Report from a research on the 'intellectual ikai' ofcontemporary Japan
Starting with the ghosts and their world
The

Prof. Dr. Lisette Gebhardt,
Lecture at Leiden University (1999)(Link: geocities.co.jp)

kuchisake onna (口さけ女), a young attractive female apparition, was probably the ghost that
led the debut of the spirits' new renaissance in Japan. The Lady with the Horror Smile was firstspotted in May, 1979, as was soon documented by Miyata Noboru in his book Yôkai no
minzokugaku. Nihon no mienai kûkan (Anthropology of the Supernatural: Japan's Invisible
Realm) (Miyata 1985: 21).
The 1980s were definitely the decade of the ghosts. The indicator for this was the appearanceof a new term, ikai (異界). The word does not appear in any representative dictionary, but iswidely used in numerous writings on folklore issues, which themselves had a significant revivalin the 1980s. In 1992, the sociologist Kadowaki Atsushi published a study under the title
Kodomo to wakamono no ikai (The Other World of children and adolescents). Kadowaki admits
that he does not actually know the source of the term he uses in such a prominent place. He
remarks that recently a number of cultural anthropologists and 'younger folklorists' seem tobe fond of it (p. i-ii). The term ikai literally translates as 'other, strange, alien world,' but itwould also be possible to render it as underworld, occult world, ghost world, magic world,counterworld, liminal/marginal world or twilight zone. In part, the term corresponds to otherJapanese concepts of the world beyond, for example, takai (他界), meido (冥途), and tokoyo
no kuni (常世の国). However, ikai stands for more than the older versions of a japanese"beyond". lt has to be placed within the framework of modemity criticism; moreover, it implies
an extensive discussion of Japanese culture and society. Ikai is a talisman word, one of thosemarkers of public discussion that convey a certain context, easily imagined by any wellinformed person, and so applied without being given a concise definition.1

From popular ghosts to 'academic ghosts'
The focus on the ikai associated with popular culture is usually located in the metropolis. Here,the desire for the weird and wonderful (fushigi 不思議) and a fascination for the world of
darkness (yami no sekai 闇の世界) are said to be enhanced by the alienating surroundings
and the entertainment industry. Miyata Noboru's toshi minzokugaku (folklore of the city) deals
with such issues. An important aspect of the weird in the cities are uwasa, rumours, and kawai
or fushigi na hanashi (frightening or strange stories). Worth mentioning is the book Kowai
uwasa, fushigi na hanashi (Frightening rumours, weird tales) edited by Tsunemitsu Tôru (常光徹) and Matsutani Miyoko (松谷みよ子). Both are affiliated with the Nihon Minwa no Kai(Society for Japanese Folk Tales) and the Fushigi no Sekai o Kangaeru Kai (Society for
Thinking About the World of the Wonderful and Weird). They are collectors of the so-called
modern urban legends (現代都市伝説 gendai toshi densetsu), a genre of contemporary
folklore research that has first become popular in America (J.H. Brunvand). The trend ismirrored in the works of the German scholar Rolf Wilhelm Brednich (University of Göttingen)whose collection Die Spinne in der Yucca-Palme (The spider in the Yucca-palm) had atremendous success in Germany, and via the translations of 1992 and 1993 had also quite an
impact in Japan. Both of the above mentioned Japanese folklorists have published a volume
with collected gakko no kaidan (学校の怪談 spooky school tales).
The gakko no kaidan with their inventory of monsters appearing in school toilets such as toire
no Hanaka-san (Hanako, the toilet-ghost) and the murasaki baba (the violet hag), or otherspecters such as the jinmenken (the human-faced dog) and the kuchisake onna, who wears agauze mask on her mouth and turns out to be a dangerous creature that attacks pupils with aknife on their way back home, have been booming since the end of the 1980s. The firstpublishers who edited a collection of gakkô no kaidan in manga form were Kôdansha andPopula. Both series reached the huge number of around 400,000 copies sold. The successful
series were followed by similar publications such as Kaidan resutoran: Gakkô de wa kikoenai
motto kowai hanashi (Thriller restaurant: Tremendously spooky tales not even heard inschools), edited by Matsutani Miyoko, Tsunemitsu Tôru and the Nihon Minwa no Kai (Society
for Japanese Folk Tales). The movies Gakkô no kaidan I, II, and III, as well as Toire no Hanakosan were successful cinema versions of the genre.
