2

Namako and iriko
Historical overview on holothuria (seacucumber) exploitation, utilization,and trade in Japan
Akamine Jun

Growing concern over environmental protection has caused some unease about
the extinction of certain food cultures in the world. Whale, for example, hasbeen consumed by the Japanese for centuries but whaling is currently limited
only to that carried out for scientific purposes or small-scale coastal whaling.
From an eco-political perspective, three viewpoints concerning the whaling
issue should be pointed out (Akimichi 1994). First, whale is a general term thatcovers more than seventy species of which only some species are in danger ofextinction. Therefore, discussion on biodiversity conservation has to be species
specific. Second, whale must not be considered only as a food resource. In
Japan, it has been utilized in many ways as non-edible resources: its flexible
baleen has been used in traditional puppet shows as well as a fishing tool; whale
oil has been used for insect repellent in rice fields; and bone meal has been used
for fertilizer. The users of these by-products do not always live in whaling
communities. Indeed, most of them live inland but still utilize whale byproducts. Third, the Japanese not only make good use of the entire whale, theyalso worship the whale as a symbol of good luck for all kinds of fishing. Japanese people appreciate their existence and pray for the ever-lasting symbiotic
relationship between men and whales. Thus, each whaling community worships
the whale’s soul at temples and shrines. Evidence for this can be seen in the
many tombs for whales on the Japanese Archipelago. A total ban on whaling
would destroy the whalers’ cultural and religious system in Japan.
The whaling issue in Japan, thus, cannot be properly understood simply fromthe black and white viewpoint of whether to protect them or not. Nevertheless, it
may be reasonable to manage highly migratory marine resources such as whale
and tuna among stakeholder nations, because no country can claim them as theirown resource. On this ground, I appreciate the efforts of the International
Whaling Commission (IWC) and other international organizations to conserve
pelagic marine resources. However, international intervention may not be suitable for management of all kinds of marine species, especially for demersal or
benthic species which are used almost exclusively by coastal people. Trepang,also known as beche-de-mer or dried holothurian, is a good example for examination since (1) it is a benthic animal which lives nearshore that is usually
managed by the local residence; (2) it has been used for the last several hundred

24

Akamine Jun

years by the coastal people; and (3) the USA, in the twelfth Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) meeting in November 2002
(CITES n.d., CoP12 Doc. 45),1 proposed that the international holothurian trade
be controlled or banned.
As I will discuss later, the trepang market is almost exclusive to Chinese
dietary culture.2 It has been a part of the Chinese cuisine for, at least, 400 years.
Trepang has been a major export commodity from Japan and Southeast Asia to
China for at least 300 years; however, it has never been a static industry and has
experienced changes throughout its history. The major change is the globalization of the production sites. For example, trepang is, nowadays, produced andexported to almost everywhere around the globe; in particular, Hong Kong
imported trepang from at least fifty-five countries and regions in 2004 (HongKong 2005). Interestingly, most local producers do not consume trepang themselves. It has been developed as an export-oriented commodity from the beginning. In other words, the fisherman harvests trepang not for subsistence butsolely for commercial purposes, regardless of a fishery’s size, equipment, andcapital. This is one characteristic of the holothurian fishery industry. The second
characteristic of trepang is its high commercial value. In Japan, although pricesof other types of fish remain low under deflation, trepang is one of the few itemswith its price going up. This is simply because of the expansion of the Chinese
market as a result of its active economy; and is why international pressure on
holothurian conservation is mounting.
CITES excludes cultured species from its jurisdiction and the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations encourages culturingholothurian. However, culturing holothurian has several problems, including
species availability and cost (Lovatelli et al. 2004). First, the only species currently being cultured is the temperate spiky Stichopus japonicus in Northern
China. Yet, not all trepang species are equally consumed in China. Strong local
favourites exist. For example, Northern Chinese prefer S. japonicus, while
Southern Chinese prefer tropical non-spiky species such as Holothuria scabraand H. fuscogilva. Since cultivation of the tropical species is still in the experimental stage, aquaculture of the temperate spiky species cannot fill the demandof the consumer in Southern China. Even the Northern Chinese preference forthe spiky S. japonicus is for that only produced in Northern Japan. Therefore
even if Northern China were able to culture enough volume of S. japonicus, theproblem would remain.
Second, holothurian cultivation is a capital intense enterprise. Therefore, the
CITES agreement will leave a small but relatively rich group of holothurian cultivators unscathed, but will surely threaten coastal societies worldwide which
depend on holothurian fisheries. Thus, the CITES decision may not only damage
the coastal village economy and fishery cultures in the world, it may also affectthe dietary culture of the Chinese, which appreciates trepang dishes.
Before banning trepang trade worldwide, we need to investigate diversity in‘trepang culture’ around the world. In order to better understand the structure of
the industry, especially between Chinese consumers and producers from otherNamako and iriko

