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༭ȁȁ࣬

ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯ߩ1886ᐕ⺰ᢥ
The History of English Economics
ߩේⓂߩ࠻࡜ࡦࠬࠢ࡝ࡊ࡚ࠪࡦߣ⸃⺑
㧔㧝㧕
૒⮮౏ବ1
㧝৻⥸ᢎ⢒⑼ʊ␠ળ⑼㧔Liberal Arts-Social Scinece, Nagaoka National College of Technology㧕

THE SIGNIFICANCE AND TRANSCRIPTION OF BEATRICEPOTTER’S MANUSCRIPT OF “THE HISTORY OF ENGLISHECONOMICS”, PART I
Kimioshi SATOH1
Abstract
This report introduces the transcription of manuscript of Beatrice Potter : “The History ofEnglish Economics” and the significance of it in English Economic thought. She researched
the history of classical political economy in England from 18th century to 1880s andreviewed it in this manuscript.
This part I includes transcription of folios from 1 to 18 of her manuscript.
Key Words : Beatrice Potter Webb, The History of English Economics, transcription,David Ricardo, Alfred Marshall㧝㧚⸃⺑ᧄⓂߢߪࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯࡮࠙ࠚ࠶ࡉ
㧔1858-1943㧕ߩᧂ౏⴫⺰ᢥ‫⚻ࠬ࡝ࠡࠗޟ‬ᷣቇߩᱧผ ‫ ޠ‬The History of English Economics1) 㧔 એ ਅ ‫ ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߣ๭߱㧕ߩේⓂߩ࠻࡜ࡦࠬࠢ࡝ࡊ࡚ࠪࡦࠍ
ⴕߞߡᵴሼ૕⧷ᢥ㧔ሼ૕ߪBookman Old Style㧕ߢ␜ߒ㧘⺰ᢥߩᗧ⟵ࠍ᣿ࠄ߆ߦߔࠆ㧚࠻࡜ࡦࠬࠢ࡝ࡊ
࡚ࠪࡦߣߪ㧘ᚻᦠ߈ᢥሼߥߤ⺒ߺߠࠄ޿⸥ภࠍᵴሼ
૕ߥߤߢ⺒ߺ߿ߔߊᦠ߈౮ߔߎߣߢ޽ࠆ㧚㧝㧚㧝 ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩ1886ᐕ⨲Ⓜߣᷡᦠ

ᧄⓂߢ࠻࡜ࡦࠬࠢ࡝ࡊ࠻ߒߚᚻᦠ߈ේⓂߪ㧘࠙ࠚ࠶ࡉᄦੱߣߒߡ᦭ฬߥࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯࡮࠙ࠚ
࠶ࡉ߇㧘⚿ᇕ೨ߩࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯ᤨઍߦ⚻ᷣቇࠍ⎇ⓥߒ㧘ࠗࠡ࡝ࠬ⚻ᷣቇߩᱧผࠍ1886ᐕߦ⥄╩ߢ⸥ߒߚ⨲Ⓜࠍ㧘ᛩⓂ↪ߦᷡᦠߐߖߚ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚
ߎߩේⓂߪThe History of English Economicsߣ㗴ߐࠇ,
Passfield 7/1/3 MS folios 1-581) ߣಽ㘃ߐࠇߡ㧘ࡠࡦ࠼ࡦᄢቇ᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇ㒮 LSE ߩ࿑ᦠ㙚ߩᢥᦠᐶ
ߦPassfield collection ߩ৻ㇱߣߒߡ଻ሽߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ㧚
ߎߩේⓂߪ㧘A4ࠃࠅዋߒዊߐߊ❑㐳ߩ↪⚕ߦᷡᦠߐࠇߚᓟߦ㧘߅ߘࠄߊࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߦࠃࠅ⺒ὐ╬ࠍട߃ࠄࠇߚ߽ߩߢ㧘1ᨎߦ1ⴕ6㨪12⺆㧘20ⴕ೨ᓟߢ170


