15th Kitakyushu Confer ence on Asian Women(KCAW)

Gender and Human Secur ity:
Towar d Beijing +10

November 6 &7, 2004

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
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Video Message

Towar ds a society that secur es the humanr ights and safety of all

Dr . Sadako Ogata

Pr esident
J apan Inter national Cooper ation Agency (J ICA)

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Keynote Addr ess

Towar ds Beijing + 10
Dr . Patricia B. Licuanan
Chair, Asia Pacific NGO Forum
President, Philippine/Miriam College
Former Chairperson, UN Commission on the Status of Women
As we approach ten years after the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women(FWCW), there is much to reflect and act on. This paper will review the accomplishments of the
Beijing Conference. It will then identify the gains over the past ten years as well as theremaining gaps and emerging issues that have to be confronted. It will present highlights of therecent Asia Pacific NGO Forum on Beijing + 10 along with NGO activities at the UNESCAPHigh Level Meeting. The paper will end with important issues and concerns for the actual
Beijing + 10 meeting in New York in March 2005.
Accomplishments of the FWCW
Even before delegates reached Beijing, the FWCW has already achieved one of its main
objectives that is, raising the level of awareness and discussion of gender issues globally. The
FWCW built on past U.N. conferences and upheld commitments made. It covered familiar
ground and reinforced and gave new visibility to old concerns raised during the U.N. Decade on
women that remained valid such as the problems of feminization of poverty, economic
participation, health, education, political participation and human rights. But more important, the
FWCW broke new ground. Among the significant breakthroughs were: 1) It elevated the issue ofviolence against women to the level of public policy; 2) It acknowledged women’s
unremunerated work and called for the development of methodologies for measuring this andreflecting it in national accounts; 3) It reaffirmed women’s rights as human rights and brought
women’s sexual rights within the parameters of human rights; 4) It affirmed the rights of the girlchild; 5) It recognized women migrant workers as a vulnerable group and ensured their rights.
Perhaps the most special feature of the FWCW was its highly participatory nature. The
preparations for the Conference involved a complex consultation process at the national, regionaland global levels. The partnership with NGOs throughout the process was unparalleled.
Celebr ating Gains
Over the past ten years women’s empowerment and gender equality have become accepted
parts of the development agenda. In reviews of government implementation of the Beijing
Platform for Action in the Asia and Pacific region, some critical areas seem to show the mostgains. These areas are institutional mechanisms, violence against women, human rights ofwomen and women and health. We celebrate the addition of some important conventions,resolutions and human rights mechanisms to prevent, eradicate violations of women’s human2The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
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rights. Examples of these are the Optional Protocol to CEDAW, 1999 and Security Council
Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, 2000.
There has been breakthrough work on gender-sensitive indicators and marked improvementin the quality of data collected. And there has been a noticeable transformation of individual
women and their organizations towards greater assertiveness and more effective cooperation andcollaboration.
Confr onting Per sistent and Emer ging Issues
But old issues remain and have to be confronted along with new and emerging issues. So
much remains to be done in the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action. Renewed
commitment and political will are necessary as interest in the Platform and gender issues wanes.
With countries and the whole U.N. system focusing on the Millennium Development Goals(MDGs), there is need to strategically link the Platform with the MDGs with the goal ofengendering all eight MDGs. Globalization which despite its often cited benefits of educationand jobs, is actually marginalizing women further, has to be confronted. It is time to face squarely
favorite strategies for women’s empowerment such as micro-credit programs, which over time
have begun to reveal their flaws and limitations. Gender-mainstreaming which has been a major
post-Beijing strategy is suffering from lack of conceptual clarity and possible misuse and must bereclaimed by the women’s movement to ensure it’s proper interpretation and use for genderequality and the empowerment of women.
We have to confront major global trends that impact on women’s lives: the resurgence ofreligious and ethnic fundamentalisms that have focused on women as a major area of expression;conservative backlash from governments that were champions of women’s empowerment inBeijing and who now have actually been lobbying to weaken the language of the Beijing
Platform for Action; and the growing armed conflict and terrorism in the world.
Beijing + 10
These challenges were recognized by the participants at the Asia Pacific NGO Forum on
Beijing + 10 held at Mahidol University, Salaya, Thailand in July, 2004 as they “strongly andfully” re-affirmed their commitment to the Beijing Platform for Action. At the UNECAP HighLevel Intergovernmental Meeting to Review Regional Implementation of the Beijing Platform
for Action and its Regional and Global Outcomes held in Bangkok, Thailand in September 2004,
the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the Outcome Document of the Beijing + 5
review were re-affirmed by the delegates.
The Asia and Pacific Region will bring this commitment to the global review of theimplementation of the Beijing Platform for Action (Beijing + 10) at the 49th session of the U.N.
Commission on the Status of Women in New York in March 2005.

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Keynote Addr ess

Gender and Human Secur ity:
Gender, Disarmament and Reconciliation

Kuniko INOGUCHI, Ph.D.
Professor of Political Science, Sophia Univer sity, Tokyo Former
Ambassador and Per manent Repr esentative of J apan to the Confer ence on
Disar mament

The 15th Kitakyushu Confer ence on Asian Women
6-7 November , 2004
Kitakyushu-shi, J apan

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Introduction

At the outset, I would like to express my sincere congratulations to the organizers of this Conference. As
former Ambassador to the Conference on Disarmament, and Chairperson of the United Nations First Biennial
Meeting of States on Small Arms and Light Weapons last year, today I would like to focus my presentation on“Gender, Disarmament and Reconciliation.” Gender is an important cross-cutting element in our efforts toenhance human security. Indeed, women can make a difference.

I would like, first of all, to briefly touch upon the role of gender in disarmament. Next, I will address theimportance of embedding the concept of “reconciliation” and incorporating a gender perspective in thedesigning of post-conflict disarmament programmes. Lastly, I will examine some key elements in designing
gender-inclusive, community-based and people-oriented small arms disarmament programmes.

The Role of Gender

To date, the international community has paid little attention to the gender dimension of disarmament andpeace studies. Gender issues are often overlooked and misunderstood. Without an explicit understanding ofgender differences and inequalities, post-conflict dynamics cannot be adequately addressed.

Gender is a cross-cutting element over time and culture, and forms the basis for attitudes and behaviors within
the family, the community and the nation as a whole, influencing economics, politics, social interactions andindividual needs. During conflicts, community-level violence and its consequences indicate that gender iscentral to the struggle against insecurity. Women and men often participate in armed conflict in different ways
and have different perceptions of ‘security’.

Women from Victim to Active Participant

Women and children bear a disproportionate burden from conflicts, often accounting for the vast majority ofvictims. Of the estimated four million war-related deaths during the 1990’s, 90% of those killed were civilians,
and 80% of those were women and children, mostly victims of the misuse of small arms and light weapons.
Women are often the target of violence. They also bear the brunt of poverty and underdevelopment. Thissituation is further aggravated by the diversion of resources for arms expenditure from education, health andother initiatives that could improve women’s lives.

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Nonetheless, rarely are women included in post-conflict initiatives or given a say in decisions on priorities inpost conflict situations. They are, to a large extent, underrepresented in many key forums where decisions on
disarmament and human security are made, and women’s views tend to be less apparent in mainstream
discussions.

Greater involvement and empowerment of women could facilitate the development of more effective
disarmament strategies, and more women should be encouraged to develop political expertise and skills inorder to participate in negotiations and post-conflict programmes. The active role women can play in peace
processes should not be underestimated. Women seek to resolve conflict, reject violence, ensure food security,
and are the caretakers of ethical and cultural values. They have an important role to play in guarding humansecurity in the home, community, and at a national level.

Post-Conflict Disar mament & Reconciliation

During the post-Cold War period, the characteristics of violent conflicts have changed from a traditional interstate conflict to a deep-rooted intra-state conflict involving all social strata, including individual community
members at a grass-roots level. Unless such deep-rooted divisions in communities are adequately addressed, it
is impossible to rule out the recurrence of similar military conflicts.

This shift in the nature of conflicts requires not only political arrangements for peace, but also social
reconciliation at a community level. Reconciliation at all politico-social levels, including the grass-roots levelwithin different communities, is the key to ending violent conflicts and reconstructing war-torn societies.

The Small Ar ms Context
The nature of warfare is influenced by a massive proliferation of small arms and light weapons that fuel andprolong human tragedy and hatred among people. Although the likelihood of large-scale international armed
conflict seems to be receding, regional ethnic confrontations and civil war have a horrendous and increased
impact on people’s security. Therefore, amongst the multi-dimensional sources of human insecurity, the mostdirect threat is the presence of illegal and excessive armament, and its continued proliferation in post-conflictzones, which sustains conflict, exacerbates violence, prolongs human tragedy and hatred among people, andfuels crime and terrorism.

The implementation of peace must take into account both the future needs of a society and the elimination of its
excess weapons, as well as the broader international and regional context in which the society is situated.

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Unless demand issues are properly addressed, and alternatives to a military lifestyle are provided, disarmament
itself can be a hindrance towards reconstruction and reconciliation.

In societies emerging from deep-rooted conflicts, it is important to design disarmament programmes with aview to facilitating reconciliation. Since disarmament is an indispensable element in the early stage of postconflict reconstruction, the careful designing of an appropriate small arms disarmament programme, with theconcept of “reconciliation” at its core, is of crucial importance.

