-1573), shop owners were charged by thewidth of the entire shop. Thus, these shop owners adapted and created these deep andnarrow shops with sitting areas in the front to display their wares to customers.
Teramachi continues along the Kamo River until it reaches Sanjo Bridge.

Progressing westward through Higayashima, in the fifth panel from the right, isKodaiji (R-5-17), which was established in 1605 by Hideyoshi's wife, Kita no
Mandokoro, after his death in 1598, at which point she became a nun and adopted thename Kodai-in. This religious complex is a Zen monastery where Mandokoro stayed andmeditated. Hideyoshi was buried here along with his mother and eventually his son,
Hideyori, after the failed campaign at Osaka Castle in 1615. On the extensive temple
grounds there includes gardens and teahouses designed by the tea master Sen no Rikyu(1522-1591 ).12 Moving downward of Kodaiji, Yasaka Pagoda (R-5-16) is the onlyII

P1utschow, 131.

12 Ibid.,

151.

12
remaining structure from Hokanji. Originally, Shotoku Taishi founded the complex, andthe pagoda was regarded as a symbol of Kyoto. In 1618, Itakura Katsushige, a governorof Kyoto at the time, rebuilt this pagoda. 13 At the end of Gojo-dori is a teahouse labeled
as Yasaka chaya (R-4-13) that had connections to the pagoda and Yasaka Shrine. West of
the Yasaka Pagoda, a painted path connects Kodaiji to Yasaka Shrine also known as Gion
SIrrine.
Considered the guardian shrine of the Gion district of Higayashima, Yasaka
Shrine (R-6-18) was and still is the sponsor for the Gion Festival and is located at the eastend of Shijo-dori in the sixth panel. Construction started in 656 and was under imperial
patronage throughout the Heian period (794-1185). On the Shiomi screens, visitors are on
their way to the shrine and the entrance is marked by a torii. Surrounded by golden
clouds, the entire shrine complex continues from the fifth through the seventh panel fromthe right. Filled with visitors enjoying the sites of the temple and cherry blossoms, themain hall, stage, and other buildings are depicted in great detail. Of additional interest
regarding this complex, is that a number of buildings and the surrounding forest are
identified. The forest is labeled as "Gion Bayashi" (R-7-19), or Gion forest, suggestingthat there was a legend associated with this area. Gion was the entertainment district andafter the reconstruction of Kyoto, in which the streets were narrowed to make them lesscrowded, many urbanites would congregate here and take part in various forms ofentertainment. These recreational activities were available to all levels of society andespecially appealed to commoners.

13

Aisaburo Akiyama, Sights afOld Japan. (Tokyo: Y6shUsha, 1919),59.

13
Directly below Yasaka Shrine are two different types of theaters facing each otheron the eastern banks of the Kamo River: the left is a kabuki theater (R-6-21) and the rightis a puppet (bunraku) theater (R-5-20). The Shijo Bridge (R-6-22) made thisentertainment district accessible, but it was not a permanent bridge like the ones locatedat Gojo and Sanjo-dori. Both theaters are in the Gion district after crossing Shijo Bridge.
They are portrayed in the early stages of their development. 14 Kabuki and bunraku 's
origins date to the early seventeenth century; around the time that rakuchu-rakugaizu
started gaining popularity. Stylized movements for expressing various emotions and themusic and stories characterize these performance arts. These performance venues occupy
the middle plane from the fifth to the seventh panels from the right. The popularity ofthese different performing arts and the depiction of large crowds of people waiting toenter the theaters illustrates that a flourishing bourgeois culture had begun to emerge.
The founder of kabuki performance was believed to have been a woman named
Okuni. Although not much is known about her background, she was believed to have
served as an attendant at the Izumo Shrine. IS In its developmental stages, Okuni led an all
female dancing troupe and they performed outdoor musical entertainment. 16 As this type
oftheater was developing in the early years of the Tokugawa, those oflower stations,such as farmers, were prohibited to see these plays because authorities were worried that

14 Shuzaburo Hironaga, Bunraku: A History ofJapan's Puppet Theater Together with the Stories ofits
Plays. (Dotombori, Osaka: Bunrakuza Theater, 1959), 19.

15Paul Varley, Japanese Culture. (University ofHawai'i Press, 2000), 186.

16 William E. Deal, Handbook to L(fe in Medieval and Early Modern Japan. (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2006),276.

14this luxury would make them want to improve their lives. I? It is clear from the depiction
in some rakuchu-rakugaizu screens, such as the Shiomi screens, that this control was
slipping as people from varying social stations, including farmers, seem to be enjoying
the theater.
Bunraku, also referred to as ningyo joruri is an interesting combination of two art
forms that developed separately, the puppet manipulation and singing. IS Puppeteers used
to perform in the streets, and when the J6do sect of Buddhism was established, these
performers used their art to popularize their religious beliefs. 19 In its early stages, thepuppets were small marionettes similar to the Western Punch and Judy performances andeventually the puppets evolved into large figures manipulated by three puppeteers. 20
While using smaller puppets, the puppeteers and accompaniments were hidden behind aminiature stage with a curtain (Fig. 7). Since bunraku was in direct competition withkabuki, it is no surprise that they borrowed elements from one another. For example,
kabuki actors mimicked the way the puppeteers manipulated the puppets. Kabuki stage
sets borrowed tricks from the bunraku stage to heighten the effects. 21 Additionally,
kabuki and bunraku borrowed musical scores and storylines from one another. Bothforms of theater revolved around stories based on historical figures, especially warriors

17

C.J. Dunn, Everyday Life in Traditional Japan. (New York: G.P Putnam's Sons, 1969),83.

18

Hironaga, 16.

\9 Kenneth P. Kirkwood, Renaissance in Japan: A Cultural Survey ofthe Seventeenth Centwy. (Rutland,
Vermont; Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1970), 133.

20 Penelope Mason, History ofJapanese Art. (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc.,
2005), 177.

21

Deal, 280.

15
(jidaimono); contemporary plays (sewamono) concerned with townspeople and theirlives; and dance dramas (shosagoto) that featured music and the body language of theperformers. 22
In the hills of Higayashima lies the complex of Chion-in (R-8-23), which isshown in the upper left comer ofthe eighth panel from the right on the right screen. Built
by Genchi (1183-1238), a disciple of Honen (1133-1212), in 1234, the temple marks thesite where Honen established his residence after leaving Mount Hiei to institute the Jodo
sect of Pure Land Buddhism. 23 It was not until 1523, however, that Chion-in became thehead temple of the Jodo sect. In 1607, the temple was designated as a monzekidera,
which required the abbot to be a member of the imperial family or aristocracy.24 Much
like Sanjusangendo and Kiyomizudera, Chion-in's complex also survived the wreckage
ofthe Onin War, but numerous buildings were burned down during the conflict.
Continuing down past a copse of pine trees is a small group of people in the
Kamo River fishing or relaxing on the banks. On the western bank ofthe river, one of thenumerous buildings that break up teramachi is a temple complex believed to be Zuisenji(R-8-24). Zuisenji marks the site where Toyotomi Hidetsugu's (1568-1595) wives andconcubines were executed when Hideyoshi no longer needed his nephew to be an heir for
his domain due to the birth of his son Hideyori. 25 While Hidetsugu was forced to commit

22

Ibid.

23

Ibid., 213.

24

Ibid.

McKelway, "The Partisan View: Rakuchu Rakugai Screens in the Mary and Jackson Burke Collection."
Orientations 28 (February 1997): 52.

25

16
suicide on Mount Koya located to the south of Osaka, the rest of his family was coerced
into going to the Kamo River for their execution. Zuisenji was founded in 1611, to pacify
the souls of Hidetsugu's family members whose bodies were displayed along theriverbank of Sanjo Bridge. 26 Zuisenji is the newest building among the monuments in the
Shiomi screens that are identified. Therefore, it is safe to assume that the Shiomi screens
were made sometime after 1611.

The Left ScreenlWestern View of the Kamo River

What makes the Shiomi screens quite different from their rakuchu-rakugaizu
counterparts is what is shown in the left screen. Unlike earlier rakuchu-rakugaizu, which
typically portrays the Nijo Castle, the Gion Festival, and the city streets of Kyoto in theleft screen, the Shiomi screens instead include a continuation of the panoramic viewalong the Kamo River. Other popular motifs in earlier examples, such as a daimyoprocession-a sign ofTokugawa authority-and rows of townhouses are missing fromthe Shiomi screens. The lack of similar examples makes it challenging to identify themonuments included in the left screen. However, some of them are still recognizable
either through the accompanying labels, or by their general location.
On a downward slope ofthe hills of Higayashima, in the upper edge of the firstpanel on the right, is Nanzenji (L-1-1). This religious complex was originally constructed
as a retirement villa for Emperor Kameyama (r. 1260-1274), but upon his death in 1291,
it was converted into a Zen temple. Constant warfare and the activities of the warrior-

26

Plutschow, 164.

17monks from Mount Hiei destroyed much of the original temple grounds, but Hideyoshi
initiated the reconstruction of Nanzenji in 1593. Later on, its temple grounds were further
expanded through private donation of various buildings and landscaping projects. 27
Golden clouds and the rolling hills of Higayashima obscure this large complex renovatedby Hideyoshi and Ieyasu. Nanzenji's complex also continues into the second panel.
Continuing south of Nanzenji in the first panel is a mountain path veering off to
the right, labeled "Hi no Oka Toge" (L-1-2). Hi no Oka Toge connects to Sanjo Bridge atthe bottom of the panel (L-1-3). Much like Gojo Bridge near Hok6ji, Sanjo Bridge is apermanent structure of importance associated with the Kamo River. Sanjo Bridge marked
the beginning of the Tokaido road, which connects Kyoto with the eastern provinces.
This bridge was also a location for public beheadings, a gruesome form of entertainment
in Kyoto's early history. The bodies of Hidetsugu and his consorts were displayed here.
On the screens, there is a group of men crossing the bridge towards the mountain path,and a man on horseback appears to be surrounded by a number of men clad in black,
while a couple move ahead to clear a path.
Continuing downward from Nanzenji is a shrine surrounded by pine trees (L-2-5).
The label is illegible, except for the character for pine tree, or "matsu," suggesting that
this was a famous pine forest. Along the bottom edge, in the second panel from the righton the western side of the Kamo River is the beginning of a line of urban architecture.
Only one of the buildings has a label. Although this building has yet to be identified, its
lacquered wood trim makes it starkly different from its neighboring buildings, indicating

27 Ibid.,

143.

