ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬ǵ2003 ॷ 11 ೐

A Note on the Interaction between Formal and Indigenous Institutions forLand Disputes Settlement: The Case of Arsii Oromo, Southern Ethiopia
MAMO Hebo*

Abstract
Dispute over land is one of the major problems people in the study area are currently
facing. In this note I will briefly discuss mechanisms of land dispute resolutions among theArsii Oromo people of Kokossa district. When disputes over land occur, there are two settings
for land dispute settlement. One is the formal (state) structure for dispute settlement while
the other is the informal1) (indigenous) institution for dispute settlement. This note focuses
on describing and analyzing these two settings for dispute settlement. First, I briefly discuss
how the two settings for dispute settlement deal with land disputes. Then I make an attempt
to illustrate how they interact and what the interaction means to the disputants. I also present
a summary of an actual case of land dispute to illustrate how the two settings for disputesettlement work and interact. Finally, I discuss the practice of case ‘borrowing,’ which is one
facet of their interaction.
I. Introduction

focuses on three interrelated issues: land tenure

This short note is a part of my research that(changes and continuities), land disputes andPhoto 1. Bokore village, the center of my fieldwork in the northern part of the district* Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University
1) Throughout this note, informal institutions are interchangeably used with indigenous institutions.

262̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪Ѥʱmechanisms of land dispute resolution. I havethe differences in the agro-ecological settings

been conducting fieldwork on these issues amongby which the respective sections of the district

the Arsii Oromo people in Kokossa district,have been influenced. The southern part ofsouthern Ethiopia, since 1999.

the district has been influenced by the enset

The Arsii Oromo follow a patrilineal descentcultivating Sidama ethnic group while thesystem and a patrilocal settlement pattern. They

northern part is more influenced by the cereal

practice mixed agriculture. The landscape ofcrops producing Arsii Oromo communities.

the district is dominated by grazing land dotted

The information employed in this note has been

by enset (Ensete ventricosum) fields. But one cangathered mainly through ethnographic methods:

easily observe variations in the land use patterns

informal interviews, participant observation

between the southern and northern parts ofand extensive case studies. I kept the use of

the district. The southern part of the district

formal interviews and questionnaires to lesspredominantly relies on livestock raising andsensitive issues after I found out that people were

cultivation of enset plant with little involvement

very reluctant to provide information on landin the production of cereal and other crops. The

tenure and related issues or they just provided

northern part of the district, on the other hand,ambivalent responses. This is because of the

combines livestock raising and enset cultivation

fact that land rights are very contentious politicalwith significant production of crops such as

issues in Ethiopia. As a result I have chosenbarley, wheat, maize and potatoes. The difference

to focus on informal interviews and studies ofin land use pattern has mainly emerged from

actual cases of land disputes. I have managed

Photo 2. Land use patterns in the district2)
2) Photo 2 above, shows land use patterns in Kokossa district. The photo on the left hand side shows land use pattern in thenorthern section of the district with enset crop on the top followed by maize field, then by intentionally enclosed strip ofgrazing land in the middle and a wheat/barely field at the bottom. The other photo (right) shows the typical land use patternin the southern part of the district where enset is the main staple and grazing land marks the outskirt of enset field.

263

ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬to establish a rapport with the local people

in Afaan Oromo. Consequently, in the subsequent

employing the advantage of being a native

sections when I discuss disputes, I am dealing

speaker of the local language, Afaan Oromowith what Arsii Oromo farmers express as(Oromo language).

waldhabbii in general and waldhabbii lafa (landdispute), in particular. Thus, if waldhabbii stands
3)

II. Categories of Dispute Settlement:

for a dispute, the role of dispute settlement

The Formal Structures and theinstitutions is to clear up misunderstandings

Informal Institutions

between the disputants or to let the disputants

First a few words on the termņdisputeŉas it isņfind one another.ŉ

being employed among Arsii Oromo. The term

When land disputes between individuals

4)

waldhabbii is a combination of an adjective wal

or groups of various sizes occur, it has to be(each other) and a verb dhabuu, which means, toresolved either by the formal structures5) or themiss something, to be unable to find something

informal institutions for dispute settlement.

after some attempts have been made to search for

These categories, however, are not mutually

it. Thus, waldabbii can literally be translated as

exclusive. Interaction, and sometimes overlaps,

ņto miss one anotherŉorņto misunderstand one

is visible between the two settings in the process

another.ŉI couldn’t find any word other thanof dispute settlement. Each of these dispute

waldhabbii that could stand for the termņdisputeŉsettlement settings again can be divided into

Fig. 1. Process of dispute settlement
3) Throughout this note, dispute is interchangeably used with land disputes, while mechanisms of dispute settlement isinterchangeably used with mechanisms for land disputes settlement.
4) Waldhabbii should be distinguished from a rather related term wal-loluu, which literally means to fight with each other.
Wal-loluu is a combination of wal (each other) and loluu (to fight). Its noun form is lola, which means fight or war. While
wal-loluu implies physical violence, waldhabbii does not necessarily imply so. In short, all wal-loluu are consequences ofwaldhabbii but not all waldhabbii lead to wal-loluu.
5) Formal structures throughout this note mainly refer to the district administration and peasantsŉassociation administration.

264̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪Ѥʱdifferent levels.

district level, as it is costly to do so, both in terms

Figure 1 depicts how disputes appear beforeof money and time. Even when land dispute

different levels of dispute settlement institutions.

cases reach the zonal administration or regional

Arrows that originate from the land dispute show

state levels, such cases are frequently sent backthat one of the disputants takes his/her caseto the district administration. Consequently, mosteither to the formal structures or to the informalof the land related disputes that reach the formal

institutions. Cases may also go back and forth

structures are dealt with at PA and the district

between the formal and informal structures asadministration levels in that order.

the double pointed arrow indicates. The arrow

However, neither the PA nor the district

with broken line indicates instances of ņcase

administration are judicial structures. They areborrowingŉ(which will be explained in detailrather administration structures. The judicial

later) by informal institutions from the formal

institution at the district level is Mana Murttii

ones.

Aana’a (the district court). At the PA level, it is

The Formal Dispute Settlement Settings

the Koree Hawaasummaa Seera Murttii Gandaa

To begin with the formal level, disputes

literallyņThe Village (PA) Social Affairs Courtŉover land rights can be dealt with either by(it used to be called fird shangoo [tribunal council]

the chairman of the peasantsŉ association

under the Derg) that deals with civil cases. But(PA hereinafter) or go up to the office of the

disputes over land rights never appear before

district administrator. In fact, land disputes

these conventional judicial structures.

can potentially climb up through all theSuch a scenario begs for some attention. Why

administrative hierarchy shown in fi gure 2.

do disputes over land rights fail to appear

However, land dispute cases rarely go above thebefore the PA social affairs court and the district

Fig. 2. Ethiopian administration structure265ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬

court? This has to do with the current statuscommunity are respected for their knowledge ofof land in Ethiopia. As stipulated initially incustomary laws and are perceived as symbols of

Ethiopia’s land reform of 1975 and reaffirmed

wisdom, peace and reconciliation. It is because

in the constitution of 1994 and then by theof this symbolic significance of the elderly that

Federal Rural Land Administration Proclamation

any person who is involved in dispute settlementof 1997, land is public property (or state

and reconciliation process is called jaarsa

property). By extension, it is the state, not theregardless of his actual age.
The jaarsa biyyaa are also of two sorts. One

actual users, the peasants, who have the ultimate
legal ownership over the land.

Thus, land

category is what I would like to call volunteer

disputes and issues related to land tenure arejaarsa.

This kind of jaarsa biyyaa settles

currently treated as administrative issues not as

disputes between individuals or groups throughlegal ones.

its own initiatives. It intervenes either on the

The Informal Dispute Settlement Settings

spot when and where a dispute occurs or takes

At informal level, land disputes can be dealt

the matter up afterwards. The other category is

6)with by jaarsa biyyaa, which literally means

what I call solicited jaarsa. As the name implies,ņelders of the country.ŉThe elders are not athis is jaarsa biyyaa that either of the disputants

fixed group of people, as they can be composed

approaches and solicits to get help to settle theof any member of the community. Nor are theydispute. However, the two categories of jaarsa

necessarily of old age. The term jaarsa, whichbiyyaa are not mutually exclusive. Volunteer

literally meansņelderly,’ is used more as a symbol

jaarsa frequently joins dispute settlement

here. Among the Oromo, elderly members of thesettings of the solicited jaarsa. And also solicited

Photo 3. A scene of indigenous dispute settlement
6) Local people use the term jaarsa and jaarsa biyyaa interchangeably. I also use these terms interchangeably throughout this
note.

266

̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪Ѥʱjaarsa may be invited to join dispute settlementwith by a formal structure. A farmer, who wassettings already initiated by volunteer jaarsa.

seeking the intervention of solicited jaarsa in aWith the above brief overview of the formal andcase already presented to the PA’s chairman,

informal settings for land dispute settlements,

put the rationale for his action as follows.

now let’s consider how these settings for land
dispute settlements interact.

These days, you can win any case if you go togovernment offices. But you need to have one

III. Dubbii Nutti Kennaa,ȦPlease Lend

thing, that is, money. With money you can buy

Us the Case’: The Practice of Casetwo things that you need to win a case. You

7)either buy [bribe] the daanyaa [an officer or aȦBorrowing’

The jaarsa biyyaa (both volunteer and solicited)judge] or you can buy [hire] abaayii [those who

frequentlyņborrowŉland dispute cases from thegive false testimony in exchange for money].

formal structures for dispute settlement. This

When you consider this, it is cheaper to buy

can be done under the following circumstances:land than to go to litigation over land (Name(1) when a defendant solicits the jaarsa biyyaa towithheld, Haroshifa PA, January 2003).

