目

次『オンライン版』

ISSN 2189-2598

http://japan.tsukuba.ac.jp/research/
Articles■ 金 善映「２ちゃんねる」と「イルべ」電子掲示板を通してみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象■ Anya HOMMADOVA
Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students: Intercultural Communication andIntegration into American Culture■ Takakazu YAMAGISHI
Health Insurance Politics of Japan in the 1940s and the 1950s: The Japan
Medical Association and Policy Development
Research Notes■ Paul CAPOBIANCO
Bridging the Gap between Japanese and Foreign Communities through Communication
and Critical Reflection■ ショリナ ダリヤグル
カザフスタン人日本語教師の教育観形成
─大学教師のライフストーリーから─
■ Marta Elzbieta SZCZYGIELSociology of Waste in Christian Europe and Japan: Comparative Analysis of the
Notion of Human Waste■ 大塚 香奈
韓国語母語話者における日本語長母音の知覚と教育効果

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©2017 Journal of International and Advanced JapaneseStudies Vol.9, March 2017, pp. 147-169 (ONLINE)
Master’s and Doctoral Programs in International andAdvanced Japanese Studies
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences,
University of Tsukuba

論文「2ちゃんねる」と「イルべ」電子掲示板を通してみた
日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象
Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

金 善映 (Sunyoung KIM)
筑波大学人文社科学研究科

博士後期課程インターネット空間は新たな文化形成や意見表明の場を生み出すと同時に、集団極化が起こりやすいという、両義性を持つ。特に、こうした集団極化は「ヘイトスピーチ」や「右傾化」につながり、外部に存在する他の対象に向かって噴出されている側面が、日韓両国において共通に見受けられる。近年、日韓両国において可視化されているインターネット掲示板「2 ちゃんねる」と「イルべ」がその例である。
「この 2 つのネット右翼サイトは時間差を置いて生まれたが、日本のネット右翼の歩みを見れば、イルべに代表される韓国のオンラインの右翼勢力の未来を垣間見ることができる。このような分析は冷戦後、両国国民の社会・文化的経験が似ていることに根拠を置いているためだ」（週刊京鄕 2014)。そこで本研究ではネット右翼サイトとして位置づけられている日本の「2ちゃんねる」と韓国の「イルべ」掲示板を研究対象として分析する。分析を通じ、「2 ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」の思考体系において共有される「コード」を読み解くことが試みる。
Internet space creates opportunities for new cultural formation and opinion-sharing but, at the same time, it
is also a space where group polarization is likely to occur, and that leads to an ambiguous identity. In particular,“hate speech” and “a right-wing shift” led by extreme group polarization with aggression toward outsiders cancommonly be seen in Japan and Korea. The Internet bulletin board “2channel” in Japan and “ILBE” in Korea
are examples of this phenomenon in recent years. “Although these two radical right-wing websites have a time
gap in their establishment, the Internet extreme right-wing in Japan provides a glimpse into the future of the
Korean online right-wing group represented in ILBE. This analysis is based on the similarities in social andcultural trends that the two countries experienced in the post-Cold War era” (Weekly Kyunghyang 2014).
Therefore, this study analyzes these two representative online Internet spheres as research subjects to decipher
the “code” that is shared in the framework of “2 channel” and “ILBE.”

キーワード：ヘイトスピーチ ナショナリズム 2 ちゃんねる
Keywords: Hate Speech, Nationalism, 2Channel, ILBE, KH Coderイルベ

KH コーダー

はじめに
2000年代に入る頃から日本では電子掲示板「2ちゃんねる」などで、日本社会における文化的他者とされる、在日韓国・朝鮮人に対して差別をあおる言説、いわゆる「ヘイトスピーチ」が目立ち始めた。2015
年11月には3年半ぶりの開催となった日韓中首脳会談で最大の懸案であった従軍慰安婦問題をはじめ、
歴史認識問題や領土問題に端を発した韓国人や在日コリアンに対するヘイトスピーチが「2ちゃんねる」
147筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）

電子掲示板で行われ、社会に排外的な風潮が強まるのではないかという懸念も指摘されている。2013年の新語・流行語大賞にノミネートされた「ヘイトスピーチ」なる現象は、年を追うごとに重大なものになっており、社会的な問題として注目を集めている。このような情勢の中、2016年5月13日、参院本会議
において、「ヘイトスピーチ(憎悪表現)解消に向けた推進法」が可決され、24日には衆院本会議で全会一
致により可決、成立した。
ネット上の民族主義的な発言および発言者を示すヘイトスピーチ現象は、日本だけの話でなく韓国社
会全般のナショナリズム強化現象としても議論されつつある。近年、韓国の2ちゃんねると言われる「日刊ベスト貯蔵所(以下, イルべ：2010年開設)という電子掲示版が注目を集めている。ニールセン・コリ
アン・クリック(Nielsen Korean Click)によると、「イルべ」電子掲示板の2015年4月パソコン(PC)基準
純訪問者(Unique Visitor：UV)数は、130万6365名に達し、モバイル基準純訪問者数は173万2420名を記録した。そして、月間総ページ・ビュー(Page View：PV)数は、2億6017万となり、全体のコミュニティ
ー分野の中で2位を記録した。当初は単なるユーモア・サイトだったが、今では5.18光州民主化運動が激しかった地域の１つである全羅道地域をはじめ、左翼、北朝鮮、女性へのヘイトスピーチなどで社会的な議論の中心に立っている。
ならば、2000年以降、日韓両国のインターネット・コミュニティーにおいてリベラルなものが人々の感情を吸収できなくなった背景には何があるのだろうか。また、逆に、なぜこの時期に極右志向の思考が彼らを惹きつけたのだろうか。たとえば、2000年代中盤までリベラルの色彩を帯びてきた韓国のインターネット・コミュニティーが、2010年以降、徐々にリベラルの色彩が薄れ、一方日本では、戦後民主主義が日本のネット右翼層の愛国心を吸収できなくなった。また、思春期・青春期にバブルの崩壊やアジア通貨危機を経験した若者たちの右傾化が目立つようになったという(高原 2006, 安田 2012, Kang2013)。なぜ、こうした層が極右志向の思考へと走ったのだろうか。日韓両国の社会においてこれらの極
右サイトの思想と行動をどのような文脈で理解すべきかについても考える必要がある。
そこで、本研究の目的はこのような現状に着目し、日韓両国の社会問題の一つと言われるようになった、いわゆるヘイトスピーチ言説を事例に、これを生み出す要因を明らかにすることである。ネット空間におけるヘイトスピーチの問題は本来の意図を離れて大衆にとって重要な争点となり、ひいては社会的問題として浮き彫りになっているため、欧米の研究者の間でも大変注目されているテーマであるが、議論の流れやその要因について解明した研究は管見の限り見当たらない。本研究では、ネット右翼的な掲示板の形成土壌となる日韓の社会構造と問題点を指摘し、さらに日韓両国が対立する差別と偏見の問
題を超え、「共生」を構築するための重要な示唆を与えることができると期待される。
１． 先行研究の考察
先行研究を考察するにあたり、まず、本論文におけるヘイトスピーチの定義を行う。ヘイトスピーチの定義に関して、「ヘイトスピーチとは、広義では、人種、民族、国籍、性などの属性を有するマイノリ
ティの集団もしくは個人に対し、その属性を理由とする差別的表現であり、その中核にある本質的な部
分は、マイノリティに対する「差別、敵意又は暴力の煽動」（自由権規約二〇条）、「差別のあらゆる煽動」（人種差別撤廃条約四条本文）であり、表現による暴力、攻撃、迫害である」（師岡 2013:48）という理解が一般であるが、堀田(2014)はヘイトスピーチの定義を人種、民族、宗教、性などによって限定するだけでは不十分であると述べながら、次のような注意をも加えている。
もし、人類、民族、宗教等でしか限定しないとすると、たとえば、在日朝鮮人に対するヘイト
スピーチを非難し、罵倒するカウンター側の表現に対する「日本人差別」とか「日本人に対するヘイトスピーチ」などという表現を批判することはできなくなる。ある表現がある人々に対する敵意や憎悪およびその扇動の表現であるとする際に、単に人類等でその「標的」を限定するだけ
ではなく、さらに、対象となる人々が、当該社会で歴史的にまたは現在において「マイノリティ」
であるという文脈(context)が必要だということを示唆している。また、ある種の人々に対する「敵意の扇動」であると言うために、発話者の意図は必要条件ではないということを示唆している。(堀田 2014:2)
148

金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

本研究では、堀田(2014)のヘイトスピーチの定義を参考にして研究を進めた。本研究の分析対象である「2ちゃんねる」掲示板では在日コリアンを「チョン」、「イルベ」掲示板では5.18光州民主化運動の犠牲者を「ガンギエイ」と呼んている。日韓両掲示板において彼らは、マイノリティとしてヘイトスピ
ーチの対象となってきた。こうした日韓両掲示板で現れているヘイトスピーチの対象を、人種、民族、宗教、性などに限定して捉えることだけでは不十分であると考えられる。なぜなら日韓両国社会におけるヘイトスピーチ現象は、当該社会の歴史や社会的文脈の中で生まれたマジョリティとマイノリティの間で起きているためだ。
まず、日韓両掲示板においてヘイトスピーチ現象が生じた背景について、これまでの先行研究の流れを概観した上で、これらの研究の意義や限界を踏まえて研究課題を設定する。2000年以降の日本のヘイ
トスピーチの標的は韓国、北朝鮮、中国であった。特に、ネット上で嫌韓の流れが出来上がった事件としては、2002年の日韓ワールドカップが挙げられる。2002年の日韓ワールドカップの当時、日本のメディアの中で韓国への批判は一種のタブーとなってきた。それゆえ、メディアに対して何かしらの抗議をしようとする動き(「湘南ゴミ拾いOFF」と呼ばれる抗議行動)が当時の「2ちゃんねる」掲示板上で発生した。次に、2002年9月に小泉純一郎首相(当時)が北朝鮮の平壌を訪問した際、金正日総書記(当時)が日本人拉致の事実を公式に認め、謝罪した。それ以来、日本では反北朝鮮色を鮮明にし、いわゆる激しい
北朝鮮バッシングが始まった。ネット上で対中感情が悪化の一途を辿っている背景には、尖閣諸島といった領土問題や中国脅威論の浮上などが挙げられる。最近の研究では、ヘイトスピーチの攻撃対象を在日コリアンに偏っているという報告がある(樋口 2015)。この報告によると、2013年5月に在日特権を許さない市民の会（以下、在特会)がホームページ上で実施した投票結果で、78％が韓国を「一番嫌い国」と回答し、続けて12%が中国、4％が北朝鮮であることが明らかにされている。
では、ヘイトスピーチの攻撃対象が在日コリアンに限定されたきた背景には何があるのだろうか。
多数の先行研究では、その論拠として、特別永住資格、朝鮮学校補助金交付、生活保護優遇、通名制
度という「在日特権」が在特会をはじめとする排外主義運動で最も重要な言説となってきた点が挙げられる(安田 2012, 樋口 2014, 野間 2015, 山崎 2015, 小倉他 2016)。その上に、「在日特権」という物語は神話あるいはデマに過ぎないという認識が、これらの研究の共通した見解であった。
「在日特権」が論じられる際、よく取り上げられているのが「特別永住資格」である。
「特別永住権」とは、平成3年(1991年)11月1日に施行された、「日本国との平和条約に基づき日本の国籍を離脱した者等の出入国管理に関する特例法」（平成3年法律第71号。以下「入管特例法」）により定められた在留の資格のことを言う。具体的には、日本国籍を離脱した者(在日韓国人・朝鮮人・台湾人出身者で、1945年9月2日
以前より日本に在留する者と、その子孫)に対して日本での永住を認め、一般の永住資格と異なり入国審査時に顔写真の撮影や指紋採取が必要なく、証明書の携帯も求められない資格である。
「特別永住資格」を付与した背景では、サンフランシスコ講和条約発効(1952年)により、これまで日本国籍を有していた旧植民地出身国者である韓国人・朝鮮人・台湾人は、自身の意思に関わらず自動的に日本国籍を離脱させられ、事実上無国籍状態に置かれることになった。それ以降、日本国籍を離脱させられた
在日韓国人・朝鮮人・台湾人の法的地位の安定化を図る為、日本政府が様々な試行錯誤を繰り返し生まれたのが「特別永住権」である。前述した内容から「特別永住資格」は、歴史的経緯や時代的文脈から生まれたということがわかる。多くの先行研究では、こうした経緯にもかかわらず、在特会をはじめ、インターネット上では在日コリアンが一般的な外国人の永住資格とは異なり優遇措置を受けているという流言飛語的な主張が飛び交ったと指摘している。
次に、ヘイトスピーチが生じる社会的要因については、大きく二つの流れに大別できる。
一つの流れについて、最近の樋口(2014)、山崎(2015)、小倉他(2016)の研究では近隣諸国との「歴史修正主義」から在日特権という物語やヘイトスピーチ言説が生まれたという見解を示している。まず、樋口(2014)の研究では、今や大規模な移民や難民受け入れの問題でヘイトスピーチ現象は世界的に広く見られる現象であり、在日コリアンが日本社会においてヘイトスピーチの標的となってきたことについて着目した。樋口はこうした現象を解明するため、在特会をはじめとする排外主義運動の活動家に対する聞き取り調査を実施した。彼は在日コリアンへのヘイトスピーチ現象を「日本型排外主義」と命名し、以下のように解説している。

149筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）

日本型排外主義とは近隣諸国との関係により規定される外国人排斥の動きを指し、植民地清算と冷戦に立脚するものである。直接の標的になるのは在日外国人だが、排斥感情の根底にあるのは外国人に対するネガティブなステレオタイプよりむしろ、近隣諸国との歴史的関係となる。その意味で、外国人の増加や職をめぐる競合といった外国で排外主義を生み出す要因は、日本型排外主義の説明に際してさしたる重要性を持たない。(樋口 2014：204)
次に、山崎(2015)は、「歴史的文脈」がマジョリティとマイノリティを規定する重要な要素であると指摘しながら、以下のように解説している。
<マジョリティ＝強者＝日本人/マイノリティ＝弱者＝在日朝鮮人>を攪乱・無効化する言説実践であった。その際の要となっているのは、日本と在日朝鮮人との歴史的関係を無視した形で「議論」を提起することである。たとえば、在日特権としてやり玉に挙げられる通名制度や、生活保護受給率などは日本の植民政策およびその後の対応の不適切さに由来するものであるが、その歴史的経緯を無視することで「在日特権」というイメージがつくり出されているのである。すなわ
ち、現代日本での排外主義勢力によるヘイトスピーチを可能にしている土台となっているのは、
意識的/無意識的な歴史否認論(歴史修正主義)である。(山崎 2015：70)
上述した論議から、ヘイトスピーチ言説が生じる背景と関連し、近隣諸国との歴史的関係ということが重要な要因であることが示唆された。
もう一つの流れは、1990年代以降高度経済成長期の安定的な社会構造が喪失したことによる雇用不安
や労働条件の悪化、所得格差、将来不安といった要因によるものである(高原 2006, 安田 2012)。高原(2006)と安田(2012)は「在日特権」という物語と関連し、「不安要因説」や「生きづらい社会」仮説を中
心にヘイトスピーチ言説の背景を考察している。在特会などの団体やヘイトスピーチをする人を長年取材してきた安田は在特会が主張する「在日特権」は「特権」というよりは、「在特会やその賛同者が従来の制度を思いっきり拡大解釈した上で、彼ら独自の見解や根拠の怪しいデータを付け加えた、いわば彼らが後から、｢発見」したものといったほうが正解だろう」(安田 2012:210)という見解を示した。
また、ネット事情に詳しいフリーライターの渋谷哲也の言葉を安田の『ネットと愛国』(2012)から引用すると以下の通りである。
今世紀に入ってから非正規労働者の割合が急増した。正社員の座をめぐる過酷な椅子取りゲー
ムが始まったわけです。椅子が余っている時代であれば外国人のことなど気にはならないし、寛容でいることもできました。しかし椅子の数が少なくなれば、まず、椅子に座るべきは日本人からだろうといった声が出てくる。それがいつしか外国人は出て行けという罵声にも変わる。(中略) ネット言論では早い時期から在日コリアンが攻撃対象とされてきました。それは歴史的な経緯だとが、あるいは直接的な被害をうけたことからくる憎悪なんかではなく、｢守られている」｢保護されている」といった勝手なイメージが、いわゆる「在日叩き」を生み出してしまったのです。
(安田 2012:349-350)
こうした渋谷の指摘から、グローバル化の進行や競争の激化、経済格差の拡大などにより、社会の周縁に追いやられてきた人々が自己不全感と鬱積する不満のはけ口を「在日叩き」という形で現したという論点が読み取れる。安田は、渋谷の指摘を加え、在特会の過激な言動の背景には、「タブー破りの快感」であると同時に「所属の欲求」や「誰かに認められたい」という「承認欲求」が根底にあるという。
中でも「タブー破りの快感」について、安田は、経済生活の不安さ、政治体制に対する不安さによって何かを「奪われた」と考える人達には、しっかり守ってくれたと確信していた既存の価値観や常識が単純な権威に過ぎないものとみなされたと説明した。しかし、安田の研究から、なぜ在日朝鮮人がヘイト
スピーチの標的となったのかについての説明が十分だとは言い難い。これは、他国の社会にも見られ、
例えば、イギリスではユーロ危機をきっかけに、移民排除することを目的とする極右勢力の台頭が目立った現象と同様の傾向を示しているためである。
次に、ヘイトスピーチ現象と関連する、韓国の先行研究はそれほど多くない。韓国のインターネット・
コミュニティーは2000年代中盤までリベラルの色彩が強かった。Park(2013)は、「2002年の盧武鉉ブー
150

金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

ム、2004年の弾劾政局、2008年の狂牛病蝋燭デモの当時、インターネット・チャルバン(コメント入れ画像)は、既成政治権を戯画化すると同時に、若くリベラルなネットのユーザーの政治的価値を表現するのに有効な媒体であった」(Park 2013:59)と指摘している。しかし、2010年、「イルべ」掲示板が登場して以来、極右傾向の強いインターネット・コミュニティーが注目を集め始めた。
「イルべ」掲示板の誕生
は、これまで目立たなかった保守傾向のコミュニティーが世に出たという含意もあるが、韓国社会に蔓延している現象と同時に、一連の議論と言説作用をもたらしている「問題のある」サイトとして受け取られている。2016年4月30日、デーリー韓国では「ヘイトスピーチ言説が溢れているイルべは国内のヘイ
トスピーチの元凶」という記事を掲載した。このように「イルべ」掲示板は、社会現象または社会問題として公論化され始めており、最近2-3年前からヘイトスピーチ言説に関する研究が進められてきた。
Kim(2014)によると、「イルべ」掲示板ユーザーは自分たちを善意の被害者と位置づけており、加害者たちは一種のエリートあるいは特権階層であるという。ここでの加害者たちは、軍隊に行かない女性、米の支援を受けながらミサイル実験や核実験で脅かす北朝鮮、5.18光州民主化運動(1980年)とセウォル
号惨事(2014年)の犠牲者や遺族たちなどとなる。
「イルべ」掲示板ユーザーからみると、彼らは国家の税金あるいは補償金で贅沢をしている集団、かつ韓国社会を分裂させる集団となるのだ。Kim は、ヘイト
スピーチ言説が生じる社会的要因と連関し、韓国社会で「IMF 危機」以降に拡散された新自由主義の不安定な経済構造の中で多くの青年層が、社会から落ちこぼれたり、排除されたりする現実を指摘している。
次に、Na(2016)の研究においても、ヘイトスピーチ言説の背景を2000年代以降、韓国社会が露出している構造の問題を中心に考察している。
金大中・盧武鉉政権(1998-2008年)から李明博・朴槿恵政権(2008-現在)と続いてきたこの時期
は、経済的、社会的には新自由主義的な変化が、政治的には政権交代が行われ、これまで既得権を奪われた保守派のイデオロギー攻勢が影響を及ぼしている時期と見受けられる。労働柔軟化と7次教育課程、大学の変化が本格化することにより、大衆には、いわゆる、「新自由主義的自己啓発」を内面化することが求められてきた。また、金大中政権の太陽政策と盧武鉉政権の4大改革立法の試行は保守の結集とニューライトの登場に決定的な影響を及ぼした。(Na 2016:16)
また、Na は、自分たちが十分に自己啓発を通じて一生懸命に頑張っているにも関わらず報われないといった、自嘲混じりの声がヘイトスピーチの対象に向かっていると指摘している。
以上の内容をまとめると、2000年代を基点として日韓のネット上でヘイトスピーチ現象が台頭し、これを受け、ヘイトスピーチ現象を生み出す背景に着目した研究が多数生まれた。しかし、樋口(2014)、
山崎(2015)、小倉他(2016)を除いた多数の先行研究では、ヘイトスピーチ現象と関連し、「不安要因説」と「生きづらい社会」仮説を中心にヘイトスピーチ言説の背景を考察しているため、ヘイトスピーチ現
象を多面的に探り出せないという限界があり、ネット上におけるヘイトスピーチの現象や極右主義現象に関する日韓間の比較研究はほとんど行われていないという状況である。最近の報告では、日韓両国におけるネット右翼の平均年齢層が30代男性ということが明らかになった(古谷 2013, 東京ブレイキン
グ・ニュース 2015, 東亜日報 2013)。なぜこの世代がネット上で保守的、国粋主義的な意見やヘイト
スピーチを正当化させる言説を流布しだしたのかについて、日韓両国の社会政治的視座を視野に入れながら、ヘイトスピーチ現象を分析した研究は、未だ十分になされているとは言い難い。
本研究では、日本の「2ちゃんねる」掲示板と韓国の「イルベ」掲示板において、主に現れているネタと他者化されている対象を調べる。次に、「2ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」の思考体系において共有される「コード」(code)、つまり、これらの掲示板の思考体系を動かす「心理的なメカニズム」が何かを考察していく。本研究において、「コード」という概念が重要な意味を帯びる。
「コード」という概念は、辞典上で複数の意味を持っているが、ここでの「コードとは、現にそこに存在するものを不在の単位と結び付ける…背後に存在する規則に基づいて…意味作用が成立するのである」(エーコ 1980:10)。同様に、
Park,Jung-Sun(2009)も「コード」を「一定の規則により支配される記号体系または、意味作用の体系として、その規則は、それを従っている文化の構成員の間で暗黙的または明示的に共有されること」(Park2009:215)と定義している。すなわち、「コード」とは人々が無意識のうちに共有している暗黙の規則体系を指す。このような正義を記号学の観点からみると、私たちが他者に向けて発するメッセージには、最初の意味作用に関係する「デノテーション(denotation）」（直接的・明示的意味）と、二つ目の意味作
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（2017 年）用に関係する「コノテーション(connotation）」（随伴的・潜在的意味）という意味作用の二重構造を持っている。例えば、大量生産や大量消費、大量廃棄で運営される現代の消費社会をロラン・バルトの記号論によって捉えると、自由・繁栄・幸福を実現する消費活動は外見上のデノテーションであるが、高度消費社会の繁栄の背後には労働搾取、人間性の喪失、環境破壊、貧富格差、女性差別というコノテー
ション、つまり現代の消費社会の支配「コード」が潜んでいる。このような点から、「2ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」掲示板上で他者に向けて発するメッセージや交わす談論の中には外見上ヘイトスピーチ言説(デノテーションで)のように見えるが、そのメッセージの中には構成員の間の価値体系または行動様式が内包されており、これが「2ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」の「コード」(コノテーション)となる。ここにおいて「コード」は憎悪言説の要因と、極右傾向の考え方の根底にある問題を解き明かし、ひいては「2ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」の思想を理解する上で重要なキーとなり得る。
そこで、以下のリサーチ・クエスチョンを設定し検討を進めていく。
リサーチ・クエスチョン1：日韓の両電子掲示板において顕著に現れている「ネタ」は何であり、その中で不満のはけ口は誰に向かっているのか。
リサーチ・クエスチョン2：日韓両国においてヘイトスピーチ現象を生み出す要因と共に、「2ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」の思考体系を動かす「コード」(code)、つまり「心理的なメカニズム」は何か。
２. 分析方法（１）分析対象
本研究では「2ちゃんねる」掲示板と「イルベ」掲示板を対象とする。まず、日本の研究分析の資料として、「2ちゃんねる」掲示板の中でも、「ハングル板」を分析対象として選定した。
「2ちゃんねる」掲示
板の中、「ハングル板」と「東アジア news+板」はヘイトスピーチや嫌韓厨の論調が蔓延している板としてよく知られている(Kim 2011, Park,Su-Ok 2009)。
「東アジア news+板」はキャップを持つ記者(☆が投稿者名の尾に付いている記者)のみがスレッドを立てられるという特徴があることから、本研究の分析
対象から排除した。
「ハングル板」は2000年1月18日に開設し、開設当時は「韓国・朝鮮板」であった。
「ハングル板」の特徴は大きく分けて三つの特徴がある。第一に、カテゴリは「学問・文系」に含まれており、板名から考えれば、韓国語(朝鮮語)に関する学問的な見地から議論をする板と思われる。しかし、語学的なテーマのスレッドはわずかで、全体的に韓国や北朝鮮やその国の人々(在日コリアン含む)の行動を非難する書き込みが溢れている。また、日本のメディアやマスコミでタブーとされてきており、ほとんど取り上げ論じたことがなかった、韓国起源説問題、竹島の領土問題、反日を国是とする韓国とそれに呼応する
国内の反日政治家・マスメディアを主に扱っている。一例としていわれる余命スレという余命三年時事日記について語るスレがある。余命三年時事日記(2015)とは、余命三年を宣告されたブロガーが、残された人生をかけて、左翼や在日に関する様々な問題を暴露した内容が書籍化されたものである。第二に、「ハングル板」では、スレッドと書き込みは誰でも立てることができる。第三に、開設当初から10年以上継続しているスレが存在するほど、固定スレが多いので、前スレに続いて書き込みを行う場合も多い
ことが挙げられる。上述した三つの特徴から、本研究では「ハングル板」を分析対象として選定した。
韓国側の資料としては、「イルベ」掲示板の中、「政治日刊ベスト板」を分析対象として選定した。
「政
治日刊ベスト板」は、左派支持率の高い全羅道、左翼などが常に叩きネタとされているため、本研究ではこれを選定し分析を行った。
（２）分析期間2015年10月25日から11月14日の期間のスレッドを「過去ログ倉庫」から収集した。この期間は韓国のソウルで日韓中首脳会談が開催されており、日韓間での最大の懸案の一つである慰安婦問題をはじめとする領土問題や歴史問題などが取り上げられた。この週と重なってネット上で特定の対象(個人、団体)の話題で膨大な「書き込み」(レス)が殺到する、いわゆるネット上の「祭り」が起こった。これは日韓中首脳会談の談論が政治家やメディアだけではなく、ネット右翼層にも重要な懸案であることを如実に152

金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

示した。書き込み数のランキングによると、2010年1月から2016年6月までの期間で「東アジア news+板」のレス数が最も多かったのは、2015年11月1日から11月7日まで(平均値30,912件)であり、スレッド数(平均値68件)も他の週間より多いことが判明した1。
「東アジア news+板」における「祭り」現象は、キャップを持つ記者によるゲートキーピング(gatekeeping)が影響を及ぼすのではないかと考えられる。換言すると、キャップを持つ記者はアジェンダ・セッティングを担う者として、「2ちゃんねる」ユーザーの重要な争点の認識に影響を与えるとも見受けられる。それでは、キャップを持つ記者のみスレッドが立てられる「東アジア news+板」と誰でもスレッドが立てられる「ハングル板」において表象された「ネタ」にはいかなる差を示すだろうか。また、誰でもスレッドが立てられる「ハングル板」においても日
韓中首脳会談の談論が重要な争点として浮き彫りになるのだろうか。本研究ではこのような問に答える
ために、「ハングル板」の分析時期を「東アジア news+板」で「祭り」現象が起こった週(2015年11月1日
から11月7日)を基軸にして、その前週と翌週を含んだ2015年10月25日から11月14日の期間で設定した。
次に、「ハングル板」では多様なトピックを扱っており、嫌韓的な言説を扱っているスレッドである、「余命三年時事日記」、「韓国経済動向」、「高木大姐研究」などを中心にデータを収集した。スポーツ、芸能等のスレッドを除外し、22個のスレと12,153個の書き込みを分析対象とした。
韓国側の資料としては、「イルベ」の掲示板における「政治日刊ベスト板」を分析対象とした。分析時期を設定するにあたって、前述した「2ちゃんねる」掲示板とは異なるアプローチを用いて分析を行った。
「イルべ」掲示板は「2ちゃんねる」掲示板に比べ開設時期や歴史が短く、「イルべ」掲示板を対象として、特定の対象(個人、団体)の話題で膨大な「書き込み」(レス)がある週間のいつ頃最も殺到したかを示す、いわゆる週間「祭り」ランキング調査が現在までのところ、行われていない状況である。本研
究では、ユーザーから推薦数が多いスレに着目し、分析を行った。推薦数は各板の右横に赤い色で表示されている。ユーザーから最も推薦を受けていたスレは、最上位に自動並べ替えが行われており、順位が更新されるたびに自動的に並べ替えられる。スレの右横に推薦数値が多ければ多いほど、ユーザーから「イルベロ」ボタンを最も多く押されたことを意味する。換言すると、「他のユーザーもそのスレについて共感している」とか、「いいね！」をするということを意味する。ここにおいて、ユーザーから推薦数が多いスレは、ユーザー間でどのようなネタが最も多く消費され、共感されているかを把握するだけ
ではなく、ユーザーの思考体系が読み取れる有効な指標だと言える。そこで、「政治日刊ベスト板」でもより多くのユーザーに推薦数を受けた上位22個のスレと16,480個の書き込みを分析対象とした。
（３）分析方法
本研究では研究方法としてテキストの計量分析を採用しており、そのため無料公開ソフト「KH Coder」
を使用した。また、集まったデータに対して量的分析と質的分析の2つの方法を用い、量から質の順で分析するミックス法を採用した。量的分析と質的分析をミックスする手法とは、両者の利点を活かし、分析の妥当性と信頼性においても非常に有効であることが実証されている。質的研究とは、「現象の新たな側面を発見したり、実証的なデータに基づいて新たな理論を生み出したりすること」(フリック 2002:
9)を目的とした研究方法である。本研究では、共起ネットワーク分析の結果から得られたデータだけではテキストデータの文脈を明らかにすることができないことから、このアプローチを採用した。
量的分析として用いたのは「共起ネットワーク」である。本研究における出現頻度が高い語と共起する確率が高い共起関係による結果は、最終的な結果ではなく、あくまでも質的分析に入る手がかりとして使用するということを強調しておく。分析を進めるにあたって、半角文字のチェック、複合語のチェ
ック、辞書未登録用語のチェックをし、「タグ」として登録した。強制抽出する語の指定では「タグ」という特殊な品詞名が与えられる。KH Coder は語を確認するための辞書を内部に持っているが、強制的に抽出した語として指定した、
「慰安婦」
「少女像」
「南シナ海」「人工島」「安倍晋三首相」「朴槿恵大統領」のような用語は、そこに含まれていない場合がある。したがって、一度形態素に分けた結果を参照にしながら、正しく抽出されていない用語を集めて、強制的に抽出すべき語として登録した。
次に、本研究における分析の妥当性(validity)と信頼性(reliability)を高めるために、本研究では質的分析として、「ハングル板」と「政治日刊ベスト板」における膨大な書き込みを分析した。これは、ユ1

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ーザーの行動に潜む心理的なメカニズムを解き明かすことができると考えられる。最後に、その結果を踏まえ、さらに質的分析を行った結果として、今回対象とした期間で繰り返し見られた表象について、当時の時代背景や先行研究の知見から考察した。
3. 研究結果（１）「2ちゃんねる」掲示板の「ハングル板」における主なネタ
本研究では、日韓の両電子掲示板において顕著に現れている「ネタ」が何であり、その中で不満のは
け口は誰に向けられているのかということをリサーチ・クエスチョン1とした。ここでは、共起ネットワーク分析結果から、リサーチ・クエスチョン1の検証を行う。まず、「ハングル板」における共起ネット
ワーク分析の結果は図12の通りである。図1をみると、3年半ぶりに開かれた日韓中首脳会談をめぐる当座の問題や、在日朝鮮人に対するトピックが大きな位置を占めていることがわかる。その他、日韓・日中の間でのユネスコ世界遺産登録をめぐるトピックと通貨スワップなど経済問題に関するトピックが取り上げられていたことがわかる。

図1 ハングル板における共起ネットワーク
以上のように共起ネットワーク分析からもある程度主なネタをうかがい知ることができるのだが、より詳細な分析のために、共起ネットワークが強く結びついている部分を5つのグループに分類した。
グループ1は「首脳会談」に関するネタを形成している。日韓最大の懸案である「慰安婦」は出現頻度の多い語句として大きいバブルで描画されており、この語句を介して多くの語句につながりがあると分かる。今回の首脳会談で両国は旧日本軍による従軍慰安婦問題の早期妥結を目指して協議を加速させる
ことで一致したため、共起ネットワークで「合意」「妥結」「年内」「早期」「解決」「日本政府」「謝罪」「賠償」「責任」という語句が特徴的に表れていた。次に、
「女性」
「基金」
「予算」
「事業」という語句も目立っていた。今回の首脳会談当時、慰安婦の補償などが法的に解決済みでも、人道的な見地から様々なフォローのあり方は可能だということに含みを残していた。元慰安婦に償い金を支給したアジア女性基金が2007年に解散した後も、外務省が年間1500万円の予算をつけ、韓国や台湾などの元慰安婦に支給するという内容である。こうした議論を受け、
「女性」
「基金」
「予算」
「事業」という語句が描かれていたと考えられる。他に注目すべき点として、慰安婦を少女像と切り離して独立して配置されていること
2

本研究では、最小出現数を 30 に設定し、リンクを Jaccard 係数 0.1 以上の共起関係とし、分析を行った。

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金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boardsが挙げられる。今回首脳会談で、安倍首相が少女像の撤去を要求し、「少女像」は「撤去」
「大使館」
「市
民」
「団体」という語句とつながっていることから、ソウルの日本大使館前に設置されている、いわゆる従軍慰安婦問題を連想させる少女像(少女のブロンズ像)をめぐる問題が、この時期議論されていたことがわかる。少女像をめぐる問題は首脳会談が終了した後でも取り上げられているため、独立したクラス
タを形成していたと考えられる。第二に、「南シナ海」「李首相」「日中」「外相」などが特徴的な語句として表れていた。最近アジア太平洋地域の安全保障問題として浮上した「南シナ海」問題は、今回の首脳会談においても最大の懸案の一つでもあった。これを受け、「ハングル板」においては、南シナ海に対する中国の領有権主張や人工島の建設をめぐる問題が取り上げられていた。第三に、「昼食」という語句が目立っており、共起ネットワークの分析から表れた特徴語をもとに、関連書き込みを確認してみた。
韓国側は日本政府が求めた会談後の昼食会開催を拒否した事と関連して、ネットユーザーから興奮の声が漏れていたことがわかる。
日韓首脳の昼食会が見送られたことについて、次のような書き込みを寄せた。
・今朝の朝日によると今回の会談は韓国に振り回された上に、日本から希望した昼食も拒否されたことになってるそうな。日本を翻弄するだなんて、朴大統領は凄い外交巧者だったんだね。
・中国の李首相よりも冷ややかな待遇で迎えそうだ。
・予想するに今回の冷遇っぷりは、日本外交の歴史に残る１ページとなるでしょうね。
（「2ちゃんねるのハングル板」）
首脳会談後の昼食会を行わないとしたことについて、ネットユーザーは大きく反応しており、特に安倍首相が中国の李首相に比べて冷遇されているという論点が読み取れる。
グループ2は「在日朝鮮人」に関するネタである。
「在日朝鮮人」という語句を中心として、「特別永住」
「人種」
「差別」
「国籍」
「制度」
「犯罪」
「不法」
「難民」など多くの語句とのネットワークを有している。
ここで、注目したいことは、「特別永住者」という語句を使い、「在日朝鮮人」のイメージが表象されていたという点である。在特会が在日朝鮮人に対してヘイトスピーチをする際、しばしば俎上に載せられる議論に、特別永住者制度の議論がある。
「2ちゃんねる」掲示板上においても「特別永住」という語句が特徴語であることを考慮すると、「特別永住」という物語はヘイトスピーチを煽る物語として根深く位置づけられていたということが読み取れる。同様に、在日朝鮮人を卑下する際、よく使われる「チョン3」という語句が「バカ」と共起ネットワークが見られた。
グループ3は「ユネスコ」に関するネタである。
「ユネスコ」「遺産」「世界」などの語句が目立っていた。関連特徴語を参照しながら書き込みを確認してみた。ユネスコ(国連教育科学文化機関)による「明治日本の産業革命遺産」を世界文化遺産に登録する過程で韓国や中国から反発を受けて以来、「2ちゃんねる」ユーザーから袋叩きになっていた。朝鮮人強制労働問題をめぐる日韓間の確執が浮き彫りになった時点は2015年7月であったにもかかわらず、ネチズンの怨嗟の声は収まらず、嫌韓ムードが一層広がったということが読み取れる。
グループ4は「経済」に関するネタである。
「金融」「スワップ」「危機」「通貨」という一連の語句がつながっている。関連特徴語を参照しながら書き込みを確認したところ、この時期に全国経済人連合会(以下、全経連)と日本経団連が日韓通貨スワップの再開問題を含めた両国の経済協力案を議論したことがわかる。全経連が日本側に求めた「日本通貨スワップ再開」に対し、2ちゃんねるの「ハングル板」では、次のような書き込みが相次いでいた。
・今さら虫がよすぎるのではないか？
・断固拒否すべきだ。
・韓国が慰安婦問題や竹島・独島問題などで対日強硬姿勢を続けているのに、困ったときにだけ日本に泣きついてくる姿勢に正直、あきれかえった。
（「2ちゃんねるのハングル板」）
3「チョン」という言葉は、在日韓国・朝鮮人に対する蔑称である。
「チョン」は「チョンコ」「チョン公」などと同一視されて使用されている。

155筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）

グループ5は「世代」は「障害」という語句と共通するグループを形成していた。関連特徴語を参照しながら書き込みを見ていく。首脳会談が開かれた時期に日本の安倍首相と鳩山元首相が相次いで訪韓した。民主党の鳩山元首相は、韓国・ソウル大学で「日韓国交正常化50周年に日韓関係を再び見つめ直す」というテーマで特別講演を行った。講演会での鳩山元首相の発言が2ちゃんねるの「ハングル板」で話題を呼んでいた。2015年11月5日の講演会で鳩山元首相は安倍首相が8月に発表した戦後70年談話にも触れ、「安倍首相は反省と謝罪について繰り返し言及しながらも、自ら反省と謝罪の気持ちを伝えていない」と批判する一方、「敗戦国は、戦争の被害に対し事実上『無限責任』を負う」とした内田樹氏の言葉を引用し、「安倍政権は慰安婦問題などについて、この言葉を心に留め、応じることができる方法を講じなければならない」と力説した。鳩山元首相の発言と関連し、2ちゃんねるの「ハングル板」では首脳会談の当時安倍首相の発言を引用しながら、鳩山元首相に対する強い不信感を抱いたレスで溢れかえった。今回の首脳会談の際、安倍首相は慰安婦の問題について、「未来志向の日韓関係を構築する上で、将来世代に障害を残すことがあってはならない」と表明した。二人の首相の発言について、「相次ぎ訪韓した安倍首相と鳩山元首相―将来に禍根残すのはどっちだ？」とコメントをつけた。また、別のユーザーは次のようにコメントを寄せた。
リップサービスのようにも聞こえるが、本人は心から反省の意を込めて語っているのだろう。韓国の聴衆は安倍首相の主張を塗り替え、修正するような言葉に「やはりそうか。安倍は間違っているのだ」と安心、納得したような表情を見せていた。鳩山氏が韓国で何を話そうが、それは基本的に鳩山氏の自由だ。しかし、韓国側が主張する歴史認識に一方的に同調する鳩山氏の発言は、日本に反省を求め続ける韓国世論を勇気づけ、火に油を注いでいるかのように映る。安倍首相が言ったとおり、「将来世代の障害にならないように」しなければならない。現首相と元首相がソウルで発した言葉。どちらが将来の世代に禍根を残すことになるのだろうか。
（「2ちゃんねるのハングル板」）
現在の日韓関係をめぐって鳩山元首相の一連の発言が2ちゃんねるの「ハングル板」で批判的に議論されていることが読み取れる。また、「民主党」と「政権」が独立したクラスタを形成している。
「ハングル板」では「民主党」の出現頻度が他の政党より相対的に高く表れていた。2ちゃんねるの「ハングル板」において民主党がどのように表象化されているのかについては後述する。
これまでの分析結果を通じて2ちゃんねる掲示板の「ハングル板」における顕著なネタを整理すると以下の通りである。まず、当時最も重要な社会的アジェンダの中の一つであった首脳会談に関するネタが大きな比重を占めていた。次に、「在日朝鮮人」と「特別永住者」という語句が互いに近くに配置されていることから、「在日朝鮮人＝特別永住者」というイメージとして位置づけられてきたことが読み取れる。また、「在日朝鮮人」と「特別永住者」という語句を中心として「差別」「犯罪」「不法」「難民」など多くの語句と関わっていることから、「在日朝鮮人＝犯罪者あるいは不法難民者」というイメージが「2ちゃんねる」掲示板の「ハングル板」で広がってきたということがわかる。
（２）「ハングル板」において他者化されている対象
１）在日朝鮮人・朝鮮人
以上の分析結果から特徴的な点を挙げると、在日朝鮮人のイメージは「特別永住者」というイメージ
に、
「犯罪」
「不法」
「難民」といった否定的イメージが混在している様相を示していると言える。本研究では、在日朝鮮人と朝鮮人という物語が「ハングル板」でどのような形で構成され、再生産されているかをより明確に把握するため、KH Coderの「関連語検索」機能を用いた。図24は「在日朝鮮人」と「朝鮮人」に対する共起ネットワークを示したものである。
第一に、「在日朝鮮人」という語句を中心として、
「日本人」
「強制」
「犯罪」
「反日」
「バカ」
「チョン」
「差別」
「歴史」
「政治」など多くの語句とのネットワークを有している。次に、「特別永住」という語句
は「権利」
「制度」
「難民」
「テロ」という一連の語句がつながっていた。共起ネットワークの関連語結果から得られた特徴語をもとに、関連書き込みを確認してみた。
4

Jaccard 係数 0.1 以上のリンクを共起関係として分析した。

156

金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

2007年11月20日、日本に入国する外国人に指紋採取と顔写真の撮影に応じることを義務付ける改
正出入国管理・難民認定法が施行されたが、在日韓国・朝鮮人ら特別永住者は対象外である。いかなる理由があってこのように、在日韓国人だけを特別優遇するのか。韓国では殺人やレイプや窃盗などが非常に多いため、満17歳以上の全国民は住民登録する際、両手のすべての指の10指紋を登録することが義務付けられている。しかし、在日韓国人は韓国籍であるにもかかわらず、韓国に10指紋の登録をしていない。また、在日は外国人であるにもかかわらず日本は指紋を登録しないことを容認している。国際環境がテロゲリラとの闘いに協調する中、犯罪の温床ともいうべき指紋押捺制
度の特例は犯罪テロ国家と名指しされかねない悪法である。即刻、特例廃止を要望する。
（「2ちゃんねるのハングル板」）
上述した書き込みから、「特別永住者」という言説の根底には、この用語と緊密に照応する一連の暗黙の表現が含意されている。すなわち、他の外国人には与えられない「特別優遇」あるいは「特権」という資格のため、むしろ日本人が逆差別を受けているということである。また、在日朝鮮人のイメージの中で「犯罪を犯しやすい」というイメージが根強く混在していることがわかる。
第二に、
「民主党」
「自民党」など政党に関する語句が目立っていた。まず、「民主党」という語句は「法案」「国益」「要因」など一連の語句とつながっていることがわかる。共起ネットワークの関連語結果から得られた手がかりをもとに、関連書き込みを確認してみた。
「民主党」が2ちゃんねるの「ハングル板」に袋叩きになっており、これは、民主党が在日朝鮮人と結託し、在日朝鮮人に国民の税金を流す政策、
すなわち、生活保護受給・不正受給、外国人参政権など在日朝鮮人に融和的な政策を進めたためである。
また、大半のユーザーは「生活保護制度＝在日朝鮮人を対象に与えられた特権」「生活保護制度＝在日朝鮮人優待政策」とみなしていた。その背景では、生活の困窮した自国民が多いはずなのに、在日という理由だけで国民年金が無条件に免除されることは「無賃乗車」または、「税金泥棒」という認識が根強く存在していたからである。その他、民主党政権の経済政策に対して失望し、懐疑する書き込みが散見されたことも特徴として挙げられる。ある物は、次のような書き込みを寄せた。
円安による物価高で庶民の生活は苦しいってよく聞くが、民主政権時代の超円高の時は生活楽だったのか？株価は間違いなく上がったし、企業の収益力も上がった。民主党政権では就職氷河期だ
った上、公務員の採用2割削減するとし、学生の就職機会を奪うと批判された。若者から職を奪ったのが民主党政権。そもそも、ミンスは、韓国と支那の経済政策の忠実な実行者で日本の政党じゃないからね。
（「2ちゃんねるのハングル板」）
上の書き込みから、安倍政権下における経済政策「アベノミクス」と比較しながら、民主党政権時代の経済政策を評価していた。民主党政権時代の円高政策により、日本経済の低迷や就職難がより一層激化したという論点が読み取れる。次に、「自民党」という語句が目立っていた。
「自民党」という語句を
中心とし、
「政策」
「リスト」
「事件」
「参政権」などの語句が破線で結ばれていることがわかる。語句間の関係をもっと明確に把握するため、出現パターンの似通った語句、すなわち共起の程度が強い語句を線で結んだネットワークを参照してみた。
「自民党」という語句を中心とし、「参政権」「事件」「政策」「反日」「リスト」という一連の語句がつながっていることが分かる。共起ネットワークの分析結果から表れた特徴後を下に、関連書き込みを確認してみた。自民党を擁護し続けた「2ちゃんねる」掲示板では自民党や安倍首相を支持する書き込みもあるが、批判の声も散見された。これは、慰安婦妥結をはじめ、韓国に対する安倍政権と自民党の対応が「予想外に」融和的であったため、自民党批判に対するレスも集まり始めたと解釈できる。
第三に、「左派」という語句は「NHK」「特権」という語句間に共起関係が見られた。共起ネットワークの関連語結果から得られた特徴語を参照しながら、関連書き込みを確認してみた。
現状のNHKの有り様は日本の政治経済軍事すべてにおいて、日本という国の立場が全く見えてこない。特に政治における論説、解説は異様というレベルである。すでに特権的企業に成り下がり、公共放送という偽看板を掲げた営利企業になっている実態では、NHKに受信料支払強制の大義名分は157

筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）ない。受信料の支払いは任意とするか、廃止が妥当だろう。これは100％民意である。
（「2ちゃんねるのハングル板」）
上の書き込みから、NHKの公共放送としてのあり方に不信感を持ち、同時に、NHKと権力との癒着関係について懸念と批判の声が高いことが読み取れる。NHKだけではなく、大手メディアに関する不満の声
が2ちゃんねるの「ハングル板」に散見された。その一例で、2014年3月、東京都や全国の図書館で「アンネの日記」が破損されており、この事件の犯人を巡り、「ハングル板」では「アンネの日記」事件の犯罪者は在日朝鮮人であるにもかかわらず、マスコミは真実を報道していないという書き込みが寄せられていた。このように、「ハングル板」における既存の大手メディアは真実を隠しているだけではなく、「左派的」｢反日的」という主体として位置づけられていた。

右側の図は図 2 の四角部分を拡大した図

図2 「在日朝鮮人・朝鮮人」に対するハングル板の共起ネットワーク（３）「イルベ」掲示板の「政治日刊ベスト板」における主なネタ「政治日刊ベスト板」における全体的な傾向を把握するため、共起ネットワーク分析を行った。まず、「政治日刊ベスト板」における共起ネットワーク分析の結果は図 35の通りである。
「イルベ」掲示板においては「国家」と｢民主主義」に関する議論が顕著であった。KH Coder では中心的な特徴語をピンク色で示すことが可能であり、ここでは「国家」が最も濃いピンク色となった。その次に｢民主主義」「大韓民国」「経済」という語句がピンク色を帯びた。このことから、「政治日刊ベスト板」においては国家や民主主義、経済に関するネタに関心が集まっていたという傾向が読み取れる。

5

図 3 の Jaccard 係数は 0.0697 であった。

158

金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards
告発
朴元淳

検察

息子

伝統市場
兵役 大型スーパーパク・ジュシ
不正
虚偽 ン
真実

再生事業
4 大河川

政策

大韓民国
開発

経済
朴正熙

非難

英雄
産業化

当時

地獄

指導者

輸出

独裁者

時代

業績

時節 記念館

成長

発展
反対

面白さ
3 人兄第

大企業中小企業

市民

起訴

告訴

規制

ー

産業

選管委

人

リベラル
保守

病身

左派

右派 狂牛病
扇動

李明博
イルベ
チュン
国民 国家大統領 盧武鉉
民主化
朴槿恵
独裁
政治
金大中 ガンギエイ
全羅道

共産主義

民主主義
革命
文在寅 イイダコ
北朝鮮 システム
金正恩
世代
行動
クーデター
金日成 金正日
社会
セヌリ党
パルゲンイ
貧乏
全元策
従北
努力
民主党
勢力 放送
雲芝

