EPOKSUMMER 2018

RESEARCH PAPERSEPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Contents○

From the Course Coordinator ○3○

From the Chief Editor

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4

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Student Introduction

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5

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Research Papers○

Teaching English in Japan (G. GOMEZ)

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Attitude to Foreign Language in Japan (J. CROSKELL)

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Hierarchical Relationships in University Sports Clubs:
Case Study of Okayama University Kendo Club (T. SCIAMANNA)

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Methods of learning English in Japan and what proves to be most effective (R. WILSON)19How One’s Dialect Affects One’s Identity: A Case Study of the Kansai Dialect (L. ISAK)23

The Necessity of Writing by Hand (N. MCCULLOUGH)

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The Development and Complications of Modern Japanese (T. SMITH)

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Eat Local, Eat Happy (A. PAYNE)

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Noodles and Japanese Culture (M. YAMASHITA)

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Tattoos in Japan (R. CRAMMOND)

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Odori Matsuri: Building Community Through History (C. STREITZ)

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The Cultural Perception of Matsuri (C. MUIR)

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Manga at Okayama University: Just a Hobby or Also an Ally in Study? (F. MELLANO)

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Kojima Torajiro: The Life that Believed in Art
How that effects Japanese society today (J. CURTIS)

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The History of Gion Matsuri and its Unique Characteristics (A. HUYNH)

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Happiness in Japan (L. SAMPSON)

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Tackling Mental Health Stigma: Can Community-Based Care
Programmes Overcome a History of Hiding from Difference? (M. TAWNEY)

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The Future of Japan: Automation or Immigration? (D. CRUZ QUEVEDO)

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Sexual Health Education in Japan (I. FRAMPTON)

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Presentation Poster

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FROM THE COURSE COORDINATOREPOK Research Project 2018-Summer

EPOK リサーチ・プロジェクトのコースでは、半年または一年間岡山大学で学ぶ EPOK 交換留学生が、日本研究の視野から個々に自由課題を設定し、実践的に文化や社会の活動を観察するフィールドワークを通じてリサーチを行い、その成果をエッセイにまとめました。
研究テーマは、変遷する文化や習慣の様相や意味、日本社会の問題、芸術やアート、ある
いは第二言語の学習に係る諸課題など、自由に広がっており、日本を学ぶという地域研究の学際的取組を映し出しています。2018 年度夏期修了の EPOK 生が作成したリサーチエッ
セイをここに文集としてまとめました。このエッセイ集は、各々の取り組んだテーマを通じて見た日本の姿を示すだけでなく、そこに至る過程での学びや異文化の経験に取り組んだ一人一人の軌跡でもあります。

In the course of EPOK Research Project EPOK students worked on individual research themes inrelation to their interests in Japanese cultures and society, finally to conclude in the research essay.
The compilation of these writings, the 2018-summer EPOK research essay collection, shows a goodvariety of their interest including customs, art, food, education, ethics, community, social system andchallenges, and many more.
I hope the process of searching and finding own theme of interest is acknowledged as a tangible,
exciting and unique experience for each of the EPOK students in learning about the culture which
could be “different” from their own. May this collection of the essays be a token of their discovery
and endeavor in Okayama, Japan.

2018 年 7 月

大林純子
Obayashi Junko
EPOK advisor
Center for Global Partnerships and Education
Okayama University

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FROM THE CHIEF EDITOR

During the experience at Okayama University, students from all over the world had thepossibility not only to improve their abilities in Japanese language, but cross-culturalcommunication skills as well. Thanks to the EPOK Exchange Program, these students wereable to explore Japanese culture outside of their daily lessons. It was the perfect opportunity
for them to find new topics, and to deepen their knowledge about this country.
Over their studies, all of the students chose a particular theme about Japan, and they worked
on it by reading books, making trips, and speaking with Japanese people. This collection of
essays is the result of their researches.
For us, who have worked hard on the project, these presentations don’t just represent theconclusion of our academic path at Okayama University; it is also a tribute to Japan and toits culture. It was an immense honor for us living in this legendary country, making uniqueexperiences, learning new linguistic and cultural topics, and facing challenges that helped us
to develop our academic and personal skills.
We are also immensely grateful to all the people who have been by our side during thesemonths. Professors, advisers, students… With their help, we could face every difficulty witha smile as we lived unforgettable moments. We made precious friendships that we hope tokeep, even after returning to our respective countries.
Each of us will surely treasure the experience at Okayama University in our future academic
and working careers.

Francesca Mellano
JULY 2018

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STUDENT INTRODUCTIONSGABRIELA CHAVEZCALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY FULLERTON, USA
Teaching English in Japan

JACK CROSKELLYORK ST. JOHN UNIVERSITY, UNITED KINGDOM
Attitudes to Foreign Language in JapanTANYA SCIAMANNA
THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH, UNITED KINGDOM
Hierarchical Relationships in University Sports Clubs: Case Studyof Okayama University Kendo Club

REBECCA WILSONYORK ST. JOHN UNIVERSITY, UNITED KINGDOM
Methods of Learning English in Japan and What Proves to be
Most Effective

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LYN ISAK TEWFIKYORK ST. JOHN UNIVERSITY, UNITED KINGDOMHow One’s Dialect Affects One’s Identity: A Case Study of the
Kansai Dialect

NICHOLAS MCCULLOUGHCALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY MONTEREY BAY, USA
The Necessity of Writing by Hand

TANNER SMITH
WICHITA STATE UNIVERSITY, USA
The Development and Complications of Modern Japanese

ALEXANDRA PAYNE
APPALACHIAN STATE UNIVERSITY, USA
Eat Local, Eat Happy

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MITCH KENJI YAMASHITACALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY FULLERTON, USA
Noodles and Japanese Culture

RENEE CRAMMOND
THE UNIVERSITY OF ADELAIDE, AUSTRALIA
Tattoos in JapanCHRISSY STREITZCALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY MONTEREY BAY, USA
Odori Matsuri: Building Community Through History

CHELSEA MUIRTHE UNIVERSITY OF KENT, UNITED KINGDOMThe Cultural Perception of Matsuri

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FRANCESCA MELLANO
CA’FOSCARI UNIVERSITY OF VENICE, ITALY
Manga at Okayama University: Just Hobby or Ally in Study?

JULIA CURTISDALLAS BAPTIST UNIVERSITY, USA
Kojima Torajiro: The Life That Believed in Art, How That Effects
Japanese Society Today

ANN HUYNCALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY FULLERTON, USA
The History of Gion Matsuri and its Unique Characteristics

ELIZABETH SAMPSONCALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY FULLERTON, USA
Happiness in Japan

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MOLLY TAWNEY
THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH, UNITED KINGDOM
Tackling Mental Health Stigma: Can Community Based Care
Programmes Overcome a History of Hiding from Difference?

DAVID CRUZ QUEVEDOCALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY SAN JOSE, USA
The Future of Japan: Automation or Immigration

ISAAC FRAMPTONYORK ST. JOHN UNIVERSITY, UNITED KINGDOM
Sexual Health Education in Japan

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Teaching English in Japan
Gabriela Chavez

ガブリエラ・チャベス

Cal State Fullerton (USA)

Summary: 今回話すトピックはネイティブの英語話者がどのように日本で英語を教えているかについてです。多くの英語話者は英語を教えるために他の国に移住しますが, その国の言語を知りません。今回自分が英語を教えたりや他の人が教えているのを見たりした経験だけでなく,
今後日本で英語を教えようと考えている人たちと話し合った内容や彼らの岡山大学での経験についても言及したいと思います。また英語を教えるためのプロジェクトがどのような必要条件を課しているかについても論じたいと思います。

In high school, I was always interested in becoming a teacher. Of what subject, I did not know
but I knew that I wanted to be one. When I came to Okayama University I wanted to take classes thatwould show me how I could improve my teaching in a way that I could possibly work as a teacher inJapan. During my time here, I have met a lot of students with that same mindset. While most of them
have some experience with the Japanese language, I wanted to know how some people becometeachers with little knowledge on the language of the country they are working for and what kind of
requirements programs have for potential teachers.
Okayama University provides a TESOL class where the students are able to talk with Japanese
students to help improve their English. I decide on taking this class because I wanted to try forming
small lesson plans and taking with other students. While it is only an hour long, the time spent talking
and getting to know the Japanese students striving to improve their English is admirable. Though,there were times when we would communicate and could not fully understand each other. The only
solution to that was for me to rephrase or speak Japanese. While rephrasing worked sometimes, it did
not work all the time. I realized having a limited Japanese vocabulary limits how I would be able tospeak to students. I began to wonder how some teachers are able to overcome that barrier when it isbound to repeat itself.
So, I began to interview the other student teachers on their methods when they talk to theirstudents. Some of the other student teachers explained how they would keep their vocabulary simple
and to the point. When the English language uses different kinds of words for one word of the same
meaning it sometimes gets muddled in translation. One of my peers said that she focused more what
the students already knew and tried to focus on improving that aspect. She worked on pronunciation,
as it is a difficult barrier for japans students because they don’t regularly pronounce the L, R, S, Th
sounds. Another peer worked on expanding their vocabulary. She would try to come up with variationsof words that meant the same thing. Another student worked on getting the students listening to ahigher altitude. He would play music and have the students write the lyrics they could hear and thenexplain what the lyrics meant. While these methods worked with the type of classes we were teaching
it still did not answer my question on how teachers are able to communicate with their class.
I visited a high school where I got to observe how a teacher from the U.S. taught her students
with little Japanese. The school had it so the native English speaking teacher as well as a Japaneseteacher was teaching the class together. The English speaking teacher would explain what she wasdoing and the Japanese teacher would translate or wait for the students to ask for a translation. The
teachers had to work together and understand each other for the class to run efficiently. During anactivity, the teacher made it so the students would talk to each other so they could only depend onthemselves on themselves. When a student came across a word they did not know they were told to
ask the English speaking teacher for help first before the Japanese speaking teacher. This was so the10

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018students would have to try to speak and understand in English before they got an explanation in
Japanese. Watching this, it seemed that this method works well because it gives the students the help
they need while still learning.
I spoke with some students about their plans after graduation and some said they wereinterested in the JET program or some other program that lets post bachelor graduates become an ALT
in Japan. There are many programs that want native English speakers to teach in Japan. While those
programs are a possibility there are a lot of people applying so the acceptance rate is very low. Having
certain qualifications would help boost ones chances in getting accepted. When on the Jet Programwebsite the first requirement was, “Be interested in Japan and be willing to deepen their knowledge
and appreciation of Japan after their arrival; be motivated to participate in and initiate international
exchange activities in the local community; make effort to study or continue studying the Japanese
language prior to and after arriving in Japan”(JET). Having that as the first requirement is important.
Some people might not be willing to learn more about the country and language they are working for.
As English is a universal language that most people can communicate in, the need for learning anotherlanguage would be unnecessary. With the advancement of technology people would be able tocommunicate their meaning through a device that translates. The JET program would help students
learn more on how to make lessons and actually learn how to teach. While it is a short program it
could help build the foundation for the career student hope to achieve.
When looking around campus, I was able to see that there are many students that want to learn
and improve their English skills. The students that want to teach are all very interested in Japaneseand the culture here as well. Having seen it first hand, I know that there are students working hard tolearn more of the country they want to work for in the future. Observing how student teachers work
to be able to communicate with their students helps me understand that not everyone is planning towork just for the money. Being a foreign teacher in Japan is an experience where the teacher andstudent learn from each other and grow together, while learning about each others’ cultures andcountries.
My research was meant to cover how a native English speaker is able to teach in Japan without
knowing Japanese. I have observed many methods that students and teachers create so the barrier oflanguage is not as large as it should have been. Observing how some student teachers were able tocreate content for their classes so as to include everyone and not let anyone fell left behind or confused
was inspiring. My time observing a teacher at a high school was very reassuring. I was able tounderstand more about the Japanese school system that helps the students as well as the teachers beable to communicate with one another. The JET program is also a good way to start ones journey ofteaching in Japan. Being an ALT helps creating lesson plans, builds experience and character. Having
the motivation to learn more about Japanese culture and language helps close the gap between theteacher and student and builds a stable connection between you and the country.

References:
JET eligibility (internet) at http://jetprogramme.org/en/eligibility/ ( Last Accessed: July 1, 2017)11

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Attitudes to Foreign Language in JapanJack Croskell

ジャック クロスケル

York St. John University (United Kingdom)

Summary:
In today’s society, communication is an important skill. Being able to communicate inmultiple languages is another important and highly valued skill which is on the rise in the world of
employment. In Japan, an economic pillar of the world, is this sentiment truly held to the same
standard? This essay aims to look into the political and social image of bilingualism, the educationand systems in place for it and it’s development within Japan.
現代社会でコミュニケーションは大切です。他の言語で伝えられるのは大切と探された腕前です。今の社会でこの意見はだんだん増えていて世論になりました。日本ではこの意見は世論ですか？この小論文の目的はバイリンガルのイメージの政府的と社会的な理由に考えると説明するつもりです。

Introduction:
In a modern world, hearing foreign languages is an everyday occurance. However, for 54%
of Europeans(European Commission, 2012), being able to converse in another language is also an
everyday thing for them. With this number on the rise, bilingualism is slowly becoming a larger alarger force in the world.
Japan, with an increasing number of employees joining the retail force, taking up
approximately 16.46% of the national working population (Ministry of Internal Affairs andCommunications, 2018), bilingualism would surely benefit Japan in various ways. With thisbecoming more and more apparent to businesses around the world, this essay intends to look into how
Japan as a country is taking on the bilingual movement, as a government and as a country in general.
As an exchange student living in Japan, I have been able to have a personal insight into thebilingual society that exists in Japan, be it native Japanese speakers or foreign students or residents
who have Japanese as a second or further language. Using this opportunities I have been given andthe experiences I have accrued in these areas first hand, I hope to guide this essay towards a somewhat
conclusive outcome on what foreign language education truly means in Japan.

Social:As a society, Japan has a rather negative self image when it comes to foreign language ability.
Following an online survey conducted by Rakuten in 2016 (楽天リサーチ, 2016), 69.6% of peopleinterviewed referred to their English capabilities as “poor (poor, very poor)”, an idea that is very
consistent with a national image, where 74.2% of people said that the overall English level of Japanesepeople is “low (low, very low)”. In contrast to this, only 3.6% of people thought of the general level
to be “high (high, very high)” (楽天リサーチ, 2016).
Whilst these statistics are relatively high, the image of foreign language learning is notreflected in the image of how language capabilities are seen in Japan. With 43.9% saying that they
“dislike (dislike, dislike a lot)” it, 21.3% said that they “like (like, love)” studying English (楽天リサーチ, 2016). Whilst these statistics greatly differ from the perception of language level, those who

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seem to be more indifferent in their view towards learning foreign languages seem to hold a morenegative view on the level of fluency in foreign languages in Japan. Those who said that they enjoyedstudying english generally employed the same methods as those in other answer brackets.
However, the closest and most important part of this study comes in the opinion of importance.
With “unimportant (unimportant, utterly unimportant)” and “important (important, very important)”
being within 8% of each other(楽天リサーチ, 2016), showing a clear divide in public opinion.
Naturally, those who found English fun and interesting to study stated as a majority that English wasimportant, whilst those who who found it the opposite stated it to be unimportant as a majority. Bothof these sides were relatively close, being 59.6% to 56.0% respectively(楽天リサーチ, 2016),
showing a clear but not striking majority in these opinions.
For those who found it to be important, the key reasons for this, sat around 47% respectively
were to “broaden perspective” and “to communicate with foreign people” whilst those who found it
to be unimportant had “there is no particular reason” as the highest response, with the highest reasons
being “because I have no plans to travel abroad” and “because I have no opportunity to communicate
with foreign people” at 30.5% each (楽天リサーチ, 2016).
Looking at this information as a whole, the social perspective of foreign language seems tobe very skewed either way by opportunities to use the language. Those that focus on learning thelanguage have a primary reason of having opportunities or using it when the opportunity arises, whilston the other hand, those who feel the opposite way also have the opposite experience.
Since 2011, from 5th grade English education has been mandatory, meaning that more recent efforts
by the government to affect this area may not show, due to the age range of this research survey being
20-69. This could lead to somewhat of a disconnect between the social and political outlooks, although
there is no strong general opinion socially.

Political:
The Japanese government itself has been placing more focus on English education for students.
Through changes such as budgeting to add 1,000 more English teachers to elementary schools (TheJapan Times, 2018), planning to turn English into a standard subject, doubling its classroom hours andreforming its teaching methods (The Japan Times, 2017). Alongside long standing such as JET, a 1978
program that aims promote English language learning and teaching with the help of predominantly
English-speaking natives. With these various areas coming together, it is clear that the Japanese
government is in support of foreign language education, with a clear focus on English as a secondary
language for students to learn from elementary school onwards.
JET, being a flagship icon for English learning and teaching is a very important aspect in thepolitical and social image of foreign language. Being a programme that brings in native or near-native
speakers of English, this program works in the biggest area of English learning image, offering
opportunities to converse and learn with native speakers. Although not at its peak participation
numbers, the programme has been slowly climbing back up from 2008 and is currently sitting at 5,163
participants from 44 countries (JET Programme, 2018). Receiving funding from the Japanese
government, JET is a key example of the current government's attitude towards foreign language inJapan.
However, the attitude the government has consistently shown towards English education is
not reflected in its results, consistently falling in place on the Education First rankings, currently sat
at #37, just behind China (Education First, 2018). However, in contention with this, Japanese company
Rakuten announced in 2015 that its employees averaged a TOEIC score of 802.6 out of 990, a drasticchange from 526.2 5 years prior in 2015(The Japan Times, 2015).

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Whilst this is a different result to the national average, the current government is slowly
placing in new changes which should put them on the Rakuten track, such as standardising English as
a subject (The Japan Times, 2017). If the government can keep on this track and create a morefavourable social opinion on foreign language instead of the divide that is present right now, the results
may gradually change in their favour.

Conclusion:
Overall, there is no prevalent idea of bilingualism and foreign language in Japan. Although
the government is very one-sided about its position, the results do not back up its current efforts.
However, looking at this and the survey results presented, I would say that Japan has the same notationof bilingualism and foreign language that I was looking for, but it has been shaped into its own formby the language culture present in Japan. Due to lack of exposure and opportunity, the openings createdby being bilingual or multilingual in Japan seem to be more social than professional. This may be due
to Japan itself being a society further removed from the influences of others, allowing being purely
monolingual to not be professionally disadvantageous when compared to other countries.
If I could look into this more, I would look into the deeper cultural aspects of how language
is used nationally and internationally, businesses such as Rakuten with its “Englishnization” (TheJapan Times, 2015) offer a good insight into alternative and successful ventures into Japanese
language education, something which is a very key part of this essay. Whilst this essay did look atbaseline social and political reasons and opinions, the deeper details could be delved into, providing amuch clearer and frank explanation for the current state of affairs in Japan we see today.

References:
EuropeanCommission.
2012.
Europeans
andtheirLanguages.
[ONLINE]
Available
http://ec.europa.eu/commfrontoffice/publicopinion/archives/ebs/ebs_386_en.pdf. [Accessed 12 July 2018].

at:

Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. 2018. Labour Force Survey. [ONLINE] Available at:
http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/roudou/index.htm
楽 天 リ サ ー チ . (2016). リ サ ー チ デ ー タ 英 語 に 関 す る 調 査 ｜ 楽 天 リ サ ー チ . [online] Available at:https://research.rakuten.co.jp/report/20160826/ [Accessed 12 Jul. 2018].
The Japan Times. (2018). Japan to add 1,000 more English teachers to elementary schools. [online] Available at:https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2017/12/22/national/politics-diplomacy/japan-add-1000-english-teachers-elementaryschools-fiscal-2018-budget-shows/ [Accessed 12 Jul. 2018].
The Japan Times. (2017). English heads for elementary school in 2020 but hurdles abound. [online] Available at:https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2016/09/05/reference/english-heads-elementary-school-2020-hurdles-abound/[Accessed 12 Jul. 2018].
JET Programme. (2018). History | JET Programme. [online] Available at: http://jetprogramme.org/en/history/ [Accessed 12
Jul. 2018].
Education First. (2018). EF EPI 2017 – Japan. [online] Available at: https://www.ef.co.uk/epi/regions/asia/japan/ [Accessed
12 Jul. 2018].
The
Japan
Times.
(2015).
Rakutenforgesahead
inEnglish.
[online]Available
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2015/05/23/editorials/rakuten-forges-ahead-english/ [Accessed 12 Jul. 2018].

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Hierarchical Relationships in University Sports Clubs:
Case Study of Okayama University Kendo Club
大学の部活における上下関係：岡山大学剣道部の事例
Tanya Sciamanna

シャマンナ・タニヤ

University of Edinburgh (United Kindgom)

Summary: This study will examine hierarchical relationships and how they are expressed within club
activities in Japan using the Okayama University Kendo Club as a case study. In the United Kingdom,Japanese university sports clubs have a very strict, almost draconian, reputation and this study will examine
to what extent this is true. Through 10 months of observation and participation in club activities, thisresearch aims to record to what extent these hierarchical relationships exist and how they manifest in theactions and speech style of the members. Additionally, this study will contrast the real life use of keigo
with the usage taught in textbooks in the United Kingdom, which primarily emphasises the relative positionof the conversation partner over the situation or topic. However, as this research will show, often use of
keigo is more dependent on the latter two factors, especially where there is little difference in status. For
Japanese learners, use of keigo and navigating Japanese hierarchical relationships is often seen as one of
the hardest things to master; this research aims to provide some clarity and actual use cases for real life
scenarios.

日本の文化や日本語の中で、上下関係や敬語の正確な使い方などが外国人や日本語学習者にとって非常に難しいと言われている。特に、日本に在留したことのない
人にとって教科書だけで勉強するのが大変である。さらに、日本人全人が同じルールに従っているわけでもないので、十人十色の問題とも言える。現在までの勉強では、英国と違い、「状況」や「話題」より「相手の立場」により敬語の使い方などが決められるということが強調された。本稿では、岡山大学剣道部の事例を述べ、部内でどのような上下関係があるのかや、その上下関係がどのようにあらわれているのかを検討する。そのために部内の行為と先生方への行為という２つの場面を分析するが前者を重視する。最後に「状況」、「話題」、「相手の立場」といった要素を考え、上下関係に与える影響を検討する。
本研究の動因になったのは、剣道部に入ろうと決めた際の先輩の反応である。日
本の部活の厳しさや、絶対に入らせないこと等の注意を大量に頂いた。先輩が部活を経験したことがないにも関わらず、非常に強いイメージを持っていたのである。
そのイメージを考え、本当の状況を探るためにこの研究を行うことにした。さらに、上下関係などが外国人にとって大変難しいと考えられる上、部活や社会に参加していないので殆どの留学生が経験できないことのである。また、剣道部は本研究に大変適切であるので対象をすることにした。稽古は週に５回行われているため、観察する機会が多い。その上、武道であることにより、段位の上下関係もあり、他の部
活に比べ上下関係が厳しいはずであり、部員同士だけでなく、先生との交流もある。
しかも、8 月から 10 ヶ月の観察というのは、4 月で入部した 1 年生が剣道部の規則

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や習慣を教えられることも観察でき、理想と現実の上下関係を比べることが出来る。
以上のことでこの研究の動因と剣道部の相応しさが理解出来る。
部活の上下関係について現在までの研究を述べる。高校の部活を対象している研究を含めても、英語での研究はまだ少ない。当たり前のことと考えられるのではな
いであろう。Cave（2004）が教育制度で部活の役割を研究し、上下関係が厳しくても部員が親しかったと触れ、部活は上下関係を教える場として強調した。Fukuzawaと Letrende（2001）もこの点を述べた。McDonald と Sylvester（2014）が大学の部
活の飲み会とその重要さを検討した。上下関係と職場へのつながりや内定についての研究で（van Ommen, 2014）また部活の上下関係を、社会や会社での上下関係を教える方法として述べるが、上下関係の表し方は触れない。他の研究がないわけではないが、部内の関係を詳しく検討したものはまだない。それに加えて、大学の部活を対象する研究が少なく、殆どの研究は中学校・高校の部に注目している。
本研究では剣道部の観察だけでなく、様々な方法を利用した研究である。来日した 9 月の下旬から 1.5 時間の稽古を週に 5 回参加して頂いた上、岡山武道館での一
般練習や様々な大会や合同稽古など、普通の稽古と異なる状況での行為も観察できた。その上、飲み会をはじめに、道場外の交流にも参加した。この幅広い観察以外、
LINE やメールでの交流もより客観的に分析することが出来る。岡山剣道部には 1 年
生から 5 年生、院生の先輩もおり、稽古に参加してくださる先生もおり、先輩や先生に対しての行動も観察十分にできた。
部員同士の一般的交流の観察を述べ、部内での上下関係を分析する。まず、敬語の使い方や話し方についての観察を述べる。部員は学年や段位を問わず自由に会話をかけあう。同輩や後輩に話す時は敬語なしだが、先輩に話す多くの時は、丁寧語が使われている。女子の中で下の名前を使うことがあるが、男子の方でこの傾向が少ない。しかし、同じ名字のある人の場合は区別のため下の名前を使うことが多い。
先輩は勿論、「さん」や「先輩」をつけるが、同輩や後輩は呼び捨てする。先輩について話す時は受身形が使われていることはあるが、尊敬語はあまり使われていな
い。丁寧語は稽古中でも、応援する時などに使われているが、指示する時には殆ど使われていない。道場内でも外でも、他部員を見たら必ず挨拶する。稽古が終わった時の集合では、部員全体に話す際、観察した限り敬語を使う人いれば使わない人もいる。しかし、LINE では、報告などがあれば、誰に向けても敬語で書かれている。また、欠席・早退などの報告も同様である。一方、LINE で普通の交流をする
時、方言を含めた非常に砕けた話し方を使うことが多い。尚、LINE の場合は後輩が敬語を使わないこともある。メールで書く時はメールに相応しい書き言葉や敬語が使われている。敬語の使い方から、剣道部での上下関係にはある程度の厳しさがあると理解できる。非常に厳しい部活であれば、先輩と自由に話しかけることは恐らくないであろう。しかし、先輩にきちんと敬語が使われており、先輩と後輩の区

