Abashiri: Currently-beached Yasumaru No. 1,
anxiously awaiting resumption of minke
whaling.

IWC/52/OS JSTWA

Cultural Significance and Needs ofJapan’s Small-type
Coastal Whaling
JAPAN SMALL-TYPE WHALING ASSOCIATION OPENING STATEMENT AT THE 52ND IWC
This is the thirteenth time Japan’s
small-type whalers are seeking an interim relief allocation (IRA) and sevenyears since the International Whaling
Commission (IWC) voted to act “expeditiously” to alleviate the distress ofJapan’s coastal whaling communities
which the cessation of minke whaling
had caused…
And is still causing. The communities
are continuing to suffer from IWC’s
persistent and deliberate denial of its

treaty responsibilities to act “withoutcausing widespread economic andnutritional distress”.
Yet again, in sorrow and in frustration,
we ask you to act morally and ethically:
consider our history and our needs inthe context of the ICRW and recognizethat an interim relief allocation is bothconsistent with your conservation
responsibilities under ICRW and withyour overall treaty obligations.

2

G
T J

ENERAL INTRODUCTIONO APANESE SMALL-TYPE WHALING

The people of Japan have relied on the
resources of the sea to sustain them sinceprehistoric times. And for many centuries,
whales have been included among the foodresources Japanese coastal communitiesuse.
For hundreds of years, whale hunting
was conducted using hand-held harpoons.
However, in the 17th century in Taiji,
there was a new form of whaling developed, using nets, harpoons, and a variety ofhunt and support vessels. This amitori
method then spread from Taiji to manyother parts of Japan.
This highlyorganised form ofwhaling required alarge specialised
workforce to capture
the whales and process them. These large
shore-based factory
operations used every
part of the whale toprepare many different foods; for insecticide for the rice fields;
fertilizer; and formany other useful items from bone, baleen,
and leather. The shore-based operations
also employed both artisans (making andrepairing boats, ropes, nets, barrels, and thetools required for whaling and whale processing) and support personnel.
Thus, where this form of whaling became established — in communities atfavourable locations for nearshore whaling— it came to dominate the local economy,
diet, and culture. These communities
became widely recognized as whalingvillages. And amitori whaling operations
were the largest industry in medieval Japan.
However, during the 19th century, theJapanese whaling grounds were discoveredby American, European, and Russian whalers, who quickly decimated the large stocksof slow-swimming baleen whales, andparticularly the right whales upon which
amitori-whaling depended.
To continue whaling, Japanese whalers
now had to hunt faster-swimming rorquals(e.g., blue, fin and Bryde's whales). Thisrequired Japanese coastal whalers to replace
the rowed hunting boats with motorised
catcher vessels, thus beginning anothertechnological transformation in
Japanese whaling.
During this period of change and expansion, small-type whaling continued,
using small motorised vessels operating innearshore waters andcatching small species (e.
g., minke, beaked andpilot whales). Production from the small-typewhaling operations was
relatively limited, given
both the small body sizeof the whales being
taken and the small sizeof the vessels, so themeat landed in thewhaling communities
Takashima-maru No. 8 was mostly consumed
locally.
Small-type whaling vessels (locallyknown as minke vessels) have always
operated quite close to shore. An averagehunt takes about 13 hours, with thevessels nearly always returning to port eachnight. Minkes are usually taken within 20
miles from shore.
Before WWII, the number of small-typewhaling vessels operating in Japan wasnever more than 20. However, with lossof the large-type catcher boats during the
Pacific War, there was a rapid increase insmall-type whaling immediately following
the end of the war, when small fishingvessels were converted into small-typewhaling vessels to help alleviate the severe
food shortages during that period.
As post-war reconstruction began, thecentral authorities rationalised the whalefishery by decreasing the number of smalltype whaling licenses (from a high of 83
licenses in 1947) and encouraging asmaller number of large-type vessels to

supply the nation's protein needs. Thus, byaround 1970, only nine small-typewhaling licenses remained, and that is
the number of licenses today.