図3 政治日刊ベスト板における共起ネットワーク
以上のように共起ネットワーク分析からもある程度主なネタをうかがい知ることができるのだが、より詳細な分析のために、共起の程度が強い単語同士を同じグループに再分類した。共起ネットワークの分析結果の下に、グループ 1 から 5 にまとめることができる。
まず、グループ 1 では「理念間の葛藤」に関するネタを形成している。ネット世論を二分する「保守」と「リベラル」、「左派」と「右派」の対立が深刻化することがわかる。その論拠として、韓国国内の左派勢力および民主党を卑下することに焦点が置かれている点が挙げられる。
第一に、
「左派」
「狂牛病」
「扇動」の語句が非常に強く関連し合うことが目立っていた。李明博政権が2008 年 4 月になってはじめて米国産牛肉輸入をし、当時 MBC テレビの「PD 手帳」という番組では米国産牛肉の危険性を集中的に取り上げた。これが起爆剤となり、2008 年 5 月から 3 ヶ月間、100 万人が「米国産牛肉輸入反対蝋燭デモ」を行い、李明博政権に対する批判と退陣要求への争点に浮上した。政治日刊ベスト板における共起ネットワーク分析の結果から、米国産牛肉を食べれば、狂牛病(BSE）にかかるという現象は、当時李明博政権を追い詰めるための左派勢力の扇動によるものという見解が読み取れる。
次に、「左派」と「病身」という共起関係を有していたことが分かる。
「イルべ」掲示板において「病身」
は本来と異なる意味で使用されていた。本来の意味は身体障害者を指す用語であるが、ここでは二つの意味として使用されている。一つは、駄目な人や駄目な物事全般を指す言葉として使われる。もう一つは、日常では単なるバカ、愚か者を指す用語としてしばしば使用されており、ユーザー同士がお互いに呼び合う際にも習慣的に使用されている。そこで、「病身」という語句は「左派」と共起関係が見られる
同時、「人」という語句とも共起関係を有していたことがわかる。
第二に、「3 人兄第」は「地獄」「面白さ」「時節」という語句間に強い共起関係が見られた。共起ネッ
トワークの分析から表れた特徴語について関連書き込みを参照しながら見ていく。ここで「3 人兄第」とは、左派大統領であった「金大中」「盧武鉉」元大統領と北朝鮮の「金正日」国防委員長を言う。李明
博政権の際、3 人の政治家の死去と関連し、「3 人兄第を地獄に送って太平の世の中を築くことができた」という書き込みが多数あった。抽出語上位 100 語においても「金大中」（321 件）、「盧武鉉」(297 件）、「金正日」(86 件）の出現頻度が高かったことが分かった。特に、北朝鮮の「金正日」国防委員長より、「金大中」や「盧武鉉」元大統領に対いして言及するネタが相対的に顕著であることが読み取れる。
第三に、
「金大中」
「ガンギエイ」「全羅道」「民主化」などの語句が目立っていた。ガンギエイ（洪魚：ホンオ）は全羅南道の名物料理であり、全羅道出身の金大中元大統領の大好物でもあった。
「イルベ」ユ159

筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）

ーザーが好んで使っている「ガンギエイ」は隠語の一種として通用されている。すなわち、ガンギエイ
は特有の臭いのきつさと製法から、全羅道の人々を蔑む際によく使用されている。また、「イルべ」掲示板において「民主化」という語句は本来と異なる意味で使用されていた点に注目する必要がある。ここ
で、「民主化」とは、「反対」「ＮＯ」「押さえ込む」という意味で使われている。民主化という言葉をあらゆる否定的意味に転用して使うというルールが「イルべ」ユーザーの間で定着してきたためだ。これは、民主化を業績とみなす左派と民主化勢力に対する反感と解釈できる。
「イルべ」掲示板上においては「金大中」＝「民主化」というレッテルを貼って金大中元大統領を他者化することがうかがい知ることができる。もう一つのレッテルは、「金大中」＝「イイダコ」である。
「イイダコ」は足を引きずって歩く金大中元大統領の姿を嘲弄する際、よく使用されていた。
第四に、「朴元淳」という語句がネットワークの中心になっている、「伝統市場」「大型スーパー」「規制」「息子」「告発」など多くの語句とつながっていた。朴元淳は現在、韓国ソウル市長として「共に民主党」に所属している。伝統市場活性化のために大型スーパーを規制すべきだというトピックがある一方、朴元淳ソウル市長の息子、パク・ジュシン氏の兵役忌避疑惑に対するトピックもあった。
第五に、「記念館」と「業績」という語句が見られ、これは「朴正熙」元大統領の軌跡と功績を称えるために建立された記念館に関するトピックが言及されたことがわかる。また、「4 大河川」と「再生事業」という語句も見られ、抽出語上位 100 語において「4 大河川」という語句は 196 件として集計された。
それらを考慮すると、李明博元大統領が始めた 4 大河川(漢江・洛東江・錦江・栄山江)再生事業に関するトピックに関心が高まっていたことがうかがえる。
グループ 2 は「地域感情」に関するネタを形成している。
「全羅道」と「ガンギエイ」の語句が非常に強く配置されていることが分かる。また、「ガンギエイ」と「民主化」語句間には強く関連し合うことが目立っていた。上述した通り、「民主化」という語句は本来の意味とは異なり、否定的な意味が含蓄されていることを考慮すると、「全羅道」＝「ガンギエイ」＝「民主化」という構図が形成されていることがわかる。
グループ 3 は「反北朝鮮」に関するネタを形成している。
「全元策」という語句がネットワークの中心になっていて、
「金日成」
「金正日」
「金正恩」
「放送」
「自由」
「パルゲンイ」「従北」「勢力」「雲芝」など多くの語句とつながっていた。これは、2012 年 5 月 26 日 KBS の「深夜討論」という番組で全元策弁護士が出演し、「金正日は畜生である」と発言したのがマスコミだけでなく「イルベ」ユーザーの間でも話題になっていたことがうかがい知れる。まず、用語の一部整理した上で検討していく。
「パルゲンイ」という語句が見られ、韓国では親北朝鮮系や左翼的な考え方を持つ人々に対して「パルゲンイ(アカ)」と呼んでいる。また、「従北」とは、「親北」との語句と同様な意味であり、北朝鮮の思想や政治理念などに従うことを言う。次に、「雲芝」とは、盧武鉉元大統領の逝去を皮肉る言葉であり、2009 年、自宅裏
山の「フクロウ岩」からの飛び降り自殺を雲芝泉(ウンジチョン)という名前の栄養ドリンク CM でパロディされたことから始まっていた。
「イルベ」掲示板における「雲芝」という語句は「死ぬ」という意味
で主に使用されている。
「イルべ」掲示板においては北朝鮮に親しい、擁護する人や団体を「従北」または「パルゲンイ」というレッテルを貼っており、彼らを「雲芝」ということになぞらえて表現したことがわかる。
グループ 4 は「独裁政権時代へのノスタルジア(郷愁)」に関するネタを形成している。
「朴正熙」という語句は｢経済」や｢独裁」という語句と破線で結ぶことが分かる。実際、朴正熙元大統領に対する評価においても、「漢江の奇跡」と呼ばれる超高速経済成長と同時に軍事独裁政権による人権弾圧や自由抑圧という二つの評価で克明に分かれる。共起ネットワークの分析結果においてもこうした傾向が現れているため、グループ 4 においてはこの二つの語句が特徴語であると言える。
第一に、｢経済成長の神話」に関する共起ネットワークである。｢経済」という語句を中心として、「中
小企業」「大企業」｢輸出」｢産業」｢発展」「開発」「成長」などの語句のつながりがあることがわかる。
共起ネットワークの分析から表れた特徴語について関連書き込みを参照しながら確認してみた。当時、
朴正熙元大統領は周囲の強烈な反対にもかかわらず、「経済発展 5 カ年計画」や「京釜高速道路」など経済成長を推し進めたという書き込みが多数を占めた。また、朴泰俊会長の建設に関するトピックも目立っていた。当時、朴正熙政権の最重点政策は重化学工業であり、中でも浦項製鉄建設（現在、ポスコ）
は朴正熙元大統領が国運を掛けて推進してきた重化学工業のシンボルであると言える。朴泰俊氏は浦項製鉄建設の創立者であり、朴正熙元大統領の経済神話の功績及び業績と関連して取り上げたと考えられる。
160

金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

第二に、｢独裁」に関する共起ネットワークである。｢独裁」は｢独裁者｣｢時代」「英雄｣｢革命｣「クーデター」｢民主主義」「共産主義」といった語句と結ばれていることがわかる。関連書き込みを確認してみた結果、朴正熙元大統領を貧困と混乱の中の英雄として表象していた。グループ 4 においては、朴正熙
元大統領の神格化を強調する傾向が読み取れる。共起ネットワーク分析の結果をもとに考えてみると、
朴正煕元大統領へのノスタルジアの背景には経済成長に関する神話が大きな影響を及ぼしていることが示唆された。
グループ 5 は、「産業化」と「世代」が独立したクラスタを形成している。
「イルベ」掲示板において「産業化」という用語も上述した「民主化」という語句と同様に、本来と異なる意味で使用されていた。
ここで、産業化は朴正熙元大統領が成し遂げた経済業績として、彼らが志向すべき価値ということから、産業化という言葉は「成功」「賛成」など肯定的なニュアンスで使われる。また、リベラル傾向の意見などをネットで論破して保守傾向に転向させたという意味でも通用されていた。書き込みを確認したとこ
ろ、ここでは後者の意味で使用されていることが分かる。
（４）「政治日刊ベスト板」において他者化されている対象
１）金大中大統領「イルベ」掲示板上において表れたネタを通じて他者化されている対象が左派勢力や全羅道、北朝鮮
だということが確認できた。特に、「イルベ」掲示板上において「朴正熙・李明博元大統領」と「金大中・盧武鉉元大統領」という二項対立が最も顕著に表れていることが分かる。以下では、金大中・盧武鉉元
大統領のイメージはどのような形で構成され、再生産されていたかを究明するため連語検索を行った。
「金大中」元大統領と関連語との共起ネットワークでは、図46のような結果となった。
第一に、「左派大統領」というネタである。「金大中」元大統領と関連語との共起ネットワークから、「左派」｢大統領」「盧武鉉」などが目立っていた。周知のとおり、1998 年、金大中政権が登場して韓国に左派リベラル政権が初めて誕生した。金大中政権を引き継いだ盧武鉉政権もリベラル的な政権と言われている。そこで、｢左派」といった語句が特徴語なものとして位置されたことがわかる。
第二に、金大中元大統領を嘲弄・揶揄する際、使われているネタである。
「イイダコ」「杖」｢足」「自由自在」「スイッチ・ヒッター」といった語句が目立っていた。この五つの特徴語は金大中元大統領が普段足を引きずって歩く姿を嘲弄するものである。スイッチ・ヒッターとは、野球やソフトボール等において、左右両方の打席で打てる選手のことである。
「イルベ」掲示板における「スイッチ・ヒッター」とは、杖を左側についたり、右側についたりする金大中元大統領を皮肉る意味である。
「銅像」
「コンベン
ション・センター」「業績」といった語句が目だっていた。
「スイッチ・ヒッター」｢足」という修飾語が付け加えられることから、金大中元大統領の業績を称えるために建てられたコンベンション・センターについて皮肉のニュアンスが込められていたことがうかがえる。
第三に、「経済政策」に関するネタである。
「IMF」という語句を中心として、
「病身」
「仕業」
「金泳三」
｢経済危機」「リーマン・ショック」という語句に共起関係が見られた。1997 年 7 月よりタイで始まった
アジア金融危機の拡大は、韓国にまで危機が飛び火し、同年 12 月では IMF の緊急資金救済を受けるに至った。IMF と共に出帆した金大中政権は金泳三政権に代わって IMF 事態の収拾に精力を傾けた。共起
ネットワークの分析結果から、アジア通貨危機をもたらした既成政治家に対する強い失望を抱いていたことや、1997 年の IMF 事態から「失われた十年」、そして 2008 年のリーマン・ショックによって「失われた二十年」を経験しており、経済破綻の背景をめぐる議論が取り上げられていたことがわかる。次に、
「庶民」
「経済」
「政治」
「自殺」
「扇動」という語句も目立っていた。共起ネットワークの結果から、既成政治家への不満と怒りの根底には国民の体感景気が影響を及ぼしていると解釈できる。この時期はア
ジア通貨危機の直撃を受け、企業の倒産やリストラが相次ぎ、失業者が増加しており、さらにセーフティーネットもほとんど整備されていなかった。当時金大中政権は IMF が要求した高金利・緊縮政策、公企業の民営化と規制緩和、労動市場柔軟化、資本・貿易の自由化などに伴い、新自由主義的な構造調整政策を行った。それに続いて盧武鉉政権においては新自由主義的な経済政策をより一層強化された。
「イルベ」掲示板では新自由主義路線を標榜した金大中・盧武鉉政権時代は「失われた 10 年」だと言われている。あるユーザーは「金泳三の時代に IMF が起きて、金大中・盧武鉉の時代には経済成長率底入れ」と書きこんでおり。他にも。左派政権 10 年が韓国経済を滅ぼしたという書き込みが多数見受けられた。
6

図 4 の Jaccard 係数は 0.1 以上であった。

161

筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）

第四に、
「対北政策」に関するネタである。
「北朝鮮」「米」「税金」「核兵器」「平和賞」
「受賞」
「先
生」
「検証」
「侮辱」という語句間には強い共起関係が見られた。特に、「金大中」元大統領と関連語との共起ネットワークにおいて「北朝鮮」が最も濃いピンク色となったことから、この語句がここでの特徴語だと言えるだろう。韓国社会の中で保守とリベラルの差異を最もよく表す指標が対北政策であり、「イルベ」掲示板上においてもこうした争点を強調する傾向が読み取れる。特に、金大中政権が発足し、対北朝鮮融和政策（いわゆる「太陽政策」「包容政策」）と呼ばれる対北政策が実施され、その政策は盧武鉉政権に継承された。
「イルベ」掲示板上においては過去金大中、盧武鉉両政権が続けてきた対北朝鮮融和政策を全面否定している様相を呈していることが分かる。次に、共起ネットワークの関連語結果から得られた特徴語をもとに、関連書き込みを参照しながら検討してみた。
・失われた10年間で経済力をはじめ何も解決できていないのに、北朝鮮を崇め奉っている。
・金泳三のせいで国家がめちゃくちゃにされて、IMF に介入される羽目になって、さらに金大中が米の支援をした結果北朝鮮は核を作った。
・国民の税金を不法に北朝鮮に不法に供給し、その対価としてノーベル平和賞をもらって、恥かしくないのか？
（「イルベの政治日刊ベスト板、筆者による日本語訳」）
こうした書き込みから、国内経済の悪化や北朝鮮政策に対する非難の感情が読み取れるだろう。近年韓国内では北朝鮮による核実験と弾道ミサイル開発をはじめ、2010 年 3 月に発生した天安艦爆沈事件と同年 11 月の延坪島砲撃事件などで、対北政策をめぐって保守とリベラル間の理念対立が一層先鋭化している。このような、文脈から考えれば、北朝鮮に関する議論は韓国社会内の理念的な選択を強要する定番ネタと見受けられており、これは分断国家という韓国的な特殊性に起因するところが大きいためと考えられる。
第五に、「5.18光州民主化運動」に関するネタである。
「5.18」という語句を中心として「従北」「政権」「武装」｢反乱」「勢力」「民主主義」という語句に強い共起関係が確認された。共起ネットワークの分析
結果から「イルベ」ユーザーは「5.18光州民主化運動」を「民主化運動」ではなく｢武装勢力による反乱・暴動」とみなしていることが分かる。そして「イルベ」ユーザーの視線での「5.18光州民主化運動」は「暴動」あるいは、5.18光州民主化運動の犠牲者に対して「ガンギエイ」というフレーム(frame)が形成されていることがうかがえる。こうしたフレームがユーザーの頭の中に形成される基底には、「地域主義」または「地域感情」といったもう一つのフレームが潜んでいると解釈しうる。このことから、韓国政治を語るにあたって地域主義現象と保守対リベラルという先鋭な対立構図は極めて大変重要な要因であるといえるだろう。韓国では伝統的にリベラル派が強い全羅道と保守派の牙城、慶尚道の対立が続いている。「イルベ」掲示板では左派支持率が高く、民主化を求める全羅道や光州市民を嫌悪する傾向が顕著である。それゆえ、全羅道出身の金大中元大統領は攻撃の対象となり、「5.18光州民主化運動」の犠牲者を侮辱する言説が絶えず出回っていると言える。もう一つ注目したい点は、「イルベ」掲示板ではイルベ会員であることを判別する思想検証を行うという点である、その大半の質問は金大中・盧武鉉など歴代民主化政権を否定し、光州民主化運動を貶める内容ということだ。左派の色を帯びたと疑われるユーザーに対しては魔女狩りのような行為が横行している。
第六に、「朴正煕元大統領と京釜高速道路」に関するネタである。「朴正煕」「京釜高速道路」「反対」「地域感情」「全羅道」などの語句に共起関係がみられた。書き込みを確認した結果、当時、朴正煕元大統領の京釜高速道路の建設について金大中が反対していたことが関連しており、具体的に金大中が反対の理由としては高速道路の建設より農業政策に力を入れるのがより効率的であり、地域不均衡発展をもたらすというものであった。このことに関連して朴正煕元大統領の高速道路の政策に反対した金大中元大統領を嘲弄する内容が多数見受けられた。

162

金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

延坪海戦
天安艦
農業

金泳三

金正恩
金正日 地獄
金日成

退任

発展

病身

ファクト

延坪島
売国奴

朴正熙
地域感情
京釜高速道路リーマン・ショックIMF

経済危機
仕業

国家

経済

政治
扇動

アウト 出馬 選挙

庶民
住宅価格
暴動

先生
検証

故郷

ハンナラ党
自殺 大韓民国

全世界
平和賞

未開

独裁者

全斗煥

偶像
政府

崇拝

従北
核兵器
北朝鮮 税金米政策

スイッチヒッター

銅像

自由自在

業績

コンベンション・セン
ター

足

イイダコ
杖

記念館

当時

侮辱

受賞

ガンギエイ
全羅道

チュン

武装 勢力

国民

政権
民主主義

たわごと

左派

イルベ
金大中

反対
時節

反乱
5.18

人

李明博

事業 高速道路

盧武鉉

大統領

図 4「金大中」元大統領に対する政治日刊ベスト板の共起ネットワーク２）盧武鉉大統領
第一に、「全羅道＝民主党＝未開」に関するネタがあげられるだろう。「盧武鉉」元大統領と関連語との共起ネットワークでは、図 57のような結果となった。「盧武鉉」という語句は「李明博」「金大
中」
「朴正煕」
「朴槿恵」
「大統領」
「左派」
「全羅道」
「民主化」
「未開」「民主党」などの多くの語句とのネットワークを有している。語句間の関係をより明確に把握するため、ここでは出現パターンの似通った語句、すなわち共起の程度が強い語句を線で結んだネットワークで表した。「未開」という語句を中心として、「全羅道」「民主党」「政策」などがつながっていることから、「全羅道＝共に民主党(旧・民主党）」という極めて明確な「地域政党」の構図が形成されただけではなく、これらの集団が嫌悪の対象となっていたことが分かる。また、「全羅道」という語句は「光州」「暴動」「延坪海戰」という語句とつながれていた。共起ネットワークの分析から表れた特徴語をもとに、関連書き込みを確認してみた。
「盧武鉉や金大中は延坪海戰8の追慕式は出席しないで、暴動記念日には参加した」という書き込みが多数あった。ユーザー間では「5.18 光州民主化運動」を暴動記念日として扱われていることをうかがい知ることができ、これは、イルベの大半のユーザーが 1980 年に軍事独裁政権に反対した「5.18 光州民主化運動」を否定的に評価しているためである。他のユーザーは「6.25 に参戦した勇士らの恩恵は雀の涙程度なのに 5.18 暴動に参加した奴らの恩恵はいっぱいある。まったく湖南(全羅南
北道の呼称)出身の奴らは即刻入れ替えるべきだ」と述べている。
「イルベ」掲示板の書き込みを考察すると、韓国に起きた一連の事件などを二項対立的に組み込む構図が一般化されていたことがわかる。「5.18 光州民主化運動」をはじめ、2014 年の「セウォル号事件」などを貶めようとする動きが露骨に現れた。その反面、1950 年の「6.25 戦争（朝鮮戦争）」や 2010 年の「天安艦爆沈事件」と「延坪島砲撃事件」など北朝鮮に対抗する戦いのネタは頻繁に取り上げられ、その重要さを伺うことができる。
第二に、「経済政策」に関するネタである。
「経済」という語句は「不動産」
「地価」
「物価」
「上昇率」
「公企業負債」「弾劾」「話」という語句と共起関係がみられため特徴語を通じて、関連書き込みを確認してみた。盧武鉉政権の不動産政策は全国のいたるところで不動産ブームを起こし、土地や住宅価格を高騰させ、中間層や庶民をさらに苦しませているという内容であった。次の書き込みは盧武鉉政権にお7

Jaccard係数0.1以上のリンクを共起関係として分析した。
延坪海戰は 2002 年 6 月 29 日に黄海延坪島付近で発生した北朝鮮と韓国の艦艇による銃撃戦のことである。

8163

筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）

ける経済政策の最大の失敗が、新自由主義政策の採用であったという論点が観察される。
盧武鉉は新自由主義政策を実施した。代表的な例が医療保険の民営化、水道の民営化、ガスの民営化、鉄道民営化、韓米 FTA、米収入、牛肉の輸入、住宅価格上昇、大学の授業料 2 倍値上げ、物
価の 2 倍値上げなどだ。退任後には、庶民のコスプレをしたが、任期中には中産層を庶民にして庶民は貧民にしたのが盧武鉉だ。国をダメにするし、経済破綻するし、政治は混乱し、任期末の支持率は 5.7%台まで落ちた。退任後、賄賂を受け取ったことや、不正疑惑がかかって、貰ったピアジ
ェの時計を田んぼに捨て、ミミズク岩から飛び降りた盧武鉉や盧武鉉の分身の文在寅。
（「イルベの政治日刊ベスト板、筆者による日本語訳」）
上述した書き込みから、盧武鉉政権になってから韓国の経済はますます冷え込んでいき、中流層や庶民の暮らしが一層疲弊したという論点をうかがことができる。また、盧武鉉の支持率が低下した背景には、格差拡大と経済の不満があるという論点も読み取れる。
第三に、「退任後の贈収賄事件と自殺」に関するネタである。
「任期末」という語句を中心として、
「退
任」
「賄賂」
「支持率」
「不正」など多くの語句と共起ネットワークを有している。また、「任期末」という語句は「ピアジェ」(スイスの高級時計)「田んぼ」
「名品」
「自転車」
「市民」
「非難」といった語句と近くに布置されている。自転車というものは庶民のイメージを指す指標的（indexical）記号であり、同時に、盧武鉉元大統領のイメージを表象する記号であると解釈できる。2002 年大統領選で盧武鉉元大統
領は「正直」「クリーン」「庶民的」といったイメージで当時旋風を巻き起こした。退任後にも孫を自転車に乗せて田舎の村でサイクリングを楽しんでいる姿がよく映された。しかし、退任後に朴淵次泰光実
業会長から不正資金を受け取ったことが明らかになり、盧元大統領の政治的資産であった道徳性も崩れ去った。これを受け、盧元大統領を非難する書き込みが相次いでいたと解釈できる。また、「ゴミ」と「評価」という語句が独立したクラスタを形成し、これは盧元大統領の評価が最悪という表現を「ゴミ」に当て付けて使用していた。
次に、「支持率」という語句は「感性売り」（同情票）「自殺」といった語句とつながりを有している。
2009 年、盧武鉉元大統領の死去は、韓国社会に大きな衝撃を与えた。当時盧元大統領の死去について李明博政権と検察の厳しい捜査が原因であったという世論が一般的であった。「イルベ」掲示板では盧元大統領の死去は同情票を狙っていると受け取られ、「不正」という語句は「地獄」「三人兄第」といった語句とつながりを有しているから、金大中・盧武鉉・金正日に三人兄第としてレッテルを貼り激しい嫌悪感を抱いているということがわかる。
第四に、「弁護人」に関するネタである。北朝鮮の政治行為者をはじめ、従北、国家、民主主義などの語句が目立っている。盧武鉉政権においても金大中政権の対北朝鮮政策を継承し、これと関連した議論がとりあげられていたことが分かる。次に、「事件」と「弁護人」という語句間には独立したクラスタを形成している。
「弁護人」は盧武鉉元大統領の青年弁護士時代の逸話をモチーフにした映画であり、これと関連したトピックが持ち上がっていたことがうかがえる。
他に注目すべき点として「保守」「NO 答」（どうしようもない）という語句が表れていたことで、保守勢力が集うネット掲示板「イルベ」でこうした共起関係が現出されたのは興味深い。語句間の関係をもっと明確に把握するため、共起の程度が強い語句を線で結んだネットワークを対照してみた。「保守」「NO 答」（どうしようもない）
「北朝鮮」
「その時」
「心」
「仕業」など多くの語句とのネットワークを形成していることがわかる。関連特徴語を参照しながら、書き込みを確認してみた。朴槿恵大統領と「朴サモ（朴槿恵を愛する会）」に対する批判の声が読み取れる。これまで朴大統領を擁護してきた様相とは対照的であると言える。以下では関連書き込みの一部の抜粋したものである。
・あまりにもガンギエイたちに振り回されすぎていて、カリスマと決断力も足りないんだよな。
さらに親中政策もよくなかった。共に民主党の左派奴と同じ親中政策なんて呆れちまうよ。
・左派の顔色を執拗にうかがってやがる。
・父親の顔に泥を塗った。
・人事の問題で最近はがっかりさせられてばかりだ。
・決断力も見えなく、とんでもない福祉政策ばかり、もう「NO 答」（どうしようもない）。李
明博みたいに押し通すんだ。正直に李明博時代が懐かしいな。
164

金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

・(中略）女性部の支援、多文化政策、中小企業育成、まずこの三つの政策を叩かなきゃいかんよ。イ・ジャスミンみたいなフィリピン比例代表の公認を与えるのは今も納得できないんだ。
（「イルベの政治日刊ベスト板、筆者による日本語訳」）
上記の書き込みからみると、左派の声に振り回されていることや人事の問題で袋叩きに合っていることがわかる。人事の問題は 2014 年 6 月 10 日、朴大統領が文昌克氏を次期首相に指名したが、過去に日本による植民地支配や南北分断は「神の意思」と発言したことが問題視され、2014 年 6 月 24 日首相候補を辞退した。書き込みを通じて、首相候補の文昌克氏が就任を辞退したことについて、興奮している様子も見て取れる。次に、最近展開している政策に対して朴大統領を痛烈に批判していることも読み取れる。
上昇率公企業負債
話

地価
弾劾

事件

自転車 非難

物価

不動産

名品

市民

退任 賄賂

弁護人
金正恩

経済

金日成

任期末
不正
ピアジェ
支持率
田んぼ

時代

金正日

感性売り(同情表）三人兄弟

民主主義
右派 病身

国民

文在寅

北朝鮮

全斗煥

人
大韓民国

自殺

パルゲンイ

国家
従北

地獄

民主化 未開 民主党

左派
ガンギエイ 全羅道
イルベ 大統領
朴槿恵
政策
李明博
朴正熙
盧武鉉 金大中
光州

評価

セヌリ党
気

ゴミ

保守

その時

仕業

NO 答(どうしようもない）
最近

延坪海戦 暴動図 5「盧武鉉」元大統領に対する政治日刊ベスト板の共起ネットワーク（５）「2ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」の思考体系を動かす「コード」(code)
これまでの分析をもとに、以下では、日韓両国においてヘイトスピーチ現象を生み出す要因と共に、「2 ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」の思考体系を動かす「コード」(code)、つまり「心理的なメカニズム」
は何かについて考えてみたい。
第一に、リサーチ・クエスチョン 1 の研究結果から、日韓の両掲示板のユーザーと「ヘイトスピーチの対象」との二項対立の間にある「境界」には「無賃乗車」というコードが潜むことが読み取れる。ユーザーの間に在日朝鮮人は「特別永住権」と「生活保護制度」を利用し、日本の福祉政策に「無賃乗車」
をしているという認識が根深く存在しているということが書き込みから確認できた。この点から「2 ちゃんねる」掲示板での在日朝鮮人への嫌悪は「無賃乗車」に対する憎悪を在日朝鮮人・朝鮮人に一方的に投写したと解釈できる。
「イルベ」掲示板で「5.18 光州民主化運動」と「セウォル号事件」の遺族や「北朝鮮」に対して「税金泥棒」というレッテルを貼るのも一種の無賃乗車への嫌悪と言える。これは、自分たちがマジョリティでありつつも、「想像された(imagined)強者であるマイノリティ」-「われわれ」の権利を侵害し「権利を得ている(と想像する)マイノリティ」や「マジョリティと同等の権利を持つ(と想像する)マイノリティ」-によって被害を受けているという「被害者意識」が根底にあるためであろう。
(山崎 2015:12-13)
第二に、日韓両国間でのネット上のヘイトスピーチ現象は、それぞれの社会が持っている特殊性や個別性の軸によって特徴づけられると解釈できる。一つは、「2 ちゃんねる」掲示板におけるヘイトスピー
165

筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）チ現象は、歴史修正主義の台頭や東アジアの情勢が複雑に絡み合っている。
「ハングル板」における主なネタは、首脳会談後の昼食会をめぐる韓国側の態度、日本の世界文化遺産問題をめぐる日韓の歴史認識の対立、南シナ海や竹島・獨島の領有権をめぐる紛争などで明らかになった。このような近隣諸国との歴史的関係をめぐる問題はナショナリズムを煽るようなネタとなっており、それに在日特権というレッテルを貼り、インターネット上で朝鮮人・在日朝鮮人を他者化している形で表出されていた。その意味
で「2 ちゃんねる」掲示板のヘイトスピーチの現象は、日本国内の労働市場問題ではなく、近隣国との歴史的な観点から把握した樋口(2014)が指摘した通り、「日本型排外主義」に立脚し、生み出したものであると言える。換言すると、日本国内のヘイトスピーチの現象は、自分たちの仕事を外国人に奪われている、といった趣旨で特定の民族や国籍に対して公然と誹謗中傷する欧州のそれとは異なる特殊なものであると見受けられる。
もう一つは、日本におけるヘイトスピーチ現象は既存の大手メディアへの反作用として誕生した。
「ハングル板」におけるヘイトスピーチの標的は在日朝鮮人だけではなくて、日本国内の左派勢力や既存メディアも定番となる標的であることが明らかになった。中でも本研究で特に注目すべき点は、反マスメ
ディアの空気が「ハングル板」を中心に広範に形成されてきたということである。本研究の結果から、長年韓国について日韓友好ムードを壊してはいけないという雰囲気が大手メディアにあり、在日朝鮮人の犯罪報道に手心を加えたり、在日の犯罪者報道で通名のみを報じたりすることに対する不信感が根底にあるということが示唆された。その上、「メディア」という語句は｢左派」｢特権」という語句との共起
ネットワークを形成していたことから、「2 ちゃんねる」掲示板のユーザーは「メディア」を「左派」｢特権」と結びつけて認識していることも読み取れた。
次に「イルベ」掲示板で蔓延しているヘイトスピーチ現象は、単なる感情の発露というよりも、長年にわたって続いてきた分断体制と地域主義という共通の土台の上に、2000 年代以降一層強化したグロー
バルと新自由主義という時代的・社会的文脈が混在して生まれたものと言える。まず、分断体制と地域主義という土台から形成された「リベラル」と「保守」という二項対立的な構図は、韓国社会でのみ通用されることができる特殊性が反映されている。例えば、慶尚道＝セヌリ党(保守）、全羅道＝共に民主党(リベラル)という極めて明確な「地域政党構造」、親北＝リベラル、対北強硬＝保守という「対北政策観」、分配・福祉優先＝リベラル、自由・成長優先＝保守という「経済政策観」がある。こうした明確な理念間の対立軸が形成された上で、1997 年のアジア通貨危機と 2008 年のアメリカ発の金融危機以降の韓国社会の構造的変化が起爆剤となって、今の「イルベ」掲示板が誕生したと考えられる。その意味で、「イルベ」掲示板で表出されているヘイトスピーチ現象は、従来のヘイトスピーチ現象では捉えられない新しい現象であると言える。
第三に、日韓両国においてヘイトスピーチ現象を上で取り上げられた無賃乗車や被害者意識、歴史問
題や理念対立のみで把握することは限界がある。日韓両掲示板におけるヘイトスピーチ現象は、表面的に「在日朝鮮人・朝鮮人」「戦後民主主義」「メディア」「左派」「エリート主義」「北朝鮮」などを他者化するように見えるが、その本質は国家権力及び制度に対する広範な怒りが潜んでいたり、逆に過剰で偏った愛国心に向けられていたりしていると解釈できる。
「イルベ」掲示板の本質の把握において、韓国社会を両分する二つの軸は「政治民主化」と「経済民主化9」である。1987 年 6 月抗争で市民は「独裁打倒」「自由と人権」「民主主義」などと書かれた横断幕を手に持ち、街頭デモを行った。民主化を要求する市民の熱望で大統領直選制実現を主とした制度的な
民主化がなされたが、彼らが切願した「真の民主化」は「虚妄」したことであった。
「政治的民主化」は制限された形式的民主主義とはいえ、ある程度実現したが、「経済的民主化」は失敗したことに対する「虚妄」であろう。その「虚妄」は民主主義と政治改革の象徴である金大中と盧武鉉大統領をはじめ、民主化運動で中心的な役割を果たした 386 世代に対する怒りの表出として現れた。その一方で、民主主義とは何であり、はたして民主主義は我々に何をもたらしてくれるのであろうかということに対する問いが提起され始めた。その反動として、「民主化」という言葉が「イルベ」掲示板において「非推薦」という意味で使われるのは示唆することが大きい。本研究の分析結果でも「民主化」は聖なるものとして捉えるのではなく、ただの冷やかしの対象にすぎないということがわかる。
次に、「イルベ」掲示板の思考体系で際立った特徴の一つが反民主主義的な価値観に立っているとい
9「経済民主化」とは、憲法 119 条 2 項に登場する概念で、➀社会の格差を縮小する、➁公正に競争できる環境を作
る、➂財初・大企業から自営業者までさまざまな企業が提供できる環境を目指す、というものである。

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Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

うことである。こうした反民主主的的な価値観は理想的な国家実現や国家再建を阻む対象をこらしめ、社
会秩序を正すということにつながっている。しかし、「我々と彼ら」と「友と敵」を分かつ境界線はグローバル化と新自由主義が到来することにより曖昧となった。現代の民主主義の本質は、たとえば女性や若者、移住労働者、障害者、貧困層などマイノリティを包摂しており、これは結局、国民が税金を納めるがゆえに可能なものである。しかし、新自由主義体制が展開される過程で、既存の福祉国家体制の中に包摂されていなかった集団が受けられた様々な恩恵は一種の｢特権」であるという認識が広かった。
「民主化」と対比される「産業化」の対象にリベラル勢力や全羅道、女性、北朝鮮、5.18 光州民主化運動・
セウォル号の遺族、朝鮮族(韓国系中国人)をはじめとする外国人、移住労働者、ゲイ、障害者等などが含まれており、「イルベ」掲示板のユーザーの観点からみると、彼ら彼女らは社会的弱者ではなく、国家の発展の足首をつかんでいる対象となる。
もう一つの例を挙げよう。セウォル号の惨事がユーザーの哀悼と悲しみを超えて怒りを買った根本的な原因は、乗客を見捨て逃げた船長をはじめとするセウォル号事故を起こした船の運航会社の実質的オーナーである兪炳彦ー家ではない。それは「国家に対する怒り」である。その国家は、政府の危機対応能力に対する信頼の墜落と国家統合システムの不在・不法・脱法・不正を知っていながら目をつぶった
官民癒着、セウォル号事故の報道に関連し「人間的興味」というフレームを多用したメディアなど、総体的な意味における「国家」を言う。
同様に、「2 ちゃんねる」の場合でも「日本人」というアイデンティティの確立やプライドの回復を阻害する対象、すなわち、日本人の誇りと尊厳を取り戻すため清算すべき対象は在日朝鮮人・朝鮮人やメ
ディア、民主党、エリート主義、憲法と戦後民主主義まで幅広い。
「2 ちゃんねる」掲示板で在日朝鮮人が不当な特権を享受していると暴露することで、日本の利益を損なうために存在する左派政党やマスコミ、戦後民主主義の不正を告発して社会正義を実現するということである。ひいては、従来の権威と結びづいた知性主義を否定するという点から「2 ちゃんねる」掲示板の思想と体系を動かすコードには「反知性主義」が内在していると考えられる。
山崎(2015)は「2 ちゃんねる」ユーザーは在日特権という物語を通じ、既存の大手メディアに対して挑戦していると、以下のように述べている。
在日特権というアジェンダは 2 ちゃんねらーにとって、対抗的メディアの担い手としての彼らの自意識を満足させることのできるアジェンダだった。いわばマスメディアという巨大な敵手に立ち向かうゲリラ戦の戦士、権力批判に尽力するジャーナリストとしてのその姿勢を際立たせ、たとえ一部の保守論壇に特有の権威主義的な議論の中にあっても、彼ら本来の反権威主義的な構えを引き立たせることのできるアジェンだったわけである。(山崎 2015：59)
山崎は、在日特権というアジェンダを「2 ちゃんねる」文化の中に定着させ、反マスメディアフレー
ムにおける反権威主義的な言説実践の一環として作用したと主張している。ある意味で、たとえ在日特権というアジェンダが虚構であっても、実はその裏面には既存の大手メディアのみならず戦後民主主義に対して抑圧された感情が「2 ちゃんねる」掲示板上で噴出されていると言えよう。これらの抑圧された感情が何に由来するかといえば、それは総体的な意味における「国家」に対する感情の発露である。
その総体的な意味における「国家」は固定的なものではなく可変的であると考えられる。最近、安倍首相や朴槿恵大統領を擁護し続けてきた「2 ちゃんねる」と｢イルベ」掲示板では、安倍首相や朴大統領を非難する書き込みが目立ってきたのがその例である。安倍首相が慰安婦問題と関連し「意外に」融和的な姿勢を見せていたため、ネット上の保守層による「裏切られた」という反応が見られた。同様に、女性部の支援、多文化政策などを標榜した朴大統領の政策とも左へ動かされているため、朴槿恵離れを起こしていると解釈できる。
４．結論に代えて本研究では、日韓両国の社会問題の一つと言われるようになった、いわゆる「ヘイトスピーチ」言説
を「2 ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」掲示板を研究対象として検討を行った。そこから、次のような結果と含意が導き出された。
本研究ではリサーチ・クエスチョン 1 として日韓両国のインターネット掲示板で顕著に現れているネ
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筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

第9号

オンライン

（2017 年）

タは何であり、へイトスピーチの対象が「2 ちゃんねる」と「イルベ」の空間を介し、どのような形で発現されているのかを究明した。リサーチ・クエスチョン 1 の結果から得られた知見は以下の通りである。「2 ちゃんねる」掲示板では「在日朝鮮人」「民主党」「マスメディア」を他者化していた。
「イルベ」掲示板の場合は、ミクロな観点からみると、
「左派」
「民主党」
「全羅道地域」「北朝鮮」を他者化しているが、マクロな観点からみると朴正熙の「経済成長の神話フレーム」と金大中・盧武鉉の「政治民主化の神話フレーム」の間で克明な対峙を示している。アジア通貨危機以来、金大中・盧武鉉政権が 10 年続く中で、韓国経済は低成長、青年失業、所得不平等などが蔓延したため、「イルベ」掲示板のユーザーの間には金大中・盧武鉉政権の時期を「失われた 10 年」と評価していた。その反動として、民主化を打ち出す層に対する強い不信と共に、民主主義を犠牲にしてでも経済を取り戻すという考え方が拡散されつつ、朴正熙の成長神話が一段と広まっていると解釈できる。
次に、リサーチ・クエスチョン 2 では、リサーチ・クエスチョン 1 をもとに、これらの掲示板の思考体系において共有されている背景には、どのようなメカニズムがあるのかを解き明かした。日韓の両掲示板を読み解くキーワードは様々なものがあるが、ここでは「国家」という要因に注目したい。
「2 ちゃんねる」と「イルべ」という極右サイトと他者化されている対象との間には「こっち側」と「向こう側」の「境界」が強固であり、その境界に横たわっているのが「国家」である。問題は、極めて一方的に偏った愛国心の発露が反民主主儀的・反知性的な方向へと流れているということである。「2 ちゃんねる」
掲示板では、日本における戦後民主主義を否定し、戦後民主主義の価値を擁護する立場に立つ集団を「左翼」「反日」「売国奴」とレッテルを貼って攻撃していた。
「イルべ」の場合も、民主化などを否定してま
で独裁政権時代へ回帰したいというメカニズムが読み取れた。また、「民主化」や｢産業化」という命名の方式を通じて、内集団と外集団の区別がより明確化されたことが分かる。特に、インターネットの空間における断片化された情報の共有は、多様性への不寛容さを高め、内集団と外集団間の境界をより強固なものとし、結果としてヘイトスピーチ現象を煽っていたと言える。
最後に、リサーチ・クエスチョン 1,2 の研究結果を通じて、冒頭に述べた問いに対する見解を模索する。
「日韓両国の社会においてこれらの極右サイトの思想と行動をどのような文脈で理解すべきか」という問いについて、若干私見を述べるならば、これらの極右サイトは表面的には民主主義とは相容れない異質の集団のように見えるが、日韓両国の政治社会的な文脈やその中で蓄積されてきたものに対する反動として生まれており、同時に、時代の落とし子とも言える。すなわち、冒頭に述べた一連の問いに答えるために、再帰的(reflexive)な視座からヘイトスピーチ現象と向き合う必要がある。本研究はこのような思考の延長戦上でヘイトスピーチ言説を考察したが、日韓両国の極右掲示板から右傾化といった考えの根底にあるものを解き明かすことには限界があった。
今後では日韓社会が直面している多様な社会問題意識をより厚く、詳細に読み解きながら、日韓両国のヘイトスピーチ言説を考察する必要があるだろう。また、先行研究によると思春期・青春期にバブルの崩壊や IMF 経済危機を経験した若者たちの右傾化が目立つようになったという。それを考慮すると、高度経済成長からの恩恵を受けた世代とその恩恵を受けられなかった層との境界線に「世代の区分」という要因が大きく関わっていると考えられる。そこで、社会流動化の過程で派生した「世代間の格差」という要因が、今のネット右翼の思考体系とヘイトスピーチ言説にどのような影響を及ぼしたかを検討することは、重要な課題であるが本研究では扱っていない。この点は研究の余地があるだろう。
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金 善映 「『2 ちゃんねる』と『イルべ』掲示板」を通じてみた日韓のヘイトスピーチ現象」
Sunyoung KIM, Hate Speech between Japan and Korea in the “2 Channel” and “ILBE” Internet Bulletin Boards

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Vol.9, March 2017, pp. 171-192 (ONLINE)
Master’s and Doctoral Programs in International and Advanced
Japanese Studies
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences,
University of Tsukuba

ArticlePhases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students
Intercultural Communication and Integration into American Culture

Anya HOMMADOVAUniversity of Tsukuba, Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Ph.D. Student
There is a growing population of international students in the U.S. and although previously only elite orscholastically advanced students were able to study abroad, this experience is now becoming more accessible
to a more diverse population. As this new demographic grows, questions arise on how to make the experience
for international students in the U.S. more positive and less stressful. Asian students make up the largest
demographic of students studying in U.S., and though there is a plethora of literature on Asian students studying
in major cities in U.S., researchers have somewhat neglected the experiences of students in rural areas. This
study looks at the process of cultural adjustment through ethnographic inquiry, exploring the process ofadaptation through five phases of adjustment. Utilizing an ethnographic approach, one year of fieldwork wasundertaken at a small-sized university in the rural U.S. The researcher examined the lives of 38 students from
East Asia through observations, interviews, open-ended surveys, and other means. The students’ interactions
with the local population are analyzed using the Interpersonal Adaptation Theory. Practical suggestions weremade based on the students’ experiences and reflections on possible ways for sojourners to not only adjust, but
to integrate into the local culture.
Keywords: Cultural Adjustment, Adaptation to American Culture, East Asian Students, Interpersonal Adaptation Theory

Introduction
The United States hosts the largest share of the world’s international students, serving as a temporary home
to 1.23 million international students (SEVIS, 2016). This figure represents over a million stories of students
struggling to adapt to a new environment. This adaptation process is especially enthralling in its extremity when thehost environment is tremendously different from the native environment. The more cultural differences there are
between the home and host countries, the more difficult it becomes for international students to adjust (Lin & Yi,
1997; Mori, 2000). In the U.S., these students not only have to overcome the same chalenges as American students,
but are additionally faced with language barriers, culture shock, unfamiliar social norms, adjustment to theconsumption of foreign food, different educational expectations, isolation, and inability to establish social networks(Church, 1982; Furnham & Trezise, 1983; Leong & Chou, 1996). Asian students make up the largest percentage ofinternational students studying in the U.S., and the number of Asian students studying in the U.S. has continued to
grow. Many studies focusing on student adjustments take a quantitative approach, and few studies look at theadaptation of students from urban areas to rural areas of the U.S. Furthermore, the international students’experiences rely heavily on their interactions and communication with other people. The United States is highly
diverse and Americans in metropolitan cities are different from Americans in rural areas. This paper focuses on theinteractions between East Asian students and the local populace in a rural U.S. city in the mid-west. The
fundamental problem addressed by this article is examining the process of adaptation that East Asian students go
through in a rural American environment.
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Various scholars describe stages of adjustment in different ways. For example, Berry et. al. (1987) identified
five distinct categories of acculturation as 1) physical changes (location), 2) biological changes (nutrition), 3)
cultural changes, 4) social relationships (in-group/outgroup), and 5) psychological changes. Berry et al. (1987) focus
on stress associated with learning a second culture firsthand; however, these categories do not fully capture thecomplexity of the process, and many of them can be grouped under the term ‘culture shock.’ Berry’s model wasdeveloped for immigrants, not sojourners, as the sojourners are in a foreign culture temporarily. Sojourners face
additional challenges in negotiating their identity and are also faced with reverse culture shock once they return totheir homeland. Another scholar, Chen (1992), identifies the phases as 1) culture shock, 2) psychological adaptation,and 3) interaction effectiveness. Chen focuses on psychological adaptation, overlooking other types of adaptationthat the sojourners have to go through such as physical, social, and cultural adaptation needed to fully adapt to thehost culture. However, the importance of interactional effectiveness cannot be ignored, as a many scholars agree
that interaction with the local population plays a major role in the integration of foreigners to their host environment.
A pioneering scholar in this phenomenon, Kalervo Oberg (1954), described cultural adjustment in fourphases: 1) honeymoon, 2) culture shock, 3) gradual adjustment, humor, and perspective, and 4) “Feeling at Home”—
adaptation and biculturalism. The previously mentioned issues in the differences between models for immigrants
and sojourners were addressed by Gullahorn and Gullahorn (1963) with the emergence of the W-Curve Model(Figure 1).
Figure 1. W-Curve Adaptation Model

Source: Based on the U-curve (Oberg 1960) and extended by (Gullahorn & Gullahorn, 1963)
However, Oberg does not discuss what happens before the honeymoon phase. He does suggest that in thegradual adjustment phase, some of the key factors are the perspectives and sense of humor of the foreigners.
Gebhard, a scholar in the field of education, describes the phases of the students’ adaptation consisting of thefollowing: 1) getting ready to leave, 2) initial experiences, 3) increasing interaction 4) culture shock, and 5)
adaptation (Gebhard, 2010). The students go through the phases in a non-linear way and often skip a phase or goback to a previous phase.
The East Asian students that were able to study in the U.S. twenty years ago are not from the same
demographic as today. Currently, it is no longer elite nor exceptionally smart students who study abroad. Studyingin the U.S. with in-state tuition prices and more easily available student visas are viable options for more people.
Asian students are the largest group of students studying in U.S. (IIE, 2016), and are not often singled out in theiradjustment; they are grouped together with all the other international students. The problem is the lack of studies
on the process of cultural adjustment of East Asian students to the rural U.S. from the perspective of these students.
The sense-making process and accounts of their experiences in their words are nowhere to be found. This study
attempts to fill this gap by answering the following research questions:

