E-Journal of Philosophy of Education:
International Yearbook of the Philosophy of Education Society of Japan, Vol. 7, 2022

Politics of Emotions and Preventive Pedagogy against
Authoritarianism: Theodor W. Adorno’s Educational Theory
and his Utopianism
Natsuki SHIROKANE
Kwansei Gakuin University
Abstract
The current affective turn in social sciences, the spread of emotional politics in social media, and thecrisis of democracy and liberalism facilitate the reexamination of some traditional educational ideas
regarding to children’s emotion, their nature, and democratic education.
This paper focuses on Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno’s critical theory due to the conceptual
ambiguity of “enlightenment” in his works. His pessimism is known with Dialectic of Enlightenment,
but his works on education stressed the importance of “enlightenment” as the social critique fordeveloping democracy and autonomous personality in West Germany. Adorno demanded ofeducation that the social critique would work as the antidote, vaccination, and critical self-reflection
against authoritarianism. However, he did not systematize democratic education. Here, I focus on hisnegative utopianism. Adorno believed utopia would be togetherness of diversity and the state in which
the rational dominant principle is unnecessary. Therefore, from education he expected the contribution
to vigilance, resistance, and elimination of the cause of suffering, taking the sensitive suffering ofreality as a starting point. Such education that avoids the perspective of natura naturata, such as thecontrol of emotions, and aligns with suffering, hoping for what can be achieved in/by vigilance,
resistance, and elimination of suffering, would be a form of natura naturans. I call Adorno’s
educational theory “preventive pedagogy.”
Adorno’s “preventive pedagogy” would provide a critical perspective on today’s “dialectic ofdemocracy” in which popular political fervor endangers the democracy that is its requirement.
Furthermore, this perspective would be suggestive to consider education with post-foundationalism,
agonistic democracy, deliberative democracy, emotional architectures, the Beutelsbach Consensus inGermany, education against propaganda tricks, solidarity, and pity.
Key words: Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno, democracy, authoritarianism, utopianism, enlightenment,
Auschwitz, politics of emotions
Correspondence:
Natsuki SHIROKANE, Kwansei Gakuin University. Email: 09kaneshiro@gmail.com

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Introduction
The spread of social media and the disturbance of democracy and liberalism by the“politics of anger and hatred” [Yoshida 2020] are currently recognized. Traditional ideasthat have dichotomized reason and emotion are criticized in the current “affective turn”
in social sciences, and Japanese pedagogy is no exception [Okabe/ Ono eds. 2021]. The
ideal relationship between emotion, democracy, and education, “by rational nurturing
rational democratic society members while respecting the spontaneity and authenticity ofchildren’s emotions,” also requires reexamination.
This paper focuses on the conceptual constellation of emotion, democracy, andeducation in Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno’s critical theory. In the Dialectic ofEnlightenment, co-written with Max Horkheimer, Adorno analyzed the complicity of therational and the irrational from the perspective of the improvement of civilization bythe domination of nature. However, he criticized anti-Semitism and the culture industry,
which appealed to the emotions of the masses, and expected the masses’ enlightenment
and education to resist the status quo and contribute to democracy. However, his theoryof education primarily focused on resistance to antidemocratic realities. This paper
contrasts the uniqueness of his thought with current discussions in philosophy ofeducation concerning emotion and democracy.

1. Authoritarianism Disturbing Democracy
Adorno questioned the dominance of authoritarianism over democracy. Thisdichotomy between authoritarianism and democracy is common in political science, butAdorno, using Freudian psychoanalytic theory, focused on social psychology and themedia.
Adorno criticized the personality type susceptible to authority(“Autoritätsgebundenheit” [GS9 — 2:367]), which includes both authoritarian andmanipulative characters. This type is characterized by sado-masochism, stereotypicalthinking, cruelty, narcissism, cynicism, obsession with control and manipulation, evasionof responsibility, identification with the inner group, and unconscious desire fordestruction and its transfer to the outer group. Such personality is "particularly susceptible
to antidemocratic propaganda "[GS9—1:149], and it is considered as an expression of ego
weakness.
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Adorno’s analysis of the political “tricks” that rationally divert irrational impulses isnoteworthy here. These tricks include the politician’s “personalized” appeals (whenpoliticians spend large time in speaking either about themselves or their audiences), thecompatibility of the elimination of enemies with the compulsion to identify with allies,the “salami method” (the removing a piece from a complex), the repetition of fragmental
and illogical statements, and the appeal to crisis and reform while affirming the current
system of power. These tricks supply collective narcissism, sadism, and masochism to
the weak ego that seeks an outlet for its impulses with the anxiety of isolation:“Propaganda, Hitler reasoned, has to adjust itself to the most stupid ones among those towhom it is addressed; it should not be rational but emotional.” [ GS20—1:271]. Bothsender and receiver are aware of irrational feelings but dare to surrender to the trick.