S
O J

OCIAL AND CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICSF APANESE SMALL-TYPE WHALINGThe Nature of the JSTW Enterprise
Small-type whaling today is carried out
from the whaling villages of Ayukawa,
Taiji, and Wada (all on Honshu andaveraging about 4,000 people each) andAbashiri (on Hokkaido, with about 43,000
people).
Minke vessels range from 15 to 49 tons
(the maximum the law allows) and operatewith a crew of five to eight. When —because of the IWC moratorium — minke

whaling was suspended in 1987, the Japanese small-type whaling operation involved
63 whalers working on nine boats.
In addition, on shore, the vessels might
have several full-time flensers, with variable
numbers of volunteers (often retired whalers or locals who enjoyed occasional work).
As well, there were a few additional workers, usually women, who packed edible
whale products in boxes. There were also
one or two office workers associated witheach small-type whaling operation.

Summary of Impacts Resulting from the Moratoriumon Minke Whaling
The IWC Chairman’s Report on the 41st Annual Meeting concisely and accurately summarised theimpacts resulting from the minke whaling moratorium (zero catch limit).

”In Japan the zero-catch limit has affected individuals economically, socially, culturally and inrespect to health. The effects include disruption and failure of small businesses, job loss
and employment at less valued positions and/or limited work in temporary or seasonal positions. Because of the nature of small-type whaling the zero-catch limit affects individuals insmall villages more than in the industrial centres. The small size of the local economy has
required physical moves for individuals and families in order to find employment. High levels of
unemployment for former whalers result fromthe highty specialized nature of their work andbarriers to re-employment due to age and theparticularities of Japanese employment and fish-eries practices. As whalers enjoyed prestige,
their job loss is especially stressful. Within thefamily interpersonal stress, disruption of rigid
gender related division of labour and stress onchildren occurs. Local businesses depending on
whale products have been severely affected andthe loss of revenue threatens the sur vival ofsuch institutions as fishery cooperative associations. Tourism is highly dependent upon theavailability of whale meat which also plays on
impor tant role in religious obser vances andcommunity celebrations. These impacts pose aserious threat to the continued survival of these
traditional small communities“(Chairman’s Report of the 41st IWC Meeting in 1989, p.4)

3

4

AYUKAWAABASHIRI

WADA

TAIJI

The total workforce engaged in Japanese
small-type whaling was about 100 people
in 1987, of which 75 were full-time employees. This workforce often included
vessel owners' wives and sometimes othermembers of their immediate families.

And though coastal whaling only occurs
during six months of the year, vessel owners usually pay their crews either full or
partial wages in the non-whaling season
because they expect that the same crew will
be available the following year.

Employment Patterns

Culturally-important Aspects ofWhaling

Recruitment into small-type whaling occurs
through the harpooner, the vessel owner, ora member of an owner's family. Many
whalers belong to whaling families, as doflensers and whale product processors. This
reflects both the familial nature ofsmall-type whaling operations and thecultural importance Japanese place on
following family traditions and thus showing respect to ancestors.
Work on minke vessels does not require
formal training. The crew of each minke
vessel formed a tight social group, often
from years of working together. Crew
members continued socialising with one
another during the non-whaling season.

Whaling remains a culturally important
activity in present-day, and in many
former, whaling communities. Thus, inthese communities, anticipating each newseason, several culturally-prescribed activities occur, as they also do at certain othertimes during the year.
The importance of whale meat in thesecommunities relates to its symbolic associations with a number of positive aspects
in people’s lives (e.g., health, longevity,
vitality); the social and cultural importanceof gifts of whale meat; the use of edible
whale products in the local/regional cuisines; the important role these cuisines play5

Taiji: Buddhist memorial service for souls of whales.

in maintaining cultural identity; the cultural value placed on maintaining andtransmitting traditional skills andoccupations; and the fostering of traditional spiritual values that connect
whalers and their families with their past
and with whales.

Gift Exchanges Involving Whale Meat
In the whaling villages, there exists anextensive system of customary gift-based
ritual exchange that occurs before andthroughout the whaling season. In addition, in some whaling communities, whale
meat gift exchanges occur among all households throughout the entire year.
These gifts are omiki (usually sake [ricewine]) given to vessel owners, the vessel
herself and the crew; the return gifts arewhale meat. Also, if the vessel owner makes
any major expenditures for his vessel, hewill also receive many gifts (includingcash). The return gifts for these are also
whale meat.