ņborrowŉthe case from a formal structure; (2)when the jaarsa biyyaa takes the initiative (without

The interview note above and other similar

being invited by either of the disputants) tocases from the field study demonstrate thatreconcile the disputants by taking the case backpursuing a land dispute case through formal

from a formal structure and (3) when a formalmeans is costly. This is due particularly to thestructure invites (solicits) the jaarsa biyyaa towidespread practice of abaayii, we may call themņborrowŉthe case and settle it outside the formalņprofessional liarsŉand that of rampant bribery.

settings.

In a setting for dispute settlement dominatedNow let’s look at each of these circumstances.

by bribery and false testimony (abaayii), people

First, why does a defendant solicit the jaarsa

could easily be punished for the wrong they nevertoņborrowŉthe case from the formal structurecommitted or could be deprived of their own

so that it could be settled through customary

property. As one elderly farmer in Bokore PA

mechanisms? People usually seek the help

puts it, “As long as abaayii [false testimony] andof jaarsa when they fi nd themselves in an

gubboo (bribery) exist, truth will never prevail

unfavorable position if the case is to be dealt

in offices.” That is why people tend to prefer

7) The wordņborrowingŉhere is not used in the strict sense of the term since cases taken from formal structures may not be
returned back to the concerned office if the jaarsa biyyaa manages to settle them.

267ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬

indigenous institutions for dispute settlement toalso one of the factors that influence individualsŉformal ones.

decisions to take their case before either of

But why do some people take their cases tothe dispute settlement settings. That is, there

formal structure for dispute settlement while

exist plural means of land acquisition, which

others prefer to go to indigenous settings? First,

in turn naturally gives rise to the plurality in

let’s distinguish two ways through which landmechanisms for land dispute settlement.

disputes could appear before the formal setting:Some individuals, however, take their cases(1) a disputant may take his/her case directly to

directly before the formal structures with athe formal setting (usually first to the PA anddifferent implicit objective, that is, to “give weight

then to the district administration); (2) a disputant

to the matter” as one informant put it. This sort

may take his/her case first to jaarsa biyyaa andof individual actually hopes that the case willthen to the formal setting.

be withdrawn by jaarsa to be settled outside theDiscussions with informants generally indicate

formal structure. But the fact that the case hasthat it is individuals with weak grounds foralready been registered at the formal office allows

their cases that usually prefer formal settings

the plaintiff to put pressure on the defendant.

for dispute settlement to the indigenous ones.

Thus, formal dispute settlement structures are

These people tend, as one informant puts it, toimplicitly used as sources of intimidation.

“buy truth with money.” As a result they directly

The second procedure is to take a land disputepresent their case to the formal setting bypassing

case first before the informal institutions, and if

the informal ones. This implies the rampancy

that attempt fails, then to the formal structures.

of abaayii and gubboo in the offices that deal

The land dispute that occurred on 23 Octoberwith land disputes. Informants are also of the2001 while I was in the study field provides

opinion that those individuals who acquired

important information in this regard.

the disputed land through land distribution by

informant (who was the plaintiff in this case) put

formal state structure (usually conducted by

the situation as follows.

An

PA administration) tend to take their case to theformal dispute settlement mechanisms. ThisI first presented my case to jaarsa biyyaa

implies also that when the disputants claim

who were on the spot when the dispute took

customary rights over a plot of land, whichplace.

in turn implies relatively comparable rights

disputants] to sit down and tell them ourto the land, they tend to take their case to the

problem. I promptly agreed. My opponent

customary dispute settlement settings. Thus, the[the defendant] was reluctant to positively

discrepancy in the means of land acquisitions iscommunicate with jaarsa. He denied that he
268

The jaarsa asked both of us [the̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪Ѥʱ

sold the grass [grazing rights] on his land toto settle the dispute on the spot. The plaintiff

me. Some of the jaarsa were angry since they

instantly agreed to the request of jaarsa, since,

already knew the source of our problem. In

he is by custom required to present his case firstthe meantime he [the defendant] walked away

to the indigenous dispute settlement setting

leaving all of us where we sat. I was angry

before approaching the formal structure. The

and so were the jaarsa who were helping us

defendant, however, made a mistake and failed

settle the dispute. The jaarsaņblessedŉme

to take advantage of getting the dispute settled

for my patience and allowed me to pursue mythrough the informal institution. This happened

case in any way I found appropriate [implying

because he had misjudged the move of thethe go-ahead given to him to take his caseplaintiff in that he did not think that the plaintiff

to the formal structure]. On the same day,would take the case so soon to the formal setting.

I presented my case to the PA’s chairman

When that was not the case, the defendant[Bokore PA]. Within hours he [the defendant]

rushed to beg the help of jaarsa biyyaa, this time

begged for the help of the same jaarsa whom

the solicited jaarsa. We also observe the implicit

he had embarrassed earlier in the day, so that

objective of the plaintiff to present his case to thethey would take the case out of the PA’s

formal setting, that is, to scare the defendant andadministrative office. The jaarsa begged methereby to speed up the settlement of the case.

to let them take the case from the chairman’s

Now let us look at the situations under which[of the PA] office [the jaarsa needs the consent

the formal structures solicit the informalof the plaintiff in order to be able toņborrowŉinstitutions to take the land dispute case fromcases from formal structures]. I did not resist

the formal setting and settle it outside the formal

jaarsa’s request, since my intention from thestructures.

beginning was not to pursue the case throughthe formal structures have neither the means toformal structure but to force my opponent

solve the dispute nor the capacity to enforce theirto accept jaarsa’s effort (Habtuu Worquu,

decision. This in turn arises from the nature of

informant, Bokore PA, 2001).

some land disputes. Sometimes a dispute ceases

This happens particularly when

to be a matter between a few individuals but
This case is especially important since it reveals

develops into a dispute between groups.

several elements that usually manifest in theGood examples are two land disputes cases I

land dispute settlement processes. We see in

witnessed. One was the dispute between two

this single case an instance of the involvement

lineages that took place in July 2001 in the thenof both volunteer jaarsa and the solicited

Tulu Gaduuda PA (currently Hebano PA). The

ones. Initially, the volunteer jaarsa attempted

other was the land dispute between two “big269ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬men” in February 2003 in Haroshifa PA, which

wrong for an Arsii Oromo to take his case to alater on culminated in a dispute between agovernment office before first presenting his caselarge number of people on each side. Under

to jaarsa biyyaa. The indigenous dispute settlers

such circumstances there was a multitude ofthus make the first attempt to settle the dispute.

ņplaintiffsŉ and ņdefendants.ŉ When this is(2) The indigenous dispute settlement institutions

the case, the help of local dispute settlers is

can also take the land dispute cases back fromindispensable. Thus, in both cases mentioned

the formal settings through the practice ofņcase

above, the jaarsa biyyaa from neutral gosa (clans)borrowing.ŉ

were invited to help in solving the problem,

In customary dispute settlement settings, theconventional procedure is (1) dubbii dubachuu (towhich they did.

talk [discuss] about the matter), (2) dubbii fixuu
Conclusion/Summary(to settle the dispute/matter) and (3) araarsuu (toLand disputes can be settled either throughreconcile the disputants). The third component

formal (state) structures or through informalof this procedure is the most important aspect(indigenous) institutions. Land dispute casesof indigenous settings for dispute settlements.

can also go back and forth between the formal

It is one of the major merits of informal disputeand informal settings.

More interestingly,

settlement settings over the formal ones. But

many of the disputes that happen to reach thethis important component of indigenous

formal dispute settlement levels come back tosettings is totally missing in the formal ones.

the indigenous dispute settlement institutions

This renders land disputes settled by formal

through the practice of ņcase borrowing.ŉThe

structures incomplete.

fact that there are two settings for land disputeof the disputants is not a component of theresolution could tell us not only the phenomenon

dispute settlement process, land disputes canof ņlegal pluralismŉbut also plurality of the

only be partially settled. Indeed, several of mymeans of land acquisition.

case studies suggest that when a land dispute is

When reconciliation

The decision on the part of disputants tosettled by the formal structures, the loser of thepresent their cases to either of the settingscase considers that he just lost aņbattleŉnot thefor dispute settlement could be based on theņwar’. Such dispute will soon be activated whenadvantages or disadvantages they anticipate.

theņright daysŉcome, as local people say.

But the indigenous institutions seem to counter

The two settings for dispute settlement interact

the unfair advantage that the people who prefersometimes positively, at other times negatively.

to take their case to the state structures foresee.

Positive interaction occurs when each seeks

They do this in two ways: (1) by custom it is

the help of the other in order to settle disputes,
270̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪Ѥʱwhile negative interaction is visible when theareas of responsibility) and to the disputants,

dispute settled by one setting is reversed by theif the decisions related to land disputes by theother, which is particularly the case in the formal

indigenous institutions are fully recognized andstructure. This negative interaction not only

respected. Recognizing and strengthening theundermines the role of indigenous institutions

power of indigenous institutions for disputefor dispute settlements, but also duplicates thesettlement would also help alleviate the problems

dispute settlement process. Thus, it would beof bribery and false testimony that characterizeadvantageous both to the formal structures (which

the formal settings.

