G-SEC WORKING PAPER No.17
Religion, Nationalism, and Historiography:
Remembering An Chunggǔn
Franklin Rausch∗
May 2007

Abstract

An Chunggǔn, a Korean nationalist most famous for the assassination of Itō Hirobumi
is almost universally recognized by Koreans. Excommunicated for killing Itō, his
sentence was only lifted in 1993. Many Catholics in Korea, stung by the Catholic
Church’s official acceptance of Japanese rule during the colonial period, have sought tocapitalize on An’s nationalist credentials while downplaying his excommunication.
Catholic scholars seek to do this by finding ways to legitimize his actions without being
too critical of the Catholic Church. There are also efforts at the popular level. The
Catholic Street Missionary Association publishes an inexpensive pamphlet to be handed
out to prospective Catholics. The cover of the 2005 edition features pictures of PopeJohn Paul II, Mother Theresa, and An Chunggǔn. Inside the pamphlet is a shortbiography of An, stressing his nationalism and Catholicism and declaring the union
between faith and love of country, papering over the sharp divisions that can arise
between the two as evidenced by An’s excommunication.
This paper will examine Korean perspectives on An and his place in Korean andCatholic history and will highlight the tension that exists between the demands of nationand faith and how they shape historiography and memory.
Keywords: nationalism, religion, historiography, Korea, Japan∗

Doctoral Student, University of British Columbia. Department of Asian Studies, UBC Asian Cetnre,
1871 West Mall, Vancouver, BC, V6T 1Z2.
E-mail: fdrausch@interchange.ubc.ca

National and religious identities are of central importance to our world today andhave often had a complex and contentious relationship. Though conceptually it mightseem that nation and religion occupy different spaces, the nation the particular andreligion the universal, their role in the everyday lives of members of a nation and areligious community cannot be so neatly divided. In fact, people who feel anattachment both to their nation and their religion may have conflicting demands madeupon them by these two poles of authority.
This is especially true in Korea. The division of the peninsula into two statesthat have both claimed to be the true representative of the Korean nation, and thereligious diversity that is present in the Republic of Korea, makes the nation andreligion particularly sensitive topics. Koreans who have religious faith and identify
strongly with their nation and the demand of nationalism that each nation should haveits own state find themselves in a particular difficulty as they seek both to preserve theirown faith, which makes them different from other Koreans not of their religious
community, while affirming the basic oneness of the Korean people.
Korean Catholics face special difficulties. During the colonial period the
Catholic Church essentially collaborated with the Japanese authorities. For example,
foreign missionaries often sought to discourage Koreans from taking part in nationalist
activities.1 Faced with such a difficult historical legacy, some Korean Catholics havesought to resolve the conflicts in a way that maintains the moral legitimacy of both thenation and the Catholic faith. One focal point for this project is the life of An Chunggǔn.
An, a convert to Catholicism during the waning days of the Chosǒn dynasty often foundhimself in conflict with the leaders of his church because of his nationalism. This
1

Catholic Bishop’s Conference of Korea, Korean Catholic Church and the Nationalist Movement.

2

struggle came to a head in 1909 when An killed Itō Hirobumi, the first ResidentGeneral of Korea, an act for which he suffered excommunication. He was under thissentence until it was lifted in 1993 by Stephen Cardinal Kim.2 Despite this difficult
history, Korean Catholics have sought not only to rehabilitate An but to put him forward
as an ideal model of someone who successfully united patriotism and faith.
The conflict An faced mirrors that felt by those Korean Catholics who arestrongly attached to their faith and to the Korean nation. Therefore, Korean Catholic
efforts to rehabilitate An can be understood as attempts to resolve the conflict between
nation and religion. Furthermore, Korean Catholics have sought to use the life andthought of An to address contemporary issues faced by Koreans. This is indicative ofefforts to make religion relevant to the nation and vice versa. Together, Korean
Catholic efforts to rehabilitate An, their perspectives on him, and their efforts to apply
his life and thought to contemporary issues, can tell us much about the relationshipbetween faith and nation and the role of religion in Korean society.
As I am in the early stages of my research I have confined myself almost solely
to materials that focus on An Chunggǔn after the lifting of his excommunication in 1993.
In addition, I have focused on the work of Korean Catholics. It is my hope to later
expand my research to include more non-Catholic Korean, Chinese, and Japaneseperspectives.

2

Baker (1997) p. 166

3

The Life of An Chunggǔn

Before examining Korean Catholic perspectives on An Chunggǔn it is necessary
to briefly examine his life. An was born in 1879 into a yangban (gentry) family of somemeans in Hwanghae province in the northern part of Korea. His grandfather held aminor position in the Chosǒn dynasty government and his father, T’aehun, was locallyknown for his Confucian learning. An’s father also had something of a reformist streak.
In fact, he was among a number of students who were to be sent to China for modern
military training. However, when his patron fell out of favor, T’aehun, fearing thatfactional politics being what they were, took his family and moved to a more remotepart of the province.
An Chunggǔn wrote fondly of his childhood in his autobiography. Living in amore wild area suited his personality. He preferred hunting and riding horses tostudying, and when his childhood friends teased him, saying that he was a son unworthyof his scholarly father, he responded that like the ancient king Hangu, he needed only toknow how to write his name. Despite this, An studied the Confucian Classics andlearned to read and write Classical Chinese. It is worth noting that An, though anationalist, would write his autobiography in Classical Chinese rather than in hang’gul.3
In 1894, when An was still relatively young, a rebellion inspired by the Tonghak
religion broke out. A group of Tonghak, though some have argued that they were infact bandits operating under the Tonghak name, menaced An’s village.4 In response tothis threat, An’s father raised a militia and despite being outnumbered, led his forces in3
4

An (1995) pp. 23-26.
Han’guk Kat’ollik taesajon pondangsa pyup’yon (1985) p. 779.