Taiji: Whaling festival recalling old whaling techniques.

The Social Significance of Whale
Meat Distribution
All those who are involved in catching andprocessing a whale receive bonuses or giftsof whale meat. In this way, a considerable
amount of whale meat is continually entering informal (non-commercial) distribution
throughout the whaling towns. And these
are widely shared, leading to the common
sentiment that “fish is to buy, whale is tobe received”.

Commercial and Non-Commercial
Whale Meat Distribution
It is not possible to place an unequivocal
monetary value on ritual, a social bond, ora sense of shared identity. Thus, none ofthese ritual whale meat distributions
should be considered as being purely, oreven predominantly, economic transactions. The true value of these circulatingexchanges are social and cultural: they
are important because they repeatedly

Picture scroll showing Edo-period whaling operations. (Shoko Museum of Arts)

6

Chikko, Abashiri, 1959: Flensing of minke whales.

involve almost every person in the community and they are derived from local enterprise whose benefits are widely shared andappreciated. By participating in thesecommunity-wide events, local residents
collectively reaffirm and validate theirsense of community by enjoying —indeed celebrating — the seasonal bountyof the sea on which their community
depends.

Religious Observances Associatedwith Whaling
Since earliest times, Japanese haveregarded whales as an important source offood and employment. Thus, whales are
intimately associated, more especially inthe whaling villages, with a widespreadsense of security and prosperity.
Until quite recently — and even now —rural Japanese did not enjoy the prosperity
that followed their nation's rapid
industrialisation. Thus the whale, as anample provider of community needs, hasremained symbolically important inthose small coastal (often remote) whaling
communities.
Within these communities people celebrate many ceremonies, both secular and7religious, to show gratitude and to court
divine favour to ensure the benefits ofwhaling continue. Nor have these religious
obligations to whales and celebrations ofwhaling ended when a village stops whaling.
The local Shinto shrine is important toJapanese society because it defines thegeographic and social perimeters of thelocal community. Throughout the whaling
season, the women in the whalers’ families
visit their local shrines to pray for thewhalers’ safety, for a good catch, and forthe souls of the whales. Shinto priests also
officiate at purification ceremonies onboard the whaling vessels.
And at the New Year, the talisman for
whaling vessel’s spirits (funadama) responsible for protecting the whaling vessel, arerenewed. The owner-operators and harpooners are the principal officiates at thisparticular ceremony.
Members of the whaling communities
also participate in Buddhist ceremonies,
two of which are particularly important:first, memorial services for the souls of
whales killed; and second, for the souls of
whalers who, having taken life, seek forgiveness and spiritual compensation for
their loss of merit for having done so. In
some whaling villages, virtually the wholecommunity participates in these services.
Shinto and Buddhist ceremonies areoften constructed around a communal
meal (naorai) shared between parishioners
and dieties. The centrality of whaling to thecommunity is reflected in the prominenceof whale meat in these ceremonies.

8

W

HALES, FOOD, AND IDENTITY

Eating whale meat is undeniably part ofJapanese culture. The pattern is of a seriesof quite localised (or at most, regional)
cuisines which reflect historical whale use
practices in that town or area. The whalebased diet in Abashiri and Ayukawa is based
principally on minke whale; that of Wadaon Baird's beaked whale; and of Taiji, on
pilot whales and dolphins.
The whaling villages’ strong attachment
to their respective whale-based cuisines
results from a variety of cultural andpersonal valuations variously associatedwith hunting, processing, distributing andconsuming whales. Clearly, whale as acustomary food involves a variety of very
positive associations in people’s minds, sothat contemplating a future without thesefoods brings worried, indeed depressing,thoughts. Further, research has made it
quite apparent that this attachment to thecustomary whale-based diet is strongly felt
by young people as well as by adults.
Residents of Japanese whaling villages
often stress that every edible part of thewhale is eaten — including not just red
meat, organ meats, and blubber, but also
types of organs not generally eaten inwestern countries today (although in somecases certainly eaten in the not-too-distantpast), cartilage, the base of the baleen
plates, and many other unexpected delicacies.