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271ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬ৢ૯ 1ȁμΏ͈࿐͈‫΀ͼ́ئ‬Α͈ࣛ౪ͬਿ̠ 3 ૽
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ᔨਸɻෑʠɩжȦ⏏

ɐ⏏ᠡɤɛᐄഗˁᅊʛՏɌʚɓ˃ʭȩȲࢷȷǵɇɩ⏋ȋਃ෌‫˽͇˽͠˪ڊ‬͹̮ͻ̘ˑɹɛάɇȦȍɲɰɭᇖɫናʱˁ஄Ɂʳ⏏ଘ‫ܩܧ‬ɹʠХ෌ȍɹ৓ʱᏨȵ‫ވ‬ȭ⏋̮ͻ̘ˑᅎɹ̺

̸́ɻ̶ˑ̴͠Ͳʍɹ˥͠˽̜ఠШഀɹ‫ܩ‬ɫͤ̄Ͳ̜ˁଝɴɌɛϺǾȵ᝔ȷϯȦ⏋ᠨʢȡʱ⏋ჼ‫ܧ‬ʢˡ̜̒͠˪ȵ߂޽ధˁ‫װ‬ʠʳ⏏

ȵ˪͠˽͇˽͹̅Ͳ˫ˁ๣ȩɲȴ⏋ዺး⏋ˏɄɹʭȩɴˡ̜̒͠˪ᖬ࿣Ȧ˵Ͳ͹ˡͦ͡˽ͦ͜߂ᐏ᯿ȵȋ12 ೐ 6 ౗⏃ᩆ⏆ɻ࡝ോХ౗߂࡝ɫ⏋ȋჿᅓȵ͊Ͳ̠̋ˠɲʰȍɭ̯˻͖ɴȍɭࡺៜɌɛ⏏˓˽͞ͻ͌ɹుᰩ೐⏋͇͞͞ಪȵ‫؝‬ȿԂʶʰʶɩԃ࡝Хᡙɴɲʳɹɻɲ̋Ͳȵᏺʼʳ౗ɫȡʳ⏏͌˽͌͠ɹుᰩɻ⏋ɕɞʸȩȴ⏏

၈ੱɴ༑ɇʶɲȦઝਚˁ᰸Ȧ⏋Ꮔኜɹ༒‫׋‬ˁǵ̸́ȵ‫ܩ‬ჿᇕɴʢ኏Цᇕɴʢ⏋̢͇͞ʭʱ

ɻȴʳɄɭˁᇿᇕɭɌɩȦʳ⏏ʚɛ⏋ుᰩɭ͊Ͳ̠̋ˠɴᦏȦȴʰɫɻɲȦȴɭᓒȭʰʶ272̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪Ѥʱʳ⏏ɭɻȦɤɩʢ⏋‫߫ؗ‬ᇕɲᬠѥȵѳ୫ɇʶ˪ʢȡʱ⏋ࢸៀฐɲȵʰ͌˽͌͠͹˱̢͖͊ɩȷɛʼȿɫɻɲȦ⏏ȋ͌˽͌͠ɹ‫ܩܤ‬ˁ˥̘ˑͻȵࡔ‫ܧ‬ɐʳ⏏ˏͦ͜߂ᐏ᯿ɴᐚȷ⏋ˠ͠˽̜ఠਂȵѢᅭɌɛȍɭȦȩឿ౅ʢ౗ೣɫ

˽͍ͻ̢͑॑ᬏʢȋኛ͇̋͞Ͳ౩ȿȍɹ͍̒ɻᓬȼ⏏ল፷ᠭീɫᓬ‫؜‬ʱˁɐʳɭȋ͊Ͳ̋́ͻ˻ˁ߂Ǿᇕɴˏ̴ͻ͡Ɍ⏋॑Ԓɹॶ‫ٮ‬ˁ̠ˠʦ˽ͻ͡ͻɹ͌˽͌͠ɴʭʳఓ௖ Moroᐣ୫Ɍʭȩɭ֗֐ɌɩȦʳ⏏ɭɻȦȭ⏋˪͠

Raids ɫᅘȵঘʶɛȍɭᅵ‫ؾؤ‬ᯭɹፐȭȵ˽͇˽˹ͻ̀ͲɹЦᰩɭɲʶɽ߂ᩄɹ͚ͤ̍

ᦐɤɩȼʳ⏏ʦɻʱ̸́Ϻɴɭɤɩɻȋ͌˽Ͳ͹̫̓˓⏃ᢑɹπ္ȷ⏆ȵ͍˓Ͳ⏏Ԋɴᰩ͌͠ɹఓ௖ȍɭɌɩ᠝ʱᐙȵʶɩȦʳɹɫȡʏɩɄɗଁʱጓɦ኏Цᅊ༎⏋Ɍȴʢ˥͠˽̜

ʳ⏏ɄȩȦɤɛ๴‫ر‬ᇕᔘಕɴ⏋ᦏॷɹ͌˽͠

ఠਂɹᰩయ‫׋‬ɹμɫ⏋͌˽͌͠ɴ͇̋͞Ͳˁ

͌⏎˪͠˽̍͑Ͳ଻ϝȵ֓ʼɤɩ⏋̸́Ϻɻణ᝔ɇɓɩȦʳɄɭɴɲʳ⏏

͊Ͳ̠̋ˠɴ޽ࢹɲʱɭʢ‫׶‬᭝ɲ˓͍ͻ˻ˁǵຘ౗⏋άࢆɹմɹዷȷ‫ܩ‬ɫʢ⏋ᅊǾɌȦୃȦɩȦʳ⏏

ᇐᢑȵᶅᩆᖬɹ͚ͤ̍Ͳɴ္ȷȡɁʰʶɩǵɌȴɌ⏋ࡸ᭬ɴɻຘ౗޽ȼɹϺȵ̸́ŅȦȼ⏏ɗɹᢔਢɲᰟಕˁሖʠɲȵʰ⏋͇̋͊͞Ͳ̠̋ˠᬚˁ᝔ȷഀɌɩȦʳ⏏͊Ͳ̠̋Ͳμɹ͌˽͌͠ɹ៨ϟˁᠧ˃ɫȦʳɭ⏋‫׬‬Ꮴˠɻ᤹ᦏɲऄɲɹɞ⏏̲˻̦˽ᅠɫɻȋ́ɲᆄ‫ک‬ȵʼȦɛ⏏ɲɕ˥͠˽̜ఠਂɛɠɻᢩ

̸ɭ͊Ͳ̠̋ˠȍȋ̲˵͓ᡉऄɭ͊Ͳ̠̋ˠȍ࢏ˁ‫ک‬ʼɑ 12 ೐՟౜ȴʰ߂ᰩɌɩȦʳɹȴ⏏

ɻ̜́̒ɫȡʳ⏏͇˪̝̠̝͡ˁԻȽ̫ͻ˪͠˽͇˽ɞȴʰয়းɫɌʬȩ⏋ɭȦȩፐȭˤͻ̍˙ͻͲɫȡʳ˻͚̲͠ͻ⏋˵Ͳ͊˰ȵᦐɤɩȼʳ⏏ȋਜɌȼɩʢ⏋˪͠˽͇˽ɻ

͡͹̲ͻ͡⏋ృᓬ኏⏋͞˻ˠ࣌⏋ᖛЦ኏ɲɰΥ౏ʛ˃ɲɫኛȩȍȋᢩɌȦȿʶɰ⏋ံჿɌɻȋ̲˵͓ᡉऄɭ͊Ͳ̠̋ˠȍ‫ך‬ɹೣᨆˁ́

ɩɫʢኛȩȍ⏋ተȴɴਕཧʚʳ᠌ɞ⏏

̸॑ɴȲȼ⏏ʚɛ⏋ᢌȴɲྫ‫ݭ‬ɭᦅ‫ܟ‬ˁ୫ɦǵɗʶɴ⏋̶ˑ̴͠Ͳɹ˪͠˽͇˽˹ͻ̀͊Ͳ̠̋ˠȴʰ⏋̸́ɴᅊ᳞ᰩ‫ڃ‬ȵ࣑ȿʰʶͲɻ 9 ೐ȴʰ 2 ೐ʚɫ⏏ఠЦɻ౛ȼȴʰ༝ȷʳ⏏ఠᔒᯆɫʢ⏋̸́॑ɻ̲˵͓ᡉऄɭ͊Ͳ

᣸ጓɦϺǾˁȦɇʠʭȩɭɌɩȦʳȵ⏋̠֟̋ˠɹᗐᓔɛɠˁᮃʠʳ߂࡝ɹ᝘ɫȡʱ⏋ɗɹ‫ר‬෌ᅊɹ޽ȼɻ̸́ɴɭɰʚʳ⏏New
People’s Army⏃Ԋᅋςᒶɹ‫ؙ‬కঌᮃ܎⏆ɻ๯۬ʦᶁᚫˁ͊Ͳ̠̋ˠȴʰʚɑ̸́ऄ‫׫‬ᨆɹྫ೴ɴࢌᥥɐʳ⏏Ʉɹʭȩɴ⏋޽෵ɲϺʦʢɹȵ̸́Ņ͊Ͳ̠̋ˠᬚˁ᝔ȷϯɤɩȦʳ⏏
ǵɌɛȵɤɩ⏋̸́॑᝘ɴеᒞɐʳኜៜѹ᧑Цɴɭɤɩʢ⏋͌˽͌͠͹͊Ͳ̠̋ˠɹ᝔
ϟɻ⏋ໆɌɩɻʳȴ᧙ȼɹᅵఠਂɹә኎ɫɻ

