The Japanese Journal of American Studies, No. 24 (2013)

Beyond War:The Relationship between Takagi Yasaka
and Charles and Mary Beard

Hiroo Nakajima*Introduction
The Pacific War disrupted Japanese-American diplomatic relations as
the two nations waged “war without mercy” against each other.1 Does it
follow, then, that the war destroyed Japanese-American cultural relations?
Focusing on the relationship between Takagi Yasaka (1889–1984), 2 afounder of American Studies in Japan, and the prominent American
historians Charles A. Beard (1874–1948) and his wife Mary Ritter Beard(1876–1958) that endured into the postwar years, I argue that it did not. In
fact, Japanese-American cultural relations continued in spite of the war.
For Takagi, who saw similarities between the foreign policy ideals of
the United States and Japan, the war between the two countries was anaberration. In his article “War Aims of America,” written during the war,
he proposed that Japan appeal to American idealism by working moreassiduously for the emancipation of what the Japanese government called
Copyright © 2013 Hiroo Nakajima. All rights reserved. This work may be used,with this notice included, for noncommercial purposes. No copies of this work may
be distributed, electronically or otherwise, in whole or in part, without permission
from the author.
*Associate Professor, Osaka University

125

126

Hiroo Nakajima“Great East Asia” and by linking the ideal with the coming new worldorder.3 His understanding of the war was inherited by Akira Iriye, Japanese
historian who had taught for years at US universities. Iriye has stressed theconnection between the 1941 Atlantic Charter, heir to Wilson’s Fourteen
Points, and the 1943 declaration of the Great East Asia Conference
advocated by the Japanese government.4 Takagi himself embodied what
Iriye calls “cultural internationalism,” which blossomed in the 1920s.
He was an “apostle of the Nitobe sect.”5 Nitobe Inazo, scholar, educator,
and undersecretary at the League of Nations from 1920 to 1926, devoted
himself to becoming “a bridge across the Pacific.” He was the mentorof Tsurumi Yusuke, Maeda Tamon, and Takagi, all of whom were closeacquaintances of Charles and Mary Beard. In other words, Takagi waswhat Tomoko Akami characterizes as a “post-League internationalist.” If
postwar Japan was an embodiment of Wilsonian internationalism as Iriye
contends, there is continuity between the 1920s and the postwar years inJapanese-American cultural relations.6
On his part, Charles A. Beard staunchly criticized President Franklin
D. Roosevelt, who led the nation into the war with Japan, in his President
Roosevelt and the Coming of the War, 1941. He had been advocating an
isolationist vision that he called “continentalism” since the 1930s and wasvery critical of the way the United States had entered World War II. It isalso possible that he published such a book because, as the historian Endo
Yasuo emphasizes, he had some reservations about the war with Japan, acountry he had visited twice with Mary for nearly half a year altogether.7
Beard later recollected his experiences in Japan in his letters to the
distinguished historian Merle Curti. A year after the end of the Pacific War,he wrote, “I learned a lot in Japan.” Five months later, he went on to say, “I
became a changed person. I have never been the same again!”8
Takagi first met Beard in New York while he was studying in the UnitedStates from 1919 to 1922. On his second visit to Japan in fall 1923, Beard
visited Takagi’s home. During the 1930s, Takagi visited the United States
twice as a delegate of the Japanese Council of the Institute of Pacific
Relations (IPR). In 1933, he listened to Beard talking passionately on theprospect of the New Deal. Unsuccessful though it was, he tried to see him
again in 1938. After the Pacific War ended, Charles Beard asked one of
the members of the United States Education Mission to Japan that came tothe country in spring 1946 to deliver a note to Takagi’s associate Maeda.
Two years later, Takagi wrote Beard. To Takagi’s distress, however, he
received a response from Mary informing him of her husband’s death.

Beyond War

127

The following year, Takagi visited her. Thereafter, they corresponded
frequently. He also translated The American Spirit that Charles and Mary
had coauthored and eagerly introduced Charles Beard’s later works topostwar Japan’s academic community. Thus the friendship of Takagi andCharles and Mary Beard overcame the disastrous consequences of the war
in Japan and the United States.
With the cultural turn in the historiography of international history,
increasingly highlighting the cultural spheres of foreign and international
relations for the last two decades, important works on Japanese-American
cultural relations began to appear. Most of them, however, treat either
the prewar or postwar years. No work fully analyzes both. Michael
Auslin’s 2011 book Pacific Cosmopolitans is a representative of the turnin the historiography of Japanese-American relations. It is an exemplary
survey that covers from the nineteenth century to the present, but it is nota monographic study. Akami’s Internationalizing the Pacific, the mostcomprehensive treatment of cultural relations surrounding the PacificWar, depicts postwar years very briefly as her major subject, the IPR,
drew severe criticism from the American Right during the early Cold
War, especially during the McCarthy period. John Davidann’s Cultural
Diplomacy in US-Japan Relations, 1919–1941 accurately portrays thefailure of unofficial diplomacy, including that of Beard. Because heemphasizes cultural estrangement between the two nations, however,
the remains of prewar cultural relations in the postwar years are hardly
discussed. Nichi-Bei Kyōkai (The America-Japan Society)’s Mōhitotsu no
Nichi-Bei kōryūshi is a very interesting book that utilizes the sources of thesociety, a nongovernmental organization devoted to Japanese-American
friendship, and stresses continuity in twentieth-century cultural relations
between the two countries. Still, it is basically a survey on the subject.9
Other works such as Philanthropy and Reconciliation, a collection of
essays on the attitude of American philanthropic organizations toward
Japan and their impact on the country, Takeshi Matsuda’s Soft Power and
Its Perils, and Tsuchiya Yuka’s Shinbei Nihon no kōchiku focus on the
postwar years when cultural relations between the two countries becamecloser. 10 In addition, biographical studies of Takagi and Charles andMary Beard do not treat the relationship between them based on primarysources.11 Although the Beards destroyed a substantial amount of theirpersonal papers toward the end of their lives, I will use the Takagi Yasaka
bunko [Takagi Yasaka collection] and the Charles and Mary Beard Papers
among others. Thus I hope to shed new light on Japanese-American

128

Hiroo Nakajima

cultural relations before and after the Pacific War by focusing on therelationship between Takagi and Charles and Mary Beard, whose careers
spanned the war.