The Basis and Importance ofCustomary Foods
Food consumption patterns are generally
based on many criteria, although the importance accorded these criteria will vary
according to culture, locality, and socioeconomic status within a given society.
Among the criteria are —• availability;• symbolic value (associatied with longevity, strength, good fortune, ancestralties);• actual and perceived health value; and• historical and social values (involving
family and community closeness andtraditions).
Researchers have found that the extent
to which whale meat in the whaling villages satisfies these varied criteria, compared with various non-whale alternatives,clearly shows that as the core food in arichly varied traditional cuisine, the valueof whale meat transcends mere preferences.
In one whaling village (Ayukawa), there
were 30 different culturally-important
occasions, great and smaller, at which
whale meat was the chosen centerpiece of acelebratory meal.

The Social and Cultural Importance ofRestaurants and Caterers

Harpooning a minke whale.

The social and cultural importanceof food, and of eating together, iscommon to all societies. The practice ofconcluding important social or businessinteractions with a meal attests to thefundamental role food plays shaping andcementing interpersonal relationships.
In Japan, group activities are far morecommon than is the case in more individualistic western societies. But Japanese
homes are often small. And in small com-munities, with many relatives, friends, andassociates near by, numbers of guests to be
invited for events requiring meals often
makes celebrating in hotels or restaurants
the only practical option.
Thus, in whaling villages, providing
whale meat to hotels and restaurants becomes essential, for all such importantsocial occasions must serve whale dishes if
the meal is to fulfil its ceremonial purpose.
Encouraging tourists to visit whalingvillages is another reason that commercial
eating establishments must serve whale
meat. Taiji, Abashiri and Ayukawa are all
promoting tourism as a way of compensating for their fisheries problems (including
whale fisheries) and the limited opportunities they have for alternative economic
development.
Internal tourism in Japan is partly driven
by the expectations that regional foodspecialties will be available during one’s

9

Minke whaling: Takashima-maru No. 8, mid-1980s.

travels. For this reason, most Japanese
tourists visiting a whaling village would bevery disappointed if they were not able toeat local whale dishes.

SP
M

OCIO ECONOMIC IMPACTS OF THE EXTENDED
AUSE IN INKE WHALING

Impact of the Moratorium upon
the Whalers
Just before the moratorium on hunting
minkes, the eight small-type whaling
vessel owners were typically sharing a
harvest of 40 beaked whales, 50 pilot
whales, and about 320 minke whales eachyear. Obviously the loss of the minkes
represented a significant economic
hardship, seriously threatening the viability of these small-scale operations.
The whalers made a one-time adjustment, carrying part of the non-minke
quota from 1987 to 1988 because they
believed the pause in small-type coastal
minke whaling would be short. The IWC(International Whaling Commission)
resolution which interrupted commercial
whaling said a pause was necessary to allow
the IWC Scientific Committee to undertake
comprehensive whale stocks assessments
and to develop a way of setting catch
quotas that would allow whales to be taken

without risk of depleting their populations.
This was called the Revised Management
Procedure (RMP).
The whalers thought the pause would beshort because this resolution called forthese tasks to be completed by 1990
(the work had begun a few years before themoratorium came into effect). The whalers
were, therefore, in 1987, looking only tosurvive for three or four years, until the
IWC would review the ScientificCommittee’s findings and the practicalityof resuming sustainable minke whaling.
To help the whalers cope with the supposedly-temporary loss of more than 75%of their catch, which the minke moratorium represented, the Government of Japan
increased by a small percentage the quotas
of non-minkes. The whalers also received
some benefit from the predictable increasein whale meat prices resulting from supply
shortages.
But these short-term fixes were notenough. Regardless of their landings, whal-

10

Taiji: Whaling festival recalling old whaling techniques.