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別を原語で作られている。最後に、敬語の使い方は段位に全く関係なく学年だけに決められている。
次は部内同士に対しての行動を分析する。3 年の後半から、殆どの部員が引退し、稽古だけでなくに参加が減るがお金を寄付する。2 年と 3 年の前半は主催者として活躍し、主将や副首相として稽古を指揮し、1 年生の管理を行いながら手伝う。1
年生は道場の準備や掃除責任が負おわれ、飲み物、扇風機、郵便や掃除担当などをあずかっている。しかし観察した限り、この区別は厳しいとは言えない。必要であれば、2 年生も 3 年生も手伝うことあるある。行動で上下関係が明らかに見られる所は飲み会である。剣道部の飲み会は厳しい方で、皆スーツを着なければならない
ことになっている。乾杯の時のグラスの位置、飲み物の注ぎ方などは厳しく細かいところまで決定されている。会場の外、部員全員が並べ、後輩揃えの「お疲れ様です！」が響ているところ、年長の順番で入る。ルールが厳しいことに対して、雰囲
気がリラックスした感じである。
武道の部活は厳しいイメージがあるが、以上述べたように、部員同士に対して岡山大学剣道部はそれほど厳しくないと理解できる。英国では、日本の部活は厳しいイメージがあり、後輩が先輩に声をかけられないことや、体罰を使うことなどのイメージあるが、岡山大学剣道部にはこういうことはなかった。これは時代の変化か、
この大学の剣道部が比較的に厳しくないかはこの研究では結論できない。しかし、
最近ニューズになった日本大学フェニックス反則タックル問題（朝日新聞、2018）から、上下関係が厳しく、上からの命令に反抗できない部はまだあることがわかる。
上下関係は部員同士のものだけでなく、先生に対しての行動や敬語の使い方も含めたものである。岡山大学剣道部には監督も師範もいないが、OB の先生方と強いつながりがあり、よく稽古に参加して頂く。先生に対しては丁寧語だけでなく、尊敬語・謙譲語・丁重語を使う。部員に敬語を使う先生も使わない先生もいる。先生に袴を畳んみ、剣道具を片付け、飲み物をもって差し上げる。先生の前に不避けており、暗損でおりは勿論駄目のだが、先生の前で水を飲むこともできれば避けることになっている。さらに、見学に来た人の座り方まで決められている。部員同士との行動に比べ、非常に厳しい。しかしこういう行為は上下関係の表明というより、剣道で先生への感謝や尊敬の表し方である。
以上で岡山大学剣道部での上下関係を短く検討し来た。本稿から２つのことが結論できる。1 つ目は、岡山大学剣道部はそれほど厳しくないということである。上下関係は守りながら、自由に話せる、行動できる環境を作ることが出来た。実際、敬語を使うことは関係の親しみさに関係が少ないということである。2 つ目は、本研究では「状況」、「話題」、「相手の立場」が全て敬語の使い方に影響を与えていることがわかる。主に二つの場合に分けられる。先生とかかる場合である。この場合、状況や話題より、相手の立場が大事で、いつも敬語が使われている。しかし、

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部員同士の時は相手より、話題や状況の方が影響力がある。自分から明らかに立場の高い人と話す場合はそれを考え敬語を使うが、大体自分と似ているような立場の人と話す場合は話題と状況が重要になる。最後に、本研究は習慣的なものなので、上下関係や敬語の使い方についての客観的な研究が行われる機会があればいい。
＜参考文献＞:
朝日新聞（2018）『アメフト関学大選手側が被害届提出 日大タックル問題』
https://www.asahi.com/articles/ASL5P4D6NL5PPTQP008.html、閲覧 2018 年 7 月 13 日
Cave, P. (2004) ‘"Bukatsudō": The Educational Role of Japanese School Clubs’, The Journal of Japanese Studies, Vol. 30,
No. 2, pp. 383-415
Fukuzawa, R. E. and Letrende, J. K. (2001) ‘Peers and Friendship: Groups and Expanding Social Network’ in Intense Years:
How Japanese Adolescents Balance School, Family, And Friends New York: Routledge
McDonald, B. and Sylvester, K. (2014) ‘Learning to get drunk: The importance of drinking in Japanese university sports
clubs’, International Review for the Sociology of Sport, Vol. 49(3/4), pp.331–345
Van Ommen, M. (2015) ‘Extracurricular Paths into Job Markets in Contemporary Japan: The Way of Both Pen and Soccer
Ball’, Japanese Studies, Vol. 35, No. 1, pp.85–102d

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Methods of learning English in Japan and what proves to be most effective
Rebecca Wilson

レベッカ・ウイルソン

York St. John University (United Kingdom)

本章で日本における英語の学習法ついて検討する。その上、国立や私立学校の授業や、塾と家庭教師、自由な雰囲気の英会話教室や外国人とカジュアルな会話など、勉強し方にとって様々な違いあるかと検討する。最後に、どの方法が最も効果的であることについて述べていく。

In this paper I will be considering the different ways in which English is taught over thecountry of Japan, specifically university level while considering other aspects that may affect a
person’s learning. Initially, I will be analysing the ways in which English is taught, and how thistranslates across from a student’s perspective.
Before analysing how English learners learn. We must first look at how English is taught in
the Japanese school system and the several ways in which people learn language. Firstly, we will startwith the mandatory and typical practices of English language classes in Japan. As of 2011 (ref.
Wikipedia) English education is mandatory from the age of 11. If in the case of a student who remains
in education until they are 18. This adds up to roughly 7 years of English education. Depending on thehigh school, English teaching methods vary, however in this report we will be focusing on the main
methods. We must consider the fact that learning a new language is not like learning another subject
such as Maths and Science. With a second or third new language, we must consider it a process rather
than a product. Therefore, the level of a person’s English is difficult to measure. With tests in placesuch as TOIEC or TOEFL, Japan measures a person’s English ability. However, there is a lot of
misunderstandings about whether these tests accurately measure a person’s ability to use English incontrast to memorizing certain parts of English grammar and vocabulary to attain high test scores.
From a culture perspective, Japanese people tend to be humbler to their efforts. Therefore,
considering themselves to be “bad” English speakers or just being unable to speak English at all. Japan
has a somewhat reputation for being one of the countries that has a low number of English speakers.
However, if we take into consideration the culture aspects in this, Japanese people tend to know some
simple grammar structures with vocabulary that they have learned from high school. However, since
there tends to be “no use” for English in their daily lives, they may forget a lot of what they learnedin high school. If we continue to consider culture, generally, silence is also an accepted response inJapanese culture, whereas in Western countries it may be considered as bad manners, people in a
Japanese society may be encouraged to be speak as little as possible to save face and keep up a good
reputation.
The traditional method of learning English is the grammar translation method. This is wherestudents learn the grammatical rules of a language and applying the rules when translating it from theirnative language. The biggest problem with this method seems to be the lack of English used in thelessons, (ref. Japan Today article) by being taught the grammar rules in Japanese and applying themfrom Japanese language rather than hearing and using native examples only allows Japanese students
to remember rules of grammar rather than English practice. Also, since English has many special cases
when it comes to not using typical grammar rules, a learners English tends to become structure andmay sound unnatural. Another common method of teaching English that has been proven to not bebeneficial for long term second language use is that students are not being taught how English is usedin practice but rather they are being taught the problems that will appear in their exams. Rather thanlanguage learning this tends to be an exercise of short term memory. Students forget the majority ofwhat they learned, the reason seems to be that students tend to remember the difficulty and struggleof learning English and therefore avoid any further stimulation (Andrea.R 1975). Basically, students
are not engaged with what they are learning and in their 7 years of English Education they end up
learning very little practical English Language skills. And with this many Japanese people tend to
avoid further need for studying English, as the outcome is usually low.
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There are many new methods of English that are resulting in much more successful results.
More and more schools are employing teacher of whom are fluent English speakers to give students a
far more immersive and intense learning experience. From my own experience in proving assistancein English classes. Teachers are trying to engage students in more than just memory and translation.
For example, even though the class I assist is a Reading and Writing class, the teacher usually sets an
exercise where the students must talk for roughly one minute about a previously chosen topic. Peer
work is also highly encouraged. Also, with a native non-fluent speaker of Japanese like myself in theroom, the students tend to push themselves harder to be understood since to their understanding I am
only a speaker of English and therefore they must use English with me. Students are becoming more
and more engaged with learning English. Previously they were usually exposed to only textbooks andliteracy that helped them practice, since the students aren’t using English in real life practice, such as
speaking with foreigners or consuming foreign media such as music or film, they see English as moreof a chore rather than a helpful skill.
However, this is changing in Japan, for several months I volunteered as a helper at the global
café within my university and even took part in a short 2-month internship as part of a TESOL class.
Many students registered for scheduled eikaiwa lessons to practice their English-speaking skills. I
often asked, students why they look eikaiwa classes, the answers often ranged from wanting to keep
up their English proficiency from when they study abroad to “because my teacher told me to”,
depending on their answers I could see how engaged the students wanted to be in their eikaiwa lessons.
Therefore, it was up to teachers like myself to keep the classes fresh and interesting, and so this leadme to want to study further into how non-native English speakers learn English. So this leads me to,how eikaiwa classes are taught in comparison to regular English classes. From my own experience,eikaiwa for a start is a lot more relaxed atmosphere where Japanese students are not graded for theirefforts, the classes were not made to grade students on their class but rather to help them improve.
This is supposed to create a better environment for students to be more open to making and learningfrom mistakes without the pressure of losing anything in the case that their English is incorrect. Whichalso creates a challenge for the teachers like myself, how should I correct students and how often to
ensure they are learning without hurting their confidence. My personal way of dealing with this was
to give easy suggestions of vocabulary and grammar rather than to correct what English the student
has used. And so, instead of pointing out that they are incorrect, it is better to say “there is a betterway to say this”. I often used easy games for my students, although their English level would probably
let them do more difficult activities. I wanted to keep the relaxed atmosphere of “no-pressure” and letthem freely use easy English. In contrast to, the Reading and Writing class I assist, this class is far
more strictly structured to the teacher’s lesson plan compared to a typical eikaiwa lesson. The classtypically begins with each student making a very short (about 20-30 seconds of speaking) speech abouta clip of a movie they saw previously, this challenges them to express their feelings and opinions aboutsomething, of which Japanese people tend not to do in high school lessons. During this activity
students are expected to take notes on each other’s (around 2-3 people’s) mini-speeches and reflect
upon them. I am also expected to make a mini speech to help the students get used to how a native
speaker uses English, followed by the teacher.
Also, the huge influx of native English-speaking teacher in Japan is changing the way thatJapanese students learn English. During the first quarter of my university term, I visited as part of agroup trip to a Japanese high school to observe how Japanese students learn English in a classroombased setting. Taking into consideration this was quite a prodigious high school and therefore they are
more likely to have higher qualified teachers. From this experience I was able to witness almost only
English was being used in the lesson, with an assistant teacher translating if need be. The foreign
students also took part in the lesson by having Japanese students ask them questions in English as partof a self-introduction exercise. The students seemed enthused towards activity as they have unlikely
had much opportunity to speak with foreign people.
And so, I was able to compare how my students spoke English in my English conversation
lessons with the students I assisted in the English reading and writing class. It was true that my English
Conversation students were more open and interested in trying to express their ideas, however the

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Reading and Writing class students were a lot more reserved. This could be due to the environment oflearning, the Reading and Writing class takes place in a classroom with roughly 40 students rather
than a small group of 3 or 4 students in an eikaiwa lesson. The Reading and Writing classes are formore structured than an eikaiwa lesson and finally, it is a reading and Writing class, although thestudents are encouraged to speak as much English as they can, they are not particularly graded on thisand therefore they may feel there is not much need to speak. Therefore, when it comes to speaking
English, far more relaxed situations may be more beneficial for students to practice and learn English.
In the English class I assisted, I asked exactly 40 students to fill out a questionnaire. I asked
questions such as how often do you study English and how long for. 90% of the students wrote theystudied English for 1 hour or less a week of which shocked me. I made sure to include Japanesetranslations of the questions so that the meaning
would not get confused. The final question was in
Do you plan on continuing
two parts, “Do you plan on continuing to learn
your English Education
English after graduating university and do you think
after graduating?
English will be beneficial to your future and why”,
the students are between the age of 18-19 years old
and are all 1st year students at Okayama University.
33% of the students said they wanted to continue tolearn English for the sake of talking to foreign people.
20% of the students mentioned the Tokyo Olympics
Yes
No
Not Sure
and how the influx of foreigners pressures them tofeel they need to know more English. 40% of student
said they would not continue their English education, as it did not interest them, or they had no needfor it in their future career plans. Finally, 70% of students said they had at some point attended a cramschool for English lessons, this figure shows how much pressure there is for Japanese school students
to get higher tests scores on English tests. However, as cram school is just after school classes in a
private institution, a lot of the students said they did not like it and make them dislike learning English.
Another way to compare how Japanese people learn English is to compare Japanese students
who have studied abroad in an English speaking countries to those who have not. Since students areforced to use and learn English their ideas about language tend to broaden and their attitudes towards
learning English become more positive. We can even draw this from Japanese people who haven’t
studied but rather lived in English speaking countries. Because they used English in their day-to-day
lives their English begins to reflect that of a native speaker and therefore they can make stronger
relationships with those from other countries.
To conclude, Japan is heading in a much more positive direction when it comes to learning
English. More modern teachings and resources are becoming available for students to actively engage
in learning a new language in a way that is useful for them, not just for tests. The reason for studying
English must be heavily considered when looking at a student’s progress. If a student is simply
learning English to study for a test, then they will unlikely take their English skill seriously. If a student
is learning for their own sake and they want to use English in their future, they are more likely toengage in their classes as well as seek out opportunities to practice their English with fluent or native
English speakers.

References:
English for specific purposes: a learning centred approach, T.Hutchinson,A.Waters 198721

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Disconinutity in learning: Education as a transformation, Andrea.R 2013
International perspectives in motivation: language learning and professional challenges, P.Macmillian 2013https://japantoday.com/category/features/lifestyle/whats-wrong-with-english-education-in-japan-pull-up-a-chair[accessed 17-05-18]
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English-language_education_in_Japan#School_system

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How One’s Dialect Affects One’s Identity: A Case Study of the Kansai Dialect
Lyn Isakリン・イザック

York St. John University (United Kingdom)

Summary:
人のアイデンティティはその人の全ての元でもあることが知られている。だが、どうやって人のアイデンティティとその人の言葉が関連付けているのか、言葉の背景の変化がアイデンティ
ティにどういった影響を与えるのか、まだ曖昧な部分がある。この調査を通して関西方言とア
イデンティティの関係を調べたことで、下記の三つが重要だと明確になった：他方言との触れ合い、方言背景の変化、時間。今レポートでこの三つの要素と方言に対するアイデンティティの関係の分析を行う。

Literature Review:
The topic of the relationship between the language that one speaks and one’s identity issomething that many academics and researchers have investigated, with at least 90,413 publications
to be found on the matter in one library alone. Most recent texts conclude that one’s language andone’s identity are indeed directly related, with the effects of this relationship taking many different
forms. One research even found that an unhealthy relationship or an abuse of the relationship between
identity and language can have detrimental health effects on the individual concerned (Boutet 2012).
Although the amount of academic literature available that specifically considers the relationshipbetween dialect and identity is less than 2% of that available on language and identity, it has beenfound that different dialects are cognitively processed and treated within the speaker as different
languages (Kirk et al. 2018). Due to this, literature concerning language and identity will be used insupport of this investigation of dialect and identity within applicable and appropriate reason.
Although literature can be found in abundance regarding language and identity (and so also
dialect and identity – as considered above), very little can be found investigating the specificrelationship between the Kansai dialect and the identity of its speakers. The two texts that seem tohave the most potential to gain insight from are Ball’s article in the Language and Communication
journal ‘Repertoires of registers: dialect in Japanese discourse’ (Ball 2004), and SturtzSreetharan’s
article in the Japanese Language and Literature journal ‘‘ “Na(a)n ya nen”: Negotiating Language
and Identity in the Kansai Region’.
Ball’s article’s dominant investigation is of the specific linguistic differences between the
Kansai (specifically the Kyoto and Osaka varieties) and Tokyo-standard dialects – something notdirectly relevant to my own investigation. However, in Ball’s analysis, evidence is found of specificpersonality and identity traits that are formed as a direct biproduct of being a Kansai (Osaka and Kyoto
in this specific case) dialect speaker. In Ball’s investigation, the personality and identity traits
associated specifically with being a Kyoto or Osaka dialect speaker are not only analysed from theperspective of the speaker, but also from the perspective of a non-Kansai dialect observer; a displayof peer identification as well as self-identification. Although my own investigation is focused solely
on the self-identification of a Kansai dialect-speaking individual, being aware of the outside
perspective from a non-Kansai individual may prove insightful.
The approach in SturtzSreetharan’s investigation into the Kansai dialect and identity differs
greatly from that of Ball’s, only investigating within the specific context of Japanese reality televisionand ‘boke and tsukkomi’-type manzai. The issue of gender and gendered language is the bigger focusof this text, with the relationship between gendered language in dialect use and identity explored,
rather than dialect use in general. Although SturtzSreetharan insists that gender in language plays asignificant role in the formation of one’s identity, this is only inspected with respect to male gendered

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language use and male interlocutors. As my own investigation consists of both male and female
participants, it is unclear whether gender and gendered language will prove to be as influential in myown investigation. However, the reading of SturtzSreetharan’s text has persuaded me to keep
awareness of its potential significance.

Research Aims and Methodology:
The main aim of my research is to identify the effects that one’s dialect has on one’s personal
identity, and how this can differ and change with situation. In order to be able to critically analyse myresults on an equal plain and in a single frame of reference, I have decided to conduct this researchwithin the Kansai dialect alone. As the specific variable I will be examining regarding the Kansai
dialect-identity relationship is the dialect that one is surrounded by for a given length of time, othervariables must be kept as identical as possible. In order to achieve this, I decided to perform a casestudy of individuals from one family, each member of whom will be kept anonymous. Eachparticipant’s background that concerns dialect and dialect change is as follows:
1. RY: Born and raised in the Shiga prefecture, surrounded by the Shiga variety of the Kansai
dialect. Has never left their place of residence and has only worked within the Kansai region.
Still lives in the same surroundings at mid-adulthood.
2. NY: Born and raised in the Shiga prefecture, surrounded by the Shiga variety of the Kansai
dialect. Moved to Tokyo for university and worked in Tokyo upon graduation for a numberof years before returning to their hometown in Shiga. Still lives their today and works in thelocality.
3. TY: Born and raised in the Shiga prefecture, surrounded by the Shiga variety of the Kansai
dialect. Moved to Shizuoka for university before entering employment in Kanagawa
prefecture. Has stayed in Kanagawa ever since – an amount of time longer than that that theyspent in their hometown.
4. RY: Born and raised surrounded by the Shiga variety of the Kansai dialect, spent time overseas,
and recently returned to Japan, but to an area of a different dialect.
5. KY: Born and raised surrounded by a dialect different to the Kansai dialect, but now speak
the Kansai dialect due to having spent the majority of their life (e.g. from entering employment
to retirement) in the Shiga prefecture, surrounded by the Shiga variety of the Kansai dialect.
6. YY: Born and raised in the Shiga prefecture, surrounded by the Shiga variety of the Kansai
dialect. Moved abroad upon graduation of university and has lived ever since in a nonJapanese environment.
Due to the nature of my research question and the specific dialect contexts that I am wanting tocompare between, my data collection will be predominantly qualitative in nature. The main qualitative
method of data collection will be in the form of recorded interviews conducted with each of theparticipants listed above. The questions of the interview will be designed to find out the following:






What dialect they were raised in the environment of, for how long and what their identity
was as a child.
What change in circumstance did/didn’t happen to change the dialect in their surroundings,
and when that occurred;o How any change in dialect environment changed their own identity if at all, andhow long ago that was from the date of interview.
How they identify themselves now.
How all the above is (if at all) related to their current identity and any change of identitythat may have occurred in the past.

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Another point of interest is, if in the case that they currently do not speak the Kansai dialect
on a regular basis, whether there are certain scenarios where they definitely will use the Kansai dialect– this may indicate a form of compartmentalised identity.
Taking all the above into consideration, the detailed methods of data collection and collation thatwill be used are as follows:
1. Send my participants a questionnaire before the interview in order to find out their linguistic
profile (their dialect history).
2. Use the information gathered above to prepare a case study profile template individual to eachparticipant, highlighting what additional facts I would need to find out in each interview inorder to satisfy the previous (bulleted) points.
3. Use the above to create a list of questions to use with each participant, whilst ensuring to keepsome universal.
4. Organise to meet with each participant to conduct the interviews (audio recorded only) andonly conduct the interviews once in order to produce as raw and natural a response as possible.
a. Conduct a portion in standard Japanese and a portion in the Kansai dialect forcomparison.
5. Collate the data from each interview and questionnaire necessary to fulfil previous (bulleted)points, analyse and present significant findings.

Research Findings:
Upon collating the information gathered from the interviews, a greatly unexpected common
factor emerged between all participants bar RY and YY. This was that no sense of identity regarding
region or language had occurred until a change in dialect environment occurred. The response of allparticipants to the question regarding their dialect and identity as a child was that all participants were
never aware or conscious that what they spoke was a dialect, and so had no conscious identity affiliatedto what they spoke. Although the response to this question was the same for RY and YY also, their
exception from the second sentence above is distinct to each participant. The reason for RY’s
exception is that they do not hold and never have held a defined identity related to their dialect, andneither have they ever experienced a change in their dialect environment. The reason for YY’s
exception is that they had not experienced a change in dialect environment, but a whole change inlanguage environment. This meant that their identity was shaped on a national scale rather than aregional scale; they became a ‘Japanese’ individual, not a ‘Kansai’ individual.
Another distinctive pattern that also emerged, was that the length of time spent in a specificdialect environment seemed to directly affect the identity and identity change of the individual.
Taking TY’s case (as illustrated in the graph), the firsttime they experienced a sense of identity related totheir dialect was when they first moved to Shizuoka
where they spent their four years of university life. The
initial development of this sense of identity and “slight
pride” as they put it, occurred very strongly and very
quickly before settling with time. This processrepeated but with not as much of an initial impact when
they moved to Kanagawa for employment. However,the longer they remained in Kanagawa, the prominenceof their sense of identity with their Kansai dialect
decreased gradually. TY shared that it was also during this time in Kanagawa that they began to gain
the local Kanagawa dialect and started to lose their original Kansai dialect. Now, TY only speaks in a
Kanagawa dialect (except for when at a loss of what to say) and identifies as someone who was raisedin Kansai, but belongs and is at home in Kanagawa. The same pattern was also the case for KY: born

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

and raised in the Hiroshima prefecture with no awareness that they spoke with a Hiroshima dialect; astrong sense of identity with their Hiroshima dialect when they first moved to Shiga for employment;
now speaks only in a Kansai dialect and identifies as someone raised in Hiroshima, but belonging to
Kansai. In both cases of TY and KY, only 18 years of their lives were spent in Shiga and Hiroshimarespectively, but over 30 years of their lives have been spent in Kanagawa and Shiga respectively. An
additional finding that seems to support this is that the participant who displayed the strongest senseof pride and dialect identity in their Kansai dialect was RY who only started living in a non-Kansai
Japanese environment in the last year; a stage that can be equated to the initial peak in the above graph.
All interview participants showed varied degrees of investment in their identity related to theirdialect and the Kansai dialect, with some showing no conscious investment at all. However, the feature
displayed most dominantly by all participants was their reaction and response to the Kansai dialect.
Regardless of their current attitude of identity concerning the Kansai dialect, each professed thathearing and speaking in the Kansai dialect (specifically the Shiga form that they are all mostaccustomed to) struck a sense of comfort, closeness and warmth with them. Whether they identified
as “being Kansai” or not, the Kansai dialect symbolised and embodied a sense of membership andbelonging to each of them.

Conclusion:
From my findings, I have found that the most prominent factor to affect the way one’s identity(or evident lack thereof) manifests in relation to one’s dialect is whether the individual concerned has
experienced any major change in their dialect environment. Additionally, this relationship can beobserved to be of an un-fixed fluid nature; one that shifts and develops with time as the individual
concerned does the same. However, regardless of whether the tongue that one speaks plays a dominantrole in one’s conscious self-identification or not, it certainly remains an element that bears greatsignificance to our being.

References:‐

Ball C 2004, ‘Repertoires of registers: dialect in Japanese discourse’, Language and Communication, Vol. 24, No. 4,
pp. 355-381, Last Viewed: 28th October 2017, <http://www.sciencedirect.com.yorksj.idm.oclc.org/science/article/pii/S0271530904000059?via%3Dihub>‐

Boutet J 2012, ‘Language Workers: Emblematic Figures of Late Capitalism’, Heller M & Duchêne A (ed.),Language in Late Capitalism: Pride and Profit, Routledge, New York, pp. 207-229‐

Kirk, NW, Kempe, V, Scott-Brown, KC, Pilipp, A, Declerck, M 2018, ‘Can monolinguals be like bilinguals?
Evidence from dialect switching’, Cognition, Vol. 170, pp. 164-179‐

SturtzSreetharan C 2015, ‘ “Na(a)n ya nen”: Negotiating Language and Identity in the Kansai Region’, Japanese
Language and Literature, Vol. 49, No. 2, pp. 429-452, Last Viewed: 28th October 2017,<http://www.jstor.org.yorksj.idm.oclc.org/stable/24615146>

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

The Necessity of Writing by Hand
手書きの必要性
Nicholas McCullough ニコラス・マッカラ
California State University Monterey Bay (USA)

要し： 私のような漢字を使用する言語を勉強する人にはパソコンやスマートフォンなどの技術を使うことでペンや鉛筆を使わずに漢字を使えるようになりました。漢字文化圏で育った人の中にも主にパソコンで仕事をしている人にとっては漢字の書き方を忘れてしまうのは普通のことでしょう。
そのため、漢字文化圏で育った人にも漢字を使用する言語を勉強する人にもどちらにもこの質問をしたいと思います。
「漢字を使用する言語を勉強する生徒は、漢字の書き方を学ぶ必要があると思いますか。」
色々な環境的な要因によって漢字文化圏で育った人の前述の質問に対する意見は漢字文化圏で育っていない人のとある程度異なると予想します。

The importance of learning how to use Chinese characters practically and effectively cannot betaken lightly from an educational perspective. As Byarke Frellesvig, a professor of Japanese Linguistics at
the University asserts in a paper concerning misconceptions surrounding Chinese Characters, “In theteaching of written Japanese, the teaching of kanzi is of the utmost importance.”
With this being said, in this survey questions were posed to the respondents concerning their own
background, their experience with Chinese characters in their daily life, and ultimately what they think
about the future of writing Chinese characters by hand.
Nationality of Respondents:
Whether or not someone was raised in an environment where Chinese Characters play afundamental role in conveying information in everyday life, among many other factors, most certainly
plays a huge role in the development of one’s opinion towards this survey’s ultimate question. For this very
reason, each respondent was asked to list their nationality, and those responses have since been compiled
and are listed below:
Number of Respondents: 52
Japanese: 31/ Dutch: 9/ American: 4/ Chinese: 2/ Korean: 2/ British: 1/ Slovakian: 1/
Taiwanese: 1/ Malaysian: 1
Considering that the number of people who identified as Japanese for the purpose of this survey
takes up over nearly 60% (0.596), this large representation will be taken into account when analyzing fortrends in later questions. On the one hand, it would have been interesting to seen an even more diverse poolof participants for the purpose of this survey; however, seeing as how Japan is a country with apredominately Japanese population, this sort of ratio among the participants was to be naturally expected.

