Luxury Market and Survival: Japan’s Traditional
Kimono Weaving Industry after the 1950s 
Tomoko Hashino†
February 10, 2015

Abstract
This study investigates the market for traditional dress in Japan in the second half of the20th century. The textile industry has been regarded as a “declining” or mature industry
in Japan since around the 1970s, and imports from developing countries with lower
wages have increased rapidly. Although domestic production of textiles has decreased,
increasing imports have not destroyed all subsectors. Instead, the market for Japanesekimono (traditional dress) and obi (belts) has expanded with the increase in disposable
income accompanying Japan’s economic growth. While the scale of the kimono market
has shrunk in favor of Western clothes for everyday wear, the market for high-quality
kimono as formal dress or luxury goods for special or formal occasions has survived.
Production changes in Nishijin, the most advanced weaving district in Japan, provide agood example of this transition from low- to high-quality kimono.

This is preliminary draft which was presented at the workshop “Global Luxury: Organizationalchange and emerging markets in the luxury industry since the 1970s” at the University of Neuchâtelin November 2014. I am grateful to the participants of the workshop, especially Professors
Pierre-Yves Donze and Rika Fujioka, for helpful comments. Financial support in the form ofGrant-in Aid for Scientific Research (A) 23243055 and (C) 25380425 is gratefully acknowledged.
†
Graduate School of Economics, Kobe University. 2-1 Rokko, Nada, Kobe, Hyogo 6578501, Japan.
Email: hashino@econ.kobe-u.ac.jp
11. Introduction
It is well known that textiles were one of Japan’s leading industries from the earlyindustrialization period shortly after the Meiji Restoration (1868) to the period of rapid
economic growth after World War II (WWII). In the early 1950s, Japan was the only
one country in eastern Asia with a modern textile industry that could export textiles toforeign countries. Even though the textile industries in other Asian regions, such as
Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Korea, were emerging in the 1950s, the Japanese textile
industry nonetheless enjoyed export-led growth. Specifically, textile exports were USD
12.2 billion in 1960 and amounted to 30.2% of all exports (Nihon Sen’i Kyogikai 1961,
p. 22). However, the emergence of developing economies, Japan–US trade friction, andthe oil crisis in the early 1970s depressed the export growth of the Japanese textile
industry.
The foreign market as well as the growing domestic demand led by rapid
economic growth were critical for the textile industry. Personal consumption
expenditure (PCE) accounted for about 60% of gross domestic expenditure in thesecond half of the 20th century in Japan. The growth rate of per capita PCE was 7.9%
(1960–70), 3.6% (1970–80), and 3.1% (1980–90) (Yamazaki and Abe, 2012, p. 6). PCE
symbolized the arrival of the era of mass consumption as consumer durables, namely,
TVs, washing machines, refrigerators, cars, and air conditioners, appeared in the market
at prices that people could afford. As a result, ownership of durable consumer products2rose sharply after the period of rapid growth.
In addition, the consumption of textiles increased; however, it was
accompanied by remarkable changes in demand for clothing, from the Japanesetraditional kimono to western dress. One of the impacts of Western influence on Japan in
the middle of the 19th century was the adoption of Western clothes. However, many
Japanese people did not change their habit of wearing the traditional kimono ineveryday life until the 1960s. Western dress in public and Japanese dress at homeremained the general rule for a very long time (Slade 2009, p. 56). As Franks (2012)shows, production for the domestic market, which was dominated by Japanese-style
clothing, played a significant part in the crucial stages of growth of the textile industry.
In fact, the kimono market particularly continued to expand even after the end of theperiod of rapid growth of the industry. The Westernization of clothing came much later
than that of other aspects of Japanese society. In around 1972, Japanese people started
using the term “apparel industry,” which refers to the manufacture and distribution ofWestern clothes, whose industrial foundations were built in the 1960s (Kinoshita 2009,p. 191).
What happened in the kimono market? Certainly, the kimono market shrankbecause many people no longer wear kimono as often as they used to. The market scaleof kimono was JPY 296 billion yen in 2012 (Yano Research Institute, 2013, p. 15) froma 1981 peak of JPY 1,800 billion (METI-Kansai Bureau of Economy, Trade and3Industry, 2009, p. 3). Yoshida (2013) argues that kimono and kimono-related industries
declined not only because of the change in consumers’ lifestyle but also because of
producers deciding to shift production to the higher price range in the market. Moreover,their strategy resulted in decreased demand for kimono worn only by wealthier people
for special occasions (Yoshida 2013, p. 435). However, faced with both declining
demand and increasing imports from Korea, which rapidly expanded exports of undyed
narrow silk fabrics for kimono, it appears natural that the Japanese kimono industry
concentrated production on the higher-priced range of the market. As a matter of thefact, Nishijin, traditionally the most advanced silk-weaving district, changed its primary
product from the popular kimono using synthetic fibers or worsted yarns to silk obi for
women. In addition, share of Japanese silk obi in total production in Nishijin rose
dramatically from 69.9% in 1966 to 99% in 1978 (Furumai 1982, pp. 41–42). In otherwords, their venture was oriented toward the luxury market.
The aim of this study is to explore how the kimono weaving industry converted
production from the popular kimono to the luxury kimono and obi for women in the faceof demand changes for the Westernization of clothes. Even though normal dress ineveryday life was substituted with Western clothes, the higher-quality kimono industry,
especially for women, has been able to survive today by being both an asset and aluxury good. From the point of view that the luxury market for kimono grew as theWesternization of clothes changed demand, this study analyzes the historical survival of4the Japanese kimono industry and its structural changes in the second half of the 20th
century.
The case of Nishijin is analyzed mainly. Nishijin has a long history as the mostadvanced silk-weaving district for textiles for high-quality luxurious kimono and obi. In
the pre-modern period, Nishijin produced silk for high-quality luxurious products
exclusively for privileged people; however, it started production of more popular
textiles corresponding to changes in demand after the Meiji Restoration. In the 1870s,
Nishijin played a leading role in introducing advanced Western technology, such as
jacquard, flying shuttle, and synthetic dyestuffs to Japan. This occurred not only in the
popular Kiryu silk-weaving district, which centers production primarily on the domestic
market, but also in Fukui, which experienced export-led growth through theintroduction of advanced technology for silk weaving from Nishijin, although thepattern of development was quite different in each district (Hashino and Otsuka 2013).
The rest of this article is organized as follows. Section 2 discusses changes indemand for clothes and the growth of the Japanese kimono market at the expense ofWestern clothes in the period of rapid growth after WWII. Section 3 examines thechanges in kimono production and demand for kimono in Nishijin, which made efforts
to switch its market from the popular kimono to more high-quality luxury goods. The
article concludes with a summary of the main findings and implications for future
research on the luxury market.
5

