The Japanese Journal of American Studies, No. 31 (2020)
Copyright © 2020 Mai Isoyama. All rights reserved. This work may be used, with this noticeincluded, for noncommercial purposes. No copies of this work may be distributed,
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The Asia Foundation’s Cold War Influence on
Tadao Yanaihara’s Educational ResearchInstitute in Japan

Mai ISOYAMA*INTRODUCTION
In the last ten years, The Asia Foundation (TAF) has increasinglyinterested scholars because of its relation to the Central Intelligence Agency(CIA) during the Cold War period and because of its “philanthropic” aspect.
TAF had not been studied as frequently as the Rockefeller, Carnegie, andFord foundations, which also have engaged in international funding.
Previously, Kimberly Gould Ashizawa and Maiko Ichihara provided ahistorical overview of TAF;1 while Jun Wada explained the characteristics of
TAF’s funding strategy;2 and Grace A. Chou, Ichihara, and Sangjoon Lee
examined TAF’s funding strategy in specific areas of activities.3 Particularly,
Chou focused on TAF’s philanthropic aspects and suggested that TAF’s
relation to the CIA did little to affect TAF’s funding strategy because TAF
funded educational organizations together with other NGOs. In contrast,
Ichihara and Lee note that the CIA affected TAF’s funding strategy, although
they argue that the impact of CIA-TAF relations toward TAF’s grantee waslimited during the Cold War period.4
These previous studies are limited in that they all underestimate theimpact of the CIA-TAF connection on TAF’s grantees during the Cold War.
*PhD student, University of Tokyo

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There is a question as to whether TAF’s funding for education was related to
the CIA’s cultural Cold War strategy. How large was the impact of the CIATAF relationship on TAF’s grantees in education?
With these questions in mind, I aim to clarify TAF’s direct influence on
the establishment, activities, and termination of grantee organizations. I use
the case of the Japanese educational research group Gakusei Mondai
Kenkyūsho (in English, the Institute of Student Affairs, ISA), a TAF grantee.
The ISA engaged in educational research on college and university students
in Japan, as well as in student counseling activities, from 1958 to 1962. The
Tokyo-based institute was headed by Tadao Yanaihara, a former president of
the University of Tokyo and one of the most influential Christian liberal
intellectuals at the time.5 The ISA was substantially funded by a grant from
TAF (fig. 1). It received 3.6 million yen ($10,000) in fiscal year 1957 for its

The amount of income of the ISA (JPY)16,000,000

Others
14,000,000

Funding by TAF
12,000,000

10,000,000

8,000,000

6,000,000

4,000,000

2,000,000

1957

1958

1959

1960

1961

Fiscal Year
Figure 1. Amount and source of ISA income 1957–62.

1962

THE ASIA FOUNDATION’S COLD WAR INFLUENCE ON TADAO YANAIHARA’S EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN JAPAN203

institutional establishment,6 and around 10.7 million yen ($30,000) in fiscal
years 1958 to 1960 for research.7 The research grant reached 5.4 million yen($40,000) in fiscal year 1961.8 Because TAF decided to terminate the grant
for reasons I will discuss later, the ISA was funded only 3 million yen($8,330) in fiscal year 1962 to be used for its termination.9 The ISA did notcover its operational costs from its own income.
In this article I attempt to shed light on the aspect of public diplomacy inthe history of education, which is in line with previous studies by Yuka
Tsuchiya on US international information and education policy toward
occupied Japan,10 and by Kenneth A. Osgood on the CIA’s propaganda
directed at Japanese cultural fields, including education.11 I focus on the
CIA’s covert operations in education in order to complement Tsuchiya’s
analysis of US government overt operations.
This article adds new understanding to the relationship between the ISA
and Yanaihara, by examining the TAF connection. Previous work has
claimed that Yanaihara established the ISA and focused only on Yanaihara’s
influence on the establishment and activities of the ISA. Muneo Horie
pointed out that Yanaihara’s educational thought, which was based on his
Christian beliefs, influenced the activities of the ISA.12 In contrast, I focus
on TAF’s influence as part of US Cold War foreign policy on the ISA.
My research is based on the analysis of three types of archival records.
The first consists of The Asia Foundation Records at the Hoover Institution
Archives at Stanford University, which houses folders related to the ISA andits members. These folders comprise TAF’s internal memoranda,
correspondence, and ISA reports. This archival record was chosen because it
directly shows the relationship between TAF and the ISA. The second
archival record consists of the CIA Records at the National Archives of
Research and Administration.13 This was selected to explain TAF’s
background in relation to the CIA’s Cold War strategy, which was
responsible for TAF’s creation. The third consists of Gakusei Mondai
Kenkyūsho Shiryō (ISA Records) at the University of Tokyo Archives. This
Japanese source was selected to support the evidence found in the two US
archival sources. By examining these materials, I demonstrate how TAF
influenced the ISA.
This article is divided into five sections. The first provides a brief
overview of the history of TAF’s establishment alongside US Cold War
strategy and explains why TAF engaged in funding student-related activities
in Japan. The second examines how TAF planned to create the ISA. The
third analyses how TAF planned the framework for ISA activities. The