ৢ૯ 4ȁΩȜΞͻ͉ͅຈଌ͈τΙοϋȆΨδͼȪග͈‫܃‬ઘ̧ȫɲȦ⏋ɭȦȩʼȿɞ⏏̸́॑ɹ‫׫‬ᨆɴɻ͐˽
273

ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬ഗɻɲȼ⏋ϺǾɻ 9 ೐Ϋ౜ȴʰˠ̶ˑ˽ʦ‫ڧ‬ʼɽᕶᎴ˹ͻ̀Ͳɞ⏏౗ೣɹˡ̜̒͠˪ఠ

ঊɹ‫ޖ‬ɴȋ˪͠˽͇˽ʚɫȡɭ 100 ౗ȍɲɰਂɹᬚɫɻ⏋ࢸ࡝ᅊɫʢȲʦɦʦ˰ͻ͌ˁଂɭ౗ʠȼʱˡͤͲ̋ͻˁȴȿ⏋˪͠˽͇˽ྈ

િɌ⏋ɗɹȲᩆʦಁᬚˁኜɴɇɇɁʳ⏏߂ϺҺˁࠃʠɩɌʚȩ⏏2 ೐ 2 ౗ɴˡͲ̚͞͠ˏ

ʢϳූˁ᧫ȿʳ⏏ȵ⏋ఠЦˁΥ๰Տʶɽ⏋౗

(Candelaria) ɭ٧ɽʶʳ͊˵ȵ᝔ʼʶ⏋ఠЦೣ኏Цɻॷ೎߂ɹᰰʛЦᐚȷ⏏͇˓̨̘͠ˑ

ȵ๭িɴ˪͠˽͇˽˹ͻ̀ͲɹᏺᐄˁٚɁʳɭɌɩȋᕶᎴȍణ᝔ɻȴɲʱᮑɌȦɞȿɴ⏋ʰɌȦ⏏ɦʚʱ⏋ɄɹᬏȦ˪͠˽͇˽ೝᬚˁ

ȋ৺ᭇ፲ȍɻȦɦʢઝᡫɴȡʳ⏏

ᓒȭʶɽ⏋12 ೐՟౜ȴʰ̮ͻ̘ˑȵ‫ވ‬ȭʳǵʢɠʸ˃⏋̶ˑ̴͠Ͳɴɞȿ৺ᭇ፲ɲɌ

ɹɻ߹য়ɲɹɞ⏏

ɴᭇ᠚ኢȵʦɤɩȼʳʼȿɫɻɲȦ⏏̸́ǵɞȵ⏋лȴᔽɴᘺɠɲȦ⏏̶ˑ̴͠Ͳɹ

ɫʢ⏋৺ᭇ፲ɹ 4 ᦼᬚ⏋1 ೣɑɦတˁɭʢɐ̶˝ͻ˪͹ˡ̜͠˹̀͌ᠶɫਖɑȡɁʰʶʳ

4 ೣᏼɹͦ˗̅˪ɻȡɠɄɠɫʛȴȿʳ⏏͊ȋᝐˁ༑Ɍ⏋໴ȷ‫ت‬ʃɲȵʰ຦ᝓȵΥк‫׋‬ɐ˵ɫɻಁೝᇕɴᠧʞʏȷᓩೆɹ፝ଘȵᠧʚʶʳ‫܋‬౜፲ȍɭሺሄɌɩȦʳȴʰɞ⏏̶ˑ̴͠ɩȦʳ⏏ȵ⏋ɗʶɞȿɫȡʳ⏏ɄɄɫɻȋံͲɹ‫܋‬౜፲⏃਋༎ኢմɹ 4 ᦼᬚ⏆ɴɻ⏋ȋ຦ဤȍɻံઝ٢ɲɹȴʢɌʶɲȦ⏋ɭᓒȭɩʛᝓ‫׋‬Ɍɛˡ̜͠˹̀͌ȍˁБᝠɐʳ᝔ϟȵɛʱʢɐʳ⏏

ᐚȼ⏏Ёɻ˓˛˽ɹᭇ᠚ˁ৺ɦ 4 ᦼᬚ⏋৺ᭇǵ৺ᭇ፲ɹ᝔ϟɫɻɲȦȵ⏋ࡱఠᇕɲ˪͠

፲ɫȡʳ⏏ʠɫɛȦ౳ɹ਋༎ኢմɴᗑɌʛɹ

˽͇˽ྈҺɻȡʳ⏏˽̿˓Ͳ᠝ɫ͊˵͹̚͹‫܋‬౜፲ȵȡʳɹɭ‫ؾ‬෵⏋˪͠˽͇˽ɹմɴɻ

ˤͻ͚͠ (Misa de Gallo) ɭ٧ɽʶʳȋΥᅱᵋᕶըɹ৺ᭇ፲ȵȡʳ⏏ᣛ໘ˁடȭ⏋႞႓ˁଡɹ͊˵ȍɞ⏏12 ೐ 16 ౗ȴʰ˪͠˽͇˽ʚɫ

Ȧ⏋ਕᯁȴɴናʳಁೝɞ⏏‫܋‬౜፲ɴɗʶʓɰ

ɹ 9 ౗ᬚ⏋೛ 4 ಁ‫ץ‬ȴʰ 5 ಁ‫ץ‬ɹᬚ͊˵ȵ᝔ɹઝᒶˁឿՏɐϺǾɴ⏋৺ᭇ፲ɻࡔ‫ܧ‬ɌɲȦʼʶ⏋9 ౗ᬚᇖֵɌɛѵਂɻᰔȦϟȵʁɭɦɹɞʸȩȴ⏏๙೚ˁᐓɦɄɭɴʭɤɩਕˁན

ȴɲȭʰʶʳ⏋ɭȦȩીᓃɫȡʳ⏏ʢɭʢʠʭȩɭɐʳ͇̋͞Ͳμɹ͌˽͌͠ȵ᤹ᦏɴɭ⏋౗μɹ͊˵ɴ᯺ȴʶɲȦᦅ຦ʦྫ຦ɹɛ

Ȧɲȵʰ⏋˥͠˽̜ఠਂɻʼȵ᤹ˁ୷ʱᦐʳʠɴࠃʠʰʶɛʢɹɫ⏋ˡ̜̒͠˪ɹఠᒶɴ

Ʉɭɲȼ⏋лɹ፲ըʢɌɲȦɹɞʸȩȴ⏏

‫ي‬ʚʶɲȦ˪͠˽͇˽ྈҺɫȡʱ⏋̫̍ˡͲǵ̶ˑ̴͠ͲϺȴʰɌɽɌɽȋ౗ೣϺɹˡ̜ɻ̶ˑ̴͠Ͳɞȿɴ᠗ʠɩȦʳɭȦȩ⏏

̒͠˪ఠਂɻଘ᠊⏋০ɞȿ⏏ኽ᧒ɴɭɤɩѵǵΥγБմɴɻɰɹࢃ౏ʢԃ‫ڊ‬ɫؒ՞Ɍɛ

Жɭɻᅊ༎ɫȡʱ⏋ᕶՕɗɹʢɹɲɹɞȍɭȵ⏋Ёɻȋˤͻ͚͠ɴ᝔ȼϺȍȵ᠌ᰍɴɹᡃɇʶʳ⏏ተȴɴ⏋೛ಓȲናʱˁɌɩ⏋౗಻ʖʳʓɰ⏋ѵਕཉȦϺɹ᝔ϟɫȡʳ⏏ɭȦɤ౗ɴ͊˵ɴ᝔ȼɭȦȩȋ০ȍˁɄɲɓɽ⏋ɗɩʢ⏋ˤͻ͚͠ɹफ़‫؜‬ʱᱺ֪ɫ࿾๷ɹȿȵϺʶɲʱɹྃ᣸ઢˁ਄ɩȦʳኽɫȡʳ⏏‫ؾ‬෵ȵՏʳʓɰ⏋ఠЦɻྃ‫ڊ‬ɴɲʳʰɌȦ⏏ؒ֓ɴ⏋ȋлʢɌɲȦȍɭȦȩ০ʢ߂Ֆɞɭਲ਼ɤ

ϺధȵཝɤɩȦʳɻɑɹˤͻ͚͠ɫʢᓩ‫ݟ‬ȵɩȦʳ⏏৺ᭇ፲ɻਕˁᘺɠመȿʳɛʠɹ⏋Ȧྃ‫ڊ‬ɴɲʳɹɻ⏋ᦼధ‫܌מ‬ˁᣳɐ͊˵ɴᮃʚ
274

̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪Ѥʱʳॅ߂ɲఠ‫ך‬ѵᓔధɴࢪɌ⏋ɗʶəʶॷ 1 ‫܌‬࢘ˁɭȲɌɩ⏋ኽȵ̶ˑ̴͠ͲϺˡ̜̒͠˪ɞȿɹ౛೛͊˵ɞɭᓒȭʶɽ⏋έਲ਼ᡴɫɻɲ

ɹࡱఠ៎ˁ஠Ɍᩄʳɹɻ‫ܐ‬ᮑɫȡʳ⏏ࡱఠɻȦ⏏ᇖሾɤɩɻȦʳȵ⏋ؒ֓ᓔɹࢹɲȦ˪͠ᇿɴʛȭʳʢɹɫɻɲȦȴʰɞ⏏ᇿɴʛȭ⏋˽͇˽ྈҺɭȦȭʳɞʸȩ⏏

ᔂɴઢɍʳࡱఠ༎֪ˁᦠɤɩʢ⏋ɗʶʰɹǵлȴ৺ᭇ፲ʰɌȦ႞႓ɻଡʼɲȦɹȴɭᓬ؅֪֐ɫȡʳ҅Ϻɭኜɭɹ᏾ɻʛȭʭȩȵɲȼɭ⏋Ʉɹ 4 ಁ‫ץ‬ɹ͊˵ɴ᝔ȼɞȿɫʢ႞႓