Age Range of Respondents:

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

The age range of all respondents is fairly narrow, covering persons from 18 years old to 26 years
old. This range is somewhat to be expected as an overwhelming majority of those that responded to thissurvey were in fact college students. Having reflected upon this, a pool of respondents with a much wider
age range, for example 18-88 years old, would have been more conducive to collecting a much broader
scope of opinions concerning this topic.
Language Background of Respondents: “How many languages do you know/can use?”「 あなたが使用できる言語はいくつですか。」
Seeing as this is survey is language related to language studies, the language repertoire of the
respondents was also taken into account when collecting data. The Respondents ranged from those who
self-identified as monolingual, to even one individual who can use a total of 6 languages. Care was taken
when phrasing the original survey question because not everyone can speak as many languages as they caneffectively read or passively understand due to oral communication not being highly emphasized in somecertain educational systems (Ikegashira, Atsuko et al.).
Occupation of Respondents:
51/52 of the respondents have listed themselves as students. There are two exceptional cases which
I felt was necessary to highlight because of the nature of their work. One of the respondents listed theiroccupation “office worker”, where as one of the students also listed themselves as a reporter, two
professions which require note-taking to some degree.
1. “When were you first exposed to Chinese Characters?” 「漢字を初めて見たのはいつですか？」
As stated above under the section concerning the respondent’s nationality, one’s linguistic
environment among many other factors will be related to that person’s familiarity with Chinese characters.
All respondents that were born in countries that’s official languages that use Chinese characterssuch as Japan, Taiwan, and China reported that they were exposed to those characters from the time since
they were born to around their introduction into Elementary school as to be expected.
As for respondents not born that’s official languages that use Chinese characters, there was a fairly
wide range of responses. The two respondents from South Korea reported that they were exposed toChinese characters during their elementary schools years. The one respondent from Malaysia reported thatsince her mother tongue is Chinese, she was naturally exposed to an environment containing Chinesecharacters from a very young age. For other respondents, including Americans and Dutch, they were largely
first exposed to Chinese characters from the age range of 15 and onward either in second language courses
or upon viewing Chinese or Japanese cultural products with.
2. “In your native country, is knowing how to write Chinese characters by hand a necessary skill tofunction in everyday life?” 「あなたの国では日常生活において漢字をかけなければだめですか？」As to be expected, those that responded to this question can be placed almost entirely into twogroups: those who grew up in countries that’s primary language uses Chinese characters such as China,
Japan, and Taiwan, who naturally responded “Yes/はい” and those who grew up in countries that’s primary28

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

language does not use Chinese characters such as America, Holland, and Korea. However, there were some
responses contrary to my expectations, such as the respondent from Malaysia who responded “Yes/はい”.
Upon further research, this seems to be a naturally response due the fact that Malaysia has a fairly large
Chinesespeaking
population(Asianinfo.org).
3a. “How often do you write by hand using Chinese characters?”「日常生活でどのぐらいの頻度
で漢字を書きますか？」Those respondents that fall in the categories titled “Very Often” and “Often” as one may expect
are largely those people raised in environments where Chinese characters are a highly common occurrencein everyday life (such as Taiwan, China, Japan); however, among those not raised in these environments,
the response range was much larger, covering “Not often” to “Very Often”. For respondents who answered“Sometimes”, “Often”, or “Very Often” in the previous question, here are some examples of situations intheir daily lives in which they write using Chinese characters by hand.
● When taking notes● When writing on a Black/Whiteboard● When filling out Paperwork● When writing Letters
4a. “Do you feel that it is necessary for students studying a language that makes use of Chinesecharacters to learn how to write them?” 「あなたは漢字を使用する言語を勉強する生徒は、漢字の書き方を学ぶ必要があると思いますか。」

Below are listed a few long form responses to the above question.

中国人：「便利。また、漢字を使用する言語を学ぶなら、漢字をちゃんと覚えた方が勉強に良いと考える。」
Respondent from the UK: “...If people stop learning how to write kanji, not only do we lose the skill ofcommunicating without some form of technology, but we also lose a key element of culture.”29

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

韓国人：「漢字を使わなくても意味が通じるから」
日本人：「もちろん学んだ方が良いけれど、必ずではないと思う。読めたらなんとかなるとも思う。」
Contrary to what I expected, among the student’s that are learning a language using Chinesecharacters as a non-native language, a vast majority find that it’s very necessary to learn how to practicallywrite those Characters. Furthermore, a majority of those who responded either “No” or “I’m not sure” areactually Japanese respondents.
5. “With recent technological advancements such as computers, laptops, and cellphones, we havebecome able to write in Chinese characters without needing to use pens or pencils. With this in mind,
do you think that eventually writing by hand will become obsolete? Why or why not?”「今日ではパソコンやスマートフォンなどの技術によりペンや鉛筆を使わずに漢字を使えるようになりました。そのため、ペンや鉛筆で漢字を書く習慣は最終的に不必要になると思いますか。簡単に述べてください。」
In response to this question, there was a remarkable range of responses; however, when looking
at it from a holistic standpoint, a large majority of respondents, regardless of nationality or language
background, believe that writing Chinese characters by hand will stand the test of time, even if thefrequency of this activity is lessened due to the increase in use of technology with built-in keyboards suchas computers and smart devices, due to the fact that they are a key element to the cultures in which they
belong.
Reflecting on the results of this research, there is one more additional question I would like liked
to ask the respondents, one that relates especially to Japanese students. Based on my own observations,
there are a number of Japanese people that after leaving school and entering the workforce begin to lose
the ability to write a number of words using Chinese characters. Since Japanese also has the kana syllabarysystem, words can still be written without Chinese characters and therefore may serve as a fallback when
the stroke order of a particular Chinese character is forgotten by the writer. However, I will save thatquestion when I choose to study this subject much more deeply in the future.

References:
Frellesvig (1993) Proceedings of Nordic Symposium on Teaching Japanese Methods and Improvements
file:///C:/Users/tidal/Downloads/FrellesvigB1994_KanziIdeograms.pdf [July 13, 2018]
Ikegashira, Atsuko et al. (2009) English Education in Japan -From Kindergarten to University
http://web.iess.ehime-u.ac.jp/raineruto1/02RD2.pdf [July 12, 2018]
The Languages of Malaysia (asianinfo.org)
http://www.asianinfo.org/asianinfo/malaysia/pro-languages.htm [July 12, 2018]30

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

The Development and Complications of Modern Japanese
Tanner Smith

スミス ターナ

Wichita State University (USA)

Summary: このレポトは日本語歴史と外来語の使うを説明します。日本語歴史とモダン日本語情報をつかうと、日本語と英語の教える間違いが分かります。

Over its long history, Japan has developed its language and culture through a combination of their own
efforts and help from others. The language initially developed from Chinese, and eventually made its own
characters. Today, the language contains a large western influence. Arguably, loan words from English are themost relevant addition to Japanese from an outside source. Though these loan words help in bridging the gap
between Japan and the western world, the shortcomings of the Japanese language often harm this system’s
usefulness. When viewing the Japanese language through history and modern day, it turns to be a somewhat
troubled system that ultimately manages to successfully adopt new ideas over time. In order to examine theseissues, this paper will discuss the history of the language as well as modern constructs of it. Hopefully throughthis, a better understanding of the language’s international issues can be reached.
By the 5th century, the Japanese had developed their own language, but they had no writing system atthe time, choosing to adopt kanji, or Chinese characters, as a writing system. As the Japanese people viewed theChinese as above them at this time, they sometimes referred to kanji as mana, (真名) or “true character.” During
the 6th century, they developed a system to write Japanese sentences using kanji, known as man-you gana (万葉仮名) (Igarashi 20). This involved using a single kanji to represent a single phonetic syllable in Japanese.
However, this method proved to be excessively tedious as during the Heian period, (9th century) scholars begantranslating Buddhist text, finding that there wasn’t a whole lot of writing space to effectively write the often
complex kanji characters to represent every single Japanese syllable it translated to. Their solution was todevelop katakana, which was used in the same way as man-you gana in this case, except that the characters aremuch simpler to write than the average kanji (Lurie).
Around the same time as the start of widespread use of katakana, another type of kana called hiragana
was developed to be a simplified version of sou-gana, (草仮名) a cursive form of man-you gana. Even thoughkatakana and hiragana were introduced at this time, most literature and official documents up until the 16th
century were written in Chinese using Chinese syntax. As time went on, books targeted at less skilled readers
were developed, which often used hiragana. During the 16th century, Jesuit missionaries arrived in Japan,
introducing the roman alphabet as well as some European words which still exist as part of the Japanese lexicon.
(Igarashi 21-22).
After the introduction of English words, the Japanese government made a significant effort to attempt
to conform to the standards of Western nations. This included translating foreign words by means of using kanji
to represent the sound as well as the appropriate pronunciation for these words, for example, 論事矩 (rojikku)
meaning logic. There was also the method of using katakana to transcribe foreign words. The katakana method
was not popularized until the Taisho period (1912-1926). However, loanwords were required to be written in
Katakana following the end of WWII. During the Meiji period, the government decided to reduce the amount of
Kanji used in everyday reading because they deemed that the requirement to achieve “literacy” at the time was
too difficult. Later on, after World War II, these standards were further reduced to place Japan more along thestandards of a democratic society, as Japan had only allowed the social elite to fully learn the language up until
this point. The idea was to give all an equal opportunity to learn the language at any level. This time also saw ahigher frequency of use for hiragana in order to make further ease the standard of literacy. It’s worth noting thatmany of these changes were brought on by, or at least influenced greatly by the American occupying forces(Igarashi 27-28).
The existence of the occupying American forces in Japan also introduced a plethora of American
English words, which were all written in Katakana. Even today, it has not been made clear whether it is betterto write loanwords by rule of the original pronunciation or by the Japanized pronunciation (Igarashi 28).
A precise language culture has developed over the course of the modern Japanese writing system’s
existence, meaning that certain connotations are paired with the different writing systems. While the general

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formality is that katakana is used for foreign words, it seems it is used in these other cases due to the emotionalor situational connotation the writing system brings, most likely as a result of its appearance in comparison tothe other Japanese writing systems. Each of the four writing systems in Japanese has a commonly associateddemographic as well as mood that it presents. For kanji, this is erudition, males, and adults who are middle aged
or older. Hiragana is associated with softness, femininity, youth and females. Katakana is associated with pop
culture, modernity and young males, and finally romaji is associated with commerciality and young females.
Modern culture in Japan displays these tendencies and uses them to their advantage to promote certain ideas andto attract specific audiences, such as how newspapers typically use more kanji, while television generally uses
more katakana (Smith).
There exists many barriers of communication in terms of Japanese learning English, as well as
foreigners learning Japanese.To start, the Japanese writing system is inherently incompatible with the romanalphabet, meaning a word from a Germanic or Romance language cannot be directly transcribed to Japanese,and it instead must conform to vowel-consonant pairs to some degree in order to be written in Japanese. This is
only a one-way street of incompatibility, as English has no issue importing all the intended sounds from words
such as “typhoon,” “tsunami,”and “origami” into its language, as the English language’s larger separation ofphonemes allows for a wider variety of sounds than Japanese. By just looking at the romanized versions of these
Japanese words, the original Japanese pronunciation can still be perceived. (The 44 Phonemes).
Conversely, a word such as “bottle” becomes “ボトル” (botoru) when transcribed into katakana,completely changing the word’s pronunciation. This not only shows how the Japanese language’s relative lackof differing syllables, but also constricts the native Japanese speaker’s perception of how English words are froma supposedly young age. Even in the case that they are able to realize the differences in these pronunciations
later on, the fact that their first experience with it inadvertently promoted pronouncing it incorrectly in English
makes it more difficult for this perception to be shaken sometime in the future.
To better put into perspective just how limited Japanese is in terms of syllables compared to otherlanguages, let’s compare it to English and Korean. During the 15th century, Korean developed a new writing
system, Hangul, which moved the language away from its reliance on Chinese characters, instead electing to usea system which combines individual consonants and vowels in order to make singular characters. With thissystem, it’s estimated that Korean is capable of about 11,000 different syllables (Individual Letters of Hangeul).
This makes it seem rather versatile in comparison to Japanese. English contains 24 consonants to Japanese’s 21,
and 13 vowels to 5. The limiting factors here are not only the fact that most phonemes in Japanese are forced tobe consonant-vowel pairs in a specific order, but also its lack of different sounds compared to English. If
Japanese had only one more vowel, it would potentially increase the amount of characters in the kana systems,
as well as syllables, by up to 10. With this in mind, it’s easy to understand why, when transcribing English words
into katakana, that the end product appears so drastically different from the originating word (Igarashi 176-177).
Though many may consider heeding any attention to pronunciation as pedantic, it is generally true that having
a consensus on how a certain word is said makes it less likely for people to experience communication issues.
The difference between “glass” and “グラス” (gurasu) is great enough to the point at which they could beindistinguishable as referring to the same thing.
While it may not be entirely clear why this is the case, many “loan words” in Japanese have developed
to have completely different meanings compared to the English word they originated from. For example, theword “stove,” is used to refer to a mechanism which cooks food, usually in some kind of kitchen, in English. In
Japanese, it appears as ストーブ (sutoobu) and refers to a heater in a room, which is made even more confusing
by the fact that the loan word ヒータ (hiita) also exists. A few other mishaps exist, such as “viking” バイキン
グ (baikingu) meaning “buffet style eating” and “feminist” フェミニスト (feminisuto) meaning “man who is
soft hearted towards women.” Most who are considered fluent in English would likely be immediately
confounded by the usage of these words (Igarashi 151-152).
Furthermore, there exists the strange phenomena of Japanized English, in which phrases that have anonsensical meaning in English have been developed to refer to a specific noun or situation within Japanese. An
example of this is “winker,” ウィンカー (winkaa) which refers to a turning signal.While this word can refer to“one who winks” in English, this word is very rarely used and has no connection to the Japanese meaning.
Another is “freeter,”フリーター (furiitaa) a completely nonsense word in English, which refers to a “jobhopping part-timer” in Japanese (Igarashi 152-153).
With the combination of Japanized English and some loan words having drastically different meanings
in Japanese compared to English, it’s difficult to fathom how exactly such large discrepancies in meaning anduse developed over an entire country to the point where it has affected millions of people, damaging their ability

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to comprehend English. While there is no definite answer as far as why, it can be speculated that this came about
due to lack of native or fluent speakers involved in the governing bodies that introduced these words to thecountry, lack of proper research, reluctance to put the large amount of effort needed to rectify a long term faulty
system,oracombinationofallthree.
In order to better understand the entire context of this issue, various students at Okayama University wereinterviewed for the purpose of this report. Since this this is a study that concerns both foreigners and native
Japanese, an equal amount of each were conversed with. Each party was given different questions based on their
origin.
The first question that Japanese subjects were asked is if they understood the fact that various gairaigo words(the examples given were パソコン, アイコン, and テレビ) are loaned from English. Surprisingly, two of fivesubjects answered that they did not know this, one was uncertain, and two answered yes. This goes along with
the idea that, since many Japanese see these words as commonplace without understanding their origin, that thiscan shape their ability to correctly pronounce the English words they are derived from, and possibly twist theirperceptiononthemeaningofthesewords.
Next, the subject was asked if their parents and grandparents commonly used these words. Since it’s expected
for most large changes in society to take place slowly, it’s reasonable to assume that today’s middle-aged people
use gairaigo less often than today’s young adults. All subjects responded that they believe their parents use
gairaigo as much or nearly as much as them, and a few said that their grandparents don’t use the words as much.
In this case, the results are expected--each generation uses gairaigo more than the last, though there doesn’t
appear to be much of a difference between today’s young adults and their parents in terms of usage.
For the third question, the subject was asked if they think that the nature of Gairaigo has made it difficult
for them to learn English, or at least pronounce it correctly. Three answered “yes,” one answered “sometimes,”
and the last answered “no.” All of the interviewed subjects are able to hold basic conversations in English,
meaning that they should have some basis as far as how their English ability has developed. The results of thisquestion reveal that most of this sample has realized that their perception of english words from the gairaigo
standpoint and the English language standpoint are different despite them stemming from the same meanings inmost cases.
For the last question, the subject was asked if they had any idea why Japanese utilizes so many loan
words. One subject answered that they had no idea, while the other four gave somewhat similar answers. Threeanswered they thought it was because it made it easier for the country of Japan to communicate with the outside
world, as well as better adapt to the customs of western society it has adopted. One subject said they believed it
was because young people prefer easier expression, and this is why these systems have been adopted. Of course,
the purpose of adapting to foreign culture seems like a reasonable explanation as well. After essentially being
forced to adopt western customs and ideas (even though they had already taken in a lot of western culture prior
to this time) following the end of world war two, there is little to say that this is not true.
The foreigners interviewed were not limited to native english speakers. Of the five, two are chinese,
one is American, one is English, and one is German. The intent in this variety is to get differing perspectives ofgairaigo, with the only certain commonality between these five being that they are learning Japanese as alanguage to supplement their native one.
For the first question, they were asked if they liked gairaigo and/or katakana. Four of five answered“yes,” and only one answered “no.” It’s worth noting that the one who answered “no,” is of Chinese descent,and they also elaborated that it is “difficult to read” and that they often did not know the meaning of the English
words that gairaigo words originated from. It’s likely that the others answered “yes” because gairaigo allows
shortcuts
for
them
when
learning
Japanesewords.
Second, they were asked if they believe Japanese would be a better language without gairaigo. Both chinese
subjects believed it would be better without it, one citing that Korean is better than Japanese because it doesn’temphasize loan words as greatly. The American, English, and German subjects all answered that they thinkgairaigo is a positive influence on Japanese, providing the reason that it has made it personally easier for themtolearnJapanese.
For the third question, subjects were asked if they believe that gairaigo is a positive influence as far as foreigners
learning Japanese and for Japanese learning English. All subjects answered “yes,” though one expressed thatthey weren’t sure how it affected native Japanese learning English. The others gave no remark regarding how it
affected
Japanese
people.
Finally, subjects were asked if they believed that the influx of gairaigo and possibly Japanese culture as a whole
were a result of American influence following World War Two. All subjects answered that this connection wastrue, or that it is probably true, with two stating that they said America had a larger influence than any othercountry had on Japan. One also stated that the western influence might be because the liberal mindsets that the33

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Americans brought over were enticing to the general populace, making it easier for them to accept these newideas. Though the truth is that America did play a large part in modern Japan’s development, these answers showthat many foreigners in Japan are likely aware that the country is, in some ways, derivative of American culture.
Comparing the development history along with modern language circumstance and the information
gathered from subjects, a trend can be observed. Throughout the years, Japanese has needed to alter the standardsof its language repeatedly, and the reason for this can be traced back to its inception. From the very beginning,
it relied on input from other cultures to shape necessary features, such as writing and translation. Along the way,
it developed ways of repairing some mishaps, such as katakana to make translation of Chinese easier, andhiragana to simplify the language. The problem with these changes, as well as further simplifications along theroad, is that, although they improved the language in its current state, they did not change the foundations of thelanguage. The lack of phonemes and similarities in speech to other languages makes Japanese difficult to use ininternational communication.
Another issue is the reliance that the Japanese language has placed on other cultures while being
seemingly unable to properly communicate with these cultures. With the advent of katakana and the fact that it
mostly is used to indicate words of English origin, it would be a reasonable assumption that most Japanesenatives would realize that the katakana indicates English. Alarmingly, nearly half of Japanese survey respondents
indicated that they didn’t realize when words were of English origin. Once again, this indicates a lack ofcommunication between cultures, and possibly a lack of proper education as a result of the absence ofcommunication. In order for Japanese to function better on an international level, it would likely need to makecompletely new phonemes and ways of indicating pronunciation. Since this would be difficult considering how
many people speak it the way it is now, this is incredibly unlikely to happen.
Japan’s historic isolationist behavior is ironic considering it owes more to other cultures for its
development than most cultures do. It borrowed a large portion of its writing system and customs from China
near its inception, it has adopted much from western culture while approximately 7% of its words are loan words
derived from English. This is not necessarily a negative factor. While it may be confusing for Japanese natives
to get used to English, and foreigners may often have difficulty wrapping their head around how modern
Japanese culture has warped some English language, the cultural crossover is ultimately useful. Japan has usedother cultures to gain ideas to make their own ideas out of them, and in some cases had managed to bridge
cultural gaps. Perhaps this should be something other countries aim to achieve.

References:
Lurie, David B.. (2012) The Development of Writing in Japan, Harvard University Asia Center.
(Individual Letters of Hangeul and Its Principles) [Internet]. At: http://www.korean.go.kr/eng_hangeul/principle/003.html[Last accessed: 12 July, 2018]
Smith, Janet S.; Schmidt, David L. (1996) Variability in Written Japanese: Towards a Sociolinguistics of Script Choice.
(The 44 Phonemes of English) [Internet]. At: https://www.dyslexia-reading-well.com/44-phonemes-in-english.html Last
accessed: 12 July, 2018](The Changing Role of Katakana in the Japanese Writing System: Processing and Pedagogical Dimensions for
Native Speakers and Foreign Learners, Igarashi, Yuko.) [Internet]. At:
https://dspace.library.uvic.ca/bitstream/handle/1828/189/PhD%20dissertation.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y [Lastaccessed: 12 July, 2018]34

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Eat Local, Eat Happy
Alexandra Payne

アレクサンドラ・ペイン

Appalachian State University (USA)
Summary: (200 words: if you are writing the content in Japanese.)
日本の人口は大きいが、農地は小さい。日本人は 輸入された食品より、地元で生産された食品の方が安全だと思います。皆も地元の農家から農作物を買うことは、重要だと思います。しかし、農家の量は減少しています。アンケートを作りました、日本の学生に答えてもらうように頼んだ.
For millennia, each culture and the communities within them would typically sustain
themselves with indigenous foods, grown in indigenous ways. This research paper intends to probe
the Japanese attitude towards local food production in the modern era, while providing insight towards
shifts in farming practice, and dietary preferences. This paper seeks to inform about the Chisan-Chisho
movement, a slow food paradigm that works on the local level. The state of farming in modern Japanis another important aspect presented, from problems in the aging society, to the land use itself. The
author’s own research will be presented and discussed on the opinions of college-aged Japanese
students, regarding their opinions on local eating and culturally specific diets.
In the late 1990s, a regionalistic food consumption movement gained attention in Japan. It
was a countermeasure to the boom of foreign imported food, a new paradigm shift emerging to regard
the attitudes towards the declining food production. Chisan-Chisho is a slow food movement, meaningthat food is valued more when grown closer to the home, without all the mileage that imported foodgains when traveling. When one ‘eats slowly’ at the local level, its with native produce growing inseason, by members of one’s own community (Kimura, 2008).
These local foods were considered safer
in the rise of awareness against modified foods,
moredelicious,
trustworthy,
andenvironmentally friendly (see fig. 1) The local
economy would also receive a boost in
situations where Chisan-Chisho is applied.
Applications of this theory include Eat Local
days at schools, where ingredients are closely
sourced to the students’ hometowns, and retailand district marketing campaigns, where
localized agriculture was promoted and cast in amore favorable light than imported goods. Keepin mind, Chisan-Chisho isn’t backed andregulated by larger government offices of any
Figure 1. Result of National Opinion Poll on Food Safety
sorts, it’s instead a philosophy focused on(Hisano, 2011).
changing individual consumption habits, rather
than promoting national social change. The
only networking is localized, to best fit the needs of the community (Kimura, 2008).
There is also an offset of “slow food” called Midori Chochin, where restaurants will display
whether local ingredients are used in their dishes. A green lantern will be put out the window if at least
50% of the ingredients are locally sourced in the town or prefecture. There’s also a 1-5 star rating
included on the lantern, with a 1 being 50% local, and a 5 being 100% local. This is found all
throughout Japan, including the city of Okayama where this paper’s researcher is based (Nishiyama,2007). This movement has an added cultural bonus as well; where “rural” tends to have connotationsof being inferior, behind the times, and invisible, Chisan-Chisho allows people to take notice and pridein the creations of their own community. Not only are there economic gains to be had in the wake ofembracing local agriculture, there are community bonds to be made and culture to connect to as well
(Hall, 2012).
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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Moving on from the food itself, we can examine the state of farming in Japan. In modernity,
less than 20% of Japan’s total land is capable of sustaining farmlands; and of that land, most areas arehighly specialized in what they can excel in potentially growing. This is a startling shortage of usable
territory, and this can be attributed to the majority of the islands being mountainous in nature. Thisterrain makes farming a precarious challenge; while livestock can become accustomed to grazing on
the open hills, crops require flatland. Rice especially will require a flatter growing surface. A solution
Japanese farmers have worked out for utilizing mountainous spaces are rice terraces, which have theadded benefit of adding the ecosystem service of flood management. But as the years pass, fewer andfewer of these the terraces are maintained as small farms fall into waste in the wake of industrialized
agriculture (Hisano, 2011). The boon of flood management provided by healthy terraces canpotentially become a bust if the abandoned sediment becomes oversaturated. In these circumstances,
terraces would contribute to flood waste. Where are all the previous farmers who managed these lands?
Interestingly enough, of the farming households in Japan, 25% are urban farmers, instead ofrural. These urban farmers are 3% more productive than the national farming household average, twotimes more profitable over mountain agriculture lands, and 10% more productive than those farmingon the rural plains. The age of the average farmer is also falling nationally, with fewer and fewer
farmers raising successors to inherit and cultivate family lands. This can be attributed to youths
wanting to seek more lucrative employment in denser urban areas, rather than play a game of economicrisk by continuing to farm (Hisano 2011).
Single farms cannot hope to earn enough money to fully support a single family from farmdrawn income alone anymore; most farming family members have primary jobs and treat farming asa secondary obligation. This trend isn’t specific to just Japan; and instead is increasingly seen in otherfirst-world nations.
Japan has sustained itself since ancient times with an outpouring of rice and fresh vegetables,
but modern globalization has led to an increase in foreign imports. In fact, as part of membershipagreements, the World Trade Organization gave Japan a quota for imports, weighing in at around
770,000 tons. However, most of this food is put in storage or set aside for disaster aid, rather thanmake it front and center into the grocery shelves. But trade agreement or not, there’s no denying ahistoric shift in dietary preferences for the average Japanese individual. Western foods or westernized
additions to traditional meals are becoming more and more common in the Japanese diet (Hisano,2015).
As far as the farming of endemic foods are concerned, Japan is currently self-sufficient withproducing rice, eggs, and mikan at around 90% self-sufficiency. However, often used ingredients likesoybeans (5% of total use grown in Japan), cooking oil, or other.highly sought after staples (~13%)
are imported from the global market (Friedmann, 1991). These dietary shifts through trade agreements
and social change faced criticisms that culminated in 2005 with a food education act. Shokuiku wasenacted as a way to encourage traditional and healthy eating habits in a modern Japan, through inschool education (Arsil, 2014). But how effective is the system in place at encouraging a traditionallyJapanese mindset? Or reflecting the ideology of chisan-chisho?
A sample of Japanese Okayama
University students were surveyed on theiropinions regarding the current food system.
Overall trends stated preference towards
fresh ingredients grown in Japan, but
expressed little interest in seeking out
farmer’s markets. Support for the farmers
themselves was only preferred, but only ifthey were easily accessible. The allure ofcheap and mass-produced products from
Figure 2. Results from the author’s own research wherein thegrocery stores was also preferred over thatmajority were in agreeance.
from a small-scale local farmer. In
interviews, when the interviewees wereasked about potentially visiting a farmer’s produce stand, every single one showed surprise at the factthat their own university has its own daily market for products grown by the faculty of agriculture. As

36

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018such it can be assumed that while the infrastructure exists to move local products from the farm to thetable of the community, the community itself might not be aware of their own opportunities. If priceweren’t an issue though, most interviewees expressed a desire to eat local foods over imports (see fig.
2).
In summary, Japan has a rich history of self-sustaining agriculture, but in contemporarysociety faces pressure from dietary shifts and the farming workforce leaving for urban development.
However, a comeback movement valuing community grown foods is appearing on a small scale
reactionary level throughout the country. There is work to be done if Japan’s small-scale agricultural
sector is to be revitalized, but the potential market for such a comeback exists at the community level.
References:
Arsil, Poppy, et al. "Exploring consumer motivations towards buying local fresh food products: A means-end chain
approach." British Food Journal 116.10 (2014): 1533-1549.
Friedmann, H. (1991). ‘‘Changes in the international division of labor: Agri-food complexes and export agriculture.’’ In W.
H.
Friedland (ed.), Towards a New Political Economy of Agriculture, Westview Press (1991) 65–93.
Hall, C. Michael. "The contradictions and paradoxes of slow food: Environmental change, sustainability and the conservationof taste." Slow Tourism: Experiences and Mobilities, Channel View, Bristol (2012): 53-68.
Hisano, Shuji. "Food security politics and alternative agri-food initiatives in Japan." (2015).
Hisano, Shuji. “Local Food Movement Movement in Japan: Rethinking Alternativeness.” (2011).
Kimura, Aya Hirata, and Mima Nishiyama. "The chisan-chisho movement: Japanese local food movement and its
challenges." Agriculture and Human Values 25.1 (2008): 49-64.
Nishiyama, Mima, et al. "The Analysis of Consumers' Interests for Construction of Local Agri-food System." Japanese
Journal of Farm Management 45.2 (2007): 141-146.