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fourth presents how TAF observed and evaluated ISA activities, leading it tochange its funding strategy. The last section describes why TAF decided toterminate the ISA fund leading to its ending. Since this article focuses on the
ISA from the perspective of TAF and US Cold War strategy, a discussion of
possible converse influence of ISA activities on TAF and US Cold War
strategy is outside its scope. Further data collection will be required todetermine exactly how the ISA affected TAF.
I. TAF’S BACKGROUND OF FUNDING STUDENT-RELATEDACTIVITIES IN JAPANTAF, originally called the Committee for a Free Asia (CFA), wasestablished in 1951 under the code name DTPLLAR—a project within the
Office of Policy Coordination at the CIA.14 The CFA (and later TAF)
presented itself as a nongovernmental organization, hiding its CIA roots. In
1956, TAF’s president, Robert Blum, wrote that the CFA was originated as“a private, non-profit corporation . . . created at the height of the Korean War
by a group of Californians who believed that a non-governmental Americanorganization primarily focussed [sic] on Asia could help to increase thedesire and ability of Asians to resist Communism on their own soil.”15 The
CFA had its headquarters in San Francisco, with a branch office in New
York and field offices in “non-Communist countries in Asia,” including
Japan, Hong Kong, and the Philippines.16 In Japan, the CFA established their
Tokyo office in 1952, and the staff contacted local Japanese leaders,
including intellectuals, politicians, journalists, and business people, withwhom they could cooperatively conduct their operations.17 The CFA’s major
activity was managing an international broadcasting station—Radio Free
Asia (RFA). The CFA hoped that the RFA would “influence, express, andlead Asian opinion” and thus “supplement” the Voice of America, which wasestablished in 1942 to spread US views and culture abroad.18 The CFA,
however, worried that the RFA was received by people in Asia as Cold War
propaganda, and so it abolished it in 1953. The CFA also renamed itself The
Asia Foundation in 1954,19 shifting its main activity from managing
international radio broadcasting to providing funds for local activities ofAsian organizations and individuals.
TAF established target groups and areas for its activities to maximize its
influence. For example, in 1955, the target topics were youth, education,
women, labor, Chinese expatriates, and media.20 TAF’s priority field was
different in each country. An examination of Japan’s program budget for theTHE ASIA FOUNDATION’S COLD WAR INFLUENCE ON TADAO YANAIHARA’S EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN JAPAN

205

fiscal years 1958–1962, when the ISA was active, shows that the largest
amount of funding was allocated to education.21 TAF’s project for the ISA
was classified as a student subject field. The basic TAF’s plan for students inJapan was “to attempt to identify democratic student leadership where
possible and help its development” to halt the spread of communist ideals
among Japanese students.22 To deal with the problem of communism
spreading among students, TAF recruited Japanese student leaders andstudent organizations to participate in international student activities thatwould oppose the Communist-dominated student organization, Zengakuren.
Some TAF staff members wanted to work on “the organization of a national
student federation” that would provide Zengakuren with “directcompetition,” and TAF indeed supported some student organizations, suchas the Student Information Federation, the Student Broadcasting
Association, and the Student Cultural Association. “The problem of finding
leadership” from these organizations, however, remained unsolved.23 The
issues surrounding Japanese students led TAF to consider establishing an
institute that would develop student leadership and provide student
organizations with advice and funding.
TAF’s funding of the ISA is a model sample of TAF’s communist
containment strategy in Asia, in that it gave grants to pro-American top
Japanese intellectuals. The case of the ISA is probably unique in that TAF
tried to control students indirectly, principally through professors who could
influence them. In the case of the Institute of Student Affairs in thePhilippines, faculty and students tried to solve issues of concern to students
together.24 Interestingly, TAF’s office in the Philippines planned the fundingof the Philippine institute in March 1961 when the Japanese institute wasstill active.25 Future studies might profitably focus on the relationshipbetween these two institutes.
II.

HOW TAF PLANNED TO CREATE THE INSTITUTE OF STUDENT AFFAIRSThe plan for building the Japanese Institute of Student Affairs began in
January 1958 when TAF’s Japan representative, Robert B. Hall, submitted a
project proposal to TAF president Robert Blum. Hall explained the reason
for the proposal as follows:
The student situation in Japan is, as you know, not too favorable a one.
There is still the tendency for students to look to the totalitarianphilosophy of the extreme left for the answers to their problems. This is206

MAI ISOYAMAa matter of considerable concern to those Japanese who wish to see theyoung leaders of tomorrow engage in a more objective search for truth.
It has recently been stated that there is a need for some organization
which would devote itself to the study of student affairs and would
serve in an advisory capacity to students and to those groups which
work with and for students.26
He continued the proposal by stating that such an organization would becalled “an Institute for Student Affairs.”27 Because Hall thought that thechairman of this institute should necessarily be “a prominent man respectedby students and faculty . . . and . . . by many other elements in Japanesesociety,” he strongly recommended Tadao Yanaihara as the “perfect choice”
for this position. He recognized that he could not say for certain whether
Yanaihara would accept the chairmanship. According to Hall, TAF’s Japan
office had found, however, through indirectly approaching Yanaihara, that hewas seriously concerned about the situation with students.28 To demonstrate
Yanaihara’s interest in students, Hall forwarded a series of articles written by
Yanaihara,29 titled “Gakusei ni nozomu (Requests to University Students),”
which appeared on the front page of the evening edition of the Asahi
newspaper. In the articles, Yanaihara stated that the student politicalmovement should be led by the spirit and method of “scientific research”
that respects objective observation and analysis of facts and that avoids
being obedient to dogmatism. He criticized students who instinctively
opposed governmental power yet at the same time were blindly obedient to“propaganda” from antigovernmental political parties or organizations.30 He
particularly complained about students who used hunger strikes as a meansof political struggle,31 through which he indirectly criticized the entire leftist
student movement.
TAF’s staff at its home office in San Francisco also hoped that Yanaihara
would accept the leadership of the institute. Indeed, the program officer
Richard E. Jorgensen was convinced that if Yanaihara consented to become
involved in the institute, he would provide strong leadership, stating, “Itwould be hard to imagine, indeed, a finer man for the job.”32
TAF had alternative plans for the institute in case Yanaihara did not
accept TAF’s offer. Hall was prepared to approach other “prominent”
educators to head the institute.33 Also, TAF’s program officer at New York
office, Ernest M. Howell, reported to a Japan program officer in the homeoffice that he received a letter from a student who was a member of theStudent Information Federation, which was one of TAF’s grant recipients.34

THE ASIA FOUNDATION’S COLD WAR INFLUENCE ON TADAO YANAIHARA’S EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN JAPAN207