18
its special significance (L-3-6). This line of buildings continues from the second panel tothe fifth. Along the bottom of the screen, people meander along the street while apalanquin enters a residence. The street scenes highlight the people from varying social
classes that comprise Kyoto's urbanites. Portrayed here are the elderly, a monk preachingat a street corner, a toy peddler surrounded by children accompanied by their parents,
laborers carrying goods over their shoulder, and attendants surrounding a man on
horseback as they clear a path on the road.
Continuing west along the bank of the Kamo River, there is an interesting
juxtaposition of huts and Shogoin (L-4-II). Although nothing can be found on these huts,
their close proximity to Shogoin, seems to allude to their affiliation to the temple. They
could be the residence of a family of farmers, or, possibly a part of the temple complex.
Below these huts, in the third panel, is a small group of men wading in the river whilefishing.
In the fourth panel from the right, a small cluster of labels is located in the upper
left portion ofthis panel. The uppermost label accompanying a temple site has been
trimmed at the top; just below this unknown temple (L-4-7) is an area of Kyoto known as
Shirakawa (L-4-9). This area in Higayashima is one of many small agriculturalcommunities in Kyoto. Opposite of Shirakawa, on the right in the fourth panel, isKonkaikomyoji, more popularly known as Kurodani (L-4-8). Constructed by Honen in
1175 on Mount Yoshida, this complex became part of the Pure Land Sect of Buddhism.
As with many temples of this time, the main hall of the Kurodani suffered numerous fires.

19
The present main hall was rebuilt by Hideyoshi in 1605. 28 Below this temple is Zenjoji(L-4-10). As the screens progress along the riverbank, the foot of Higayashima in the
fourth panel depicts the Mitarashi-gawa (L-4-12), a stream originating in Shimogamo
Shrine, flowing into the Kamo River. At this junction, a large group of people has anelaborate picnic under the autumn foliage. An attendant prepares a fish, and anotherstokes the bonfire, while others play musical instruments and feast. In contrast, across theriver from this scenic view are a couple of men harvesting a field.
On the upper edge ofthe fifth panel from the right lies Yoshida Shrine (L-5-13) issurrounded by rolling hills and autumn colors. This is a site of importance for imperial
patronage. Established in 859 by Fujiwara Yamakage, the Yoshida Shrine housed thespirits of Yamakage's ancestors. According to the imperial records, the Fujiwara clan
believed this shrine to be a protector ofthe capita1. 29 In the inner sanctum of Yoshida
Shrine lies an octagonal structure known as Daigengu. Close to the Shrine grounds is alabeled area that reads as Kagura-oka (L-5-14), a burial site for the imperial family.
Ichijojimura (L-5-15) is another labeled site in Higayashima, which is on the right side of
the Shimogamo Shrine.
Below Yoshida Shrine is Shimogamo Shrine (L-5-16). Located at the fork of the
Takano and Kamo Rivers, Shimogamo Shrine is one of the oldest shrines in Japan, andthe place for the worship of water and river deities in times of droughts and floods. 3D In
the Shiomi screens, however, the Mitarashi-gawa seems to take the place of the Takano
28 Akiyama, 94.

29

Plutschow, 26.

30

Ibid., 8.

20River. Shimogamo enshrines the maiden Tamayori-hime, the mother ofWake-Ikazuchino-Mikoto. Below the shrine's entrance, a circle of people dances near the picnic by the
Mitarashi-gawa. A lone dancer is in the middle of this circle of merriment, while twomen escort a fellow party-member who may have imbibed too much away from thefestivities. The large picnic and the dancing circle are associated with the Shimogamo
Shrine.
Continuing westward into the sixth panel from the right, Mount Hiei (L-6-17) isshown in the upper right comer. This mountain is the most important in Kyoto. Locatedin the northeastern part of the capital, Mount Hiei protects the city from malignant forces
because it was believed that epidemics and fires spread from this particular direction.
Originally, Mount Hiei was an important Shinto site, but priest Saich6 (767-822)
developed this site into an important Buddhist center. His temple, Enryakuji, eventuallybecame an all-powerful temple in the sixteenth century. Below the label for Mount Hiei
is a small area of huts nestled in an opening in the rolling hills and a path leading up the
peak (L-6-19).
Below Mount Hiei in the sixth panel just below a tuft of golden clouds, one cansee the Kamigamo horse races (L-6-20) at the Kamigamo Shrine grounds (L-6-22).
Originating in 1093, the Kamigamo horse races usually consisted of twenty horses andriders divided into two groupS.3l Men chosen to preside over the races dressed asaristocrats and encouraged foul play during the races. Traditionally, these races were held
as a prayer for peace and bountiful harvests, but as time progressed, they became

31

Akiyama, 196.

21
something more for entertainment purposes. Left of the horse races is the Kamigamo
Shrine peeking out from a mass of clouds in the seventh panel from the right. Establishedin 678, Kamigamo Shrine is the sister shrine of the Shimogamo Shrine. Kamigamo
Shrine is dedicated to the thunder deity named Wake-Ikazuchi-no-Mikoto, the son of
Tamayori-hime, and is associated with fertility. With this connection to fertility, theimperial family held this shrine complex in high regard and always had a virgin
representing the emperor at the shrine until 1212. 32 In the eighth panel, these have labels,
but unfortunately, only a couple have any discernable writing.

How the Shiomi screens compare to the Shokoji screens

The Shiomi screens display some interesting differences from typical examples of
the rakuchu-rakugaizu. First of all, they display a distinct orientation of Kyoto's outskirts
along the Kamo river. Although it is difficult to find another pair of screens with thisparticular east to west panoramic view, the Shokoji screens display many similarities to
the Shiomi screens (Fig. 8). Both pieces are contemporaries of the Edo period and sharemany popular monuments, and the orientation of the city streets are the same. With rightdescending angles as an aid for organizing the monuments in the screens, it creates anopen south-facing terrain while highlighting some of Kyoto's topography. Because the
Shokoji and Shiomi screens share some general similarities, comparing the two will
highlight the significant characteristics unique to the Shiomi screens.

32

Plutschow, 8.

22
The perspective shown in the ShOkoji screens portray an east to west divide forthe views of the city with Aburanokoji Avenue along the lower edge of both screens. The
eastern divide of these screens begins with the depiction of Fushimi Castle in the upper
right corner and Yoshida Shrine and Nanzenji in the far left of the right screen. As for theleft screen, the western division of the capital is centered on a large-scale view of Nijo
Castle (Fig. 9). While the Shiomi screens share the east to west perspective, it is a
panoramic view, unlike the Shokoji screens, with their distinctive directional divide of
the city's outskirts and view of the city's interior. The use of diagonals allows thesescreens to pull famous monuments that are further south along the edges of the screens.
This juxtaposition of faraway and actual placement of buildings demonstrates the caretaken to ensure the depiction of these important sites. While the monuments are in theirgeneral proximity, they are perhaps relocated on the screens to ensure that some buildings
are grouped together thematically or historically.
Both the Shokoji and Shiomi screens portray some of the same monuments,
although not all of either work's buildings are identifiable. The shared monuments
include: Sanjusangendo, Hokoji (Fig. 10), Kiyomizudera (Fig. 11), Yasaka Pagoda,
Yasaka Shrine (Fig. 12), Yoshida Shrine, Nanzenji, Toyokuni Shrine (Hokoku Shrine),
and teramachi. On the other hand, many sites and events with strong politicalconnotations included on the Shokoji screens are missing from the Shiomi screens. For
instance, the Shiomi screens do not portray Fushimi Castle, Nijo Castle, the Imperial
Palace, townhouses, aristocratic mansions, the Gion Festival, and the Odoi wallconstructed by Hideyoshi. Instead, the Shiomi screens include monuments and activities

23
missing from the Shokoji screens, such as: the theater district; the (mimizuka); Kamigamo(Fig. 13) and Shimogamo Shrines; Kurodani; a variety of noted sites and structures
within Kiyomizudera and Yasaka Shrine; Zuisenji; popular areas in Kyoto, such as
Shirakawa; and, perhaps most notably missing from the Shokoji screens, are labels
identifying these places. 33 These differences suggest that the makers of rakuchu-

rakugaizu were making conscious decisions in choosing what monuments in the capitaland Higashiyama to portray.
Kyoto's important monuments in the hills of Higayashima are depicted for themost part on both sets of screens, but what the Shokoji screens lack, the Shiomi screensmore than make up for in terms of the numerous temples and shrines nestled in these hills.
Overlapping structures found on both the Shiomi and Shokoji screens suggest apreexisting general geographic formula in portraying scenes of Kyoto. However, theShiomi screens tend to display more details of the more famous religious complexes,
such as Kiyomizudera and Yasaka Shrine. One can observe that the Shok6ji screens seemto include more motifs related to the political powers in the city, while the Shiomi screens
focus on the entertainments and popular sites.
The buildings are grouped together on the screens to fit together historically,
reminding the viewer of their contribution to the long and rich history of Kyoto.
Complexes such as Sanjusangendo, Kiyomizudera, Shimogamo Shrine, and Kamigamo
Shrine have strong roots in the religious and cultural life of Kyoto's urbanites. Also
included in these recreational sites are more recently constructed buildings, such as the
33 McKelway, Capitalscapes: Folding-Screens and Political Imagination in late Medieval Kyoto.
(Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2006), 187.

24
Hokoji and the Kodaiji, that demonstrate the new historical references associated with theimperial capital. Not only are there these new and old buildings of significance, but the
Shiomi screens also includes areas of Kyoto that are well known to the urbanites such as
Shirakawa's farming community. On the Shiomi screens, locales and monuments fromfar distances were brought together to unify the theme of recreation and entertainment in
the outskirts of Kyoto.
While there is an apparent spatial manipulation in the building's location on the
Shiomi screens when compared to the Shokoji screens, many of the common buildings
are approximately in the same area (Fig. 14). In early modem Japan, there was not amethod of accurately portraying the geography of the cities and the nation as a whole.
Rather, it was the maps and paintings of cities and incorporated visual cues popularly
known to the public. Marcia Yonemoto refers to this idea as the "spatial vernacular" inwhich a "common spoken, written, and/or visual language particular to a certain social or
occupational group, or to a place or culture-aptly describes both the common usage ofand variation in forms of spatial representation in Japan [... ]."34 Even with the interestingeast to west perspective that the Shiomi screens offer, they still follow the norm forhistorical placement of these popular monuments found in other examples of rakuchu-

rakugaizu. Lacking an interior city view on the Shiomi screens does not detract from the"spatial vernacular," as other screens depicting Nijo Castle and its environs are quite
similar.

Marcia Yonemoto, "The 'Spatial Vernacular' in Early Modern Japan: Knowledge, Power, and Pleasurein the Form of a Map," The Journal ofAsian Studies 59 (2000), 648.