Key Elements for Disar mament Progr ammes
The following are some important elements in designing gender-inclusive, community-based and peopleoriented small arms disarmament programmes:

Participatory approach
A participatory approach, with the involvement of both genders, is essential. Following conflicts, there is often
inequality in the representation of men and women in the peace, reconstruction and reconciliation process.
Women’s participation and full gender mainstreaming in reconstruction mandates should be ensured.
Recognising local women’s knowledge of societal needs and conditions aids and enhances assistanceprogrammes. Women are operationally important, with an enormous potential to convert the goals of
disarmament and arms control into concrete realities.

Women should also be given a more equitable role in power and decision-making. Their participation in thedecision-making process is essential, and women as mothers can play a significant role in reconciliation.

Inclusive programmes, including women and child ex-combatants
Not all combatants are men and boys. Women and girls have taken up arms in many conflicts, and yet have notalways been included in disarmament and reconstruction initiatives. Women and children not directly involved
in fighting, or lacking a weapon to surrender, should also be included in the post-conflict reconstruction andreconciliation programmes. Provision for the participation by women and girls, including full access to benefitsof reconciliation programmes, is essential for the comprehensive and successful implementation ofdisarmament and reconstruction programmes. Thus, programmes should be designed to incorporate the needs
and priorities of women and girls as ex-combatants, as well as families of ex-combatants. The number of7

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programmes for child soldiers, fully incorporating the specific situation of girl soldiers, should also be
increased.
A ‘bottom-up’ approach
A bottom-up approach generates momentum for reconciliation. Momentum towards peace building andrelinquishing weapons must be initiated by community members themselves so that they target “weapons” as
the common enemy of all members of the community, rather than a particular social group or tribe. Throughthis strategy, the community can generate a consensus to move on from a militarised lifestyle to a peaceful one.

Women can play an important role in this area, and further exploration of their potential to contribute to local
disarmament. Women often take the weapons out of the hands of men and boys, while the latter may be more
reticent to give up their arms. Women’s involvement in all levels of conflict prevention and reconstruction
processes shows their determination to work towards and achieve a culture of peace.

Community-based, comprehensive approach

The issue of gender cannot be approached by looking at women as an isolated category. Disarmament andreconciliation must be addressed in a comprehensive manner. Placing the community at the centre of thedisarmament process gives community members a sense of ownership in the weapons collection process.
Women must be seen as important members of this social group.

A comprehensive approach must focus on the needs of the whole community including children, young adults,
elders, teachers, parents, grandparents, village chiefs and the media. Communities should not be treated ashomogenous, but rather as being made up of many different groups. When designing disarmament programmes,
it is important to understand the perception held by each group, including women and men, of their own
situation. Among such groups, one cannot over emphasise the salience of children and young adults, both boys
and girls, as the future of a peaceful society. In order to prevent recurrence of violence in the community, theyounger generation must receive the utmost attention in disarmament and reconstruction processes.

Conclusion
Only when disarmament and human security is viewed in a multi-dimensional context, with “reconciliation” as
its core, can truly comprehensive and sustainable disarmament be achieved. People-centered, community-based
programmes are the key to enhancing human security, and the invaluable role of women and their post-conflict8

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involvement in these programmes should be acknowledged and promoted. NGOs, local governments andcommunity groups are playing an instrumental part in implementing various initiatives, raising awareness, andlobbying for human security causes. It is time to recognize that women can, and given the opportunity will,
make a difference.

Thank you.

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Workshop 1

Human Security and Conflict Prevention, Conflict
Management and Peace Building
Panelists:
Ms Irene M. Santiago
Dr. Etsuko Kita
Dr. Kiyoko Furusawa
Moderator:
Mr. Yasunobu Sato

Chair and CEO, Mindanao Commission on Women (Executive
Director of the NGO Forum on Women '95 in China)
Professor, Japanese Red Cross Kyushu International University of
Nursing
Associate Professor, Keisen University

Professor, Graduate School of International Development Nagoya
University

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Human Secur ity and Conflict Pr evention, Conflict Management
and Peace Building
Ir ene M. Santiago
Chair and Chief Executive Officer,
Mindanao Commission on Women, Philippines
1.
Elise Boulding entitled her book, “ Cultures of Peace: The Hidden Side of History”
because wars of conquest are usually recorded as the significant events in history. But there is ahidden side of history: the work of building and maintaining peace. Boulding shows examples
of how women have had a significant role in the building and maintenance of peaceful societies.
2.
Women have had a tradition of peaceableness. According to Boulding, “Peaceableness isan action concept, involving a constant shaping and reshaping of understandings, situations, andbehaviors in a constantly changing lifeworld, to sustain well-being for all”
3.
Viewed in this manner, women have a critical role in conflict prevention, conflict
management and peacebuilding. What are the “lifeways, patterns of belief, values, behavior, andaccompanying institutional arrangements” that need to be put in place, promoted, nurtured, andlegislated if need be?
4.
Peace as process is the dynamic way of looking at peace. It occurs on many levels,
undertaken by many actors, using a variety of strategies and tactics.
5.
The issue of identity and diversity has come to the forefront in the wake of the end of theCold War. In order to create appropriate actions related to this issue, we must understand theminoritization process or the process whereby groups are marginalized from the political,
economic and social life of a society. The process starts with stereotyping, goes to slurs, moves
to prejudice, and to discrimination, and finally to violence.
6.
How do we make diversity the source of our productivity and happiness not the source of
conflict and violence?
7.
The UNDP Human Development Report 2004, entitled “Cultural Liberty in Today’s
Diverse World” lists the answers to the prevalent MYTHS about diversity, development andpolitical stability.
7.1
Countries do not have to choose between national unity and cultural diversity.
7.2
Empirical evidence suggests that cultural differences and clashes over values are
rarely the root cause of violent conflict.
7.3
Cultural freedom means expanding individual choices, not preserving values andpractices as an end in itself with blind allegiance to tradition.

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7.4
There is no evidence that cultural diversity slows development.
7.5
There is no evidence of a relationship between culture and economic progress ordemocracy.
8.
The traits of trust and reciprocity are grossly depleted in times of conflict. There must bea determined effort to build social capital, not just physical and economic, infrastructure andhuman capital, especially as part of post-conflict rehabilitation and development. For peace anddevelopment to be sustainable, the building and strengthening of social capital has to be taken
into serious consideration.
9. Multiculturalism as policy and practice will provide security to individuals and groups as they
live out their various and multiple identities for the good of all.
10.
We have also to work so that there is an abundance of associations that bridge social
divisions and of institutions of conflict management such as an independent judiciary, an
independent media, and a responsive democracy.

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Reference (Long version)

15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women
November 6-7, 2004
SPEECH on HUMAN SECURITY AND CONFLICT PREVENTION, MANAGEMENT
AND PEACE BUILDING.
By Ir ene M. Santiago
Chair and Chief Executive Officer , Mindanao Commission on Women
Philippines
Elise Boulding, the renowned sociologist, wrote a book entitled, “Cultures of Peace: The Hidden
Side of History”. She said that wars of conquest are usually recorded as the significant events inhistory. But there is a hidden side: the work of building and maintaining peace.
Boulding shows examples of how women have had a significant role in the building andmaintenance of peaceful societies beginning with teaching children peaceful behaviors. There
have also been noteworthy examples such as the Chipko Movement in India where the women
hugged trees in order to stop the cutting of trees from which they derived food, medicine, andlivelihood; Women’s Action for Nuclear Disarmament; the women of Greenham Common in
England; and the Greenbelt Movement in Kenya, whose founder, Dr. Wangari Maathai, wasrecently named Nobel Peace Laureate.
Indeed, Women have had a tradition of peaceableness. According to Boulding, “Peaceableness isan action concept, involving a constant shaping and reshaping of understandings, situations, andbehaviors in a constantly changing lifeworld, to sustain well-being for all”
Viewed in this manner, women have a critical role in conflict prevention, conflict management
and peacebuilding.
What are the “lifeways, patterns of belief, values, behavior, andaccompanying institutional arrangements” that need to be put in place, promoted, nurtured, andlegislated if need be?
In my work in Mindanao, in southern Philippines, we are being confronted not only withseemingly different values and behavior but also conflicting interpretations of history. As you
know the Philippines was colonized by Spain in the 16th century. At that time, there were tworobust Sultanates that, for all intents and purposes, were the equivalent of our modern-day states.
The Sultanate of Sulu and the Sultanate of Maguindanao were, even then, trading with the
Chinese and the Dutch, among others, and were governing themselves quite effectively. The
Spanish colonizers met tremendous resistance from the Moros, converts to Islam, who were
fiercely independent. The resistance continues to this day and the Moros proclaim that they are
not part of the Philippine Republic since they did not give their consent to the annexation of theirterritory as part of the treaty ceding the so-called Philippine Islands from Spain the America.