The student wrote that the student organization planned “to establish an
institute of student affairs” that would engage in “extensive and intensive
research work” and that it planned to work together with another student
organization, the Japanese World University Services.35 The two student
groups, which received funds from TAF, were preparing to establish a
combined institute, one that was quite similar to the institute described inHall’s project proposal. Howell told TAF’s Japan program officer that hewould politely reply to the student in a noncommittal way.36 In response,
Jorgensen, advised Howell not to even mention the student proposal in his
reply to the student,37 thus extinguishing the idea of the students establishing
their own institute of student affairs that would conduct research on student
matters.
Despite various contingency plans, Hall primarily hoped Yanaihara would
become the planned institute’s chairman and approached him about it
through lunch meetings. Hall reported the progress of his negotiations with
Yanaihara in detail to TAF’s president. By January 1958, Yanaihara still had
not expressed interest in accepting the chairman position although herecognized the need for an institute of student affairs and expressed hisdesire to work for it.38 In March, Yanaihara asked for the details of TAF’splan for the institute, including its funding, duration of the fund, andprocedures for receiving grants. He promised to help search for possible
staff to work with the institute and to consider programs and goals.39 Finally,in April, Hall made a phone call to the San Francisco headquarters in which
he announced that Yanaihara has accepted the position of chairman of theinstitute.40 Thus, TAF planned the establishment of the ISA and chose its
chairman.
TAF did not, however, select the other members of the ISA. Yanaihara
appointed Tokiomi Kaigo, dean of the School of Education at the Universityof Tokyo, as assistant director, and chose Keisuke Sawada, Kaigo’s
colleague in the School of Education, as chief researcher in May 1958.41
TAF was nevertheless paying close attention to the selection of the majorboard members of the ISA. For example, TAF’s staff member at the homeoffice, Robert B. Sheeks, asked the Japan representative whether Sawada’s
candidacy originated with Hall or Yanaihara.42 The Japan office createdprofiles of some of the major members of the ISA, which it provided toheadquarters. The profiles recorded these board members’ history of travel
abroad, personality traits, and religion.43 Hall thought the ISA members
selected by Yanaihara were very good choices. He reported to Blum that“the Institute should become popular with students overnight” as a result of208

MAI ISOYAMA

the prestigious reputations of Yanaihara and his colleagues.44
It should be noted that TAF planned to fund a new institution rather thangiving funding to an existing institution, something not reported in previous
studies on TAF. The ISA was planned by TAF, rather than by Yanaihara.
Although Hall was a Japanologist and a professor of geography at the
University of Michigan, and it seems reasonable to view the relationshipbeen Hall and Yanaihara as being established by two intellectuals, the above
information indicates that the ISA was planned through TAF-CIA relations
and with careful discussions and decision making by TAF staff members inJapan and the United States.
III.

HOW TAF AFFECTED ISA ACTIVITIESTAF’s staff members in Japan, at the San Francisco headquarters, and at
the New York office carefully outlined what ISA’s activities would involve
even before Yanaihara accepted the position of chairman of the institute. In
response to the activities outlined in Hall’s project proposal from the Japan
office, TAF’s staff in San Francisco and the New York office generated
various ideas (table 1). The plans for the institute suggested by TAF’s staff
can be divided into seven categories: conducting research on student
concerns, advising student groups, conducting programs such as leadershiptraining for students, holding seminars for adults interested in student
concerns, funding student groups, creating a selecting committee for student
scholarships, and working together with another TAF-funded educators’
group, Minshu Kyōiku Kyōkai (better known as the Institute of Democratic
Education) to promote student welfare.
After considering these ideas, the TAF Tokyo office decided to limit the
ISA’s activities to the following four: research on student problems, advice
to student groups, seminars on student affairs and leadership, and provisionof funds for student groups.45 Hall modified this plan when he sent a draft
agreement to Yanaihara. In this document the ISA was to engage in only two
activities: “(1) producing research data which can be useful in offering ways
to solve the pressing problems now confronting students and youth in Japanand (2) providing practical counsel and advice to students which will lead totheir attaining a more healthy and creative student life.”46 The first activity
was congruent with Hall’s original proposal. The second activity wasdifferent from the previous plan, which had focused on student groups rather
than on individual students. The agreement avoided specifying support forany specific student groups, which coincides with Ernest M. Howell’s ideaTHE ASIA FOUNDATION’S COLD WAR INFLUENCE ON TADAO YANAIHARA’S EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN JAPAN209

Table 1. Plans by TAF on the ISA’s activities
Ernest M. Howell(New York office)Budget Proposal(January 1958)

Statement of
Agreement(May 1958)

Robert B. Hall
(Japan office)Jack E. James(Home office)Research on
studentaffairs

Research on
problems thatstudents faces

Research on
Japanese student
issues...

Generate research
useful to solve Researh on student
Support special dataproblems
thatresearch projects Japanese students
issues in Japanand youth are facing

Advice on students

Advise student
groupsAdvise TAFsupported student
groups...

Advise student
groupsAdvise students fortheir healthy andcreative student life

Manage a student
counseling center

Programs forstudents

Seminars forstudent groups;
Training programsfor democratic
student leadership...

Outstanding
students should
join the ISA’s
programindividually

Sponsor seminars
on student affairs
and leadership...

Hold meetings to
discuss student
issuesPrograms for adults...

Collaborate withadults interested inyouth problems inseminars anddiscussion groups...

Sponsor seminars
on student affairs
and leadership...

Hold meetings to
discuss student
issuesFund for student
groups...

Raise money tofund for antiZengakuren
student groups

Disagree withFund for student
acting as a funding groups for specificagencypurposes...

...

Selectingcommittee forscholarships...

Act as a selecting
committee forscholarships

...

...

...

...

Collaborate with
the IDE...

Collaborate with
the IDE in the fieldof student
personnel work

...

...

...