ers must meet fixed annual costs of operating and maintaining their vessels and of
paying their crews and other overhead
expenses. The whalers therefore had tomake further accommodations, letting gosome crew members and forming joint
operations with fewer vessels to reduce
operating costs.
Some whale vessel operators tried todiversify their business operations by tunafishing, salmon-farming, or dolphin hunting. Crew members who lost their jobs triedvarious forms of inshore fishing or diving
for abalone. But none of these endeavours
was economically successful; indeed, somelost money by trying work with which they
had no experience.
The problem of finding other work was
especially difficult in the whaling villagesof Taiji and Ayukawa because at the sametime the small-type whalers were looking
for work, so were many other large-typewhalers who lost their jobs when the IWC
moratorium also ended the large-typewhaling operations in those villages.

Impacts of the Moratorium upon
Whalers’ Families
To consider the effects of job loss onwhalers’ families, it is important to remember that in the whaling villages whalers
were respected individuals. They wereconsidered generous community benefactors and the primary role models for youngmen. Many young men aspired to become
whalers. And not only did whaling provide
prestige to the whalers and to the whalingvillage but it also provided a far moresecure source of income than could fishing;thus marriage to a whaler was consideredvery desirable.
As a result, the uncertainty the moratorium introduced led to stresses far
greater than just economic. Families,
as well as individuals, suffered from avariety of social and psychological stresses,
and, as a consequence, individuals’ andfamilies’ health and well-being suffered too.
The ex-whalers had few prospects foralternative jobs in their villages, whichmeant their families had to make difficult
decisions, including moving to find work;
moving the family; having one's wife go towork outside the home; using savings tostart a small business, or living very frugallyto provide for their children’s educations.
Although these are universal concerns, it
is important to understand them in theJapanese context: in Japan children’s education is exceedingly highly valued and it is
the mother’s paramount responsibility toensure her children do well in school. This
usually requires her to remain a full-time
homemaker, not work outside until thechildren leave school.
Also, in the whaling villages, whalers’families enjoyed considerable social standing because whalers could distribute, fromtheir shares of each catch, gifts of whale
meat. But suddenly, with the moratorium
on whaling, they could no longer fulfil
these social obligations, which are sovital in Japanese culture. They felt
shame at their lost ability to ensure thecontinuation of these joyous and eagerly
anticipated traditional community practices.
Nor — despite some IWC delegates’
suggestions to the contrary — could losing
their work because of the imposed moratorium be considered analogous to the dilemmas some Europeans had faced when theirfisheries collapsed or their mines went outof business for lack of markets. Minke
whales remain abundant — fishermen andwhalers see them almost daily; and themarket continues to demand the highlyvalued food the whalers can provide.
Finally, the sense of moral failure thehousehold head feels because he is unable
to continue the family enterprise he inherited is not borne by him alone. It is shared,
and acutely affects, other household mem-bers — bound as they are by Confucian
ethics of inter-generational loyalty, indebtedness, and responsibility.

Impact of the Moratorium upon
the Whaling Villages
Predictably, the economic impact of thecommercial whaling moratorium in
Ayukawa, Taiji, and Wada has caused asignificant ripple effect throughout
the local economies and communities. The FCAs (Fisheries Cooperative
Association) not only operate local fish
markets and undertake various regulatory
and educational programmes; they also
serve as important community financial
institutions. Whaling had provided a largepart of the FCAs’ revenues (earned throughcommissions on sales of whale meat, andon purchases of ice and other supplies andservices). After the moratorium, the FCAs’
revenues dropped significantly.
Ayukawa and Taiji had both large- andsmall-type coastal whaling, both of which
ended abruptly at the end of the 1987
season. And now that the large-type whaling companies no longer exist, the FCAs
can only be revived with increased revenues from small-type whaling. It is mostunlikely that the increase will come fromnon-whale revenues; fish sales have remained stable or declined over the past