2. A Brief History of the Japanese Kimono Market during Rapid Growth
2-1 Rapid change from kimono to Western clothes
As mentioned, the introduction of Western clothes was one of the impacts ofWesternization in modern Japan. However, it was only after WWII that Western
clothing became popular among Japanese people. Western clothing was first adopted in
the Japanese public sector with, for example, military uniforms. Western clothing had
become a symbol of social dignity and progress in Japan by the early 20th century (Slade2009, p. 53), although the pace of adoption was quite slow, especially for women. Until
the 1930s, the majority of Japanese people continued to wear kimono and Western
clothes remained largely restricted to public or nondomestic use by certain classes(Slade 2009, p. 57). The comparative advantage of Western clothes through therationalization of textiles in Western fashions, such as shorter skirts and narrower
sleeves, contributed to more active lives, especially for women. However, by theoutbreak of WWII, most working women in Japan and quite a few housewives wore
Western dress. Most Japanese people, both in cities and rural areas, continued to wear
kimono at home (Slade 2009, p. 60). During WWII, most Japanese women becamefamiliar with Western clothes by wearing work pants or loose trousers to accommodate
the needs of the war system.
After the end of WWII, Japanese women preferred Western dress in everyday
6life. According to a nationwide poll by the Yomiuri Shimbun newspaper in 1950, 61% of
respondents continued to wear both Western and Japanese dress, while 29% had turned
completely to Western wear (Gordon 2012, p. 61). Even though the fashionable meisenkimono, which was woven by spun silk, became popular in the early 1950s, it came tobe replaced by the “wool kimono” woven by worsted yarns. People preferred thecheaper wool kimono for normal dress in everyday life because it was warmer, more
comfortable, and easier to tailor and keep than silk kimono, including meisen. Thisboom of wool kimono accelerated the substitution of kimono with Western dress
because of the development of mass production of ready-to-wear dress using chemicaland synthetic fabrics (Koizumi 2006, pp. 52, 67; Nakagawa and Sone 1983, p. 20). As aresult, kimono as formal as well as normal dress came to be substituted with Western
clothes.
Today, most Japanese women wear kimono as formal dress for special
occasions, for example, weddings and coming-of-age ceremonies, although some people
engaged in Japanese traditions, such as tea ceremonies, flower arranging, and Japanese
dancing, usually wear kimono. According to an interesting survey by the Japan
Chemical Fibers Association (1989, p. 46), 47% of customers for retailers, including
kimono shops and department stores, buy kimono for ceremonial occasions, 29% use
kimono for traditional hobbies and parties, while only 2% wear kimono as normal dressin everyday life.
7