The movie Toire no Hanako-san (1995) starts with the portrayal of a nonnal Japanese middle
school just before the summer vacation. Two pupils enter the old school building and disappear.
Now the spookiness begins. Their schoolmates, a young attractive mother and a smart youngteacher search for them, but all get caught in the frightening building. Horrible things happen:
The anatomy puppet and a huge stuffed bear come to life and threaten the children. The
kuchisake onna is sitting in the first-aid room. A monstrous janitor chases the group across the1

While I was myself confronted with some frightening rumour of the kuchisake onna during a stay in Kyôto in
1983, I first became aware of ikai, the ghost-boom, its implications and significance in the beginning of the
1990s and started a little later to write on the topic (Gebhardt 1995 and 1996).

darkened corridors. Finally, the young teacher saves the children. He jumps with them througha black hole and they arrive in the real world. The teacher once reacted passively when he, stilla schoolboy, witnessed the bullying (ijime) of a classmate. By his brave act he pays back theold debt. It becomes clear that a girl, a former pupil of the school who died, had lured thechildren into the haunted building because she felt lonely. It is striking that in the movies young
girls play the most important role in the interaction with the 'occult'. While shôjo-culture in
Japan is usually identified with the word kawaii (cute), one could say that also kowai(frightening) is an essential part of the young girls' world. In fact the infatuation of the shôjoculture with occultism and with the so-called chô-nôryoku (超能力 supernatural powers) isdeep. The children finally promise not to forget the girl who died. Now that all asocial behaviour
is purged, the collective life in the school becomes hamonious again, as symbolised by the reenthronement of a Haniwa figure, the symbol of an intact community. The movies seem to be
based on the theories of the healing effect of ikai, and the pedagogical intention is obvious: Ikai
is used as a means to cure ijime.
Kadowaki Atsushi sees the concept of ikai as symptomatic of contemporary Japanese society,in which the 'other' has infiltrated human relations as the alien-like quality of estrangement. For
him, ikai indicates a feeling of inauthenticy and dissolution of reality which he attributes tomodern urban life. Kadowaki points out that ikai as he intends to understand it is synonymouswith the increasing alienation felt in modern industrial societies. Children and adolescents areliving in a world of reduced social interaction. The observation that the modern world we
inhabit could be seen itself as an ikai is made by several researchers, including Miyata Noboru,
who analyses the feelings of stress and fear and phenomena of social disorder such as nerdish
solipsism (e.g. the otaku-zoku) and ijime. Compensation for absent cosiness in a competitive
society is sought in retreat to subculture enclaves which mirror the 'ghastly' social circumstancesand make them even more perceivable. As the psychiatrist Nakamura Mareaki (1994) explains,
young people turn to 'occult' practices and develop an interest in the strange and the weird. He
refers to the recent predilection for ghosts and monsters among school children. Occult games
at school such as the kokkurisan (こっくりさん), occult programs on television, an increasing
interest in the 'dark', for instance in karuto (the word derives from occult, it signifies black
magic and sectarianism) and in necrophilia, the fascination with death and dead bodies,including strange murder cases, could be seen as the hard-core side of Japan's New Gothic. Thiswas often attributed to the uncertainty and uneasiness felt because of the turn of the century (世紀末 seikimatsu).
Japanese intellectuals and their 'spiritual discourse'
Gakkô no kaidan, 'shôjo occultism' and the other popular versions of the Japanese ghost world
are one side of the ikai-boom. The other side is 'intellectual ikai', as one can say that ikai wasactually created by an academic circle of 'spiritists', including accomplished and well-known
scholars of religion, folklorists, authors and critics. Popular ikai and 'intellectual ikai' areinterwoven, as some scholars exploit the popular occult trend and publish widely on ghosts fora broader audience while at the same time expressing such a strong personal involvement intheir research that it makes them almost look like the comrades of the ghosts.