Anya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students

RQ1. What is the process of adaptation that East Asian students go through when adapting to the rural U.S.
in their perspective?
RQ2. In the interactions of East Asian students with the local populace, what helps students form intimate
relationships?
1. Conceptualization of the Stages of Cultural Adaptation and Integration
In constructing a more comprehensive view of the cultural adjustment of East Asian students in the rural
U.S., phases of adjustment need to be tailored to sojourners. As suggested by Gebhard (2010), a pre-arrival stage isimportant for students, as preparation for their studies affects their academic success. Kim (1988) also suggested
that “adaptive predisposition,” which consists of pre-departure preparations, has an impact on the outcome of crosscultural adaptation. However, it is not only the preparations but the expectations and perceptions of the place they
are going to that also formulates in this stage, as is pointed out by Black et al. (1991). Black also suggests that
previous experience plays a role in the expectations of sojourners. Therefore, based on the literature, the first stage
should focus on what happens before the departure, which includes predispositions of the students towards the hostcountry and people, previous experiences abroad and the preparations that were undertaken for their travel abroad.
The next phase is upon arrival, and looking at the literature, a commonly suggested accuracy upon arrival is
the honeymoon stage. Although it is true that many of the students feel exhilarated about their first experiences
upon arrival, they are not necessarily always positive experiences. Gerhard (2010) provided an example of anegative first experience when the students were deprived of their belongings on the train in New York. The phaseupon arrival will be defined as the initial experience phase and consists of the first impressions of the rural area,
university, and the experiences of East Asian students. The third stage is culture shock, when many sojourners forfirst time realize some of the negative points in living in the host culture compared to home country. The definitionof culture shock used in this study is similar to Oberg’s (1960) and is described as the feeling of inadequacy,
frustration, anxiety, and anger caused by the clash of host and home culture ideas. The fourth stage is the adjustment
phase, where the students negotiate their identity and can adapt or integrate into the host culture. There is a clear
difference between coping with the environment and becoming part of it. Adjusting to the environment means
coping through various ways, such as withdrawing, communicating exclusively with co-ethnic nationals, andrejecting the host culture, but still being able to live in the host environment. Integrating into the host environmentis becoming part of it, and requires interacting with it on a much deeper level.
Kim’s Intimacy Model of Cultural Adjustment (Kim, 1988) suggests that foreigners integrate into a hostsociety by increasing the number of intimate relationships with the local populace compared to the number of
intimate relationships with co-ethnic nationals. Therefore, an individual whose intimate relationships are only withco-ethnic nationals ends up being unable to integrate, though he or she might be well adapted to the environment
by coping with it through the haven of the interactions with co-ethnic nationals. Conversely, individuals with anequal amount or more intimate relationships with locals integrate into the local society through these relationships.
Berry et al. (1987) also suggested the in/out group relationships are paramount in the process of adjustment. The
overall plethora of literature suggests that, in the process of adjustment, the interactions and social support thestudents receive is a major factor in how well they adjust to their new environment (Adelman, 1988; Chavajay,
2013; Poyrazli, Kavanaugh, Baker, & Al-Timimi, 2004; Watters, 1999). The final stage is reverse culture shock andit is missing in the acculturation models and other adaptation models designed for immigrants. During this phasethe students can find it difficult to re-adapt to their home culture after prolonged exposure to a foreign culture. Readapting to one’s own culture at times can be more difficult than the culture shock of adapting to a foreign culture,
particularly for Asian students, as they face a process of reconstruction of their identities and roles. An example ofthis was provided by Gebhard (2010) in a story of how a Japanese female student, who had gotten used toindependence and equal treatment, was asked to do menial tasks and serve tea when she returned to Japan andstarted working. However, on a more positive side, a Japanese scholar who explored the cultural adjustment ofJapanese students in the U.S. (Nakagawa, 2013) discussed the effects of studying abroad on the identity of the173

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Japanese students upon their return. In her findings, she discovered that studying abroad resulted in an increase in
self-esteem and confidence of students once they returned.
As can be seen from the previous studies, successful integration and adaptation are dependent on interactions
between international students and local students. Therefore, it is essential to look next at social interactions andconsider a working model to explore the intercultural communication occurring in the phenomenon of culturaladjustment.
2. Role of Intercultural Communication in Integration and Interpersonal Adaptation Theory
Loneliness has been shown to be a negative predictor of sociocultural adaptation and psychological
adaptation (Wang & Sun, 2009). Furthermore, recent research done in the area of social interactions demonstrates
that interaction with more people helps students cope with their process of adjustment (Miyazaki, Bodenhorn,
Zalaquett & Ng, 2008; Wei, Heppner, Mallen, Ku, Liao & Wu, 2007). This does not only include communication
with family and friends back home, but also includes interactions with the local population, which is a major
contributing factor to the students’ adjustment to the host culture. Numerous studies show this to be true; the more
frequently the international students interact with friends from their host country, the better they adjust (Furnham& Bochner, 1982; Heikinheimo & Shute, 1986; Perkins, 1977). For example, the classic study by Sellitz and Hook
(1962) showed that international students felt a stronger connection to the United States if they had at least one
close American friend. The results of a more recent study also suggest that social support available to international
students, even today, plays a major role in making the adjustment to a new cultural context (Chavajay, 2013; Watters,1999). A study done by Toyokawa et al. (2002) suggests that extracurricular activities are positively related toJapanese students’ experiences in the U.S. by increasing life satisfaction, as well as better academic performance.
One of the theories germane to the study of interpersonal communication is undoubtedly the Interpersonal
Adaptation Theory, commonly known as the Interaction Adaptation Theory, and hereafter referred to as the IAT.
The IAT attempts to explain dyadic interactions through a formula, where the combination of expectations, desire,and needs yield to the interaction position (IP). IP is “a net assessment of what is necessary, anticipated, andpreferred as the dyadic interaction pattern in a situation” (Burgoon, Stern, & Dillman, 1995, pg. 266). Individuals
in interactions try to minimize the gap between predicted behavior and actual behavior to stabilize the interaction.
The theory predicts that if there is a gap between IP and actual behaviors, then one of the partners in the interaction
will adjust their IP, which minimizes the gap and can signal to the other person to change their actual behavior. An
obvious example of this is in the interactions surrounding the discussion of washing dishes between husband andwife. The wife needs the husband to help around the house. She desires him to do it without her saying anything,but expects that he will end up doing it once she explicitly tells him. However, if the husband comes home and goesto watch TV and the wife tells him to wash the dishes, but he says, “Do it yourself,” this will create a gap between
the predicted behavior and actual behavior. As a result, the wife will have to adjust her IP or the husband will haveto do so, and as the interaction continues, the IP will adjust, and the actual behavior can change. This can also be
applied to explore the interactions between East Asian students and local Americans.
The IAT theory derived from theories and models of four distinct approaches. First, the authors looked atbiological approaches, looking at models such as interactional synchrony, mirroring, and mimicry. These biologicalmodels showed that individuals would share similar patterns that are universal and involuntary. Furthermore, theseadaptation patterns have an innate basis of satisfying the needs of bonding, safety, and social organization. The
second approach was arousal and affect, which analyzed the affiliative conflict theory (ACT), the arousal-labelingtheory, Markus-Kaplan and Kaplan's bi-dimensional model (BM), the discrepancy-arousal theory (DAT), and thedialectical model. The commonality found among these is that internal emotional and arousal states are the driving
forces in people’s decisions to approach or avoid others. For example, ACT states that when the stability is disturbed
in an interaction, there will be pressure to compensate by restoring it intra-personally or inter-personally. BM works
similarly, but the approach and avoidance tendencies are attributed to individuals’ personality traits and attempts topredict conjoint interaction patterns through individual predispositions. DAT predicts that moderate arousal iscaused by discrepancies in expected behavior patterns and will produce reciprocity, while high arousal is negativeand causes avoidance. Dialectic models focus on the changes in people’s behavioral patterns and the cyclical pattern

Anya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students

poles of approach/openness and avoidance/closeness. The third approach consisted of the social norm approach,which is mainly looking at the norm of reciprocity, social exchange and resource exchange theory, couple interaction,and the "dyadic effect," as well as the communication accommodation theory. The standard of reciprocity states thatpeople feel a social obligation to reciprocate what other people do to them. CAT states that convergence anddivergence strategies depend on in-group and out-group status, motivation to identify with one another, and otherfactors. Finally, the last approach is the communication and cognitive approach, and the models that were used werePatterson's Sequential-Functional Model (SFM), the Expectancy Violations Theory, the Cognitive-Valence Theory,and the Motor Mimicry (MM) revisited. SFM looks at pre-interactional and interactional factors that regulate thestability and degree of accommodation in interactions. MM shows that matching is functional and may be deliberate.
EVT and CVT are a combination of many similar elements from the previously described models, and for EVT, thebehavior change needs to be identified as a positive or negative violation and predict a number of outcomes. Basedon the above theories and models, Burgoon et al., identified nine principles that guide the IAT. The first four
principles include innate pressure to adapt, biological inherent pressure, variance in approach and avoidance drives,
as well as social pressure toward reciprocity and matching. Reciprocity and compensation can also transpire at a
communication level, however despite people’s predisposition to adapt there are various factors that can limit
conscious adaptation. These limitations include: (a) individual consistency in behavioral style, (b) internal causesof adjustments, (c) poor monitoring of self or partner, (d) inability to adjust performance, and (e) cultural differencesin communication practices and expectations. The combination of the various forces that are present set up
boundaries that largely produce the behaviors of matching, synchrony, and reciprocity. The last two principles statethat although many variables may be salient moderators of interaction adaptation, predictions about functional
complexes of behaviors should be more useful and accurate than predictions about particular behaviors viewed inisolation of the function they serve (Burgoon, Stern, & Dillman, 2007).
This theory is becoming more popular among scholars, but still, very few studies have tried to test it
empirically. The two studies published by empirically testing it were done by Floyed and Burgoon (1999), andanother by Le Poire and Yoshimura (1999). Floyed and Burgoon did one of the most extensive studies by applying
the IAT to an experiment to predict nonverbal expressions of liking (n=96). The results of the experiment show thatwhen individuals desire being liked by their partners, they will enact liking behaviors. Conversely, consistent with
the IAT, they will show less liking behavior if they do not desire the same from their partners. Interestingly, when aperson has a desire to be liked, s(he) will act in an attractive way, regardless of expectations and received behavior.
Somewhat counterintuitively, findings suggested that expressions of liking can be considered negative, rather thanpositive, events. The studies that tested this theory include Le Poire and Yoshimura (1999), with results suggestingthat the strongest desire to continue communication was when the participant expected an unpleasantcommunication, but in fact received highly involved communication. Despite these studies, the biggest criticism
this theory faces is a lack of empirical evidence.
One of the limitations of the IAT is the concept of IP, which might be unnecessarily more complicated thanneeded. IP is a combination of variables that show the position of expectancies. There is high variance among thethree elements that make up the IP, making it hard to be sure of what it is in different interactions, which in turnmakes it hard to predict the outcome. The fact that people constantly influence each other in communication and,with reactions, can change the behavior of the people they are interacting with, is not new. Although the IAT explains
this process, it is not clear how well it can predict the outcome. For the theory to be empirically tested, expectations
need to be operationalized, which is hard to do, as stated by Le Poire and Yoshimura (1999). Furthermore, thevariance among individuals’ expectations is also hard to measure. As the theory states, behavior can be involuntary
and unconscious; people do not calculate their IP, and often struggle to identify personal desires, needs, andexpectations. Therefore, it is also hard for scientists to manipulate these variables. Another limitation that was notedby Burgoon et al. (1999) is regarding the ability of the IAT to predict patterns of interaction, as little empirical data
testing is available. The limitations of the EVT are covered by the IAT. However, the boundary conditions are notclear; situational factors, cultural factors, and variance among needs, desires, and expectations could all affect thelikelihood of compensation and reciprocity. This theory is well suited to exploring phenomena in interculturalcommunication, as it can help explain the discrepancies and, in an exploratory manner, it has not been applied to175Journal of International and Advanced Japanese Studies

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explain interactions. However, the IAT has not been used pragmatically and has only been experimentally tested inlaboratory settings.
3. Methodology
This study implements an interpretive qualitative paradigm and adapts ethnography as a research strategy.
The subject of inquiry is the adaptation process of East Asian students to a rural American culture from the point ofview of the participants. With ethnography being, by definition, a systematic study of people and cultures, it was
the most suitable approach. Ethnographic research is designed to view various cultural phenomena from the pointof view of the participants, matching the objectives of this study. The data described in this study was gathered
through numerous in-depth interviews, and the data was verified and enriched through triangulation by combining
surveys, semi-formal interviews, and participatory observations. This study explored the following five phases ofadjustment: 1) pre-arrival phase, 2) the initial exposure phase, 3) the culture-shock phase, 4) the adaptation phaseand finally 5) reversed culture shock of the East Asian students. In this study, East Asian students are non-U.S. bornstudents holding student F-1 visas who have come from East Asian countries and identify themselves as Chinese,
Japanese, or Korean. The sample population was selected from a university in the mid-west United States, locatedin the rural city of M. with a population of fewer than 40,000 residents. The data gathering process started on May
2, 2015 and ended in August 2016. The summary of the data used is provided in Table 1.
Table 1: Data Collection
Data Collection Method
Semi-Formal Interviews
Initial Asian Students Survey
In-Depth Interviews
Focus Groups
Observation Notes

Data Collection Table
Quantity Collected
Time of Collection
6 students
May 2015
23 surveys
September 2015, January 2016
Over 160 single space pages
August 2015 to May 2016
2 (total of 13 students)
September and December
Numerous
August 2015 to July 2016

Online Survey

17June to August 2016

Output Data
Phases 2-4
Phases 1-3
Phases 1-4
Phases 1-2
Phases 1-5
Phase 5To be able to look at the students’ experiences from fresh perspectives, without any restrictions, the patterns
were allowed to emerge freely. The sensitivity and the nature of the topic as well as the desire to generate newknowledge, pointed to the implication of interviews as one of the main tools of gathering data. Two focus groups
were conducted about the students’ initial experiences in the U.S. The semi-formal interviews lasted 30 to 45
minutes and the data collected was in the form of extensive notes. All of the in-depth-interviews, which were much
longer, were recorded and transcribed. The scripts went through two cycles of coding. The first cycle includes
descriptive, in vivo and causal codes. The descriptive and in vivo codes were chosen because they help understandthe lives of the students using the participants’ words. The causal coding was used to underline the possible causesof progress in adaptation or what caused the adaptation process to not go so well. The second cycle of coding wascomparing the data and making more analytical codes to bump up the level of generalization. Mostly, the second
cycle of coding used axial and longitudinal coding where it was relevant. The coding process analyses followed
Saldana’s (2009) coding manual.
The richest data was provided through in-depth interviews with 37 participants, and their demographic
information is provided in Table 2. In reporting the results of the interviews, pseudonyms are used for the students
to protect their identity, which also helps the reader to differentiate among the students’ different personal
experiences and opinions. The most commonly used strategy to improve validity is triangulation, which means
using different sources of data to build a rational justification for the themes (Creswell, 2014). In this research,
triangulation was used to improve the validity by looking at secondary sources that reported similar findings aroundthe United States and by using the surveys and observations to ensure that the emergent data accurately captured
the experiences of the students. Participant checking was used during all of the interviews and the data from theAnya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students

surveys was also verified with the participants who volunteered for follow-up interviews. Reliability, or theconsistency of researcher’s analysis, for this project was systematic and focused on specific codes. In this research
project, the transcripts were double checked, and the coding was done in cycles. The transcripts were partially crosschecked with another coder.

Table 2: Demographic of In-Depth Interview Participants
Ethnicity
KoreanNumberof Students
6

Sex

Age

Major

Status2 male4 female

22-34

English, Business,
Computer Science

3 International
3 Exchange

Durationof stay
5 months to
4 years

Japanese15

5 male10 female

20-23

Sociology(2), Physics,
Comm, Business(3), Intl.
Studies, Chemistry, English(3), Design, Psychology

5 International
10 Exchange

5 months to
3 years

Ethnically
Chinese16

10 male5 female

20-28

Business (4), Computer
Science (2), Economics (2),Engineering, ProjectManagement, Marketing,
East Asian Studies,
Chemistry

13 International
3 Exchange

5 months to
6 years

Overall, qualitative research focuses on “discovery”, of new information, categories, and relationships, while
canonical science makes prediction its ultimate goal. Although the sample might not be representative of a larger
population, it is representative of East Asian student experiences in the rural U.S. The author would like to argue
that it is not a stand-alone case, instead it looks at the general phenomenon of how perception, cultural backgroundand experiences influence the cultural adaptation of East Asian students.
4. The Process of Adaptation to the Rural U.S.
The results are reported in this section through the conceptualized phases of adjustment, displaying thecategories that emerged from the data analyses according to the stage the students were at during their study abroad.
Each student moved through the stages at a different pace and few were able to achieve integration; while themajority were able to adapt, two international students quit their studies due to various circumstances. The overall
process of adaptation is visually displayed below.
Figure 2. Phases of Adjustment

Pre-Arrival

Exposure

Culture Shock

Adaptation

Reverse
Culture ShockExpectations

InitialExperiences

Clash of Homeand Host
Culture Values

Convergence

Idealization

Preparations

Increased
Interactions

Cultural Misunderstanding

SelfConfidence

Re-evaluation

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(1) Phase One: Pre-Arrival
Phase one is the phase that usually only lasts a few weeks for some students, while it could last for many
years for others. In the pre-arrival phase, the motivation for coming, the expectations and their formation, as well
as fear, anxiety, and preparations for study abroad that the East Asian students went through are examined. This
phase is accompanied by many different feelings, and focuses on the personal circumstances of individuals and theirpersonalities.
(1.1) Motivations for Studying Abroad
The reasons or motivation to study abroad for East Asian students varied greatly. The number-one reason
was related to learning English, but other causes included wanting to experience a foreign culture, better college
education, or failing the university exams at home. Four students (three from China, one from Korea) indicated thatthey had no choice; it was their parents’ decision. Student status was a major factor that affected their choice forstudying at M. University. Many of the international students that were enrolled in regular bachelor degree programs
came to the U.S. because they failed their university entrance exams back home and were looking for an inexpensive
university in the U.S. Exchange students chose M. University based on the results of their tests in English as aforeign language (hereafter referred to as TOEFL) score and major. For Chinese students, parents and relatives
played a major role in the decision, while for Japanese students, there were instances where not all family members
supported the decision for the student to go abroad.
Some students were inspired by people in their lives or by other aspects of American culture. One Japanese
student came to the U.S. wanting an education in English to further her future career. In a survey she wrote, “In the
future, I want to work at a research facility in physics, and I need good English and high skills in Physics, so I needthis. I want to access the new information firsthand, not translated. All the information must be in English inconferences too. I want to go to graduate school.” Another student said her English teacher told her a story about
her experience of studying abroad, and it made her interested. Many students also mentioned that since childhood
they wanted to go overseas. In this category, their study abroad was long awaited, well pre-planned, and highly
anticipated by the participants. Students in this category had their pre-arrival phase begin years in advance, as they
dreamed about their lives in the U.S. However, other students had little desire to go to the U.S. One extreme case isof a Taiwanese student who was not aware that his parents applied to M. University for admission on his behalf.
Two weeks before his departure his parents informed him that he would be studying in the U.S. for the next four
years. They simply handed him his acceptance letter and his airplane ticket. For this student, when asked about his
expectations, he said he had no expectations or any preparation about his life in the U.S.; he was indifferent. This
was not the only student for whom the parents made the decision that they should go to the U.S., and the parents
chose M. University as the destination. Other students wanted to go to the U.K., Australia, or big cities in the U.S.,
but ended up studying at M. University because it was less expensive or because their TOEFL scores were not highenough to go to other universities. One Korean exchange student wrote, “I came because I wanted to learn English,
and in Korea, English skill is important for our career. Because of my TOEFL score, there were few choices, so it
was because of this score I had to go to M. University.” M. University had a low minimum TOEFL score requirement,
making this university one of the few places that would accept them. Some international students have studied atother American universities where they took English preparation courses and then transferred to M. University. This
was not an option for the exchange students because of the short length of their program abroad.
Some students mentioned that the U.S. was not their first choice for learning English, while other students
indicated that the U.S. was the best place to learn English. Factors such as enjoying studying English since middle
school or a sound knowledge of English needed for the students’ careers were the inspiration for this group. One
exchange student majoring in English wrote, “I want to be an English teacher for the future, and I wanted to study
at the country that English is spoken. In addition, English taught in Japan is American English, not British English,
so I decided to go to the U.S. I chose M. because there is the subject in which I can join the fieldwork at elementary,
middle or high school in the U.S. In addition, there are some classes that I’m interested in.” Most of the students
from Korea indicated that learning English was their main goal for studying abroad, and one student from Seoul,
Korea, wrote, “I wanted to study in the U.S. because my major is English, and my family told me to go abroad.”Anya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students

The majority of Japanese and Chinese international students, unlike the exchange students, came to study in
the U.S. because they were not able to obtain acceptance to the university of their choice in Japan or China, anddecided to study abroad instead. None of the Korean students who were studying in the U.S. at the University of M.
as international students mentioned not being able to gain acceptance into a Korean university. However, the Koreansample was the smallest and the majority of Korean students on campus were on short-term exchange programs.
Not being able to gain access to a university education in their home country is a common reason why East Asianstudents come to American universities, however not all students admit this fact. Chao1 wrote, “I failed in theuniversity exam in China, so decided to go abroad. My family encouraged me to go abroad. Without their support,
I could not come here, but I am always worried about money.” Student like Chao, who come from a less affluent
economic background are faced with additional pressure to succeed as they depend on their families financial
support.
Students mentioned being influenced by American pop culture, which made them interested in studying in
the U.S. This appeared to have influenced their expectations of the U.S. Overall, all students received support andencouragement from their family. Only one student mentioned that his family was against it in the beginning. Many
exchange students chose this particular university because it had an established exchange program with their
Japanese university, and also had classes in which they were interested. For privately supported students, low tuition
fees became the reason they chose M. University. One Korean student said, “I Googled ‘Cheapest University.’ Well,
at first, I got into the university in Minneapolis, but their tuition was $40,000 to $50,000. I couldn’t burden myfamily [that much]. My dad was [like], ‘It is too much for two years.’ It could be even through three years. I tried
to research again, and I found two universities, and one was in Cleveland and one was here. I asked my friend at
the time, [he said], ‘Cleveland is more countryside and M. University is [good for the] field of education and safe
and with wealthy people.’ That is what he said, anyway; [it had] better circumstances to study. I decide to comehere, and he was from here too.” When asked why they chose this particular university, many students wrote thesame thing: “I chose M. University because it was cheap.” One Chinese-Malay student wrote, “I chose the U.S.
because it was the land of opportunity to explore more things, and also the American culture intrigues me, and I
would like to know more about it. M. University was an easy choice for me due to the low tuition cost, and also theopportunity to know more about the American culture by beginning in a small city.” Another underlying reason for
the exchange students was the university being located in the countryside. One of the Japanese students wrote, “Oneof the reasons I choose M. was that it is in the countryside. There are two reasons I prefer countryside. First is safety.
The countryside is safer than the city. Second reason is that I wanted to study in quiet place. I believed it made me
concentrate on studying because there are not so many places to have fun. Another reason that I chose M. is that I
thought there were few Japanese people compared with another university.”(1.2) Expectations of the U.S. and Americans
When asked how he imagined Americans, one Korean student wrote only three words: “Blonde and pretty.”
He added that he expected more racist people. A majority of the East Asian students said they expected Americans
to be friendly, positive, fun, interested in other cultures, talkative, kind, good at making friends, open-minded, skinny,tall, and fashionable. Students expected their life in the U.S. to be of fun, partying, hanging out with many friends,
and stated that the Americans they imagined were eagerly waiting to talk to foreigners. One Korean student wrote,“[I expected] if I go to America I get freedom. I imagined I can do whatever I want to, and I can get a lot of chance[s]to meet many foreign friends and improve my English skill and go to many places and want to experience party in
U.S., but I haven’t. I think Americans will have an open mind to international people so I can make many friends,
but most important are experience with another culture. In reality it is pretty hard for me, and many international
students have [the] same problems.” Another Japanese student wrote, “I expected that American people are morefashionable because my favorite cloth[ing] companies are from America and there are American celebrities fashion

1

Pseudonyms are used to protect the identities of the students who were observed during the fieldwork and participated ininterviews. The surveys were anonymous and only basic demographic information could be reported, however, for the group of
students that were observed and interviewed in depth, background information and their experiences are reported in a more personaland individualized manner.

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magazines in Japan.”
The image of an easy-going and friendly American was the same among Chinese, Japanese, and Korean
students. Most students said this picture came from the television dramas and movies they watched. A few students
stated that they had met Americans back home and those Americans (who were in Korea and Japan) were very
friendly and interested in the country. There was one student from Korea who did not have an image of a friendly
and outgoing American. Instead, he wrote, “I watched many American TV shows, so I thought it would be very
busy, much drinking and drugs and scary people. Americans always look serious and don’t smile. Because of the
TV shows. I watched Prison Break and Gossip Girl and some Hollywood movies. And CSI too.”
The image of the U.S. as a country was most commonly described by the word “freedom” and “big”. The
U.S. is a place where many people from various countries come together, and many students wanted to experience
communicating with foreigners from many countries, which is an opportunity they did not have back home. Overall,
the students had high expectations for their lives in the U.S. With the exception of a few students who werecompletely indifferent following their parents’ instructions, most of the students were excited. However, the students
from Japan especially expected America to be dangerous, leading to the next section of worries and fear prior toarrival in the U.S.
(1.3) Fears, Worries, and Anxiety
Everyone was worried about something, and out of over 40 students who participated in interviews or did
the survey, not a single student said that (s)he had no worries at all or that (s)he was confident in general or withhis/her English ability. The main anxiety was unsurprisingly caused by language ability, as more than half of thestudents indicated English as their main concern. A Korean student wrote, “Language is the biggest concern andlifestyle is a little concern. Most scary is the language.” Besides the language barrier, other worries included
economic issues, weather (among the ones who researched the area), safety, integration, making friends, academic
ability, being able to get along with their roommate(s), ability to communicate, gaining weight, being homesick,and facing discrimination. One female student from Tokyo wrote, “I am a chicken, so I was really afraid. I thought
people said no [she was worried about the embarrassment of having a request denied]. What if I can’t understandwhat they say? In Japan, foreigners are still rare, so we do not talk a lot with them. Americans are not worried about
details and are powerful. And discrimination by white people is common. I was worried about many things, likeacademic performance, my English ability, safety, and discrimination. I was worried and anxious.”
The image of America as a place of drugs, crime, sex, and violence were vivid in the minds of many Japanese
students. During a focus group, one student described her surprise that her dictionary was not stolen when she left
it in the classroom. Other students seemed concerned about Americans carrying guns and shootings. In reality, thecrime rate of this particular city is very low. Safety was the main concern for Japanese students. One student in thesurvey wrote, “Mostly my concern was safety, since shooting incidents were often on the news.” Another student
was concerned with public safety in relation to American law enforcement officers, she clarified that the image ofAmerican police officers she has seen on TV was different from the Japanese police boxes “Koban”. Other concerns
included discrimination. Somewhat contradicting to the images the students had of friendly, outgoing, and blonde
Americans, they encountered Americans who they perceived as racists. A Chinese student wrote, “Prior to myarrival in the States, my concerns were that the hostile reception I might get because I am a foreigner that is livingin their country. I was also concerned for my safety as I am aware that Americans love their right to bear arms anddue to the many reported shootings in the States, I had [sic] concerned that I would be caught in an unfortunate
situation.”
The few students who did research the area well were not concerned about the crime rates, but instead were
worried about the lack of transportation. One student from China who did extensive research on the city where M.
University was located found out ahead of time about how uneventful the city was and that there was no public
transportation on Sundays, which made her somewhat concerned. This brings us to the actual behavior of preparing
during the pre-arrival phase.
(1.4) Preparations
Over 90% of the students said that they prepared either by studying English or by not doing anything inAnya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students

particular. All of the students took either the TOEFL or International English Language Testing System (IELTS), aspart of a requirement to study at all American universities unless applying for an ESL program. Some students
studied English by watching American television dramas,while other students tried to read books to improve theirEnglish. Some students also took English classes through Skype or talked to Americans online. Very few students
did any research on the location of the university. Most students did research the university itself, looked at the
beautiful website and numerous appealing undergraduate programs. One student from Korea did say she Googled
the state where M. University was located, and the first thing she saw was the skyscrapers and modern images of
the U.S. However, the images she saw were of the largest city in the state, which is located over 500 kilometersfrom M. University. Overall, the students did not have any clear ideas of how they could prepare in order to increase
their chances of academic success in the American education system.
Out of the four students who did do research on the university and the area, one student decided to transfer
after two years and go to a larger research-based university. She set a goal to get high marks and to transfer. This
helped her have a clear goal, and she knew from the beginning that a rural area was not for her and that she wasthere temporarily. Students who did some research moved into the second and third phase of adjustment with fewer
difficulties, most likely because they had more realistic expectations compared to other students.
(2) Phase Two: Exposure and Initial Experience
Phase Two is accompanied by an array of emotion, which is referred to as the honeymoon stage in theliterature or, as Gerhard (2010) calls it, the initial experience stage. It is usually filled with elation, gratitude, fear,
anger, frustration, and confusion, as well as happiness. In this phase, the students have changed their physicallocation, started consuming the local food, and are now experiencing numerous “firsts”: first time to ride on a
subway, going to class, listening to a lecture, or going to a party. In this phase, the students went through physicaladjustment, which is quick and is often accompanied by excitement, as everything is new. There was a shock about
the “rural-ness” and “nothingness” of the area, but the week-long orientation, beautiful campus, and moving into
the dorms while waiting for arrival of roommates overshadowed the absence of the expected skyscrapers, malls,etc.
Upon arrival, the students attended a special orientation at M. University. This orientation was forinternational students only. This, caused some confusion among the newly arrived students, giving the impressionthat the only Americans in the whole school are the staff and the few students acting as guides. One student fromJapan described how surprised she was that there were so many international students at the orientation, and she got
the impression that the university was made up of mostly international students. However, when classes started, she
was constantly the only foreigner in her class and only later realized that the international and regular students had
different orientations. The fact that the regular students arrived and moved into the dorms a week after theinternational students did not help. During the orientation, international students learned how to pay their tuition
online, how to do volunteer work so their tuition stays low, reviewed the laws and regulations prohibiting students
from working off campus, as well as filled out documents and got vaccinations if needed. This kept the jet-lagged
students busy for the first week. The following week was marked by class registration, the arrival of American
students and, just as the East Asian students got used to the idea of rural America being made up of “nothing,” thenext shock came in the form of rural Americans, who were not what was expected.
The local American students were not all skinny and blonde, and many of them wore yoga pants, sweatshirts,
and sandals. Most surprising to the East Asian students, they were not all friendly, outgoing, and eager to learn
about Japan, China or Korea.
The local students came from areas that are much more rural, and it was not uncommon to meet an American
student whose hometown only a few hours away or had a population of fewer than 1,000 people. Many of thesestudents have never met foreigners. American students, just like the East Asian students, had expectations offoreigners not being able to speak English, and with no previous experiences in dealing with foreigners, local
American students did not rush to welcome the Asian students, and were perceived by East Asian students as coldand distant. Some of the East Asian students directly stated that they had expected Americans to be different fromwhat they had experienced during the first two weeks. One student wrote, “I imagined Americans interested in other181

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countries, but actually not so many [are],” while another Japanese stated, “I thought everyone would be morefriendly.” Other differences in expectations were about physical appearances, as one student said he did not expect
to see so many overweight Americans.
Students also felt a lot of stress and insecurity about their academic performance. They were not sure if they
were studying the right material, how to study, how to behave in the classroom, and had trouble understanding thelectures. During the first week of classes students said they do not understand much at all, but just after a few weeks,
students were able to be more precise and point out that they did not understand the professor's humor or the
professor's accent. As they had more interactions and after a few weeks of classes, the insecurity diminishes, but
the stress and anxiety levels of students should not be underestimated during their first two weeks of classes in the
U.S.
(3) Phase Three: Culture Shock
The third phase is culture shock, and though it can occur at any time, it is often caused by an increased
amount of interactions during the third phase. Culture shock is commonly accompanied by feelings of uncertainty
regarding social norms, loneliness, anger, and isolation, and is experienced in the U.S. from noticing the differences
and confronting expectations. Culture shock is the stressful feelings that inevitably occur and is caused by social
difficulties experienced by international students in the host culture. Often, the students anticipated some difficultyin their adaptation to the new environment, but not the extent. For example, students were aware of the colder
weather, language difficulties, and food differences, however, it might be colder than they predicted, harder tounderstand the professor than they thought, and the flavor of the food stronger than expected. Furthermore, there
are challenges in micro-behaviors described by Hall (1998) in nonverbal cues and personal distance, which often
act as a guide to human behavior, varying across different cultures. Symptoms of culture shock include anxiety,homesickness, helplessness, boredom, depression, fatigue, confusion, self-doubt, paranoia, and physical ailments(Gebhard, 2010). Furthermore, according to the results of previous studies, there is a positive relationship amongcommunication adaptability, interaction involvement, and the ability to cope with social difficulties (Chen, 1992).
This might help explain why Chinese students, who are more direct in their style of communication, avoid some of
the challenges that are faced by some Japanese students. It is impossible to draw clear lines between the phases ofadjustment other than for phase one and phase five, where it is clear that the pre-arrival phase ends once students
arrive, and reverse culture shock only begins once the sojourner has returned to the native culture. Furthermore, notall sojourners go through all phases, and with that said, the difference between the initial experiences of the second
stage and the culture shock phase is due to the outlook and attitude of the East Asian students. The awareness ofcultural differences starts upon arrival to the country, but culture shock influenced the students in a more long-termway. This varies considerably from student to student. For example, a majority of Japanese students quickly
accepted the fact that some Americans are overweight and unfashionable and, by the second and third interview,
focused entirely on the differences in communication and interactions between Americans and Japanese. However,for one student, it was not just an initial experience. The topic of Americans being overweight, especially girls, wasa continuous discourse after seven months in the U.S. For him, in the interview, he kept asking, “Why can’t
American girls be skinny like in Japan?” It is stated that in culture shock, some foreigners will genuinely look foran explanation of a phenomenon, trying to gain an understanding of why certain things are done a certain way,
accepting it, and adapting to the host culture, while others will reject the host culture, expecting it to change andadjust to the “correct” or ”best” way, which is like their native country (Gebhard, 2010, pp. 108-115).
Many East Asian students were shocked at the American students’ attitude towards time in school settings.
Once the class is over, everyone leaves right away, students do not sleep during class, and during group work, theactivity of the group is task based but time oriented. If the students agreed to meet from 5 PM to 7 PM, the students
would all leave at 7 PM, despite the progress, or if the task was or was not completed. Rini was shocked at thisbehavior of not finishing the assignment of the group work because the time of the meeting was finished, and despite
not finishing, everyone dispersed at 7 PM. Other students noted that it is hard to approach American students
because they leave so quickly. However, in the U.S., most students schedule one class after another, and many local
students have part-time jobs. The American educational system is set up in a way that there are high chances you
will never have a class together again in the future unless you are in the same major.

Anya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students

When asked about culture shock, the most important points were the unfriendliness of Americans, as wellas Americans not being impartial toward foreigners. This was not only during the initial experiences but throughout
the length of their stay. As can be expected, examining the interviews of students who were in the U.S. for over ten
months, the overall attitudes toward the U.S. and Americans were much more critical. The students who were in the
U.S. for longer had more stories about negative interactions of being ignored or discriminated against, both insideand outside of the classroom.
Some interviewees felt comfortable enough to discuss their romantic relationships, and two girls said thatthey found courtship etiquette prior to dating in the U.S. very different and that American males were moreaggressive in their advances. This was a common opinion among the Japanese female students, but not among the
Chinese and Korean students who thought that although American males might be direct, they did not find themaggressive or overly invasive. One of the Japanese girls had a relationship with an American and said that she thinksthat Americans are too different in the way they think, and she would prefer not to date an American again. A
majority of the Japanese females reported unwanted persistent attention from the local opposite sex. In the online
survey, one Japanese female student reported her worst experience in the U.S. as being raped. A Taiwanese female
student complained about not knowing the difference between dating and being a girlfriend. She described her
previous relationship with an American young man, and she was under the impression that they had been dating forsix months when suddenly he asked her to be his girlfriend. She said, “If you want me to be your girlfriend now,
what was I for the last six months?” He explained that they were kind of dating, but the boundaries were not set for
it to be exclusive. If she were to become his girlfriend, this would mean that they are not allowed to date otherpeople. She was extremely frustrated with the situation. Interestingly, one of the male students who had a girlfriend
in Japan was frustrated with other Japanese students commenting about his relationship, saying, “They have
Americanized, and not in a good way” (Interview #Sh13). Two other students, Sa and K, were not in a relationshipbut were attracted to and starting to go on dates with international students from other Asian countries.
Another surprise to the students was that some of the university events lasted late into the night, finishing at
11PM or midnight. The students agreed that there is a lot more discussion in the American classrooms than in theirnative countries. T. commented, “Students raise their hands and participate in answering questions, but somestudents talk without even raising their hand.” Manners were another point of heated discussion. Students said that
their classes started punctually, while one student complained that his professors were always 5 to 10 minutes late.
The students went back and forth, discussing that American professors are punctual, while one music-major student
insisted they are always late and stated that people were even late to the international student orientation. There wasa consensus, however, that all of the classes ended on time, and students started packing up their things regardlessof what the professor was doing one minute before class ended. One minute after the class ended, the classroom
was empty. It was noted that, in Japan, students slowly pack up and hang around and chat after class, while in the
U.S., the students rush out of the classroom. Most of the students had not yet had any personal interactions with
their classmates. However, they noted the difference in manners, such as taking up too much space. The students
who had roommates said that it was not easy to get along at times. K.S. said, “My roommate is always hot. He
opens the windows and turns on the fan even when it is cold.” Another student from China complained that his
roommate would have parties and smoke marijuana inside the dorm room, which frustrated him, but he still
continued to live with him because, “He was not a bad guy, just had bad habits.”
Other interactions with people included an account of an unpleasant incident where three Japanese students
became scared of a local citizen. They recall the incident: “So, we were just walking around on the sidewalk in
downtown when this black man started yelling at us. He got out of the car and came very close to us just swearing
for no reason.” When asked what exactly the man was yelling, the students felt very uncomfortable and just said it
was “racial insults.” Despite some negative experiences some of the students had, overall, all of the students said
that their time in the U.S. thus far was positive.
(4) Phase Four: Adjustment and Integration vs. Adaptation
The fourth phase consists of adaptation, integration, and negotiation. Students can conform to the
expectations of host cultures, resulting in feelings of confidence, self-assurance, and an increase in self-esteem.
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However, not all of the students reach the stage of integration, and although some students might be able to adapt
well to local culture, not many are able to integrate.
The most difficult question is how to measure adaptation in terms of what is or is not a successful adaptation.
Adaptation is coping with the environment, but the ultimate goal is integration. All of the students adapted, as noone left in the middle of the year during which the fieldwork for this project was conducted, but very few became
integrated into the local culture. The air of segregation was there between each of the groups observed, however,within the groups, there is a degree to which some students were able to negotiate their cultural identity and approacha healthy middle ground of having an equal number of close American and co-national friends. A majority of thestudents became used to living in the rural U.S. Students in this study were able to adapt to the harsh weather, andno one retuned home due to the weather, however the level of cultural adaptation and integration is harder todetermine. Some might argue that there is no clear distinction, and the experiences of a majority of participants inthis study could be plotted on a broad spectrum from full assimilation or complete seclusion.
A student named Ho, who seemed to integrate well into the local American culture, was born in a big city
but grew up in a rural area in Korea. Her parents owned a Korean restaurant and were very busy, so she spent a lotof time with her elder brother who took care of her. When the restaurant was not busy after lunch but before dinnertime, her father often spoiled her by bringing delicious food home. Like many other children, Ho studied piano andplayed saxophone in elementary school. She had many happy memories with the school band members. In middle
school, she was elected as a student council president. Ho graduated from a language-oriented high school majoringin English with a Japanese minor. Although Ho liked Japanese dramas and culture, she found it difficult to study
the language, so she decided to focus on English. Her high school had many foreign teachers. They made herinterested in going abroad and seeing the world. In 2013, accompanied by her parents, she arrived at the city where
M. University is located. She was expecting America to be like New York and with a lot of racism, but instead she
met nice people in the countryside. Ho said, “What was difficult was the language and [being] homesick. When I
first came here, I couldn't speak any English. I just, like, shut my mouth and then sit, and then just listen when thefriends talk to each other. I just listen, listen, listen, listen. Then after, like, three months, actually like for one month,
I didn't say anything. After one month, I started talking, and then start to hang out. English was hard to me. Right
now, it's okay” (Interview H2-16, Lines 132-136). Currently at M. University, she has an equal number of Americanand international friends, and is the leader of one of the school organizations that has more than 20 members.
Although her best friend is Korean, she does not spend too much time with the Korean group. Her boyfriend, who
is not Korean, and her best friend live together in an apartment nearby. She drives a car, just like a majority ofAmerican students, and goes to bars and on outings with her boyfriend, her best friend, and a few close American
friends. What makes this case a success story is that Ho is happy with her life in the U.S. and that she took up certain
behaviors of Americans but did not abandon her native culture. She is able to keep a healthy balance between
Korean friends and American friends; she goes to bars and American restaurants and cooks Korean food, along withfood from her boyfriend’s home country. She can see the good points of both Korean and American culture, and she
said, “I came to experience individual life. Americans don’t care about other people’s life. Koreans want to know
everything.” Ho mentioned that she met many Americans interested in Korea, and her American friends were fromthe Korea Club. Looking at the example of Japanese students, none had friends from Japan Club and none joined
the club either.
One Japanese student who recently came to the U.S. adapted quickly to her new life. She is from a singleparent family and had spent a year earning enough money and applying for scholarships to come study in the U.S.
Her dream is of academia and research in the field of physics. She had avoided all contact with Japanese students,
explained that she missed home a lot, and was afraid that if she started hanging out with the Japanese students, shewould not learn English at all. Instead, she surrounded herself with American and international students so thatwhen she felt lonely, she could talk to them. Her American roommate helped her integrate, and after only twomonths of staying in the U.S., she had more American and international friends that many students who had stayed
for many months or years.
Ima, a female student from Kanagawa Prefecture in Japan, had less luck in making close friends. She waspositive, interacted with many Americans, and she successfully adapted to cooking food for herself, even though
she lived in the dorm. Academically, her grades were also very high, however, she had very few interactions with

Anya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students

Americans or other international students outside of school. She said she had made friends in class, however, they
never met outside of the classroom, and that Americans see classmates as fleeting encounters a majority of the time.
Ima also identified her Resident Assistant or RA as a close person to her; they have cooked food in their dorm
together on two occasions. Other than that, Ima hangs out with the RA during the desk hours. Ima said that after
spending nine months in the U.S., she feels she learned a lot and has had a positive experience.
Conversely, some students see their time in the U.S. as a time that they must serve to get their degree andnothing else. Students like Shane, who has spent more than three years in the U.S., have not made a single American
friend, and socialize only with other Chinese students and some Asian students. As Shane is majoring in Japaneseand has a Japanese girlfriend, he is interested in Japan but has little interest in the U.S. He describes local people
as, “The people here, they are a little bit, not racist, but I think they are cold. They do not want to talk to you unless
you talk to them. I'm the kind of person who doesn't just talk to other people by myself, so for people like me, I
don't have many American friends” (SH1-17, Lines 74-77). Jack is another case of someone who has little to nointeraction with Americans. Interestingly, he calls himself a “playboy,” as he often switches girlfriends, all of whom
are Chinese. During his friend’s birthday, he was devastated because his girlfriend broke up with him. According tohim, “She said I was immature and too childish.” He was upset and ended up drinking a lot. The party ended withall the Chinese students very drunk, singing Jay Chou’s songs, and Jack got a different girlfriend two days later. He
majors in computer science and lives with Shane. Jack commented on Americans, saying, “The people are not that
open-minded, not as I was thinking. There are still many people who are conservative; it depends because eachcountry has different people. Some people are open-minded, some are not” (J1-18, Lines 63-65). Jack, during his
initial phase, did experience a few American parties with his American roommate, who was not a good roommate,and drank and used controlled substances. However, in the one year of observing Shane and Jack, they had nointeractions with Americans. Shane and Jack both had an image of California when they arrived at M. University,and although it was not explicitly said so, it seems they both were disappointed with the reality of what the rural
U.S. was like. They both play an online computer game called League of Legends, and a majority of the interactions
they have with Americans is online.
Bob, from China, has little desire to interact with Americans and tends to avoid such interactions. He
describes them as too different and hard to understand, even though he does think they are polite. Though his family
in China seems well off financially and he goes home every year, including last year when he visited his parents
and also went traveling around China, he did at one point have a part-time job. A few days a week he worked
illegally delivering Chinese food. Bob’s boss paid below minimum wage and did not reimburse him fully for thegas fuel that was used to make the deliveries. Bob described one experience on the job: “I do not have American
friends. When I deliver the food, some people are pretty terrible. One guy gave me the money not enough for the
food. He said I delivered very late, so I throw the food away in front of him, He wanted to punch me and I told him
I have a knife in the car. He went back then. He said some swear words. You see many terrible people when you
deliver the food. They are silly because they don’t even remember their address. It was hard for me to find theiraddress. Some people live in the poor place can be polite, some live in a rich place but can be really rude. I worked
three times around 15 hours. I quit the job then; I worked over half a year. I quit it because the boss is terrible. The
boss’s son is terrible, but not as bad as the boss. They don’t give me enough gas fee. The food is better, but comparedwith the food in China, that restaurant’s food is just so-so” (RB3-5, Lines 88-98). Bob seemed to have many friends
in China, but in the U.S., he has just a few Chinese friends and no American friends. He worked with Chinese
people and had limited interactions with his classmates. He wanted to go back home to China. For the 2016 fallsemester, he planned to live in an apartment with another Chinese student, and each summer he traveled back to
China. In September 2016, it was observed that he was suspended from school, and over the summer holidays he
had no access to his school email from China. Upon return, he was confronted with the harsh reality of not being
able to register for classes and his visa being revoked. After over three years of struggle in the U.S., Bob boarded aplane back home. The only person to send him off was his roommate, who was complaining about not knowing
what to do with the apartment and all of Bob’s stuff. There was no farewell party, or a group of students sending
him off; it was a silent event that very few people knew about. After this study was completed, Bob indicated that
he was not planning to return and wanted to use his money to buy a fake certificate. He was done with the U.S.
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Volume 9 ONLINE / March 2017(5) Phase Five: Reverse Culture Shock
Upon returning to their home countries students face various re-adjustment difficulties. Ima was the firststudent to return back home, but she was in the U.S. on a short-term exchange and was away from Japan for only
five months. For her, what stood out the most was that all the people around her were Japanese, meaning unlike in
the U.S. there were few foreigners in Japan. The second reverse culture shock was the Japanese politeness, which
included the “irrashyaimase” and other pleasantries and greetings. Another Japanese student described a badexperience in the supermarket in Japan. She gained some weight during her one year in the U.S. and felt that thepeople around her were judging her appearance. She broke down in tears at the market. She said this was most
likely caused by many of her Japanese college classmates telling her she gained weighed every time they saw her.
Students from China sometimes have difficulty readjusting to the pollution and the car traffic back home.
There are many cars and E-Bikes on the streets in China that do not follow the traffic rules and rather communicate
through honking their horns. Another reverse culture shock is the uncleanliness, where people spit on the streets
and also sometimes on the bus. One student reported after spending one week back in China he started having
stomach problems. Sam from China reported that after being in the U.S. for three years, he felt disgusted at everyone
at restaurants using their own chopsticks to take the food from the shared plates in the middle of the table. Prior toliving in the U.S., it was normal and there were no second thoughts about it. But now, just imagining the saliva fromthe mouths of other people touching the food everyone shares is very repulsing.
One student who returned to Korea and was in the army complained that the seniors around him were absurd.
The hierarchical organizational structure at universities and in the workplace made him uncomfortable. He wished
to return back to the U.S. He wrote, “I really didn’t like the part that I had hated when I was young. I am serving amandatory service back in Korea right now. If I have a chance to get out of here, I will not live in this country ever.
I will come back to see my family and friends, but the culture up here is quite messed up.” This problem also
confronted students in daily life upon their return to Korea. Another student wrote, “The age is very important in
Korea. For instance, I cannot eat until the oldest person starts to eat. I get yelled at eating first... It just I forgot a lotof things about Korean culture, but there is no tolerance about that.” It is common for sojourners to get no sympathy
from people back home while readjusting to home culture. It is expected that once you return home you will
naturally fit in, but it is not always possible for students who have spent a long time abroad. Furthermore, the processof readjustment is not instant; it takes time.
(6) Students Perceptions of Rural versus Urban Areas
It is difficult to make a direct comparison between the experiences of Asian students in rural versus urban
areas since the data of this study was mainly obtained from field work in a rural area. However, some comparison
is possible based on the findings from two sources. First, the perceptions of the students in this study often reflecteda belief that the major factor of the dissatisfaction of their experiences in the U.S. stemmed from studying in sucha remote area. Secondly, some of the students have spent time in metropolitan areas of the U.S. and were able tocompare their experiences between the rural and urban U.S.
(6.1) “My image of America was California.”
In many adaptation and culture shock models, the process starts with the honeymoon period; however, thisexperience is somewhat different for Asian students in the rural area. The first thing upon arrival that they wereconfronted with is the countryside they did not expect. Most of the students had a mental image of America equating
to the “Big City” or the sunny state of California. One student from Japan said her first impression was, “Nothing,
like, it is so, so countryside that like, wow. My imagination is [that] it [is] like New York. I have been there, or Los
Angeles, but I have never been here in America and I was so surprised. I thought there would be more stores,
more… more… [pause] but this city has nothing.” (Interview #SA11-11 Lines 9-14). Another student from China
said, [My first impression] like in my mind were those movies and cities should be a metro area, but M city is avery, very rural area so it’s like, [pause] how can I say. I felt kind of sad. Like, I thought it should be much better
than Hangzhou but that’s just my feeling at the beginning. After I lived there for 2 years, I felt it was a great place
to live. The environment is much better because Hangzhou has very severe air pollution, and it’s quiet here andAnya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students[there are] many activities like fishing and hiking.” (Interview #Yu12-15, Lines 67-73).
A female student from Korea also described the initial surprise: “Actually, before I came here, I watched
Gossip Girl, the drama. I kind of imagined it like that. Luxury life. New York. Handsome, that kind of stuff.” While
she likes her life at M. University, she did feel a little disappointed when she first arrived. “Actually, I didn't know
this M. [city] is a rural area. I just said, "Okay, X state? Okay, fine." I came here and then as soon as I arrive at the
airport… Yeah, this is rural.” (Interview #H2-16 Lines 40-59). Another Korean student said, “People in Korea think
America is the top one. When I was young, I was learned that American is big cities, everything is big, bigger thanus, then when I growing up, I know America has famous schools.” (Interview # OJ22 Lines 21-22). However, when
he arrived, he felt, “There were just fields and fields, it was not what I imagined.” (Interview # OJ2-22 Lines 4046). One of the Chinese-Malay students described her feelings when she arrived in the rural city as, “Dead. It is soquiet. I came here in early August; I knew no one here. I felt a little bit sad. I miss home, food, and my parents. I
think people at M. City is the same as the people from other cities.” (Interview #HW3-15, Lines 76-79). One of the
few students who did expect the area to be rural said, “I heard it is countryside, but I never thought it is so
inconvenient like this, because America is still broad and strong. First, we need a car to do everything.”
There were a few students who were happy about the small town, but even they were initially surprised by
the American countryside. The positive sides of living in a rural area for the East Asian students were different foreach group; for the Chinese students, it was the quietness and the lack of pollution, for the Japanese students, it was
the safety and lack of crime, one Korean student thought that local Americans were nicer than those in bigger cities.
There was one student from Japan who had a choice to go to a metropolitan area, but instead chose M. University
because of the countryside. She was on a short-term exchange, lasting only one semester, and explained her decision:“Because if I go to [the big] city, maybe I cannot study a lot. Because it has many fun places there, so… And I justwant to go [to a place] where there is not many Japanese students. I don’t wanna be with Japanese students, butmany American people, and I wanna concentrate on studying. And people in the countryside might be very kind,and it’s cheaper than city. I’ve been to New York for four days before I came there thought everything is big”
(Interview #KEI11-25 Lines 22-30). However, at M. University, she spent the majority of her time with other Asianstudents, and her closest friend was from Taiwan. She actively sought interactions with local students and had someAmerican friends, but no deep, meaningful relationships were formed with the local American students, while therelationship with her Taiwanese friend continued even after going back to Japan.
(6.2) Students’ Perceived Experiences in Urban versus Rural Areas
Some of the students visited or spent time studying in metropolitan areas. These students perceived life in a
big city as much better than in the countryside. One student from Taiwan noticed a difference between Americans
in California and the local Americans: “I think they [local Americans] don’t look at things the same way; they havedifferent perspectives, I guess, and it’s because they have different life experiences. For example, they’re not too
familiar with foreign cultures, or they’re just not interested here, [but] in California it’s different. Even though
you’re not interested, there [are] many immigrants and you can see people from all over the world walking next toyou… [there are] so many international students. However, here, some local students have never met Chinese
student in their whole life.’It's like one in 20 people, maybe an occasion person who met one here, but in California,
there is many Asians and Little Tokyo, and there's, like, so many Asians there, and they have to just know them.”(Interview # LI2-12 Lines 34-41). Another student from Japan who studied in California prior to transferring to M.
University described how California was different: “So different. Way better. People are different, and way more
open. They are more racist in California, when I was walking once, someone just started screaming, [racial
derogatory term, profanity]. Here [M. City] they pretend to be nice, fake nice. And [in California] when I wear anice T-shirt, they talked to me a lot and would say, “Nice T-shirt,” but here, no one talks to me. In California, people
are more friendly and active… more interesting.” (Interview #YA9-19 Lines 176-182).
There is a tone of reminiscence and some regret when the students talk about their time in the major cities.
Many students thought that their interactions with Americans would be much better if they were in California. One
student from Taiwan who spent time in California described his experience and stated that due to being in a ruralarea, he played many video games: “I think American students here are not like the students in California; I do not187