2-2 Changes in consumption and production of kimono
From the literature survey in Subsection 2-1, it seems that most Japanese people regard
kimono as luxury goods for formal and special occasions and that such productupgrading has shrunk the kimono market. The question then arises whether the Japanesepeople stopped buying kimono as a result of rapid growth in incomes after WWII.
Figure 1 shows the growth of disposable income and stagnation of kimono consumption.
The index of disposable income rose dramatically toward 1975 and increased at a stablepace after the mid-1970s. On the other hand, the index of consumption of kimono
stagnated in the mid-1970s, even though it rose sharply along with the rapid increase indisposable income. It is worth noting that consumption of kimono expanded during theperiod of rapid growth despite the rapid Westernization of clothes.
As shown in Table 1, the share of clothing and footwear in consumption
expenditure was 10.4% in 1965, 9.5% in 1975, and 7.5% in 19851. The share of Western
clothes in expenditure on clothing and footwear was 27.2% in 1965 and increased
sharply to 36.4% in 1975 and 38.4% in 1985. On the other hand, the share of kimono
expenditure was 9.2% in 1965, rising to 10.2% in 1975. This shows a decreasing trend,
although it is surprising that the share of kimono expenditure remained stagnant until thelate 1980s.
1

The original data of this table are based on the Household Survey, which was conducted by theGeneral Affairs Agency (now the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications).
8

How did kimono production in Japan change in the same period? The
production of both yarn-dyed and piece-dyed silk fabrics show decreasing trends in
Figure 2. In particular, the production of piece-dyed fabrics declined dramatically. This
is not only because the demand for the kimono decreased owing to the Westernization ofclothes, but also because the import of silk fabrics grew rapidly, especially from Korea,
as the government promoted silk production and exports in order to acquire foreign
currency (Maekawa 1982, p. 105). Some weaving districts attempted to solve suchdifficulties by concentrating on production of higher-priced textiles or luxury goods.
Table 2 shows the changes in real average prices and the quantities of kimono and obi
for women in the same period2. It is interesting to note that the prices of both kimono
and obi more than doubled from 1970 to 1988, whereas the quantities purchased
declined sharply by around one half (kimono) and one third (obi). According to Table 2,each household purchased an average of 0.45 kimono and 0.21 obi in 1970, whichindicates that Westernization of clothes prevailed.
However, we have to consider that consumption of kimono and obi was
supported by particular groups of people. Table 3 shows that the results of purchasing
are quite different between two objects in the survey: the first is all households, which
includes both households that purchased kimono and those that did not during a year,2