]4

25
Although the Shokoji and Shiomi screens are similar in their use of the "spatial
vernacular," the way in which they represent space differs significantly. On the Shiomi
screens, the east to west panoramic perspective of these screens lends to the artist
shortening the distance between monuments creating a layered look of buildings
practically stacked upon one another. The location of these monuments on the Shiomi
screens are mostly located in the hills of Higayashima, lending to this layered look; theShokoji screens put a greater emphasis on the city view, making the screens look moreorganized and highlighting the highly planned city of Kyoto.
Specifically, in contrast to multiple buildings being cramped together in the hillsof Higayashima in the Shiomi screens, the Shokoj i screens' buildings appear to occupy
their own square that the diagonals create on the screens. In other words, these buildings
are more compartmentalized, especially when looking at the left screen with Nijo Castle
and its environs. Nijo Castle's stone rampart and moat reflect the rigid structure of theTokugawa hegemony. Lending to this more organized view of the capital is the squared
off neighborhoods in Kyoto, or machi, which are interspersed throughout the city andsurrounds the castle. Aburanokoji Avenue acts as the dividing line between the Nijo
Castle and neighborhoods, and the resulting long, rectangular line of houses along thebottom of the left screen further emphasizes this compartmentalization.
When examining the right screen of the Shokoji screens, cloud coverage appears
to hide much of the interior city view and breaks up the square machi. Even with more
golden clouds in the right screen, the machi break through to reveal the Gion Festival
procession underway. The square structure demarcated by the city streets, shows the26compartmentalization implemented by Hideyoshi when he was reorganizing the city andtraces of the imperial capital dating to the Heian period. On the Shokoji screens, eachcomplex was neatly enclosed within their walls while surrounding these structures withgolden clouds, which compartmentalizes these structures even further. Although thesetemples and shrines are not as structured as the machi within the city, there is still a senseof the organization present in the Higayashima portrayed in the Shokoji screens.
This aspect of the screens further demonstrates the differences that distinguish the
Shiomi screens within the rakuchu-rakugaizu genre. Even though the Shiomi screensshare common monuments found in the Shokoji screens, the temples' outer walls do notcreate the same level of organization. Instead of the monuments on the Shiomi screens
occupying their own compartment, places such as Sanjusangendo, Hokoji, Kiyomizudera,
and Chion-in's walls are covered by golden clouds that appear to undulate with the hillsof Higayashima. These undulating hills and clouds prevent this structured aspect ofKyoto's outskirts and have a more unifying and organic feel. It appears that these temples
and shrines are a part of the landscape, more so than what appears in the Shokoji screens.
A more open environment and the unrestrictive nature of these complexes on the Shiomi
screens create a more inclusive feeling for the viewer.
While this is only a comparison between two of many examples of rakuchurakugaizu, it gives one an idea of how the Shiomi screens compare with typical examples
within this popular genre of the seventeenth century. The Shokoji screens are similar to
the Shiomi screens in that they share right descending diagonals and have a more narrow
view than other works do. Their similarities underline the characteristics of the Shiomi

27screens, as well, which are more important for the purpose of this thesis. What thiscomparison showed was that although the two screens position their motifs in a similar
diagonal composition, there are significant differences in the actual choice of the sites
and activities. While the Sh6k6ji screens included many of the monuments and festivals
affiliated with warrior authority-a trait generally shared by early rakuchu-rakugaizu
screens-the Shiomi screens focus more on motifs with leisure or popular appeal.
Through this analysis, one may reach a conclusion that, broadly speaking, the Shiomi
screens depart from the earlier rakuchu-rakugaizu works in their apparent detachmentfrom any overt political monuments.

28

CHAPTER III
KYOTO AND ITS HISTORICAL CONTEXT:CREATING MEANING FOR THE SCREENS

Since its founding in 794, Kyoto has witnessed significant social and politicalchanges. Originally known as Heian-kyo, "capital of peace and tranquility," the city lived
up to its name until the 1180s. Before Kyoto was established, Nara had been the capitalof Japan until the Buddhist priest, Dokyo (d. 772), tried to usurp the throne, which forced
Emperor Kammu (737-806) to find a new site for another capital. 35 This series of events
was in response to the growing political influences of Buddhism.
Under the pretext of numerous hunting excursions, Emperor Kammu sought out a
new site to establish a new capital. He employed the diviners and geomancers to ensurethat the city was suitable for living. On the twenty-second day of the tenth month of 794,
an auspicious day for moving according to the astrological charts, Emperor Kammu
declared that the capital was being relocated. 36 This venture was risky since the imperialfamily had already invested much of their finances in the establishment ofNagaoka.
The new site chosen for Heian-kyo was a long valley surrounded in the east, west,
and north by wooded hills and mountains that form a horseshoe shape. The only opening
to the city was from the south, which was considered auspicious. From north to south, the35

Plutschow, 2,

Wendell Cole, Kyoto in the Momoyama Period. (Noonan, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press,
1967),9,36

29
Katsura River is located on the western side with the Kamo River on the east. Across the
Kamo River on the eastern side of Kyoto are the hills of Higashiyama and to thenortheast is Mount Hiei, the future site for the powerful complex ofthe Buddhist
monastery, Emyakuji.
Deeply influenced by China, Emperor Kammu modeled the capital after the Tangdynasty capital of Chang'an, modern day Xian. The city of Heian-kyo was a rectangularsite that spanned 3.1 miles from north to south and 2.8 miles from east to west (Fig. 15).37
Suzaku, a highway spanning 250 feet in width, split the city in half; the two halves werecalled the East, or Left (Sakyo) Capital, and West, or Right (Ukyo) Capital,38 The streets
within the capital were laid out in a grid. Eight major avenues ran parallel to the Suzaku;
the nine streets intersecting these avenues ran east to west and were known by numbers,
such as Ichijo, or First Avenue. 39 The imperial palace and important ceremonial buildings
were located in the northern quadrant of the city, and in the south official buildings
intermingled with domestic buildings. Seniority at court was determined by close
proximity to the imperial palace. It is estimated that by 794, the capital had 80,000 houses
and a population of 400,000. 40 Throughout the centuries, Heian-kyo remained theimperial capital and it was not until the twelfth century that people referred to the city as

37

John Lowe, Old Kyoto. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000),5.

38

Cole, 9.

39

Ibid., I I.

40

Lowe, 5.

30
Kyoto. As the city grew over the centuries, Kyoto became the home for over 1500
temples, which is ironic considering Emperor Kammu's initial reaction. 41
To understand rakuchu-rakugaizu, one must know the historical events leading up
to the Sengoku period that continued until the reunification of Japan at the end of theMomoyama period, for they directly related to the choices of monuments portrayed on
the screens.. This can aid in understanding why particular monuments and social eventsare portrayed on the screens. Knowing how they might interact with one another gives
additional socio-political meaning to this art. Therefore, it is essential to begin with therise of the warrior class.
The imperial family reigned during the generally peaceful Heian period (7941185) and no one anticipated the rise of the warrior class. The end of the Heian period
saw the rise of the warrior class in two rival families, the Taira and the Minamoto, whofought each other within the city. This kind of violence had never been used in politicalendeavors in Japan. Minamoto no Yoritomo (1147-1189) emerged victorious after aseries of battles and established the first autonomous warrior government (bakufu) in
Kamakura, some distance away, while Kyoto remained the imperial capital.
With the continual increase of power of the warrior class and the strong interests
in land ownership, Japan was divided into numerous domains that were independently
controlled by provincial lords (daimyi5) throughout the Kamakura period (1185-1333).
Eventually towards the end of the Muromachi period (1336-1573), these warrior families
fought over issues of succession along with peasants upset over high taxes, developed
Donald Richie, The Temples ofKyoto. (Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1995),
15.

41

31
into the Onin War. This war was the catalyst for the "warring states period" (Sengoku
jidai) that spanned from the late fifteenth to the late sixteenth century.

Onslaught of war in Kyoto

Violence and destruction during the Onin War drastically changed Kyoto's
cityscape and affected all those who lived within the capital. The events during this major
war led to even more battles and violence in Kyoto. Between 1467 and 1469, the mostdestructive period during the Onin War, a third to a half of all buildings burned down inthe capital. 42 After 1477, the Sengoku period witnessed the rise of warlords who ruled
their respective domains independently. Since there was political fragmentation, Japansuffered further instability and decentralization of power. 43
Instability was a consequence of constant social upheaval among warrior families
who wanted more power. By the middle of the sixteenth century, the Ashikaga shogunate
had lost all power and the various provinces were ruled autonomously by the daimyo who
had survived the Sengoku period. The emergence ofthree major figures was pivotal to
the reunification of Japan towards the end ofthis tumultuous period. Oda Nobunaga(1534-1582), arrived in Kyoto in 1568, accompanied by Toyotomi Hideyoshi (15361598) (Fig. 16); his foot soldier turned trusted general. Eventually, Tokugawa Ieyasu(1543-1616) would enter the fray in the final steps towards the reunification of Japan.

Pierre Fraw;ois Souyri, The World Turned Upside Down: Medieval Japanese Society. (New York:
Columbia University Press, 200 I), 195.

42

43

Ibid., 206.

32

Over the course of approximately one hundred years from the onset of the
Sengoku period through the early 1570s, Nobunaga burned down a majority of Kyoto,
resulting in the destruction of numerous buildings and monuments. During theMomoyama period (1568-1615), Hideyoshi initiated the reconstruction of Kyoto andintroduced new ideas of ostentatious displays of art. Nobunaga and Hideyoshi both had
instrumental roles in the reunification of Japan, including the re-establishment of a senseof peace throughout Kyoto. Nobunaga initiated the rebuilding process with theconstruction of the first fortified structure, Azuchi Castle, in Shiga Prefecture in 1576.
Coincidentally, Azuchi Castle marked the transition for the purpose of castles from one
that was purely for defensive reasons to incorporating symbolic functions of politicaldominance. 44 Fortified structures now led to new opportunities for displaying wealth andpower within the art community amongst influential people. As a result, commerce andindustry increased dramatically and Kyoto was the focal point of these political, social,and economic changes. Rapid urbanization was underway in Kyoto and the influx of alarge commoner population led to further reorganization of the city by Hideyoshi.
Reunification also triggered opportunities for extravagant displays of art among
the warlords and lavish early examples of rakuchii-rakugaizu began to appear in the
Momoyama period. There are records that Nobunaga's castle was documented in earlyrakuchii-rakugaizu. These screens allowed artists and patrons to show the interest andaffluence they had in their changing city, such as fortified structures. Although records
state that Azuchi Castle was painted in a particular set of rakuchii-rakugaizu screens, the44

McKelway, Capitalscapes. 164.

33
castle was unfortunately destroyed after Nobunaga's death and these screens are missing
as a result.
After Nobunaga's death, Hideyoshi continued the rebuilding project of Kyoto to ahigher level than that of his predecessor. Hideyoshi utilized reconstruction of the city as away of establishing his new reign of power, which included repairing the palace,rebuilding major bridges, introducing new streets, restoring important temples, andcompleting a stone rampart around the city.45 Hideyoshi went even further with major
physical changes in Kyoto by narrowing the streets. 46 Rakuchu-rakugaizu from thisperiod reflected all of Kyoto's internal changes by Hideyoshi.
From 1590 to 1591, the resurgence of the population in Kyoto led to redesigningof the city. An urban space emerged that reflected the newly developed social system
implemented by Hideyoshi. 47 Creating a central thoroughfare running north to south,street houses were constructed with their facades opening onto the main street. Buddhist
institutions were moved to the eastern edge of town and re-sited on the right bank of the
Kamo River. 48 Peasants were relocated to the outskirts separating the townspeople fromthe farmers. The reorganization of this city allowed Hideyoshi to effectively implement
the warrior-farmer-artisan-merchant (shi-no-ko-sho) status system that prevailed
throughout the Tokugawa period. 49 In addition to various social reforms, Nobunaga and

45 Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1982), 194.
46 Mason, 236.
47 Nicholas Fieve and Paul Waley, Japanese Capitals in Historical Perspective: Place, Power and Memory
in Kyoto, Edo and Tokyo. (New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003),12.