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Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************In Mindanao today, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) continues to wage the struggle
that their forebears have undertaken for hundreds of years. Not only the people of Mindanao but
also of the entire Philippines are affected by the political violence.
Those of us who are close to the conflict see the complexity of the solution to the Mindanao
problem. The national security paradigm that was the foundation for the Marcos authoritarianrule is still intact. Colonialism, overlaid by the national security paradigm, now overlaid again by
the menacing threat of terrorism. These various overlays use violence as the enforcer of what isnobly called “the national interest”. It is nothing but the extension of militarism as the means toattain national security.
As we said earlier, peaceableness is an action concept, involving a constant shaping andreshaping of understandings, situations, and behaviors in a constantly changing lifeworld, tosustain well-being for all. How do we shape and reshape our understandings of the world we livein?
The issue of identity and diversity has come to the forefront in the wake of the end of the Cold
War. In order to create appropriate actions related to this issue, we must understand theminoritization process or the process whereby groups are marginalized from the political,
economic and social life of a society. In Mindanao, the Moros do not wish to be called aminority. They insist that they have been minoritized. Indeed, the use of words is critical inunderstanding the crux of the problem. For indeed, if the Moros have been minoritized, largely
because of their religion, what should be done if society is to function without violence?
First, it is important to understand how the prejudice process works. The process starts withstereotyping, goes to slurs, moves on to prejudice, then to discrimination, and finally it results inviolence. If we know that the violence we experience began with stereotyping, then we know wehave to stop it there!
My Muslim friends relate to me how it means to be Muslim in a society that sees them as theenemy. They have a difficult time getting jobs because of their name. They have resorted tochanging their religion in employment application forms. They go through the indignity of
meticulous searches in airports. Taxis won’t stop for my Muslim women friends because theywear a headscarf, and so on and so forth.
That is on a personal level. On the political level, they are either invisible to policy makers or
taken for granted. This has resulted in the deepest and widest poverty in the areas where
Muslims constitute the majority of the population. Of the 79 provinces in the entire Philippines,
the poorest five are all in the Muslim areas. Child mortality is highest, literacy is lowest,
incidence of hunger is widest, the ratio of doctor to hospital is lowest, and so on and so forth.
This is official neglect not only now but through hundreds of years.
As women confronted by these complex issues, how do we respond?

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We know and we feel that the traits of trust and reciprocity are grossly depleted in times ofconflict. There must be a determined effort to build social capital, not just physical andeconomic, infrastructure and human capital, especially as part of post-conflict rehabilitation anddevelopment. For peace and development to be sustainable, the building and strengthening ofsocial capital has to be taken into serious consideration.
Peace as process is the dynamic way of looking at peace. It occurs on many levels, undertaken
by many actors, using a variety of strategies and tactics.
Last year after another military assault that left 800,000 people homeless, women of Mindanao
from various ethnic, religious, age and regional groups decided to respond at many levels. We
launched the Mothers for Peace Campaign as a national campaign for peace in Mindanao. We
reached out to mothers in Luzon and the Visayas to make them understand that our yearning forpeace must also be theirs.
We embarked on a road show to bring the stories of women to a national audience. We tried tomake other mothers understand what the war meant to women who lost husbands, brothers andsisters, sons and daughters in senseless violence.
We enlisted national media so that we could reach a wide national audience. We knew we had
to sway national public opinion so that the government and the MILF would declare a ceasefire.
Even without any money, we managed to air TV, radio spots and several ads in our leading
newspapers with the cooperation of many groups. Allow me now to show you the 45-second TV
ad we made for the campaign.
(SHOW THE TV AD)
In our meetings with thousands of mothers in other parts of the country, it became clear to us thatin order to stop the conflict and to prevent any more conflicts from happening, it was importantfor healing and reconciliation to occur.
There was a particularly moving incident at a hall jampacked with a thousand women who had
come to hear three mothers from Mindanao speak about their pain. No anger, no recriminations.
Just pain at being uprooted, at being continuously discriminated against, at being so poor, atbeing so insecure because of war.
After the speeches were over, groups of women from the audience rushed to the speakers andembraced them. With tears in their eyes, they said: “Please forgive us. We did not know that we
had hurt you.” When I heard that, I knew that we were on our way to making peace, forrepentance is the first step to reconciliation.
We felt the power of mothers reaching out to other mothers. We have now made a decision toconvert the Mothers for Peace Campaign into the Mothers for Peace Movement to ensure that we
unite all our actions politically, economically, and culturally toward peace.

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Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************The Philippine government and the MILF are now discussing the resumption of the formal peace
negotiations which we hope will occur after Ramadhan. In order to make sure that gender issues
are taken into serious consideration in the post conflict reconstruction and rehabilitation, we areorganizing on December 9-10, 2004 a conference where we will invite the peace panels, policymakers and donors to discuss the top priority gender issues in the post-conflict period. We haveinvited speakers from Cambodia, Afghanistan, Timor Leste, Solomon Islands and Sri Lanka torelate their experiences with us so we can learn from them.
We will assert that the pursuit of peace, reconstruction and rehabilitation needs to go along withgender equality to avoid compounding old problems, such as discrimination against women,social exclusion and the feminization of poverty.
In addition, we are launching our campaign to make multiculturalism national policy. It is not acoincidence that the UNDP Human Development Report for 2004 is entitled “Cultural Liberty in
Today’s Diverse World”. Indeed, the issues of multiculturalism are at the forefront of ourconcerns in the world today. How do we make diversity the source of our productivity andhappiness not the source of conflict and violence?
The Report lists the answers to the prevalent myths about diversity, development and politicalstability.
Countries do not have to choose between national unity and cultural diversity.
Empirical evidence suggests that cultural differences and clashes over values are
rarely the root cause of violent conflict.
Cultural freedom means expanding individual choices, not preserving values andpractices as an end in itself with blind allegiance to tradition.
There is no evidence that cultural diversity slows development.
There is no evidence of a relationship between culture and economic progress ordemocracy.
The Human Development Report deals with boxes in which we put people: young, old, Filipino,
Japanese, Muslim, Catholic, indigenous, professional, laborer, man, woman.
Women know about being categorized. Women are often called weak, subservient, primarily
meant for the home although oftentimes we are also called the power behind the throne, etc..
In fact, not just women. Everybody is in one box or in many boxes for we all have multiple
identities.
Elise Boulding says that nature never makes the exact same thing twice. So diversity is a fact of
life.

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Managing these identities in our societies therefore is the key to peace and even to prosperity. If
a society does not manage the diversity of identities, conflict and violence may result. And
without peace, it is difficult to grow economically.
Two years ago on a trip to Australia under the auspices of the Australian government, I learned
about the state’s policy to manage diversity. It is called multiculturalism. At that time it seemed
to me that multiculturalism could hold the key to the long-standing problem not only in
Mindanao but in the rest of the country. Prejudice was not just a problem in Mindanao. It was a
problem in the entire country. Multiculturalism seemed an attractive concept as a way to manage
these various identities for peace and prosperity
As I have already pointed out, the Philippine government and the MILF have been negotiating apeace agreement for the past seven years, through three administrations. I believe that the peaceagreement, and I hope we will get one soon, will only silence the guns of war not the guns ofprejudice. If prejudice and discrimination continue, we will never know genuine and lasting
peace.
So it is imperative that if Mindanao – and in fact the rest of the country – is to know peace wehave to become multiculturalist. But using our diversity as our asset will, in fact, not just bringpeace but also prosperity. We will put value to our asset: the diversity and multiplicity of ourcultures, lifestyles, talents and abilities.
Multiculturalism as policy and practice will provide security to individuals and groups as they
live out their various and multiple identities for the good of all.
Simultaneously with our work on multiculturalism, we have also to work so that there is anabundance of associations that bridge social divisions and of institutions of conflict management
such as an independent judiciary, an independent media, and a responsive democracy.
We envision the Mothers for Peace Movement as a grassroots women’s movement linked to a
network of women’s and peace groups at various levels to undertake effective advocacy on
ensuring the independence of the judiciary and media and making our democracy work for theinterests of all people, and not just of a powerful few.
For as Elise Boulding has said: “…underneath the layers of violence, each society, without
exception, has its peace behaviors, previous resources that can be available to help bring about
new and gentler forms of governance locally and on a larger scale in the next century.”

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Who destr oys peace and who builds peace?
Dr. Etsuko Kita
Professor, The Japanese Red Cross Kyushu International College of Nursing
In 1994, in central Africa, what was to be called the largest humanitarian crisis since
Hiroshima, Nagasaki and Okinawa, in other words since the Second World War occurred. In onlyaround 100 days, numbers in the order of 800,000 or 1,000,000 people were slain and an evenlarger number were made refugees in the neighboring country of Zaire (now known as the
Democratic Republic of the Congo). In the Refugee camp in Goma where diarrheal diseases suchas cholera were rampant, Japan’s Self-Defense Forces were dispatched to assist humanitarian
international relief operations for the first time under the International Peace Co-operation Law,at the request of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
It happened in one of the countries in the Great Lakes Region of the central Africa. Rwanda
has been known as the country of a thousand hills, with its many high plains, making it acomparatively comfortable climate, although many other African counties are under harshtropical climate,. This beautiful small country is also known as Africa’s pearl. Unfortunately, its
name became known to the world due to an atrocious event. However, with the passing of adecade, it seems that it has slipped from many people’s minds.
In the 1990s, after the end of the East - West Cold War structure, particularly, in thedeveloping nations, ‘Complex Humanitarian Emergency (CHE)’ which is a kind of internal orregional armed conflicts, broke out and are continuing to persist. Amongst the more than 50
countries on the African continent, more than two thirds countries have experienced conflict in
the past 15 years.
In addition to this, worldwide, there have been a number of CHEs such as the first Gulf
War, the Balkans Crisis, conflict in the Central Asian region such as Afghanistan, Tajikistan and
Caucasians, as well as in Central and Latin America and the Asian region inclusive of the PacificIsland nations.
There is also terrorism which is symbolized in the events of the 11th September 2001. Thereis really a flood of too many conflicts and instances of violence, which are also too diverse innature.
I think that these events, rather than stirring up our desire for peace, have made us lesssusceptible to conflicts and/or violence.
A few years after the Rwandan crisis, I went there on a few occasions as a staff of theEmergency Humanitarian Assistance Division of the World Health Organization (WHO) to makeresearch and discuss with local authority health issue, the health of the people and measure
towards recovery on the ground.