Many Japan intellectuals are nowadays eager to rediscover the 'ghostly' or 'occult' Japanese'tradition' as the basis of an 'indigenous' Japanese culture, of a Japanese 'spirituality.' The 'otherworld' stands for a nostalgic vision of a spiritual homeland for the modern Japanese people. It
embraces the notion of a model in opposition to contemporary society and is central to theongoing 'spiritual discourse' with its longing for a Japanese 'spiritual home.' In many texts
employing the term ikai, the writers use it often in combination with the terms saisei (再生rebirth), yomigaeru (蘇る to be born again) and iyashi (癒し healing). Academics such as
Komatsu Kazuhiko who largely published on ikai (for an evaluation of Komatsu's work, see
Gebhardt 2000) reveal their urge to renew contemporary culture with concepts from the past,with a sort of knowledge thought to be suppressed by the demands of modernity. As a 'liminal'
or 'marginal' world ikai is understood to be a zone of regeneration that cures the sufferings ofalienation, thought to be caused by the dominance of so-called Western values which areblamed to erase the traditions of Japanese culture. Ikai is thus the key word for a new folklorist
and nativist discourse. The concept of 'intellectual ikai' includes a significant therapeuticalaspect. This is the point where ikai meets with seishin sekai (精神世界 Spiritual World), theJapanese New Age.
New Age-thought has been adopted by several Japanese thinkers since the 1970s. Until
recently, not much attention was given to the seishin sekai/New Age-phenomenon. Shimazono
Susumu (University of Tôkyô), a scholar of religion, was the first to write on the subject. In his
inspiring article 'New Age and New Spiritual Movements: The Role of Spiritual Intellectuals'
from 1993, Shimazono declares that at least eight well-known Japanese thinkers and academics
are to be looked on as 'spiritual intellectuals' (reiseiteki chishikijin 霊精的知識人; a term hecoined): Umehara Takeshi (梅原猛 b.1925), Iwata Keiji (岩田慶治 b.1922), Kawai Hayao (河合隼雄 b.1928), Kurimoto Shin'ichirô (栗本信一郎 b.1941), Yamaori Tetsuo (山折哲雄
b.1931), Yuasa Yasuo (湯浅泰雄 b.1925), Kamata Tôji (鎌田東二 b.1951) and Nakazawa
Shin'ichi (中沢真一 b.1950).
With their 'spiritual' messages, Umehara Takeshi, Kawai Hayao, Yamaori Tetsuo and others
became partners for large publishers, and they were joined by well-known persons from theliterary and art scenes, for example the graphic designer Tadanori Yokoo (横尾忠則 b. 1936)
and the late author Nakagami Kenji (中上健次 1946-1992), as well as by several younger
academics with similar interests and inclinations. Those older 'spiritual intellectuals', mainly
trained in Japanese folklore, anthropology and religion, stand for a conservative argumentation
which tends to stress issues of Japaneseness. Some provocative views are for example to befound in the works of Umehara Takeshi, the former director of the International ResearchCenter for Japanese Studies (Nichibunken): He is the head of what could be called the 'spiritual
old boy's network'. Kamata Tôji and Nakazawa Shin'ichi belong to a younger generation, andtheir writings and personalities correspond to the media world of the 1980s described in terms
such as postmodernism and consumerism. They were born around 1950 and grew up in thecultural mood of the 1960s and 1970s. When they engaged in the discourse on spirituality andthe world of spirits, they perhaps did so partially out of their experience of the Spiritual World
as apart of 1960s' counterculture, that is to say they were attracted to the more anarchic sides ofthe spirituality movements.
The striking popularity of religious, esoteric, and 'occult' themes and practices in contemporary
Japan was also the target of harsh journalistic criticism (Kimura 1998), and finally became thesubject of several research activities (as for example the panel Japanische Identität imMillennium - Okkultismus, New Age und Lifestyle / Japanese Identity in the Millennium Occultism, New Age and Lifestyle, 1999). Following the line of Shimazono's pioneer work (e.g.
Shimazono 1993 and 1996), in the last three years some informative articles concerning main
aspects of the Japanese New Age and the argumentations of the 'spiritual intellectuals' were
written (e.g. Prohl 1997, Wöhr 1997, Fukasawa 2000). The thesis of Inken Prohl (University of
Berlin) completed in 1999, analyses from the standpoint of religious studies the contents ofworks by five main representatives of the 'spiritual intellectuals' and explores the relationshipof these writings with the international New Age-movement. The study argues on the use andthe function of the key term 'spirituality' and comments critically on central terms such as'animism' or 'shamanism'. Prohl suggests that the texts of the five thinkers can be productively
taken up as a type of religious nihonjinron (discourse on Japaneseness/nativist discourse).