I. Takagi and the Beards from the 1920S
to the Early 1930S
Takagi first met Charles Beard in the latter’s office at the New School
for Social Research in New York. Beard was already one of the county’s
leading intellectuals and the author of the iconoclastic Economic
Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (1913) and several
textbooks on American politics and history. Shortly thereafter, Beard wasinvited by Mayor Goto Shimpei to advise on the municipal reform of Tokyo.
After Goto became mayor of Tokyo late in 1920, he instructed his son-inlaw Tsurumi, who was staying in New York, to do research on municipal
reform in the United States. Tsurumi had just audited Beard’s course
at the New School of which Beard was a founder. Beard was then the
director of the Training School for Public Service of the New York Bureauof Municipal Research after he had resigned from Columbia University
in October 1917 in protest of the suppression of academic freedom at
the institution in the wake of the United States’ entry into World War
I. Tsurumi thought Beard was the appropriate person to ask for advice.
With his advice, Tsurumi did brief research and sent a report to Goto.
Shortly afterward, Goto decided to invite Beard, whom he had met at adinner hosted by The New Republic with its editor Herbert Croly in 1918.
Tsurumi, who was back in Japan, sent a telegram of invitation to Beard in
February 1922; Beard accepted the invitation in early March. The fact that
his former student Luther Gulick, president of the New York Bureau of
Municipal Research, had lived in Japan as a son of Sidney Lewis Gulick,
who had spent more than a quarter century there as a missionary at the turnof the century, seemed to help Beard decide to come to the county.12
Beard arrived in Japan in September 1922 with Mary, his daughter
Miriam, and his son William. He advised the newly founded Tokyo
Bureau of Municipal Research on his first visit. He also gave lectures
to public servants, experts, and college students in Tokyo and othermajor cities such as Osaka, Kyoto, Kobe, and Nagoya before he left thecountry in March 1923. Beard’s assessment of the municipal reform ofTokyo was published in the United States late in the same year as The
Administration and Politics of Tokyo.13 On September 2, 1923, the day

Beyond War

129

after the Kanto earthquake, Goto became minister of home affairs, andin a few days he asked Beard to come to Japan again. In the same month,
Goto also became president of the Shinsai fukkōin, the newly establishedgovernment agency for recovery from the earthquake. Beard went back toJapan with Mary in early October and stayed there until mid-November.
He submitted a report to Goto that laid the foundation for his recovery
plan and called for fundamental changes in the city planning of Tokyo.
Unfortunately, the plan encountered budgetary constraints and oppositionin the Imperial Parliament. Goto had to compromise in spite of Beard’s
stern counsel against it, and the plan was only partially realized.14 It was
during this latter stay that Charles and Mary visited Takagi’s home. Marylater recalled, “How vividly I remember Charles’ and my afternoon inyour home.”15 Then Takagi accepted the newly established chair of UnitedStates Constitution, History, and Diplomacy, the Hepburn Chair, at theCollege of Law (later the Faculty of Law) at the Imperial University ofTokyo. The chair was established by the donation of A. Barton Hepburn
through Shibusawa Eiichi, a promoter of capitalism in Japan. Hepburn
was president of Chase National Bank and a distant relation of J. Charles
Hepburn, who had been in Japan from 1859 to 1892 as missionary anddoctor and who is well known in Japan for creating the Hebonshiki(Hepburn system) of writing Japanese in the Roman alphabet.
Takagi was the second son of Kanda Naibu,16 who had studied in the
United States in the late 1870s and who became the founder of studies on
English in Japan. After graduating from the College of Law at the Imperial
University of Tokyo in 1915, Takagi studied briefly at the Graduate
School of Law and then joined the Ministry of Finance in 1916. In 1918,
he became professor-designate of the Hepburn Chair and left Japan in thespring of the following year to study in the United States. In the UnitedStates, J. Franklin Jameson, one of the leading Progressive historians anda classmate of Kanda’s at Amherst College, helped Takagi greatly. With
his advice, Takagi studied at Harvard University under Frederick Jackson
Turner, graduating with a master of arts degree early in 1921. Then hestudied for a year at the University of Michigan and then at the Universityof Chicago, also on Jameson’s advice. In April 1922, he attended theInternational Congress of Historical Studies held in Brussels and visited
English universities after that. Jameson introduced Takagi to intellectuals
in England including James Bryce, the author of the classic American
Commonwealth, who lectured at the summer session of the Instituteof Politics at Williams College in the inaugural year of 1921. 17 At the130

Hiroo Nakajima

congress, Takagi met James T. Shotwell, the foremost internationalist in
the interwar years, who became his lifelong friend. Thus Takagi was truly
one of the post-League internationalists. He returned from Europe to Japanin August 1923.18
Shortly afterward, Takagi became involved in the IPR, an international
nongovernmental organization that provided a forum for experts onsuch issues as US immigration policy toward the Japanese and later the
expansion of Japanese empire into China. He was an active member of
the Japanese Council of the IPR (JCIPR) from the beginning. In 1933, heparticipated in the fifth IPR conference in Banff, Canada. It was the first
IPR conference held in North America. After the conference, he visited theBeards in New Milford, Connecticut. Charles then courteously taught him“what the New Deal is” and sent his Future Comes: A Study of the New
Deal (1933) to Takagi while he was still in the United States. The bookbecame one of Takagi's treasured possessions.
Takagi stayed in the United States for several months after the
conference. The Rockefeller Foundation invited him to conduct research
on Japanese studies at American colleges in the winter of 1933–4. Hetraveled extensively from the East Coast to the Midwest and finally to
the West Coast.19 While visiting colleges, he met prominent intellectuals
such as Nicholas J. Spykman at Yale University, whose concept ofgeopolitics during World War II would become well known, and Shotwell
at Columbia University, who led the United States committee thatlinked to the International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation of the
League of Nations. Edward Carter, secretary general of the International
Secretariat of the IPR, introduced Takagi to Quincy Wright, internationallaw specialist and a founder of the field of International Relations, when
he visited the University of Chicago.20

II. Takagi, the Beards, and the Pacific War
In 1934, Charles Beard published The Idea of National Interest, the firstof his books on American foreign policy. Concerning the Immigration Act
of 1924 that prohibited Japanese immigration, he wrote that it gave “great
offense to the susceptibilities of the Japanese people.” He continued,“There is good reason for believing that American action and methods . . .
in barring immigration, were partly, if not largely, responsible for straining
American-Japanese relations and driving Japan back upon a purely Asiatic
policy which found expression in her Manchurian expansion in 1931 andBeyond War