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Noodles and Japanese Culture
麺子と日本の文化
Mitch Kenji Yamashita

山下、ミッチ、ケンジ

California State University Fullerton (USA)

Summary:私は日本人とのハーフなので日本の文化を興味がある。アメリカでたくさん日本の食事があるが本当の文化や食べ物はちょっと違う。だから、日本の文化を分かるように日本の麺子の歴史や変化を研究する。うどん、ラーメン、やそうめんはちがう古くて面白い歴史があるのでその麺子だけ論ずる。日本でそうめんとそばを食べることの意味は文化のために大切だと思う。

Culture can be regarded as a combination of customs and ideas for a particular group ofpeople or society. One way this can be seen is through food and its relationship with the way its iseaten as well as when some people might eat this food. Japan has been widely known for its food andits relationship to Japanese culture. One of the most recognizable foods Japan is known for is its ramen,
but people rarely consider the other forms of noodles related to Japanese food culture. Throughanalyzing the significance of various noodles such as udon, ramen, somen and soba and comparing
their history a link will clearly be shown as food’s integration into Japanese culture and how that haschanged over time.
Flour and wheat noodles were first introduced from China to Japan over a period of time fromthe Heinan period to early Kamakura periods. Some notable people who brought over noodles were
Eisai and Dogen who had and encyclopedia with various types of flour and noodle recipes from China.
Like tea, noodles in Japan were first being served by Buddhist monks and gradually became a partof Japanese culture. Some of the first recipes included soba and somen that were often served tocommoners. Although some historians debate whether or not udon and ramen were introduced during
the Heian period like soba, most agree with the times in which they became more notable. Anothertype of noodle that was introduced later on in Japanese history was udon. Udon became popularized
in the Edo period as a thick soba noodle that can be eaten either hot or cold. Although udon may havebeen in Japanese cuisine prior to this time, during the Edo period the term for thick noodles became
known as udon. It is for this reason some historians believe the Edo period is a more appropriate time
to consider udon’s integration into Japanese culture. The final noodle should be taken into
consideration, is one that was more popularized after World War 2 called ramen.
In modern time the most recognizable and popular Japanese noodle is ramen, yet its popularity
is a rather recent craze compared to soba and udon. Solt, author of “History of Ramen: How Political
Crisis Sparked a Global Food Craze”, claims that although a recipe could be invented at a different
time, in order for it to be considered Japanese cuisine it needs to have a customer base. During theearly 20th Century Ramen was the first industrialized food that sparked an international appeal.
Following World War 2, during US occupation, rice was more difficult to come by than flour this led
to an increase in flour related recipes, most notably ramen. Nowadays ramen, udon, somen and soba
are all considered popular Japanese noodles, but the lasting effects of the ramen craze is what led toits popularity overseas.
The practice of eating somen in modern Japan is still widely popular, but no longer seen as acommoner food. Somen can now be recognized as a popular dish to be eaten cold in the summer whentemperatures in Japan rise. One example of this is the practice of Nagashi Somen, where somen is38

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018caught with your chopsticks in water. Nagashi means to flow, so it is traditionally done by going intoa bamboo forest, chopping the bamboo in half, and then running water through the bamboo while you
catch the somen as it flows down. Now a days, it is seen as an entertaining way to eat cold noodles in
hot weather usually done with a group of people. Recently there have been some restaurants in Japan,
specifically Kyoto, that have exclusively sold Nagashi somen as a novelty experience. Although thisdish has changed over time it connection to Japanese culture can be seen as its customs are still widely
popular.
Soba and Somen both appeared in Japan around thesame time but their evolution and symbolism in Japan
has branched in different ways. For example, Soba is
not seen as an exclusively cold noodle like somen
typically is nowadays. Whether hot or cold soba is more
popular is usually based on preference, but soba hasgained a special meaning to be eaten during the New
Year. Unlike somen, soba is traditionally made withbuckwheat flour and has kept a small tie to its historicalroots from Buddhism. Because soba is seen as an easily
bitten or broken noodle, it has gained a symbolism frombreaking off the new year. This is one reason why soba is often eaten before New Year’s Day, to start
the New Year without ties to the past year. Within many Asian cultures eating noodles is also seen as
good luck because noodles can symbolize long life and is something often consumed for New Year’sDay. When the noodle is eaten is also very important, because if the noodle is eaten after midnight its
symbol can change to cutting off the new year early. Although these superstitions aren’t truly believedin nowadays these customs still have importance in the way some holidays are celebrated.
Despite not being as old as the previous noodles mentioned, Udon is one of the most popularforms of noodle especially in the Shikoku region of Japan. Kagawa, a prefecture in Shikoku, is seenas the birthplace of udon and is the most important regional food there. As udon’s popularity grew thedifferent types of broths and recipes also started to increase. One of the traditional types of udon is
Sanuki udon which has spring onion, daikon, ginger, lime, and a soy sauce broth. This simple methodof preparation is popular due to its fresh and simple flavors, leading it to be considered as one of theregion-specific foods in Kagawa. Sometimes this can be served with tempura, thinly sliced meat or
eggs, although the broth is rarely changed for it to still be considered Sanuki udon. As popularity forthis noodle grew so did the various recipes, nowadays you can find vastly different types of broths.
Curry udon is one of these examples as traditionally these noodles were eaten with simple dashi or
tsuyu broths like somen and soba. Udon’s history and meaning may not be as significant as soba, but
for the people in Shikoku it is the most important noodle dish.
Although the history of ramen may not date as far back as the Heian and Kamakura periods,
globally ramen is the most popular form of Japanese noodles. Ramen is typically more famous incolder climate areas such as Hokkaido, but it is just as popular in areas such as Fukuoka, in northern
Kyushu. Both areas are famous for their own regional flavors of broth, Hokkaido being miso, andFukuoka with tonkotsu broth. Typical toppings remain similar which often include thinly sliced
Chinese meat, or various seaweeds and green onions. It is believed that Hokkaido is where ramen was
first created but is often debated as having been started in other prefectures as well. This belief has led
some people argue that Hokkaido is where ramen was created so miso broth is more traditional, whileothers suggest that simple salt or soy sauce flavors are more authentic relating more similarly to soba.
Even though opinions differ on which broth is more delicious, internationally ramen is one of thebiggest exports of Japanese culture.

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Ramen internationally is vastly different from authentic ramen made in Japan. In many
western countries ramen is sold dried and is mostly associated with the idea of cheap food often eatenby college students.
Though this type oframen does not represent
authentic
Japanese
culture, it does provide
other countries with an
introduction to someJapanese food. Whenvisiting Japan, tourists
are often surprised by
how vastly different real ramen is from what their country may provide. This can create an opportunity
for foreigners to learn more about what may be different in Japanese culture from their preconceived
ideas. In some parts of the western coast of America, fresh ramen shops are starting to open andbecome popularized. Many places in California experienced an increase in Japanese immigrants in the
1900’s and with that brought with them parts of Japanese culture.
Lastly the way these noodles are tied into current Japanese cultural identity can be seen with
the introduction of B-class gourmet foods. In recent years Japan has started to push the idea of regional
specific and unique cuisines. B-class gourmet food, often called B-kyu gurume, is defined as cheap
traditional food with the ingredients used being sourced from a specific region in Japan. This has led
to many new combinations and methods of preparing traditional foods, such as udon, ramen and soba.
Some major prefectures that have experienced these influences include Okayama, Kagawa, andShizuoka.
Within Okayama and Kagawa udon has been included in a few B-class gourmet foods. For
Okayama hourumon yaki udon is one of the winning dishes in the B-kyu Grand Prix and has since
been associated with Okayama. Hourumon yaki udon takes traditional udon noodles and cooks themusing a method similar to yakisoba. The reason it is considered specific to Okayama is because of its
addition of hourumon which is a piece of beef from the stomach region. Kagawa has many types of
new udon that is considered their regional specific food. What makes Kagawa udon different fromother regions is the difference in protein rich flour that is only grown in Kagawa. This has led to
Kagawa centering many of their customs and identity around udon.
Kagawa’s cultural identity being tied to udon can most notably seen through their prefecturalmascot, Udon-nou. Every prefecture in Japan has a unique mascot
that represents their own region. These mascots typically have astrong relation to what the prefecture produces or history of thelocal area. For Okayama it is the mythical character momotaro who
was said to be born in a peach, which is the major fruit produced in
the region. For the case of Udon-nou he is a small character who
literally has udon for brains, which can symbolize how people from
Kagawa often are obsessed with udon. This is yet another exampleof how Japanese culture and food are so closely related.
Japanese has one of the richest cultures in the world withsome custom that date hundreds of years back. Most of thesepractices are directly tied to food and its symbolism, although thebelief may change. It may be difficult to determine when exactly
some of these foods may have been introduced, but the impact andtie to cultural can be clearly seen.

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References:
Japan’s Use of Flour Began with Noodles (Noodles Introduced by Zen priests, Hiroshi Ito) [Internet].
at:http://www.kikkoman.co.jp/kiifc/foodculture/pdf_16/e_001_004.pdf
Social History of Ramen (Slurp Slurp Slurp some knowledge, Aya Francesco) [Internet]. at:
http://www.tofugu.com/Japan/history-of-ramen/
The New Yorker(The History of the Ramen Noodle, Sophie Brickman)[Internet]
at:http://www.newyorker.com/culture/culture-desk/the-history-of-the-ramen-noodle

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Tattoos In Japan
題名
レネ・クラモンド

Renee Crammond

University of Adelaide (Australia)

この EPOK プロジェクトでは、私は日本の入れ墨の歴史と現在の状態について書きました。入れ墨は世界中で有名であり、私も入れ墨をしています。私は２つ入れ墨をしていて、これから先もっと
入れ墨をしようと思っています。私が日本にいる時、人々はよく私の入れ墨について言います。私は、日本で入れ墨がどのように考えられていったのか、疑問に思いました。

The question that this report will answer is ‘How has history affected the way that tattoos are perceived
in Japan?’ The history and culture behind tattoos in Japan has always been a controversial topic for tattoo lovers
around the world. This report will cover the extensive history of tattoos while trying to explore the various
reasons behind the conceptions and misconceptions of tattoos or people with tattoos and will finish with what
the current state of tattooing in Japan is. Many foreigners that come to Japan often wonder how they will beperceived by the Japanese public. Therefore, this paper will cover the general perception of tattoos in Japanthroughout history through the use of online sources and a survey of 53 Japanese, Okayama University Students
on their opinions and perceptions on societal views of tattoos.
First, an inside look into the immense and interesting history of tattoos in Japan. Tattooing is also
known by the Japanese term ‘Irezumi’ (入れ墨) which is said to have originated in the Joman Period (10,000
BCE-300CE). Following on, the Edo Period is also said to be where the modern styles of tattooing seen now
appear to have grown from. Many tattooing practices can be found around the world, Japan is not exempt from
that, in fact, Japan has many practices including this particularly interesting study that connects to the womenfrom the Amami islands to the Ryukus, also known now as Okinawa (Yoshimi, 2017). Where they wore Hajichi,a tattoo applied to the hands, fingertips all the way to the torso. Dating back to the sixteenth century, or possibly
further back, it is said to be associated as a rite of passage, the tattoos on the hand indicated a woman’s marriedstatus, and once the tattoos were complete it was celebrated as a large event. Although each island had differing
positions for the tattoos, and in some locales if a woman did not have a proper Hachiji it was thought that she
would suffer in the afterlife. Tattooing was fairly common around Japan, as it had connections with customs,
mythical origins like the Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, it was also used as a form of punishment in various regions ofJapan. However, around the 17th century tattoos started to gain less favour on the mainland and consequently
disappeared nearly entirely from written and pictorial records. Thus, indicating that the tattooing history in Japanis more diverse than people might think.
During the Edo period, tattoos once again gained popularity. The earliest reference is said to be whena courtesan and their favourite client(s) have pledged their eternal love for each other by tattooing their name on
their skin, theses displays of undying loyalty were thus incorporated by the gamblers and underworld groups
that came to life in the 18th century. It became steadily more popular for men in trades such as couriers andsteeplejacks, to them it became an alternative for wearing clothes as they would cover their skin in tattoos andonly wear loin cloths as they did heavy work. Which then relates back to the survey where 38.9% said thatpeople with tattoos are associated with fashion, as tattoos continued to grow as more of a fashionable, wearable
option. Tattoos become connected to real and fictional underworld figures, such as the “kyokaku” (chivalrous
Figure 3:5 Kyumonryu Shishin

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Figure 4: kyoukaku

commoner or street knight) who is said to protect the weak and innocent from the strong and corrupt as seen in
figure 1 on the above. (Yoshimi, 2017). Figure 1:5 also showcases another example of a Kabuki actor who hasa back completely covered with tattoos. These irezumi are shown as distinguishing attributes of many figures in
popular illustrations highlighting the romanticism that was hence connected to tattoos during this period andhelped highlight their appeal. The fluctuation of the history and opinions of tattoos has caused many differing
outlooks on the who, what and why tattoos are perceived the way that they are.
So, what has caused the change in Japan’s perception of tattoos? Why did they go through two stages of being
widely accepted, to disappearing and back again? From going to being in popular Kabuki plays to being
practically banned across the nation? According to the survey, 63.3% as seen in figure 2 below, said that themain reason someone would get a tattoo is in order to become a member of a club, group or organization. Whenpeople, both Japanese and foreigners, consider the connection between tattoos and Japan many will think about
the Japanese mafia, better known as the ‘Yakuza’, which then relates to the element of tattooing being madeillegal during the Edo period, and so further proving that tattoos have nearly always had a connection to criminal
activity and filial piety. (Ashcraft, 2016) While tattoos were popular, during these times commoners often foundthe practice distasteful, a reason for this can be that criminals were often punished by being given tattoos on
their arms or foreheads. The connection between criminality and tattoos continues to grow as the Tokugawa
shogunate issued decrees limiting tattoos during the period, while it did not stop tattoo artists altogether it didforce them to go underground. This connection to criminal activity and thoughts behind is can be harming topeople with tattoos, to many, tattoos are only a source of creativity and is often used to enhance their emotions
or feelings through art on their body.

Figure 5: What persuades someone to get a tattoo?
The popularity of tattoos continues to decrease with the connections to criminals, until there is acomplete ban on tattoos. The partial blame for the continued downfall of tattoo’s popularity and banning can be
explained through the Meiji Restoration of 1868 (Yoshimi, 2017). Once Japan allowed foreigners to enter thecountry after 200 years of near seclusion, the government of Japan did not want to be viewed as a backwards
nation. Many westerners were shocked by various aspects of Japan, mixed bathrooms being one of them andhow many men would walk around virtually naked with full body tattoos. Therefore, fearful of causing anegative backlash from the westerners the Meiji government banned the acts of giving and receiving a tattoo.
While the new law did not stop tattooing completely it caused artists to go into hiding and drove them into
running their stores out of sight. Consequently, causing tattoos to be hidden under clothing and grow further
away from public acceptance. Sadly, for the Ainu people in the north and Ryuku people of Okinawa, this meantthat the impact of the ban was pivotal. They had to abandon an age old custom imbedded in their cultural heritage.
The authorities would arrest anyone caught found following the apparently “barbaric and backward” custom, sowhile they continued to practice in private there were consequences if found out. According to research, almost
700 women were arrested over the following five years for breaking the ban (Yamamoto, 2005) Meaning that43

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

today,
thecustomhas
now
beencompletely
wiped
away
The ban did its job of pushing the artists underground and made sure to get people to hide any evidence of theirown tattoos or their job as a tattoo artist, taking away their tools and criminalizing the very important master andapprentice relationship between the artists. However, the Japanese style of tattoos still piqued the interest of
many foreigners, believing the style to be unique and exotic many went to Japan in order to get a tattoo as a typeof souvenir. It is alleged that George V of England and Nicholas II of Russia received a tattoo during their trip
to Meiji Japan. Many tattoo artists were made to travel, pack their belongings and make due with small privateback rooms away from police, or made to move overseas so they could continue their practice in public. In
relation to the survey conducted, continuing from the large history behind the nature of tattoos perceptions herein Japan, in the graph below it states that 66% of the survey agree that the society of Japan thinks negatively of
tattoos, as shown in figure 3 below. As stated before, there is still a large association with thuggery, many with
tattoos are banned from entering swimming pools, hot springs, beaches and gyms.

否定的

肯定的
Figure 3: How does society think of tattoos?
Positively

Negatively

The prohibition of tattoos was not lifted until 1948, during the US occupation following World War II.
As many American serviceman made Japan their base, Japanese tattooists began to cater to their tattoo desires.
The designs remained technically Western, however the artists were able to form a thriving business and gain
more popularity overseas. Ironically, while tattoos on foreigners around Japan began to be more commonly
noticed, tattoos on Japanese people themselves was still technically taboo. They may now have been legalised,however the societal stigma has continued to drastically go towards the negative side as the Japanese become
further alienated from the practice. In an interesting theory, Yoshimi Yamamoto believes that the reason for thecontinuous animosity towards tattoos can be attributed towards the growth of Yakuza films, and indoor plumbing(Yamamoto, 2005). As less people with tattoos go to public baths due to having their own private baths at home
now, it becomes unusual or scary for the public to see and thus, causes stigmas to grow. In fact, 83.3% of thesurvey stated that they found people with tattoos scary. A minor fact contributing to the issues brought up
beforehand. Sealing Japanese Baby Boomers opinions on tattooed people are films such as Kanto Wanderer andBrutal Tales of Chivalry which associated tattoos with violence, mafia and other negative prejudices. During
this period of films, many young mafia members were quick to get new ink. In contrast, many mafia or Yakuza
in order to keep a low profile against the anti-gang laws, steer far away from large and obvious tattoos in thistime.
The strong prejudice against tattoos continues in Japan, creating what could be many unnecessary conflicts. A
new tourism record was set as 15 million people visited Japan in 2015, many foreigners that are eager to explore
all of Japan are tattooed, whereas most Japanese are not, and this is where things can get problematic. The
Japanese Onsen (温泉) is a very popular destination for most tourists, according to The Economist, the JapaneseTourism Agency, from a poll stated that for a third of foreign visitors Japan’s hot springs were one of their main
reasons for visiting the country, the same poll said that more than half had banned tattooed guests from hot
spring resorts and hotels around the country. Many Onsens’s stop people with even the smallest tattoos fromentering. As an example, in 2013, a Maori woman from New Zealand had a traditional cultural tattoo on her face
and was not allowed entry into a hot spring in Hokkaido which caused a lot of controversy. For many who knowof the history of tattoos in Hokkaido, sadly, it seems as if everyone has managed to forget all about their culturalconnection to tattoos, ignorant especially to the facial tattoos connecting to what was once a part of their cultureandcustoms.
In a confusing twist, the government is trying to work ways in for foreigners with tattoos to be accepted into
these activities while still working on banning tattoos as an art form and job. While they argue for foreigner’s
rights to wear their tattoos out in the open, the Japanese people are still forced to hide their own tattoos in fear

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018of discrimination. As more Westerners continue to come to Japan, the laws and stigmas confuse and harm theart form. An action that was built upon negative societal stigmas created to harm tattooists in 2001, is when the
Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare created a directive where only ‘licensed health care providers could
pierce skin with a needle and insert ink’, thus enabling the prefectures authorities to enforce this. Being mainly
directed at permanent make up at the time after incidents, though at first it did not affect tattooists until recently,
as more authorities began to apply the Medical Practitioner’s Law (Ashcraft, 2016). According to Ashcraft, in
Osaka tattoo studios in Osaka were apparently raided and was reported that five tattooists were arrested for‘tattooing 11 people without a physicians license.’ In the 21st century tattooists were being arrested for working,it seems implausible. Following on from the last point, in the past two years many changes towards tattoos haveoccurred. One of Japan’s biggest newspapers, The Asahi News, reported that Taiki, a 27-year-old tattoo artist
was taken in for breaking the Medical Practioner’s Law, however, Taiki states that his workplace is clean andhygienic and he does not tattoo yakuza, therefore, does not break the law. He took the fight to court asking if his
job was a crime or not and became a strong figure in fighting against the criminalization of tattoos. Unfortunately,
he was found guilty but appealed his sentence straight after the decision and is still fighting to free the prejudiceagainsttattoos
along
with
the
help
of
the
public.
Whether the government or people of Japan are ready to acknowledge the popularity of Japanese tattoos ortattoos in general hiding in the shadows of their country it is yet to be sure. Even with the discrimination in the
country, the reality is that Japanese people will continue to get tattoos even if they are small and unnoticeable
by others. It is estimated that there are 3,000 tattooists working in Japan. So, while the artists are still fighting to
be recognized as only an artist and not a delinquent or criminal, it seems that the true fight has only just begun.
Japan will be holding the Olympics in the year 2020, which will attract numerous foreigners to the country,
many of which will probably have tattoos and so it seems that Japan will have to continue working on theiracceptance. Because if people are constantly turned away from entering places due to their appearance it willcause conflict between the Westerners and Japanese. The clash between cultures and ideals of tattoos can cause
potential problems. However, it is believed that if tattoos are exposed to the Japanese people in a positive way
it will help to evolve then people’s perceptions for the better.
In conclusion, history has caused many varying changes to the Japanese perception of tattoos. Throughthe very early Joman period where tattoos where a part of Japanese customs, to the Meiji period where theWesterners arrival caused Japan to hide away all signs of tattoos, to the 21st century where people are fighting
for their rights to practice the ways of tattoos. As the popularity of Japan continues to grow, so will the interestin Japanese culture and history, including tattoos. Japan must learn how to accept that tattooing is a large part oftheir history and continue to grow and prosper with their new-found acceptance. The change is coming even if
it is slow and begins with foreigners only. The vast history of tattoos shows that change is possible whether it
be positive or negative that is up to Japan and its people.

References:
Ashcraft, B. (2016). The 2020 Olympics Could Change Tattooing In Japan Forever. [online] Kotaku. Available at:https://kotaku.com/the-2020-olympics-could-change-tattooing-in-japan-forev-1784959769 [Accessed 13 Jul. 2018].
Ashcraft, B. (2018). Japan's Problem with Tattoos. [online] Kotaku.com. Available at: https://kotaku.com/japans-problemwith-tattoos-1767685623 [Accessed 13 Jul. 2018].
Guth, Christine. Longfellow’s Tattoos: Tourism, Collecting, and Japan. University of Washington Press, 2004. [Accessed
12 Jul. 2018].
Koyama, Noboru. Nihon no irezumi to Eikoku ōshitsu—Meiji jidai kara Daiichi Sekai Taisen made (Japanese Tattooing
and the British Monarchy—From the Meiji Era to World War I). Fujiwara Shoten, 2010. [Accessed 8 Jul. 2018].
Mitchell, J. (2014). Japan inked: Should the country reclaim its tattoo culture? | The Japan Times. [online] The Japan
Times. Available at: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/life/2014/05/03/lifestyle/japan-inked-country-reclaim-tattooculture/#.W0au0NIzY2w [Accessed 30 Mar. 2018].
Yoshimi Yamamoto, “Irezumi no Sekai” (“Tattoo: The Anthropology of Body Decoration”). 2005 [Accessed 13 Jul.
2018].
Yoshimi, Y. (2017). “Irezumi”: The Japanese Tattoo Unveiled. [online] nippon. Available at:https://www.nippon.com/en/views/b06701/ [Accessed 9 Jul. 2018].

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

Odori Matsuri: Building Community Through History
祭りの踊り：歴史を通してコミュニティーを構築する
Christina Streitz

クリスティナ・ストライツ

California State University Monterey Bay (USA)

夏で祭り踊りは大切な日本の文化です。昔から祭りでコミュニティを構築しました。今も、祭り（とくに祭り踊り）はコミュニティを構築しています。私は徳島県から男と岡山からおじさんをインタビューしました。二人は祭り踊りに入りました。この人たちの経経と自分の経経から、コミュ
ニティのために祭り踊りは大切だと思います。私はこの祭りの主な参加者の一部は、彼らの参加に基づいて帰帰意識や感情的な支持を得る方法を検討します。

Throughout much of history Japan has used various festivals (matsuri) and holidays to cometogether and help build a sense of community. This tradition still lives strong to this day, and I believe
it to be the reason behind the strong community bonds seen in Japan that are impressively rare in othercultures. Through interviews and personal experience, I have drawn the conclusion that a reason forthis is taking part in festivals, whether it be helping preparation, simply attending the event, or being
in a participatory role. All three increase a sense of belonging, but none so much as the latter. Hereafter
I will examine the question of how odori (dance) matsuri, with a focus on Bon Odori, has evolved
over time to continue to grow community by speaking to both young and older generations, and byviewing various history and prior research into the subject.
First, let’s briefly examine the history of odori matsuri and its modern form in Japan. Whilefestival dancing is found in multiple events, it is impossible to speak of odori matsuri without also
speaking of Bon Odori. Bon Odori is the traditional dancing done at the annual summer festival of
Obon. This is what most people think of when talking of Japanese festival dancing. Obon was
originally brought to Japan in the late sixth or early seventh century with the introduction of Buddhism.
Within Buddhist lore Obon was created when one of Buddha’s disciples, Mauggallana, tried to sootheand free his mother from the torment of hell. By providing food and offerings to the priests in theseventh month they were able to free his mother. His resulting dance of joy is said to be the first BonOdori. Currently it is the held belief that during Obon the souls of the dead return to earth to enjoy
time and celebrations with the living (1).
In modern times, Obon and Bon Odori has continued to thrive and grow, and now is one of
the largest events not only in Japan, but in other parts of the world where it has spread such as America
and Malaysia. Focusing on Japan however, it has become synonymous with summer in the same way
as beaches and vacation. The largest examples of Bon Odori are found in the Awa Odori festival in46

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Tokushima and the Yosakoi Festival in Tosa, Kochi. Ironically, both are rival festivals in the Shikoku
region. Awa Odori alone had numbers of over 100,000 attending each of the three days (2, 3). Thoughthese are the two biggest examples, every prefecture, and sometimes individual cities, have their own
Obon festivals. Each area has unique dances and festivities that reflect its history and culture. For
example, Shishi Odori. “Shishi odori is a folk performance is enacted by a troupe of six to twelve
dancers who act out a parable that incorporates ritualistic movements expressed through theanthropomorphic behavior of deer that mediate the real and spiritual worlds” found primarily in the
Tohoku region (4). This is a long standing traditional dance that is unique to the Tohoku region,
showcasing their individuality and community identity. Because each region has such individual
expressions during times of celebrations like Obon, each community can have pride in their versions
and grow closer as a community through the bond of their shared culture. It is like joining together inpride over the local sport team.
One place where this pride is especially high, as previously mentioned, is Tokushima. Known
for Awa Odori, it is a place of great pride to not only the residents but to all of Japan. This is a place
you can really feel how the Bon Odori has brought the community together. I had the good fortune tomeet a young man who grew up in the Tokushima prefecture and have a short interview with him as
to how growing up in Tokushima and being active in the parade dances affected his view of his
community his relationships with the other community members. For his privacy I will be referring to
him as Yoshi. When asked about how long he had participated in the festival, Yoshi decided hecouldn’t really remember, as he had been at least attending since quite young. However, he joined thedance parade starting in junior high. As he is around 18, that gives him around six years of experience.
He joined because, as it was such an important and large part of his community culture, it felt like thenatural thing to do. The festival was lots of fun, and he had friends who were also a part of it. Because
he was so heavily involved, he came to know many people in his community, especially older people,
he might have never met otherwise. He has very happy and grateful memories toward the festival
because they made up so many of happy childhood memories. And to this day it helped inspire his
love for dance.
As Yoshi shows, a festival can be more than just an annual fun event. It can connect various
members of the community from different generations and groups. Communities with such a strong
festival participation brings its people together to make lasting relationships and create a natural senseof belonging. “Because of their united sense of community and purpose, festival neighborhood
resident participants tend to be close, and the rituals, festivities, and regular meetings provide themwith contacts throughout the year that strengthen old and create new friendships (5).” And beyond thefestival, it gave him the comfort to do what he loved, because it was something he felt accepted doing.
So one could draw the conclusion that his time spent participating in the festival helped his sense of
belonging and community, which in turn helped him grow his confidence and relationships.
Another person I had the pleasure of interviewing was an older gentleman I will be calling
Yamato, again for the sake of his privacy. Yamato, from Okayama, had a somewhat different
experience than young Yoshi. When asked he said he didn’t really start to get into actuallyparticipating until he was an adult. Now he participates in the Urana Odori every year. While Okayama
does have festivities for Obon, what it is more known for is its Momotaro festival. Taking placeslightly later than Obon, it is a massive two day festival at the beginning of August, the second day ofwhich contains a massive dance parade called Uraja Odori. Performers dress up like ura, or Japaneseoni (demon) and perform through the streets. Yamato has performed in this for many years. Even
though he is now a grandfather he still takes the time to attend rehearsals and take part in the festival
every year.

