A Cognitive Analysis of Media Discourse and Gender Ideology

メディア・ディスコースとジェンダー・イデオロギーの認知⾔語学的分析(Doctoral Dissertation)
By
Jessica Tynes

Language and Cultural Studies
Foreign Studies Research Division
Graduate School
Kansai Gaidai University

November 2018

A Cognitive Analysis of Media Discourse and Gender Ideology

メディア・ディスコースとジェンダー・イデオロギーの認知⾔語学的分析

A Doctoral Dissertation Submitted to the Foreign Studies Research Division,
Kansai Gaidai University Graduate School

In Partial Fulfillment of theRequirements for the Degree of Doctor of Language and Culture

By
Jessica Tynes

November 2018

Acknowledgements
I would like to begin by saying that it is, unfortunately, impossible to list each of themany people who supported me throughout this process in just one page.
Much of the credit for this completed dissertation goes to my encouraging, inspiring
advisor, Professor Masa-aki Yamanashi. I cannot even begin to express my gratitude for all of
the guidance and insight, and for so graciously sorting out the messy piles of ideas I would
often bring to him. I am extremely honored to have been able to learn from him, and consider
my time as his student a treasure more precious than words can express. My deepest gratitude
for believing in me, and modeling the kind of scholar I hope to be one day.
I am so grateful for the calming presence of my sub-advisor, Professor Naoshi Ijiri, who
has showed me endless patience and understanding. I truly appreciate his challenging myassumptions and guiding me to write more clearly and effectively. My sincere thanks go toProfessor Harumi Sawada, for stimulating discussions in and out of class, and giving valuable
hints for finding both academic sources and real world examples. Profesor Momoko Nakamuraof Kanto Gakuin University, who so warmly received me as an unofficial mentee, was andcontinues to be a major influence on my life as both a scholar and a woman. Of course, none ofthis would have been possible without my graduate school colleagues, who created anenvironment of mutual support, healthy competition, and endlessly pursuing the satisfaction of
curiosity.
Even with most of them on the other side of the planet, my family has been a constantsupport throughout my graduate studies. Special thanks go to my sister Melissa, for always
being the level-headed voice of reason, and for always pulling me out of the ruts I get myself
stuck in. Many thanks to my husband Shuntaro, for reminding me to breathe and generally takecare of myself, and helping pick up the pieces when I fail to listen. I would never have reachedso high or worked this hard if my mother had been anyone other than Brenda Harris, who
continues to teach me, by example, to refuse to be limited by anyone’s assumptions. Lastly, I
would like to express enduring gratitude for my late father Robert Tynes, who consistently
reminded me of my strength, and always encouraged me to use it for the good.

Table of Contents
Chapter 1 Introduction.................................................................................................................................................... 4
1.1 Background.......................................................................................................................................................... 4
1.2 Purpose ................................................................................................................................................................. 6
1.3 Methods................................................................................................................................................................ 8
1.4 Organization....................................................................................................................................................... 10
1.5 Some Terminology and Concepts................................................................................................................... 10
Chapter 2 Previous Studies and Theoretical Framework......................................................................................... 122.1. Language and Women ...................................................................................................................................... 12
2.1.1. Marked Femininity and Feminine Frames.............................................................................................. 122.1.2. Gender Ideology........................................................................................................................................ 16
2.1.3. Cultural Nuance in Femininity and Language........................................................................................ 172.2. A Cognitive Linguistic Approach..................................................................................................................... 19
2.2.1. Metaphor ..................................................................................................................................................... 19
2.2.2. Prototype Effects ........................................................................................................................................ 21
2.2.3. Blending and Frames ................................................................................................................................. 22
2.2.4. Cognitive Sociolinguistics ......................................................................................................................... 24
2.2.5. The Cognitive Linguist’s Toolkit.............................................................................................................. 24
2.3. Category Manipulation and Gender-based Domains..................................................................................... 25
Chapter 3 Mass Media Discourse and Gender Ideology ......................................................................................... 29
3.1. Language and Gender........................................................................................................................................... 291

3.1.1. Women’s Language and Men’s Language ............................................................................................... 30
3.1.2. Politeness and Gender................................................................................................................................... 31
3.1.3. Beautiful Japanese......................................................................................................................................... 34
3.2. Prototypes in Character Development ................................................................................................................ 36
3.2.1. Examples Consistent with Gender Ideology (Central) ............................................................................. 39
3.2.1.1 The Importance and Necessity of Beauty ........................................................................................... 41
3.2.1.2. The Male Gaze in Men’s Magazines ................................................................................................. 44
3.2.1.3. The Male Gaze in Women’s Magazines ........................................................................................... 49
3.2.1.4. Self-objectification in Women’s Magazines...................................................................................... 53
3.2.2. Media Discourse as a Force that Shifts Gender Roles .............................................................................. 59
3.3. Translation and Gender......................................................................................................................................... 63
Chapter 4 Political Discourse and Gender ................................................................................................................. 74
4.1 Women in Political News Media ......................................................................................................................... 76
4.2 Instantiation and Blending for Challenging Existing Gender Roles................................................................. 79
4.3 Challenging Expectations Based on Gender Ideology....................................................................................... 84
4.3.1 Japanese Fatherhood Campaigns ................................................................................................................. 84
4.3.2 American Fatherhood Campaigns ............................................................................................................... 91
4.3.3 Women in Science and Technology............................................................................................................ 95
4.3.4 Gender Politics and Capitalism..................................................................................................................... 98
Chapter 5 Marketing Discourse and Gender ...........................................................................................................111
5.1 Advertisements for Women ............................................................................................................................113
5.1.1 Examples Calling Humanity into Question ...........................................................................................1132

5.1.2 Marketing Discourse and Quality of Life..................................................................................................122
5.1.3 Taking Aim at Older Women ....................................................................................................................136
5.1.4 The Instantiation Process in Advertising ...................................................................................................138
5.1.5 Empowering Marketing Discourse............................................................................................................140
5.1.5.1 The Subjectivity and Objectivity of Beauty......................................................................................142
5.1.5.2 Disempowerment within Empowerment: From Subject to Object...............................................143
5.1.5.3 Following Societal Expectations as a Means of Empowerment ....................................................144
5.1.5.4 Beautiful Strength .............................................................................................................................162
5.1.6 Marketing of the Traditionally Masculine to Women .............................................................................167
5.2 Advertisements for Men......................................................................................................................................181
5.3 LGBTQ Awareness in Marketing Discourse ...................................................................................................190
Chapter 6 Discussion and Conclusion......................................................................................................................194
References ...................................................................................................................................................................201
Data Sources................................................................................................................................................................206

3

Chapter 1
Introduction
1.1 Background
Despite advances in legal rights for women in many countries all over the world, the lack ofdiversity in positions of power is stark. Women of all colors are being well educated, in somegroups more so than their male counterparts. Even with what should be an influx of talent of all
genders and colors, the same demographic continues to rise to the top at the expense of others. At
the time of this writing, the most salient example of what is commonly called “the glass ceiling” thatprevents women and minorities from obtaining the ranks that would be expected from their
qualifications, is that of Hillary Clinton. Despite her experience and qualifications, she was deemed
less fit to be the President of the United States than a mogul who has admitted to multiple incidencesof sexual harassment.
This is one of many truths that point to something deeply rooted in society, that keeps not
only women, but people in other marginalized groups in their place. Just as famous remarks about
Hillary Clinton being a “nasty woman” and other slander testifies to the power of language inswaying popular opinion. The phrase itself points directly at the underlying problem of gender
ideology. Ideology describes a set of beliefs that govern how one thinks, with gender ideology
dictating how one conceptualizes gender roles and characteristics. Only in a society with different
standards based on gender do “nasty” and “woman” go together so seamlessly. Gender ideology
can be thought of as an artifact of a long history of oppressive gender roles, much of which isobsolete. Despite no longer serving us, this way of thinking is seamlessly ingrained into our
cognition as a society.
The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development reports a gender wage gapof 18.88 percent in the United States (2015) and 25.87 percent in Japan (2014), meaning that inthese years women still earn that much less for the same work their male counterparts do1. The

1

The gender wage gap is a phenomenon of people systematically being paid less than the standard(which is, of course, a man of the dominant social group). These organizations give figures based on how
4Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) reports that women in the
United States earn 18.88 percent less, and women in Japan earn 25.87 percent less than their malecounterparts (for the same job and same work) as of 2015 and 2014 respectively. These figures areadjusted for the different jobs men and women tend to do, which could be used to explain away thewage gap as a matter of choice in terms of university major or lifestyle. In the U.S., the gap is evenmore extreme for women of color, the American Association of University Women estimating a
difference of 20 percent for all women (AAUW 2018:7), 61 percent for Black women, and 53
percent for Latina women, as analyzed by AAUW(2018:9) based on census, education, and labor
statistics.
Even though much of the legislation that prevents women from participating ingovernmental operations or working outside of the home has been done away with, gender
ideology guides people to have certain preferences, interests, and life paths. While the wage gap issignificant even in the same position, women are more likely to be in supporting occupations:service, or caregiving rather than technological fields, and less likely to be in managerial positions orin highly specialized fields (Boston Globe March 07 2017). CNN Money lists the most common
jobs for women in 2010 as secretary, cashier, elementary/middle school teacher, nurse, and nursing
aide, a slight change from 1950 which was secretary, bank teller/dispatcher/clerical worker, sales
clerk, private household worker, and teacher (CNN Money January 31 2013). The idea of women’s
work and men’s work (and women’s roles and men’s roles) is ingrained from an early age, as
demonstrated by the types of toys we give them to play with and the way we describe them. While
kids playing with baby dolls may not all be aware of the injustice that awaits them when they enter
the job market, they may start to form a sense of belonging in certain places, with certain people, andin certain roles.
Despite Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s policies in place to increase women in the workforce,“Japan has actually slipped in the World Economic Forum’s (WEF) global ranking of the gender
gap - dropping from 111th in 2016 to 114th in 2017. Ten years ago, it ranked 80th” (BBC News
February 17 2018). Though Japan is notorious for its harshness for women in terms of themuch women make for each dollar a man makes, but the gap becomes more pronounced whenoverlapped with status as ethnic or racial minorities.
5

workplace and general societal attitudes, there are improvements being made in many areas. Morecompanies are putting women in managerial positions and more individuals are receiving higher
education. Observing the development of gender and language in the increasingly globalizedsociety is important in finding universal features or underlying structure, if such exists.
Personal choice, such as the one to prioritize having a family over a career and stay at homewith one’s children, is commonly believed to be the reason women do not advance in their careers.
While social pressure is a real, but often undermined factor, institutionalized sexism blocks qualified
and motivated women from career paths, as so frustratingly demonstrated by the recent admissions
discrimination scandal at Tokyo Medical University. In August 2018, the university was outed forlimiting the number of successful female applicants by automatically subtracting significant points
from their interview scores (BBC News 08/02/2018). The justification for this discrimination ofqualified applicants was that women leave medicine to get married and have children, so training
women as doctors is less meaningful. In 2018, women are still defined by our anatomy, and not justby some vague lack of confidence or motivation, but by a society that tries to squash us frommultiple angles. Women and their bodies remain a threatening, though inconveniently necessary,part of society.
While blatant injustice is met with public outrage, the thought patterns that allow thesystems of oppression to remain in place are potentially more subtle: not setting off the sexism
alarms we have in place thanks to political correctness. Some, generally those in positions ofprivilege, still claim that both the wage gap and lack of women in certain fields and positions within
a company are due to the nature of women that makes them less adept at tasks associated withmasculinity. As so publicly demonstrated by the viral memo written by former Google employee
employee James Damore, which insists that gender (and racial) imbalance in technology is based
not in discrimination but in biology, the position of women as complete and competent members ofsociety is not as secure as we would like to imagine (Conger 08/05/2017).

1.2 Purpose
The purpose of this research is to explore the ways in which gender ideology still controls modern
people, even decades after women gained many basic rights under the law, at least in Japan and the6United States. This research analyzes language, societal output, to more thoroughly understand whysociety remains unjust in its treatment of women. Unpacking some of the hidden, largely
unconscious, internalizations and conceptualizations of gender is a necessary step in dismantling theinjustice that inhibit people’s freedom even after they technically have rights under the law. This
research is based on the premise that feminism is not about just women’s rights, although it mostsaliently affect the the lives of women in terms of basic rights, but the freedom for all people to
make their own decisions without insurmountable social pressure or the institutionalized sexism(and racism/classism) holding them back. It is built on intersectional feminism, which means thatissues of race and class are considered to be inexplicably linked to gender, influencing theexpression and ideology, and cannot be fully separated. As they include the reduction or eliminationof stereotypes, intersectionality, diversity, and inclusivity can make both life and research morenuanced and complicated to understand, but the alternative is to continue judging each other basedon biased media representations or archaic beliefs, myths passed on by the sexist, racist, classist
society steeped in the injustice commonly believed to be of the past.
When society is so full of gender ideology that we color code and our children with pink
princesses and blue trains down to their diapers, it is hardly surprising that it significantly affects how
we think about and understand our role in the world. The insidious nature of gender ideology makes
it difficult to examine through purely quantitative research. This study aims to go beyond simply
describing the linguistic phenomena and explore the social cognition that leads to its continued
prevalence. Language, especially that used in the media, has the power to encourage or discourage
outdated beliefs that prevent women and minorities from reaching their full potential in society,whether it be through external or internal factors.
As two First World countries with very different cultural backgrounds, looking at Japanand the United States offers the potential for a well rounded perspective of gender ideology. With
the different backgrounds and social constructs, similarities are likely to have a degree ofuniversality in the cognition of first-world patriarchal society.

71.3 Methods
This research analyzes linguistic evidence from various media sources to explore theembodied experience of women an ever-changing, increasingly homogenous, and yet still maledominated global society. It is built on a cognitive linguistic framework, and relies heavily on
concepts such as metaphor, focusing, and network model to analyze real world data. In addition, as
discussed above, unpacking gender ideology is a central theme, and a necessary step in building amore just, diverse, and compassionate society.
Nakamura (2002) places great importance on the link between language and gender
ideology, and proposes a cyclical relationship between language use and gender ideology as
experienced in a culture. She presents language used in media as both a factor in maintaining theestablished structure, as well as a tool for transforming gender ideology, that is to say, society itself.
<Nakamura’s Model of Language and Gender Ideology>

Figure 1-1(Nakamura 2002:29, translation mine)
Linguistics research conducted with data obtained from media sources is frequently criticized as
unnatural or unrealistic. This way of thinking, that ranks recorded conversations over the abundance8

of media that we are exposed to day in and day out from childhood. Nakamura posits that media
plays a large role in the acquisition of what is widely thought of as women’s language in Japanese.
Women’s language is not a style of speech used by actual women as theessentialist-evolutionary approach claims; rather, it is knowledge speakers acquireby listening to or reading conversations in the various forms of media. As the useof particular features by female characters in the media is repeatedly reproduced
and widely consumed by a large audience, those features become associated withparticular feminine identities.
(Nakamura 2014:13)
In order to have a clear and complete picture of the culture behind the linguistic acts, it can be said
that analysis of each type of data is important.
Evidence of these social attitudes is found in our everyday language. And for those of us
who struggle to part with our smartphones long enough to even use the restroom, the language
accessible through our mobile devices may carry even more weight than those of “real life”
acquaintances. Perhaps for the first time in history, modern people in the First World are exposed tosome form of media for a larger proportion of their time than people in the same physical space.
Sense of community can be strong even when formed via television or the internet, as well as groupnorms and practices2. And in our capitalist society, advertisers use every form of media to convince
us to take part (and part with our funds) in a practice that involves the product or service being sold.
Social Networking Service (SNS) presents a particularly intriguing case, in that it offers its
consumers, at least superficially, the opportunity to return with their thoughts and opinions. Thismay be part of its appeal when used between individuals, but the potential as a tool of consumerist,
capitalist institutions should not be ignored.
Media, often thought of as harmless, if a waste of time, has a profound effect on people’s
decisions. Using language in the media, a cognitive approach to gender ideology gives us theopportunity to dig beneath surface words or behaviors and question ways of thinking that are easy to

2

See Wenger (1998) for a more thorough discussion of Community of Practice, and Holmes and Meyerhoff(1999) and Holmes and Woodhams (2013) for the concept used in a sociolinguistic context.

9

take for granted. Cognitive science as a discipline can be a tool in obtaining a holistic understandingof oppression and freeing people from it.

1.4 Organization
This dissertation consists of six chapters, including this introduction. After discussing
previous studies and theoretical framework in Chapter 2, the following three chapters focus on a
specific type of media based on primary intent: general mass or entertainment media (Chapter 3),
political media (Chapter 4), and marketing media (Chapter 5), and the discussion and conclusion(Chapter 6). Though, as mentioned in the individual sections, it is not always possible to cleanly
isolate media types, the content and purpose affect the ways in which gender ideology is used toencourage a specific behavior. Discussion of overarching themes, possible generalizations, andconclusions are made in the final chapter, Chapter 6.

1.5 Some Terminology and Concepts
This study makes a distinction between biological sex and gender, which is a collection of
behaviors performed based on social category. For those who have privilege to not have to consider
gender, it may seem like feminists overly complicate simple nature. However, even if we set aside
people who are intersexed or gender nonconforming and only consider males who identify as men
and females who identify as female, separating actual physical traits and processes (such as genitalia
or menstruation) from learned behaviors (manner of dress, role in the home, etc.) allows us tochallenge assumptions made based on the conflation of sex with gender. Whether women are
actually not capable of logical thinking, or whether men are suited to housework or not are questions
that can only be asked after considering the possibility that men and women have different lives not
because of simple nature but because of a social construction.
Although cisgendered people that identify with the category of woman/girl or man/boy that
their physical parts fit them into, some people have a different experience. As mainstream society,and thus the media, works on a gender binary and generally assumes cisgendered heterosexuality,
this paper deals largely with those archetypical, common media examples. Although gender as a

10

binary can be understood as a social construct rather than a hard and fast biological role, people ofother genders and sexualities have been generally ignored by society, and thus less represented in
the media. Lack of representation is thought of as contributing to continued discrimination, making
it an important topic of research, but because it is widely believed as fact in patriarchal society, thisdissertation focuses on the stereotypical model of female women and male men on a binary withnothing between or outside of them. As part of a gradual shift away from the heterosexual,cisgender man with ethnic and racial privilege as the standard actor in society, direct focus on
marginalized groups will likely be the next step in future research. Gender ideology is the samemachine that powers misogyny, homophobia, transphobia, and toxic masculinity, and must be
dismantled one piece at a time.

11

Chapter 2
Previous Studies and Theoretical Framework

This chapter serves to review major related studies and situate this dissertation within theexisting body of research. While not every work will be discussed, a framework for analysis in the
coming chapters will be laid out. Other, less central works will be brought up in the following
chapters as relevant.

2.1. Language and Women
Traditional gender and language studies focus on analyzing differences between men’s andwomen’s speech patterns, in terms of politeness and other factors. This approach is limited in that it
assumes that these patterns are fixed, and in some cases, natural reflections of biological factors,
especially in the case of Japanese women’s language. More recent studies acknowledge that simply
analyzing gender differences in speech is limited3, and acknowledge the role of society in educating
women of appropriate behavior, including speech acts. Society (and by extension, the media) has
the additional effect of normalizing stereotypes, including language patterns, that may or may not bereflected in everyday life.

2.1.1. Marked Femininity and Feminine FramesMore than four decades after her “Language and Woman’s Place” was published, Robin Lakoff
remains a major voice in the discussion of gender and language. She is credited with bringing
gender and linguistics together as an academic problem, and connects linguistic expression with3

Analyzing the speech of actual men and women has been found to not only not conform to the stereotypes of

how men and women speak, such as those presented in Tannen (1993), but blatantly oppose them. Cameronfound the hyper-masculine speech of young men to be “unlike the ‘wine, women, and sports’ stereotype ofmen’s talk―indeed, rather closer to the stereotype of ‘women’s talk’―in various ways, some obvious, andsome less so.” (Cameron 1997:255)

12

social rights, citing instances of “marked femininity” and “marked masculinity” (Lakoff 2004).
While she does not use cognitive linguistic framework, she connects the use of these gendered
prototypes with the way individual language users conceptualize gender roles, and thus the social
rights of women.
For categories in which masculine is the standard, femininity is marked. She gives
examples of biological categories “man” and “human,” “lion” and “lioness,” “tiger” and “tigress,”
as well as job categories such as “doctor” and “lady doctor.” Revisiting her assertion in a cognitive
linguistic light, we can see that this conceptualizes the masculine as central to the category, forwhich it is named.
In cases of marked masculinity, in which the feminine is the standard of the category, there
is something about the feminine that makes it central to the category. Lakoff’s examples (Lakoff
2000) of “cow/bull, goose/gander, duck/drake” hint to the commercialism of femininity. In oursociety, cows are used for milk and meat, and geese and ducks for eggs and meat. The actual
physical processes associated with femininity are used more often in our everyday lives, making
femininity salient.
She gives one more type classification of lexical level differences in the way we label
masculine and feminine, in which the feminine and masculine are not simply central and peripheral
to the category, but give an entirely different impression.

(a) Mary hopes to meet an eligible bachelor.
(b)*Fred hopes to meet an eligible spinster.
“It is the concept of an eligible spinster that is anomalous. If someone is a spinster, by
implication she is not eligible (to marry); she has had her change, and been passed by.”(Lakoff 2004:61)
Markedness, rather than being neutral, often has weight in itself. Marking something or someone,
and bringing attention to the category it falls into simultaneously assigns value based on what thelabel stands for. While in some cases, like the above, this assignment of value is more obvious thanin others, it is not an arbitrary process in any case. This falls in line with the one-form-one-meaning
stance largely taken by cognitive scientists.

13

In addition to the language used in referring to women, according to Lakoff (2004[1975]),
women’s language has particular characteristics, and this research continues to be cited in works
concerning language and gender. These characteristics include polite language and avoidance of
expletives, a richness of vocabulary within certain domains, and speaking in italics, referring to theinflection found in womanly speech.
Lakoff discusses that fulfilling the expectation of speaking in feminine ways a double bindfor women. Although using feminine language is expected and masculine language negates somefemininity, feminine language marks the user as being less powerful and less worthy of being taken
seriously. She discusses four letter words as a strong form of expression that is not generally part ofwomen’s speech.
Allowing men stronger means of expression than are open to women further
reinforces men’s position of strength in the real world: for surely we listen with more
attention the more strongly and forcefully someone expresses opinions, and a speakerunable―for whatever reason―to be forceful in stating his views is much less likely to
be taken seriously.”(Lakoff 2004:45)
Judging based on everyday speech in the present day, one can tell that it is more common now for
women to use these forceful expressive forms, compared to the frame of reference when Lakoff
wrote this work. While it is more common in modern American English, however, there still exists
the concept of it not being “ladylike” or “proper,” and there is still an awareness that it is somewhat
shocking.
The types of gender-specific markedness presented in Lakoff (2004 [1975], 2000) holdtrue in the examples presented in this study4. Marked femininity and femininity are used as framing
strategies to both abbreviated character development in entertainment media, as well as to set
products within a domain in persuasive media. This markedness is one way in which media
consumers’ expectations are either confirmed or challenged (possibly leading to a shift).

4

Lakoff discusses the difference between “lady” “woman” and “girl” as a marker. She sees “lady” as being

without the sexual connotations of “woman,” with a sense of politeness, dignity, and nobility (Lakoff 1975: 61).
“Lady” “girl” and “woman” are worth keeping in mind as labels while analyzing the examples in this research.

14

"We all believe that some ideas, terms, concepts, story-lines, and such, are 'normal'-natural, simple, expected. Others seem more complicated, less probable, even bizarre.
We are prone to consider cases of the former as neutral--not requiring defense or
explanation--but we subject the latter to severe tests and often still refuse to acceptthem"(Lakoff 2000:43)
What we think of as obvious, as the standard, is easily believable, gender roles being an example.
These tend to be unmarked, as they do not need the marker to qualify them. This is related toGeorge Lakoff’s prototypical examples of categories, and other concepts significant in cognitive
linguistics, as discussed later in the chapter. This concept of understanding a particular instance as its
generic category of experience as a way to save mental energy is widely discussed in the literature.
Tannen, another major feminist linguist, uses the concept of “frames,” (or “schemas" laterin her career) as introduced in Fillmore (1982) to explain linguistic acts and our understanding ofthem (Tannen 1993) . Instead of taking our expectations of the world, which can be thought of akind of social prototypes of interaction (schemas) as a negative, which they can be in the sense of
stereotyping, Tannen acknowledges their usefulness.
This prior experience or organized knowledge then takes the form of expectations
about the world, and in the vast majority of cases, the world, being a systematic place,
confirms these expectations, saving the individual the trouble of figuring things out
anew all the time.
(Tannen 1993:21)
This offers a connection to cognitive linguistics, in that individual experience, whether it be direct orindirect (through media or word of mouth) directly relates to whether an example will be consideredcentral to the experiential category or not. These expectations are, for the most part, useful in making
sense of the myriad of stimuli an individual comes in contact with each day.

15

2.1.2. Gender Ideology
Nakamura (2002, 2003, 2014) takes a more global view of women’s language, working on
the level of ideology and society as a whole, rather than individual women’s linguistic acts. In
Gender, Language, and Ideology, she discusses the long and complicated history of Japanesewomen’s language. Salient feminine speech is considered a feature of Japanese, but is commonly
thought to have decreased in frequency among modern women. This is often attributed to theprogression of women’s rights and the loss of the femininity that made Japanese culture so unique.
As Nakamura points out, however, the feared extinction of women’s language, and criticism ofmodern women who “recently” have lost the ability to use it, has been considered problematic for along time.
She goes on to explore the origin of women’s language, and how it was shaped by thepolitical and social climate in different points of Japanese history: the influx of Confucian values
from China, Nationalization, and post-war Nationalism. Nakamura shows that language was largely
shaped by the dominant sociocultural powers, whether it be observations of a class of people(women working in the imperial court), popular media (novels, magazines, newspapers), or official
textbooks, Japanese women’s language is the result of social construction. The attitudes towards theparticular speech used in these contexts has also changed along with the eras leading up to modern
Japan.
Nakamura completely, and radically separates women’s speech from their essence,
presenting it as highly influenced by the media and taking down the idea of it as a natural expressionof femininity. She offers the important viewpoint that language and ideology cyclically produce
and reproduce each other. This goes along with modern feminism and gender studies, which seesgender as more of a performance than an inherent quality. This is all part of gender ideology, a term
which Nakamura builds on, borrowing from field of sociology. Gender ideology offers anothername for the expectations of people based on their gender. In this study, gender ideology is
considered to be a name for a set of societal frames, or expectations placed on individuals based on
their gender. It coincides with the above assertions by other feminist linguistics scholars.
While English does not feature women’s language on a grammatical level, there can beassumed an amount of linguistic education of how the prototypical example of women, ladies,16speak. This linguistic competence (and the choice to express it) places each individual on a spectrumof ladylike-ness. As language is one of many ways in which gender is performed, the choice ofwhen, where, and how much to express femininity affects the way in which other people react toand interact with the language user. Users of both English and Japanese, and presumably any
language to various degrees, must balance the intensity of expression of femininity and masculinity
according to the situation and parties involved. This is connected to both what Lakoff likens to beinga bilingual in feminine and non-feminine speech as well as interactive frames, as discussed in
Tannen (1993, 1994).

2.1.3. Cultural Nuance in Femininity and Language
This all assumes one, homogenous culture within a given space (country, etc.). There is,however, a much more complicated network of subcultures and countercultures within any country
or other space. Social scientists frequently refer to “Japanese culture” or “American society,”comparing and contrasting just one aspect of each, missing, or ignoring, the more nuanced anddiverse midi and micro-cultures within. The United States, with its convoluted history of
immigration, both willing and forced, is an example of many cultures coexisting within theboundaries of country lines. Many of these cultures are marked by race, creating obvious visual
markers of some of the above mentioned cultures. While one can guess with some degree of
accuracy whether someone considers themselves a part of the Black community or Latinx
community, it is not foolproof. Identity is complicated and not necessarily able to be deduced by athird party, and the characteristics of a group are not necessarily equality distributed throughout thegroup, nor are they necessarily well understood by those outside of the group.
As observed in the studies mentioned above, there is a common idea of the generalizations
that we make, that are convenient in quickly understanding the world around us, can cross overfrom being beneficial to harming other people. This harm is, perhaps, less direct and less physical inmany cases than it once was, but the way people think about a certain group and the people thatbelong to (or that they are assumed to belong to) it influences how we act towards them. Whether
we offer that position, cast that vote, or choose a product has more to do with our perception of the17

target than is perhaps comfortable to admit. In this research, we consider this line between harmful
and benign to be the main factor that separates the neutral prototype from the harmful stereotype.
Bell Hooks is not a linguist, but much of her research is based on written sources, and she
acknowledges the importance of language in conceptualization. She opposes the records that claimthat black slave women seduced or had sexual relationships with their owners, while in fact they had
no agency in the matter. This twisting of language allows for the softening and covering of nothingother than systematic, culturally sanctioned rape. When history is taught using this same language,
the reality of criminal acts is not conveyed and entire generations of people learn a much kinder,
gentler version of a heinous reality, misunderstanding the foundations of the country itself. In Aint I
a Woman Hooks dissects what she calls the “Devaluation of Black Womanhood, (Hooks 1982: 51)”
tracing our continued disrespect of and general dislike of black women in modern culture, evencenturies after the supposed end of slavery, and decades after the civil rights movement (Hooks
1982) According to Hooks, this stems from the abovementioned misunderstanding andunderrepresentation of the systematic rape and forced childbearing that was inflicted upon them.
Black women were seen as not only property, and less than human, but the enemy of whitefemininity, in the sense that they were construed as seductresses ruining otherwise moral Christianmen. Their ability to work in the fields alongside men, even immediately preceding and following
childbirth was seen as evidence to their subhumanity. This contributes to the image of black womenbeing “masculinized, subhuman creatures” that remains an underlying factor in how we as a culture
understand and react to them.
Blackness in America is much more complicated than can be discussed here, and affects
both men and women. Black masculinity is seen as dangerous and hypermasculine which canpossibly be traced to the more recent killings of unarmed black men, such as those immediately
preceding the #blacklivesmatter movement.
The language surrounding the construction of certain historical truths undeniably affects
those who learn it. Considering the arguments presented by Hooks in the analysis of modern media
allows for a more nuanced view of American culture, as well as the media produced by other,seemingly unrelated, cultures that have been influenced by Hollywood, music, and the like. As
discussed in Nakamura (2012) the translation of non-Japanese women’s speech into Japanese is ofparticular interest in understanding a culture’s concept of femininity.
18

2.2. A Cognitive Linguistic Approach
While the above studies are extremely valuable and describe the linguistic phenomena, thecontribution to an explanation of why they occur is lacking in some cases. While cognitive
linguistics has its critics, the tools it offers allows for the use of language for a deeper understandingof human thought. Cognitive linguistics is a powerful toolset that is underused by the thesociolinguistics and feminist linguistics communities. Because many researchers active in cognitive
linguistics are of traditionally privileged groups in their particular culture, it is possible that minority
experience in the academic literature is even more disproportionately underrepresented than instandard media. This research seeks to use a cognitive linguistic approach to take into account theembodied experience of those in marginalized groups5.

2.2.1. Metaphor
Conceptual Metaphor theory, presented by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) explains that
metaphor is not a rhetorical device applied to words after the fact, as linguistic decoration, but afoundational part of human thought. They link the embodied experience of being a human, a livingorganism under the influence of the world around us, with cognition and language.
According to Lakoff and Johnson, the root of a metaphor is embodied experience, and the“basic domain of experience,” or “experiential gestalt” shapes how we think and experience theworld. Experiential gestalts “represent coherent organizations of our experiences in terms of naturaldimensions (parts, stages, causes, etc.). Domains of experience that are organized in terms of such
5

Marginalized groups include both those who are in the minority in terms of numbers and those, like women,

who are only represented as minority because of a social power difference. Marginalization is a matter ofdegree in that the numbers and representation can overlap, creating an overall sense of inferiority and not
mattering. While cisgendered women of a dominant social group are marginalized in the sense that they havesome social obstacles, cisgendered women of a minority group would have more, and transgender women ofthat minority group even more.

19

natural dimensions seem to us to be natural kinds of experience” (Lakoff and Johnson 1980: 117).
These natural experiences are a result of “our bodies”, “interactions with our physical environment”,
and “our interactions with other people within our culture” (Lakoff and Johnson 1980:117). They
declare these kinds of experiences to be “products of human nature” (Lakoff and Johnson
1980:117), and continue that “[s]ome may be universal, while others vary from culture to culture”(Lakoff & Johnson 1980: 117-118). This begs the question of what experiences are unnatural. If
everything is experienced through a lens of humanity, any experience a human has that influences
their life should be considered as natural.
Metaphor is useful in picking apart gender ideology in part because it is a multi-levelprocess, appearing both as superficial linguistic expression and as part of the deeper conceptual layer.
As conceptualization is an important cognitive process on an individual level, we can expected it tobe reflected in larger scale societal cognition. While basic-level metaphors such as GOOD IS UP
are included in the embodied experience of humans in general, the question remains about thosewith nonstandard experience.
Many scholars, like Lakoff and Johnson, are writing from a perspective, (in this case, thatof a white, male, able-bodied person) which is considered standard due to the historical turn of
events and current societal climate. And though being a sexual or racial minority, or having adisability would not influence the most basic experiences, the possibility that secondary or tertiary
ones do, remains. Embodied experience, at its foundation, is of and having to do with the body itself.
Because we live in communities within a society, with much of our well being stemming frominteractions and status within these social structures, the importance of societal interactions as apotential motivating factor of cognition cannot be ignored.
The writer of this study proposes that there are multiple levels of conceptual metaphor.
Beyond the the most basic, physical, POWERFUL IS BIG and the emotional HAPPY IS UP, there
is a social component that includes femininity and masculinity, concepts integral to those of us
living in a society that assigns social power based on such.While it may not be as central as thosebodily experiences all humans presumably go through, it is important to understanding theexperience of minority and marginalized groups.
Each individual’s basic experience depends on their situation. While all humans are bornand experience gravity, other parts of experience are more abstract and subjective. As seen in the20

personal care and diet-related advertisements and product naming in Tynes (2016, 2017a, 2017b),
conceptual metaphors can be manipulated to suit the target group by media creators. The evidence
points to a fluid and socially constructed human experience. Even hunger and thirst, which are basic
experiences for living things, may be experienced different parts of the world or different
socioeconomic classes. As social beings, interaction with others determines much of our wellbeing,making it a central part of our experience. Being ostracized, for example, or otherwise treated aparticular way is the reality for people in (or not in, rather) certain social groups.
In a society that idealizes a specific outward appearance, certain body types and physicalfeatures are valued while others are not. While there are some universal and biologically based
standards of attractiveness, such as facial symmetry, much of what we find appealing is sociallyconstructed, as evidenced by cultural differences. In this culture, which places a significant part of awoman’s worth in her outward appearance, the struggle to achieve beauty and thinness, and thesocial status it affords, becomes a basic part of life as a woman. The linguistic acts that shape and areshaped by this embodied experience is worth exploring, in order to more deeply understand anddismantle the linked ideology.

2.2.2. Prototype Effects
Several years later, Lakoff (1987) examines the cognitive mechanisms of categorizationand prototypicality. Lakoff gives several ways in which an example of a category can beconsidered prototypical, such as being a good example, as in, fulfilling the characteristics of acategory. Salience is a prototype effect of particular interest to the author of this research in thatsalient examples, whether or not they accurately represent the entire group or not, often gain afoothold in the creation of discriminative stereotypes. Politicians have been known to use this typeof stereotyping to their advantage in fear mongering during speeches, using a specific example ofthe enemy group to stir up hatred towards an entire people. This particular phenomenon will befurther discussed in Chapter 4.
As ideology describes a set of beliefs that govern the way one thinks, it can be studied inconjunction with prototype theory. In the case of gender, as well as other types of social categories,

21

affects the qualities an ideal example has, and in turn, which examples of a category are deemed
prototypical or non-prototypical.
Prototype theory applies to many levels of cognition, as is supported by linguistic evidence.
The prototypical example of a category changes along with the culture that conceptualizes it.
Depending on the individual, the prototypical example of "mother" presented in Lakoff (1987:79)
as a housewife may no longer apply three decades later, when many American women workoutside of the home. As supported by data presented in Tynes (2016a), conceptual metaphors usedin the context of a group are guided in part by prototypicality. This is one explanation for a female
consumer being conceptualized as a warrior acceptable in some cases in English-language media,
while Japanese media largely avoids it.

2.2.3. Blending and Frames
Fauconnier and Turner (2002) offer Blending Theory, an explanation of how new concepts
come to be. According to blending theory, certain elements of two concepts, or mental spaces, are
combined to form a new one that expresses some elements of both.
Blending can be understood in conjunction with Conceptual Metaphor Theory aspresented in Lakoff and Johnson (1980) in that they describe two different, but adjacent cognitive
processes. Conceptual Metaphor Theory explains one way in which embodied experience shapes
how we think, express ourselves, and interact with the world, while Blending Theory offers an
explanation of how we make sense of the world and create new concepts. They pertain to different
phenomena, with some overlap. Fauconnier and Turner give the following examples of different“fathers.”
The Pope is the father of all Catholics
The Pope is the father of the Catholic Church
George Washington is the father of our country(Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 141)
These could easily be understood as simple metaphors, in terms of the roles a father plays, or one’s
understanding of what a father does. Both theories are important tools in examining the various

22media examples in this study. Fauconnier and Turner discuss the flexibility of human cognition interms of frames.
All of this feltwork of knowledge is available for recruitment to the inputs andprojection thence to the blend. Knowing someone means knowing what that person
will do in the most diverse situations, including novel or impossible ones, andknowing that depends on knowing what the person has done in the past, and being
able to apply frames to the old and new situations. Similarly, knowing a frame isknowing specific instances and how various characters operate inside it. There is nolimit to the amount of detail in frames or identities, and at the neurocognitive level ofactivations, frames and characters are always intertwined.”(Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 262)
We can imagine situations that have not happened, or will not happen, based on our experience withpast events and circumstances. What if, however, this knowledge were based on social
constructions, which do not necessarily reflect the individuals over which the frame is placed.
This brings us back to the idea of frames presented by Lakoff (2000, 2004[1975]), Tannen(1993), Cameron (1997), and gender ideology as discussed in Nakamura (2014). When we “know”
women or minorities through the media, our assumptions are based on the constructions created by
the producers or other media makers, and the people in positions of power are those who havehistorically been in power: caucasian men in America and Japanese men in Japan. In other words,
those who are creating media representations of minority groups do so largely through a lens ofprivilege and power. The people who then, consume the media, are exposed to what is potentially
fictitious representations of actual people, thus normalizing and fossilizing stereotypes. When the
media representations are not balanced by a greater amount of real-life experience, the media
representation takes precedence, and any bias taken as truth. The power of media to simulate
experience and influence our thought highlights the importance of balanced, fair, representation.
Coulson (1997), a student of Fauconnier, builds on frames and blending, further exploring
the concept of frame shifting in a sociolinguistic context. She examines examples the language
surrounding morally and politically charged topics such as the morality of abortion (Coulson 1997).
She asserts that differences in semantic and pragmatic choices point to differences in the language
user’s underlying moral framework.
23.
2.2.4. Cognitive Sociolinguistics
Koller (2008a, 2008b, 2008c ) takes a cognitive linguistic approach to sociolinguistics andcritical discourse, specifically in regards to gender (Koller 2008a, 2008c). Koller uses Conceptual
Metaphor Theory to analyze the portrayal of female CEOs in mainstream and lesbian-oriented
magazines, differences in the ways in both the CEOs themselves are conceptualized, as well as how
they are seen as positioned within their community. She observes several seemingly contradictory
metaphors, such as BUSINESSWOMEN AS CAREGIVERS and warriors, and attributes the gap
to that between these women and the conventional role of women in society (Koller 2008a). Koller
takes a holistic approach, venturing into the semiotics of pink as a sexuality marker in the media(2008c). She also looks at the conceptualization and personification of companies as a wholethrough their mission statements (2008b).
Koller’s work is of particular interest to this research in that it considers both commercial
and noncommercial media from a cognitive sociolinguistic approach.

2.2.5. The Cognitive Linguist’s Toolkit
In addition to the specific researchers mentioned above, this study uses tools widely usedthroughout the cognitive linguistic community to explain and clarify the concepts discussed, heavily
relying on figures and concepts presented in Langacker (2002, 2008) and Yamanashi (2000, 2012).
Although the above mentioned studies may, at a glance, seem unrelated, thanks to the flexibility ofand holistic approach afforded by the cognitive linguistic enterprise, we can understand many of themedia strategies, especially those in media meant to convince, as part of the schema-prototypeextension network.
Concepts such as central-peripheral, the domain matrix, and cognitive processes including
but not limited to categorization, backgrounding, and focusing are integral to analyzing the linguistic
phenomena that appear in this case study. The ways in which the above influence how a given
category grows or shrinks in relation to the gradual process of extension through the addition or
exclusion of particular examples.

24For the purpose of clarity, these cognitive processes are presented as separate and distinct
from one another. In natural linguistic acts, however, several of these, as well as additional processes,
such as focus shift and blending, may co-occur. This study is conducted from the perspective thatmeaning and understanding are dynamic, on-line processes that influence and are influenced bycontext in both a narrow and wide sense. Frame theory, as discussed in Fillmore (1982), Tannen(1993, 1994), Tannen and Wallat (1993), Coulson (1997), and others, provides a basis on which toanalyze such contexts

2.3. Category Manipulation and Gender-based Domains
The strategies used in persuasive media can be assumed to be different from those ofentertainment media. In entertainment media, prototypes (and stereotypes) based on gender
ideology are used as primarily an abbreviation of actual context and character development. Any
obvious difference in the value system between the media and the within the viewers themselves(and thus the main culture of which they are a part) would be jarring, but may play less of a central
role than in that of persuasive media.
The role of prototypes in persuasive media may be greater, in that they set up the media
consumer (reader/listener/watcher/etc.), who also plays the role of the assume conceptualizer, toplay a certain part. In other words, the audience is not simply observing the scene played out in the
media, but is invited to be active in the sense of buying the product, paying for the service, or taking
some political action (whether it be less obviously political, such as changing one’s lifestyle in thesense of taking on roles traditionally occupied by the opposite gender, or explicitly political, such as
in voting for a particular candidate).
As experience with a particular subject or concept increases, its potential to be normalized withina particular conceptualizer’s mind also increases. On one hand, women and minorities appearing in
the media more frequently can be considered a positive improvement, but the quality of those
exposures is also important. Representation that relies on stereotypes based on gender and other
ideologies runs the risk of fossilizing those stereotypes. In other words, increasing instances of more
realistic representation that acknowledges the natural variation within a group, including minority
groups, is the ideal. Because language used in the media and other public spaces is in a cyclical25

relationship of creation and re-creation with ideology in a given society (Nakamura: 2002, 2003), it
has the potential to normalize the natural variation that already exists within social categories6.
Acceptance of variation within a category is a process of understanding something as an
instance of that category, thus broadening that category.
Generally, these types of ability reflect the capacity for categorization, based on a
prototype. Capabilities related to categorization are not limited to these. Through thecognitive process of similarity between multiple cases, as well as the ability to extract
more general schema from these cases, are notable aspects of the ability to categorize.
(Yamanashi 2000: 180. My translation)
These processes of instantiation can be thought of as deeply connected to normalization.
Persuasive media7 often strategically uses this process of instantiation when encouraging
behaviors that go against gender ideology (or other ideologies), including those that may have been
traditionally forbidden for that group. The conceptualizer’s existing conceptual categories are shiftedto include the product/service, or political action as an instance of that category.
In this strategy, by placing these under a schema as instances of desirable behavior, thecategory stretches to include this particular extension. We cannot, however, say that categories canendlessly stretch to accommodate new cases, because there is the possibility of instances becoming
obsolete and being excluded from the category. For example, although corsets were standard
garments centuries ago, corsets are no longer part of the conceptual category of modern speakers ofEnglish. They may have been everyday items at some time, but now they are relegated to6

In this research, “language used in the media” or “media language” holistically refer to words spoken or

written by the people who appear in the media themselves, explanation/description of or comments about
those visible people, speech or text aimed at (or engaging with) the viewers, readers, or listeners themselves,
and any other linguistic acts in the media.
7

The objective of political and marketing media can be taken as to convince the viewer/reader/listener ofsomething and get them to take a specific action. This action can include the financial, paying for a service or
product, or political, as voting for a candidate or adjusting one’s lifestyle in line with particular views. This is incontrast with entertainment media which, although often supported by sponsors who have financial interest,
enjoyment on the part of the media consumer can be thought of as its primary purpose.