2. Education for Democracy, against Authoritarianism
Based on Adorno’s critique of authoritarianism, what kind of education would berequired? Strength and development of the ego in a family and the education of a rational
and intellect might be demanded. However, Adorno preceived the decline of the modern
family as the basis for ego formation, and the primacy of instrumental reason as a problemof the modern age. Therefore, he hoped for the removal of the blind, opaque authority
from schooling [EzM:131], and a social critique as the “enlightenment.”
According to Adorno, schools and teachers wield opaque authority and power, andconsequently, children form cliques, in which there is a hierarchy of physical strength,
violence, and cunning [EzM:84—85, GS20—1:375]. Therefore, Adorno urged schools andteachers to eliminate this structural authoritarianism and then recommended respect forchildren’s self-expression, inspiring friendship rather than collectivity, and tolerance forthe emotions of self and others. However, he emphasized the need to develop a sense ofdisgust/shame to counter the problem of physical violence [EzM:131]. His
recommendations for schools were generally intellectual and moderate, however, heaffirmed the necessity for emotional and intellectual work to resist the violence.
Regarding “enlightenment”, the following three specific methods wererecommended for individuals approximately older than 10 years of age, which would
contribute to democracy. (1) “antidote” (Gegenmittel) [EzM:27], which accuses
individual interests of the disadvantages of authoritarians, (2) “vaccination”(Schutzimpfung) [EzM:27, NSV1:466], which spreads a list of propaganda tricks andSymposium: Emotion, Democracy and the Philosophy of Education

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41

culture industry stereotypes, and (3) sociological political education that analyzes real,concrete social problems [NS V1:381—386]. He expected them to make people aware of
their susceptibility to influence from propaganda [GS20—1:273] and to promote “criticalself-reflection” [EzM:27, NSV1:465] in addition to social consciousness. Furthermore,this “enlightenment” causes shock and resistance to authoritarianism. This does not alter
people’s unconsciousness fundamentally, nevertheless, it can be expected as acounterinstance at the pre-conscious (das Vorbewusstsein) [EzM:103].

3. Adorno’s Utopian Perspective and his Preventive Pedagogy
Why did Adorno affirm the ego-established individual, democracy, and“enlightenment”? Why did he not systematize democratic education, and why did he notcall for his education to be thorough? The main reason would be Adorno’s utopian
perspective. According to his Negative Dialectics, “Utopia would be above identity andabove contradiction; it would be togetherness of diversity” [GS 6: 153]. It cannot begrasped by reason, nor can it be promised to be realized by rational means. Utopia would
be a state in which the rational dominant principle is unnecessary [NS IV10:215—216].
The rationally depicted and formed individual and democracy were not utopias forAdorno. If we set it as a goal and enforce it identically, we will fall into a “dialectic” andturn into the opposite, as in the former Enlightenment [GS4:86, GS4:223]. Adorno foundthe penetrating state of identity in “Auschwitz” [GS6:355]. Modern society is not theworst because in this non-identity remains even under the overwhelming compulsion ofidentification. However, its contradictions and distortions are negative suffering (Leiden).
However, according to Adorno, this distress facilitates a contemporary “metaphysicalexperience” that is proof that the “togetherness of diversity” is not just an illusion.
Consequently, Adorno had great expectations for the practice of education. Of
contemporary education, he expected not the rational realization of rational goals, but thecontribution to vigilance, resistance, and elimination of what causes suffering, taking thesensitive suffering of reality as a starting point. The vigilance, resistance, and eliminationof authoritarianism and heteronomy in modern society are considered as the realistic
contemporary signs that the established individual, democracy, and utopia would not be
impossible, and the embodiment of its emergent potential. Such a perspective ofeducation could be described as a “preventive pedagogy for avoidance of evil”[Shirokane 2019]. Here we can also read here Adorno's concern with Mimesis as naturanaturans (productive nature) [Früchtl 1986]. Education that avoids the perspective ofE-Journal of Philosophy of Education: International Yearbook of the Philosophy of Education Society of Japan, Vol. 7, 2022