48 Ibid., 11.

34
Hideyoshi also contributed to Kyoto's artistic renaissance by offering economic
incentives for merchants, craftsmen, and artists to return to the capita1. 50 The newly
blossoming marketplace and people's activities within it provide a new motif forrakuchu-rakugaizu.

Origins and history of rakuchu-rakugaizu

Stemming from the rampant destruction of the capital, rakuchu-rakugaizu
developed over the entire span of Kyoto's reconstruction. The societal and artisticchanges occurring after the social upheavals that spanned over a century were theimpetus of a blossoming urban culture, which in turn was documented in this genre ofscreen-painting.
Despite numerous studies, we do not know why and how rakuchu-rakugaizu
developed into a popular painting genre. Scholars in art, architecture, history, and politics
proposed conflicting interpretations, further complicating the issues. Research over the
past fifty years focused on three primary issues: 1) providing dates for the screens basedon objects in the paintings, especially architecture; 2) charting the development ofrakuchu-rakugaizu and its place in the realm of genre painting; 3) examining what thescreens can share in regards to information about life in Kyoto in the late medieval

Asao Naohiro and Bernard Susser, "The Sixteenth-Century Unification" in John Whitney Hall, The
Cambridge History o/Japan: Volume 4 Early Modern Japan (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1991), 60.

49

50 Tsuneko S. Sadao and Stephanie Wada, Discovering the Arts o/Japan: A Historical Overview. (Tokyo;
New Yark: Kodansha International, 2003), 164.

35
period. 51 The lack of consensus regarding their interpretation and significance of thisgenre has created problems in the study of rakuchu-rakugaizu. How does rakuchurakugaizu fit into the realm of genre painting? How and when did it become an original
genre of painting from a mere synthesis of traditional yamato-e motifs? These arequestions still unanswered.
The first documented pair of rakuchu-rakugaizu screens appears in the Great
Minister of the Center Sanjonishi Sanetaka's (1455-1 536) journal in 1506. Sanetaka wasa patron and a consultant of the artists in the capital, including Tosa Mitsunobu (14341525). Tosa Mitsunobu was the foremost painter of the imperial court during the Onin
War, and according to Ssanetaka's record, the painter responsible for the set of screens.
Sanetaka was also a member of the imperial court aristocracy and a leader in literary andcultural circles, which explains his access to Mitsunobu's screens depicting Kyoto, which
was commissioned by the daimyo, Asakura Sadakage (1473-1512) from Echizen
Province. 52 The Tosa school is often criticized as being confined to the artistic styling of
the Heian period and the strong ideals of the court in the past. However, if Sanetaka's
record is true, Mitsunobu was able to utilize the traditional yamato-e themes in a newway, resulting in the earliest work of rakuchu-rakugaizu. 53 Sanetaka's documentation also
attests to the attraction rakuchu-rakugaizu had to the warriors, who were the primarypatrons of this genre through the seventeenth century.

51

McKelway, Capitalscapes, 3.

52 Ibid., 1.

53

Mason, 171.

36

Rakuchu-rakugaizu offers glimpses into the lives of Kyoto urbanites and the city.
All screens within this genre are extremely detailed views of the city and one does not
usually find this type of highly detailed painting of an urban space on such a large scale
anywhere in art history.54 What appears to be a simple cityscape is actually working as amulti-layered symbol. On one hand, rakuchu-rakugaizu represents major architecturaland societal changes that Kyoto had gone through beginning in the Momoyama period.
On the other hand, it may also display the continuous links to the aristocratic past byincorporating many themes that were already prevalent in other painting genres.

Rakuchu-rakugaizu is a synthesis of shiki-e (pictures of the seasons), tsukinami-e(pictures of monthly events), nenjugyoji-e (pictures of annual rites and observances), andmeisho-e (pictures of famous places). In rakuchu-rakugaizu, however, oftentimes thefamiliar motifs appropriated from pre-existing genres served a political function by
obscuring the actual damage inflicted upon the city and its cultural heritage, attempting toreassure the audience that the present political turmoil was not affecting the people in
Kyoto.
Commissioned by military elites, rakuchu-rakugaizu, in its early stages, allowed
their patrons to show off their funded monuments pictorially.55 These early screens weresometimes commissioned specifically for these powerful figures to display their authority
and legitimacy within the capita1. 56 In later periods, not only warrior-elites, but wealthy

54 Ibid., 1.

5,

McKelway, Cityscapes, 213.

56 Karen M. Gerhart, The Eyes ofPower: Art and Early Tokugawa Authority. (Honolulu: University of
Hawai'i Press, 1999), ix.

37merchants also began to commission rakuchu-rakugaizu screens to commemorate theircontribution to the rebuilding of the city. Although these new rakuchu-rakugaizu screensshares similar traits to their sixteenth-century predecessors, they begin to exhibit slightvariations to reflect the shift in the social status of the commissioners. However,generally speaking, in their early development rakuchu-rakugaizu screens were often
political in nature with different degrees of their subtlety.
There are only four rakuchu-rakugaizu screens that are datable to the sixteenth
century. Although we know that there was a general shift in patronage from warrior-elites
to wealthy merchants, since we have very little in terms of historical context for thesescreens, it is often difficult to trace the changes in the degree of political intent caused bythis shift. What we could measure, however, is the change in the kind of monuments
included in the rakuchu-rakugaizu screens from the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries,
and their potential significance.

Function and politics in the Shiomi, Sanjo, and Funaki screensCities grew and prospered from the late-sixteenth century through the seventeenth
century and Kyoto benefited from Hideyoshi funding extravagant building projects in thecity. In addition, newly wealthy citizens, such as members of the merchant class, became
established in Kyoto and they contributed to building projects. The progression of the city
on its way to recovery is shown throughout the decades when comparing the Sanj6
screens with the Funaki screens. This comparison will demonstrate the changes in38composition and choice of motifs, indicating a possible shift in the function of thesescreens.
The Sanjo screens (Fig. 17), dating from 1525 to 1536, are identified as theearliest extant work of rakuchu-rakugaizu. Ashikaga shogun's palace, labeled as the
kubo-sama on the screen, acts as a visual sign for Ashikaga Yoshiharu (1511-1550).57
These screens portray their political significance through the network of religious
institutions and other residences depicted, such as the mansions of the shogun's
subordinates and the Ashikaga's temple, Shokokuji. These monuments all reinforce theimage of a stable rule of the Ashikaga shogunate. 58 The Sanjo screens focus on the social
networks that make a powerful ruler, despite the fact that it was well known among thecitizens that the Ashikaga shogunate was losing power. Heavy warfare within the capitalseveral times in Yoshiharu,s rule forced him to flee the capital and marked the decline of
the Ashikaga shogunate. Differing from their politically overt counterparts later in the
century, there is no clear political center in the Sanjo screens, whereas later screens
indicate the presence of a strong central authority.59 This is demonstrated by the
Ashikaga's headquarters, the kl1bo-sama, having a clear label, but no prominentplacement on the screens.
Whereas the Sanjo screens do not have a distinct political purpose, that
motivation is clearly apparent in the Funaki screens, attributed to Iwasa Matabei

57 Matthew P. McKelway, "In or Out of the Capital? Reading Point of View in Rakuchu Rakugai Zu: The
Case of the Sanj6 Version," Transactions ofthe International Conference ofEastern Studies 40 (1995), 110.

58 Ibid., III.
59 McKelway, Cityscapes, 195.

39
Katsumochi (Fig. 18). The Funaki screens were commissioned around 1615, which was
during the unstable period at the end of the Toyotomi's reign and the beginning of theTokugawa hegemony. With barricades from Kyoto's various militias removed and thenation reunified, the city is filled with festivities and large groups of people crowding thenarrow streets. The Kamo River flows through both screens, unifying the bustle ofactivities of commoners conducting daily business, aristocrats performing daily rituals,
and warriors patrolling the narrow city streets. The Gion Festival, which was revitalized
after the Onin War, is shown with elaborate floats and hordes of people processing
throughout the city. While there appears to be a general sense of peace throughout Kyoto
in the Funaki screens, the paintings show the tension between two warrior families
through the prominent placement of architecture associated with the Toyotomi and
Tokugawa.
On the right Funaki screen, the towering Great Buddha Hall commissioned by
Hideyoshi in 1586, stands opposite Nij6 Castle constructed by Tokugawa Ieyasu in 1603
on the left screen. Rivalry intensified between these two families following Hideyoshi's
death in 1598 until the final assault committed by the Tokugawa during the siege ofOsaka Castle in 1615. Although such obvious political messages in rakuchu-rakugaizu
screens are unusual, the display of these monuments, in the Funaki screens, suggests theuse of architecture as a way of measuring political authority.60 While the screens appear
to depict tension between the Tokugawa and Toyotomi hegemonies, the screens also

60 Andrew M. Watsky, Deploying the Sacred Arts in Momoyama Japan: Chikubushima. (Seattle,
Washington: University of Washington Press, 2004), 31.

40

focus on the people's activities. Unlike the Sanj6 screens, the Funaki screens emphasize
the vitality of the city and the variety of social classes within Kyoto.
With the knowledge that political figures, such as daimyo, were primary patrons
during the development of rakuchu-rakugaizu, the few extant screens in the sixteenth
century are latent with political undertones. One has to wonder how rakuchu-rakugaizu
became so prevalent among the merchant class in the seventeenth century in the earlystages of the Tokugawa government.
The change in the production process of rakuchu-rakugaizu screens from theMomoyama period to the early Edo period may provide an explanation to this shift. As
opposed to the Momoyama period, when the professional ateliers, such as the Kano and.Tosa schools, monopolized painting commissions of rakuchu-rakugaizu screens, thework of the machi-eshi ("town painters") contributed to the large number of screensproduced during the Edo period. 61 The governmental headquarters now in Edo, rakuchu-

rakugaizu now catered for both merchants residing in Kyoto, celebrating their own
vibrant culture, as well as visitors to Kyoto from other major cities like Edo.
With the newfound peace in the Edo period, the rakuchu-rakugaizu genre began
to have a wider range of makers as well as buyers. How does this relate to the underlying
political meaning? Without a more specific context, there is no way of teasing out any
hidden political implications. However, through the comparative analysis above, we can

61 McKelway, Capitalscapes, 196. The machi-eshi is an interesting group of artisans with the ability toadapt to changing circumstances in Kyoto. Descendants of two major Japanese art schools, the Kano andTosa schools, machi-eshi utilized the painting techniques and creating their own workshops to cater to alarger audience. These changes were typically influenced by political changes within the capital and there
was an established market for citizens and visitors that wanted this traditional art form, reflecting theirinterest in Kyoto.