Both prices are deflated by consumer price index of “Women’s kimono” and “Woman’s obi,”
which is published by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. For further information,
see http://www.stat.go.jp/data/cpi/historic.htm.
9and the second is only households that purchased kimono. The average number of silk
kimono purchased by all households was quite small at between 0.22 and 0.32 in bothseasons in 1970, and dropped further to less than 0.2 in the mid-1980s. From thesesmall average purchases, it is apparent that people did not wear silk kimono like theyused to. By contrast, the average number of kimono purchased by the second group, thatis, only households that purchased kimono, was stable at more than two throughout all
periods. In fact, it grew in the late 1980s. This may be partly because of the boom
known as the “bubble economy.” However, as shown by the declining rate ofhouseholds that purchased silk kimono to all households, it is clear that there wereincreasingly limited numbers of people who wanted to buy kimono. Unfortunately, nodata are available to know to what extent these households were wealthy. Judging fromthe increasing average price of kimono and obi in Table 2, it is appropriate to conclude
that the market of silk kimono became a market of luxury goods from the 1970s to the
1980s.
Table 4 shows the changes in the production of silk fabrics by three major
prefectures, including Kyoto, Fukui, and Ishikawa. About 30% of silk fabrics were
produced in Kyoto prefecture, where popular weaving districts, such as Nishijin andTango, were located. Nishijin was the most advanced silk-weaving district with a long
tradition of production. As mentioned, it centered production on more luxurious goods
as demand decreased for popular kimono and obi. On the other hand, Tango, located in10the northern part of Kyoto prefecture, started production of piece-dyed crape. In theearly period, Tango producers were out-weavers for Nishijin, but they became
independent through the establishment of the Tango-chirimen (crape) brand before
WWII. After Nishijin increased production of luxury kimono in the period of rapid
income growth, Tango producers reverted to becoming out-weavers for Nishijin, thistime producing obi instead of crape. This study focuses on the changes in production of
Nishijin to establish what kinds of survival efforts were made in the severe situation ofWesternization of clothing.

3. Focus on the Luxury Market: The Case of Nishijin
3-1 A brief history of Japan’s most advanced silk-weaving district
The history of Nishijin dates more than 1,400 years when Japan’s capital city wastransferred to Kyoto. Textile production was started by the government to produce
high-quality goods exclusively for privileged people. Private weavers gradually started
production of silk fabrics as government control loosened. During the Onin war(1467–77), craftsmen and weavers escaped from Kyoto because it was destroyed by afire but returned after the war and started production again. During the Tokugawa
Period, Nishijin grew and flourished as the most advanced weaving district in Japan.
After the Meiji Restoration (1868), Nishijin promptly introduced advanced Westernweaving technologies and knowledge for the modernization of production of kimono
11and obi (Uruma and Tominomori 1992, p. 58) and played a significant role in spreadingthese technologies and knowledge to other weaving districts. Even though emerging
districts were trying to catch up with Nishijin, it maintained its leading position insilk-weaving production in prewar Japan.
During WWII, Nishijin producers had to stop production owing to a ban on the
production of luxury goods but started production again as soon as the war ended.
Production increased keenly during the recovery process and the period of rapid growth.
According to Maekawa (1982), there were two phases in the growth process of Nishijin:(1) rapid expansion of the production of popular kimono and obi from the late 1950s to
the early 1960s and (2) an increase in sales by changing production from popular goods
to luxury goods from the late 1960s to the early 1970s (Maekawa 1982, p. 125). In
addition, the increase in Nishijin’s production had a great effect on the production ofother weaving districts. First, the development of Nishijin induced an increase in the
production of piece-dyed fabrics in other districts, which became out-weavers for
Nishijin and reduced production in other districts as they competed with Nishijin in thesame market. Second, production growth of kimono and obi made of wool and synthetic
yarns in Nishijin from the late 1950s to the mid-1960s accelerated the decline of other
districts that competed with Nishijin in the same market (Maekawa 1982, p. 121). As aresult, Nishijin’s share of production grew to 74.2% of obi and 25.9% of kimono in
Japan in 1978 (Maekawa 1982, p. 120).
12