Ȧ⏏ɗɹ᏾ˁՕȴʰɑɌɩ⏋ៜ֪ɞȿɹՕഓ

ɍʤɲȦȴ⏋ɭȦȩፐȭʢᓬȦɛ⏏ተȴɴ⏋ˁɌɩʢዷᛕɫȡʳ⏏

ჼБᨊ॑ɹֵʠϺɴɭɤɩɻᗑᆟȴʢɌʶɲǵኽᕶ᤹⏋ఠЦɫ‫ן‬๳ᰱˁʢʰȦ⏋଼ʱᏨɫȦȵ⏋೛݀֝ӈᓔɹᦅ຦ɴɭɤɩʢ‫ؾ‬෵ɞʸ͇͠ˏ෵ɭ‫ן‬ᒽᵒˁ଼ʱ⏋౗಻࡝ോɹ‫᧒ؗ‬ɭȩȴ⏏ɗʢɗʢ⏋͊˵ɴήȴʳɹɻȲਜ਼ʛɫ޺‫ܕ‬Ϻѹ᧑ަȵሏʳఠЦ‫ܩއ‬ɫᔈɞʠɌˁɌ

ȡɤɩ႞႓ɫɻɲȦ⏏ɭɴȴȼ⏋ˤͻ͚͠ɴɛ⏏ɗʶˁʛɛ๘ᎦϺȵȋॾӻༀ኎ˁ‫؝‬ȿɛ᝔ȼ͹᝔ȴɲȦɴȴȴʼʰɑ⏋ᅊ༎ɻಔຍʭ

౗ೣϺˡ̜̒͠˪ȍˁлȴɌʰɹങɴ໤ȩʭʱʢ‫ھ‬ʃɭූɌʛɴྃɠɩȦʳ⏏̮ͻ̘ˑˁȩɴ‫ک‬ȦɛɞɌ⏋ྃ᣸ઢˁ਄ʭȩɌɩȦʳɹɌʭȩ⏋˥͑ͦ͡ˁᓬȷɴ᝔Ʉȩ⏋˹̴͚̒ȵ⏋έਢɲɞȿɫɲȼέ‫خ‬ៗɫȡɤɛ⏏ෑጩͲ˫ɴʢ̴˪̢̒˪ɴʢ᝔Ʉȩ⏋ɭʱȡȭɑɲៜȦ౅ˁɐʶɽ⏋៎࢘ɇʶʳხߏɲᅊ႒ɫ

̲ͻ̍ɫᱺɅȩ⏋ᖛɫࢸో᝔ɴՏʭȩŔ˪͠ȡʳɹȵέਢɫȡɤɛ⏏ʚɛ⏋ኽɴɭɤɩл˽͇˽ɞȴʰ⏏

ȴȵ᧓ȩ⏋ɭਲ਼ȭʳᐄᠶȵ⏋‫ک‬ᰍɭʢɇʶɑ

ǵ࡫ሁɴȋ̶ˑ̴͠Ͳ‫⏒׋‬ჼБ‫ڧ⏒׋‬෌‫׋‬Ɍɴᦲʳȋ৳ʰɹγᅠȍȵࡔ‫ܧ‬ɐʳɭȦȩɄɭɛˡ̜͠˹̀͌ȍɭʚɭʠɩɌʚȦɛȼʢɲᕶкȵέ‫خ‬ៗɫȡɤɛ⏏

ʳ⏏ɌȴɌ⏋ɗʶɻ̫̍ˡͲɹҹάɴ̶ˑ͠ǵ౗ೣɴзʛ⏋౗ೣ᠝ˁ༑಩ɴ᠌Ɍ⏋౗ೣϺ̴Ͳˁеᒞɧȿɛឿ౅ɞ⏏лʭʱʢʚɑ⏋́ɹѵᓔɴཌྷɍɤɩ౗ೣ᠝ɹ͊˵ˁ‫؝‬ȿɩȦɛ̸ɫɻᕶՕɹ౅ȵᅵϺɲɹɫȡʳ⏏ȋʍȭ⏋ɭɌɩʢ⏋౗ೣϺ˥͠˽̜ఠਂɴɦȦɩ⏋৳౗ೣϺˡ̜̒͠˪ɫʢͦ˸͠ˠ⏃ᓩ͇͠ˏʰɻȋ˗̅ɫɻɲȦȵ⏋́Ͳ̜ɫʢɲȦȍᐄɴ஄Ɂʳናʱˁధȭʳధჳɹʭȩɲʢɹ⏆ˁᠶɴ᧒ɌɩɌʚȩɹɞ⏏ȋᡒʠȦɛ౗ೣϺɹሾɤɩȦʳɹ⏱ȍɭѹ᧑ߨɴᲊȴʶ⏋Ʉɠ̶˝ͻ˪͹ˡ̜͠˹̀͌ȍˁິʠʳȵʪȭʰȵᲊȦɛ⏏˥̨͐ɤɩሾɤɩʳ⏱ɭ౗Ꮩɴ⏋έਲ਼ᡴɇˁឿՏɓʳ—ȡʳȦɻсʱՏɓˏ͍͠ˡϺɴᓬȼʭȩɲʢɹɞ⏏౗ೣɹࡎњʳ⏏ȋ৳ʰɹγᅠȍɫ༥ᢹɐʳɞȿɲʰȦȦɫʢ⏋ఠЦɴ᝔ɤɩȦʶɽͦ˸͠ˠȽʰȦʛɹȴʢɌʶɲȦȵ⏋ჼࡸɹ᝵៎࢘ᓔɻ⏋Υ҅ʳ⏏ɌȴɌ⏋̶ˑ̴͠ͲϺȴʰʛʳɭ౗ೣϺɹᔀкɴࢆʳΥ҅ɹᏄኜɭɌɩ࡭ᐄɌɩȦʳˡ̜̒͠˪ɲɰлʢሾʰɲȦృؒᓔɴɐȹɲ

ɹɫȡʳ⏏

Ȧɹɞ⏏

ǵল፷ʢɗȩɞ⏏ȡʳ 1 ᥇ɹࢃȵ࡭ଁɌ⏋ǵࡱఠɴɦȦɩᓒȭɇɓʰʶɛʱ⏋ᕶՕˁʛ100 ॷᬚзʛᐙȵʶɩȷɛɹɻ⏋Ϻ͹๴‫ر‬͹ɦʠɛʱɐʳลЦɻ޽Ȧȵ⏋ៜᘽʦ᝔֪ɹ៎

య‫׋‬͹ଯ᝗͹লೳ͹ᕶးᄩ‫⏋ޅ‬ɗȩȦɤɛ޺275

ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬଎ 1 ȁਗ಩ৡ߃̩͈ಎ࣭ࠏ͈঳

଎ 2 ࿻૽఺́ࢭ႕͈ȶ΍ϋΗད̥̹ͬ͐̽ήΛΘȷ

12 ೐ɴԂʳɭˠͻ̠͍Ͳ̜ɫᰴʰʶʳ⏏

μ‫ܕ‬ᖬɹ࿣Ȧ̸́ɫɻ⏋ȋ̸̒̋ȍӉʦ᧑ఠɹ᫦ɭ
ᓩࢃ౏Ӊˁιʏʳࢃʢȡʳ⏏

ᇕɲ৯ᯱГ޺ɴ⏋ࢃᕶ᤹ɹ֐ɹʭȩɲʢɹȵ᭯Ɍɛ͌˽͌͠ߨਸɛɠȵ⏋˹̴͚̒Ͳ˫͹сᅎɌɩȦʳɹɫɻɲȦȴ⏋ɭਲ਼ȭʳ‫غݭ‬ȵ͐ͻ͡ɹ˪͠˽͇˽͹́ͻ͡ɴȼʱՏɐ⏏ɲȡʳ⏏޺ᇕɲឹ‫܍‬ȵࢃˁсʱՏɌɛɹɞȵ⏋˃ɭ⏋μ‫ܕ‬Ꮩɹࢩɫʢ॑᢫ɹ˪͠˽͇˽͹̚ল႒ᕶ᤹ɴлȴ֐ȵӈȷɻɍʠʳɹɫȡʳ⏏

˱ͤͻ˹͚Ͳȵ᥇Ӵˁᑉ‫؜‬ɤɩȦʳ⏏

ɗʶɻ⏋100 ɹ discipline ɹ‫ޖ‬ˁ‫؜‬ʱ‫ޙ‬ɓɽՕǵ̮ͻ̘ˑˁςҼɐʳʼȿɫʢɲȦኽɻ⏋ಔȴʳɭȦȩᰖɹ֐ɫɻɲȦ⏏Ʉʶȴʰ̶ˑ͠ຍɭ޴ʼʰɲȦ፯ɹʭȩɲάࢆɴಬʰɐ⏏̴̓Ͳɹ๴‫ر‬ᇕɲзࡨল፷ˁயȼɴȡɛɤɩ⏋͠ͻʢ̦ˠͲʢ˛Ͳ̝ͤ˽͹˽̘ͤˠʢံ