26

Halloween costumes and the like. Manipulation of the way categories expand and shrink is an
important skill of persuasion.
<Instantiation Processes in Category Manipulation>

Figure 2-1

There may be some overlap and processes that can possibly lead to either category expansion orcompression, depending on the usage. The processes of expansion and compression can be
imagined as a flow in order from the mainly activated capacity to secondarily activated ones. These
processes can be used to expand the category to something outside of the domain dictated by gender
ideology, as well as to guide the choice of a specific example within the category8. Being outside of
8

Both domains that are set in opposition to each other (for men, the feminine, and for women, themasculine), and those that are not yet fixed in terms of masculine or feminine are outside of one’s domain.
However, as it is not necessary to neutralize the “opposite” gender in a new concept, it would be easier toincorporate, relative to concepts with established gender ideology. Because men and women are presented asbinary, if a concept or behavior is connected to masculinity or femininity, it is difficult to then place it in the
opposite domain.

27

the domain can refer to the concrete level of the actual behavior or product, as well as the expression(cf. advertising method) of it.
Gender ideology and media language reflect each other, meaning not only that conceptual
shifts are expressed linguistically, but also that social reform can start on a linguistic level. By taking
advantage of this cycle of discourse and society, we can hope to approach greater equality. In orderto improve this situation, it is necessary to understand the current circumstances. In our case, thismeans close examination of linguistic phenomena in the media, and analysis of any patterns thatemerge.
In this chapter we have discussed the existing body of literature and the theoreticalframework on which this study is built. A combination of sociolinguistic, critical discourse, andcognitive linguistic techniques provide the tools to thoroughly examine modern media. The
following chapters will use this framework to analyze real-world media examples, plus any studies
that are directly related to each particular type of media.

28

Chapter 3
Mass Media Discourse and Gender Ideology

This study separates media into three main categories: entertainment, political, andmarketing media. While there is some overlap, especially when strategies, such as productplacement within entertainment media and commercials in which the lines between entertainment
and marketing blur are considered, organizing the dissertation by media type allows us to findpatterns the way in which cognitive processes are evoked in the frames of entertainment, social
action, and as a consumer.
The mass media discussed in this chapter is that which is primarily accessed forentertainment, whether there are sponsors that heavily influence the content or not. It is a very broad
category that includes print, audio, and audiovisual sources, but tied together in the sense that it is notdirectly related to capitalism or politics.
Whether to include non-political social media here is an important question. Social media is
important in actually looking at social trends, as it is not filtered through a chain of decision makers(in positions of power and privilege, thus unable to speak from the minority experience) who OK
media as it is produced. As it is impossible to analyze the entire internet, this research will consider
major trends in social media,while keeping in mind the special features that distinguish it from oneway, more intentional media.

3.1. Language and Gender
As demonstrated by the research of numerous linguistics and gender scholars, gender, andas other socially defined characteristics, affects how people understand the world, and is connected
to how we express ourselves and express thoughts about others. Lakoff (2004[1975]) brought
attention to the perceived gender gap in the English language. While not all of the characteristics arestill relevant to the degree they once were, feminine and masculine language has been extensively
29

studied (Holmes 1986, Holmes 1995, Lakoff 2004/1975, Tannen 1994, Cameron 1997). Thesescholars examine women’s and men’s language in terms of subtle factors such as politeness andlexicon. The above scholars focus on English women’s language. This section Japanese, however,has clearer delineation between masculine and feminine speech, which is especially observable inentertainment media. The following is an overview of gender and Japanese language.

3.1.1. Women’s Language and Men’s Language
Onnakotoba, or women’s language, is extensively used in the Japanese media. Even
without any visual or aural cues, it is quite possible for readers to understand the speaker’s gender.
As discussed in Nakamura (2012) and Tynes (2016), even media that was originally in English,
with less obvious gender cues, translation into Japanese yields a dramatic rise in femininity. Beyond
the inflection, lexicon, and politeness commonly referred to in discussions on feminine speech in
English, Japanese linguistic features, such as the sentence-final particles “wa” and “yo-ne” clearlymark feminine speech.
Otokokotoba, or men’s language, is widely considered to be the opposite of women’s
language, which is likely because of the binary conceptualization of the social categories men andwomen. As discussed in Nakamura (2014), the men’s language that includes the sentence-final
particles “ze” and “zo” is not exactly the opposite. Women’s language, as we can see from the social
context of people complaining about its loss, is the ideal women are to aim for in their never ending
quest for femininity. Men’s language, on the other hand, expresses not the standard for men, but arough, threatening, and sometimes violent masculinity. Suzuki (1993) calls these “Word forms thatwomen cannot use[Josei no tsukaenai go keishiki].” Each of the following word forms is aconjugation, ending both the verb it modifies and the sentence in its entirety.
“da [it is]” “da-yo [it is (emphasis)]” of assertion“u/you [let’s]” “mai [not]” of volition“na [don’t]” “na-yo [don’t]” of imperative form/prohibition“ka [is?]” “kai [is?]” inquiries in plain form
(Suzuki ：1993)

30

This marked men’s language is often used to express perceived dominance, and is not standard forpolite conversation. As discussed in Nakamura (2014), standard Japanese did not come about
naturally, but was collected and created by the government as part of forming a unified country outof several distinct cultures. This standard Japanese was a prescription of what they imagined theideal language for Japan as a country was like, not a description of how people actually spoke.
Nakamura (2014) evaluates standard Japanese as being masculine, rather than neutral, which
explains why men can use it as is, while women are to enhance its femininity.

3.1.2. Politeness and Gender
Women are traditionally thought to be more linguistically polite than men. Lakoff(2004[1975]) proposes that women are both more polite and less rude, in that they avoid expletives
and other language that would be deemed too strong. While gender was not included in the originalpoliteness formula, Brown and Levinson (2001[1987]) do mention the possibility that it is a factor9.
Due to social standing in certain cultures, women may weigh face threatening acts more heavily
than men. To what degree this applies to other languages and the cultures that use them remains aquestion in considering speech acts.
Japanese has more levels of speech than in English, and can be thought of as having 4 tiers:
informal, teineigo (desu/masu form), kenjougo (humble), and sonkeigo (honorific). While English is
not without polite speech, as we are more than able to express ourselves appropriately within the9

According to the politeness theory released by Brown and Levinson (1987), politeness has to do with the

speaker’s Negative Face, the desire to remain undisturbed, and Positive Face, the desire to be well liked, as wellas those of the hearer. Social standing affects whose face is prioritized and to what degree. Brown andLevinson (1987) estimate the face risk of interactions with this equation:
Wx = D (S, H) + P (H, S) + Rx
They identify Weightiness, Speaker, Hearer, Distance, Power, and Risk as important in determining theavailability of any particular speech act. The speaker then decides whether to commit the speech act at all, or tosoften it with positive or negative politeness strategies, which appeal to the hearer’s positive or negative face.

31social structure, in Japanese the hierarchical relationship between the speaker and the hearer isexpressed on a grammatical level. English politeness works by choosing appropriate words for theinteraction (slang, formal words, technical terms) using or not using textbook appropriate grammar(double negatives, etc.), and upping politeness by hedging and other strategies (Brown andLevinson 2001[1987]:).
At the hyper-polite level, Japanese introduces “go~ni naru” and “o~suru,” as well as
entirely different verbs to express either the speaker’s low status (kenjougo humble language) or thehearer’s high status (sonkeigo honorific language).These politeness levels generally occur in spoken
language, or text meant to read like spoken language such as in novels, manga, and blogs. The
writer, and thus the writer’s subjective identity tends not to appear in written Japanese. As genderspecific expressions are a part of the speaker’s subjectivity, and honorific/humble language focuseson the hierarchical relationship between the speaker and hearer rather than the speaker’s identity,
femininity and hyper-masculinity tend not to occur in, and usually contradict, very polite language.
Women’s language and men’s language are used in the media to mark a speaker as
masculine or feminine, reducing the need for explanation and thus reducing the amount ofcharacters or run time used on introducing a character. Kinsui (2003) highlights other types oflanguage that mark the speaker as occupying a specific social category10. As with other role
language, masculine and feminine speech appears most readily in informal speech, where modality
and the speaker’s emotion/mental state/identity is most likely to be expressed (Kinsui 2003). He
presents the role language index to explain the amount of role language in a specific level of speech.
0Written language

0.5

Public spoken language

1

Private/personal spoken language>1

Includes dialects and other features(Kinsui 2003: 69)

The writer generally considers the 0.5 level to be unmarked. Usami (2002) breaks Japanese down
into six similar, but more detailed levels: (S) Super Polite, (P) Polite, (N) Nonpolite, Nonmarked
10

Kinsui (2003) discusses the speech of professors, foreigners, and other groups.

32

Utterances, (I) Impolite, and (W) Written Language. Nonpolite speech can be taken as on part with
Kinsui’s role language level of 1, as the level in which role language, especially women’s language,is readily used. As discussed above, men’s language largely displays a rough type of masculinity,
lending it more to the Impolite level of speech. Takasaki (1996) suggests the following categories ofgender expression in speech on television.
(a)Linguistic forms/expressions for women onlyInterjections “ara [dear me]”Sentence-final particles “~mono [because]” “~kashira[I wonder]”Beautified language “o-keiko-goto [(honorable) lessons]”
Pronouns “atashi[me]” “atakushi[me]” “shujin [the head of the house]”, etc.

(b)

Linguistic forms/expressions frequently used by womenSentence-final particles “desu-yo-ne [most definitely]” , “deshou-ne [I suppose itis]”Emphatic expressions “sugoku [very]” “tottemo [very]”, etc.

(n) (neutral) Linguistic forms/expressions used regardless of gender(c) Linguistic forms/expressions not usually used by women
Emphatic expressions “iyaa [naah]”Slang “dasai [out of fashion]”
Declarations such as “omotta wake [thought so]” without “desu” or “masu,” etc.
(d) Linguistic forms/expressions that women almost never use
Particles “zo [(adds emphasis)]”, “na [ (strong emotion) ]”Volitional form at the end of a sentence “you [let’s]”
Presumption at the end of a sentence “darou [I guess]”
Assertion at the end of a sentence “da [is]”(Takasaki: 1996)
Linguistic phenomena, including sentence ending particles are categorized according to the distancefrom the neutral (n) category, with (b) and (c) being more neutral than the nearly exclusively
feminine (a) and nearly exclusively masculine (d). Over two decades have passed since 1996, and33

Japanese has changed during that time. Observation of current Japanese suggests that the forms
listed under (c) as not generally being used by women have shifted in to more neutral use, especiallyamong the younger generation. Even the (d) category is sometimes used, although it can beconsidered a rebellious act. When analyzing media sources, however, these categories are still worth
considering.

3.1.3. Beautiful JapaneseJapanese speech can be “beautified” with bikago, in which one decorates nouns withhonorific markers outside of the context of super polite, honorific or humble, speech. It is somewhat
different from honorific and humble speech, as it is centered on the speaker, and marks the user as
being of class regardless of their social standing when compared to the hearer11. For this reason,
while it may be considered a type of role language, used in performance of the role "lady." Thisappeal of classy femininity can be made with virtually any noun, allowing the user to beautify
anything from cars to coffee to beer. Granted, this is a matter of degree, with words that are moreconventionally beautified than others. In some cases, this structure has become so commonly used
that, while having the appearance of bikago, it is no longer understood as such. While “go-han[meal]” and “o-bentou [boxed lunch]” technically have these markers, they are understood more
readily as the single word “gohan” and, to a lesser extent, “obentou.” The separation between thebeautifying marker and the object itself is backgrounded, forming one concept rather than thehonorable+meal or honorable+boxed lunch construction. This is an example of gestalt effects,
which, at the time of this writing, are stronger in “gohan” than in “obentou,” as evidenced by the factthat in modern Japanese there are people who say “bentou” but very few that say “han,” even in an
informal context12.

11

Technically, marking objects with the honorific “o” or “go” honors the object, implying a sense ofclassiness in the person who comments on or interacts with it.
12

On the other hand, the same character’s kunyomi, or Japanese reading, is “meshi,” which is commonly used

in informal, masculine speech.

34

<Gestalt Effects in “Gohan”>

Figure 3-1
Beautified language, much like beauty in outward appearance, can be considered an important
feminine feature. Much like the concept of being a lady, it is not an innate characteristic, but instead
must be learned from the surrounding culture.
It is interesting that while masculinity and femininity are socially constructed and sociallymandated, speakers are expected to take it on as their own identity. This compulsory identity
appears not only in speech, but in other forms of self expression, such as the outward features ofclothing and hairstyle, and even in one’s choice in career. While some jobs have become moreneutral and accessible to people regardless of gender, such as nursing13 and medicine, others remain
distinctly masculine or feminine, such as firefighting or homemaking14.
In all parts of a woman’s life, attractiveness is a major factor in her value. We value womenbased not on their deeds or accomplishments, but on how pleasant they are to be around, in terms of
13

In modern Japanese, the word for nurse is “kangoshi,” which can be directly translated to “master ofnursing.” This word was adopted after the gendered “kangofu,” or “nurse woman” went out of style after beinglabeled discriminatory language. This can be thought to coincide with an increase of men choosing to go into
the field.
14

The word “shufu”, meaning housewife, includes the same “fu” as in note 4, meaning woman. Because of

the flexibility afforded by Chinese characters, the male version retains the sound “shufu,” but the “fu” in thiscase is the character for husband, creating the Japanese version of househusband. Chinese characters inJapanese generally have at least two readings, the on-yomi based on the original Chinese reading and the kunyomi Japanese reading. This can be considered a blend of housewife (“shufu”) and husband (kun-yomi: “otto,”
on-yomi: “fu”) to create the new concept.

35

her physical beauty, personality, and other (socially constructed) traits. Women are for consumption,
for looking at rather than listening to. Considering the available linguistic characteristics in Japanese,
femininity in language has some importance in construing a character as beautiful or attractive inJapanese media. Jugaku (1979), who is credited with bringing the study of women’s language toJapan, points out that “In so-called masculinity, cuteness is not a requirement. In femininity, thischaracteristic that is not even considered in masculinity is the first on the list (Jugaku 1979:124).”
Both for outward appearance and behavior such as language, her ideas about the concept ofcuteness in femininity still ring true today. This concept of cute, that is particularly central to
Japanese femininity, so much that “kawaii” is now a world-famous concept, both visually andlinguistically.
Soshite kawairashisa no gutaiteki na
koumoku wa, ooku no fooku ga iyani
nukenuke toutatteiru you ni kodori ya kojika,koinu nanoda. Inu ni mo ookii dosshirishita,
kore zo inu toiu shurui ga tata aru ga, sore wa
onna no imeeji de wa nai noda. Koinu yabanbi, soshite karen na chiisa na tori tachi.
Hossori shite otoko no tenaka ni osamerareru
you na taoyakasa.

The concrete items cuteness is, to manyfolks, a somewhat miserable baby bird,
fawn, or puppy. There are many types ofdog that are big and chunky with such an
essence of dog-ness, but that is not theimage of a woman. That is the puppy or
Bambi, or lovely little bird. So slim anddelicate that the hands of a man cancontain them.
(Jugaku 1979: 125)

This particular breed of weak and fragile cuteness remains important in modern Japanese femininity,
which explains why linguistic cuteness, in the form of women’s language, is often added in English
to Japanese translations. This femininity helps in constructing sufficiently cute, attractive charactersin the media.

3.2. Prototypes in Character Development
Playing into our prototypes is an effective and widely used strategy in media. Because wehave expectations of what will happen in a given situation, the media makers skip the necessity oftelling that part of the story. These can be thought of a type of experiential gestalt, whether theexperience is within our own lives and physical experience, or “experienced” as witnessed through36the media. As we continue to experience through the media, those particular instances become
increasingly central in our, the media consumers’ minds.
Some of these tropes extend into and go back and forth between the parts of our lives lived
firsthand and those lived through media. As we are the same beings while we go to work and school
and when we sit in front of our screens, the prototypes that are solidified in the media are likely to bebrought into other areas of life, and the decision making processes that occur there. Using prototypes(and when they become harmful, stereotypes) in media allows the media makers to abridge thecharacter development or explanation process, saving valuable run time or space on a page.
While the prototypical version of mother given by Lakoff (1987:83-84) as a stay at homemother may not be as realistic in our economic climate more than three decades later in which manymothers work outside of the home in both the United States and Japan, it may still be considered theideal.
Tynes (2016) links this idea of prototype to those of central and peripheral given in
Yamanashi (2000).
<Image Schema of Central and Peripheral A>

Figure 3-2(Yamanashi 2000: 148. Labels added)<Image Schema of Central and Peripheral B>

Figure 3-3(Yamanashi 2000: 160-161 Labels added)
37

The degree of centrality (central, peripheral, or outside) of subjects in categories that appear in
sentences such as “This is outside of my field” or “The answer was far from the right one” overlaps
with the prototypical centrality as discussed in Lakoff (1987). Tynes discusses that the more antiprototypical factors a subject has, the further they tend to be from centrality in the category which, inturn, reduces the degree to which it is valued as an example of the category.
<Conical Model of Social Value>

Figure 3-4(Tynes 2016b: 38)
The more central the subject is, the more value it has as an example of the category. Tynes (2016)
gives the following examples of non-prototypical examples of “mother” and “father” as shown
below.
<Prototype as Expressed in the Conical Model of Social Value>

Figure 3-5(Tynes 2016b: 39)

38

Tynes (2016) asserts that this degree of prototypicality tends to be reflected in language in the media.
<Conical Model of Social Value on the Level of Language>

Figure 3-6(Tynes 2016b: 40)

3.2.1. Examples Consistent with Gender Ideology (Central)
In a patriarchal society, such as modern Japan or the United States, men are the center ofmost spaces. The beliefs dictated by gender ideology that men go out into society and work, while awoman’s place is in the home and anything else she wants to do is extra, still prevail, though they
are becoming less pronounced in modern times. The male experience is the standard in most cases,
and women, who are thought of as being the opposite in a binary, are more easily conceptualized as
objects to be acted upon rather than subjects. Most media features men as the protagonist, and when
women do act as such, the premise of the story often involves a romantic relationship or pursuit ofsome man or men. While many believe that we have achieved the goals of feminism and no longer
need to focus on women’s issues, it cannot be ignored that mainstream media often cannot passsomething as simple as the Bechdel Test15. This lack of ability to see women as more than just anaccessory to men can be explained by a social tendency to not value women’s experiences.
15

The Bechdel Test is a commonly referenced set of rules for assessing gender bias in works of fiction. A

media work passes if it fulfills the criteria that there are (1) at least two women with names who (2) speak toeach other about (3) anything other than a man at least once. While this test comes up in gender studies, media

39

In this section, we reveal the inclination to view women as objects as being rooted in social
cognition, through the processes of conceptualization, categorization, metonymy, and metaphor.
The following examples are of internet and print magazines (some being both) which, though they
may have underlying purposes of selling a product or recommending a lifestyle or political stance,are primarily for entertainment as far as the reader is concerned. Just the fact that magazines labeled“women’s interest” exist at all is a testament to the belief that beauty and matching the male gaze arethings that women are supposed to find interesting. Of course, nowadays a woman can also haveother interests, such as music or gardening, but some of her interests are assumed based on gender.
While magazines are considered to be main media, accessed primarily for their content, because of
their product reviews and recommendations, there is financial motivation beyond that of selling themagazine itself. Grooming the readers to have a certain preference or be loyal to certain brands
ensures customers in to the future as well.
The following examples establish a theme that we find in all types of media discussed inthis dissertation. While it can be said that all people belong to the culture they live in, in a patriarchal
society, men of the dominant race and class are the actors, while people in other groups are
objectified to varying degrees. The influence of gender ideology is the focus of this study, with raceand other ideologies not explored beyond the intersection with gender,
Whether someone is likely to become subject or object in a conceptualization depends inpart on social hierarchy that gives context and organizes the interaction. Certain affordances are
granted (the right to comment on bodies of a certain shape/size/color) or taken away depending on
one’s position, including ones that to command the public space and the people whose bodies
occupy it.

studies, and related fields, it was originally introduced in a 1985 comic strip by Alison Bechdel. See
https://bechdeltest.com/ for a list of movies and whether they have passed or failed.

40

3.2.1.1 The Importance and Necessity of Beauty
Just as is described in its subtitle, “‘Gaaru16’ kara ‘Ledi’ e (From ‘Girl/Gal’ to ‘Lady’)”,targets women in their 20s, helping them to become “ladies” rather than “girls.”
Dai tokushuu
Shizentai de onna-rashii―
Kare mesen mo daiji ni shita fukusou
erabi dakara futari de narande e ni naru♥
Imadoki suteki kappuro no
kanojo sutairu tte
risou no oshare

Special feature
Natural and feminine―
Choosing clothes that cherish his eyes toomeans that the two of you side by side is likeart♥
Nowadays nice couple’s
girlfriend style isideal fashion(“‘Kare Mesen’ de Seichoushita Watashi no Oshare” JJ 2017:35)(“My Style that Grew Up Because of ‘His Gaze’” JJ 2017: 35)
The idea that “natural and feminine” must be taught is contradicts itself, unintentionally highlighting
the social construction of gender, and is evidence that gender is more a matter of what is normalized
through ideology than the nature of any individual. In order to become a "nice couple" specificallythe woman’s style comes into question17. If one needs the equivalent of an instruction manual torealize her "natural" self, then we must rethink what nature means in this context. The concept of"natural" in the world of beauty seems to mean something quite different from the standard usage.
Rather than expressing something in its unaltered state it points to a state in which the cosmetics orother beautifying devices themselves do not stand out. “Natural” appears to mean “appearing
natural,” with the work that went into creating the facade being hidden from view. It can be thought
16

There are two versions of “girl” in katakana, the neutral “gaaru” and “gyaru” that denotes a specificsubculture that rebels against the classic restrained Japanese woman, featuring gaudy clothes, bright hair, andheavy makeup. This subtitle contains the neutral “gaaru,” which can be thought of as an equivalent of the
English word, but with a somewhat modern and worldly nuance brought forth by its status as a loan word.

17

The assumption that there is a boyfriend and girlfriend is, of course, in the case of a heterosexual couple. As

society, and mainstream media, is heteronormative, unless otherwise marked, a heterosexual couple in which
both parties are cisgendered is assumed.

41

of as in contrast to the “LOADED BOLDS” lipstick commercial analyzed in Tynes (2017a), and uses
the tools of beauty to adjust one's appearance to coincide with the ideal rather than using it in an
unconventional way to rebel18.
Shigoto mo ganbari-doki de, tomodachi tono jikan mo taisetsu.
To wa ie jibun no jikan datte hoshii―
Itsu datte yokubari no 20-dai dakeredo,
hitohada koishii kisetsu wa
Yappari ren’ai no koto o kangaeru.
Mukashi dattara, deeto no zenjitsu ni wa"kare no sukina fuku" o souzoushite
Kiai o ireta "THE mote fuku" o erandeita
keredo,ima wa, watashi-rashii jibun no suki na
fuku o beesu ni
kare ga "ii ne" tte itte kureta aitemu mosukoshi tori irete mitari…♥"Nandaka o-niai dana" to omou kappuru
no kanojo no oshare wa,
ima, watashi-tachi ga mezashitai"shizentai de onna-rashii" sutairu wokanaeru hinto ga tsumatte isou desu!

Now is the time to work hard at my job, andspending time with friends is important.
That said, I want time to myself too―
Even though my 20s is a greedy time, during
this season when I miss the touch of anotherperson,I think of romance.
In the past, on the day before a date
I would imagine “his favorite clothes”
and give it my all in choosing “THE
attractive clothes,”
now I base (my outfits) on clothes I like andlook good inand try including a some items he’s said
“that’s nice”…♥
The girlfriend’s style in couples you think“somehow they seem nice together”
might give us a hint about the “natural andfeminine” style we are trying to go for!

(“‘Kare Mesen’ de Seichoushita Watashi no Oshare” JJ 2017:35)(“My Style that Grew Up Because of ‘His Gaze’” JJ 2017: 35)
According to this article, the responsibility of both the creation of the couple, plus how they arereceived by those around, them is the woman’s. Changing her clothing choices to fit the man’s is yet
another instance in which men are the protagonists in society, with the right to decide what is goodin their particular sphere of influence.
On the other side of this concept of “natural and feminine” is “unnatural” and “unfeminine.”
Although men are just as able to look for items his partner would like and think carefully about how
to match her style, that ability is backgrounded because worrying about appearance is part of thefeminine domain, and thus her responsibility. It must be reframed and recategorized for it to bebrought into the domain of masculinity, just as the examples we will examine in the next section.
18

The “LOADED BOLDS” line features bright, obvious colors such as red, blue, and black, using fighting

metaphors in its advertising. See Chapter 5 for a more thorough analysis.

42

The following examples are from Mrs Plus, a magazine aimed toward women somewhat
older. The title implies that the reader is already married, unlike those of JJ, Non no, An an, and theothers, who are presumably looking to attract a mate or solidify her relationship.
Though she is not defined in her relationship to a particular man, a woman in the workplaceis valued in part because of her visual influence. Her skillful performance of womanhood ensuresthat she is well received and seem smart without losing her feminine worth. With value tied up in
youthfulness, however, it is doubtful that the illusion of societal power gained compares to that ofyounger women. This particular article is part of a special feature for working women andintroduces "Highly Favored Business Style [Koukando no Takai Bijinesu Sutairu]."
Natsu ni mukau kore kara no kisetsu wa akarui During this season, as we start heading towards
iro no suutsu o erande, karuyaka ni koukando o summer, let’s choose brightly colored suits to up
appu sasemashou.
our favorability rating.
（〈Tokushuu〉Hataraku Josei-tachi e 2018:38）（〈Special Edition〉To Women Who Work 2018:38）
Shinpuru na jaketto wa
tomosuru to kashikoi inshou ni narigachi.
Sutairingu ni gara o toriireru koto dejouhin na joseirashisa o apiiru shimasu.

Having a simple jacket tends to leave a smart
impression.
Including patterns in styling it makes an appeal
to classy femininity.

（“〈Tokushuu〉Hataraku Josei-tachi e” Mrs Plus, No760: 40）（〈Special Edition〉To Women Who Work 2018:40）
Appearance continues to be an emphasized for women in the workplace, even if she is not in theprocess of attracting a mate. The idea that women are for decoration, and their womanliness comesfrom beauty, is not one that only exists in women’s magazines. The fact that these articles and othermedia do not have to explain the concept that women must be beautiful, that there is no clear
explanation of our roles in society, is because it is background information made obvious by social
context. Because media language reflects the mainstream cognition of the culture it comes from, theembedded gender ideology will appear in some way in any form of media.
While advertising media has strong and obvious ties to marketing, consumerist femininity
can appear in other kinds of media, as it does in these fashion and lifestyle magazines. Media canencourage readers, listeners, or viewers to buy a certain company’s product, pay for a service, or43even simply participate in fashion trends as a way to make herself more attractive simultaneously
encourages consumer culture as a system. These media makers use prototypes and concepts that
already exist in the community to create a sense of need and market effectively too that group.

3.2.1.2. The Male Gaze in Men’s Magazines
It comes to no surprise that men’s magazines would be written for men largely from thepoint of view of men, in order for the reader to feel a sense of belonging and camaraderie. Tarzan is
described as “a men’s health magazine sold by the Japanese publisher Magazine House,” and inissue No. 741, published in May 2018, features the creation of a functional body.
GOOD PERFORMANCE BODY
Hoshii no wa “Ugokeru Karada”
Taazan no hansamu sengen! Sono ippo toshite “Ugokeru Karada” o torimodosou.
Shisei o tadasu. Fankushonaru toreeningu
o jissen suru. Atarashii supoutsu ohajimeru. Doushin ni modotte, shinshin okaihou suru. Nani kara hajimeta tte ii.
Kono 1-satsu de, keikai katsu jizai niugokeru karada wa, kimi no monoda!

GOOD PERFORMANCE BODY
What I want is a “Moveable Body”
This is Tarzan’s declaration ofhandsomeness! Let’s take the first step to getback that “Moveable Body.” Fix yourposture. Practice functional training. Start a
new sport. Go back to childhood andrelease your body and mind. Start withanything. With this one volume, the nimble
body that can move freely is yours!
（Tarzan No. 741, emphasis added）

A major step for a man to be “handsome” is his own level of comfort in his body, that it moves as
he pleases. How attractive he is to others is secondary, the motivation to change being that the reader
himself feels younger and feels good physically and mentally.
Along with the man-oriented content, there are some articles in which women appear, such as inthis post on the magazine’s blog, “KyouTore (TrainToday)”.
Wachichi ga Kawaru
GO!GO!
KyouTore GIRL

Wachichi Changes
GO!GO!
TrainToday GIRL

44

Gurabia tarento・Wachi Minami ga Kami
Bodii ni naru made.
――――――――――――――――“Tarzan”
No.738
Omake no Wachichi

Until the gravier19 talent ・ Minami Wachi
becomes a god body.
――――――――――――――――“Tarzan”
No.738Bonus Wachichi(KyouTore GIRL | by Tarzan)(TrainToday GIRL | by Tarzan)

The diminutive nickname, “Wachichi” is derived from the model’s last name, “Wachi,” and impartsa cute, immature impression. “Kami bodii (god-body)” likely refers to a body type that isworshipped as ideal, but unattainable for most women. Becoming a god body can be assumed to be
for the viewing pleasure of other people, specifically the readership. Perhaps, as the series continues,
she will gain a higher social position linguistically, but this is doubtful, as we will see in later
examples in this section. Even women who are worshipped for their bodies are still more like
objects of desire than people to be respected. It is worth noting that the introduction for the magazine
itself discusses men’s bodies as a possession (“hoshii [wanting]” “torimodosou [get it back]” “kimino mono da [it’s yours]”) while this woman’s body is something to become (“kami bodii ni naru
[become a god body]”). How much of a person their body is, how important it is to their worth, isconceptualized as dependent on what gender they perform.
“Omake” is a bonus, which implies that it was not important enough to be included in themain magazine, relegated to the blog. Watching a woman become more worthy of objectification is
not essential to the main purpose of the magazine, the betterment of men.
The idea of recommending training for women, and the “GO! GO!” in large, bold letterscan be taken as female empowerment, at least on the surface, but has no real effect on the urge toobjectify them (whether it is by others or themselves). In this male-oriented magazine, she is the19

Gravier is a genre of men’s entertainment media that is somewhere between pinups and softcore

pornoguraphy, consting of lightly clothed, generally passive models. It often features softer, more buxom girls
and women than in all-ages Japanese media.

45other, and her training is not for her health or wellbeing, but for the benefit of the men who are morestimulated by women who more closely fit their ideal.
As we continue the article, photos of the model exercising are accompanied by captions
like the following:“Onaka mawari o massaaji sareru to “When the area around my stomach is
dokidoki suru….Kono hyougen, hen desu massaged, I get excited….Is that a weird
ka? (warai)”
expression? (laugh)”(KyouTore GIRL | by Tarzan)(TrainToday GIRL | by Tarzan)
If the photos of a scantily clad woman exercising was not enough to make it clear that this isintended for the male gaze, the word choice does. The onomatopoeia “dokidoki” is the sound ofone’s heart beating quickly, and is often used in the context of romance, reminding the reader thatthe speaker is an object of sexual desire. Though on the surface, this series of articles seems toempower women with the possibility of self-directed change, but the obligation of beauty placed on
women by gender ideology, remains unchanged20.
The following example is from the homepage of a men’s magazine Men’s NON-NO, which
focuses on fashion and lifestyle rather than health and exercise. It’s aimed at a less rugged, gentler
type of (young) man.
“Riaru Mine Fujiko” Koto Ogura Yuksan wa Bodi Dake denaku, Egao mo
Utsukushii!
2018.03.11
Shun na bijo to mousou deeto ojitsugen saseru, Men’s NON-NO rensai“Boku no Kanojo.” coonaa. 3/9
hatsubaigou no dai 4 kai ni toujou
20

The “Real Fujiko Mine,” Yuka Ogura’s
Body Isn’t All That’s Beautiful, Her Smile is
Too!
2018.03.11
Men’s NON-NO serial series, “My Girl21”
corner realizes fantasy dates with seasonal
beautiful women. Yuka Ogura is an actress
who appears in the 4th issue, released on 3/9.

Whether the female body type men of a culture idealizes differs slightly from the one that women in a

culture aspire to, such as whether she would be slender all over or have certain places where “meat” (niku) is
acceptable, women must still chase an ideal that is likely to be unhealthy, or even biologically impossible, formany individuals. The constant pursuit of a certain look is not a personal choice, but a social obligation.
21“My Girl” (rather than “my girlfriend”) is the official translation, shown on the banner that links to the series

on the Men’s NON-NO homepage.

46

shiteiru no wa joyuu no Kogura Yuuka
san. Kyonen ni gurabia katsudou osutaato saseru yainaya, dai bureiku!
Shinsedai no chou itsuzai to shite
chuumoku o atsumeteiru sonzai da.
Sono hakuryoku no bodi de wa naku
aikurushii egao no foocasu shita,
Men’s NON-NO naradewa no satsuei!
“Tabearuki deeto” no settei ha, konna“te o tsunagu shunkan” no shotto mo.
“Machi o burabura suru no, suki desu!
Tabearuita ato wa honyasan nimo ikitaina”
Jitsu wa dokusha ka toiu Kogura-sanwa, Ekuni Kaori ya Koike Mariko nosakuhin o aidoku shiteiru no dato ka.
“Otagai ni hon o erabi atte purezento
suru no mo ii desu-yo-ne. Jibun de wa teni toranai janru no hon o yomu to, shiya
ga hirogatte omoshirosou”
Shimen keisai no besuto shotto nosuubyoumae, odango o oishisou ni
hoobaru egao mo uebu gentei.
“Suki na hito to issho ni oishii mono otaberu tte juubuun ni tokubetsu na koto
da to omoundesu. Asa, kafe de koohii onuminagara futari de hon o yomu deetoga risou kana. Futuu sugimasu ka ne(warai)”Tondemonai! Kogura-san to “futsuu no”
deeto ga dikurunara, bokura ni totte
zenzen futsuu na joukyou ja arimasen(warai).

She had her big break as soon as she became
active in gravure! She is a presence that
attracts attention as super talented person in
the new generation.
This photoshoot, which focuses not on her
spectacular body but on her lovely smile,is one only Men’s NON-NO could do! We
even captured a “hand holding moment”
during this “walk and eat date” scene.
“I like to just wander around town! After
we’re done eating and walking I wanna go
to the bookstore.”
Actually, Miss Ogura is quite a reader,
enjoying works by Kaori Ekuni and Mariko
Koike.
“It would be nice to pick out books to give as
presents to each other. It sounds interesting
to broaden your horizons by reading books
from genres you wouldn’t normally pick up.
Seconds before taking the best photo to beprinted in the magazine, we got this webexclusive shot of this smile as she deliciously
enjoys a big mouthful of dumpling.
“I think it’s special enough to eat delicious
food with the person you like. I guess myideal date is in the morning, reading books
and drinking coffee together at a cafe.
Maybe that’s too ordinary (laugh)”
No way! If we can have a “ordinary” datewith Miss Ogura, that’s not an ordinary
situation for us at all (laugh).

（MEN’S NON-NO WEB, emphasis added）
Claiming that they “didn’t focus on her spectacular body but on her lovely smile” appeals to themodern gentleman, who is kind to and values women, and may also be “herbivorous22”. Despite
22

One’s attitude towards dating is often referred to in terms of the circle of life. Soushoku” or “herbivorous”

refers to mild-mannered people who do not actively pursue romantic partners, particularly men. The opposite
is true of women who take an active role in in dating, and are known as “nikushoku” or “carnivorous.” It can bethought to be related to the belief that men are naturally aggressive and women are naturally passive, and there
is a need to mark the nonstandard examples.

47

bragging about this gentlemanliness as being unique to Men’s NON-NO, distancing it from othermen’s magazines, the featured women are referred to as being "seasonal." "Shun na" is the same
way one would refer to fruits or vegetables, edible plants grown for human consumption, and using
it to describe people is not standard Japanese. In some cases seasonality can be used in the context offish or other consumables, but not with animals that are not considered socially acceptable forhuman consumption, and thus inferior to us. This contradicts the idea that this publication is quite
different from other men’s magazines
The idea that women are something to consume confirms that the generic viewer thegeneric conceptualizer is someone for whom women are for. While this would stereotypically be a
man in the sense that the male gaze is from the point of view of masculinity, the male gaze can findits way into people of any gender. As we see in some later examples, the male gaze, or at least theawareness of the male gaze, finds its way into that of a by women for women magazine. this is not
likely to be an isolated example, in the sense that only women's magazines objectify themselves andother women, because the necessity of attractiveness in a woman's life permeates every level of herlife, whether it be the obvious romance, her career Success, or social well-being, how other people
see us conceptualizes us, whether it be socially constructed or something natural to that person,
affect us perhaps more than we would like to admit. Plant metaphors are frequently used to describe
women, further cementing them as passive, especially in the context of romance. The phenomenonof women as fruit occurs in English as well, especially in a sexually charged context, as exemplified
by objectifying phrases like "juicy thighs" found in colloquial English.
“Jitsu wa” implies that the writer, and presumably the reader, would not expect Miss
Kogura to enjoy reading. As if the fact that she works as a model or actress goes against the laws ofleadership, we are collectively surprised to learn this fact. By choosing this quote about letting thedate choose her reading material, the reader (who is supposed to be imagining her as his date withthis model) is placed in a position to teach this young woman who likely is more accomplished thanhimself. A different article in the same My Girl series features a former idol who talks of her love of
exercise, a common interest of models, at least according to interviews in magazines. Despite thislove of fitness and the outdoors, she is quoted as saying the following:48

Undou wa tokui na hazu nan desu keredo, booto o I’m supposed to be good at exercise,kogu no wa meccha muzukashikatta desu
but it was super difficult to row theboat(Mo-Musume o Sotsugyou Shita Kudou Haruka-san to Booto ni Notte Deeto Shita!)(We Had a Boat date with the Mo-Musume Graduate, Miss Haruka Kudo!)
Even for women who are selling their fitness as their appeal, it is unattractive to be seen as stronger
than a man. No matter how physically strong someone is she is expected to follow, as gender
ideology dictates, the blueprint of strong man, vulnerable woman. By including this self-deprecating
remark, the reader is placed in an appropriate position to think of the speaker as cute23, even if she
may in actuality, assuming that her love of exercise is true and not just hiding the rigorous training it
takes to be considered attractive enough to be in the spotlight, be stronger physically thanhim. Creating this power difference between the speaker and the writer/reader of the article on thelevel of cognition, whether that power be through being more well-read or physically stronger,
retains the speaker's femininity, which as we see increasingly as we explore this topic, in some part
depends on a degree of submission. The articles describe the model in an attractive way, which, as
is dictated by gender ideology, emphasizes passivity and weakness. For the sake of attractiveness,
intelligence, physical strength, and other potentially threatening qualities are backgrounded tocoincide with gender ideology.

3.2.1.3. The Male Gaze in Women’s Magazines
It is to be expected that media produced by and for men would conceptualize women as theother, and even that they would be objectified, considering the society we live in. Women’smagazines, however, also display the pattern of being written with a strong awareness of men’s
opinions and thoughts. The articles in some magazines focus more on the feelings and emotions of
not the reader herself, but the man with which she involves or desires to be involved romantically.

23

Jugaku (1979) gives a thorough account of the concept of cuteness in Japanese and its relationship toJapanese femininity.

49

The following examples are article titles found on the homepage of the popular magazine An an,
which identifies as a “weekly women’s magazine/fashion magazine.”【Otoko ga genmetsu suru...】Tare-jiri o kabaa! Ushiro sugata mokirei ni nareru yuushuu botomu |Sutairisuto no taikei kabaa tekunikku
jutsu #46

【Men become disenchanted...】Cover yoursaggy butt! Your view from behind will become
beautiful with these first-class bottoms | A
stylist’s body type compensating techniques,trick #46

Mou hanarerarenai...otoko ga omou
“issho ni ite ochitsuku” onna no
tokuchou 3-tsu

Now I’ll never leave…The 3 qualities ofwomen that men think “being together isrelaxing”

Seiyoku mo useru...otoko ga “beddo
de gyottosuru” suppin 3-dai NG
otoko uke saiaku! Mote o toozakeru
damedame biyou #27

Sex drive vanishes...the 3 big NO GOOD
barefaced mistakes that men hate, and will “givehim a nasty shock in bed”! You push yourattractiveness away with unacceptable beauty(routine) #27

Sutamina manten…! Ouchi deeto no Full stamina…! Easy late night meals for an atkantan yashoku “kare ga yorokobu home date, “noodle recipes he’ll love”
men reshipi”【Otoko no honne chousa】Ouchi
deeto de “otoko ga hore naosu”
onna no kaori 3-sen【A survey of men’s real feelings】The 3
scents of a woman that “men fall in love withall over again” during an at-home date

Gyutto dakishimetai...otoko ga
horeru kenkouteki bodi notsukurikata

I want to hold her tight...how to make thehealthy body men fall for

Otomari no yoru ni...kare ga eroku
naru “chou kantan otsumami”
reshipi #322018.5.

For when he spends the night...these “super easysnacks” recipes will put him in the mood
#322018.5.

Dondon hamaru…! 3-kai-me nodeeto de otoko ga toriko ni naru
fasshon senryaku | sutairisuto no
fasshon renai jutsu #65

He’ll get more and more
addicted/trapped/stuck…! The fashion
strategy to make a man become captive in 3
dates | A stylist’s fashion romance tricks #65（ananweb, emphasis added）

Based on these examples, women are expected to dress, make up, or otherwise present themselves
for men. With possibilities for both positive motivation (“men fall in love with all over again,” “puthim in the mood,” “make a man become captive”) and fear of negative consequences (“menbecome disenchanted,” “sex drive vanishes”) the way the reader’s (women’s) bodies look isconceptualized as having the power to enhance or ruin lives.
50

The content of main media, as it is explicitly chosen by the reader rather than something
they just happen to come in contact with, is chosen with the needs and wants of the target group in
mind. In this case, they are well aware of the social expectation for women to be hyper aware of
how they are seen and how their actions impact those around them. Much like movies andtelevision, women are defined by how they interact with and their potential relationships with men:whether they are or could be a worthy mate, for example. With society being as unbalanced as it isin terms of women in the workforce, the female readers likely feel that a large part of their wellbeing depends on their ability to find and keep a romantic partner. This explains a possible cognitive
base for the presence of man-focused articles in a woman’s magazine. On one hand, it seems
powerful for a man to “become captive” by a woman’s actions, but the subject of these sentences isa “man” or “him.”
These articles imply power to influence men from within her socially limited means, those of
beauty, fashion, cooking, that is to say, the domain of femininity. While the actual effect of theclothes worn or food made by readers of this magazine on the likelyhood of their entering into a
relationship or being proposed to is beyond the scope of this research, it can be said that there issome semblance of power to be gained by obeying social rules. The following internet magazine
Menjoy! is even more explicit in stating the control of men as a motivation of their content.
Motto nichijou ni LOVE wo! “Menjoy!”More LOVE in your everyday! “Menjoy!”