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The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************A lady from a local NGO strongly recommended me to visit a place where genocide hadtaken place. It was a church in a pine forest.
The inside of the church have been left as it was. There were rags of clothes and only one
foot of a pair of shoes, as well as some human remains. Amongst these, there was some smallerskulls what appeared as children. Outside of the church, there was humble hutch where hundredsof skulls and many hundreds, thousands of bones of limbs lined up on shelving that had a simple
cover.
It may trace back to the 1960’s for the root of such crisis or a case of genocide. After one or
2 generation, again, it became a political and humanitarian crisis. It was easy for me the outsider
to interpret the Rwandan humanitarian crisis as an ethnic conflict between Hutu and Tutsi people.
However, the reality is that until the crisis happened, many people lived together, and there wasno Hutu and Tutsi divide. More, there were cross marriages between both ethnic group.
One day, one of neighbors were compelled to be enemies each other. They placed
themselves in the situation where they had to kill each other. In such conflicts, the common
people may become militant to mass murderers. Many people were forced into this situation.
In one of small village, I was informed that 80% of the children had forced to be at thesight of slaughter of their own families. I also heard that cases where the children have had to seea friendly neighbor raping and then killind their mother or sisters.
The lady took me, then, to the Nelson Mandela Peace Village, not far from the church.
Excluding a few elderly men, the village residents were all women and children. They were thebereaved families of the victim of the genocide. In a room about the size of ten tatami mats, there
was one bed, one oil stove and one saucepan.
According to the women, before the genocide, the men had been called to the church inorder to avoid a fight. The women had nowhere to run and so consigned themselves to hiding inthe swamp area. However, the men who did not have weapons and had all being brought to one
place were all killed by the spray of shots from the church’s entrance. Those who did not suffer
lethal injuries were taken to with machetes.
The women said that although there is no fighting here anymore, but hope had not returned.
To us,
What is peace?
Peace, is what kind of situation?
For what reasons, do we need peace?
Also for what reasons, is peace threatened or destroyed?
Who destroys peace, and for what reasons?
How can we prevent the destruction of peace?
Also, how do we rebuild peace that has been destroyed?

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Why can’t women’s secur ity be guar anteed? Fr om East
Timor ’s exper ience
Dr. Kiyoko Furusawa
Associate Professor, Keisen University
It has been 20 years since I first became involved with the East Timor issue. This territory
occupying the eastern half of Timor Island, and located between Southeast Asia and the Pacific
Ocean, is as large as Shikoku. Unlike Shikoku, however, East Timor had been under foreign
control for about 4 centuries before it finally became independent in May 2002. It has been
occupied by Portugal (twice), Japan and Indonesia. The Portuguese occupied from 16th century
onwards until 1942 when ousted by a Japanese invading force, who stayed until World War II
ended in 1945. The Portuguese then returned until 1975 after which Indonesia was the occupierfrom 1975 to 1999. What I would first like you to understand is that this long period of foreign
control has left East Timor with a negative legacy.
Foreign occupation and governance not only divided the people into friends and enemies,
depending on whether or not they showed allegiance to the occupiers but it also left indelible
scars in the hearts of the people, which impacted on their relationships. Women sexuallyassaulted by the occupiers were exposed to a lack of understanding and discrimination, whichcaused them unimaginable suffering. Furthermore, the inhabitants, who had been subjected tolong term “colonialization,” lost the wisdom that it ought to be not “power” but “law” thatgoverns whether things are right or wrong. They were not allowed to develop skills that would
help them to resolve conflicts about the use of land or water within the local community.
Now “the East Timor issue” is generally taken to mean the situation that has beenprevailing in East Timor over these last 24 years. In other words, the period beginning with thedomestic political conflicts that occurred during the process of gaining their independence from
Portuguese in 1975. Then East Timor failed in exercising its right of self-determination becauseof Indonesia’s invasion backed by military threat. Under the subsequent Indonesian occupationand governance the human rights of those opposing occupation were also chronically suppressed.
In view of the earlier damage inflicted on the region by previous occupiers, Indonesia’s illegal
occupation should have been nipped in the bud, but the reverse was the case.
Why was all this allowed to happen? In the case of East Timor as in other cases, theinterests of major powers dramatically distorted the process of conflict resolution. Although a
resolution of the U.N. General Assembly supported the residents’ right of self-determination anddemanded an immediate withdrawal of Indonesian troops, the Indonesian government took no
notice. Moreover, counties that had extended economic and military assistance or arms sales toIndonesia, such as Japan, the United States of America, Australia and some European countries,
continued to support Indonesia. This was because they gave priority to Indonesia’s resources andmaintaining relations with the Soeharto administration. From the invasion until 1989, Indonesian
troops closed off the whole of the island, making East Timor an island prison, and putting the20The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
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security of the people in severe jeopardy. However, Japan, the United States of America,
Australia and the European countries did nothing even during this humanitarian crisis. During
this period of time (from the mid 80’s) the Indonesian government implemented a Family
Planning Project supported by the World Bank. However, since there was lack of explanations
and compulsion in its process, the original significance was not conveyed to the East Timorese.
In fact it only resulted in threatening women’s human rights, jeopardizing their health andincreasing peoples’ mistrust of hospitals and health care centers.
Therefore, moving into the 1990’s, world solidarity groups and human-rights groups
inevitably began to address these issues. One initiative was to ensure measures to protect humanrights even if only in a small way. Specifically, they attempted to stop military assistance andarms sales to Indonesia, which was partially achieved; dispatch the Special Rapporteur from U.N.
Commission on Human Rights, which has been achieved by slow degrees; and permanently
station a U.N. agency, international human-rights/humanitarian groups, which has failed. The
other aim was to achieve a cease-fire and start peace negotiations between the Indonesian
government and the East Timor resistance forces. However, the peace negotiations were notrealized despite the resistance forces putting forward their own peace proposals, for which they
were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. This was because Japan, the United States of America,
Australia and the European countries who accepted the annexation of East Timor as a fait
accompli, did not preach the importance of peace to Indonesia. Therefore, women could notparticipate in the negotiations and agreements reached in talks included neither punishing thesexual violence towards women nor defending the human rights of women. I think the fact thatIndonesia did not properly experience a “peace process” at this stage cast a large shadow on its
future democratization and the civilian control of its national military.
In 1998, when the Soeharto administration collapsed, a U.N. referendum on East Timor’s
independence was held. However, Indonesia refused either to withdraw their national military, toreduce their military presence or to accept the U.N. Peacekeeping Forces. After the referendum,
their national military and anti-independence militiamen encouraged terrorist activities againstpro-independence forces. They also took approximately 250 thousand residents to a refugee campin the Indonesian territory of West Timor and barricaded themselves in the refugee camp. During
this process, rapes and sexual enslavement of women occurred. Soldiers of the national militaryand militiamen obstructed the liberation of women making it very difficult to carry out (as well as
hindering refugee repatriation).
Today, East Timor is at a stage of post-conflict peace building but what problems are there
from the perspective of gender?
The first problem is domestic violence. Some criminals involved in the 1999 events still
live in the refugee camps but they behave violently towards their wives as they do not see any
future prospects ahead of them. Some discharged soldiers also behave violently towards theirwives because of their dissatisfaction that comes from their failure to find a job. Although
domestic violence occurs frequently at any sectional levels of society there is a strong emphasison domestic violence being dealt with by a traditional way of mediation, rather than depending
on official protection or judicial proceedings. Defamation has also been added to the criminal law,
so the risk of lawsuits against perpetrators of rapes and domestic violence has increased.

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Secondly, as regards the punishment of crimes against humanity occurring in 1999, theinvestigation is difficult and only a small number of cases have resulted in prosecutions. This isbecause those who committed the sexual violence have mostly run away into the Indonesian
territories. There has also been no case of sexual violence being raised at a human rights court
which Indonesia set up. A village head who offered women to the Indonesian military has not
expressed his regret and the liberation army who committed retaliatory rapes has also notapologized. Finally, although women hold 24 per cent of Constituent Assembly seats, women’s
status remains low in farming villages. Women are likely to be excluded from stages of training
or decision-making groups (such as irrigation groups, or farmer groups).
The experience of East Timor tells us two things. In order to guarantee women's humansecurity, it is essential for the international community (especially the major powers), as well as
for the countries directly involved in the conflict, to make a consistent commitment (withavoiding the application of double standard based on their own political, economical, andmilitary interests), to proceed demilitarization and protection of human rights in the countries
involved in the conflict. In order to overcome the culture of violence, it is indispensable thatwomen's human rights should be respected both at home and in society.