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think they like international students, some part. Because I have been to California several times, [I] expected people
to be like the people there, which is friendlier, but not really here. For example, in California when I go to thefestival in the summer, [some] people ask me, “Do you want to join?” They respect you, you know like I said
before... You know I wear eyeglasses and when I play basketball here [at the gym at M. University] people call me“glasses,” something like that. I don't care; maybe I don't care right now but I can [care] later. Because, I'm fromthe city so I didn't expect such a rural area, not that rural, but I think around here, and there is nowhere to go. Maybe
that's why I play a lot of video games, and mostly I'm friends with Chinese.” (Interview #SH1-17 Lines 73-87).
Another student from mainland China expressed a similar sentiment: “I would say so the people in that [rural] city
are more conservative. Probably because they are in the middle of the country, there are not many foreigners there
compared to other major cities. So, people were not that open-minded.” (Interview #J1-18 Lines 63-64). Few of the
Korean students mentioned big cities or had the experience of studying in other parts of the U.S. Two of the students
mentioned traveling on vacation to major cities, but they did not have much interaction with the local Americans
there, so they could not comment. One student said she thought there were no differences, and in her opinion all
Americans are equally pleasant and friendly.
5. Interpersonal Adaptation Theory and its Role in Integration
The IAT looks into the needs, desires, and expectations of two people in their interactions. Therefore, basedon the gathered data, the needs, desires, and expectations of East Asian students and the local Americans, alongwith the nature of interactions, is explored in this section. Firstly, majority of the American students attending M.
University are from the same or neighboring state, and from rural towns. The population in these areas range from500 to 5,000 people. Many students are from families that come from an agricultural background, and when they
arrive to M. University, it is very urban for them. These students have had little to no interaction with any foreigners
and are often unsure of how to communicate with them. When observing the interactions of local American students,
they keep a greater physical distance between each other, compared to the Asian students who come from highly
populated areas. The local students and local population have a strong sense of sports culture. Particular attention
is paid to American football, baseball, and to some degree basketball. When going to a grocery store, the cashieroften will ask the customer, “You going to the football game this weekend?” Answers such as, “I don’t follow
sports,” are always met with a frown. Supporting the local teams, watching the games, and cheering for the local
stars was cultural norm and resembled a second religion in the area. Many Japanese and Korean students were
unaware of the rules of American football, and many mainland Chinese students did not understand the point andrules of baseball. The American students, therefore, mostly interacted with East Asian students on a need-to-needbasis. Also, as was demonstrated, they often only engaged in interactions in the classroom based on the teachers’
instructions to do so. Therefore, a majority of the students did not have a true desire to communicate with East
Asian students due to them expecting the East Asian students to be unable to communicate in English. According
to the IAT, the formula would look like this: the expectation that this person does not speak English + desire to
avoid awkward situation + need, which there no need to interact (unless it is forced upon by the instructor), leading
to a somewhat negative interactional position. When that need arises, then the expectation changes after the East
Asian student can demonstrate a certain level of competency in the English language. However, for the desire tointeract to rise, other means are necessary for the East Asian students to overcome this initial negative predispositionor this shyness of American students from rural areas. There are certainly rural American students who are curious
and are genuinely interested in other countries. However, those interested in East Asian countries are, by far, a small
minority. Many East Asian students did not know the rules of American football and knew nothing about the local
teams or games. Conversely, in the semi-formal interviews, American students showed low competence in tellingJapan, China, and Korea apart. Furthermore, students from Taiwan reported that some local students did not know
where it was, similarly to Chinese-Malay students, who were often asked where Malaysia was located.
Looking at intercultural interactions from the perspective of East Asian students, the initial interaction
position was positive, as they had much desire to interact with American students. They expected the American
students to be friendly, outgoing, and interested in their respective cultures. To integrate into American culture, theyneeded to form friendships or intimate relationships with Americans to receive the social support that is necessaryAnya HOMMADOVA, Phases of Cultural Adjustment of East Asian Students

to cope with a foreign environment. Upon the discovery of discrepancies between expectations and reality, many
students described Americans as unfriendly and cold. The need for social support remained, but with East Asianstudents no longer expecting American students to be able to fill that need, many students turned to a more familiar
co-ethnic group. When the interactional position became negative, many students like Bob avoided contact with
American students. However, students with a positive attitude like Ho found Americans that were friendly,interested in Korean culture, and wanted to form intimate relationships by joining Korea Club. This led to theformation of intimate relationships between this Korean student and local students. Another anomaly other than Ho
was a Japanese student, Hiro. He found Americans very friendly and formed intimate relationships with his
American roommate and his roommate’s friends, which was based on a mutual interest in film studies and American
comic books. Hiro loves American movies and Marvel comic books, and this interest gave way for a lot ofinteraction with American students who also had the same hobby. Hiro took classes in film studies, where he met
more Americans with the same interests. Although he faced some difficulty in group work, he concluded that somepeople make better friends than work partners. Interestingly, once the local Americans became more intimate andinterested in Hiro, they developed an interest in Japan, often searching YouTube videos about Japan. Hiro recalled
an incident when his American friend ran to Hiro’s room excitedly and asked whether or not it was true that Japanesepeople eat Kentucky Fried Chicken for Christmas.
6. Conclusion
There is a mutual exchange between the attitudes of the host nationals and ethnic groups, and this is often
moderated by the popular opinion (Berry & Kalin, 1979). This suggests that the attitudes held by the local population
toward the Asian sojourners can act as a mirror and reflect back the way East Asian students view their classmates,
professors, and other local populations. Developing intimate relationships and increasing the interaction between
sojourners and local students is imperative to the process of adjustment to a foreign culture. Loneliness has adverse
effects on the sojourners (Wang & Sun, 2009) and social support is necessary for the students to cope with theirprocess of adjustment (Miyazaki, Bodenhorn, Zalaquett & Ng, 2008; Wei, Heppner, Mallen, Ku, Liao & Wu, 2007).
Interactions with the local population is a major contributing factor to the students’ adjustment to the rural U.S.
Numerous studies suggest the more frequently the international students interact with friends from the host country,
the better they adjust (Furnham & Bochner, 1982; Heikinheimo & Shute, 1986; Perkins, 1977). Sellitz and Hook
(1962) showed that international students felt a stronger connection to the United States if they had at least one
close American friend; however, a majority of the students in this study had very few close American friends.
The results of this study demonstrated a large gap in the expectations and a lack of preparation of the East
Asian students to their lives in the rural U.S. One of the major discoveries in this study is the initial disappointmentof the students in the rural area and the increase of culture shock because of the gap between the expectations andreality. Another major finding is that some of the students who were not able to integrate well into their new
environment indicated that the cause of their loneliness was the rural area and the local Americans. The students
believed if they were in California they would integrate better. The international student orientation at the host
university failed to give any hints regarding cultural differences or provide information on the values upheld by the
local populace. The local students were seen as lacking an international perspective by the majority of East Asianstudents, and were described as cold, unfriendly, and somewhat ignorant of matters outside of the U.S. A majorityof East Asian students adapted, but failed to integrate into the local culture, and chose to interact with co-ethnic orother international students. The students that were able to integrate more into the American culture did so byforming intimate relationships with local students through common interests or school organizations. This finding
is consistent with the conclusions from the study done by Toyokawa et. al. (2002), which also suggested thatextracurricular activities are positively related to Japanese students’ experiences in the U.S. through increasing life
satisfaction, as well as resulting in better academic performance.
Based on these findings, a few suggestions can be made to institutions and students. There seems to be alack of cultural empathy on both sides. American students do not empathize or try to understand the situation fromthe perspective of international students. On the other hand, East Asian students also did not understand that
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Americans from rural areas might be unaccustomed to communicating with foreigners. It is strongly suggested thatstudents take the time to think about the situation from the perspective of the other side to improve the interculturalcommunication. Furthermore, home institutions that send students abroad need to educate the students about thedifferences in the education system, as well as encourage the students to learn about the local culture that is specificto the town where they will be going. Preparations also need to be done by the students. One student found it
beneficial to take free online classes from American universities prior to departure. It can also help to learn about
cultural norms. For example, when Americans ask, “How are you?” they are not actually asking about your current
status in life, but it is a common synonym to “Hello,” serving the purpose of a greeting. The host institutions aresuggested to give more support to East Asian students in the form of explaining cultural differences, and institutions
must realize that the support systems available to American students, such as counseling and other support groups,
are unlikely to be visited by East Asian students, as it has negative connotations. Another viable option that was
shown to be effective is a peer-support system (Westwood & Barker, 1990), a system where the international
students are introduced to a local student who provides support in the process of academic and social adaptation.
As the Japanese female students were often made uncomfortable by the sexual advances of male students, training
on sexual harassment is necessary to protect the minority group that is not familiar with the cultural norms of the
U.S. A system where the differences are pointed out and local students are educated on intercultural competency
and the international students on campus would also be beneficial.
The suggestions for East Asian students are to be more persistent in pursuing friendships with the local
students. None of the students in this study attempted to learn about American football, even though the students
who went to the basketball and baseball games did so with other international students, and reported it being highly
satisfying. Initiating conversation instead of waiting for the Americans to do so would also benefit the international
students, as well as understanding that students from rural areas are not accustomed to communicating withforeigners, and might be under the incorrect assumption that international students cannot speak English. Increasing
the interactions between students will be beneficial for both local and foreign students.
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©2017 Journal of International and Advanced Japanese Studies Vol.9,
March 2017, pp. 193-204 (ONLINE)
Master’s and Doctoral Programs in International and Advanced
Japanese Studies
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences,
University of Tsukuba

ArticleHealth Insurance Politics of Japan in the 1940s and the 1950s:
The Japan Medical Association and Policy Development

Takakazu YAMAGISHI
Nanzan University, Faculty of Foreign Studies, Professor
Health care reform has consistently been a heated political issue in Japanese politics. Japan began totake gradual steps to expand its health insurance system after it enacted the Health Insurance Law in 1922. It
finally adopted the basis of the current legal structure of universal health insurance in 1958. The 1940s and1950s were an especially critical period during which Japan solidified its health insurance system.
Adopting the viewpoint of historical institutionalism, this paper demonstrates what institutional andpolitical contexts existed for stakeholders, especially the government and the Japan Medical Association (JMA),
to pursue their interests. Then it will help us to rethink what kind of political role the JMA played in thepolicymaking process and to understand how the Japanese health insurance system has grown as it has.
Keywords: Health Insurance, Japan Medical Association, Ministry of Health and Welfare, Historical Institutionalism

Introduction
Health care reform has consistently been a heated political issue in Japanese politics. Japan began togradually expand its health insurance system after it enacted the Health Insurance Law in 1922. It finally adopted
the basis of the current legal structure of universal health insurance in 1958. The 1940s and 1950s were especiallycritical periods during which Japan solidified its health insurance system.1
Policy development did not take place in a political vacuum. Reform-minded bureaucrats tried to expand
the government’s power while creating and rationalizing health insurance programs. On the other hand, the Japan
Medical Association (JMA) made efforts to maintain doctors’ autonomy from the government and secure theirfinancial stability. This political conflict should sound familiar to many of those who study the development ofhealth insurance policy in other countries. But the timing and structure of health insurance policy changes in Japanneed to be explained not only by the relationship between the government and interest groups but also by historical,
institutional and political contexts in which political actors advocated particular policy stances.
Some scholars have studied the relationship between the government and the JMA in the 1940s and 1950s.
William Steslicke focused on how the JMA developed and became a powerful interest group against the government
in health care reform.2 Nomura Taku is another scholar who pays special attention to the JMA’s political role.
1

For the structure of the Japanese health care system, see John C. Campbell and Naoki Ikegami. The Art of Balance in
Health Policy: Maintaining Japan’s Low-Cost, Egalitarian System. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
2
William E. Steslicke, Doctors in Politics: The Political Life of the Japan Medical Association (New York: Praeger
Publishers, 1973).

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Unlike Steslicke, however, he indicated that despite the JMA’s hostile attitude toward the government on the surface,
the JMA often cooperated with the government. 3 Steslicke and Nomura have provided different and rather
conflicting perspectives on the political role of the JMA. This paper does not involve itself directly in this argument,
but it demonstrates why the relationship between the government and the JMA appeared as it did and how it affected
the path of health insurance policy by paying attention to the institutional and political development in health careduring the 1940s and 1950s.
I have adopted here the viewpoint of historical institutionalism, a perspective which helps us to understandinstitutional and political development. Historical institutionalists suggest that institutions provide “a potentially
inchoate world”4 with some sense of order. To understand policy development, I focus not so much on how politics
leads to new policy but more on how a new policy produces a new political context. What causes drastic policychanges then, according to historical institutionalism, is exogenous shocks, such as wars. Lastly, the paper focuseson the timing and sequence of historical events by paying attention not only to whether a certain sequence of eventsoccurred, but also when and why it occurred. Within the analytical framework of historical institutionalism, we cancomprehend how institutional and political contexts in Japan shaped the interests and political strategy of the JMA
and the policy trajectory to consolidate the foundation of the health insurance system Japan has now.5
This article first describes how health policy development after the Meiji Restoration affected healthpolitics before World War II. The second section demonstrates how WWII, considered to be a critical exogenous
shock, empowered the government to push for health care reform and achieve drastic changes in 1942. The third
section shows how the wartime policy legacy, together with the result of the war and the U.S.-led occupation politics,
shaped the policy alternatives in the postwar period. The last section demonstrates what institutional and politicaldevelopments by the 1940s affected the movement toward universal health insurance. To highlight the uniqueaspects of historical contexts, this article uses the American case as a shadow comparison.
1. Health Insurance Politics before World War II
After the Tokugawa Shogunate collapsed, the Meiji government played a leading role in creating newhealth care institutions. A major objective of the new government was the westernization of medicine. The
Tokugawa Shogunate had officially endorsed Kanpō, which was originally introduced from China, as its official
medicine, but the Meiji government pushed for a legislation to officially admit and develop western-style medicine,seiyō igaku. By the end of the nineteenth century, the government had almost completed its mission to firmly
establish western-style medicine. But it began to consider the introduction of public health insurance, which also
originated in Europe.
As the number of doctors who practiced western-style medicine increased, they began to mobilize
themselves in fighting against the traditional Kanpō doctors. Then, western-style doctors had to deal with thegovernment that tried to introduce a new public health insurance program for workers. These events led them toform the JMA in 1923. The government and doctors worked together to form and develop the national medical
association.6(1) Transformation from Kanpō to Western-Style Medicine
By the time the Tokugawa Shogunate ended in 1868, Kanpō medicine had been recognized as having

Nomura Taku, Nihon Ishikai [Japan Medical Association] (Tokyo: Keiso Shobō, 1976). Major works which study the developmentof Japanese health care in general include Kawakami Takeshi, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi [History of Modern Japanese Health Care](Tokyo: Keisō Shobō, 1965); Sugaya Akira, Nihon Iryō Seisakushi [History of Japanese Medical Policy] (Tokyo: Nihon
Hyōronsha, 1977); Mizuno Hajime, Daremo Kakanakatta Nihon Ishikai [An Untold Story of the Japan Medical Association](Tokyo: Sōshisha, 2003).
4 James March and Joan Olson, “The New Institutionalism: Organizational Factors in Political Life,” American Political Science
Review 78 (September 1984): 743.
5 For historical institutionalism, see Paul Pierson, Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis (Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 2004).
6 For the history of the Japanese medicine from the ancient time to the Shōwa period, see Sakai Shizu, Nihon no Iryōshi [TheHistory of Medicine in Japan] (Tokyo: Keiso Shobō, 1982).
3

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official status. It was imported from China in the tenth century and modified into a Japanese style.7 Kanpō medicine
stressed that people got diseases because energy (ki), blood (ketsu) and body fluid (sui) were ill-balanced. However,the newly created government made efforts to replace Kanpō medicine with western-style medicine.8
While Kanpō medicine tried to make the condition of the entire body better to alleviate the symptoms of
disease, western-style medicine tended to focus on getting rid of the sources of a disease. The Meiji government
stressed the effectiveness of western-style medicine partly because of leaders’ experiences during the Boshin
conflict with the Tokugawa Shogunate. Surgeon Major General Ōmura Masujirō noted, “(Japanese) medicine has
to be westernized; Kanpō is useless in military hospitals.”9
In 1869, the government issued its Authorization of Western-Style Medicine (Seiyō Ijutsu Sashiyurushi).
In 1877, moreover, the Meiji government established a medical faculty, which was based on western-style medicine,at Tokyo University. This institution played a major role in leading the westernization of Japanese medicine, whileother medical schools had to hire Tokyo University graduates to be officially recognized by the government.10
Although existing Kanpō doctors were allowed to continue their practice, new doctors had to be trainedin the western-style medicine. The government issued the Medical Regulations Law (Isei) in 1874. This law
stipulated that new doctors had to be graduates from an official medical school or medical vocational school andmust have passed the examination that was based on western-style medical system in order to be able to startpracticing. The law vigorously advanced the government’s push for the westernization of Japanese medicine.11
However, Kanpō doctors took the lead in establishing a national association before western-stylephysicians did so. To respond the government’s new medical education policy, Kanpō practitioners formed
Onchisha in 1879. Onchisha made strong efforts to block the government from further pursuing the westernizationof medicine.12
As part of the response to this movement by Kanpō doctors, in 1886, western-style doctors establishedthe Tokyo Medical Society (Tokyo Ikai), and similar regional medical associations began to be formed in otherprefectures.13 The movement by western-style doctors and the government’s policies to promote western-style
medicine went hand in hand to diminish the power of Kanpō doctors.
However, the relationship between the government and western-style doctors was not always friendly.
Western-style doctors faced a serious challenge when the pharmacist groups pushed the government to separate thesale of medicine from the medical treatments. During this time in Japan, doctors usually offered both medical
treatments and medicine, and charged only for the cost of medicine. In the Tokugawa Era, people called themkusushi, which meant specialists in the prescription of medicine.14 To imitate the way of western-style medicine,the government was planning to have medicine sold only by pharmacists. To many western-style doctors, however,the prohibition of medicine would mean a significant loss of income; and they furiously opposed the government.15
This fight contributed to the formation of the first national association of western-style doctors, the Greater Japan
Medical Association (Dainippon Ishikai: GJMA) in 1906.16 It was the first, if not a legal organization yet, national
medical association in Japan. This new national association soon faced the government’s efforts to pass a legislation
to provide health insurance for workers.

7

There were some doctors who practiced western-style medicine during the Tokugawa Era. They typically went to Nagasaki andlearned it from the Dutch doctors.
8 Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 91.
9 Ibid., 92.
10
Sugaya, Nihon Iryō Seisakushi, 38.
11 Ibid.; Hidehiko Kasahara, Nihon no Iryō Gyōsei: Sono Rekishi to Kadai [Japanese Health Care Administration] (Tokyo: Keio
University Press, 1999), 15-18.
12 Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 155.
13 Ibid., 231-2. Also see Steslicke, Doctors in Politics, 38.
14 Kōseishō Gojūnenshi Henshū Iinkai, Kōseishō Gojūnenshi: Kijutsu Hen [Fifty-Year History of the Ministry of Welfare,Documentary Volume] (Tokyo: Chūō Hōki Shuppan, 1988), 62.
15 For the history of the JMA’s resistance in this issue, see Japan Medical Association, Nihon Ishikai Sōritsu Kinenshi: Sengo
Gojūnen no Ayumi [A Commemorative Issue of the Japan Medical Association: Fifty-Year History after the War] (Tokyo: Nihon
Ishikai, 1997).
16 Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 242.

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Volume 9 ONLINE / March 2017(2) Health Insurance Law of 1922
Enactment of the Health Insurance Law (Kenkō Hoken Hō: HI) in 1922 had a big impact on health politics.
While the leaders in the national medical association cooperated with the government to plan and implement thelaw to expand their power among doctors, the HI gave a considerable venue for the government to increase influence
the medical community.
Historically, Japan lagged behind European countries in the development of health insurance. Under theleadership of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, Germany introduced public health insurance for workers in 1883.
Great Britain enacted the National Health Insurance in 1911. To learn social policy administration, in 1890 theJapanese government sent Gotō Shinpei to Europe. After coming back to Japan in 1892, Gotō started to work on
legislation regarding workers’ health insurance. Although this proposal did not pass in the Imperial Diet, Gotō’splan was the first serious government’s push for health insurance legislation. However, part of Gotō’s proposal was
adopted finally when the HI, which targeted manual labors, was to be enacted in 1922.17
Two political and social movements helped this law to be passed in the Imperial Diet at that time. First,
there were strong demands for male suffrage. To appeal to the new voters, the Keiseikai Party, a large minority party,
began to promote a public health insurance program for manual workers. Then, the Seiyūkai Party, a conservative
majority party, advanced a similar proposal. Secondly, the health insurance proposals became entangled with therapid rise of the labor movement which itself was related to greater industrialization. The government came to see
the health insurance legislation as a means to mediate labor conflicts.
As a result of these pressing circumstances, the HI was passed in the Imperial Diet by “surprising speed.”18
The Law established two programs: the Association-Managed Health Insurance for large companies with more than
500 employees and the Government-Managed Health Insurance for smaller company employees. For the former
program, the government gained power to regulate what health insurance plan large companies offered. For thelatter, the government had much tighter control by becoming the single insurer.
The HI was decided by the government’s top-down approach despite the fact that the GJMA had formal
and informal negotiation channels with the government. Kitahara Ryuji points out that the GJMA was more reactive
than proactive in the policymaking process. 19 In addition, Kawakami Takeshi concludes that the GMJA
underestimated the impact of the HI on doctors and that in effect the government unilaterally advanced thepolicymaking process.20
However, it was not that the GJMA did not gain anything from the HI. The law gave the GJMA leaders
to make the fee schedule and a means to expand their power over individual doctors. More importantly, the creationof the HI gave an opportunity for the GJMA with a particular legal status. In November 1923, the Greater Japan
Medical Association was dissolved and the Japan Medical Association came into being.21 Kitazato Shibasaburō,
who had been the president of the Greater Japan Medical Association, became the first president of the JMA.22
The elite doctors’ hope to find a venue to influence the policy-making process and individual doctors
matched the government’s desire to have a stronger cooperative relationship with the medical associations in orderto implement health policies. However, the power distribution was tilted more toward the government. The
government, for example, had the power to control the budget. The government controlled the sum total of thebudget although the JMA had large discretion on how to distribute the insurance payment.23
Medical associations, in general, are to improve the quality of medicine, to promote the professionalizationof doctors, and to secure their financial success. But in comparison with their American counterparts, such
Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 226, 348-9. See also Gotō Shinpei, “Shitsubyō no Hokenhō [Sickness Insurance],” inShakaihoshō Kenkyūsho ed., Nihon Shakaihoshō Zenshi Shiryō: Shakaihoken [Pre-history of Japanese Social Security: Social
Insurance] (Tokyo: Shiseidō, 1981), 6-12. In 1892, Gotō became the Chief of the Hygiene Bureau, recommended by Nagayo Sensai
who was the first Chief.
18 Kōseishō Imukyoku, Isei Hyakunen [One-Hundred-Year History of Medicine] (Tokyo: Gyōsei, 1976), 222.
19 Kitahara Ryuji, Kenkōhoken to Ishikai: Shakaihoken Sōshiki niokeru Ishi to Iryō [The Health Insurance System and the Doctors’
Association in Japan: Doctors and Medicine at the Beginning of the Social Health Insurance] (Tokyo: Tōshindō, 1999), 70.
20 Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 358.
21 The Health Insurance Law was originally planned to be implemented from April 1924, but the Great Kanto Earthquake occurredin 1923 and the implementation was delayed until January 1927.
22 Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 242. Steslicke, Doctors in Politics, 43-44.
23 Nomura, Nihon Ishikai, 29-31.
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associations in Japan played fewer roles in medical education and licensing because the central government had theauthority to intervene in the health care system.
In the United States, because the federal government had limited power in domestic affairs and because
state governments had limited administrative capacity, the American Medical Association (AMA) and regional
medical associations got involved more actively in developing the medical education and licensing system during
the same period.24 When the JMA was created, on the other hand, it essentially became an organization for thegovernment to implement its first public health insurance policy. The JMA elite wished to be independent of thegovernment, but it was in fact partly absorbed in the government’s health care system nearly from its inception.
This status became more obvious in the 1930s as Japan expanded overseas military activities.
2. WWII and Health Insurance Politics
When the government began to mobilize the entire nation for total war in the 1930s, the government gained
more power to push for radical health care reform. On the other hand, the JMA was effectively turned into a stateorganization that was subordinate to the government. The JMA then lost its autonomy when the government
redefined medicine, including health insurance, as a part of its war mobilization policy.
(1) Expansion of Health Insurance
International events, including the Manchurian Incident in September 1931 and Japan’s withdrawal fromthe League of Nations in March 1933, isolated the country from much of the international community. The Japanese
government now began to prepare for a possible future full-scale war with China. The government saw health policy
as a means to boost the health of soldiers, workers and the rest of the population in winning such a war. After the
Marco Polo Incident in July 1937 took place and Japan started a war with China, the government made efforts to
expand its power in health care and expanded public health insurance. The creation of the National Health Insurance
Law (Kokumin Kenkō Hoken Hō) in 1938, the White-Collar Workers Health Insurance Law (Shokuin Kenkō Hoken
Hō), and the Seamen’s Insurance Law (Sen-in Hoken Hō) in 1939 could not have been achieved, at least at thetiming, without the escalation of Japan’s war with China.
The military thus played a great role in supporting the government’s intervention in health care. In the mid1930s, rural Japan was experiencing long-term economic depression. In these circumstances, the Army began to
ask for relief measures, including health care improvements for rural areas not only because it sought to expand its
political influence in the government but also because it conscripted young men in rural areas; 85 percent ofservicemen came from rural areas.25 Koizumi Chikahiko, a career army officer and director of the Army’s Medical
Care Bureau, was the leading figure in the Army to push for health care measures for rural areas.26
The breakout of the Marco Polo Incident in July 1937, which started the Second Sino-Japanese War, gave
the Army even more incentive to achieve these goals. Prime Minister Konoe Fumimaro and “progressive
government bureaucrats,” kakushin kanryō, expressed their support for the Army’s aspiration. Accordingly in April
1938, the National Health Insurance Law was passed in the Imperial Diet. It was initially a voluntary program,targeting farmers and other self-employed persons. The JMA tried to kill the bill but could not because of pressuresgenerated by the war.27
The war with China was first seen as a short-term conflict. But Japan’s forces soon got bogged down, justas the government was trying to enact two other health insurance measures in 1939: the White-Collar Workers
Health Insurance Law and the Seamen’s Insurance Law. In particular, the White-Collar Workers Health Insurance
proposal came with two new institutional mechanisms. First, unlike the preceding HI, it required a copayment oftwenty percent of the cost of care. Second, which was more damaging to the JMA’s political power, it set up a fee-

24

Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982), 90-91; Martin Kaufman, American
Medical Education. The Formative Years, 1765-1910 (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1941), 127-30.
25 “Donzoko no Nōmin Kyūsai: Kyūbō ni Mikanete Rikugun mo Tsuini Tatsu [Relieving Farmers: The War Ministry Finally Got
Involved in the Relief Project],” Yomiuri Shimbun, June 7, 1932.
26 Kōseishō Gojūnenshi Henshū Iinkai, Kōseishō Gojūnenshi, 379.
27 Ibid.; Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 428.

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for-service payment system based on an official point system (kinrō teigaku shiki). This was quite different fromthe HI in which the payment to doctors was based on how many enrollees the particular doctor had (jintō ukeoi
shiki). This change in the fee schedule, according to Kawakami Takeshi, allowed the government to maintain theupper hand in setting the fees and thus reducing the power of the JMA.28
When Konoe presented the geopolitical scheme of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity in July 1940, thegovernment began to seek a more drastic reform in health care in connection with the war mobilization. To makemore drastic reforms, Koizumi was appointed as the Minister of Health and Welfare in July 1941. He introduced
the slogan “healthy soldiers, healthy people,” kenmin kenpei. To him, what was making Japanese medicine
inefficient was the existing health care system which lacked strong official leadership and relied too heavily on
private doctors.29
Koizumi pushed for a radical expansion of public health insurance. In February 1942, the Health Insurance
Law was amended to include workers’ dependents. Meanwhile, the government amended the National Health
Insurance Law to make the establishment of the National Health Insurance associations mandatory.30 These reforms
were led by Koizumi who proposed that “all people should have health insurance (kokumin kaihoken),” a phrase
adapted from the wartime slogan “all people are soldiers (kokumin kaihei).”31 In this way, the health insurance
coverage increased to more than 70 percent of the population by the end of the war.
The government took this wartime opportunity to expand its power in setting the national health insurance
fees. In February 1943, the government standardized the fee calculation for the HI, the Seamen’s Insurance and the
NHI. The Ministry of Health and Welfare (MHW) became responsible for deciding the common medical fees ofthese programs with advice from the JMA, the Japan Dental Association and the Japan Pharmaceutical Association.
In June 1944, the Committee on Health Insurance Medical Fees (Shakai Hoken Shinryōhōshū Santei Iinkai), locatedin the MHW, began to institutionalize the fee-setting process. The Committee was composed of 11 members fromthe JMA, the JDA and the JPA, 11 from public hospitals, the national health insurance associations and others, and11 representatives from the central government.32 Even though the committee included representatives of medical
interests, the balanced member allocation was nominal, as Sugaya Akira points out, because the government took
control in this committee.33(2) Nationalized JMA
In addition to the expansion of public health insurance, Health and Welfare Minister Koizumi pushed fora drastic proposal to change medical providers that relied largely on the private sector. He urged the JMA to reform
itself and meet the government’s demand saying, “Of course, the reform is urgent. We are in a new era. We have tochange the old system. Reform! Right now! The JMA must immediately have its own reform in adjusting to the
new era. Otherwise, the government will impose reform on the JMA.”34 In the intensifying nationalistic mood,again, the JMA could not resist.
Then, major reforms came to the JMA. In February 1942, first, the National Medical Treatment Law(Kokumin Iryō Ho) was passed to restrict the construction of private hospitals, increase the number of public
hospitals, and educate and reallocate medical professionals. As part of this law, in April 1942, the Japan Medical
Corporation (Kokumin Iryō Dan) was established to lead the policy implementation. Inada Ryōkichi, professor atTokyo Imperial University, was appointed by the government as its president.35
To advance the reform of medical providers, in August 1942, the government issued an ordinancestipulating that the JMA was to be reorganized as a new state entity, which all doctors would be compelled to join
and cooperate with the government’s war activities. The MHW nominated the president of the reorganized JMA
with the concurrence of the Prime Minister. The Japan Medical Corporation president Inada was appointed as the
Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 440-41; Kōseishō Gojūnenshi Henshū Iinkai, Kōseishō Gojūnenshi: Kijutsu Hen, 532, 543.
Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 438-9.
30 Ibid., 440-41; Sugaya, Nihon Iryō Seisakushi, 200-1.
31 Gregory J. Kasza, “War and Welfare Policy in Japan,” The Journal of Asian Studies 61 No. 2 (2002), 424.
32 Kōseishō Gojūnenshi Henshū Iinkai, Kōseishō Gojūnenshi: Kijutsu Hen, 552-3.
33 Sugaya, Nihon Iryō Seisakushi, 200.
34 As quoted in Nomura, Nihon Ishikai, 45-6.
35 Kōseishō Gojūnenshi Henshū Iinkai, Kōseishō Gojūnenshi: Kijutsu Hen, 423; Takei, Kōseishō Shōshi, 91-7.
28
29

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new JMA president. At that time, the JMA lost its autonomy. As Miwa Kazuo puts it, the JMA’s “liberal tradition,
inspired by Fukuzawa Yukichi, Kitazato Shibasaburō and Kitajima Taichi, died out.”36 The JMA was turned into
the government’s tool to fight the war.
In these ways, the war led Japan to expand its power in health care. But the Japanese wartime policy andpolitical development were significantly different from the American case. On one hand, Japan adopted a near
universal health insurance system and the JMA almost completely lost its voice to the government. On the other
hand, the United States expanded the private health insurance and the AMA maintained more autonomy andsuccessfully blocked reformers’ proposals to introduce a universal health insurance system. This contrast resulted
not only because the JMA was already enmeshed in the implementation of the HI, but also because the Japanese
government was able to gain more power by experiencing longer and more devastating conflict than the war which
the United States experienced.37
The timing of events also has to be taken into consideration. World War II came “too soon” for the JMA
whereas the AMA had functioned as a powerful professional interest group since its formation in 1847. The JMA
had far less time (about twenty years after the creation of Greater Japan Medical Association) to establish as a fullfledged interest group. More immature JMA could not resist the government’s initiatives. The war radically changed
the institutional and political contexts, and they constrained what the government and the JMA could do after thewar.
3. Postwar Health Insurance Politics and the JMA
Japan lost the war and the U.S.-led occupation began in September 1945. Although the occupation
authority introduced drastic policies to demilitarize and democratize Japan, it did not change much of the basic
health insurance system. That is because the occupation politics maintained the strong power of the government andmade the JMA powerless, which helped Japan to solidify the existing system.
While the occupation authority conducted a purge of public officials, it had little impact in the MHW.
The occupation authority also had cooperative relations with Japanese bureaucrats in planning or implementing
increment health care reforms. On the other hand, as part of democratization policy, the occupation authority orderedthat the JMA be reorganized and become a voluntary organization. But this had little effect on the new JMA’s power.
It was only after the occupation ended and the government had nearly completed preparations for the establishmentof universal health insurance that the JMA tried to be a full-fledged interest group in earnest.
(1) GHQ’s Health Insurance Policy
After the war was over, movements to expand public health insurance intensified in many other war
participants. In Great Britain, the National Health Service was created in 1948 based on the Beveridge Plan that was
released in 1944. In the United States, immediately after the war, Harry Truman proposed that the country introduce
a universal health insurance system and commenced a political battle against opposing forces such as the AMA.38
A similar movement for public health insurance also occurred in Japan. During the war, reform-minded
officers had sought to expand the public health insurance for war mobilization by cooperating with the Army. Afterthe war, they worked with GHQ to expand the public health insurance for democratizing and stabilizing the Japanese
economy and society. Serious study about health insurance reform began when the Social Insurance Investigation
Committee (Shakai Hoken Seido Chōsakai) was established in March 1946. It later submitted the Social Security
System Outline, which advocated “not patchwork but a progressive, comprehensive social security system.”39 The
Miwa Kazuo, Mōi Takemi Tarō [Fighting Doctor, Takemi Tarō] (Tokyo: Tokuma Shoten, 1995), 171.
For the detailed description about the development of the health insurance policy during the war, see Takakazu Yamagishi, War
and Health Insurance Policy in Japan and the United States: World War II to Postwar Reconstruction (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 2011); Gregory Kasza, “War and Welfare Policy in Japan.” The Journal of Asian Studies 61 No. 2 (2002): 417-35;
Shō Kashin. Nihongata Fukushi Kokka no Keisei to Jūgonen Sensō [The Fifteen-year War and the Formation of Japanese WelfareState] (Kyoto: Minerva Shobō), 1998.
38 Monte M. Poen, Harry S. Truman Versus the Medical Lobby: The Genesis of Medicare (Columbia: University of Missouri Press,
1979).
39 Shakai Hoshō Kenkyūjo, ed., Nihon Shakaihoshō Shiryō I [Material for Japanese social security, part 1] (Tokyo: Shiseido, 1988),
163-67.
36
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Beveridge Report earlier released in Britain also encouraged the Japanese bureaucrats and scholars in the committee
to make this proposal, which some called the “Japanese Beveridge Plan.”40
GHQ also favored reorganization of health insurance programs. The Public Health and Welfare Section(PHW) was created and social security reform, including health care reform, fell to Crawford Sams, the head of thePHW. In April 1946, the Labor Advisory Committee, which was established in GHQ, released an interim report tomake recommendations to the PHW. It concluded that “a comprehensive reform of social insurance can and should
be undertaken.”41 The Committee was also inspired by the new policy development in Britain.42 In June 1947,
GHQ made a more concrete recommendation that the National Health Insurance be strengthened by increasing
national subsidy and proposed that several health insurance programs be integrated into a single program.43
To advance discussion of social security reform, the Social Security Mission was dispatched from theUnited States. The Mission reflected the occupation government’s goal of the comprehensive reform of Japanese
health care. The mission was composed of officials of the Social Security Administration, including William Wandel,
who led the mission. The mission issued a report to make the health insurance system financially stronger andachieve universal coverage in the future.44
Although these moves did not achieve a British-style health service, most Japanese did not question astrong role for the government to strengthen the public health insurance system.45 The bureaucrats institutionalized
and enhanced its control in the health care finance which they had gained during the war. In 1950, the government
created the Central Social Insurance Medical Council (Chūō Shakai Hoken Iryō Kyōgikai) that incorporated
insurance administrators, representatives of the public interest, and health care providers into a centralized feesetting arrangement for all national health insurance programs.46 Although the fee-setting organization included
representatives of doctors, the government retained enough power to exert a large influence on the health insurance
finance.47 Thanks to the fee-setting mechanism, the government succeeded in controlling health care costs after the
war even while inflation was underway. In contrast, the JMA members suffered financially from lower insurance
fees, but the JMA did not have the political power to resist the government.
(2) Reorganized JMA
In due course, the occupation authority decided to break up the nationalized JMA as it did to zaibatsu (bigbusiness conglomerates) as part of the overall strategy of demilitarization and democratization of Japan.
Accordingly, the JMA was dissolved in October 1947. The newly created JMA was to “be established based on thefree will and self-awareness of doctors” and “dedicated to promote medical ethics, to improve and propagate
medical knowledge and techniques, and to advance public health as a means of improving the social welfare.”48
While the GHQ successfully reorganized the JMA, it did not empower the new JMA in the policy-making
process. The GHQ did not see the JMA so much as a new democratic group to advance its initiatives but, in manycases, as an obstacle to the introduction of American-style reforms. When it was to be reorganized, the JMA
proposed a list of new executive members to the GHQ. But the GHQ refused it because it had people who served
as high-ranking government officers during the war. The GHQ aimed to sweep away wartime leaders of the JMA.49
Takashi Saguchi, “Bebarijji hōkokusho to wagakuni shakai hoshō keikaku: Nihon shakai hoken shi no issetsu [Plan on JapaneseSocial Security and Beveridge Report: A History of Japanese Social Insurance],” Waseda shōgaku 143 (January 1960): 71.
41 SCAP PHW, “Advisory Commission on Labor First Interim Report,” 2, April 5, 1946, RG 331, Records of Allies Operational andOccupational Headquarters, World War II, 1907-1966, Box 9382, File 8, NACP.
42 SCAP PHW, “Report on the Japanese Social Insurance Programs by the Labor Advisory Committee,” 5, May (no date) 1946, RG
331, Records of Allies Operational and Occupational Headquarters, World War II, 1907-1966, Box Com 2-Japan, NACP, 5.
43 Shakai Hoshō Kenkyūjo, ed., Nihon Shakaihoshō Shiryō I, 10.
44
Sugiyama Akiko, Senryōki no Iryōkaikaku [Medical Reform in the American Occupation] (Tokyo: Keisō Shobō, 1995), 101-4.
45 For the background of health insurance policy reform in Japan during the American occupation, see Adam D. Sheingate and
Takakazu Yamagishi, “Occupation Politics: American Interests and the Struggle over Health Insurance in Postwar Japan,” Social
Science History 30 No.1 (Spring 2006): 137-64.
46 Nomura, Nihon Ishikai, 67-8; Yoshihara Kenji and Wada Masaru, Nihon Iryō Hoken Seidoshi [History of Japanese Health
Insurance] (Tokyo: Tōyō Keizai Shinpōsha, 1999), Nihon Iryō Hoken Seidoshi, 125.
47 Nomura, Nihon Ishikai, 56.
48 Nihon Ishikai Sōritsu Gojusshunen Kinen Jigyō Suishin Iinkai, Nihon Ishikai Sōritsu Kinenshi: Sengo Gojūnen no Ayumi[Anniversary of foundation of the Japan Medical Association: Fifty-year progress after World War II] (Tokyo: Nihon Ishikai, 1997),
10. Meanwhile, the 日本医療団 was also dissolved.
49 Nihon Ishikai Sōritsu Gojusshunen Kinen Jigyō Suishin Iinkai, Nihon Ishikai Sōritsu Kinenshi, 9.
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There were other conflicts. For example, Crawford Sams, head of the Public Health and Welfare Section,
took the leadership to get rid of German-style academic factions and introduced an intern system in Japan.50 Sams
also tried to clarify the division of labor between doctors and pharmacists; he believed that all doctors cared only
about selling drugs and did not pay attention to the advancement of medical technology. In resisting the PHW in
1950, the only thing Tamiya Takeo, the JMA’s president, could do was just to resign.51 The GHQ insisted that the
JMA be a more democratic organization, but on many occasions, it did not allow the new JMA to make its own
decisions in many occasions.52
One should note that the JMA was in a defensive position not only because of wartime cooperation withthe government, but also because the new Constitution empowered the government to intervene in health care.
Article 25 of the new Constitution, which was written under the strong leadership of the occupation government,
stipulated, “All people have the right to maintain the minimum standards of wholesome and cultured living. In all
spheres of life, the state shall use its endeavors for the promotion and extension of social welfare, and of publichealth.”53 This provision helped to create an environment in which the government and the GHQ worked together
to oppose the JMA representation of private interests.
Contrasting the American case helps us further to highlight the situation that the JMA faced in the postwar
period. With the war victory, the AMA was not blamed for its cooperation with the government’s war activities;
rather, it could claim that its contribution to winning the war helped to protect Americanism, particularly the ideaof freedom. In addition, the AMA did not have to reorganize itself and it could retain its capacity to defeat Truman’s
universal health insurance plan. Because of Japan’s war, on the other hand, the JMA was forced to reorganize andhad only limited opportunity to influence on the policy-making process. While the JMA was put into a defensive
position, the government continued to consolidate the health insurance system that was developed in accordancewith wartime policies.
4. The Path toward Universal Health Insurance
The first half of the 1950s was the period when the Japanese government began to push hard for universal
health care. As described, bureaucrats had gained considerable power in health care by this time while the JMA wasstill struggling to recover influence and authority. Takemi Taro was elected as the JMA president in 1957 to takestrong leadership and began to press the JMA’s voice in policy-making process, but he was too late for making
drastic change to existing institutional settings.
(1) The Offensive Government
In December 1948, the Japanese government created the Advisory Council on Social Security (Shakai
Hoshō Seido Shingikai) as a cabinet-level organization. With 40 members, it played role in studying, planning, andrecommending policies. A report the Council submitted to Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru in October proposed toreform workplace-based programs and require the uninsured people to join the National Health Insurance, which
was a residence-based program.54 The report to Yoshida set forth an outline of Japan’s future health insurance
system.
In 1950, the government took a step to reconfirm its power in health care finance by replacing theCommittee on Health Insurance Medical Fees, created in 1944, with the Central Social Insurance Medical CareCouncil (Chūō Shakai Hoken Iryō Kyōgikai, called Chūikyō). The new Council met every two years to determine
the national fee schedule which applied for all national health insurance programs with the advice of medical
Sugaya, Nihon Iryō Seisakushi, 494-97.
Takemi Taro, Jitsuroku Nihon Ishikai [A True Story of the Japan Medical Association] (Tokyo, Asahi Shuppan, 1983), 33. Takemi
Taro was then the Vice President and resigned with Tamiya.
52 See also Akira Sugaya, Nihon Iryō Seidoshi [History of Japanese Medical Institution] (Tokyo: Hara Shobō, 1976), 494.
53 Deborah J. Milly, Poverty, Equality, and Growth: The Politics of Economic Need in Postwar Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Asia Center, 1999), 101.
54 Kōseishō Gojūnenshi Henshū Iinkai, Kōseishō Gojūnenshi: Kijutsu Hen, 837; Sugita Yoneyuki, “Universal Health Insurance: The
Unfinished Reform of Japan’s Healthcare System,” in Mark E. Capiro and Yoneyuki Sugita eds., Democracy in Occupied Japan:
The U.S. Occupation and Japanese Politics and Society (New York: Routledge, 2007), 164.
50
51

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Volume 9 ONLINE / March 2017providers, insurance providers, and representatives of the public. 55 The new mechanism reconfirmed thegovernment’s strong power in health care finance. The government had health insurance costs under control in faceof post-war high inflation. The end of the war did not mean that fee-setting power returned to the JMA.
The government continued to press for a radical reform. An urgent issue was that the GovernmentManaged Health Insurance program had been in deficit, and the deficit rose to six billion yen in 1955.56 In response,in the same year, a Seven-Member Committee was created in the MHW to study how the health insurance systemshould be changed to solve the financial problem.57 In October 1955, the Committee submitted a report to the
Minister, which included a new fee structure and tighter regulations on doctors who accepted health insurance
payments. The report justified stronger government control over doctors on the basis that they had a “public” role.58
The government passed the Health Insurance amendment in March 1956 to advance many of the proposals by theSeven-Member Committee.
The Special Committee in the Advisory Council on Social Security submitted a recommendation to thegovernment that Japan should achieve a universal health insurance system by 1961. Dazai Hirokuni, Executive
Director of the Advisory Council and the MHW official, declared, “The recommendation included the five-year
financial plan by 1961, but I did not personally think universal health insurance would be realized in 1961. I feltthat the time flew by very fast but that a strong national mood for social security existed.”59 His statement suggeststhat the movement toward universal health insurance was even stronger than bureaucrats themselves might havefelt at that time. 60 In December 1958, the Diet passed a National Health Insurance amendment to realize theproposal by making all municipalities cover their residents.
(2) Too Late for the JMA’s Comeback
In the early 1950s, the JMA presidents worked hard to be influential in the policy-making process but
they could not do much to counter the government which was intensifying its control over health care. Takahashi
Akira and Tamiya Takeo, both well-known Tokyo University professors, tried to make the JMA recognized as aprestigious and powerful group.61 In 1951, opposing that the government did not allow the fees to increase inproportion to inflation, Taniguchi Yasaburo sought to ask for doctors not to see health insurance patients. Obata
Korekiyo also tried to resist the government’s efforts to amend the Health Insurance Law from 1955 to 1956. But
none of these efforts brought the JMA much success.62
In this circumstance, Takemi Taro was elected the president of the JMA in April 1957.63 Because of his
intense performance to the government, particularly the MHW, Takemi was called “Belligerent Taro,” kenka Taro.64
His aggressive, bombastic and provocative personality was well known to the JMA members. He had run for thepresidency three times in the past, but never gained enough votes in earlier elections. Hido Shuichi argues that thiswas because of his strong personality. However, the election in 1957 was different: the same personality helped
Takemi get elected.65 Many of the JMA members realized that a different and strong leadership would be neededin face of changing political realities.
In addition to his strong personality, the JMA members had a hope that Takemi would use his personalconnections in politics to influence the policy-making process. His clinic in Ginza was the perfect place to promote