In the study Japanische Gegenwartsliteratur im Zeichen der 'neuen Spiritualität '. Eine Analyseaktueller Diskurse (Japanese contemporary literature and the 'new spirituality'. An analysis ofrecent discourses) I try to juxtapose the seishin sekai-phenomena along with the more
folkloristic ikai-boom and the literary adaptions of religious issues in texts by Japanese authors
written mainly during the 1980s and 1990s. The result is a tableau of contemporary Japanesecultural discourse led by intellectuals and academics who cultivate their yearning for a Japaneseor Asian identity. The study provides us with a blue print of current Japanese nostalgic moods
and vulnerable emotions which are probably due to the lack of a 'grand narration' as well. So,
the 'spiritual discourse' functions as a 'little narration' for people who are looking for some'sense', for a possible orientation or even for a vision of a new Asian-centered century.
While the 'spiritual intellectuals' mostly show an optimistic attitude towards the issue of'spirituality' and religion, the texts of Japanese authors are more differentiated and mirror by
their greater diversity several other approaches to religious issues.

Religion as a theme of recent literary texts
In the following I should like to present an introduction to three literary versions of the religious
theme. These are Tatematsu Wahei's Chirei (地 霊 Divine Indwelling, 1999), a portrayal of a
new religion that offers itself as the last home and refuge for those who have been driven to themargins of society; Murakami's critique (1994) of a community founded on a new religion; andÔe Kenzaburô's most recent novel Chûgaeri (宙返り Somersault, 1999), in which the Nobel
Prize-winning author likewise expresses his views on the subject of religion in general andJapan's new religions in particular.
Tatematsu Wabei's Chirei (1999): The 'neo-religious community' as a last borne andrefuge in an inhospitable modern age
The novel Chirei (Divine Indwelling) was published in November 1999 as the fourth volumeof the author's well-known village saga, which began in 1980 with Enrai (遠雷 DistantThunder). The point de depart of the story is the release of Mitsuo, the protagonist, from prisonand his return to his home village, where he initially stays with his mother: The era of the allpowerful economic surge (Tatematsu: keizai mannô no jidai 1999: 386) is over and gone. The
concrete-block apartment complex to which the village has been forced to give way carries thetelltale signs of decline and fall. A 'slum' has arisen, haunted by a 'malevolent spirit.' Hirotsugu,
a friend of Mitsuos, and Mitsuo's mother Tomiko have erected on the last piece of land thatthey have managed to retain a building that they call Goseidô (the sacred hall), a tabernacle totheir new religion, based on Buddhist teachings. This new religion has no name. Hirotsugu andTomiko, who do not strive for material success, hold the view that such would only distractfrom the cause. The religious body (教団 kyôdan) enjoys no governmental recognition as suchand only gradually begins to take on more solid contours. Hirotsugu, who is convinced that heposseses the powers of a medium, functions as a 'channeler' (霊媒 reibai) and is characterized
as a kyûhôsha (求法者 a seeker of dharma), striving for ultimate truth, for the achievement ofenlightenment (悟り satori). Daily he sits in meditation (座禅 zazen) and engages in otherreligious exercises (修行 shugyô). Tomiko reveres Hirotsugu as a religious master and, as his
first adept, documents his pronouncements with audio tape recordings.
In Chirei, Tatematsu Wabei draws the dense portrait of a peopled landscape, in which thesurroundings shift so quickly that the inhabitants cannot adapt; they react to the newcircumstances thus forced upon them with a combination of aggression and despair. Hirotsugu,
the initiator of the religiolls group, has found in religion a means to liberate himself from thepast and all the feelings of hatred and guilt that are bound up with it. He regards it as 'a way forhelping others and, at the same time, for healing oneself (hito wo tasukeru to dôji ni, jibun mo
iyasareru michi). The sacred hall signifies for him and Tomiko a substitute for the lost homethat was their 'village'. When Mitsuo indicates scepticism, Hirotsugu says to him: 'koko ga muranan da' (here is our village).
The hall, the architectural antithesis of the decaying apartment house, is to be the place to which'all people from the forests and from the cities' can return. (It might be noted in passing that the
motif of the keeper of the village tradition can also be found in the early work of Ôe Kenzaburô.)According to the plan worked out by Hirotsugu, who says that he is in communion with 'spiritof the earth,' the new religion will continue to grow. The old land, including Mitsuo's property,
is to be repurchased. Hirotsugu believes in the renewal of the devastated community and in the
power of the forest and of nature herself, who, once raped by the bulldozers, has begun toavenge herself. The 'loss of nature' is an idea that Mita Munesuke (who writes essays under thename of Maki Yûsuke (槙木悠介 b. 1937), another 'spiritual intellectual' and ghostsearcher,has already articulated in his famous collection of essays Kiryû no naru oto. Kôkyô suru komyûn
(気流の鳴る音。交響するコミューン The Sound of Airwaves. The Sinfony of Communes,
1977).