Kono saito wa, hyakusen-renma noraitaa-tachi ga danshin o minuku kotsu,
umaku soujuu suru houhou, onna tootoko no seisa nado o adobaisu shite iku
josei muke magajin-gata uebu baitai desu.

This site is a magazine-type web medium
with veteran writers who give tricks to see
through men’s hearts, how to maneuverthem, and advice about differences
between the sexes.
（Menjoy! Emphasis added）

A portmanteau word of “men” and “enjoy,” Menjoy! seems like it could be the battlecry of
progressive, carnivorous24 women who take an active role in romance. At the time of access, thewebsite featured a series of the title:
24

Women described as “nikushoku” or carnivorous are the aggressive counterpart to the docile, herbivorous

men mentioned above. When animal, rather than plant metaphors are used to describe women, she isprototypically conceptualized as being lower on the food chain, thus making necessary the explicit marker.

51

Ki ni Naru Kare o Otose! LINE
Teku Tokushuu♡

Take Down the Guy You’re Interested In! LINE25
Technique Special Collection♡（Menjoy! Emphasis added）“Otose! (Take Down!)” is an imperative, which is a form generally considered too harsh for female
speakers. It is emphasized further by a small “tsu,” which indicates a shortened, broken syllable.
This may be an example of in-group informality, using conventions generally reserved for men inorder to express closeness and solidarity. This display of power within the constraints of beauty andsubmission, is likely limited in its effect on actual social power. The collection features a series ofarticles with a similar man-as-subject sentence structure as in An an above.
Kono Shunkan o Nerae! Danshi ga
Target This Moment! 3 Signs That a Boy“Joshi to LINE Shitai Kibun” no Sain 3- “Wants to LINE With a Girl”
tsu
Danshi ga Monzetsu! Joshi ga LINE de Boys are in agony! 4 “slightly erotic prank
Okutta “Bi-erona Itazura Gazou 4-mai
images” sent by girls
Danshi ga Hisokani “Kawaii!” toMune-kyun suru LINE Aikon 4-tsu

4 LINE Icons Boys Secretly Think “Cute!”
and Make His Heart Skip a Beat

Honne Dake ni Okurimasu! Danshi kara (He’ll) Only Send It To His Favorite! 3 Real“Kyou wa Arigatou LINE” Jitsurei 3-tsu “Thank You for Today LINE” Examples(Menjoy | Ki ni Naru Kare o Otose! LINE Teku Tokushuu ♡ Emphasis added added)(Menjoy | Take Down the Guy You’re Interested In! LINE Technique Special Collection♡)
Note that each magazine has a propensity to choose one of the possible words to indicate themasculine subject of the romantic interaction. “Otoko (man),” “kare (him/guy/boyfriend),” and“danshi (boy).” Even in cases in which the subject is omitted, such as the “Honne Dake ni
Okurimasu,” the action is performed by a man.
Besides the man-as-subject construction in the above examples, causative form can also be
observed.
“Hayaku Aitai!” To Omowaseru
Saikyou LINE Jutsu~ Hitorigurashi
Danshi Hen

The Strongest Tricks to Make Him Think“I Want to See Her Soon!” ~ Version for
Men Living Alone

Suki na Hito ni LINE Shitai! Kakujitsu I Wanna Talk to the Person I Like! How to
25

LINE is a mobile chat application, popular in Japan at the time of this writing.

52

Find “The Exciting Topic” For Sureni “Moriagareru Wadai” no
Mitsukekata(Menjoy | Ki ni Naru Kare o Otose! LINE Teku Tokushuu ♡ Emphasis added)(Menjoy | Take Down the Guy You’re Interested In! LINE Technique Special Collection♡
Emphasis added)
Other pages on the site include:【Tokushuu】Anata ni Kareshi ga Dekinai 【Special Collection】Why Can’t You Get a
Genin wa? Ima Sugu Serufu Chekku!
Boyfriend? Check Yourself Right Now!
Otoko ga Horeru Onna no Jouken 10!
Otoko wa Konna Onna ni Horerundesu

The 10 Conditions for a Man to Fall in Love!
Men Fall in Love with This Kind of Woman（Menjoy! Emphasis added）

One’s lack of a romantic partner, or not being considered attractive is not conceptualized as a matterof that particular man’s preferences (and the media and society that shaped it), but as flaws that thereader must correct. The female party has an obligation to have an attractive appearance andperform gender appropriately as dictated by gender ideology.

3.2.1.4. Self-objectification in Women’s Magazines
In addition to the tendency for men to be the focus of women’s magazine articles, there arealso cases in which the readers, women, are objectified. While the male gaze is not expressed
linguistically, the criticism of women and their bodies is rooted in a guess about how (patriarchal)society as a whole would judge her, and thus how she has learned to judge herself. The following
are examples from An an, the print version of the weekly women’s magazine whose website wasdiscussed above. These titles inform the reader of just who the article is for by labelling them withthe body part or quality they should, by societal standards, be trying to hide or improve. The"[quality]san (Miss [quality])" is fairly common in Japanese, but the flawed part-as-wholemetonymy is worth noting. The readers who click through can be thought to identify on some level
as their unattractive, excessive, or otherwise wrong part.
Karada no O-nayami Betsu “Shiro T“How to Choose a White T-Shirt” forshatsu no Erabi-kata”! Ninoude Puyo-san, Miss Squishy Upper Arms, Miss Giant53

Kyo-Nyuu-san wa… | Sutairistuto no
Taikei Kabaa Tekunikku Jutsu #61

Breasts… | Stylist’s Body Covering
Technique Trick #61

Pocchari-san (h)e...Kuro ni Tayoranai!
Marumi Aru Bodi o Kawaiku Miseru Fuku
| Sutairisuto no Taikei Kabaa Tekunikku
Jutsu #50

To Miss Plump...Don’t Rely on Black!
Clothes that Make Your Round Body
Look Cute | Stylist’s Body Covering
Technique Trick #50

Zun-Dou-san Hikken! Kirei na Kubire ga
Jitsugen Dekiru Kantan Sutairingu teku |Sutairisuto no Taikei Kabaa Tekunikku
Jutsu #49

A Must-see for Miss No-Waist! Easy
Styling Tech that Can Make Beautiful
Shape a Reality | Stylist’s Body Covering
Technique Trick #49

Deka-Jiri-san Rouhou! Hippu ga Chiisaku Miss Giant Butt! Good News! Points in
Mieru Denimu Erabi no Pointo | Sutairisuto Choosing Denim that Makes Yourno Taikei Kabaa Tekunikku Jutsu #48
Backside Look Smaller | Stylist’s Body
Covering Technique Trick #48
O-Chibi-san Rouhou…! Se ga Takaku
Mieru Teppan Fasshon Teku 3-tsu |Sutairisuto no Taikei Kabaa Tekunikku
Jutsu #61

Good News Little Miss Shorty...! 3
Surefire Fashion Techs to Make You
Look Taller | Stylist’s Body Covering
Technique Trick #61(ananweb, emphasis added)“O-Chibi-san (Little Miss Shorty)” and “Pocchari-san (Miss Plump)” are linguistically made up of
one physical feature with “san (Mr./Ms./Mrs.)” attached. “O-Chibi-san” is the only example toinclude the beautifying “o.” “Ninoude-Puyo-san (Miss Squishy Upper Arms),” “Kyo-Nyuu-san(Miss Giant Breasts),” “Zun-Dou-san (Miss Straight-up-and-down Torso),” and “Deka-Jiri-san(Miss Huge Butt),” all include a body part plus the undesirable quality. Shortness and plumpness inand of themselves are undesirable, but having upper arms, breasts, a torso, or a rear end is only
worthy of marking in a negative way when they possess certain qualities.
By the process of metonymy, readers are called by their body insecurities in the same way one
would call someone “ojousan (young lady),” oneesan (big sister),” “obasan (auntie),” or “okaasan(Mother),” instead of her name (depending on age, status, and region). This identity in fault, in thesense that their body or body part is a departure from the ideal, prototypical example of the categoryof women, highlights the obligation of women to constantly strive to be visually pleasing to thosearound them.
The above are the bodies of young Japanese women in Japan, where they are the predominant
racial group. It is worth further linguistic exploration of the response to non-prototypical bodies,54such as those of racial minorities, pregnant and maternal bodies, and those of otherwise
marginalized groups. As we will see in later examples, even bodies considered to be ideal are
scrutinized and its inhabitant judged based on her departure from gender ideology in other ways.
Being a woman in public, especially one deemed too fat or too thin, apparently makes her diet avalid conversation topic. This apparent right to make comments about and entitlement to acorrection points to the conceptualization of a woman’s physical body as existing not for her, but for
those who look at her.
In contrast with the romance-oriented Menjoy and An an, the fashion magazine Non no themale gaze is expressed more subtly. The following article titles are from the magazine’s homepage.
Haru no Puchi Pura Otona-mie BBQ
Sutairu 【Mainichi Koode】

Affordable Grownup-looking BBQ Style
for Spring【Everyday Outfits】

Nishino Nanase ga O-Tehon! Mainichi“Kuro Ryukku & Denimu” demo
Kawaiku Mieru Houhou

Nanase Nishino is the Role Model! How to
Look Cute even if Every Day is “Black
Backpack & Denim”【Daikouhyou Kimawashi Kouhan】
Yasashisou de Kouinshou ♡ Nishino
Nanase no 7-chaku de Haru Mawashi 5
days!

【Very Well-received Mix-and-match
Second Half】Seem Kind and [Leave a]
Good Impression ♡ Nanase Nishino’s 7
Pieces Mixed for 5 Days of Spring(non-no Web, emphasis added)

As some linguistic phenomena are limited to a specific context or means, we include the following
from the then-current issue of the print magazine to rule out an internet-only trend.
Mainichi Koode no “Kawaige” UP↑
Joshi-ryoku Koode no Kiwami

Turn UP↑ the “Charm” The Ultimate in
Outfits for Girl Power“Shiroppoi Koode” de Joshi-ryoku
UP↑UP↑ Your Girl Power with “White-ish
Outfits”

Mainichi Sutairu UP Kimawashi
20days26

20days of Outfits to UP Your Figure

Nanase no “Kajuaru na no ni Motechau” Natsu Fuku Ruuru 10

Nanase’s 10 Rules for “Casual But
Attractive” Summer Clothes(non-no, emphasis added)26

The original is reproduced as accurately as possible within the formatting constraints of this document,

including the lack of spacing.

55

The next excerpt is from an article that introduces ways to look slimmer in clothing using a model
who is labelled a "kuishonbou (someone who loves to eat)." Loving to eat contradicts the idealized
slim figure (at least for most of us), and is thus in violation of gender ideology. Where thecontradiction begins may be a difference in social cognition between cultures. It is not clear whether
participating too much in the act of eating is in itself a major problem, or if it is only negative if it has
a notable effect on the body. The implied necessity of slimming clothes in this example suggests theneed to hide one’s deviation from the ideal body, which incriminates her in failing to perform
ideological behavior.
The worries experienced by women who love to eat, that their bodies are subpar, are put up
front, building a sense of common experience. In diet culture27, in which women should eat less andbe less, what women eat and their body size and shape is a topic of public concern.
Kuishinbou Yua no ♡ Usugi no Natsu
demo, Mainichi Sutairu Appu Kimawashi
day1~day5

From Yua Who Loves to Eat ♡ Even in
Summer of Light Clothing, Everyday
Figure Boosting Outfits day1~day5

day1
Jugyou no ato no kaitenzushi. Kyou mo
30-sara kanshoku, gochisousamadeshita ♡karano, keeki tabe ikou kana♪

day1
Revolving sushi after class. I finished 30
plates again today, thanks for the food ♡ sonow, let’s go eat some cake♪

Ootoro, kanpachi, engawa……∞ Kyou
mo oishiku itadakimashita♪ Kubimoto ga
ookiku aita shatsu de kogao ni monarerushi, pantsu ni beruto o awasete
uesuto kyutt. Dondake tabetemo kono
koode nara hecchara. Tekoto de, dezaato
ikimasuka!

Fatty tuna, great amberjack, flounder
fin……∞ It was delicious today as usual ♪
Shirts with a wide open neckline make yourface look small, and matching a belt withpants cinches your waist. If you wear thisit’s no problem no matter how much you
eat. So, let’s go for dessert!
(non-no Web, emphasis added)

In addition to the article itself, there are text comments on the outfit photos, as follows:
Ano ko,30sara kanshoku!!

27

That girl,she finished 30 plates!!

One that presents thinness as the key to happiness and diets as the way to get there, despite their dismal

failure rates, sometimes estimated over 95%.

56

Sutairu batsugun nanoni
sugoi na……

Her figure is excellent, thoughamazing……

Koubutsu wa
e・n・ga・wa♥

My favorite isflou・n・der・fin♥Kiyase POINT
Hai uesuto pan
tsu28 de kantan ashinaga♪

Slimming POINTHigh waisted pants
easily lengthen legs♪

Shingawa shiawase29♪

Shinagawa is happy♪
(non-no Web)The comments written on the photos are accurate in terms of what women, who are public property,
are likely to hear when being deemed excessive or otherwise violating gender ideology. A woman
publicly eating 30 plates of sushi gives the right to comment to anyone around her.
A conventionally attractive woman acting in ways that apparently contradict characteristics thatgender ideology connects with beauty (and are part of the network of femininity), creates a gap that
may make her seem more approachable to the readers. Focusing on some flaw of the model, herappetite in this case, helps the reader conceptualize herself as being part of the in-group, making the
dream of beauty seem attainable. We can imagine that the comments would be entirely different
had the woman eating not been in a socially approved body.
Because of the apparent contradiction of unrestricted eating and beauty that is backgroundinformation, and the “Slimming POINT”s introduced in the article, the reader supposedly learns thesecret to looking slim without having to diet, thus avoiding the negative social consequences of
eating. Although the social power connected to thinness and beauty is limited, it is taught asnecessary in diet culture, as well as the self control needed for most of us to obtain it. This explains
28

The word “pantsu (pants)” is split between lines in the original, but may have very well been an editing error.

29

Although it is not specifically marked as such, this is likely the the model’s dialogue and not the writer’s. If

so, the model is referring to herself in the third person, a stylistic choice that gives an cute and immature
impression, though it is more common of the first rather than last name. “Shiawase (happy)” is written in
katakana rather than a combination of kanji and hiragana, which, in addition to the music note, further
highlights the youthful, sing-song quality of the text.

57

why women’s magazines, whether print or online, produce articles in which the idolized feminine
body and restraint are separated, such as in the above (supposedly) gluttonous model and the junkfood loving celebrities below.
Piza ni Baagaa, Sunakku mo ♡ Jankufuudo o
Aisuru Serebu-tachi
Ninki Moderu datte Serebu datte, Ano
Yuuwaku ni wa Katenai mitai♡

Pizza and Burgers, Snacks Too ♡ Celebs
Who Love Junk Food
Even Popular Models and Even
Celebrities, Can’t Beat That Temptation♡

By Erina Hattori
2018/04/08
Piza, hanbaagaa, furaido poteto, furaido
chikin, sunakku gashi…. Moji o miteiru
dakedemo yodare ga detekisou na
jankufuudo no yuuwaku ni aragaenai, serebu
mo onaji mitai ♡ soko de konkai wa,
jankufuudo o aishite yamanai serebu ochousa! Ikitsuke ten no jouhou ya,
jankufuudo o tabetsutsu mo bi-bodi o kiipu
suru hiketsu mo awasete go-shoukai.

By Erina Hattori
2018/04/08
Pizza, hamburgers, fries, fried chicken,
snacks....Just looking at the letters I think I
might drool. It looks like celebs also can't
resist the temptation of junk food♡ This
time we’ve investigated celebs and won’t
quit! We include info about the shops
they visit, and introduce secrets ofkeeping your beautiful body while eating
junk food.
(Cosmopolitan.com/jp)

If even celebrities and models lose to their appetite like regular women, (as long as they buy thismagazine or use that product) the dream of becoming sufficiently beautiful is protected. While thiswebsite is free to access, because of the ad revenue and potential to increase readership, theconnection to capitalism cannot be ignored. Consumer femininity (Nakamura 2003:206) promotes
the narrow kind of femininity we are bombarded with by the media as a real possibility, rather thanthe digitally enhanced fantasy version of an already rare eurocentric beauty ideal it really is.
The tendency to conceptualize women as passive entities or objects speaks to a problem
greater than entertainment media, of a woman’s agency in her own life. When social cognition
includes women as public property, there is no surprise that catcalling, sexual harassment in theworkplace, groping, and other crimes remain a problem in both Japan and the United States. The
belief that women exist to be looked at or as a sex object, while no longer politically correct, robs
women of both their freedom and basic safety.

58

3.2.2. Media Discourse as a Force that Shifts Gender Roles
To be unmanly, that is, feminine, is an insult for a man. Since the kinds of words, actions,and manner that are considered masculine or feminine are socially constructed, they are more fluid
than is immediately obvious. Some of what we believe to be an innate quality of manliness are
actually learned behaviors, created and maintained by the culture in which it exists. Gender ideology
limits women’s choices, and with the influence of people in power who are usually men, shapes theopinions of people in the culture, maintaining the social hierarchy. While the influence of patriarchy
on women and other marginalized groups is a major topic taken up by feminist linguists and other
scholars, gender ideology restricts the freedom of everyone in the system, regardless of gender,
including the heterosexual men who are generally thought of as unobstructed.
In this section we analyze media examples based on the assumption that language reflects
cognitive processes (and that mass media language reflects the cognition of mainstream society),and explore the gender ideology that influences it. As a collaborative process involving several
decision-making parties30, media language can be thought to reflect society more holistically of than
the speech of individuals.
When outward appearance becomes an issue of manliness, for reasons having to do withcapitalism or otherwise, it acquires other qualities of manliness. Because many behaviors aresocially constructed as feminine or masculine, to slide a behavior from the feminine domain it
simply must be more strongly attached to masculine traits than feminine ones, through the processes
such as blending, metaphor, metonymy, and focusing. This can be observed most blatantly inmarketing media, but in the other types as well.
GQ JAPAN, the Japanese version of the famous English language men’s magazine,
describes itself as “honshitsu ni kodawaru dansei no tame no menzu・fasshon & quoriti・
raifusutairu magajin desu [a men’s fashion & quality lifestyle magazine for men who are particular
about the essentials]” (https://gqjapan.jp). An article in the May 2018 issue explains the concept of“classic but new.”30

This collaboration includes executives in the case of media created by a company for entertainment oradvertising purposes, and the collective power of internet users, supporting websites and popularizing posts
with clicks and views.

59

Kurashikku na meihin wa, jidai ni sayuu
sarenai. Tsumari wa nagaku aiyou dekiru
toiu koto. Dakara, toushi ni miau dake nokachi ga aru to ieru. Demo, zenshin wo
kurashikku de soroeru no wa kibun ja nai.
Dare mo ga shiru teiban ya sutairu wo
arenji shite miseru, shin=shin no“kurashikku batto nyuu” sutairu sanpuru
wo, teema betsu ni wakariyasuku hitotsu
hitotsu shoukai suru.

Classic signature items are not influenced
by the times. In other words, they can be
regular favorites for a long time. Therefore,
it can be said that it is worth theinvestment. But I don’t feel like matching
my whole body in classic. We introduce &arrange the basic styles everyone knows,
and give samples of the genuine=new"classic but new" styles, explained one by
one in an easy to understand way.

(“Kurashikku Batto Nyuu” Tettei Kouza! Sutairu Sanpuru Daikoushin 2018:134)(“Classic But New” Thorough Course! Style Sample Big March 2018: 134)
(GQ JAPAN 2018:134, emphasis added)
There is a marked difference in the seriousness between this example and those in the women’smagazines, even Misses for relatively older women. This writer gives the impression of an expert
rather than a friend, which is consistent with men’s roles in society. Men’s fashion is conceptualized
as an issue of integrity and self confidence, while simultaneously acknowledging that it may not besomething the readers are accustomed to. The article title itself also uses words such as “Tettei
Kouza (Thorough Course)” that may be in daily use by those working in a company, that is, a
traditionally and prototypically male environment, but not so in other contexts. The phrase meaning
to not be influenced is made up of the characters left (sa), right (yu), and the verb meaning to beacted upon (“sare”) in the negative form (“nai”). They will not be influenced by the times, pulled
or pushed to the right or left, but continue on, the picture of dependability. “Genuine = new” isexpressed with two characters that are homophones. The metaphor of fashion pieces as aninvestment is, while common in consumer culture, cannot be ignored as being squarely in thebusiness, and thus masculine domain. Surrounding the traditionally feminine concept of fashion
with masculine elements allows the practice to be reevaluated as masculine. We can think of this as
an example of blending, that of an action which is socially constructed as either feminine or neutral
and a traditionally masculine frame (such as business in the above example).
GQ JAPAN is a general men’s magazine that deals with lifestyle and fashion, which could explain

its lack of interest in the female gaze. As there is a possibility that younger men, who are presumably
more active in dating, would be more interested in women’s opinion of their appearance. The
following examples are from BITTER, which may be a better match for JJ above in terms of age and60intended audience, as it is more focused on being attractive for prospective dates. Photos including
women do, in fact, appear in the pages of the magazine, and even without mentions of “her” or“girlfriend, there does seem to be some general consciousness of women.
Kono Haru
Shinchoushitai Komono (rubi:
Kodawari)

This Spring
Accessories (rubi: Commitment) I Want to
Renew

Saishin no Supuringu Akuseo Minitsukete
Kibun mo Motedo mo Agetekou!

Let’s Increase Our Mood and Attractivenessby Wearing the Newest Spring Accessories(“Kono Haru Shinchoushitai Kodawari Komono” BITTER, Vol.63:113)(“The Commitment Accessories I Want to Renew This Spring” BITTER, Vol.63:113)
The headline ends in a strong, active, manly expression “agetekou (let’s increase it!).” Though it ispresented as secondary to the reader’s mood, one’s attractiveness or popularity with women is a real
motivation for looking good. Focusing on the concept of commitment in this section is likely an
attempt to attach the act of buying expensive accessories to the positive masculine trait of integrity.
This particular article introduces bags, watches, and necklaces, starting with bags, as follows:
Haru no Kodawari Baggu

Spring Commitment Bags

Kikonashi mo kimochi mo karuyaka ni
ikitai31 haru sutairu ni hamaru no wa
tooto. Orijinaru purinto ya riaru rezaa
shiyou nado, “Baeru Kodawari” nifiichaa shite erabitai desu yo ne.
Atarashii deai ga tenkomori no haru wa,
anata jishin o “appudeeto” suru no ni
saiteki na shiizun! Toppusu ya botomu
ni kodawaru no wa mochiron desu ga,
baggu, tokei, nekkuresu mo shinchou
shite koso desu. Komono de tsuu nakodawari o misereba, sensu o iyaou
naku kamoshi dasemasu yo.

Tote bags fit well with a style of when
you want to both dress and feel light.
Original prints and real leather
specifications are just what I would liketo choose to feature as “Shining
Commitment.” Spring, with its heaps of
new encounters, is just the right season
to "update" yourself. Of course wecommit to new tops and bottoms, but
it’s only when you renew your bag,watch, and necklace. If you show youreveryday commitment, you can createthat feeling.

COMMITMENT GOODS 01

COMMITMENT GOODS 01(“Kono Haru Shinchoushitai Kodawari Komono” BITTER, Vol.63:112)(“The Commitment Accessories I Want to Renew This Spring” BITTER, Vol.63:112)
31“Ikitai” is written in hiragana, which allows for the reader to imagine two main possibilities, “want to go”

and “want to live.”61

While the headline is written in casual, colloquial, masculine style, as an ingroup member or
perhaps in the voice of the reader himself, the text of the article is distant and polite: Meaninglessutterances, such as "desuyone," which are a common feature of women’s language, may lead thereader to imagine a woman unless they notice the obviously masculine name. This linguistic
softening is, although commonly associated with women because of the association with politeness,
can also denote a relationship in which polite distance is required, such as that of a shop clerk or
stylist speaking to a customer. The word “accessory,” generally in the feminine domain, is
accompanied by rubi meaning “commitment.” “Kodawari” is not only a nonstandard reading of“komono” (which consists of the characters for “small” and “thing”) but it is an entirely unrelatedterm. Although “kodawari” is equated to “commitment” in this article, it is generally closer to theidea of being very particular or choosy about something. It implies a sense of conviction, but in thiscase, the reader is led to allow the magazine do the choosing for him. The English “commit” is fairly
well-known, at least as the katakana word “komitto suru,” which is more or less equivalent to theroot word. As both English and Japanese are used in the headlines and section headers of thesearticles, both concepts are foregrounded and are an active part of the blend with “accessories,”
resulting in an overall masculine concept that is easier for the audience to accept. Blending as
proposed by Fauconnier and Turner (2002) can be thought of in conjunction with the schema
network, as a way of adding an extension32. Notice that being selective about the clothes one wears
is presented as obvious, at least for readers of this magazine.

32

See Tynes (2017) for a discussion of different types of instantiation processes.

62

<Masculine Blending of Accesories>

Figure 3-7
Adjusting one’s appearance to the male gaze is, while perhaps unconscious, accepted as part ofone’s responsibility as a woman or girl. One’s outward appearance is commonly connected to one’s
future, happiness, and power in women’s media, but there are cases in which it is further extended
into the masculine domain.

3.3. Translation and Gender
Intentional media, that is consciously chosen by viewers caters to what viewers, readers,
listeners, may want to see, read, or hear. As Lakoff (2000:43) and other feminist linguists point out,
we have a story, a sequence of events that we expect and find comfort in. While some niche media
capitalizes on the tastes and experiences of specific minority groups, such as ethnic minorities or63otherwise nonstandard people, mainstream media is just that, mainstream. In entertainment media
for the general public, we can expect to find generally accepted themes that reflect the culture fromwhich the media consumers come from. In this way, we can observe differences between the main
culture and subcultures, or the cultures of different regions, countries, or languages. Cognitive
linguistics provides a tool with which to observe those societal expectations and values hidden
within what some consider superficial forms of communication.
One interesting bridge across the gap between social media and standard media may bereality television. Reality television includes supposedly real people rather than actors, hence“reality,” and gives the audience the illusion of being someone’s reality somewhere. The subjects
are often models or semi-celebrities, but they supposedly go about their lives with some sort ofauthenticity. Each episode goes through the chain of decision making in the television network,
however, including coaching of the participants during filming and editing of the final product,
before being broadcast. This makes reality television highly intentional, alongside scripted televisionand movies, while presenting it as more real, and a more accurate reflection of actual people’s lives.
While some groups of people, particularly intellectuals, widely regard the genre as being
completely manufactured, the popularity of these programs cannot be denied. As discussed inprevious chapters and throughout this dissertation, media has the potential to affect the individual inmore ways than they are consciously aware of.
The following is examples are taken from the first episode of “Queer Eye,” the 2018
Netflix reboot of the popular early 2000s show “Queer Eye for the Straight Guy.” It features theFab33 Five, five gay men who collaborate to give one person each episode a lifestyle makeover.
Each member of the Fab Five deals with a certain aspect of the subject’s life, such as grooming or

33

The word “fab” in and of itself, is colloquial shorthand of “fabulous,” an adjective typically placed within thefeminine domain, and is also associated with gay men. It would likely be categorized by Lakoff (1975) as afrivolous word with no real meaning, thus relegated to women’s language.

64

interior decorating, to help them become their best selves. The idea is that gay men are better thanstraight men at certain things, such as fashion, which they are rumored to have a special sense for34.
One can argue that the Japanese translation is the work of the individual translator, and does
not necessarily reflect that of the company nor of society as a whole. If one were to say this,however, where, exactly, does the personal end and the public begin? Individuals selected the “FabFive” who star in the show, who are individuals whose (supposedly) personal linguistic acts are
depicted on the show, and the show is edited by different individuals, which is then authorized byothers. While it is probably not an intentional one, this natural sort of collaboration should not beignored, if not simply because of just how natural we are convinced it is. Questioning our ordinary isa major step in dismantling gender ideology.
Gender ideology is not some scheme created by an evil committee that intentionally creates
an unfriendly world for women, but a set of ideas that underlies the thoughts and actions ofindividuals within a society. Perhaps there was no conscious decision, but that may, in actuality,
mean that it more accurately reflects the culture and what is expected within it. Translation into
what is traditionally considered to be woman’s language in Japanese is sometimes reflected inhesitation (“like”) or other stereotypically female characteristics such as pitch.
In both the original English and Japanese translations, the language used by each memberof the Fab Five reflects stereotypical expectations we have of gay men in America. The members
each fall in a different place on a stereotypically gay scale, ranging from “normal” masculinity toobviously feminized, marking them as gay35. Because feminine and masculine qualities are set on abinary, feminine speech patterns mark a male speaker as the feminine other. When the feminine
gender performance clashes with a biologically male physique, the non-female person is marked as

34

The word “fab” in and of itself, is a colloquial shorthand of “fabulous,” an adjective typically placed within

the feminine domain, and is also associated with gay men. It would likely be categorized by Lakoff (1975) as afrivolous word with no real meaning, thus relegated to women’s language.

35

An obviously male voice speaking in a feminine manner whether it be in pitch, word choice, hesitation,

politeness, or any other way in which a linguistic act can be marked as feminine, slides the speaker

65such. This leads us to the conceptualization of gayness as men who perform the duties and role of awoman.
<Masculinity and Femininity as a Sliding Scale>Figure 3-8
The same actions that would indicate a more feminine woman slide a man further towards the lessmasculine (and thus more “gay”) side of the scale. This is further evidence of another level of thefamiliar gender binary. Whether the individual has a typically male or female (or neither) body, theway they interact with their surroundings is more important in determining their role in some cases.
The topics which are covered in the conversation beginning at 03:55 into the episode, andthe premise of the entire show, for that matter, are not generally accepted as the domain of men. The
Fab Five seem to be gossiping, an activity that is often attributed to women, about the target’s love
life and physical appearance.
This conversation takes place as the Fab Five is on the way to begin the makeover.
Jonathan Van Ness, sitting in the rear passenger side of the car most obviously fulfills gay
stereotypes. He is loud, speaks fast, repeatedly uses “like”, as well as words that are typicallymarked as feminine in English, such as “cute.” Overall, although the Japanese voiceover marks the
speakers as masculine with “boku (me)” and “bokura (us)” to refer to themselves, it feminizes themwith varied pitch and intonation. The Japanese subtitles seem to prefer the polite (and nonmasculine in casual speech) “watashi (me)” for the self pronoun, exemplified by line five, excerpted
below.

66

Japanese (subs)

Japanese (audio)

English (subs)

English (subs)

Watashi no baai
wa kanzen ni aite
ga warukatta wa
Watashi wa
warukunai

Boku no ba(w)ai36
wa, 100% aite ga
warui. Boku ni wa hi
ga issai nai no.

All my failed
relationships havebeen 100 percent theother’s fault.
It’s never me.

All my failed relationships
have been like 100 percent
the other person’s fault. Like,
it’s never been me at all.

In my case, theother person wascompletely at
fault.
It wasn’t my fault.

In my case, it’s
100% the otherperson’s fault. I haveno faults.

(Queer Eye 2018 Episode 1, emphasis added)
Both of the Japanese translations use feminine sentence ending particles, “wa” and “no.” Although
gay men are not simply feminized men, or men who want to be women, or whatever
misconceptions that are perpetuated by pop culture, we tend to conceptualize them as such. The
quality that actually does define gayness, that is, sexual or romantic attraction to other men, is seen
as so squarely as the realm of women that the rest of the domain37 comes along with it, as does theperformance of femininity, and that is demonstrated, in part, by language.
Both the Japanese subtitles and audio chooses to ignore the distinctively American crass sexuality.
Although the Fab Five are presumably not interested in romantic relationships with women,
themselves, they can still comment on how “hot” one might be. The discussion of hotness and theinherent sexuality it entails, is a nod to the overt sexuality, and sexual agency that is expected in men.
This, combined with the feminine speech patterns clearly marks this as that of neither a typical man
nor a typical woman, what we can tentatively call queer speech.

36

Note that the word “baai [case]” is pronounced differently from the standard in the Japanese audio.

Although this is not an established feminine marker, it may contribute to a sense of performativity, as it is avariant that is occasionally heard in the public sphere. It is possible that this has some connection to theflamboyance often associated with gayness in American culture.
37

Beauty, fashion, domestic duties, etc.

67

The sexual element of stereotypical queer speech, while common in American media (talk of
butts and other objectifying statements), the Japanese translations, while different from each other,completely omit it.
Japanese (subs)

Japanese (audio)

English (subs/audio)

Sore wa ichidaiji daSore wa ganbaranakucha

Hot rods and hot ladies.

This is serious[We have to/He has to] do [our/his] best
(Queer Eye 2018 Episode 1, emphasis added)

The Japanese subtitles end in the assertive “da (is),” which Suzuki (1993) and Takasaki (1996) bothlabel as masculine. The audio, however, is more neutral. They focus on the importance of theoccasion, rather than objectifying women alongside cars.
Karamo, a black man, is, at least in this conversation, less linguistically marked than theother members. This may be a coincidence, as he has fewer turns than the others, but does happen to
be consistent with the idea that black men are more masculine than other ethnicities38. Although theconversation as a whole is marked with both masculine and feminine elements, as opposed to being
neutral, the specific turns may or may not be translated as being strongly gendered as the original.
While the English audio and subtitles are are somewhat feminine, with the inclusion of “little,” theJapanese in line 3 includes “da (is),” once again marking it as masculine.
Japanese (subs)

Japanese (audio)

English (subs)

English (audio)

Joushuuhan da ne.

Joushuuhan tte koto da.

A little patterngoing on here.

There’s a little patterngoing on here.

[He’s a] habitual
offenderThat means [he’s] ahabitual criminal(Queer Eye 2018 Episode 1, emphasis added)

38Black women, as well, are conceptualized as being more masculine, and thus less feminine. This

hypermasculinity can bring black people, in the minds of others, into nonhuman territory. Studies have shownthat black people tend to be prescribed fewer pain medications, under the assumption that pain tolerance ishigher. (Hoffman et al 2016)

68Subtitles do have the restriction of having to fit on the screen, generally comfortably enough toactually see most of the picture through it, and tend to be more concise than the audio. As we cansee, they tend to include less hesitation and filler words, which tends to be where some of thefeminine style lies. By comparing, however, we do get to see what is deemed important to the story.
Lines 13 through 15, spoken by Jonathan Van Ness, are of particular interest, as he mostfully embodies the stereotypical gay-as-woman ideology.
Japanese (subs)
13 Tonikaku genjou
kara
nukedasaseyou
Anyway, get him
out of the present
situation
14 Imechen sasete ie
mo kirei ni suruchange his image
and fix up his
house

15 Sore de ii yo-ne?
That’s good, right?

Japanese (audio)

English (subs)

English (audio)

Mazu kako no josei We're gonna dust
kankei no juubako off theseo toite,Christmas ghost
past ofrelationships.
First crack open themultitiered box of
his relationships
with women,

We're gonna dust off these
Christmas ghost past ofthese relationships.

Fukusou deimechen shite, ie
no naka mo kirei ni
suru

Sort out his closet.
Get him cute, we’regonna get thathouse fixed up.

We are gonna sort out his
closet. We’re gonna get him
cute, we’re gonna get him
lookin’ good, we’re gonna
get the house fixed up

We’re ready, we
cannot wait.

We’re ready, we cannot
wait.

change his image
with clothing, andfix up his house.
Ikkoku mohayakuhajimeyou!
Let’s start without amoment's delay!
(Queer Eye 2018 Episode 1, emphasis added)

Accentuated by his fast and hyperbolic speech (“Christmas ghost past”), his theatrical manner isconsistent with the “drama queen” stereotype of women, and gay men by extension.
Both the Japanese subtitles and audio include the word “imechen,” which is a shortened version of“imeeji chenji (change one’s image).” The choice of Japanese-made English in itself is less serious
69

than the equivalent Japanese, but shortening words in this manner gives an impression oflightheartedness or frivolity, a strategy we see extensively in the marketing examples in Chapter 4.
While line 13 is not particularly dramatic in the Japanese translations, line 15 is comparatively so.
The manner in which line 15 is spoken in English is, admittedly, quite strong (emphasis on “cannot”)
which is consistent with the rest of his speech, the Japanese subtitles are clearly marked as femininewith “yo-ne (right?),” and the audio as being at least as dramatic as the “we cannot wait” in the
English versions.
The introduction to the scene beginning at 38:54 demonstrates more of the interactions
between the members. The turns taken are quick, with speakers overlapping each other at times,
making it seem more natural a conversation than is generally seen in standard (not “reality”)
entertainment media.
Speaker
1 Antoni

2 Karamo

Japanese (subs)

Japanese (audio)

English (subs)

English (audio)

Choudo ii

Ii awa no ryou da

Mm. Just the rightamount of head

Mm. Just the rightamount of head

It’s just rightIt’s just the rightamount of bubbles

Arigatou

SankyuuThanksThanks, babe.

Thanks, babe.

Kanpai!
(Kanpaaaaaai)
Bobii, kore!

Cheers. Oh,
Bobby, here yougo.

Cheers. Oh,
Bobby, here yougo.

Thank you
3 Jonathan Kanpai shiyou
Let’s make a
toast
4

5 Bobby

Bobii, iretayo

Douzo

Bobby, I madeyour drink[Bobby, I put itin]Go ahead

Arigatou

Arigatou~
Oishii!

Oh, thank you boo Oh, thank you boo
boo.
boo.

Thanks70

Thanks!
It’s good!
6 Antoni

Tan wa?
Atsumatte

Tan wa?
Hayaku hayaku!

[Antoni] Where’s
Tan?

Where’s Tan?
Gather around

Where’s Tan?
Hurry hurry!

[Bobby] Come on,come on.

7 Bobby
8 Karamo

Where’s Tan?

Come on, comeon.
Tomu no jikandaIt’s Tom time

Tomu no bideo

Alright, Tom
Jackson time.

Alright, Tom
Jackson time.

Yes.

Yes.

Tom’s video

9 Jonathan Sou

Sou

Yeah

Yeah
(Queer Eye 2018 Episode 1, emphasis added)

As the scene begins we are introduced to the special blend of masculine crassness and feminine
roles in line 1 of the English audio and subtitles. The opening line, “Mm. Just the right amount ofhead” is a double entendre, with “head” having several potential meanings. At the point of thisutterance, the outside of the Fab Five Loft is shown, with the speaker not yet on screen. The lack ofvisual input leads the viewer to imagine the common colloquial meaning, of a certain sexual act
performed on a man. When the group is shown, however, it is another meaning of “head,” the stackof foam that appears on the top of carbonated beverages. This play with language, what first appears
to be overt sexuality, and innocence is a theme throughout the original English version of theepisode.
In line 3 of the English, Karamo says “Thanks, babe” when receiving his drink. “Babe” isan affectionate, somewhat condescending, way for a man to address a woman39. As a shortened
version of “baby,” it infantilizes adult woman, and seems to be slowly falling out of favor in
39

Referring to one’s romantic partner as “babe” is no longer exclusive to men in a heterosexual relationship,

but it is more strongly masculine when thought of on a scale of masculine to feminine.

71politically correct contexts. Although it is becoming archaic, it is fairly easily recognizable as amarker of a man addressing a woman. This leads to a sense that Karamo assumes the male role inthis interaction with the other Fab Five members40. The Japanese subtitles seem to ignore thisnuance with a standard “Arigatou [Thank you],” but the audio is “Sankyuu,” or “Thank you”
pronounced within the Japanese phonetic system. The choice to express gratitude using an English
versus a Japanese word gives it a light, bubbly, and decidedly international feel.
While Karamo takes on a more stereotypically masculine role here, the other Fab Fivemembers show their affection in different ways. The nonsensical “boo boo,” which rings strongly of
an affectionate female relative. Speaking baby talk could be thought of as a marker of maternity, as
women are most often the main caregivers in our patriarchal society.
Although media often portrays minority groups, in this case the LGBT community, as amonolithic entity, each member of the Fab Five represents a different gay archetype. While theexpression of their personalities being limited to a combination of stereotypically feminine andmasculine markers is problematic, it lends itself to creating an awareness of the diversity that exists
within the category.
The frequently interspersed sexual jokes reminds the viewers of the Fab Five’s sexuality,
retaining it as a central theme of the show. The Japanese versions of the show choose different
linguistic strategies in expressing gay identity. Rather than nonsense words to show affection, theJapanese audio relies on pitch and intonation to convey a sort of sisterhood interaction the Fab Fivehas. While is is difficult to express in a document, the pitch, tone, and vocal qualities (male/female
sounding, husky, light, etc.) is a part of language that cannot be ignored. This blend of masculine
grammatical patterns (sentence-final particle “da [is]” with feminine intonation spoken by a malesounding person creates a decidedly “gay” linguistic pattern, at least in the way that we commonly
conceptualize LGBT people, as a combination of male and female traits41. We cannot assume that40

The idea that there must be a “man” or someone who “wears the pants,” that is that there is one masculine

partner and one feminine partner in a homosexual relationship, is one that is addressed as a myth in this very
episode. This is yet another example of how language transcends beyond our conscious thought and is related
to a much deeper level of cognition.
41

These traits, however, are in a large part socially constructed, and thus arbitrary to some extent.

72the lack of jokes of a sexual nature in either Japanese version is necessarily because of anti-gay
sentiment or general closed-mindedness in the culture, but rather a different way and degree of
expressing sexual orientation in the public sphere.