Planned tocollaborate
with the IDE

Activities of the ISA(table 1). Howell proposed that the ISA should not work as a funding agency
for student organizations and that, instead, outstanding individual students
should be encouraged to participate in the ISA’s programs.47
A staff member in San Francisco, Jack E. James, claimed that Hall was so
afraid of scaring off Yanaihara that he did not fully state the ISA’s
purposes.48 Despite James’ advice to state the ISA’s purposes more
concretely, Hall did not change the draft agreement statement of ISA’splanned activities. That is, the draft highlighted improving student welfare
through academic and personal counseling, rather than supporting specificstudent organizations, which would suggest a political purpose. Under these
conditions, Hall and Yanaihara signed the agreement. Because the ISA’s

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activities were so broadly defined in the agreement, Yanaihara was able toconsider various possible activities; however, he was uncertain what
activities he could initiate, according to James.49 The vagueness of theagreement may be responsible for the great variety of the ISA’s eventual
research topics.
In addition to planning the overall framework of the ISA’s activities, TAF
also determined that the ISA would be “a national student advisory councilof eminent senior citizens,” which included Yanaihara.50 According to Hall,“Yanaihara is perfectly aware, as he has said over and over again, that theInstitute is of nation-wide significance and, to be effective, must berecognized as such.”51 The ISA, which was founded in Tokyo, originallyplanned to establish six regional chapters,52 a goal never realized.
From its official opening on October 15, 1958, the ISA engaged in
educational research on various topics, including social, economic, andmental problems that Japanese students were facing. Its findings were
distributed to Japan’s Ministry of Education and to the student welfare
divisions of various colleges throughout the nation.53 It managed its own
counseling center in which staff, including Yanaihara, advised students inmany areas, including their mental health and career choices.54 In addition,
the ISA held roundtables where its staff members conversed with college
students and other guests, including faculty members, on various topics.55
For example, they discussed the problems students faced in their college
work and daily lives, as well as their views on student movements.56 They
held discussions on specific topics, including the concerns of female
students, international students, and student mothers.57 Although theagreement between TAF and the ISA did not mention roundtables orseminars, various TAF members had expressed a desire to have them (table1). For example, James had suggested that the ISA “work with adults
concerned with youth problems, perhaps in seminars and discussion groups
on improvement of services to youth.”58 Howell had proposed that
outstanding students should individually join the ISA’s programs,59 and thebudget proposal by TAF Tokyo office also proposed budgeting for “seminars
on student affairs and leadership.”60 Also, as proposed by James, the ISA
planned to cooperate with the other TAF-funded educational organization,
the Institute of Democratic Education, which was already engaged inresearch on students and publishing magazines and books on educational
issues and interested in research on students.61

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IV.

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HOW TAF EVALUATED ISA ACTIVITIESTAF monitored the activities of ISA board members and staff to evaluate
funding effects and planned the funding strategy. TAF’s Tokyo officerequired the ISA to submit to it a monthly report on its activities andanything they had published. The Tokyo office translated the monthly
reports into English and forwarded them to the TAF home office in San
Francisco. Although the ISA was only one of several TAF-supported
programs in Japan, the progress of the institute was of great interest to
TAF’s headquarters and board of trustees, as well as to its Tokyo office. For
example, when the Tokyo office once lost touch with Yanaihara, a Japan
program officer from TAF headquarters insisted that Hall urge Yanaihara tocontact the Tokyo office, because it would be embarrassing vis-a-vis theboard of trustees if they did not have updated information on such animportant project as the ISA.62 Moreover, TAF monitored the ISA’s
popularity. The ISA’s popularity among students was probably consideredessential to the success of TAF’s work in combatting communist influence
on Japanese students. The Tokyo office sent the home office newspaper
articles and columns on the ISA’s activities and members, as well as reports
about the institute’s participation in radio and television programs. In
addition to the monthly reports, the Tokyo office also translated and sent
some of the institute’s research papers that they thought were important toheadquarters. Although many such papers were not translated,63 the Tokyo
office highly valued research reports on student unrest and rōnin (students
who failed school entrance examinations and were studying for anotherchance). Such papers could have been useful for TAF to better understandhow university students’ problems that might incline them toward
communism, as well as for strategizing to solve them. Reading ISA’s “A
Basic Study of Uneasiness of College Students,”64 the TAF Japan
representative, James L. Stewart, who succeeded Hall in 1960, noticed thatstudent concerns were more about careers and employment than about
partisan political questions, war, and social injustice. This led Stewart toconclude that economic growth in Japan would weaken student politicalactivity.65 This suggests that the ISA’s work might have influenced TAF’s
strategy in dealing with the problem of Communist students.
These “concerns about careers and employment” were explored in the
ISA’s research on rōnin in their report covering their second year of workand “Career Guidance to High School Student and College Life,” whichsuggested ways in which college entrance examinations could be reformed.

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Both research papers were translated and forwarded to the home office.
Stewart expected the research and recommendations to improve university
entrance examinations, get rid of the rōnin problem, and contribute to“Japanese education and the reduction of student anxieties.”66 He
particularly praised the study on rōnin, which first appeared in “the reportcovering the second year of work” and showed that “students entering theuniversity after more than one try at the entrance examinations havescholastic records that grow poorer in proportion to the length of time spentas rōnin.”67 He considered rōnin a distinctive problem of Japanese
education,68 which their research might help ameliorate.69 He sent the ISA’s
paper on a roundtable involving rōnin students to TAF president Blum aswell as to James Connant, a famous educator in the United States.70
TAF attempted to use ISA’s research methods as a reference for TAFsupported educational research groups and individuals in other Asian
countries. Impressed by the questionnaire form by which the ISA surveyed
students’ concerns in Japan, TAF headquarters planned to send the form to asocial science research group supported by TAF’s Hong Kong office.71
Headquarters also offered ISA pamphlets to the Hong Kong and Taiwan
offices for their use in conducting student personnel work, including
counseling services at “ Chinese colleges and universities.”72 In addition, at
the request of the Korean office, Tokyo sent four ISA reports to be used by a
Korean educator, Chung Bom Mo.73 By using results obtained from the ISA,TAF hoped to prevent the spread of communism among students in USallied countries throughout in Asia.
ISA’s studies, which were highly regarded by TAF, could have had anindirect influence the student political movement by reducing student
stresses. In addition to this indirect approach to influencing students, Stewart
also wanted “a direct study of the motivation of students” who engage inpolitical activities.74 He expected studies made by the ISA on the student
movement to address this, however, he was disappointed with the resulting
papers. When the campaign against the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and
Security between the United States and Japan (the Security Treaty) was at its
height, Stewart sent President Blum two ISA publications, “Collection ofMaterials on Student Movements in the Security Pact Struggle, April–June
1960” and “Student Action and Consciousness Relative to the Security
Treaty Issue,”75 with comments that showed his dissatisfaction with the
ISA’s work. With the former article, he was disappointed that “the Institutemakes no attempt to interpret the role of students in the demonstration,”76
only referring to articles in newspapers and magazines. With the latter, heTHE ASIA FOUNDATION’S COLD WAR INFLUENCE ON TADAO YANAIHARA’S EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN JAPAN