55

Yoshihara and Wada, Nihon Iryōhoken Seidoshi, 125.
Nihon Ishikai Sōritsu Gojusshunen Kinen Jigyō Suishin Iinkai, Nihon Ishikai Sōritsu Kinenshi: Sengo Gojūnen no Ayumi[Anniversary of foundation of the Japan Medical Association: Fifty-year progress after World War II] (Tokyo: Nihon Ishikai, 1997),
47.
57 Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 285-6.
58 Jiro Arioka, Sengo Iryo no Gojūnen: Iryohokenseido no Butaiura [Fifty-Year of Postwar Medicine] (Tokyo: Nihon Iji Shinposha,
1997), 86-87.
59 Quoted in ibid., 95.
60 Ibid.
61 Taro Takemi ed., Tamiya Sensei wo Shinobu [In Memory of Professor Tamiya] (Tokyo: Medicaru Karuchua, 1964), 273.
62 Kawakami, Gendai Nihon Iryōshi, 510-512.
63 The former president Obata was removed from office in March by an extraordinary House of Delegates.
64 For Takemi’s background, see Takakazu Yamagishi, “A Short Biography of Takemi Taro, the President of the Japan Medical
Association,” Journal of the Nanzan Academic Society Social Sciences 1 (January 2011): 49-56.
65 Hido Shuichi, “Itansha Takemi Taro [A Heretic Takemi Taro],” Chūōkōron 79 no. 7 (July 1964), 254.
56

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acquaintance with political figures. His relationship with Makino Nobuaki was especially helpful in this regard.66
Makino was the son of Okubo Toshimichi who had played a leading role in the Meiji Restoration.67 Takemi’sconnection with Makino was strengthened by his marriage to Makino’s granddaughter. Through this marriage,
Takemi also became a relative of Yoshida Shigeru who served as Prime Minister for about seven years after WorldWar II. By serving as Yoshida’s personal physician, Takemi became very close to him and began to play an important
political role for Yoshida.68
In April 1957, Takemi was elected as the JMA’s president, receiving 104 representative votes out of 152
votes. Steslicke writes of Takemi’s impact on the development of the JMA, “It was not until after the election of
Takemi Taro as president in April 1957 …. that the JMA began to attract widespread attention and condemnation as
an atsuryoku dantai (pressure group). It is only since Takemi’s election and forceful leadership, moreover, that the
JMA [became] of key importance in medical care administration and politics.”69 Mizuno Hajime also notes, “It was
Takemi who, for the first time, blundered through discussing and making policies themselves and began to fight[against the government].”70
His inaugural speech already demonstrated his strong intention to challenge the government. Takemi said,“When we see the present condition of social insurance, I think that there are many contradictions and other things
are needed for reform. The health insurance reform proposal, which we have recently fought against, was out ofstep with the necessary process of academics and democracy. I recommend a reverse course against police-likeauthoritarian administration.”71 He was strongly convinced that bureaucrats distorted the health care system inJapan.72
Takemi was elected to recover from the JMA’s “lost twenty years.” He had to break through theorganization’s stagnation and he knew that it would be extremely difficult to reverse the path of institutional andpolitical development. Part of his inaugural address affirmed this. He said, “We have a responsibility to offer thetechnological and social cooperation needed to create a universal health insurance system.”73 He also later wrote,looking back at the 1950s, “I was thinking that the road toward universal health care was irresistible.”74
What Takemi could do to the existing institutions was more limited than commonly believed. Although the
JMA members saw Takemi as an influential political figure, the Takemi presidency was born into a system in which
he forced many institutional barriers to change. While he used his political connections to get some compromises
from the government, such as issues of doctor’s right to sell drugs, fees, preferential tax code, he could not obtainfundamental policy change.
Takemi had to assume a much more defensive position vis a vis the Japanese government than did his AMA
counterpart in the United States. It was evident by 1950 that Truman’s health care reform proposal would not go
anywhere. Meanwhile, private health insurance expanded during and after the war. The AMA made a decision topush for the expansion of private health insurance while President Dwight Eisenhower’s administration did thesame. The federal government had very little direct involvement in health care.75 On the other hand, in the 1950s
the Japanese government retained much of the power it acquired during the war and the occupation which allowed
it to shape health insurance policy and take steps toward universal health insurance. The JMA had “lost twenty
years” and it took a long time to recover its influence. The JMA’s comeback with Takemi was too late to make any
drastic changes to the existing system and could only maximize benefits of the JMA members within the existing
system.
66

Mizuno, Daremo Kakanakatta Nihon Ishikai, 24.
Hido, “Itansha Takemi Taro,” 252.
68 Takemi Taro, Senzen Senchū Sengo [Before, during, and after WWII] (Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1982), 218. For the details of Takemi’s
background, see Takakazu Yamagishi, “Short Biography of Takemi Taro, the President of the Japan Medical Association,”
Academia Social Sciences 1 (March 2011), pp. 49-56.
69 Steslicke, Doctors in Politics, 46.
70 Mizuno, Daremo Kakanakatta Nihon Ishikai, 64.
71 “Rinji Daigiin Kai ni okeru Takemi Kaichō no Shūnin Aisatsu,” Nihon Ishikai Zasshi 37 no. 9 (May 1957), 579.
72 For Takemi’s thoughts about the government’s role, see Takemi, Jitsuroku Nihon Ishikai.
73 “Rinji Daigiin Kai ni okeru Takemi Kaichō no Shūnin Aisatsu.”
74 Takemi, Jitsuroku Nihon Ishikai, 59.
67

75

Jacob S. Hacker, The Divided Welfare State: The Battle over Public and Private Social Benefits in the UnitedStates (New York: Cambridge University Press 2002).
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5. Conclusion
Legislation to achieve universal health insurance in 1958 was major turning point in the history of theJapanese health insurance system. This article demonstrates that the path toward universal health insurance waslargely set during the war and solidified after the war. The government’s top-down policy to westernize, improve,and rationalize the Japanese medicine discouraged the JMA to participate in the policymaking process. During the
war the JMA further handed its power over the government that sought to make war mobilization more efficient. It
did not get its power back during the occupation period. This institutional and political development impacted what
the JMA could do and could not do in the later period. Takemi appeared to be a strong political actor in the postwar
policymaking process, but his presidency was born into a robust institutional setting that he could not drasticallychange.
This article also reminds us that the institutional and political development in Japan was not linear. There
were no determined orders: the Japanese health system was what historical institutionalists would call an inchoate
world. Japan could have adopted different policy paths. This article with the comparison with the American caseshould make us wonder what if the westernization of medicine had been more advanced under the Tokugawa regime,
what if the Health Insurance Law had not passed in 1922, and, more importantly, what if WWII had ended differently.
It is often said that there is no “if” in history. But without thinking of “ifs,” we cannot fully understand how
institutions and politics interact to shape policy paths.
To advance this project, it is important to look closely into how institutional and political developments
in health care affected interest groups other than the JMA, such as hospital organizations, business groups, and labor
unions. By studying them, we can understand the political context of the postwar period more comprehensively.
This paper also has implications for the current health care reform debate. In the face of the recent
discussion of iryō kiki (health care crisis), the government has not been able to offer fundamental reform. On theother hand, the JMA has not been able to react effectively to the problem, either. Neither has offered more thanhodge-podge reforms to the existing health care system and without much engagement in public debate. This paper
hopes to help us rethink how the Japanese health insurance system has grown as it has and what the system needs
to change.
The research was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number JP26380192 and the Pache Research Subsidy I-A2 for Academic Year 2016 of Nanzan University.

204©2017 Journal of International and Advanced Japanese Studies
Vol.9, March 2017, pp. 205-222 (ONLINE)
Master’s and Doctoral Programs in International and Advanced
Japanese Studies
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences,
University of Tsukuba

Research Note

Bridging the Gap between Japanese and Foreign Communities
through Communication and Critical Reflection
Paul CAPOBIANCO
University of Iowa, Department of Anthropology, Ph.D. Candidate
This paper examines the changing nature of interpersonal relations between Japanese and foreign
residents of Japan. Due to various domestic and international mechanisms, Japan’s demographics havechanged substantially in recent decades and are expected to change even further in the immediate future. One
effect of these changes has been an increased presence of foreigners living and working in Japan, which isengendering newfound contexts through which Japanese society engages with diverse forms of cultural
Otherness. Previous scholarship has shown that Japan’s relationships with different foreign and minority
populations have been largely problematic in nature and that foreign populations have formerly been relegatedto the social peripheries. Majority-minority relationships have tended to be conceptualized in a predominantly
volatile fashion that reinforces a rigid dichotomy between Japanese and outsiders. However, given Japan’schanging demographics and the corresponding diversification of interactions presently taking place within
Japan, it is worthy to investigate more meticulously the conceptual and material products of these intercultural
encounters.
Utilizing qualitative ethnographic data, this paper suggests that the interpersonal dynamics between
foreigners and Japanese are changing in ways that lead some Japanese to adopt a more positive image of
foreigners. Drawing on theoretical insights from intercultural communication studies and applied linguistics,
this paper elucidates how Japan’s socio-demographic changes are creating new opportunities for Japaneseand foreigners to reconceptualize themselves with greater orientations towards the other party, which resultsin allowing more positive forms of interpersonal relationships to emerge. This paper shows how these novel
relationships develop and explains the important role that critical reflection plays in reconsidering thecategorical constructs of Japanese and Other. These encounters and critical reflections materially manifest in
emergent identities that allow Japanese and foreign residents of Japan to reorient themselves with greater
proximity to the other party. However, despite these reorientations, barriers continue to exist that prevent
more constructive relations from developing.
Keywords: Intercultural Communication, Identity, Foreigners, Interpersonal Relations

Introduction
Japan is presently positioned to experience a considerable demographic change as a result of a low birthrate,
an aging population, and large numbers of young Japanese eschewing particular sectors of the nation’s labor market.
One effect of these changes has been the emergence of nationwide labor shortages, which thus far have in part been
filled by foreign laborers. Despite the pragmatic difficulties foreigners may experience living in Japan, the nation
remains a destination country for foreign workers who continue to enter Japan from a myriad of countries. Presently,
foreign nationals comprise just over 2% of Japan’s population. However, this proportion is expected to increase
dramatically in future years; so much so that some experts estimate the composition of foreigners in Japan could

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Volume 9 ONLINE / March 2017rise to 8 to 27% by 2050.1 Such a diversification would have profound implications for the nature of Japanesesociety and the forms of intercultural relations that develop within Japan’s borders. This is particularly true for theway that foreign-Japanese relationships unfold. Because Japan’s diversification has been underway for some time,
we may look to the encounters already occurring for clues as to how this future demographic change might proceed.
Although scholars have tended to focus on the problematic relationships that Japan maintains with its various
foreign and minority populations,2 others have suggested that there also exist alternatives to minority-majority
relations whereby interpersonal encounters between these two parties lead to more positive and diversified
outcomes.3 These latter writers stress the fact that although foreigners continue to experience difficulties, barriers,and prejudices in Japan, economic mobility and social integration remain contingent upon numerous variables andare not limited to an all-or-nothing acceptance-exclusion dichotomy. Therefore, it is important to recognize andconsider the ways alternative forms of minority-majority relations develop, to understand how they affect the ways
Japanese and foreigners interact, and how the actors involved in these processes reconceptualize themselves inrelation to each other and to their host society.
This paper will address these questions by examining how critical reflection can induce changes to the ways
foreigners are conceptually positioned within Japanese society. Drawing upon ethnographic data collected from2013-2015, this paper will demonstrate how, through the vehicles of intercultural communication and criticalreflection, foreign and Japanese actors reposition themselves with greater orientations towards one another as theseintercultural encounters occur.4 In doing so, this paper draws from communications studies and applied linguistics
to elucidate how critical reflection, induced materially by intercultural encounters themselves, leads to a more
dynamic understanding of the experiences of foreigners in Japan. This paper suggests that as such increased
understandings continue to materialize in accord with Japan’s ongoing demographic changes, Japanese actors will
be further compelled to reconceptualize the positionality and role of foreigners within Japan to a much greater extent.
The following sections of this paper will provide a brief overview of the concept of reflexivity in relation tointercultural communication and then proceed to present ethnographic vignettes from foreign and Japanese actors
to explain how these changes materialize in practice. It will then analyze this data and explain the implications ofthese reflections and changing positionalities.
1. Reflexivity, Identity, and Intercultural Communication
There has been a great deal of interest from disparate academic disciplines in discussing individuals who
possess heightened levels of intercultural awareness and competence. These works have argued that individuals arecapable of acquiring capabilities that transcend their own cultural milieu and allow them to navigate fluidly acrossreal and imagined cultural barriers. One concept that aims to explicate the dynamics of such an individual is Peter
Adler’s idea of the “multicultural man.” Adler suggests that “a new type of person whose orientation and view ofthe world profoundly transcends his indigenous culture is developing from the complex of social, political,
economic, and educational interactions of our time” and that the parameters of this person’s sense of self are neither

David Blake Willis and Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu, “Transcultural Japan: Metamorphosis in the Cultural Borderlands andBeyond,” in David Blake Willis and Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu eds., Transcultural Japan: At the Borderlands of Race, Gender,and Identity (London: Routledge, 2008), p.4
2 See John Lie, Multiethnic Japan, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001).
3 Edmond Akwasi Agyeman, “African Migrants in Japan: Social and Economic Integration,” Asian and Pacific Migration Journal
24, no. 4(2015): 463-486; Leiba Faier, Intimate Encounters Filipina Women and the Remaking of Rural Japan (Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 2009); Tsu Yun Hui, “From Ethnic Ghetto to ‘Gourmet Republic’: The Changing Image of Kobe’s Chinatown
and the Ambiguities of Being Chinese in Modern Japan,” in David Blake Willis and Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu eds., Transcultural
Japan: At the Borderlands of Race, Gender, and Identity (London: Routledge, 2008), pp. 135-158.
4 This paper uses the term “orientation” to describe a process through which disparate groups of social actors – in this case, Japaneseand foreign residents of Japan – understand their social and conceptual relationship towards one another.
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fixed nor predictable.5 Essentially, it is a multilingual and multiculturally-competent person who is not bound bycultural constraints. Other terms have similarly been utilized to describe individuals possessing higher degrees ofintercultural competences. Michael Byram has suggested that becoming “bicultural” involves a process of criticallyreflecting upon one’s own beliefs and convictions, which subsequently allows people to develop a greater sensitivity
towards members of other cultural groups. In doing so, Byram implies that there may in fact be two disparate formsof an individual existing in the same body that possess intimate knowledge of two distinct cultures: “a person canhold within themselves two cultural, ethnic identities and…it seems that being two people is not difficult.” 6
Relatedly, Christina Bratt Paulston utilizes the term “bicultural” to explain an individual that is somewhat “eclectic”
in their cultural identity and possesses an idiosyncratic comprehension and fluency of other cultural practices.7 Thissense of being “bicultural” is characterized by highly personalized attitudes towards the other cultures one engages
with, as well as a somewhat precarious sense of social belonging. Nonetheless, this “bicultural” person maintains aheightened awareness of other cultures and is capable of successfully navigating cultural boundaries. Althoughdifferent in their content, each of the above authors postulate that individuals are not confined to their native culturalmilieu and are instead able to develop skills to fluidly communicate across cultures without problems. Such
postulations suggest individuals are capable of acclimating themselves in dynamic ways to different types of crosscultural environments and that there is no cultural paradigm too difficult to transcend.
While it may be overly-optimistic to suggest that an individual such as Adler’s “multicultural man” hasalready emerged, there are undeniably individuals who possess superior intercultural competencies. It is therefore
worthy to consider what processes have led to such competences and what factors have fostered their development.
Most germane to this paper are three particular forces that can allow individuals to develop this augmentedcompetence: learning a new language, engaging in intercultural communication, and critical self-reflection.
Although these are not the only mechanisms through which increased competences can develop, these have beenshown to have important effects on the outcomes of individual learners and intercultural communication interactants.
Thus, it is worthy to succinctly explain how these processes function to influence an individual’s (inter)culturalexperiences.
However, before doing so, it is worthy to first embark on a slight detour to discuss the concept of “identity,”
which lies at the core of many of the processes mentioned below. In its most basic sense, identity reflects how
individuals perceive themselves, how they are perceived by others, and how individuals understand these twocompeting perceptions.8 Identity has long been conceived as related to language learning and it has been noted thatlearning a language also affects the ways one thinks of themselves in relation to others.9 Although scholars haverecognized the connection between language learning and identity, there have to date been a multitude of ways
scholars have operationalized the term “identity” and correspondingly structured their analyses of identity in relation
to language acquisition.10
This understanding of identity suggests that people may possess numerous identities at any given time andthat former notions of identity that see identity as fixed, stable, and essentialized – existing as a concrete given –are typically abandoned for understandings of identity that are more fluid and allow for a wider range of applications.

Peter Adler, “Beyond Cultural Identity: Reflections on Cultural and Multicultural Man,” in Richard Brislin ed., Culture Learning(Honolulu: East-West Center Press), pp. 24-41.
6 Michael Byram, “On Being ‘Bicultural’ and ‘Intercultural,’” in Geof Alred, Michael Byram, and Mike Fleming eds., Language forIntercultural Communication and Education (Clevdon: Multilingual Matters, 2003), p. 54.
7 Christina Bratt Paulston, Sociolinguistic Perspectives on Bilingual Education (Clevdon: Multilingual Matters, 1992), Chapter 5.
8 Bethan Benwell and Elizabeth Stokoe, “Introduction,” in Bethan Benwell and Elizabeth Stokoe eds., Discourse and Identity(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006), pp. 1-13.
9 H. Douglas Brown, Principles of Language Learning (White Plains: Pearson, 2000); Zhu Hua, “Intercultural Communication,” in
Li Wei ed., Introduction to Applied Linguistics (Somerset: Wiley & Sons, 2014), pp. 112-128.
10 Julia Menard-Warwick, “Both a Fiction and an Existential Fact: Theorizing Identity in Second Language Acquisition and Literacy
Studies,” Linguistics and Education 16 (2005): 253-274.
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Scholars have actively sought to adopt a more flexible usage of “identity” so as to obtain more nuanced
understandings of how it operates practically. A number of “post-structural” scholars have been especiallyenlightening for underscoring the function of identity in relation to language learning. These scholars have positedthat rather than seeing identity as fixed and static, it is instead viewed as inherently complex, malleable, overlapping,and dynamic. Individuals construct and assert identities based on highly contextual and subjective variables that
more often than not lead to comprehensions of identity that do not ascribe neatly onto extant identity categories.11
Such an understanding asserts that identity “is not a static, preexisting entity but rather evolves through a dialectical
relationship between different ways of interacting and speaking in the world.”12 Identity can therefore be viewed
as a multifaceted and discursive phenomenon, which is affected by a wide range of stimuli. It also asserts that
although individuals may consider themselves as part of various collective bodies, no two individuals will
understand their identities in precisely the same way. Recognizing these facts are important for fully understanding
the types of identity transformations that unfold as a result of contemporary interactions.
There are numerous ways that language learning and intercultural communication affect such idiosyncratic
constructions of identity in the contemporary world and in relation to diverse casts of multicultural actors. First,
scholars have explained that learning a new language and its corresponding cultural components can compel
perceptual changes within learners and in effect alter the ways they understand themselves in relation to others. H.
Douglas Brown states that “meaningful language acquisition involves some degree of identity conflict as language
learners take on a new identity with their newly acquired competence.”13 As individuals struggle to acquire novel
cultural and linguistic competencies, they also develop abilities that transcend the language acquisition process andenter into the realm of wider intercultural knowledge. Jean-Marc Dewaele notes that “multicompetent multilinguals
seem more aware and appreciative of the diversity in the world, [and are] able to consider it through the prism of
their different languages and cultures.14 Cem and Margaret Alptekin note that learners will develop an identity thatis “able to transcend the parochial confines of the native and target cultures by understanding and appreciating
cultural diversity and pluralism thanks to the new language, while not losing sight of native norms and values in theprocess.” 15 Thus, the language learning process impacts how we conceptualize ourselves and cultural Others.
Regardless of one’s intercultural understandings at the outset, because language involves a new way of interpreting
the world around us culturally, lexically, and abstractly, learners are likely to undergo some form of identity
reorientation as they persist in their endeavors.16
Second, the act of utilizing one’s learned skills and communicating with members of the target language
community (i.e. engaging in intercultural communication) has also been show to impact how individuals perceive
themselves in relation to cultural Others.17 Chang In Shin and Ronald Jackson note that self-identity “emerges and11

Bonny Norton, Identity and Langauge Learning: Gender, Ethnicity, and Educational Change (Harlow: Pearson Education, 2000);
Aneta Pavlenko and Adrian Blackledge eds., Negotiation of Identities in Multilingual Contexts (Clevdon: Multilingual Matters,2003).
12 Andrea Simon-Maeda, Being and Becoming a Speaker of Japanese: An Auto-Ethnographic Account (Clevdon: Multilingual
Matters, 2011), p. 117.
13 Brown, Principles of Language Learning, p. 147.
14 Marc-Jean Dewaele, “Second and Additional Language Acquisition,” in Li Wei ed., Applied Linguistics (Somerset: John Wiley &Sons, 2014), p.51.
15 Cem Alptekin and Margaret Alptekin, “The Question of Culture: EFL Teaching in Non-English Speaking Countries,” ELT Journal
38, no.1 (1984): 19.
16 See also Jane Jackson, Language, Identity, and Study Abroad: Sociocultural Perspectives (London: Equinox, 2008).
17 Geoff Alred, Michael Byram, and Mike Fleming, “Introduction,” in Geof Alred, Michael Byram, and Mike Fleming eds.,
Language for Intercultural Communication and Edcaation (Clevdon: Multilingual Matters, 2003), pp. 1-13; Young Yun Kim,
Becoming Intercultural: An Integrative Theory of Communication and Cross-Cultural Adaptation (London: Sage, 2000); Young Yun
Kim, “Intercultural Personhood: Globalization and a Way of Being,” International Journal of Intercultural Relations 32 (2008): 359368; R.S. Zaharna, “Self-Shock: The Double-Binding Challenge of Identity,” International Journal of Intercultural Relations 13(1989): 501-525.

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is constructed from relationships which are negotiated through communication.” 18 Leiba Faier has stated that“encounters cannot but change the ways people see the world and how they move through it. They interrupt, if even
ever so slightly, the paths that brought us to them and set us in new directions.”19 Young Y. Kim further notes that“cross-cultural adaptation is viewed as occurring as long as the individual remains in interaction with the hostenvironment” and that “this interactive, communication-based conception...conceptualizes cross-cultural adaptation
not as an independent or dependent variable, but as the totality of an individual's personal and social experiencesvis-à-vis the host environment in and through a complex system of communicative interfaces."20 In this, Kim argues
that communicating across cultural boundaries, with cultural Others and in an environment that possesses various
stressors for the participants, can compel transformations within these participants in ways that allow them toemerge with a greater understanding of and orientation towards cultural Otherness. One need not be restricted todefining themselves solely in terms of their own personal cultural group and instead can reconstruct an identity andsense of being that maintains a greater orientation towards diverse actors from different cultural backgrounds.
Kim presents a dynamic model of how individual interactants in intercultural communication arrive at theiridentity revelations. She discusses this in detail21 and has outlined numerous variables that potentially influence
this process.22 In brief, she argues that individuals acquire intercultural skills through a “stress-adaptation-growth”
dynamic whereby they develop adaptive strategies that allow them to better function in their sociocultural context
as they grapple with the stressors presented by their particular environments. The end products of these stresses andadaptations can ultimately manifest as a “growth” in personal understandings of home and host culture in ways that
permit more dynamic and inclusive forms of sociality and sentiments of personal identity to emerge. This isimportant because it provides a comprehensive and fundamental way to understand the transformations that
individuals experience as they participate in intercultural encounters in different social contexts with diverse actors.
Third, critically reflecting upon one’s intercultural interactive experiences can also provide an impetus fortransformative changes to occur. This paper suggests that this reflection is an essential component of the identity
transformation process. While both language learning and intercultural communication can lead to transformations
in how one thinks of themselves and others, the process of critical reflection provides an intensified element throughwhich identities can be renegotiated and reasserted. This is because interactions with members from other culturalgroups can help individuals arrive at heightened understandings of who they are through comparisons.23 It has beensuggested that people experience more profound perceptual changes after they have undergone such reflections: “Itis when they have some kind of experience which leads them to question these given conventions and values...that
they become to become 'intercultural.'”24 Everett Kleinjans described several “affective” variables that can facilitate
greater intercultural understandings. These variables include “perception, appreciation, reevaluation, reorientation,
identification, and outward actions.” Speaking of “reevaluation” and “reorientation,” he notes that reevaluation may
comprise "a shift in priorities, the giving up of certain values for new ones, or an enlargement of one's own value
system" and he describes reorientation as a "means changing the direction of one's life as a result of embracing newvalues internalized in the revaluation process." For identification, it involves "becoming one with the people of the
Chang In Shin and Ronald L. Jackson, “A Review of Identity Research in Communication Theory: Reconceptualizing Cultural
Identity,” in William J. Starosta and Guo-Mind Chen eds., Ferment in the Intercultural Field: Axiology/Value/Praxis (London: Sage,2012), pp. 212-231.
19 Lieba Faier, Intimate Encounters, p. 25.
20 Young Yun Kim, Becoming Intercultural, p. 23.
21 See Young Yun Kim Becoming Intercultural; Young Yun Kim, “Intercultural Personhood,”; Young Yun Kim, “Finding a ‘Home’
Beyond Culture: The Emergence of Intercultural Personhood in the Globalizing World,” International Journal of Intercultural
Relations 46 (2015): 3-12.
22 Young Yun Kim, “Beyond Cultural Categories: Communication, Adaptation, and Transformation,” in Jane Jackson ed., Routledge
Handbook of Intercultural Communication (London: Routledge), pp. 229-243.
23 Michael Byram, Teaching and Assessing Intercultural Communicative Competence (Clevdon: Multilingual Matters, 1997);
Michael Byram, “On Being ‘Bicultural’ and ‘Intercultural.’”24 Geoff Alred, Michael Byram, and Mike Fleming, “Introduction,” p. 3.
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other culture," understood broadly. Here, Kleinjans is suggesting that through interacting with members of othercultures, and critically thinking about these interactions and their relationship to one’s own culture, individuals canarrive at heightened understandings of themselves, their native culture, and the culture with which they are
engaging.25 Thus, becoming an intercultural person may inherently involve some greater degree of reflection andcriticalness towards existing forms of identity that enhances and expands one’s extant worldview.26
The extent to which reflection is or is not necessary for transformations to occur is not the primary focus of
this paper; rather the purpose here is to underscore that reflection is an important mechanism through which
individuals can and do arrive at transformations regarding their relationship to other people and especially to cultural
Others. It is essential to recognize that, like language learning and intercultural communication, critical reflection
can also induce identity transformations. This is important for comprehending the wider sociocultural context inwhich the actors below experienced their respective personal changes.
Intercultural understanding is marked by a heightened sense of awareness and sensitivity towards othercultures. Language learning and intercultural communication provide platforms upon which perceptual changes thatinduce greater intercultural sensitivity can occur. 27 Reflection upon one’s intercultural encounters can further
compel individuals to reconstruct the meanings of their encounters in ways that engender new ideas about
interpersonal and intercultural relationships. The proceeding section will provide ethnographic vignettes into thelives of Japanese and foreigners in Japan that elucidate how exactly these theoretical points play out in everyday
practice.
2. Intercultural Encounters in Japan
An important overarching factor that influences the nature of intercultural encounters in Japan is the way
Japanese identity has formerly been constructed and asserted. During Japan’s postwar period, a particular identity
emerged that was founded upon notions of ethno-racial homogeneity and cultural uniqueness that perceptuallydifferentiated Japanese from other Asian and western populations.28 The proliferation and pervasiveness of thisidentity and its accompanying discourses have since led to the marginalization and exclusion of foreigners andsocial minorities within Japanese society.29 For example, prejudices that suggest it is impossible for foreigners tolearn Japanese and participate in Japanese culture (re)produce sentiments that rigidly divide foreigners and Japanese,and relegates Japan’s foreign residents, regardless of their actual capabilities, to spheres of alterity. Foreigners anddomestic minority populations have thus been precluded access to mainstream Japanese identity and have in many
ways been placed in Japan’s social peripheries.
One reason that such ideas have remained so widespread for so long is because Japan has, for the most part,
actually remained relatively homogenous. Although scholars have taken issue with the assertion that Japan is“homogenous,” and have made efforts to bring attention to Japan’s current and historic diversity,30 the fact remainsthat Japan is still a very homogenous nation, especially so in comparison with other industrialized societies.
Everett Kleinjans, “A Question of Ethnics,” International Educational and Cultural Exchange 10, no. 4 (1975): 23-24.
Marc-Jean Dewaele and Jan Pieter van Oudenhoven, “The Effect of Multilingualism/Multiculturalism on Personality: No Gain
Without Pain for Third Culture Kids?” International Journal of Multilingualism 6 (2009): 1-17.
27 David R. Byrd and Catherine A. Byrd, “The Role of Dissonance and Harmony in one L2 Learner’s Identity Development during aLanguage Camp Experience Abroad,” The Journal of Language Teaching and Learning 2 (2013): 40-57.
28 Harumi Befu, Hegemony of Homogeneity: An Anthropological Analysis of Nihonjinron (Melbourne: TransPacific Press, 2001);
Eiji Oguma, Tanitsu Minzoku Shinwa no Kigen [The Myth of Homogenous Japan] (Tokyo: Shinyosha Press, 1995); Kosaku Yoshino,
Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan (London: Routlege 1992).
29 Harumi Befu, Hegemony of Homogeneity; John Lie, Multiethnic Japan; Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu, “Multiethnic Japan and the
Monoethnic Myth,” MELUS 18, no. 4 (1993): 63-80; David Blake Willis and Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu, “Transcultural Japan:
Metamorphosis in the Cultural Borderlands and Beyond.”
30 Mark Hudson, Ruins of Identity: Ethnogenesis in the Japanese Islands (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999); MurphyShigematsu, “Multiethnic Japan and the Monoethnic Myth”; Eiji Oguma, Tanitsu Minzoku Shinwa no Kigen.
25
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Paul CAPOBIANCO, Bridging the Gap between Japanese and Foreign Communities“Minority” populations are believed to comprise around 5% of Japan’s population overall and when considering
the number of minorities and foreigners who are indistinguishable from the mainstream population, the societal
composition of conspicuously non-Japanese persons becomes even lower.31 This ultimately means that Japanese
encounters with cultural Otherness have heretofore been comparatively limited in scope. By and large, they havemostly been confined to particular sectors of Japan’s society and labor market, outside of which they have notoccurred to considerable extents. Thus, although Japan is undoubtedly more diverse than former constructions ofidentity and conventional discourses lead one to believe, the fact remains that up until very recently intercultural
relations were still very constrained.
However, considering the aforementioned demographic changes Japan is presently experiencing, the overall
nature of intercultural encounters within Japan can be expected to change accordingly. As greater numbers of
foreigners from increasingly diverse backgrounds enter Japan, the contexts of intercultural relations between
Japanese and foreigners can likewise be expected to become more diverse and dynamic. Although such profounddemographic changes have not yet materialized in full, the past several decades have nonetheless brought foreigners
and Japanese into contact with one another in ways never before experienced. Therefore, we can observe some of
the already established Japanese-foreign relationships to obtain insights into how the future trajectory of Japaneseforeign relations may proceed.
This section will present ethnographic data that demonstrates how, upon critical reflection after engaging in
regularized intercultural interactions with foreigners, Japanese actors reconstructed their understandings of Japan,
the role and positionality of foreigners within Japan, and their own senses of personal identity. The data presented
below marks a discernable shift in the ways Japanese-minority relations have heretofore been conceptualized. The
following ethnographic vignettes depict how this has occurred and what Japanese informants have said happened
to them as a result of their intercultural interactions. This section will demonstrate how different settings and typesof intercultural encounters compel Japanese actors to reconstruct their understandings of Self and Otherness inparticular ways but all of which generally lead to the same end result of a more intricate and dynamic understandingof Japan’s diversity.
Data for this manuscript was gathered between 2013-2015 through interviews and participant-observation.
Interviews were conducted formally and informally, were largely unstructured, and involved a variety of openended questions, which included: “What have your experiences interacting with Japanese/foreigners entailed?”“How do you feel that engaging in intercultural interaction has changed the way that you relate yourself toforeigners/Japanese?” “In what ways has living in Japan and experiencing Japan’s demographic changes altered theways you perceive yourself and wider Japanese society?” In total, over 100 interviews were conducted withJapanese and foreign informants. Interviewees were procured using snowball sampling and nonrandomized
convenience sampling, and were conducted in English and/or Japanese.
Interviews were supplemented by participant-observation that occurred at various locations throughout Japanin which Japanese and foreigners came into regular contact with one another. These included foreign-owned and operated establishments, religious institutions, and civic organizations, as well as various sorts of workplaces.
31

Scholars often make categorical distinctions between minority populations in Japan. These groups are often divided into threeoverarching categories: Japan’s “domestic” minorities, Japan’s long-term resident minorities, and “newcomer” minorities.
“Domestic” minorities include groups indigenous to Japan – such as Ainu, Burakumin, and Okinawans – who are today in many
ways indistinguishable from the mainstream population but retain a distinct identity based on cultural and historic conditions of
exclusion. Long-term resident minorities include former colonial subjects from other parts of Asia, mostly Korea and China, that
migrated or were forcibly brought to Japan during Japan’s colonial empire. The phrase “newcomer minorities” is typically used todescribe those who migrated to Japan during the 1980s or later. It is important to note that these categories maintain markedly
different experiences and attitudes towards Japanese society. For example, a Korean who arrived in Japan to study during the 2000s
and has since stayed will have a very different experience than an ethnic Korean who was born, raised, and educated in Japan andwhose family has resided in Japan since the early twentieth century. Japan’s “domestic” minorities and long-term resident minorities
have become in many ways indistinguishable from the mainstream population due to cultural assimilation.

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Interview and observation data were qualitatively coded to ascertain broader, more generalizable themes that could
speak to larger patterns within informants’ responses.
The vignettes below have been selected because they most lucidly depict the ways individuals experienced
changes as a result of their intercultural encounters. Much of the sentiment expressed here has been echoed by otherinformants as well. Thus, the data here is in many ways representative of wider societal attitudes that are developing
throughout Japan today. However, it is also important to acknowledge the highly subjective aspects of theseexperiences and note that the subsequent discussion is meant to provide details about broader developing patterns
that are emerging from intercultural encounters; they should not be seen as hard truths that one should expect all
participants engaging in intercultural communication to experience. There will be diverse ways that people
experience such encounters and thus there are some limitations on this paper’s generalizability. Nevertheless, thisdoes not detract from the fact that palpable patterns could be ascertained that bespeak the current situation that exists
on the ground in Japan today.
(1) Koji
Koji32 is a bar worker in his mid-thirties who works in a popular nightlife neighborhood in Tokyo. For the
past several years, he was employed by Nigerian bar owners in two separate establishments. While working thesejobs, Koji regularly interacted with Nigerian bosses, co-workers, and customers. He also engaged regularly withforeigners and businesses associates from other non-Japanese backgrounds. Through these encounters, Koji was
unexpectedly made aware of the diverse nature of Japan’s foreign community and emerged from his work
experience with a more refined comprehension of the true scope of Japan’s diversity, as well as a broader
conceptualization of foreigners and their experiences in Japan.
In his own words, Koji explained: “Never in my life did I imagine I would be working for a Nigerian boss!
Before I started working in Shinjuku, I was not aware there were so many foreigners in Japan, especially Africans.”33
He also noted that he has gradually become more aware of the differences between African nationalities and ethnic
groups. Before working in these bars, Koji professed that he didn’t know anything about Africa’s diversity, but his
work made him aware of it and he departed from his work experiences with a more intricate understanding of thescope of Africa’s diversity. He explained: “After working in bars owned by Africans for six years, I now appreciate
the difference between Nigerians and Ghanaians, between Igbo people and Yoruba people, and between African
Christians and Muslims.”34 Koji believed that this knowledge put him a unique position because he said that mostother Japanese would not likely be able to recognize these important ethno-national differences between Africans,either in Japan or abroad.
Koji explained that his direct encounters with Africans raised his awareness of the experiences of foreigners
in Japan in a number of ways. For one, he came to better understand the Africans that he regularly engaged withand began to more accurately comprehend their experiences living and working in Japan. Before these experiences,
Koji said that he was largely unaware that there were so many foreigners in Japan and was especially surprised tolearn of the existence of so many Africans in Japan. By establishing interpersonal relationships with his bosses, coworkers, and clients, Koji observed that many of them were honest people trying to make a living. This repudiatedsome of the negative things he had formerly heard about foreigners, especially with regards to Nigerians and other
Africans. He notes: “I had heard negative things about Nigerians. Some people said they were involved with crimeand scams. But, after I worked for them and served them in my bar for some time, I realize that many of them are
32

All names appearing in this paper are pseudonyms.
Paul Capobianco, “Confronting Diversity: Africans Challenging Japanese Societal Convictions,” Contemporary Japan 27, no. 2(2015): 195.
34 Paul Capobianco, “Confronting Diversity: Africans Challenging Japanese Societal Convictions,” Contemporary Japan 27, no. 2(2015): 195.
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honest people and are not criminals. There are some bad ones, but most are just looking to make a living like me.”Thus, by regularly engaging with Africans and other foreigners in this particular work environment, Koji expanded
how he understood the diversity that existed within Japan and conceptually repositioned foreigners with a greater
orientation towards ethnic Japanese.
Koji explains that this awareness subsequently led him to reflect on what this meant for Japan’s future: “I
didn’t realize this earlier but I now see that Japan is changing. It is changing in a complicated way. Many people
like to describe Japan in one way and don’t like to see it from different perspectives, but we have to do that. It is
not enough to just say that Japan is home to Japanese and that there are criminal foreigners in Japan. We need toreally think about Japan and who lives here. That is the only way that we can have a better future for everyone.”Through his encounters with foreigners via his workplace, Koji became more aware of the experiences ofAfricans and other foreign populations that reside and operate within Japan’s borders. Correspondingly, thisprovided a somewhat surprising depiction of the present nature of contemporary Japan itself. Koji’s reflection on
the broader implications of his intercultural work and communicative experiences permitted him to arrive at a moreconstructive comprehension of foreign Otherness and Japan’s newfound diversity. Although Koji states that he was
not particularly xenophobic before working in said bars, he also noted that he really did not have any feelings,
positive or negative, about the existence of foreigners in Japan. It was only after his actual encounters with foreigners
and his subsequent critical reflection did he ultimately come to better understand their experiences and impact on
Japanese society.
(2) The Nakamura Family
Another interesting channel through which foreigners and Japanese are establishing relationships is throughhomestay programs organized by universities, schools, and private companies. While there is nothing fundamentallynovel about this practice, what is noteworthy are the increasingly diverse backgrounds of students that study inJapan and who correspondingly participate in such homestays. Data I have obtained from Japanese host families
demonstrates how interacting with their host children have effectively transformed their sense of identity at thepersonal and collective levels, as well as the ways that they conceptualize the scope of diversity that exists within
Japanese society.
A vignette from the Nakamura family explains how these changes unfold in everyday practice. This family
consists of two Japanese host parents and their two host children from Nigeria. The local university that the two
Nigerian “children” attended was responsible for arranging the homestay. The Nakamura parents initially offered
to host one student but later, upon meeting and establishing a strong connection with one of their original children’s
friends, agreed to host a second. The parents developed a close relationship with their children; their own children
having grown and started their own families elsewhere, they enjoyed the company of their host children and enjoyedlearning about their home country and continent. Their children likewise enjoyed the relationship that developed
and were appreciative of the assistance their parents offered them and their families while in Japan.
As the relationship with their host children evolved, the Nakamura parents were made aware of the difficulties
their children faced living and studying in Japan. Since they believed that both of their children were sociable andlinguistically competent, they were surprised to learn of the difficulties they both experienced. The Nakamura hostfather stated: “It was troubling to hear of the problems [our children] faced. Our own children never had suchproblems and if they were not our [host] children, we would have never known about such issues.” The Nakamura
mother added: “It is very disheartening. Knowing that people you care for struggle because of your own culture’s
practices makes you feel sad and makes you want to help however you can.” The Nakamuras vowed to offer help
to their children, their families, and any friends that they might have and, according to their host children, havegenuinely done so whenever the chance presented itself.
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Such a change in attitudes occurred despite the fact that these parents were already somewhat oriented towards
and accepting of foreign cultures. If they had possessed xenophobic or prejudice attitudes, it is highly unlikely theywould have volunteered to act as host parents in the first place. However, having been made aware of the difficulties
faced by their children, who they came to sincerely care for, the Nakamura parents were compelled to reflect
critically on extant Japanese cultural practices and social norms that have not always been accommodating toforeigners. The Nakamura mother explained: “My [first son] complained that Japanese people were too insincere
to him and didn’t understand his perspective. At first I didn’t believe him but when [our second host son] said very
similar things, we began to take them more seriously. We talked with both of them about these issues and it was
shocking to hear that they were treated so badly.” The father also noted: “I don’t think we would have believed
them if we weren’t so close to them. But because we think of them our own children, we [had] to take them seriously.”
Being made aware of the difficulties their host children experienced compelled the Nakamuras to criticallyreflect upon who they are and what type of society they actually live in. They took their children’s claims with great
concern and reflected on the practices that brought their children such stress. This challenged their own perceptionsof Japan and led them to reconsider their own cultural identity. The mother stated: “Hearing [our son’s] struggles
living in Japan really opened my eyes and made me sympathize with his difficulties. We promised to always offer
him help when he needed it and he really became like a son to us.” The parents recognized that although Japan was
not a place particularly accommodating to outsiders, they nonetheless believed that their children would be able toabate any difficulties living in Japan because they were so linguistically functional and culturally accepting.
However, when this proved not to be the case, the Nakamuras reconsidered their understandings of Japanese society
and through critical reflection about the difficulties their children and other foreign residents encountered,
reconstructed how they envisaged Japanese society, as well as the foreigners who exist within it. The Nakamura
mother explained: “For us, it was difficult to learn that your society is causing so much pain for people that you
care about. We cannot change this, but we can change ourselves and offer our help to those who need it. Meeting
my [host] children was a very important experience that made me think more seriously about who I was as a person.”
Although it can be said that the Nakamuras possessed an orientation towards foreign Otherness at the outset,
they nevertheless arrived at revelations about themselves, Japan, and the experiences of foreigners through theirrelations with their host children. From their intercultural interactions, they were compelled to reflect upon theirown identities and the experiences of cultural Others living and operating in their native culture. These intercultural
encounters and the critical reflections that accompanied them thus induced further identity changes regarding theways that Japanese actors conceptualized themselves in relation to foreigners (i.e. changes to their orientation
towards cultural Otherness within Japan). The Nakamuras ultimately emerged from these encounters with a greater
sensitivity to and understanding of what the experiences of foreigners in Japan entailed. With regards to the
problems foreigners faced in Japan, the Nakamura parents realized that Japan was not how they had formerly
envisioned it, which led them to reconsider their former constructions of Japan, as well as what Japan is presently
comprised of.
(3) Suichiro
Intercultural encounters between Japanese and people of non-Japanese backgrounds are not only occurringin Japan but also abroad. As Japanese tourists, students, and professionals continue to move across national borders
for various reasons, the number of channels through which Japanese and foreigners come into contact with one
another further expand and diversify. One such example of how travel experiences and subsequent interculturalinteractions within Japan can lead to changes in the way people conceptualize themselves and their identities canbe seen in the case of Suichiro, a young Japanese man who spent time abroad. While he reported that his experienceabroad was transformative in itself, he also professed that he continued to experience self-identity changes after214

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returning to Japan. Upon closer analysis, these changes emerged due to a critical and comparative reflection of his
experiences abroad and his experiences engaging in intercultural encounters within Japan. Specifically, Suichirocame to realize that Japan is a more intercultural space than he had formerly acknowledged and that some of his
experiences abroad were shared by foreigners living in Japan. This subsequently compelled him to reconfigure his
own perceptions of himself and his home country with greater consideration for the experiences of foreigners.
Suichiro is a Japanese graduate student who recently completed a post-graduate study program in the UnitedStates. He spent about eighteen months abroad and I met him six months after he returned to Japan. Studying in the
United States was Suichiro's first experience living in a foreign country and he confessed that he didn’t know what
to expect before embarking on his trip. He was forced to put his English language and intercultural communication
skills to the test during his study program and at first he experienced many of difficulties. His lack of priorcommunication experience in English especially proved to be a burden that emotionally distressed him. He eventhought at one point to abandon his studies and return to Japan. However, despite such struggles, he persevered andmade efforts to work past the language, communication, and cultural barriers he faced.
As Suichiro’s study abroad continued, he began to see his growing possession of intercultural capital as
something positive and something that set him apart from other people. He started to understand himself as a more
multicultural individual and realized that this experience might prove especially vital for him when he returns toJapan. He elaborated: “In America, I gained some skills and confidence that I think can help me to grow as a person.
I realized that I can understand problems from both Japanese and American perspectives. By the time I left, I feltthat I had become much comfortable in America and felt like I was leaving a place that way my home. It was verysad.” At the conclusion of his study program, Suichiro had constructed an image of himself vis-à-vis Japanese wholacked such international and intercultural experience, which ultimately led him to think of himself as a moreinterculturally oriented person: “Going to study in the U.S. is something that not many other Japanese can do. I
think they really lack the ability to understand foreign culture, but I now I can. I think this is something that is
important that [distinguishes me] as a more unique Japanese [person].” Thus, his study abroad experience affected
how he thought of himself in relation to both Japanese and non-Japanese persons.
After he returned to Japan, Suichiro made efforts to preserve his language skills by befriending foreigners
living in Japan. After successfully doing so, he realized that much of what foreigners told him was similar to his
own experiences abroad. He explained: “Foreigners I meet in Japan have had a lot of similar experiences. They
struggle with language, culture, and communication problems and say that they have a hard time finding people tohelp them. One foreigner told me that he was sick but couldn’t visit the doctor because he wasn’t confident in his[Japanese] communication skills. This was the exact same experience that I had my first month in America! I
remember very clearly how I was sick and looking on the internet for [remedies] I could make at home to cure mysickness because I didn’t want to visit the doctor and have to communicate.” Suichiro also cited numerous othersimilarities between himself and foreigners he met in Japan and explained that he was surprised such problems
occurred in his home country: “It seems stupid but I really didn’t think foreigners experienced these things in Japan.
I know foreigners live and work here, but since I really only had limited experiences with them, I never knew what
they were experiencing. Only after I heard what difficulties they faced after experiencing such things myself was I
able to relate to their experiences.”
Through establishing relations with foreigners in Japan and critically comparing his own experiences abroadto theirs, Suichiro reformulated his sense of self-identity and his perceived role of foreigners in Japan. Specifically,
foreigners became more relatable to him and the parallels he drew between his experiences in America and theirs
in Japan allowed him to perceive them as conceptually closer via their shared experiences. He explained: “Theshared experiences that we had seems like more than just a coincidence. I think these are difficulties that all people
moving abroad have to face at some point and because of that I think we need to help each other and really think215

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Volume 9 ONLINE / March 2017about what we can do to improve the experiences of others in our home country. I was lucky that America had many
foreign people there. Many were willing to help me and most Americans were usually patient with me. According
to my foreign friends, that is not always true in Japan. Since Japan is mostly all Japanese, there must be someinstances where they have had very hard times just like me.” Here, Suichiro implies that efforts need to be made to
improve the quality of intercultural communicative experiences within Japan and that he now possesses better
capabilities that may allow him personally to do so. Such revelations were only possible after critical andcomparative reflection induced by both Suichiro’s experiences abroad, as well as his experiences interacting withforeigners from different countries within the context of Japanese society.
By shifting the locus of his intercultural encounters from abroad to home, Shuichiro reconceptualized his own
identity and his experiences as they related to those of foreigners residing in Japan. He also acknowledged that his
experiences abroad greatly shaped the way he thought of himself in relation to other Japanese, which substantiates
the literature above that discusses the transformative capacity of intercultural encounters and positive experiences
growing out of environmental stress. Once the location of intercultural encounters changed from outside Japan towithin Japan, Suichiro further experienced identity and perceptual changes due to the content of his intercultural
encounters. Upon discovering that he shared many of the same experiences abroad as foreigners had in Japan, he
was compelled to reconsider the ways foreigners were perceived and positioned within Japanese society and in
relation to himself.
(4) Foreigners
While Japanese informants have been crucial for underscoring the conceptual changes that can emerge fromintercultural encounters, foreigners are also acknowledging the multifaceted ways that their presence andparticipation in Japanese society work to reconfigure interpersonal relationships and intercultural understandings.
As Japan’s diversification continues, such channels of Japanese-foreigner interaction will only further diversify
accordingly. It therefore appears inevitable that the geographic distribution of foreigners, their professions andworkplaces, and the forms of sociality they engage in will likewise become further variegated. It is then noteworthy
to mention a few foreign voices who see themselves as participating in this changing of interpersonal relations
between foreigners and Japanese.
First, it is important to recall the work of Leiba Faier, who has identified the changing nature of interpersonal
relationships between rural Japanese residents and Filipina wives who move into rural localities. Due to an outward
migration of young women into urban areas, many Japanese rural localities are left with an inadequate number ofyounger females and, as a result, rural areas have experienced an influx of migration from foreign women.36 In her
detailed ethnography, Faier demonstrates how, through localized intercultural encounters between Japanese andFilipina wives, these actors “create new meanings of Japanese and Filipino culture and identity through their shared
daily lives.”37 She focuses explicitly on the forms of sociality that emerge from the intercultural encounters between
these parties and shows that they provide a fertile ground upon which new meanings are formulated. One outcomeof this process is that Filipinas negotiate their identities and social positionality as embedded in a larger web ofidentity politics but also in a position that is locally grounded to the particular geographical and cultural context.38
Although Faier argues that these identities remain shaped by unequal power dynamics, the ultimate product is amore culturally amalgamated sense of belonging exhibited by both Filipina and Japanese actors. Her ethnography
makes an important contribution to understanding the ways local intercultural interactions are leading to the36

Lieba Faier, Intimate Encounters, p. 15.
Lieba Faier, Intimate Encounters, p. 1.
38 Lieba Faier, Intimate Encounters, Chapter 1.
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emergence of novel forms of identity and interpersonal understanding within Japan, which also alter the conceptualand material positionality of foreigners within Japanese society.
Second, there is the voice of a foreign teacher in Japan, Kennedy, who is worthy of mention. Kennedy is fromeast Africa and has been teaching in Japan for several years while his wife, also east African, attends a local
university. Kennedy is not the only non-western teacher in Japan nor the only African teacher. However, Kennedy
is the one who I have become closest with and who has provided the most revealing data. His accounts provide awindow into understanding the ways that foreign teachers’ interactions with their students are changing
interpersonal dynamics in multifaceted ways.
Kennedy explains:“Coming into my classes, new students don’t know much about me. Sometimes they are
curious or maybe confused. I tell them ‘Don’t be shy! We will have fun in here!’ Then they
start to laugh and be happy or warm up to my teaching. It is in my classes that students canexperience and learn about Africa. But they are also teaching me things. I learn so muchabout Japan and Japanese culture from my students, especially the older ones. I don’t think
I can ever fully be a part of Japan because I am not Japanese, but teaching my students helps
me to understand Japan and myself a lot better. I like to see the commonalities I share withmy students and then compare how we are different. I think this is the best way for us togrow as people.”
In effect, Kennedy believes that his experiences teaching his students and learning the norms of Japanese culture
have affected him in many ways. Other foreign teachers of non-western backgrounds have noted similar things oftheir teaching experiences as well. The diversification of foreign teachers in Japan is a little known but importantcomponent of the mechanisms that lead to changes in the ways that interpersonal relations are conceptualized. By
exposing Japanese students to teachers from a wider range of backgrounds, there is a greater likelihood that students
will depart from their study experiences with a greater understanding of their teachers’ native culture. For example,
one Nigerian teacher explained that in his English classes, he would often incorporate pictures and information
about his home country that were unexamined in his students’ textbooks, which he believes modified and enhanced
his pupils’ understanding of Nigeria. Such occurrences are becoming increasingly common as more and more
foreign teachers from diverse backgrounds engage their Japanese students.
One final foreign voice worthy of mention is that of an east African student named Jonathan who iscompleting his doctorate in Japan. He has studied Japanese for many years and has passed the highest level of theJapanese Language Proficiency Test. When speaking with him about his experiences, he explained:“Living in Japan has made the country a part of me. I have language skills and I am able tocommunicate without problems unlike other people. One thing that I believe I do differently
from other foreigners is that I try to adapt to Japanese culture all the time, not just when it isconvenient for me. Many foreigners take this kind of chūto hanpa [half-measures] way ofadapting to Japan and they usually get frustrated with it. Well, it is because you are not fullycommitted and you don’t realize the ways that you have to adapt yourself! You have to beready for the adaptation and the following change.”
Jonathan additionally noted: “Of course I have changed. There is no way that I can look at my home country thesame way. I love [where I am from] but living in Japan I see the world differently. I sometimes feel out of place217

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Volume 9 ONLINE / March 2017back home even though it is where I am from.” Still further, he too mentioned indirectly the role that reflection
played in his development of an intercultural identity: “Dealing with people from other cultures is challenging. I
think most of us would avoid it if we can. But sometimes we can’t and we can’t expect the places we move to willchange for us. We need to make the effort too. We can’t sit back and let them do all the effort. It is when we reallythink about ourselves and our relationship to the place we live can we realize what we need to do to survive.” Thisis especially interesting in that it embodies many of the changes that Japanese experienced through their encounterswith foreigners except from the opposite perspective. Jonathan is not alone in his feelings; many other foreigners
have professed to me similar sentiments. The pervasiveness of such sentiments implies that there exists a dialectic
process by which intercultural encounters engender identity transformations and lead individual actors toreconstruct their relationship to others.
The disparate examples above demonstrate that as Japanese and foreigners engage with one another on aregularized basis, individuals may be compelled to reconstruct notions of themselves, cultural Others, and thesociety of which they are all apart. As more Japanese participate in interactions with foreigners from increasingly
diverse backgrounds, these situations can be expected to likewise further diversify and intensify in the near future.
These experiences and intercultural encounters have often developed in highly specified contexts that areidiosyncratic to the particular actors involved. Despite this high degree of particularity, however, the end results
have been similar in that many Japanese have developed from these encounters a more dynamic understanding ofJapan’s foreign populations and vice-versa.
(5) Communicative Failures
Before moving on to discuss the implications of these intercultural interactions and critical reflections, it isfirst useful to recognize that such encounters do not represent the entirety of relationships that have developed
between foreigners and Japanese. Throughout data collection there were also several examples in which interculturalinteractions did not lead to more positive perceptions of cultural Others and greater intercultural competence but
instead worked to establish and reinforce negative sentiments towards the other party. Although such individuals
comprised a minority of all the data collected, it would be negligent to entirely overlook such voices.
From the Japanese perspective, some complained that their engagements with foreigners have led to more
hostile sentiments towards diversity. For instance, one Japanese airport worker said that her experiences with
Chinese co-workers and travelers have led her to develop a discernably negative attitude towards Chinese andforeigners more broadly. She arrived at the conclusion that it was difficult for Chinese to integrate well because
they have such different attitudes and behaviors. In similar fashion, a number of scholarly works on Latin American
populations in Japan have shown that various levels of interactions with Latin Americans have led some Japanese
to develop more negative attitudes of them for reasons that they attribute to irreconcilable cultural differences.39
Although intercultural encounters carry transformative capacities, the fact that they are merely occurring is notenough for them to engender positive cross-cultural relations.
There have also been many foreigners who have likewise been disappointed by their experiences in Japanand have accordingly developed negative sentiments. One Ethiopian student who studied in Europe before coming
to Japan suggested that the pragmatic difficulties of living in Japan were just too much for an outsider handle. He
believed that Japanese are not willing to help foreigners to any considerable extent, which makes regular activities
such as visiting doctors or banks a major burden for those short on linguistic and cultural fluency. Another westernteacher explained that although she was fluent in Japanese, she never felt accepted and believed that she was treated39

See Joshua H. Roth, Brokered Homeland: Japanese Brazilian Migrants in Japan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002);
Takeyuki G. Tsuda, Strangers in the Ethnic Homeland: Japanese Brazilian Return Migration in Transnational Perspective (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 2003).

