ISSN (Print) 0473-453X

Discussion Paper No. 1137

ISSN (Online) 2435-0982

HANDBOOK OF
REAL ESTATEAND MACROECONOMICS:
AN INTRODUCTION
Charles Ka Yui Leung

August 2021

The Institute of Social and Economic Research
Osaka University
6-1 Mihogaoka, Ibaraki, Osaka 567-0047, Japan

Handbook of Real Estate and Macroeconomics: An Introduction
Charles Leung, City University of Hong Kong
This version: August 2021

Abstract
This paper provides some background for the book, Handbook of Real Estate and Macroeconomics. It
gives an overview of different chapters and how various themes and ideas can be connected.
Directions for future research are also discussed.

Keywords: housing, macroeconomics, real estate, urban and regional economics
JEL Classification: E00, G00, R00

The following story occurred during my visit to the Hoover Institution (2018~19). A
seminar speaker began by "apologizing" that his talk may not be "very macro." A seniorfaculty at Stanford University responded that there is no boundary of macroeconomics,
implying there should not be much worry about "not macro enough."
This book is a collection of papers relating to real estate and macroeconomics. Given
the “definition” of macroeconomics offered by that Stanford economist, I can put any topic inthis book without an apology. Still, I feel obligated to provide some background for the
emergence of the macro-real estate literature. Therefore, this paper would facilitate thecommunication between the authors and readers of this book by mentioning some related
contributions and not provide another survey on the macro-real estate literature. The chaptersof this book provide outstanding reviews of different strands of the literature already. The
objectives of this book are simple.
(1) What should real estate economists know about macroeconomics?
(2) What should macroeconomists know about real estate?
(3) What general audience should know about the interactions between real estate andmacroeconomics?

Although classical economists do not discuss housing, perhaps except David Ricardo
relating trade policy to land prices (Leung, 2004), the recent decades witness a structuralchange. Literature on real estate (e.g., housing, commercial properties, land) andmacroeconomics relate to each other (Baxter, 1996; Ben-Shafar et al., 2008; Edelstein and
Kim, 2004; Greenwood and Hercowitz, 1991; Leung, 2004; Leung and Quigley, 2007; Meraand Renaud, 2000). The growth of that literature is further stimulated by the 2008 Global
Financial Crisis (GFC) (Bardhan et al., 2012; Davis and Van Nieuwerburgh, 2014; Leung andChen, 2017; Leung and Ng, 2019; Malpezzi, 2017; McMillen, 2011; Piazzesi and Schneider,2016).
On the other hand, the change in the research frontier does not seem to be very visible
in the teaching of economics. For instance, the standard introductory "macroeconomics"
textbooks only loosely suggest that the fluctuation of house prices could lead to a wealtheffect, affecting consumption and the GDP (Gross Domestic Products). It begs the question
that, if housing wealth fluctuations would lead to a significant "wealth effect," should thehouseholds be cautious as they allocate their wealth to housing? Yet standard introductory
textbooks typically skip the decision process of how families make portfolio decisions,choosing between housing and other alternatives.
Much research efforts have been devoted to addressing this question. Part 1 of thisbook examines the real estate-related wealth effect. For instance, Ogawa (2021) employs boththe aggregate and panel household data and exploits different statistical tools to help us
understand the wealth effect in the context of Japan. The justifications are clear. A theoretical
discussion of the wealth effect may sound too abstract for the general audience. Hence,
putting the wealth effect in a particular context may help the readers understand the issue. In
particular, Japan has experienced the so-called "bubble burst" in the early 1990s, where boththe stock price and real estate prices (land and housing) experience significant downward
adjustments. Arguably, Japan has not fully recovered from that "shock." Therefore, a casestudy of the wealth effect of Japanese real estate may be a good starting point.
Wealth is not an exclusive privilege of the private sector; governments can alsoacquire real estate-related wealth. For instance, Japan has adopted unconventional monetary
policies, even before the U.S. and Euro areas (Dell'Ariccia et al., 2018; Fukuda, 2019;
Westelius, 2021). In this book, Hattori and Yoshida (2021) examine the Bank of Japan's(BOJ) purchase of real estate investment trusts (REITs). Since REITs are relatively simple
assets, some potential motives of holding stocks do not apply to REITs. Hattori and Yoshidastudy the intraday transactions and conclude that the evidence is consistent with the
hypothesis that BOJ attempts to decrease the risk premiums.
The land is perhaps one of the most basic forms of wealth. Since the seminal work of
Ricardo (1817), much has been written on the economics of land. More recently, researchers
also notice the implications of land price fluctuations on the macroeconomy (Deng et al.,2021; Liu et al., 2013, 2016; Leung and Chen, 2006, among others). In this book, Prasad(2021) explains how the land market is related to macroeconomic variables. His chapter also
provides evidence that some land reforms can promote urbanization.
Another essential issue bridging real estate and macroeconomics is housing
affordability. Economists have studied housing affordability for decades, and now it becomesa global concern nowadays (Green and Malpezzi, 2003; Gong and Leung, 2021; Leung et al.,2020; Leung and Tang, 2021; Malpezzi, 2020; Quigley and Raphael, 2004; Yao, 2020;
Yılmaz and Yesilırmak, 2020). Part 2 of this book examines the issue from different angles.