73

Chapter 4
Political Discourse and Gender

Modern American politics, as made even more obvious by the 2016 presidential election, makes
full use of a wide range of media platforms. This includes the more traditional televisioncommercials and other broadcast formats, as well as newer and more interactive social media
platforms. Lakoff (2002) describes the differing political and moral models in the United States,with republicans having a “Strict Father” model, and democrats, a “Nurturant Parent” model. Whileboth groups view the government as a parent, whether it is a father or whether the gender isunspecified is a clear difference. In other words, gender ideology appears in the very system thatguides not only one’s political decisions, but morality on a larger scale. This can be claimed basedon linguistic evidence of various scales, including linguistic acts by and about individual politicians,and discourse surrounding political issues.
In this study, political media is taken in a broad sense and includes a range of topics,
spanning from official governmental practices to grassroots activism. Rather than determining
politics by the status of the speaker, the motivation behind the media (and thus, linguistic act),
whether it be entertainment, social and political action, or advertisement, is the factor that defines it
as being mass media, political media, or advertising media. This allows for the consideration of
movements as a whole, even if the individual voices are of marginalized people.
An obvious example of gender ideology in political discourse is the following commercial
for Donald Trump’s presidential campaign, presented by Ivanka Trump. From the very first line, it
implies the patriarchal notion that women primarily exist for reproduction.
The most important job any woman can have is being a mother, and it shouldn’tmean taking a pay cut. I’m Ivanka Trump, a mother, a wife, and an entrepreneur.
Donald Trump understands the needs of the modern workforce. My father will change
outdated labor laws so that they support women and American families. He will provide
tax credits for childcare, paid maternity leave, and dependent care savings accounts.
This will allow women to support their families and further their careers.
(The Washington Post, 2016/09/30, emphasis added)74More than the words actually spoken in the advertisement, what is not said reflects the gender
ideology held by the target audience. On one hand, it elevates women’s work, which has
traditionally undervalued, but devalues women who cannot or choose not to have children at thesame time. By not mentioning the possibility of life without reproduction, women’s lives areconceptualized as being defined by their relationship with men (and any resulting children), andheteronormativity is further reinforced. By presenting childcare as women’s interest, men are left outof the process, leaving in place the traditional roles of the home as women’s domain and society as
men’s. Language such as "modern" and "outdated" do little to change this overall message.
As seen in the above example, certain themes are frequently evoked when targeting
women: family being a major one. The following is part of a transcript from the final presidential
debate:In the audience tonight, we have four mothers of -- I mean, these are unbelievable people
that I've gotten to know over a period of years whose children have been killed, brutallykilled by people that came into the country illegally. You have thousands of mothers
and fathers and relatives all over the country. They're coming in illegally. Drugs are
pouring in through the border. We have no country if we have no border.
(The Washington Post, 2016/10/19, emphasis added)
Citing a sensational example that is prototypical in the sense that it stands out, rather than being
representative of immigrants as a whole, frames the discussion of building a wall as a family, andtherefore women’s, issue. It also squarely situates the leader of the country as the protector of thefamily in the Strict Father model (Lakoff 2002).
We're going to get them out; we're going to secure the border. And once the border issecured, at a later date, we'll make a determination as to the rest. But we have some bad
hombres here, and we're going to get them out.
(The Washington Post, 2016/10/19, emphasis added)75

Without expressly stating the race, and theoretically avoiding racist accusations, the speaker hastaken advantage of an existing stereotype held by his audience. The Spanish word “hombre” isinstantly marked, as it appears in primarily English speech. It alerts the hearers to a particular frame,
evoking the image of Latino men. By activating the prototype of a dangerous Mexican man, asalient, but not necessarily accurate example is raised as a common enemy. Using a presumably
foreign word creates a dichotomy of “bad” men of color versus good people, and may also relate to
dehumanizing euphemisms as discussed in Hooks (1982:10-11).

4.1 Women in Political News MediaNot only in the rhetoric surrounding the issues, but whose voices are valued and who is fit
to participate in politics is also skewed by gender ideology. The following is a transcript of the news
and talk show, "The O’Reilly Factor." In this segment, the host and guests react to footage ofRepresentative Maxine Waters, an older black woman, speaking out against Donald Trump and his
supporters.
Speaker

Transcript

Bill O’Reilly

I didn’t hear a word she said. I was-I was looking at the James
Brown wig. If we have a picture of James, it’s the same w--

Brian Kilmeade

It’s the same one, and he’s not using it anymore. They just- They
finally buried him.

Bill O’Reilly

You guys are all, you’re all wrong about this.

Ainsley Earhardt

Oh, okay. I gotta defend her on that. She’s a--You can’t go after awoman’s looks. I think she’s very attractive.

Bill O’Reilly

I didn’t say she wasn’t attractive. I love James Brown. But it’s thesame hair James Brown, alright, the godfather of soul had.

Ainsley Earhardt

So he had girl hair?

Bill O’Reilly

Whatever it is, I just couldn’t get by it.
（CNNMoney, 2017）76

The above conversation reads as simple jest, but belies still prevalent racist and sexist ideology inmainstream America. As Hooks (1982) discusses, black women have been conceptualized as"masculinized, sub-human creatures" for much of American history (ibid. 1982: 71). The
comparison of her hair to James Brown’s wig functions to simultaneously demasculinize James
Brown and map that feature of substandard masculinity onto the wearer, negating her femininity42.
This motivates the female speaker to defend the target’s attractiveness. In addition, claiming that the"James Brown wig" distracted him from the content of Waters’s speech further implies that awoman’s worth and credibility hinges on her physical attractiveness. The individual speaker may
have consciously meant no harm, but tools and language of oppression remain on a societal
cognitive level.
Gender ideology comes in to contact with the political sphere in many different ways,
through the politicians themselves, policies, grassroots movements, public service announcements,
everyday people, the news and the people who deliver it, as well as interaction between them. While
politics, as understood in this dissertation, is a very broad concept, the current United Statespresidency is particularly fraught with blatant sexism, due to the commander in chief’s reputation asa womanizer and his outspoken opinions about women’s bodies.
The language surrounding the high profile scandal involving an affair between porn actress
Stormy Daniels and Donald Trump offers a chance to delve into the double standard gender
ideology creates for men and women. Former mayor Giuliani, acting as President Trump’s attorney,is quoted by CNN as saying the following:
I even have to respect, you know, criminals. But I'm sorry, I don't respect a porn star
the way I respect a career woman or a woman of substance or a woman who has great
respect for herself as a woman and as a person and isn't going to sell her body forsexual exploitation.
(CNN 06/07/2018)42

As “wigs” are associated with beauty and appearance they are typically considered women’s accessories,

despite historically being used by upper class men. Whether James Brown actually wore a wig or not, referring
to his hair as a “wig”, and a conspicuous one at that, undermines masculinity by attributing an object from thefeminine domain.

77Giuliani uses binary language to express a common opinion about women who work in the sex
industry. Giuliani places “career women” and “women of substance” as separate, but similarly
valued entities, and “porn stars” as undeserving of respect. Note that “porn stars” is not inherently
gendered, as “women” is, but, as the male gaze is standard in patriarchal society, and women are tobe objectified, the prototypical “porn star” is female, and needs no further specification.
This “as a person” is particularly interesting in that he says nothing of the men who appear
in adult entertainment. Perhaps because women are so visible from the perspective of the male gaze,the standard in patriarchal society, in a form of media that is centered on the heterosexual male.
Similarly to how reproductive functions are more associated with women, women's bodies are thefocus of, and the very visible, foregrounded objects in mainstream adult media. While it takes morethan just a woman with low moral standards to make these films, the men who appear with thewomen (such as, according to CNN, Giuliani’s client) and the men who consume the finishedmedia are backgrounded and thus less scrutinized, likely in part because of the boys-will-be-boys
expectation of rampant, uncontrollable sexuality.
His choice of the word “exploitation” is particularly interesting, in that it implies power on
the part of the person doing the exploiting, of course, not the one being exploited. Logically, theparty with the power also has the responsibility, and thus is at fault, but, as is obvious from thecontext, that is not how this situation is conceptualized. Acting as consumers of sex work is
expected from men, but contraindicated by prototypical, proper femininity. This is not to say that
pornography is unproblematic, but that the issue is the entire system, rather than the individual
women. Its existence as an industry can be tied to the objectification of women in society as a whole.
Women who participate in it, however, while benefiting in other ways, lose so much respect that it isseen as acceptable to openly devalue their testimony in court.
So Stormy, you want to bring a case, let me cross-examine you. Because the business
you're in entitles you to no degree of giving your credibility any weight. And secondly,
explain to me how she could be damaged. I mean, she has no reputation. If you'regoing to sell your body for money, you just don't have a reputation. Maybe oldfashioned, I don't know.
(CNN 06/07/2018)78

As the disdain for those who sell their bodies does not generally extend to models or sports players,
the immorality selling one’s body (or rather, images of one’s body) stems from the purpose, with thepunishment much greater for women. Another CNN article quotes Giuliani as using the word
“desecrate” to describe what porn stars do to women (CNN 2018/06/06). While he may have meant
to say that the porn industry desecrates women, Daniels’s job conceptually violates other women.
He takes the classical conservative stance of a strict father, whose job it is to protect the family,
including the purity and sanctity of the women within it.
Even having achieved the ultimate of femininity in terms of outward appearance, being theideal that women are socialized to strive for and capitalizing on it, she is still an object, and a flawed
one at that. This implies a major infraction of femininity in terms of gender ideology, a major part ofwhich is sexual value, that is, the promise of exclusivity. While youth does, in many cases,
guarantee a sexually valuable partner in terms of fertility, an often cited excuse for objectifying
women, this conceptual drop in value of women in this specific industry, even one so visually close
to societal standards, shows a separate factor. Although the business would not survive without amarket, the consumers are conceptualized as much less at fault than the providers, who are
simultaneously elevated and disgraced. While monogamy is also recognized as the ideal for men,they are almost expected not to uphold it, especially when the female partner commits someideological wrong in terms of appearance or action. Women’s attractiveness is often conceptualized
as a key to happiness, an increase of which would remove barriers, whether they exist because of
how people treat them as a result of their appearance or their individual feeling of confidence or lackthereof. This is, as criticism of women in political spaces shows, that women’s value is denied
whether they are perceived as too attractive or not attractive enough. It isn't that these women said
anything that discounts them, but their status as non-prototypical, especially in the political realm,
legitimizes ridicule.

4.2 Instantiation and Blending for Challenging Existing Gender Roles
In the United States, though women were refused the right to vote for most of its history asa country, Hillary Clinton rose to the level of presidential candidacy in the 2016 election. She can be79thought of proof of the impact of the women’s rights movement, even without breaking through thathighest glass ceiling. The fact that both men and women are allowed to go to school, that people ofdifferent races or nationalities can marry, and other realities that modern people take for granted
would have been unheard of just a few decades ago. These small, gradual changes amounted to arevolution over time.
Language and ideology influence each other, giving language the power to cause a revolution(Nakamura 2003, 2014). The words used by a society and the concepts in that society are reflectionsof each other, and the media, which has the power to popularize and create fads, also has thecapacity to create change. By observing social change that is on the verge of happening, we can also
more effectively approach a society that accepts diversity.
Even if it is not directly related to a governmental organization, the writer considers political
media to be any which primarily relates to and calls for change in how women and men are or
should be. We are taught that industry and government are separate entities, but the power on thepart of companies to drive (or act in favor of) social change is greater than we are generally
conscious of43. Government may lead change in some cases, but companies, which are not boundby legal process or the constitution in the same way the government is, are in a position to increaseawareness of problems such as those having to do with gender. Rather than focusing only on
individuals, let us see them as part of a whole and try to consider social change on a wider scale.
The language and related concepts and categories used by a certain group changes
depending on the times44. Even with some shift from the classic prototype, an instance comes to beunderstood as an example of the category based on similarly.
We have the capacity to understand examples as instances of a category based on thefeatures of a general schema. This kind of ability is generally a facet of the capacity tocategorize, stemming from schematization. In the case that an example is similar to aclassic (that is, prototypical) example of the category, we can think of it as the capacity
43

In some cases industry has a great deal of power to affect governmental decisions, such as when dairy

lobbyists influence the recommendations made by organizations such as the Food and Drug Administration.
44

Both groups that share a physical space, such as in the case of countries, regions, cities, and schools, as wellas those that do not, such as over the internet are considered to be both groups and communities.

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to incorporate it as an instance of the category by way of the cognitive process ofsimilarity.
(Yamanashi 2000: 180)
There are times when categories broaden to accept an example as belonging in a category becauseof its similarly to another. This capacity brings about diversity within the category, which expands
the schema, even without a change in prototype. In a broad sense, a society can also be thought of asa conceptualizer, with ways of thinking that represent the society or major social group’s
mainstream. There is a “something~ness” that represents the representative quality of the place orcommunity and appears on a societal level. It is possible that the instances experienced by the people
in a culture influence the direction in which the category expands, which is precisely why
representation in the media is so important. When minority or marginalized groups are represented
as being deserving of or somehow causing their poor status in society, discriminatory acts andthinking are legitimized, further sustaining the system in its entirety. Whether someone appears in
the media in the first place is, in large part, decided by the media makers, and reflects their (usuallyhis) value system. This truth is not necessarily made obvious to the media consumers, and may be
assumed as truth. Within the mind of a viewer who has only been exposed to frivolous women
through the mass media, for example, could (especially if more abundant than other experience withwomen) the prototypical woman would be built out of those experiences, with the essence of theschema itself reflecting that.
While they may not use the language of cognitive sociolinguistics, the understanding of social
concepts as categories is being used as a strategy in creating social change. By combining examples
of social categories which are already considered standard with revolutionary aspect, it may be
accepted as an extended case. When this shift becomes accepted as an example of the category,there is, then, the possibility to shift once again. In human history we have seen repeated shifts insocial categories, which resulted in marginalized groups being recognized as humans and gaining
basic rights. In the United States, the result of these shifts was that enslaved black people who had

81been considered property gained the right to marry, the right to participate in elections45, and now
every race or ethnicity studies together at schools (at least in terms of the law). The same trend canbe seen in women’s rights, with many modern women believing that we have achieved equality.
There have, of course, been vast legal improvements in many facets of life, but social pressure stillcreates a real problem, which may be less obvious and thus harder to eradicate. Without addressing
the cyclic nature of the relationship to societal attitudes based in ideology, we cannot expect to see
significant improvements on a personal level, which we now see as various types of power
harassment, for example. There is a limit to the amount of extension that can occur with each shift:
too far makes it difficult for the example to be understood as being under the same schema. And thiscategorical flexibility likely depends on the person, their creativity, and ability to accept change.
Perhaps we can hope that continued small steps from currently acceptable examples will result inlarge scale change.
In terms of the process of instantiation as part of image change, Yamanashi (2012)
discusses “superimposition of images,” in which two image schemas overlap, with features of eachcoming through to the surface.
<Superimposition of Source-Path-Goal and Container Image Schema>

Figure 4-1(Yamanashi 2012:30-31)

What Yamanashi (2012) explains is simply the capacity for overlap in image schemas, thisprocess may be present on more complex, abstract levels of human cognition, such as the domains

45

Although at first, one black man was not counted as an entire person either. While this blatant discrimination

has been greatly reduced, voter suppression still disproportionately affects people of color, and limits their
participation in politics.

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of womanliness and manliness or other concepts related to ideology. As we see in the following
examples, media having to do with gender equality and other social action is useful in observing thisphenomenon. This social movement aims to adjust classic gender roles that dictate that the woman
stays at home and the man goes out into society, by combining the appropriate features for eachfamily member, thus superimposing the domains.
<Modern Superimposition of Traditional Gender Roles>(Tynes 2017c : 49)
Figure 4-2
The above is far from complete, but Figure 2 illustrates the overlap of roles traditionally allotted bygender potentially available to modern people in a more equal society. Because language andsociety reflect each other, the creation of new concepts and the change in existing ones occurs on
two planes. In Blend Theory, as introduced by Fauconnier and Turner (2002), two concepts are
blended, creating a new one. This may give a more in depth and concrete explanation for the type ofsuperimposition discussed above.
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<The Basic Diagram>

Figure 4-3(Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 46)
The common features of the multiple input spaces are represented in the generic space, the resulting
concept represented in the in the blended space. Next, let us consider strategic extension as an
instance of a schema, based on the theoretical framework discussed above.

4.3 Challenging Expectations Based on Gender Ideology
The following advertisements encourage social change through blending existing concepts
via the language that represents them, likely in an attempt to reach through to the ideology held by
the audience, the conceptualizer.

4.3.1 Japanese Fatherhood Campaigns
First, we will consider examples of campaigns by the Gender Equality Bureau, a major
government agency aiming to change the situation in Japan. The following advertisement calls men
to a domain that is traditionally for women.
84meshifood

Otouhanhajimaru!

Kore made ryouri nanka dekinai to omotteita
anata ni,rippa na ryouri wo tsukuranakereba ikenai toomotteita anata ni.
Iin desu.
“Otou-han” nara iin desu!
Kantan ni, tema o kakezu,
tashou mitame ga warukutemo oishikereba,
Sore ga “otou-han”.
Oishii to ittekureru, kazoku no egao wo mitemimasenka!!
Jibun jishin ni o atarashii hakken ga aru kamo...

Dadfood
begins!

To you who, up until now, thought he couldn’t cook,
and to you who thought that only magnificent cooking
was good enough.
It’s fine.
If it’s “Dad-food” it’s fine!
Easily, and without much time or effort,
as long as it’s delicious even if it doesn’t look great,
that’s “Dad-food”.
Won’t you look at your smiling family as they tell you
it’s delicious!!
And maybe you’ll discover something new for
yourself...

(Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office | “‘Otouhan’ hajimeyou” campaign)(Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office | “Let’s begin ‘Dadfood’” campaign)
The English page officially calls this campaign “Get Dads Cooking,” which is decidedly lessclumsy than a more literal translation. For comparison, the official English introduction to thecampaign reads as follows:
What’s Get Dads Cooking?
Simple, easy but tasty meals that help men overcome the psychological hurdles of
cooking for the family.

Emotional hurdles men face when cooking for the family- I don’t have the knowledge or experience to cook well

- I have to cook nutritionally balanced food

- I have to make it look appetizing and well presented- I have to make wonderful food

- The food I’ve cooked in the past didn’t go down well with the family(Get Dads Cooking | Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office)

There is some irony that while the restaurant industry is dominated by male chefs, the average man
does little cooking. This may be due to the tendency for men doing something denotes a craft, as in85the creative displays in the foodie world, but women doing the same thing is a matter of necessity
and thus mundane.
In the Kansai dialect, “s” sounds may become unvoiced, and the honorific marker“~san(Mr./Ms.~)” is famously pronounced “~han.” “Okaasan [Mother]” becomes “Okaahan,”and “Otousan,” “Otouhan.” The reference to this feature of Kansai dialect is completed in the rules
below, when addressing any “Okaahan [Mother]” who might be reading the page. In addition tothis nod to the Kansai dialect, the “han” in this case is written using the kanji character “meshi(food),”made possible by the rich Japanese writing system. Most characters have several possible readings,
and the copywriter took advantage of furigana, the desired phonetic reading written above kanji insmall characters. The “Otouhan” blend occurs on both the linguistic and conceptual level,
distinguishing “Otouhan” from any other kind of food. As mentioned on the official English page,
this is perhaps to protect men’s egos as they take some (likely shaky) steps into the domestic realm.
In addition, marking this type of cooking as being for dads, and thus masculine, may make it seem
more appealing.
The ad asserts that "If it’s ‘Dad-food’ it’s fine!" but the implication is that other food (momfood) is not fine “even if it doesn’t look great,” leaving the double standard in tact. By using just a bitof the existing gender ideology may serve to increase the audience’s comfort level, therefore
improving the chances of real social change.
The “Otouhan Instructions” and “Get Dads Cooking Rulebook” states that the cooking is
to be “Quick,” “Easy,” “Use reasonable ingredients,” and “Use available seasonings at home,”
which is useful information for anyone looking to start cooking at home. These rules are less for thereader, and more for whoever provides the particular recipes, which focus on ease and practicality.

Otouhan no Kokoroe






Hitotsu, tebayaku
Hitotsu, kantan ni
Hitotsu, riizunaburu na shokuzai deHitotsu, ie no choumiryou wo tsukau
Hitotsu, atokatadzuke wa saigo made







86

The
Get Dads Cooking
Rulebook

Quick
Easy
Use reasonable ingredients
Use available seasonings at home
Clean up properly after cooking

Otouhan,Mimamottete ne, OkaahanMoms, please encourage your budding Get
Cooking Dads!
(Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office | “Otouhan’ no Kokoroe”)(Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office | “Get Dads Cooking Rulebook”)
The rule to “Clean up properly after cooking” is of a somewhat different nature from the others, as
it shifts responsibility from the recipe writer to the reader, the prospective cook. The writer of the sitethen proceeds to take a friendly jab at men in general for their tendency to not clean up after cooking.
The overall lighthearted, humorous style continues the lighthearted, humorous atmosphere that iscommonly associated with Kansai dialect.
The rules for the English version is more or less a direct translation of the Japanese, but thenote at the end, “Moms, please encourage your budding Get Cooking Dads!” is has a slightly
different nuance. The verb “mimamoru (keep an eye on)” is made up of the characters “mi{ru46}(tosee)” and “mamo{ru}(to protect),” and may be more hands on than the English “encourage,” whichprimarily involves the use of words. In combination with the conjugation “~tete (keep doing) “ne(okay?)” it is in an informal and casual request, affectionately suggesting that the moms should
expect the cooking dad to need help. This is not a special case, and is true for anyone starting to learn
a new skill. The intention was likely to acknowledge any moms in the readership, who presumably
do all of the cooking (and shopping, as hinted at by “available seasonings at home”) at the moment,
but going much further than this may actually perpetuate the bumbling dad stereotype of men being
useless around the home.
Because the “han (food)” in “Otouhan” is expressed in kanji it can be interpreted as representing
either the “Otouhan (Father)” or the result of his cooking. “Okaahan (Mother)” is represented inonly hiragana phonetic characters, clearly standing for the person who holds that position in thefamily.

46{} denotes the okurigana, or the phonetic characters that typically accompany a kanji character when the

traditional Japanese pronunciation, rather than one based on Chinese, is used.

87

<”Otouhan” Blend>Figure 4-4(Tynes 2017c :52)
Binary gender ideology is so deeply ingrained in our thinking that cooking done by dads isconceptualized as being fundamentally different than that done by moms, even in this campaign thatpushes for gender equality. While awareness of how the reader will accept the ad is important, thepossibility of confirming existing gender ideology, thus becoming a hurdle down the line, is worth
remembering. Likely more important, however, is the necessity to build upon societal cognition as it
is now. Even if every step of progress is not a perfect one, each factor of discrimination can bedismantled bit by bit. As discussed above, suddenly introducing radically different concepts into
society may be less likely to be accepted into the mainstream, which may be why blending could bea useful strategy in category extension. Although there are prototypical differences between“Otouhan (dadfood)” and what Mom would make, but they are both presented as examples of thecategory of “food.” If successful, the image of “food” for the individual reader, and thus within anysocial group they belong to, may expand to include this new concept.

88

<“Otouhan (Dadfood)” as an Extension of the Food Category>

Figure 4-5(Tynes 2017c :53)
The following example is a campaign by another Japanese governmental organization, it’s
website linked to the previous one. Like “Otouhan,” this movement encourages men to take a moreequal part of domestic responsibilities, traditionally relegated to the feminine sphere. The “Ikumen
Project” encourages men to actively take part in childcare, starting by exercising their right topaternity leave.

89

< “Ikumen Project” Symbol>

Figure 4-6(Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare | Ikumen Project)
The above mark is yet another example of the rich and flexible Japanese writing system. “Ikumen”
is comprised of the character “iku [nurture]” and English “men.” The use of kanji gives a masculine
impression47. “Men” is expressed in both all capital roman letters and katakana phonetic characters.
As katakana, the reader is more likely to make a connection between “Ikumen” and the compliment“Ikemen [handsome guy],” especially because of the similarity in shape between “ku” and “ke.”“Ikemen” is a common word that exclusively describes men, strongly activating the masculine
domain.
The text at the top reads “Sodateru otoko ga kazou wo kaeru. Shakai ga ugoku [Men who
nurture change their families. Society moves].” The verbs “change” and “move” in connection withchildcare play a pulling the concept of childcare from the passive, feminine domain into a more
active role, one more befitting of masculinity. In order for men to actually take their paternity leave,thus being at home taking care of an infant rather than going to a job outside of the home, it must be
understood as being of their caliber rather than “women’s work.” The conceptualization of childrearing as an act that changes society could bolster men’s confidence enough to challenge a possibly
less than friendly work culture.
The “Ikumen Project” advertisements feature cartoon samurai, a symbol of a nostalgic typeof masculinity that no longer exists in the modern world. The official Twitter posts are written to47

Because hiragana is also known as women’s characters, the use of hiragana is more likely to leave an

impression of femininity.

90

include the sentence final “~degozaru [is],” which commonly marks samurai speech in the media,
as opposed to the standard “desu,” for example. The following is an official Twitter post from
December 4th, 2017 announcing award-winning supervisors who facilitate paternity leave.
“Ikubosu Awaado 2017” Tokubetsu
Shoureishou jushousha, Daiwa Lease no
Takagane Tomohisa-san. Eigyoushiku nodansei buka no ikuji kyuugyou shutoku osekkyokuteki ni atooshi shi, sapooto shita
degozaru. Kuwashii torikumi naiyou wa
http://urx.red/GFP2 no 10 peeji me wo chekku
suru degozaru.

“Iku-boss Award 2017” Honorable
Mention recipient, Mr. Tomohisa
Takagane of Daiwa Lease. He actively
encourages and supports male employees
in sales positions to take childcare leave.
For more details about his efforts, checkpage ten of http://urx.red/GFP2 .

(Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare | Ikumen Project, emphasis added)
Making use of the super-masculine image of a warrior allows the campaign to evoke a sense ofmasculinity, tempering the femininity usually associated with childcare. The reader imagines adifferent type of masculinity, classier and more honorable than that expressed by the word-endings“ze” or “zo,” which is typically considered to be modern Japanese men’s language48.
4.3.2 American Fatherhood Campaigns
Similarly to the Otouhan campaign above, there are many organizations that campaign forfathers to play a more active role in their families. Focus is largely placed on the concept of strength,a major factor of masculinity. Even the names of the groups foreground the manliness that is
involved in caring for one’s children and home, making participation in what is often regarded as
women’s work more palatable for men.
The National Responsible Fatherhood Clearinghouse, a government organization, declareson their front page that “Some superheroes don’t wear capes. They are called Dad!” Whileseemingly more subdued in their appeal to masculinity than other organizations examined in thissection, strength of fathers is a goal of the organization.
The goals of the National Responsible Fatherhood Clearinghouse (NRFC) are toprovide, facilitate, and disseminate current research, proven and innovative strategies

48

The overtly manly Japanese represented by these word forms cannot be used in every situation because it

typically expresses a rough type of masculinity (Nakamura 2014).

91

that will encourage and strengthen fathers and families, and providers of services via
the following priorities:(National Responsible Fatherhood Clearinghouse)
Strength and heroism, central features of masculinity, are common themes throughout the examples
in this section. Through masculine discourse, organizations invite the audience to consider the
traditionally feminine tasks of childcare and housework as masculine, hopefully allowing men toparticipate without shame.
The Fatherhood Project is another organization that encourages paternal involvement,
whose “mission is to improve the health and well-being of children and families by empowering
fathers to be knowledgeable, active, and emotionally engaged with their children (The Fatherhood
Project | Connecting fathers and children)." The concept of empowerment as a marker ofmasculinity is, again, consistent with the existing gender ideology.
Strong Fathers Strong Families is, as the name implies, ties the strength of the father inparticular to the strength of the family as a whole, building off of and perhaps strengthening theconceptualized necessity of a parent who displays the qualities of hegemonic masculinity. The ideathat strength is primarily connected with masculinity implies that without a masculine figure afamily is weak. This functions to bolster the sense of importance of the job of fatherhood, and why amother or other non-masculine parental figure is insufficient. Traditionally feminine tasks are, evennow, seen as being less important or less challenging, and thus below the man of the house. Ifparental responsibilities are conceptualized as something that women are assumed to be better at,
such as nurturing, men will not likely feel as compelled to participate than if it is something that
requires traits associated with men, especially strength.
Drive, whether that in a car, of a ball, with a golf club, or drive as in motivation, is easily
placed in the realm of masculinity. The Drive to Five fatherhood campaign does have lexicalfeatures of male-oriented media, as exemplified in the technical language used in the subtitle, “ACampaign to Equip Dads for Maximum Performance through the 0-5 Years,” but it also includes
nuanced concepts of “informed conversation, evidence based practices, effective engagement and apositive narrative of fatherhood” in the mission statement.

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The importance of fathers is stressed in each campaign, with fathers conceptualized as theleaders, and perhaps most important member of, their families. All Pro Dad is particularlyinteresting organization, in that it connects fatherhood with professional sports. The symbol is afootball passing through a ring, while the symbol of the pair site, iMom, is an abstract drawing of aparent and child, the arms of the parent being in the shape of a heart. Motherhood is conceptualized
as love and nurturing, while fatherhood is associated with winning. All Pro Dad is associated with
the National Football League, with its symbol appearing across the site, and NFL spokesmen who“realize the true victory in life is not on a scoreboard, but is measured by the love and honor of theirchildren.” The “Dad Quotes” section of the page features quotes about strength, integrity, and self
improvement. Each of the quotes are superimposed on a picture, a popular style for social media
posts. The following are just a few examples.
A father’s job is not only to PROTECT & PROVIDE but also to LOVE & LEAD. MarkMerril.com

Don’t fear risk

life is an adventure, not a dress rehearsal. -Tony Dungy

“Commit to the things that have deeper value than what the world says - Tony
Dungy”

“You don’t raise heroes, you raise sons. And if you treat them like sons, they’llturn out to be heroes, even if it’s just in your own eyes. - Walter M. Schirra, Sr.”
(Dad Quotes - All Pro Dad: All Pro Dad)

Parenting, when done by a man, becomes manly, with concepts of victory, adventure, and integrity.
These campaigns, whether from a government or nonprofit organization, use a conceptual
metaphor as fatherhood as a heroic role, with some campaigns overtly using the word “hero.” Notethat “heroes” is exclusive to men, as not all children, but only sons are raised to be heroes.
While the Dad Quotes section consists of quotes from mostly football players, but also
astronauts, authors, and other manly men, the equivalent page on iMom, the site for mothers, ismuch lighter in content, and largely lacking a concrete source. See the following for comparison:Every mother is a working mother

If you want to be a good mom, You must be a kind mom

93

Let Him Talk Without Interrupting

Choose the pretty nightgown over the flannel PJ’s even when it’s cold



Say “yes”(Mom Quotes - iMom)

Women are instructed to be kind, submissive, and sexy, no matter how tired or busy they are, whichis consistent with the traditional expectations of gender ideology. The bar is set so low for men, thatthey must be encouraged to spend time with their offspring, while women are assumed to be taking
on all of the household duties whether she works outside of the home or not. The sites complement
each other in that men are encouraged to step into what they may consider a feminine space, byspending time with their children, while women are encouraged to be hyper-feminine and maketheir men feel like men. While sharing parental responsibilities gender roles are maintained in otherways, thus protecting fragile masculinity.
Both All Pro Dad and iMom are produced by the same organization, Family First, andpromote more involvement on the father’s part, they do it without challenging the existing
framework of gender ideology. By reframing parental involvement as manly or womanly,
depending on the audience, there is less offense to people and less chance to undermine their value
system, reducing the need of a paradigm shift in creating concrete change.
In the article, The opening paragraph is as follows:
Most CEOs have certain management responsibilities. As CEO of your family, partof your responsibility is to manage your children well. A father has to have a manager
mindset. Let me illustrate. How do you handle management at the office? You
probably meet regularly with those who report directly to you and spend time training
them. Your goal is to train them so well that they’ll be able to take your job one day
and hopefully do an even better job than you did. That’s what we should want as
fathers too.
(All Pro Dad 4 Essentials in Being the Family Leader: All Pro Dad)
By likening their roles as parents in the household, the domain of women, to the workplace, andparticularly to a position of power they may or may not actually have in the workplace, elevates thetask of raising children from a less important feminine task to a markedly masculine one. The

94

language of not only work, but an honorable position, combined with liberal use of sports
metaphors, such as the advice to “Enlist your spouse to pinch hit for you,” two masculine frames,
sports and business, are activated. An abundance of masculine imagery backgrounds the assumed
femininity of spending time with children, and conceptually offers a level of respect that he may not
get in his workplace outside of the home.
Each organization may lean more towards conservative (with appeal to the natural order) or
liberal (empowerment and vulnerability) in their framing, and the group which responds to it will
differ accordingly. With the right metaphors, of both fairness and protection, an organization canappeal to those who have either the nurturant parent or strict father value system. These moral
frameworks can be considered as matter of degree, especially on the part of the media makers, withthe far right having an extreme strict father mentality, with little room to reassign traditional genderroles, and the far left perhaps rejecting them altogether.

4.3.3 Women in Science and Technology
The Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office supports campaigns that encourage people inmaking choices that may challenge the ideology-based beliefs of what women and men should andshouldn’t do, as well as strengths and weaknesses that are believed to be a result of their inherent
characteristics. The following are excerpts from the “RikoChare” campaign website. As apparent in
the banner linking to the website, “RikoChare” is shortened from “Rikou Charenji” or “Science andTechnology Challenge,” which is a campaign that promotes events to encourage women to getinterested in and try out work in fields that girls are expected to find difficult. “Rikou” is made up of
the characters for logic and work/engineering, concepts generally associated with masculinity. The
image character is named “Riko-chan,” spelled out in katakana, which, without the use of kanji
characters, sounds like a common girl’s name, plus the diminutive and affectionate “-chan.”Spelling the intimidating kanji word out in katakana softens the impression, while the female
character is likely an attempt to feminize the masculine concept.
The abbreviation is formed by taking the first two syllables of each word, which is acommon way to shorten phrases into words, especially among young people and in media targeted
towards a younger audience (ex. “PureMoru” in Chapter 5). The shorter, catchier name makes it
95

incomprehensible without explanation, but is novel and easy to say in conversation, which makes it
easy to travel by word of mouth. By backgrounging the meaning, both the difficult-sounding
subjects and the concept of putting in a lot of effort, and feminizing the concept it removes some of
the initial mental barriers to considering science or technology related activities, making it more
approachable overall.
Josei ga samazama na bunya ni charenji
shiteiku koto ni yori, tayou na shiten ya
hassou ga kuwawari, katsuryoku aru ikiki
to shita shakai no jitsugen ga kitai
sareteimasu.

When women challenge all of the different
fields, they contribute diverse points of view
and ways of thinking, and give hope for therealization of a society that is vibrant and fullof life.

Shikashi, rikoukei bunya ni kyoumi ga
aru hitotachi no naka ni wa, “josei gasukunai to kikukeredo, yatteikeru kana”“kekkonshitari ikuji shitari suru toki ni
kenkyuu tsudzukerareru ka fuan” toomotteiru hito mo iru kamoshiremasen.
Mata, “donna kenkyuu o shite, donna
shigoto ni tsunagete ikeba yoi no darou”
to shourai no imeeji o motenai hito mo iru
kamoshiremasen.

However, among the people interested inscience and technology related fields, there
may be people who think “I hear that there
are few women, so I wonder if I can do it” or“I’m worried about whether I can continue
my research when I get married ot raisechildren.” Otherwise, they might havetrouble imagining the future, and think “Iwonder what kind of research I should do,
and what kind of work to connect it to.”Sonna anata wa, daigaku ya kigyou nadosamazama na “RikoChare Ouen Dantai”
no mite kiite taikendekiru, tanoshii ibento
ni ashi o hakonde mite kudasai. Soshite,
rikokei bunya de katsuyaku shiteiru
senpaitachi no kokorodzuyoi hanashi okiite mite kudasai.

If that’s you, get yourself to one of the fun
events for “RikoChare Support Squad” held
at your university or company, where you
can see, listen, and experience. Also, please
try listening to enheartening talks by yourseniors 49 who are active in science andtechnology fields.

Mirai no yume ni mukatte, zehi, yuuki no Don’t hesitate to go for your dreams with aaru charenji o!
courageous challenge!
Naikakufu Danjo Kyodou Sanka Kyoku The Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Officewa, anata no yume o ouen shiteimasu.
is supporting your dreams.
(What is “RikoChare” | The Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office)49

This “senior” is someone who came before, and is the more experienced party of a “junior” and “senior”

relationship. Schools and workplaces generally operate with an awareness of this seniority-based hierarchy.

96

The text, as would be expected from the kind of organization it is, presents women as active agentsin their lives, but acknowledges the unfriendly social climate. Marriage and childrearing is an
expected barrier to research, that women’s careers are of less priority than her marriage partner’s isassumed, and requires no explanation.
The inner, honest, just-us-girls voice of the potential future researcher uses the informal andfamiliar masculine sentence endings, “darou” and “kana,” effectively making her linguistic allybare-faced. The writer may have decided against more feminine turns of phrase, like the feminine“da-wa” the beautifying “o,” which would enhance femininity but reduce the authenticity that malespeech affords. It is not deemed necessary in this case, and could possibly create a humorous
caricature, as classic features of women’s language tend to give an impression of frivolity or lack ofauthority, which would clash with the frank tone of discussion and make it less likely for women to
consider it seriously. Even in media targeting women and encouraging them to enter masculine
spaces, marking femininity is not always judged to be the best strategy. This example is in contrast
to some others, especially those inviting men to perform behaviors associated with femininity, inwhich masculinity is foregrounded. This difference is likely because of the unequal power balanceof women and men; manliness, associated with superiority, is a positive quality in convincing men
to do something. Women, who are socialized to believe that femininity is something that theyshould but don’t have, and must learn, paint on, or otherwise convince the world that they do, in fact,possess. Femininity, according to gender ideology, is not something that describes women but isprescribed to women, and it is unusual that women’s language, a learned manner of speaking,would feel less than authentic to the speaker herself.
Other government programs encourage women to join fields that are more typicallyassociated with masculinity than femininity. The following is the description of the project logo for
Farm Girl Project50.
Nougyou joshi-tachi ga, hibi mukuatteiru
50

We used the map codes for the vegetable andWhile these women are working grown-ups, past the stage in life which “girls” really seems appropriate,“joshi” made up of the character for woman and the character for child, is a common marker for women’sthings.

97

hatake ya tanbo, kajuen nado no chizu
kigou o mochiite sokode hataraku kanojotachi no kirakira kagayaku taiyou no you
na enerugii, josei dokuji no shiten deatarashii kachi o umidashiteiku enerugii, oimeeji shimashita.

rice fields, and groves that farm girls take on.
and the sparkling energy, like the sun, thatshines from the women who work there,
and imagined their uniquely feminine pointof view, and that energy gives life to newvalue.
(Nougyou Joshi PJ)

This description is based on the idea that women have a special power or way of thinking by virtueof their femininity, consciousness further enhanced by the word “umidasu” which means to createor bring forth, written as a combination of the characters to give birth and push out, something only
biological females can do. While women, as an undervalued and underrepresented group of people,
likely do have different thought processes from those of men of the dominant group, this can be said
for members of other marginalized groups as well. The difference in thought is, as discussed by
Hooks (1982) and other intersectional feminist scholars, cumulative, and dependent on that person’s
experience both as an individual and part of the groups they belong to (or ar believed they belong to).
Not all women think in a specific womanly way, but they may, indeed, be forced to develop
different skills and learn to use the resources afforded to them in a society that treats them as
different and less than.

4.3.4 Gender Politics and Capitalism
There are several instances of, because of the nature of the producer creating a dual
motivation behind it, extremely difficult to place media. The following are advertisements that do
not offer a particular product, but sell an idea that directly challenges gender roles in the current
political climate. The use of social media, especially the distinctive hashtag51 (#), can mark a
linguistic act as political, even when it is part of an advertising campaign. This strategy can bethought to form solidarity with members of the target market by conceptualizing the characters in
the advertisement, or the company itself, as a partner in a movement. The following is the displayed
text from a Procter and Gamble commercial titled “P&G #WeSeeEqual.”
51

The hashtag (#) is a topic marker used on the internet, especially on social media platforms. They are added

to text to mark a specific opinion, point of view, or subject. In #blacklivesmatter98

Hugs don't care who give them.
Equations don't care who solve them.
Tears don't care who cry them.
Science doesn't care who studies it.
Diapers don't care who change them.
Butts don't care who kick them.
Households don't care who head them.
Fears don't care who conquer them.
Love doesn't care who gives it.
Equal pay doesn't care who demands it.
At P&G #WeSeeEqual
AlwaysAriel
Pampers
PanteneSK-II
Secret

P&G#WeSeeEqual(Procter & Gamble, 2017/03/01)
The text is displayed, interspersed with videos of people acting in ways outside of gender norms,
such as men engaged in childcare and girls participating in math and science. The slogan andhashtag, “#WeSeeEqual,” ties together the previous text and aligns the company with feminist,social justice ideals. “We” creates a dichotomy, setting the company apart from the “they” that ispart of creating, or at least not actively fixing, the problem of inequality. Even though the ad in itself
is not interactive, the presence of a hashtag encourages viewers to post on social media, which is, in
effect, free advertising. In related campaigns for other products, P&G reinforces its stance as acompany concerned with social justice by encouraging consumers that “A girl’s beauty confidence99

starts with you (Dove),” and that “Care makes a man s+ronger (Dove Men+Care).” See Chapter 5
for a discussion of advertisements for individual products.
Japan is notorious for being hard for women to work after having children, the expectation
being that they quit their jobs and become stay at home mothers, especially when children areyoung. The expectation is so ingrained that the positions open to women, as well as those available
after returning from maternity leave, are limited. Scarcity of childcare services is widely cited in
making it difficult for women to return to their careers. While women are being highly educated andare skilled in their fields, there are still very few in managerial positions, despite the government’s
supposed efforts.
While companies cannot be the end all and be all of social change, there is potential forthem to use their influence as organizations. In the case of women having difficulty returning towork after maternity leave, because success is largely dependent on the work environment,
companies may actually have the most power to incite change, especially when the government’s
action proves insufficient.
As discussed earlier in this dissertation, the media types discussed can be difficult toseparate at times, because of the overlap in either content or provider. While companies mostdefinitely have financial gain as a motivation, even as they go about participating in activism or
promoting social justice work, the examples included in this chapter, rather than Chapter 5, are notassociated with a particular product or service, though it undoubtedly has an effect on the potential
customer base.
The following is a public service announcement for Women Will Japan, a branch of thecampaign to support women in work in several different countries, led by Google. It is based on theidea that the wellbeing of women is a marker of the wellbeing of a country or community. The
video and project description is as follows.
Anata ni dekiru koto o, hajimeyou.
http://www.womenwill.com/japan

Let’s start what you can do.
http://www.womenwill.com/japan

Google Women Will Project no katsudou
de aru #HappyBackToWork wa, “josei
ga hataraki-yasuku naru” tame no minna
no koe ya aidea o atsume, sapootaa
kigyou/dantai to tomo ni katachi ni shite

The Google Women Will Project campaign#HappyBackToWork is an effort that collects
everyone’s voices and ideas, then works withsupporter businesses and organizations to help
them take shape, so that “women can work100

iku torikumi desu. Jissen no wa ohirogete, josei ya kodomo no iru hito dakede naku, minna ga hataraki-yasui shakai omezashite imasu.

more easily.” By expanding the the circle ofpractice, we aim for a society that is easier for
everyone to work, not just women or people
with children.
(Google Japan Women Will Japan:"Everyone’s Voices Take Shape #HappyBackToWork (Long ver.)”)This particular video is made up of segments of several interviews, introducing the strategies somecompanies are using to make the transition back to work after maternity leave more successful forboth women and children. By examining the language used to promote this campaign, it becomes
possible to analyze the expectations of women with children and the social conceptualization of
motherhood and a woman’s role as a parent. Even in a liberal campaign such as this one, gender
ideology, with its different expectations for male and female parents, is still apparent in the language.
SpeakerRomanized Audio

Romanized Text

Translated
Audio

Translated Text

womenwill Google

womenwill Google

Kodomo ga umaretara
shigoto oyameteshimau josei
62%

Women who
(unfortunately) quit
their jobs when theirchild is born
62%

Mama ni nattemo
katei no soto de
yakuwari o mochitai
71%

I want to have a roleoutside of the homeeven if I become a
mom.
71%

Nihon wa, hataraku
mama oouen shitekureru
shakai da to omou
38%

I think that Japan is asociety that supports
working moms.
38%

Hataraku mama notame ni, nani ga dekiru
darou.

We should be able to
do something forworking moms.

＃HappyBackToWork＃HappyBackToWork

Mama datte, furutaimu

Mom wants to work

101

Woman Mawari no menbaa
1
to onaji ryou deshigoto ga dekinai
tte koto wa
moushiwakenai na
tte kimochi ga zutto
arunde,de hatarakitai＃HappyBackToWorkma, nayami wa
Kabushiki-gaishaarimasu kedo, ima
NTT Dokomo
wa tanoshii desu ne. Teiki o zurashite
hataraku,
suraido waaku
dounyuu!
Woman Netsu ga attari suru
2
to shoujou to ka ga
shinpai ni naru nodeDenwa o moratte
5fun inai ni
kaketsukerareru node, chikaku ni ite
sugoi anshinkan ga
arimasu shi.