213

strongly objected that it did not probe deeply into students’ attitudes andmotivations. Finally, Stewart was disappointed with the investigator’s
sympathetic attitude toward the student demonstrations, regarding them as“legitimate actions in defense of democracy in Japan.”77 Stewart wanted the
ISA to discover the political attitudes of the students in the anti-US
demonstrations.78
TAF was further dissatisfied with the ISA because it did not give advice tostudents throughout Japan. When TAF planned for creating the ISA, it
expected the institute to advise student organizations and later expected it tocreate a national student counseling service and manage regional counselingcenters. Despite this expectation, the ISA remained a Tokyo-basedorganization with most of its members belonging to the University of Tokyo.
In TAF’s headquarters, the review and development department pointed outthat the ISA might become merely a research institute of the University ofTokyo.79 This concern was expressed only two months after the ISA
officially opened. TAF complained that the few students who came to thecounseling center did not have direct contact with ISA member advisers.80
The implication is that TAF wanted the counseling center to be a place forconnecting as many students as possible with non-Communist educators.
Two years later, in November 1960, when TAF Tokyo office reported on the
ISA to headquarters, these two concerns remained. The University of Tokyo
was “disproportionately represented among its staff consultants,” while the
ISA handled a “very small number” of cases.81
Although researching student concerns was TAF’s principle activity, it
expected the ISA to take on national leadership of Japanese education,
particularly in student personnel work, by working with scholars from otherareas in Japan. TAF thought the ISA was primarily concerned with “thesoundness and methodological validity of its research” and less concernedwith seeking an active role of national leadership in student personnel work,
which was “rather disappointing” to TAF.82 The TAF Tokyo officecomplained to their home office about the scale of the ISA’s activities andalso about Yanaihara’s “aloof” personality, which prevented TAF frommaintaining “a close working relationship” with the ISA.83 In response tothis complaint, a reviewer in the home office questioned whether TAF
Tokyo office had clearly required the ISA to work actively within the sphereof student personnel work, pointing out that there might be amisunderstanding between TAF and the ISA regarding ISA’s functions andpurposes.84
Through studying the ISA’s research papers and monthly reports, along

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with visiting the ISA office, TAF was able to understand the funding effects
and problems lying in the way of the ISA’s progress; however, TAF took few
actions to improve the ISA’s difficulties. TAF expressed theirdisappointment to the ISA in a restrained way. For instance, Stewart wrote to
Yanaihara in regard to the lack of national leadership that they “do hope thatat a later date you will make your findings available for the enlightenment ofa broader public both in Japan and in other parts of the world.”85 TAF
affected the overall framework of the ISA’s activities, but it had limitationsin affecting each project in detail. TAF preferred giving instructions
indirectly. That is, TAF tried to be a “silent partner” to TAF’s grantees.86
TAF feared being regarded as a US propaganda organization and wanted tomaintain its partnership with Japanese intellectuals and therefore avoided
giving detailed instructions to its grantees.
V.

HOW TAF AFFECTED THE TERMINATION OF THE ISA

Despite having a low opinion of some aspects of the ISA’s work, Stewart
planned a three-year extension of its funding. TAF originally planned
funding for fiscal years 1957–60, but he decided to extend this to 1963 inpart because the Japan office had such a high opinion of the ISA’s researchand counseling work and in part because they hoped to obtain high status byidentification with Yanaihara and ISA.87 Requested by Stewart, Yanaihara
and his staff submitted a research plan.88 Stewart also recommended to thehome office that the budget for fiscal year 1961 be increased to $40,000 “onthe basis of these long-range plans.”89 TAF approved the increase of thebudget for fiscal year 1961, apparently with funding expected at least until
fiscal year 1963. Unexpected events, however, made TAF begin to consider
the termination of the grant at the end of 1961.
On December 25, 1961, Yanaihara died after a long illness, which wasreported to TAF’s president the next day.90 On December 28, 1961, TAF’s
director of programs, John F. Sullivan, requested information from Stewart
in the Japan office, asking “in what way Dr. Yanaihara’s passing will
influence the work of the Institute and who might be his successor.”91
Sullivan told Stewart on January 5, 1962, that the home office thought that a
re-evaluation of the ISA was needed, with “the regrettable passing” ofYanaihara.92 Referring to past reports sent by the Japan office, he explained
the reason for the re-evaluation: the ISA did not take national leadership in
student personnel services and had too many staff members from the
University of Tokyo, even though the ISA’s reports were read by educators