41

safely conclude that the Shiomi screens lack many of the major monuments of the ruling
shoguns of Kyoto. Buildings such as the Nijo Castle, the imperial palace, and aristocratic
mansions, if they did carry a political meaning, would have been something of a different
nature to what we have already observed in the Sanjo and Funaki screens. There is apossibility, furthermore, that the Shiomi screens were not intended to have a politicalmessage at all. In fact, for some seventeenth-century rakuchu-rakugaizu screens, there
are historical documents stating that they were used for dowry items or as souvenirs that
visitors from Edo purchased. 62
There is more to rakuchu-rakugaizu than what might be suggested at first glance.
Depending on the circumstances of their commission, or occasions of their use, thesescreens may have infinite layers of meanings and connotations. The issue is even more
complicated because what is portrayed in these rakuchu-rakugaizu screens are a balanceof "historical 'truth' and artistic 'fiction"'63 and this continues from the first documented
pair of screens to those created throughout the Tokugawa hegemony. If someseventeenth-century rakuchu-rakugaizu were commodified as souvenirs, which may notnecessarily had a specific patron in mind; these screens also present another perspectiveof how the painters themselves (i.e. machi-eshi) interpreted the changes in their city.
The development of this genre has had an interesting transformation from its first
documented pair of screens, the Sanjo screens. The slow transition from the focusing on
political monuments to portraying urban life parallels the changes occurred within Kyoto.
As the interest of the viewers shifted, distant bird' s eye views of the capital changed to
62 McKelway, Capitalscapes, 196.
63 McKelway, "In or Out of the Capital?" 106.

42
close-up views of activities in which inhabitants of Kyoto participated. While thesixteenth-century screens lack much documentation, the visual analysis suggests thatthese lavish pieces can be understood as a more straightforward case of politicalrepresentation, while some seventeenth-century examples, such as the Shiomi screens,present the new type of less overtly political examples.
The increase interest in travel during the Edo period opens a new possible
interpretation for these new types of rakuchu-rakugaizu, as souvenirs and as somethingthat would lure travelers to the city. As I discussed earlier, screens of Kyoto became
somewhat generic with similar pictorial motifs becoming common, including: the archerycontests at Sanju.sangendo; worshipers at Kiyomizudera; theater houses along Shijo-dorilocated on the eastern side of the Kamo River; and horse races at Kamigamo Shrine. In
other words, by the Edo period, these monuments and activities were becoming familiar(even famous) among the people who lived outside of Kyoto. The depiction of varying
social stations enjoying recreational activities along the Kamo River demonstrates theopportunities available to visitors. As we have seen, in the case of the Shiomi screens, thetheater houses and the festivities at the Kamigamo Shrines appear to be much moreemphasized than their sixteenth-century counterparts. The next chapter will further
explore the implication of the Shiomi screens' intense focus on leisurely sites andactivities.
Summary

Out of a long and arduous period of warfare in Kyoto emerged a painting geme,
which presents a city appearing untouched by rampant destruction by utilizing gold

43
clouds to hide the damage. From rakuchii-rakugaizu's inception, this geme appeared as
an art form popular among the warrior class since they had a role in reshaping Kyoto's
culture. Rakuchii-rakugaizu screens may have been commissioned by and given to
warrior-elites as gifts. By the seventeenth century, however, the wealthy merchants alsobegan to patronize this painting geme. A close visual analysis of the key motifs includedin three pairs of rakuchii-rakugaizu screens from the sixteenth to early seventeenth
century demonstrates that the shift in patronage from warriors to merchants led to achange in the function of these screens also. What used to be the central motifs withheavy political implications, such as the Nijo Castle and the Gion Festival, gave way in
the Shiomi screens to seemingly more leisurely sites and activities.

44

CHAPTER IV
THE SHIOMI SCREENS: A SOUVENIRThis chapter will explore the possibilities for the Shiomi screens to be souvenirs
within a geme that is predominately political in nature. It will demonstrate that rather
than focusing on sites and events traditionally with political connotations, the Shiomi
screens incorporated motifs from the early seventeenth-century gazetteers that developed
through a new interest in travel during this period.
Painted folding-screens (byobu) are a distinctive art form found in East Asian art
and have had various transformations throughout the ages. The medium originated in
China, possibly during the Tang dynasty (618-906) and found its way in Japan during theeighth-century.64 Folding-screens were not always painted because many early examples
found into Japan used dyed and printed textiles. 65 Usually existing in pairs, foldingscreens could be placed anywhere and were the only large decoration in the room. One
usually finds these screens as the backdrop for an important personage during meetingsor social gatherings. Whether painted in ink or color, screens were meant to be thedecorative focus of the room. During the Momoyama and Edo periods, folding-screens

Oliver Impey, The Art ofthe Japanese Folding-screen: The Collections ofthe Victoria and AlbertMuseum and the Ashmolean Museum. (New York: Weatherhill in association with Ashmolean Museum,Oxford, 1997), 9. There may have been earlier examples of folding-screens in the Sui Dynasty (581-618).

64

65

Ibid., 10.

45
became the major format for expressing artistic themes because of the wealth needed tofund these lavish pieces.
A folding-screen consists of a light wood frame enclosing a lattice of thin wood
strips (Fig. 19). Over this lattice, pieces of paper or silk create a backing that can support
the surface. Screen panels are narrow and joined by a complicated system of hinges thatare made of folded paper that it enables the hinges to bend inwards or outwards. 66
Popularity for folding-screens grew exponentially during the Momoyama period.
Aristocrats, daimyo, samurai, and wealthy townspeople had these decorative pieces intheir homes. Coinciding with the growing popularity of this art form was thedevelopment of utilizing bright colors in addition to gold and silver paint on gold or
silver leaf. These changes reflect the new affluence available during the Momoyama
period, which continued into the Edo period. These pieces of paper would be adhered tothe paper on the folding-screen and occasionally painted red to enhance the richness ofthe gold color. 67 The major producers ofthese folding-screens were the machi-eshi,
especially during the Momoyama and Edo periods.
Around the time of the screens' production, many new political and social
developments arose due to the gradual establishment of peace throughout the Edo period.
Developments in agriculture, changes in mercantile affairs, and the growing prevalenceof travel, all contributed to a stable economy that allowed fine handicrafts, such as the66

Mason, 245.

Ibid. Gold leaf manufactured in Japan is believed to be the thinnest in the world and the technique islabor intensive and time consuming; the process for beating gold paper alone could take up to six months.

67

46

rakuchii-rakugaizu screens, to be produced for Kyoto dwellers, but more importantly,
wealthy travelers.
Before the reunification of Japan, travel was a difficult ordeal, due to theeconomic status of most travelers and the lack of efficient road networks. Even during thepolitical turmoil of Japan's early history, the Tokaido was an important road that allowed
political figures to travel between cities. The Tokaido reached great popularity during theEdo period and there are records ofthis road dating to the Nara period (645-794).
Historical documents, states that the purposes of the road were "to facilitate thetransportation of tax revenues in the form of commodities, and to enable ministers ofgovernment to travel to and from the provinces."68 It was impossible for common citizens
of Japan to travel freely since this road was primarily for governmental purposes. Thus,
with each new historical period under the leadership of different men, various mandates
were decreed for the upkeep and renovation of the Tokaido.
With the reunification of the country beginning in the Momoyama period,
Nobunaga issued major highways to be rebuilt and for the roads to be lined with moundmarkers; in 1601, Tokugawa Ieyasu designated fifty-three stations for the Tokaido once
reunification was completed. 69 Under Ieyasu's control, the Tokaido was an efficient
network between the new capital ofEdo and the various provinces and was designed tomaintain military control and contact with the imperial court. 70 Perhaps one of the more

Stephen Addiss, Tokaido: Adventures on the Road in Old Japan. (Lawrence, Kansas: University of
Kansas, Spencer Museum of Art, 1980), 3.

68

69

Ibid., 3-4.

47
significant changes in travel was the implement of the alternate-year attendance (sankin

k8tai), established by Ieyasu in the 1630s, which required daimy8 to establish residencesin Edo and appear before the shogun every other year. It is only logical that with thereunification of Japan and the rebuilding of Tokaido, which coincided with the rise of themerchant class, that travel became something of a recreational activity for those who
could afford it, besides serving governmental officials. The necessary repairs created amore widespread network of communication in addition to increased commerce.
With the Tokugawa hegemony undertaking a major infrastructure overhaul,extensive traveling became available whether for commodified goods or pilgrimage.
These factors contributed to the stability necessary for the dissemination of Kyoto goods
throughout the country. Since the Onin War, the wealth accumulated by merchants, theincreased productivity of the peasants, and exponential specialization in the handicraft
industry increased, which resulted in the economic stabilization of Kyoto. Thus, from thefifteenth century on, Japan had a monetized economy, and the merchants grew more
powerful and independent into the sixteenth century.?! Japanese guilds, or za, became
trade monopolies that were considered too powerful; therefore, Hideyoshi's
administration began implementing policies to break up these monopolies by terminating
trade with court nobles and religious institutions. 72 During the Edo period, Kyoto artisans

Stefano Vecchia, Japanese Art: Masterpieces in Painting, Sculpture and Architecture. (New York:
Barnes and Noble, Inc., 2007), 265.

70

71 Sasaki Gin'ya and William B. Hauser, "Sengoku Daimyo Rule and Commerce," in John Whitney Hall,
Japan Before Tokugawa: Political Consolidation and Economic Growth, 1500-1650. (Princeton, New
Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1981), 147.

48
manufactured quality handicrafts for the aristocrats and eventually to any person that
could afford these goods. The Tokaido facilitated this trade in goods and the exchange ofartistic ideas. Tied with the production ofluxury arts and crafts, Kyoto's cultural identity
was identified as such in Edo (present day Tokyo) and its surrounding areas. 73
The early seventeenth century was a time of unprecedented growth in which there was ademand for cultural items and a development of a handicraft industry.74 Kyoto's
expansion, the development of an urban culture, and the ability to travel between Edo andthe capital led to the development of travel guides and maps for visitors and residents
alike. I believe that certain motifs included in the Shiomi screens parallel the information
regarding tourist sites and popular activities in Kyoto included in these travel guides.
Printed in 1606, one of the earliest books regarding activities in the capital is the

Inumakura (Dog Pillow); in this book, the unknown author has a list of ninety things incontrasting categories of likes and dislikes and mentions activities such as getting abargain in an antique shop, buying fashionable clothing, and seeing famous sights. 75 This
was the first step in making the scenes in rakuchu-rakugaizu even more available to thepeople in a cheaper medium that organized the seasonal activities and famous sights that

72 Wakita Osamu and James L. McClain, "The Commercial and Urban Policies of Oda Nobunaga andToyotomi Hideyoshi," in John Whitney Hall, Japan Before Tokugawa: Political Consolidation andEconomic Growth, 1500-1650. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1981),228.
73 Christine Guth, Art ofEdo: The Artist and the City 1615-1868. (New York: Harry N. Abrams,
Incorporated, 1996), 51.