131

1932.”He also questioned “the advantage of empire” because cheap produce
imported from the Philippines weakened American farmers’ position in
the country’s economy.21 In the same year, he published a sequel, The
Open Door at Home, in which he advocated a sort of planned economy sothat the United States would not need foreign markets. “The Philippines
cannot be ‘safeguarded,’ ” he admonished. He also wrote: “Enforcement[of the Open Door policy toward China] means a war with Japan.”22 His
isolationist stance was fairly established by these two books. Two more
small books followed. In 1936, Beard published The Devil Theory of War,a compilation of articles that had appeared in The New Republic. It positeda revised version of the “merchants of death” theory, based on the findingsof the Senate’s Nye Committee, which indicated that the military industry
and international bankers had led the United States into World War I. In
Giddy Minds and Foreign Quarrels (1939), excerpts of which appeared
concurrently in Harper’s Magazine, he warned against the United States
becoming like ancient Rome or the British Empire by overextension.23 The
following year, he concisely explained his prescription for “continental
Americanism” or “continentalism” in A Foreign Policy for America.24
On his part, Takagi defended the 1931 Mukden Incident (Ryūjōko-jiken)
and the establishment of Manchukuo in the succeeding year in concert
with the Japanese government at the IPR conference in Banff. Carter was
critical of this position of the JCIPR. The estrangement of the two sides
might have been an omen of the war between Japan and the United States
to come. As the other countries’ members of the IPR became more criticalof Japan after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, Takagi
participated in a negotiation with the International Secretariat of the IPR
and the organization’s national councils in Princeton at the end of 1938.25
After the meeting, he wrote Beard in the hope of seeing him: “I wish to
express again my heartfelt gratitude for the unusual opportunity of learning
about the New Deal five years ago in your home and also for the generous
hospitality of your whole family.”26 This time, however, he was not able tosee him. Although Beard was against US involvement in East Asian affairs,
he also was critical of Japanese aggression in China, especially after theoutbreak of the Sino-Japanese War. Sometime around 1938 when “nongovernmental envoys” advocated Japan’s position in the United States,
he announced that he would no longer meet with Japanese people. In thewinter of 1940, Maeda, Japan’s former representative at the International
Labor Organization and director of the Japan Institute established in 1938

132

Hiroo Nakajima

in New York, ran into Charles and Mary Beard at an apartment hotel in thecity. Maeda had been deputy mayor of Tokyo under Goto and knew themwell. But Charles told him that they would no longer see him. Although theincident was shocking to Maeda as well as to his close associate Takagi,
Takagi would later recall that it was Beard’s integrity as a scholar that had
made him break off relations with the Japanese.27
Takagi still hoped that war between Japan and the United States might
be avoided. He attended the workshops of the foreign ministry and thenavy and submitted a report on Japanese-American relations to each. He
was an acquaintance of Prime Minister Konoye Fumimaro, who was two
years younger than he and who had attended the same elite high schools,
Gakushūin and Ichikō (First High School), at the latter of which Nitobe
was principal. Thus Takagi drafted the “Konoye message” of August 28 to
President Roosevelt, proposing a summit meeting between the two leaders.
The Roosevelt administration did not accept the proposal. Still, he wrote
two letters to Ambassador Joseph C. Grew the following fall. He explained
the “true ‘intention’” of Japan’s pursuit of the so-called New Order in East
Asia and asked the United States to adopt a more conciliatory policy. “Your
Excellency is virtually the sole person at the pivotal position,” Takagi
told Grew. His second letter to Grew was more pessimistic, and he later
recalled the resignation of Konoye on October 16 with “painful regret.”
For him, the war with the United States had to be avoided “at all costs.”28
When his student Iwanaga Kenkichirō met Takagi in January 1942, he told
him that his efforts had come to nothing.
After 1943, even college students were being drafted (Gakutoshutsujin,
Students’ departure to the front). Still, he continued to give lectures asusual and published them as Amerika (America) five years later. Even as“Kichiku Bei-Ei” (Devilish Americans and British!) became a battle cryin Japanese society, there remained an academic atmosphere in Takagi’s
classroom. 29 In his article “America’s War Aims” that appeared latein 1943, he emphasized the need to understand American democracy,
pointing out the duality of idealism and realism in American foreign
policy.30 After spring 1945, the law faculty at the Imperial University ofTokyo attempted to contact the Japanese government. Takagi himself
met with a former prime minister Konoye and Kido Kōichi, Lord Keeperof the Privy Seal, who was the closest adviser to Emperor Hirohito.
Takagi thought that even if Japan accepted the Potsdam Declaration that
stipulated Japan’s “unconditional surrender,” the emperor would be able
to keep the throne. He later recalled that “the last anchorage” behind thisBeyond War

133

understanding was “the consequence of decades’ study and his faith inAmerican nationality.” Right after the dropping of the atomic bomb on
Hiroshima, he wrote a letter to Gen. Douglas MacArthur asking for orderly
conduct of the American soldiers who would land in Japan.31
On the part of Charles Beard, he testified against the Lend-Lease bill,which would virtually end US neutrality in the war in Europe, before
the Committee on Foreign Relations in the Senate in February 1941.32
Between the attack on Pearl Harbor until late 1942, however, Beard’s
criticism of the Roosevelt administration was restrained. In spring
1942, he even wrote a brief essay for the treasury department that urged
Americans to buy war bonds.33 But late in that year, the Beards published
The American Spirit that included a chapter entitled “World Mission underArms” in which they criticized “imposing civilization on other people
in distant parts of the world or underwriting civilization throughout theworld.” They also disagreed with Henry R. Luce, publisher of Time andLife, who called for “the American Century.” They regarded him as oneof the “advocates of a militant world mission.”34 In October 1943, Charles
Beard’s Republic appeared. He discussed presidential power in war inview of the Roosevelt administration. In the book, he saw the unrestrictedexecutive power as problematic, which could be understood as a harbingerof his criticism of Roosevelt in the two books he penned after the war.35
A year later, the Beards coauthored A Basic History of the United States,in which they criticized Roosevelt’s foreign policy after the “quarantine”
address of 1937 that had indirectly condemned the opening of the SinoJapanese War by Japan. They were especially concerned about how theUnited States allowed Japan to make an attack on Pearl Harbor.36 Takagi
and others made sure that the three books were translated into Japanese
after the war ended.
The Beards were critical of Japan’s “ruthless militarists” who had takenover the government and precipitated war with the United States. But on
the question of Pearl Harbor, Charles was also preparing to write an article.
In September 1945, he published a short essay in which he hinted that“high authorities” in Washington seemed to have anticipated the Japanese
attack.37

III. Takagi and the Beards after the War
Maeda, one of the last Japanese to see Beard officially before the war,became the first postwar minister of education. Shortly after Maeda