THE ASIA FOUNDATION’S COLD WAR INFLUENCE ON TADAO YANAIHARA’S EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN JAPAN215

and officials throughout Japan.93 Also, he noted an “uneven quality” in the
ISA’s reports, saying that the report on the rōnin was “exceptionally good,”
whereas the report on “Student Action and Consciousness Relative to the
Security Treaty Issue” was disappointing.94
In addition to noticing the ISA’s weak points, TAF could not find asreliable a chairperson for the ISA as Yanaihara had been. Bothcircumstances influenced its decision to terminate the grant to the ISA. The
Japan office did not think that Tokiomi Kaigo, who was the ISA’s acting
director and seemed to be “the obvious successor,” was “the right man tocarry on the Institute,”95 because they thought he would make the ISA “morethe creature of the Department of Education” of the University of Tokyo.96
They hoped that the ISA would involve scholars from other parts of Japansuch as Kyoto and Kyushu.97 However, they did not think they could replace
Kaigo with “an outstanding professor from another institution withoutcausing bitterness,” which would hinder ISA’s future work, andrecommended terminating the ISA project rather than approving Kaigo as
the ISA’s new chairman.98 Stewart suggested to Blum that “an entirely
separate movement to create a national organization of university counselors[could provide] an alternative vehicle for Foundation involvement in student
personnel work.”99 TAF thus decided to terminate grants to the ISA soonafter Yanaihara’s death. The Japan office held a meeting with Kaigo, in
which they told him that they had difficulty getting continued support for the
ISA.100 According to Stewart, Kaigo did not relay this information to theother members of the ISA and requested TAF to continue the support.
Stewart further reported to Blum that Kaigo dropped by at the Japan office,hoping that TAF would continue supporting the ISA. Despite these efforts
by Kaigo, TAF terminated the grant for the ISA, allocating $8,330 in June
1962 as a final amount to assist in the termination of ISA’s business.101
Because the ISA did not have funding sources other than TAF, it had toterminate its activities on September 1, 1962.102 Although Kaigo hoped tocontinue the ISA, there is no evidence that indicates that he managed torebuild the institute.
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
Previous research on TAF and the ISA have underestimated TAF’s impact
on its grantees. Until now, the ISA has been and designed by Tadao
Yanaihara because he wanted to engage in scientific research on students
and student counseling to improve student welfare. TAF’s function was

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previously regarded as only providing grants to Japanese educators.
In contrast, in this article I make clear the political background andagenda behind TAF’s funding of this educational institute. TAF funded the
ISA to combat communist influence on students and to support thenoncommunist student movement.
Because of anti-US sentiment and movements, as typified by the
campaign against the Security Treaty in 1960, the US government expected
TAF to conduct a smoothly running anticommunist campaign in Japan. Thatis, the United States needed a disguised apparatus in which influential
Japanese leaders would take on the campaign themselves to better gain
general acceptance by the Japanese people. It seems that other US
foundations and government organizations, such as the United States
Information Service, were not able to do what TAF could in planning andestablishing of the ISA. Although TAF’s impact had limitations, itcomplemented the role of these other US organizations in advancing US
Cold War objectives in Japan.
*
In this article I have clarified how and to what extent TAF influenced the
ISA. As can be seen, TAF planned and established this institute of student
affairs to counteract the spread of communism among Japanese students.
TAF wanted the highly respected Tadao Yanaihara to be the chairman of theinstitute and approached him with the project proposal for the ISA. TAF
carefully designed the framework of the activities of the ISA throughdiscussions among local and US TAF staff members. TAF monitored the
ISA’s activities and evaluated funding effects, making changes in its funding
plan for the institute. Considering the ISA’s overall ineffectiveness and thematter of Yanaihara’s successor, TAF finally decided to terminate funding,leading directly to the end of the ISA. TAF thus was responsible for the
ISA’s creation, selection of chairperson, framework of its activities, andtermination. Although there were some limitations to its influence—TAF
could not control all the research topics initiated by the institute—its grants
determined whether the institute could continue to exist.
My research applies to one institute and does not necessarily mean that
TAF influenced all their other grantees’ activities. In addition, I have not yetassessed the possibility of the ISA’s influencing TAF and US government
policy. My research indicates that TAF’s funding of the ISA is an example of
the US Cold War public diplomacy, which had an impact on JapaneseTHE ASIA FOUNDATION’S COLD WAR INFLUENCE ON TADAO YANAIHARA’S EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN JAPAN217

educators and students.
NOTES
This work was supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science,
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (KAKENHI) number 17J02181 and the
JSPS Overseas Challenge Program for Young Researchers.
1
Kimberly Gould Ashizawa, “Amerika no firansoropī wa nihon ni dou mukiatta no ka,” inSengo nichibei kankei to firansoropīi, ed. Tadashi Yamamoto (Kyōto-shi: Mineruva Shobō,2008), 116–22; Maiko Ichihara, “US Anti-Communism Aid in Asia during the Cold War and
Its Influence for Post–Cold War Democracy Assistance: The Case of the Committee for Free
Asia/the Asia Foundation [Reisenki asia ni okeru beikoku no hankyō shien to reisengominshuka shien e no eikyō: Jiyū asia iinkai / asia zaidan wo jirei to shite],” Cosmopolis, no. 8(March 2014): 3–8.
2
Jun Wada, “Amerika no firansoropī wa nihon ni nani wo nokoshita no ka,” in Yamamoto,Sengo nichibei kankei to firansoropī, 151–52.
3
Grace A. Chou, “Cultural Education as Containment of Communism: The Ambivalent
Position of American NGOs in Hong Kong in the 1950s,” Journal of Cold War Studies 12,
no. 2 (2010): 3–28; Maiko Ichihara, “Japan-US Special Relations through the Asia
Foundation?: CIA’s Exercise of Soft Power over Contemporary China Studies in Japan [Asiazaidan wo tsūjita nichibei tokushu kankei no keisei?: Nihon no gendai chūgoku kenkū nitaisuru CIA no sofuto pawā kōshi],” Nagoya Journal of Law and Politics, no. 260 (February2015): 308; Sangjoon Lee, “Creating an Anti-Communist Motion Picture Producers’ Network
in Asia: The Asia Foundation, Asia Pictures, and the Korean Motion Picture Cultural
Association,” Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 37, no. 3 (July 2017): 521–30.
4Although TAF still exists, its fiscal connection with the CIA stopped in 1968, after the
relationship was revealed and criticized in Ramparts magazine. For more information, see
Maiko Ichihara, “Japan-US Special Relations through the Asia Foundation?: CIA’s Exerciseof Soft Power over Contemporary China Studies in Japan,” Nagoya Journal of Law and
Politics, no. 260 (February 2015): 300. Ichihara explores the CIA’s relation to TAF’s fundingof Japanese scholars’ research on modern China at Tōyō bunko (the Oriental Library) andargues that TAF had little impact on Japanese scholars’ research topics. Lee describes TAF,
with its CIA background, providing funds to various Asian film industries; however, heargues that TAF’s grant did not influence the making of the Asian film industry network.
5
Before the war, he specialized in colonial policy and imperialism. In 1937, he was forced
to resign his post as a professor at the University of Tokyo because he criticized Japanesemilitarism. After World War II, he regained his position and became the first president of theInstitute of Social Science in 1946. He served as the president of the University of Tokyo
from 1951 to 1957.
6
Robert B. Hall to Tadao Yanaihara, 21 May 1958, Asia Foundation Records (hereafter
cited as AFR), box P-201, folder: Institute for Student Affairs Correspondence General>(hereafter cited as ISA Correspondence), Hoover Institution Archives (hereafter cited asHIA); “Sōsetsuhi shūshi kessan” (Financial Statement of Foundation Cost), image 113, June
1958, folder: Gakusei Mondai Kenkyūsho Shiryō (hereafter cited as ISA Records), F0060/
S03/0001, Gakusei Mondai Kenkyūsho Shotsuzuri (hereafter cited as ISA Miscellaneous),
University of Tokyo Archives (UTA), https://uta.u-tokyo.ac.jp/uta/s/da/document/
e8808176386b603da97bac2e585356a9. I used the ISA records because they explain the ISA’s
total income and the grant amount; however, because it does not show the grant source, I