ԃкˁʚɭʠɩȦʳлȴɹ֐ȵȡʳȴʢɌʶȦ⏏ȴʼȦɗȩɴਲ਼ɤɛɹȴ⏋߂ࢃɇ˃ȵኽɲȦɭȦȩ‫خ‬ᔨਸˁᰄɴȲȷ⏋ɗʶˁៜᘽɫ

ɹ̝ˏɹմɴʢ̦ˠͲɹ౰ˁɛȼɇ˃‫ؼ‬ʳɌ஁ʰȭʳɄɭȵέ‫خ‬ᔨɞɭɌɩʢ⏋ɗɹԒүɩȼʶɛ⏏޿ɴɻዿȴʰᣧȦӵȵྯʶԂʱ⏋ɹ֐ȴʰʛɩ೎ʢ࡫ࡴɐʳ፝ଘȴʰԃкˁʛлȴᘺɠመȴɲȦ⏏̸͞˗̢ͻɭ̓ͦ͡ͅͲ

ʳɄɭȵɫȷʶɽ⏋ɭਲ਼ȩ⏏

⏃polvoron⏋Ꭼᰖˁ‫ܔ‬ʠɛ˽̿˓Ͳᘘࡎ⏆ɹǵ͇̋͞Ͳ౩ȿɹ̢͖ͻ˽ȵ‫ع‬Ꮸˁᣇʼɓ

߂፯ʢᨗɤɩȼʶɛ⏏лɹᕶըʢɓɑ⏋ᖬɭɛ৿⏋12 ೐ʢ৿‫ץ‬ɴԂʳɭ⏋ኛኢ͐ͻ̝ɻʱɰʱɹ̩́ͦͲˁɻȵɌɩᰩʏɩʛʳ⏏ʦɇʰɴၖˁ‫ވ‬ɐ⏏˪͠˽͇˽մɹᖂߧɭȦȩɻʱлȴࡀɌȦ⏏ʚɞʚɞ৺ᭇ፲ɲɹɴ⏋ɭჿᅓɫ⏋ዻᇴ⏋ᇍቐϟИʦϯᦲϟఖȵਸ਼‫ވ‬ɐʢਲ਼ȩ⏏ȵ⏋ɄɄɴȦʳᭉʱ⏋ᰳᰩɹኛኢᐚ

ʳ⏏Ϝ᝔ྲᓃɹᖽတʦၱጭȵᴡʱᯱȼ⏏˪͠ȷɫʢȦȦɹɫȡʳ⏏Ʉʶȵተȴɴ̶ˑ̴͠

˽͇˽͹̮ͻ̘ˑɴ๕ȴɓɲȦ̶͡ͻ̓˭ͻͲ⏋̸́ɫɹ 12 ೐ɲɹɞ⏏

˥⏋ᅆȦ̩͌ɹ‫͡ͻ̓⏋ݳ‬Ⴅɹ̍ͻ̀ (quesode bola) ȵঊᰄɴ࣢ዩʛɇʶɻɍʠʳ⏏ᔂˁ276̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪Ѥʱ͞ˠ˽ᦅ೴ɹອᅒɭॺɹధǾࢸǵ‫ܮ‬ǵঔǵψ*ǵɄɄɻ⏋͞ˠ˽μᨆ˵ͩͲ̠˭ͻ̜ላɹεಁɽȴʱɻӈȴɷɽɲʰɲȦ⏏Ȧɦʢɹʭȩ᭙Ϋɹᦅ೴ɫȡʳ⏏ɰɄʚɫʢᐚȼ໳ႥɹεɴȽɑȽɑ࢖ɩȦʳɭ⏋Ϻᬚ෵ɴȲࣇˁʁɤɴɻ⏋߃ອᅒ႕೑ɹȵɤɌʱɌɛᅮȵ⏋‫ܩ‬ᯆɿɛȴʶʳ⏏

ɴᐨᇿฐ෵ˁխ˃ɫȦʳ⏏4 ೐ೢ⏋ᮘᴡȵɭǵʚɑᅒඨȭմɴ⏋ႚ (thai) ˁ 2 ‫⏋܌‬ɗɹ৿ɰʸȦɩϗ࡚ɹᏺʼʱˁٚɁʳ᯴⏋ϗȷȷɤʚȽʼ (khaat) ˁ 1 ‫܌‬ȴȿʳ⏏1 ‫܌‬ᇿɹႚȵȿɛ߂‫ܩ‬ɻ࿅Ȧ⏋ᅊȷ႒ɛɠɻ༎ຩˁ‫؜‬ʱଖɻ̊˓͹̶̜̒ (thai hut)⏋2 ‫܌‬ᇿɻ̊˓͹̋ɐ⏏ɗɌɩϺǾʢᦅᬘೝˁᏺȭ⏋ɠʰʓʰɭ͌ (thai dam) ɭ٧ɽʶʳ⏏ႚȵȿɴɻᅒɹμᅒ˃ʖɴᰑˁՏɐʭȩɴɲʳ⏏ɄɹӴᏝ 6 Ͷ߈ȴʰ޺үɴ‫ك‬ȴȩ౅໬ɭ⏋ᅒɹ޺үȴʰμ೐ɴʢ‫ؖ‬ʉ⏋߂Їϟɹࠃʚʱɞ⏏

߈ɴ‫ك‬ȴȩ౅໬ȵȡʳȵ⏋̊˓͹̶̜̒ɭ̊

ǵϺǾɻɄɹಁೝ⏋ᅒ˃ʖɹᅮˁឿ‫܌‬ʱ⏋ᅒ˓͹̋͌ɭʢɴ⏋ɰɠʰɹ౅໬ˁᅎȦɩʢᖪᯆɴᇿˁӵʰɓ⏋ʼɑȴɲອʢံᱢɴɌɲȦȦ⏏ʚȽʼɻ⏋ອᅒɹᑖɭดɹ౅‫ك‬ɴ 1 ‫܌‬ɑʭȩຩˁᨗʳ⏏ɗɌɩ᧟঎ɴອɹྊʚɤɛፆ

ɦȴȿʳ⏏ʚɛɗɹᬚɴ⏋ᅮ‫ݸ‬ʱˁ᝔ȩ⏏ᔋȴʰ᯶ɴ⏋ᓚᣱɌɩʪȼ⏏ᮒ࡚ɹ՟ʠɴᭇʳషɴɻ⏋‫ݡ‬ᔋ (fun) ɭ‫࡝׋‬ᔋష (pui) ɹθ౅ȵᮒȵ⏋ɗɹॷɹЇϟԃкˁृ‫ز‬ɐʳɹɞ⏏ᰩᅎȦʰʶʳ⏏‫ݡ‬ᔋɻ⏋ອႌʦႌɹᏎȴʰɦȼʏɩ࢖ʳɄɭɞȿȵ‫؜‬നɹອႌɛɠʢ⏋Ʉɹʰʶʳ⏏ᮒɹᭇʱࠃʠʳմɴᅒԒɫഞೠʦᎨ

ৢ૯ 1ȁᜂ̦̫
ࢸɇȦࡎњɫʢ⏋ອႌɹ଩ȦɴીʶɩȦʳ⏏
* ϴᨊ߂࡝߂࡝᭏ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድ቉ድዀ

277

ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬ৢ૯ 2ȁ̪̥̫ͩ͘Ȫ਀ஜȫ͂ຠ৾ͤȪ؈ȫᗈБс෌ɭೣᅒྈҺɻι᝔Ɍɩ᝔ʼʶʳ⏏

ৢ૯ 3ȁന૒̢͈໓ࠊ
ອᅒԒɴɻ⏋̶̫̊ˤ˥ዀˁɻɍʠɭɐʳɇʚɊʚɲปೠȵ๿ɇʶɩȦʳ⏏

ຐˁၚʦɌ⏋ᔋషɭɐʳɄɭʢȡʳ⏏5 ೐᯴ɻ⏋ອྊʱɴ࢖ɗʏʱ‫ץ‬ᇿˁᬖȿɲȵʰ⏋ʦɴອᅒԒɹᗈБɴ௢ዛɌɛ৿⏋15 ౗ȴʰ 20ʶʦʶɭȡȼʃˁɌɩȦʳ⏏ȋᨙʢɛɽɄʢ

ధ౗ɫ⏋ᅒඨȭȵɫȷʳዐ঎ɴᗈȵᅊᬏɐʦʰɑɴɛɞᶏǾɭЇϟˁɄɲɐͩ̊˹̊̍

ʳ⏏Υᖔɴ⏋ᓚᣱɻᅖਸ⏋ᗈ‫؜‬ʱɻߨਸ⏋ᅒɻ⏋Ϻᬚɛɠɭປʏɩɲ˃ɩ̩̊͞˥̨͐ɲ

ඨȭɻᅖߨɹ‫ך‬աɲɌɴ᝔ʼʶʳɄɭȵ޽Ȧɹɞʸȩȍ⏋ɭɫʢȦȦɛɁɫȡʳ⏏

ʭȩɞ⏏

ǵᅒඨȭ৿ɹ፬ჿɻȦɛɤɩ˹Ͳ̺͡ɞ⏏ᮊǵᮒȵ‫מ‬Օɴᭇʱ⏋Პʛɹᅒ˃ʖʚɫံϟɴᗳȵᑢᗛɌɛಁɴᭉʱ⏋Ϻଝɴʭʳ᭑ᗳˁ᝔ᅒඨȭȵɫȷʶɽ⏋ʁɭʚɑ࡫ਕɫȡʳ⏏ອȩ⏏ϗ࡚ɴʢсЊȿɇʶʳဌྰᅒ (naa seng)έ᣸ʦᗈɹഞ๷ɴʭɤɩᅒඨȭˁఔඉɌɲ