134

Hiroo Nakajima

resigned from the post early in 1946, he received Charles Beard’s notethrough the United States Educational Commission to Japan in March.
Maeda wrote Beard requesting the renewal of their friendship. Beard
replied that it was his pleasure to renew their friendship. 38 Thus therelationship between the Beards and their Japanese acquaintances resumed.
Charles published American Foreign Policy in the Making, 1932–1940
in the summer of that year. The book was filled with quotations fromspeeches of Roosevelt and congressmen who had advocated keeping theUnited States out of war. There was not much analysis in the book. But
those quotations themselves implied that the president and Congress had
deceived the nation into entering the war.39
In February 1948, Maeda, as director of the Tokyo Bureau of Municipal
Research, invited Charles Beard to Japan for the third time to obtainadvice on the new home rule, a product of postwar reform. Beard replied
immediately: “Your kind letter of the 28th of February awakens pleasantmemories of the old days, more than twenty-five years ago, when I first
visited Japan, long before the great storm broke over the world. . . . I wish
that it were possible for me to return to Japan.” But this time, Beard, who
was nearly seventy-four, declined the invitation “with heart-felt regret”
because of his health.40
Beard’s last book, President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War,1941, appeared in April 1948.41 The book, which included the chapter“Maneuvering the Japanese into Firing the First Shot,” was not, however,received very favorably by the academic community in the UnitedStates. Criticizing Beard’s use of innuendo, Samuel Eliot Morison,eminent historian at Harvard University, confessed that he was tempted
to write, “Mr. Beard, whose favorable reception in Japan many years ago
predisposed him to favor that country rather than his own in 1941.” 42
He accused Beard of being disloyal to the United States. The Jefferson
historian Julian P. Boyd wrote Beard, “Samuel E. Morison joined thepack of wolves.”43 In a letter to Beard, Charles A. Lindbergh, who hadjoined the isolationist America First Committee, referred to “the recent
intolerance toward anything but pro-war and pro-Roosevelt administration
publications.”44 Now Charles Beard, who had occupied a place on thepolitical spectrum to the left, found himself in the strange position ofcomplimenting the “courageous” character of former Republican president
Herbert Hoover, who questioned the way Roosevelt led the nation into thewar.45
As critical reviews of President Roosevelt began to appear, Takagi inBeyond War

135

June 1948 wrote Beard for the first time in almost a decade: “Allow me totake the liberty of writing to you very suddenly after such long silence. .
. . I am still the occupant of the Hepburn Chair of American Constitution,
History and Diplomacy at this University, as I have been for the past
24 years.” Takagi wrote Beard about a project of translating his and his
wife’s American Spirit, one of the sequels to their widely read The Rise of
American Civilization published in 1927, into Japanese. In the letter, healso talked about the formation of the Association for American Studies,of which he was the first president: “An association for the coordinationof the ‘American Studies’ in this country, called ‘America Institute’ hasbeen organized,46 and publishing a journal the American Review, in which
I reviewed your Basic History, and Shigeharu Matsumoto The Republic.”47
The letter did not reach Beard’s home until November as it needed to beapproved by the Occupation authorities before being forwarded to theUnited States. Mary replied in the same month: “Your letter addressed
to my husband, Charles A. Beard, . . . would have given him pleasureand been answered by him if he had received it before he became very
ill late in July. . . . But Charles had died on September first.” Still, Marygave permission for the translation and wrote of the review as having“international value.”48
Takagi wrote back in May 1949: “I should consider it a great
privilege, if I could see you once more and ask for your advice about ourtranslation.”49 In the letter, he also mentioned Matsumoto, her “old friend,”of whom he was a mentor and who had admired Beard since their initial
meeting during his study in the United States in 1924–27. Matsumoto
was a well-known journalist with his exposé of the Xian incident of 1936,
by which Chiang Kai-shek was forced to temporarily reconcile with the
Chinese Communists in order to confront Japanese aggression. His firstarticle was published in The Nation alongside Beard’s “War with Japan”
when he was in the United States. In the article, Beard contended that
China was the focus of Japanese-American rivalry. It was clearly stampedon Matsumoto’s memory.50 Takagi visited Mary Beard at her home in thesummer to share with her his memories of Charles. “I cannot tell you how
deeply I appreciated the privilege of being at your house,” he wrote after
he returned home.51 The fact that both Takagi and Mary Beard had bothrecently lost their spouses contributed to their mutual understanding. Marywrote Takagi about his wife: “I share your grief at her loss of a long lifeand your loss of her companionship.”52
Thenceforth Takagi and Mary Beard corresponded frequently about

136

Hiroo Nakajima

Charles Beard’s place in the postwar American academic community, thedevelopment of American Studies in Japan, and the translations of theBeards’ books. In the letter quoted above, Takagi wrote of books and thereprints of articles Mary had sent him: “I am particularly grateful, for they
will help me greatly, in re-considering my attitude to political scienceand re-orienting my future thinking.”53 In April 1950, Mary wrote about
Morison’s criticism and its aftermath: “Samuel Morison’s attack on Beard
has been followed by what is becoming almost a flood of books attempting
to dispose of him. The critics are like Morison upholders or defenders of
the Democratic administration.”54 In the fall of that year, Takagi sent Mary
the first volume of Genten Amerikashi that he called the “Documentary
History of American People” in his letters to her, which was a collectionof the translations of important documents with detailed notes. It would
become a six-volume documentary history as the product of the first phaseof the Japanese Association for American Studies. Takagi was electedhonorary member of the American Historical Association in 1965 becauseof this effort.55 In 1952 when the plan to found the International House ofJapan was in progress, Takagi told Mary a few times in his letters about itthat would become a center of intellectual exchange; it opened in Tokyo in
1955.
Also in 1952, Takagi asked detailed questions about the translation of
The American Spirit, and Mary sincerely tried to answer them.56 Alreadyin 1949, Matsumoto’s translation of the first half of The Republic waspublished in Japan. His translation of the second half appeared a year later.
The first volume of The Republic sold thirty thousand copies in Japan. The
first half of the Beards’ Basic History of the United States was also issued
in 1949 from Iwanami shoten, which became one of the most prestigious
publishing houses in postwar Japan. Matsumoto revised the translation andrepublished it with the original translator in 1954. He revised the originaltranslation of the second half and published it in 1956, too. The American
Spirit was also issued from Iwanami in 1954.57 Concerning Mary herself,
her Force of Women in Japanese History was translated by Kato Shizue,
Japan’s leading feminist activist/politician, whom she met in Japan andfrom whom she received the source material for the book before the war.
The English edition and the translation were concurrently issued in 1953.58
When Mary wrote of the ongoing translation in her letter to Takagi, sheemphasized, “War: The most terrible thing in the world to me!”59
The effect of the reunion of Takagi and Mary Beard after the war was
not limited to the reconfirmation of their personal friendship. It gave theBeyond War