several years, and fish farming and otherforms of mariculture cannot be further
expanded in these areas, and, in manycases, appear to be in financial difficulties.
And apart from the moratorium’s serious
impacts on the whaling villages’ FCAs, lossof whaling revenues also resulted in lost tax
revenues, for whalers, as a group, made a
disproportionately large contribution tovillage taxes.
In Ayukawa, another result of the economic downturn is the forced out-migrations of people who have no prospects offinding work in their home town. With somany whaling-related businesses in thevillage ending because of the moratorium,other jobs became scarce at the same timesmall-type whalers lost their jobs.
Also, it is a higher proportion of young
people who are leaving Ayukawa, making
the town concerned that fewer younger
people will remain to continue productive
work, such as fisheries.
All these problems, plus the negative
impacts the minke whaling moratorium
has had on the social, religious, and cultural life of the whaling communities have,according to the assessment of an independent Australian-US research team, caused“the fabric of social relationships…tounravel. The end of whaling means
the end of these towns as viablecommunities.”

Kushiro, summer 1979: All nine current license-holding small-type whaling vessels ready for
departure for minke whaling.

11

12

FT M

AILURES OF EFFORTS TO MITIGATEHE ORATORIUM’S IMPACT

Attempts to mitigate the loss of minke
whales from the annual small-type whaling
fishery have generally not succeeded because of the communities’ limited opportunities and the lack of specialised businessknowledge.
Some vessel owners, now operating as
joint companies with reduced expenses andby experiencing a rising price for whale
meat, have partially eased their financial
straits. However, it is the loss of social andcultural institutions that depend on thecapture, processing, distribution, consumption, and celebration of whaling and whale
food in the traditional whaling districts
that represents the greatest loss, both topresent and to future generations.
For whalers who lost their jobs, thesituation has not improved. Some havefound other jobs, but not ones equal inincome, social status, or phychologicalreward. And for their families, it also continues to be difficult, with their futures
perhaps permanently changed by the
economic hardships which have variously
affected all the whaling villages since themoratorium.
The villages themselves also face difficulties. All the whaling villages were seeking todiversify their economies even before theminke whaling moratorium, for in mostcases the fishing-based economy wasn't
growing, but the need for additional town
revenues was.
For most municipalities, tourism development is the favoured strategy for economic development. But only a few havethe required financial assets or appeal totourists or necessary infrastructure to succeed.
Taiji does have such appeal and facilities,
but these are seriously lacking in Ayukawa
and Wada. Taiji is not only the acknowledged birthplace of Japanese whaling, italso has many natural and man-madeattractions and its relative inaccessability
seems not to deter visitors. As well, thelocal cuisine, an additional attraction forJapanese visitors, is least affected by thewhaling ban, for the Taiji cuisine is basedon small cetaceans not affected by IWC
actions.
The other whaling villages lack amenities. Wada is accessibly by road, but
Ayukawa is some hours drive from thenearest train station. And Ayukawa’s andWada’s main tourist attractions — until thewhaling moratorium — were that they were
working whaling villages. Now they are
only pallid images of what they once were.
And for some potential Japanese tourists,
the possibility that whale cuisine will be
unavailable, less diverse, or expensive isanother deterrent.
However, the principal impacts of thewhaling moratorium, the most difficult
ones to address, are not wholly economic.
For many, the attack on whaling is anattack on their profession, on the honourof their whaling ancestors, and — by attacking their food culture — an attack on acore element of their culture and theiridentity.
“In Japan, the zero-catch limit [onminkes] has affected individuals, economically, socially, culturally and inrespect to health…. These impacts pose aserious threat to the continued survivalof these traditional small communities.”— from the Chairman’s Report of the
41st IWC Meeting
Bibliography
Freeman, Milton M.R., “A Review of Documents on Smalltype Whaling, Submitted to the International Whaling
Commission by the Government of Japan, 1986-1995.”
IWC Workshop on Japanese Community based Whaling,
Sendai, Japan, March 1997 and TC/M97/CBW/5.

Photographs
Courtesy of Mr. MIYOSHI Hideshi; Abashiri City; Oshika
Town; Wada Town; Taiji Town; Shoko Museum of Arts.

JAPAN SMALL-TYPE WHALING ASSOCIATION
4-5-10-506, Honcho, Nakano-ku, Tokyo 164-0012, Japan
TEL: 03-5385-6121 FAX: 03-5385-6122
July 2000
Copyright 2000 Japan Small-type Whaling Association
All rights reserved.