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differently from her colleagues in both positive and negative ways. Because she was an outsider and new to thework culture, she stated that she was not treated as a full member of her school but rather, as she describes it, a“disposable person” who lacked the collegial embracement her co-workers enjoyed amongst themselves. Thus,
foreigners too do not always develop positive attitudes from their intercultural encounters and it is important torecognize that intercultural interactions can, for many different reasons, unfortunately lead to more hostile attitudes
rather than more accepting ones.
Other examples abound with similar relational failures. With the exception of a few sources,40 most scholarly
analyses have highlighted the problematic nature of intercultural encounters and there is no dearth in literature onthese issues. Scholars have discussed in great detail the problematic relations that exist between Japanese andminorities in general,41 as well as between Japanese and specific groups of minorities, such as long-term resident
Koreans, 42 Latin Americans and Japanese-descent persons from Latin America, 43 African-Americans, 44 andothers.45 Such a wealth of literature establishes that sociocultural and communicative problems between foreigners
and Japanese do exist. However, rather than once again revisit these problematic encounters, or depict an idealistic
forecast for future relations, this paper describes how there are also emerging alternatives to Japanese-foreigner
encounters that are quite different from those which have been heretofore discussed. The aforementioned positive
intercultural and reflexive experiences are intended to provide an alternative to these negative interactions, whichhave taken up so much space in the existing literature. In short, one should not overlook or downplay thesecommunicative failures but they should also observe that there are feasible alternatives to them that are in manycases unfolding on the ground.
3. Discussion
Through examining the evolving nature of Japanese-foreign relations, we can ascertain several important
conclusions and implications moving forward. As Japan continues to diversify, the frequency of such encounters
can only be expected to intensify and compel further changes to the way these groups are positioned in relation toeach other and wider society. These findings also have pragmatic implications for understanding interpersonal
relations and the positionality of foreigners in Japan, as well as theoretical implications concerning thetransformative capacities of these particular transpirations.
First, and most relevant to this paper, is the important role that critical reflection plays in allowing theseintercultural communicative patterns and identity revelations to manifest. It is not merely the platform ofinterpersonal communication that engenders changes in the positive but rather these changes also seem to require
some degree of critical reflection or comparisons. In the above vignettes, critical thinking about one’s
dominant/native cultural tendencies compelled individual actors to reconstruct their understandings of Self andOther, as well as conceptually reconfigure how they are positioned in relation to the other group.

Lieba Faier, Intimate Encounters; Hui, “From Ethnic Ghetto to ‘Gourmet Republic.’”
David Blake Willis and Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu, “Transcultural Japan: Metamorphosis in the Cultural Borderlands andBeyond.”42
John Lie, Multiethnic Japan; Sonia Ryang, Koreans in Japan: Critical Voices from the Margin (London: Routledge, 2000).
43 Roth, Brokered Homeland; Takeyuki G. Tsuda, Strangers in the Ethnic Homeland. Ayumi Takenaka, “Paradoxes of EthnicityBased Immigration: Peruvian and Japanese-Peruvian Migrants in Japan,” in Roger Gooman ed., Global Japan: The Experience ofJapan's New Immigrant and Overseas Communities (London: Routeldge, 2005), pp. 222-237.
44 John Russell, “Consuming Passions: Spectacle, Self-Transformation, and the Commodification of Blackness in Japan,” positions
6, no. 1 (1998): 113-177; John Russell, “Race as Ricorso: Blackface(s), Racial Representation, and the Transnational Apologetics ofHistorical Amnesia in the United States and Japan,” in Yasuki Takezawa ed., Racial Representations in Asia (Melbourne:
TransPacific Press, 2011), pp. 124-147.
45 See David Blake Willis and Stephen Murphy-Shigematsu eds., Transcultural Japan: At the Borderlands of Race, Gender, andIdentity and Roger Goodman ed., Global Japan: The Experience of Japan's New Immigrant and Overseas Communities for morecomprehensive examples.
40
41

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In the above examples, critical reflection occurred in diverse ways but often produced similar results: abroader understanding of Self and Other that in subjective ways transcended the personal milieu of contemporary
Japan. These reflections were idiosyncratically and uniquely experienced by each of the informants respectively.
The material outcomes of these experiences proceeded similarly. Via their interactive experiences, Koji and the
Nakamuras were exposed to facts that compelled them to reconsider their preconceived views and in turnempathized with the feelings and difficulties foreigners were forced to confront in Japan. Suichiro also arrived at
his transformations via contrasting his personal experiences with those of foreigners in Japan. In each of these cases,
informants came to perceive foreigners differently – more positively – as a result of these events. In other words,
by establishing relations with foreigners and considering what their experiences in Japan entailed compelled theseinformants to make conceptual alterations that affected their views of the experiences of Japan’s foreigners.
It can also be suggested that this critical reflection occurred in the examples that engendered negative
outcomes as well. The failures at communicating interculturally and the lack of perceptual changes seem to havealso involved varying degrees of reflection, which ultimately resulted in the differing ways informants holding suchideas established and maintained them. For example, the Ethiopian student critically compared Japan to his
experiences in Europe and arrived at the conclusion that there must be greener pastures elsewhere. While he did not
mention specifically what this comparison entailed, it is obvious that comparing the difficulties experienced in both
locations led him to arrive at these conclusions. Therefore, one must realize that not all critical reflections will arrive
at more positive understandings of Self and Other, and on the contrary may in fact work to reinforce negative imagesof cultural Others
These outcomes beg the question of what exactly the process of this critical reflection entails. How did
informants critically reflect to arrive at their particular positions? When did these reflections occur? Because thesereflections were recognized post-hoc, the author was unable to inquire into the mechanisms of informants’reflections specifically. However, reflection can be defined as a highly personalized process that can occur
consciously or subconsciously at any stage during intercultural interaction. It was also uniquely experienced in eachof the cases above. For example, Koji’s reflection came through the realization that Nigerians and other Africans
were not in fact troublemakers or people dangerous to Japanese society. His everyday experiences challenged andultimately repudiated any negative stories he may have heard prior to actually engaging in intercultural interaction.
Although Koji did not specify that he consciously contemplated mentally the ramifications of his work experienceswith Africans, it is hard to deny that his firsthand interactions destabilized any ideas he may have had before hestarted working for Nigerian bosses.
For the Nakamuras, reflection came through the relationship they established with their host children. By
hearing the difficulties their children faced in Japan, the parents were compelled to reconsider their ideas andreformulate how they perceived foreign experiences in Japan with a greater sensitivity to what foreigners actuallyexperienced. The Nakamuras suggested they probably would not have believed what their children had told them if
the information had come from a different source. They thus felt genuinely compelled to reconsider theirpreconceptions because these issues were raised by people that they cared about. Suichiro, after realizing that heshared many experiences with those of foreigners in Japan, similarly reconstructed his notions of Self and Other ina way that likewise bridged the gap between himself and cultural Others. These examples exemplify how criticalreflections upon extant identity constructions and cultural practices can be understood as an important componentof intercultural processes and induced through direct relationships with cultural Others.
On the other hand, for the Ethiopian student, a comparison of life in Europe to life in Japan led him to reflect
critically upon his experiences. A similar process of engaging cultural Others had occurred but a critical comparison
led him to perceive these experiences negatively. While the data presented here is limited, it can nonetheless besuggested that intercultural encounters engendered critical reflective processes, which occurred in diverse fashions.
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Such evidence portrays the multifaceted ways that reflections may unfold in practice; they may be compelled byeveryday encounters; they may occur through establishing intimate relations with people from different cultural
backgrounds; they may occur through genuine comparisons between personal experiences; or they may in fact becompelled by some other, highly personalized, interactive processes. However they occur, the end results haveramifications for interpersonal relations that transcend the nature of the particular interactions themselves.
Such diversity in experiences suggest that no two reflective experiences may be alike and that there may be
a multitude of ways through which individuals arrive at and maintain their critically reflected standpoints. It also
demonstrates that these processes may occur consciously or subconsciously and engaging with cultural Others
serves as their impetus. While individuals may not realize that they have undergone this reflection, the material
outcomes are difficult to ignore. Recognizing the impact that critical reflection can have on interpersonal andintercultural relations is important for understanding how cross-cultural dynamics develop not only in contemporary
Japan but also in diverse environments across the world.
Secondly, these vignettes demonstrate the transformative capacity of intercultural communication andcorresponding reflection. As the context of interpersonal encounters takes on a discernably different dynamic when
it involves actors from different cultural backgrounds, it is important to see that the participants involved in the
aforementioned interactions epitomize the capacity for constructive changes to emerge out of them. As Kim has
noted, “the process of crossing cultures challenges the very basis of who we are as cultural beings. It offers
opportunities for new learning and growth. Being ‘uprooted’ from our home brings us understandings not only of
the people and their culture in our new environment, but of ourselves and our home culture.”46 The changes that
the Japanese and foreign participants indicated above show lucidly the ways that interpersonal interculturalinteractions are capable of transforming the parties involved. Recognizing this helps contextualize the macro-levelsocial processes that compel such changes to occur.
Relatedly, it is important to acknowledge the role that language learning and communicating in a second
language plays in this process. Although not the primary focal point of this paper, if the Japanese and foreign actors
mentioned above did not share some common capacity for communication, it is highly unlikely these perceptualchanges would have unfolded in the particular ways they did. This suggests that future studies investigating thetransformative capacity of intercultural communication should examine more meticulously the language acquisition
process, as well as how it shapes the ways that different actors utilize language to position themselves in relation to
one another.
Third, this data also underscores the materiality of intercultural interactions and critical reflections. Thesecritical and comparative perspectives allowed individuals to reconstruct images of themselves, cultural Others, andthe societies in which they live in more dynamic and comprehensive ways that are more capable of grasping therealities they contain. Emerging from these encounters were reformulated understandings of Self and Other, whichplay out in different ways among the disparate actors involved. Although qualitative data is naturally anecdotal innature, the professed attitudinal changes expressed by the informants above emphasize how greater interculturalcompetence and bicultural characteristics can emerge through cross-cultural communicative encounters. Both
Byram and Paulston have suggested that “bicultural” individuals are capable of critically reflecting on theircommunicative experiences in ways that lead to more dynamic and accepting cultural understandings. While itwould perhaps be a stretch to identify the Japanese informants above as truly bicultural persons, their reflexivity
and growth in personal and cultural dimensions demonstrate that the roots of bicultural personalities are to someextent coming into being.
Through establishing intercultural relationships, the informants above acquired at the least a heightened
sensitivity towards cultural Others and at most a closer orientation and acceptance of them. For the Japanese actors,
46

Kim, Becoming Intercultural, pp. 9.

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interacting and establishing relationships with foreigners changed the way they perceived foreigners within Japan,
as well as the nature of foreign Otherness more broadly. Koji, for instance, recognized that African Otherness was
not one homogenous entity but instead was comprised of diverse ethnic, national, linguistic, and religious groups,
who often did not fit into stereotypical images and media portrayals. The Nakamuras and Suichiro realized that
foreigners in Japan experienced considerable difficulties, which they heretofore had not acknowledged despite theirprevious experiences with and orientations towards foreign Otherness. Similar sentiments can also be seen byforeigners. As Jonathan explained, he believes he has become more oriented towards Japan – if not, more culturally
Japanese – from his experiences and has come to appreciate the positive aspects of life in Japan to a much greater
extent. His reference to reverse culture shock when returning home resonates profoundly through many foreign
voices in Japan and is thus not an anomaly. This suggests that through their experiences, Japanese and foreign actors
deconstruct their former self-perceptions and can potentially recast themselves a new with more consideration of
their intercultural experiences in Japan.
4. Conclusion
This paper highlights patterns and anomalies of intercultural communication between Japanese and foreigners
in Japan. The informants discussed in this paper experienced growth and/or perceptual changes as a result of theirintercultural experiences. They did so in ways that allowed for more dynamic and versatile understandings ofpersonhood and interpersonal relations to emerge. However, these individuals arrived at their intercultural growththrough their varied and unique experiences. Although discernable patterns were ascertained, the discussion showsthat to truly grasp how identities and perceptions develop through intercultural communication and critical reflection
require careful attention to the particularities of the actors involved. Nonetheless, particular exceptions
notwithstanding, more positive intercultural encounters, such as the ones described in the previous section, can playa crucial role in reshaping Japanese-foreign relations.
Engaging in direct and “prolonged” contact with people from different cultural backgrounds compelled
Japanese and foreign residents to effectively reformulate how they conceptualized themselves and the other party,
as well as towards the society in which they live. For many, both parties emerged from their experiences with amore positive understanding of cultural Otherness and recast their own senses of Self in more inclusive ways witha greater openness towards the other. This was achieved through the use of a common medium (language) ofcommunication and critical reflection that was induced by intercultural encounters. Without having partaken in suchencounters, these actors would likely not have been capable of reforming their understandings of the other party inthe particular ways that they did. As Japan continues to change demographically, and the paths through which
Japanese and foreigners cross become more diverse and pervasive, it will serve well to examine how intercultural
encounters, critical reflections, and reconstructed identities factor into the ongoing sociocultural realities of twentyfirst century Japan.

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Master’s and Doctoral Programs in International andAdvanced Japanese Studies
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences,
University of Tsukuba

研究ノート

カザフスタン人日本語教師の教育観形成―大学教師のライフストーリーから―
Educational Perceptions of Japanese Language Teachers in Kazakhstan: An Analysis of Life Story Interviews

ショリナ ダリヤグル (Dariyagul SHORINA)
筑波大学人文社会科学研究科

博士後期課程カザフスタンの日本語教育は 24 年の歴史を経て、発展してきた。本稿では、2 名のカザフスタン
人日本語教師のライフストーリーを通して、教育観形成の過程を考察する。ライフストーリー・イ
ンタビューを通じて、教師自身の言語学習者経験から教師に至るまでの経験について語ってもらった。そして、教師のライフストーリーから、転機の経験を取り上げ、語りの様式に着目し、分析した。分析の結果、教育観は教師の内省的なプロセスにおいて、 教師が所属している社会と囲まれているコミュニティの文脈によって変容し、形成されていることが明らかになった。
Japanese language education in Kazakhstan has expanded since its early days more than two decades ago.
This paper inquires into the formation of teachers’ perceptions of their educational ways and values byanalyzing the life stories of two Japanese language educators in Kazakhstan. Life story-type interviews were
employed to collect data on the teachers’ learning and teaching experiences, and the analysis conducted is basedon the turning points and pinnacles of the recorded experiences.
キーワード：カザフスタンの日本語教育 ライフストーリー 教育観 転機
Keywords: Japanese Language Education in Kazakhstan, Life Story, Educational Perceptions, Epiphany

はじめに
カザフスタンにおける日本語教育は 1992 年にアルマティ市（元首都）のカザフ国立大学に日本語コースが開設されたことから公式に始まった。当時は、専門的カザフスタン人日本語教師がおらず、日本
語母語話者の専門家やボランティアが使用教材や日本語コースのカリキュラムを設定する中核的な役割を果たし、日本語教育を実施した。1997 年に卒業した第 1 期生の卒業生の数人が日本語教師として、大学に残り、母語話者の日本語教師に指導を受けながら、日本語を教え始めた。その後、現地の非母語話者の日本語教師が年々増え、教師の日本語能力と教授力を向上させるため、国際交流基金派遣の日本
語教育専門家による、教師養成クラスが開かれるようになり、現在では、日本国内で教師研修を受ける機会の増え、ほぼ全員の教師が日本滞在の経験を持っている。こうした教師の増加に伴い、教師のネッ
トワークの必要性が生じ、1998 年に「カザフスタン日本語教師会」という組織が設立された。杉浦(2007)
は、2007 年時点においてカザフスタンには、43 名の日本語教師がいると報告しているが、2016 年の「カザフスタン日本語教師会」の報告によると、カザフスタン国内における日本語教師の人数が 33 名であり、日本語教師の人数が減少していることが分かる。学習者の人数に関しても、2016 年のデータでは、
日本語学習者が 339 名であり、減少傾向にある。カザフスタンは日本語学習環境として、日本との接触が多いとは言えないことから、孤独な学習環境であり、教育機関以外での日本語に触れることは非常に少ない状況であった。 以前と比べれば、インターネットの発展等で日本文化への接触も容易になり、日223筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』第9号

オンライン （2017 年）

本語母語話者と交流する機会も増えてはいる。しかしながら、カザフスタン国内において、日本語を活用する就職場が限られていることが、学習者数の減少原因の一つであると考えられる。
現在、大学生を対象にした教育機関は旧都アルマティと首都アスタナの２つの都市に集中しており、
2002 年にカザフスタン日本人材開発センターが設立され、一般成人をも対象にした日本語教育講座が開設されている。なお、カザフスタンの日本語教育はほとんど大学で行われており、教育は大学の教師が中心である。
24 年の歴史を経たカザフスタンの日本語教育は社会の変化と共に変容し、教師にはどのような教育力が求められるかということが様々な場面で議論され、現在、教師の資質は言語に関する知識及び能力に加え教育、社会・文化の領域も求められていよう。教師は一般的に、「教える人」に位置付けられているが、大学という教育現場は人間の行為によって動くメカニズムを持ち、特に教師の主観的要素に影響される。大学において教師が行うことを具体的な行為としてみると、その「教える」という行為には、学習内容を決める、会議に参加する、授業の準備をする、説明する、質問する、褒める、宿題を与える等の行為が含まれる。社会的な変化を受けながら、教師は、その教師がもつ「意味」に沿って、教室内外で行為を行う。行為はある現象の意味解釈から生まれる行動であり、伊藤（2009）が指摘しているように、人々は多くの場合、程度の差こそあれ、意味解釈を行いつつ、行動し、既に確立した社会的意味を単に適用するだけでなく、個人の側でも意味修正、変更、創造を含んだ解釈活動を行う。その行為の源
は信念である。教師が行う行為には、そこに影響を与えている教師の信念があり、その信念は個人の経験から発生するものである。そのため、社会から教師が持つべき信念と求められている信念に不一致が生じることも考えられ、本研究は、教師がいかにこの乖離を乗り越えていくべきかを追究することが、筆者の研究の最終目的で、そのための調査報告である。
１． 本稿の立場
信念は教師が持っている教育観というより広い現象の一部であり、その教育観は教師が行ってきた経験や囲まれている環境等という様々な側面から成り立っている。教師の教育観はある要因に刺激を受け、変化しつつ、形成されているプロセスとして捉える必要があると考える。
言語学習に関する教師・学習者の信念を把握するために、Horwitz（1987）の質問紙を用いたビリーフ
調査が用いられることが多い。しかし、そのアンケートは回答が選択肢で定められ、量的な結果しか提供できないため、教師個々の現状を把握できないという問題点がある。特定の項目について自由記述を加えた研究もあるが、信念を含む教育観の形成プロセスが見えず、調査実施時点という限られた段階の現象しか捉えていないとも言える。さらに、ビリーフ調査は、調査時点の一定期間に限定されているため、各教師により異なる教育観の変化を促したり、あるいは挙行く信念の固定化や強固される要因が見えにくい。また、教師自身の言語学習経験も重要になり、さらに教師が置かれた社会および所属しているコミュニティの影響も強いと思われ、その両者を視野に入れなければならない。そこで、より長期的に教師の人生を参照しながら、教師の教育観をプロセスとしてみることで、カザフスタン社会およびカザフスタン日本語教育の文脈の中で、教師個々にとって、何が教育観を検証する刺激となり、教育観を修正しているのか、変化させる要因は何かを把握することができる。
以上を踏まえ、本稿では、教師の教育観を環境の変化に応じて、個人的な経験を重ね、形成されていく過程として捉える。教師のライフストーリーの語りから、日本語学習者としての経験から教師に至るまでの経験が教育観形成においてどのような意味をもつ経験となっているのか、その経験がいかに語られているかを観察する。
２． ライフストーリー研究
ライフストーリーとは個人のライフ（人生、生涯、生活、生き方）についての語りで、一人一人の教師の事情を映し出し、教師の個人史および教師自身の視点を抽出する調査方法である。
桜井（2005）は、ライフストーリー研究法を語り手の経験や見方の意味を探求する、主観的世界の解釈を重視した研究法と定義している。

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ダリヤグル

「カザフスタン人日本語教師の教育観形成―大学教師のライフストーリーから―」Dariyagul SHORINA, Educational Perceptions of Japanese Language Teachers in Kazakhstan（１）ライフストーリー研究の概要
ライフストーリー研究は元々「社会学の方法論としての『ライフヒストリー』1920 年代に着手された
シカゴ学派による都市研究の方法に起源をもつ」（浅野 2004：85）。手紙等の生活記録を検証し、特定の個人の行動を促す要因を探る研究法である。その後、社会学においては主流が統計的調査法に移る傾向があり、ライフヒストリーの方法を用いた研究は急速に減少したという。しかし、1950 年代に再評価され、さらに、言語は語り手の経験を意味付ける、語り手の自己像を構成する過程において、媒介的な役割を果たしているという立場から、「特定の個人が他者との対話をとおして提示する「セルフ・ナラティ
ブ」（自己自身についての語り）に注目することで、その人物が自らにとってリアルな世界を再構成していく過程を捉えることができる」（浅野 2004：86）とされている。ライフヒストリー研究は生活記録よりも、個人の語りを重視し、そこからライフストーリー研究法が派生した。
桜井（2012）は日本でのライフストーリーという用語について、人類学、心理学、歴史学の領域において使われ始まってわずか 10 余年の短い歴史で、まだ定まった研究法がないと述べている。語りの解釈について、「語りの分析と解釈に標準的な方法があるわけではない」（p.79）と述べているが、ライフストーリーの分析には、何が語られたかという語りの内容とともに、どのように語られたかという語りの方法を分析の範囲に入れる必要があると強調している。
日本語教育においてなされてきたライフストーリーの分析には、三代（2015）が指摘しているように、手順が明確であるコーディングやカテゴリー化等を採用し、調査協力者の語りの内容のみに着目する研究が多い。このコーディングやカテゴリー化等の方法は内容を抽象化してしまうため、語りの生の声が消えてしまう恐れがあり、「語られた内容の意味を深く理解するためにこそ、いかに語られたか」（p.97）ということも考察の目を向ける必要がある主張している。
（２）分析方法
語りの内容を理解するために、語りがどのように語られたかについて、語りの構造に着目する。三代（2015）は語りの構造には「苦難」があって、その次に「転機」が起こり、苦難が「解決」されるという 3 つの要素があると説明している。構造の中心である語りの転機に注目することで、語り手が何を重視しているかがわかるとも述べている。
ライフストーリー研究法は主観的世界の解釈を重視した個人についての研究である。だたし、語り手は単なる個人のみではなく、ある所属しているコミュニティ及び社会に位置付けられているため、語り手の語りには、コミュニティに流通しているストーリーと全体社会を支配しているストーリーが含まれている。桜井（2012）は語り手を独特な人物ではなく、「平均的」、「標準的」で、ある社会的なカテゴリ
ーの成人とすることで、ライフストーリー・インタビューで語られる経験のストーリーは、単なる個人的な経験ではなく、語り手が囲まれている様々な社会文脈が読み取れると言う。語り手が属するコミュ
ニティに流通しているモデル・ストーリーがあり、さらにそのモデル・ストーリーの背景には、全体社会の支配的なマスター・ナラティブがある。そして、語りの方法には三つのモードがあるという。その一つ目は語り手自身や私的な関係の「パーソナル・モード」、二つ目には語り手が所属するコミュニティを背景にする「集合的モード」、三つ目として、政治、国制、文化、イデオロギー等の「制度的モード」である。これらの、三種のモードに基づき、語りの様式が構成され、「語りの様式とは、個人の「パーソナル・ストーリー」、コミュニティにおける「モデル・ストーリー」、全体社会（国民社会や地域規模の国際社会など）の「マスター・ナラティブ」」に分けられるとする（桜井 2012：104）。このように語り手がどの程度モデル・ストーリーとマスター・ナラティブに対して同調しているかが、語り手の独特なライフストーリーとして成立するのである。
本稿では、語りの転機に着目し、語りの構造を分析する。さらに、社会的側面を語りのモードに基づき、考察する。
３． 調査手続
カザフスタン人の大学の日本語教師のライフストーリー研究を行うため、2015 年７月から 9 月にかけて、12 名のカザフスタン人日本語教師を対象として、ライフストーリー・インタビューを行った。教師の教育観形成をカザフスタンの文脈で把握し、また、日本語学習を、学習者として経験した教師のスト

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ーリーとして認め、現地の非母語話者日本語教師を対象にした。調査協力者は全員が筆者とは個人的面識があるが、それは、知り合いの教師に協力を依頼したということではなく、カザフスタンの日本語教
育の世界は狭く、現地教師の互いの関わりが強いためである。
調査協力を依頼する際には、筆者が協力者の職場を訪ね、口頭で、また電子メールで協力の依頼をした。協力の承認を得て、インタビューの日程と場所を協力者の都合に合わせた。インタビューの場所は協力者の職場の会議室等を利用し、自由に話せるスペースを確保した。
インタビュー当日に、インタビューの方法とインタビュー後のデータの扱いについて改めて説明した。
非構造化インタビューであったが、調査者から、調査協力者の日本語学習動機、学習方法など、日本語の学習経験について尋ね、次に教師としての経験について語ってもらった。基本的には、語り手に自由に話せるように配慮した。語りの途中で、調査者からの確認の質問もあった。
インタビュー内容は、協力者の許可を得て、録音した。文字化に当たっては、桜井(2013)の指摘するように、文字化は会話分析で行われている詳細なものではないが、インタビュー状況や語りの特性が明確に分かるレベルで、筆者が文字化し、教師の発話の先頭には、各教師を表すアルファベット文字を、筆者の発話には Q をつけ、全ての発話に通し番号を付けた。調査対象者の教授歴が 5 年から 12 年までの幅がある。そこで、12 名の教授歴の平均に近い 8 年の教授経験のある教師 2 名（A と Z）に絞ることとする。2 名は異なる所属教育機関で、教師 A、教師 Z の 2 名のライフストーリー・インタビューのデータを扱う。
インタビューでの使用言語はロシア語およびカザフ語であったが、途中で日本語の「先生」、「考えさせる」等の日本語が発話されることも多少あった。文字化されたトランスクリプトの和訳作業は筆者が行った。なお、翻訳による意味のズレを避けるため、作成したトランスクリプトの内容を調査協力者に確認してもらった。
４． 分析
本稿では、収集したライフストーリーのデータを語りの構造及び語りの様式に着目し、分析を行う。
桜井（2002）は、語り手が転機と捉えている出来事の重要性を強調し、「経験をもとにした主観的なリア
リティの変化のことであり、新しい意味体系の獲得過程のことである」（桜井 2002：236）と述べている。
語りの構造に関して、教師 A と教師 Z の語りから、転機の出来事が読み取れる部分を取り出し、教育観形成をプロセスとして考察するために、教師の語りには、どのような転機があって、その転機がどのような変化を促し、教育観形成にどのように意味づけられているかを分析の対象とした。
（１）教師 A の転機の語り
以下に、教師 A のライフストーリーからの転機の出来事を取り上げ、①日本語学習開始のきっかけ、②成績低下と学習意欲の関係、③母語話者教師と学習意欲の関係、④日本語教師になったきっかけ、⑤
初期段階の教師、⑥教師としての反省点、⑦教師の役割を振り返る、に分けて記述する。①から④までの出来事は日本語学習者としての語りで、⑤から⑦までが日本語教師の視点である。
① 日本語学習開始のきっかけ
教師 A は言語を学習したいという要望があって、日本語学習を開始した。入学した段階では、日本について「発展している国」とい大雑把なイメージしか持っていなかったと言う。日本があまり知られておらず、よく分からない国のように捉えていたため、具体的な学習目標を持たないまま入学した。また、日本語専攻に入学することで、国費学生として学べるという経済的な面が言語を選択する優先的なファクターとなっていた。この日本語学習者になったという転機の刺激が日本や日本語に直接な関係が薄い。
別の問題を解決するために、起こったエピソードである。

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A1：文学が好きで、言語に興味を持っていました。日本についてあまり知りませんでしたが、日本という国を尊敬する気持ちがありました。日本は私にとって、ミステリアスで、よく知らない世界でした。そして、同時に英語も勉強できるのが気に入りました。もちろん、さらに、奨学金があるのは、一番大きい理由です。日本語はロマンチックで、面白い趣味という感じでした。最初は、日本語を勉強すれば、これができるとか、全然考えていませんでした。例えば、このレベルになったら、この仕事ができるとか、具体的な計画は全くありませんでした。
②

成績低下と学習意欲の関係
教師 A は日本語学習開始から１年目は熱心に学習に取り組まず、趣味として、軽く捉えていた結果、成績が悪くなった。しかし、そのことが自分の日本語学習に対する態度を見直すきっかけとなった。自分の日本語能力が低く評価されたことが、日本語学習に取り組もうという決意となった。日本語を身に付けたいという気持ちになり、日本語との関わりが強くなる。
A2：1 年生は日本語がファンタジィのような世界で、ただの時間の過ごし方という感じでした。ちょっと恥ずかしい話ですが、日本語の試験でぎりぎりの C をとってしまって、しかもおおまけの Cでした。そのせいで奨学金がもらえなくなりました。その時、ファンタジィのような世界から、目が覚めました。よく考えはじめました。私は誰なのか、私は何をやっているだろう！
Q3：やる気がなかった理由は？
A3：やる気がありませんでしたね。何というか、勉強より、他のことに夢中になっていました。初恋とか、友人関係です。私たち、クラスのみんなは仲がよくて、とても楽しかったです。こんなに、たくさんの友達ができたのは、初めてでした。友達の方が優先で、勉強には障害となりました。
③

母語話者教師と学習意欲の関係
教師 A は日本語母語話者の教師に日本語を教えてもらった。教師 A は母語話者の授業に対して、不満の気持ちを有している。その原因は母語話者の教師が日本語教育を専門としている教師ではなく、教師が使う日本語が難しく、授業の内容も難しかったことである。しかし、ちょうど日本語学習に真剣に取り組もうと決断したとき、新しい母語話者の教師が来て、学習成果が得られたと言う。新しい教師は他の教師と異なり、学習者のことを見て、対応していた。さらに、自分の日本語の初級レベルのギャップを埋めるために、現地の教師に依頼し、個別に学習したと言う。
「その先生のおかげで」と自らの日本語学習成果を関連づけている。
A5：大学は 10 人の日本人の教師がいました。しかし、その中で、一人も外国人に日本語を教えるという専門ではありませんでした。私は 7 人の日本人の教師から授業を受けてきました。とても難しかったです。例えば、2 年性の時、一人の先生が経済についての新聞記事を持ってきて、それを授業で読みました。先生はすごく面白そうで、1 時間ぐらい記事の内容を一生懸命説明していました。でも、私たちは何も分かっていないということが分かっていなかったようです。その状
況が良くなったのは、新しい先生が来たときです。その先生も日本人でしたが、私たちの反応を見て、分かったか分からなかったかをよく見て、細く、詳しく、詳しく説明してくれました。それは、3—4 年の時でした。ちょうど私が日本語の勉強に集中しようと決めたときです。その先生のおかげで、卒業した時はある程度のレベルでした。
④

日本語教師になったきっかけ
教師 A は大学を卒業し、大学に日本語の教師として残った。それと同時にある日本企業の会社に入った。しかし、職場では、日本語を使う必要があまりなく、日本語を忘れてしまうのが心配で会社をやめ、日本語教師として活躍することを決断したと言う。教師になったという転機は、学習者に日本語を教えたいという目的より、自分のものとして身につけた日本語を失いたくないという気持ちが強いと述べる。

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A12：大学を卒業して、日本語教師になりました。同時にある会社で働いていました。会社の方が経済的によくて、安定した会社でしたが、結局大学での仕事を選びました。その時、社長はすごくがっかりしましたが、私は地位ではなくて、日本語と直接は関係がある仕事をしたいと言いました。会社の方は書類だけの業務で、会社に残っていたら日本語を忘れていたと思います。
⑤

初期段階の教師
教師 A は教師になったばかりの頃は、自分が受けてきた授業のモデルではく、コミュニケーション能力の養成を中心とした英語コースでの教え方を参考にしたと言う。また、情意的な面としても、学習者を教師に感情的に依存させ、学習者にとって最も重要な人物になりたかったと語っている。つまり、「印
象に残る授業」を目指し、工夫したと言う。自分の授業を学習者がどの程度感動しているかについて、とても気になっていた。
A21：日本語を教え始めたとき、英語のコースに興味があって、英語コースと同じ教え方で日本語を教えていました。学生のアウトプットが重要だと思っていたので、学生がたくさん話すように授業をやっていました。決まっている表現を何回も言わせました。私の教え方は当時の日本人の教え方とずいぶんと違っていました。英語のコースで教えてもらった教え方が気に入って、同じようにやっていました。
A22：また、もう一つの要素があって、私は感情的で、演じて、感動させるのが好きです。授業の時も学生を感動させて、私に憧れて欲しかったです。それは、私の生きがいでした。結局、学生は私に憧れていて、私は神様のような存在でした。そういう学生の反応は私にとって当たり前のことでした。そういう感情に依存していました。学期が終わって、私が別のクラスを担当することになった時は、学生が泣いていました。今では、それは愚かなことだと分かっています。
⑥

教師としての反省点
教師 A は自分の教え方について、学習者が全く自律していなかったという問題に繋がったと言う。その気づきは日本に留学し、日本の大学で受けた指導法を経験した時である。言語学習に成功するためには教師が主導するのではなく、学習者自身の努力が必要だと考えるようになった。教師が日本語の能力を向上させるという役割だけではなく、言語学習において教師と学習者、それぞれの役割について考え直す契機となった。
A26：猛練習は最初の段階ではいいかもしれませんが、いつもそのやり方ではだめだと思います。日
本語は英語とまったく違うので、英語学習のような練習では日本語の文法を覚えることができません。漢字などがありますから、日本語を勉強している学生は自分の努力と意欲が必要です。自分のビジョンが必要です。つまり、日本語を学習させる刺激が教師への憧れや好きな教師に言われたことだけでは、不十分で自分の内発的な刺激が必要です。教師がやってほしいことをするだ
けではなく、つまり、学生は自分を観察して、自分がいる環境を評価して、成長するために自らの努力がないといけません。もちろん、教師にもらうリソースも使いながら、つまり、私は学生にとって一番重要な存在になりたくて、やりすぎました。他の教師がクラスに入ると焼き餅を焼いて、子供みたいでした。そういうこともありましたが、それも多分成長のプロセスで、その段階を経験することも重要です。
⑦

教師の役割を振り返る
教師 A は日本留学後、大学の教師は言語の知識を与え、練習をさせるだけではなく、学習者個々の全体的な成長を支援することであると教師の役割について考え直した。日本語の授業は知識を与えるだけではなく、学習者の個性を尊重し、学習者を社会の 1 人として力を伸ばすことが重要だと語った。

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A28：日本で修士過程に入ったときは、びっくりしました。私を感動させる教師が誰もいなくて、自分から積極的に勉強に取り組まないといけない環境でした。あなたのことを誰も心配していません。その時、教師として、自分の 5 年間を振り返ってみると、私のスタイルは言語コースのような教え方だったと思います。でも、言語コースの教え方はコースの教え方だと分かりました。大学は教育がもっと深くて、学生の人間形成も重要です。
Q7：人間形成というのは？
A29：猛練習はもちろん効果がありますが、そればかりだとよくないです。最も重要なのは、学生を普通の人間、個人として見て、話をして、将来したい仕事とか、自分のレベルの評価とか、計画、趣味、気持ちについて聞いて、でもそれに対してはっきりした対応をするのではなく、霧のような状況のままにして、学生が自分で解決するようにさせています。
教師 A の日本語学習者としての語りは、日本語学習をある事情によって始め、日本語の成績が低下したことが刺激になり、日本語を熱心に学習するという決断の結果、大学を卒業する時、必要な日本語能力があり、日本語に対する愛情を持ったという転機の出来事から成り立っている。そして、教師としての教師 A の語りは教師が演技者で印象に残る授業を目指したという立場から学習者を支援する教師になったという変化が起こった。教師 A にとって、②の成績低下と③の日本語母語話者の教師の経験が中心的な転機であった。さらに、教師として留学した時、また学習者の立場に戻り、新たな日本語教育環境の経験が教師 A を大きく変えた。
（２）教師 Z の転機の語り
次に、教師 Z の転機の出来事を、①日本語学習開始のきっかけ、②日本語学習の楽しさ、③教師になったきっかけ、④−1 初期段階の教師の授業、④−2 初期段階の教師の情意面、⑤留学経験、⑥学習者の学
習意欲低下に対する対応、⑦学習者の自律性、に分けて記述する。なお、①から③までの語りは学習者としての語りである。
① 日本語学習開始のきっかけ
教師 Z は高校で、将来の専門について経済を学ぶという考えを持っていた。しかし、国費の試験には合格できず、
急に日本語を学習することを決めたと言う。
教師 Z は日本語学習を選択した理由について、具体的な理由があまりないようであった。その一方で、子供の時の日本と関連する出来事も語られた。
Z2：高校までは日本語を習うとは考えもしませんでした。私は数学が得意で成績も A でした。でも、一番大切な試験の結果が１点足りなくて、B になってしまいました。その時すごく落ち込んでいました。それまでは、いつも A でしたから。それで、2 週間ぐらい考えて、日本語を習うことにしました。それまでは、日本語についてなんとも思っていませんでした。
Q3：それは、どうしてでしょうか。日本について何かを見たとか？
Z4：いいえ、経済学部に入学しないと決めたときは、何か人文系のものを習おうと思って、日本語にしました。理由はよく分かりませんが、そう決めたとき、お父さんが、お前は子供の時、箸のようなスティックを持って「私は日本人です。日本人です。日本語を勉強するよ」と言っていたねという話を教えてくれました。また、日本語で話している振りをしていたそうですが、私の周り
は日本語を使う人が誰もいませんでした。テレビやラジオで日本語を聞いたかもしれません。その時、４歳ぐらいでしたが、その後、日本語と全然関わることがありませんでした。
② 日本語学習の楽しさ
教師 Z は日本語学習が容易ではなかったという例として、入学した学習者の人数が２カ月後急に減ったことを挙げている。しかし、教師 Z にとっては、母語との共通点があるので、日本語の文法は分かりやすかった。また、若い母語話者の教師と仲が良く、日本語をコミュニケーションの手段として使う機会が多くあったことが日本語学習に好影響を与えた。

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Z14：私たちが入学した時、学生はたくさんいましたが、２カ月後に難しいと言って辞めた人がたくさんいます。結局 5 人だけが残りました。でも、私には日本語の文法が難しくなかったです。母語にとても似ていますから。漢字はもちろん、覚えるのは大変でした。一生懸命書いて、暗記しました。また、若い日本人の教師がいて、その日本人も寮に住んでいたので、よく一緒に遊びました。若い女性で、たくさんの日本人の知り合いがいて、毎週末はみんなで公園に行ったりして、遊びました。いつも日本語を使っていて、授業の時もジェスチャーで教えてもらって、私たちはその説明を聞いてみて、簡単な日本語で理解したことを伝えようとしました。とても面白かったです。とても楽しい時期でした。
③ 教師になったきっかけ
教師 Z は 5 年間大学で日本語を習って、高成績で大学を卒業したと言う。当時別の都市に行き、いい就職につきたいという希望があった。しかしながら、日本語を活かす仕事が全くなく、大学の先生に呼ばれて、卒業した大学に戻り、日本語教師を始めた。
Z9：卒業して、成績が全部 A でした。＊＊市に行って、そこでいい仕事を探そうと思いました。大学の先生に教師として大学に残るように言われましたが、私は「いいえ、他の仕事をしたいです」と言って断りました。
Z11：何かある組織、大使館、外務所など、そういうところで働きたかったです。一週間＊＊市にいて、いろいろな会社からの募集がありましたが、5 年間日本語を勉強して、仕事で日本語が使えないのはもったいないと思いました。そして、毎日大学の先生から「仕事を見つけたか。戻ってくれないか」というメールが来て、結局先生から「そこは、もう仕事がないから、戻ってきて。
ここは担当できるクラスがあるから..」という連絡が来て、戻ってきました。日本語を教えることは、何をすればいいか全く分かっていませんでした。
④−1 初期段階の教師の授業
未経験者の教師 Z が初めて担当したクラスはゼロから日本語を学習し始めるクラスでなかったため、それを困難に感じたと言う。具体的にどのように教えればいいか分からなかったし、さらに、自分は日本語話者ではないので、いい授業ができないという悩みもあった。教師 Z は自分が受けてきた授業を参考に、授業中日本語だけを使うように努力し、学習者が理解できたかどうか心配であったが、お互いに慣れてきた時には、その問題を解決できた。
Z29：教える経験がない人はいつも第二外国語のクラスで教え始めますが、私もそうしたかったです。
しかしながら、先生にすぐ 2 年の総合日本語を担当するよう言われて、大変でした。私のレベルではできないでしょう！と思って、どうすればいいか全く分からなくて
Q10：何が大変でしたか。
Z30：私は母語話者ではなかったので、教師として認めてもらえるかと心配でした。私は母語話者の授業を受けてきましたから、私の前にそのクラスを担当した教師はもう教授能力があって、学生は他の教師、母語話者の教師の授業の方が気に入っていたと感じました。
Q11：そのように言われたことがありますか。
Z32：言われたことはりませんが、学生は授業の時、＊＊先生の授業でこのことをやったとか、生花について説明を聞いたとか言っていました。でも、私は日本に行ったことがなくて、その知識が不足していました。それは自分でも分かっていました。
Z34：授業の準備で徹夜していました。最初から母語を使わないで、全部日本語で説明するように頑張りました。学生がまだ私のやりかたにまだ慣れてれていないと感じていましたが、一カ月後にはもうお互いに自由に話せる雰囲気になりました。学生は分からなかったところをすぐ自由に言えるようになりました。
④−2 初期段階の教師の情意面
教師 Z は学習者の授業に対する適切な態度を確保するために「厳しかった」と語っている。その厳し

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さで効果がなかった時は、自分より権威のある母語話者の教師に頼み、学習者のマナーを直していた。
また、自分が日本語母語話者ではないことで、学習者が損していると思いながら、授業を担当した。
Z37：私は厳しかったけど、学生はそれが好きでした。でも、最初は大変でした。時々、日本人の先生に頼んで、遅刻と欠席する学生に注意するように。私たちは日本人と考え方が違うので、日本人の先生にそうしないように頼んでいました。私も厳しかったですが、いつも私は母語話者
ではなくて、学生のことを可哀想に思っていました。いつも自分が受けた母語話者の教師の授業を思い出して、そのように説明できなかったので、大変でした。
⑤

留学経験
日本で教師研修を受け、母語話者ではないコンプレックスがなくなり、日本で経験したことを活かしたいという気持ちが強くなり、教師として、自分の活躍を楽しむようになったと言う。
Z42：日本で教師研修を受けて、帰国した時は、教えることが好きになりました。いろいろなことを自分の目でみたので、それを全部学生に伝えたかったです。自分の中も「自分が経験したことがないから、教えられるか」という不安なくなって、発表の仕方等、全部自分でやってみたことなので、自信を持って教えられると、やる気が大きくなりました。
⑥