137

younger generation of Japanese scholars an opportunity to inherit thelegacy of the Beards. Mary wrote late in 1950, “Your friends who havebeen studying, in the United States, college and university education will
be in New England week after next, Professor Saito writes me. I am happy
that they want to come to my home.” Thus Saito Makoto, Takagi’s student
who would succeed him in the Hepburn Chair and became the dean ofAmerican studies in Japan, and Nakaya Kenichi, who also became one of
the country’s leading historian of the United States, visited Mary during
the group tour of the United States.60 Mary introduced C. Vann Woodward,
one of the most influential historians of the American South, to Takagi
as “one of the best thinkers in the U.S. and a genuine scholar” when
he visited Japan as a lecturer at the third University of Tokyo-Stanford
University American Studies Seminar in summer 1953. “I shall be proud
to be the medium of his meeting you and S. Matsumoto,” she continued.61
Late in 1953, Howard K. Beale, professor at the University of
Wisconsin, wrote Yanaihara Tadao, president of the University of Tokyo,
to find someone in Japan to review the memorial volume of Beard that hehad edited. He wrote: “He spent some time in Japan thirty years ago andhas two or three books published in Japanese. We are most anxious to havethis book of essays about him reviewed in Japan.”62 Yanaihara probably
knew Beale from his three-month tour of colleges in the United States insummer 1951. Yanaihara, as dean of the College of Arts and Sciences, a
newly created college at the University of Tokyo, visited many colleges
during his travels.63 Beale asked Yanaihara if there was an appropriate
journal to review the book. Yanaihara referred the inquiry to Takagi,64
who knew Beale and whose son was then studying American history at
the University of Wisconsin. He might also have suggested that Beale
ask Takagi and Matsumoto to “talk it over and make a joint decision.”65
Takagi and Beale had been corresponding intimately in the postwar years.
In October 1951, Beale wrote, “Last winter your student Mr. Saito camewith a group of Japanese professors to the University of Wisconsin.” “Theywere interested in area studies,” he continued. Beale was “delighted tomake the acquaintance of a student and friend” of Takagi.66
Eventually, Takagi and political scientist Royama Masamichi reviewed
the Festschrift. Toward the end of the review, Takagi wondered why thebook barely mentioned Mary’s contributions and recalled his meeting with
her in his first postwar visit to the United States.67 Takagi did not knowthat there was a schism between the people involved in the publicationof the Festschrift and Mary concerning the “true” Charles A. Beard.

138

Hiroo Nakajima

Writing about the situation of Beale’s search for a publisher, the revisionist
historian Harry Elmer Barns sardonically wrote Curti, “Mary is a grand oldgal, but a g-d- nuisance when it comes to evaluating things written about
Uncle Charley.”68 In fact, Mary published The Making of Charles A. Bearda year after the publication of the memorial volume.
Another aspect of Beard and his work on which Takagi and Beale
seemed to disagree was the evaluation of The American Spirit. Beale
wrote in the Festschrift that it “was a thought-provoking undertaking,even though not entirely successful in execution.”69 Takagi asked Beale,“Why is it that you think ‘The American Spirit not entirely successful
in execution’ and not quite up to the level of his other works? (Mr. S.
Matsumoto and I, having just had its Japanese translation out, are perhaps
biased in its favor).” Beale answered as follows:
I am not certain I can justify my judgment that the American Spirit is
not entirely successful. The concept I thought a most interesting one.
It did not, however, hold my interest as most of Beard’s books have at
all times. It seemed somewhat tedious and not so clear-cut as Beard
usually was. . . . I believe my feeling is shared by a good many others
who like Beard in general, but find that volume less satisfying thanhis other volumes.70
Apart from differences in their attitudes toward Mary and theirevaluations of The American Spirit, Takagi and Beale shared an admiration
for Charles Beard. Beale wrote:
His appearance at a meeting of the Political Science Association [ofwhich Beard was a former president] gave great satisfaction both tohim [Beard] and to his friends. . . . The satisfaction arose from the factthat there had been great criticism of him because of his war books
and the enthusiastic welcome he received helped to heal wounds andto sooth the feelings of people who had once admired him but had
recently criticized him.71

Conclusion
The relationship between Takagi and the Beards continued for four
decades before and after the Pacific War. From the late 1930s to 1945,
their relationship was disrupted because of the Sino-Japanese War andBeyond War139

the Pacific War. The Beards were critical of Japanese imperialism anddecided not to entertain Japanese after the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese
War. But Charles contacted Takagi’s associate Maeda within a year of theend of the Pacific War and corresponded with Maeda thereafter. It may be
a cruel irony that Mary’s reply to Takagi’s first postwar letter to Charles
Beard reported the news of his death. Still, the date he died, September 1,
1948, was the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Kanto earthquake. Thus thedate of his death is especially memorable to Beard’s Japanese friends andacquaintances, because Beard had some part in Tokyo’s recovery from theearthquake.
Although Takagi’s wish to work with Charles Beard again did notmaterialize, he resumed his relationship with Mary and other associatesof Beard such as Beale. Takagi introduced Beard’s later works to Japandespite his declining reputation in postwar United States. Mary encouraged
Takagi and his associates who were working hard to reestablish American
Studies in Japan after the war. Thus the Wilsonian internationalism of the
1920s regained momentum in the postwar years, which testifies to thecontinuity of Japanese-American cultural relations. It is fortunate that
because Takagi’s relationship with the Beards resumed, Saito and Nakaya,
who would train many Japanese postwar-generation Americanists, hada chance to meet and be inspired by Mary Beard.72 In this sense, most
students of American Studies in Japan, this author included, are theintellectual descendants of Charles and Mary Beard.