In the afterword of the novel, serialized in the magazine Bungei from early 1995 to the autumn
of 1999, the author Tatematsu comes across as pessimistic: he regards the course ofcontemporary Japanese society as uncertain. In the face of the violence carried out by the Aum
cult, he does not wish to be locked into the view of 'religion' as potential salvation. He is insteada fellow traveller on his protagonists' journey. Tafematsu's outsiders, whom he portrays inChirei as societal victims, seek to find worth and self-esteem as religious leaders. Their goal isto reassure themselves a place in society. With 'religion' they are able to create a refuge thatwill enable them to survive in a dark and hostile environment.

Murakami Masahiko's Maô (1993/1994): a sceptical perspective
Murakami Mashiko's novel Maô (魔王 The Demon King) was published as a monograph in1994. The first part appeared in 1993 under the same title in the magazine Subaru; the second
part appeared in May and October under the name Seijin shôden (Brief Biography of a Saint).
In the first chapter of the novel, the story concerns the rise and fall of Enami 'Hijiri' (聖 'Saint'),
the leader of the new religion Sekai Taichiryô-kyô. The narrator is his former wetnurse and his
first disciple. The second chapter contains the research of a journalist, who reports anecdotes
from Hijiri's life and gives an account of the legacy he leaves after his dealh.
Hijiri is a difficult child, prone to temper tantrums, and cannot bear to be slighted. He kills his
rival Yoshio, the eldest son of the healer, who may also be his own father, and takes his place.
His subsequent rise in the world is likewise marked by unscrupulousness. While still aschoolboy, he impregnates Yûko, the daughter of an influential politician and forces a marriagethat gives him access to his father-in-law's power. After studying abroad in Gerrnany,accompanied by Yûko and his loyal wetnurse Chie, Hijiri assumes the leadership of the'Universal Healer Association.' Not long thereafter he mounts the political stage. The media
direct their attention to the young politician, whose background is so unusual.
On the surface Hijiri goes along with this, primarily in order to cloak the true circumstances ofhis birth and the fact that his mother has lived 'like a dog' and been mistreated by over twentymen (the 'assistants' of the healer), any of whom could have been Hijiri's father. He evenarranges the death of a journalist who comes too close to this secret. His efforts to win aparliamentary seat are undone by the betrayal of his secretary: his political career is thus nippedin the bud. It is at this point that Hijiri plans a career as a religious leader. His discipleshipconsists almost entirely of women, whom he sends out two by two as 'sisters' throughout Japanfor the purpose of earning money as prostitutes. The proceeds are then sent to his headquarters.
Through the fortune he thereby accumulates, Hijiri wins political influence; he gains additional
power through his contacts in the political world, who come to him for advice on matters ofhealth.
At the age of 60, the guru has achieved nearly all his goals. He has gained considerable politicalclout and an unconditionally loyal harem, providing him with children, his biological legacy.
As his visions begin to take on cosmic dimensions, he hastens towards a fatal debacle. An
informant provides the media with inside information. Hijiri must withdraw completely into hisheadquarter in Hakone. Thus besieged, he resolves to dissolve the religious community and flee
abroad. He places the burden of liquidating the cult's various businesses on Chie's shoulders.
She is already suffering from Hijiri's egotism and coldness.
Her only source of joy is Sayuri, the retarded daughter of Hijiri and Yûko. The girl strongly
resembles Hijiri when he was a child. Chie knows that Hijiri wants to use her as the sacrificial
lamb that will allow him to save himself from the unpleasant fate that is awaiting him. Sadly
she informs Sayuri that she will have to leave her. Sayuri runs into the room in which Hijiri issleeping. A quarrel ensues: Hijiri strikes Chie with an ashtray, whereupon Sayuri throws him
to the floor and severs his throat with her own teeth. Thus, in the end, we are told, the sordid
life of the religious leader finds a fitting finale.
The last sections of the novel are surprising, offering as they do the events that follow Hijiri's
death. We learn that though, like Herod, he has had all male offspring slain, he nonetheless has
an heir and successor. The son of Cony, a Filipina, he is working as a healer in his mother's
homeland. At first he presents himself as a girl, Maria, then, however, as a messiah proclaiming
the 'resurrection of the holy one' (seisha no fukkatsu). He demonstrates the same charismatic
traits that characterized his father. Cony and her son found yet another new religion, this timewith a Christian influence.