25

countries, it is necessary to look at the historical development of the industry:
how it expanded and how the neighbouring countries were involved. To thisend, Japan is probably the best case to examine because the Japanese haveexported trepang to China for at least the last 300 years and the history of the
trade can be traced systematically. Price of the dried Japanese holothurian has
been rising. In addition, Japan has been practicing communal resource management for a long time and it is highly appreciated (Feeny et al. 1990).
How could Japan produce trepang for such a long time? How were theholothurian resources exploited? What is the fisheries system in Japan? To
explore these questions, this chapter will briefly introduce: (1) the history of thetrepang industry in Japan; (2) fisheries regulations regarding resource management; and (3) efforts to manage holothurian resources by local fisheries cooperative associations in the Rishiri district, Northern Hokkaido, where people dependon the stationary coastal resources such as sea urchin, kelp, and holothurian.3

History of the trepang industry in Japan
Just when trepang became popular in China is controversial. Conand (1990: 14)
simply noted that more than a thousand years ago, the Chinese started seeking
trepang in Indian, Indonesian, and Philippine waters. However, from socioeconomic and historical viewpoints, we need more accurate and precise information about the trepang industry and its development because first, Chinese trepang
culinary culture has involved neighboring maritime peoples; and second, most of
the producers, except Japanese and possibly the Koreans, do not eat trepang, butthey began to produce trepang only to meet demand from other nations.
Although it is difficult to provide historical evidence on exactly when the
trepang culinary culture began, it is reasonable to assume that the popularity of
trepang increased in China around the sixteenth to seventeenth centuries. Thisidea is supported by Chinese literature and evidence of trepang trade occurring
between China and neighbouring nations. First, in Chinese literature, the earliest
record about trepang as food is said to come from a book called Wuzashu or
Miscellanies of Five Items written by Xie Zhaozhi in 1602 (the late Ming
period).4 In this book, it is explained that trepang mildly invigorates the body ofman, similar to ‘ginseng’, which is the reason it is called ‘hai-shen (seaginseng)’ (Dai 2002: 21–23). From descriptions in Wuzashu, we can assume thateating trepang became popular in China at the end of the sixteenth century.5
The second piece of evidence which supports the above supposition would berecords of trepang trade between China and neighbouring countries; one suchcountry was Japan. In the Edo period (Tokugawa period, 1601–1867) the
Shogunate government controlled all foreign trade. It was in 1698 that
the Japanese officially began exporting trepang, called iri-ko in Japanese, to the
Qing dynasty in exchange for Chinese silk and medicines.6 During the same
period, trepang, harvested from tropical waters, was also one of the important
trade items that European countries brought into China in exchange for tea, silk,and porcelains.7

26

Akamine Jun

Japan started producing trepang as early as the eighth century. It was used asa kind of tax to the ruler, though it is not clear how it was cooked and consumed
in those days. In this sense, it was different from other neighbouring trepang
producers such as the Philippines and the Pacific Islands, where people had
never produced trepang for their own consumption. In other words, Japan
already had the know-how for producing trepang when China’s market
expanded in the late sixteenth century. However, this does not mean that Japan
simply exported surplus trepang out of its domestic market. The Tokugawa
feudal government not only encouraged coastal people in the existing maritime
communities to produce more trepang for export but also encouraged newly
opened Hokkaido, in the northern most part of the Japanese Archipelago, to be amajor trepang production site for export purposes. The reason Hokkaido waschosen for the major production site was two-fold. First, the cultural minority,
the Ainu, who lived in Hokkaido provided a source of labor for trepang production (the Ainu were often forced into such work). Second, trepang produced in
Hokkaido had more spikes than those from elsewhere in Japan, a factor highly
appreciated by the Chinese.
Under Tokugawa’s trade regulations, trepang had to be gathered in Nagasaki,
an official trading port, and classified into ten categories depending on its quality
and size.8 Figure 2.1 illustrates the trend of trepang exports from Japan in theseventeenth and eighteenth centuries based on Catalogue of Imports and Exports
in Chinese Trades (Nagazumi 1987).9 Although the catalogue is not complete, it
can greatly contribute to reconstructing a picture of Sino-Japanese trade. There
Volume (MT)
600
500
400
300
200

1821

1816

1811

1806

1801

1796

1791

1786

1781

1776

1771

1766

1761

0

1756

100

Figure 2.1 Trepang export from Japan 1756–1823 (compiled from Nagazumi 1987).
Note
Q is indicated by metric ton and mean value JPY/kg.