74 Matsunosuke Nishiyama, Edo Culture: Daily Life and Diversions in Urban Japan, 1600-1868.
(Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1997),9.
75 Donald H. Shively, "Popular Culture," in John Whitney Hall, The Cambridge History ofJapan: Volume
4 Early Modern Japan. (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 734. For an English
translation, refer to Edward Putzar, "Inu Makura: The Dog Pillow," Harvard Journal ofAsiatic Studies 28(1968), 98-113.

49
would prove beneficial to travelers. It was not until 1658 that the physician, Nakagawa
Kiun, wrote the first proper travel guide to Kyoto entitled Kyowarabe (The Kyoto
Youth).76 Unlike the Inumakura, Kyowarabe begins to describe the palace, shrines,
temples, famous sights, and historical remains throughout the capital. In addition,
Nakagawa included the more popular sites among Kyoto urbanites, and he listed the best
temples to visit during the appropriate season, the kabuki theaters at Shij6 and the horseraces at Kamigamo Shrine. A drawing of the site and a poem accompanied each
description of these popular activities within the capital (Fig. 20).77
While following some typical conventions of the genre, the Shiomi screens are
more interesting in their portrayed differences. As I discussed in Chapter 2, the rightscreen from the Shiomi screens shows the eastern view of the Kamo River, while the left
screen portrays the western view. The focal point for both screens is Higashiyama, one of
the mountain ranges, which forms a horseshoe shape around Kyoto. Throughout the
middle plane of both screens is the Kamo River with the river and hills unifying all of thepanels of both of the screens.
The strong focus on a particular geographic location within Kyoto is not the only
difference we detect in the Shiomi screens. Unlike other screens in which apparent
seasonal progression is evident throughout the pair of rakuchu-rakugaizu, the Shiomi
screens are distinguished by a sequential focus on spring in the right screen, and autumn
on the left. Typically, these two seasons are considered the poetic seasons in Japanese

76 Ibid., 735.
77

Ibid.

50
literature, poetry, and art. There are a few popular activities depicted in the Shiomi
screens that are unusual. They are the two theater houses, kabuki (R-6-21) and bunraku(R-5-20) on the eastern bank of the Kamo River along Shijo-dori (Fig. 21). On the left,
the focus of the horse races at Kamigamo Shrine (L-7-22) (Fig. 22), and a large picnic
along Mitarashi-gawa (L-4-12) (Fig. 23).
Unlike their sixteenth-century counterparts, these famous sites and recreational
activities along the Kamo River in the Shiomi screens are enlarged and not obscured bygolden clouds. Thus, equal emphasis and treatment of these sites, we may readily assume
that, as far as the Shiomi screens are concerned, these sites are important to the shapingof Kyoto's urban life and culture.
We will begin the examination from the theater district. Whereas, many rakuchu-

rakugaizu examples show Shijo Bridge and the thoroughfare, the theaters are typicallydeemphasized. Sometimes they are covered by golden clouds, other times, the Shijo
Bridge was portrayed leading directly to Yasaka Shrine with the theaters and its large
number of attendants missing, similar to what is shown in the Shokoji screens (Fig. 24).
This is because the focus of most of these folding-screens was the float procession ofthe
Gion Festival as it winds its way around the numerous city blocks within Kyoto. The
Shiomi screens, however, depict the rickety Shijo Bridge leading to Yasaka Shrine, but
before one reaches this major shrine, the theater district comes into view, completely freefrom golden clouds. In fact, on the Shiomi screens, the kabuki and bunraku theaters
almost have a more significant placement than the Yasaka Shrine-traditionally a more
popular motif in rakuchu-rakugaizu-which is enclosed and slightly obscured by clouds.

51

To use an earlier example, the Funaki screens are similar to the Shiomi screens inthat they depict the theater district on Shijo-dori. However, the difference in their way ofrepresenting the theaters in fact accentuates the peculiarity of the Shiomi screens.
Although the Funaki screens have kabuki and bunraku theaters facing one another in thefifth and sixth panels from the right (Fig. 25), it does not have a prominent placement onthese screens. They are tucked away in the upper left corner and are surrounded by clouds
and over-crowded with people. With a radically different perspective from that of the
Shiomi screens, these buildings are painted on extreme right-descending diagonals
creating a visually hectic scene. As a result, many details get lost in the confusion of thisperspective.
The same bustling activity is found in the Shiomi screens as well, except thatthese theaters are depicted as they were meant to be, which is out in the open. Similarsights within Kyoto along the Kamo River are shown in the Funaki and Shiomi screens,but the intention is different. The presence of the kabuki and bunraku theaters in the
Funaki screens is a matter of depicting what is located in the vicinity. Whereas, thepurpose of the Shiomi screens portraying both theaters is to highlight recreational
activities available to the Kyoto urbanities and visitors interested in scenes in the
Higayashima ward. This is especially emphasized when comparing the visual traits ofthese theaters to the description of kabuki in Kyi5warabe.
Although there are images accompanying the textual information in Kyi5warabe,these pictures appear to focus more on the human activities than the architecture.
People's interactions with Kyoto's environment portrayed in Kyi5warabe and their

52

depiction in the Shiomi screens reflect this sentiment as well. It is important, however, toavoid treating the guidebook as the textual version of the screens; rather, Kyowarabe
seems like a supplement for the Shiomi screens. Lacking a large number of pictures, theguidebook only provides the level of popularity and a description of some of the sites,such as the legends or the founding history associated with an area. For example, when
Nakagawa describes kabuki, he writes about the development ofthis performance art andthe problems it created for the government. In addition, the description oflarge crowds
and the chaos in the theater district is represented in the Shiomi screens.
In the description of Shijo-dori, Nakagawa provides a lengthy discussion of thesite and history of this eclectic area. He gives a comprehensive description of thedevelopment of kabuki and its affect on the nation and includes a shorter passage onbunraku. The beginning of this passage sets the scene to give the reader an idea of what a

traveler might encounter. Nakagawa writes,
On the right, one can see the theater 'rat door' entrance and a man who has tobend his back (like a cat) to enter. On the left, on the watchtower, one can see aman with a spear-pointed chin. Spectators are men and women, young and old.
Some wear a braided hat from Ise with a re-curved rim and some put on a thin silkrobe. Or some hang a pine-motif cotton robe from their shoulders, with threads
poking out through the stenciled pines. 78
Within this particular section's discussion of kabuki, the accompanying image provides
close-up of a performance underway, which was described by Nakagawa. The bottom left
corner shows a group of men entering the theater house as they move towards the front of
the stage. As theatergoers find their seats, the actors make their way to the center stage

Kinsei Bungei Sosho. Volume]. (Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai), 297. Translated by author. Nakagawa ismaking a pun by referring to the spears lying across the watchtower with a man with a "spear-pointed chin."
By describing the clothes, Nakagawa is highlighting the different social classes that attend the theaters.
7B

53
with their musical accompaniment sitting along the back wall. The Shiomi screens show
this same kind of view for both theaters, but both are crowded with people and have aneven larger crowd outside. Both Kyowarabe and the Shiomi screens highlight thisgrowing popularity of the theater arts.
With the right Shiomi screen following typical conventions in most rakuchu-

rakugaizu examples, the left screen is far more atypical for its depiction of Kyoto. Rather
than portraying Nijo Castle and the Gion Festival, which are always included on the left
screen, the Shiomi screens focuses exclusively on the western view of the Kamo River.
The city proper is barely hinted by the line of urban architecture in the outskirts of thecity near the river.
The Shiomi screens of screens are unique within the rakuchu-rakugaizu genre for
their lack of the Gion Festival, or of a procession in general. Revived in 1500, the Gion
Festival grew with the support of Kyoto's prosperous merchants, artisans, andmoneylenders and continued to flourish with the economic boom of the late sixteenth andearly seventeenth-centuries. 79 Supported by various affluent members of society, thesignificance of the festival changed over the years, was adapted by these merchants andartisans, and became a symbol of their wealth and their importance to Kyoto. It may be
strange to viewers familiar with this painting genre not to see this important festival,
which is considered one of the largest processions in Kyoto.
The significance for omitting an important city event could be to stress the wellknown sightseeing locales and recreational activities available to those visiting Kyoto.

79 Taizo Kuroda, Melinda Takeuchi and Yiizo Yamane, Worlds Seen and Imagined: Japanese Screensfrom
the Idemitsu Museum ofArts. (New York: Asia Society Galleries, 1995), 104.

54
Rather than Nijo Castle and the Gion Festival, the Shiomi screens includes monumentsthat are (or even unseen) in the tradition of the rakuchu-rakugaizu genre, but featured in
guidebooks such as Kyowarabe. Monuments that appear in the Shiomi screens that are
atypical in other rakuchu-rakugaizu examples, such as Kodaiji, Shimogamo Shrine, andan allusion to Kiyomizudera's legend associated with deer, appear in Nakagawa's
descriptions in Kyowarabe. Although the section describing Kodaiji is considerably
shorter than some other sections, the mention of this area is interesting because thistemple complex is not shown in rakuchu-rakugaizu, perhaps due to its location in
Higayashima. In most examples, these hills acted as a backdrop instead of the subject
within this painting genre.
In his description of the Yasaka Shrine, Nakagawa includes a poem supposedly
written by Susano'o, a deity housed at the monument. The poem describes a special
cherry tree placed in front of the location where the deities are worshiped. so This is aninteresting poem in relation to the Shiomi screens. In the depiction of Yasaka Shrine,
there is only one clearly depicted cherry tree peeking out from behind the golden clouds,
while the other trees on site are obscured. Although it is uncertain whether this is thecherry tree described in the poem, it remains an interesting correlation between a Kyoto
travel guide and the Shiomi screens.
The left screens continue the focus on entertainment opportunities and religious
activities available along the river that began in the right screen. Another aspect of theleft screen is the juxtaposition of the huts of lower class citizens with the dwellings of a80

Kinsei, 301.