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MAI ISOYAMA

double-checked TAF records and found that TAF gave the same grant amount to the ISA.
7
“Dai 1 nendo keihi shūshi kessan,” image 114, June 1959; “Dai 2 nendo keihi shūshi
kessan,” image 286, June 1960; “Dai 3 nendo shūshi kessan,” image 383, ISA Records,
F0060/S03/0001, ISA Miscellaneous, UTA.
8
“Dai 4 nendo shūshi kessan,” images 13–14, ISA Records, F0060/S03/0002, ISA
Miscellaneous, UTA, https://uta.u-tokyo.ac.jp/uta/s/da/document/510df23e8eebf97289cddf4
66df5cb3a.
9“Shūshi kessan,” images 453–54, 481, ISA Records, F0060/S03/0002, ISA
Miscellaneous, UTA.
10
Yuka Tsuchiya, Constructing a Pro-US Japan: US Information and Education Policy andthe Occupation of Japan [Shinbei nihon no kōchiku: Amerika no tainichi jōhō kyōiku seisaku
to nihon senryō] (Tokyo: Akashishoten, 2009).
11
Kenneth A. Osgood, Total Cold War: Eisenhower’s Secret Propaganda Battle at Homeand Abroad (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 2008).
12
Muneo Horie, “Yanaihara Tadao no kyōiku shisō to gakusei mondai kenkyūsho nokatsudō,” Journal of the Research Institute of Student Studies Tōkai University, no. 4 (July
1974): 1–9.
13
I reference the online version of this record available at the Nazi War Crimes Disclosure
Act Collection (NWCDA) in the CIA website. The original version is stored at the Records of
the Central Intelligence Agency (RG263), vol. 1, box. 33; vol. 2–3, box 34, file DTPILLAR,
National Archives at College Park, MD.
14“ACFE to CPO,” 13 August 1951, NWCDA, Special Collection Archive, https://www.
cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/DTPILLAR%20%20%20VOL.%201_0045.pdf.
15
Robert Blum, “The Work of The Asia Foundation,” Pacific Affairs 29, no. 1 (March
1956): 47.
16
Ibid., 48.
17
Pat Flanagan to the CFA Representative, Tokyo, 5 November 1953, AFR, box P-17,
folder: Administration, Public Relations Letters to Japanese Leaders 1953, HIA.
18
“Consideration with respect to RFA,” 13 August 1951, NWCDA, Special Collection
Archive, https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/DTPILLAR%20%20%20VOL.%20
1_0041.pdf.
19“CFA Budget for FY1955,” 25 June 1954, NWCDA, Special Collection Archive, https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/DTPILLAR%20%20%20VOL.%202_0034.pdf.
20“Project Outline Clearance Sheet,” 10 March 1955, NWCDA, Special Collection
Archive: 2–5, https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/DTPILLAR%20%20%20VOL.%
202_0029.pdf.
21
TAF’s Japan office set its own target activity categories—youth, English education,
economics, social science and research, law and government, science and technology,
military, civic and community, women, youth, students, Chinese, Koreans, Ryukyuans,
writing and publishing, books and libraries, Buddhism, and world affairs—for Japan’s budget
in fiscal year 1958. Although these categories changed gradually every year, the field of
education kept receiving the largest grant.
22
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 6 January 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
23
Richard E. Jorgensen to The Record, 10 January 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
24
“Request for Project Renewal,” 4 December 1962, NWCDA, Special Collection Archive:
2, https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/docs/DTPILLAR%20%20%20VOL.%203_
0028.pdf.
25
Paul P. Judge to The President, 20 March 1961, AFR, box P-298, folder: Institute of

THE ASIA FOUNDATION’S COLD WAR INFLUENCE ON TADAO YANAIHARA’S EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE IN JAPAN219