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When I asked why he joined, he said it was because he wanted to feel more involved and get out
more. Plus he wanted to do something outside his comfort zone. He said out of the festival he received
many good experiences, and made new friends even at his age. He did not interact too much withpeople a lot younger than him, at least on a close basis, but he felt like he talked more and felt healthier.
This can show that participating in festivals can increase ones overall well-being. “Influential studies
in the past few decades, especially, have revealed that social support can have positive effects on
mortality and mental and physical health (5)”. So, by participating in these festivals, both Yoshi and
Yamato might become healthier and happier through the support system developed by working withothers in a shared environment.
From my own personal experiences, both here in Japan and in America, I fully believe thatparticipating in Odori Matsuri can build bonds with your community and other people around you.
For example, though it was not for Obon, I participated in a Daimyo Gyoritsu. This is essentially a
traditional parade where participants are historically dressed and reenact a procession of an ancientJapanese lord. During this process I had to rehearse and spend time with people I had never met before.
By the end however, I was very comfortable and had made several friends. I can only imagine howmuch it could bring people together if they work together for years for such events.
I also feel that this is a universally applied concept. When I was in America I would often
participate in the Nissei Week Parade. Nissei week is an annual summer festival, around the same timeObon, that celebrates second generation (and thereafter) Japanese-Americans. As part of this festival
there is a dance parade, similar to what one would see with Bon Odori. I did this for about three years.
Between rehearsals and learning the shared culture I grew close to the people I would be performing
with, and I felt very much a part of a particular group. Even though I am not Japanese-American, I
could see the camaraderie formed among the participants who used this event as an outlet to connect
shared history and culture and find a place where they belong in such a big a place as America.
In research conducted by Michael Roemer, he extensively interviewed and studied a group ofmales from Kyoto’s Gion Festival. In this study he found that “because of their united sense ofcommunity and purpose, festival neighborhood resident participants tend[ed] to be close, and therituals, festivities, and regular meetings provide[d] them with contacts throughout the year thatstrengthen[ed] old and create[d] new friendships (5)”. And though his study focused on the adult maleparticipants, the same can be applied to women, elders, and especially children. Growing up in thistypes of environment, with a strong cultural binding and events that are woven historically into thearea will create a commitment and love for a community that will grow and be passed on to further
generations.
I theorize that festivals have shaped communities as much as communities shape festivals. By
holding festivals, especially ones that require people to often meet and work together such as dance
ones, the community grows closer and is strengthened. And at the same time, because the community
is close-knit and strong, the festivals put on are more rewarding and have a bigger draw. Thus it
becomes a fulfilling cycle of working together and growing. Japanese culture puts a heavy value on
working together and paying respects to the group and those who came ahead of you. I have foundthat this culture seems to lend itself to events such as festivals and ritual events such as odori. Andagain, because of the functionality of festivals, where one has to work together and learn the traditions
that have been passed down for generations, it creates said culture of being part of the group and caring
for the past and those who went ahead.
The Japanese matsuri, specifically odori matsuri, has been around for centuries. And
throughout this time it has played a hand in creating the society of Japan we see today. By participatingin the odori matsuri, such as Bon-Odori, it creates a sense of community and involvement thatstrengthens not only the interpersonal bonds, but also improves the wellbeing and happiness of the48

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018

participants by giving
them a place to belong
and feel included. This
only lends itself to theJapanese culture ofbeing part of a groupand supporting eachother in as such. I
believe a part of thestrength of Japanesecommunities can be
attributed
toperpetuation
andconnectivity of odori
matsuri. It connects
peopleofallgenerations,allgenders, and of all
walks of life. Everyone
can participate and feellike they belong. Bon
Odori and other odori
matsuri will continue to grow with the community, and the community will strengthen and grow inreturn. It’s a cycle that hopefully will not be broken anytime soon.
References:“The Bon-Odori in Hawaii and in Japan”. Smith, Barbara B. https://www-jstororg.library2.csumb.edu:2248/stable/pdf/835556.pdf [2018-07-13]“The Ground Shakes as 100,000 People Join the “Awa Odori” Traditional Dance Festival!”. NA. https://japanmagazine.jnto.go.jp/en/1706_awaodori.html [2018-07-13]“Awa Odori (Awa Dance Festival) & Yosakoi Matsuri (Yosakoi Festival)”. NA. https://japanmagazine.jnto.go.jp/en/1106_awaodori.html [2018-07-13]“The Ochiai deer dance: a traditional dance in a modern world”. Thompson, Christopher S. https://onlinelibrarywiley-com.library2.csumb.edu:2248/doi/full/10.1111/j.0022-3840.2004.00103.x [2018-07-13]“Ritual Participation and Social Support in a Major Japanese Festival”. Roemer, Michael K. https://onlinelibrarywiley-com.library2.csumb.edu:2248/doi/full/10.1111/j.1468-5906.2007.00350.x [2018-07-13

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The Cultural Perception of Matsuri
Chelsea Muir チェルシー・ミューヤ
University of Kent (United Kingdom)

この論文は日本人の祭りについて考察をしている。鳥取県にある三朝という町に住んでいる人々に聞き、意見を集めた。その上、書籍や論文などの情報を調べ、分析する。これらにより、日本人が全般的に祭りに関するどのような考えを持っているか知ることができる。今後、日本の祭りの発展のやり方を探して行くことに役立つ。本論文では、言語学、社会学、経済学の面から詳しく分析する。

Matsuri is a common Japanese social event that has tie ins to the local Buddhist and Shinto
religious structures, but the religious significance of the dates celebrated is more secular in nature
today. Ritualised elements can remain, but the stories behind these rituals can be learned but not truly
believed, so their meaning changes to fit the needs of the participants. Unlike national holidays,
Matsuri can be held on any day of the year and are a localised event. Some are famous nation-wide,
and there are also some that are relatively unknown outside their prefecture. Throughout this paper
the idea of 'Matsuri' will be explored, from the semantic and pragmatic meaning of the word to
Japanese people, how a matsuri held in Misasa is viewed by the locals, and how, if at all, any of thisrelates back to the religious origins of the festivals themselves or there is a newly constructed cultural
perception of 'Matsuri' for the community or the individuals themselves. My use of ‘cultural perception’is a way to communicate the feelings and ideas of the Japanese people towards their own culture andtraditions, and how the whole society as a concept feels towards it, instead of on a purely localised
and individual level.
First of all, the term 'matsuri' must be clearly defined. Stall defines a word's meaning as an'area of experience that is (…) accepted as falling within a domain of a word', so to understand theconcept of matsuri, native speaker's intuitions about the word must be taken into account. The English
translation is simply 'festival', but when Japanese people are asked their definition has a spiritual tonethat has reoccurring uses of spirits, shrines, temples and celebration as co-referential words that relateback to the definition of matsuri. The participants agreed that matsuris are a communal event and theoft-told meaning of the ones they have seen relate to good health, longevity, personal goals and family.
Therefore, the working definition of matsuri throughout this paper will be one of 'a community eventthat is held in the belief of a fortunate occurrence to the participant or their community'.
Next is the matsuri that will be talked about and used to come to conclusion about in this paper.
The matsuri attended was the Dai-tsuna-hiki (Big Tug of War) festival in Misasa, Tottori held aroundthe start of spring in the start of May. Throughout the course of the three-day celebrations, a large 800
metre rope is constructed from flexible trees from the local mountain and used in a game of tug of war.
The tug of war game is used as a form of fortune telling, with the west side predicted thatbusiness will thrive and if the east side wins then agriculture will be successful. Local community
members and tourists participate in this game, and onlookers cheer of the teams. The making of therope for the fortune telling is a community event with chants and movements to encourage teamwork,
but it is also a community bonding time through manual labour and this takes place over two days. In
the morning of the final day, the local shrine has a ritual performance. This performance consisted of
2 women dancing in white dresses and a tea ceremony between the two groups and the leader of thetemple. The performance was well liked by the spectators and the ritualised tea ceremony was a halfhour long performance that people came and went to, and the local people talked amongst themselves
as it was ongoing.

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This matsuri show many ritualised elements and community bonding activities that can beused to explore how the society of Japan views and implements their idea of Matsuri.
The research for this paper was conducted in Misasa, Tottori during the Dai-Tsuna-Hiki
festival held around the start of spring each year in Japan. The primary method of the research was
through spoken interviews with various local people, including the event organiser, an elder man andtwo young women at the morning shrine event, and a middle-aged man during the making of the large
tug of war rope. Interviews were chosen because of the direct interaction with locals and a way toelicit candid opinions about the festival. Through this method, more personal and individualised
opinions about the matsuri were collected.
The replies of the interviewees will be stated. The two local women attended the morning
shrine event with their young children. They explained the ritual happening that morning. Theirreasoning for attending was so that their children can experience Japanese culture like they did aschildren. The generational continuity was an often-expressed reason for carrying on the tradition. The
older man reported to not know the origins of the festival but he deeply praised the ability of the eventto bring the community together and give the town a sense of inclusion and togetherness. Anotherman in the community who volunteered to make the big rope and to be a performer in the children’s
Mikoshi carrying event also expressed this opinion and he reported to enjoy the event as a way tosocialise and get to know everyone in the town. Lastly, the organiser of the event was at every
gathering that had an association with the festivities. He had the most in-depth knowledge of themeaning behind the festival but he commented that the explicit meaning of the event was an
unnecessary component to them and only served as a backdrop to the generations old traditions thatact as a community stage.
The opinions of the local people are in direct contrast to the reported literal meaning of matsuri.
The meaning was reported as a celebrated related to acquiring good outcomes for the self, but the local
people’s opinions focused on the human, community element of the event. The event organiser
directly stated that the meaning of the matsuri is irrelevant, and the other interviewees did not know
the true meaning of the whole event and only knew superficial elements.
So, if the original meaning of the matsuri is unknown and irrelevant, and the lexical meaning
does not match the participant’s feelings towards matsuri, how is the meaning of matsuri defined in
the modern era? Recently the commercialisation of matsuri is a common occurrence, as a way to bringpeople into the local areas and boost tourism and the local economy. According to Ivy, cited in ajournal article by Ellefson, the desire to hold onto the original meaning of the festival is a modern
concept that assumes there was a time when the tradition was not threatened. One could argue that theidea of trying to preserve a tradition is futile because of this, and the lexical and original meaning ofmatsuri has always been irrelevant. The community makes their own meaning every time the event isheld. A new meaning being constructed in Japanese society is one of economic growth andcommercialisation of the traditions in Matsuri. In the economically prosperous and modern japan, thesearch for meaning became a ‘fetishised’ part of society as the ideal of the small village vanished andmatsuri provided an outlet (Efferson, 2018, pg.155). Companies and local governments came in toserve this perceived need. The knock-on benefits of these commercialised traditions and community
events is that the profit margins of those establishments increased each subsequent year their ‘newmeaning’ was promoted and celebrated in the community. The positive associations with community
events and as a social adhesive for the participants on a local level. This is also seen with larger
national events such as national holidays spread throughout the year.
In modern times, commercialisation is a demonised thing, but for matsuri, it is a way to keepthem going for longer and to satiate a need of the general population to the benefit of the organisers.
Meaning has become a background element at best and irrelevant at worst, and the new constructedmeaning serve a purpose related to economics of the places they are held. This cannot truly be seen asa negative, because humans always re-invent and change the things they do to better fit what is needed
for the situation, the change in matsuri is no different.

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The commercialisation of the event is one part of a wider psychology of the ‘perceived need’
for these events. Another meaning attached to matsuri, echoed by one of my interviewees is that it
solidifies the identity of the community. The interviewee said that the Dai-tsuna-hiki festival is an
excellent way for the community to come together, but apart from this, no other reason was stated. It
could be argued that there is no further reason than this but a theory proposed by Tajfel and Turner in1979 cited by Chiang et al, named Social Identity Theory (SIT) could explain more about why thematsuri is a good community event. The theory states that an individual's identity is constructed
through three elements: social categorization (the categorisation of others), social identification (thecategorisation of the group), and social comparison (the categorisation of the self in comparison to thegroup). One could argue that a matsuri’s purpose is to fulfil the need for social identification and social
comparison in the SIT theory as during the event, through interacting with the different members of
the community, you are categorising the group and your place in the community. The members of thegroup that is participating on the rope-making is a prime example of categorising the self and others,
because the inter-group relationships in that activity and constantly changing to suit the needs of thewhole at every opportunity. However, because of the short duration of the group work, it could beargued that the newly forged identities made by the matsuri are fleeting and the individuals
participation only adds a small facet to the individual and group identity because outside of the threeday celebrations, there are another 362 days in the year were the self and the group can be categorised.
Therefore, the cultural perception of matsuri is individualised yet a community concept. The
event in itself is used as a benchmark to compare and contrast the individual’s sense of self to the otherindividuals in their locality. This eventually leads a group hierarchy and way of bonding because every
person knows their place, but the specifics of how it is laid out can still be changed with eachsubsequent application of the elements of the Social Identity Theory.
A tradition is an often used but rarely defined term in colloquial speech, but in essence it is aset of actions or an idea that persists throughout multiple generations. Shils argues that it is not onlythe ‘grip of the past’ that keeps traditions alive throughout the generations but they are ‘received
institutional, personal [and] cultural equipment’. The interviewees stated was that generational
continuity of traditions was an important factor in them going to the matsuri. The interviewees
specifically mentioned the continuation of Japanese culture is the reason for doing so, and this seems
to relate back to the 'fetishised' idea of locality. This is then used for a newcomer, in the case of thisanalysis they are the children, to attempt to ‘fit in’ to the ongoing culture that is all around them, andto eventually because of constant exposure, be thoroughly assimilated and viewed as an equal. The
methods through which generational continuity can be achieved are various and the interviewees are
directly trying to assist in the assimilation of their children through going to the matsuri. It has alreadybeen argued that the meaning of the matsuri is irrelevant in modern times so a true belief in theritualised elements in unnecessary.
Even though the newcomer can assimilate into the culture, traditions are not a static element.
Therefore, in this paragraph, the ways a tradition can be passed down will be discussed. Traditions
can either be changed incrementally over a long period of time or through an influential person or
person having so much sway and adding new elements to an already existing tradition that people will
say that a ‘new’ tradition is born (Shils, 1971, pg. 145). Furthermore, rejection of an alreadyestablished tradition can introduce new traditions to a society. Physical objects can also be the meansof passing down and preserving traditions, meaning may change but the items physical presence isenough to keep the tradition alive or able to be revived by later generations (Shils, 1971, pg 142). An
example of this in the research i9s most easily seen in the event for the children to carry the Mikoshi,
by doing that at a young age, they associate the festival and the activities inside the event positively
with the rest of the community and the elder members of the society. Through this means the continuityof the event are ensured. The specific example shows this, but so do the other methods discussed inthis paragraph.
So, generation continuity can take many different kinds of forms. Even though the meaningof what was originally tried to be communicated may be lost, a human need to pass down what is52

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known and believed remains as a facet of human social life, structure and as a means of socialisation
for the new comers, in this example, the children, into the community and social context.

The perception may have once been for spiritual elements but now, Matsuri is seen as acultural adhesive that can be passed down to the younger generation, provide a sense of identity andcan also be exploited for commercial uses with or without the ‘grip of the past’ providing an artificial
sense of meaning. While the sense of meaning may be artificial, the need to pass down the traditions
that are there is a major theme in why matsuri is a common feature of Japanese social life. Japan’s
use of community events is not a unique phenomenon, most industrialised societies exhibit this
disconnected, yet revered image of their own past and try to rekindle it. The unique phenomenon is
the usage of similar kinds of celebrations with slight different meaning but the outcome is primarily
the same as explored throughout this research paper, whereas in other industrialised societies, themajor holidays are only used in this way. In conclusion, the methods and reasons for matsuris do exists
in all human cultures, but the specific focus on japan through this paper has combined the local andthe national to explore the society’s perception of these kinds of events.
References
Ellefson, D, 2018. Local Tradition and the Construction of Community and Identity in Postwar Japan: The Case of theKishiwada Danjiri Matsuri. Critical and Radical Geographies of The Social, The Spatial and The Political, [Online]. 12006,
153-174. Available at: http://160.193.15.129/archives/URP1.pdf#page=154[Accessed 5 July 2018].
Lanlung Chiang, et al. 2017, Investigating festivals and events as social gatherings: the application of social identity theory.
Journal of Travel & Tourism Marketing, 34:6, 779-792,
Shils, E. 1971. “Tradition,” Comparative Studies in Society and History. London: Cambridge University Press
Staal, F., 1996. Rituals and Mantras: Rules without Meaning. 1st ed. New Delhi: Shri Jainendra Press

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Manga at Okayama University
Just hobby or also ally in study?
Francesca Mellano フランチェスカ・メッラーノ
Ca’Foscari University of Venice (Italy)

Summary
マンガは現代の日本の文化の象徴です。日本だけではなくて、全世界で人気があります。
多くのジャンルとキャラクターのおかげで、有名なエンターテインメントになりました。その上、たくさんの話の中に伝統的な文化と現代の問題もあります。だから、マンガで読者は楽しむに加え
て
、
反
省
と
勉
強
も
で
き
ま
す
。
岡山大学の先生と学生からマンガについて意見を集めました。その後、どんな岡山の店にマンガを買えるかについて話します。

Introduction
Japan is the largest provider of animation worldwide. The 60% of global animation comes from Japan.
Probably
manga
is
its
most
importantandmostpopularformofanimation.
The first purpose of a manga is telling a story, like a movie. They present many topics and every manga has its
own age targets. Some of them present stories and topics suitable for children, but others include violence intheir dialogues or their bloody images, therefore they are defined adult narrations. Characters play a very
important role: they have to express important messages or represent fundamental values for readers. Some ofthem, like Goku from “Dragonball”, Naruto from “Naruto” and Rufy from “One Piece”, became symbols of theJapanese contemporary culture, and now they are famous all over the world.
A possible ancestor of the manga is the ukiyo-e, a genre of Japanese art print on paper that became
popular during Edo period (1603-1868 century). These prints usually showed beautiful landscapes or scenes ofeveryday life in the town, and they were so much popular in particular for their cheap price and for the fact that
also
people
not
able
to
read
could
appreciatethem.
The version of manga so popular in our days was born after the 1900. In the 1940’s small-scale book-lending
shops called kashihon’ya were born, and they evolved during the next decades. Today in many towns is possible
to borrow manga in stores like Tsutaya, where it is possible to recognize the same principle of the old
kashihon’ya.
The first manga magazines were published in the 1950’s. Today the most famous weekly manga
magazine is “Jump”, and it is possible to buy them at every 24 hours supermarket コンビニ or in specialized
shops like Animate or Tsutaya. In a Jump volume are published every week new chapters of some of the mostpopularmanga.
Manga arrived in foreign countries too after World War II, in particular from the 1970’s. Even if many nationalist
manga were censored and banned by American Government after the defeat of Japan.
Today scholars consider the diffusion of manga all over the world a positive thing, since to it allows acloser approach to Japan from the foreign countries. In fact, manga often show aspects (like architecture or
society) and principles (like everyday life or sexuality, omo or etero) from contemporary Japanese culture. Theycanrekindle
interestin
thiscultureand
reality.
It is probably for this reason that Japanese manga producers seem in favor of foreign co-productions and cofinancing, and they are open to the international market.
The main function of manga is entertainment. Some stories have particular plots and funny characters,with no teaching purposes (usually they give in any case information about the setting they are talking about),
and people enjoy them just for the pleasure of a simple narration. However, the majority of the stories are basedon reality and they present many important topics. This is why it is possible to use them for learning some aspectsof contemporaneity. In addition, the way the stories are narrated helps the learning activity. This hybrid form
that combines images to text (written as dialogues, so it is never too much long) makes easier the comprehensionof the stories and the themes, and the images help the memory capacity. The plot and the characters themselves

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can be useful for transmitting teachings. Another advantage from the lecture of manga is the possibility to learn
new words (and when it is better to use them) or everyday way of talking.
The manga is considered a pleasant reading in particular for students, who can apply on it withsatisfying results in their studies. From some of these stories they can also organize class discussion about the
topics described, exactly like discussion from traditional literature or other academic subjects. This common
interest can generate new possibilities for social life, like scholar clubs.
Studies and schools about manga are increasing, not only in Japan (one example is the Kyoto Seika
University, where the Faculty of Manga was open in 2006) but all over the world. Studies themselves are
evolving. For example, manga can be used for learning English. Reading the English version of a manga after
the Japanese one helps to learn how words and ways of talking are translated in another language.
The translator’s task is very important and very difficult. It is not easy finding words in a foreign
language able to maintain the same meaning from the original version. It is necessary not only a deep knowledgeof the two languages, but also a great ability to recognize a way of talking in one language and find the way totransmit it in the other language maintaining maybe not the same words but at least the same meaning.
Translation from Japanese to English can be defined a new form of literature.
However, manga are criticized for some of their characteristics. The most common criticism concerns
the extreme violence, the vulgarity in dialogues or the topics too much strong narrated in some stories. That is
why many manga are considered not suitable for children. In addition, there is the theory that the manga give a
simplistic idea of Japan to the rest of the world. They are not able to give adequate information about thecontemporary world, and they speak about difficult topics only in an easy way, this is the opinion of manyscholars. Another problem related to manga is excessive alienation and obsession of certain readers.
Manga have many defects, this is for sure. However, it is impossible to negate that they have become
one of the most important and most effective symbol of contemporary Japan, and that it is thanks to them ifmany people from all the world have found interest in this country and culture. And it is true that students can
find
in
their
favoritemangaaprecious
ally
in
their
studies.
Let’s see now if this last sentence (“manga are useful in studies”) is true in one according to the reality of one
the most important and the biggest university in Japan. The Okayama University.

Interviews
Thousands of students are studying at the Okayama University, not only Japanese students but also
people from all over the world. Along with them there are also good professors from all the country (some ofthem are foreign teachers with the goal to teach languages to the students). Since they are member of thecontemporary Japanese society, it can be interesting speaking with them about manga and their habits with thiskindofentertainment.
According to eleven students from different faculties (in particular scientific faculties like engineering, but four
students are specializing in law or agriculture; only one of them is studying literature) of the Okayama University
and with different ages (they were all undergraduate students, with age from 20 to 23 years old) manga is a goodhobby. All of these students confirmed they enjoy reading them, and they usually have interest in animatetranspositions (the anime) made from their favorite manga. In Japan are quite famous also the live-action
transpositions taken from manga, but just a few of these students said they are interested in the films since theyusually disappoint them for not being faithful to the original story. However, no one of them seem muchfascinated by manga events, like cosplay events, even if they are popular in Japan and all over the world.
The time these students spend in this activity is different. Some of them are great fans of manga, since
they were children, and they like reading every day in every free time. They have favorite stories but they arealso looking for new adventures. Five students (student A, B, D, E, F) usually read a single story at the time, andthey like reading it from the beginning to the end. This is why they usually choose manga whose narration is
terminated, since once they have started they don’t have to wait for the next publication (a waiting that can bevery long: the publication of new manga books usually takes one or two months). They like concentrating on asingle story, and only after its definitive end they can choose a new one. Other five students (student C, G, H, I,
J), however, prefer reading different stories at the same time, even if they weren’t already concluded. On theother side, there was in particular one student (student K) who said he likes manga but for the high price of thebooks or the magazines he doesn’t read so often.

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Nowadays in Japan there are different ways to get manga. The easiest one is buying the manga books
or the weekly magazines at the shops (there is also the possibility of the online shops, but no one during theinterview spoke about this option), but many students avoid this way for the high price of these publications. Six
students between the eleven interviewees (student D, E, F, G, H, I, J) confirmed they usually buy them, andstudent I added he prefer second hand manga since they are cheaper. More or less the price of second handmanga can be between 100 and 230 yen, while the cost of new volumes usually starts from 490 yen (it can beless expensive if the episode is quite old) reaching up to 900 yen for the special editions.
In Japan there are also stores where it is possible to borrow the manga for a limited time at a low time(less than 100 yen). The most famous shop is Tsutaya, where people can buy or borrow not only manga but also
books and music CD (sometimes there are also videogames or card games). According to student E, F, K, thisis the easiest way to read their favorite manga without spending much money. Only student C expressed a
different option: borrowing manga not from the shops but from his friends. In this way, he doesn’t have to use
any money. However, since only one person during the interview presented this option, it is possible to conclude
that this way is not popular or remarkable like the others.
The last possibility expressed by student A and B is reading the manga online. In the last years manga
arrived on the internet too, and it is quite common that a new story is published on website at the same time orin many cases (in particular in foreign countries) before the diffusion of the physical books. The websites
specialized on the publication of manga have increased, consequently there are many opportunities to read newor old stories without spending money. It is a comfortable and cheap way, but many people, in particular who
like collecting manga books, don’t appreciate it, for the different feeling of the lecture.
In many foreign countries there is the common idea that manga are lectures just for children, whilestudents and adults shouldn’t be interested in them. But this idea is not shared by these Japanese students. In
fact, according to them manga are especially for adult people. Not only for the themes and the contents of thestories. In particular because adult people have the money necessary for buying manga. Finally, at the question“Do you think manga can be used in studies?” they replied always in the same way. They all agreed with thissentence, and they explained that many times in their lives manga helped them in learning or understanding new
words and kanji. They added that children and foreign people too can learn a lot from manga.
According to all these replies, it is possible to understand that the majority of Japanese students
appreciate manga as a hobby and as a way of studying. It is not important what kind of major did they chose in
their university career, their ideas are similar also about their favorite ways for getting manga. Many of them aredoing a part-time job for getting some extra money; but they explained they prefer using them for shopping orfor going out with friends. Manga are not their motivation for getting money, this is why they use to get mangain the cheapest way: borrowing them or reading them online.
After the eleven student, five professors did the interview about manga. Four of these teachers (teacher
1, 2, 3, 4) are still working at the Okayama University (specialized in teaching Japanese language or culture toforeign students), while one of them (teacher 5) retired many years ago.
Between these professors, three of them (teacher 1, 2, 4) affirmed they like reading manga and they
still do it. Professors 3 and 5 said they are not reading any more (professor 5 who retired from the teaching
explained she stopped because has difficulties due to her age in reading the little writings on the manga pages),but confirmed they were used to enjoy them when they were students. This result contrasts with the idea fromthe rest of the world that only children read manga.
To the three professors 1, 2, 4 who still read manga, it was asked how they get them. They all replied
they usually buy the new books of their favorite stories from the shops. Sometimes, in particular when they want
to try new narrations, they can borrow the first publications from Tsutaya (only professor 1 added the possibility
to borrow them from friends, while the others said they never do it). However, it seems they prefer buying forthemselves the manga, in particular if they are their favorite stories. No one spoke about online manga.
The next question was about their opinion about manga used for study. It resulted they all share thesame idea. In fact, according to them, manga can be very useful, not only for children but also for foreign people
who are learning Japanese or are interested in Japanese culture. However, all the five professors added that the
only reading of the manga can be harmful for children. If they don’t practice with normal book, they will never
be able to think with their own brains or to read anything more difficult than manga. Also, they will only learn
the language and the vocabulary of the manga, very used in contemporary dialogues but quite vulgar and inparticular not suitable in official places like schools, universities or agencies. Finally, they underlined the factthat not all the genres of manga, in particular the most violent or vulgar, are good for children.