3-2 Changing production: from popular goods to luxury goods
Such a significant share by Nishijin in the production of kimono and obi was
accompanied by the conversion of kimono and obi from popular goods to luxury goods.
From the 1950s and early 1960s, popular obi were not high-quality silk obi, in which
Nishijin had a traditional skills advantage, but union (silk and rayon) obi, rayon obi, andobi woven from synthetic yarns (Sasada and Yoshida 1982, p. 180). The boom of
popular kimono and obi was almost simultaneous with the rapid Westernization ofclothes. People preferred cheaper kimono to more expensive high-quality kimono but thecheaper versions were substituted quickly by Western dress.
Figure 3 shows the dramatic changes in production of kimono and obi from thelate 1950s to the late 1970s. First, production of kimono increased toward the middle ofthe 1960s but declined rapidly in the late 1960s. The production of kimono in 1978
dropped to less than that in 1957. By contrast, production of obi grew remarkably fromthe early 1960s to the early 1970s. In other words, Nishijin producers changed theirstrategy; they converted from production of kimono to that of obi, especially high-priced
silk obi. As shown in Figure 3, almost all obi produced in Nishijin were made of silk by
the end of the 1970s, which means producers changed their main product from popular
goods to luxury goods for survival.
It seems that Nishijin’s strategy was quite appropriate because the demand for13

kimono and obi for formal occasions, such as furisode (long-sleeved kimono for
unmarried women) and tomesode (black kimono with designs for married women), wasexpanding drastically (Koizumi 2006, p. 53). In short, Nishijin immediately gave up
production of cheap and popular kimono and obi, which were destined to be substituted
by Western clothes. Their intensive production of kimono and obi exclusively for formal
occasions accelerated the formation of a luxury market for particular groups of people.
As shown in the estimation of total demand for kimono and obi in Japan from 1963 to
1978 (Kakino 1982, pp. 403–403), although the demand for cotton kimono continued to
decline from the mid-1960s, the demand for other popular kimono increased remarkably
until 1970, when it peaked. In the 1970s, the demand for kimono and obi started
declining, accompanied by qualitative changes in demand: from popular goods toluxury goods. It was after the 1970s that Japanese people came to recognize traditional
Japanese dress as a luxury good (Kagami and Sen’nen 2013, p. 37).
It can be said that in order to survive, Nishijin returned to becoming asilk-weaving district producing luxury textiles, especially sophisticated obi. The luxury
market for kimono and obi grew steadily after the period of high income growth. Figure
4 shows the rise and fall of shipments from Nishijin from 1975 to 2008. Production of
all types of fabrics declined significantly after the boom in the late 1980s ended and by
2008 had become quite stagnant. The share of obi as a major product was around 60%
until 1990 but has dropped to less than 40% in recent years. On the other hand, the share14

of production of “other fabrics,” including interior decoration, scarves, and cloth forWestern dress, grew to around 50%. It cannot be denied that the luxury market that is
the focus of this study is becoming smaller and smaller in Japan. However, it is difficult
to ascertain whether the strategy to focus on the high end of the domestic market has
failed because the highly sophisticated skills for producing traditional goods, such as
obi, could be utilized for the creation of new fabrics for various purposes3.

4. Conclusion
This study focused on the growth of the traditional kimono and obi market in spite of
the rapid westernization of clothing after WWII. The demand for traditional clothes as
luxury goods expanded after the end of the period of rapid growth, meaning that many
aspects of Japanese lifestyle were substituted by those of Western origin. Nishijin, themost advanced weaving district in Japan, chose to center its production on high-quality
textiles as luxury goods. The case of Nishijin shows that it was a means of survival forthe district’s producers to return to weaving for the production of luxury goods.
When demand for kimono changed from popular kimono to luxury obi, who
was able to observe the change immediately and decide to start production of higher
quality obi at the expense of the popular market? Furthermore, how was Nishijin able to3