Man 1

Kaeri-dzurai toka,
yasumi-dzurai toka

nanka soiu ga nai
you na kankyoudzukuri ga daiji [noka na] omoimasu
ne.

Kodomo ga netsu
dashitara, sugu ni
kaketsuketai＃HappyBackToWork

Rakuten Kabushikigaisha
Shanai takujisho,hajimeteimasu

I’ve beenfull time, too＃HappyBackToWork
feeling bad
about notbeing able todo the sameamount ofwork as theothermembers allalong,
well, I do
havetroubles, but
now is an
enjoyable
time.

NTT Docomo
Corporation
Introducing Slide
Work, to work byshifting your fixed
term!

When
there’s afever orsomething I
get worried
about
symptoms
and such

I want to rush rightover when my childhas a fever.
＃HappyBackToWork

I can rush
Rakuten Corporation
over within 5 We are starting inminutes ofcompany nurseries
getting
called, and I
feel sosecure when
I’m close by.

BEAMS Being hard
BEAMS
Nabatame Noboru to go home, Noboru Nabatameor hard to
take days off
JoushiNabatame Noboru
Kaeru toki no“sumimasen” wa, mou
yameyou102

I think it’s
[probably]
important tomake anenvironment
so thatdoesn’t

Boss
Noboru Nabatame
Let’s finally stop that
“I’m sorry” whengoing home

happen.
Kodomo ni
okaerinasai o itte
agetaiI want to say welcome
home to my children＃HappyBackToWork＃HappyBackToWork

Woman Nao!
3
Musume mo iru node, minagara
oshigoto ga dekiru
toiu no wa arigatai
kankyou desu

Woman Hataraku mama ga
4
tokubetsu na sonzai
janakunaru to iina toomoimasu.

Nao!
Kabushiki-gaisha
Popinzu
Zaitaku kinmu oatarimae ni

I also have a Poppins Co. Ltd.
daughter, so Normalizing working
I am grateful from home
to be in anenvironmentthat I canwatch her as
I work.

Douryou
Sakagami Risa
Kansougeikai, yoru de
wa naku ranchi ni!

I think it
would benice ifworkingmoms are nolonger a
specialpresence.

Woman Yappari iraira5
shiteiru to

Yappa Minna nitsutawarunde.

Of coursewhen I’m
irritated
Oishikkusu
Kabushiki-gaisha
Isogashii toki wa,
ganbaranakutemo ii
bangohanItadakimasu!

Man 2

Coworker
Risa Sakagami
Welcome and farewellparties for lunch
instead of at night!

Of course
since it’stransmitted
to everyone

Oisix Co. Ltd.
Dinner without much
effort for busy times

Let’s eat!

Watashi ganikoniko shitenaitoUmino Mami
(musuko 1-sai)

If I’m notsmilingthen...

Mami Umino (1 year
old son)Yasumi no jikan otsukutte ageru no
mo daiji kana toomoimasu ne.

Mama no kyuujitsu otsukutte agetai

I think it’s
probably
important tomake time

I want to make a day
off for Mom

103

＃HappyBackToWork

off for her.

Papa
Murata Ken
Tsuki ni ichido wa,
papako tabi!
Man 3＃HappyBackToWork

Dad
Ken Murata
Dad and kid trips oncea month!

“Tesudaoukka” toiu Housou Sakka
toka
Suzuki Osamu

Sayingthings like“should I
help?”

Broadcast Novelist
Osamu Suzuki

ikuji to [ikushi] nitaishite okusan ga
yaru toiu zentei de,danna-san ga sanka
suru toiuka.

Kaji wa "tetsudau"
mon ja nai

andassumingthat in termsofchildrearing
and[parenting]it’s the wife
who does it
and thehusbandjoins in.

Housework isn't
something you "helpwith"Hontou wa sheasuru toiu ka, issho ni
yaru mon da toomoun desu yo ne.

Papa
Suzuki Osamu
Kaji shea,
hajimemashita!

I think it’sreallysomethingthat youshare, thatyou dotogether.

Dad
Osamu Suzuki
Started sharing chores!

Kouiu seikatsu
miteinai to, nani oyatte hoshii ka to ka,
doushite hoshii ka,
to igai to wakaranai

Kabushiki-gaisha
Howaito Purasu
Papa o sentaku-jouzu
ni suru, sentaku gaido
bukku

If you’re notwatching
during life,
what shewants you to
do or how, isharder tounderstandthan youthink.

White Plus Co. Ltd.
Laundry guidebook tomake Dad good atlaundry!

ABC Cooking Studio
Sakao Yuuki

I’m really
good atcooking or
something

ABC Cooking StudioYuuki Sakao

Woman Jibun no tokui tte
6ryouri da toka

＃HappyBackToWork

104＃HappyBackToWorkkidzukeru you na,
yappari ba ga nai na
to omotteiru no de.
De watashitachi wa

Ryouri ga mama dakega suru mono janai

oryouri o yaru
kikkake teiu tokoro
o okyoushitsu kara
hasshin shiteikitai na
to omotteimasu.
Woman Kosodate no senpai
7
no kata ni kiite,
naruhodo tte, ano,
kaiketsu suru kotomo attari desu toka

I think
there’s reallyno place torealize that.
And weCooking isn’t
something that only
Mom does

Kabushiki-gaisha
ABC Cooking Studio
Papa no tame noryouri kyoushitsu,
kaisaiwant togeneratechances tocook startingwith theclassroom.

ABC Cooking Studio
Co. Ltd.
Now open, a cooking
classroom for Dad

Kabushiki-gaisha As

Sometimes As MAMA Co. Ltd.
asking more Let’s raise children as aexperienced community.
parents, I get
it, um, andthe answer tothings#HappyBackToWork

MAMA

Chiiki de kosodate
shiyou.

Ishii Yuuko#HappyBackToWork

can be found Yuuko Ishii
there
sometimes

Kabushiki-gaisha Sanetsu Isetan
San-etsu Ginza-ten
Papa no kosodate okakkoyoku

San-etsu Isetan Co.
Ltd.
San-etsu Ginza store
Make Dad’s parenting
coolTokyo Kyuukou
Dentetsu Kabushikigaisha
Uerukamu bebii!
Yuzuriai sharyou,
unkouchuu

Tokyo Express
Railway Co. Ltd.
Welcome baby!
Priority cars, in service

Kabushiki-gaisha
beaazuOsouji gifuto de,mama o deeto ni

Bears Co. Ltd.
Take Mom on a datewith a cleaning gift!

Tenpu Sutaffu
Kabushiki-gaisha
Mama no tame no,
fukushoku seminaa

Temp Staff Co. Ltd.
Back to work seminarfor moms

105

Man 3

Toukai Ryokyaku
Tetsudou Kabushikigaisha
Mama ga tsukarenai
kazoku ryokou oCentral Japan Railway
Company
A family vacation that
doesn’t tire Mom out

Nifuti Kabushikigaisha
Otayori seiri apuri,
tsukurimashita!

Nifty Co. Ltd.
We made an app toorganizecorrespondence!

NPO Houjin FatheringJapan
Papa ga kosodate
shiyasui fun-iki o!

NPO Corporation
Fathering JapanFor a mood that makes
parenting easy for
Dad!

Chichiue no senaka
o miseru to wa
iimasu kedo,
musuko ni hahaoyano senaka o mitete
hoshii. Sono
Hahaoya ikiyou de,okaachan kakkouiina tteomowasetehoshii toomoimasu.

Woman Nanka sore de ne
8

We say thatdad shows
his back, but
I want myson to look at
his mother’sback. I want
him to see
how hismother lives
and think,
Mom is socool.
Rakuten
Koizumi Akari

kodomo ga shourai,
jibun mohatarakitaina to iu
fuu ni itte moraetara“uwaa” sugiru janai
deshou ka ne.

Wellbecause ofthat

RakutenAkari Koizumi

if my kidsays, in the
future I want
to work
too, I guess
it wouldn’t
be too“whoa.”
Hataraku mama oouen suru koe ga,tsugitsugi to katachi ninatteimasu.

106

The voices that cheer
for working moms, aretaking shape one after
another.

Anata no koe ga,
shakai o kaete iku

Your voice, goes on tochange society.

Anata ni dekiru koto o,hajimeyou

Let’s start what you
can do.

womenwill
Googlewomenwill
GoogleKono haru, fukushoku
suru mama o ouen
suruThis spring, cheer
for/support moms
returning to work

＃HappyBackToWork＃HappyBackToWork

WEEKS 2016WEEKS 2016

womenwill.com/japan

womenwill.com/japan#HappyBackToWork#HappyBackToWork(Google 2016)
The first segment of text uses the percentage of affirmative answers to survey questions describe theharsh situation for women in Japan who want to work. The verb “yameru” is conjugated with“teshimau,” expressing an unfortunate feeling52.
This first woman seems to speak in a rather informal speech, polite because of the“desu/masu” sentence endings, but not marked as particularly feminine. She does make her
conclusion with “ne,” which is somewhat feminine marker, but the presence of a masculine “na”
balances it to neutral. Just by seeing the text, one would not likely be able to tell the speaker’s gender.
This lack of markedness of the speaker’s gender reflects natural, normal, everyday speech patterns
in modern Japanese, giving an impression closer to a genuine conversation than mass media.
Woman 2’s speech is more feminine, using the hedges “attari suru” and “toka,” which
expresses a lack of confidence and authority, softening the speaker’s assertion of the content. She
concludes by trailing off with “arimasushi,” which implies that there is more to be said. Man 1 uses
a similar speech pattern to Woman 2, with “toka” and “ne,” enhancing the perception of him as agentle boss.

52

The “teshimau” conjugation may also express the completion of something, which, in this context would be“women who completely quit their jobs” or “women who quit their jobs altogether.”107

Woman 3 beautifies work with “o” for a feminine and classy impression, which does
uphold gender ideology, Woman 4 does not, and the individual differences are ultimately areflection of real Japanese. What is more ideological is the idea that women must always be smiling,
as is expressed by the fifth woman. She trails off, but it is clear that her and her lack of a smile would
negatively affect the family. Smiling and irritation are presented as the only states of being, withnothing in between. The lack of smiling as a family problem is presented along with a semiprepared meal service, as if the only reason a woman would be anything other than giddy is being
too busy to cook a full course dinner. There is no mention of a partner, and there may not be one in
the picture, but the expectation that she would have to cook an elaborate dinner, take care of an
infant, and work, plus smile on top of that, is understandably irritating. On one hand, women arecommonly believed to have more intense emotions than men, but we are also not forgiven foranything other than smiling.
The second father (Man 2), who has five screens worth of speech, more than anyone else53,
has a more informal style, only using “desu/masu” form a few times in his lengthy speech. His
friendly manner while challenging other men who may not be sharing chores protects theirmasculinity by speaking as if to someone on the same level, rather than talking down. While his
speech is friendly, the on-screen text that declares that “Housework isn't something you ‘help with’”uses a rather accusatory “mon ja nai,” scolding or rebuking the viewer’s wrong thinking.
The on-screen text alternates between a polite speech-like style (“Otayori seiri apuri,
tsukurimashita!”), abbreviated writing (“Yuzuriai sharyou, unkouchuu”), and informal speech-likestyle (“Mama datte, furutaimu de hatarakitai”), reflecting the imagined relationship to the viewer.
While there are several instances of beautified language, there are no cases of more formal
honorifics.
While, on one hand, the video declares that cleaning is not just something mothers do, andshares encouraging stories of paternal involvement, the standard is still set fairly low for

53

The second most is the manager, another man, with four screens. As seen throughout this dissertation, men

are consistently in the position, or position themselves, as authority figures, and explain, even in a traditionallyfeminine space. This particular father is rather famous, who’s visibility may be perceived as authority, thus
giving more weight to his words and support of the campaign.

108

them. There is still a need for parenting to be seen as cool, hence the necessity to make it cool fordads with differently designed childcare goods. The makers seem conscious that they promote a
dream that is still at odds with what most viewers would believe, adjusting the speech and text toachieve both positive reaction with potential with real life action.
As a whole, the women and men in the public sphere, bosses, speak in a gentle manner, throughthe use of hedging, and in some cases, the beautifying “o.” The returning mothers, as well as theirbosses and coworkers give the impression of softness, effectively creating a blend of the hard,masculine association with working outside of the home and the gentleness expected ofmotherhood. Even while working, mothers can still perform their expected roles of welcoming theirchildren home from school with a smile. The femininity of the women is preserved, and theenvironment seems accepting, making the campaign both inviting for women who might need it
and palatable to those who may oppose it. Taking steps to protect gender ideology, and thus
avoiding conflict with the existing value systems, while supporting concrete social change is acommon strategy throughout this chapter.
The use of liberal, feminist ideas in marketing is, on one hand, beneficial in the sense ofbeing exposure, increasing awareness of a particular social problem. By aligning themselvescorrectly and being on the right side of history, companies can be seen as benevolent, securing
future customers. Johnston and Taylor (2008) are critical of feminist consumerism as a path to socialchange.
As with consumerism more generally (Sklair 2001, 5), feminist consumerism prioritizes
commodity purchases above more ambitious goals such as decentering the role ofbeauty in women’s lives, processing negative emotions, or challenging men’s relationshipwith feminine beauty. As such, feminist consumerism tends to obscure and minimize
both structural and institutionalized gender inequalities that are difficult to resolve and thatmight cause negative emotional associations with brands. Thus, from a marketing
perspective, feminist consumerism makes business sense, operating as it does within alarger pattern of consumer culture that markets dissent to build brand loyalty and increase
sales.”(Johnston and Taylor 2008: 960-61)

109While companies do have a platform on which to encourage or support social change, financial
motivation means that entire process cannot be left to them. Even when progress is made,capitalistic gains are an underlying motivation. The company’s survival ultimately depends on theability to get and keep customers, even if only to support the social justice mission. Both the Google
led Women Will campaign and the P&G #WeSeeEqual campaign were created by companies who
stand to make a profit from taking a political angle. By presenting themselves as being on the rightside of history they appeal to forward-thinking individuals, with campaigns improves their chancesof being seen as doing good in the mind of people with an awareness of social justice.

110Chapter 5
Marketing Discourse and Gender

Many Americans believe that we have already benefited from feminism and that it is nolonger necessary to fight for the rights of women. More women choose to focus on their educationand careers, which makes them an undeniable force in terms of buying power. Liberated womenwith an awareness of social justice are in stark contrast to the frailty dictated by traditional gender
ideology, creating a clash between capitalism and patriarchal ideals.
This chapter analyzes the advertising and naming of the most concentrated and capitalismdriven form of media, advertisements and product naming, using cognitive linguistic methods ofmetaphor, prototype, and frame theories.
Tynes (2016a) includes a preliminary analysis of search results for men’s and women’srazors from the U.S. based Amazon.com and Japanese Amazon.co.jp sites. For what is essentiallythe same action, although what body parts are considered to have unwanted hair depends on gender,
vastly different metaphors are used in product naming and product descriptions54. Women’s razors
foregrounded shape and softness, and the roman goddess Venus in their naming, indicating apassive kind of sexuality for the adult women who would use the product. Men’s razors appeared tobe named using active language, based on metaphors of warriors or craftsmen. The prototypical
ideal women are supposed to attain through hair removal is description of physical properties, while
men are supposed to be satisfied by the craftmanship of their razors. The tendency to describe
women based on how they look or feel and men based on what he can do is evidence that the ideal
feminine prototype is based on the male gaze and that women are still conceptualized as being forthe consumption of others. Femininity and feminine attractiveness is presented as a description of

54

Women’s: Goddess/Heaven- Venus, Soleil, Divine. Looks/Feel- Swirl, Silk, Satin, curve, smooth, soft,

contou, bi-hada (beautiful skin). Nature of women-Intuition, savvy. Sensuality: Embrace, Indulge (in reference
to an obligation), Prepare.
Men’s: Fighting-Samurai edge, ProSheild, Protector. Craftsmanship/Power tools-Custom, Manual, Titanium,
Silver. Science: Turbo, Mach, Fusion, Glide. Other manliness- EX, Extreme.

111how it is experienced from the onlooker’s perspective, how she pleases the people who see andtouch her, while masculinity is more focused on agency and the man himself.
By way of this same hair removal process, by using a specific product women can become
more feminine and men can become more masculine, or so we are led to believe. The reason we asa society can believe this largely without question is a result of gender ideology. Here we will use
the commonly used Source-Path-Goal image schema to consider gender ideology.
<Source-Path-Goal Image Schema and Gender Ideology>

Figure 5-1<Gender Ideology and Appropriate Gender Goals>

Figure 5-2112

Even in the case of someone with relative privilege to do so, going along life’s path of one’s own
accord is also highly influenced by external forces such as gender ideology. Source-Path-Goal canrepresent a person’s lifespan in the conceptual metaphor Life Is A Journey, and is also connected to
the Purposes Are Destinations conceptual metaphor when working towards some specific goal.

5.1 Advertisements for Women
Society evaluates women based on the unrealistic expectations based on gender ideologythat dictate their appearance, behavior, and abilities. Especially in media driven societies, in which
we may have more exposure to and interaction with people through screens than we do with thosein the same physical space, we may lose touch with how reasonable societal expectations really are.
If meekness and restraint are believed to be a natural part of being a woman, the ways inwhich we understand the failure to live up to those expectations may reveal another facet ofideology: the acceptable excuses for breaking the rules of behavior or being as gender ideology
demands. This chapter will contrast examples that follow gender ideology with those that overturn it,
showing that mainstream society is gradually beginning to recognize the unrealistic expectations weplace on women.

5.1.1 Examples Calling Humanity into Question
The following examples are advertisements from the homepages and official Youtube
channels of companies that make menstrual products. As stated above, menstruation and otherprocesses that occur only in the female body are considered taboo subjects. Through these examples,
we can observe possible conceptualizations of embodied experience brought about by hormonalchanges.
Woman Hadaomoi de, hada ni yasashiku

With Hadaomoi/Skin-Sentiment, be kind to
your skin

Narrator Seiri no hi gurai,
jibun o amayakashitai.

At least on period days,
I want to spoil myself.

113

Seiri no hi gurai,

At least on period days,

Woman Hada ni yasashi~kuitawaritai.

I want to ge~ntly
take care of my skin.

Narrator Hadaomoi wa
dorotto keiketsu made mo kyuushuu
sarasara kan ga tsudzuku kara,
hada ni yasashii

Hadaomoi/Skin-Sentimentabsorbs even gloopy menses
Since the dry feeling lasts
it’s gentle on skin

Woman zu~tto hada sarasara

Dry skin forever

Narrator Seiri-chuu noDuring menstruation

JingleBinkan hada ni yasashii Hadaomoi Gentle on sensitive skin Hadaomoi/SkinSentiment

Woman Habatake, watashi!
(voice)Flutter/Flap your wings, me!

JungleSofy

Sofy(Sofy Hadaomoi “Amaeneko” hen 30-byou)(Sofy Hadaomoi “Spoiled Cat” version 30 seconds)
The audio itself seems to have no relation to the cat reference in the title. At least when played on theinternet, “spoiled cat” is displayed as the video plays, becoming context for the viewer to use ininterpreting the content. Both the text cues and visual symbols of a cat rolling around juxtaposedwith the lounging woman becomes a multidimensional metaphor, which changes suddenly at theend of the commercial with the mention of fluttering or flapping wings in the campaign slogan. It is
unclear as to whether it is a bird, butterfly, or angel (as the winged woman silhouette in the logo
would suggest), “Flutter/Flap your wings, me!” indicates a creature that is jarringly different from acat, but similarly non-human.
"At least on period days" suggests that "spoiling [one]self" is more restricted than if without"gurai" or "at least," implying that it is not normally acceptable. The idea that personal care products
are an acceptable way to spoil oneself is consistent with the product naming of women's razors.
Both cases conceptualize a connection between fulfillment of social obligation (whether in response
to a physical or social pressure) to indulgence. There is, once again, a basis in embodied experiencein the relief that comes with correcting either physical or social discomfort. Viewers can understandthat it is then permitted, in this specific frame of using luxurious menstrual pads, for a woman to114

break the expectation that women must be restrained. In a sense, advertising may represent abstract
concepts as concrete and positive experiences or things to convince the audience of the worth of the
product or service.
<Selective Mapping of Spoiling Oneself onto the Product>

Figure 5-3
The advertisement draws parallels between the use of this product is paralleled with spoiling oneself.
When basic care during menstruation as is construed as indulgence, the source domain of spoilingoneself, which violates femininity according to gender ideology, is selectively mapped onto theadvertised product, which is the target domain. This is similar to the argument as building metaphor
as simplified in Yamanashi (1988).
<Argument As Building>

Yamanashi 1988: 55
Figure 5-4

115

In this case, a type of embodied experience from which men are excluded is conceptualized asanimal, rather than human. These features are based on the creator’s image of a particular animal,
whether or not they are accurate in terms of the actual animal’s behavior.
<Menstruating Women as Animals>

Figure 5-5
The following is a commercial released by the same company as above, as accessed on Youtube.
Even more explicit than the above example, this advertisement attributes animal qualities tomenstruating women. The animals are both described and visually drawn in a cute style. The
alliteration, rhythm, and juvenile tone serve to soften the possibly offensive implications of calling
women animals. A news release on the company site promotes the commercial as follows: “Wemade this gentle pop song and the cute, relatable animals that appear in the animation in the hopesthat ‘we want you to spend your delicate menstrual time as your positive self’ (Sofy “A Song Only
Girls Understand - Only Girls Get It” Video Release and Viewer Questionnaire).” Because theexplanation on the official English site is somewhat abbreviated, a more complete translation isnecessary. Before continuing to the lyrics, let us take a moment to examine the displayed text.
Romanized Japanese

Official English

Onnanoko Dake ga Wakaru Uta
Only Girls Get it
Yaku 6nen 9kagetsu, doushite
doubutsu ni nacchatta no?

My Translation
A Song Only Girls Understand
Only Girls Get It
Why did they become animals
for about 6 years and 9months?

Onnanoko-tachi ga doubutsu ni Totaling up to 6 years and 9
naccatta. Shikamo, yaku 6-nen
The girls became animals.

116

9kagetsu mo no aida. Doushite
doubutsu?
Nande sonna ni nagai aida?
Kono uta o kiku to sono himitsu
ga wakaru yo.
Onnanokonara,chottounazukeru, nantonaku kyoukan
dekiru. Sonna kawaii uta toanimeeshon.
Anata wa, ano hi, donna
doubutsu ni naru no ka na?

months in a lifetime, every
girl goes through it.
Sofy would like you to spend
those days comfortably so
you can Shine Without A
Pause .

Moreover, it was for a whole 6
years and 9 months. Why
animals?
Why for such a long time?
When you listen to this song
you will know the secret.
If you’re a girl, you’ll nod you(sic) head a bit, and cansympathize somehow. Thiscute song and animation.
What animal do you becomeon those days?

(A Song Only Girls Understand | Flutter Your Wings Sofy Girl | Unicharm)
While not always the case, menstruation typically signifies a sexually mature adult women, that is tosay, one that is reproductively fit and thus, at her most feminine. However, this song, as is socommon, refers to the potential consumers as “onnanoko” or “gaaruzu”, rather than “onnanohito”
or “josei55.” The English version also expresses this as “Girls.” While short, the English caption does
add a slogan “Shine Without a Pause,” reiterating the idea of women as decoration, for the pleasureof whoever comes across her in her daily life.
Note that, while it is unlikely that men would purposefully seek out and watch the entire
song on Youtube, the lyrics carefully specify the target group, which points to a tendency toconsider women non-prototypical, even in a presumably feminine space. Menstruation is such ataboo topic that even in an advertisement for menstrual products targeting menstruating women, theprocess itself is referred to as a “secret.” This is one of many ways in which women’s bodies are
nonstandard and, left in their natural state, are unruly and unappealing, not fit for polite society.

Romanized Japanese

Official English

Onnanoko Dake ga Wakaru Uta
Only Girls Get It

GIRLS GET IT [Lyrics}♪ That day, a girl turned into a hedgehog.

55“Onnanoko” literally means “woman child” while “onnanohito” is “woman person.” “Gaaruzu” is “girls”

pronounced in the Japanese phonetic system. “Josei” refers to a human “female,” but is commonly usedinstead of “onnanohito” and generally refers to a cisgendered woman.

117Ano hi harinezumi ni natta
Tada no harinezumi jana--i
iraira, togetoge, fukigen, harinezumi.

Not just a hedgehog. It’s a hostile and edgy,
irritated hedgehog.
For 6years 9months, for 6years 9months.

6nen 9kagetsu no ai-da, 6nen 9kagetsu.
Ano hi, kumasan ni natta.
Tada no kuma ja na--i
Pakupaku, harapeko, kuishinbo, kumasan.

That day, a girl turned into a black bear.
Not just a black bear.
It’s a black bear with a large appetite, eating
too much.

6nen 9kagetsu no ai--da, 6nen 9kagetsu.

For 6years 9months, for 6years 9months.

Doushite minna doubutsu ni nacchau no?
Seiri no tokitte nantonaku
Sonna kibun da yo ne

What makes them turn into animals?
It’s actually their period.
During their period, that’s how they feel.

Ano hi, zousan ni natta.
Tada no zousan jana--i.
Mesomeso, nakimushi, zousan.

That day, a girl turned into an elephant.
Not just an elephant.
It’s a sentimental, crying elephant.

6nen 9kagetsu no ai-da, 6nen 9kagetsu.

For 6years 9months, for 6years 9months.

Ano hi, raion ni natta.
Tada no raion jana--i.
Hikikomori, sabishigari, raion.

That day, a girl turned into a lion.
Not just a lion. It’s an isolating lion who
doesn’t want to go out.

6nen 9kagetsu no ai--da, 6nen 9kagetsu.

For 6years 9months, for 6years 9months.

Doushite 6nen 9kagetsu mo(Sonna ni nagaku no aida)
Tsuki ni seiri wa suujitsu dakedo,
Isshou bun dato sou naru.

Why do they turn into animals for 6years
9months?
Because even once a month period, it adds
up to 6years 9months in a life time.

Nagaku-te, taisetsu.
Sonna jikan o tanoshiku.
Anata rashiku sugosou yo.

Very long time but very precious time.
So, let’s manage your stress in period.
Spend your life shining.

Harinezumi, kumasan, raion, nakimushi zou, Irritated hedgehog, black bear with a hugebu--fu!
appetite, crying elephant, isolating lion.

118

Hontou wa suteki na gaaruzu.
6nen 9kagetsu no aida,kagayaite, egao de.

All of them are actually nice girls.
We wish every girl spends a happy life witha smile even during their 6years 9months.

(A Song Only Girls Understand | Flutter Your Wings Sofy Girl | Unicharm)
By looking at its needles, it is easy to understand why a hedgehog might be imagined as having a
prickly disposition, and bears apparently do eat in preparation for hibernation, but not all of themetaphors are as customary as this. As lions generally live in prides, we can guess that the writers
seem to have been more concerned with creating an image of animals to take the place of human
women, rather than an accurate picture of animal behavior.
Hostile, hungry, crying, and antisocial are all traits that are the polar opposite of what
women are expected to be, thin, bubbly and pleasant to be around. We are to be compliant, and nottake up much space, neither physically nor with our emotions or opinions. The characteristics thatare presented as being animal are those which violate ideal (restrained, gentle, meek, etc.) femininity.
However, as we understand from the assurance that “they are all nice girls56,” these behaviors areconceptualized as being separate from women themselves, who we are to assume do conform to thesocietal expectations. The animal metaphors serve to explain away any lapse in adherence to gender
ideology that may occur during menstruation. The more detailed character profiles included on thewebsite are as follows, beginning with the irritated hedgehog. As it is Japanese only, the translation
is mine57.

56

Iraira Harinezumi

Irritated Hedgehog

Itsumo wa kininaranai koto demo, nazeda
ka iraira, kimochi togetoge. Jibun demo
okashii to rikai shiteiru no ni, imi mo naku

Even things that don’t usually bother me
are irritating, and I feel prickly. Even
though I myself understand that it’s

The Japanese version uses the word “suteki” meaning lovely, fantastic, or wonderful, encompassing, but

perhaps a bit stronger than “nice.”
57

As the profiles are completely devoid of pronouns, the choice to translate in the first person is based on theemotional nature of the prose. In Japanese, one can generally only speak about their own emotions without
adding a qualifier such as “mitai [looks],” “rashii [seems],” or “~gatteiru [is acting like ~]” to separate theirobservations from the person’s actual feelings.

119fukigen ni naccau. Tomodachi ya douryoumo, dou koe o kakete ii no ka wakarazu ni
komarigao. Kono togetoge de, mawari no
hito o chikuri to kizutukete
shimawanakereba ii no dakedo.

strange, I get cranky. My friends andcoworkers don’t know how to talk to me,
and make troubled faces. It would be nicenot to scratch and hurt the people aroundme with these spines.

(A Song Only Girls Understand | Flutter Your Wings Sofy Girl | Unicharm)
As women are commonly believed to be naturally more emotional than men, rather than socialized
differently from men, their emotions are often discounted as less valid and written off as hormonal.
The focus is on, of course, not the emotional discomfort of the woman herself, but on the feelings ofthose around her.
Pakupaku Kuma-san58

Chompchomp Ms. Bear

Motomoto taberu koto ga suki dakedo,
jibun demo shinjirarenai kurai
shokuyoku ousei ni nacchau. Toku ni
yoru ni naru to, nannichi bun da? tte iu
kurai suiitsu ya sunakku o kaikonde,
kiduita toki ni wa zenbu perori. Kore ja,
marude toumin mae no kuma. Taikei
made kumasan mitai ni nattara,
doushiyou.

I’ve always liked to eat, but my appetite
unfortunately becomes more vigorous/healthythan I can believe. Especially at night, I buy somany sweets and snacks that I’m like “howmany days worth is this?” but before you
know it I’ve slurped it all up. This is like I’m abear before hibernation. What will I do if mybody starts to look like a bear’s?

(A Song Only Girls Understand | Flutter Your Wings Sofy Girl | Unicharm)
Right away, enjoying food is marked, presented as a deviation from the norm, rather than a survival
advantage. As discussed in Chapter 3, a woman’s appetite is considered an appropriate topic ofconversation, as the writer is probably aware of. Women who “like to eat” or have a “healthy
appetite” are more than likely to have been made aware of it. According to this profile, the mostimportant problem with eating too much junk food is its effect on one’s figure, which is consistent
with the overarching discourse of women’s main purpose as decoration.
Crybaby59 Ms. Elephant

Nakimushi Zousan

58

Of the four animals in this ad, only the bear, “kuma-san” and the elephant, “zou-san” have the “san” attached.

This likely serves the purposes of both creating familiarity through personification, as they usually end in “san”
in children’s Japanese, and to simply fill syllables in the rhythm of the song.
59“Nakimushi” is literally “cry bug,” but its nuance is equivalent to the English “crybaby.”120

Konna ni ruisen yowakattakke? to omou
kurai nakijougo ni nacchau. Kyou okita
dekigoto ya, mukashi no shippai nanka
mo omoidashite, kuyokuyo mesomeso.
Kizutsuki yasuku natte, chotto nani ka
iwareta dakede namida ga detekuru. Hitori
kiri ni naru to, tokidoki, zousan mitai naoogoe de oonaki suru koto mo.

I become such a crying drunk that I wonder,
have my tear ducts always been this weak?
When I remember something that happened
today or old failures, fret fret weep weep. I get
easily hurt, tears coming out just because
someone said something. Sometimes, when
I’m alone, there are even times when I bawl ina loud voice like an elephant.

(A Song Only Girls Understand | Flutter Your Wings Sofy Girl | Unicharm)
The advertisers may have avoided making the elephant the overeating for the simple reason that it
may hit too close to home, as in that it is a common insult (whether by herself or others) for women
who are seen as eating too much or being too large. By using the elephant metaphor for sadness
instead, they avoid alienating women who have a negative association with it. The elephant’s
bigness of voice, rather than body, is instead the focus, portraying how much of a nuisance anemotional woman may be to those around her, at parties and the like.
Hikikomori Raion

Withdrawn Lion

Hito ni attari, soto ni deru no ga okkuu de,zutto ie no naka ni tojikomotteitai. Ka toitte, nani o suru demo naku beddo ya sofa
de gorogoro. Sono kuse, myou nisabishiku nattekitari mo soru. Itsumo wa
shakouteki de, nikushokukei joshi nanteiwareru koto mo aru no ni, tsuki ni ichido
dake doushite kou naru no?

It’s annoying to meet people or go outside,and I want to just stay at home forever.
Having said that, I don’t do anything andjust roll around in bed or on the sofa. Still, I
become strangely lonely. Even though I’musually sociable, and am sometimes evencalled a carnivorous girl, why does thishappen just once a month?

(A Song Only Girls Understand | Flutter Your Wings Sofy Girl | Unicharm)
Here we get a hint as to why a lion is associated with antisocial behavior. In this case, it is not thelion herself, but the gap between the expected behavior of a lion, which may encompass bravery
and other go-getter traits, and the feeling of not wanting to socialize. Again, we see the concept of“carnivorous girls” to denote a socially active woman who seeks agency in romance. Using an
actual carnivorous animal profiles the departure between her normal, natural personality to one thatis not like herself.
Onomatopoeia (“togetoge” “perori”) brings a realness, a tangibility to the description andmay be some approximation of her experience in the moment, but is more likely how she isperceived by people she interacts with. Any deviation from the image of femininity is marked as not121only non-feminine, but also non-human. By likening the distance from ideal femininity to an animal,
besides the element of cuteness, there is a softening of the consciousness of taboo. In this way,
women in patriarchal society are continually conceptualized as being at odds with her body, as if
observing through the lens of society itself. The self that is not in line with what is consideredappropriate or ideal is separate, and in this case, not human. While this is an example of basic selfcare, this same tendency to other one’s own physical self, makes it easier and more encouraged toperform potentially harmful behaviors in order to conform to societal ideals. This may be a type ofembodied experience that is difficult to notice from a position of power and privilege, that of which
one’s physical self is considered the standard in a given community, but is integral to theunderstanding of the world by people whose bodies are marginalized.

5.1.2 Marketing Discourse and Quality of LifeThe following examples display some awareness of the weight of social expectations
placed on women. Whether she is a career woman or a homemaker, a woman is likely to be putting
up with something, and advertisers claim to make enduring a little easier. Takishima (2000)
discusses the changing social positions of Japanese men and women based on 50 years worth ofadvertisements, starting in the 1950s. Takishima points out a significant change in Japanesewomen’s lives in the 1970s. As the ad is no longer available, the following is quoted throughTakishima’s work.
Onaji kadenhin no koukoku demo, saki ni ageta
1960 nendai no mono to, tsugi ni miru 1970 nen
no Mitsubishi Denki no koukoku, “Namakejouzu na misesu hodo chaamingu desu” (35peeji) todewa, mattaku apuroochi no houkousei
ga chigatte kiteiru koto ga wakaru darou. Sonochigai o meikaku ni suru tame ni bodi kopii madeshoukai suru to―“Moshi anata ga, itsumade mo chaamingu
na mises de itai to omottara denki seihi oooi ni riyou shite namake jouzu ni naru
koto desu. Tatoeba osouji. 2 mootaa dewadai no soujiki Mitsubishi “Kamikaze” ga
areba suiito hoomu gurai wa monono
suufunn omake ni chiri otoshi wa

122

Even in the same household electrical applianceadvertisements, the following 1970 Mitsubishi
Electric advertisement, “The Misses who isgood at being lazy is even more charming”(page 35) as you can see, approaches from acompletely different direction. To clarify thedifference, I introduce the body copy―“If you think you would like to be acharming misses forever, you must greatly
use electric products and get good atbeing lazy. Cleaning for example. Withthe talked about Mitsubishi “Kamikaze”
with 2 motors, you can have a sweet homein just minutes and dust removal iscompletely automatic to boot it is nozenjidou temawa mattaku kakarimasen.
Hon o yomu terebi o miru oshare o suru
shumi o hirogeru…...anata no tame notaisetsu na jikan ga sore dake ooku naru
wake desu (chuuryaku) Mainichi mainichi
onaji koto no kurikaeshi kaji wa kesshite
tanoshii shigoto dewa arimasen. Ooi ni
namakeru kufuu o shimashou.”

trouble at all. Reading books, watching
television, dressing up, expanding yourhobbies…...The important time for you
will increase that much (omission)
Repeating the same thing day after day,housework is not a fun job at all. Let’s
work out how to be extremely lazy.”(Takishima 2000:34-35)

Takishima (2000:35) gives this example as one of a better social environment for Japanese women.
Since managing and taking care of a household, particularly if there are children involved, canexceed the working hours of a typical job, home appliances likely changed the lives of many
women. However, the social freedom offered by these products is limited, in that women still enjoy
themselves within the home, the traditional domain of femininity. When she is expected to spend
her free time doing things, such as aerobics or fashion, that will make her more attractive for the
male gaze, it becomes more difficult to claim that the time she spends is really hers. Women are
given agency with restrictions, within a specific physical or conceptual space, that does not impact
their performance of expected feminine duties, such as caring for the home or looking beautiful.
Just as the only man that appears in the following ad campaign says, SUNAO ice cream “can beeaten without guilt, and with honest feelings” (World Gelato Ambassador Daisuke Shibano Speaksof SUNAO). “Sunao,” while written in romaji for the brand name, is a common word made up of
the characters “plain/element” and “straight/direct” and can mean honest, obedient, docile,submissive, and similar traits that tend to be associated with good women. This guilt mentioned isbased in a culture that values thinness as an almost essential part of beauty, which is also true in the
U.S. but to a lesser extent Japan, that would be potentially undermined by eating desserts. The
potential lack of beauty, that is, a woman’s social currency, leads to guilt. Women are expected tomaintain as lean a body as possible and take up little space, and even as women enter new social
spaces, the same old ideology that encourages men to be strong and women to be weak still dictates
how society treats people. Women who have been socialized into diet culture, to believe that theymust be thin to be beautiful and beautiful to be worthy, find themselves at the logical conclusion thatthey must restrain themselves as much as possible to retain their value.

123

The following examples are commercials for SUNAO ice cream, and each end by boasting the
low calorie and sugars, as well as the catch phrase “Delight of ingredients for your body,” as well as
the Glico jingle and logo. The commercials in this series are narrated in a woman’s gentle voice andfeatures text that appears handwritten60.
Shinya ni aisu ga,
tabetaku nattara…
Taberu?
Tabenai?
Gaman shinaide,
SUNAO ni nari nayo.
Karada o aisuru aisu
Sunao

In the middle of the night,
you want to eat ice cream…
Will you eat it?
Will you not eat it?
Don’t tough it out,
go ahead and become SUNAO[honest].
Ice cream that loves your body
Sunao

(Glico SUNAO (Sunao) CM “Even in the Middle of the Night” Version)
Whether to eat ice cream or not is presented as a real problem, as if cravings are the worst possible
thing to happen in the night. This clash of one’s feelings of not wanting to be deprived and notwanting to be despised because of one’s unruly body is a common experience for the intended
audience, or at least common enough to build an advertising campaign on. Fear of becoming fat,and thus losing value in a society that values thinness, is real no matter what stage of life a woman isin, a vulnerability advertisers can capitalize on. The eat or don’t eat debate is imagined to be playedout by possible consumers, and having this reiterated by the advertisement brings forth thisparticular life frame that is particularly familiar to women.
As women are not socialized into diet culture by choice, the dispute between one’s physicalor emotional wants and societal expectations of beauty is also not by choice. This campaign
recognizes the disparity between one’s actual wants and the necessity of certain behaviors in order tobe accepted, and encourages women to be honest, although in the specific context of diet-friendly
ice cream. The invitation to be honest, “SUNAO ni nari nayo,” is rough and informal (almost
masculine, had the voice itself not been so feminine) but affectionate, implying an extremely

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There is another set of 30 second commercials for the same brand featuring “SUNAO-chan [Little Honest],”which is a humorous take on what life would be like if women were true to their feelings. While cute, thesecommercials are at least as visual as linguistic, and are not as useful to analyze within the scope of thisdissertation.

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familiar relationship, such as that of sisters or best friends. This tone of closeness spans each of thecommercials in the series, giving the sense of an older sister or friend who knows the secret tobeauty without denial.
The brand name “SUNAO” is spelled out in romaji, but “Sunao” at the end is katakana,Using alphabet profiles the product itself, giving a Western edge, somewhat removing it from theeveryday, familiar adjective. Katakana is more neutral compared to the other writing systems, inthis case, ambiguous as to whether it points to the brand or the common word. Choosing to express
the word using hiragana or kanji would likely pull the viewer’s conceptualization too strongly into
the everyday meaning, and away from this particular brand.
While some, like the above, target all women who would worry about their weight, a few
of the commercials are clearly marked by whether the intended audience is a woman who works ina paid job or is a homemaker. Another commercial in the series encourages “A sweeeet reward for
Ms. Hardworking” in an office setting, but the following targets married women with children.
Kono aisu,
otto to kodomo ni wanaisho desu.
Horahora, anata mohitoiki iremasho.
Mama datte,
tanoshimanakucha
Karada o aisuru aisu
SunaoThis ice cream,
is a secretfrom my husband and child.
Look look, you too
let’s take a quick breather.
Mom also,
has to have fun too
Ice cream that loves your body
Sunao
(Glico SUNAO (Sunao) CM “Between Chores” Version)

The same gentle female voice encourages the listener, to buy the product that she herself uses,
targeting housewives who may feel they have less right to indulge. The speaker is set up as a morein-the-know friend or sister who is sharing a well-kept secret with the viewer.
“Karada o aisuru aisu” is a brand slogan which, in addition to the clever alliteration, seems
very positive on the surface, but is fairly ambiguous. Vagueness allows this slogan to foreground theobtainment or maintenance of body love, depending on the viewer’s conception of their situation.
Possible understandings include “Ice cream that loves your body” (feeling and/or looking physicallygood after eating it), “Ice cream you eat when you love your body” (in the sense of protecting future
health and appearance), and “Ice cream you eat in order to love your body” (ice cream that changes

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your body to be worthy of love). While the focus is slightly different, depending on how the viewer
places herself along the scale of beauty, it is implied that she will approach or maintain her closenessto the beautiful prototype of femininity. On the other hand, each possibility plays into the insecurityof lacking beauty, whether it be losing current beauty or not achieving it.
Kono aisu,
oishii dake janai.

This ice cream,
is not only delicious.

Noukou na no ni... [audio
only: ufufu]

Even though it’s rich…[audio only:
teehee]Koku ga attemo…[audio
only: nnn!]