Namako and iriko
900

900
Volume (MT)Mean value(yen/kg)

800
700

800
700

100

100

0

0

1905

200

1903

200

1901

300

1899

300

1897

400

1895

400

1893

500

1891

500

1889

600

1887

600

JPY/kgMT

27

Figure 2.2 Volume and mean value of trepang production in Japan 1887–1906(compiled by the author from the statistics of the Ministry of Agriculture
and Trade [1889–1909]).

is no doubt that a considerable amount of trepang was exported every year, but
only the number of straw bags, known as ‘hyo’ and not actual volume, wasmarked on the original record. This is the reason it is impossible to draw a bar in
Figure 2.1.10
In 1763, the volume exported reached 317 tons. This was the year whenimports of gold and silver from China to Japan began. Since the Tokugawa
government did not have sufficient copper in exchange, more trepang wasneeded for trading with China. In 1785, the year the Tokugawa government
began to operate directly by appointing contractors throughout the archipelago
to collect trepang, exports reached 371 tons (Arai 1975). Thereafter production
continued to increase and exports reached a record high of 487 tons in 1805.
Tokugawa’s monopoly in the trepang trade lasted until 1865, after which,European traders came into this trade together with Chinese traders. Two years
later, Japan experienced the Meiji Restoration and free trade was encouraged. In
the Meiji Government, trepang continued to be one of the major profitable commodities. This, in particular, encouraged the Government to open more fisherygrounds in parallel with the inland cultivation in the Hokkaido area. Hakodate insouthern Hokkaido, in addition to Nagasaki, became one of the leading trading
entrepôts for the Japanese trepang trade. Though the trepang in Hokkaido iscomparatively small, they have thick spiny bodies which are highly appreciatedby the Chinese market, especially people in northern China. Thus, trepang produced in Hokkaido became important and Hakodate played an important role in
the trepang trade.
Unfortunately, no concrete trade statistics of trepang exports after the Meiji
period are available.11 We have only trepang production statistics from 1887 to28 Akamine Jun
14,000Volume (MT)12,00010,000
8,000
6,000
4,000

1999

1994

1989

1984

1979

1974

1969

1964

1959

1954

1949

1944

1939

1934

1929

1924

1919

1914

1909

1904

1899

0

1894

2,000

Figure 2.3 Holothurian catch in Japan 1894–2000 (compiled by the author from the statistics of the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries [1950–2002]).

1906 as shown in Figure 2.2. According to Figure 2.2, an average of 435 tons
per year was produced during that period, which is more than the highest recordin the Tokugawa period. Since there was little domestic trepang demand inJapan, it is reasonable to interpret that almost all of it was exported. On the other
hand, we have conclusive holothurian landing statistics as shown in Figure 2.3.
In 1968, holothurian landings marked a peak of 13,023 tons, while a low of
5,996 tons was recorded in 1993. After 1993, the holothurian catch became
stable at the 6,000 tons level. Two possible reasons for the recovery of landings
are, first, due to aging fisheries populations, forage pressure may havedecreased, and second, holothurian fisheries are well managed under the current
fisheries policy. This policy will be examined in the next section.

Fisheries law system in Japan12
To understand Japanese holothurian fisheries, it is necessary to explore the fisheries system regulated under fisheries law since 1949. The basic principle of thelaw is to maintain order in fisheries through adopting the ‘fishery rights’ system
for fisheries that are strongly fixed in coastal waters, and adopting the ‘fisherypermit’ systems for fisheries that are highly mobile in offshore waters. In addition, the law directs that decision-making concerning important matters be
administrated by fishery adjustment agencies such as Fishery Adjustment Commissions (FAC), which are mainly composed of fishery operators and fishery
employees.
Fishery rights
In order to maintain order and adjust fishery operations among operators, asystem of fishery rights over the public waters has been established. The fisheryNamako and iriko

29

right, controlled by prefectural governors, allows certain fisheries to be operated
exclusively in given waters.13 Only local fishery cooperative associations are eligible for the right. To regulate the application and the exercise of this right, local
fishery cooperatives have pre-determined regulations for exercising fisheryrights, i.e. target species, fishing seasons, and the method of catching. They also
oversee the fishing activities conducted by individual members. The ‘fisheryrights’ can be divided into three categories: common fishery, fixed (set-net)
fishery, and demarcated fishery (aquaculture). The first category is further classified to three types: (1) a fishery operated to gather or take seaweed; (2) a fisheryoperated to gather or take shellfish, or (3) a fishery operated to gather or take thestationary aquatic animals and designated by the Minister of Agriculture,
Forestry, and Fisheries. The holothurian is one of the animals designated to thethird category. Thus, no one can gather holothurian without a fishing right in thegiven waters.
Fishery permits
Certain types of fisheries may not operate without a fishery permit. A fisherypermit is different from a fishery right. Issuing the permit means an administrative action to lift the prohibition in a specific case is required, and in generalfishery is prohibited in order to conserve marine stocks. There are numerous
types of fisheries, and at present almost all important fishing types require afishery permit. There are two types of permits: those issued by the Minister ofAgriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries and those issued by the prefectural governor.14 The latter type, called a ‘Governor Permitted Fishery (GPF)’, observes theregulations of each prefecture. Small-scale trawl fisheries that employ a powered
vessel of less than fifteen gross tons are regulated under the GPF. Dredge net
fishery for holothurian also falls under this category. The GPF is valid for ten
years. To renew the GPF, the fishery is required to discuss with the prefectural
government the fishing-ground plan. For conservation reasons, it is more difficult to apply for new permits than for renewal of old permits.
Fishery adjustment system
There are two types of fishery adjustment commissions: the Sea-area Fishery
Adjustment Commission (SFAC) and the Broad-area Fishery Adjustment Commission (BFAC). Taking fishery conditions into consideration, the Minister ofAgriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries divides the sea into sixty-six sea-areas
across the nation. In principle, an SFAC is set up for each sea-area in each prefecture and is under the authority of the prefectural governor. Each sea-area is aunit for fishery adjustment and therefore, fishery management. The SFAC isgenerally composed of fifteen commissioners. Of the commissioners, nine
members are to be elected from fishermen through official election, and six (fouracademics with fishery expertise and two persons representing the public interests) are to be appointed by the governor. The SFAC plays an advisory role and30 Akamine Jun
all matters handled by the administrative agency in regard to fishery rights andpermits must not be implemented until after consulting the SFAC. As for the
GPF, each prefectural fishery adjustment regulation provides that a governor has
to consult with the SFAC before granting a permit. In addition, the SFAC has
the authority to make decisions concerning the arbitration, instruction and authorization of the permit.
To conclude this section, according to the observed Fisheries Law in Japan,
regardless of commercial or self-consumption purposes, no one, without fishingrights, can freely collect holothurian because the animal is designated as a
species regulated by common fishery rights. Even if one has the fishing right,
they can fish only by using hooks, clips and twists, or by diving. Those whowish to fish holothurian with dredge nets have to apply to the prefectural governor for a permit because the dredge net fishery is designated as a GPF. Thus, theprefectural governor, together with the SFAC, plays an important role inresource management especially for holothurian fisheries in Japan.