The case of Hosoo in Nishijin, a wholesaler and producer of obi that was established in 1688, is agood example to show that accumulated skills created new types of fabrics for interiors. According
to an interview with Mr. Masataka Hosoo (April 15, 2014), Hosoo’s product, which is woven bypower looms invented by craftsmen, is now used for interior wallpaper in the shops of luxury brands.
http://www.hosoo-kyoto.com/
15

change its production so quickly in response to changing demand? Was it the result ofcollective action? To answer these questions and to further understand whether the
strategy oriented toward the luxury market was really successful, we need detailed casestudies at both firm level and district level as well as further comparisons between
districts.
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industryin pre-war Japan,” in Franks, P. and Hunter, J. eds. The Historical Consumer:
Consumption and Everyday Life in Japan, 1850–2000, Palgrave Macmillan.
Furumai, Y. (1982) “Jinteki seisan youso no tenkai” (Development of human factor of
production), in Institute for Study of Humanities and Social Sciences ofDoshisha University ed. Waso Orimonogyo no Kenkyu (Research on the
Weaving Industry for Japanese Clothing), Minerva.
Gordon, A. (2012) “Like bamboo shoots after the rain: the growth of nation ofdressmakers and consumers,” in Franks, P. and Hunter, J. eds. The Historical
Consumer: Consumption and Everyday Life in Japan, 1850–2000, Palgrave
Macmillan.
Hareven, T. K. (2002) The Silk Weavers of Kyoto: Family and Work in a Changing
Traditional Industry, University of California Press.
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Hashino, T. and Otsuka, K. (2013) “Cluster-based industrial development incontemporary developing countries and modern Japanese economic history,”
Journal of the Japanese and International Economies, 30, pp. 19–32.
Japan Chemical Fibers Association (1989) “Gofuku gyokai no genjo to gosen kimono no
kongo” (Current condition of kimono industry and future of kimono woven bysynthetic fiber), Japan Synthetic Textile Monthly, May 1989.
Japan Finance Cooperation ed. (1990) Nihon no Chusho Sen’i Kogyo (Medium andSmall-Scale Textile Industry in Japan).
Kagami, S. and Chitose, A. (2012) “The transformation to higher-value silk products
after World War II,” Journal of Silk Science and Technology of Japan, 21, pp.
37–44.Kakino, K. (1982) “Waso senshoku seihin no juyo kyokyu kozo” (Thestructure of demand and supply for traditional textiles), in Institute for Study of
Humanities and Social Sciences of Doshisha University ed. Waso Orimonogyo
no Kenkyu (Research on the Weaving Industry for Japanese Clothing), Minerva.
Kinoshita, A. (2009) “Nihon ni okeru apareru sangyo no seiritsu” (The formation of theapparel industry in Japan), Ritsumeikan Keieigaku, 48(4), pp. 191–215.
Kofuji, H. and Shinohara, S. (2006) “Nishijin kigyo no genjo ni kansuru tokeiteki
bunseki” (Statistical analysis on the current state of Nishijin’s weaving industry),
Working Paper of Department of Economics, Doshisha University, 26.
Koizumi, K. (2006) Nihon no kimono (Kimono in Japan), Kawadeshoboshinsha.
17