4

a victory which smashed the Tonghak army. An, though still a teenager, played an
important role in the battle. In his autobiography, An proudly notes that a Japanese
official recognized his father’s role in putting down the rebellion in that part of Korea.
Shortly after the battle, a Korean official, arguing that because T’aehun had
defeated the Tonghak, he must have recovered the rice they had stolen from him andwas therefore liable for it. T’aehun tried to resist this extortion, but in the end, wasforced to seek refuge in a Catholic Church. He remained there for several months,
protected by a French priest. While there, he was convinced by a Confucian Catholic
scholar to convert. He returned home when the situation improved, bringing Catholic
books with him. With these, and with the help of a priest from Alsace-Loraine named
Father Wilhelm, he proceeded to convert most of his family and many of his neighbors
to Catholicism.5
An Chunggǔn threw himself into his new faith. Not only did he himself becomea fervent believer, he also helped Father Wilhelm undertake missionary work. They
traveled together throughout Hwanghae province. An gave many speeches urging
Koreans to convert to Catholicism. In addition to classical Catholic arguments seeking
to prove the existence of God, such as the argument from design, he also lectured on
Aristotle’s classification of the soul. Being a good Confucian, An also drew upon theClassics to make his arguments, quoting the Sage emperors Yao and Shun to prove theexistence of the soul and telling his listeners that not worshipping the Lord of Heaven issimilar to a subject not being loyal to the king or children being unfilial to their parents.

5

An (1995) pp. 26-32.

5

He also argued that the most educated of those in the West all believed in the Lord
Jesus.6
Through Catholicism, An came to learn much of the world outside of Korea. He
was favorably impressed and hoped that the Catholic Church could play some role inhelping Korea to reform itself. Much of this seems to have come to him through Father
Wilhelm, who was teaching him French, a language that would have opened up a whole
new world of ideas to him. In fact, Father Wilhelm even thought of establishing a
Catholic university in Korea. Together, he and An went to Bishop Mutel to see if hewould give his assent and support their endeavor.7
Mutel responded negatively to their proposal, arguing that such an education
would only cause Korean Catholics to become indifferent to their faith. An, feelingbetrayed, declared that he could no longer trust foreigners and gave up learning French.
This opened up a fissure between him and the Catholic Church. While he would still
look to priests for advice, in the future, he would often act alone.8 He also looked
outside the Catholic Church for ideas on how to reform Korea. He became a panAsianist and believed that the yellow peoples of Asia must work together lest they beoverwhelmed by the white races. This put An in a rather difficult position as a panAsianist Catholic who distrusted foreigners and whites but who partook in thesacrament of confession and the holy sacrifice of the mass (said in Latin) conducted by
French priests.9
Korea’s situation worsened in the years following the University proposal. An,a believer in civilization and enlightenment thought, hoped that through education he6

An (1995) pp. 32-39.
An (1995) p. 39.
8
An (1995) pp. 39-55.
9An (1995) pp. 169-180.
7

6

could help Korea to reform so that it could maintain its independence. He helped
establish and manage two elementary schools following the Russo-Japanese War.
However, following Japan’s imposition of a protectorate on Korea in 1907 and theabolishment of the army that same year, An came to believe that force was the only way
to recover Korea’s waning independence. Though Catholic priests advised him against
turning to violent means he traveled to Manchuria and helped to form a guerilla army,
holding the rank of Lieutenant-General.10
An’s army met with some success. In one battle, it even managed to capture
several Japanese prisoners. Many of those in An’s camp wanted to execute them, but
An argued that they should be left unharmed. To do otherwise would be to act against
God and the laws of a civilized country. His arguments won the day, and the prisoners
were released unharmed. His army would later be defeated in battle and the solders
were forced to scatter. An and two of his men sought refuge in the mountains. Still agood Catholic and Confucian, he convinced his fellow travelers that they should believe
in Catholicism by quoting Confucius’ words in the Analects11 that a man who learns the
Tao in the morning can die happy in the evening. An baptized the two men himself.12
An made it safely home but became increasingly dejected about the fate of his
country. It appeared that Japanese power would grow in the peninsula until Korean
independence was wholly gone. Despite this, Koreans seemed to An to be largely
uninterested in the fate of their nation. An became convinced that only through a greatand heroic deed could the Korean people be united and so throw off the Japanese yoke.
He became resigned, as if to fate, that it should be he who carried out this act.
10