55

higher station. In other examples of rakuchu-rakugaizu, these huts may have been
covered by one of numerous gold clouds, which covered undesirable aspects of the city.
The depiction of these huts shows further evidence of the growing diversity of Kyoto
during the seventeenth century. The portrayal of people from various social stations andenjoying the same recreational activities on the Shiomi screens appears to have blurred
the strict social boundaries that resulted from the Confucian social hierarchy
implemented by the Tokugawa hegemony.
In the Shiomi screens, these figures are placed not simply in famous sites, but
engaged in various festivities, such as the Kamigamo horse races and otherentertainments along the Kamo Riverbed in Higayashima. As it was previously
mentioned, the Shiomi screens' focus on recreational activities in the Higayashima ward
is uncommon within the rakuchu-rakugaizu geme, but not without precedent. A pair ofscreens entitled Amusements at Higayashima (Fig. 26) is an example of adopting scenes
and isolating them into their own pair of folding-screens. In this composition of
Higayashima, Kiyomizudera is on the right-hand screen in the upper right corner, while
the Yasaka Shrine appears on the left-hand screen. The focus of this pair is the long
avenue with vendors along the road leading to Yasaka Shrine, groups of women at theshrine being admired by samurai, and a picnic under the cherry blossoms where dancers
perform. 81 Just as we saw on the Shiomi screens, portraying people enjoying aristocratic
pastimes involving cherry blossoms is a recurring theme that could appeal to a wider
audience, resulting in this blurring of social boundaries.
81 Yoshiaki Shimizu, Japan: The Shaping ofDaimyo Culture, 1185-1868. (Washington, D.C.: National
Gallery of Art, 1988), 187.

56
During the civil wars in Kyoto, there was no sense of community, and the city lostthe essence that truly made it the imperial capital. The city's grid was organizedaccording to political alliances with other aristocratic families and temples during theOnin War as one can see in the Sanjo screens. During the stages of reunification,
however, structures transformed from compounds for the elite into accessible landmarks
or monuments to be appreciated by everybody.82 The result of making these sites moreaccessible in both real life as well as in art (rakuchu-rakugaizu screens, for example) andin the seventeenth century, created a more inclusive atmosphere because it disassociatedthe personal, political histories related to these monuments. 83 This attempt to separate thetumultuous past of many of Kyoto's religious complexes opened the city to different
social circles.
Rising income from the new business ventures that arose when citizens returned
to Kyoto resulted in the increasing opportunities for recreation and literacy, whichallowed more citizens to be engaged in social and cultural activities. 84 These socialchanges are reflected in rakuchu-rakugaizu. Merchants being on the lower rung of thesocial ladder, although important economically, were forbidden to advance their social
station and were restricted to areas of general culture and amusements, hence the numberof social activities adapted by them. The restricted merchants used their profits to indulge

Mary Elizabeth Berry, The Culture a/Civil War in Kyoto. (Berkeley, California: University of California
Press, 1994),298.

82

83

Ibid.

84

Ibid., 28.

57
in theater, excursions and other recreational activities. 85 This dissemination of knowledge
for popular activities is important because ordinary people had adopted certain annual
festivals and ceremonies, which had previously only been available to the aristocracy andthe military class who made them a regular part of their lives. 86 Therefore, many popularurban activities still seen today can be traced back to the sixteenth-and seventeenth
century.87 Japan in the early seventeenth century underwent many social, economic, andartistic changes and this might account for the slight variations within the rakuchu-

rakugaizu genre and scenes of the capital.
The Shiomi screens' focus on social gatherings can be understood as a reflectionof these changes that were taking place in the early Edo period. What is more intriguing
is which social gatherings the Shiomi screens chose to include. Kamigamo Shrine, much
like Yasaka Shrine, is usually depicted in rakuchu-rakugaizu and its own independent
genre scene. This site has a more popular pastime, which are the horse races thatappealed to the masses. Two poems accompany the description of this site in Kyowarabe,and both are related to these equine competitions. Nakagawa describes this activity,"There are many festivals that take place at this shrine, but the horse races that occur on
the fifth day of the fifth month are a must-see event. It is especially divine."88 Popularity

85 Ichitaro Kondo, Japanese Genre Painting: The Lively Art ofRenaissance Japan. (Rutland, Yennont andTokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1961),19.

86 P.G. O'Neill, "Organization and Authority in the Traditional Arts," Modern Asian Studies 18 (1984),
638-639.
87 Yoshida Mitsukuni, The People's Culture, .from Kyoto to Edo. (Hiroshima: Mazda Motor Corporation,1986),15.
88

Kinsei, 320. Translated by author.

58
of this lively competition is the focus of the Kamigamo Shrine in the Shiomi screens as it
continues over two panels and depicts a large crowd surrounding the racetrack.
Even though Shimogamo Shrine is associated with the Kamigamo Shrine, it does
not receive the same treatment as the latter. Typically, the Shimogamo Shrine is omitted
to emphasize the more popular scene of the Kamigamo horse races, but the Shiomi
screens portrays the picnic and dancing that is associated with the shrine's festival.
Nakagawa does not give Shimogamo Shrine the same attention in Kyowarabe, but hewrites, "In front of the altar there is the Mitarashi stream. Every year during the last tendays of the sixth month, the shrine gets more crowded than ever with worshipers. The
rice cakes you can get on a stick are also pretty good."89 The inclusion of Mitarashi-gawain the guidebook and the portrayal of this stream on the Shiomi screens is an interestingoverlap, especially since this stream and shrine are absent in other examples of rakuchu-

rakugaizu. In real-life, the Takano River flows into the Kamo River; on the screens, it isreplaced by a recreational site associated with Mitarashi-gawa, which originates at
Shimogamo Shrine.
These selected excerpts from one of the earliest formal guides of Kyoto and thesites and activities chosen for the Shiomi screens reflects the growing interests thatpeople found in various cities, culture, and travel during the seventeenth century.
Although there are no specific dates for the Shiomi screens creation, they are unique intheir panoramic and seasonal portrayal of Kyoto and provide insight to the way in which

89Ibid., 320. Translated by author. The rice cakes on a stick are Mitarashi dango, which is a sweet snack
covered in syrup made from soy sauce and sugar. To celebrate the popularity of this treat, a poem at the end
ofthe section reads, "Oh Mitarashi, oh how true that dangos are better than flowers."

59
people viewed the imperial capital. The variety of urban experiences available was theinspiration for the writers of city guidebooks, which is reflected throughout rakuchu-

rakugaizu in its pOlirayal of a newly developed urban culture. 90

Summary

As evidenced by these Kyoto travel guides, there was a shift in what these various
temples and shrines meant to the public. No longer were these monuments politicallycharged, rather they were considered sites of historical importance. The close visual
analysis of the Shiomi screens suggests that a similar shift took place in the rakuchu-

rakugaizu genre. This pair reflects the change resulting from political consolidation at theend of the Momoyama period. Kyoto was now regarded as the old capital for religious
devotion, tourism, but also a revived commercial center. 91 Naturally, since we have nohistorical context for the Shiomi screens, it is impossible to completely rule out thepossibility that they were initially commissioned as a highly politically charged piece.
However, the choice for right-descending angles, the depiction of only spring andautumn, omission of obvious political monuments (such as Nij6 Castle), and featuring
unconventional sites and entertainments, such as the horse races, the picnic, and thetheater district, cater to the commercial aspect of Kyoto culture. This is a reflection of thecelebration of machishu life and culture that came to fruition. Nakagawa's oftenentertaining descriptions of sites that one should see in Kyoto have many overlapping

Mary Elizabeth Berry, Japan in Print: Information and Nation in the Early Modern Period. (Berkeley,
California: University of California Press, 2006), 140.

9091

McKelway, Capitalscapes, 201.

60
themes found in the Shiomi screens. Kyowarabe solidifies the interest that people had for
details of popular sites and activities when traveling to Kyoto or for residents, and one
sees these minor areas highlighted in the Shiomi screens. The emergence of a new way todescribe and see the city that overlaps with a pre-existing painting genre, especially a pairof folding-screens that differ from other rakuchu-rakugaizu counterparts gives the Shiomi
screens an inherent meibutsu quality.

61

CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION

This thesis demonstrated the possibility that the Shiomi screens were rakuchu-

rakugaizu made not as a political message, but as a souvenir. Chapter 2, identified thenumerous monuments throughout both screens, providing their historical significance andintroducing the pictorial characteristics of the Shiomi screens. Chapter 3 gave a culturaland historical context in understanding how rakuchu-rakugaizu carne into fruition andhow the pull of political powers in the capital greatly affected Kyoto and its people,
which in turn was reflected in rakuchu-rakugaizu.
Chapter 4 argued that the Shiomi screens are originally made as souvenirs. The
comparison of these screens to other known examples highlights the distinctiveness of the
Shiomi screens. The Shiomi screens included minor sites omitted from most rakuchu-

rakugaizu screens, which are highlighted in early travel guides, such as Kyowarabe. With
the growing popularity of these travel guides, I argued that the differences found in the
Shiomi screens in fact spoke to the shifting function of rakuchu-rakugaizu.
In the early Edo period, the heightened popularity of leisurely travel created a newinterest in large cities besides Kyoto. The method of portraying an urban cityscape thatwas developed through the rakuchu-rakugaizu geme was now used to paint other key
cities such as Osaka and Edo. During the Edo period, Kyoto, Osaka, and Edo were
known as the cultural, commercial, and political capitals of Japan. Unlike Kyoto,

62
however, people first became familiar with the cityscapes of Osaka and Edo throughcommercial prints and monochromatic reproductions in travel guides.
Although the examples are few, these paintings of other cities show a similar
progression to rakuchii-rakugaizu from overtly political to more leisurely and popular
examples. 92 For instance, in Edo-zu, or "Views of Edo," (Fig. 27) what few examples wehave still demonstrates that the earlier seventeenth-century examples incorporate more ofa traditional method of portraying an urban scene with heavy political undertones
observed in the late sixteenth century. Compositionally, Edo-zu adopted the basic
template of rakuchii-rakugaizu, but since Edo-unlike Kyoto-was not surrounded by
mountains, which provided a topographical orientation, the Sumida River was oftenfeatured in the foreground to create a better sense of location. 93 One can see how thesecity views permeated Japanese society and highlight this growing interest in urban life.
Even though Edo-zu was not as longstanding as rakuchii-rakugaizu, it shows how
prevalent Kyoto cityscapes were to the general populace.
Even as this expensive geme faded away in the latter part of the seventeenth
century, portrayals of popular sites and recreational activities within Kyoto remained.
Instead of depicting these famous scenes and monuments on lavishly painted foldingscreens, they were becoming popularized in travel guides and eventually in meisho-e, or
images of famous places, in woodblock prints during the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries.

92 McKelway, Cityscapes, 201. With approximately eighty examples ofrakuchu-rakugaizu portraying
Kyoto, Edo-zu only has three examples that are positively placed in the seventeenth century.

93

Ibid., 202.