Notes
This work was supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science, Grantsin-Aid for Scientific Research (Kakenhi) numbers 20530133 and 24530170.
John W. Dower, War without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (NewYork: Pantheon, 1986).
2
Japanese personal names are presented in Japanese form, that is, the family namefollowed by the first name. Exceptions are made in the case of Japanese authors ofEnglish works.
3
Yasaka Takagi, “War Aims of America,” Contemporary Japan 12 (December1943): 1563-81. See also his unpublished manuscript prepared for circulation in theJapanese Ministry of the Navy in October 1943, “Beikoku no sensō mokuteki nokōsatsu,” [An analysis of America’s war aims], in Takagi Yasaka chosakushū [Thecollected works of Takagi Yasaka], 5 vols., ed. American Studies Center, University ofTokyo (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1970–71), 2: 289–302.
4
Irie Akira [Akira Iriye], Nichi-Bei sensō [The Japanese-American War] (Tokyo:
Chūōkōronsha, 1978), 100–102, 150–51. Iriye acknowledged Takagi’s works on1

140

Hiroo Nakajima

Japanese-American relations in the book. Ibid., iii. See also Akira Iriye, Power andCulture: The Japanese-American War, 1941–1945 (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1982), 119–21. For similarities between Takagi and Iriye in the understandingof Japanese-American relations, see Tadashi Aruga, Amerikashi gairon [A survey of
American history] (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1987), 96.
5
Akira Iriye, Cultural Internationalism and World Order (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1997); Nakami Mari, “Taiheiyō mondai chōsakai to Nihon nochishikijin,” [The Institute of Pacific Relations and Japanese intellectuals], Shisō 728(February 1985): 106.
6
Tomoko Akami, Internationalizing the Pacific: The United States, Japan, and theInstitute of Pacific Relations in War and Peace, 1919–1945 (New York: Routledge,
2002), 7-8; Iriye, Culture and Power, 266–68.
7
Endo Yasuo, “Biādo fusai to 1920 nendai no Nihon,” [The Beards and Japan in
the 1920s], in Gendai Amerikazō no saikōchiku: Seiji to bunka no gendaishi [Thereconstruction of the modern American image: A modern history of politics andculture], ed. Honma Nagayo, Kamei Shunsuke, and Shinkawa Kenzaburō (Tokyo:
Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1990), 141–57.
8
Charles A. Beard to Merle Curti, 29 August 1946, 29 January 1947, box 4, folder
13, Merle Curti Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, WI (hereafterCurti Papers).
9
Michael R. Auslin, Pacific Cosmopolitans: A Cultural History of US-Japan
Relations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2011); Akami, Internationalizing the
Pacific; John David Davidann, Cultural Diplomacy in US-Japan Relations, 1919–1941(New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); Nichi-Bei Kyōkai, ed., Mō hitotsu no NichiBei kōryūshi [A different perspective on the history of Japanese-American exchange](Tokyo: Chūōkōronshinsha, 2012).
10
Tadashi Yamamoto, Akira Iriye, and Makoto Iokibe, eds., Philanthropy andReconciliation: Rebuilding Postwar US-Japan Relations (Tokyo: Japan Center forInternational Exchange, 2006); Takeshi Matsuda, Soft Power and Its Perils: US
Cultural Policy in Early Postwar Japan and Permanent Dependency (Washington,
DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2007); Tsuchiya Yuka, Shinbei Nihon no kōchiku:
Amerika no tainichi jōhō-kyōiku seisaku to Nihon senryō [Constructing a pro-US
Japan: US information and education policy and the occupation of Japan] (Tokyo:
Akashi shoten, 2009). See also Victoria Lyon Bestor, “Rockefeller Blueprint for
Postwar US-Japanese Cultural Relations and the Evolution of Japan’s Civil Sector,”in Globalization, Philanthropy, and Civil Society: Toward a New Political Culturein the Twenty-First Century, ed. Soma Hewa and Darwin H. Stapleton (New York:
Springer, 2005); and Fumiko Fujita, “US Cultural Diplomacy toward Japan during theCold War,” Amerika Taiheiyō kenkyū [Pacific and American Studies] 7 (2007): 62–76.
Although discussing Hollywood and baseball respectively, Hiroshi Kitamura, Screening
Enlightenment: Hollywood and the Cultural Reconstruction of Defeated Japan (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 2010) and Sayuri Guthrie-Shimizu, Transpacific Field ofDreams: How Baseball Linked the United States and Japan in Peace and War (Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012) share the same interest as expressed inthis article in the quick return of American culture to Japan after the war.
11
For Takagi’s biographical background, see Saito Makoto et al. eds., Amerika
seishin wo motomete: Takagi Yasaka no shōgai [In search of the American spirit: Thelife of Takagi Yasaka] (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1985). See also Okamura
Tadao, “Takagi Yasaka ni okeru Amerika to Nihon,” [Takagi Yasaka’s understanding ofBeyond War141

the United States and Japan], Amerika kenkyū [American review] 13 (1979): 126–44;
and Aruga Tadashi, “Takagi Yasaka ni okeru Amerika to Nihon,” [Takagi Yasaka’s
understanding of the United States and Japan], Kirisutokyō to shogaku 19 (2003):
123–37. For the Beards, see Howard K. Beale, ed., Charles A. Beard: An Appraisal(Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1954); Mary R. Beard, The Making ofCharles A. Beard (New York: Exposition, 1955); Ellen Nore, Charles A. Beard:
An Intellectual Biography (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1983);
Barbara K. Turoff, Mary Beard as Force in History, Monograph Series 3 (Dayton:
Wright State University, 1979); Nancy F. Cott, ed., A Woman Making History: Mary
Ritter Beard through her Letters (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991); and Ann
J. Lane, ed., Making Women’s History: The Essential Mary Ritter Beard (New York:
Feminist Press, 2000 [1977]). See also Bernard C. Borning, The Political and Social
Thought of Charles A. Beard (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1962); Richard
Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Harrington (New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1968); Thomas C. Kennedy, Charles A. Beard and American Foreign Policy(Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1975); Clyde W. Barrow, More Than a
Historian: The Political and Economic Thought of Charles A. Beard (New Brunswick:Transaction, 2000); and “Rekishika Chāruzu Bīado to Nihon,” [The historian Charles
Beard and Japan], a series of essays by Marumo Kyoko, Abe Naoya, and Kaimai Junin 2011 issues of the quarterly Kan. My essays “Chāruzu A. Biādo to Nichi-Bei kankei:
Kokusaishugi to koritsushugi,” [Charles A. Beard and Japanese-American Relations:Internationalism and Isolationism], Ex Oriente 15 (2008): 119–35 and “Chiteki kōryūni miru senzen, sengo shoki Nichi-Bei kankei no danzetsu to keizoku,” [The disruption
and continuity of prewar and early postwar Japanese-American relations seen in
intellectual exchange], in Nichi-Bei dōmeiron: Rekishi, kinō, shūhen shokoku no shiten[Essays on the Japanese-American alliance: The history, function, and perspectives ofsurrounding countries], ed. Takeuchi Toshitaka (Kyoto: Minerva shobō, 2011) partly
discuss the relationship between Takagi and Beard.
12
Tsurumi Yusuke, “Goto haku to Biādo hakase,” [Count Goto and Dr. Beard], Toshi
mondai 8 (June 1929): 143–56; Tsurumi Yusuke, Seiden Goto Shimpei [The biographyof Goto Shimpei], 8 vols. (Tokyo: Fujiwara shoten, 2004–6 [1937–38]), 7: 506–23;
Tokyo shisei chōsakai, ed., Chāruzu A. Bīado [Charles A. Beard] (Tokyo: Tokyo shisei
chōsakai, 1958), 27–36. See also Hirobe Izumi, “Nichi-Bei yūkō no dendōsha: Shidonī
Gyūrikku,” [The missionary of Japanese-American friendship: Sidney Gulick], Gaikō
Forum (January 2004): 88–91.
13Charles A. Beard, The Administration and Politics of Tokyo: A Survey andOpinions (New York: Macmillan, 1923).
14
Tsurumi, Biography, 8: 216–30, 387–93.
15
Mary Ritter Beard to Takagi Yasaka, 14 November 1948, folder 659, Takagi
Yasaka bunko [Takagi Yasaka collection], Center for Pacific and American Studies,
University of Tokyo (hereafter Takagi bunko). Takagi Yasaka bunko is in the process ofnumbering folders. In the case that the folder is not numbered, the file name is indicatedinstead. Concerning English spelling of Takagi, he wrote his name as “Takaki” when hecorresponded with the members of the IPR, and IPR documents also use “Takaki” (SeeAkami, Internationalizing the Pacific, 306, n. 44). Since, however, he wrote his nameas “Takagi” in his correspondence with the Beards, “Takagi” is used in this article.
16
Takagi was adopted by his maternal grandfather when he was sixteen. Saito et al.,Amerika, 192.
17
J. Franklin Jameson to James Bryce, 4 January 1922, Elizabeth Donnan and Leo