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Despite this last criticism, it seems all these five professors, along with the eleven students, have a good opinion
about manga, not only as a hobby but also for study.
Students and professors at Okayama can buy or borrow manga from shops like Tsutaya or the Aeon
Mall (where usually all the volumes from the most famous series are available, from the first to the last one), or
they can find second hand volumes from the shop Bookoff. No one in the interviews spoke about manga
magazines, but in Okayama city it is possible to buy them at every コンビニ or at the most famous shop
specialized in manga, anime and all kind of Japanese animation: the Animate.
However, it is possible to find manga available and gratis to everyone inside the Okayama University
itself. It is not such an unusual fact finding manga inside a university library. Actually, schools started to get andadopt manga in their teaching during the 1960’s of the last century.There is a good collection of manga at the
Okayama University library. It includes some of the most popular stories like One Piece and Doraemon (even if
many volumes from the longest series are missing). There are especially many manga taken from the Ghibli
films. The number of volumes is not as big as the Tsutaya’s one, but they are enough for who wants to do practicewith the language. Or for the students who wants to relax after hard study.
At Okayama University in particular foreign students have the possibility to read manga during lessons
like 多読で学ぶ日本語. The first goal of these lessons is improving student’s ability to read Japanese writing
using manga or short and easy volumes like children stories. For them this way is easier and funnier than trying
immediately with books or articles. Instead of the manga from the library, they can use and borrow (actually
they can take home some volumes every time, for exercise and homework) private collections of volumes
provided professors especially for those lessons.

Conclusion
It is now clear that many people consider manga not only as an entertainment, but also as a way to
study different subjects, from Japanese vocabulary to Japanese culture. In this report they were presented only
the ideas of people, from students to teachers, from Okayama University; however, we can deduce that the sameideas are shared by the majority of Japanese people, according to the reports of many articles available forexample on the Internet, and in particular according to the popularity of manga all over the country.
This consideration can maybe surprise a foreign person. In particular if he comes from European countries like
Italy, where manga are seen just as “children stuff” and nothing more than a simple hobby (less interesting andmaturethan
Americanor
Italiancomicsinmanyoccasions).
However, once the foreign people arrive in Japan, they can find in manga a precious ally. An ally that in Japanis easier to obtain than in their own countries (for example in Italy just in many town there are shops specialized
in manga, and it is impossible to borrow them or to find second hand volumes). This is what everyone atOkayama University affirmed. They can use their favorite stories for learning in a funny way the language, some
topics from the ancient culture or the contemporary society of Japan.
It can be interesting also deepen the knowledge of the history of manga. As we have seen, they havevery ancient origins, and they lived the entire existence of Japan, with all its evolutions, wars and success.

References:
Manga: “Japan’s favorite entertainment media”, (2007) Takarabako “Japanese Culture Now” No. 13
Norris C., (2009) “Manga, anime and visual art culture”, The Cambridge Companion to Modern Japanese Culture,
Cambridge University Press, pp. 236-260
Zaccagnino M. and Conirari S., (2007) “Manga: il Giappone alla conquista del mondo”, Limes, rivista italiana di geopolitica
Murakami S. and Bryce M., (2009) “Manga as an educational medium”, Macquarie University NSW, Australia
Kunai I. and Ryan C.C.S. (2007) “Manga as a teaching tool: comic books without borders”, proceedings of the CATESOLState Conference, California State University East Bay

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Kojima Torajiro: The life that believed in art how that effects Japanese society today
Julia Curtis

ジュリア・カーテイス

Dallas Baptist University (USA)児島虎次郎は、西洋画を専門とする日本人画家で、第二次世界大戦後、ヨーロッパの絵画を日本の倉敷に紹介したことにより、日本経済の発展に貢献した。虎次郎にヨーロッパで西洋画を学ぶ機会を与えた大原孫三郎、および芸術に情熱的な虎次郎。この 2 人が倉敷とその周辺地域に変化をもたらした。今日、我々は依然として児島虎次郎の人生、旅、芸術、敗戦後の日本が経済的大国に変わっていく過程の中における彼の探求の道程を振り返ることができる。虎次郎の功績は、我々の旅、芸術、および未知の世界の発見の原動力となる。

Kojima Torajiro was a Western-styled Japanese painter who
increased the economic standing after WW2 by bringing European art to theJapanese people in Kurashiki. Through his unique relationship between
Ohara Magosaburo, a man who gave him the opportunity to study anddiscover Western art, and Torajiro’s passionate beliefs in art, the twochanged Kurashiki and its surrounding area forever. Today, we can lookback on Kojima Torajiro’s life and see the importance of how his travel, his
art and his pursuit of the unknown changed a defeated society into one of
the most flourishing areas in Japan. Because of Torajiro’s passion, we too
can be driven to believe in travel, in art and in discovering the unknown.
Kojima Torajiro’s Self‐Portrait

History of the Ohara Museum of Art in Relation to Kojima
Torajiro
The founder of the Ohara Museum of Art, Ohara
Magosaburo, generously supported rising artists through ascholarship fund he established in 1899. “A renowned
businessperson from Kurashiki, Okayama Prefecture, Magosaburo
Ohara (1880–1943) left indelible marks on the fields of social
contribution and public welfare (NACT).” Amongst the group who
had received support was Kojima Torajiro, who used the money toattend the Tokyo School of Fine Arts. Torajiro came from a familyof poor merchants, so the money received from Magosaburo was his
only hope towards becoming an esteemed artist. After his first year
attending the Tokyo School of Fine Arts, Torajiro was in need ofgreater financial support; this is where his life changed drastically.
By his courage and deep longing to create, Torajiro risked his Ohara Magosaburo
reputation and traveled to Kurashiki in order to meet Ohara
Magosaburo and ask for even more assistance. “Fortunately, partly thanks to Torajiro’s noble
character, he was able to secure financial support. From then on, with one year in age difference,
Magosaburo and Torajiro developed a close relationship beyond that of an artist and his benefactor
and went on to become the best of friends (Yanagisawa 27).” After this initial encounter, Torajiro’s
leap of faith lead him into the security of Magosaburo for over 20 years. His life inspires all of us torisk ourselves in order to gain what we dream of having.
Journey to Europe
Upon receiving additional aid, Torajiro went back to Tokyo with high aspirations, and becauseof this, won multiple awards against a highly competitive group of painters. Magosaburo, seeing

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Torajiro’s success, suggested he go to Europe for five years and study, thus
starting Torajiro’s first of many ventures to Europe. As Torajiro developed
his craft, Magosaburo supported his efforts by taking on all financial
responsibilities, allowing Torajiro the optimal experience as an artist. His
eye-opening exposure to new art in Europe allowed him to develop his own
take on Impressionism and Fauvism. Never before had Torajiro seen such aremarkable style of painting; he knew that this was what the Japanese society
was missing. Again, Torajiro bravely asked to purchase Hair by Aman-Jean,not knowing that the painting would be the start of what we know today as
the Ohara Museum of Art. In a letter back home he states, “This is not at alla personal request. We believe that our hasty yet sincere request will begreatly beneficial to Japan’s art world (Yanagisawa 28).” Little did he knowthat this art and his fearless efforts to culture Japanese society would do justthat.
Kojima Torajiro’s Bravery to Believe in Art
If Kojima Torajiro did not take the leap of faith to believe in Western Art, where would
Japanese society be today? What would Kurashiki be like and where would we be if the Ohara
Museum of Art was not established? After the defeat in WWII, Japan was emotionally lost and a senseof hopeless clouded the atmosphere. The museum gave Kurashiki and the surrounding prefectures abeautiful aroma, pulling many people out of darkness into creative though. “The Ohara Museum of
Art is one of the very few museums in Japan that survived the war… It is said that young students
often visited the gallery and stayed for a long time before being sent to battle as if they were taking alast look at life (Yanagisawa 33).” When you turn the corner and see the green vines wrapped aroundthe buildings sides and the tall pillars mirroring European architecture, one can truly feel life beginningagain. The cultural fusion of European design and Kurashiki’s historical style fits together in perfectharmony. Japanese society would be underdeveloped and disengaged if it were not for Torajiro andhis belief in the arts. The art inspired and motivated the Japanese people to think beyond what was
known to them previously. Torajiro’s discoveries and contributions to the Ohara Museum of Art
sparked creative enlightenment and economic advancement for Kurashiki. With the helping hand of
Magosaburo and his kind generosity, Torajiro was the foundation for establishing one of the first
gateways of modernization in the Kurashiki. Through art, people began to see the need for
globalization and desired to create a new society based around these pieces. Unknowingly, the art
inspired many Japanese people’s new perspective for modernization with international affairs.
Torajiro had no idea if this art would impact anyone, but he knew of the affect it had on himself andhow it changed his entire being; the chance to share such powerful works with people from his
homeland was worth every risk.
Why We Should Believe in Art, in Travel, and in Discovering the Unknown
Art reflects the economic, political, mental, emotional and social status of a time. The effects
art has on a society is more subconscious and subtle, but nonetheless potent across history. As one
internalizes an art, the process is reflective and spills onto the issues listed previously. Likewise, when
one creates, the creation is from a place of specific time in existence, a mark of what is going on inthat moment in culture. Ohara Magosaburo and Kojima Torajiro show us that believing in art andsupporting local artist is worth investing in. Whether through time or money, we should partake inand believe in the arts effective yet beautiful power to advance society. For Torajiro, the risk to believe
in art paid off and his ability to share is seen today through the Ohara Museum of Art and the economic
standing of Kurashiki. His exposure of another culture expanded beyond himself, seeping into thehearts and minds of others.
You never know what you will discover and the advancements you can make, but exposing
yourself to a new world is everything! Like Torajiro, we must share our exposure and advance theworld around us through our new findings. What is known to you, might be unknown to another. We
have so much to learn from each other and what we see and take in does matter. Traveling has changed
each of us and has shaped us all into more understanding people. Stepping into the unknown has

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allowed us to find richness in life and adventure in the unimaginable. My hope is that you can see
yourself within the life of Kojima Torajiro, and remember the value you and your life experiences
hold.
References:
NACT. “The Best Selection of the Ohara Museum of Art.” About The National Art Center, Tokyo ｜ THE NATIONALART CENTER, TOKYO, 2016, www.nact.jp/english/exhibitions/2016/hajimari/.
“The History of the Ohara Museum of Art.” OHARA MUSEUM of ART, 2 Jan. 2017, www.ohara.or.jp/en/about/.
Yanagisawa, Hideyuki. The Best Selection of the Ohara Museum of Art. Ohara Museum of Art, 2016.

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The History of Gion Matsuri and Its Unique Characteristics
Ann Huynh

アン・ヒュン

California State University Fullerton (USA)

Summary:
日本で祇園祭は最も夢名祭りです。毎年、京都で七月に祇園祭を祝います。この祭りは一ヵ月間続きます。祇園祭の歴史は１１４９年前に京都との本はいっぱいさいがいを体験しました。だから、あの時日本の天皇は京都の人口に注文をしました。幸運をもらうために八坂神社の神様に祈らなけ
ればいけませんでした。祇園祭はいっぱい特質があります。たとえば、屋台、いろいろでとてもきれな山車や神輿があります。日本でこのもようしはみんなの大切な祭りだと思います。

Introduction:
During Heian Period from (from 794 to 1185), when Kyoto was still the capital of Japan, people
in Japan went under a consider amount of natural disasters or catastrophes such as earthquakes, tsunamis,
epidemics and plagues (“Yamaboko Festival in Kyoto…”). During this time, people in Japan holds a beliefin Shintoism, a religion and optimistic faith that taught everyone is fundamentally good and if there is evil
within a person, he or she was affected by some kind of evil spirit. As a result, to exterminate this evil
within a person, often the shrines will hold rituals to keep evil spirits away by purification, prayers, andofferings to the Gods, who are also addressed as kami-sama.
Back then, the people in Kyoto believed the disasters were caused by the curse of Gozu-Tennou,
or Susanoo No Mikoto, and everyone therefore attempted to appease the god of Gion or Yasaka Shrine,
and prayed for alleviation from the catastrophes by building 66 Hokos, the spear-like roof floats that were
believed spirits could easily dwell within. The number 66 is, in fact, the number that represents Japaneseprovinces back then (“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto…”).
The population in Kyoto, as it was devoted to Shintoism, the emperor during this time gave anorder that everyone must offer prayers to the god in return that Kyoto and Japan would be alleviated fromthe natural disasters, plagues, and/or epidemics that were occurring (DeHart). Under the emperor’s order,
the people organized parades and created portable Shinto shrines called mikoshi. Mikoshi are divine
structures that serve as a means of transportation for the deities in Japan. Kami-sama is said to reside within
the mikoshi as people move between the main shrine and temporary shrine during a festival or when they
are moving to a new shrine.
During this time, the people worshipped and devoted themselves to Susanoo No Mikoto, or also
known as Susanowo or as mentioned above, Gozu-Tennou. This is a Shinto god who rules the sea andstorms in Japan. Yasaka shrine, of one the oldest and most celebrated shrines in Kyoto and perhaps Japan,
is related to Susanoo No Mikoto. This shrine is located on the east side, all the way at the end of Shijo
Street, or also referred as Shijo Dori, Kyoto’s main street. This street every day is bustling with a lot of
foreigners and Japanese people, and there are many shops that gathered such as restaurants or souvenir
shops. On Shijo Street, it is where the parades and main celebration are held during the festive times.
What is Gion Matsuri?
Ever since the year of 869, Gion Matsuri has been considered as one of the most celebrated festival
in Kyoto, Japan (DeHart). In fact, some have thought this is one of the first festivals that was held toworship a god name Susanoo No Mikoto, calling for cleansing spirits and therefore purify everyone in thecity. Yasaka Shrine, which is also widely known as Gion Shrine and is one of the most famous shrines in
Kyoto, as mentioned above, is where the prayers are directed at during this celebration. To signify theimportance of Gion Matsuri, the festival goes on for an entire month, from the beginning to July to the endof July. As Gion Matsuri is one of the largest and most historical festivals in Japan, visitors and locals can
expect to immerse themselves with breathtaking parades and floats.
Before the year 970, this purifying ritual was held to prevent natural disasters and other outbreaks;
however, unlike before, this special ritual is now considered as official, and every year it is held in Kyoto

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for the whole July without fail (DeHart). However, there was an exception during the Ashikaga shogunate,specifically in the year 1533. In this time, all religious ceremonies came to a halt, and Gion Matsuri was
no exception regardless of its official status. Because this ritual was already deeply rooted within the peopleof Kyoto, everyone got involved and protested. They argued that they could do without the rituals but not
the procession. Therefore, the spiritual trappings and dwellings were dropped, and merchants began toinfluence the procession as this information will be mentioned below (DeHart).
Although after 970, when the ceremony finally became official, it was not as extravagant or
beautiful as it is now. However, it has been evolved into something much, much more magnificent. The
reason for this is that during the Edo Period, which is between 1630 and 1868, rich merchant families madethis special celebration more sophisticated and grandiose. This, in a way, made sense if one contemplates
about why these affluent merchant families decided to this.
From a perspective, if one was from a merchant family, experiencing natural disasters orcatastrophes such as earthquakes, tsunamis, epidemics and plagues, would, undoubtedly, cause a greatdamage for his or her business, family, and it would be extremely fatal for the future. Therefore, by making
the ceremony more grandiose and extravagant, Kyoto, especially Yasaka Shrine, was able to attract many
individuals throughout Japan; and thus, more offerings and donations can be made to Susanoo No Mikoto.
Because there was a potential influx of people around Japan into Kyoto, and therefore possibly
more offerings could be made, it would not be surprising if people held the belief that there was acorrelation between more prayers and prayers being answered, in this case for Kyoto, lessening theoccurrence of natural disasters and/or other catastrophic events.

Gion Matsuri’s Progression:
In the beginning of July, from the 1st to the 5th, the opening ceremony, or also known as Kippuiri,
is being held in each participating neighborhood. Not only that on the 2nd, a lottery for parade order iswithdrawn for the neighborhoods; this method is called Kujitorishiki. On July 10th, one can expect to see
the lantern parade, as it is occurring to welcome the portable shrines, and the portable shrines will becleansed by using the water from Kamo River; this part is called Mikoshi Arai. Also, from the 10th to the
13th, the floats for the first part of the parade will begin its construction (“The Long Tradition…”).
From the middle of July to the end of July, this time interval is considered as one of the mostimportant dates during Gion Matsuri because they the days when the main floats and parades are occurringon Shijo Street. The parades are being held in two different sections: the first one is the former parade(from the 10th to the 17th) and second one is the latter parade (from the 18th to the 24th). In order, the parades
are Yoiyoiyoiyama, Yoiyoiyama, and Yoiyama. Also, on the 16th, there will be dedicated art performances
called Yoimiya Shinshin Hono Shinji. Then on the 17th, there will be a parade of yamaboko floats andparade of mikoshis and Yasaka Shrine to the city (“The Long Tradition…”).
Then from July 18th to 20th, this is when the construction of the floats for the second parade will
begin and be completed. From the 21st to the 23rd, the parades, in order are Yoiyoiyoiyama, Yoiyoiyama,
and Yoiyama, will occur in the city. On the 24th the latter parade’s yamaboko floats, Hanagasa, or also
known as flower parasols, will be carried around the Gion area. Not only that, on this day, the mikoshis
will be paraded from the city back to Yasaka Shrine (note: on July 14th, the mikoshis were paraded fromthe shrine to the city). In continuation, on the 28th, another Mikoshi Arai will be held, in which the mikoshis
will be once again cleansed by using the water from Kamo River (“The Long Tradition…”). Finally, on
July 31st, the closing ceremony for Gion Matsuri will be held at Eki Jinja Nagoshi Sai, a small shrine locatedin the precincts of Yasaka Shrine (“The Long Tradition…”).

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Characteristics of Gion Matsuri:
As mentioned above, the yamaboko parade is being considered as one of the main events during
this festival. The large floats will be paraded around central Kyoto for approximately two hours, in which
23 floats will be paraded out on July 17th, called the Saki Matsuri, and 10 out on July 24th, called the Ato
Matsuri (“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto…”). Every single yamaboko is decorated with its own and unique design
and pattern, and often, because of its and one-of-a-kind beauty, people refer it as moving museums(“Yamaboko Festival in Kyoto…”). As these yamabokos are being paraded around, they are said to collectthe misfortune around the precinct; hence, they are to be disassembled immediately after the parades end.
The hoko floats weigh over 12 tons and stand over 25 meters tall, and people play music whileriding on them on the second story of the float. Artists, musicians, and life-sized figures of important
individuals ride in the floats, and below consist of teams of up to 50 mean pushing and pulling the floats(“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto…”). The parade most interesting characteristic is the parade’s chigo, a boy whowent under weeks of purification rituals because he could ride on the floats while crowning a golden
phoenix crown and wearing Shinto robes (DeHart). This boy’s age is between 8 and 10, and he symbolizes
a living god with two children next to him, serving as the god’s retainers. After this symbolic god performs
the Shimenawa Kiri, a ceremonial ritual in which chigo uses a sword to cut through the shimenawa, asacred rope. This cutting symbolizes breaking through the border to the realm of the gods of Yasaka Shrine.

During this festive month, many people in Kyoto adorn their house entrances with a chimaki.
Chimaki is a special product that helps characterizes Gion Matsuri. This is a charm that helps warding off
the evil spirits made out of bamboo leaves. In fact, each yamaboko has its own special chimaki that serves
different purposes (“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto…”). One of the many examples includes warding of sickness,health, good fortune, and safe childbirth.
The yamaboko is another unique characteristic of the festival. It is held up many, many men,pushing and pulling its enormous wheels. Interestingly the entire boat’s architecture and framework are allheld together by only rope, and not a single nail is being used (“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto…”). In a way, thismethod is very traditional when it comes to Japanese architecture.
Since the ancient time, Japan has been building its unique architecture with just wood or robe.
Even with the modern time, where nails and other tools that allow building much easier, Japan remains
true to its own culture. Back then and even now, when it comes to building shrines, temples, traditional
houses, or something so small such as the floats, no nails were utilized. The fact that Japanese people use
modern tools, in this case, the nails, when creating something sacred and traditional is incomparably
beautiful and precious.
Another special event during the Gion Matsuri is the Hanagasa Junko parade. On the 24th, during
the Ato Matsuri, approximately 1000 people including women, children, warriors, geiko, and maiko
carrying the mikoshis. Everyone adorns themselves with flower hats and beautiful, traditional outfits while
participating in this event (“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto…”). This procession is especially specially because itis packed with women and children. In traditional Japanese festivals, only men could carry the mikoshis
and/or floats because it was believed that women were not pure enough to carry something so precious.
Furthermore, the main street of Gion, Shijo Dori, will be closed down to cars and will be only
available for pedestrians (“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto…”). People in Kyoto will be walking around in their
yukatas with their paper fans, whiling strolling around and experiencing one of the busiest times of Kyoto.
There will be street stalls, called yatai, offer various festival foods such as takoyaki, yakisoba, yakitori,
taiyaki, okonomiyaki, sake, shochu, and many more delicious dishes. When one walks down these streetsand sees these yatais, that is when one can truly experience the essence of a Japanese festival. No matter

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which festival one goes to, no matter how small or how grand it is, it is guaranteed that there will be yatais
there (DeHart).

Conclusion:
Gion Matsuri is a festival that is revered as one of the most important festivals in Japan. Becauseof it serves as an important cultural heritage in Japan, Kyoto Gion Matsuri Yamaboko Gyoji is a registered
UNESCO World Intangible Cultural Heritage (“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto…”). If there is an opportunity for
one to visit Japan in July, Gion Matsuri is a must see. Once one has experienced this majestic festival, onewill never forget its beauty. This kind of festival can only be found in Japan; this ceremony is somethingthat is incomparable to any other country in the world because it is special in its own way.
As for myself, the reason I chose this topic is that before coming to Japan, I was determined to go
to this festival. Being one of the three most important and grandiose festivals in Japan, I told myself, nomatter no what, this opportunity cannot be missed. Coming back to visit Japan is inevitable in the future;
however, being able to choose when is hard to say. So when an opportunity presents itself, I will take fulladvantage of it. Therefore, being in Japan has given me and everyone the opportunities to do things that
we could ever imagine.

References:
DeHart, Jonathan. “Kyoto’s Gion Matsuri: A Summer Shinto Celebration.” The Diplomat. 19 July 2013.
https://thediplomat.com/2013/07/kyotos-gion-matsuri-a-summer-shinto-celebration/ Accessed 9 July 2018.
“Gion Matsuri in Kyoto – One of Japan’s 3 Greatest Festivals.” Good Luck Trip Japan. 27 April 2018.
https://www.goodlucktripjapan.com/en/article/item/11505/ Accessed 8 July 2018.
“The Long Tradition of the Kyoto Gion Matsuri.” Zooming Japan. 23 June 2015. https://zoomingjapan.com/travel/kyotogion-matsuri/ Accessed 9 July 2018.
“Yamaboko Festival in Kyoto - Gion Festival.” Atlas Obscura. N/A. https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/yamabokofestival-in-kyoto. Accessed 9 July 2018.