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Workshop 2

Human Security and Poverty in Globalization

Panelists:
Ms Momina Yari
Ms Yoko Kitazawa
Mr. Michiya Kumaoka

Program Manager, Afghanistan Independent Human Rights
Commission (AIHRC)
Commentator on International Issues
Representative, Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC)

Moderator:
Ms Yukiko Oda

Chief Researcher, KFAW

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The Situation of Women in Afghanistan
Ms Momina Yar i
Program Manager, Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC)"There is no time to lose if we are to reach the Millennium Development Goals by the target date of2015. Only by investing in the world's women can we expect to get there."- Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United Nations

The Millennium Declaration, signed in September 2000 at the UN Millennium Summit,
commits countries to 8 Goals, known as the Millennium Development Goals or MDGs, which
focus on combating poverty, hunger and disease and stimulating development that is truly
sustainable. Goal 3 specifically aims to provide an effective way in which "to promote genderequality and the empowerment of women."
The goals of the Millennium Declaration are not new; they are intended to advance
progress of the 12 critical areas identified by the Beijing Platform for Action. They also support
the goals of CEDAW and other international instruments that guarantee the rights of women andgirls.
What is new about the MDGs is that they involve concrete, time-bound, quantitative targets
for action.
Gender issues are highly relevant to achieving all the MDGs towards
sustainable development, be it protecting the environment or enabling universal access tohealth care. Because the MDGs are mutually reinforcing, progress towards one goal affects
progress towards the others: success in the Goals will have positive impacts on gender equality
and toward gender equality will help further otherBox 1
goals.
This
hard-wonrecognition
that
Unlike the other goals of the MDGs, Goal 3 is "development, if not engendered, is
not specific to any particular sector or issue, since endangered" is the culmination of years
gender equality and women's rights underpin all the of advocacy and action by women's
other goals. Attempting to achieve the MDGs without groups around the world.
promoting gender equality will decrease the likelihoodof achieving the other goals.
Progress in implementing the PFA and CEDAW shows some of the complexities inachieving Goal 3 and fulfilling all the commitments made to women.
Beijing + 5 showed us that the road to progress has been bumpy at best. The uneven
implementation of the PFA results from a complex set of conditions that are at the heart ofwomen's inequality. The structures that perpetuate gender inequality and discrimination pervade
economic, social, political, cultural, legal and civic institutions, norms and standards around theworld, including Afghanistan.
While sustainable development cannot be achieved without gender equality, the same isalso true for achieving true peace and security. Nowhere is this more true than Afghanistan.

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Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security recognizes this fact. 1325,
adopted in October 2000 is an historic landmark, marking the first time that the Security Council
addressed specifically the role and experience of women in the context of armed conflict. The
resolution builds on concepts developed in various international standards.
Although not legally binding, the power of the principles codified in Resolution 1325 gives
the women of Afghanistan an authoritative resource to draw on as we struggle to rebuild our wartorn country after 23 years of conflict and become powerful participants in the reconstruction anddevelopment of the country rather than powerless victims.
As an Afghan woman I would like to say a few words about the situation of women in
Afghanistan. Historically, the deeply-rooted conservative traditions and customs in our country
prevented women and girls from having any meaningful participation in, or access to, public life,
including education, health and employment.
In the 1970s and 1980s, this situation changed somewhat and there was a brief opening insociety. Women's participation in the social, political and economical sectors increased, but thisperiod was followed by the war and has been shown in many studies and reports, conflict is
especially destructive to the lives of women and girls.
Since the start of the war, millions of people including women and children were killed,
millions of others were displaced, thousands of women were kidnapped and sexually violated andforced into situations of unspeakable horror. Despite these challenges and difficulties, women
persisted in struggling for their rights, especially in the dark era of Taliban, when women were
forcibly banned from everything, including school and employment. As such, they became
prisoners in their own homes, not even allowed to go outside unless accompanied by a male
relative and forced to wear a burqa which became an international symbol of the discriminativeand oppressive attitudes of the Taliban towards women, During this period, women lost theirskills, knowledge and capabilities, from which we are just beginning to attempt to recover from.
After the fall of the Taliban regime in December 2001, and as result of the Bonn
Agreement in the same month, an interim government came to power and the Afghan people
especially women, started moving towards a renormalization of life.
Now I would like to bring to your attention situation in Afghanistan during last three years
with regard to women:
Since the fall of the Taliban regime, there has been considerable attention focused on theplight of Afghan women and girls. Despite many obstacles, women are now playing a crucial rolein building a new Afghanistan both politically and economically.
A major step in ensuring women's enjoyment of their rights was taken by the Afghan
government on 5 March 2003 when it ratified CEDAW. The challenge now will be to implement
its provisions fully and put in place the legal and judicial systems that will protect women's
human rights in the country.
In spite of this progress, the fact that women continue to face gross violations of their rights
is a matter of urgent concern for the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission as well as
women's groups. Continued factional fighting, increasing crime related to drug trafficking and theslow progress in meeting reconstruction goals owing to instability and terrorist activities hamper
the participation of women in social, economic and political life. As well, the years in which
Afghanistan remained under the cloud of war reduced women's social, economic and politicalsphere considerably and completely reversed any gains women made in the previous decades also
continues to create strong restrictions for women currently.

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Politics:
The holding of Presidential elections last month was a major test for Afghanistan. While
there was a remarkably high number of women who registered to vote throughout the country,
reaching an overall 41.4% of total registered voters, the registration rate of women remained low
in several regions - mainly in the south and south-east of the country? which suffers from bothtraditional barriers to women's participation in public life and unstable security.
In addition, there were heinous attacks targeted at women's participation in the politicalprocess: vehicles carrying female electoral staff were attacked several times resulting in several
deaths and serious injuries.
Equally, threats against women's participation issued, in particular in the south of thecountry, have further curtailed women's freedom of movement.
For the 500 seats of the Constitutional Loya Jirga held in December 2003 to approve the
new Constitution, women held approximately 100, or 20 percent, of the seats. This helped greatly,with substantial lobbying and advocacy efforts of Afghan civil society and the Afghan
Independent Human Rights Commission, to ensure that the equality of women and men was
enshrined in the Constitution, (Article 22). This compares favourably to the 1964 and the 1977
Constitutional Loya Jirgas, for example, only 4 and 12 women participated, respectively.
In another positive development for Afghan women, a Ministry for Women's Affairs,
known as MOWA, was established by the Bonn Agreement. MOWA's mandate is to support the
government in responding to the needs and issues affecting women in all aspects of life to attaingender equality and full enjoyment of women's human rights and to ensure that Afghanistan
women's legal, economic, social, political, and civic rights including their right to be free from all
forms of violence and discrimination are respected, promoted and fulfilled.
MOWA's core strategy is not to be an implementing agency but a policy influencing body,working with various government ministries and other partners and ensuring that policies, plans,resource allocation and monitoring done by government agencies are with a gender
perspective. MOWA currently has over 1200 staff including in Kabul and its Department of
Women's Affairs offices which are now set up in 28 of Afghanistan's 34 provinces.
Finally, in order to ensure women's participation in political life, Articles 83 and 84 of the
new Constitution guarantees at least 25 percent of seats for women in both the Parliament and the
Senate.
Health:
The health situation of women and girls in Afghanistan continues to reflect theconsequences of the conflict. There remains a shortage of female health personnel and difficult aswell as limited access to health-care services in many communities in Afghanistan.
As well, Afghanistan has the second highest maternal mortality rate in the world, with amaternal mortality ratio of 1,600 per 100,000 live births at the national level and 6,500 per
100,000 live births in certain deprived areas of the country.
Currently, across Afghanistan, only 15 percent of deliveries are attended by trained healthpersonnel. Utilization of health services in facilities where only male health personnel areavailable is very low; the few female health personnel there are need retraining in basic healthcare provision.
Traditions in Afghanistan make treatment of women by male nurses or doctors difficult andserve as a constraint for women seeking health care.

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Increasing female representation in the health-care sector is a priority in order to address
this constraint. An increase in civic awareness concerning the issues of women's health would
also greatly facilitate improved maternal and infant health. Maternal mortality would be
alleviated with increased access to essential obstetric care and increased training of female healthpersonnel.
Violence Against Women:
Violence against women remains one of the most pervasive barriers to women achieving
gender equality in Afghanistan. There are many forms this violence takes, including forced
marriage, domestic violence, the trafficking of women and girls, the exchange of girls for debt or
feud, the forced seclusion of women and girls from the time they start menstruating until they are
past their child-bearing years.
It will be one of the biggest challenges for Afghanistan to effectively address the issue ofviolence against women as the country moves into its post-conflict reconstruction anddevelopment phase, especially given that many of the forms that the violence takes are based on
deeply held cultural beliefs about women's place in society.
Education:
After the Bonn Agreement, a new era of education for women and girls
started, beginning with the reconstruction of schools and universities. A Back-to-School
Campaign launched by the Afghan Ministry of Education and UNICEF has been a major successand 4.2 million children are now enrolled in school.
There was a net increase of 37 percent in girls' enrolment from 2002 to 2003. Even thesouthern provinces show an average net increase of about 30 percent in spite of higher levels ofinsecurity and conflict. The ratio of boys to girls in school has now reached the same levels as in
pre-Taliban days. However, there are still many girls out of school. Safety and security, distancefrom home, and inadequate school facilities are the main reasons cited by families for not sending
children, both girls and boys, to school. In the case of girls, a shortage of female teachers
continues to be another obstacle to girls going to school.
In 2003, UNESCO estimated that 51.9 per cent of men and only 21.9 per cent of womenover the age of 15 know how to read and write. It will take a concerted effort by both the Afghan
government and the international community to increase these numbers, particularly for females,in order to ensure their rightful access to political and economic life.
Employment:
One of the major priorities for many Afghan women, including an estimated one million
destitute widows country-wide, is to earn an income to support their families and raise theirstandard of living. Many women have now returned to their former jobs in the civil service,
health and education sectors. Precise data on the numbers of women entering the formal
workforce are not known, but greater attention will be paid to this area as more data become
available. As well, a great many Afghan women derive their income from the informal sector so
official numbers are hard to come by regarding their situation.
Conclusion:
This is the current situation of women and girls in Afghanistan. What is needed to keepthese modest gains? First, provisions to protect women and girls from forced and early marriages,