142

Hiroo Nakajima

F. Stock, eds., An Historian’s World: Selections from the Correspondence of John
Franklin Jameson (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1956), 265.
18
Saito et al., Amerika, 26-56.
19
Ibid., 70–73. The report was published as Japanese Studies in the Universities
and Colleges of the United States (Honolulu: Institute of Pacific Relations, 1935). It is
included in American Studies Center, Takagi, 5: 283–355.
20
Edward C. Carter to Quincy Wright, 11 December 1933, Sources Relating to IPR,
Takagi bunko, reel 17.
21Charles A. Beard, The Idea of National Interest: An Analytical Study in American
Foreign Policy (New York: Macmillan, 1934), 450, 513–14.
22
Charles A. Beard, The Open Door at Home: A Trial Philosophy of National Interest(New York: Macmillan, 1934), 258, 311–13.
23
Charles A. Beard, The Devil Theory of War: An Inquiry into the Nature of History
and the Possibility of Keeping Out of War (New York: Vanguard Press, 1936); Charles A.
Beard, Giddy Minds and Foreign Quarrels (New York: Macmillan, 1939).
24
Charles A. Beard, A Foreign Policy for America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1940).
25
Saito et al., Amerika, 70–71, 78–79. See also Akami, Internationalizing the
Pacific, 194–97; and Katagiri Yasuo, Taiyeiyō mondai chōsakai no kenkyū: Senkanki
Nihon IPR no katsudō wo chūshin toshite [A study of the Institute of Pacific Relations:
The activities of the Japanese Council of the IPR in the interwar years] (Tokyo: Keiōdaigaku shuppankai, 2003), 355–59.
26
Takagi to Charles A. Beard, 5 February 1939, folder 313, Takagi bunko.
27
Tokyo shisei chōsakai, Bīado, 6–7, 59–61; Takagi Yasaka, “Maeda Tamon san noomoide,” [The memory of Mr. Tamon Maeda], in Maeda Tamon: Sono bun, sono hito
[Tamon Maeda: His writings, his personality], rep. ed., Horikiri Zenjirō (Tokyo: n.p.,1963), 167–68; Saito et al., Amerika, 79.
28
Ibid., 82–88, 161–63. Takagi’s letters to Grew dated 26 September and 7 Octoberwere printed in American Studies Center, Takagi, 5: 90–101.
29
Iwanaga Kenkichirō, “Kaisetsu” [Commentary], in ibid., 2: 535; Saito et al.,Amerika, 91. See also Takagi Yasaka, Amerika (Tokyo: Meizen shobō, 1948).
30
Takagi, “War Aims of America.”
31
Saito et al., Amerika, 93–98.
32“Statement of Charles A. Beard,” Hearings before the Committee on Foreign
Relations, United States Senate, on S. 275, a Bill To Promote the Defense of the UnitedStates,77th Cong., 1st sess., 4 February, 1941, 307–17.
33
Kennedy, Beard, 105–6.
34
Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, The American Spirit: A Study of the Idea
of Civilization in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1942), chap. 10. The
quotations are from pages 550 and 574.
35
Charles A. Beard, The Republic: Conversations on Fundamentals (New York:Viking Press, 1943), 208.
36
Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, A Basic History of the United States (NewYork: Doubleday, 1944), 469.
37
Ibid., 467–68; Charles A. Beard, “Pearl Harbor: Challenge to the Republic,”
Progressive 9 (September 3, 1945): 1–2. See also Hofstadter, Progressive Historians,
342–43.
38
Tokyo shisei chōsakai, Bīado, 7, 61.
39Charles A. Beard, American Foreign Policy in the Making, 1932–1940: A Study inBeyond War