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Happiness in Japan
日本の幸せ
Liz Sampson サンプソン•リズ
California State University Monterey Bay (USA)

Summary: 初めて日本で日本語専攻をして、日本に来ることなくして学ぶことができなかったであろう様々な文化の側面は驚くべきものであったと気づいた。その他にも、日本はなにも心配のいらないような国のようので、私は日本人が本当に幸せなのかどうか知りたかった。幸せ
は、測定することが難しい。特に、自分がどのように感じているのかを正直に表さない社会においてした。なぜなら日本人のアイデンティティは彼らの職に密接につながっているからだ。
おそらく文化と個人の人生の満足感にはつながりがあるのだろう。

Happiness is a tricky thing to measure, especially within a society that refrains from admitting
how they truly feel about the aspects of certain things. Since the identity of Japanese people are closely
tied to their professions, perhaps there is a link between culture and a person’s overall feeling ofcontentment about their lives.
Firstly, it is important for anyone to have a job or at least be in the process of looking for one.
Job-hunting can be done at any time of the year, but there is usually an abundance of opportunities
available during a student’s third year in university. This type of job-hunting is referred to as
shuushoku katsudo 就職活動, or simply shuushoku 就職, which is the job-hunting process for newly
graduated high school and university students. At this point in time, most students already have an
idea of what career they want to take up in the future, but the intense stress of job-hunting can hinder
their motivation and make it difficult to continue with the process. Some students begin to feelcompletely helpless and fall into a deep depression that often brings students to commit suicide. A
recent 2017 study shows that while the suicide rate is lowering in Japan, it is still ranked the second
highest among major industrialized nations and is the sixth highest in the world. Despite the numberof suicides being the lowest it has been in the last 22 years, it remains the leading cause of death amongpeople aged 15-39, which coincidentally mirrors the results of a report published by The Japan Times
stating that Japanese people aged 15-21 have “the lowest level of net happiness of all 20 countries
polled.”By carefully analyzing this problem, companies and schools continue working to create better
circumstances under which people can thrive in the harsh job-hunting environment. Each university
has shuushokuka 就職課, a service providing students with support and guidance in getting a job. This
service is available as a means to help students with cope with various stresses. At Okayama
University, students can meet with their department advisors and faculty alumni in order to makeinformed choices on their career paths and talk about any work-related issues that may be stressing
them out. Department advisors also provide advice on what to do if the student does not receive thejob offer they were hoping for immediately following graduation. Through asking a wide variety ofstudents at Okadai whether or not they were worried about life after graduation, most answered yes,and said that even if they do not get the job they hoped for, it will be fine as long as they have some
way of making ends meet.
Hikari Suenaga, a second-year at Okadai majoring in Biology, shared his thoughts on thematter. In regards to finding a job after graduation, he stated that he is indeed worried since he cannot
see what the future holds. Regardless, he says he is satisfied with how his life is going thanks to all of
the friends he’s made thus far. The friendships that he’s made contributes to his overall happiness andsatisfaction with life.
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Referencing back to the aforementioned report, youth satisfaction in the poll was measured
by happiness with life, mental well-being and emotional well-being. Young people in China, India,
Nigeria, and Indonesia placed consistently near the top. One of the contributing factors to these results
was that these countries have the strongest family relationships; mental and emotional well-being mayvery well stem from the familial support that young people within these countries receive. In the caseof Hikari, he found his “family” and strong sense of belonging within his group of friends, which is
why he is able to keep moving forward nonchalantly. Sousuke Nakaoka, a student at Osaka Gakuin
Univeristy, stated that he often thought about leaving university in order to work more and save up to
travel the world, but because of how personal and strict job-hunting is, he settles with simply
daydreaming. Companies will often look into younger applicant’s academic history, occasionally
going as far back as searching up middle school history. Personal history is not off-limits. If there is abreak in an applicant’s college career, companies will more than likely question that person’s ability
to see a task through until it is completed. They expect to know every single detail about a person todetermine whether or not they fit within the structure of the company.
Essentially signing your life away to a company may seem overbearing, but having enoughmoney and being able to provide for yourself and your family is one of the main reasons why people
work. If a person is unable to provide food and shelter for their family, it is difficult for everyone tobe happy. However, Japan has yet to master work-life balance. Long commutes and overtime at workmean people are spending less times with family and friends, and consequently being overwhelmedwith fatigue during times of leisure and, what should be, relaxation. Surprisingly, the newer generation
remain unfazed by the state of the Japanese economy. Japanese teens feel secure in the economy,
assuming it has “peaked” and that any financial contribution they make will not matter, but in order
to fit the mould of societal norms, a job will always be the most essential thing.
A lot of Japanese people are probably unhappy in the same way that many Americans are
depressed, secretly and unlikely to admit it to others. In Japan, group mentality and maintaining anhonourable reputation are a couple of important cultural aspects. Whatever we do or say as anindividual impacts the group as a whole, so we must constantly remain aware of the actions we take,the words we say, and within what situations. In a business setting, when introducing yourself to adifferent company’s employee, you generally say which institution you belong to and your occupation.
This way, your status is immediately known to all present and your position in that situation will be
determined accordingly. As for people who work in customer service, they usually have excellent
omotenashi. Omotenashi おもてなし is the action of anticipating and fulfilling people’s needs inadvance, and is present everywhere within Japanese hospitality. This is because the workers are not
only representing the company they work for, but the entirety of Japan. “Omote” means public faceand “nashi” means without, so combining them means everything comes from the heart. What isprobably the most memorable thing in Japan is visiting a store and being provided service withoutomotenashi. One bad experience is enough to make anyone feel as if they are no longer welcome tothat store, or perhaps even Japan.
In terms of upholding reputation, Japan may take it a bit too seriously. People feel they are
not allowed to voice their true thoughts and opinions for fear of ruining the peaceful image of societyor the company they work for. It further suggests that products are more important than the employees
who manufacture and distribute them. I have a Japanese friend in Takamatsu who has two jobs andworks about 15 hours every day. He often makes dark jokes about karoushi 過労死; it is perhaps the
only way he knows how to express his predicament without complaining too much. Despite his longwork hours, he is one of the happiest people I have come across. He hardly ever talks about his
immediate family, but has a large group of friends who he communicates with regularly and has theupmost respect and adoration towards them.
There is a clear separation between what a person actually thinks and feels and what theyshow society. This concept is referred to as honne 本音 and tatamae 建前, honne being the contrary
to what is expected or required by society, and tatamae being the façade one presents to society. It israre and usually difficult for a Japanese person to speak their honne. As an American, it is relatively

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018easy to talk about what displeases me about a situation or even a person, but I often noticed that myJapanese friends would not be able to participate in a shared distaste for something because that“would not be a very Japanese thing to do.” Even after a year of voicing strong opinions about various
things, most of my conversations with my friends revolved around things that excluded politics,
sexuality, religion, etc. Of course there were a few people that were able to talk about these things,
but these people had usually been exposed to other foreigners before that time.
Quiet perseverance is common within Japanese society. The suppression of emotions has been
proven to be dangerous in terms of mental health, but talking about your own problems and pain might
be looked down upon or might make someone uncomfortable. Also talking about your good fortune
and oversharing the things that recently made you happy might make others uncomfortable in thesense of becoming unnecessarily jealous. I have noticed that on a lot of satisfaction surveys, Japanesepeople tend to remain modest by circling 6’s or 7’s (with 10 being the highest).
One might wonder how it could be a bad thing to want to keep the peace within societal
structures. Recently, there are more cases of Hikikomori 引きこもり in Japan as the newer generationof young adults struggle to sort out and understand the unacceptable feelings about various things thatthey harbor within themselves. Hikikomori is the act of social withdrawal, often leading to people(also referred to as hikikomori) refusing to leave their rooms for fear of being rejected by society.
People who frequently change their minds about what they want to do with their lives, people who
feel like they are not doing their best, and others who used to be successful but fell from stardom often
stay hidden away, only going out at night in order to remain unseen by the people they think are better
than them.
While this is not an effect solely of honne and tatemae, it is a large determining factor. Japanis slowly moving away from its collectivist mindset to an individualistic one, and some people find it
relatively difficult to honestly express themselves under the intense eye of society. Group mentality
and reputation are still very relevant factors, but the younger generation is realizing that they can betheir own true self and still respectfully represent those they work for. Young adults often have dreams
that do not adhere to their parents’ wishes or what is expected of them from society, and this shameof not belonging to the status quo makes people withdraw further within themselves, and deeper into
isolation.
There are support programs that hikikomori can be signed up for, but rehabilitating into
society is a lengthy process.
Not knowing what the future has in store is something that can spark anxiety, but Japan isprobably one of the best countries at preparing for the unknown. From omotenashi to prepping fornatural disasters, Japan always has a plan. Everything is carefully structured, from beginning to end;
each school year has an opening and closing ceremony to celebrate these milestones and are basicallythe same no matter where you are in Japan. Spontaneity makes people nervous; contentment isachieved when every question to how to approach a situation is answered. Managers ask for all thedetails and fine points of a project before making a decision, and negotiations are quite a lengthy
process. This way of thinking allows for people to imagine all of the possibilities, leaving no surprises
or hidden meanings. Everything is crystal clear, which enables people to feel comfortable within theirdecision making. How does this actually factor into happiness? As long as there is a path that has beenthoroughly investigated from all angles and the way to achieve the goal is clear, everyone feels at easeand comfortable with the decisions that they make in contribution to the goal.
One important factor that comes out of being this analytical is trust. Not only are people sharpin their thought-making, but when it comes to transportation, nowhere is as punctual as Japan.
Everything is on time: buses, trains, and subways run systematically and can always be trusted toarrive and depart at the given times. This predictability gives people one less thing to worry about,and builds a strong bond between citizens and the infrastructure of the government. Punctuality oftransportation is so important in Japan, a rail company issued an apology in November of 2017 after
leaving 20 seconds early. No one filed a complaint against the company about the early departion from67

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Minami to Nagareyama Station just north of Tokyo, but they felt deeply remorseful from not doing
their job “sufficiently”. In the event that the rail had been responsible for leaving people behind or
causing a disruption within society, at least people would have been aware of how guilty they felt.
Keeping society peaceful is the most important factor in Japan, and publically apologizing is a way ofsaving face and maintaining a decent reputation. Knowing that this aspect exists makes people happy,
or at least being able to plan a day’s events around a trustworthy transportation’s timetable makes
people happy.
The underlying answer to whether or not people are happy depends on if they have a strong
moral support system, whether that be their immediate family and from the friends they made along
the way. Japanese people living in Japan are normal people with everyday problems and countryspecific issues that you can find within any country. What makes a person happy or unhappy depends
entirely upon the individual and their personal circumstances, but as a collective whole, the country
is, objectively speaking, pretty happy. Japan ranks at 54 on the latest Un World Happiness Report,
falling three spots from last year’s place at 51. Because the country is modest in nature, it is most
likely that people did not mark how they truly felt. The rankings are based on gross domestic productper person and healthy life expectancy with four factors from global surveys including social support,social freedom, generosity, and the absence of corruption. Japan’s aging population and the steadydecline of people having children have always been important topics of discussion as of late, but the
government is constantly creating possible solutions to these social issues.
One of the questions within the survey asked, “If you were in trouble, do you have relatives
or friends you can count on to help you whenever you need them, or not?” In Japan, respondents
frequently marked 5 with 10 being the highest, most likely as a means of staying humble.
Conclusively, What I have come across through my research is that people who are maintaining strong
bonds with those they are closest to are often a lot better—mentally and emotionally—than those who
do not have as strong a bond. In Japanese society, it is crucial to fit in comfortably somewhere withpeople who accept you for who you are, even they never learn who you truly are at the end of
everything. Work and life balance, emotionally stability, and an overall appreciation for the things
you are lucky to have; these things contribute to society’s level of happiness and contentment, and,objectively speaking, I think Japan is one of the happier countries out there.

References:
Japan’s Trying To Stop Its Death By Overwork Trend, But Few Are Buying It, Laurel Chor, [internet] At:
https://www.vice.com/en_id/article/8qzwqp/japans-trying-to-stop-its-death-by-overwork-trend-but-few-are-buying-it
Pictures Reveal the Isolated Lives of Japan’s Social Recluses, Laurence Butet-Roch [internet] At:
https://www.nationalgeographic.com/photography/proof/2018/february/japan-hikikomori-isolation-society/Taiwan happiest country in East Asia: World Happiness Report, Rana Yeh, [internet] At:
https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/3121126
What conspires to make Japanese seem so unhappy?, Jeff Kingston, [internet] At:
https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2017/04/01/commentary/conspires-make-japanese-seem-unhappy/#.W0fVCdIzZPZ
Why won’t 541,000 young Japanese leave the house?, Emiko Jozuka, [internet] At:
https://edition.cnn.com/2016/09/11/asia/japanese-millennials-hikikomori-social-recluse/index.html

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Tackling Mental Health Stigma: Can Community Based Care Programmes Overcome aHistory of Hiding from Difference?
Molly Tawney

モリー・トーニー

University of Edinburgh (United Kingdom)

Abstract
本論文は、これまでの日本政府の法律や政策、私的精神保健医療とマスメディアが精神病患者の長期入院の主な原因であると示した上、コミュニティベースのケアプログラムがどのようにより効果的なケアを行っているのかを検討する。主として、京都と岡山のコミュニティケアセンターで行った調査結果に基づき、私はメンタルヘルスに対する社会的偏見を軽減させるため、コミュニティベ
ースのケアを日本社会に普及させることの重要性を示したい。現在、日本は英国より 4 倍も多くの精神病患者のケアベッド数を有し、患者の平均入院時間が米国より 40 倍も長いため、コミュニティ
ベースのケアプログラムを採用することで、社会がより寛容的に精神病患者を受け入れ、病院が効
果的に入院患者数を減らすことにつながると示唆したい。

Introduction
Worldwide, there has been a transition from hospital based care to community based care for thetreatment of the mentally ill. Yet Japan is an exception to this rule, as the only More Economically Developed
Country to develop more private mental hospitals. Among member countries of the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD), Japan has 269 psychiatric beds per 100,000 general population,compared to the average of 68 (OECD, 2014). While the average length of hospitalisation decreased from 471
days in 1993 to 292 days in 2012, Japan still has the longest lengths of stay in the world (Kanata, 2016). When
compared to an average stay of 8 days in the U.S, it is clear mental health care facilities are under huge pressure
to sustain the inpatient population, both from the Japanese government, who requires private hospitals to support
financial insufficiency of prefectural governments, and the media, who focus on infrequent violent episodes ofthe mentally ill and use them to continue Japan’s historic stigma around mental illness.
For this reason, the treatment of the mentally ill in Japan has been highly medicated inpatient care systems which
are neither effective at tackling social stigma – as the patient is removed from the social environment – nor is ita suitable method of rehabilitating those with mental illnesses. While the national systems for patient care
continue to rely on expensive private mental hospitals that seek financial gain, independent companies thatprovide work support and community based care programmes have begun to grow in popularity. This essay will
first explain where mental health social stigma has come from. Then, it will use two case studies from Kyoto
and Okayama outpatient care clinics to show how embracing difference in Japan is culturally difficult but
culturally necessary; as we move forward as tolerant, inclusive humans in this ever globalised and multidimensional world.
Where have Japan’s Perceptions of Mental Illness Come From?
The current state of Japanese mental health care can be traced back to the 1900s. A serious
misunderstanding of genetics and mental illness meant that government policies centred on Social Defence
Thought (Kanata, 2016). This way of thinking prioritises the safety of society over that of the individual.
Following this theory, the Confinement and Protection of Lunatics Act of 1900 was the first law concerning
people with mental illness. It sanctioned the confinement of the mentally ill in private asylums called Zashikirou under the supervision of the police (Kanata, 2016). Using Social Defence Thought, the government could
justify public safety at the cost of a small minority of psychiatric patients. Appropriate care was therefore limited
and mistreatment of patients in private holding cells was common (Kanata, 2016). After Psychiatry professor
Shuzo Kure published an investigation into Zashiki-rou in 1919, outrage at the conditions faced forced thegovernment to enact the Mental Hospital Law in 1919, to establish the building of public mental hospitals ineach prefecture. With pressure to abolish Zashiki-rou, professor Shuzo Kure showed the government there wasa serious need for an inpatient care system. However, the unintentional effect of his desire to stop the
mistreatment of the mentally ill was an increased medicalisation of mental illness, accelerating the developmentof mental hospitals. The subsequent 1948 Eugenics Law stated that mental disorders were a result of inferior
hereditary and should be isolated (Kanata, 2016). Anyone with ‘mental disease or feeble-mindedness’ could be

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involuntarily sterilised to stop the ‘deterioration in the quality of offspring’ (Tsuchiya, 1997). While the westernworld developed medicines to enable outpatient care, Japan was regressing with each new law that was created.
In 1950 the Mental Hospital Law was abolished to make way for the Mental Hygiene Law. This permitted the
involuntary hospitalisation of people with mental illness by a legally responsible person (Kanata, 2016). Under
the guise of protection of patients, it enabled the government to legally lock mentally ill people away against
their will; leading to the dominance of hospital based care. Because of this law, by 1987 over 90% of mental
hospital patients were admitted involuntarily (Asai, 1990). Prioritising measures of hospitalisation against theworldwide trend of community based care was deemed necessary due to discrimination and human rights
violations that were faced daily by those living in the community. However, this abuse is largely a result ofgovernment policies which have driven the hospitalisation of patients, often against their will.
From 1960, the income doubling plan increased care beds to deal with the large amount of involuntary
admissions. These patients were subsidised by the government under the new compulsory health insurance
programme of 1958, but incorrect calculations resulted in a serious financial situation facing the government.
Instead, it turned to private hospitals to bolster the influx of new patients, by providing low interest loans to
expand mental health beds available (Kanata, 2016). By 1988, there were 28 psychiatric care beds per 10,000
general population, with 85% being private (Asai, 1990). However, to facilitate this growth, the health ministry
made a special provision to ensure psychiatric hospitals could function with low patient to staff ratios. The
Medical Service Law requires one doctor per sixteen patients in the general hospital population, but in mental
hospitals, this ratio is one to forty-eight. These lower ratios make hospitalisation of patients considerably cheaper,and therefore more affordable than expensive community based care programmes. Concerned with thegeneration of finances, the government is driving the hospitalisation of patients by ensuring affordable
alternatives are undeveloped. This, alongside long-established stigma due to government laws, has ultimately
led to a heavy reliance on them for the primary care of the mentally ill.
Teri Teri Company and Joint Hot Café in Kyoto
While the government continues to push for cheap inpatient care, community based care programmes
have also been used since 1955. Introduced by social workers, these programmes give patients a life awayfrom institutions and teach them how to conduct themselves in society (Hirabayashi 2004). In social settings
patients can learn more about their own condition and begin to learn to cope with it, facilitating their re-entry
into society more effectively.
Teri Teri is a privately run and donation supported company that facilitates outpatient community work
placements and support for people with mental illness. It primarily supports those who have left institutions
after long stays and wish to reintegrate into society. At present, the company runs two cafes in Kyoto City andArashiyama which provide a safe space to work, relax and receive treatment; as well as organising trips andevents throughout the year, a triannual magazine, and run social activities like a choir. The magazine publishes
information about the various activities and successes of projects and serves to increase support by extending
interest to the local community. Joint Hot Café, the primary venture, began in 2003 and employs people withmental illness to work in eight different ‘units’. These are: café, laundry, bakery, office, cookie packaging,
public relations, cleaning, and physical capability assessment units (Teri Teri Company 2018). Workers candecide which area they would like to work in, and after assessment and training they begin their roles, learningvital transferrable life skills and socialising with mentally ill people and mentally well people. The second
floor of the café is a recreation and counselling space. Workers are free to discuss their condition and can relax
with a television, smoking area and open space. This time is perceived as important as the time they spend atwork (Teri Teri Company 2017). Every day, social workers like Yamamoto Yukihiro check their physical andmental condition to make sure they are fit to work.
Realising that integration was the best way to support those with mental illness and encourage community
cohesion between mentally well members of society, Mr. Yamamoto, who began volunteering at Joint Hot
after graduating and went on to be a permanent staff member, stated in his interview with me (Tawney 2018)that one of the biggest problems with the rehabilitation of the mentally ill is their inability to build
relationships with new people. For them, it is what Yamamoto called a ‘weak point’, and institutionalised caredoes not address it. Instead, it medicalises the condition without finding ways to address the symptoms. For
that reason, care centres, outreach programmes and work projects are crucial for patients to work on building
relationships. At Joint Hot’s upstairs space workers are free to talk about their problems and their worries withsocial interaction, and through group discussions and social worker-led sessions, they are given coping
mechanisms and ways to deal with the anxiety they may feel. They can then put this into practice by working
in the café: meeting strangers, communicating effectively, and learning new skills like customer service andcooking. Having worked on their ‘weak points’ the workers learn how to make progress with their illness,rather than simply medicating it. Even the name ‘Joint Hot’ caters to this purpose. Building a space where
people dealing with mental illnesses can join together and create warm relationships with each other, make70

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018strong bonds and feel part of something is key to progressing with their illness and coming to understand how
best to cope with their symptoms. Equally, ‘hot’ also refers to a relaxed and comfortable atmosphere that canbe felt by the workers and the customers.
The success of the café, which does so much more than provide jobs for people with mental illness, is evident.
It does so much to be an inclusive space which looks after all elements of a person’s wellbeing: so much morethan just their mental state. In the face of centuries of ostracization and prejudice, Joint Hot allows people thefreedom of self-expression and a social lifestyle, which are key to overcoming historic policies that haveforced people with mental illness into sanitoriums and asylums. Its presence proves that people with mental
illness can still function in social settings providing there are appropriate support systems, and is proving that aholistic approach to treatment – one that looks beyond treating the illness but instead working with thesymptoms, is a much more beneficial type of treatment for the patient; who no longer is referred to as a‘patient’, but a ‘worker’ or simply a person. The case of Joint Hot shows that community based careprogrammes are making important ground in rewiring Japan’s difficulty with difference. For mentally wellpeople to see functional ill people is incredibly important as we move towards a more inclusive society, andmore open conversations on the state of mental health. For community members with mental illness, it is aplace they know they can come to feel safe. For them and their carers, it is a safe space where difference is notjust understood but celebrated. For the mentally well, Joint Hot is a café with honest intentions, a cosy interior
and delicious food. Like any other café the product you are consuming: the relaxed atmosphere, great coffee
and a delicious choice of dishes is the most important part. The fact that people who have mental illness work
there should neither be interesting or strange, but simply normal.
The Chorale Clinic and Work Programme in Okayama
Further studies in Okayama support the suggestion that community based care is effective at reducing
stigma. The Chorale Clinic in Okayama City, was opened in 1997 by the main psychologist Dr Masatomo
Yamamoto. It is a more progressive clinic that looks to create a community where the mentally ill can develop
self-confidence and human connections, enabling their transition into society more gradually and easily. The nolock centre allows patients to come and go freely, access their medication, socialise with others, and havemeetings with medical professionals. The meetings however are somewhat unconventional, with Doctor
Yamamoto often asking the patient how they think they should be helped and promoting more social forms oftreatment (Soda 2008). Including patients in the discussion of their own treatment gives them autonomy overtheir own bodies – something which government policies throughout the 1900s denied them (Kanata 2016). This
type of treatment is run by Doctor Yamamoto, who sees community based social care programmes as a more
effective way to facilitate self-growth, betterment and acceptance from the wider community. The lack of locks
or rigid doctor patient divides seeks to humanise the mentally ill, which allows for much more frank
conversations about living with mental illness. While this kind of progressive facility is uncommon in Japan andreceives little support from the government, Chorale has continued to be successful by providing counsellingand medication services as well as a milk delivery business and a small restaurant. The milk delivery service,called Pastel, allows patients to have financial independence, as well as interacting with a wide variety of people.
It gives them utilisable skills like money handling and social interaction experience. Equally, mental illness andgeneral difference becomes visible to members of the local community. This type of social interaction normalises
difference, and much like the case with Joint Hot Café in Kyoto, starts conversations on social acceptance.
In 2008, having struggled with mental health himself, Tokyo based film maker Kazuhiro Soda sought to continue
the conversation on mental health in Japan despite the great taboo around the subject. In the 135-minute film,
Soda is the film maker, the interviewer, and a passive observer. The candid style of inclusive filming shows thereal lives of those who visit the clinic and this is an insightful and unique film documenting the true reality ofmental health. The wide variety of people who visit the clinic and give testament show how mental health isoften a sliding scale, and seeks to destigmatise it by showing that anyone and everyone can be susceptible to achange in their mental health. From a business man diagnosed with burnout syndrome, to a schizophrenic motherwho kills her new born, their unedited stories about more than just their illnesses also give those with mental
illness personalities, like anyone else. A particularly interesting character is Sugano, a manic depressive who
dreams of starting his own farm in the peaceful countryside. While the film gives a dark insight into his life, it
is not all negative. When reading some of his poetry to other patients, which focussed on his depressive andsuicidal episodes, he comes to the conclusion that without his illness he would not have been able to write poetry.
Rather than considering their bodies as leftovers of vicious illness, Soda shows how their illnesses are simply apart of the person, all whom have varying backgrounds, interests and very different illnesses. The film shows
how beneficial work programmes have been for patients and how this style of treatment looks to work with
illness, rather than simply medicating against it.
Conclusion

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In a country like Japan which places collectivism over individualism and uniformity over originality,
companies like Teri Teri and Chorale are doing much more than helping the mentally ill. It is rewiring theJapanese psyche; showing difference in a positive light and making mental health a discussion. A comparative
study on mental health stigma in Bali and Tokyo (Kurihara et al 2000) showed that development status bears
little influence on how mental illness is perceived in a community. It found that in communities with fewer
psychiatric care beds, where patients are more visible in society, there is a reduced fear of mental illness anddifference. A reduction in public fear is crucial for societies to embrace those with mental illness more readily,
which in turn is beneficial for everyone. This proves that for Japan to move towards a more inclusive society, it
must limit permanent inpatient care and instead opt for community based care programmes that provide people
who have mental illness with skills, ways to understand their mental health, and show that difference is not anegative.
Only when the government works to address historic attitudes towards mental health can Japan truly movetowards community based care rather than relying on institutions, and transition care to a more patient-led modelthat prioritises their wellbeing and ability to lead a social life rather than the financial situation of the government
or private companies. In 2000, Japan implemented a mandatory long-term care insurance system, under theslogan ‘from care by family to care by society’ (Ikegami and Campbell 2002). This policy looks to prevent theunnecessary hospitalisation of seniors who struggle with everyday life. Given the policy has been successful in
integrating seniors with chronic illness, it is not impossible to think that this policy could be extended to thosewith long term mental illness too. Using ethnographies from Joint Hot Café in Kyoto and Chorale Clinic in
Okayama, I have shown the validity of community based care programmes and how a social based care systemfor people with mental illness is the only way to successfully reduce stigma. However, before a full shift tosocial care programmes can happen, the government need to rethink the way mental health is portrayed in Japan.
This is difficult to do, with a history of laws designed to ostracise the mentally ill, but the government must
make a stand against social prejudice, which is strengthened by a sensationalist media – in order to ensure thesafety of patients. Extending community based care programmes to support people with mental illness will proveinvaluable at tackling stigma in Japan, and will hopefully ignite conversations on other taboo topics too.

References:Asai, K. (1990) ‘Mental Health Services in Japan’, Journal of Korean Medical Science, 5(3), pp. 117-126. Available at: URL(Accessed: 05/06/2018).
Hirabayashi, E. (2004). Development of Theory of Social Recovery for Persons with Mental Disabilities: From theViewpoint of the Social Worker. Mental Health and Welfare, 35(3), 250.
Ikegami N, Campbell JC. (2002). ‘Choices, policy logics and problems in the design of long-term care systems’, Social
Policy and Administration, 36(7) pp. 19–34.
Kanata, T. (2016) ‘Japanese mental health care in a historical context: why did Japan become a country with so many
psychiatric care beds?’ Social Work, 52(4), Available at: URL
Kurihara, T. et al. (2000). Public attitudes towards the mentally ill: A cross cultural study between Bali and Tokyo. Psychiatry
and Clinical Neurosciences, 54(1), 547-552. Available at: URL (Accessed: 06/06/2018).
OECD Reviews of Health Care Quality (2014) Japan: Raising Standards, Assessment and Recommendations. Available at:
URL (Accessed: 11/05/2018).
Soda, K. (Producer and Director). (2008) Seishin [Motion Picture]. Tokyo, Japan: Kazuhiro Soda Studios.
Tawney, Molly. (2018) Conversation with Yamamoto Yukihiro, 4 June.
Teri Teri Company (2017) ジョイント・ほっと

利用案内

Kyoto: Teri Teri Company.

Teri Teri Company (2018) ‘実れ！希望の木号’ KSKP てりてり Issue 68 (25 January) pp1-8.
Tysuchiya, T. (1997) ‘Eugenic Sterilizations in Japan and Recent Demands for Apology: A Report’ Newsletter of the
Network on Ethics and Intellectual Disability 3(1) pp. 1-4. Available at: URL (Accessed: 09/04/2018).