And has a robust flavor…[audio only:mmm]

Shiritai?
Sore wa ne…

You want to know?
Well that’s…

Karada o aisuru aisu
Sunao

Ice cream that loves your body
Sunao
(Glico SUNAO (Sunao) CM “Not Only Delicious” Version)

The text description of this video classily invites women to “enjoy ice cream honestly” using
honorific language. Compared to the previous examples, the voiceover intonation is particularly
exaggerated, conforming with features of women’s language traditionally brought to attention by
feminist linguists.
The rising and falling (but mostly rising) intonation and leaving sentences unfinished,combined with the informal tone (without “desu” or “masu”) gives an impression of an extremely
feminine woman, who is in a close relationship with the hearer. This friendly, beautiful lady asks if“You want to know?” as if this product is the solution to women’s problems, which are apparently
mostly the lack of flavor in diet ice cream and fattening nature of regular ice cream. With thisproduct, she implies, we too can become or stay beautiful without denying ourselves pleasure. In away, this is a linguistic rendition of social pressure, of the fear of being the last to know.
Consumer femininity, which compels women to endlessly search for ways to gain andmaintain beauty, simultaneously encourages us to wonder what secrets beautiful people know thatthey refuse to share. Conceptualizing beautiful and non-beautiful women as binary opposites
reinforces a sense of competition and distrust among women. The makers of this product, like many126

diet products, claim to have the power to free women from their struggle with their bodies, whileleaving in place the structures that cause that anxiety in the first place. By continuing toconceptualize the major problems in women’s lives as having to do with their physical appearance,
society undermines the value of women beyond how pleasant they are to look at. By discouraging
women from showing up anywhere until they are appropriately preened and dieted down, we placethat in the forefront of her mind, blocking her from considering larger problems or taking on bigger
goals than being the thinnest one in the room.
Though Wenger (1998) discusses communication between people who share a physicalspace, rather than interactions through media, the concept of Communities of Practice is still usefulon a macro level. Even without meeting face to face, it is possible to feel as if one belongs to a groupthrough the internet or television. Through media, one can learn the group practices, and become amore central member of a group without ever being in the same place. Advertisements convince
people to undertake the act of buying a product or using a service, in some cases, by foregrounding
group standing and assuring them that the advertised product or service will improve it. In this light,
we can understand consumer femininity and the endless pursuit of beauty as a shared enterpriseamong women, and knowledge of this goal is the base upon which the beauty industry is built.
Knowledge of the practices in the target group allows companies to name products and choose theright conceptual frame (and language surrounding it) to advertise effectively.
Even products that are not inherently related to beauty can be construed as such, taking
advantage of the existing social pressure on women, and the fear of falling behind in the quest for
beauty. The following is commercial for almond milk, which is not inherently gendered, but isadvertised with an awareness of both the health-as-beauty consciousness and don’t-be-the-last-toknow competition of their target audience. Women were likely considered an easier target than men
for an unfamiliar61 product, as attention to beauty and health are part of the feminine domain62.

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While soy milk is a typical drink in Japan, dating back much further than in the U.S., almond milk has only

been widely available in the past couple of years. Soy milk may have developed some association withfemininity because of its wholesomeness factor, but its status as a traditional food seems to have saved it fromovertly gendered marketing, at least beyond that of other food products.

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Speaker

Audio (JR)Display (JR)

Woman Guriko Aamondo
1
Kouka

Nomu
aamondo no
kenkouAamondoKouka

Woman Naka kara kirei ni
2naritai hito wa,
tsudzuke teiru mitai.

Glico Almond Effect

Display (ET)Drinkable
Health from
Almonds
Almond EffectIt looks like people whowant to become beautiful
from the inside are
keeping this up.

Oishii, Aamondo
Kouka.
Man

Audio (ET)Delicious, Almond Effect.

Sore wa gyuunyuu
demo tounyuu demonai.
Kenkou ni ii
aamondo miruku.
Kore ippon de,That is not cow’s milk or
soy milk.
It is healthy almond milk.
With this one pack, yougetichinichi no bitamin
E to

Bitamin E
1Nichi-bun

a day’s worth of vitamin
E

Vitamin E
1 Day’s Worthtappuri no
shokumotsu sen-i ga
torechaimasu.

Shokumotsu
Sen-i Tappuri

and can take in plenty offiber.

Plentiful Fiber

Eiou kinou shokuhin Eiou Kinou
ni narimashita
Shokuhin(Bitami e)

It has become a
Nutritionally Functional
Food

Nutritionally
Functional Food
(Vitamin E)

GurikoAamondo Kouka

Glico
Almond EffectAlmondEffectAamondoKouka(Almond Effect “Salon de Almond” Version (30 Seconds) Glico CM)
Of course, when beauty is an obligation, the desire to “become beautiful from the inside” is almost agiven from the social context. Understanding this, even though it is not specifically stated as being

62

This is not to say that all men completely disregard their health, but women, assigned to the domestic sphere,

are responsible for both their own health and that of their family’s, through domestic duties such as cooking
and cleaning.

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“for women,” “people who want to become beautiful” is just as effective. With “tsudzuketeru mitai”
to express the apparent actions of others, the commercial borrows word of mouth speech patterns tostrongly evoke the chit-chat frame, consistent with what would be expected at a salon as implied by
the title.
As attention to health and its effect on physical appearance is already expected for women,
there is on need to explain its necessity. As there is no ideological dispute, as there would be for a
product with a traditionally masculine image, only the impact and value of this particular products
must be explained. And the one to convince the listener of the worth of the product is not another
woman at the salon, but a male voice. The male speaker is not part of the conversation in the salon,rather explaining what would become the listener’s background information. He is a voice of an
authority, and explains the more scientific aspects of the product, the specific nutrients, rather thanthat of someone who has experienced the benefits. He represents the objective and the gossiping
women the subjective, which is consistent with the expectations of gender ideology. The somewhat
feminine “torechaimasu” softens the masculinity of the male speaker, likely making him moreaccessible to the female audience.
Even products that are not generally regarded as health or beauty promoting are, in part,marketed with the expectation that women are health conscious to some degree. The following is anadvertisement for matcha (green tea) flavored Kit Kat chocolates that takes advantage of thehealthfulness associated with green tea and the classy feminine image of Kyoto women. The
description invites “those who want to spend each day healthily, why not begin a ‘matcha tea leaves
eating’ lifestyle” with the product.
SpeakerJapanese (audio/subtitles)

English (my translation)

Woman Shitteru?
Did you know?
Porifenooru ga taritehen hito They say there are lots of people who don’t get enoughooinen tte
polyphenols
Man

Dakara maccha

That’s why matcha

Woman Otabe yasu

Please enjoy

Man

From Nestle
a new daily habit

Nesure kara
mainichi no shinshuukan

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Matcha de chaba o tabeyou

Let’s eat tea leaves with matcha(Nestle Koushiki Youtube - Kit Kat “Matcha de Chaba o Tabeyou” hen )(Nestle Official Youtube - Kit Kat “Let’s Eat Tea Leaves with Matcha” version)
The woman speaks Kyoto dialect, marked and especially salient against the male speaker’s standard
Japanese. Although Kyoto dialect has more favorable implications than other dialects, even within
the Kansai region, its association with geisha and other remnants of old Japan gives a elegant, novel
impression that, while positive, is not the voice of authority63. The woman simply conveys amessage, using “tte” to express that she heard the information somewhere else, without specifying
the source, while the man explains from a place of knowledge. This advertisement uses the in-group
recommendation plus authority explanation pattern to convey both the social/subjective andscientific/objective value of the product.
Diet culture, whether the conceptualizer is an active participant or not, is a sharedexperience among women. The following is a transcript and translation of a commercial for
chocolate almonds, another snack food claiming the health benefits of an ingredient. It is part of aseries, each portraying a time of day at which to eat a chocolate almond.
Woman A~ chokoreeto dehitoiki tsukitai

a~ I want to take a breakwith chocolate

Demo ita-choco wa dame.
but no chocolate bars. / chocolate bars are not allowed
Ita wa dame nano. Ita dake wa. No chocolate bars. Just bars.
Man

Ameyaki aamondo dekaritto rifuresshu

With candy roasted almonds,
crrrunch and refresh.

Aamondo piiku, chocoreeto

Almond Peak, chocolate.
(Glico 2017/09/18 “③ ‘PEAK around the clock’ 2:00pm”)

It is not explained why chocolate bars are forbidden, likely because of the general consensus thatthey are unhealthy and fattening. The fact that simply stating "no chocolate bars" is the basis for a
63

According to Nakamura (2014), when Japan was unified, Kyoto dialect was not selected to form the base ofstandard Japanese, in part because of the association with femininity.

130

commercial points to societal and expectation of forbidden foods for women, normalizing the guilt
associated with certain foods. At least as implied by the matter-of-fact forbidden-ness of chocolate,
and the suggestion to eat almond chocolate instead, diet culture is an ordinary part of life for women,
as well as the potential (real or imagined) for what she puts in her mouth to make or break her future.
The following is from the official Morinaga website, part of which was included on
advertisements in trains and the like, promoting a new line of Hi-Chew candies. It uses humor to
explore a slightly different kind of “dame” or taboo from the Almond Peak commercial above.
Sou, sore wa,
anata o dame ni suru Haichuu.

Yes, that is,
the Hi-Chew that will ruin you...Hai, toutotsu ni otozuretandesu.
Sore wa mou, totsuzen no
mukenshinchi deshita.
Nan no ki nashi no hitotsubu de,anna koto ni naru nante....

...Yes, it visited me out of nowhere.
And already, a sudden dreamy place
With that one innocent piece,
that this would happen…

Watashi no heya desu ne.
Sofa ni suwatte, kou hitokuchi.
Shoujiki, itsumo no
Haichuu da to omotte ita node.

It is my room, isn’t it.
I was sitting on the sofa, and took a bitelike this.
Honestly, I thought it was
the usual Hi-Chew, so.

Saishou wa shokkan deshita. Fui no
odoroki….
Toro...toro de, yasashiku kannouteki.
Ikenai to omoitsutsu,
watashi, gyutto kamishimezu ni wa
irare masen deshita.

At first it was the texture. An unexpectedsurprise....
Thick...thick, and gently sensual.
I thought I mustn’t,
but I couldn’t keep myself from chewing
thoroughly, firmly.

Wakarimasu ka. Mabuta no ura ni
tawawana budou ga kou
mierundesu.
Tobikkiri no noukou kajuu ga
okuchi no naka ni ikinari afurete.

Do you get it? On the inside of my eyelids
I can see the heavy grapes on the
branches.
The extraordinarily rich juice
overflows in my mouth.

Ee, mohaya watashi wa muryoku
deshita.
Toriko toiuka betsusekai toiuka….
Demo matte, kitto dare datte!
…...ie, gomen nasai torimidashitewatashi.

Yes, I was already powerless.
I’m captive or rather it’s another world…
But wait, anyone would definitely!
…...no, I’m sorry for falling apart.

...Ware ni kaetta no wa 1ppungo
deshita.

When I came to my senses it was aminute later.

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Sofa ni kuzure ochiteiru jibun ga
imashita.
Sou, tsurenaku satte ikimashita.
Sayonara mo naku…
Atoaji dake okuchi ni nokoshite.

There I was collapsed on the sofa.
Yes, it cruelly departed.
Not even a farewell…
Only the aftertaste left in my mouth.

Sonna owakare ga aru deshouka
Watashi wa sugu ni nitsubume ni teo nobashimashita.
Deau mae no jibun ni wa moumodorenai…,
Sonna kanbi na yokan ga shimashita.

Are there really partings like that?
I immediately reached out for the second
piece.
I can never go back to the me I was before
we met….,
I had a kind of sweet hunch.

Sou, sore wa,
anata o dame ni suru Haichuu

Yes, that is,
the Hi-Chew that will ruin you

Haichuu shijou saikou kurasu no
kajuu ryou shiyou

The fruit juice usedis the highest class in Hi-Chew history

Budou
Kajuu
100％
Nama kajuu kansan hi
Marude 100% budou juuse o
Ajiwatteiru ka no youna“Noukou na kajuu-kan” to,“Yawaraka de torokeru shokkan” noyoishireru,
Zeitaku na Haichuu

Grape
Juice
100%
Raw fruit juice conversion ratio
is like enjoying
100% grape juice,with “rich juiciness” andintoxicatingly “soft melty texture,”
luxury Hi-Chew.
(MORINAGA & CO., LTD.: 2017)

This ad reads like a romance novel, with “kamishimeru,” chewing all the way through, isused where we would expect “dakishimeru,” meaning to embrace. The word choice activates thedomain of romance and sensuality, resulting in a blend between chewing and embracing, which iswhat their product is placed as, going beyond the pleasure that would be expected of a convenience
store candy. “Okuchi” and “owakare” include the beautifying “o,” which makes an appeal to the
speaker’s elegant, refined manner, and is generally associated with femininity. Other syntacticalchoices, such as "torimidashite [fall apart]" and "kuzureochite [collapsed]" give off the impression ofa weak defenseless female lead in a scandalous romance. While it is in a different sense than theabove ad, it also features the concept of the prohibitory "dame." Being ruined is likely drawing a132

parallel between the supposedly forbidden sensations of the chewing candy to a forbidden sensual
experience and loss of sexual purity or chastity. It is doubtful that the creators of this campaign wereconscious of gender ideology, however this idea that one can be ruined in the first place implies athat she cannot be used, that she is no longer valuable as a consumable.
While this candy is by no means a health food, there is not quite as strong an association
with fattening-ness as ice cream or chocolate, which suggests simply attention to the sensual
stimulation, that is, that other candy will cease to be enough. The connection with diet culture, andproscription that stems from a fear of becoming fat or otherwise not beautiful, is secondary tosensuality in this particular ad. In addition, this marketing seems to be capitalizing on the trend of
adult versions of products, meaning that they appeal to the grown up, rather than child’s palate64.
Using the language of adult novels allows them to create a clever blend,
The above advertisements are examples of some marketing strategies that capitalize on theforbidden-ness of food for women. The assumption that women do and will continue to restrict foodis so ingrained in both Japanese and American society that it becomes a marketing tool on its own,with no need for explanation. Diet culture can be thought of as part of social cognition, and its
effects a shared experience among women.
The text on the following poster gains meaning through both the visual cues and social
context, background information provided by gender ideology that guides the reader to the logicalconclusion: their bodies are unacceptable unless they take advantage of the service.
Risuku to Tatakau To Women
Josei-tachi ni.
Who Battle Risk
rirakkusu
tsuukinokeikorelaxing
commutinglessons(Alethia Clinic - Train Poster - JR Tozai Line - seen June 25, 2018)

64

These products are frequently labeled as “otona no” or “grownup”/”adult,” and include everything fromyogurt drinks to rice sprinkles, to candy. These include bitter/dark chocolate as opposed to milk chocolate orstronger tea and coffee flavors, or otherwise supposedly more refined versions of common foods, especiallysnacks.

133

Because of the general connotations of the word "risk," used here as katakana loan word, the text
itself could easily be in an insurance ad. Coincidentally, a 2018 ad campaign by JA Kyosai, or the
National Mutual Insurance Federation of Agriculture Cooperatives features a woman in a
relationship with the personification of risk. The above ad is not for a service that helps withmanaging the risk of injury, illness, or anything else commonly associated with "risk," but for a hairremoval clinic. The risk to women while relaxing or commuting is demonstrated by a plastic dollraising her arms in celebration, to hold a train handrail, doing stretches with a medical crossindicating that the risk is her underarms.
This is an especially condensed ad, each word having a lot of weight in conveying thecompany’s message. It effectively defines risk as a situation in which body hair becomes visible,
which, due to cultural context, the reader knows will undermine her beauty, femininity, and value.
The risk is distinct from the common associations with disaster or injury, but shares the attribute ofpossibly having consequences, although social or psychological ones, if not mitigated. The possible
trauma of being outed as a hairy, and thus unfeminine, woman is motivation to seek the service.
The main risk, for a woman, is conceptualized as the loss of femininity, which must be
avoided by visiting the clinic. Even more direct than the "skin-showing season" example above, thisad is a humorous reminder to women of the threat of shame potentially caused by their bodies, and aservice that mitigates the risk of body hair to a woman’s esteem. Somewhere, even if women claim
to remove hair for their own pleasure, the fear of shame and embarrassment remains the main
motivation, at least for those targeted by this poster.
In both media and culture in general, women are often met with the idea that her bodies andits natural processes pose a threat to her value, especially in terms of femininity. The examples inthis chapter have included ones that conceptualize the product or service as something that protects
women from her own body. A woman’s appetite or hair growth will make her body undesirable, as
will her skin as she ages. Her reproductive system itself, the very thing that makes female humans
women besides social construction, is a constant threat to her value. Menstruation is, besides being
generally regarded as unsanitary in the first place, turns her into an animal, unable to keep up the
performance of femininity (see section 5.1.1). While both American and Japanese culture value
women for their reproductive capacity, the physical changes during pregnancy and childbirth are134

generally spoken of with a sense of lamentation. Women, like other consumables, are most valuable
when they are shiny, new, and unused.
Metaphors are particularly useful in analyzing gender ideology because of how ingrained it
is in our cognitive processes. Lakoff and Johnson (1999) present conceptual metaphors and theunderstanding of them as having a potentially positive effect on society.
Because complex concepts and worldviews consist of basic concepts and metaphorsbound together in complexes, it may be possible to learn new complexes. And
because we are conscious beings capable of reflection, we may be able to learn tomonitor the use of our cognitive unconscious, provided that we learn how it operates.
(Lakoff & Johnson 1999:537)
Recognizing existing metaphors and combinations of metaphors may also offer ways to change ourformerly unconscious cognitive processes. Because gender ideology and the discrimination it canlead to are part of cognition, understanding metaphors can be a step in dismantling the bigotry thatstill exists in society.
Because it involves defining the basic human experience, and the basic human life, deciding what
is included in what Lakoff and Johnson call the basic domain of experience (1980:117-8) may berelated to social power. Patriarchal society, in which women and women’s bodies are considered to
be nonstandard, men’s bodies tend to be the norm even though there are roughly equal numbers65.
Menstruation and other processes that occur in only women’s bodies are the exception, andunlikely to be part of this basic experience. Even if it is evidence of a working reproductive system,
menstruation is a somewhat negative and not associated with femininity, which, in turn, is evidenceof the social construction of gender and gender ideology. These natural processes, thoughexperienced for most of the lives of much of the population, are nonprototypical of mankind,demonstrated by just how uncomfortable it is for many of us to talk about. Whether experiences are
judged to be basic or not may quite possibly be influenced by social status.

65

This is, of course, only looking from the perspective of gender. Age, class, race, and other factors are

involved in defining the standard, prototypical person within a society. Gender ideology, however, hashistorically automatically excluded women from centrality within the category.

135

Most of our metaphors have evolved in our culture over a long period, but many are
imposed upon us by people in power―political leaders, religious leaders, businessleaders, advertisers, the media, etc. In a culture where the myth of objectivism is verymuch alive and truth is always absolute truth, the people who get to impose their
metaphors on the culture get to define what we consider to be true―absolutely andobjectively true.
(Lakoff & Johnson 1980: 160)
Politicians, business leaders, and other people in power have the ability to create and define truth in
the spaces they control. It comes to no surprise that they would work to protect a "natural order" inwhich they remain in power.

5.1.3 Taking Aim at Older Women
Not all products are marketed with the promise that members will become central
members of the group. While the examples so far have advertised the potential to approach
prototypicality, the amount to which this is possible is a matter of degree. Some members of a group
have no real hope of becoming a central member, because of race, age, body size, other qualities thatare frowned upon in mainstream culture, or even self identification with a counterculture. These
people still have buying power, and are still worthy targets of capitalism and consumer feminism.
When there is too much of a gap between reality and the promise, consumers may dismiss an ad as
being not for them, just as men might typically do when presented with a women’s product.
The following is a commercial for Cook Do prepackaged sauce mix. A reference to "backthen" marks the speaker, and the target audience, as an older woman, peripheral in the category andlacking the youth that would bring her closer to ideal. In this particular instance, however, age isspoken of as a positive attribute, with benefits over youthfulness. The transcript is adapted from thevideo description on the official Youtube channel.
Koike Eiko-san“Butabara Daikon,” furaipan de nikomi
10ppun?
10ppun wa muri desho.
Atashi mo, kooyuuno unomi ni suru

Ms. Eiko Koike“Porkbelly daikon,” stewed in a frying pan for
10 minutes?
There’s no way it’s 10 minutes.
I’m not young enough to just lap things like136hodo wakakunai desu kedo.
Daikon ga 10ppun de nietara, imamade
no kurou wa nandattano? tte hanashi.
“Gomen nasai!! Mada niettenaino”
Sate…
Shimichattemasu! Oishisugichattemasu!
Juwatto, shimishimi desu!

this up.
If daikon can be stewed in 10 minutes, it’s like,what was my hard work up until now?
“I’m sorry!!! It’s not done stewing yet”
Well then…
It’s completely soaked up the flavor! It’s toodelicious!
Spreading, soaked up flavor!

NareeshonUma shimi juwa, “Butabara Daikon”“Cook Do® Kyou no Oosara”

Narration
Delicious soaked up flavor, “Porkbelly Daikon”“Cook Do® Today’s Main Dish®”

Koike Eiko-san
Mairimashita

Ms. Eiko Koike
You’ve got me(AJINOMOTO OFFICIAL)This commercial humorously references the idea that a woman’s main duty is to maintain the home,even if she works outside the home. While the ideal is to make family meals completely fromscratch, and, as the speaker expresses disbelief at the time it takes to stew daikon, that it is too good
to be true.
The following is a promotion for a new series of KitKat chocolates, as accessed from theofficial website. It also targets older women from the angle of superior knowledge from experience.
Nestle KitKat
Mainichi no Zeitaku
Inspired by KitKat Chocolatory
Zeitaku gisshiri. Mainichi no shiawase.

Nestle KitKat
Everyday Extravagance
Inspired by KitKat Chocolatory
Packed with extravagance. Everyday happiness.

“KittoKatto Mainichi no Zeitaku” wakuranberii to aamondo ga haitta “KittoKatto”
desu.
Kokoro o mitasu, chotto zeitaku na bureiku
de, josei no mainichi o, sara ni juujitsu shitahibi ni.

“KitKat Everyday Extravagance” isa KitKat with cranberries and almonds.
Women’s everyday can become even more
fulfilling, with an extravagant break that satisfies
your heart(Kit Kat Mainichi no Zeitaku [Kit Kat Everyday Extravagance])
Unlike the examples we have seen up until now, this website plainly labels the product as being for
women, and recommends it as a way to better their lives. The commercial for the same extravagant
chocolates is as follows.

137

Japanese audio

Displayed text

Translation of audio

Translation of text

Ano koro wa,
zeitaku no imi nante

Nestle
KitKatThose days, the meaning of Nestle
extravagance
KitKatShiru yoshi monakatta

Lu Patishe
Takagi Oonaa shefu
Takagi Yasumasa
Kanshuu

was something I had no
way of understanding

Ima wa, wakaru.

Now I get it.

KittoKatto

KitKatMainichi no

Inspired by KitKat
Chocolatory

ZeitakuEverydaySupervised by
Le Patissier
Takagi Owner-chef
Yasumasa Takagi

Inspired by KitKat
Chocolatory

Extravagance(Nestle Japan Official Channel)

In some cases, vocabulary used in the group the target belongs to (or wants to belong to), is used inadvertisements. Whether the product is within the traditionally feminine domain, within the theoriginally masculine domain, or unassigned, language can be used to promise a central position,
relative to the consumer’s current one.

5.1.4 The Instantiation Process in Advertising
Instantiation beginning with similarities is not limited to only things outside of the domain,
but also to specify a particular case within the accepted domain. The example below shows a
product replacing a naughty act that women usually, or are expected to, refrain from on a regularbasis.
Keshousui na no ni,
Marude suiitsu o tabeteru kibun

Even though it’s skin lotion
It’s just like eating sweets

New D
DEW

New D
DEW

138

Torokeru
bi-teki keshousui, tanjou

Meltybeauty drops are born
(Kanebo, n.d. Emphasis added. Original translation)

Comparing this act of applying skin lotion to that of eating sweets highlights the similarities between
them. This appeal to and the focus on the pleasurability of these products is further continued in thebrand message page. This verb to “utsukushimu [beautify]” is not standard Japanese, and can bethought of as a hybrid of “utsukushiku [beautifully]” and “tanoshimu [enjoy],” for example.
An act that can be classified as good for one's beauty, and thus, value, is being likened to a
forbidden act, or one having a negative effect on one's femininity. It can be implied, therefore, that
one can forego the act of eating sweets, and its negative consequences on one's beauty, if they use
the product in question. It also situates this product, a part of a woman's social obligation to
constantly seek the most beautiful version of themselves, as an enjoyable, rewarding act.
Sukinkea wo, utsukushimu taiken e.

Turn skincare into a beautifying experience.

Purosesu shika nakatta sukinkea o motto
tanoshiku,
utsukushimu taiken ni kaeyou.
Beautiful time experience

Enjoy what used to be just a process,and let’s make it into a beautifying experience.
Beautiful time experience

Utsukushisa o hagukumu <biteki>.
Te ni totta shunkan kara, me de, kaori de,tezawari de ajiwattekudasai
Ichinichi, ichigetsu, ichinen, isshou.
Tekisetsu na taimingu de koukateki na kea okasaneru naka de kidzuku chiisana henka.
Jibun no hada o itooshimi, utsukushisa ohagukumu to iu“utsukushimu” taiken.
Mirai no kitaikan o tsumikasanatte ikimasu.

The <beauty drops> that nurture beauty.
Savor them with your eyes, their fragrance, theirfeel from the moment you take them in yourhands.
A day, a month, a year, a lifetime.
The small changes you notice with the right timing
and layers of effective care.
The love for your own skin, and nurturing ofbeauty, that isa “beautifying” experience.
The sense of anticipation for the future keeps
building up.
(Brand Message | DEW | Kanebo Keshouhin)

The comparison to sweets is a conceptual metaphor, THIS PRODUCT IS A DESSERT, and theverb “ajiwau [savor]” part of the metaphorical extension. The ad invites users to savor the product139

visually, through touch, and through scent, but of course, not satisfying physical hunger which
women in diet culture are expected to ignore.
The sense of anticipation for the future is implied as being directly related to how beautiful
one expects to be in the future. On one hand, the advertisement espouses self love and hope for the
future, which would be rather feminist in and of itself because of the rejection of a woman’s
devaluation with age. On the other hand, it leaves intact the necessity of beauty and youthfulness(whether attached to chronological youth or not) in happiness or projected happiness.
This new experience promised by the advertisers is strengthened by the use of the new
lexical item, “utsukushimu [beautify].” This face lotion is different from other face lotions in that it isplaced in another category from the cumbersome obligation that is ordinary skincare. The similarity
to the pleasure that comes from eating sweets simultaneously creates contrast with other skincare
brands.

5.1.5 Empowering Marketing Discourse
Although it is not politically correct, and not something many of us would admit in modern
times, women are still valued largely on their outward appearance. At least in the first world, we
have gained the right to education, careers, politics, and some amount of reproductive autonomy,
but remnants of obsolete ways of thinking are found in our words. As language can reflect a deeper
level of cognition than is necessarily conscious, it shows us a female image that goes against
political correctness. The following examples may seem frivolous at first, but these ideas have notbeen adequately dealt with after the most salient part of the women’s rights movement, continuing
on into modern times.
Some may argue that women have the right to become beautiful, that it is her personal choice tolook a certain way. Of course, limiting women’s agency is not the goal of this dissertation, but thisbrings into focus the question of whether it is a personal choice or not. Because of social pressure,
women are coerced into making what perhaps looks like a choice to prioritize her appearance overother aspects of her life. What is considered forbidden or appropriate and desirable in one's life, what
she is supposed to enjoy and what her goals should be are, in part, defined according to the gender
ideology in a given society.

140If much of women’s worth lies in beauty, even outside of reproduction or searching for a mate,
we are consciously or unconsciously judging her performance in other areas based on her
appearance. In addition, because of how society considers men and women to be binary opposite,
since outward appearance is in the feminine domain, it is unmasculine by default. This is the samebinary that is at work when a woman goes into the traditionally masculine domain and she is looked
upon as either being less capable or less feminine.
Acts of consumerism as acts of feminism is a phenomenon that has been researched bysocial scientists in recent years. While this commodity feminism greatly differs from what feminist
scholars would describe as feminism, it is highly visible and undoubtedly contributes to society's
understanding of women's empowerment and social standing. As Lazar (2006) points out, extreme
power femininity portrayed in advertising and other media may have the opposite effect on
women's actual rights.
Perpetuation of such images of female sexual dominance can have a backlash effect(as did the earlier Lee Jeans ad) upon women and the women's movement because of
the symbolic threat they represent to men. Images of women beckoning and stepping
on men, along with the dehumanization (as non-human animal and as thing) anddisembodiment (formlessness of water) of men can likely goad antifeminist suspicion
against feminists as all out to take over and subjugate men. In this scenario,(heterosexual) men then are made over as the new oppressed group. Yet this cannot be
further from the social reality.
(Lazar 2006: 513)
This fictional threat to men has a similar ring to recent cries of "racism towards whites" in the U.S..
Any perceived threat to the current balance of power, even if it would simply serve to create somesemblance of equality, is protested by or on behalf of the fairness in terms of existing standards,
protecting and coddling those with enhanced access to power.
Lazar (2006) presents four types of power femininity, which she defines as "an empowered
and/or powerful feminine identity, in contemporary advertisements addressed to young 'modern
women', (Lazar 2006: 505)" that appeared in the analysis of Singaporean beauty advertisements:
Empowered Beauty, Knowledge as Power, Agentive Power, and Sexual Power.

141

Empowered Beauty refers to specific references to “power” or “empowerment,” as well as“radical,” “change,” “liberate,” and other feminist-like turn of phrase. These advertisements include
conditional self acceptance attained through means of the beauty product, which are dependent on
continued use and limited in the scope of that liberation or change.
“Feminism is appropriated also through recuperating its critique of beauty advertisingfor creating unrealistic and restrictive images of body ideals, much to the physical andpsychological detriment of women, who in reality come in all shapes and sizes”(Lazar 2006: 507)
Empowered beauty also draws upon elements of a postfeminism that reclaim
signifiers of femininity such as make-up, by overriding their patriarchal associations
and resignifying them as resources consciously embraced by women in the “project of
the self.”(Lazar 2006: 508)
This empowered beauty is precisely what was observed in the fighting metaphors analyzed byTynes (2017a, 2017b). The references to outward battles, the more general notions of
empowerment, and the idea of cosmetics as a tool for rebellion were documented in the study.
Pleasure, rather than appearance, as a primary or at least a secondary motivation to cosmetics use isalso one that is seen in the current study. This concept of empowered beauty is of particularimportance in that it has preliminarily been found to surface as metaphor.

5.1.5.1 The Subjectivity and Objectivity of Beauty
In the general construct, a conceptualizer is a living thing and an object is a non-living thing.
The situation that arises from women’s collective subjectivity can be thought of as related to theendless quest for beauty that is frequently seen in media language for a female audience. As they areoften judged based on their appearance, women are more likely to see themselves through the lensof society, possibly abstractifying the embodied experienced lived through their bodies.
Beauty conceptualized as one’s duty confirms “consumer femininity”(Nakamura 2003), and isused as an advertising strategy on the part of those selling products or services. As far as we are142

taught, becoming more beautiful increases one’s confidence, happiness, and potential for receiving
love. The following examples focus on the personal benefits of beauty, the positive effects on the
woman herself, and though the social responsibility to be visually pleasing is defocused, it does notdisappear completely.

5.1.5.2 Disempowerment within Empowerment: From Subject to Object
The following media examples, at least on the surface, use language that encourages
women. They combine the idea that modern women are strong, independent, and no longer
oppressed with the kind of appeal to selfishness that we saw in men’s magazines66. The social
obligation to be as beautiful as possible is not likely to disappear, even if it is reconceptualized as
being otherwise beneficial, and the desire of the consumer herself.
Cosmetics, particularly foundation or other products designed to hide blemishes, areconsistently sold by appealing to the natural appearance of the finished look. The following ad, for
Maquillage foundation, particularly plays into the viewer’s self consciousness and suspicion thatbeautiful people are really lying. This type of marketing takes advantage of the competitive nature of
consumer femininity, which creates an us versus them binary between regular and beautiful women.
The following is a romaji transcription and my translation of the commercial.
Japanese Audio
Onnano ko no

Japanese Display
Makiaaju no aki.

Audio Translation
When girls say“nanni mo shitenai yo”
nante uso

“I haven’t done anything”
is a lie.

Memoto mo,kuchimoto mo, hontou
wa neAround the eyes, andaround the mouth, the truthisKakehiki meeku de

66

Kakehiki meeku

with tactical makeup

Display Translation
AutumnMaquillage.

Tactical makeup

Such as “kibun ja nai (don’t feel like)” or “sayuu sarenai (not influenced by)” in BITTER Vol. 63. See

Chapter 3 for the full discussion.

143

Itsumo no furi shite

I pretend that it’s the sameas always

iroppoi

Redii ni shiagare. but sexy

Be completed67 as alady

Aki no Makiaaju kara

NEW
From autumn Maquillage.
MAQUILLAGENEW
MAQUILLAGE(MAQuillAGE “Tactical Makeup” Version 15 seconds | Shiseido)
The obligation to lie in the first place, and claim to be wearing less makeup than one really is, likely
comes from the desire to be seen as not trying too hard. Though it is a social obligation, cosmetics
can be considered deceptive, a way for women to receive benefits of convincing others that they are
more valuable than they would be with their natural skin. This makeup is labeled as being cunningor strategic, conceptualizing it as something less than fair, but a means to an end. Though framing
makeup as a strategy implies agency, the social context of necessity undermines it.

5.1.5.3 Following Societal Expectations as a Means of Empowerment
The “100%” mentioned in the following examples of the “100% GIRL” campaign by hairremoval company Kireimo, likely refers to the full body, as in the removal of all of what is
considered to be excess hair, but simultaneously calls to attention the other implications of “100%”such as conviction and authenticity. Undergoing hair removal and removing excess hair, a barrier toyouthful (hairless) femininity, increases the consumer’s physical attractiveness. The commercial
features a large group of women dancing in T-shirts that say “100% □ GIRL!!” with a handwritten
word in the rectangular blank. These include “POP,” “RAINBOW,” “BEAT,” “BEAUTY,” “FIGHT,”
67“Shiagare” is the imperative form of “shiagaru,” a verb usually used to express the completion of something

being worked on. Note that it is not “shiageru,” from the perspective of the actor, but “shiagaru,” from theperspective of the object. While it appears as text in this case, in some commercials in the series, this slogan is
spoken by the female model, even though the imperative form is usually reserved for men. Use of masculine
language can be considered a sort of empowerment, although the content implies not that the user has agency,
but that she will be fit for consumption.

144

“HAPPY,” “POSITIVE,” “CHALLENGE,” “FUNKY,” and other positive yet somewhat nonsensicalwords. Naomi Watanabe, presumably the leader of the group as she is both placed visually in thecenter and is the most famous and recognizable, wears a large necklace forming the word “POWER,”
that fills the blank instead of writing on the T-shirt68.
Ironically, since of the purpose of hair removal is to change one’s natural body, the lyrics ofthe song playing in the commercial include "I don’t wanna lose myself" and "Just the way you are."
The conflicting messages converge as the message that women can be themselves, as long as that
self obeys societal rules. This example can be considered an instance of blending. Women are
frequently offered compromised versions of freedom or agency, and the performance of femininity
is a nonnegotiable.
The hundred women featured in the campaign represent a fairly wide range of ages andbody shapes, appealing to an inclusive understanding of those bodies who deserve to be considered
beautiful, at least in the sense that they can and should be rendered hairless. The company’s
catchphrase, as displayed at the top of their website reads:
Anata o Kanaeru Zenshin Datsumou
Kireimo Making women more beautiful

The Hair Removal that Grants You
Kireimo Making women more beautiful(Kireimo)“Kanaeru” means to grant or fulfill, and implies that the subject, in this case the consumer, wishes orprays for. As it is not "the wish for smooth skin," or "your socially acceptable physical appearance"
but "you" that is being granted, the woman is not a complete person if she does not become morehairless and thus more beautiful. This is a problem with which this service can help.
This is yet another example of the Japanese language's preference for verbs that indicate
passivity (becoming rather than making oneself beautiful) and outside force rather than agency inthe beautifying process. The following is from the official Kireimo Instagram and is smattered withemojis, often instead of punctuation, which have been removed for ease of printing.
Oosaka-fu shusshin no koukou 2nensei de17sai no Yokono Sumire desu. Koukou ni
kayoinagara butai ni detari shiteimasu.

68

I am Sumire Yokono, a 17 year old 2ndyear high school student from Osaka. I
both go to school and get on stage.

This particular celebrity is famous partly due to her large size, using her platform as a both comedian and size

activist.

145

.
Shumi wa meiku no kenkyuu desu
Okiniiri no kosume wa, Jiru Schuaato no
Baasu Jemu Gurosu
Buruu no rame ga haitteite toumeikan ga
demasu!!
.
Ato, saikin Sebun Irebun no appuru mangoo ni
hamari chuu (warai)
Oishisugite, eien ni tabeteimasu.
Osoraku watashi ga menbaa no naka de motto
mo sainenshou nano desuga, kirei ni naritai
toiu omoi wa dare yori mo arimasu!!
Kireimo de kirei ni natte saikyou no JK ni
naritai to omoimasu.
Studying makeup is my hobby
My favorite cosmetics is, Jill Stuart’s
Bath Gem Gloss There’s blue lame in it
which gives a sense of clarity!!
.
Also, lately I’m addicted to apple
mango from Seven Eleven (laughs)
It’s too delicious, and I keep eating it
forever.
I’m probably the youngest of all of themembers, but my desire to become
beautiful is more than anyone else’s!!
I want to get pretty with Kireimo andbecome the strongest high school girl

(Kireimo Official Instagram, emphasis added)
The desire to become beautiful is so universal that even in a girl who one could argue is not even old
enough to consider hair removal in the first place conceptualizes it as an essential step in becoming
the best high school girl. The necessity of beauty is not exclusive to grown-up women, and even the
youth, another highly valued aspect of attractive femininity, is not enough to override the necessity
to change one’s body. There is no explanation of this in the text, unsurprisingly as is to culturally
acceptable enough to be assumed. The shared conceptualization of beauty as something
unattainable for even high school girls, so highly valued through objectification, that even they are
too old (in that they are marked by body hair as being post-pubescent) to be desirable as is.
Note that the abbreviation “JK” is not standard Japanese, but a fairly common internet
abbreviation of “joshi kousei” or “girl high school student.” In order to effectively fill her societal
role of “high school girl” she must first be beautiful. Even though “joshi kousei” includes student in
the word, she is conceptualized as being first a girl, and then a student. Just as the word order implies,
the status as a student is secondary. In this case, her obligation to fulfill her role as a “girl” takes
precedence over the obligation to be a “high school student” and actually study. The lower
importance of women’s education when compared to their physical appearance is also seen in a
Benefit Cosmetics ad that was highly criticized for encouraging women to skip class not theirconcealer (Lubitz 2017/07/05). Although overtly saying this is quite uncommon, we do expect
women to be beautiful before they show up anywhere. This example is simply a linguistic146

representation of this attitude that we have towards women that only permits them to be involved insomething if they are beautiful while doing it. This is exemplified by politicians, lawyers, justices,
etcetera that have appeared in the public sphere and not conformed to beauty standards sufficiently.
The current U.S. president, Donald Trump, gives prime examples of women's the expectation of
women in public sphere (See Chapter 4 for a more detailed discussion). Thus, it is not actually sosurprising that a Cosmetics company would overtly encourage this behavior.
The conceptualization of beauty being of more importance than education is not only partof Japanese, but also the English speaking world. While it is has become less common in either ofthese cultures that one would come out and say so, but it is occasionally made clear by these suchcases.
Of course, in the case of selling hair removal services, being hair-free is the target of
focusing in the realm of actions that one can take to bring her closer to social acceptability.
Hair removal services as a path to beauty likely seems especially empowering for those groups,
such as women deemed too large to be conventionally attractive, as it offers a way for them too to
be considered “pretty.” By becoming prettier, this person can become stronger as a girl high school
student, in which case strength can be assumed to be not in terms of physical, but of social strength.
The kind of strength offered to women, the very limited power of sexual desirability, is acceptable inthe domain of femininity, even for a minor69.
Beauty is framed as not only being for its consumers, men/a man specifically or society ingeneral, but for the benefits of confidence and enjoyment for the an herself. Even if it acknowledged
as being for others on some level, improving one’s appearance can also be thought of as connectedto the individual’s embodied experience. Of course, the relatively abstract experience of society
through one’s body is different from more basic experiences, such as GOOD IS UP, it connects tomotivation to participate in beauty culture and “consumer femininity.” The way we are treated byothers either positively or negatively reinforces our behaviors, understanding of the world, and gives
an idea of societal standing and influences the conceptualization of the self. Within an individual, the69

Of course, there are possibilities besides overt sexual acts in the objectification of young girls, but thenecessity of full body hair removal encourages this conclusion. Wearing a bikini, even if one believes thatgrown women should be hairless, really only necessitates the removal of visible hair.

147

social obligation attribute of beauty practices may be backgrounded, bypassing consciousness in of
the external motivation that is societal pressure, leaving only the idea that one genuinely enjoys
cosmetics and the like. Social impact cannot be ignored or completely disconnected from physicalprocesses, as it is generally considered to be a strong motivator for such communal creatures as us
humans.
kireimo_official “KIREIMO 100%
GIRLS!!” Kanakubo Mayu-san no
komento ga touchaku.
Hajimemashite! Kanako Mayu desu.
@mayu_uk0326
Minna kara “Bonbon” to yobareteimasu
Manga ya geemu ga daisuki de, saikin wa
jinrou geemu no koto bakari
kangaeteimasu (warai).
Saikin wa OPERA no rippu tinto ni
hamatteimasu
Sono hi no kibun de iroaji ga kaerarete,uruoi mo batsugun de okiniiri!
Meiku wa harurashii pinku kei ga daisuki
desu.
“KIREIMO 100% GIRLS!!” toshite,kirei de suteki na josei ni nareru you ni
jibunmigaki o ganbarimasu
Soshite, KIREIMO FES no you natakusan no onna no ko ni aeru ibento ga
shitai desu!

kireimo_official “KIREIMO 100%
GIRLS!!” Ms. Mayu Kanakubo’scomment has arrived.
Nice to meet you! I am Mayu Kanakubo.
@mayu_uk0326
Everyone calls me “Bonbon”
I love manga and games, and have only
been thinking about werewolf games lately(laugh).
Lately I’ve been obsessed with OPERA’s
lip tint
It’s my favorite because you can change
the tint depending on your mood, and it’ssuper moisturizing!
I love spring-like pink-type colors.
As one of the “KIREIMO 100%
GIRLS!!” I will work hard at self
improvement to become a pretty andwonderful woman
Also, I want to have events like KIREIMO
FES, and meet lots of girls!
(Kireimo Official Instagram, emphasis added)

It is not expressly slated who would benefit from the writer becoming a “wonderful woman,” nor isa non-pretty non-wonderful woman defined. By introducing herself as “Bonbon,” this writer also
continues the trend, that we have seen repeatedly in the examples referenced in this dissertation, forwomen to be conceptualized as consumables, especially food, even in this context of supposedly
self-directed self-improvement.
Kono haru, watashi no suhada ga This spring, my bare skin is
migoro desu ❤
just right for viewing ❤
（musee)148

Both the word “migoro,” commonly used to describe when cherry blossoms and other flowers areat their most beautiful, implies that not just this particular woman’s skin, but women in general, arefor the public’s viewing pleasure. This imagery is further strengthened by the visual cues of thecherry blossom shaped cutout style heading and the photos of a model surrounded by flowering
trees. The other train poster has the following text:
Haru ichiban no ohada ga The first skin of spring
yatte kita ♪
has come♪
（musee)Backgrounding the concept of beauty as a social obligation, these empowering advertisements
focus on the positive, personal benefits. A beautiful appearance, obtained through the service or
product advertised, is conceptualized as a way to obtain one’s destiny, future, and power. Borrowing
concepts such as agency and control from feminist discourse gives an overall feel of action andauthority over one’s life, while simply cementing patriarchal ideals.
ALWAYS FRESH.
ALWAYS FRESH
Kinou yori, shinsen na watashi ni ai ni iku. I will go meet a fresher me than yesterday.
Natsu ni,Zenshin!