学習者の学習意欲低下に対する対応
教師 Z は学習意欲の低下の問題を解決する手法として、「学生と話す」ことを行っている。学習者の悩みや心配について話し、励ますことによって、学習動機を維持することができると言う。また、動機
減退の原因が、学習者の理解であるため、いつでも確認できる環境を提供していた。そのために、教師と学習者間の信頼関係が重要な条件になる。さらに、教師 Z は非母語話者の同僚にも、同じことを提案しており、リーダー的な立場になったという変化が見られる。
Z49：そういう学生はいますね。それで、私達は努力しています。同僚にも言っています、もし、動機がない学生がいたらもう一度みて、学生と話せるような関係を作って、学生の関心が戻るように何かをしないといけません。個別に話をしたほうがいいです。また、他の教師に頼んでチーム
で授業をやっています。ある教師の説明が分かりますが、別の教師の説明が分かりません、そうならないように二人で交代して授業に入っています。木曜日は私で、火曜日はもう一人、別の教師が入っています。例えば、学生が何かが分からなかった場合、100 回同じ教師に聞くのは恥ずかしいかもしれません。それで、次の授業で他の教師に聞こうと思うかもしれません。だから、何か分からないことがあったら、教師に聞いてくださいと言います。質問はいつでもいいと言っています。
⑦

学習者の自律性
教師 Z は自律性について、教師の働きかけが不可欠のものであると考えている。特に初級レベルの段
階では、教師の「努力」が必要である。教師が努力すれば、効果があると語り、学習者の自律性を育成するために、授業外の時間を使用し、「自律性」について話していた。
Z54：自分の学生は自律的だと思います。でも、そのために、1 年のとき、説明しないといけません。
私は説明しています。例えば、今日は土曜日で、授業がありませんが、朝 8 時に来るように言って、学生を集めます。
「クラスの時間」を行います。その時「両親がみなさんのためにやっていることについて毎日考えなければなりません。毎日、ちゃんと勉強したか、両親はお金を払っていますから」等の話をします。そうすると学生は慣れてきます。学生は自律と責任感とは何か、分かってきます。一ヶ月ぐらい、このようにして、たくさん説明しないといけません。時間をかけなければなりません。そうすると、教師にとって後は楽です。学生はもう自分で分かります。でも、最初はたくさん指導しないといけません。

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教師 Z は偶然日本語学習を始めるが、仲のいい母語話者教師がいて、成績もよく、日本語学習を楽しんでいた。しかし、成績が高かった教師 Z は、卒業後は就職の問題に直面する。日本語を使用し、カザフスタンと日本間の仕事に関わりたいという計画を持ち、日本語を教えることは全く考えていなかった。
結局、日本語教師になったという転機は、努力し身に付けた日本語に対する価値観が強かったからである。初期段階において、教授法等に困難を感じた。さらに、日本語の授業が母語話者教師の方が望ましいという考えが強く、母語話者ではない自分に劣等感を感じた。⑤の留学経験が日本語の能力を向上したことより、実際に日本語や日本文化に接触し、自分の同じように非母語話者である学習者にそれを伝えられ強いやる気と教師としての自信に繋がった。そして、初期段階に比べ、何をどのように教えるかという教師の課題から、授業外の時間も使用し、学習者の視点を重視する環境について考えるようになった。
転機の語りには何らかの刺激があり、その結果、ある変化が起こるという流れであり、人間は様々な刺激によって、ものの見方を変えるものと思われる。教師 A と教師 Z は経験してきた転機の中には、失敗という転機のエピソードであっても、それを肯定的に捉え、「それも多分成長のプロセスで、その段階を経験することも重要」という自らの人生において、より良い変化を促す重要な条件であることが分かる。
５． 考察
前節で取り上げた転機の出来事は教師の個人的経験でありながら、それに周りの環境が強く影響を与えていることが分かる。本節では、考察の方法として、語りの様式のモードに合わせ、個人に関わる語
りをパーソナル・ストーリーと、語り手のコミュニティである日本語学習と日本語教育に関わる語りをモデル・ストーリーに分ける。さらに、語り手が所属しているコミュニティを超えて、全体社会に関わる語りをマスター・ナラティブとして取り上げる。それぞれの 3 つのモードを【 】に示しながら、教師の教育観形成との関係を考察する。
（１）教師 A の語り様式
まず①では、教師 A は日本語学習開始のきっかけについての語りを【個人】のレベルで「よく知らな
い国」と語っているが、日本に関する「発展している国」という【全体社会】の背景があり、それにつれて、日本語に対して、「よく知られていない言語」というイメージを持ち、「ミステリアスな世界」であっても、日本や日本語を肯定的に捉え、好奇心を持っている。学費に関わる「国費学生」の要因も【全体社会】の状況に基づき、日本語を学習することを選択する。その一方で、「よく知られていない」という語りの背景には、当時のカザフスタンの【全体社会】は日本語を活用できる職場が非常に少ないという現状があり、教師 A は具体的な学習目標がない状態のまま入学したのである。
次の②では、日本語学習開始から、動機があまりなかった原因について【自己】の「遊び」が多かったとかたっているが、試験の結果では、【自己】の日本語学習に対する態度を見直す刺激となり、転機の語りでもある。
以上の転機の語りでは、【コミュニティ】雰囲気が学習に適切ではなく、日本語学習の障害となっている「仲間」以外にも、受けてきた授業が影響していると思われる。以上の語りでは、成績が低下した際、日本語学習に熱心に取り組む動機付けとなったという転機の語りであるが、③の転機以前の学習経験の語りは、日本語の教師についての【個人】ストーリーである。言語学習はネィティヴ教師による授業を受けた方が、言語学習成果が高いと思われる傾向がある。このネィティヴ教師に関するモデル・ストー
リーは、特に日本人が少ないカザフスタンの日本語学習の【コミュニティ】にも当てはまる。日本人に接触する機会が少ない中で、教師 A は恵まれた環境にあり、ネィティヴ教師の授業を受けてきた。しかしながら、教師 A は、母語話者の授業に対して【個人】の不満を語る。日本語母語話者であっても、日本語を教えることができるというわけではなく、かえって学習者に困難を与えると語っている。一方で、「いい先生」「努力する先生」と評価している母語話者の「新しい先生」が他の教師と異なる点は、学習者の理解を確認しながら授業を進めていたという点である。
「新しい先生」という【コミュニティ】の変化が動機の表れにおいて転機になっていると言えよう。
④では、【全体社会】は外国語の習得は国際的な就職に繋がるというモデルが強く、多くの学習者が大使館や日本企業に就職することを目指した。【全体社会】においてそのような職種はステータスと給料
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が高く、魅力がある。教師 A も、社会に支配しているモデルに沿って、卒業後、日本企業で働いたという経験を語る。しかしながら、日本語を活かしていないというファクターがあったため、会社を辞め、【全体社会】に反して、日本語教師を選択したという語りである。
⑤は教師になった頃、自分が受けてきた母語話者の授業とは異なる授業を目指した。言語学習は話す能力が重要する英語教育の【コミュニティ】のモデルを参照しながら、話す練習を中心に授業を行う。
その時、学習者の動機付けのため、教師のパフォーマンス力に頼ったという【個人】を語っている。
⑥では、今の【個人】の立場から、自分の授業は問題点があったと語っている。以上の語りから効果的な教え方について、積極的に話す練習をさせ、コミュニケーション重視型の英語教育【コミュニティ】の影響が見られる。その英語教育の【コミュニティ】を反する転機には、別のモデル・ストーリーが流通している日本の【コミュニティ】および【全体社会】に囲まれた経験が影響している。その新しい【コミュニティ】には、学習動機は、教師による刺激に応じて、発生するものではなく、学習者の自らの「ビジョン」が必要である。学習者のいわゆる自己決定の姿勢が求められる。言語学習に成功するためには、
学習者自身の努力が必要だと考えるようになった。
⑦は、さらに、教師 A は留学後、大学の教師は言語の知識を与え、練習をさせるだけではなく、学習者を個々の全体的な成長を支援することであると、【個人】の役割について考え直したという。今の職場において、その発想を中心に、授業に取り組んでおり、学習者主体の【コミュニティ】を作ろうとしている。
（２）教師 Z の語り様式①では、教師 Z は経済を学ぶ予定であったが、試験に合格できず、別の選択をせざるをえなかった状況になったという【個人】を語る。日本語学習は国費で入学できる専攻であったという【全体社会】の背景がある。さらに、日本語を学習するという転機以前は子供の時、日本に対する肯定的な【個人】があり、日本に接触する機会が少ない【全体社会】において、幼少期の日本文化との接触が印象的であった。
次の②は、教師 Z【個人】にとっては、日本語は母語との共通点があることと、若い母語話者の教師と仲が良く、日本語をコミュニケーションの手段として使う機会がたくさんあったことが日本語学習に対して好奇心と楽しみを保持し、影響を与えた。
③では、教師 Z は 5 年間大学で日本語を習って、高成績で大学を卒業したと言う。外国語ができれば、いい就職に繋がるという【全体社会】の背景があり、教師 Z は積極的に就職活動に取り組む。一方で、
日本語教育【コミュニティ】において、大学の方は教師不足で、優秀な卒業生を教師として確保する要望があった。大学を卒業し、全く違う分野で活躍する卒業者も少なくない。しかしながら、教師 Z は努
力して覚えた日本語が使えないのは、非常にもったいないという気持ちで、【全体社会】に反して、教師になる決断する【個人】の姿がある。
④−1 では、未経験者の【個人】である、教師 Z が初めて担当したクラスはゼロから日本語を学習始めるクラスでなかったため、それを困難に感じたという。具体的にどのように教えればいいか分からなかったし、さらに、自分は日本語話者ではないので、いい授業ができないという悩みもあった。自分が経験した母語話者の授業に対する肯定的な評価と学習者【コミュニティ】において「母語話者の授業がいい」というモデルがある。それは、言語能力に関わるものだけではなく、日本にあまり接触できない【全体社会】に対して、日本文化と社会について「説明できない」という不安もあった。教師 Z は自分が受けてきた授業を参考に、授業中日本語だけを使うようにしていた。それは、【コミュニティ】のモデルに対応する方法でもあった。 そして、
【コミュニティ】との信頼関係の重要性が語られた。
④−2 は、学習者の【コミュニティ】に対して、学習者が損していると思いがあったが、母語話者ではない教師 Z は学習者の授業に対する適切な態度を確保するために「私は厳しかった」という手法を使用した。しかし、自分の力が足りないときは、母語話者の教師に頼んで、学習者のマナーを直していた。
⑤は、学習者の【コミュニティ】では、留学経験がある教師は評価されているため、留学経験は教師として、【個人】の自身に繋がった。母語話者ではないというコンプレックスがなくなった。さらに、日本の【コミュニティ】で経験して得たことを教師として活かしたいという気持ちになり、教師として、自分の活躍を楽しむようになったと言う。
⑥は、日本語で授業を受けてきた教師 Z は、学習者の理解を得ることは、教師の務めである。
「同僚に

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もそう言っている」教師は【個人】の経験を重ね、若手の教師にアドバイスを与える立場になった。
⑦の自律学習は【全体社会】での教育の指針となっていることもあり、律学習を肯定的に捉えており、学習者の自律性を育成したいという姿が見られる。しかし、【個人】としては学習者がすでに自律していないという前提で、自律性の重要性について「話をする」ことが必要であると語っている。教師からの指示がなくても、自発的に学習することを目指している。
（３）総合考察
本稿では、「何を語ったか」とともに、「いかに語ったか」ということから教師の教育形成の過程を考察した。教師 A と教師 Z は、日本語学習を始めたきっかけが日本・日本語に対する内発的な動機を持っていなく、社会的に流通している日本のイメージであった。人間は新しい言語を学習し始めるきっかけ
が偶然であることが多い。しかしながら、日本語学習を通して、日本語との繋がりが強くなり、卒業後は日本語を生かしたいという気持ちが強く、教師を職業として選択することから、習得した言語を使用できないことは、自分の損失として捉えてしまうことが分かる。
日本に留学した経験は教師 A と教師 Z にとって最も転機的な出来事の一つである。しかも、留学中に得た知識が当然重要であるが、日本社会との接触が「自分が変わった」という変容に繋がった。初期段階の非母語話者教師は、 日本語学習者の経験があっても、具体的な教え方に関して、知識と経験が不足している。そのために、教授法のみに固執することが多い。 しかし、教授経験を重ねることに連れて、自分の役割がことばを教えることだけではないという教育観の変化がみられる。教師 A の場合は「人間形成も重要」という語りと、教師 Z の場合は「学生と話をする」という語りから、教師と学習者間の信頼関係も重視し、現場の実践に取り組んでいる様子である。
教師のライフストーリーから、教育観は社会的に形成されていることが分かる。例えば、「今」の立場から教師 A と教師 Z は社会的に流通しているモデルに沿って、自律性を重視した実践を行っていることが分かる。両者の異なりは、教師 A は学習者の個性を無視せずに、学習者に自ら対応する能力を育てたいようである。それに対して、教師 Z は学習者に「毎日、自分で勉強する」という学習習慣を身に付けたいという観点で自律性の育成を捉えている。
６． 終わりに
本稿は、教師が持っている教育観の形成について、教師自己の言語学習者としての経験および教師としての教育実践を併せて考察した。
教育観の変容が教師の発達プロセスであり、教師の成長として捉えることを試みた。教師のライフス
トーリー研究は、日本語教育が求める教育改善との直接的な関わりが見えにくいかもしれない。しかし、教師の教育観の変容を「成長」という観点から捉えると、ライフストーリーは教師自身が自己の変化に気づく可能性を大いに与えるものと考える。今後は教師にとって自己のライフストーリーを語ること自体がどのような意味をもつかを明らかにしていきたい。
また、個々の教育観は個人の経験から派生するものであるが、その個人の経験には、社会的な文脈の影響が非常に大きいと確認できた。教師 A と教師 Z のライフストーリーには、学習者に育成したい能力に関して、書く能力や聴解力等を向上したいという言語のスキルに関わる能力についてあまり語られていないという特徴が見られる。 本稿は一般化を目指したものではないが、教師 A と教師 Z のライフス
トーリーから、「教師」という自己像の役割を教授法のみに限定し、日本語を教えるという狭い範囲の捉え方から、教室と大学を超え、「日本語を教えるだけではない」という社会的な役割へ見方が広がったことが明らかになった。教師 A と教師 Z は日本語教育の目的として、言語のスキルを習得することを目指す「道具主義的目的(instrumental goal)」より、人材の育成を目指す「教育目的 (educational goal)」の側面を重視していることが分かる。その教育観の変化は、カザフスタンが日本語をあまり活用できな
い孤独な学習環境であるという要因で起こっているかもしれない。今後は、大学教育における日本語教育の目的にはどのような要素があるのかについて、分析を深めることで、 カザフスタン社会において日本語教育の新たな位置付ができると思われる。

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ショリナ

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「カザフスタン人日本語教師の教育観形成―大学教師のライフストーリーから―」Dariyagul SHORINA, Educational Perceptions of Japanese Language Teachers in Kazakhstan

参考文献
浅野信彦（2004）「教師教育研究におけるライフストーリー分析の視点―学校の組織的文脈に焦点をあてて―」『文教大学教育学部紀要』38,pp.83-93.
石川良子（2010）「分からないことが分かる」ということ―調査協力者への共感をめぐって『質的心理学フォーラム』1,pp.21-31.
石川良子（2012）「ライフストーリー研究における調査者の経験の自己言及記述の意義―インタビューの対話性に着目して―」『年報社会学論集』25,pp.1-12.
伊藤勇(2009)「質的インタビュー調査の再概念化」『福井大学教育地域科学部紀要:第Ⅲ部社会科学』64,pp.1-31.
桜井厚（2002）『インタビューの社会学 ライフストーリーの書き方』せりか書房
桜井厚（2012）『ライフストーリー論』弘文堂
桜井厚・小林多寿子(編)（2005）『ライフストーリー・インタビュー 質的研究入門』せりか書房
杉浦千里(2007)「カザフスタンにおける日本語教育の現状と課題」『筑波大学留学生センター日本語教育論集』22,pp.121-128.
高井良健一（1996）「教師のライフストーリー研究方法論の新たな方向―ライフストリート解釈正統化
論理に着目して―」『学校教育研究』11,pp.65-78.
塚田守（2008）「ライフストーリー・インタビューの可能性」『椙山女子園大学研究論集社会科学篇』
39,pp.1-12.
藤田美保（2003）「『転機』を視点とする教師の発達過程に関する事例研究―年配教師のライフストー
リーの記述から―」『教育学論集』29,pp.24-35.
平山満義(2009)「教授行為の語源および教師効果の研究」『教育方法学研究』16,pp.45-62.
三代純平（2003）「「この私」を語る意味―「個の文化」実践としての総合活動日本語教育において―」『21 世紀の「日本事情」』5,pp.76-94.
三代純平（2014）「日本語教育におけるライフストーリー研究の現在―その課題と可能性について―」『リテラシーズ』14，pp.1-10.
やまだようこ(編)（2007）『質的心理学の方法―語りをきく―』新曜社
Horwitz, E. K. (1987) Surveying Student Beliefs about Language Learning. In A. Wenden & J. Rubin (eds.) Learner
Strategies in Language Learning. 119-129. London: Prentice Hall International235

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March 2017, pp. 237-250 (ONLINE)
Master’s and Doctoral Programs in International and Advanced
Japanese Studies
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences,
University of Tsukuba

Research Note

Sociology of Waste in Christian Europe and Japan:
Comparative Analysis of the Notion of Human Waste

Marta Elzbieta SZCZYGIELOsaka University, Graduate School of Human Sciences, Ph.D. Student
This essay examines sociological theories of waste, applying them to human waste in the contexts ofChristian Europe and Japan. As the paper will show, notions of excreta in Christian tradition and Japan differ
significantly, which sets perfect conditions for a thorough analysis of sociological theories of waste.
Although we all create waste in our everyday life, sociology has long ignored this topic. Recently though,we can see some increased interest in the problem. In order to establish a theoretical framework for the
emerging field, some scholars seek inspiration in Mary Douglas’s Purity and Danger (1966), but along the way,
they have tended to transform her idealistic concept of dirt as a “matter out of place.” Douglas argues that it ispossible to analyze a culture through its primitive rituals and beliefs. With reference to her work, I firstcharacterize the way excrement is portrayed in the religious beliefs of the two cultures analyzed in this essay:
Christianity and the two main religious systems of Japan, being Shintoism and Buddhism. Then, inspired by
O’Brien (2008), I explore three directions in which the sociology of waste followed Douglasian theory as
reminder of death, pathogenicity and civilizing process. I analyze how each interpretation works in contexts ofChristian Europe and Japan. As these notions were created based on Western examples, it is not surprising thatthey seem accurate in a European paradigm, but when seen through the lens of Japan, their validation provesproblematic.
Keywords: Sociology of Waste, Excrement, Comparative Analysis, Mary Douglas, Religion

Introduction
Waste is unarguably a part of our everyday life. In recent years, caused by the population growth and rapid
urbanization, it is becoming a more and more problematic, thus significant one. But as O’Brien argues it is widely
ignored in contemporary sociology.
It is as if, for the discipline of sociology in general, and for sociological theory in particular, nobody
ever throws anything away or ever carries out the bin-bags for a ‘waste management authority’ todeal with. It is as if, when you go to a shop, restaurant, club or place of work, you work, consume ortake your leisure without ever producing rubbish or detritus of any kind. Sociology treats ‘waste’ as
if it were literally immaterial, as if it existed in a world apart from the one we inhabit in our daily,
routine lives (O'Brien 2008: 62).
Although we can see increased interest in the problem (Fagan et al. 2001; Murray 1999; O'Brien 1999; O'Brien
2008; Yearley 1995), waste is still understudied and lacks acclaimed theoretical frameworks. Here many scholars
look for inspiration in Mary Douglas’s famous book Purity and Danger (2003).

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For Douglas dirt is a “matter out of place”, a matter of disorganization which “offends against order.” Itmeans that it is not actually a physical entity, but a socially constructed concept. This claim “has inspired some of
the finest scholars to dig into the cultural articulation of uncleanness and persuaded some … that what is true fordirt is also true for waste” (O'Brien 2008: 125). But, when those scholars apply Douglas’s anthropological theory
to modern sociology, they tend to modify her original idea so that in the end not much is left from her idealistic
concept.
In this essay I examine sociological theories of waste applying them to the most familiar kind of waste to
every human being – human waste. Inglis (2001) contends that in modern societies excreta are seen as dirty, thus“sociology of excreta and excretion may be oriented upon the same lines as a sociology of ‘dirt’” (Inglis 2001: 17).
Influenced by O’Brien’s A Crisis of Waste? Understanding the Rubbish Society (2008) in which he describes fivemain directions in which Douglas’s theory of dirt was taken, I identify three paradigms through which the genesisof modern attitude toward excreta can be analyzed: as reminder of death, as pathogenicity and as standardization ofbourgeois fecal habitus. As a point of reference for the above theories, I start from Douglasian analysis of humanwaste. For comparative purposes I offer analysis of the images of excreta in Christian Europe and in Japan. Social
forces shaping the attitude toward human waste in both societies followed significantly different trajectories, whichsets perfect conditions for evaluating the usefulness of prominent sociological theories of waste. As these theories
are based exclusively on Western examples, it is not surprising that they are plausible in European paradigm, butwhen analyzed from Japanese perspective, they prove invalid. Therefore, this essay highlights the importance ofconsidering non-Western cosmologies in order to create any comprehensive theory.
1. Theoretical considerations in the study of waste
First, I need to explain that in Douglasian terms there is one flaw in the framework proposed in this essay.
According to Douglas, every “primitive culture is a universe to itself” (Douglas 2003: 4), therefore we canunderstand primitive cultures through their rituals and cosmological patterns. Modern culture, on the other hand,which she describes as a mix of “different fields of symbolic action” (Ibid.: 70) does not follow the same logic.
Therefore, Douglas argues that it is possible to analyze a culture through its beliefs only when it is a specific culture.
I, however, examine excretory customs across Christian Europe, arguing that we can trace the roots of Western ideas
about excreta to beliefs and practices commonly shared across regions dominated by the Christian religion.
The Christian conversion of Europe was a thousand-year-long process, which formally ended in 1385 when the
new grand duke of Lithuania was baptized in Krakow and later married the Catholic Princess of Poland. With thisdynastic merger Lithuania joined the medieval Christendom and thus unified religious beliefs of the Old Continent(Hendrix 2004: 1). As in this example, conversion often came from the top down. When a ruler was baptized thewhole country would automatically be converted to Christianity, but it does not necessarily mean that subjects would
instantly change their folk beliefs. Research on the history of paganism shows that even when Christianity became
the official religion, pagan practices proved difficult to eradicate (Dowden 2000; Jones and Pennick 1995; Milis
1998). For example Willibald, an 8th century bishop of Eichstätt in Bavaria, commented that “the devotion of thepeople to Christianity and religion” died out simultaneously with power of the dukes who protected them (Hendrix
2004: 4). Based on such accounts Hendrix contends that “Christianization was sporadic, not continuous and … it
was difficult to bring the campaign to the end” (Ibid.: 4). Therefore, in order to enhance Christianity, both leadersand missionaries of the early medieval Church decided to incorporate pagan beliefs and practices rather than repress
them (Flint 1991). As a result, medieval laic Christianity can be characterized as a blend of folklore, superstition
and Christian beliefs. Moreover, Hendrix (2004) persuasively argues that the sixteenth century Reformation in
Europe actually aimed to “Christianize the Christendom”: people would get baptized, go to churches, and practice
piety externally, but it was mostly out of fear of hell and hope for heaven. Reformers, by which Hendrix means not
only Protestants but also Radicals as well as Christians, strived to “reform the rituals of late-medieval piety inconformity with sound doctrine” and to renew devotion to be “sincere and less tainted with superstition” (148) – insummary, to make European Christendom truly Christian.
My point here is that generalization of the whole continent is difficult because Christian conversion also238

Marta SZCZYGIEL, Sociology of Waste in Christian Europe and Japan…

included the incorporation of varied local folk beliefs. Moreover, in Douglas’s terms, Christian Europe falls into themodern culture category, thus making it impossible to understand through the culture’s rituals and cosmologicalpatterns. Nonetheless, Bayless (2013), in her analysis of medieval Christian scatology, shows that the attitude towardfilth and excrement was generally standardized throughout Christendom. Moreover, Larrington (2006) reveals
excremental metaphysics used in the process of Christian conversion of the Scandinavian north. Most of thepractices associated with pagan beliefs, such as eating horse meat or animal sacrifices, were relatively easy toeradicate, but the Church could not stop the custom of listening to tales of the pagan past. To stigmatize such oldheroic tales, the church reframed them, portraying pagans as the Devil’s associates, and using scatologicalassociations to induce aversion to the pagan stories. Therefore, although Christian practices remained varied
between regions, when we consider excrement, prior research shows the negative attitude was universal in European
Christendom.
Douglas’s approach is a call to confute the ubiquitous Western ideas on dirt and pollution. Applying modernsociological theories of waste to concepts of excreta in Christian Europe, which was the root of the so-called Western
civilization, and Japan, which remained relatively free of Western influence until 1853, I offer insight into what theWestern-centrism Douglas argued against looks like in modern sociological theories. To sum up, I argue that
including Christian Europe in my comparative framework allows this paper to theorize an overall image of
excrement.
2. Excrement in religion: Douglasian approach
Douglas’ groundbreaking work, Purity and Danger (2003) was the first one to pay attention to the way that
notions of purity and impurity shape each culture’s understanding of the world and how they are reflected in societal
structures. Her interest in the topic sparkled when she analyzed purity laws of ancient Jews codified in Leviticus. It
had been assumed that such laws were set to enforce proper sanitation and hygienic standards, but Douglas noticed
they rather formulate distinctions between notions of clean and unclean. Thus, Douglas contends that humans’
primal urge to separate clean from unclean reveals pollution symbols in each culture’s “elaborate cosmologies”(Douglas 2003: 5) and not, how it had been assumed, unconscious pursuit of hygiene: “[i]f we can abstract
pathogenicity and hygiene from our notion of dirt, we are left with the old definition of dirt as matter out of place”(Ibid.: 35). Cultures deem something dirty not because it essentially is, but because it functions as such in theircosmology; symbolic meanings of dirt precede the system – “they express it and provide institutions for
manipulating it” (Ibid.: 114). Therefore, according to Douglas, what is clean and unclean is different across cultures,
but she admits that there is a strong tendency to name bodily refuse as “a symbol of danger and of power” (Ibid.:121). She argues that it is because bodily refuse comes from orifices of the body, thus destroying its integrity. “[A]llmargins are dangerous” (Ibid.: 122) as they represent social boundaries and systems of segregation. “Spittle, blood,milk, urine, faeces or tears” (Ibid.) traverse the boundaries of the body and become a matter that belongs neither tothe inside, nor the outside – they stand in the middle as “the by-product of a systematic ordering and classificationof matter” (Ibid.: 35). Thus bodily refuse destroys inside/outside boundaries of the body, but they also
metaphorically symbolize inside/outside of society, as well as the ultimate distinction between me and the other.
Excrement, urine or blood are dangerous because their transitionally has the power to “confuse or contradict ourcherished classifications” (Ibid.: 36).
Moreover, as a Durkheim follower, Douglas contends that religion functions to support a certain worldview andto maintain social order and solidarity in complex societies. Therefore, by reading religion through the lens of rituals,
symbols and bodily practice, we can understand “peoples’ views about man’s destiny and place in the universe”(Douglas 2003: 29). Following this structuralist approach I will analyze how excreta and practices for dealing withit are portrayed in the Christian tradition and Japan’s two main religious systems, Shintoism and Buddhism.
First, let us see what the Bible says about excrement.
Deut. 23:12 You shall have a designated area outside the camp to which you shall go.
Deut. 23:13 As part of your equipment have something to dig with, and when you relieve yourself,
dig a hole and cover up your excrement.
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Deut. 23:14 For the LORD your God moves about in your camp to protect you and to deliver yourenemies to you. Your camp must be holy, so that he will not see among you anything indecent andturn away from you (NIV 2011).
Whenever people start living in groups the problem of what to do with human waste arises. It is not surprising then,that such guidelines are in the Bible, but it is clear that the above extract deals not only with where to defecate, butmore than that defines excreta as something “indecent” that might make God turn away.
Moreover, in Ezekiel of the Old Testament, we can see that human waste was symbolic of defilement forcommon people.
Ez:12 Eat the food as you would a loaf of barley bread; bake it in the sight of the people, using
human excrement for fuel. Ez:13 The LORD said, "In this way the people of Israel will eat defiled
food among the nations where I will drive them."Ez:14 Then I said, “Not so, Sovereign LORD! I have never defiled myself. From my youth until now
I have never eaten anything found dead or torn by wild animals. No impure meat has ever entered
my mouth.”Ez:15 “Very well,” he said, “I will let you bake your bread over cow dung instead of humanexcrement.” (Ibid.)
Bread baked over human waste repulsed the Israelites on sight of it, the same way that God was repulsed by the
Israelites’ excreta. Ezekiel’s strong reaction to God’s plan portrays his disgust toward human excreta, but fortunately
the merciful Lord decided to change it to cow dung, which proved to be lesser evil.
The Middle Ages were suffused with excrement, literally and metaphorically. Bayless (2013) points out thatexcrement has always been lowly, degrading and disgusting, but there is one difference between present attitude
and the one in the Middle Ages: people used to take their shit seriously.
The essential dichotomy in Christianity is the body-soul dualism: humans are composite beings with animmaterial soul and material body, where soul is imagined as a pure entity, the core of the self, while the body is
nothing but a profane, earthly container for the spirit (and shit). Claiming authority over and controlling corporeal
areas of life such as eating, sexuality, burial and so on was the Church’s innovation (Robb and Harris 2013: 160)
and in turn it propagated and enforced the notion of sinful body. Although body is generally inferior, further division
can be traced: the upper part as close to God, and the lower part as associated with Devil, is another common themein the symbolic order of the body. This division is clearly seen in Sir John Harington’s Metamorphosis of Ajax,
published in 1596:
To God my pray’r I meant, to thee the durt.
Pure prayr ascends to him that high doth sit.
Down fals the filth, for fiends of hel more fit. (Bayless 2013: 1)
As we can see, God is associated with high and pure, while Devil encompasses low and sinful. Therefore Baylessconvincingly argues that excrement “was not only a symbol of sin or a consequence of sin: it embodied sin” (Ibid:.
xviii).
Excremental stigma is ever so present in literature outside the Bible and its exegeses of the time. In the
Middle Ages, the Church was the unquestionable source of power and everyday life was dictated by it and Christianbeliefs. It is not surprising then, that religious themes were predominant in medieval literature and art and that they
carried negative attitudes toward excreta. For example, Dante in his 14th century Divine Comedy describes one ofbolgia (ditches) of the Eighth Hell as steeped in human waste.
Here we stopped; from it, in the ditch below
people I saw plunged in a stinking sty
whose filth from human privies seemed to flow240Marta SZCZYGIEL, Sociology of Waste in Christian Europe and Japan…

And while I scanned its bottom with my eye,One I observed completely capped with shitIf clerk or layman, could I not descry (Torrance 2011: 231).
As excreta are synonymous with sin, some great minds dwelled on what will happen when our earthly bodyis resurrected. Thomas Aquinas hypothesized two options: intestines will not rise again, or if they do, “they will be
full, not, certainly, of shameful superfluities, but of noble humors.” (Bayless 2013: 26)
And who else is to blame for our earthly defecatory martyrdom than Adam and Eve? Franciscan Francesc Eiximenis
explained that “if Adam had not sinned … then he would not have the need to hide his shamefulness, because eventhough man would still have to empty his bowels through the natural opening, it would not stink nor would it havethat shamefulness” (Ibid.: 27). A hundred years later Immanuel Kant elaborated on the ancestral sin. In The End of
All Things he holds the whole world as a cloaca – a gigantic toilet.
As our first parents were overcome by lust after this fruit – despite the prohibition against tasting it– [sic], there was no other way to keep heaven from being polluted except to take the advice of oneof the angels who pointed out to them the distant earth, with the words: “That is the toilet of thewhole universe,” carried them there in order to let them do what they had to do, and then flew backto heaven leaving them behind. That is how the human race is supposed to have arisen on earth.”(Kant 1794 in Menninghaus 2003: 57)
Ultimately, the question of whether God defecates or not was also explored. Voltaire ironically commented
that it is nonsense to believe that God created man in his image, as he has no body, thus he could not defecate(Corbin 1986: 29). Jung, the founder of analytical psychology, was haunted by a vision of God defecating on the
Basel Cathedral and breaking its roof in, which left him on the verge of a mental breakdown. Young Jung (he wastwelve at the time) felt shame because of such sinful thoughts and bottled them up, refusing to share them withanyone (Papadopoulos 1992: 197-198).
Christian condemnation of excreta created a social stigma around the topic, regardless of one’s religious
belief. Even if a person is not Christian, but was brought up in a country suffused with Christian tradition andsymbolism, there is a high chance that he or she will share such values ingrained in the everyday life. Even though
the Church’s influence weakened with time, diffusion of Christian values into society and their presence until thepresent day is the legacy and undeniable proof of its power. That is why for 19th century Western “civilized men”,
the toilet has become something that should not even be mentioned, as Freud notes in his 1913 foreword to theGerman translation of John G. Bourke’s Scatalogic Rites of All Nations.
For us there remains a trace of the Earth embarrassing to bear… [We] have chosen to evade thepredicament by… denying the very existence of this inconvenient “trace of the Earth” [and]concealing it from one another, and by withholding from it the attention and care which it mightclaim as an integrating component of [our] essential being (Dawson 1998: 3).
Of course Freud means defecation, but his roundabout use of a quote from the angels in Faust, suggest that he also
fell victim to this “trace of the Earth” anxiety.
In Japan, on the other hand, we cannot find similar condemnation of excreta either in Shintoism, Japanese
ethnic religion, nor in Buddhism, practiced in Japan from at least the 6th century. The earliest source for the Japanese
Shinto beliefs is Kojiki (712), the oldest extant historical chronicle of Japan. While in Christianity human waste isequated with sin and the Devil, in the Japanese creation myth gods are born from excreta.
Because [Izanami-no-mikoto] bore this child [the fire god], her genitals were burned, and the lay
down sick. … Next, in her faeces there came into existence the deity PANI-YASU-BIKO-NO-KAMI;
next, PANI-YASU-BIME-NO-KAMI.
Next, in her urine there came into existence the deity MITU-PA-NO-ME-NO-KAMI; next WAKU241

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MUSUBI-NO-KAMI (Philippi 1969: 57).

The names of the feces gods mean “gods who protect the fertility of the earth”, while the urine deity is the “goddessof the propitious leaf” (Watanabe 1989: 28-29) – their names reflect the importance of excreta in Japanese
agriculture, where it was used as fertilizer. Similarly, in Japanese folklore a toilet god (kawaya gami) was strongly
associated with fertility. It was held that pregnant women should clean the privy so they would bear beautiful
children. Furthermore, if you offer the toilet god sekihan, sticky rice steamed with red beans, you would have aneasy and safe labor (Japan Toilet Association 2015: 160). Although it is highly questionable if people still believein the toilet god, it continues to bring a nostalgic feeling about the older generation, which might be why Uemura
Kana’s “The Toilet God” (Toire no kamisama), a song about Uemura’s grandmother telling her to clean the toilet,
became one of the 2010 bestsellers.
Another connection between the toilet and childrearing in Japan is “privy worship” (secchin-mairi). In someparts of Japan, most notably in East Japan, parents would take a newborn child to the lavatory and pretend to feed
waste to the baby. It was believed that this ceremony would make the child strong and beautiful (Ibid.).
Kojiki portrays further associations between toilet and fertility. The extract below tells one unconventional
love story.
The daughter of MIZO-KUPI of MISIMA, whose name was SEYA-TATARA-PIME, was beautiful.
[The diety] OPO-MONO-NUSI-NO-KAMI of MIWA saw her and admired her.
When the maiden was defecating, he transformed himself into a red painted arrow and, floating down
the ditch where she was defecating, struck the maiden’s genitals. Then the maiden was alarmed, andran away in great confusion.
Then she took the arrow and placed it by her bed.
Immediately it turned into a lovely young man, who took the maiden as wife, and there was born achild named POTO-TATARA-ISUSUKI-PIME-NO-MIKOTO (Philippi 1969: 178-179).
Japanese Buddhism takes a more pragmatic look at excreta than Shinto. For example Dōgen, probably themost well-known Japanese Zen Buddhist priest and a prominent writer, described extensively how to act in thelavatory in one chapter of his Shōbōgenzō from the 13th century.
Dōgen holds that in temples it is absolutely necessary to establish “the eastern quarter” (tōsu), which is the
Buddhist name for toilet. He gives very detailed descriptions how to use the lavatory, such as joining ones hands tohonor Ususama Myōō, Buddhist guardian of the bathroom, snapping one’s finger three times before squatting, whichhand to use to clean oneself after defecation and so on. He stresses out how important it is to keep oneself clean.
In the Procedures for Cleanliness in a Zen Temple it says, “If you do not wash yourself clean, you
cannot truly take a seat in the Meditation Hall or bow to the Triple Treasure. Also, you cannot
accept bows from others.” And in the Great Scripture on the Three Thousand Forms of Everyday
Behavior for Monks it says, “If you do not clean yourself after relieving nature, you arecommitting an offensive act. You cannot truly sit upon a monk’s pure cushion, nor can you truly
pay homage to the Triple Treasure. Although you may bow, you will have neither happiness nor
merit from doing so.”On the basis of these quotations, you should put this matter foremost when you are training in thetemple. (Dōgen 2007: 62, translated by Nearman)
As we can see, Dōgen acknowledges excrement as something materially dirty. Staying clean is very important in
Buddhist tradition and we can trace beginning of bathing culture in the country to the spread of Buddhism toJapan in the Nara period (710-784) (Merry 2013). Therefore it is understandable that cleaning after defecation wasseen as necessary and without it one could not “truly sit upon a monk’s pure cushion” – it would dirty the cushion,quite literally. But in the metaphorical sense, excreta are not defiling.
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Those folks who are poorly informed fancy that the Buddhas have no forms of dignified behavior
for using the lavatory, or they imagine that the forms of dignified behavior for the Buddhas in thisworld of ordinary beings are not the same as those for the Buddhas in the Pure Lands, but this is
not what ‘learning the Way of the Buddhas’ means. (Dōgen 2007: 62)
Dōgen clearly states that those who think that Buddhas do not use the lavatory are mistaken as even the ones in
the Pure Lands, the celestial realm or pure abode of the Buddhas, need to defecate. Thus excretion is not the linethat distinguished sacred from profane – it is not kegare.
In Japanese culture, kegare is a state of pollution or defilement. The notion of kegare is present both in
Shintoism and Buddhism, but what is defiling differs between the two. The biggest difference is in the handling ofdeath, which in Shinto is probably the strongest pollutant, while in Buddhism it is just another step in the circle oflife. Nevertheless, in Japan concepts from Shintoism and Buddhism have intermingled and equally shaped social
practices. The best example is the division of religious rituals within one household and around one individual:
Japanese traditionally take a newborn child to a Shinto shrine as a rite of passage, but rely on Buddhist temples forburial rites. It is because death is not defiling in Buddhism, thus it is adequate to hold the ceremony. But what I
want to highlight here is that no religious system in Japan classified excreta as kegare. Feces are materially dirty
and were treated as such, but, contrary to the Christian tradition, they were never seen as defilement nor pollution.
Thus, the attitude toward defecation in Christianity and Japanese religions is indeed quite different. As statedat the beginning of this essay, I am aware of the variety obscured by use of the broad category “Christian Europe”,
and without doubt there are some important regional differences. One prominent example would be Germany.
Dundes (1984), surprised by frequent mention of excrement in German culture, which he does not find in other
Western cultures, suggests this phenomena is a trait of the German scatological character.
Dundes’s essay was not well received. First, he attempts to describe the German “national character”, which
has mainly racist connotations, especially when put in the German context. But Dundes himself explains that he“[does] not believe that national character is biological or racial in nature … [nor] geographically or climaticallydetermined” (Ibid.: 4). To him it is “a cluster of specific personality traits which can be empirically identified” andhe turns to folklore to find them (Ibid.: 4). I believe this should rebuke any critique, as national character, according
to Dundes’s definition, can be said to equal the outcome of socialization. Socialization, as the process of inheriting
norms, customs and ideologies dominant in a certain society, is an academically acclaimed process and one of its
results is the knowledge of what topics can be mentioned and which should be avoided. In some societies people
learn it is acceptable to talk about feces, while in others it remains taboo.
Second, as long as Dundes uses innocent children’s games or proverbs in his analysis, the research is deemedplausible, but as he moves to more serious examples, such as scatology in the Holocaust, he faces severe critique(Ibid.: vii). Personally, I am also wary of identifying scatological shaming and violence as a part of the “German
character”, as it has been practiced by other nations to degrade “the Other” (for example Anderson 1995). Moreover,Dundes’s tracing the popularity of sausages and chocolate to their similarity to turds (108-112), although supportedwith some data, seems far-fetched to me. Still, I believe that Dundes is up to something in his analysis. When I
asked a German colleague if people in Germany really call their infants “Min lütten Schieter”, which means “mylittle shitbag” (Ibid.: 18), I was told that it still might be so in some regions, but nowadays it is definitely not amainstream way of referring to babies. But this is because, my colleague added, all that babies do is poop in theirpants – well, no one is defying that. But, I would say, this is exactly the point Dundes is trying to make! Not only
German babies poop, but the idea of calling them a shitbag does not seem to be a universal one, and at least so alien
to some people that they would mention it in their book.
In addition to Dundes, other research also mentions German attitudes toward excrement. For example, Mead
Skjelver argues that the Reformation era in Germany was abundant in scatological references and that it “bears
much responsibility for the scatological bent to modern German culture” (Mead Skjelver n.d.: 6). The leader in thisfield, or borrowing from Schmidt and Simon, a “theological shit-spreader,” (Ibid.: 6) was Martin Luther. He is theauthor of many juicy quotes such as “I am like a ripe stool and the world’s like a gigantic anus, and so we’re about
to let go of each other” (Gritsch 2009: 84). It is interesting to note that scatological references come mainly from243

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the Lutheran side. Mead Skjelver highlights that the Catholic part of the conflict also struck back with thescatological, but the volume or intensity were nowhere near that of the Lutherans. Although further research isneeded, I suggest that looking at the process of Christianization of the Germanic tribes might provide some answers
to their alleged scatological fascination.
Ricci (2015) points out three characteristics of the conversion of German tribes. First, pagan German beliefs
were deeply connected to nature and just as in Greco-Roman religions, Germanic cults associated their divinities
with features connected to everyday life (Innes 2007: 78). Second, medieval German tribes were extremely diverse,with different dialects and tribal laws. Moreover, those tribes were scattered across the countryside, without goodconnections, which made it even more difficult to introduce Christian thought (Ibid.: 36). Finally, as mentioned
before, pagan beliefs did not die out instantly and missionaries had to incorporate them into the Christian religion
to convert the people (Flint 1991). Based on the above, it is plausible that medieval German Christianity had
significant regional differences and that, at least in some regions, strong connections to nature outlasted theconversion. This might explain why human feces became an economic good, just as it did in Japan. Night soil in
Germany expressed the wealth and status of a household. It was collected in front of the house, so everyone could
see it, and it even played a big role in seeking a marriage partner – the more shit in your house, the better catch youwere (Dundes 1984: 12-16). Therefore, I suggest that the complicated process of Christian conversion in Germany
did not eradicate the pagan affinity with nature, ergo manure could become a valuable good instead of condemned
as dirt. Because of everyday contact with excrement, it naturally became a part of the German worldview, which
Dundes calls the German scatological character.
Notwithstanding the above regional differences, the fact that an extremely negative attitude toward
excrement pervades the Christian tradition remains unchanged. As stated before, the only difference between
modern and medieval attitudes toward excrement is the seriousness with which the topic was handled: in the Middle
Ages excrement was a serious concern for the people, but nowadays it is mentioned almost solely in vulgarized or
satirical contexts. Stallybrass and White (1986) suggest that the symbolic “bourgeois world-view” was built around“high”, meaning refined and sophisticated, and “low”, for example dirty or noisy, discourses. Of course, thebourgeoisie attributed “high” discourses to themselves, while the “low” ones were characteristic of lower classes.
But what is most important here is that the “high” discourses basically embedded the superiority of “Mind” and“Spirit” over the body with all its attributes (Inglis 2001: 50; Stallybrass and White 1986: 191). Thus, the bourgeoisie
simply reproduced the Christian body-soul dualism, along with its scatological ideas, and, as the dominant class,standardized this concept. I argue that the reason for mostly vulgar, eventually comedic, connotations of excrement
in modern times is the legacy of above-mentioned process.
On the other hand, scatological topics are widely present in Japanese culture, but similar condemnation of
excreta cannot be found. On the contrary, in some cases long dependence on night soil resulted in a kind ofglorification of excreta. Watanabe Shōichi, professor emeritus at Sophia University, links it with the feeling of
security Japanese get from their ancestral roots:
Our parents were raised by their parents; by eating rice and vegetables fertilized by their excrement
we live on the excrement of parents in our turn. We exist in the world as a result of our parents’ bodily
existence. We can say our own bodies exist as a result of the circulation of the excrement of ourforefathers, or, as we would say now, its recycling (Watanabe 1989: 25).
The evidence presented above suggests that the striking difference between the image of excreta in the Christian
Europe and Japan lies in the religious beliefs of these groups. Christianity arrived in Japan only in the middle of the
16th century and for a long time Christians were repressed. In 1871 the freedom of religion was introduced but
Christianity never gained as much popularity as it did in the West. The lack of large-scale conversion, as well as thelack of Christian influence in politics, made the penetration of Christian norms impossible in Japan. Nonetheless, I
do not mean to say that the positive image of excrement remains in Japan until this day. I argue that what shaped
the present understanding of excrement in Japan are the influence of foreign norms and post-World War II social
engineering, but as this phenomena goes beyond the topic of this essay, I will not elaborate on it further.