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incarceration and all forms of gender-based violence, including domestic violence, should beenshrined in law. Women's explicit role and participation in the new Government should also bedelineated, especially in the Supreme Court and in other decision-making bodies and ingovernment ministries. In addition, women should be guaranteed positions in provincial
assemblies and local councils.
What can be done to increase women's political participation? For the Parliamentaryelections, now tentatively scheduled for the spring of 2005, along with the right to vote, women's
participation as possible candidates for elected office needs to be strongly supported by theAfghan government and the international community. The capacity of potential womencandidates needs to be strengthened and intensive voter education and awareness programs
implemented to dispel negative stereotypes of women as leaders.
Special measures in support of women as candidates, and election processes that do notdiscriminate against or exclude women, and support to media campaigns that offer time forwomen's voices to be heard, should be supported and monitored closely.
Most important, however, is that traditional attitudes and long-entrenched customs
completely undervalue the contribution of women to society and create a barrier for theadvancement of women's rights. Yet, with the implementation of the new Constitution and the
newly democratically elected government, Afghanistan is now in a position to ensure that women
can begin the fulfillment of their rights, if not fully now, at least partially.
What is needed now for women to fully achieve their rights for large numbers of women to
take their place in high positions in government, and in senior positions in public and economic
life.

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How can the safety of people be guar antied thr ough development?
Michiya Kumaoka
Representative, Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC)
1) Globalization that centers on economics and finance produces a concentration of wealthand an extreme gap between the rich and the poor.
The structuring of the enlargement of the gap between the rich and the poor in the world in
every country and region. Domination progresses based on huge multinational corporations
gtoups rather than on specific countries. (The impoverishment of women and the feminization ofpoverty among them) With respect to this globalization that centers on economics and finance thecreation of an alternative alliance, politically, socially, economically, and based on each region, iscalled for.
2) In particular, “developing countries”, and the examples of the eastern European former
socialist countries and Cambodia, are embedded in the world market late and, necessarily, arepositioned at the tip of that pyramid, moreover, the people positioned at the bottom of thosecountries live in distress that is nothing other than “selling a body”.
* “The Paradox of case of Cambodia”
In the peace process of Cambodia the peace treaty of 1991 has an important meaning, but
the hasty introduction of a market economy and (with respect to the capability for acceptanceand assimilation, excessive) “flood of aid” led to the concentration of power and wealth inspecific political leaders/families and shows an example in which, if good governance does notproceed in parallel, democratization is delayed and the gap between the rich and the poor isworsened.
Compared to the poor 1980s in which even households in which women were the family
head could continue to survive, after the establishment of the peace treaty (1991), rather extreme
poverty came into existence symbolized by negative social phenomena like an increase of“landless farmers”, the break-up of families and “selling daughters /children”.
3) Attempts to create an opposition axis
First of all, centering on the participation of girls/women, basic education and basic healthare the fundamental social development infrastructure in order to conquer poverty and realize afairer society. Furthermore, it has become important that education and various kinds of training(from various kinds of technical skills to management, operation and accounting capabilities etc.)
can be provided not just by public schools, but also by the community, an NGO and a CBO(community-based organization).
1.

Agriculture that lets small farming exist, Agriculture that allows people to eat

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Diverse, domprehensive agriculture is aimed at that does not specialize in a single cash
crop while also having regional characteristics. The diffusion of organic agriculture that can getalong for a long time with the natural environment, such as the land, water and forest, is also thekey. (Agriculture that is not tossed about and destroyed by a crash in agricultural prices.)* When a single product is specialized in, there are times when the income of a farmhousehold increases temporarily, but instantly competitors appear, prices drop to a level that does
not offset the invested labor and capital (such as agricultural machinery, fertilizer and chemicals),
debts accumulate, and the risk that the situation will become that the house and land are disposedof and the family scattered is great. Furthermore, the power to set the prices is not on the side of
the producer, (price setting) is controlled by large agribusiness and grain companies, and if seenfrom the side of companies such as food majors, if low price products can be acquired it isacceptable if they come from anywhere in the world, and the need for a specific region andcontinuing transactions for the long-term is not felt.
2.

The importance of mutual support and helping each otherAt the time of an emergency when a small farmer (such as households headed
by a woman especially) or even a village unit suffers great damage in farm production andincome, including also the times of natural disasters such as drought and flood, and when an
accident and sickness has occurred in a family, a regional mutual support arrangement becomesthe essential key to survival.
a. “Rice bank”: Normally, the loan of rice and grains and the like at low and no interestat the time of an emergency (emergency year), even if not stored in the form of “money” foremergency use, becomes a mutual safety-net preventing a setback to “landless farmers”. For riceand grains, a part for eating until the next year and a part for use as seed rice are necessary. (Inany country and region the fact is that a setback begins from borrowing at a high interest frommiddleman.)b. “Cow bank”, “pig bank”, “chicken bank” and the like (a cyclical and far-reaching typeof support system in which a farm family borrows and breeds parent cattle and returns them after
an offspring is born) also is an important method that supports a path to increase the income offarm families that have few assets, and is one mechanism of mutual support that is gradually
becoming widespread in regions with farming villages.
c. Creating a saving and lending group, particularly, one created by women, that aims forsmall business support in a farm village, such as vegetable sales and handicraft production andsales to towns, is also an important movement. The initial basic (seed) funding may also be
provided from the outside, such as an NGO, but one’s own saving is the basis and, rather, shifting
to lending (within the group) can strongly have the ownership of one’s own capital and program,and there are many examples of success. There are also times when an emergency lending
system for cases of sickness, funerals and festivals is setup at the same time.
* In the expansion of these mutual support mechanisms and the promotion of saving andlending groups and small-scale businesses, the results due to the activity of women is steady andforms an axis of agricultural village development.

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3.

Review of regional autonomous economy and society
The possibility of increasing income and decreasing expenditure increases to the extent that
products are exchanged in a place as near as possible, even if it is in an agricultural area.
Furthermore, the creation of a close relationship in which “producer – consumer” can meet faceto-face builds the stability of “production – living” including the safety of food. The expansion of
local markets, regional currencies and producer – consumer cooperation also heightens theautonomy and independence of communities.

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What globalization has br ought about
Yoko Kitazawa
Commentator on International Issues‘What globalization has br ought about’
1. Globalization led by transnational enterprises (TNCs)
1980s:In developed countries: Reagan and Thatcher’s neoliberalism
Against the Soviet Union it was the nuclear arms race that brought budget deficits
Control of inflation, fiscal restraint, lower taxes for the rich, privatization of public
services, running down of welfare
In developing countries:
Introduction of the IMF and World Bank’s Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs)
Especially in Latin America, the Developing countries were experiencing debt crises
An era of fiscal restraint including the reduction in pay and dismissal of public servants,slashing of welfare budgets and abolition of subsidies
High interest rates, currency devaluation, privatization of government enterprises andpublic services
The deregulation of trade, investment of foreign capital, financial markets
1990s:
Following the end of the Cold War: globalization through market economies andInformation Technology innovation
2. What globalization has brought about
Increased poverty, environmental destruction, human rights violations- The increased size of enterprises, takeover, mergers and diversification of enterprises
There are 52 enterprises within the top 100 of nations and enterprises.
- Disparity increase
The assets of the world’s 3 richest men including Bill Gates, are greater than the GNP of
49 Least Developed Countries (LDCs).
- Poverty increase
1.5 billion people in absolute poverty, with women in the ratio of 70%
Debt crisis of African countries
Spread of AIDS- Intensification of regional conflicts
150 million refugees, mostly women and children- Casino economy$2 trillion per day speculation in currency transaction markets‘Towar ds resolution of global issues’
At United Nations level (1990s)