Murakami Masahiko's Maô is, as it were, a biting parody of the new religions; it describes the
neo-religious communities as outgrowths of a corrupt, decadent society and the religious
personality as psychopathological. Hijiri is portrayed as a person damaged since his childhood;initially himself a victim, he becomes a victimizer.
For Hijiri, religion is primarily a business and a means to absolute power over others. 'Faith'(shinkô) personally means nothing to him, but he knows full well that it means everything to
the believer. Religion, like sexuality, to which his cult is so intimately linked, is a realm ofmurky contours, filled with projections, wishful imaginings, and taboos. This liminal status ofreligion also allows it to be exploited in accordance with arbitrary desires and manipulative

purposes. As Hijiri recognizes, the religious leader stands far beyond good and evil and thereby
also well above his parttime ideals of ador and politician.
Whether the return of this religious leader is for the good of the world remains dubious. Maria's
disciples proclaim that they have been cured of cancer and AIDS, thereby leading to theconclusion that Maria's religion too cannot get by without a measure of deception and selfdeception. Murakami's scepticism vis-a-vis the new religions and a society that provides fertile
soil for them persists: the novel is predicated on an ironic admonition to those leading religious
causes to religiously active, urging them to make a full confession for the sake of theiradherents. In this respect Murakami's point of view is similar to that of the author Date Ikkô (伊達一行), who early on undertook a critical evaluation of Japan's turn to 'religion'. His vehicle
is his novel Kanashimi no Kyûbere (Sad Cybele,1985), a portrait of the Cybele cult in theancient world.
Ôe Kenzaburô's Chûgaeri (1999): millenarian manierisms
Until now Ôe Kenzaburô has certainly been not perceived as a writer preoccupied with religious
themes or even having an interest in the seishin sekai. Yet along with this comes the recognition
that in his writings Ôe has been pursuing 'spiritual-alternative' ideas since the 1970s. In the
1980s one detects a clear 'spiritual turning point' in his work; in Jinsei no shinseki (人生の親戚 Kinship of Life, 1989), Chiryôtô (治療塔 Therapy Station, 1990) and Chiryôtô wakusei (治療塔惑星 Therapy Planet, 1991), for example, he focuses on eschatological visions andmillennarian longings for salvation. The three-part novel that Ôe had once announced as hislast work, is even more strongly concerned with the religious. Moeagaru midori no ki (燃えあがる緑の木 Evergreen Aflame, 1993/1995), the title inspired by lines from W. B. Yeats' poem
Vacillation, portrays the birth of a new community, formed round a 'saviour' (sukuinushi).
In the two-column novel Chûgaeri, published by Kôdansha in 1999, Ôe further develops thetheme of the community based on a new religion. In the first volume we learn of Kizu, auniversity art lecturer and painter, an older man, who has had an operation for cancer and now
fears a relapse. Parallel to his story is that of present and past events concerning a religious
community, which consists of the two leaders, the patron, also called 'saviour', and the guide or'prophet'. The patron and the guide are the initiators of a new religion, preaching a millennarian
doctrine, that some years before had caused a great stir in the media. The 'radical faction'(kyûshinha) within the group had planned a terrorist act, of which the founders, being unable toidentify with the undertaking, had notified the authorities. The incident has been described as a'somersault,' as it marks a major turning point within the community. Ôe is alluding to the Aum
attack; the cult is identified by name in the text and receives considerable attention in the latter
half of the work.
Responding to the plea of the patron, who wishes to resume his religious activity, Kizu promptly
takes over from the ailing guide, assuming the role of new guide. His reward is to be, with thehelp of the patron's healing power, the conquest of the unfortunate influences affecting his mind
and body. The second part of the novel continues where Moeagaru midori no ki left off. The
setting is again the village in Shikoku. For all his efforts, Kizu now succumbs to the cancer thathas afflicted him, and the leadership of the new religion is then taken over by younger membersof the religious group.