143

Responsibilities (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1946).
40
Maeda Tamon to Charles Beard, 23 February 1948, Beard, The Making of Beard,
69–71. The photograph of Beard’s reply to Maeda dated 7 March 1948 can be found inTokyo shisei chōsakai, Bīado.
41
Charles A. Beard, President Roosevelt and the Coming of the War, 1941: A Study inAppearances and Realities (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1948).
42
Samuel Eliot Morison, “Did Roosevelt Start the War? History through a Beard,”
Atlantic Monthly (August 1948), 91–97.
43
Julian P. Boyd to Charles Beard, 23 July 1948, Charles and Mary Beard Papers,
DC 572, folder 9, Roy O. West Library, DePauw University, Greencastle, IN (hereafter
cited as Beard Papers).
44
Charles A. Lindbergh to Charles Beard, 21 August 1948, ibid., DC 1021, folder
18a.
45
See Hofstadter, Progressive Historians, 340–43. See also John Hoff Wilson,“Herbert Hoover’s Plan for Ending the Second World War,” International History
Review 1 (January 1979): 84–102; and Haruo Iguchi, Ayukawa Yoshisuke to keizaiteki
kokusaishugi: Manshū mondai kara sengo Nichi-Bei kankei he [Ayukawa Yoshisukeand economic internationalism: From the Manchuria problem to postwar JapaneseAmerican relations] (Nagoya: Nagoya daigaku shuppankai, 2012), 280–81.
46
Takagi used the “America Institute” and the “Association for American Studies”
interchangeably. Takagi to Jewell Martin, n.d., Beard Papers, DC 1579, folder 11. The
Association for American Studies, organized in 1947 and reorganized in 1967, took
over a part of the activities of the Institute for American Studies at Rikkyo University,
which had been originally established in 1939 as the first institute for American Studies
in Japan and reestablished in 1946. The association continued publishing Amerika
bunka (American culture) that had been issued from the institute. Amerika bunka wasshortly succeeded by the monthly Amerika kenkyū (American review). See Saito et al.,Amerika, 110.
47
Takagi to Charles Beard, 29 June 1948, Takagi bunko, folder 659.
48
Mary Beard to Takagi, 14 November 1948, ibid.
49
Takagi to Mary Beard, 16 May 1949, ibid.
50
Matsumoto Shigeharu, “The New Labor Movement in Japan,” Nation (March
25, 1923), 313; Charles A. Beard, “War with Japan: What Shall We Make Out of it?”Nation (March 25, 1923), 311–13. See also Matsumoto Shigeharu, Waga kokoro no
jijoden [The autobiography of my mind](Tokyo: Kodansha, 1992), 68–70, 115–18.
51
Takagi to Mary Beard, 10 September 1949, Beard Papers, DC 1579, folder 11.
52
Mary Beard to Takagi, 14 November 1948, Takagi bunko, folder 659.
53
Takagi to Mary Beard, 10 September 1949, Beard Papers, DC 1579, folder 11.
54
Mary Beard to Takagi, 7 April 1950, Takagi bunko, Mary R. Beard file.
55
Takagi to Mary Beard, 28 October 1950, ibid.; Takagi to Mary Beard, 27 March
1952, Beard Papers, DC 1579, folder 11. See also Saito et al., Amerika, 110–11.
56
Takagi to Mary Beard, 27 March, 18 September 1952, Beard Papers, DC 1579,
folder 11; Mary Beard to Takagi, 5 October 1952, ibid.
57
Chārusu A. Bīado [Charles A. Beard], Kyōwakoku, trans. Matsumoto Shigeharu, 2vols. (Tokyo: Shakai shisōshi kenkyūkai shuppanbu, 1949–50); Chārusu A. Biādo andMeari R. Biādo [Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard], Amerika gasshūkokushi, trans.
Kishimura Kinjirō (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1949); Chārusu A. Biādo and Meari R.
Biādo, Amerika gasshūkokushi, trans. Kishimura Kinjirō and Matsumoto Shigeharu,
2 vols. (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1954–56); C. A. Bīado and M. R. Bīado [C. A. Beard

144

Hiroo Nakajima

and M. R. Beard], Amerika seishin no rekish, trans. Takagi Yasaka and Matsumoto
Shigeharu (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1954). For the figure on sales of The Republic, see
Beale, Beard, 310, n. 17.
58
Mary R. Beard, The Force of Women in Japanese History (Washington, DC: Public
Affairs Press, 1953); Merī R. Biādo [Mary R. Beard], Nihon joseishi, trans. Kato Shizue(Tokyo: Kawade shobō, 1953). For the relationship between Mary Beard and Japan’s
women activists, see Endo, “Beādo fusai.” See also Cott, Woman for her relationshipwith Kato and the publication of the book in the United States.
59
Mary Beard to Takagi, 19 November 1951, Takagi bunko, Mary R. Beard file.
60
Mary Beard to Takagi, 3 December 1950, ibid. See also Saito Makoto sensei nikiku [Interviews with Professor Saito Makoto], American Studies in Japan, Oral History
Series 28 (Tokyo: Center for American Studies, University of Tokyo, 1991), 34.
61
Mary Beard to Takagi, 6 June 1953, Beard Papers, DC 1579, folder 11.
62
Howard K. Beale to Yanaihara Tadao, 19 November 1953, Takagi bunko, Howard
K. Beale file. The book is Beale, Beard.
63
Kamosita Shigehiko et al., eds., Yanaihara Tadao (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku
shuppankai, 2011), 305, 309. See also Yanaihara Tadao, “Amherst College hōmonki,”[The memoirs of my visit to Amherst College], in Yanaihara Tadao zenshū [Thecomplete works of Yanaihara Tadao], ed. Agei Katsumi et al., 29 vols. (Tokyo: Iwanami
shoten, 1963–64), 24: 449–66.
64
Yanaihara to Takagi, 25 November 1953, Takagi bunko, Beale file.
65
Beale to Takagi, 7 December 1953, ibid.
66
Beale to Takagi, 11 October 1951, ibid.
67
Takagi Yasaka, “Bīru hen ‘Chārusu A. Biādo hyōron’ shōkai,” [Introduction to
Beale, ed., Charles A. Beard: An Appraisal], Kokka gakkai zasshi [Journal of the
Association of Political and Social Sciences] 68 (February 1954): 118–32; Royama
Masamichi, “Chāruzu A. Bīado,” [Charles A. Beard], Nenpō seijigaku [Annuals ofJapanese Political Science Association] (1955), 138–45.
68
Harry Elmer Barns to Merle Curti, 14 September, 24 October, and 29 November
1950, and 5 June 1951, Curti Papers, box 3, folder 10. Quotation is from 14 September
letter. For Mary’s contribution in their coauthorship, see Cott, Woman, 3–4.
69
Howard K. Beale, “Charles Beard: Historian,” in Beale, Beard, 131.
70
Takagi to Beale, 21 August 1954, Takagi bunko, Beale file; Beale to Takagi, 8November 1954, ibid.
71
Beale to Takagi, 8 November 1954, ibid.
72
Saito Makoto sensei ni kiku, 34; Nakaya Kenichi sensei ni kiku [Interviews withProfessor Nakaya Kenichi], American Studies in Japan, Oral History Series 4 (Tokyo:
Center for American Studies, University of Tokyo, 1978), 26–27.