An (1995) pp. 55-68.
Analects, 4:8.
12
An (1995) pp. 68-78.
11

7

An believed that the source of Korea’s troubles was Itō Hirobumi. Itō, an elder
statesmen (genrō), had played a central role in the formation of the Meiji Japanese state.
He was the framer of the Japanese constitution and the first prime minister of Japan. He
also had pressured the Korean government into accepting the protectorate treaty and had
served as the first Resident General of Korea, making him an arch villain to many
Koreans. An, believed that Itō had tricked the Meiji Emperor and was not actuallyfollowing his policy. An believed that through killing Itō he would in one stroke unite
the Korean people and call the Meiji Emperor’s attention to Itō’s misdeeds, allowing
Japan to follow a policy that would guarantee a pan-Asianist peace in the East thatsafeguarded Korea’s independence.13
Eventually, in August of 1909, An had an opportunity to put his plan into action.
At a railroad station in what is now China, An shot and killed Itō, wounding three othermembers of his party. An was immediately arrested. At his trial he admitted to killing
Itō but argued that he was a soldier who had killed in the line of duty and therefore heshould be treated as a prisoner of war. The court did not accept this defense and An was
found guilty. He waived his appeals and was executed in 1910, shortly before Korea
was annexed.14 He was excommunicated for killing Itō, but, against the orders of
Bishop Mutel, was given the sacraments by Father Wilhelm, who was exiled from
Korea for his actions.15

13

An (1995) pp. 78-82.
An (1995) pp. 82-100.
15
Kim (2000) pp. 260-263.
14

8

The Appeal

Even though the events that made An famous occurred nearly a century ago, heremains a figure almost universally recognized in Korea today. Such is his fame that his
image graces the 2006 official t-shirt of the Red Devils, the Korean soccer team.16
What is interesting about this image is that his name does not appear on the shirt. The
assumption is that his face is so iconic that labeling it is unnecessary. At the same time,
Korean Catholics have sought to utilize his image. In the Catholic martyr museums in
Busan and Seoul there are exhibits on An in addition to the ones on Korean Catholics
who were killed for their faith during the 19th century. His face even graces the cover,with Mother Theresa and Pope John Paul II, of a booklet distributed by the Catholic
Street Missionary society. What then is An’s appeal?
An’s life itself makes for a good story. As can be seen from the biographicalsketch of An provided above, his life was quite exciting. He presents a rather festive
character, who in his own words was fond of drinking, dancing, and hunting. Thanks to
his bravely, along with his unwillingness to take insults laying down and his temper
which earned him the name “thunder mouth,” An constantly found himself in violent
confrontations.17 His battle with the Tonghak, the Japanese, and his attack on Itō all
makes for an exciting narrative.
This is further emphasized in the primary documents left by An. The main
source for his life is his autobiography, which, being in Classical Chinese, has beentranslated into Korean several times. An’s autobiography, written in prison as he

16
17

Chosun Ilbo, April 28th, 2006.
An (1995) pp. 29-32.

9awaited execution, is essentially a chronological narrative of his life and seeks to offer
the reasons behind his actions. Interestingly, he admits to several embarrassing details,
such as the fact that he did not know what Itō Hirobumi looked like and so shot threeother men who were with Itō so as to make sure that he had hit his target.18 What I
found especially striking is that despite such awkward facts, An comes across in his
autobiography as a rather likeable character. His passion for his country and his senseof responsibility and willingness to sacrifice suffuse the pages of his autobiography,
showing him to be a powerful and even attractive personality.
In addition to his autobiography, An left behind an essay detailing his theory of
how peace in the east could be secured. Unfortunately, he was executed before he could
finish it. His Confucian and Catholic heritage shows clearly in this work, as itemphasizes the role of God as just judge over the nations and morality and unity as key
for a country’s well being. An stresses the importance of a free union between East
Asian nations which would guarantee both solidarity and independence. Because only
the introduction was completely finished, An’s work tends to emphasize platitudes andlacks details, making it ambiguous enough to still be useful in the rather different
political situation of today.19 At the same time, its racial understanding of the world
tends to be minimized in contemporary commentary.
An also wrote letters just before his execution to Bishop Mutel, Father Wilhelm,
his mother, his wife, and his brothers. These letters, though short, are full of deep
human emotion. The image they contain of An is of a hero caught between love ofcountry and love of his family. Though sad, they also contain hope for the Korean1819

An (1995) pp. 82-88.
An (1995) pp. 169-180.

10

nation. Moreover, they show An’s deep faith in God, as he tells his loved ones thatthough there is not much time to write now, in Heaven they will have all of eternity to
be together. This human drama is inherently appealing.20
It must also be stressed that An, though failing in his goal of uniting Koreans sothat they could resist the expansion of Japanese power on the peninsula, was successful
in his immediate goal of killing Itō. The fact that An was able to successfully kill Itō,understood as the main culprit behind Japan’s advance on the peninsula, may offer acertain level of emotional satisfaction to Koreans frustrated not only at Japan’s actions
in Korea but the inability of Koreans to successfully defend their independence. An’s
actions produced concrete results during a time when the efforts of Koreans who wereconcerned about the fate of their country typically came to naught. At the same time, hisfailure can be understood within a narrative of hope. Democracy activist and former
president Kim Daejung saw great meaning in An’s actions, writing while he was inprison that:
Even in our own history, we cannot say that in their lifetimes the six
martyred officials, Yi Sun-sin, Ch’oe Su-un, Chǒn Pong-jun, An Chunggun, Yun Pong-gil, or the persecuted Christian martyrs were successes.
Today, however, there is not one Korean who would consider themfailures in comparison to others who might have been hailed as great
successes in their times.21
For Kim Daejung, An Chunggǔn is one of a number of Koreans whose actions haveborne fruit later. An, and others like him, are sources of inspiration for endurance andhope during hard times and are part of a pantheon of heroes that are almost universallyknown in Korea.22
20