42N. SHIROKANE

natura naturata (nature as product), such as the control of emotions, and aligns withsuffering, hoping for what can be achieved in/by vigilance, resistance, and elimination ofsuffering, would be a form of natura naturans, or “togetherness of diversity,” in additionto contemporary philosophy and art [GS6:26, GS7:35].

4. To Criticize of Emotion, Democracy, and Education Today, in
Perspective of Adorno’s Thought
Currently, social divisions due to social media and populism, contemporary
capitalism in which globalism and nationalism coexist, and the similarities between Nazi
Germany and modern society are discussed. What is evident in this situation is the“dialectic of democracy,” in which “the people’s political enthusiasm puts democracy,
which is its requirement, in danger.” Against this “dialectic,” Adorno’s “preventivepedagogy” suggests a critical perspective. Although his theory of education
recommended concrete and moderate practices and recognized the significance oftraditional culture, it may seem conservative and unsatisfactory because it did demand afundamental change in education and its thoroughness. Furthermore, this perspective on
nouvelle naturae, which entrusted the spontaneity and authenticity of “diverse things” tosuffering in the current situation and to its elimination and what is produced withresistance, is insufficient as a bulwark against the domination of nature [Imai 2017].
However, for Adorno, democracy and education may have been a stage on which hecould stake his unforeseen hopes in the midst of an evil reality.
Finally, we will contrast discussions of the philosophy of education with Adorno’sperspective. His view of politics would be more similar the recent post-foundationalism[Tabata/ Tamate/ Yamamoto eds. 2019], which is interested in the avoidance of evils, oragonistic democracy than deliberative democracy that promises legitimacy andrationality of all constituents. These ideas suggest the possibility of citizenship educationthat does not force all people towards the goal of a “good citizenship.”Given the current development of social media and other “emotional architectures”[Wahl-Jorgensen 2019] with anonymity, his media-theoretical “enlightenment” isprobably more effective than Adorno’s critique of gerrymandering personality types.
The Beutelsbach Consensus in Germany [Endo 2004], which encouraged students’
analysis of political realities in view of their own personal interests, and the publishinga new edition of Prophets of Deceit [Löwenthal/Guterman 2021], that is a list ofpropaganda tricks to whose original research Adorno contributed. The contemporarySymposium: Emotion, Democracy and the Philosophy of Education

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significance of education as an “antidote” or “inoculation” is evident. However, it isimportant to understand the difficulties of the “elimination of authoritarianism” in thecomplex dynamics within schools [Yamana 2015] and the tradition of Japanese
postwar education which has produced “fun classes” [Matsushita 2003]. The
spontaneity and authenticity of children’s emotions should not be naively consideredself-evident, and the actuality of the idea of natura naturans requires careful
examination.
According to Shannon L. Mariotti, Adorno and Paulo Freire are similar regarding
the social issues they analyze and their expectations of democratic education; however,
Adorno’s insight into solidarity is insufficient than Freire [Mariotti 2016:105—121].
Adorno maintained that negation of suffering can only be realized through solidarity[GS6:203—204]; however, he never systematized it. From his perspective, what would
be expected of theories for the negation of suffering would be the “solidarity” of various
theories rather than the rational thoroughness of a particular rational system. For
example, Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition [Honneth 2005], Jean-Luc Nancy’s
understanding of the human being as “singular plural” [Nobira 2019:119], and JeanJacques Rousseau’s insight into absolute human “weakness” as the principle of equality
and pity [Morita 2015:71], may be theories that contribute to such solidarity. However,caution is required against theories of solidarity and pity not to be enforced by education.

AcknowledgmentsThis paper was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number 17K04546.

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E-Journal of Philosophy of Education: International Yearbook of the Philosophy of Education Society of Japan, Vol. 7, 2022