ɭɻᅵɲʱ⏋ε᭙Ϋɹ߃ອᅒ (naa noon) ɴɻȿʶɽɲʰɲȦɄɭʢȡʳȴʰɞ⏏1 ॷᬚɹᮊᗳʦࢀᛚȵࢹɲȦɛʠ⏋᭑ᗳջʦຏᛚջɻ

Їϟˁʼɑȴ 1 Ͷ೐᣸ʰɑɫᏺȭɛອႌɛɠ

ᅎȦʰʶɲȦ⏏ᅒඨȭሁ৿ɴˡ̢ɴʭʳࢀȵ278

̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪ѤʱʁɰȦ‫غݭ‬ɴᦅᚫˁьȩɄɭʢȡʳȽʰȦɞഉɫ‫ع‬ᕶᏄᎦɌɩȦɛȵ⏋೎ᦏɻԊ‫ؾ‬ɹᏄɭȦȩ⏏̦̀͊ɴʭʳᰩࢀᬿ๬ɴɻ⏋̦̀͊Ꭶଘˁ୫ɦ೴ȵ޽Ȧ⏏೴Ϻɻਖឹɴਝɍɩ

஁ʱɹᒘˁᅎȦʳ⏏

ዝᎨˁ୫ɠࢊʱ⏋߂݀ɹᎨ௕ʱᏄᎦลɫᏄ

ǵ11 ೐⏋೛ಓȵ༳Ɍȼɲʱ⏋ᮒ࡚ɹ‫ؿ‬๿ɹᎦɐʳ⏏ᏄᎦɹ᭬ɴՏɇʶʳʈɐʚɻ⏋̢ࢸᮒȵɿʰɦȼ᯴⏋͞ˠ˽ɫɻࡸʱɹ࡚፲

̜ͩ͠⏋ˏ̯͡⏋̸̊⏋᳋ɹ᰹ɭɌɩգᅎ

ˁᦎȭʳ⏏ዝൎɹ‫ؚ‬ዲɻ⏋‫ܩ‬Ϋ 30 cm ȴʰɇʶʳ⏏ɲȲ⏋೴ɫᅊᅋɇʶʳᎦɹ߂‫ץ‬ɻ

50 cm ዐ঎ɹᨆՕˁ᫐ɫ՗ʱ‫؜‬ʳ⏏ॶ‫ܯ‬ᇕɲᕶᐌᅎɞȵ⏋᢫ެɐʳ‫غݭ‬ɹѝൔɻ⏋͐̍‫ؚ‬ᩄɻ⏋ϗၥᎨᩂɫ 0.8 t/ha ȴʰ 2 t/ha ɫȡʳᎦ 1,600-1,700 ˥ͻ̺/kg⏋˗̍͡Ꭶ 2,000 ˥ͻȵ⏋ɽʰɦȷȵ߂ȷȦ⏏Υᖔɴ⏋ໜा໤Ȧɹ̺/kg ɫȡʳ⏃2001 ॷ 9 ೐ჼ‫⏋ܧ‬1 Ꭶ̝͡⏮

ж‫ܩ‬ᅒ (naa thaam) ɫɻ 3 t/ha ʓɰɭʶʳȵ⏋9,215 ˥ͻ̺⏆⏏͞ˠ˽ɹࢃ঑ɫɻຘ౗⏋ອˁε᭙Ϋɹᅒɹ‫ؚ‬ᩄɻжȦ⏏՗ɤɛዝɻ೺ɷʰ৓ɤɛཉȦࢭᅎ᫂ (moo neung khao) ɴԓ᪫০ʶ⏋ᅒμɹ՗ൎɹΫɫॵɇʶʳ⏏

ɹ˸͡ (houat) ˁɹɓɩ͐̍Ꭶˁᙜɐ⏏ɗɌǵᔵዤɴɻ⏋͇˓͹˱Ͳ̶ˎ̜̒ˡˠ (maiɩᙜɌɛɩɹ͐̍ᎦˁጭនɹᎢ (tip khao) ɴkhong fat khao) ɭ٧ɽʶʳᦅԍˁᅎȦʳ⏏Ʉ࣢ᇵʱɴ᠋ʠ⏋୭Ӵɫɗɹɵȼʢʱˁઢɍɲ

ʶ ɻ⏋50 cm ȴ ʰ 60 cm ɴ Ֆ ʰ ʶ ɛ⏋ ሁ ৹ȵʰʓȲɽʳ⏏ʼɑȴɲᅆʛɭ᱗ʱ⏋֐৔Ȧ

3 cm ዐ঎ɹᏳȦጭඑ⏃mai bong ɫсʰʶʳ⏆๲Ʌɛȭɻ⏋͞ˠ˽షჿɲʰɫɻɹූɌʛɫ

ˁ 2 ೣ⏋Ꮳɫɦɲȹ‫غ‬ʼɓɛʢɹɫȡʳ⏏Ʉȡʳ⏏

ɹᏣˁዝ೺ɴॎȷɦȿ⏋θଝɫጭඑˁ୫ɠ⏋ǵᶅᩆᖬɴɛɲʃȼዝዥˁ৺ɦᬚɴʢ⏋ᅒዝዥˁ‫ܩ‬ᯆɴ‫ب‬ȷɦȿɩᔵዤɐʳ⏏ᔵዤ৿⏋˃ʖɻɇʚɊʚɲਜ਼ʛˁήȭɩȼʶʳ⏏ʚ๿ɤɛͩ͞ɻອႌʦႌɹ᰹ɭɇʶʳ⏏

ɑᅒԒɴ޽ȼ๿ʳጓೠɻ⏋ᅎೳʦᚩသೳ⏋ปǵᔵዤɇʶɛዝᎨɻ⏋ᰟ᧧৿⏋‫ࢃع‬ɹዝᎨᢱᔩ஛‫؜‬ೠɭɌɩգᅎɇʶʳʓȴ⏋ᰩᅎʦᚫᅎ

ᚁࢸ࣒ (lao khao) ɴᢱᚁɇʶʳ⏏Гմɻᕼɭɭɲʳʢɹȵ߂‫ץ‬ɫȡʳ⏏ϗၥ̶̫̊ˤ˥ക

ৢ૯ 4ȁ౎࣮
2 ೣɹጭඑɹᬚɴዝ೺ˁɻɇʛ⏋‫ܩ‬ᯆɴ‫ب‬ȷɦȿʳ⏏
279

ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬ˁୖȦɛɽȴʱɹృᅒɴɻ⏋Dipterocarpus ࣚອ‫ݖ‬ʦ⏋຾ʦ໡ȴʰ᧚ΫɌɩȼʳ᳋ɛɠɴ⏋ɭ Shorea ࣚɹ̶̫̊ˤ˥ዀɹปೠȵ⏋ᅒᯆ⏋៊ɹзʞଘɞȿɫɲȼᅋ‫׺‬͹ᔒଁ‫ݭ‬ଘʚɫʢᅮΫˁ‫ک‬ʼɑ๿ɇʶɩȦʳ⏏Ʉʶʰɹೠɻ⏋ரњɌɩȦʳ␩߂ីʓȴ 2001␭⏏ϺǾɻ⏋᳋ሎሁɫάഘɹࢹɲȦปॻˁʢɦɛʠ⏋ᅎೳɭᰖɹᅊ༎‫ر‬ɴࢪਝɌɛ޽෵ɲྫԍྫ໬ˁᅎȦɌɩɹգᅎѝғȵᲞȦ⏏ʚɛ⏋Dipterocarpusɩ⏋ᰈᑢɴྫ֝༎֪ˁ᝔ȩ⏏ɄɹʭȩɴɌɩࣚɹปॻȴʰ஛‫؜‬ɇʶʳปᔩɻ̠Ͳ͇Ͳ͹კʶɛ᳋ɻ⏋္Ȧɛʱ⏋ᙜɌɛʱ⏋˽ͻ̺ɴ̢͑ͻͲ (namman nyang) ɭ٧ɽʶ⏋ςɴഌԂʶɛʱ⏋ᇍᨥɇɓɩᨧ٢ˁɦȿɛʱ⏋ȡʳ౩ɹ؅షɭɲʱ⏋Shorea ࣚɹปॻȴʰ஛‫؜‬ɇȦɻ̮ͻ͹̚ͻ˪ (paa deek) ɭ٧ɽʶʳ‫᥹ݾ‬ʶʳปᔩɻ˥ͻ˹ͻ (khi sii) ɭ٧ɽʶ⏋ςɴсʱɴᅎȦʰʶʳ⏏̮ͻ͹̚ͻ˪ɻ͞ˠ˽ష