Holothurian fisheries in Japan
In Japan, fresh holothurian is generally called nama-ko while the dried form,
trepang, is called iri-ko. Apart from species found in subtropical waters in
Okinawa, the most common species in the Japanese Archipelago is S. japonicus.
In his classic study, Choe noted two other holothurians that are commerciallyharvested in the temperate waters around the archipelago. These are Parastichopus nigripunctatus, called oki-ko, the offshore holothurian, and Cucumariajaponica called kin-ko, the golden holothurian (Choe 1963: 1). However, I
understand that these two species currently are rarely harvested and thus only asmall quantity is processed.15 In the following discussion, holothurian or trepang
refers only to S. japonicus.
Until the nineteenth century, well-off Japanese often ate trepang but this iscurrently not the case.16 On the other hand, in the domestic market, holothurian
is commonly consumed as raw in slices soaked in a mixture of vinegar and soy
sauce. For contemporary Japanese, holothurian is a seasonal delicacy preferred
only in winter, especially during the winter solstice and the New Year, since it isbelieved that body temperature rises after consuming holothurian. The bodycolour of S. japonicus varies from red to green to black. For raw consumption,
the red one is preferred and its price is almost double that of the green and black
varieties.17 Most of the processors, therefore, prefer to process the green andblack ones into dry product.

An example of a fishery organization: Semposhi Fisheries
Cooperative Association, Northern Hokkaido
Rishiri is a small island lying at the northern tip of Hokkaido. The island has twomunicipalities: Rishiri Town and Rishiri Fuji Town. Field research was conducted in the Rishiri Town Municipality in July 2003 and July 2004. Rishiri

Namako and iriko

31

Town currently has a population of about 3,000, of which 400 are engaged infishing. Apart from holothurian, Rishiri is famous for kombu/kelp (Laminariaochotensis Miyabe), sea urchin (Strongylocentrotus intermedius and S. nudus),
octopus, and Atka mackerel (Pleurogrammus azonus) fisheries.18 Most of thefishermen are engaged in small-scale kelp and sea urchin fisheries that takes
place nearshore, only in summer.
There are two fishery cooperative associations in Rishiri Town: Semposhi
Fisheries Cooperative Association (SFCA) and Kutsugata Fisheries Cooperative
Association (KFCA). Their fisheries are governed by the Soya SFAC (SSFAC).
A S. japonicus fishery is classified into the following four types according to thefishing gear used and the methods employed: (1) dredge net fishery, (2) hookfishery, (3) clip and twist fishery, or (4) diving. Spear and dart fishery is notcommon because of the damage inflicted on the holothurian body by the tools
are employed. Most of the catch is by dredge net fishery. For instance, in theSFCA, more than 98 percent of the catch is from dredge net fishing. In July
2003, eleven dredge net operations were permitted.
In the Semposhi district, dredge net fishing was once very common and thefishermen processed their catch into trepang themselves. However dredge net
fishing had stopped by the end of World War II. It became active again in 1982
with three fishing vessels being employed. The reason for the revival was coincidental. The municipality tried to transplant deep-sea sea urchin collection by
dredge net to the shallow waters. During the experiment, holothurian was discovered in abundance. The municipality thus subsidized dredge net fishing. This
was the beginning of the current holothurian dredge net fishing in SFCA.
Dredge net fishing is conducted in waters forty to fifty meters deep because
there are fewer holothurian in shallow waters. The closed season for holothurian
fishing is regulated under SSFAC. In the case of the Rishiri district, holothurian
fishing is not allowed from 1 May to 15 June, since this period is thought to be aspawning season. Following SSFAC’s regulations, the SFCA divides the fishing
period into spring (March and April) and summer (end of June and July) periods
with a break between 1 May to 15 June.