For Summer,
Fullbody!
(musee June 2018 Train Poster)

The same “shinsen,” used here to describe the woman after going through hair removal, generally
expresses freshness of food products, cut flowers, or other things that get stale, rot, or otherwise go
bad. Whether intentional or not, this speaks to how women’s attractiveness, and thus value, islargely dependent on youthfulness. While youth is valued in men as well, there are other qualities
that are maintained, and even enhanced with age. Removing hair, a marker of an adult person, isframed as a way to slow the decline of youthful femininity.
Beauty is conceptualized as more than simple attractiveness to a potential or current mate, and islinked to many areas of a woman’s life. Advertisers promise that through increased beauty, awoman can gain power and influence, the fate she deserves, and an accelerated path to her goals(via confidence etc.).

149

<Power/Influence>
Joshi ni chikara o. Strength to girls.
GIRLS POWER GIRLS POWER（musee)Botoru ni anata no chikai o. Your statement your bottle（SK-II)Ase ga onna no buki ni naru Sweat becomes a womanly weapon（ANESSA)

Together We Triumph Jishin o Mune ni. Together We Triumph Confidence to your Chest.
Mirai e tomo ni. TVCM 15-byou
Together to the Future. 15-second TV Commercial(Triumph International Japan- Youtube)<Fate>
Ichinen mae no deai wa unmei datta The meeting last year was fate
(SK-II)
Kigen nante nai | SK-II#changedestiny(“Unmei o Kaeyou” Kyanpeen)

There’s no such thing as an expiration date| SK-II#changedestiny(“Change Destiny” Campaign)(SK-II)<Accelerant Towards One’s Goals>
Ii kami ga senaka o osu Good hair pushes your back
(TSUBAKI)
The social value of women is placed on them based on the experience of looking at them, meaningthat the positive effects of obtaining more beauty in patriarchal society likely has some basis inembodied experience. When beauty is such a commodity, women with more of it are treated better,although generally not with the same freedom as men.

150

GET PRETTY70!!
&SLIM UP!!
It’s coming, skin-showing season!!
Let’s become pretty & slim all over ourbodies!!

GET KIREI!!
&SLIM UP!!
Yattekuru yo, hadamise no kisetsu!!
Zenshin marugoto kirei & surimu ni
narou!!

(KIREIMO (Kireimo) 100% GIRLS!! - Zenkoku de 100-nin CM Housou-chuu)(KIREIMO (Kireimo) 100% GIRLS!! - Broadcasting the 100-person CM All Over Japan)
Despite having heart marks on either side of the heading, this ad is more or less threatening womenwith the prospect of a skin-showing season spent in a body that is not slim and not pretty. Note thatthe advertisement uses the katakana loan word “surimu” rather than “hosoi” to express slimness. In
some cases, although generally positive in a society that values thinness, “hosoi” is a more neutralthan the unquestionably positive “surimu.” Being “skin-showing” “season,” rather than a specificoccasion or situation, is presented as an unavoidable force of nature. Although it uses seemingly
empowering concepts, and gives hope to women for whom slimness and beauty are out of reach,beauty ads often take away women’s agency, such as in this case as to whether show skin or not, atthe level of conceptualization. This is less of an issue with the ads themselves, however, but thegender ideology that determines women’s value by how closely their appearance matches animpossible ideal that expects slimness, beauty, and perfection from women. It is safe to assume, as
this company likely has, that many women are worried about their lack of one or both of thesefactors that influence their worth as a woman.
The following example is an advertising slogan by another company that offers hairremoval.

70

Miseru hada wa,
joshi ni totte saikyou no buki (rubi:
mikata)Charming skin is,
the strongest weapon (rubi:
supporter) girls72 havecolorée71

colorée

“PRETTY” here is the same word, “KIREI,” that forms part of the name of the hair removal company.

71

The accent over the first “e” is a heart in the official logo.

72

The ad continues the pattern of referring to presumably adult women as girls, using the same word “joshi” asseen in the above example of “JK” as in girl high school student.

151

Hada o dasu junbi wa OK?

Is (your) skin-showing prep OK?
(colorée)“Miseru,” is a homophone of the common verb meaning to show, but the kanji used is the same as
the first one in “miryoku” or “attractiveness,” and is much less commonly used. Using the lesscommon character evokes the meaning of both the character itself and the everyday homophone,allowing both meanings to activate simultaneously within the reader’s conceptual frame without thenecessity of the rubi that occurs in the next line. “Weapon” is quite a strong concept for advertisingtargeted at women, and is more commonly seen in those geared towards men. Forcing the audience
to read the characters as “supporter” creates a blend, softening the masculinity with a more neutral
concept. This allows the general concept of “onna no buki” or “womanly weapons” to exist in thesense of a fairly independent sexuality without bringing it into the realm of actual fighting, which isin the masculine domain, and thus unfeminine. We are left with the implication that showing skinhelps women win, as long as they are attractive.
Spanx, a popular brand of shapewear, also uses empowerment marketing for their products,
which is ironic, considering what the product does. Although self confidence supposedly amotivation to use shapewear, that self confidence stems from the reduced distance from theprototype provided by the product, which is meant to mold the wearer’s body into a shape and sizethat is closer to the ideal. Even when the function of the product clearly clashes with theempowering marketing, linguistic factors are used to shift the consumers’ conceptualization of the
product to one more in line with their value system. The following are examples of marketing, fromthe official Spanx Instagram feeds.
YOU CAN CHANGE
THE WORLDGIRL.
spanx The world is ready for your big move. Tag your girlfriend that needs someencouragement

to

take

the

leap!

#ChangeTheWorld#YouGotThis#MondayMotivation #GRLPWR #Regram @jennakutcher(Spanx)152

The website is clearly stylized as feminist, with the header for the “HISTORY” section stylized as
being crossed out by hand, appearing as “HERHISTORY,” or “her story,” apparently rebellingagainst the man-centeredness of the word. Another section of the site is “LEG UP,” as in “get a leg
up,” which again, rings of feminist values through the use of language that empowers women. The
following are posts on the official Spanx instagram:“I have the right to life, liberty and chicken wings.”

“I want to start juicing but I’m hesitant because I don’t know how to juice tacos.”Every time I take my bra off, I don’t know what’s about to fall out: crumbs, keys, myphone, pepper spray, pizza….
(Spanx)

Instagram is primarily for posting images, but the above are all stylized text on a colorful
background, commonly used to post famous quotes and the like. Though the posts encourages
women to eat what they want, contrary to what diet culture teaches, they imply that the product is a
way to circumvent the inevitable punishment, that is being seen as a fat person in the world, and thus
less valuable than a thin woman.
Empowerment and acceptance as women as humans can soon morph into theencouragement of laziness and self indulgence. As seen in the following examples, both pursuit of
the hyperfeminine prototypical ideal and the rejection of it are remedied by the purchase of someproduct.
Our next examples are also skin lotion campaigns aimed at women, but ones in that buying
and using that particular lotion is likened to power and freedom. As observed in Tynes (2017a,
2017b) and Lazar (2006), this pattern emerges in our modern times, in which some aspects offeminism and women’s rights have become cultural norms.
The declaration of “Botoru ni anata no chikai o [Your statement. Your bottle.]” is further
explained in the details that follow. The official translation is above, but the word “chikai [oath]” iscommonly used in the pledge of marriage, allegiance, and in the court. It implies that the person
who makes the statement has the right to do so. See the detailed description below.
Kuria na suhada wa, kono botoru kara.
Unmei o kaeru ippo o fumidasu subete no josei e

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Clear bare skin is from this bottle.
This fall, SK-II has prepared a limitedmukete, SK-II wa konshuu, kikangentei dezain nofeisharu toriitomento essense o youi shimashita.
Dezain botoru ni komerareta messeeji wasanshurui. Anata ni pittari no messeeji wa dore
desu ka?
I: CHANGE is in all of us = Henka o okosu
chikara wa jibun no naka ni aru
II: DESTINY is a matter of choice = Unmei ha,jibun no sentaku ni yotte kimaru mono
III: Be the person you DECIDE to be = Jibun ga
naritai jibun ni narou

time design for all women who takesteps to change destiny. There are three
types of bottle designs. Which of theseis the message that suits you just right?
I: CHANGE is in all of us = The power
to create change is in me
II: DESTINY is a matter of choice =Destiny is decided by the choices I
make
III: Be the person you DECIDE to be =Become the self I want to become

35nen ijou keika shita ima demo, kawaru kotonaku aisaretudukeru feisharu toriitomento essense
ha, tasuu no byuuti-awaado o jushousuru SK-II no
meihin. 90% ijou ga tennen yurai seibun Pitera™*de dekiteori, bitamin rui, aminosan rui, mineraru
rui nado ga tappuri to fukumareteimasu.

Even now after 35 years, SK-II’sfamous facial treatment essence
remains unchanging and is continued to
be loved, winning multiple awards. It is
made with over 90% of the naturalingredient Pitera™*, and full ofvitamins, amino acids, and minerals.
(SK-II Japan, emphasis added)

The slogans written on the bottles, “CHANGE is in all of us,” “DESTINY is a matter of choice,” and“Be the person you DECIDE to be,” are overall expressed as active on the part of the consumer, but
fails to challenge the necessity of an endless quest for beauty. The fight against the signs of aging,
the loss of youth and beauty, and in turn one’s value as a woman is something that is so importantthat it is labeled “destiny.” Although it uses empowering and powerful language, the underlying
concept of women’s worth as directly tied to physical attractiveness is emphasized. This campaign
exemplifies both Empowered Beauty and Transformative Beauty (Lazar 2006).
A YouTube video of the same campaign is prefaced by the following description:“Kigen nante nai | SK-II #changedestiny”
SK-II wa “Unmei wo, kaeyou(#changedestiny)” to iu burando teema no
moto, “subete no josei wa jibun no ishi de,unmei o kiri hiraki ikiru koto ga dekiru” oshinji, sore o ouenshitai to kangaeteimasu.
Douga “Kigen nante nai” de ha, Nihon, soshite
Ajia ya sekai kakkoku no josei ga “nenrei” nishibarareru koto naku, puresshaa kara tokihanatare, jibun rashikukagayaki jinsei o ayunde
hoshii to iu negai o kometeimasu. SK-II wa
2017 nen ni “Josei no ikikata ni kansuru ishiki154“I don’t expire | SK-II #changedestiny”
Based on the brand theme, “Let’s change
destiny (#chagedestiny) SK-II believes that“all women, under their own power, candefy their destiny” and wants to support
women in doing so. The video “I don’t
expire” includes the wish for women in
Japan, Asia, and all over the world canbreak free of pressure and sparkle in theirown way and walk life’s path without
being bound by “age.” In 2017, SK-II
performed the “Survey concerningchousa” o jisshi. Sore ni yoru to, Nihon no
20dai no 7wari ijou no josei ga 30sai omukaeru koto ni bakuzen to shita fuan okanjiteiru toiu koto ga akiraka ni. Kazoku ya
yuujin kara no kotoba, media, soshite, SNSnado, nenrei e no puresshaa o kanjiru riyuu wa
samazamadeshita. Kono you ni puresshaa okanjiteiru ooku no josei ni, douga o tooshite,“Unmei o kaeru chikara ha, anata jishin nonaka ni aru. Dare ka ni kimerareta kigen nantenai” toiu messeeji wo, o-tsutae-shitai tokangaeteimasu.

women’s ways of living.” According to it,
it becomes clear that more than 70 percent
of women in their 20s feel a vague
uneasiness about approaching 30. Wordsof family or friends, the media, or SNS, andothers, the reasons women felt the pressureof age were varied. Through this video, wewish to give the message that “The power
to change destiny is within you. You don’t
have an expiration date chosen by someone
else,”to the many women who feel thiskind of pressure.
(SK-II Japan, emphasis added)

Although they call for individuality in the way they do so, the idea that women must “sparkle” andbe physically beautiful in order to have worth remains. As with the other examples we have seen so
far in this research, and those examined by other scholars (Nakamura 2002, 2003), women are
under a unique kind of pressure to buy cosmetics and other beauty products. Women are promisedthat by buying this particular brand of face lotion, that they can avoid the tragic fate of spoiling
beauty that awaits them otherwise, and the ridicule, unloveable-ness, and reduction of worth that it
entails. While declaring freedom from constraints of the pressure of age, this conditional acceptancedoes little to break down the actual source of the problem, the structure of patriarchy in society, andinstead points the blame at the women themselves. It is the individual’s burden to escape the “fate”
that is natural aging.
As we continue to see, the ideas of power femininity and marketplace feminism presented
by Lazar (2006) commandeer feminist values when convenient, but only to the point that they areuseful in catching modern women’s attention without threatening the existing social structure. The
following example is of the same #changedestiny campaign and features the popular Japanese
actress, Haruka Ayase. The video shows her removing items such as jewelry and high heels is
displayed, along with the following narration, which is also the same text as in the YouTube
description, following this initial text:
SK-II: The Change Destiny Muubii: Ayase
Haruka | Unmei wo, Kaeyou

SK-II: The Change Destiny Movie:
Haruka Ayase | Let’s Change, Destiny

Unmei o kaerareru kadouka? Sore wa, anata
jishin ga, erabu koto.

Can you change destiny? That issomething that you choose, yourself.

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SK-II Change Destiny kyanpeen ni sanka
shiyou.

Let’s join the SK-II Change Destiny
campaign.
(SK-II)Ima ga, mirai ni tsunagatteiru no nara,
sono mirai de, donna watashi ni narukaha,watashi no jiyuu.
Nazenara unmei wa, ataerareru monode wa
nakute, jibun de erabumono dakara.
Kanpeki janakute ii.
Mawari ga dou omou nante ki ni shinai.
Shinjite susumou. Jibun de kimeta kono
michi wo.
Unmei o kaeru chikara wa, minna no nakanimo, kitto aru kara.

If now is connected to the future, who I
become in that future, is up to me.
That’s because destiny is not somethingthat you receive, but something that you
choose for yourself.
You don’t have to be perfect.
Don’t worry about what others think.
Believe in this path that you chose, andmove on.
The power to change destiny must bewithin all of us.
(SK-II)

Declaring that women do not have expiration dates does seem to challenge the traditional notionthat a woman’s worth is at its most when she is young and decreases with age. It replaces
chronological age with the apparent age of her skin, allowing her to be valued at an older age, aslong as she continues to look young.
As highlighted earlier in this chapter, the Japanese brand Sofy widely used the “Flutter yourwings, me!” catchphrase in their campaign, bringing to mind birds, butterflies, and other flying
creatures, as well as UP, the direction of heaven, and angels. The contrast between “gloopy menses”
and the clean, “dry skin♪” from use of the “fluffy and comforting" product foregrounds the user’s
physical experience and how they will feel after using the product (Unicharm n.d.).
American brand Always (P&G) takes a different approach in more recent advertisements,
some of which went viral and received widespread attention. The following is the description fromthe Always official Youtube channel. Bold text denotes metaphors of fighting or physical impact,
mentions of confidence and power are underlined, and italics marks encouragement in opposition of
a force.
Join Always in our epic battle to keep girls' confidence high during puberty and beyond.
Using #LikeAGirl as an insult is a hard knock against any adolescent girl. And since therest of puberty's really no picnic either, it's easy to see what a huge impact it can have on a156

girl's self-confidence. Making a start by showing them that doing things #LikeAGirl is an
awesome thing!
"In my work as a documentarian, I have witnessed the confidence crisis among girls andthe negative impact of stereotypes first-hand," said Lauren Greenfield, filmmaker anddirector of the #LikeAGirl video. "When the words 'like a girl' are used to meansomething bad, it is profoundly disempowering. I am proud to partner with Always toshed light on how this simple phrase can have a significant and long-lasting impact on
girls and women. I am excited to be a part of the movement to redefine 'like a girl' into a
positive affirmation."
So tell us... what do YOU do #LikeAGirl?
(＃LikeAGirl)

Expressions like “epic battle,” “impact,” and “disempowering” are related to physical strength,
usually reserved for the masculine domain. “Impact” and “hard knock” are particularly clear
instances of Difficulties Are Impediments To Movement as proposed by Lakoff and Johnson(1999). Similarly, “disempowering” can be thought of as an example of “Lack Of An Energy
Source” (Lakoff and Johnson 1999:188-90). In this, lack of confidence is conceptualized an
obstruction to attaining one’s goals.
<Collision with Obstacles in A Woman’s Life Is A Journey>

Figure 5-6

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The choice of “movement” rather than “change” or another similar word in “part of the movement,”
while actual physical movement is backgrounded to some degree in comparison with the primarymeaning of “campaign,” it is still present in the sense of moving towards a better future. Including
the concept of forward movement conceptualizes girls as active participants in their lives, not as
passive objects (to be acted upon by hormones or other people. Coming from a place of activity
rather than passivity makes the fighting frame more easily activated. Stating lack of confidence as an
obstacle to this forward movement brings forth the idea that girls are active, which, in turn, broadens
the possible range of actions.
The following is the description on the Japanese version of the same video, accessed fromthe official Whisper brand Youtube. “Confidence” is a major social problem here, as well.
“Onna no ko rashii” koudou wa, ittai nan darou?
Onaji shitsumon o, shoujotachi ni nage kakeru
to…

What is a “like a girl” action, anyway?
We tossed the same question to girls
and…

Shishunki, sore wa, shoujotachi ga joshin onakushite shimau jiki.
Uisupaa wa, sore o, kaete ikitai.

Puberty, it’s the season when girls lose
their confidence.
Whisper wants to change that.

Onna no ko rashii toiu koto wa, subarashii koto
da to ishiki o kaeyou.
Uisupaa no katsudou ni kuwawari, onna no ko
no jishin o sasaeyou.
Anata no onna no ko rashii subarashii koudou#LIKEGIRL o tsiito shiyou

Let’s change the awareness thatsomething done like a girl to meansomething wonderful.
Join Whisper’s campaign to support
girls’ confidence.
Use #LIKEGIRL and let’s tweet yourgirly and wonderful acts
(www.happywhisper.com)

Overall, it,is written in plain form, and uses the somewhat masculine “darou” rather than “deshou”
to express the state of wondering in the opening sentence.“Shimau” expresses the unfortunate
feeling of doing something, in this case, losing one’s confidence. Girls are encouraged to tweet their“wonderful, girly actions,” positioning the readers as active parties.
The much shorter length of the Japanese version is much shorter, and omits much of the overt
fighting and power metaphors in the English version above.
Losing one’s confidence is given as a problem, just as in the English description. Words ofencouragement are similarly used, but metaphors of physical force are not. A direct translation of the158

English would have been an option, but the person or team who uploaded the Japanese video would
have made a conscious decision to alter the text. Whether the intention was to save time or toconsciously adjust the forcefulness of the text, the reader, who is the conceptualizer, will likely
picture a less combative opposition to gender ideology. The lack of fighting metaphors that appear
in the original English is a possible hint at a deeper level of cognition, at which the likely andpossible actions for women differ depending on culture. Fighting metaphors, while not commonlyused in women’s media as a whole, may be less acceptable for Japanese than American women.
Although Japan is said to be increasingly westernized, different historical and cultural backgroundremain a factor in social and, in turn, individual cognition. As explored in Tynes (2016b), originally
English media tends to be softened and politeness emphasized in order to maintain equivalent
impact.
Hashtags (#) occur in the description above, but they simply suggest a specific tag for use in social
media posts. Hashtags can serve to mark group awareness or in group status, in a variety of ways73.
The following commercial for Maybelline Loaded Bolds Matte Lipstick proactively uses hashtags,
as if they were already established, as a central part of the commercial itself, calling women to#BreakTheMold and use boldly colored lipstick to express individuality. As hashtags are
traditionally used between people of similar standing, among individuals, companies taking
advantage of social media may be able to target people on a more personal level. This strategy is
now fairly common, and can be seen as a response to the widespread use of social media, and its
potential multidirectional influence on trends. The below example consists of the video description
followed by the commercial itself. Bold text indicates expressions with an association with physicalforce or violence. The text is separated according to its timing, with many instances of just a single word on
screen.

Be daring by experimenting with Maybelline's 20 new bold lipstick shades newly releasedin July, from Midnight Blue to Gone Greige. True to color one stroke intensity. Break themold with the Loaded Bolds. Available exclusively online until July! Visit your favorite
etailer now to purchase.

73

Hashtags can be placed in front of a seemingly endless variety of expressions, whether individual words

such as verbs (#adulting), nouns (#feminist), and adjectives (#basic), or phrases (#whitegirlproblems), politicalaffiliation (#imwithher), experience (#metoo), goals (#cleaneating).

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See how you can #BreakTheMold + check out our 20 new shades:
https://www.maybelline.com/lip-makeup...
ARE
YOU
STARING?
GOOD
BE A BOSS
IN BLUE
BITE BACKIN BLACK
BREAK
THE
MOLD
FUSCIA
GREIGE
ORANGE
BLACK#LOADEDBOLDSSTRIKEDOWN
CONVENTION
WITH ONESTROKEINTENSITY20SHADES
THE LOADED BOLDS
MAYBELLINENEW YORK(maybellinenewyork 2016/06/28)

160

This commercial reflects the rebellious spirit that someone seeking to #BreakTheMold and goagainst societal standards might aspire to. The bold, high contrast, flashing text in all capital letters isinterspersed with images of women wearing non-traditional lipstick colors and looking fiercely at
the camera. Additionally, typing in all capital letters is generally thought of as the internet equivalentof shouting, which is consistent with the rebellious attitude expressed in the content and visuals.
Words displayed alone, especially those with particularly forceful connotations (such as “BITE,”“BREAK,” “LOADED,” and “STRIKE”), have even more impact displayed one at a time than theywould had they appeared as an entire sentence. Text size is also adjusted for impact, with theindividual color names in a smaller font than the calls to action.
Despite the wild and violent imagery, closer examination reveals that any metaphoricalattacks are in response to something, not offensive, but defensive. The commercial encourages
women not to “BITE,” but “BITE BACK,” suggesting an existing battle and an assumption of
already being attacked, activating a frame of self defense. The lack of explanation implies a
commonness of being the victim of attack, whether the viewer chooses to fight back or not, and issomething that Maybelline deemed unnecessary to clarify. Based on the assumption of occurence inwomen’s lives, the opponent in this fight is likely the generally unfair treatment of women. This is
not to say that there is necessarily any truly feminist ideation behind this ad, but that some concepts
are borrowed for marketing purposes, even by the beauty and diet industry, those that can be
criticized for perpetuating and capitalizing on unattainable beauty ideals.
The colors themselves are “LOADED,” making lipstick a metaphorical weapon. The rebellious
theme is not just in the commercial, but is consistent in the product naming.
COFFEE ADDICTIONWICKEDLY WHITENUDE THRILLGONE GRIEGEGREY OVER IT
MAUVE ITRAGING RAISINCHOCOHOLIC
MIDNIGHT MERLOTSMOKING RED
DYNAMITE RED
ORANGE DANGERFIERY FUCHSIAREBEL PINKBERRY BOSSY
BLACKEST BERRY
VIOLET VIXEN
SAPPHIRE SIREN
MIDNIGHT BLUEPITCH BLACK(Maybelline New York (2017))

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“RAGING,” “SMOKING,” “DYNAMITE,” “DANGER,” and “FIERY” relate to hazards,
contributing to the impression of being rebellious to the point of dangerous. The Japanese site offers
five shades for sale, all of which are in katakana: “Mode Burgundy,” “Daring Red,” “Berry
Seduction,” “Villain’s Black,” and “Daring Blue.” While the color names are unconventional, with
“Daring” and “Seduction” placing the user in a position of action, rather than a state of being, theylose much of the dynamic quality of the English version. “Villain’s Black” goes against the trend forgirls and women to identify with and aspire to be like the princess in fairy tales and the like, invitinga rebellion against sweetness as a default. Questioning assumptions can be a form of resistance, but
it is of a different nature than metaphors of destructive power by way of the straightforward
reference to explosives.
5.1.5.4 Beautiful Strength
Pantene’s famous advertising slogan, “Don’t hate me because I’m beautiful,” is so iconic as
to become part of the English language. In more recent campaigns, they have built on the fame ofthe original slogan, by swapping “strong” for “beautiful,” accessing a more feminist-leaning brandof modern women. By changing the message in this way, strength and beauty are linked, andpresents strength as at least a form of beauty, the highly regarded feminine quality.
Don’t hate me because I’m strong.
Strong is beautiful.
I’m not one without the other.
People call me “Ms. Man.”
They call me “savage.”
But if you think fierce can’t be feminine, I’m about to show you what only astrong woman can do.
Strong is beautiful.
(Ronda Rousey - “Don’t Hate Me Because I’m Strong” | Pantene (0:31))
There are few words that appear between the defiant language, creating a tone which is madepossible in part because of the speaker’s status as a world champion of mixed martial arts. The
simple slogan is displayed as dynamic, flashing text, and all in capital letters.
Strength is connected to femininity, as a part of (or type of) beauty. However, as strength isconsidered a major part of masculinity, it is likely more directly connected to men and manliness.
The figure below is, while subjective and incomplete, a possible way of thinking about the162connections between beauty, strength, femininity, and masculinity in a conceptual network. It
displays only a small part of a much larger network.
<Masculinity and Femininity Linked to Strength>

Figure 5-7
Strength and masculinity would have been more tightly and exclusively connected in a more
outwardly patriarchal society, in the not so distant past in the United States mainstream culture.
Women would be thought of as weak beings, and a strong woman would be pushed to theperiphery if not removed from the category entirely74.
The above video with Ronda Rousey is also an example of femininity as mandatory for women’svalue, not just in contexts in which sex is directly related, such as reproduction, but as the right toexist as a human at all. Rousey tells of critics who reject her in terms of her performance offemininity (“People call me “Ms. Man.”) which in turn connects to a judgement of humanity

74

Of course, as discussed by Bell Hooks (1988), black women were placed in a completely different narrative,

not as fragile and worth protecting, but of dangerous goods. During slavery, black women’s physical strength
was assumed, and was part of their value as a commodity. They were not, however, considered beautiful,which may be where her story converges with those of white women in the United States. Whether black
women’s assumed strength, enough that “strong black woman” is a well known concept, is included in thisdeclaration of strength as beauty for white women is not entirely clear.

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(“They call me ‘savage.’). While the Japanese website does include a page for the same product, themarketing is markedly different. The equivalent campaign consisting of a series of commercials,
accessed on the official Youtube, is as transcribed and translated below.
Asa.
Watashi wa asa ga suki.
Watashi no naka ni, nanika ga mezameru
kara.
Watashi no naka ni, nanika ga hajimaru
kara.
Kokoro, karada, soshite kono kami.
Shijou saikou no watashi ga yattekuru.
Watashi rashiku, GO FOR BEAUTIFUL!

Morning.
I like mornings.
Because something awakens withinme.
Because something begins within me.
Soul, body, and this hair.
The best me ever is coming.
My Way/Be Myself, GO FOR
BEAUTIFUL!

(Pantene “From Morning, My Way/Be Myself, GO FOR BEAUTIFUL!”)This series of ads features Nanao, a model and actress popular at the time of the campaign, whonarrates the above ad. It is markedly less combative than the American commercial, with nomentions of strength or fighting. This is likely as much of a difference in spokespeople than incultures, in that Ronda Rousey is a professional fighter, making a living off her physical abilities,
while Nanao does a very different kind of physical job. The Nanao commercial uses inoffensive,
but vaguely inspiring, language that can potentially apply to anyone, much like newspaper
horoscopes. The beginning and awakening of this non-specific positive future, becoming the “bestme ever,” is in part thanks to “this hair.” Yet again, a woman’s future happiness and value isconceptualized as being directly connected to her amount of beauty.
Speaker
Nanao

Romanized Japanese

My English Translation

Watashi ga asa kara konna ni genki na
wake.
Sore wa ne, asa okita toki kara kami ga
kimatteru kara.

Because I’m this energetic from themorning.
That’s because my hair is set from thetime I wake up.

Narrator Tanjou
Panteen shijou saikou noudo [no subtitle: nopuro bitamin shohou de]Yoru, ofuro agari no gooruden taimu ni kea.
Yokuasa.

Birth ofthe most concentrated [no subtitle: withmedicated provitamins]
Care during the golden time, after
bathing at night.
The next morning.

O, kimatteru♡ [heart mark in subtitles only]

Oh, looks good♡[heart mark in subtitles
only]

Nanao

164

Narrator Tsuya hazumu kami.
Asa ga kawaru.
Neguse furii na kami e.
GO FOR BEAUTIFUL Panteen

Shiny, radiant hair.
Morning will change.
Be free of bed head.

GO FOR BEAUTIFUL Pantene(Pantene “Morning Will Change. Ms. Nanao Version”)
While “GO FOR BEAUTIFUL” encourages women to take some action, which defies thedichotomy of men as active and women as objects to be acted upon, it is not as much of a shift in
expectations as declaring beauty in strength. Beauty is, instead, connected with being energetic,
being oneself, or doing something one’s own way. This freedom of individuality is, however,limited to individual consistent with expectations of women, namely cheerfulness and smooth hair.
Claiming that a product will make one more like oneself is a contradiction that is largely ignored,
which is likely because of the widespread acceptance and perpetuation of consumer femininity. The
next example is from the same series, also featuring Nanao, who narrates herself removing her
clothing and accesories.
Nanao rashisa tte nani? Fasshon? Meiku?
Nanaorashisa wa, sonnan janai.
Nugisuterareru mono nante “watashi
rashisa” to wa ienai.
Subete o nuide nokoru no ga watashi.
Sore wa, kono kami. Soshite, watashi nonaka no tsuyosa.
Hoka ni nani mo iranai.
Kono kami ga watashi ni chikara okureru kara.

What is Nanao-ness? Fashion? Makeup?
Nanao-ness is not something like that.
I can’t say something is “like myself” if I cantake it off and throw it away75.
I am what remains when I take it all off.
That is, this hair. And, the strength withinme.
I don’t need anything else.
Because this hair gives me power.

Watashi rashiku, GO FOR BEAUTIFUL!

My Way/Be Myself, GO FOR BEAUTIFUL!

(Pantene “My Way/Be Myself, GO FOR BEAUTIFUL! Ms. Nanao Version”)
The mention of strength and power is similar to the Ronda Rousey advertisement, but the type ofstrength viewers imagine is is different. While the American ad speaks of the type of power gained75

Viewers must choose to ignore the fact that hair can be cut, and thus, effectively removed like clothing oraccessories, as well as that her makeup remains on for the duration of the commercial. Nanao’s individuality
supposedly comes from her hair, which, as we know from the rest of the series, is as important as her soul and
body.

165

through physical training, strength in the Japanese one is limited to “the strength within,” that is, thetype of strength typically expected of women, one that has no effect on her attractiveness to men76.
Furthermore, the woman herself is not labeled “strong,” even though she is presented as containingsome strength. Her hair is the source of that power, at least in part.
Note that both the concepts of strength, or “tsuyosa,” and power, “chikara” are used.
Strength is a quality, while power can be a temporary possession, such as in the sense of a battery
having power or not, or a political party having power or not. The more permanent nature ofstrength may be part of why the writers chose to limit “tsuyosa” to the internal, while not qualifying“chikara.”
Speaker
Nanao

Japanese Romanization

My English Translation

Modorenai
Mou modorenai
Ima made no kondishonaa ni
modoreru wake nai

I can’t go backI can’t go back now
There’s no way I can go back toconventional conditioners

Announcer Panteen ga kondishonaa o kaeru.
Torikon toujou
Uruoi Sarasara Shiriizu
Tori-konSore wa toriitomento in kondishonaa
Kondishonaa dake de jitsugen
Odoriki no sarasara hea e.

Pantene will change conditioners
Trea-Con has arrived
Moisture Smooth Series
Trea-conThat is treatment in conditioner
Made real with just conditioner
Surprisingly smooth hair.

Nanao

Mou modorenai

I can’t go backModelsWatashitachi wa Tori-kon no toriko

We’re prisoners77 of Trea-con

Announcer GO FOR BEAUTIFUL, Panteen

GO FOR BEAUTIFUL, Pantene.

(P&G Pantene “Mou Modorenai” hen×Nanao)(P&G Pantene “I Can’t Go Back” version×Nanao)
76

While being overly forceful, even in the sense of opinions and the like, is unattractive, that is more likely to belabeled as meanness, bossiness, or bitchiness in a woman. Additionally, as the speaker is a model, whose famedepends on attractiveness, we can assume that strength of character has not detracted from her value.
77

The word used here to express the addiction to the product is “toriko,” literally meaning captive, butcommonly used to express being addicted to or crazy about something. There is some play with sounds, as“toriko” is just one consonant away from “Tori-kon,” the newly coined name for this type of product.

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There is no fighting in this final Pantene example, but there is strong directional metaphor in “I can’t
go back” and “GO FOR BEAUTIFUL.” Note that she expresses the outcome as an inability to go
back, rather than a choice not to go back. While there is a sense of independence, her agency istempered with a sense of limited choice.
As discussed in Tynes (2017a) the Life Is A Journey conceptual metaphor can, at times,
combine with fighting metaphors in modern American marketing for women's products, but was
not observed in the equivalent Japanese language examples. The Japanese examples did imply
category extension of femininity, in that the women portrayed display agency and activity rather
than passivity. This is not to say that English is better for women or that America is more advanced,
simply that the expression of liberation is different, as it is shaped by the history of the language andthe culture it comes from. Different societies, while becoming more homogenous in thetechnological age, still retain their unique backgrounds and style of gender ideology. "Strong isbeautiful" is certainly more combative than "Go for beautiful," but fighting is not superior to
movement, and more violent does not necessarily mean more success for women. In mostexamples from both regions, despite difference in expression, the agency afforded was within theconceptual constraints of a woman's place in society: such as freedom within the frame of makeup
or individuality in hair products.
The ANESSA sunscreen commercial that claims sweat as a womanly weapon is a nearcounterexample, but metaphor of going along a path toward a goal was clearly more common.
Beauty is a goal, just as it has been throughout the examples considered so far in this chapter. While
it is a major one, and the beauty industry focuses on it, there are other aspects of femininity
connected with gender ideology.

5.1.6 Marketing of the Traditionally Masculine to WomenThis section examines cases in which marketing serves to convince that the product orservice sold is consistent with improving or maintaining position within the target group. Even
when this is not entirely realistic, advertising may be made more effective by making the consumeraware of and highlighting their distance from the ideal, prototypical man or woman. The following
are examples of advertising that is directly related to gender ideology.
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In our capitalist, consumerist society, companies compete with each other for the
consumers’ limited income. While individuals may worry about femininity, masculinity, and othersocial factors, money performs its function no matter whose wallet it comes from. Because of this,as long as the consumers are satisfied, there is no real need to conform to the concept of the ideal
woman or man, and may not even reflect the worldview of those on the selling party in all cases. In
this section, we examine marketing language that uses gender ideology to advise non traditional
practices. Practices can be attached to femininity or masculinity even in cases in which it differsfrom traditional gender roles. We observe language used in advertisements geared toward men for
products or services that are generally considered to be in the feminine domain, or typically mencentered products or services aimed at a female audience. The blending and other forms of
instantiation that occurs on a linguistic level has the potential to incite change in social habits. These
examples differ from the political ones in that even if there is intention to create an impact on thesociety or country, the most important factor is ultimately the company profits. Even with different
motives, the fact that societal change has occurred, or at least the conformation and normalization ofan existing trend, remains.
Because patriarchal society tends to conceptualize men and women as being on opposite
ends of a binary, when things have a strong association with one gender they become disassociatedwith the other. This can be a problem for capitalism, in the sense that it is in companies’ bestinterests to get as many customers as possible, regardless of ideology. In order to make strongly
feminine or masculine products or services appealing to the binary opposite, extra force may benecessary, that is, a stronger association must be formed to counter the existing one.
Marking something puts it within the domain referred to by the label. The label generally
describes a noun, making it a convenient strategy in product naming, evidenced by its frequency.
The following example features a clearly marked feminine version of a product, in this case, sidedish chili oil.
Otometachi no okazu raayu
Maidens’ side-dish chili oil(Yappa umai! Esubii Shokuhin “Okazu raayu shiriizu”)(Of course it’s delicious! S&B Foods “Side-dish chili oil series”)
168

Of course, there is some amount of tongue in cheek humor to the naming of the product, but as thesmell of garlic and greasiness is addressed in the “Jissai ni tabete itadakimashita! [We had [people
graciously] actually try it!]” column, there are some serious concerns women have that block themfrom becoming consumers of the other products. The order in which the site enters the reader’s
consciousness can be guessed by the size and direction of the text. Clearly marking this as“maidens’” product activates the feminine domain, of which a “maiden” is a central figure.
Ninnikuhaittenaiwayo

Garlicthere’s none in here!
(Yappa umai! Esubii Shokuhin “Okazu raayu shiriizu”)(Of course it’s delicious! S&B Foods “Side-dish chili oil series”)

The above, which is printed around the lid of the jar, is presumably said from the point of view of
one of the “maidens” who has eaten the product before. This “wa yo” is a marker of stereotypicallyfeminine speech, often found in manga and anime, that expresses both that the speaker’s femininity
and strong conviction, and is an example of what Kinsui (2003) calles “yakuwari-go” or “rolelanguage.” This statement is not particularly polite, as it drops the particle “ga” It is further described
as “honnori choi karai [just a slight bit spicy],” the femininity of the expressions not being upstagedby that of the package, which is covered in pink heart marks (♥).
The idea that women and men inherently have different taste preferences has been widely
discussed (Counihan 1999, Adams 2000), with women preferring (or being naturally inclined
towards) lighter foods such as salad, fruit, and yogurt, while men are stereotyped as eating meatier,greasier foods. The exception would be sweets, as exemplified by chocolate and other desserts
explicitly marked as being for men. This will be further discussed later in the course of study.
In a society that assigns more value to women when they take up less physical space, it isless than surprising that the relationship to food and one’s body can be complicated. This
complicated relationship is reflected in the products appealing to those individuals who are in it.
Tabegotae juubun
itsudemo tanoshimeru

Satisfying enough[you] can enjoy anytime(Yappa umai! Esubii Shokuhin “Okazu raayu shiriizu”)(Of course it’s delicious! S&B Foods “Side-dish chili oil series”)

169

In terms of persuading the reader to buy something, describing the product as being “satisfying
enough” is quite a weak expression. This, however, reflects the reserved attitude women are
expected to take toward food, especially in Japanese culture, where thinness is not only idolized, but
the norm. If “satisfying enough” were replaced with a stronger statement, such as “extremely
satisfying,” it may no longer fit into the domain, the brand of hyper-femininity represented by“maidens.” When women are expected to regularly diet to maintain social acceptability, one canimagine a phrase such as that used in the men’s advertisement, “Umami ga gisshiri
tsumatte―omowazu hashi ga tomaranai! [Packed with savoriness―[my] chopsticks won’t stopmoving!]” actually having the opposite effect, inciting wariness in the prospective consumer. Losing
the ability to control one’s intake, and thus physical appearance, is not a desirable quality in a foodproduct targeted towards women.
The following are sample reviews from the aforementioned column on the website. They
are not overtly marked as being by women, but instead by the language used and subject matter, as
well as the silhouettes of thin women in model-esque poses that serve as symbols. All of thesefactors contribute to the desirable femininity that is presumably attached to this product and its users,
Motto aburappoi to omotte
ita no no kuchi ni nokorazu
kininaranai!

[I] thought [it would be] more oily
but [it] doesn’t stay in my mouth andbother me!
(Yappa umai! Esubii Shokuhin “Okazu raayu shiriizu”)(Of course it’s delicious! S&B Foods “Side-dish chili oil series”)
Assuming oiliness from a product with “chili oil” in its name is not so farfetched. Preemptively
contradicting this presumption hints to oiliness as a feature and as a negative in this domain of
women’s food. The example that follows appears on the same page as the above, and is framed as areview from women who have tried the product.
Sarada ni doresshingu
gawari nimo tsukaesou!

[I think I] can even use [this] instead of dressing
for salad!

(Yappa umai! Esubii Shokuhin “Okazu raayu shiriizu” (underline in original))(Of course it’s delicious! S&B Foods “Side-dish chili oil series” (underline in original))
Besides of the mention of salad, what is arguably the most representative “lady food,” note the lessthan confident suggestion for dressing. This may venture into the writer’s opinion, but salad dressing
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is a fairly clear concept. Either way, the intent is clear, to relate the product to the epitome of healthy
foods, and slide the unhealthy, fattening image to a more diet friendly place. This shift would place
the product in reach of the type of woman accepted as feminine, who eat salad and keep their fat
intake under control. This campaign is thought to work by making obvious, and foregrounding
femininity, or the possibility of it, through the personal noun “otome [maiden]” and thecharacterized feminine speech, therefore diluting the masculine image. The homepage is split up as
the following.

Anata ni pittari no okazu raayu wa docchi?
Okazu Raayu Aishou Shindan
Anata ga ki ni naru okazu raayu wa docchi?
Gattsuri ikitai
ore-tachi ha!

Niowazu oishii
otome ha!

Furaido gaarikku iri!

Abura herashimashita!

Ninniku haittenai wa yo!

Oretachi no
okazu
raayu

Oretachinoparapara okazu
raayu

Otome-tachi no
okazu
raayu

(Yappa Umai! Esubii Shokuhin “Okazu Raayu Shiriizu”)
Which side-dish chili oil is the one for you?
Side-dish Chili Oil Compatibility Diagnosis
Which side-dish chili oil are you interested in?
I wanna go all out!
Our [masculine] style!

Delicious and not stinky!
Maiden style!

With fried garlic!

Reduced oil!

There’s no garlic in it!

Our [masculine]
side-dishchili oil

Our [masculine]
flaky side-dishchili oil

Maidens’side-dishchili oil

(Of Course It’s Delicious! S&B Foods “Side-dish Chili Oil Series”)

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Note that there are two options for the masculine consumer, that with fried garlic, and that with
reduced oil. While men have a choice in reducing oil or not, women are assumed to have certain
concerns. The oiliness (not diet-friendly) qualities are mediated by their pairing with salad, reducing
the need for it in this specific section.
It is clear that the women’s version is non-prototypical by considering the one targeted
towards men. The products labeled “our [masculine] style” and “for maiden style” are positioned asa binary, with at least the presumed speaker/writer (representing the prototype) and perhaps theconsumer being included in the group represented by “us.” “Maidens” are not included of membersof that group, and are not likely to be understood as central chili oil consumers.
The

strategies

that

initiate theseprocesses

aim toplace

theproduct(/service/candidate/behavior) into the domain of the reader(/listener/viewer) 78 , who is aconceptualizer in a passive or secondary sense, changing behavior on an individual level. While
media makers initially create the content, they take into account the way the consumers of thecontent will understand it (Ehara 1988) leading the audience in a secondary form ofconceptualization. Similarities are created through processes such as extension, metaphor, andfocusing, both individually and simultaneously, leading to the activation of the cognitive abilities of
instantiation as well as the related categorization.
The following commercial was retrieved from the official Suntory Youtube channel. There
are other campaigns as well, but this series is likely to have been aimed squarely at women, with thelanguage use and only a female-presenting model appearing in them. Although more women drink
beer in modern times, it can be said that the male image of the beverage is still strong today.
Language that gives off a masculine impression is said in an extra feminine way, which has theeffect of neutralizing it both linguistically and the act in and of itself. The text explaining the video isas follows:
Oishisou na o niku o houbari, ureshisouna hyoujou no Mizuhara-san.
“Niku to Puremoru go houbida naa”
O niku o tabe,〈kaoru〉 eeru o

78

Ms. Mizuhara chews delicious looking
mieat with a happy expression on her face.
“Meat and Pre-Mal is such a treat”
As she eats the meat, and gets a sip of the

In marketing media, it will be placed in the domain of the consumer. In the case of political or social

movements, it encourages a specific behavior (voting or changing a habit) to be chosen.