An (1995) pp. 309-323.
Kim (1987) pp. 65-67.
22
Jager (2003) p. 145.
21

11

Because An was executed in 1910, several months before Korea was annexed,
he was not sullied by even apparent collaboration during the Japanese colonial period.
His reputation is clean and he is therefore ready for appropriation as a nationalist
symbol. In addition, because he did not leave behind a large body of theoretical work
and was active before Marxist or anti-Communist ideas became popular in the peninsula,
he is easily brought into the narratives of both North and South Korea.23 This universal
appeal makes him very attractive for those wishing to find a focus around which all
Koreans everywhere can rally.
In addition to his sterling nationalist credentials, An also possessed a deep faiththat is attractive to many Korean Catholics. His last letters from prison, the transcripts
of his trial, his autobiography, and the witnesses of his final days and execution all
testify that he had a strong Catholic faith. Despite his conflicts with the hierarchy of theCatholic Church, An never disavowed his faith or attacked Catholic doctrine. In fact, heconstantly reiterated his devotion to God. For example, in his last letter to his uncle hewrote that he hoped that one day that Korea would become a Catholic nation andexpressed concern that his oldest uncle had not converted to Catholicism.24
So far I have stressed An’s appeal to Koreans as a whole while saying little
about Korean Catholics. This is because I wanted to show that An possesses an appeal
that is generally accessible to Koreans. It is because of this general appeal that An isespecially important to Catholics, as he can act as a bridging figure. We can see this in
a Catholic guidebook published by the Catholic Street Missionary Society that
introduces the Catholic Church and is meant to be given to prospective Catholics. It is

23
24

Jager (2003) p. 110.
An (2003) pp. 320-321.

12

interesting that despite there being numerous Korean saints, the publishers of theguidebook decided to use An’s image. I believe that the image of one of the saints
possesses a mostly Catholic religious significance which would not necessarily appeal
to non-Catholics. On the other hand, an iconic image of An Chunggǔn is more likely to
attract their attention. In the case of the guidebook, it would seem that there is hope that
An Chunggǔn could provide a nationalist bridge which would lead readers to convert toCatholicism. The fact that the flag behind An’s head is a representation of the one uponwhich he wrote “Korean Independence” with his own blood further underlines this. If
An, a Korean nationalist hero was a Catholic, than Catholicism is a suitable religion for
Koreans.
An as a nationalist is especially important to patriotic Korean Catholics. This is
in part because the Catholic Church, unlike some Protestant churches, does not have thebest of nationalist credentials. During the persecutions of the 19th century, some Korean
Catholics sought assistance from foreign powers. For example, in 1801, Hwang Sayong,a convert to Catholicism, wrote a letter to the Bishop of Beijing requesting that the
Bishop encourage the Qing dynasty to assert its authority over Korea or that western
troops be dispatched to the peninsula in order to coerce the Korean government into
granting religious tolerance for the Catholics. The letter was intercepted and Hwang
was executed as a traitor.25 Even more damning is that the foreign missionary leaders of
the Catholic Church often collaborated with the Japanese during the colonial period andsought to thwart the activities of nationalists and reformists. An, thanks to his unsullied
nationalism, is important as he shows that despite the actions of some Catholics,
Catholicism is not intrinsically anti-nationalist.
25

Choi (2006) pp. 132-137.

13

The inherent drama and human emotion in An’s life, the rich primary sourcesthat he has left behind, and his sterling nationalist and Catholic credentials make him an
attractive figure to Korean Catholics, as well as Koreans in general. The fact that muchof his thought can be encapsulated in platitudes and lacks strong connections with either
Marxist or anti-Communist thought and that he is best known for the killing of aJapanese official widely despised by Koreans makes him an ideal figure for Koreans torally around. Moreover, his life and thought offers a sort of flexibility that allows his
ideas to be brought into different narratives and applied to solving the problems facedby Koreans today. However, before such solutions can be utilized, it is necessary for
Korean Catholics to formulate solutions addressing the conflict between An’snationalism and his faith. It is to this issue that we now turn.

Problems An’s Historical Legacy Poses

There are several problems that Catholics in Korea face who wish to construct anarrative of Catholic nationalism around An. Though An was a devout Catholic and has
sterling nationalist credentials, he was torn apart by his loyalty to the Catholic Church
and the Korean nation. In order to present An as successfully uniting Catholicism andnationalism so that his life and thought may be applied to contemporary issues, thisconflict must be resolved.
The first major problem is that of An’s excommunication. The Catechism of theCatholic Church defines excommunication thusly:
Certain particularly grave sins incur excommunication, the most severe
ecclesiastical penalty, which impedes the reception of the sacraments andthe exercise of certain ecclesiastical acts, and for which absolution