Resource management at SFCA
The SFCA practices an integrated resource management program that combinesseveral management tools such as size limit, quota limit, closed season. In 1990,
the SFCA decided that holothurian under 130 g should be released. The reason isthat undersized holothurian was not profitable because the trepang processors
would under-price the catches. Though there were no trepang factories on
Rishiri Island, the islanders fished holothurian for trepang processing purposesand earned their living by selling to the trepang processors located on mainland
Hokkaido.
As mentioned earlier, Japanese prefer to eat raw holothurian only in winter;thus catches at SFCA would be out of season. There is little demand even in the
big cities in spring and summer. Therefore, their catch has to be dried into

32

Akamine Jun

trepang, which helps to introduce the size limit practice. According to an SFCA
marketing officer, if 95 per cent of the weight is lost when trepang is processed,
then, 130 g of holothurian becomes 5 to 6 g of trepang. This means there areabout 100 to 120 pieces for 600 g (‘kin’ in traditional Chinese volume unit) andthis size is considered the minimum in the Chinese market.19 The market prices
are very low below this size so it is reasonable to introduce a size limit under
130 g.
From 1999, the SFCA voluntarily limited their catches to not more than fifty
tons a year. The reason for the quota is economical rather than scientific. At thattime, there were ten vessels engaged in dredge net fishing and they discussed
what quota was reasonable for the operators.20 The result was five tons per
vessel per one season. The quota limit may be raised or lowered if the situation
changes. According to the SFCA personnel, fishermen are aware thatholothurian demand remains steady, so they try to maintain the current level ofcatches. This is because in Hokkaido, generally fishermen had learned hard
lessons in previous years from abalone and sea urchin fishery. They rushed forthem and exploited the resources entirely. Therefore they would like to maintainthe current level of landings even though their annual income may be reduced.21
The dredge net fishermen have long felt that the spawning season should be
different from what the SSFAC had ordained. In 2001, they co-worked withextension officers on the research of the spawning season in their district. The
result was that the period from the end of July to August would be the spawningseason. Based on the research results (Rishiri District Fisheries Extension Office2001), the SFCA applied to the SSFAC for changing of the closure period ofholothurian fishing from 20 July until the end of September. The proposal is still
being examined by the SSFAC. If the application is approved, the SFCA will
begin fishing holothurian from the beginning of March to the day the total catch
reaches fifty tons.
According to the SFCA, they are not sure what are the best measured to
implement for resource conservation. However, they are eager to put into action
any worthwhile suggestions that would benefit the environment. The SFCA
wants to enhance the stock of holothurian juveniles but they are not able to get
surplus fries. They asked several fishery experimental agencies, both governmental and private, even some beyond prefectural boundaries, but none of them
yet produces enough fries to enhance the supply. The SFCA is eager toexchange ideas and learn more from other fishery associations and organizations. In January 2001, representatives from holothurian fishermen from the
SFCA visited the Aomori City Fisheries Experimental Station and other fisheries
associations in Aomori Prefecture to exchange ideas about resource conservation. There, they learned that starfish are considered a natural enemy of the sea
cucumber and they ordered starfish caught by dredge nets not be thrown backinto the sea.

Namako and iriko

33

Conclusion
The dredge net fishermen do not rely solely on holothurian at the SFCA. Most ofthem engage in kombu kelp and sea urchin fishing when it is in season. Somework part-time as carpenters and construction workers as well. For better
resource management, it is important to allow multiple usage of marine
resources. Reading the market and multiple usage of waters and marine
resources are keys to holothurian resource management. The SFCA is good atreading the market as evidenced in the size limit imposed on S. japonicus. In
addition, the SFCA assessed the profit level and concluded that only larger fish
should be caught. SFCA totally closed abalone fishing in 2003 until today forresource conservation. In 2002, they opened abalone fishing only twice andfound that the abalone were too small. The SFCA, therefore, decided to close
abalone fishing until the abalone grew large and profitable enough. Sea urchinfishing is another example of reading the market. Even during the sea urchinfishing season, the SFCA does not allow its members to fish sea urchin everyday. Reading the market price, the SFCA decides when to fish and what to fish,
either Strongylocentrotus intermedius or S. nudus. If the market is low, they ban
sea urchin fishing even though the weather is suitable for fishing.
The SFCA has successfully managed the stationary coastal resources so far.
However, the situation is changing. For example, the small specimen of trepang
under 5 g is now marketable in China. This is mainly because of changes in
Chinese consumption habits. Traditionally, the Chinese cut a large specimen
into pieces and guests shared the food served on a big plate. However, with therecent fashionable trends, some call it nouvelle chinoise, each person is served
one whole specimen served on a small individual plate. The result is the smaller
specimen is valued more highly and fetches a higher price than the larger specimens. The SFCA is aware of this trend but they decided to continue the 130
gram regulation to ensure the sustainable use of the resources.
However, not all fisheries cooperative associations act as the SFCA. Some
fisheries cooperative associations in Hokkaido have no size limit, exporting notless than one gram dried specimen. According to one trepang importer in Hong
Kong, starting in 2005, he began to receive specimens of around 2.4 g, something which had never happen before. He was worried about resource depletion.
According to him, the experienced fisheries cooperative association, that haslong been dependent on trepang, knows how to manage the resources, but thefisheries cooperative associations, which had recently began trepang fishing, did
not care about sustainability. He requested the Japanese government take action
against over-fishing.
However, since the spirit of the post-war fishery reform is democracy anddecentralization, each fisheries cooperative association has to consider their own
resources utilizations in consultancy with the SFAC. Also, situations are different from region to region and country to country, meaning it may be unrealistic
to establish holistic or comprehensive regulations for resource management. The
problem lies in how to set up a division of management similar to the Japanese34 Akamine Jun
SFAC, and how to take into consideration the regional historical characteristics
while planning resource management. Toward this end, we have to understandthe diversity of ecology, culture, and human beings.