The religious enterprise, as carried out by the patron and the guide, are described, particularly
through the comparison with Aum Shinrikyô, as probabely dangerous. The teachings, whichthe patron himself partially recants, are however not clearly outlined. In the foreground is theforce of the apocalyptic, along with that of 'salvation,' 'new life' (saisei), and the 'mysticalexperience' or 'mysterious divine encounter' (神との神秘体験 kami to no shinpi taiken);regarding his protagonists, the author speaks of a development that proceeds from both the
Hebrew Bible and primitive Buddhist scriptures (原始仏教 genshi bukkyô) towards the kami tono shinpi taiken.
However difficult it might be to comprehend precisely what constitute the old eschatology andthe reformed doctrine of the 'new man,' the author ultimately argues for self-discovery or selfliberation as the 'way of salvation.' In the case of Kizu this means the fulfilment of thehomosexual tendencies that he has always suppressed. He is able to carry on to the end of hislife by engaging in sexual acts of which he has long dreamt. The sexual experience is in hiscase as it seems similar to a religious conversion. The intuitive concern and care that Ikuo
showers on the old man, as well as the characterization of Ikuo as an extraordinary individual,
convey the impression that, above and beyond sexual fulfilment, he bestows 'salvation' on Kizu,
though one could raise the objection, as in his novel Jinsei no shinseki (Kinship of Life), Ôebrings in the religious dimension simply to purify the issue of sexuality which would otherwise
not be tolerated by the bourgeois morality that Ôe's protagonists mostly cultivate. Ôe's novel,
like Endô Shûsaku's (遠藤周作) Fukai kawa (深い河 Deep River, 1993), was understood as
the report of a veteran thinker to a nation in the throes of a 'spiritual crisis'. Yet Ôe ultimately
offers no helpful information on how the Aum affair might be interpreted, what role religion
plays in Japanese society, and how communities founded in the name of new religions are tobe evaluated. To that extent, Chûgaeri does its somersaults in the narrow cosmos of Ôe-esqueconstructs: anarchy and rebirth, salvation and self-deliverance. In taking up the issue of Aum,he simply brings in millenarian posturings; from the standpoint of today's urgent social
problems, which Ôe always claims to be the target of his writings, these offer no solution.
The contribution of Japan's literary world to the theme of religion and new religious
communities mirrors the stance of Japancse intellectuals divided between two camps: those
who support the cause of religion as a source of meaning in the midst of meaningless modernity
and those who are its sceptics and critics. Some writers and intellectuals, such as Tatematsu andÔe, assume an equivocal position or – as can be claimed in the case of Ôe (and for example
Yoshimoto Banana) – adopt messages from the seishin sekai to heighten their own popularity.
That is to say the authors are good trendwatchers and are obviously well aware of the'spirituality' issue.
Religion and the search for the 'spiritual' continue to hold a lofty position in cultural discourse,
and this is not likely to change anytime soon. It should be borne in mind however that the realmof religion for many Japanese represents not only an encounter with the earnest questions ofhuman existence; it is also an element of recreation and personal lifestyle: something to'experience'. A roman a clef about the Aum incident and about how Japan's 'spiritual
intellectuals' think and act is admittedly yet to be written, and until this text will appear, you
may say there are 'spiritual intellectuals' and sceptics among Japanese literati, but no one whocomments on the 'spiritual' yearnings hidden within contemporary Japanese cultural discourse.
From 'ikai' to 'ikaigaku' – final comment
The 'world beyond' in contemporary Japan, as we can already sense, covers a broad territory.
Two components are nostalgia and reassurance of identity, a third is the integration of the'occult' and the religious in the media business and the metropolitan lifestyle. Considering thevarious 'ikaisms' of contemporary Japan, there seems to be the need for an 'ikaigaku' whithin
the field of Japanese studies. Indeed, a new approach to contemporary Japanese cultural
discourse that centers around the question of identity and religion should be today more thanthe usual nihonjinron-critique. It would have to be an 'analysis of intentions' (Fukasawa 2000),a close reading of historical and contemporary texts from different realms and disciplines suchas philosophy,2 cultural philosophy, literature, anthropology, folklore studies and religious
studies, a survey on Japanese cultural institutions and cultural politics, and finally anobservation of lifestyle trends, consumer attitudes and marketing strategies.
Lisette Gebhardt, 2001

References:
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Tôkyô: Tôyôkan Shuppansha.

2

The recently published article on Hamaguchi Eshun's philosophical constructions written by Margaret
Sleeboom (JAWS Newsletter No. 32, June 2000) is a good approach to the complex.

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KOMATSU Kazuhiko 小松和彦(1993): 'Gendaijin ni totte no ikai' 現代人にとっての異界.
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