32

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************

Holding of the summit level world meetings focusing on global issues, such as children,
environment and development, human rights, population, social development, women,human settlement, racial discrimination, financing for development and sustainable
development
Not only were the agendas for action adopted at summits not implemented, but also thesituation is worsening
Developed countries: Decreased provision of funds such as ODA
Developing countries: Government functions decline as a result of Structural Adjustment
Programs (SAPs)
International institutions such as IMF, World Bank and WTO that are dominated by the G7,
highjack the functions of the United Nations
What is required to assure the necessary food, shelter, clothing, education, healthcare andfreedom/ human rights‘Millennium Development Goals’ in 2000
How the developed countries in the OECD, United Nations, World Bank etcetera are going togo about achieving the ‘Millennium Development Goal’ that was to ‘halve poverty by
2015’.
‘Revitalization by r egion’
Large scale demonstrations against globalization: Demonstrations against WTO ministerial
meetings, annual meetings of the IMF & World Bank, G7 summit meetings, etcetera
January 2001
World Social Forum (WSF) in Porto Alegre
January 2004
World Social Forum (WSF) in Mumbai (110,000 participants)‘Towar ds economic solidarity’Market economy control
1. International level- Debt cancellation, education, medical services and especially measures to combat AIDS
- Make ODA 0.7% of GDP- Introduction of currency transaction tax, carbon tax, arms trade- Introduction of a Code of conduct and a legally binding international regime for TNCs (theprobability of this has increased following the adoption of the ‘Plan of implementation’ atthe 2002 Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD))
2. Regional level
Promotion and quantitative expansion of a Social economy which pursues human solidarity
over profit- Various types of cooperatives such as production, service and consumption- Various mutual assistance organizations- NPOs- Workers collectives- Micro credit- Social currencies- Fair trade33

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************

Workshop 3

Human Security and marginalized People, Especially Women

Panelists:
Ms Nooria Haqnegar
Dr. Ruri Ito
Ms Mariko Sato

Director, Department of Training and Preaching, Ministry of
Women’s Affairs of Islamic Traditional State of Afghanistan
Professor, Institute for Gender Studies, Ochanomizu University
Human Settlements Officer, UN-HABITAT Fukuoka OfficeModerator:
Ms Masami Shinozaki

Professor, Kumamoto Gakuen University, Chief Researcher, KFAW

34

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************Wor kshop 3

Ministr y of Women’s Affair s of Afghanistan
Ms Noor ia Haqnegar
Director, Department of Training and Preaching,
Ministry of Women’s Affairs of Islamic Traditional State of Afghanistan
Ministry of women’s affairs after the bon Conference in 2001 was started to the work and
now it is three years that the ministry is working and now Ministry of women’s affairs working inthe situation that the afghan women’s had taken part in the election.
Mandate:Support government in responding to the needs and issues affecting women in all aspects oflive to attain gender equality and full enjoyment of women’s human rights.
Vision:Afghanistan will be a peaceful and prosperous country in which women and men enjoy
security, equal rights and opportunities in all aspects of life.
Mission:To ensure that Afghanistan women’s legal, economic, social, political, and civic rights arerespected, promoted and fulfilled, including their right to be forms of violence and discrimination.
Str uctur e:
Minister
Deputy Minister for technical and policy concerns
Deputy Minister for administration and finance
Advisers unit
Depar tments:
Departments of planning
Departments of Training and Advocacy
Departments of women’s Economic Empowerment
Departments of Health
Departments Education
Departments of legal protection
Departments of provincial relation
Departments of Administration and finance
29 Provincial Branches
Str ategy:
1. Gender mainstreaming:

35

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************

Process of assessing different implications for women and men of development efforts. Awayof revealing the concerns of women and men in design, implementation, monitoring of benefits
and outcomes of policies and programmers to achieve equality between women and men.
2. Inter-ministerial collaboration:
Full participation of and collaboration with ministries, including capacity building of thestaff of various ministries, joint research, training , policy development and outreach it recognizes
that the promotion of women’s empowerment and gender equality is a policy of the Government
and is there fore every one’s responsibility.
The third core strategy recognizes that Afghanistan women are beset by historical
disadvantages that prevent them from fully benefiting from development. Thus, MoWA works
for measures that would enable women to “catch up”. Called positive or affirmative measures,
these are policies or programs that give advantage to women under that concept of equity.
3. Positive Measures:
Measures that specifically promote the advancement of women and girls in order to achieve
rapid progress where existing disparities threaten overall national development.
Collabor ation has taken place with the following ministr ies:
1. Ministry of Rural rehabilitation and development
2. Ministry of religious affairs
3. Ministry of information and culture
4. Ministry of foreign affairs
5. Ministry of justice
6. Ministry of planning
7. Ministry of health8. Ministry of education
9. Ministry of trade
10. Ministry of Interior affairs
Roles:
Advocate: a voice, which systematically and predictably audience, including the highest levels ofgovernment, private sector, media, NGOs,etc.at the local, national and international levels.
Enabler /facilitator : facilitates processes and links resources with needs to enable government
agencies, partners and women to plan and implement actions on women’s empowerment andgender equality.
Initiator /innovator : a source of new ideas in the area of women’s policies and programs,
introducing new areas of programs/policies or new dimensions or approaches to existing
programs of government.
Coor dinator : serves as a coordinator of new and continuing initiatives, bringing together, whennecessary or appropriate, the different groups working group greater synergy and impact.

36

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************

Technical Resour ce: helps provide various groups such as other government agencies andNGOs with the technical expertise and support on women and gender perspectives and on
methodologies necessary to run programs for women and men.
Over sight: serves as overseer and monitor, ensuring that all groups fulfill their mandates for
women. MOWA keeps sight of the big picture, identifying gaps, points of intervention and areas
for synergy between and among groups.
Achievements:
・ Reorientation of focus from direct implementation to policy adviser and advocate
・ More efficient organizational mechanism
・ Capacities started to be built on management, gender mainstreaming, policy making, andadvocacy, inter- ministerial collaboratin.etc.
・ Influencing national planning, budgeting and some key policies
・ Expansion of support base---NGOs, government, international community, civil society.
Challenges:
Low budget
High expectations, enormous demands
Lack of public understanding of MOWA’s functions
Low capacity of staff
Low capacity of partners for gender mainstreaming
Low status of women and the various factors that affect them.

37

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************Wor kshop 3“Feminization of Inter national Migr ation” and Human Secur ity
Dr . Rur i Ito
Institute for Gender Studies (IGS), Ochanomizu University, Tokyo
Since the 1980’s, women account for an increasing proportion of those migrating acrossborders in Asia (“feminization of international migration”). For those who cross borders to workor live abroad, how may their rights and well-being, and in particular those of female migrants,
be assured? After a brief overview of the situation in Asia, I will focus my discussion on thesituation in Japan.
1. State secur ity and migr ants’ security
State security and the foundation of nation-states: people’s will to institute a State in order tosecure their rights and welfare as citizens (e.g. French “Declaration of Human Rights” in1789)(* Note, however, that women have long been excluded from this modern citizenship)
State security and globalization: State’s decreasing control over the security of its nationals(both domestically and internationally) and the simultaneous rise of xenophobic ultranationalistic sentiments.
↓
Basic assumption that the beneficiaries of State security be limited to its “citizens” or nationals (≠foreigners).
In reality, there has been a rapid increase of international migrants (175 million people live
outside of where they were born, with 50 million of those in Asia1). There is a need therefore toconsider migrants’ security, particularly that of female migrants, from the perspective of “humansecurity”.
2. “Feminization of Inter national Migration”
Commodification” of Repr oductive Labor

in

Asia

and

the

“Inter national

Migration for work purpose: An increase of women working abroad since the 1980’s (seegraph) concomitant to the “international commodification” of reproductive labor, such as
housekeeping, child-rearing, care and nursing, etc.
a) Skilled labor, “professional and technical workers”
Nurses (Philippines).
Work destinations: North America, Europe… → aggravated domestic shortage ofnursing staff in the Philippines
Performing artists / entertainers (Philippines).
1

UN Population Division, International Migration Report 2002. The figure includes refugees, but not undocumented
migrants.

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Work destinations: Japan (“entertainment”), China... → includes cases of trafficking inwomenb) “Service workers”
Domestic workers, “care givers” (Philippines, Indonesia, Sri Lanka).
Work destinations: Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, Taiwan, Province of China,
Saudi Arabia...
→ mainly live-in type household labor, with conspicuous cases of human rights
violations
Trafficking in persons, particularly women, girls and boys
Refugees / Displaced persons
3. How to Secur e the Rights and Welfar e of Female Migr ants? Multiple Ways of Assuring
and Pr oducing Secur ity
Multiple and Possible Ways of Assuring and Producing Securitya) State security: sending countries’ government policies / receiving countries’ government
policies / bilateral agreementsb) Security produced by citizens’ activities: NGOs and trade unions based in sending
countries / NGOs and trade unions based in receiving countries / transnational networking
to safeguard migrants’ rightsc) Security produced through insititutions within civil society: schools, corporations, media,
neighborhood associations, local society…
d) Security produced through mutual aid among female migrants themselves, selfempowerment activities such as capacity building and skill training programse) Security potentially provided by the international community: International Convention on
the Protection of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (1990), CEDAW(1979), the Beijing Platform for Action (1995, paragraphs 22, 36, 46), Convention on the
Rights of the Child (1989), International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Racial Discrimination (1965)…
Issues of security with regard to female migrants and the members of their families living
in JapanEntertainers (performing artists) / trafficking in women (shelter activities, campaigns by
Japan Network Against Trafficking in Persons [JNATIP]…)
Female migrants and domestic violence (NGOs such as “Kalakasan”)
Security for undocumented migrants and their families with expired visa
(Movement seeking a “special resident permit”
cf. Ministry of Justice’s campaign “Information pertaining to illegal aliens”2 …)
Education for migrants’ children
cf. Efforts by the “Council of Cities with High Concentration of Foreigners”3.
2