ᖛঈɹອྯʶᬿ๬ջɭɇʶ⏋ɭʢɴ߂Ֆɲჼ

ჿɴ೎ʢ߂Ֆɲᠭ٢షɫȡʱ⏋ɗɹೳషɹ‫ݾ‬ᩆ‫ؚ‬Ԃ྇ɫȡʳ⏏ᬖᅒ৿ 50 ॷГΫᐁɛʭȩɴɻ⏋ϗ࡚ɹອᅒٞᦇɹ‫ܤ‬ȴʰɭʶɛʢɹȵɲ‫إ‬Ȧອᅒɴɻ⏋Streblus asper⏋Tamarindus߫˃ɫᅎȦʰʶʳ⏏

indica⏋Azadirachta indica ɲɰȵᅮΫɴʛʰʶǵʚɛᅒ˃ʖʦɗɹٞʱɴȦʳ̜ˡ˰⏋̼ʳ⏏Ʉʶʰɹμжೠɻ⏋ᚩသೳʦࢃᅨɹᰲ

̲⏋ˡ˛͡⏋˗̀͞⏋́͊⏋˱ˠͦ˧⏋͇̊ష⏋ᰩᅎɭɌɩգᅎɇʶʳ⏏ླྀອೝɹᅒԒɴ

͌˹⏋̓͌˧ˏ͠ɲɰɹ֪႒ʢᢵᩂɲ̊Ͳ̮

ᅊȭʳ Marsilea crenata, Limnophila geoffrayi⏋˪྇ɞ⏏̜ˡ˰஁ʱɴɻඑɹӴɴɦȿɛᥢɫ

ᅮΫɹ Kaempferia sp. ɲɰɹᩃᗳɻ⏋Υᖔᇕ᱔ˁɌʠʳЇ஘ȿ⏋̼̲஁ʱɴɻ̮̍Ͳ˱⏋ɲᩃᘛ⏋᱗᥹షɭɲʳ⏏

ˡ˛͡஗ʱɴɻᬏനɹࢸɇɲ˽˱̺̒⏋˗̀ǵᅒ˃ʖɹٞʱɫკʶʳ᳋ɻ⏋౗Ǿɹᰩᅊ͞஁ʱɴɻࢭᅎɹЇ஘ȿᐨȵᅎȦʰʶʳ⏏კ༎ɴ๕ȴɓɲȦ⏏ε᭙Ϋɴঃȵʳঃ߂ɲ߃ອ

႒஁ʱɫɻ⏋ࡎњɛɠɞɤɩ߂Ϻɴᢦȿɩɻ

ᅒ ɻ⏋Esomus metallicus, Anabas testudineus,ȦɲȦ⏏ᆌʶሾʰɑɹ৳ʰɻ⏋ថ᣸ɫᣬʱ‫܌‬

Channa striata, Clarias batrachus ɲɰ⏋Υಁᇕʱɲȵʰ⏋ᧉʃɹμɫ‫ݛ‬ɤɛଯˁɦȹɦȹɭ

ৢ૯ 5ȁന͖͈ͭಎ͈́೦ͤ
Paa kho⏃͞˓˧͚ɹЗᬚ⏆ɲɰˁႰȩ⏏
280

̶ˑͻ̝ͩ͡ͻ˪ѤʱୁᮮɌɩȼʶʳ⏏̜͐̍͠ˁɦȿɛඑɫɹ́ɗɹ˛Ͳ˻Ͳɹਢᯭˁᯱȴɓʳ⏏႕ɴ⏋̜͊͞஁ʱ⏋ᬏനɹ˽˱̺̒ˁьɤɛ˱ˠͦ˧஗

˪̊ͻɹ৿ʸɴᗼ᥂ˁɦȿɛώʱ႒ɻ⏋ᮒ৿ʱ⏋ปॻˁ‫ب‬ȼ͇̊͌˹஁ʱ⏋ปΫɹ̓͌˧ɹੲᤉˁᣬቑɐʳ‫ڞ‬Υɹϯᦲଝຍɫȡʳ⏏ɗˏ͠ɹु஁ʱɲɰɫȡʳ⏏

Ɍɩ⏋߂ៀฐဌྰే៯ɹࢷԂɴʭʳ৯ᯱʢ߂ǵࡎњɛɠȵ⏋Їᅥʠɛკ႒ˁ਄ઝɁɴȴȷȦ⏏߂ȷɲໜा໤Ȧɹж‫ܩ‬ɹ೴ɴᭉʰʶʳȴɁ⏋ອႌɹᔘɴώɤɩॠ᦭ɴɦȼ᯴⏋ࢃȵ⏋ɄʶɴʭʱອዝϠೝсɭ‫ؙؚ‬ɹ‫֓ވ‬ȵࡸɫɻທ៊ȵ̊˭̨˱˽ͻ̺ (keng noomai) ɹჼɇʶɛ⏏ɌȴɌ⏋ਖɑɌʢᖪȦɄɭɽȴʱྈҺˁɌɩȦʳ⏏ʚɑ͓ͻ̠Ͳ⏃yaa nang;ɫɻɲȦʰɌȦ⏏Ϡೝсˁࠃʠɩȴʰ⏋ˡ͍

Tiliacora triandra⏆ɹᗡᘽˁɐʱ࿊Ɍɩຳˁᐈ

͌˹ɲɰɹࢀᛚȵਸ਼‫ވ‬ɌɛɭȦȩުʢȡʳ⏏

ʱ⏋᳋ɹ‫᥹ݾ‬ʦ̜˗ˤ͞˹ɫ٢ˁᠭȭ⏋᱗ဌྰᅎອɹգᅎషᩆȵᲞɐȹɩଡȭɑ⏋ਃഀʱ ɦ ȿ ɹ ̮ ̒ ˪͹ ˡ ̢ ˙ Ͳ⏃phak kanyeng;ɰȲʱᮒ࡚сɹʛɴਃϟɐʳγय़ʢ޽Ȧ⏏ʚLimnophila geoffrayi⏆ˁ֓ȭʳ⏏ɗɌɩ஛ʶɛ

ɛϗ࡚ɹᬚʢዝȵсЊȿɇʶʳɛʠ⏋ອႌʦɩ˹͑˥˹͑˥ɹ̊˭̨˱ɭ⏋ʓ˃ɹʱᅆȦႌɛɠȵ՗‫؜‬ʱ৿ɹᅒ˃ʖˁఔ႑‫ܩ‬ɭɌɩգˡ̓̍͑⏋̜ˡ̝̼͇̍ɹࡸɭᗐᗂˁɛɤʋ

ᅎɫȷɲȼɲɤɛ⏏ᅒ˃ʖɴԂʰɲȦʭȩᰲʱԂʶʳ⏏Ʉʶʰɹೳషɻʛɲ⏋ᅒ˃ʖʦɗ

ȦςɴᏣɫɦɲȵʶ⏋ႷȦᅮɫкˁʢɩȡʚɹٞʱɹക⏋ᘛ‫ܟ‬ɫ஛ɤɩȷɛʢɹɫȡʳ⏏

Ɍɲȵʰᗳˁᰩʞອႌɛɠȴʰɻ⏋Ȧʸ˃ɲǵᦏॷ⏋Ʉɹʭȩɲ͞ˠ˽ɹȡʱʈʶɛᰟ

έॶέྃȵᓬɄȭɩȷɗȩɫȡʳ⏏ȋͩ̊˹ಕɹμɴʢ⏋ɇʚɊʚɲ޴‫׋‬ȵʛʰʶʳʭ̊̍ɻ⏋ࢹǾ֪ȷɻɹʸȦȵ⏋ɲȴɲȴᐁཕȩɴɲɤɛ⏏ʚɑɻ⏋̜͞˪̊ͻ (lot toktok,

֟რɹᖪȦ֪֐ɫȡʱ⏋ȴɦᢧᅋɫȡʳ⏏Ɍ

lot thai) ɹࢷԂɫȡʳ⏏ᮒ࡚ɹ՟ʠɻᓚᓜล⏋ȴʢᏎɻᔋషɭɲʳɌ⏋ᔀɻᰩᅎɴʢɲʳɹɗʶГ޺ɹಁೝɴɻᕶࢃᅎ᥂⏋ಁɴɻᇍᮚล

ɞ⏏ȡʚʱᎲೢɴ଩ʼɲȦɫȼʶȍ⏏ᅒ˃ʖɹ֪֐྇ɭɲʱ⏋̜̒˪̜̒˪̜̒˪ɭ౗޿

ɹಕ៎ȵ⏋ᎦɞȿɫɲȼɇʚɊʚɲᕶးɹਜ਼

ৢ૯ 6ȁକ‫ઁ̹̽઺ͅݱ‬ා
281

ˏ˻ˏ͹ˏ̶͠ˡ‫ݖܩ‬቉ድǵፀ 3 ‫ش‬࣬ᅒ౩χ⏏2002⏏ȋ͞ˠ˽ᦅ຦ɹ‫ܧ‬ഀሾᡫŅ˵̫̠ʛˁɻȽȼʞ‫ݭ‬ɫȡʱᐚȿʳᭉʱ⏋̊˭̨˱˭̜̒ላɹ̠͇̀ྫŅȍȏၖय़ᦅ෌ȑ46 Extra˽ͻ̺ɹʭȩɲ͞ˠ˽ˁБᝠɐʳࢃ঑ɹ٢ʢ

issue 1: 83-84⏏

‫؝‬ȿᐙȵʶɩȦȼɄɭɞʸȩɭȦɤɛɭɄʸ߂ីѵে͹࣬ᅒ౩χ͹ೠ‫ؤ‬ᅓ᱗͹˽̒˪˱Ͳ́Ͳ
˵˓̠ͤ˗˽͹˵˓̺̚͞ͻ˽ ̢͖͇̍͞ͻ⏏

ȴ⏏

2001⏏
ȋ͞ˠ˽ɹ߃ອᅒɹྫ֝ɭ᳋ᰖɹᅊ༎‫ر‬ȍȏၖय़ᦅ෌ȑ45 Extra issue 2: 33-34⏏

֨ȁဥȁ໲ȁࡃ

Tanaka, K⏏1993. Farmersŉ Perceptions of Rice-̸ˏͤͻ̜͹̺̍͑͞˓͜ͻ⏏1997⏏ȋᅋᎦകɭGrowing Techniques in Laos: “Primitive” orອᅒȍ‫إ‬ाχᮁ៱⏏ϴᨊ߂࡝ആ‫ˏ˻ˏ׫‬቉

“Thammasat”? Southeast Asian Studies 31(2):ድ ́ Ͳ ̊ ͻ ᑂȏ ϟ Ԏ ആ ‫ ˏ ˻ ˏ ׫‬ȑ ে య ‫⏋ݟ‬132-140⏏

400-401⏏

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