14

consequently cannot be granted, according to canon law, except by thePope, the bishop of the place or priests authorized by them. In danger ofdeath any priest, even if deprived of faculties for hearing confessions,can absolve from every sin and excommunication.26
Excommunication is the most serious penalty that can be meted out by the Catholic
Church. Therefore, the fact that An was excommunicated seems like a major issue for
Korean Catholics. However, An’s excommunication was lifted by Stephen Cardinal
Kim in 1993. So far in my research, I have found An’s excommunication to be a nonissue. It would seem that the authority of Cardinal Kim is such that now that he has
spoken, the issue is no longer important. Because my research has focused on the
period after Cardinal Kim’s lifting of An’s excommunication, I believe that further
research focused on the period before 1993 will show that this issue was of greater
importance.
While An’s excommunication does not seem to have hurt his image as a devout
Catholic, it does injure the Catholic Church’s already weak nationalist credentials.
What makes matters worse for the Catholic Church is the treatment accorded to An in
addition to his excommunication. Rather than seeking leniency or offering assistance toAn, Bishop Mutel urged newspapers covering the story of the assassination not tomention An’s religious affiliation. At the ceremonies in Korea marking Itō’s death,
Bishop Mutel had a delegation of nuns pay their respects with a large wreath of flowers.
Moreover, in his journal, Mutel wrote that it was appropriate that the Japanese
government refused to return An’s body to his family. While such treatment of An does

26

Catholic Church (2000) paragraph 1463.

15not harm An directly, it does present an obstacle for Korean Catholics who hope toutilize An’s story to bolster the nationalist credentials of their church.27
It would seem that the main problem facing Korean Catholics in regards to An isthat which has made him a Korean nationalist icon, the act of killing Itō Hirobumi itself.
The Catholic Church has strict guidelines on when the use of lethal force is consideredlegitimate. Typically, such violence is only usable in self-defense. However at the timethat An killed Itō, he was not immediately threatening An’s or anyone else’s life.
Therefore it is possible for someone to not only argue that what An did was immoral but
was in fact an act of terrorism. Such a label, considering the actively on-going “War on
Terror” is not something that Korean nationalists, particularly Catholics, want attachedto An.

Overcoming Conflict between An’s Nationalism and Catholicism

Korean Catholics have sought to resolve the above difficulties in creative ways.
One of the thorniest problems they face is how to project a positive image of theCatholic Church considering the treatment of An by its hierarchy. This problem is dealt
with by emphasizing An’s individual identity as a Korean Catholic against the official
stance of the hierarchy. The brief history of the Catholic Church in Korea on theofficial website of the Council of Korean Catholic Bishops is illustrative of thisinterpretation:
Beginning in the earliest part of the Japanese occupation, armed
resistance movements sprang up across the country. The national
struggle against the Japanese colonialism was so fierce that there were as27

Kim (2000) pp. 255-259.

16

many as 50,000 Korean casualties from August 1907 to September 1909.
Despite the official position of the Catholic Church which favoredcolonial rule, a considerable number of Korean Catholics joined armed
resistance movement. These Catholics were following their conscience inbecoming actively involved in the national causes. An Jung-geun,Thomas, was the typical case. His first commitment for his country was
made in the field of education, but later he changed direction and joined
armed resistance for justice. When An Jung-geun assassinated Ito
Hirobumi, the Japanese Colonial Ruler of Korea, at Harbin railroad
platform in China on Oct. 26, 1909, he became a symbol of heroic
patriotism for Korean people…Church authorities, however, clearly
opposed armed resistance of Korean Catholics against the Japanese
because they perceived colonial rule and the invasion of imperialism as
being acceptable. The Catholic hierarchy insisted upon the separation of
Church and the government and treated nationalism sorely from politicalperspective. Therefore, Church authorities refused An Jung-geun thesacrament of reconciliation and the Holy communion... Under such hardcondition [sic], Catholic patriots did not stop their activities, claimingthat their faith in God and love for country can coexist…Nevertheless,
the Church objected to armed resistance against the Japanese,recognizing the Japanese colonial rule over Korea as legitimate andopposed the involvement of the faithful in the independence movement.
Regardless of the official position of the Church, a great number of
Korean Catholics risked their lives by actively participating in the
independence movement. The Church failed to become one with Korean
people and its consequence was shown in the visible decline of thenumber of neophytes and her isolation from intellectuals and from thesociety as a whole.28
This account sees Korean Catholics as being faithful even when acting outside theauthority of the Church. The fact that this authority accepted imperialism andcolonization further weakens its legitimacy when compared to individual Catholic
nationalists like An, making An’s excommunication less of an issue and showing that
he was in fact in the right. One could reasonably surmise that the reason that the
Catholic Church did not become one with the Korean people was because its leadership
positions were dominated by foreigners. Such a position is stated explicitly in an article

28

Catholic Bishop’s Conference of Korea, Korean Catholic Church and the Nationalist Movement.