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The Future of Japan: Automation or Immigration
David Cruz Quevedo

デビッドクルスケヴェド

San José State University (USA)

Abstract
本論文では以下の内容について述べる:日本国政府は日本社会と同様に、国内の人口減少問題の解決策として移民の受け入れよりもロボットの研究開発を高め、導入する思考である事が分かった。これらはアンケート調査と現場研究者からの生の声を通じて情報収集を行い、結果として本論文の理に適う点と適わない点が共に明らかになった。日本政府の方針は本論文の主張と一致しているものの、日本社会においては意見が違っている。
また、本研究の重要な発見の一つとしてオートメーションと移民についての考えに対し、日本の大学生は外国人との接触頻度により意見が異なる事が判明した。
Introduction
The percentage of immigrants living in Japan is 1.9%, much lower than any other G7 country. This
limited migration, along with a long life expectancy and a low birth rate, has contributed to the declining
population in Japan and to its economic stagnation. Efforts to remedy this situation have been made, theimmigrant population grew about 7% from 2015 to 2016. Fortunately, this tiny increase is not the only strategy.
In an article for Bloomberg in 2017, Daniel Moss points out that Japan is increasingly turning to automation and
not immigration to resolve its domestic issues. When I first read the article I immediately questioned why Japan
would want to opt for the more difficult of the two potential solutions. I further questioned if this was because
Japan did not want to let in more immigrants for fear of disrupting the nearly homogenous population or if theygenuinely believed this was the better of the two potential solutions. These initial questions led me to then look
into Japan’s history of immigration and its relationship to technology and to guess what Japan’s demographics
may look like in the decades to come. This paper will argue that Japan, both its government and society, would
rather increase research and then implement robots into society to solve issues associated with its shrinking
population than increase migration to solve them. This paper will be divided in four parts. The first will look at
the challenges faced by new immigrants in Japan, be they social or legal. Secondly, the paper will look atchallenges that foreign residence and decedents of immigrants experience in Japan. Thirdly, this research will
discuss if robots are being accepted by the government and Japanese citizens. Lastly, this paper will analyze anddiscuss a survey and a field research interview with a geriatric hospital executive to validate or invalidate thispaper’s thesis.
Literature Review
Many studies regarding the perception of foreigners have been done and the findings are similar to one
another in that they find that public perception of immigrants in Japan are negative (Tanabe, 2001 and Ohtsuki,
2006 as cited in Green, D., & Kadoya, Y. 2015). One study states two statistically significant findings: negative
perception of immigration into Japan is higher in older people and that “those respondents who identified
themselves as unemployed were significantly more likely to support increased immigration” (Green, D., &Kadoya, Y. 2015, pg. 83). The latter of the two findings is surprising because as Green, D. et al (2015) point out
usually those who are unemployed look at increase migration negatively. This would seem to indicate that
economic factors are not the reason public perception of immigrants is negative. The reason for this negative
perception is more likely a fear of the unknown (Ohtsuki, 2006 and Nagoyoshi, 2008 as cited in Green, D., &Kadoya, Y. 2015). It is worth noting that people with higher English abilities were more open to higher levelsof immigration (Green, D. et al. 2015). Unfortunately, some of the negative aforementioned sentiments manifest
themselves in law. Komine, A. (2014) suggests that the Japanese government purposely does not encourage
naturalization of its immigrants but rather provides them permanent residency, a status that grants individuals
less rights than Japanese citizens. Japan’s view of immigrants is particularly troubling since even now thecountry relies on them for certain sectors of its economy. Of the 135,000 full time hired agriculture workers
18,000 of them, or a seventh of the labor force, are immigrants (Martin, P.L. 2013). They also writes that they
are important in “Japanese manufacturing, including food and seafood processing and garments” (Martin, P.L.
2013, p. 123). Both Martin, P.L. and Yoshiaki, S. suggest that Japan’s Industrial Training Program was nothing
more than a way to recruit low wage and low skilled workers and not, as the program claims, a way to help in73

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the participants professional development (Martin, P.L. 2013 and Yoshiaki, S. 2010). The latter of the two also
points out that “the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”) Human Rights andCommittee expressed concern over the exploitation and exclusion of trainees from the protection of domestic
labor and social security laws” (Yoshiaki, S. 2010, p. 296). Regrettably, the social and legal atmosphere is not
only difficult for new immigrants in Japan since decedents of immigrants, particularly of Korean decent, facedifficulties as well.
Park, S. writes that “[in] 2010, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, together with Shimomura Hirofumi, theMinister of Education and Science, attended a conference held by the Soyokaze, a branch of the Zaitokukai”(2017, np). The Zaitokukai are an ultra-nationalist and far-right and anti-Korean hate group that has been
described by the National Police Agency as a potential threat due to their ideology. Members of the governing
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) support actions of the hate group with some members like the chairperson of
the National Public Safety Commission, Eriko Yamatani, receiving financial support from the hate group (Park,
S. 2017). This anti-Korean sentiment is not unprecedented because when the Nationality Act of 1950 was passed“Koreans in Japan were treated as foreigners, despite being born and having lived their entire lives in Japan”(Park, S. 2017, np). Although much of Park’s work resolves around Korean mistreatment in Japan it applies tomost foreigners in Japan. Arudou, D. argues that “people who fall into the Non-Wajin category in Japanesesociety will perpetually be made self-conscious for being ‘different’, set apart from ‘normal’ society as ‘special’,and vulnerable to ebing treated differently, even adversely, with insufficient legal protection from unequal
treatment (Arudou, D. 2013, pg. 163). Interestingly enough, robots in Japan have a higher chance of being
granted a koseki, an important legal registry, as opposed to foreign nationals living in Japan.
In their paper, Robertson, J. points out that “a zainichi Korean [65 year old] man who was born, raised,and lives in Japan, who is married to a Japanese citizen, and whose natal family has lived in Japan for generations,can have neither his own koseki nor be included in the “family” portion of his wife’s koseki; rather, his name isadded to the “remarks” column of the his wife’s registry. By virtue of having a Japanese father, Paro is entitledto a koseki, which confirms the robot’s Japanese citizenship” (Robertson, J. 2014, pg. 591). This act alone canconfirm Japan’s support of robots but to further cement this claim one can look to the establishment of the“Robot Revolution Realization Council in 2014 [which sought to make] revolutionary change in social life
through robotics technologies” (Nambu, T. 2016, np). Prime Minister Shinzo Abe gave an opening address
where he stated the following: “the potential for using robots can be found not only in manufacturing, but also
in a wide variety of other sectors, such as nursing care, lodging, agriculture, and disaster preparedness” (Abe, S.
2014 as cited by Nambu, T. 2016, np). It is worth noting that previous commitments have been taking in thisfield as seen by the government and corporate sectors funding robotics and its spin-off industries since the late
1990s and whose products is estimated to generate $70 billion in revenue by the year 2025 (Robertson, J. 2014).
Although the government is highly motivated to invest in robotics it seems that some industries that they would
be implemented in are not as receptive as one would think. Even though demand for elderly care increases anda shortage of care takers increases some of Japanese care staff are not as welcoming to robots in their field ofwork as one may think (Wright, J. 2018). This indicates that the Japanese government, for the foreseeable future,
will have to continue to let immigrants into the country while continuing their efforts to implement robots into
Japanese society.
Methods
My survey consisted of nine statements which were followed by a series of answers the survey taker
can pick from. Those options were: strongly agree, agree, neither agree nor disagree, disagree, and strongly
disagree. There was also one question at the end that was filled in by the survey taker. The reason this paper
implemented a multiple choice answer survey was because it allowed for the data to be more concisely measured.
Had a the survey provided a fill in the blank answer like the tenth question then the data may have been to
scattered to obtain useable data from. The reason for which a fill in the blank answer was used for the tenthquestion is because Google Forms, the program used to conduct the survey, allows for numerical answers, suchas age, to be categorized and then shown in percentages thus making it easier to see the ages of the survey takers.
The names of the survey takers were not taken because it may have affected their answers. The questions asked
were ones dealing with important issues and if a survey taker felt uncomfortable knowing others would know
their opinion on the matter it would have influence their answer choice. The survey was distributed online
through email, Instagram, Line, and Facebook because it was the most effective way to conduct the survey.
Furthermore, by not conducting an in-person interview it avoided the data being affected by the presence of theinterviewer. The interviewer for this survey would have been a foreigner and it may have affected the answers
from the survey takers since they may not have answered honestly due to a foreigner being present. This survey
focused on Japanese college students because current research does not have significant data regarding opinions
on automation and migration within this demographic. Since the focus was on Japanese college students the74

EPOK Research Reports | Summer 2018statements and question, which were originally written in English, were translated to Japanese. Those statements
and question are as follows: 1) I can speak English, 2) I have international friends, 3) I have lived outside ofJapan, 4) I would prefer if jobs, like geriatric care, were filled by robots rather than foreign immigrants, 5) I
think Japan should allow more immigrants, 6) I think immigrants in Japan should have the same rights asJapanese citizens, 7) I have a positive view of foreigners, 8) I think robotics and not migration is the solution to
Japan’s shrinking population, 9) I think robots in society are a positive thing, and 10) How old are you?
The field research interview in this study was conducted in-person and in Japanese. Questions were
written in English and then translated to Japanese. On the other hand, the answers were in Japanese and thentranslated to English. This was done in order to allow the person being interviewed to fully express their thoughts
and opinions when asked the interview questions. The name of the person being interviewed will remain
anonymous because they own a geriatric hospital and they do not want their answers to affect their business inany way shape or form. Only four questions were asked in order to keep the interview short and to the point.
The questions asked are as follows: 1) In a recent academic article that talks about automation of elderly care it
says that some caretakers think mechanization of their jobs would be disrespectful to the people they care for?
Is there some truth to this opinion, 2) Should the Japanese government focus more on research and developmentof robots in various industries like elderly care or should it allow more qualified immigrants in? 3) Since youwere closely in the field of elderly care do you think the recipients of care are more inclined to robots caring forthem or qualified immigrants?
Results and Analysis
The total number of people who participated in the study was 34. The age of the survey takers was 18
to 23. The percentage of each age is as follows: 18 (23.3%), 19 (46.7), 20 (16.7), 21 (3.3), 22 (6.7), and 23 (3.3).
In order to better summarize the results I have grouped the “strongly agrees” with the “agrees” and the “strongly
disagrees” with the “disagrees”. The statistics for the “neither agree nor disagree” will only be mentioned if they
are significant. The first question shows that the percentage of survey takers who can and cannot speak English
is roughly the same, 38.3 and 32.4 respectively. On the question of having international friends a majority(55.9%) have those friendships while 32.4% do not. Question 3 again sees equal percentages but in this casewith the questioning asking if they have lived outside of Japan, those numbers are 47 and 47.1 respectively. The
following question clearly shows that a majority (58.8%) of survey takers do not think robots should fill jobs,
like geriatric care, as opposed to foreign immigrants. Question 5 showcases that 50% of the participants are infavor of increased immigration while 29.4% disagree. The next question shows that an overwhelming majority(70.6) of the survey takers are in favor of immigrants in Japan getting the same rights as Japanese citizens; 20.6%
disagree with this opinion. Question 7 clearly indicates that a majority of the participants view foreigners
positively, the remaining participants said they neither agreed nor disagreed. The following questions shows that
64.7% of participants do not think that robotics, as opposed to migration, should be a solution to Japan’s
shrinking population. Lastly, a healthy majority (64.7%) of survey takers think robots in society are a good thing,
only 8.8% disagree with this statement.
Given that the percentages of those who can and cannot speak English and those who have and havenot lived outside of Japan are roughly the same, it seems that the level interaction with foreigners, in this casefriendship, is the independent variable that may or may not affect the way Japanese college students see
automation and migration in Japan. This research indicates that Japanese college student’s level of interactions
with foreigners has little to no effect regarding their majority disagreement with statements 4 and 8 and theirmajority agreement with statements 6 and 7. Where their level of interaction does seem to matter is statement 5
where those who had higher levels of interaction with foreigners were more likely to support increased migration
into Japan.
The first question of the interview comes from the results of the article written by Wright, J. (2018)
which indicates that robots may have a difficult time being implemented into the geriatric care industry. He
answered that he does not think the implantation of robots in elderly care is disrespectful to patients as the articles
mentions. He does however agree that robots would lack a connection to patients and because of that he believes
robots would not be very widely implemented any time soon. He does think that robots that help with things like
lifting boxes and do not directly interact with patients would be very useful but believes that his field will stayhuman dominant. As for the second question, he does not think that robots will get to a point where they canadequately provide service to elderly patients. He does think research and development should be conducted but
for support robots as previously mentioned. More importantly, he agrees that Japan should let in more qualified
immigrants to help with Japanese shrinking population and the problems that accompany it like care of elderly
people. With regards to the third question, he says that it is difficult to say who his patients would prefer because
they have many different backgrounds but if he must make a decision he says they would be more inclined tohave an actual person caring for them since the other option would be too lonely.
His answers directly oppose the thesis of this paper. It would seem that while the actions of the Japanese
government may indicate that the future of Japan is robots the opinions of the Japanese may indicate the opposite.

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This of course is only applicable to the field of geriatric care in Japan and not the other sectors where robots arelooking to be implemented.
Conclusion
The thesis of this paper is as follows: Japan, both its government and society, would rather increase
research and then implement robots into society to solve issues associated with its shrinking population thanincrease migration to solve them. The results of this research support part of the thesis while not supporting theother part of it. By analyzing the current literature and looking at the actions of the government it can beconcluded that the Japanese government would rather increase research and then implementation of robots into
society to solve issues associated with its shrinking population than increase migration to solve them. On theother hand, the survey and field research interview indicates that at least part of Japanese society would support
increased migration to Japan to help solve the issues associated with a shrinking Japanese population.
The limitations of this study are mostly about resources. The ability to conduct a larger and more varied
survey would have provided better data that could be more widely applied. The use of in-person Japaneseinterviewers would have also made the results stronger. This paper would have also benefited by having included
a response from the Japanese government and the inclusion of more history regarding the issues discussed. As
for the field research interview, a wider pool of interviewees from different parts of the country and different
sectors of the economy would have been very beneficial to the paper’s validity. Further research should strive
to eliminate these limitations by implementing a larger and more varied survey and a larger, larger and morevaried field research interviews, and a longer history of the history about this issues in Japan.

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Japan - Journal Of The German Institute For Japanese Studies, Tokyo, 26(2), 197-222.
Martin, P. L. (2013). Editorial: Migration and competitiveness: Japan and the United States. Migration Letters. pp. 115-124.
Moss, D. (2017). Aging Japan Wants Automation, Not Immigration. [online] Available at:https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2017-08-22/aging-japan-wants-automation-not-immigration [Accessed 7 Jul.
2018].
Nambu, T. (2016). Legal regulations and public policies for next-generation robots in Japan. AI & Society, 31(4), 483-500.
Park, S. (2017). Inventing aliens: immigration control, ‘xenophobia’ and racism in Japan. Race & Class, 58(3), 64-80.
Robertson, J. (2014). HUMAN RIGHTS VS. ROBOT RIGHTS: Forecasts from Japan. Critical Asian Studies, 46(4), 571598. Wright, J. (2018). Tactile care, mechanical Hugs: Japanese caregivers and robotic lifting devices. Asian Anthropology.
17(1), 24-39.
Yoshiaki, S. (2010). Immigration Law and Policy of Japan in the Age of East Asian Community-Building. Journal Of East
Asia & International Law, 3(2), 293-305.

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Sexual Health Education in Japan
Isaac Alexander Frampton

アイザック・アレクサンダー・フランプトン

York St. John University (United Kingdom)

日本、イギリスとアメリカでは私の経験によると、私はたくさん人と話しましたとあの人が性的健康教育についてたくさんをしりません。これは性的健康教育の大失敗とおもいます。このレポート
は日本の性的健康教育の状態を話し合います。アンケットを作りました、日本の学生に答えてもらうように頼んだ.日本の性的健康教育の理解のためにそして日本の性的健康教育の状況のためにやりました。この理由のためにインタネットで研究論文も読みました。

This research paper will focus on the current state of Sexual Health Education in Japan and will aim toprovide a reasonable insight into various topics surrounding the subject. Firstly this research paper will detailthe history of Japan’s Sexual Health education. Secondly, this research paper will aim to provide anunderstanding of public perceptions of Sexual Health Education including common stigmas and misconceptions.
Thirdly, this research paper will aim to address some of the common misconceptions and provide anunderstanding of what Sexual Health Education consists of. Afterwards, this research paper will address theissues surrounding the current state of Sexual Health Education in Japan. Finally, this report shall provide an
overview of the survey that I produced, analysing the results and comparing the information gathered with theinformation noted through research of online research papers and academic papers.
To fully understand the current situation of Sexual Health Education in Japan it is crucial to gather
information from different points of view. To this end I have studied academic texts on the subject and recent
news articles as well as constructed an online survey for students of Okayama University to complete. I thentook the link for my survey and distributed it amongst students within the university. I asked university students
specifically because they are fresh out of the mainstream education system where Sexual health classes shouldbe held. Plus with a fairly fresh view point and a desire for learning I felt that the response would provide an
accurate insight into the perceptions of Sexual Health Education and the direction the newer generations wantto take with it. Recent news articles are necessary to properly understand the current political climate
surrounding Sexual Health education and to provide insight into the topic.
To understand the current situation of Sexual Health Education in Japan we must first look at what thesituation was like in the past and leading up to the current day. As with many countries the perceptions of Sexual
Health Education have changed over time. The perceptions of people have been influenced by two main
mindsets in recent time. The first being the principles of confucianism which developed in Japan during the Edo
period. These more conservative values paved the way for more conservative mindsets throughout modern Japan.
Based on these principles attitudes towards matters of a sexual nature have been regarded with stigma anddistaste. On the other hand there has been a rise in a more modern and/or westernised approach to morals andsocial developments. With these new ideologies there has been a rise in individualism with fewer people feeling“the need” to enter into relationships or pursue starting families. There is also a more relaxed approach towards
sexuality, personal agency and personal identity. Not least of all this has greatly shifted the perceptions towards
gender roles within society. Since these new mindsets are a much more modern development occurring sometime
after World War II it is important to look back around that time and see what the influence of confucian principles
towards Sexual Health Education and sexuality in general was.

On November 14th of 1946, merely a year after World War II had ended the official document‘Measures for the regulation, prevention and protection of private prostitutes’ was approved by the meeting of
all of the vice-ministers. The aim of the document was to abolish legitimate prostitution within Japan and to“prevent the appearance of, so called, ‘Yamino onna (women in the dark)’” (Hirose 1972-1983, p.3). Following
this the document titled ‘On Purity Education’ was released by the chief of the Office for Social Education in
the Ministry of Education in January of 1947. This then lead to the establishment of the ‘Purity Education

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Division Committee’ which was followed by the ‘Purity Education Division Council’ and the ‘Purity Round
Table Conference’ for the sake of advocating for the ‘Purity Education Policy’. The concern surrounding theissue of prostitution then spread to concerns of juvenile delinquency and then finally on to education for young
men and women. The ‘purity’ described was an enforcement of the ideals of sexual and moral ‘purity’ Whilst
the term ‘purity’ was used simply because the term ‘Sex Education’ was not popular at the time people associatedthe usage of the word to refer to the idea of female virginity being considered ‘pure’ and the idea that “sexualintercourse only between a married couple can be accepted as purity” (Ministry of Education 1949, as cited by
Hirose 1972-1983, p.7) though the usage was as such that there was no difference in meaning between the two.
The cause of the confusion was not merely an issue of terminology but also a result of the gradual shift in mindset
when it came to the aspects of desirable Sexual Health Education within society. The Association for Sex
Education (JASE) launched ‘Sex Education Teaching Guidance’ in 1979 which aimed to provide a space formagazine articles dedicated to suggesting proper teaching plans regarding Sexual Health Education before the
Ministry of Education published ‘How to View and Practice Sex Education at School’ in 1999. This set the stage
for the current position of Sexual Health Education in Japan.
A general understanding of how the japanese populace perceives the topic of Sexual Health Education
can be seen in the most outstanding political views surrounding the topic. Even now in the year 2018 campaigns
against Sexual Health Education or in favour of censoring such education continue to arise in response to thecontent learned within such classes. In a recent case Liberal Democratic Party member of the Tokyo metropolitan
assembly ‘Toshiaki Koga’ spoke out against the content of a class being taught to third-year students at a publichigh school in the Adachi Ward. He was quoted as saying “Topics like sexual intercourse and birth control areinappropriate for junior high school students” (Saito, Yamada, 2018). This was in response to the students beingtaught about topics such as sexual intercourse, birth control and abortion. As a result the metropolitan education
board went on to instruct the Adachi Ward board of education on the discontinuation of “inappropriate lessons”(Saito, Yamada, 2018). This case highlights the more widely held viewpoint towards Sexual Health Education
within Japan. There is a general understanding of the importance of such education. However, many people areunsure of when the information should be presented to their children. The overlying issue is that of a“squeamishness about sex education” (Brasor, 2015). Many movements towards the development of Sexual
Health Education in Japan has been beset with misinformation or censorship due to both a lack of commitment
to scientifically accurate terminology and a lack of desire to expose children, especially those of an elementary
school/ junior high school level, to themes of a sexual nature. In 2002 the education ministry was quoted as
instructing elementary/junior high school teachers to “not discuss the process that leads to conception” (Brasor,
2015). The mindset of the populace of a country will usually be well represented in their government. So it isevident that many people in Japan are of the same belief that Sexual Health Education is unsuitable orinappropriate for teaching to children however this shouldn’t be the case as many experts disagree saying “it isimportant for young people to have a better understanding of how to avoid unintended pregnancies before they
become sexually active”(Saito, Yamada, 2018). The main topics noted to be within Sexual Health Education are
believed to be mostly limited to the topics covered before; sexual intercourse, birth control, abortion etc’. It is
fairly evident that the focus is that of the physiological aspects of Sexual Health Education and not much more.
Whilst this appears to be the most noticeable point of view towards the subject there are yet many people that
advocate for proper Sexual Health Education. Many of whom also delve into more of the lesser known topics
that this research paper shall outline.

Looking at examples of the politics surrounding the state of Sexual Health Education in Japan it is clear
to see that most of the focus is on the physiological aspects of Sexual Health education. However, that is merely
the surface when it comes to the topics covered. The topics covered are according to (Planned Parenthood,2018):●●●●●●

Human Development - This includes the reproductive system, changes to the body during puberty, sexual
orientation and gender identity.
Relationships - This includes relationships with families, friendships, romantic relationships and dating.
Personal Skills - This includes proper communication skills, negotiation and decision-making.
Sexual behaviour - This includes your sexuality throughout your life as well as understanding abstinence andproper appreciation of consent.
Sexual Health - This includes understanding Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs), contraception, including
their success rates and interactions with STDs along with detailing pregnancy,
Society and Culture - This includes addressing gender roles, diversity and portrayal of sexuality through themedia.

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The current state of Sexual health Education in Japan is a turbulent one. Whilst there have been steps
There are two main problems towards the development of Sexual Health Education in Japan, the first of whichis as previously mentioned. Many politicians make frequent attempts to remove what progress has been madetowards developing accurate and sufficient Sexual Health Education for all people. In one of the more extreme
cases Liberal Democratic Party member Eriko Yamatani spoke out against all Sexual Health Education inschools claiming that “They can learn that when they get married” (Brasor, 2015). Lobbying attempts to place
the responsibility of education onto the individual rather than allowing the educational system to properly
educate the Japanese youth. However, the second of which is largely to do with the large scale issue of current
day Japan which is that of the lowering birth rate of the populace. The cause of which has been blamed on
numerous things such as “Japan’s young people, who are accused of not having enough sex”(Semuels, 2017),
but also on women who show less interest in developing families and more interest in developing their careers.
In this point it is possible to see where the overlap of confucian and modern mindsets causes friction between
people on this issue. With the male centric beliefs of confucianism women’s roles were much more steadfast.
Even now there is the belief that women are to sacrifice their careers for the sake of becoming full time
housewives. However with a rise in modern/western thinking women have found more personal agency andhave found less desire to sacrifice their own ambitions. The idea of sacrificing time for your social life to dedicate
it towards your career is a mindset that is currently held by a majority of males. The culture surrounding workin Japan is one of the most highly noted issues within japanese society. With some of the longest working hours
in the world and long periods of unpaid overtime Japan is well known for overworking their workers. It is sucha large problem that it is not uncommon for people to work themselves to death, which is such a widespread
issue that it developed its own term to describe the occurrence. “Karōshi” or “overwork death” is usually causedby heart attacks or strokes due to stress whilst not receiving proper nutritional intake from food. In one such caseof work related death, a grieving mother had this to say with regards to her late son’s working habits "He usually
worked until the last train, but if he missed it he slept at his desk," she said. "In the worst case he had to workovernight through to 10pm the next evening, working 37 hours in total."(Michiyo Nishigaki, quoted by Lane2017) Due to the fact that most of the blue collar jobs employed men, the issue was, for the most part, localisedon them. So now with both men and women dedicating more time to work and having no time for family thejapanese government has begun to try various things to attempt to re-invigorate the drive for parenthood. Thislargely impacts the state of Sexual Health Education as it then leads to various tactics to try and change thecontent of the classes or the statistical information provided for the purpose of increasing the country’s birth rate.
In a case in August of 2015 online statistics were posted claiming that after the age of 22, women’s ability toconceive and bear children changes, becoming more difficult. The information was quickly debunked as having
used altered statistics, since the original data was readily available, and research showed that “a woman’s ability
to conceive does not change significantly until about the age of 35” (Brasor, 2015). The alteration to thisinformation seemed to indict the government as aiming to push young women into giving birth early due to thefear of facing problems later in life.
As the final topic this research paper will cover I will provide the data I collected from the online survey
I created and analyse the results. Out of the people who responded to the survey there was an equal 50/50 split
between genders however, only 16% of people identified as LGBT+. The first main question asked about what
the participant learnt in Sexual Health Education classes. There were only a few topics mentioned that werelearnt about however they were fairly universal. The main topics they learnt about were Reproduction,
Contraception/STDs and human physiology. These topics match up with what was mentioned before withregards to the content of classes. What is interesting to note however is that most of the answers were particularlyvague, with some responses specifically mentioning that the information they were provided was particularlyvague. Part of the purpose of the survey was to learn about what people expect to learn from Sexual Health
Education classes vs what they actually received. To this end the survey asked what people expected to be able
to learn from the subject. Ultimately there was very little difference in what they expected to be able to learn
and what they actually received. However, a couple of topics emerged such as the differences between men andwomen and equality/minorities. Looking at the classifications outlined by Planned Parenthood, we can see thatthe only topics covered by the education received is that of Human Development and Sexual Health. However,topics that were outlined as being topics that people wished to learn about were notably found in different
classifications. This shows that there is an understanding of other topics that are present within the scope of
Sexual Health Education and also a desire to learn about it but shows us that such learning is not currently readily
available through the educational system.

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The next questions that was asked was whether there was anything in particular that they wanted to learn andwhether they felt like they were happy with the education they received. The responses to the latter had the
majority of responses in the negative. Looking at a later question asking whether they would like to see more
Sexual Health Education taught the responses seemed to directly mirror that of the happiness question. Those
who were unhappy wanted to learn more and those who were happy were content with what they were learning.
This seems to echo the mindset of the public surprisingly well with the split in ideologies dividing the country
on how they feel about the subject. Finally the survey asked whether the participants knew of where they could
receive help regarding issues related to Sexual Health and what sort of help they could receive in those locations.
Worryingly only a very small percentage of participants knew where they could receive help and even those
who had an idea didn’t know what sort of help would/should be available. For example there are many medical
clinics available throughout Japan that will provide services such as STD checks/treatment, pregnancy
planning/terminations of pregnancy and confidential solicitations.
To summarise, this research paper has covered the history of Sexual health education in Japan and theperception of the subject from the public eye, It has addressed what constitutes Sexual Health Education and has
provided an insight into the current status of the education in Japan. Finally the results of a survey taken of
students from Okayama University were outlined and analysed with reference to the previous topics covered in
the paper.

References:(No sex talk please, we’re , Philip Brasor) [Internet] at: https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2015/10/17/national/medianational/no-sex-talk-please-japanese/#.W0fYydIzZEY [Last accessed: 13th July, 2018](The Making of the Mainstream Discourse of Sex Education in Japan: The Role of a Periodical Sex Education Today (19721983), Hiroko Hirose) [Internet] at: http://www.senshu-u.ac.jp/~off1009/PDF/160620-geppo636/smr636-hirose.pdf [Lastaccessed: 13th July, 2018](The young working themselves to death, Edwin Lane) [Internet] at: https://www.bbc.com/news/business-39981997 [Lastaccessed: 13th July, 2018](What is Sex Education?, Planned Parenthood) [Internet] at: https://www.plannedparenthood.org/learn/for-educators/whatsex-education [Last accessed: 13th July, 2018](Battle over sex education at schools reignited in Tokyo, Hiroko Saito, Kana Yamada) [Internet] at:
http://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/AJ201804030047.html [Last accessed: 13th July, 2018](The Mystery of Why
People Are Having So Few Babies, Alana Semuels) [Internet] at:https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2017/07/japan-mystery-low-birth-rate/534291/ [Last accessed: 13th July,
2018]

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EPOK Research Reports | Summer 201807.27 (金)
16:20-18:20
場所：C25

Final Presentations 2018
By EPOK Students
Come enjoy the many various topics from the EPOK students!
留学生から色々なトピックがあるから、見て来てください！
Poster by: Chrissy Streitz (EPOK 2017-2018)82

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岡山大学グローバル・パートナーズ〒 700-8530 岡山市北区津島中 2-1-1
Centre for Global Partnership and Education Okayama University
epok-inbound1@adm.okayama-u.ac.jp
http://www.okayama-u.ac.jp83