Maekawa, K. (1982) “Filament orimono sanchi no shoruikei to sono tokushitsu” (Thepatterns and characteristics of districts of filament woven fabrics), in Institutefor Study of Humanities and Social Sciences of Doshisha University ed. Waso
Orimonogyo no Kenkyu (Research on the Weaving Industry for Japanese
Clothing), Minerva.
METI-Kansai Bureau of Economy, Trade and Industry ed. (2009) Kinuorimono no
shusanchi wo kaku toshita waso seni sanchi no koteikan renkei nikansuru chosahoukokusho (Report on Linkages between Production Processes in Silk kimono
Weaving Districts with Distribution or Trading Center).
Nakagawa, S. and Sone, I. (1983), “A consideration of modern womens’ views on‘Kimonos’,” Journal of the Textile Machinery of Japan, 1983, pp. 20–33.
Nihon Sen’i Kyogikai (1961) Sen’i Tokei Nenkan (Statistical Yearbook of Textiles):1960.
Nishijinori Textile Industrial Association (2008) Nishijin Seisan Gaikyo (Production
Survey of Nishijin).
Sasada, T. and Yoshida, K. (1982) “Nishijin sakizome orimonogyo no sanchi kozo
bunseki” (An analysis on the weaving industry of yarn-dyed fabric in Nishijin),in Institute for Study of Humanities and Social Sciences of Doshisha Universityed.
Slade, T. (2009) Japanese Fashion: A Cultural History, Berg.
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Uruma, M. and Tominomori, M. (1992), Nihon no Textile Sanchi (Textile districts inJapan), Bunkashuppankyoku.
Yagi, A. (1978) Seikatsu Keizaishi: Taisho Showa hen (Economic History of Life:
Taisho and Showa Period), Hyoronsha.
Yamazaki, H. and Abe, T. (2012) Orimono kara Apareru he (From Weaving to Apparel
Industry), Osaka University Press.
Yano Research Institute ed. (2013) Kimono Sangyo Nenkan (Kimono Industry
2013–14).
Yoshida, M. (2013) “Kimono kanren shijo no mondai kozo to kanousei” (Structuralproblems and the potential of kimono-related markets), Ritsumeikan Keieigaku,
52(2–3), pp. 429–452.

19

Table 1 Changes in consumption of kimono for all households (thousand yen, %)

Year

Total
consumption
expenditure

1965
1970
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988

580.8
954.4
1,895.8
2,097.5
2,286.0
2,420.6
2,576.4
2,766.8
2,880.2
3,038.0
3,114.2
3,195.8
3,277.4
3,316.5
3,371.3
3,493.5

Consumer
expenditure on Expenditure on Expenditure on
clothing andkimonoWestern clothes
footwear
60.3
93.6
180.6
200.7
205.6
212.5
220.8
228.9
225.4
233.7
234.2
234.7
247.4
249.5
253.8
265.4

5.5
10.8
18.4
20.3
20.1
20.1
20.4
21.3
20.4
22.6
19.1
19.2
19.3
19.2
20.0
19.0

16.4
28.4
65.7
74.7
75.9
79.6
84.5
86.2
85.1
87.2
89.7
88.8
95.0
97.0
97.7
106.1

Share of
Share of
Share ofclothing andkimono inwestern clothes
footwear in
expenditure on in expenditure
total
clothing and on clothing andconsumption
footwerar (%) footwear (%)
expenditure (%)
10.4
9.8
9.5
9.6
9.0
8.8
8.6
8.3
7.8
7.7
7.5
7.3
7.5
7.5
7.5
7.6

9.2
11.5
10.2
10.1
9.8
9.5
9.3
9.3
9.1
9.7
8.2
8.2
7.8
7.7
7.9
7.2

Source: Japan Finance Cooperation (1990), p. 181.
Note: Original data was based on the Household Survey conducted by Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications.

20

27.2
30.3
36.4
37.2
36.9
37.4
38.3
37.7
37.7
37.3
38.3
37.8
38.4
38.9
38.5
40.0

Table 2 Changes in real average price and quantity of womens' kimono
and obi purchased per a household
A. Real price and quantity purchased per a household for a year (piece, thousand yen)
Number of Number ofpieces ofpieces of
Average price Average price kimonoobi
of kimonoof obipurchased purchased
per a
per a
household household
1970
60.8
37.9
0.45
0.21
1975
59.7
44.3
0.33
0.21
1980
88.8
59.9
0.18
0.11
1985
102.9
69.2
0.12
0.08
1988
138.3
88.8
0.09
0.06

B. Indexes of price and quantity (1970=100)
Number of Number ofpieces ofpieces of
Average price Average price kimonoobi
of kimonoof obipurchased purchased
per a
per a
household household
1970
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
1975
98.1
116.9
72.3
98.6
1980
146.0
158.1
39.9
53.8
1985
169.2
182.8
25.9
38.1
1988
227.3
234.6
18.8
28.1
Source: Japan Finance Cooperation (1990), p. 182.
Note: Prices are deflated by consumer price index which is cariculated by
Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications.