17

on the Church’s reaction to An’s killing of Itō.29 Because the leadership of the Catholic
Church in Korea today is almost entirely Korean, it could be argued that the Church is
now one with the Korean people. Therefore, those conditions that led to a weakened
legitimacy for the Catholic Church in An’s time are no longer operative today. Korean
Catholics can therefore freely criticize the Catholic Church’s of the past with minimal
damage to its contemporary legitimacy. The problem that the head of the Catholic
Church, the Pope, is not Korean is addressed by reference to the apologies Pope John
Paul II issued for the past sins of Catholics.30 The foreign leadership of the Catholic
Church can be accepted because past sins have been recognized and because the Church
now opposes the imperialism and colonialism which it once accepted in Korea.
While one author I examined has tried to argue that An’s killing of Itō was a
legitimate act of self-defense, this argument does not seem to be very popular, possibly
because Itō was not immediately threatening An’s life.31 A much more popularargument seeks to legitimize An’s actions by arguing that they were military in natureand that An was acting in the capacity of a soldier. An Chunggǔn himself made thisargument at his trial. He stated that his killing of Itō Hirobumi was that of one soldier
killing another. An based this claim on the fact that he had held the rank of Lieutenantgeneral as an officer in a guerilla army and by appealing to a secret plea made by theKing of Korea calling for a military uprising.32 This defense of An’s actions has been
repeated in contemporary sources.33 Further elaborating on this case is Father SinSǔngguk who quotes a document issued by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the29

Kim (2000) pp. 260-266.
Sin (1999) p. 28.
31
Ch’oe (1991) p. 121.
32
An (1996) pp. 194-196, 226-228, 286-288.
33
Kim (2000) p. 251.
30

18

Faith entitled Instruction on Christian Freedom which accepts the use of violence “as alast resort to put an end to an obvious and prolonged tyranny which is gravely damaging
the fundamental rights of individuals and the common good.”34 Sin argues that this isapplicable in An’s case, providing a theological justification for An’s actions.35
In addition to historical and theological justifications of the actions of theCatholic Church and An Chunggǔn, an alternate source of legitimacy, Japaneseadmirers of An, is utilized to resolve the conflicts surrounding An. An illustrative
example is provided by an article in a Catholic newspaper about Saito Michinori, theauthor of The Man who Shot Itō. The article recounts how Saito, not a Catholic, wasintroduced to An Chunggǔn by a Buddhist monk who had in his possession a sample ofAn’s calligraphy. Saito was so deeply impressed by An that he visited the places
connected with An’s life and collected historical materials on him. Saito asserted that
An was not simply an assassin but a military officer who had to do what he did out ofconcern for “peace in the East.” In addition, Saito also stated that Catholicism had an
important influence on An. For such comments, Saito received threats from right-wing
Japanese political groups.36
Because Saito is Japanese, his acceptance and celebration of An provides
legitimacy for An’s actions. If even Japanese accept that what An did was good andright, then it must indeed be so. The threats Saito received from Japanese rightists only
increases Saito’s legitimacy. The fact that a Buddhist monk and the non-Catholic Saito
respect An and that Saito argues that An was influenced positively by his Catholicism
serves to show that Catholic claims on An are also legitimate.
34

Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Instruction on Christian Freedom and Liberation.
Oh. “An Chunggǔnǔn H’angukǔi Sado Paolo.” Pyǒnghwa Sinmun. August 15th, 1999.
36“An Chunggǔn Idǔngbangmun Chǒgyǒkǔn Kip’ǔn Sinangsimaesǒ Ulǒnaonǔigǒ,” Pyǒnghwa Sinmun,
November 7th, 1999.
35

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Finally, powerful imagery is deployed that shows An as both a devout Catholicand fervent nationalist. For example, some Korean Catholics have referred to An as
being like Moses37 or Saint Paul.38 In one case, An is even likened to the Jesus of Korea
with his mother as the Blessed Virgin. In this instance, strong parallels between his life
and that of Jesus, especially the idea that they both died unselfishly for others, aredrawn.39 One striking example is found within the Catholic Street Missionary
Guidebook on Catholicism which states that:
After he shot Itō, who had arrived at Halbin station on October 26th, 1909
to meet with a Russian representative to plot the invasion of Asia, threetimes in the chest and abdomen with bullets upon which he had carved
crosses, Thomas An shouted at the top of his lungs “Long Live the GreatHan Empire!” three times and pulled out and waved the flag he had
written “Independence” and “Freedom” in blood. As soon as Itō died,An made the sign of the cross and said “Lord, I thank you for allowing
me to destroy this tyrant.” As soon as An had finished offering up his
prayer, he was arrested by Russian military police, maintaining himself
in a dignified manner…The Korean Catholic Church generously praises
the great light of this believer, the Patriot An, whose actions performed
for the Korean people were in keeping with his piety and patriotism.40
Such powerful images, perhaps with even more success than theological and historicalarguments, seek to resolve the conflict between faith and nation An presents in order toallow his story and thought to be utilized in the service of both.

The Utilization of An’s Life and Thought

Having resolved the conflict between nation and faith that surround An to theirown satisfaction, Korean Catholics can apply his life and thought to address important
37

Sangdǒk. “Yǒksarul Pinch’aen Inmul An Chunggǔn.” Kat’ollik Sinmun. October 13th, 2006.
“An Chunggǔn Idǔngbangmun.”39
Sin (1999) pp. 17-19.
40
Ch’onjugyorǔl Allyǒdǔlimnida (2005) pp. 12-13.
38