Student Affairs I, HIA.
26
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 6 January 1958, AFR.
27
Ibid.
28
Ibid.
29
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 16 January 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
30
“Requests to University Students 2: ‘Hey’ Incident and the Spirit of Criticism,” 15
December 1957, AFR, box P-201, folder: Institute for Student Affairs Reports General, HIA.
31
“Requests to University Students 3: On Hunger Strikes,” 16 December 1957, AFR, box
P-201, folder: Institute for Student Affairs Reports General, HIA.
32
Richard E. Jorgensen to Jack E. James and John F. Sullivan, 10 January 1958, AFR, box
P-201, folder: ISA Correspondence, HIA.
33
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 17 February 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
34
Ernest M. Howell to Japan Program Officer, 29 January 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder:
ISA Correspondence, HIA.
35
Letter to Mr. and Mrs. Howell, 26 January 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
36
Ernest M. Howell to Japan Program Officer, 29 January 1958, AFR.
37
Richard E. Jorgensen to The Representative, New York, 4 February 1958, AFR, box
P-201, folder: ISA Correspondence, HIA.
38
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 16 January 1958, AFR.
39
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 19 March 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
40
Jack E. James to the Record, 22 April 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA Correspondence,
HIA.
41
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 2 May 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
42
Robert B. Sheeks to Robert B. Hall, 26 June 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
43
Gaston J. Sigur to Robert Blum, 17 September 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
44
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 5 September 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
45
“Students (Continued),” p. 240, 22 January 1958, AFR, box P-199, folder: Budget Master
1958–59, HIA.
46
Robert B. Hall to Tadao Yanaihara, 21 May 1958, AFR.
47
Ernest M. Howell to Richard E. Jorgensen, 18 March 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
48
Jack E. James to Robert Blum, 5 May 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
49
Ibid.
50
Jack E. James to the Record, 10 January 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
51
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 2 May 1958, AFR.
52
“Gakusei mondai kenkyūsho kikōzu,” image 6, ISA Records, F0060/S03/0001, ISA
Miscellaneous, UTA.
53
Gaston J. Sigur to Robert Blum, 24 April 1959, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
54
“Gakusei mondai kenkyūsho geppō (10 gatsu bun)” (ISA Monthly Report: October),

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MAI ISOYAMA

images 12–14, October 1958, ISA Records, F0060/S04/0001, Gakusei mondai kenkyūsho
geppō No. 1 (ISA Monthly Report), UTA, https://uta.u-tokyo.ac.jp/uta/s/da/document/ada79
f7e1620d84de510c32bc7b64efc.
55“Geppō,” images 19–20, November 1958, ISA Records, F0060/S04/0001, ISA Monthly
Report no. 1, UTA.
56
“Geppō,” image 30, December 1958, ISA Records, F0060/S04/0001, ISA Monthly Report
no. 1, UTA.
57
Institute of Student Affairs to The Asia Foundation, 1961, AFR, box P-201, folder:Institute for Student Affairs Reports General, HIA.
58
Jack E. James to John F. Sullivan, 12 March 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
59
Ernest M. Howell to Richard E. Jorgensen, 18 March 1958, AFR.
60
“Students (Continued),” p. 240, 22 January 1958, AFR.
61
“Oboegaki (Sōan),” (Memorandum [Draft]), images 11–13, 30 July 1958, ISA Records,
F0060/S01/0001, Gakusei Mondai Kenkyūsho Unei Iinkai Gijiroku no. 1, UTA, https://uta.
u-tokyo.ac.jp/uta/s/da/document/6689d092adaee190a9fc40e2d6b2730c. Although there is adraft of the agreement between the ISA and the IDE, I did not find data that shows theirfurther cooperation. In the draft, the ISA planned to cooperate with the IDE, avoiding theoverlapping of research themes of the two institutes.
62
Lin S. Sloan to Robert B. Hall, 13 October 1959, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
63
Warren F. Phelps to Louis Connick, 10 October 1962, AFR, box P-272, folder: Institute ofStudent Affairs, HIA.
64
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 17 November 1960, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
65
Ibid.
66
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 6 February 1961, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
67
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 22 December 1960, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
68
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 1 September 1961, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
69
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 22 December 1960, AFR.
70
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 1 September 1961, AFR.
71
Robert B. Hall to Robert Blum, 16 March 1959; L. Z. Yuan to Robert B. Hall, 25 February
1959, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA Correspondence, HIA.
72
L. Z. Yuan to Robert B. Hall, 13 May 1959, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA Correspondence,
HIA.
73
The Representative, Japan to The Representative, Korea, 10 November 1960, AFR, box
P-201, folder: ISA Correspondence, HIA.
74
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 17 November 1960, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
75
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 15 May 1961, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA; James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 31 August 1961, AFR, box P-201,
folder: ISA Correspondence, HIA.
76
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 15 May 1961, AFR.
77
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 31 August 1961, AFR.
78
Ibid.
79
Robert S. Schwantes to Edith S. Coliver, 5 December 1958, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.

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221

Ibid.
“The Japan Report for period ending Nov 30, 1960,” 30 November 1960, AFR, box
P-201, folder: ISA Correspondence, HIA.
82
Ibid.
83
Ibid.
84
Ibid.
85
James L. Stewart to Tadao Yanaihara, 26 September 1960, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
86
In the case of the CFA/TAF’s funding the Institute of Democratic Education, the CFA/TAF planned that they would be “an informal and silent partner” to their grantee. Noel F.
Busch to the President, 31 July 1953, AFR, box P-24, folder: Institute of Democratic
Education General 1953–55, HIA.
87
“Project Data Sheet, Institute of Student Affairs,” pp. 65–66, 26 January 1961, AFR, box
P-199, folder: Budget (Master) 1961–62, HIA.
88
“The Japan Report for period ending May 31, 1961,” 31 May 1961, AFR, box P-201,
folder: ISA Correspondence, HIA.
89
Ibid.
90
Klein to Robert Blum and John F. Sullivan, 26 December 1961, AFR, box P-213, folder:
Yanaihara Tadao (Kishimoto Prof Hideo), HIA.
91
John F. Sullivan to James L. Stewart, 28 December 1961, AFR, box P-213, folder:
Yanaihara Tadao (Kishimoto Prof Hideo), HIA.
92
John F. Sullivan to James L. Stewart, 5 January 1962, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
93
Ibid.
94
Ibid.
95
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 15 March 1962, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
96
“Project Data Sheet, Institute of Student Affairs (ISA),” p. 75, 1962, AFR, box P-268,
folder: Budget (Master) 1962/63, HIA.
97
Ibid.
98
Ibid.
99
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 15 March 1962, AFR.
100
Ibid.
101
James L. Stewart to Robert Blum, 27 July 1962, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
102
Japan Office to Northeast Asia Division, 16 August 1962, AFR, box P-201, folder: ISA
Correspondence, HIA.
80
81