A Campaign launched on 16 February 2004 by the Ministry of Justice through Immigration Bureau of Japan’s
website, urging citizens to denounce undocumented foreign residents. Strong protests have been expressed by NGOs,
as well as some municipalities, such as the city of Kobe.
3
Established on 7 May 2001, by cities such as Hamamatsu City, Toyohashi City, Toyota City, and Oizumi-machi in
Gunma Prefecture, amongst others. The Council was “organized by the municipalities and local international
exchange associations in cities with significant numbers of foreign residents, in order to work proactively on the

39

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
Outline of Speech*****************************************************************************************

Efforts needed to accept a greater number of asylum seekers and refugees
It is important not only to support “peace building” and “reconstruction”, but also toincrease the acceptance of asylum seekers within its territory. (cf. Workshop 1)
Need to gender mainstream Japanese immigration policy and measures regarding foreign
citizens at large.
4. Conclusion: A Multi-layer ed Appr oach to Human Secur ity and Some Remaining Issues
1) A need to devise a multi-layered system of human security, including state security, thatmeets the conditions of globalizing world.
2) A need to go beyond the binary of migrants’ rights vs. citizens’ or nationals’ rights (i.e.
nationalism), and to conceive a comprehensive human security that would include bothparties. Consequently, it is also important to make sure that gender equality policies areopen to non-national residents, including women migrants.
3) A need to conceive an approach of development assistance that would incorporate some ofthe structural contradictions brought about through migration, and reformulate it based on
the concept of human security. (cf. Workshop 2)
Extraction of commodified reproductive labor from developing countries by developed
countries, and the problem of its generational reproduction.
Shortage of nurses, degrading quality of medicare: a new North-South problem?
“Care Chain” (Rhacel Parreñas)
Who will raise domestic migrant workers’ children?
Will the children of domestic migrant workers be also domestic migrant workers?

emerging local issues through the exchange of information regarding policy and activities relating to foreign
citizens.”

40

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
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Activities for Human Secur ity by UN-HABITATMar iko Sato
Human Settlements Officer,
UN-HABITAT Fukuoka Office (Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific)● Introduction of UN-HABITAT and its Activities – The Only UN Agency in Kyushu
・ 1978：Establishment of United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (UN-HABITAT);
status upgraded to United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) in
2002
・ Belongs to UN ECOSOC・Secretariat of UN Human Settlements Programme Governing
Council (58 countries)
・ Headquarters in Kenya, Nairobi
・ 3 Regional Offices (Fukuoka、Rio de Janeiro,Nairobi)
・ Agency of the United Nations system responsible for coordinating issues on Human
Settlements Development, known as the “City Agency”
UN−HABITAT Major Activities 2002-2004
・ Staff at Habitat Fukuoka Office：18
・ Project Personnel in the Region：over 1,000・ Countries Covered：28 countries
・ Active Projects (as of September 2004) ： 40 in 14
countries
・ UN-HABITAT Fukuoka Office Main Projects (see thechart)
・ Habitat Agenda and Global Campaigns;● Adequate Shelter for All → Secure Tenure● Sustainable Human Settlements Development→ Good Urban Governance
AFGHANISTAN☆Urban Rehabilitation
Programme☆Support to Local
Governance☆Housing
Reconstruction
Programme

CAMBODIAPAKISTAN☆ Peshaw ar City Development
Strategy☆Phnom Penh Urban Poverty
Reduction☆Housing Policy☆City Development Strategy☆Urban Management
Programme

CHINA☆Sustainable Cities
Programe☆Urban Indicator
Programmes☆UrbanManagement
Programme☆City Development
Strategy

BANGLADESH☆Human Security☆Urban Poverty
Reduction☆Urbanmanagement
Programme

INDIA☆Hyderabad City
Development
Strategy☆UrbanManagement
Programme

PHILIPPINESTHAILAND

BHUTAN☆GIS Capacity☆Economic
Planning

Urban
Management
Programme

VIETNAM☆Local Agenda 21☆Urban Forum☆UrbanManagement
ProgrammePAPUA NEWGUINEA☆Sustainable Cities
Programme☆Urban Forum☆City Development
Strategy
Urban Management
Progra mme

Safer Cities
Programme

40 projects in 14 countries (2004)

Global Campaign for Secure Tenure

Campaign for Secure Tenure is an advocacy instrument to promote secure forms of tenure
for the poorest populations, especially those living in informal settlements and slums incities. The Campaign encourages negotiation as an alternative to forced eviction, and theestablishment of systems of tenure that minimise bureaucratic lags and the displacementof the urban poor by market forces by promoting dialogue between organisations of slum
dwellers and support NGOs and governments at all levels. Security of tenure is also oneof the most important catalysts for attracting corporate and individual investment in orderto improve the living conditions of the urban poor.

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The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
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Global Campaign on Urban Governance
The Campaign on Urban Governance aims to contribute to the eradication of poverty
which promotes growth with equity, with a realisation of an Inclusive City, where
everyone, regardless of their economic means, gender, race, ethnicity or religion, isenabled and empowered to fully participate in the social, economic and political
opportunities that cities have to offer. Participatory planning and decision-making are thestrategic means for realizing this vision. It also promotes Women-friendly Cities.

■UN-HABITAT Approach
The following approaches, UN-HABITAT promotes comprehensive community
development that contributes to acting inclusive cities, post-conflict peace building, as well as
nation building.
・ Self-Reliance・ Sustainability
・ Replication
・ Participation/Partnership・ Learning-by-Doing
・ Institutionalisation
・ Upstream-Downstream Continuum
2. Projects supported under United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security
・Support for Urban Youth at Risk Project : KnK: “House for Youth” (Battambang, Cambodia:
Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam)
・Cambodia: Phnom Penh – Partnership for Urban Poverty Reduction– Phase I / II – Slum Upgrading[Under consideration by the UN]
・Sri Lanka: Rehabilitation of Community Infrastructure in Northeast Sri Lanka
・Afghanistan: Rebuilding Urban Communities in Afghanistan
Human “ In” security

Marginalized
People,Especially
Women

No trainingJobmarketOr Lac
ga k
ni of
sa
t io
n

e
ic
ud
ej
pr

I
re lleg
sid alenceLack ofpolitical will

n
io
pt

42

Water,
Sanitationr ru
Co

3. What is Human “Insecurity” in the context of slums?
■ From a perspective of Poverty in Slums;
Health /→ People living in slums easily impair their health through Education
overwork and malnutrition. They are not able to buy medicines fortheir sickness or afford to go to the hospitals. When they are faced
Shelterwith disaster and severe disease, they fall in debt hell and their poor
houses are confiscated, hence, a “vicious circle of poverty” neverends. In order to restore human dignity, the poor should beprotected from such serious conditions.
→ What causes poverty is not only the “low-income” but also various
barriers preventing the poor from accessing various services andempowering tools. Addressing Human “Insecurity” means removing

Community
Participation

Training /Skills/Information

SEAMLESS TRANSITION - CONTINUUM

・Returnees
・IDPs

PEACE

・Shelter Rehabilitation

The 15th Kitakyushu Conference on Asian Women (KCAW)
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these barriers in order to enable the accessibility by the poor and the marginalized.
4. Seamless transition from emergency relief to development
In the process of moving from the emergency relief and recovery for the victims by war, conflicts,
the natural disasters, towards peace building, rehabilitation, and nation building, the transition
period when refugees and IDPs (Internally Displaced People) are repatriated or return and resettlein new settlements is critical. In this transition period, the refugees and IDPs resettle in temporalshelters and slum and squatter areas. Extreme poverty including lack of access to clean water andsanitation and basic infrastructure and housing shortage put them in the most vulnerable position.
When compared this “transition” with “a plant”, returnees who have lost everything are plannedin a desert where no water and fertilizers could be provided while spreading roots around in suchan unstable condition. It is therefore critical to address the seamless transition from humanitarian
aid to rehabilitation and development, with a long-term development vision by providing timely
and appropriate support.
5. Governance Sandwich for human security
Governance Sandwich
In order to realize human security, governance mechanism
Governments, Municipalities
Enablewill need to be in place: Protection/Support fromSecure Tenure
Governments/ Municipalities and Empowerment for
Policy (upgrading, resettlements)
Communities in particular vulnerable groups such as
Supportreturnees and IDPs.
Governance
5.1 Capacity building for local governments
Empowerment
Enabling/
Inclusive
PolicyEmpowerment of Individuals
5.2 Empowerment of Communities – Bottom-Up – EMPOWERMENTEmpowerment of Communities-Involve communities in the entire development
Citizen
Vulnerable People (Refugees, IDPs, Squatters)
processes - identification, prioritization, designing,
implementation and monitoring of community based activities - a process which empower
communities as a whole, thereby addresses the issues of gender and marginalized people.
6. Danger of misunderstanding the concept of human security- The importance of using physical infrastructures, the "hardware" as an entry point for building
people’s capacity, institutions building, and community rebuilding the "software." This approach
will lead to sustaining human security concept. Hence an integrated approach is required.
Followings are some of the examples of ineffective assistance.
6.1 De-mining operations without the security of tenure → People have been evicted after demining
6.2
Building
schools
without
propercurriculum→
Schools
unused
6.3 Water wells that do not meet the needs of the people → Water wells not used, maintainedor repaired
6.4 Top-down provision of aids or “Dependency” created for instance in Refugee-camps →Making it difficult in nurturing self-reliance43