Acknowledgments
This research was partly supported by the Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Researchfrom the Japanese Society for Promotion of Sciences. The title of the grant is‘Ethno-networks in Holothurian Fishing and Trepang Production’ (#14710221).
I would like to thank Nishiya Eiji of Rishiri Municipal Museum and Yonewaki
Hiroshi of Semposhi Fisheries Cooperative Association who greatly helped myresearch in Rishiri Municipality in 2003, 2004, and 2005. I would also like tothank Mark Rebuck of Nagoya City University who gave me technical assistance.

Notes
1 The present chapter uses the term ‘holothurian’ for fresh animals and ‘trepang’ fordried holothurian products. CITES is an international agreement between Governments. Its aim is to ensure that international trade in specimens of wild animals andplants does not threaten their survival (CITES n.d.). The CITES held an expert
meeting on holothurian trade in March 2004 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia and I had an
opportunity to attend the meeting.
2 Technically speaking, it is not totally for exportation, since Japanese also consume
holothurian in various ways such as raw meat in slices with vinegar and soy sauce,
dried ovaries, and salt-fermented intestines.
3 An earlier form of this chapter first appeared in the proceedings of the workshop on
advances in sea cucumber aquaculture and management (ASCAM) organized by
FAO in Dalian, China October 2003 (Akamine 2004).
4 Jiaxin Chen, a Chinese leading marine biologist noted that the medical effect of
trepang was first recorded in Bencao Gangmu published at the end of sixteenth
century (Chen 2004: 25). However, to my understanding, there is no mention of
trepang in the Bencao Gangmu but in the Bencao Ganmu Shiyi (Zhao 1765 reprinted
in 1971: 495).
5 The animal should be dried for at least a month in storage and the dried form must
be soaked in water overnight and be repeatedly simmered for about a week until
re-hydration. From production to consumption, it requires complicated and timeconsuming procedures. This is one of the reasons why trepang is considered a delicacy.
6 Even earlier than this date, Korea exported trepang to China by land in 1648 (Sasaki
2002: 219). It is also confirmed that an Annan ship also exported some amounts of
trepang in 1683 (Yamawaki 1995: 223), and in 1861 three Taiwan ships exported a
total of 0.9 metric tons of trepang (Nagazumi 1987: 254–255).
7 Macknight, who wrote an exhaustive archeological study on Makassan trepang fisheries in northern Australia, assumed the beginning of the trepang industry to be
between 1650 and 1750 (Macknight 1976).
8 Trepang was the top export commodity in value followed by ‘kombu’ or kelp. Also,
trepang was the second top exporting commodity in volume after kombu.
9 Nagazumi researched Dutch archives on Japanese trade with China because there are,unfortunately, few records on Sino-Japanese trade left both in Japan and China. Interestingly the Dutch were so concerned about their Chinese competitor that they intensively recorded information about the Sino-Japanese trade.