21

Table 3 Changes in the number of pieces of silk kimono purchased per household
Unit: piece, %Spring-summer season (from March to August)All households(piece)
1970
1975
1980
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987

Autumn-winter season (from September to February)

Rate of silk
kimono purchasedhouseholds to All
households (%)
2.09
10.5
2.14
10.3
2.26
8.7
2.24
7.1
2.17
6.8
2.18
6.5
2.51
6.1
2.62
5.9

Kimono purchasedhouseholds(piece)

0.22
0.22
0.20
0.16
0.15
0.14
0.15
0.15

All households(piece)Rate of silk
kimono purchasedhouseholds to All
households (%)
2.12
15.0
2.04
13.5
2.24
10.6
2.20
8.8
2.22
8.5
2.32
7.5
2.33
7.5
2.48
7.0

Kimono purchasedhouseholds(piece)

0.32
0.28
0.24
0.19
0.19
0.17
0.18
0.17

Source: Japan Chemical Fibers Association (1989), pp. 47-48.
Notes: Each year means fiscal year in Japan which starts in every April. Original data was basedon the survey conducted by Japan Raw Silk and Sugar Price Stabilization Agency in 1989.
Original data was based on the Household Survey conducted by Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications.

Table 4 Production of silk fabrics by major prefectures
2

1975
Fukushima
Gunma
Niigata
Ishikawa
Fukui
Kyoto
Subtotal
Total

5,679
6,597
17,90916,275
24,79348,898120,151
159,772

1985
Share
3.6
4.1
11.2
10.2
15.5
30.6
75.2
100.0

5,772
4,036
7,073
18,711
20,10229,51585,209108,488(thousand m , %)
1988
Share
Share
5.3
7,059
7.2
3.7
2,930
3.0
6.5
6,194
6.3
17.2
18,15318.5
18.5
17,24717.6
27.2
26,48427.0
78.4
78,06779.7
100.0
97,931
100.0

Source: Japan Finance Cooperation (1990), p. 190.
Note: Original data is based on the Yearbook of Textiles Statistics published by Ministry of International Trade and Industry

22

Figure 1 Growth of disposable income and consumption of kimono and obi, 1965-1988(index, 1965=100)
index
1965=100
700
600
500
400
300
200

可…
disposable income
和…
Consumbtion of kimono and obi

1000196519701975

1980

1985198619871988

Source: Japan Finance Cooperation (1990), p. 185.
Note: Original data is based on the Household Survey conducted by the Ministry ofInternal Affair and Communication.

23

Figure 2 Decreasing trend of production of silk fabrics for kimono, 1970-1988 (m2)
140000120000100000
小幅…
piece-dyed fabrics
小幅…

80000

yarn-dyed fabrics

60000
40000
20000

1988

1987

1986

1985

1984

1983

1982

1981

1980

1979

1978

1977

1976

1975

1974

1973

1972

1971

1970

0

Source: Japan Finance Cooperation (1990), p. 188.
Note: Original data is based on the Household Survey conducted by the Ministry ofInternal Affair and Communication.

24

Figure 3 Production of kimono and obi in Nishijin, 1957-1978 (piece)
9000
8000
7000

piece

6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
0
1957

1959

1962

Kimono1966

year

Obi (total)

Source: Sasada and Yoshida (1982), p.178.

25

1969

1972

Obi (silk)

1975

1978

Figure 4 Growth and decline in shipment by product from Nishijin, 1975-2008(thousand yen)
300,000

250,000

thousand yen

200,000

150,000

100,000

50,000

0
1975

1981

1988

Obi

Kimono

1990

1993

Tie

1996

Gold brocade

1999

2002

2005

2008

Others

Source: Nishijin Textile Industrial Association (2008), p.3.
Note: Figures are nominal value. Kofuji and Shinohara (2006) analyzes the real value of
production from 1975 to 2002.

26