For instance, Tiwari and Shukla (2021) study housing affordability in India. India has thesecond-largest population globally, and the level of economic development significantly
differs across regions. Hence, it is easy to imagine that housing affordability can be an issue
in India. However, India's data is not always accessible, and her institutions are always wellunderstood. Tiwari and Shukla present a clear picture of the situation and make a policy
recommendation.
On the other hand, if housing units are being traded in the market, the high housing
prices must reflect the demand for specific population segments. One possibility is that theresidential residence is tied to the "right of education" (O'Sullivan, 2018). In many countries,
local pre-college public education is often provided to "residents" only. Recent research has
confirmed that human capital investment has long-term consequences, especially in the earlyyears (Attanasio et al., 2020; Cunha and Heckman, 2007, 2008). Therefore, from amacroeconomic perspective, quality education is vital for economic performance (Hanushek
and Woessmann, 2015, 2016; Hanushek et al., 2017). In this book, Hanushek and Yilmaz(2020) review the literature on the interaction between residential decisions and schoolingchoice. While their chapter focuses on the United States case, some lessons apply to othercountries as well.
Other chapters of this book shed light on different aspects of the "affordability
puzzle." For example, one explanation for unaffordable housing is that the housing prices
deviate from the "economic fundamentals." Statistically, there are different approaches toverify this hypothesis. For instance, one can test whether there is a "bubble" in the house
price. The asset price bubble is often cited as one reason for Japan's "lost decades" (Ito, 2003;
Okina et al., 2001, Ueda, 2012). In this book, Girardin and Joyeux (2021) provide acomprehensive literature review and examine whether such a bubble exists in the Japanesedata.
Perhaps, more fundamentally, what kind of "house price dynamics" is normal? And
what is not? The macroeconomic approach often assumes a single housing market andfocuses on the dynamics of national house prices (e.g., Davis and Heathcote, 2005; Favilukis
et al., 2017; Leung, 2007, 2014). Macroeconomists distinguish a regular regime from asunspot regime (Lubik and Schorfheide, 2003, 2004). The macroeconomic approach of
housing would label whether the housing market is in a normal state or a bubble state (Chen,
2001, Phillips et al., 2011). It is also possible that there are more than one "normal state,"with none of them being a bubbly state, and the housing market switches between them
(Chang et al., 2011, 2012, 2013). Real Estate economists, on the other hand, pay attention to
the cross-sectional heterogeneity. In this book, Lai and Van Order (2021) review theliterature which employs the conventional panel data approach to study whether a bubble
exists. They consider both the time series (i.e., the house price changes in different periods)
and cross-sectional variations (i.e., the house price differences across other regions within thesame time).
Like the earlier theoretical models (Davis and Heathcote, 2005; Leung, 2007, 2014),
the traditional panel data method often assumes a constant variance. In practice, the world
keeps changing. The recent pandemic illustrates this point. At the beginning of the outbreak,the threat of COVID-19 was under-estimated. Unfortunately, the number of causalities
increases rapidly, and the world fell into panic. The implementation of vaccines brings hopeto many, and the degree of uncertainty seems to ease. In this book, van Eyden et al. (2021)
employ cutting-edge techniques and study the house price dynamics when the level of
uncertainty changes over time. They find that the macroeconomic uncertainty will spill overto the housing market volatility in most states of America. Their results suggest anotherchannel where the macroeconomy and the housing market are linked.
Yet another possibility is the housing market experiences a permanent change, oftenlabeled as a "structural break" in the economics literature. A natural candidate to consider
would be the 2008 Global Financial Crisis (GFC). Since the GFC involved the housing
market and mortgage-backed securities, it quickly becomes a shared research interest among
macroeconomists and real estate researchers. Many authors have studied the GFC (Gortonand Metrick, 2012; Lo, 2012). Part 3 of this book is devoted to this issue. Agarwal andVarshneya (2021) review the recent micro-evidence and shed light on the different
explanations of the GFC.
The GFC may indeed mark a structural break in both the housing market and themacroeconomy. For instance, Green (1997) shows that residential investment is a "leading
indicator" of the GDP in the United States. That provides another bridge between the housing
market and the macroeconomy. In this book, Green (2021) finds that the relationship has
vanished after the 2008 GFC. This result is consistent with Leung and Ng (2019), which
examines the statistical relationships between housing market variables and macroeconomic
variables in the United States. They find that the correlations are, in general, weakened after