63
As for images of Kyoto, the commercialization of a cityscape as a type ofsouvenir escalated, eventually making its way into mass-produced ukiyo-e woodblock
prints in the nineteenth century. Famous landscape print designers, such as Utagawa(Ando) Hiroshige (1797-1868) and Katsushige Hokusai (1760-1845) drew upon thepeople's interest of travel, and sites known for their specialty goods. For instance,
although it was much more commercially driven, Hiroshige's Famous Views ofKyoto
series (1834-1835), tapped into people's desire to see named places in and around Kyoto,and festivals and other seasonal activities associated with them, in a similar way to asouvenir rakuchu-rakugaizu (such as the Shiomi screens). When we consider this generaltrend toward commercializing "famous sites" as a type of souvenir, one could argue that
the Shiomi screens mark the transitioning point from old to new, from thinking of
depiction of a site only as a tool for political statements, to seeing it more as a record of
personal experiences or imagination.
By positioning them as a type of souvenir-or meibutsu-distinct from earlier
more politically driven examples, the Shiomi screens provide an alternative way ofunderstanding rakuchu-rakugaizu. Although we have no record of who made the Shiomi
screens or why, the unique "townspeople" view of Kyoto represented in these screens,and their focus on tourist sites and famous entertainments along the Kamo River, suggest
a different type of agenda or motive. Their affiliation to the contemporary travel guides,
particularly in their choice of sites and events to include, demonstrates that the Shiomi
screens were made to be used not in a hierarchical social relationship, as in a gift givingthat would have cemented a lord-retainer relationship, but perhaps in a more amicable64
gathering of equals. Furthermore, if the rakuchii-rakugaizu originally had a function toreassure the commissioner (ofthe warrior class), and its subjects of the peace andstability of the capital, then it would mean that whoever commissionedthese screens was,·in one sense, claiming his/her responsibility for ownership ofthe city. ifthi's w~s the case,and if the Shiomi screens were indeed created by and for the machishii, one could argue
that these screens also symbolized a significant shift in townspeople's mentality in the
Edo period, from thinking of themselves as the mere dwellers (subordinates) of the city toits owners. 94

Tentative artist attribution

The patrons or the artists of rakuchii-rakugaizu screens are rarely identified. In
the case of the Shiomi screens, however, one can find a red, circular seal located at thebottom, left corner of the left screen in the eighth panel that can be identified to aseventeenth-century painter named Iwasa Katsushige. The identification ofthe seal as
Iwasa Katsushige came too late in the research process to incorporate into the body ofthis paper. However, I believe it is still worthwhile to include the preliminary findings
here.
The seal measures 3.5 centimeters in diameter. It contains two characters in seal
script within a double ring border, which reads "Katsushige." According to the museum
acquisition record, the Shiomi screens are attributed generically to the Tosa schooP5 The

Sandy Kita, The Last Tosa: lwasa Katsumochi Matabei, Bridge to Ukiyo-e. (Honolulu: University of
Hawai'i Press, 1999), 172-173.

94

While the museum's attribution to the Tosa school is not incorrect, it should be noted that they are adifferent group that worked in their particular style.

95

65
identification ofthis seal, however, suggests that they were the works by Iwasa
Katsushige (fl. 1661-1673). Iwasa Katsushige was the eldest, legitimate son ofIwasa
Matabei Katsumochi. I discussed his father, Katsumochi, earlier in relation to the Funaki
screens. Much like his father, Katsushige's biography is scarce. Previous studies showthat when Iwasa Katsumochi left for Edo in 1637, Katsushige was in his twenties andbecame the new head of the Iwasa school in Fukui prefecture. Unlike his father,
Katsushige was the official painter for the daimyo. Although he developed his own
painting style, like his father, Katsushige was most popular as a painter of geme scenes. 96
According to Sandy Kita (Senior Scholar, Chatham College), there are about half a dozen
works correctly attributed to Katsushige. 97 However, the lack of biographicaldocuments-added to the fact that his father was a much more skilled and famous
painter-led to many misattributions of Katsushige's works. Furthermore, since
Katsushige was most known for his geme paintings, many forged seals bearing
Katsushige's name are found on Iwasa-style geme paintings.
A detailed comparison between the circular seal on the Shiomi screens and asimilar seal from Katsushige's work that is believed to be authentic reveals similarities
and a few key differences. First, the diameter of the Shiomi seal is consistent with theseal that is found on Priest Beading (a panel from a folding-screen, Collection of Various

Occupations; private collection, Tokyo) (Fig. 28). Its general appearance (double ringaround Katsushige's name in seal script) also matches the previously identified authentic
seals. On the other hand, there are also some inconsistencies between the Shiomi seal and
96

Hiroshi Iso, "Iwasa Katsllshige Kenkyu Josetsll," Bigaku Ronkyu 2 (I963): 65.

97 Sandy Kita, Personal correspondence, September 3, 2009.

66
the other example. For instance, in the Shiomi seal (Fig. 29), the inside of the double
rings is accented by short vertical lines, which do not appear in any of the other
Katsushige seals of similar type (Fig. 30). Furthermore, a detailed examination of thecharacter "katsu" shows that the character is in fact written incorrectly. Since there are
too few examples of Katsushige' s authentic seals, the above cursory comparison neither
confirms nor negates the attribution ofthe Shiomi screens. Although further research isneeded to confirm the authenticity of the Shiomi seal, its attribution to Iwasa Katsushige
not only places the Shiomi screens contemporarily with Kyi5warabe, it also opens up
avenues to explore the specific functions of these screens in the newly evolving
relationship between the cultural center and its periphery.

67

APPENDIXFIGURES

Fig. 1. Photograph of Dr. Robert H. Shiomi and Yoko McClain.
Photograph courtesy of Yoko McClain.

68

Fig. 2. Pair of Shiomi screens. (Right screen on top; left screen on bottom).
Edo period, 1i h c. Pair of eight-panel screens; ink, color and gold on paper.
Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art; Eugene, Oregon
Images courtesy of the Jordan Schnitzer Museum of Art.

Fig. 3. Identified places on right Shiomi screen.
17. Kodaiji
18. Yasaka Shrine
19. Gion Bayashi
20. Puppet (bunraku) theater*
21. Kabuki theater*
22. Shijo Bridge*
23. Chion-in
24. Zuisenji**Denotes no cartouche

9. Saimon
10. Shikama "deer-mound"
11. Hokoji
12. Mimizuka "ear-mound"*
13. Yasaka chaya (teahouse)
14. Gojo Bridge*
15. Teramachi*
16. Yasaka Pagoda

1. Inari Shrine
2. Imagumano Shrine
3. Chishaku-in
4. Sanjusangendo*
5. Kamo Ri ver*6. Hokoku Shrine
7. Kiyomizudera*
8. Otowa no Taki0\'-0

Fig. 4. Identified places on left Shiomi screen
18. Takao?
19. Path to Mount Hiei
20. Kamigamo Shrine horse races*
21. [... ] no Tani
22. Kamigamo Shrine
23. Shorin-in?
24. Unknown
25. Rokkakudo?** Denotes no cartouche

9. Shirakawa
10. Zenjoji
11. Shogoin
12. Mitarashi- gawa13 . Yoshida Shrine (Daigengu inside)
14. Kagura-oka? (burial site)
15. Ichijoji-mura
16. Shimogamo Shrine*
17. Mount Hiei

1. Nanzenji
2. Hi no Oka Toge (mountain pass)
3. Sanjo Bridge*
4. Unknown
5. [... ]-in matsu (pine tree shrine?)
6. Unknown
7. [... ]n do (part of label cut off)
8. Kurodani? (Konkaikomyoji)-....)o71

Fig. 5. Toshiya (archery competition).
Source: pamphlet supplied by Sanjusangendo.

72Fig. 6. Photograph of Otowa Waterfall.
Photograph taken by author.

73

Fig. 7. Backstage of bunraku theater.
Source: Hironaga, Bunraku, pg. 24.

74

Fig. 8. Pair of Shokoji screens. (Right screen on top; left screen on bottom).
Momoyama-early Edo period, early 1i h c. Pair of six-panel folding-screens;
ink, colors, and gold on paper.
Shokoji, Toyama
Source: McKelway, Capitalscapes, pg. 188-189.

75

Fig. 9. Shokoji screens, detail ofNijo Castle.

76

Fig. 10. Shiomi screens, detail ofH6k6ji.

Fig. 11. Shiomi screens, detail of Kiyomizudera.

77

Fig. 12. Shiomi screens, detail ofYasaka Shrine.

Fig. 13. Shiomi screens, detail of Kamigamo Shrine.

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Fig. 14. Map of modem Kyoto.
Source: http://www.khulsey.comltravel/japan_kyoto_city-map.html(accessed November 25,2009)

79

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1t·'; .~ ,t'Z t t l;£..t~iJlt -;. 'l..,;'-Fig. 15. Map of Heian (Kyoto)
Source: Plutschow, Historical Kyoto, pg. x.

80

Fig. 16. Painted portrait of Toyotomi Hideyoshi.
Hanging scroll; ink and colors on silk.
Saikyoji,Otsu.
Source: Hickman, Golden Age, pg. 72.

81

Fig. 17. Pair of Sanj6 screens. (Right screen on top; left screen on bottom).
Muromachi period, 16th c. Pair of six-panel folding-screens;
ink, colors, and gold on paper.
Natural History of Japanese History, Sakura.
Source: McKe1way, Capitalscapes, page inserts, pI. 2a & 2b.

82

Fig. 18. Pair of Funaki screens. (Right screen on top; left screen on bottom).
Attributed to Iwasa Matabei Katsumochi. Edo period, early 17th c.
Pair of six-panel screens; ink, color and gold leaf on paper.
Tokyo National Museum.
Source: McKelway, Capitalscapes, pg. 194-195.

83

Fig. 19. Diagram of folding-screen.
Source: Mason, History ofJapanese Art, pg. 245.

84

Fig. 20. Kyowarabe, theater page excerpt.
Source: Kinsei Bungei Sosho, pg. 299.

85

Fig. 21. Shiomi screens, detail of theater district.

Fig. 22. Shiomi screens, detail ofKamigamo horse races.

86Fig. 23. Shiomi screens, detail of picnic along Mitarashi-gawa.

Fig. 24. Shokoji screens, detail of Shijo

87

Fig. 25. Funaki screens, detail of theater district.

88

Fig. 26. Amusements at Higayashima.
Edo period, 1i h c. Pair of six-panel screens;
ink, color and gold leaf on paper.
K6zu Kobunka Kaikan, Kyoto.
Source: Hickman, Golden Age, pg. 124-125.

89

Fig. 27. Pair of Edo-zu (Hayashi screens).
Edo period, early 1i h c. pair of six-panel folding-screens;
ink, colors, and gold on paper.
National Museum of Japanese History, Sakura.
Source: McKelway, Capitalscapes, 208-209.

90

Fig. 28. Iwasa Katsushige, Priest Beading. Panel of folding-screen,
Collection o/Various Occupations.
Private collection, Tokyo.
Source: Narazaki Muneshige, "Iwasaha no Kenkyu," Kokka 691, pg. 286.

~----_._-. _ - - - - - - _..... _ - - - -91

Fig. 29. Shiomi screens, detail ofIwasa Katsushige's seal.

Fig. 30. Iwasa Katsushige, Priest Beading, detail of seal.

92

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