172hitokuchi nomi hitokoto,“Horeta.”
Maishuu ataru kinyoubi no go houbi
kyanpeen 9/ 11 ~ 10/ 10 jisshi-chuu
Puremoru to gyuuniku no setto
atarimasu.

〈fragrant〉ale,“I’m in love”
There will be winners every week during
the Friday Reward Campaign from 9/11 ~10/10
We have sets of Pre-Mal and beef.

(Za Puremiamu Morutsu “Kinyoubi no Gohoubi Kyanpeen (Mizuhara Kiko) ” Hen)
(The Premium Malt’s “Friday Reward Campaign (Mizuhara Kiko)” Version)
The text reads like a novel, consisting of a narrator and the model’s comment as she eatsand drink, consistent with the first part of the video’s audio. “Hoobari” (verb “hoobaru”) means tofill one’s mouth with food, literally meaning that one’s cheeks become taut. In this case, it is written
as hiragana characters, as opposed to the kanji for cheek and stretch, resulting in the meaning of theindividual characters being somewhat backgrounded. Nonetheless, “hoobaru” retains someawareness of being watched, a subject-object relationship (whether the verb is used to describe
oneself or someone else), as the meaning contains the appearance of fullness. Meat is beautified
with the honorific “o” (see chapter 3) as “o-niku,” making the whole affair much classier than we
can imagine a similar commercial with a man selling manliness (along with beer) would be. So wehave this model stuffing her face with meat, and somehow, it’s appealing. As touched on in chapter
3, and this is true in both Japanese and English speaking countries, we as a culture seem to beobsessed with models eating. We worship their thinness, which is more than likely obtained by noteating, but are then fascinated with what and how she eats. Eating, as a sensual experience, invites asimilar kind of voyeurism that exposed flesh can, provided that the objectified person is in line withthe preferences of the viewer. In the case of models who fit the social requirements for women to
take up as little space as possible, we are more than happy to watch as she enjoys herself.
The reader is invited to partake of both the woman and the food. As this is written from thepoint of view of an unseen third party, not the woman herself, who sits at the table alone, the reader
is put in the position of an observer. Despite both the meat-eating and beer-drinking being
traditionally conceptualized as predominantly masculine acts, the woman appearing in thecommercial performs these masculine-colored acts with pronounced femininity. The following are
the vocalizations as they occur in the video.

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Oishi-so
Iii nioi!
Itadaki ma~su
Mmm! Oishii...
Gghuo~ [gutteral sounds]
Ahh horeta.
O niku to puremoru, go houbida naa
maishuu ataru, kinyoubi no go houbi
kyanpeen jisshi-chuu
kore! Min'na ni mo atatcha imasu
juugatsu hatsuka no tousen happyou
wa, watashi kara

It looks delicious!
Smells good!
I’m going to eat.
Mmm! Delicious…
Gghuo~
Ahh I’m in love.
Meat and Pre-Mal is such a treat
There will be winners every week during the
Friday Reward Campaign in progress
This! You all have a chance to win this, too.
The winners will be announced on October
20th, by me!

(Za Puremiamu Morutsu “Kinyoubi no Gohoubi Kyanpeen (Mizuhara Kiko) ” Hen)
(The Premium Malt’s “Friday Reward Campaign (Mizuhara Kiko)” Version)
As you can see, I have had limited success in expressing the guttural utterances that
accompany the eating of the meat and drinking of the beer. These are more sound than language,
and become a sensual performance for the benefit of the viewer. For viewers who are women she isaspirational, and represents the attractive ideal. As the directionality of “Horeta (I’m in love)” is
ambiguous, the possibility of it being directed to the viewer cannot be completely erased. The
fantasy of a woman you want to possess saying, I’m in love (with the man who brought the beer).”
Whether media is intended for men or women, women are consistently objectified. It
simultaneously makes use of the aspirational femininity for women viewers and the classic strategy
of using sexy women to sell products for men. As the conceptualizer, the viewer can observe thescene from many angles.
“Horeta” is definitely not dainty, feminine language, and expresses a strong, one-way
emotion. Although not aggressive, it indicates a difference in power between the speaker and theobject of the emotion, evoking the masculine domain. The lexical masculinity, however, istempered by the speaker’s cute, feminine vocal quality and pitch (somewhat high with risingintonation). Combined with extralinguistic factors, this performance of femininity prevents themodel from giving off an overtly masculine impression. Female viewers drawn to the attractive,
independent, woman shown in the advertisement may also feel more open to her choice ofbeverage. "Kaoru (fragrant)" is also a woman’s name, and easily activates the domain of femininity.

174

Differing from "Otouhan" discussed in Chapter 4, there is no need for a generic space in this purely
conceptual blend, making the 3 domain model sufficient (Fauconnier and Turner 2002).
<Same-sex Marriage>

Figure 5-8(Fauconnier and Turner 2002: 271)
The above figure, adapted from Fauconnier and Turner (2002), shows the ideas of traditional
heterosexual marriage and homosexual partnership resulting in a blend, homosexual marriage. The
factors on the spaces on the left and right are incorporated into the blend shown at the bottom,
showing a same-sex relationship with the same social acceptance as a traditional marriage.
In this particular commercial for Premium Malt’s, both feminine and masculine elements
are present, creating a blend of a somewhat different quality, but an example of blending
nonetheless.

175

<Beer-drinking Lady Blend>Figure5-9
Any masculinity is neutralized through it’s blending with hyper-femininity, breaking through theimage of beer as being squarely in the masculine domain. Through the cognitive processes offocusing and blending, a product or act can be aimed at any social group, increasing theacceptability.
Hasshu tagu “# kaoru eeru” to,“# kyou wa _ to puremoru to” no kuuhaku
bubun ni o sukina ryouri-mei o tsuika shite,ryouri to < kaoru > eeru no gazou to tomoni
toukou!

Hashtag “#fragrant ale” and,“# __ and PreMal today” the blankis for your to add your favorite food,and post it along with a photo of the foodand <fragrant> ale!

(Suntory |# Kyou wa _ to Puremoru to Gazou Toukou Kyanpeen)(Suntory |Today is # __ and PreMal and Image Post Campaign)176

This campaign is likely aimed at young women who use Instagram. The new practice of drinking(or at least buying) beer is attached to the existing practice of posting something to social media.
Note the beautifying “o” in front of “sukina (favorite).” Sharing recipes, a common pattern inmagazines and other media aimed at women, takes advantage of and connects the concept of beer
to the kitchen and domestic duties, what is typically considered to be the realm of women. “PreMal”
is shorter and easier to say than “The Premium Malt’s,” which we can assume also makes it more
likely to trend, especially in the domain of social media.
The following campaign, for the HP Spectre x360 laptop computer, exemplifies the
feminization of technology which would otherwise be thought of as within the masculine domain.
Linguistic features, from the lexicon to the syntactical patterns, conceptually place the computer as
not just being appropriate for women, but as a tool to increase femininity. Below, we consider ashort musical in which a woman prepares for her wedding using the laptop. There is another video
in the series, in which the woman uses the computer to prepare for her son’s birthday, thus winningat motherhood. This one, however, is more blatantly connected to gender ideology (putting aside thefact that we assume that the mother would take care of offspring in this way) in its language. It isclearly marked as being for women in the slogan, which claims that “With HP Spectre x360, busy
women’s days are as you please.” Before moving on to the ad itself, the description as posted on theofficial Youtube is as follows.
Isshou ni ichido no kekkonshiki.
Jibuntachi mo, minna ni tottemo suteki na
hitotoki ni shitai!
Pure-hanayome ga shikaketa sapuraizu to wa!?
#PureHanayomePC #SutoresuFuriiPCThe once in a lifetime wedding.
We want it to be a wonderful time forus, and everyone!
And the surprise the pre-bride set up?!
#PreBridePC #StressFreePC(HPPCJP Youtube “Wedding - Pre-bride’s Surprise Strategy)
As the woman is described as being “pre-brides79” rather than the standard “engaged” or just “awoman who will get married,” viewers are invited to consider her, and themselves, in terms of her
wedding day. Although marriage is a major event, there are countless other possible central points

79

The word used here to mean bride, “hanayome,” is made up of the characters for “flower” and “bride” or“wife.” While “yome” by itself can also mean “bride,” it can also extend long past the wedding day, while“hanayome” more strongly refers to the decorated bride on the day she gets married.

177

of life, such as graduation or first job. Her life, and likely that of the target group, is framed as being
either before, on the day of, or after being married80. The young bride, who is most beautiful on her
special day, is the epitome of femininity81. Women are frequently defined by their relationship tomen, and this defining moment of womanhood makes weddings an appropriate theme to assert thefemininity boosting powers of the machine. “#StressFreePC” assures women that the technology,
that they have likely been convinced they are not suited for, will be easy to use. The commercial
itself, termed a “special movie,” combines speech and song, as romanized and translated below.
SpeakerRomanized Speech

Translated Speech

Prebride

Watashi, mousugu
kekkonsuru,
purehanayome desu.
Shigoto ga isogashiku
datte, kekkonshiki wa
shikkari kodawaritai.
Datte, isshou ni ichido no
taisetsu na hi damono.

I am a pre-bride about toget married. Even though
work is busy, I want to beparticular about thedetails of the wedding.
After all, it’s a special
day, and once in a
lifetime.

80

Romanized
LyricsTranslated
Lyrics

Shikijou erabi
wa daiji
Koko dake
wa honto
misurenaino
Ookii gamen
de kumanaku
chekkuA! Korechotto suteki
janai?

Choosing thehall isimportant
I definitely
can’t make a
mistake here
Use the big
screen tocheck every
nook andcrannyOh! Isn’t thisa bit lovely?

This is targeted specifically to young, unmarried women, whose optimistic dreams of weddings outweigh

the reality of marriage as requiring maintenance, or divorce statistics.
81

The idea that it is commonly referred to as her special day, rather than the couple’s or the family’s, is also

worth unpacking in terms of gender ideology. It is likely that she as at her greatest societal worth: young, madeup, dressed up, not yet possessed by someone, and before childbearing, making the concept of a bride a
reasonable candidate for the idealized cognitive model of a woman.

178

Yoku miru to bimyo

Looking closely it’s
dubious82

FianceKore yokunai?

Isn’t this nice?

Prebride[Fiance] Dou?

[Fiance]How’s this?

Roozu pinku dematometaindesu

I want to pull it all
together with rose pink.

Staff

Kochira wa dou deshou

How do you like this?

Prebride

Sore wa fearii pinku desu

That is fairy pink82

Purofiiru mo
te wa nukanai
Koko de wa
gesuto ni
waratte hoshii
Kawaiishashin moomoide mo
Baransu yoku
choisu shite

I can’t ease up
with theprogileWe want theguests to laugh
here
Cute photos
and memories
too
Make choiceswith goodbalanceTokubetsu na
hi ga yatte
kuru
Doresu wa
dore ga ii
kashira?
Tokubetsu na
hi ga yatte
kuruyoUkare suginai
de toki ni wa
reisei ni
Paafekuto na
shiki ni suru
wa!

The special
day is coming
I wonderwhich dress isgood?
The special
day is coming,
you know
Don’t get toolighthearted,
keep yourcalm at times
I’m going to
make thisceremony
perfect!

“Bimyou,” is shortened to the katakana “bimyo.” While the original range of meanings indicating delicate

subtlety, it is commonly used to mean dicey or dubious, especially among younger people and when written in
katakana.

179

StaffKochira wa?

And this one?

Prebride

Sore wa supuringutaimu
pinku desu neThat looks likespringtime pink.

Manzoku dekinai!

Sapuraizu daiseikou

Imeeji wa
seikaku ni
tsutaenakya
Hitomakaseja

Gotta convey
the imageaccurately
Leaving it up
to others

Tokubetsu na
hi ga
yattekuru
Shoutaijou
wa tedzukurideTokubetsu na
hi ga
yattekuru yo
Ryouri no aji
wa doukashiraIma dakewagamama
yurushite ne
Yeah

The special
day is coming
Invitations will
be hand-madeThe special
day is coming
What about
the flavors of
the food
Forgive theselfishness justfor now
Yeah

Minna nokanshawasurenai
Kyou madehontoarigatou
Minna ekasha
tsutaetai
Sono kimochio kyoutsutaetai

Don’t forgetgratitude
Thank you forup until today
Conveygratitude to
everyone
Tell them yourfeelings today

Taisetsu na
omoide ni

So that it will
become an

I can’t be satisfied!

Hugely successful
surprise180

narimasu
youni.

importantmemory.

(HPPCJP Youtube “Wedding - Pre-bride’s Surprise Strategy)
In this first scene we see the distinctively feminine “damono,” which emphasizes the reason andemotional attachment to it. Ending in “no” is another typical feature of women’s language, at least in
the media. Similarly “kashira” and “dawa” are easily recognizable highlights of women’s language.
While these specific grammatical features of Japanese women’s language do not translate
into English, filler words (“Oh! Isn’t this a bit lovely?”) and the particularity within specific andframe of knowledge (the distinction between “rose pink,” “springtime pink,” and “fairy pink”) thatis generally regarded as unimportant, is consistent with the features of women’s language outlinedin Lakoff (1975).
Note that the actual specifications of the the computer are not mentioned, just vague references toa large screen and demonstration of how easy it is to carry. The emphasis is, instead, on femininity,
which defocuses the product itself, and instead brings focus to the type of person who would use it,in this case, a lovely, feminine bride.

5.2 Advertisements for Men
For comparison, the English HP marketing makes no mention of brides, mothers, or
femininity on the user’s part at all, instead feminizing the computer itself, as is often seen indescriptions of computers and other machines. The following is the description uploaded with acommercial for the same line of computers, as accessed from the HP official Youtube.
The world's thinnest laptop. This is design and technology taken to a whole new level.
http://www.hp.com/go/hpspectrelaptop
Artisan materials and striking craftsmanship create an experience unlike anything else.
With a uniquely stunning design 10.4mm thin combined with impressive
performance with full Intel® Core™ i5 or i7 power, the world's most luxurious laptop
is completely irresistible.
(HP “The World's Thinnest Laptop | HP Spectre | HP”)
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“Artisan,” “craftsmanship,” and “performance” are, as exemplified by the men’s razors inTynes(2016a) are familiar concepts in advertising that targets men. In addition to power and othermasculine concepts, there is a sensual quality, as in “luxurious,” and adjectives that describe
attraction, such as “striking,” “stunning,” and“irresistible.” While these are not metaphors for asexual relationship on their own, the computer continues to be likened the pursued party in a
relationship (generally the woman in patriarchal heteronormativity), as seen in the transcript below.
The commercial is narrated by a masculine voice.
The Spectre Notebook is the best notebook HP's ever made. It is also the thinnest
notebook that we've ever made. It is a marriage of engineering and design working
together. As we look at the Spectre notebook, you'll notice the bold use of a copper
color. We wanted the warmth to come out, we wanted it to feel a little bit more like apiece of jewelry.
It is more artisan than manufacture. It looks as if a craftsman made just one of those.
What you/re gonna find is this unique piece of metal to the back. It has an artisan feel,
almost if it was hammered out, filed, polished. The hinge is a re-engineered liftmechanism, tucked away to the inside.
It uses pistons to lift and lower the display. This notebook incorporates Intel Core
Performance. That's one of the top end, highest performance Intel Core processors. It
delivers long battery life, but also a very sleek and nice form factor. This uses USBC,
the next generation of USB, each of these is not only data in and data out, it's also
power.
When in the past, you had to have so many different connectors, now you only needone. Bang and Olufsen audio is part of the design. The speaker perf is machined in, it'salmost lace-like in metal. When you look at the Spectre, it doesn't look like any other182notebook out there.
This is the balance of great engineering and beautiful lifestyle design, all captured inthat Spectre Notebook.
(HP “The World's Thinnest Laptop | HP Spectre | HP”)

The underlined terms mark masculinity through the conceptual metaphor of mechanics orcraftsmanship, that is to say, manly profession. A quick search on COCA confirms that thiscommercial is not an isolated case in referring to and judging electronics with the same language as
when objectifying women. “Form factor” is a particularly relevant, though uncommon term, in thatit frequently appeared with words that are commonly used to judge the body size of people,
especially women. Relatively neutral adjectives, “compact,” and “small,” generally negative“chubby,” and “chunky,” and the covetable “ultrathin” were all used to modify “form factor” in the
results, 35 of the total 45 being from science and technology magazines. “Lace-like” and “beautiful”
express the physical presentation of femininity “irresistible,” the pull of attraction, while “marriage”
and “jewelry” are strongly associated with women and heterosexual relationships with them. The
two themes, masculine craftsmanship and feminine sexualization continues throughout the text.
Thinness, as a highly valued aspect of beauty, appears several times on the homepage inpersonifying slogans such as “Power never looked so thin” and “See just how powerful thin can be.”Women and men are socialized in ways that would likely affect how they placed
themselves in th relation to the personified product. While thinness represents something that men
value in a partner, they would simply desire the product. For women, however, who have beensocialized into diet culture, thinness is a quality which they are groomed to desire in terms ofsomething they want to possess themselves. This is yet another instance of women being led toconceptualize themselves through the male gaze, the standard point of view in patriarchal society.
Three of the headings which are particularly clear in the comparison to human women are as
follows.

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Inspiration for innovation
See just how powerful thin can be.
There's thin and there's thinnest
Desire starts with a design that has no comparison. Crafted with durable aluminum and carbon fiber,
this impossibly thin laptop redefines perfection.
Power never looked so thinThis featherweight 13-inch diagonal laptop weighs just 2.45 pounds.3(HP Development Company, L.P. 2017)
Not only are women invited to see the object as feminine, but the superlatives/adjectives ofcomparison, as in “There’s thin and there’s thinner” invite the sort of petty competition women are
so often accused of taking part in. In other parts of the website, adjectives such as “intelligent,” alongwith technical lingo further extends both of the metaphors (manly work and sexy women) seen in
the advertisement video.
The more subtle presence of gender ideology in the English language marketing is likely anindication of the general acceptance of computer use as normal in the United States. Likely becauseof the, until recently, different paths of personal electronics in America (popularity of homecomputers compared to the more mobile-focused Japanese culture) there is not need to specifically
instruct women on how their lives would benefit from a laptop.
Electronics are commonly referred to as sleek, slim, and sexy, or thick and clunky, just as
one would objectify and describe women. Both women and machines are for the pleasure of theuser, who, regardless of gender, will objectify her. The sexualization of electronics parallels thesimultaneous objectification and sexualization of women, as well as the obsession with the new andyouthful of either. Masculinity is expressed in the objectification of the the feminine, which is thestandard lens in patriarchal society, whether the individual identifies as man, woman, or neither.
Beauty, being a major part of femininity, is traditionally not commonly associated withmasculinity. Capitalism, on the other hand, is tends to be more concerned with profits thanupholding tradition, which creates a conflict of interests with the consumers whose ideology is
ingrained in their thinking. The linguistic acrobatics that accompany the masculine
conceptualization of feminine concepts is worth considering in order to further understand the184flexibility of social cognition in relation to gender ideology. This section will examine the linguistic
strategies used in order to sell men’s beauty and personal care products, attempting to break throughthe binary that exists in society because of gender ideology.
The following is an excerpt from Hot Pepper, a coupon-centered publication that has
information on businesses and services available in the region. Although it is not advertising that is
directly from the company, it acts as a sort of filter of marketing. It is clearly a part of marketing, as apublication paid for by advertisements, but its magazine form makes it difficult to place within thegenres considered in this dissertation. Hot Pepper is widely available for free in train stations andother public places, acting as the potential first contact with these products and services, especiallyfor those who do not buy men’s magazines.
News 01 Skin Care
Tegarusa ga Hitto“Menzu-you”
Ooruinwan
Keshouhin ga Atsui
Bihada wa hoshitsu
kara.
Sono ishiki wa
shintou shiteiru
mono no,keshousui ya
nyuueki to iroiro
tsukau no wa
madamada nigate
na menzu shokun.
Soko de daihittochuu nano ga,
ooruinwan
keshousui da.

News 01 Skin CareThe Ease is a Hit"For Men"
All-In-One
Cosmetic Liquids are Hot

Yamakawa’scomment"Ooruinwan wa kongo
menzu biyoi noshuryuu ni natte iku
deshouKinousei to ribensei oyuusen suru no ga
dansei no shikou no
tokuchou. 2 akushon
wa mendou dakedo, 1
akushon nara iijan toiu
hito ga fue, shouhin
mo zouka keikou
desu.”

Beautiful skin isfrom moisture.
That awarenessis permeating,but you guys,men, are still notgood at using
various toners
andmoisturizers. In
that, all-in-one
cosmetic liquids
are in the
middle of a big
hit.

Yamakawa’s comment"All-in-ones will probably
become the mainstreamof men’s beauty fromnow on. Prioritizing
functionality andconvenience arecharacteristics of malethought. People
increasingly think that
two actions are a pain, but
if it’s one that’s fine, andthe products are tending
to increase as well."(HOT PEPPER: 12)

The label "For Men" seems to greatly offset the feminine concept of beauty, at least fromthe publisher’s point of view. The text itself contains terms like “functionality,” as well as numerous

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Chinese characters and loan words83, which are more expected in a business context, pulling it
further into the masculine domain. It continues to appeal to masculinity by claiming that the
products are in line with the “characteristics of male thought.”
The article continues on to introduce products for “Hair Care” and “Deodorant Care,”positioning them as important items to improve masculinity through attractiveness to women.
Japanese Romanization

My Translation

Wow!
Nioi
Ima shitte oku beki,AREmondai Ima ya otoko datteyou
andaahea biyou ni kodawatteOK?
jijou,
koso nanbo no jidai.
hada
Mashite ya joshi-motetaisaku o nerau nara, koukando
appu ni oteire wa
kakasenaimono.
Chekku suru beki 10dainyuusu o otodoke!

Wow!
ARE
you
OK?

The smell
problem,
under-hairconditions,andskinprotection

What you should knownow,
Now is an era that it’s
especially meaningful formen to be particular about
beauty. Maintenance iseven more vital if you aim
to be popular with the girls.
We present the 10 big news
you should check.
(HOT PEPPER: 13)

Since part of masculinity is popularity with women, framing personal care as a way to get positive
attention from women is a recurring theme in men’s advertising.
The following is a commercial for the men’s version of Febreze fabric spray. Whilecommercials for the standard version portray it as being for the whole stinky family, especially the
stench of teenaged boys, the person actually doing the spraying is a woman. Febreze MEN, on theother hand, is marketed to men, especially single men, to freshen their suits and be more attractive(which could mean they can get a wife to take care of his smell for him).
SpeakerJapanese
Subtitles

Japanese Display

Translated
Subtitles

Otoko no Faburiizu
Song
83

♪Omae

Ase no nioi

Translated Display
Men’s Febreze♪Yer aThe smell of sweat

Native Japanese words that would be written in hiragana, on the other hand, are generally considered softerand more feminine than loan words that use Chinese characters. Loan words from English or other languages
often express business terms, especially in industries related to technology.

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ganbaru MEN

hardworking

Man

Kussa...

Stinks...

Song♪Nioi ki ni naru
MEN

MEN

Kimyo Reitaro ♪MEN concernedwith smell♪Itsu kasawayaka♪Sometime fresh♪Ima wa
Faburiizu MEN♪Now is Febreze

MEN

MEN

MEN

P&G Works on the 5
Narrator Otoko no 5-dai
Otoko no 5-dai shuu big man smells
shuu ni kiku
Faburiizu MEN ni kiku.
Febreze MEN※ase, taishuu,
kareishuu, tabako,
yakiniku

P&G

Works on the 5 big man
smellsFebreze MEN※sweat, body odor, old
person smell84, tobacco,
grilled meat

Faburiizu MENMan

Kimyo Reitaro

Febreze MEN

Yosh!

Right on!
(P&G Official Febreze Channel “【Febreze Men】 Commute”)“Omae” is a rough, masculine way of addressing a usually singular someone, which does
technically contradict the plural “MEN.” When it comes to “men” as a lone English word inJapanese, especially when used as a marker for the men’s version of something, it is much morecommon to repeat the same form of the word rather than force the reader or viewer to remember
what they learned in English class and recognize the different conjugation. Advertisers are likely
much more interested in reducing the effort it takes for the consumer to understand, and be
convinced by, the marketing, and prioritize catchiness over correct English grammar.

84

While in English we string together three words to express the idea of "old person smell," it is an establishedconcept in Japanese, with its own word. It is a common worry, further goaded by tales of horror, such as ofdaughters refusing to wear clothes washed in the same machine as her father.

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The “fresh” mentioned here is not the same kind of freshness expressed as “shinsen” in the hairremoval ad in section 5.1.5.3, which is usually used for food and other consumables. “Sawayaka” isfresh in the sense of invigorating, like a brisk wind, and can describe a person who is full of vitality
or energy. While “sawayaka” is neutral, not exclusively used to describe men, the tendency todescribe men as active and women as passive reveals different expectations for them. “Sawayaka”
does not, for example, imply that something will rot or somehow lose the positive quality, but“shinsen” is time dependent, reflecting the quickly depreciating value of feminine attractivenesswithin gender ideology.
Although the “NIVEA MEN” product series is very plainly marked as masculine in eachlanguage, the slogan differs between English and Japanese in more ways than a simple translation.
The English catch copy is “It starts with you,” lacking any further outright reference to masculinity.
Rather, it infers the activeness associated with and assumed by masculinity, almost creating an
obligation to use the products with the vagueness of “It,” implying that whatever “It” is, if the reader
fails to “start” “It,” nothing will happen. The reader can imagine this “It” to be related to business oranother breadwinning realm associated with manliness, a romantic relationship, or any other startworthy venture. This emphasis on activeness rather than the effect on the skin itself in the slogan
shifts the brand from its assumed feminine place within the domain of beauty and skincare. The
Japanese mission page includes words such as “jishin [confidence]” and “kanousei [possibility].”
Motto otoko ga tanoshiku naru

Have more fun being a man

Doitsu no Hanburuku ni 100 nen ijou mae niumarete irai, sekai no ooku no fan ni sasaerareru
Nibea burando.
Sono yasashisa to, hada o mamoru tame notashika na hinshitu o motomeru kimochi o onaji
ni, dansei burando toshite umarete “Nibea Men.”

Since its birth in Hamburg over 100
years ago, the Nivea brand is
supported by its many fans. With thatsame gentleness and pursuit of acertain quality to protect skin, it wasborn as the male brand “Nivea Men.”

Dansei no ichinichi ichinichi no sukinkea shuukan
ga, dansei no tashika na jishin to kanousei ohikidasu ippo to nari, mainichi o motto tanishiku,
kokochiyoi mono e to michibikeru koto wo, teianshiteikimasu.

We propose that men’s skincare habitseach and every day become a step topulling out men’s certain confidence
and possibility, and lead to making
each day more fun and comfortable.

(Mission - Motto Otoko ga Tanoshiku Naru NIVEA MEN, emphasis added)

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In addition to the marking the product itself, the American homepage includes humorous nods tomasculinity with “MAN-TWEETS” and “BATHE YOURSELF IN YOUTUBE,” further softening thetypical feminine image associated with skincare products. The UK website takes a somewhat
milder approach with the more standard “KEEP IN TOUCH ON TWITTER” and “SEE MOREFROM NIVEA MEN & LIVERPOOL FC” links that appear. The UK site does, on the other hand,quite obviously call out to the audience with “MEN! THIS IS YOUR CREAM!” compared to the lessdirect but still lexically masculine “CRAFTED FOR MEN” on the USA homepage. Even within the
English-speaking world, different strategies are employed to reach a specific group, implying more
local differences in conceptualization, and underscoring the necessity of considering smaller groups
rather than only on the monolithic level of English and Japanese. These markers of masculinity
serve as labels that serve to obscure the assumed femininity of the product type. Let us consider thisin terms of a simple domain matrix:<Domains Associated with Masculinity and Femininity within Gender Ideology>

Figure 5-10
Because of gender ideology, women’s and men’s typical roles and domains are clearly split. Any
action considered manly is inherently considered unfeminine, and crossing these boundaries has

189traditionally been frowned upon. As evidenced by the processes and media examples we havediscussed above, the transformation that has begun to occur in cognition on a societal level can be
expressed as follows.
<Crossover of Traditional Masculine and Feminine Domains>

Figure 5-11
Some things typically thought of as being for men are more easily accepted for women, and certain
traditionally women’s behaviors or possessions are more forgivable when taken by men. This canbe thought of as the result of once widely separated, binary domains have become somewhat moreblurred in recent years.
5.3 LGBTQ Awareness in Marketing Discourse
The strict father model proposed in Lakoff (2002) can be understood of as present in not
only the political space, but in various parts of a person’s life. The public and private, the politicaland the personal, influence each other and are not as easily separable as is commonly believed. The

190

political frame and the personal (consumerist) frame are mutually dependant, with the potential for
mapping between them.
"Voting with your dollar" is an established concept in American English, giving politicalpower to participation in capitalism. A political approach is often a part of modern marketing,especially when targeting politically minded consumers. Using politically charged advertisements
or product naming in accordance with the target group, especially when it involves marginalized
people (ex. people of color or LGBTQ) or takes a stance on political problems (ex. immigration,
feminism) can make it especially difficult to completely separate politics from consumerism.
Transgender rights was a central issue in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. The following
advertisement for Secret deodorant takes a clear political stance on transgender women’s rights to
use the women’s public restroom. Years ago Secret changed their original slogan, “Strong enoughfor a man, but made for a woman,” eventually coming to the current one, “Stress tested for women,”acknowledging the special kinds of stress patriarchal society causes women, and that it “stinks out
there” for women. The following shows the displayed text during this LGBT affirming commercial.
Stress test #8620
Dana finds the courage
to show there’s no wrong way
to be a woman.
STRESSTESTEDFORWOMEN(Secret Deodorant | Ladies' Room | #StressTest)
The video simply shows a (presumably transgendered) woman about to leave a bathroom stall, butpausing when two other women come in an start chatting at the sink. She does decide to leave thestall, and is spared stinkiness in the stressful situation because of her choice in deodorant. The addoes imply that the trans woman is simply trying “to pretend to be a woman” or “to dress like awoman,” which would undermine the experiences of women like her, but instead subtly declaresthat she is a woman. Accepting transgender women as women, without qualifying it, and withouteven outwardly referring to, and thus marking, her gender, is the same as taking a liberal political191

stance. The lack of markedness is a bold choice that normalizes a marginalized experience andaligns the company with the far left, and as an ally to LGBT customers. Furthermore, Dana is
described as having “courage,” an undeniably positive trait, inviting the viewer to conceptualize her
as a hero. By choosing a woman who is peripheral in the category, addressing harassment as a real
fear, and expressing solidarity, Secret risks alienating some viewers with Lakoff’s “strict fathermodel,” who would likely not accept her as a woman, which could potentially lead to backlash andharm to the bottom line.
Homosexuality challenges the monolithic authority of the father. And above all, it
challenges the natural order, which presupposes that sex is heterosexual sex in which men
are dominant over women and that, in a family, this natural order carries over to the moral
order.
(Lakoff 2002: 225)
Those with familiarity of gender studies use separate words do describe different sexual orientations
and gender identities, but LGBT may be lumped together into one major concept for those whohave a strict father moral framework. The difference would be whether someone dresses as awoman or not, but rather that they express defiance in terms of the natural order. Women cannot
become men, and men cannot become women, which would be a step down socially.
From the perspective of Nurturant Parent morality, the issue of education looks very
different. Multiculturalism, feminism, gay rights, and the ecology movement are seen, likethe civil rights movement, as being great advances―moral advances―in American
culture and civilization. Like the civil rights movement, they should be taught as advances.
(ibid.: 23)
But advocates of Strict Father morality do not see all these changes as advances; they see
many of them as immoral, backward steps. And they see the history of some of thesechanges, which is written from the perspective of correcting abuses, as an attack on theirmost fundamental moral beliefs.
(ibid.: 232)

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The “family values” often appealed to by conservatives reflect fear of different family structures
would have a negative effect on their strict father ideal, which protects the inherent hierarchy within
and among nuclear families.

193

Chapter 6
Discussion and Conclusion
This study has explored the ways in which gender ideology is expressed in the language ofeveryday media, as well as some probable effects on the people who consume that media. As
discussed in Ehara(1988), despite not being directly involved in or affecting the content, theconsumers of media actively strive to understand and give meaning to the media expressions theytake in. While media is commonly thought of as less important than real-world communication,
viewers, listeners, or readers are affected more deeply than they might imagine.
Society’s image of how women are supposed to be is used to encourage or discourage avariety of behaviors, as was seen in each of the main chapters. The same behavior, such as buying
accessories, doing household chores, or removing hair, can be placed in either the category ofmasculine or feminine based on the linguistic choices on the part of the media makers.
In this dissertation we have explored the discourse in three types of media discourse using a
cognitive linguistics approach to more deeply understand the gender ideology reflected in thelanguage. This study found that, although women do have more freedom than they once did, thediscrimination that remains is on a deep, conceptual level. Gender ideology restricts people of all
genders from truly making their own decisions, but, as is reflected in the language, women bear the
extra burden of beauty and other aspects of femininity that overshadows other areas of their lives.
The current social climate and continued necessity of gender and language research was
discussed in the introductory chapter, along with the potential for media language (as opposed tonatural speech) to push towards a more inclusive society.
Previous studies in women’s language, cognitive linguistics, and sociolinguistics wereintroduced in Chapter 2. Along with the limitations of more singular approaches, it offerd an
explanation of how both critical discourse analysis and a cognitive approach are valuable tools in
reducing the impact of deeply imbedded bigoted thinking.
Chapter 3 used examples from entertainment media, that which is generally the focus of amedia interaction, rather than political or capitalistic action, to explore ways in which language, an
expression of gender ideology, is used to normalize and encourage behavior and thought patterns.
The basic linguistic strategies discussed in Chapter 3 were found in the other main chapters, slightly194

adjusted according to the purpose of the media. With ideological language in both examples of thepromotion of classic gender norms (in women’s fashion magazines) as well as less establishedbehaviors (in men’s fashion magazines), it forms the foundation for the rest of the analysis in thisdissertation.
Chapter 4 examines political discourse in a broad sense, from public service
announcements aimed at laypeople, to news segments, to the words of politicians. Due to the natureof the subject matter, a seemingly endless barrage of media, when to add more examples and when
to save them for future research was a major dilemma faced during the course of this dissertation.
Each section of any of the main chapters could easily be analyzed in more depth, zoomed in on withmore examples, and this was found to be especially true for Chapter 4. While there was large
variation in the types of political media, the discourse points to a persisting ideology of the roles men
and women should have. Although far-reaching media requires financial support, political media is,
at least superficially, the least motivated by capitalism, offering a clearer look at the social ideals
without the pressure to sell a product or service.
The final media type, marketing media, was discussed in Chapter 5. Due to its limited run
time or space on a page, as well as the goal of convincing the consumer to pay for a product orservice, advertisements can be thought of as the most concentrated form of mass media. Because ofthis compact nature, we expected that stereotypes and other cultural prototypes would be even moresalient than in full-length mass media, and this seemed to hold true for this case study. Theintersection of consumerism and gender ideology was especially salient in advertising that targets
women or men specifically. Nakamura (2003) suggests that societal pressure leads women on an
unending, obligatory quest for beauty, creating a culture of “consumer femininity” (Nakamura
2003:209). The promise that beauty, and in turn, worth, can be had with the purchase of one moreproduct could make women more vulnerable to advertising. As was especially present in Chapter 5,
the pursuit of value and strength through beauty, an accepted domain of femininity strongly linked
to her worth, is especially limited in this misogynist culture that discredits women because of thevery femininity they strive to enhance.
Focusing, blending, and framing were observed as mechanisms of conceptualizing
behaviors as ideologically appropriate or inappropriate. While some amount of justification wasoffered for new behaviors (ex. men choosing accessories or women buying computers), the195culturally accepted gender norms (ex. women do chores, women must always strive to be more
beautiful) were assumed, presented as background information without explanation. The
implication that everyone knows something and the target media consumer is the last to find out
about something plays on the fear of being left behind socially, and is another strategy that
repeatedly appeared in the examples analyzed in this dissertation.
Gender ideology was used to encourage behaviors, whether it be through normalization inentertainment media, social change in political media, or capitalistic gain in marketing media. The
behavior itself appears to be irrelevant to whether it was prescribed for the target, what matters was
the framing and categorization of the behavior, a large part of which are linguistic factors, such as
those presented in this dissertation.
An important strategy used to normalize these behaviors was categorization of it asmasculine or feminine. This femininity or masculinity was frequently conceptualized asadvantageous in terms of being attractive to the opposite sex. Implying strength, prestige, and othermasculine traits placed the styles presented in men’s magazines, for example, within the masculine
domain. Linguistically blending the behavior with an accepted part of the masculine domain reconceptualized it as an instance of masculinity, potentially overriding the reflex to write it off as
feminine, thus increasing its overall acceptability. The linguistic marker of products or services as
being “For men” or “Men’s” was seen in both English and Japanese examples, clearly marking
behaviors as being for a particular gender. Conceptual metaphor (ex. warrior) was a more subtle, but
still clear within the cultural context, way to mark a behavior as being masculine or feminine.
One notable finding was that although mainstream media generally promotes their product,
service, or normalized behavior as pulling the actor towards centrality in the category, some targets
were not promised true centrality but rather relative centrality, compared to their starting place in the
category. This makes subculture, counterculture, and otherwise non-prototypical targets anotherimportant path of continued research.
For any given action, language could be used to focus on how it would make the doer feelstronger and more capable, or make the people around them experience them more pleasantly.
According to the analysis of the examples given in this dissertation, men tend to be the active subject
whether the media is geared towards men or women. Conversely, women were conceptualized as

196

passive, much of their worth in how they are perceived by others, even in media for and by women,
in both English and Japanese examples.
The discourse hints at lingering societal tendencies to assume the male gaze as the default
and men’s as the standard voice. Even in women’s media, and even in pieces written by women, theembodied experience given weight to was that of the man, or society at large, who perceives her,rather than the person herself. In the media discourse, both men and women are invited toconceptualize women as objects rather than subjects, acted upon rather than having agency of theirown. Each woman is seen through the lens of society, each aspect of her a commodity, by bothother people and when evaluating herself. Her own embodied experience is suspected andminimalized, conceptualized through metaphor and the like as being less than human, if it is evenmentioned at all.
Women are still assumed as in charge of the home and domestic duties, while men are
active participants in larger society. The contradiction of women being both pushed toward thehome and being public property cements to their status as less than. The standards placed on womenin the name of femininity are unrealistic, but through these time consuming beauty routines,
expensive clothing, and stifling of their voices, they must pay the toll into the world of men,fulfilling their duties as women before being given a space in the public sphere, assuming that the
space is actually there. If only she were thinner, with better skin, or more flattering clothes, or if only
she were more confident she could play with the big boys. But as we see in our treatment of womenin the public sphere, women are criticized and shamed for how they present themselves, whether
they are too close to or too far from the prototypical, beautiful, feminine woman. In patriarchal
society, with the long history of misogyny so deeply ingrained, women are liable to be criticized forstepping out of her assigned place whether she follows the rules of gender ideology or not.
While the thinly-veiled but ever present misogyny can seem hopeless, this is where thepower of language can be used to create the gender equal society the first world claims to have. The
same linguistic strategies that are used problematically, such as the support of behaviors or the
exploitation of ideology-based insecurities purely for economic gain, can be used to support thebroadening of minds.
Research such as this dissertation, that builds off of the work of feminist linguists andcognitive linguists, can call attention to the ways in which media consumers are made susceptible to197the concepts presented to them. Through this awareness, people can increasingly make their own
decisions, rather than simply buying into what gender ideology leads them to believe is ideal.
The goal of this research is not to ruin everyone’s fun by creating a world without fashion,cosmetics, or dessert, but to point out some weaknesses we have when ideas are presented in certain
ways. Language can be used to frame what we might otherwise reject in an appealing (or necessary)way, guiding both our choices and way of thinking. Media literacy can be a form of self defense, toallow people to make freer choices, rather than that based on normalized stereotypes or obligation
based on their genitalia. Simply put, actions become manly when men are supposed to do it, andwomanly when women are supposed to do it (and especially when it is advertised in a curly, pinkfont). Media language, reinforced the stereotypical, active roles for men and passive roles for
women in society.
The examples in this dissertation point to ways in which society conceptualizes women as
being in very restrictive roles. While not as overt as it once was, women are primarily expected toperform femininity, a large part of which is beauty, before any other expressions of humanity.
Femininity is, as acknowledged by particular advertisements and magazines, unrealistic in itself for
those of us to whom the traits do not come naturally, as it is largely a combination of denial of
human drives for food, comfort, and rest. The obligation to be of a specific build, wear certain
clothes, and perform time consuming grooming rituals, and spend one’s own money to do so makes
the gender wage gap discussed in the introduction even more infuriating. While these sacrifices oftime, money, and energy to the god of femininity are becoming more recognized as an
unreasonable burden, society makes it very difficult to step outside of it, with public ridicule ofwomen who do not conform.
Gender performance is fluid, changing with the time and place, and while the concrete
behaviors may change, the reasoning behind them is consistent with that culture’s ideals of
femininity or masculinity. Whether behaviors are encouraged or discouraged has more to do withthe cultural context than how natural it is for men or women to be performing it.
While biological characteristics and processes are unlikely to be associated with anothersex, learned femininity and masculinity is more about a set of ideas than the behaviors themselves.
Much of what we think of as feminine or masculine is less about the physical body and more aboutsocial construction. Idealized feminine physical traits, though considered attractive and beautiful, are198

largely not tied directly to biology, but to her adherence to a set of rules women are expected to obey,
which, in the first world, is to make her body as thin, hairless, and well decorated as possible.
Feminine behaviors, manner of speaking, and even thought, are socially constructed andpart of the social training that makes girls feel the need to protect their futures by manipulating their
physical form. As both a symptom and a cause of upheld gender ideology, and the unequal burden
it places on women, language has the potential to create real change. While it may be too late forsome of us to completely remove limiting patterns of thinking, gradual change in the social
environment may give future generations the opportunity for true equality.
While truth is often decided by who has the power to define it, leading to the maintenanceof prejudice and language offers the potential to change societal truths. Just as some of what weonce believed to be facts about women or minorities has been set aside, there is still much
improvement to be made for fair representation of marginalized groups. Without giving value tovoices of all people, not just those who are historically privileged, there will continue to be a limited
point of view, skewed towards maintaining the power imbalance. This dissertation has helped tosecure the cognitive linguistic approach as an important analytical tool for social problems,
expanding possibilities for its use in understanding mechanisms of discrimination. By broadening
the applicability of cognitive linguistics, this study helps bridge the disconnect between it and genderand sociolinguistics.
While this study has unpacked some of the larger themes relating to gender ideology in the
media discourse, such as the idea that women are public property, for consumption by society as awhole, or that her body is dangerous and must be controlled, this research is far from complete. Thisdissertation largely focused on women’s media, with the corresponding men’s media secondary to it.
Because, although gender ideology affects all people and limits their agency, women are generally
limited in greater and more obvious ways, with more urgent affect on their lives85. As is such, mostof the behaviors associated with the language analyzed in this case study are generally considered to
be of women, leaving a clear path of future study.

85

In the commonly believed, binary model of gender, there are biologically male men and biologically female

women, with no other variations. Of course, individuals who do not fit into this narrow understanding ofgender are further from any prototype, and thus more likely to be oppressed in society as it is.

199

Qualitative research, such as this case study, allows for deep analysis of the discourse, but islimited in telling just how prevalent it is. Future research can build on this study and morethoroughly examine the media discourse outlined here. Possible directions include a more focused
look at gender ideology expressed in media aimed at men and women at each stage of life (children,
teenagers, adults, elderly, etc.) and for or about those of ethnic or social minorities.

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