the GFC. In this book, Ng (2021) finds that such "structural change" occurs in other OECD
countries after the GFC. Also, in this book, Chang and Leung (2021) compare the statistical
distribution of asset returns in the United States. They also find that the housing indicessuggest that housing as an asset has become riskier after the GFC, while the stock market
indices indicate that the stock market has become safer.
Part 4 of this book collects several essays on non-residential real estate, which shouldbe the topic of a book, even books. The invited authors skillfully present some concise
chapters to have a glimpse of the different aspects. As earlier chapters have explored the"disaggregate house price dynamics," one would naturally ask why other regions would havedifferent house price dynamics. One potential explanation is that the underlying economic
structure is different in the first place. It leads to the question of why people or firms would
choose certain areas rather than others. In this book, Pinto and Sarte (2021) connect theregional economics and macroeconomics literature. They show the implications of thelocational choices made by households and firms on the macroeconomy.
If regional economics matters, it is natural to ask whether or what the government cando. In this book, Kahn et al. (2021) explain a particular class of “regional economic policy,”
namely, the industrial parks established in China. They evaluate the possible misallocation ofcapital due to those policies and draw some lessons from those policy experiments.
The global aging issue may have significant economic implications (Acemoglu andRestrepo, 2017; Bloom et al., 2010; Cooley and Henriksen, 2018). The economic literature
has studied the pension system for decades (Auerbach and Kotlikoff, 1987; Cooley andSoares, 1999; Feldstein and Liebman, 2002; Kotlikoff, 1992). Economists are also aware thatcommercial real estate plays a role in the economic growth and business cycle movements(Davis et al., 2020; Gort et al., 1999; Kan et al., 2004; Kwong and Leung, 2000). In thisbook, Riddiough (2021) shows how commercial real estate and its securitization could impact
retirement financing.
World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that there are around 7 million people
died of air pollution. The economics literature has also provided evidence that pollution
diminishes economic performance (Graff Zivin and Neidell, 2013). In this book, Fu andViard (2021) consider the effect of air pollution from a mayor's perspective and naturally
connect the pollution issue to traffic congestion and other urban problems.

I want to stress that the topics explored in this book are by no means exhaustive.
Moreover, several new developments are not covered (e.g., Duca et al., 2017, Kehoe et al.,2019; Kindermann et al., 2021; Krishnamurthy and Li, 2021). Nonetheless, this book would
facilitate more communication between macroeconomics and real estate economics.

I want to take this opportunity to thank all my teachers, coauthors, previous andcurrent colleagues, especially Eric Hanushek, who have helped me for years, long before thisproject started. I also learned a lot from the colleagues in the Asian Real Estate Society,especially Ko Wang, Yuichiro Kawaguchi. There are too many to thank for those who havehelped in the process. I will miss many names no matter how hard I try. First, I thank all thecontributors of this book for their willingness to share their insights and wisdom. I also thankthose who have read different chapters of this book at various stages, such as Nan-Kuang
Chen, Julan Du, Yifan Gong, Vikas Kakkar, Fred Kwan, Jennifer Lai, David Leung, Lingxiao
Li, Edward Tang, Chi Man Yip, Yuxi Yao, and others who prefer to remain anonymous.
Some contributors also read other chapters. This project began when I was visiting the
Hoover Institution, whose hospitality is gratefully acknowledged. I am also grateful to Mr.
Alan Sturmer and colleagues at Edward Elgar for their patience and help throughout thewhole process. And I would like to thank those who have prayed for me for years. Perhaps
this book is a part of the answer.

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