Namako and iriko

35

10 For example, in 1788, a total of 4,630.5 bags of trepang, at least, were exported byeleven ships. The bag was originally used to pack rice but its weight for trepang
would be equal to 120 kin (72 kg). Thus, the number is estimated at 333.4 t of trepang
exported in that year.
11 There are no independent statistics available on trepang export in contemporary
Japan, since the figures are lumped together with other marine animals. Unfortunately, we have no way of knowing how much trepang is produced in Japan. One
possible way to estimate the amount is to ask independent exporters, which is beyond
the competence of the present author.
12 As for description in this section, the author relied on information given by Kaneda(1995) and Overseas Fishery Cooperation Foundation (n.d.).
13 The fishery right was first officially announced by the former Fisheries law in 1901
but a similar custom was widely practiced under Tokugawa’s feudal system.
14 The small scale coastal whaling falls under the Minister Permitted Fishery (MPF).
15 In 1999, I saw dried P. nigripunctatus in retail shops in Chinatowns in Yokohama andKobe, where dried S. japonicus cost 25,000 yen/kg and dried P. nigripunctatus
18,000 to 20,000 yen/kg. Several shop owners said that dried P. nigripunctatus wasprocessed in fishing communities facing the Japan Sea and its total production was
estimated to be not more than 200 kg a year. It was once popular in the Koreanmarket. However, the author has never seen the dried C. japonica, though dried C.
japonica was exported to China before World War II from northern parts of Japan.
Several newspapers reported that there was one processor who experimentallyprocessed dried C. japonica in Kushiro, eastern Hokkaido and exported it to Shanghai
in June 2005. Interestingly, the Japanese name for C. japonica, kin-ko, is commonlyused to refer to dried S. japonicus among trepang processors in Japan.
16 The ovaries called ko-no-ko (holothurian’s baby) are dried and the intestines called
ko-no-wata (holothurian’s entrails) are salt-fermented. These by-products are rare andexpensive, and thus they were good income sources for trepang processors. One ofthe processors in Yamaguchi once said to me, ‘Sales from konoko and konowata
cover expenses and all running costs while the sales from trepang becomes net profit.’
However, due to the recent health-conscious trends, salty fermented food no longer
sell very well. Processors have to make more trepang in pursuit of profit. This situation may affect resource management in the future.
17 The red holothurian lives in reef areas so that the dredge net cannot be used for collection. The ama divers collect the red variety manually. This may be another reason
for the high price.
18 Lying in the northern tip of the Japanese Archipelago and having beautiful mountains, Rishiri is also famous for tourism, especially in the summer season.
19 According to a processor in Yamaguchi Prefecture, the larger holothurian is not always
better for processing. There are two groups of dried holothurian that the Chinese market
prefers: individuals with a dried weight of 11 to 17 g and those of 18 to 23 g. They
would be equivalent to 220 to 340 g or 360 to 460 g in fresh form. Thus, holothurian
over 500 grams, when wet, is not suitable for processing into the dried form.
20 Coastal fishing based on the common fishery right allows use of vessels of 0.4 gross
ton with a 9.9 hp engine. Fishermen are free to engage in holothurian fishing as longas they do not use dredge nets.
21 The SFCA does not expect to have more fishermen beginning dredge net fishing forthe following reasons – A dredge net is made of iron and costs around 330,000 yen(US$2,800) for one set. The dredge net weighs around 400 kg and, including wires, itweighs 700 to 800 kg. The fishing vessel is regulated under 15 gross tons and it iscommon to employ 240 to 300 hp engines. Most of the fishermen in SFCA enjoy
kombu and sea urchin fishing with small boats and there are only a few fishermen
who have fishing vessels over 3 t. Thus, the cost is considerably high to begin dredge
net fishing.

36 Akamine Jun

References
Akamine, J. (2004) ‘The status of the sea cucumber fisheries and trade in Japan: past andpresent,’ in A. Lovatelli, C. Conand,S. Purcell, S. Uthicke, J.F. Hamel, and A. Mercier(eds) Advances in Sea Cucumber Aquaculture and Management (FAO Fisheries Technical Paper 463), Rome: FAO, pp. 39–47.
Akimichi, T. (1994) Ethnography of Man and Whaling, Tokyo: Tokyo University Press.
Arai, E. (1975) Studies on Marine Products Trades in Early Modern Times, Tokyo:
Yosikawa Kobunkan.
Chen, J.X. (2004). ‘Present status and prospects of sea cucumber industry in China,’ in A.
Lovatelli, C. Conand,S. Purcell, S. Uthicke, J.F. Hamel, and A. Mercier (eds)
Advances in Sea Cucumber Aquaculture and Management (FAO Fisheries TechnicalPaper 463), Rome: FAO, pp. 25–38.
Choe, S. (1963) Biology of the Japanese Common Sea Cucumber Stichopus japonicus,
Selenka, Tokyo: Kaibundo.
CITES. n.d. Online, available at: www.cites.org/eng/disc/how.shtml (accessed 27 January2004).
Conand, C. (1990) The Fishery Resources of Pacific Island Countries, Part 2: Holothurians (FAO Fisheries Technical Paper 272.2), Rome: FAO.
Dai, Y. (2002) ‘Food culture and overseas trade: the trepang trade between China andSoutheast Asia during the Qing Dynasty,’ in D.Y.H. Wu and S.C.H. Cheung (eds) The
Globalization of Chinese Food, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, pp. 21–42.
Feeny, D., Berkes, F., McCay, B., and Acheson, J. (1990) ‘The tragedy of the commons:
twenty-two years later,’ Human Ecology, 18: 1–19.
Hong Kong (2005) Hong Kong Monthly Digest of Statistics, Hong Kong: Census andStatistics Department, Hong Kong Special Administration Region.
Kaneda, Y. (1995) Fisheries and Fishing Methods in Japan, Tokyo: Seizando.
Lovatelli, A., Conand, C., Purcell, S., Uthicke, S., Hamel, J.-F., and Mercier, A. (eds)(2004) Advances in Sea Cucumber Aquaculture and Management (FAO Fisheries
Technical Paper 463), Rome: FAO.
Macknight, C.C. (1976) The Voyage to Marege’: Macassan Trepangers in Northern Australia, Carlton, Victoria: Melbourne University Press.
Ministry of Agriculture and International Trade (1889–1909) Agriculture and International Trade Statistics, Tokyo: Ministry of Agriculture and International Trade.
Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries (1950–2002) Fishery and Aquaculture
Production Statistics, Tokyo: Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, and Fisheries.
Nagazumi, Y. (comp.) (1987) Catalogue of Imports and Exports in Chinese Trades
1637–1833, Tokyo: Sobunsya.
Overseas Fishery Cooperation Foundation (n.d.) Fisheries Administration and Policy ofJapan, Tokyo: Overseas Fishery Cooperation Foundation.
Rishiri District Fisheries Extension Office (2001) Research Result on S. japonicus
Spawning Season in the Semposhi Fisheries Cooperative Association Fisheries Area,
Rishiri: Rishiri District Fisheries Extension Office.
Sasaki, M. (2002) Food Culture in Korea: Interaction Japanese and Chinese Food Cultures Through Chosen Peninsula, Tokyo: Akashi Shoten.
Yamawaki, T. (1995) Chinese Trades at Nagasaki, Tokyo: Yosikawa Kobunkan.
Zhao, X.M. (1971 [1765]) Bencao Ganmu Shiyi, Hong Kong: Commerce Press.