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3. Sociological theories of waste
Above I have analyzed how Douglas’s theory of waste works in contexts of Christian Europe and Japan. Now
let us see how Douglasian theory has been transformed to create a theoretical framework for the sociology of waste.
O’Brien in his A crisis of waste?: understanding the rubbish society (2008) introduces five directions inwhich the idealistic Douglasian theory of dirt was taken: reminder of death, pathogenicity, civilizing process, sociocultural value system and “post-modern reading of ‘Western culture’” (O'Brien 2008: 133). Out of these fivecategories, three, namely reminder of death, pathogenicity and civilizing process, can be used to analyze humanwaste for the purpose of this essay. As for the other two, their theoretical assumptions disqualify excreta as theobject of analysis. Therefore, let us see how notions of human waste in Christian Europe and Japan both conformto a broader framework of sociology of waste.
(1) Reminder of death
McLaughlin (1971) in his description of attitudes toward waste and concepts of cleanliness in Britain
through the ages acknowledges Douglasian dirt as a “matter out place”, but later elaborates on the theory. In supportof his argument he gives a vivid account of 17th and 18th century Europe, which he calls a “stinking Hell”(McLaughlin 1971: 155) – streets were virtually open sewers and people used to throw their waste on the street
which included emptying their chamber pots. After water closets became popular in London, people started to installthem, but at first they were not connected to anything to take the filth away, and later improvements consisted ofconnecting them to the Thames, the main source of drinking water for the city. I will leave the obvious consequences
unspoken to protect the faint-hearted. McLaughlin notes that this shocking difference in sensibility toward waste is
the proof that dirt is a relative and culturally constructed notion, just as Douglas argued.
McLaughlin names bodily excretions as the ultimate dirt. Following Sartre (1993) he suggests we feel horror
when we encounter bodily excretions because of their sliminess, which makes them hard to remove, thus blurring
the boundary between self and other. He notes that people are relatively tolerant of their own waste, but when facedwith waste of the other, they fear its polluting feature. For him, the reason humans see waste as dirt and try to
distance themselves from it is because it symbolizes “degradation and decomposition of life”, simply speaking:death. At this point his theory drifts away from Douglas’s: McLaughlin advocates for a universal symbolism of
death that turns waste into dirt – the idealistic relativism of separated symbolic cultures that is the basis of Douglas’s
theory is gone.
As McLaughlin points to bodily excretions as the ultimate dirt, ergo ultimate symbol of death, it is morethan justified to use human excrement to validate the theory. As shown above, in Christian tradition there is a deeprooted condemnation of excreta and the reason for it might be the fear of death as McLaughlin claims. Let us thinkof the digestive tract and the symbolic transformation food goes through from mouth to anus: humans consume foodto stay alive, just as they breathe and defecate for that matter, but eating is the only physiological action that people
do consciously. Thus, food becomes the symbol of vitality. Eating has become a social ritual and much attention ispaid to the way food looks like, with some cuisines rising meals to the level of art. But as soon as food is consumed
its transformation into a stinky brown pulp starts. Beautiful turns ugly, healthy gets pathogenic, holy (upper body)goes sinful (lower body) and finally life becomes death – this makes sense.
But if we look at Japan, finding similar association between excrement and death is difficult; quite thecontrary, there are many examples where excreta are closer to the “life end”. Describing religious beliefs in Japan I
showed that in the creation myth gods come to life from excreta and I also mentioned some associations foundbetween the scatological and fertility in the Japanese folklore. In Japan night soil was in popular use from the 12th
century and by the 18th century it became an economic good that was even stolen by poor farmers (Hanley 1987)!
Saying that Japanese agriculture developed thanks to night soil is not an overstatement, and even the Shogunate
officially instructed its use in Keian ofuregaki, a proclamation issued by the Tokugawa Shogunate in 1649 to regulate
farm life (Heibonsha sekai rekishi jiten henshūbu 1955).
Finally, there is no better example of excreta’s life-giving connotation than a 1909 article from the Journalof Japanese Agricultural Studies stating that “Feces is created and depends on people and rice depends on feces.
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Rice is excrement and in a way excrement is rice”, followed by the philosophical “If we think about the connection
between the two, you are indirectly consuming feces when you eat rice” (Kushner 2010: 147).
(2) Pathogenicity
The second theory of why waste is seen as dirt is its pathogenicity. Van Loon (2002) in his interpretation of
Beck’s risk society thesis names waste as the “most universal, vulgar and banal example of ecological risk ineveryday life” (Van Loon 2002: 105). He sees it as an “uncontrolled matter out of place” (Ibid.: 106) that poses athreat to our life. Van Loon notes correctly that waste and disease are often linked and points out that it was therealization that microbes present in feces, not miasmata, caused cholera, typhoid and other diseases that plundered
Europe, that became the driving force for building sewage system by the end of the 19th century and improving
sanitary standards. Theorizing waste he argues that “[t]he excessive nature of waste returns to haunt the present as
past-waste becomes present-toxicity” (Ibid.: 108).
The biggest change Van Loon posed to Douglasian “matter out of place” lies in the core of Van Loon’s
argument – that is, its pathogenicity. Douglas argues that “[i]f we can abstract pathogenicity and hygiene from ournotion of dirt, we are left with the old definition of dirt as matter out of place” (Douglas 2003: 36). She argues thatthe idea that notions of dirt and pollution originate in people’s comprehension of pathogenicity and hygiene is a
faulty idea found only in the West.
First, as shown in the analysis of Christian attitudes toward excreta, it was common to avoid feces even
before the connection between excrement and disease was known. Second, undeniably pathogens present in feces
can cause disease, but if handled correctly excrement can be useful and even save life as fecal transplantations show.
Japan supported the “handle with care” attitude toward excrement. In 1889, after the germ theory became a fact inmedicine, Nagayo Sensai, the first head of the Sanitary Department of the Japan Home Ministry, and W. K. Burton,
consultant engineer for the Sanitary Department, proposed the construction of a sewer network in Tokyo.
Night soil is a necessary fertilizer for farmers and as such night soil from the city of Tokyo can besent to nearby prefectures for a potentially high price. Therefore we see no need to follow the exampleof Western cities and discharge it into the sewer pipes. (Tokyo Metropolitan Government Bureau of
1978: 82) [Author’s translation]
In the end the proposal was postponed while the funds that were available were focused on the water supply system
instead. Moreover, in 1900 the first Filth Cleaning Law (Obutsu sōjihō) was established, but it excluded humanexcrement from the list of waste that was to be cleaned (Hoshino 2008). Nonetheless, the above proposal provesthat even after the world became aware of possible dangers of excrement, in Japan it had too high value to simply
dispose of it.
It is true that by the 1930s authorities voiced a strong need for a sewer system, but the construction cost was
too expensive. Instead, in 1927 The Home Ministry-style improved toilet, which promised safe treatment of excreta,
was introduced. In 1937 jurisdiction over toilets was transferred to the Ministry of Health and Welfare and it
produced a slightly improved version, changing the name of the toilet to ‘Ministry of Health and Welfare-style
improved toilet’ (Japan Toilet Association 2015). Earlier proposals and settling for toilets with primitive versionsof septic tanks suggest that the push for sewer construction was motivated by the need to show the country as amodernized nation rather than fear of pathogenic properties of excrement.
(3) Standardization of bourgeois fecal habitus
Finally, Inglis (2001) inspired by Bourdieu and Elias explains the habits and attitudes toward excreta in theWest in terms of the development and operation of the bourgeois fecal habitus. The first clash with Douglasian
theory lies in the theoretical framework Inglis applied – he generalizes about the whole of Western culture, but for
Douglas such an approach would make no sense as there is no cosmological cohesion in it.1 Second, Inglis argues
1

As mentioned at the beginning of this essay, at first glance my analysis shares a similar flaw, but the reason for it has already been
explained.

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that the present image of excreta in Western culture diffused from bourgeois ideas because the materially dominantclass in society is always the symbolically dominant class. He sees the standardization of the bourgeois fecal habitus
as manifestation of its power, while for Douglas dirt is definitely associated with power and a system, but in her
terms spiritual powers and symbolic meanings precede the system – “they express it and provide institutions for
manipulating it” (Douglas 2003: 114; O'Brien 2008: 140). Although Inglis links modern excretory customs withbourgeois dominance, he admits that purely ideological roots are not enough to explain the phenomena. He adds
they stem from socio-cultural factors and developments in the medical and natural sciences, which had set thebackground for the diffusion of the bourgeois fecal habitus.
Borrowing Inglis’s term, let us consider the fecal habitus of the dominant Japanese classes. The first variation
in toiletry habits of the Japanese court took place in the Heian period (794-1185). The aristocracy started to use
chamber pots, a new fashion that came from China in 700. While the aristocracy moved toward refining theirexcretory habits, the lower classes continued to defecate in the streets.
As mentioned before, Japanese agriculture strongly relied on night soil and by the 18th century night soil
became an economic good. The high value of excreta created a night soil ranking based on the quality of humanwaste – the wealthier the household was, the higher the price owner could get. The reason lies in the diet in thehouseholds: wealthier ones could afford a better diet, thus night soil collected from them served as a better fertilizer(Yamaji 1994). Therefore it is no wonder that on top of the ranking was waste from the Edo castle. The status of theelite’s waste was definitely higher than that of commoners’, but what about the excretory etiquette?
The shogun's wife (midaidokoro) had her private toilet called man'nen, literally ten thousand years. It was ahole so deep it would not fill up even after ten years and when the shogun’s wife died it would be buried. In casethe shogun remarried, a new hole would be dug for the new lady (Japan Toilet Association 2015). Other womenfrom the shogun's family had their maids wipe them clean after defecation. It was a privilege of women of thehighest status such as the shogun's wife, daughter or mother, but it was a common practice. Maids accompanied thelady to the toilet to help with her layered clothing, but they also examined the lady's feces to check her healthcondition (Katō 2003).
Moreover, there are records of women from the upper class using a noise reducing pot (otokeshi no tsubo)
outside. When a lady felt the need, her maid would remove a plug from the pot so the water would start to flow
masking the associated noise (Yamaji 1994).
Common people, however, defecated into “normal” toilets without any refined etiquette, thus we cannot talk aboutstandardization of the dominant class’s fecal habitus in Japan. One might think that the noise reducing pot is thegenesis of the sound princess (oto hime), a device present in many female toilets in Japan, that imitates the soundof flowing water to cover the sound of bodily functions. Indeed, both devices follow the same logic, but the soundprincess is not a straightforward successor of the noise reducing pot – the latter one was invented in 1988 to stop
women from consciously flushing water while using the toilet to mask the sound (Hayashi 2011). Furthermore, it istrue that women from upper class were conscious of sounds that accompanied relieving themselves, but ordinary
people had little if any reluctance toward urinating in public. The impression made by Kyoto women who urinatedstanding up resulted in many poems and mentions in literature, while the practice continued until the 1970s in the
countryside (Sutō 1988).
Of course, in present day Japan we can assume that excretory customs are more or less the same: the publicsewerage system covers 77.6% of population (Japan Sewage Works Association 2015), access to improved
sanitation is universal and as of 2015 77.5% of homes in Japan have high-tech bidet toilet (Cabinet Office of theGovernment of Japan 2015). But the standardization of toilets was not a result of the diffusion of bourgeois fecal
habitus, but rather a consequence of adjusting to the Western standards in the postwar period: Western-style toilets
spread through the country when they became the standard type in condominiums from 1958 on (Japan Toilet
Association 2015).
4. Non-Western cosmologies as a “matter out of place”?
In this essay I have analyzed the notions of human waste in the Christian tradition and Japan through the lens of themost prominent theories in the emerging sociology of waste. As each of these theories was inspired by Douglasian247

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“matter out of place”, following Douglas I first turned to religion – Christianity in Europe and the two main religionsof Japan, Shintoism and Buddhism – to characterize the portrayal of excreta in Christian Europe and Japan with theassumption that they reflect respective cosmologies. Then I moved to analyzing sociological theories of waste,
which state that the genesis of modern attitudes toward excreta lies in either death, pathogenicity or the
standardization of bourgeois fecal habitus. These theories rely exclusively on Western examples, thus it is not
surprising that human waste in Christian Europe fits into the overall framework. But applying the theories to Japan
showed how their explanatory power is context dependent. In conclusion, none of the theories could be validated
in Japan realm, which signalizes their universality should be reconsidered.
Two findings come from this: first, although many scholars feel the need to modify Douglas’s original theoryof dirt as a “matter out of place”, her original formulation proves to be the most robust and useful of all of them.
That does not mean that dirt as reminder of death, its pathogenicity or bourgeois fecal habitus make no sense. Every
study criticized in this essay is well researched and insightful, but I suggest that we need to look at these theories as
succeeding developments that build upon the original cosmological order, as Douglas suggested.
Analyzing human waste in Christian Europe and Japan we can see that in the old continent excreta havemostly been nothing more than dirt, and thus they were condemned, while in Japan they were reused as night soil
and treated at least neutrally. Although I am not a fecal medical specialist, I doubt that differences between European
and Japanese excreta are so substantial, as to preclude the use of either as fertilizer. But, even though night soil wasused in Europe, it never became as popular nor commodified as it was in Japan and its use was seen as a necessary
evil. I suggest the reason behind this lies precisely in each culture’s distinctive cosmology: deep-rooted
condemnation of excreta in the Christian tradition resulted in aversion to night soil, therefore its use was neverstandardized. On the other hand, Japanese tradition of positive appreciation of excreta enabled the country to usenight soil to its full potential. Of course, modern attitudes toward human and other waste cannot be straightforwardly
traced back to primitive symbolism, and industrialization and medical progress have played great roles in theirconstruction. Nevertheless, as this essay shows, it is important to understand that with the progress of medicine andtechnology, the original negative understanding of excreta was only justified in the Christian Europe. In Japan, on
the other hand, medical knowledge surely influenced the understanding of excrement, but I argue that is was not
until the postwar period, when the Allies and their social mores influenced the present Japanese fecal habitus, that
it ultimately gained negative connotations. In conclusion, sociology of waste should first consider primitive
cosmological systems before moving on to further theorizing, exactly as Douglas argued.
Second, this essay reiterates how Western-oriented major sociological theories are. Douglas’s idealistic
approach was a call to concentrate on culture’s distinctive cosmologies and move to liberate anthropology from theubiquitous West and constant intrusion of Western values. A sociology of waste that draws on Douglas’s dirt as a“matter out of place”, but modifies the theory along the way to fit the Western context is exactly what Douglas
wanted to avoid. In order to create a comprehensive framework, instead of documenting a case, it is necessary to
draw upon and analyze multiple diverse examples. In this essay I have revealed clear inconsistencies only byintroducing the Japan realm – what other findings might come from adding a different Asian, African or SouthAmerican country for further comparison? Although Douglas’s Purity and Danger is by no means flawless, hertheory proves to be the only one of the reviewed ones here that prompts us to give consideration to various, nonWestern cosmologies. Thus, this essay highlights necessary improvements in the emerging sociology of waste andsuggests that stopping treating non-Western cosmologies as a “matter out of place” might be a good first step.
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March 2017, pp. 251-264 (ONLINE)
Master’s and Doctoral Programs in International and Advanced
Japanese Studies
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences,
University of Tsukuba

研究ノート

韓国語母語話者における日本語長母音の知覚と教育効果
On the Perception and the Training Effect of Japanese Long Vowels in Korean Learners

大塚

香奈(Kana OTSUKA)

筑波大学人文社会科学研究科 博士後期課程
本研究では、韓国語母語話者を対象に、日本語の短母音と長母音を弁別する訓練を行った。単語とキャリアセンテンス付きの短文とを混ぜて訓練すれば、先行研究よりも高い教育効果が得られるという仮説を立て、High Variability Perceptual Training(HVPT)という指導法を用いて検証した。
HVPT では、聞き手がより明確な知覚範疇を形成できるよう、豊富な音声環境を持つ刺激語を用いる(Pisoni & Lively,１９９５)。本研究における訓練では、４名の日本語母語話者が、３種類の速度で発音した自然語を刺激語として使用した。長音の位置とアクセントの型も考慮し、刺激語を作成した。訓練群は、単語だけで訓練を受けるグループ(以下、Single)と、単語と短文で訓練を受ける
グループ(以下、Mixed)とに分け、統制群(以下、Control)は訓練を受けなかった。
訓練の結果、本研究における Mixed では、全ての速度で正答率が有意に上昇し、Single よりも広い範囲で正答率が向上した。先行研究では、韓国語母語話者の日本語長短母音知覚に対する HVPTの教育効果が限定的であったが、単語と短文で訓練することによって、長短母音の明確な判断基準が形成されたと考える。
This study presents the results of training exercises for Korean native speakers to distinguish short and longvowels in Japanese. Study is based on the concept of High Variability Perceptual Training (HVPT), through theuses of a large set of conditions that are presented in various natural languages. It helps the students to mentallyform new categories of sounds that they can clearly distinguish from each other (Pisoni & Lively, 1995). The
training used the natural language of 4 Japanese native speakers, pronounced in 3 different rates. The recordings
also considered different accent types and the position of the long vowels. The training group was divided into
two sub-groups. One was trained by hearing single words only, and the other was trained by hearing bothsentences and words. The control group did not receive any training.
The results of the experiment showed that, compared to the single word group, the group of both sentences
and words showed improvements in a broader range of tested categories. The training of words and sentences
is more effective in forming an accurate categorical perception. In conclusion, the results of this study confirmed
the effectiveness of the HVPT method in the training of distinguishing length in Japanese vowels.
キーワード: 知覚範疇 日本語母音の長さ 高低アクセント HVPT 教育効果
Keywords: Categorical Perception, Japanese Vowel Length, Pitch Accent Type, HVPT, Training Effect

はじめに1
韓国語母語話者の多くが、日本語の長母音と短母音を区別して発音するのに困難を抱えている。それは、二つの拍として認識される日本語の長母音は、短母音より２倍程度長く発音され、長さの対立があるが(Fujisaki１９７３)、他の言語では母音の長短に対立はなく、部分的な弁別性のみをもつためである。さらに、ソウル中部方言では、若い世代を中心に母音の長さに弁別性がなく、日本語の長母

1

本稿は筆者の修士論文の一部を修正・加筆したものである。
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筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

音と短母音の区別に関して、意識が薄くなることも考えられる。また、韓国語母語話者だけでなく、外国語として日本語を学習する他の国の学習者も、長短母音をはじめとした特殊拍の知覚と発音に困難を抱えていると言われている(福岡２００２、小熊２００２、戸田２００３、李２０１１)。学習者
が、日本語母語話者と意思疎通を図る際、例えば「習慣の違い」を「主観の違い」のように、長短母音を区別せずに発音した場合、意思の伝達に支障をきたすことがある。それを防ぐために、教師が日本語を教える際は、必ず長さ音素について説明し、練習も繰り返される。長短母音の対立をはじめとした音素対立を練習する際には、最小対語(Minimal pair)が用いられることがあり、学習者は練習を通して長母音に対する概念を理解するようになると考えられる。しかし、長短母音の区別は学習が進んだ段階でも、なかなか習得されないことが報告されている(今田１９９０、大室他１９９６、李炯宰１
９９８、李敬淑２００３、恩塚２０１１)。韓国語母語話者による長短母音の弁別は、習得上の問題点として認識されてはいるものの、どのように練習すれば効果が得られるのか、その手法と教育効果に関する研究は未だ多くない。本研究ではHVPTに注目し、日本語の長母音と短母音の教育にも効果的であることを検証する。
HVPTの教育効果は、日本語母語話者の英語子音／ɹ／と／l／の訓練や、英語母語話者による中国語の声調の訓練などで効果が認められている。日本語学習者に対する長さ音素の訓練効果に関しても、いくつか研究があり、なかでも鮮于(２０１２)では、韓国語母語話者に対して、日本語の長さ音素の訓練をしている。
１．HVPTを利用した日本語長短母音の知覚訓練
鮮于(２０１１、２０１２)では、韓国人の日本語初級学習者を対象にして、知覚訓練を行った。訓練群は、３種類の速度で訓練するグループ(Mixed)と、１種類の速度で訓練するグループ(Fixed)、そして統制群(Control)に分けた。訓練の結果、単語で訓練を行った場合に、訓練群の正答率に有意な上昇が観察されたが、グループ間の正答率には大きな差が見られなかったとしている。また、短文で訓練した場合にも同じく、訓練群において正答率が有意に上昇したが、グループ間の正答率には大きな違いが見られなかったという。これはHirata(２００７)が行った、多様な速度を持つ短文で訓練したグループは、１種類の速度で訓練したグループよりも教育効果があるという結果と異なっている。しかし、般化の程度を見ると、発話速度の多様性が、教育効果に肯定的な影響を与えたとしている。Fixedグループによる単語の正答率を見ると、全ての速度で有意な上昇がみられなかったが、Mixedグループでは、単語の正答率が速い速度でのみ、有意に上昇したという。
また、単語で訓練した場合に、MixedグループとFixedグループの聴き取りテストで、短文の正答率は速度に関係なく上昇したが、単語の正答率は速い速度だけで有意な上昇が観察された。そして、３種類の速度で発音された短文で訓練しても、単語の知覚テストにおいては、速い速度でのみ正答率が有意に上昇するという結果となった。これらの結果から、孤立単語に含まれる長短母音の知覚には、HV
PTの教育効果が限定的であると解釈することができる。
以上で述べたように、鮮于(２０１１、２０１２)では、刺激語の速度が多様なMixedでは、般化の程度は大きいが、FixedとMixed間の全体的な正答率の上昇幅には大きな違いがないことが明らかになった(鮮于２０１２:１１８)。また、３種類の速度の単語および短文で訓練しても、単語に対しては教育効
果が限定的であることも分かった。
この結果を踏まえて、本研究では文脈情報の多様性に焦点をあてることで、より高い教育効果が得られると考え、知覚訓練を行うことにした。鮮于(２０１２)では、単語と短文を個別に使用し訓練を行ったものの、単語と短文を一緒に用いて訓練を行ってはいない。本研究では、訓練期間や刺激語のアクセント型など、訓練の条件は鮮于(２０１２)と同一にし、刺激語の多様性に違いを持たせた。それらの刺激語の多様性には、高低アクセントや長音の位置も含まれている。
２．刺激語の多様性(１)高低アクセントと長音の位置
前川・助川(１９９５)では、日本語母語話者と、韓国語を母語とする上級日本語学習者の、母音長の知覚を比較した。その結果、日本語母語話者が長短を判断する時と同様に、長母音にくる高低アク252

大塚 香奈 「韓国語母語話者における日本語長母音の知覚と教育効果」
Kana OTSUKA, On the Perception and the Training Effect of Japanese Long Vowels in Korean Learners

セントの有無が、学習者の母音長の判断に影響を与えていることが分かった。英語圏の上級日本語学
習者も、ピッチの変化が長音を知覚する際の端緒になるという(小熊２０００)。一方、大室他(１９９６)は、アクセントの変化は日本語母語話者の長音の知覚には影響を与えるが、韓国語母語話者と英語母語話者には影響を与えず、音声の長さだけが長短の判断に影響を与えるとしている。前川・助川(１９９５)や大室他(１９９６)の見解には違いが見られる。そのため、本研究では、果たしてアクセントの有無が知覚に影響を与えるのか、またアクセントの型によって正答率に違いがあるのかに関しても、調査及び分析を通して、明らかにする。
皆川(２００２)は、英語母語話者と韓国語母語話者(慶尚道方言話者)を対象に、日本語の長母音と短母音の聴き取り実験を実施した。その結果、長母音が語末に来る時に誤答が多かったものの、アクセントの型により、誤答率が異なり、HHよりもLLをもつ単語で誤答が多かった。また、語頭にくる長音を、短音として知覚する誤答率は、全て２０％以下と低かった。長母音が語末に来る時、アクセン
トの型がLHLの場合、HLが語頭にくる場合より、誤答率が有意に高かったことからも、語頭の長母音よりも語末にくる長母音の知覚が難しいとしている。
本研究では、以上の先行研究のような、アクセント型と位置別の知覚の特徴を把握することに加え、訓練を通して、学習者の知覚にどのような変化が見られるのかを明らかにするために、アクセント型と長音の位置ごとに、聴き取りテストの正答率を分析する。
(２)発話の速度と母音の長さ
Hirata(２００４a)は、日本語母語話者が母音を発話する際、発話速度によって、長さが違ってくることを報告した。早く発話する際の長母音と、遅く発話する際の短母音の長さが重なり、オーバーラ
ップが起こるとしている。この研究から、発話速度により変化する母音の長さは、韓国語母語話者の知覚にも影響を与えることが予想される。
Omuro et al. (１９９６)は、韓国語母語話者と日本語母語話者に、音の高低がある長母音の長さを、短くして聞かせた。その結果、日本語母語話者だけが、これを二つのモーラとして認識したが、韓国語母語話者は、一つのモーラとして認識したという。日本語母語話者は、長音の長さが違っても、安
定的にモーラ数を認識できるが、韓国語母語話者は長さが違ってくるとモーラ数の認識も変化するため、安定的にモーラ数を認識できないとしている。
李敬淑(２００３)では、ソウル方言話者に、意味がない単語の「ぱあ」「ぱあぱ」「ぱぱあ」「ぱあぱあ」を、速い、普通、遅い、の３速度で読ませ音響分析を行った。その結果、日本語母語話者は、速度が違っても先行母音と後続母音の比率を一定に維持できた。しかし、韓国語母語話者は、母音の長さの比率が一定に維持されなかったとしている。
これらの研究から、韓国語母語話者は、長母音の知覚または発音で、長さの変化と速度に対応できていないことが見てとれる。すなわち、長母音を知覚する際に、長さが短くなればモーラ数も実際の発話よりも少なく認識され、発話においては、速度に合った母音の長さの正確な比率を維持できないということである。固定された発話速度でも、長短の知覚が正確ではないのに加えて、発話速度が変われば、さらに混乱を招くことが予想される。
(３)文脈情報
Hirata(２００４b)は、第二外国語の新しい音韻対立である長さ音素を、短文と単語のどちらで訓練したほうが効果的なのか調査した。その結果、日本語の学習経験のない英語母語話者にとっては、短文で訓練するよりも、単語で訓練したほうが、大きな向上が見られることを明らかにした。一方、鮮于(２０１２:７３)では、韓国語母語話者は、長短母音の聴き取り訓練を受けることで、文脈情報を利用して、長短音素を判断していたことが推測されるとし、孤立単語は短文より文脈情報が足りないた
め、訓練を行っても適切な判断ができない可能性を示唆した。鮮于の研究の対象者は、日本に滞在する初級学習者で、Hirata(２００４b)の研究とは異なり、短文と単語の境界を把握することができる能力があったと考えられる。Hirata(２００４b)での英語母語話者のように、日本語の学習経験のない韓国語母語話者なら、短文に入れた単語を認識すること自体が難しいだろうが、日本語をある程度学習した学習者であれば、文脈情報が知覚端緒として作用することが考えられる。
長さ音素を訓練する際は、文脈情報が知覚端緒として作用する可能性がある短文と、文脈情報のな
い孤立単語も一緒に訓練することで、より正確な判断基準が形成され、学習効果が高くなると予想さ253

筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』れる。
３．知覚トレーニング(１)被験者（２７名）
２７名の被験者は、全員韓国の大学で、日本語を学ぶ初中級学習者であった。単語で訓練するグループ(Single)には９名、単語と短文で訓練をするグループ(Mixed)には１０名が参加した。残りの８名
は、訓練を受けなかった(Control)。学習期間が３か月でも、日本語に対する基礎的な知識があったことから、訓練に参加するには問題ないと判断した。また、出身地に関しては、制限を設けなかった。M
ixed９番の６年間日本語を学習したという被験者は、筆者が担当していた初級クラスの学習者で、日本語能力が他の被験者と同等程度であったため、訓練するグループに加えた。
表 1. 単語で訓練するグループの学習者（Single）

１
２
３
４
５
６
７
８
９

年齢

性別

日本語学習期間

出身地

２０
２１
２５
２４
２０
２０
２５
２０
１９

女
男
女
男
男
女
女
女
男

９か月
９か月
１年
６か月
５か月
２年
２年
１年
９か月

水原
ソウル
ソウル
広州
仁川
仁川
ソウル
慶州
ソウル

表 2. 単語と短文で訓練するグループの学習者（Mixed）

１
２
３
４
５
６
７
８
９
１０

年齢

性別

日本語学習期間

出身地

１９
２０
２０
１９
２４
１９
２３
２５
２２
２２

女
女
男
女
女
女
女
男
女
女

９か月
９か月
９か月
９か月
２年
１年
１年
３か月
６年
３年

大邱
坡州
鎮海
東海
富川
仁川
安山
広州
仁川
大邱

254

大塚 香奈 「韓国語母語話者における日本語長母音の知覚と教育効果」
Kana OTSUKA, On the Perception and the Training Effect of Japanese Long Vowels in Korean Learners

表 3. 訓練を受けないグループの学習者（Control）

１
２
３
４
５
６
７
８

年齢

性別

日本語学習期間

出身地

２０
２３
１９
２０
２６
２０
２３
２５

女
男
女
女
男
女
男
女

１年
９か月
５か月
３年
１年
５か月
３か月
２年

江陵
仁川
広州
済州
一山
仁川
金泉
釜山

(２)刺激語
日本語母語話者の女性２名および男性２名が、３種類の速度で発音した単語2と短文を、刺激語に用いた。話者は、全員ソウル大学で勉強している日本人学生であり、出身地は東京都、愛媛県、静岡県、福岡県であった。録音は、ソウル大学言語学科録音室で行い、長短の対立を持つ８１組(１６２語)の単語を読んでもらった(付録参照)。普通の速度で、全ての単語を１回ずつ読んだ後に、遅い速度、速い速度で読んでもらった。その後、単語を短文（キャリアセンテンス）に入れて、同じく３種類の速度で、１回ずつ読んでもらった。速い速度で読む際、筆者が普通の速度と違いがないと感じたら、さらに早く読むように促した。
般化テストで使用した刺激語は、前述した２名とは別の女性１名が、３種類の速度で発音した、長短の対立を持つ５組１０個の単語であった。
本研究ではMoodle3を使用し、事前・事後テストと訓練に使う問題、２，０６４個(＝８６単語(４３組×２)×話者４名×３速度×２提示方法)を作った。
本研究では、鮮于(２０１２)と同様に、刺激語を長音が語頭に来るものと、語末に来るものとに分けた。アクセントの型と位置の種類は、①語頭の長音または短音にHLL/HLのアクセントを持つ単語、②語頭の長音または短音にLHH/LHのアクセントを持つ単語、③語末の長音または短音にLL/Lのアクセントを持つ単語、④語末の長音または短音にHH/Hを持つ単語、⑤語末の長音または短音にHL/Hのアクセントを持つ単語という五つに分類される。
(３)訓練の手順
具体的な訓練の手順は、鮮于(２０１２)のものを修正・補完した。訓練時間数と単語数は、鮮于(２０１２)に従ったが、学習の過程を見るため、前半部と後半部に分けて訓練を行った。前半部の訓練が終わった後、中間評価を行い、後半部の訓練に入った。訓練は、基本的に次のような順序で進めた（図１および図２）。後半部の事後テストで短文を使用した以外は、前半部も後半部も同じ手順であった。特にSingleにおいて、単語による訓練が、短文の知覚にも影響を与えるかどうか見るために、般化テスト(Gen３)を行った4。前半部の訓練は、２０１３年１０月３１日～１１月１１日、後半の実験
は２０１３年１１月１５日～１１月２２日であった。

2

長音を含まない単語を早く読んだ場合の平均は０.３３秒、長音を含まない単語を普通の速度で読んだ場合の平均０.４２秒、長音を含まない単語を遅い速度で読んだ場合の平均は０.５４秒
3
Moodle(ムードル)はオープンソースのeラーニングプラットフォームである。同種のシステムの中では比較的多くのユーザー数を持つ。教育者が質の高いオンライン学習過程(コース)を作ることを助けるパッケージ
ソフトである。このようなeラーニングシステムは、学習管理システム、学習過程管理システム、仮想学習
環境、オンライン教育システムなどと呼ばれる（「ムードル」）。
4
鮮于(2012)でも、孤立単語による訓練が短文にも般化することを明らかにしている。
255筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

事前テスト
単語音声使用訓練
1日1セッション計
5セッション

図 1.

事前テスト
単語音声使用(前半部同様)訓練の前半部

訓練
1日1セッション
計5セッション
（前半部同様）

図 2.

事後テスト
単語音声使用般化テスト
単語音声使用(Gen１)

事後テスト
単語音声使用（前半部同様）般化テスト
単語音声使用 (Gen２)
短文使用(Gen３)

訓練の後半部(４)事前テストの内容
初中級の韓国語母語話者２７名を対象に、長短母音の弁別テストを実施した。被験者は、静かなコ
ンピューター室で、パソコン画面に提示された問題を一つずつ再生し、ヘッドフォンから聞こえる単語音声が、二つの単語のうち、どちらかを答える問題である。テストでは、１名の話者が３種類の速度で発音した５組の最小対語を、ランダムに３回ずつ繰り返し、計９０個の単語を提示した。フィードバックを入れずに問題を設計し、テストは１回だけ受けることが出来た。事前テストでは、のど／のうど、しゅかん／しゅうかん、ここ／ここう、りか／リカー、さと／さとうの５組１０単語を使用した。
(５)訓練の内容
Moodleを用いて、２０１３年１１月１日から５日間、前半部の知覚訓練を行った。場所は特に限定しなかった。訓練では、一つの問題を解くたびにフィードバックを見て、正解かどうかを確認でき、問題の音声を何回でも聞くことができるようにした。
１日に１セッションの訓練を、５日間で計５セッション行うように指示した。１つのセッションでは、同様のアクセント型を提示した。例えば、Mixedが訓練１日目に行うセッション１のアクセント型
は、語頭にHLを持つ単語のみで、２０単語(１０組)×４名の話者×３速度×２提示方法の４８０問である。Singleでは、短文は提示しないため、同じ単語の問題を２回繰り返して解かせた。各セッション
で用いた単語は、同様のアクセント型で統一しており、セッション１は語頭にHLL/HLを持つ長音および短音を含む単語、セッション２は語頭にLHH/LHを持つ長音および短音を含む単語、セッション３は語末にLL/Lを持つ長音および短音を含む単語、セッション４は語末にHH／Hを持つ長音および短音を含
む単語、セッション５は語末にHL/Hを持つ長音および短音を含む単語であった。セッション５のアクセント型は、本来単語の数が少なく、２組の最小対語で、９６問題(４単語×４話者×３速度×２提示方法)のみの提示となった。刺激語には、３モーラ２音節と４モーラ３音節の単語を使用した。前半部と後半部に、それぞれ１,９６４問あり、総３，９２８問の問題で、訓練を行った。鮮于(２０１２)では、１０セッションの訓練を５日間連続で行ったが、本研究では、前半部５日間で５セッション、後半部５日間で５セッションに分けて訓練を行った。
Moodleは、インターネットで被験者の活動内容を確認することができるため、活動していない被験者には連絡をして、知覚訓練を受けるよう要請した。
(６)事後テストの内容
事後テストも、事前テストと同様の単語・手法で行われた。事前テストで使われた問題を使用したが、提示順序は異なっていた。
256大塚 香奈 「韓国語母語話者における日本語長母音の知覚と教育効果」
Kana OTSUKA, On the Perception and the Training Effect of Japanese Long Vowels in Korean Learners(７)般化テスト
事後テストと一緒に、般化テスト(Generalization Test)も行った。般化テストは、事前・事後テスト
および訓練で使っていない、新しい単語を、新しい話者が発音した単語音声を用いた。聞き慣れない
話者の音声でも弁別ができれば、知覚の正確性がより高いと言えるからである。般化テストでは、１
名の日本語母語話者が、５組の最小対語を３種類の速度で３回発音した計９０個の単語を、ランダムに提示した。刺激語には、さゆ／さゆう、ゆり（人名）／ゆうり、こてい／こうてい、ろば／ろうば、
そこ／そこうの１０単語を使用した。

４．訓練の結果―前半事前テストと後半事後テストの比較―
本稿では、前半で行った事前テストと、後半で行った事後テストの正答率を分析し、訓練を通して、
日本語長短母音の知覚が、どのように変化したのかを観察する。まずは、全体的な正答率の推移を紹介し、速度別、アクセントの型と位置別に分析したものを報告する。
図３および図４は、前半部の事前テストと事後テスト、および後半部の事後テストの正答率を反復
測定ANOVAで分析した結果である。図の縦軸は、正答率の平均値を示しており、横軸の１は前半部の事
前テスト、２は前半部の事後テスト、３は後半部の事後テストを指している。
(１)単語だけで訓練したグループ（Single）
全体的な正答率の推移について述べると、前半部の事前テストと、前半部および後半部の事後テス
トでは、正答率に有意な違いが見られたが、前半部と後半部の事後テストの正答率には、有意な違いが見られなかった（図３参照）。これは、HVPT教授法の訓練効果は初期に際立ち、ある時点を過ぎると、改善効果が緩やかになることを意味している。

図 3.

単語で訓練したグループの聴き取りテストの正答率

前半部の訓練前と、後半部の訓練後の正答率を、速度別にペアードt検定した結果、速い速度のp値が０.００、普通の速度のp値が０.０７、遅い速度のp値が０.００であった。速い速度と遅い
速度で、正答率が有意に上昇した<表４参照>。
アクセント型別の正答率をペアードt検定した結果、語頭にHLをもつ単語のp値が０.２３、語頭にLHをもつ単語のp値が０.０２、語末にHHをもつ単語のp値が０.０１、語末にLLを持つ単語のp値が０.０257筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

０、語末にHLを持つ単語のp値が０.００であった<表５参照>。

表４.

速度別の正答率（Single）

平均値（％）
速度

訓練前

訓練後

向上率

t検定

速い

７９

９７

２３%

**

普通

９２

９７

６%

n.s.

遅い

８０

９２

１５%

**

n.s.: not significant, *:p<０.０５, **:p<０.０１

表 ５. アクセント型と位置別の正答率（Single）

平均値（％）
アクセント型と位置

訓練前

訓練後

向上率

t検定

語頭_HL

８３

８９

７%

n.s.

語頭_LH

８８

９８

１１%

*

語末_HH

８９

９７

９%

**

語末_LL

８１

９７

２０%

**

語末_HL

７５

９５

２６%

**

n.s.: not significant, *:p<０.０５, **:p<０.０１(２)単語と短文で訓練したグループ（Mixed）
全体的な正答率の推移について述べると、前半部の事前テストと、前半部および後半部の事後テス
トでは、正答率に有意な違いが見られたが、前半部と後半部の事後テストでは、正答率に有意な違いが見られなかった（図４参照）。Singleグループ同様、 HVPT教授法の訓練効果は初期に際立ち、ある
時点を過ぎると、改善効果が緩やかになることが分かった。

258

大塚 香奈 「韓国語母語話者における日本語長母音の知覚と教育効果」
Kana OTSUKA, On the Perception and the Training Effect of Japanese Long Vowels in Korean Learners

図 4.

単語と短文で訓練したグループの聴き取りテストの正答率

前半部の訓練前と、後半部の訓練後の正答率を、速度別にペアード t検定した結果、速い速度のp値が０.００、普通の速度のp値が０.００、遅い速度のp値が０.００であり、全ての速度で正答率が有意に上昇した<表６参照>。
アクセント型別の正答率を、ペアードt検定した結果、語頭にHLをもつ単語のp値が０.０２、語頭にLHをもつ単語のp値が０.０１、語末にHHをもつ単語のp値が０.０２、語末にLLを持つ単語のp値が０.
００、語末にHLを持つ単語のp値が０.００であった<表７参照>。
表 ６. 速度別の正答率（Mixed）

平均値（％）
速度

訓練前

訓練後

向上率

t検定

速い

８６

９４

１８%

**

普通

９３

９８

６%

**

遅い

７３

９２

２５%

**

n.s.: not significant, *:p<０.０５, **:p<０.０１

259筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』表 ７.

アクセント型と位置別の正答率（Mixed）

平均値（％）
アクセント型と位置

訓練前

訓練後

向上率

t検定

語頭_HL

８３

８８

７%

*

語頭_LH

８８

９５

９%

**

語末_HH

８８

９７

１１%

*

語末_LL

８６

９７

１４%

**

語末_HL

７７

９５

２０%

**

n.s.: not significant, *:p<０.０５, **:p<０.０１(３)般化テスト
本研究では、事後テストと共に、般化テストを実施した。Gen１は、前半部の訓練後に実施した般化
テストの結果で、Gen２は、後半部の訓練後に実施した般化テストの結果である5（図５）。
般化テストの結果、Singleの平均値がGen１=８９％、Gen２=９０％で、Mixedの平均値がGen１=９０％、Gen２=９１％であった。
Controlの般化テストの平均値は、Gen１が８２％であった。

図 5.

般化テストのグループ別の正答率

５．考察
訓練群において、前半部の事前テストと事後テストの正答率に、有意な差が見られたものの、前半部の事後テストと後半部の事後テストの正答率には、有意な差が見られなかった(図３および図４)。
これは、HVPT教授法の訓練効果は、初期に顕著に現れることを意味する。ある時点を過ぎると、改善効果が緩やかになるということである。つまり、前半部の訓練だけでも、母音の長短を知覚する能力

5

Gen３は、事前・事後テストで使用した単語を短文に入れたもので、特に単語だけで訓練したSingleグループの学習者の知覚が短文の知覚にも影響するのかを見るために行った。Singleの平均値は９５％で、Mixedの平均値はGen３=９７％であった。二つのグループのGen３の正答率に違いがあるのかt検定を行った結果、p値が０.１８(t＝１.４３)で、二つのグループ間には違いが見られなかった。
260大塚 香奈 「韓国語母語話者における日本語長母音の知覚と教育効果」
Kana OTSUKA, On the Perception and the Training Effect of Japanese Long Vowels in Korean Learners

は向上すると言える。また、後半部の訓練後の聴き取りテストにおける、正答率の平均値は、単語で訓練したグループのほうが、単語と短文で訓練したグループより１％高かった6。今回は、単語に含まれる長短母音の弁別能力を高めることを目的としていたため、事前・事後テストも単語のみで行った。
Singleでは、単語のみで訓練を行ったため、単語で行った事前・事後テストの結果も、Mixed同様高くなったと推察する。聴き取りテストの結果を、速度別に分析すると、Singleでは、速い速度と遅い速度の正答率に、有意な上昇が観察され、Mixedでは、速い速度、普通の速度、遅い速度の正答率が有意に上昇した。Singleでは、後半の訓練後にも、普通の速度では有意な上昇が見られなかったが、Mixedでは、全ての速度で有意な向上を観察することができたのである。ただし、統計的には有意性が異なって現れたが、実際の平均値の向上率は、ほとんど同じなため、事後テストの結果を見ただけで、意味のある違いがあったとするのは難しい。多様性の低いグループとして設定したSingleでは、単語のみを使用し、訓練を行ったために、単語による聴き取りテストで高得点を取ったのだとすると、HVPTの効
果を、聴き取りテストの結果だけで判断することはできない。般化テストの結果を見ると、Gen１およびGen２の平均値が、Mixedのほうが僅かに高かった。聴き取りテストや訓練では出てこなかった全く新しい話者が発音した、長短母音が含まれる単語音声を、Mixedのほうが正確に弁別することができた。
Gen３での短文を用いた聴き取りテストを行った際も、平均値はMixedのほうが高かった。これらの結果から、文脈情報のない単語と短文とを混ぜて訓練したほうが、判断基準がより明確になることが伺える。
鮮于(２０１２)では、訓練群での正答率に大きな差が見られなかったとしているものの、本研究のG
en１・Gen２のような般化テストは行っていない。長短母音の聴き取り訓練が、促音・非促音への聴き取り判断にも影響を与えるかを調査し、学習者は長・短母音と促音・非促音の対立を、異なる範疇としてとらえている可能性や、学習過程が同じではない可能性を示唆した（鮮于２０１２：８１）。促音・非促音と、長短母音を分けて聴き取り訓練をしたほうが、効果的であるとしているように、般化の有無を調べるのも、促音・非促音とは別に、長短母音を含む刺激語でも、テストする必要がある。
アクセント型と位置別の正答率では、Mixedでは、全てのアクセント型で、有意な上昇が観察されたが、Singleでは、語頭にHLを持つ単語でのみ、有意な上昇が観察できなかった。皆川(２００２)は、語頭にアクセントの下降がある単語は、誤答率が低いとしており、語頭でのピッチの変化が、長音を知覚する際の端緒であることを示唆している。しかし、本研究では皆川（２００２）とは反対に、多様な速度で発音した場合には、語頭でアクセントが上昇する単語よりも、下降する単語のほうが、母音長の知覚が難しいことが分かった。
鮮于(２０１２)では、３種類の速度で発話した孤立単語を使用し、訓練を行っても速い速度の場合にのみ、単語の知覚能力が有意に上昇した。これは、短文で訓練しても、同じ結果であった。本研究の単語と短文を混ぜて訓練したMixedでは、全ての速度で有意な上昇が確認された。鮮于(２０１２)と同じ条件下で訓練したSingleでも、速い速度と遅い速度で有意な上昇が観察された。本研究では、訓練群の速度の多様性は同じで、文脈情報の多様性のみ異なったが、最初から二つのグループ間の速度の多様性もかえていれば、さらに効果の差が大きかっただろう。
HVPTの先行研究では、統制群と訓練群間の効果の違いを観察しているが、本研究では訓練群のグループ内の違いを観察した。訓練群の中で、どのような違いが観察されれば、より効果的だと断定できるのか議論が必要である。例えば、訓練後、時間が経った後に般化テストを行うことが考えられる。Si
ngleよりMixedの正答率が高ければ、教育効果が持続し文脈に焦点をあてたHVPTの効果があると言えるであろう。
６．結論
本研究では、HVPT教授法を用い、前半部と後半部にかけて韓国語母語話者の日本語長短母音の知覚訓練を行った。訓練には、４名の話者が３種類の速度で発音した自然語を使用した。訓練群は、単語だけで訓練を受けるグループ（Single）と、単語と短文で訓練を受けるグループ（Mixed）、そして訓練を受けないグループ（Control）に分けた。
まず、前半部の訓練を通して、訓練群の全体的な正答率が有意に向上したことから、HVPT教授法の6

Singleの平均値は９６％で、Mixedは９５％であった。
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教育効果を観察することができた。後半部の訓練でも、正答率は上昇したが、前半部ほどの上昇は見られなかった。このことから、前半部の訓練だけでも、全体的な正答率は有意に上昇すると言える。
事前テストの結果により、韓国語母語話者は、日本語の母音の長さを知覚する際、発話速度の影響を受けていることが分かった。Mixedの事前テストに関しては、普通(９３％)、速い(８６％)、遅い(７３％)速度の順に正答率が高かった。Singleに関しては、普通(９２％)、遅い(８０％)、速い(７９％)順に、正答率が高かった。本研究で用いた刺激語に関して、一般人が、速度を正確に区別し発音することに難しさがあり、特に遅い速度では、どのように発音すれば良いか分からず、戸惑う場面があった。本研究では、短音を遅い速度で発音する際、伸ばして発音するように指示した。遅い速度で正答率が低かったのは、短音が長音のように発音されたため、長音と短音を混同したからだと考えられる。また、事前テストでは、語末にアクセントがある単語でも、正答率が低かった。これは、英語
母語話者と韓国語母語話者は、語末の長音知覚の能力が低いという先行研究と一致する。固定された発話速度では、語頭のピッチ下降や上昇が、長母音の知覚に影響を与えて長短母音の知覚が易しくなる。しかし、発話速度が多様になれば、特に語頭にHLをもつ単語の知覚が難しくなることが分かった。
前半部の訓練後に、両グループで、全体的な正答率が有意な上昇をみせたが、前半部の訓練だけでは、両グループとも普通の速度に限っては、有意な上昇はなく、むしろ平均値が下がってしまった7。
事前テストでは、点数が最も高かったものの、訓練を受けて、判断基準が揺れ始めたのだと考えられる。また、訓練前は、語末に高低アクセントがある単語の正答率が低かったのだが、訓練を通して最初にその効果が現れ、正答率が大きく向上した。これは、日本語の長短母音の知覚を教育する際は、アクセント型と位置も考慮することで、効率的な教育が可能であることを示唆している。
後半部の訓練後、Singleでは、速い速度と遅い速度で正答率が有意に上昇し、Mixedでは、全ての速度で有意に上昇した。Singleでは、普通の速度の正答率に有意な上昇が見られなかった。ただ、向上率
は、両グループ共ほぼ同じであり、Singleにおける刺激語の多様性、つまり速度、話者、長音の位置とアクセント型を考慮した単語でも、十分な効果が得られていたと考えられる。前述したように、Single、
Mixedの聴き取りテストの向上率は、ほぼ同じであったが、般化テストの正答率が、Mixedのほうが高かったため、HVPTの効果が裏付けられた。
以上の結果を総合すると、次のようにまとめられる。１)３種類の速度で訓練することで、元々持っていた長さ音素の聴き取り判断基準に変化が現れる。訓練前は、Omuro et al.,１９９６が「韓国語母語
話者は長さが違ってくるとモーラ数の認識も変化するため、安定的にモーラ数を認識できない」と述べているように、発話速度に合った母音の長さの正確な比率を知覚できなかったと考えられるが、HV
PTに基づく訓練を通して、速度に合った母音の長さを知覚する判断基準が出来はじめる。２)韓国語母語話者の日本語母音長の知覚は、アクセントの型と位置別で、習得の度合いが異なる。語末にHLをもつ単語から正答率が高くなりはじめ、語頭にHLをもつ単語に限っては、訓練効果が乏しい。３)Single
グループもかなり高い教育効果があったが、Mixedグループでは、速度とアクセント型の全ての項目で、有意な上昇が見られた。般化テストで、高い点数をとったMixedで、HVPTの効果がより大きく現れる。
Moodleを利用したHVPT教授法は、韓国人学習者における日本語母音の長短の知覚を、確実に向上させ、高い教育効果がある反面、この訓練が学習者に大きな負担をかけることも事実である。毎日大学で授業を受講し、また課題もしなければならないため、学習者によっては１日１時間ずつ捻出することも難しいようであった。訓練にかかる時間も、それぞれ異なり、１時間以上かかる学習者もいた。
訓練により、学習者は速度の変化に関係なく、母音の長短を知覚できるようになったが、確固たる判断基準ができたとは言い難い。日本人の知覚テストの結果と比較すると、やはりそのレベルまでは到達していなかったからである。訓練のなかの正答率であるため、日常生活で実際に母音の長さを弁別できるようになったかを見るには、追跡調査が必要である。追跡調査と、学習者にとってできるだ
け負担の少ないトレーニング方法の開発に関しては、今後の研究の課題としたい。
参考文献
李敬淑(2003).「調音速度の変化と韓国語母語話者（中級日本語学習者）による日本語の長母音7

単語で訓練したグループ（Single）：訓練前９２％、訓練後９１％
単語と短文で訓練したグループ（Mixed）：訓練前９３、訓練後８２％262

大塚 香奈 「韓国語母語話者における日本語長母音の知覚と教育効果」
Kana OTSUKA, On the Perception and the Training Effect of Japanese Long Vowels in Korean Learners

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参考URL「ムードル」https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E3%83%A0%E3%83%BC%E3%83%89%E3%83%AB
年9月24

<付録>
(1)刺激語の録音に使用した資料
まずは、単語のみを普通 → 遅い → 速い速度の順に読んでください。
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閲覧日：2016

筑波大学大学院人文社会科学研究科『国際日本研究』

次に「となりに○○と書きなさい」に入れて読んでください。
ビル 伊勢 白湯 瀬戸 生徒 理科 角 図書 有利 左右 当初 カード ルビ リカ
異性 ルビー 過渡 ビール 加藤 ゆり（人の名前）跡 課税 東洋 孝行 声優 考古世紀 土星 購読 増収 席 ジョーカー 投与 遺書 恋 同姓 衣装 孤独 風 製油
造酒 好意 城下 アート 大将 孤高 子機 銅像 おじいさん ここ おじさん 互角
夢 合格 後期 おば 祖語 個室 校長 地図 糧 過程 対処 大場（さん）皇室 個々
洋館 チーズ 土像 教授 好意 故意 ソゴー 誇張 有名 強大 巨大 予感 良好
おばさん 郷里 今日中 旅行 距離 処置 招致 星 欲しい 数詞 すし ハーブ 駆除
九条 工事 誇示 床（とこ）渡航 ハブ 王冠 白 シロー（名前）虚無 教務 酔い
考古 塗料 棟梁 里 節（ふし）風刺 個展 好転 要素 ヨソ 容易 用意 良い 悪寒
釣 ツリー 砂糖 おばあさん 土 通知 鳥 通り 角 華道 席 世紀 買い手 改訂
部屋 一緒 黒 取る 苦労 通る 一生 平野 のど 濃度 シール 補足 琴 主観
法則 習慣 校長 ロバ 強盗 後藤 校庭 固定 高級 呼吸 岡さん 老婆 おかあさん
誇張 汁 コート（2）録音で使用したキャリアセンテンス
１．そこはと書いてあります。
２．私はと言いました。

３．先程と読みました。

４．となりにと書きなさい。

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