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contemporary issues. One key issue of concern is the unification of the Korean
peninsula, the continued division of which is a source of great pain and frustration. For
many, the division is not something that the Korean people themselves desired but was
rather foisted upon them by the United States and the Soviet Union as they pursued theirown interests. Therefore, there is a strong belief among many Koreans that unificationmust be carried out peacefully and by the Korean people themselves.41
These ideas are echoed in a series of joint meetings held in 2000 between theSouth Korean Catholic Priests for Justice (KCPJ,Chǒnjugyojǒngǔiguhyǔnjǒn’gguksajaedangwa) and the North Korean Association of
North Korean Catholics (ANKC, Chosǒnk’at’olligyohyǒphoe). An Chunggǔn wascentral to these meetings. A seminar and discussion on the role of religion in
unification was held in his honor as was a joint prayer service.42 At the seminar, Rev.
Chon Jong-hun insisted that:
The reunification of Korea has to be made in sovereign independent
spirit and peace. We have to carry out the reunification movement in
total dedication mentally and physically as did An Jung-geun. The faithand spirituality of An Jung-geun is founded on the national spirit. He
devoted himself for the great cause and realization of human rights,
justice and peace (prophetic office); he practiced service, sharing andrenouncement of vested rights(royal office); he had a sincere life ofprayer, devotion and faith (priestly office). An Jung-geun was a model ofthe faith life. His theory of peace in Asia was a prophetic and patriotic
declaration, and this theory was founded on the spirit of love for God andneighbors that is the very Gospel spirit of Jesus Christ.43
Again in this passage we find powerful imagery that connects An Chunggǔn to theprophetic, royal, and priestly offices of Jesus Christ; roles which all baptized Catholics

41

Jaegar (2003) pp. 59-65.
“Chunggǔksǒ An Chunggǔn Saemina,” Pyǒnghwa Sinmun, October 22nd, 2000.
43
Catholic Bishop’s Conference of Korea, South Korean Priests and North Korean Catholics Join Hands
to Commemorate Patriot An and Agree on Joint Excavation of His Remains.
42

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are considered to take part in. This speech emphasizes that unification must be carriedout by the Korean people themselves on a foundation of peace. Koreans are called upon
to imitate An in order to carry out these tasks.
It may at first seem strange that An, who fought in a guerilla army and who shotand killed Itō Hirobumi would be treated as an icon of peace. However, it must be
remembered though An, in his, “Theory of Peace in the East” emphasized theimportance of regional unity between China, Korea, and Japan so that together theyellow people could resist the imperialism of the whites. An stress that it was necessarythat the three East Asian nations act as equal partners without infringing upon eachother’s sovereignty. It is to this theory that Rev. Chon is appealing. An’s theory, andhis decision to kill Itō are not understood as acts of random violence but as carefully
calculated moves which were meant to bring about peace. Father Shin, in the
introduction to his translation of An’s autobiography argues that if An’s prophetic
theory for building peace in the East would have been followed and had people heeded
An, the horrors of World War Two, including the atomic bombings of Japan, could havebeen avoided. An is cast as a prophet. The fact that the uprising he hoped for did notmaterialize, according to Shin, is the fault of the Korean people, especially Japanesecollaborators.44 It is for these reasons that An was posthumously given an award by aCatholic youth organization for advancing the cause of peace.45 In addition, there haseven been talk of building a center for peace dedicated to An.46 An Chunggǔn’s visionof the method by which peace could be maintained in East Asia has been expanded to44

Sin (1999) pp. 19-30.
“Chae 1 Hoe An Chunggǔn Pyǒnghwasang Susangjaro Pyǒnghwalul Yǒnǔn Kat’ollikjǒngnyǔn
Sǒnjǒng,” Pyǒnghwa Sinmun, March 24th, 2002.
46“An Chunggǔn Pyǒnghwayǒngusaent’o Kǒnnib Ch’ujin,” Pyǒnghwa Sinmun, November 11th, 2003.
45

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not only include the safeguarding of Korean independence but the peaceful unificationof the peninsula.
In addition to such political issues of unification, peace, and regionalism, Korean
Catholics have sought to apply the life of An to other issues. For example, in his
introduction to his translation of An’s autobiography, Father Shin argues that thehistorical legacy of An Chunggǔn is being lost and uses the respect some Japanese have
paid to him to shame Koreans who do not pay sufficient attention to An and the lessons
he has to teach.47 For Shin, the lack of attention paid to An’s legacy is unfortunate
because there are serious moral problems in Korea which the life and thought of An
could help solve. In Shin’s view, Koreans are too selfish and do not care about theirneighbors or their country. This lamentable situation could be end if only the Korean
people were to look at the example of dedication to God and nation which can be foundin the life of An Chunggǔn. An’s life thus offers a model for moral regeneration.48
In addition, in Shin’s work, An seems to act as a means for Korean Catholics toassert their own unique identity. For example, Shin argues that the theology of An’stime was too concerned with transcendent matters and not with the here and now.
Catholicism must meet the practical needs of Koreans. Shin declares that he is not aEuropean and that Catholicism must become Korean in order to help the Korean people.
For Shin, the case of An, and the conflict surrounding him, indicates the need for
Koreans to develop their own contextualized form of Catholicism.49
An Chunggǔn, a fervent nationalist and a devout Catholic, has a strong appeal to
Korean Catholics. His tumultuous life was marked with the conflict between the47

Sin (1999) pp. 20-21.
Sin (1999) pp. 24-27.
49
Sin (1999) pp. 27-31.
48

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demands of religion and nation. Korean Catholics have sought to resolve suchdifficulties and having done so to their own satisfaction are able to apply his life andthought to contemporary issues. An has been found by them to not only be relevant to
the great political issues of the day, but to matters largely interior to the Catholic Church
in Korea as well.