Food and Foodways in Asia
Resource, tradition and cooking

Edited by Sidney C.H. Cheung and
Tan Chee-Beng

First published 2007
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
270 Madison Ave, New York, NY 10016
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business© 2007 Selection and editorial matter, Sidney C.H. Cheung and Tan CheeBeng; individual chapters, the contributors
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007.
“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s
collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced orutilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writingfrom the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN 0–203–94712–6 Master e-book ISBN
ISBN10: 0-415-39213-6 (hbk)
ISBN10: 0-203-94712-6 (ebk)
ISBN13: 978-0-415-39213-6 (hbk)
ISBN13: 978-0-203-94712-8 (ebk)Contents

List of illustrations
List of contributors

ixxIntroduction: food and foodways in Asia

1

SIDNEY C.H. CHEUNG AND TAN CHEE-BENG

PART I

Ecology, resources and food production

11

1 Fermented marine food products in Vietnam: ecological basis
and production

13

KENNETH RUDDLE

2 Namako and iriko: historical overview on holothuria (seacucumber) exploitation, utilization, and trade in Japan

23

AKAMINE JUN

3 Fish in the marsh: a case study of freshwater fish farming in
Hong Kong37

SIDNEY C.H. CHEUNGPART II

Tradition and food production

51

4 Poonchoi: the production and popularity of a rural festive
cuisine in urban and modern Hong Kong

53

CHAN KWOK SHING

5 Convenient-involvement foods and production of the familymeal in South China
SIUMI MARIA TAM

67

viii Contents
6 Edible mercy: charity food production and fundraising
activities in Hong Kong

83

SATOHIRO SERIZAWA

7 Estimating rice, agriculture, global trade and national foodculture in South Korea

96

MICHAEL REINSCHMIDTPART III

Restaurants and food production

113

8 A taste of the past: historically themed restaurants and social
memory in Singapore

115

WONG HONG SUEN

9 Indigenous food and foodways: mapping the production of
Ainu food in Tokyo129

MARK K. WATSON

10 Authenticity and professionalism in restaurant kitchens

143

LUKE Y.C. FUNG

PART IV

Asian cooking and world cuisine

157

11 In search of a Macanese cookbook

159

ALEXANDER MAMAK

12 Nyonya cuisine: Chinese, non-Chinese and the making of afamous cuisine in Southeast Asia

171

TAN CHEE-BENG

13 From Malacca to Adelaide . . .: fragments
towards a biography of cooking, yearning and laksa

183

JEAN DURUZ

14 Asia’s contributions to world cuisine: a beginning inquiry

201

SIDNEY W. MINTZ

Index

211

Illustrations

Figures
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
2.1
2.2
2.3
3.1
3.2

Principal causes of upwelling in the coastal waters of Vietnam
Relationship between the fishing season of selected fish species
and monsoon seasonality in Vietnam
Hypothesis on fish behaviour and the monsoons (for a Western
coast) in Vietnam
Generic classification of fermented fish products in Asia
The generic production process of marine fish sauce (nuoc mam)in Vietnam
Trepang export from Japan 1756–1823
Volume and mean value of trepang production in Japan
1887–1906
Holothurian catch in Japan 1894–2000
HKNTFCA members’ distribution from 1955 to 1987
Historical development of freshwater fish farming in Hong Kong

16

27
28
43
45

Map of the Inner Deep Bay

40

17
17
18
19
26

Map
3.1