Conclusion

An Chunggǔn faced a difficult situation. He sought to unite his Catholicism andnationalism but clashed with the leaders of his church and suffered excommunication.
Despite this, contemporary Korean Catholics have sought to rehabilitate An and utilize
his life and thought to settle the conflict between faith and nation in both his and theirown lives. Resolving the contradictions in An’s life helps to ease the tensions between
faith and nation in Catholic believers who identify strongly with their nation andreligion. His life and thought have acted as a source of inspiration and guidance for
Korean Catholics looking for answers to contemporary problems. Though An sufferedfrom deep conflicts between faith and nation in his own life, to many Korean Catholics,
he now represents and models their successful union.
However, too close of a union between nation and religion can be dangerous. If
one becomes too dominant, it can usurp the functions proper to the other, leaving thedoor open for authoritarianism and totalitarianism. In addition, the creative tension thatcan exist between the two would be lost if one was able to control the other.50 Becauseof Korea’s religious diversity there is little chance of one religion usurping the proper
50

Audi (1997) pp. 74-75.

24role of the state. However, there is a danger of nationalism subverting religiousorganizations and ideals for its own interests.
Gi-Wook Shin discusses the potential danger of nationalism in his book Ethnic
Nationalism in Korea. He traces the pedigree of ethnic nationalism in Korea and how it
gained dominance over other alternative forms of understanding the Korean nation, suchas pan-Asianism and agrarianism.51 Shin is concerned about the dangers of ethnic
nationalism, arguing that while it was relatively harmless during the colonial period,
when Koreans gained independence, it helped lead to authoritarian governments andconsequent violation of human rights.52 Shin writes that:
With respect to nationalism, Koreans maintain a strong sense of ethnic
homogeneity based on shared blood and ancestry, and nationalism
continues to function as a key resource in Korean politics and foreign
relations…ethnic nationalism has become a considerable force in Koreansociety and politics and…can be dangerous and oppressive when fusedwith racism and other essentialist ideologies. Koreans must thus strive tofind ways to use ethnic nationalism constructively and mitigate its
harmful effects. In particular, Koreans must seriously consider theestablishment of a democratic institution that can contain repressive,
essentialist elements of nationalism.53
I would argue that religious organizations can play an important role in addressing theconcerns Shin raises. Nation and religion can engage in a dynamic and creative tension
which could help limit their potential authoritarianism. The particularity of the nation
can help limit the tendency of some forms of religion to seek dangerous levels ofhomogeneity while the universality of religion can help provide an understanding of
morality that does not completely base the dignity and worth of human beings on

51

Shin (2006) pp. 3-24.
Shin (2006) pp. 96-113, 230.
53
Shin (2006) pp. 232-233.
52

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membership within a specific national community. Religious organizations in Korea,
including the Catholic Church, could make significant contributions in this sphere.
The life and thought of An Chunggǔn could assist in such efforts. At the sametime it would be very easy for an understanding of An to arise which would legitimate
both ethnic and religious intolerance. If Korean Catholics pay careful attention not tofall into the traps of religious intolerance or ahistorical revisionism, it is possible forthem to utilize narratives of An Chunggǔn as sources of reconciliation, inspiration, andguidance for Koreans as they seek to meet the challenges of the contemporary world
while acting as a balance against the possible excesses of ethnic nationalism. The life
and thought of An Chunggǔn can play an important role by providing a space where theconflict between nation and religion can be examined so as to develop positive,
constructive, and authentic ways for them to work together in the future.

26

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Newspaper Articles
Oh S. “An Chunggǔnǔn H’angukǔi Sado Paolo,” (August 15th, 1999) Retrieved
January 30th, 2007, from http://www.pbc.co.kr.
“An Chunggǔn Idǔngbangmun Chǒgyǒkǔn Kip’ǔn Sinangsimaesǒ Ulǒnaonǔigǒ,”Pyǒnghwa Sinmun. (November 7th, 1999) Retrieved January 30th, 2007, fromhttp://www.pbc.co.kr.
“Chunggǔksǒ An Chunggǔn Saemina,” Pyǒnghwa Sinmun. (October 22nd,
2000) Retrieved January 30th, 2007, from http://www.pbc.co.kr/.
“Chae 1 Hoe An Chunggǔn Pyǒnghwasang Susangjaro Pyǒnghwalul Yǒnǔn
Kat’ollikjǒngnyǔn Sǒnjǒng,” Pyǒnghwa Sinmun. (March 24th, 2002) Retrieved
January 30th, 2007, from http://www.pbc.co.kr/“An Chunggǔn Pyǒnghwayǒngusaent’o Kǒnnib Ch’ujin,” Pyǒnghwa Sinmun.
(November 11th, 2003) Retrieved February 19th, 2007, fromhttp://www.pbc.co.kr/.
Chu C. “Kimch’ugigyǒng ‘Toma An Chunggǔn’ Sisahoe Ch’amsǒk,” Kat’ollik
Sinmun. (August 22nd, 2004) Retrieved February 19th, 2007 fromhttp://www.catholictimes.org/.
Chosun Ilbo, (April 28th, 2006) Retrieved January 30th, 2007, fromhttp://english.chosun.com.
Sǒ S. “Yǒksarul Pinch’aen Inmul An Chunggǔn,” Kat’ollik Sinmun. (October
13th, 2007) Retrieved January 30th, 2007, fromhttp://www.catholictimes.org/.

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