― 41 ―

ऎ൥ȁ࢖ੇ

⺆߶ߤᦠ߆ࠇߚ↪⚕ folio 58ᨎ߆ࠄߥߞߡ޿ࠆ㧚1ᨎ⋡߆ࠄ3:1㧘3:2╬ߣ㗅ߦ⇟ภ߇ᝄߞߡ޽ࠆ㧔એਅߢ
ߪFol.3:1, Fol.3:2╬㧕㧚ේⓂߩᧄᢥో૕ߪᷡᦠߐࠇ
ߡ߅ࠅ㧘࠲ࠗ࠻࡞ߣᧃየߩ⟑ฬߣㅊടߩ⺒ὐ╬ߪࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩᚻߦࠃࠆ߽ߩߢ޽ࠈ߁㧚ᷡᦠߢ޽ࠆ߇㧘એਅߩ౮⌀̅ ߆ࠄಽ߆ࠆࠃ߁ߦᢥሼ߇․ᱶߥ╩⸥૕ߢᦠ߆ࠇߡ޿ߡ㧘৻⷗ߢߪ୘‫ߩޘ‬න⺆߇ᛠីߒߠࠄ
޿㧚ᐢߊ⎇ⓥߦଏߔࠆߚ߼ߦߪ㧘߹ߕᢥሼ߇⼂೎ߢ߈ࠆࠃ߁ߦᵴሼ૕ߦ⟎߈឵߃ࠆᔅⷐ߇޽ࠆ㧚౮⌀̅  ේⓂߩᨎ⋡㧝㧚㧞 ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߩ⚫੺ߩᗧ⟵ߎߩᧂ౏⴫ߩ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥࠍ⚫੺ߔࠆߎߣߩᗧ⟵ߪ‫ߩࠬ࡝࠻ࠕࡆޔ‬ㅴൻ⺰⊛ߥ␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇߩၮ␆
ߣߥߞߚࠕࠗ࠺ࠖࠕࠍ᣿⏕ߦឭ␜ߔࠆߎߣߢ޽ࠆ㧚‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߦߪߘࠇߦ㑐ߒߡᰴߩࠃ߁ߥᵈ⋡ߔߴ߈⺰ὐ߇฽߹ࠇߡ޿ࠆ㧚એਅߢߪ⎇ⓥ⠪߿ᓐᅚߩઁ
ᚲߩ⸥ㅀߢߎࠇࠄߩ⺰ὐ㧘଀߃߫Ԙߦ㑐ߔࠆ߽ߩࠍ
᜼ߍߡᬌ⸛ߒߚ႐วߦߪㄭߊߦ(Ԙ)ߣ⸥ߒߡ߅ߊ㧚Ԙ ࡝ࠞ࡯࠼ߩ᛽⽎⊛Ṷ➈⊛⚻ᷣቇᛕ್ԙ ࠬࡒࠬߩ␠ળᡷ㕟ኅߣߒߡߩ⹏ଔԚ ࡑ࡯ࠪࡖ࡞ߩ⚻ᷣ⑼ቇߩᣇᴺߩ⹏ଔԛ ࡂ࡯ࡃ࡯࠻࡮ࠬࡍࡦࠨ࡯ߩ⹏ଔߣᥧ㤩ߩᛕ್Ԝ ᣂߒ޿⚻ᷣቇߩᨒ⚵ߺߩឭ␜ԝ ⚻ᷣ⊛⢻ജߣ⚻ᷣ⊛᰼ᦸߣߩᨵエߥ㑐ଥԞ ␠ળ↢‛ቇ⊛ᣇᴺ߿␠ળ↢ℂቇ㨯∛ℂቇߩឭ⿠ԟ ⽺࿎ߣ޿߁␠ળ∛ℂ߳ߩᴦ≮ᴺߣߒߡߩ࿖ኅ੺
౉ߩ⹏ଔ㧘㑐ㅪߒߡᢇ⽺ᴺߩ⹏ଔߎߩ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߩ⨲ⓂࠍḰ஻ߔࠆዋߒ೨ߩᤨᦼ
ߦࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ㧘⥄↱ౄߩ࡝࡯࠳࡯ߢ޽ߞߚ࠴ࠚࡦ
ࡃ࡟ࡦߣߩᕜߩ⎕ዪࠍㄫ߃ߡ޿ߚ㧚ࡠࠗ࠼ࡦ࡮ࡂ࡝
ࠬࡦߩ⸒߁ࠃ߁ߦ㧘ᓐᅚߪߘߩ∩ᚻ߆ࠄ┙ߜ⋥ࠆߚ߼ߦ␠ળ⑼ቇࠍ⁴ീᒝߒߡ㧘ᐕߦࠗࠡ࡝ࠬ⚻ᷣቇ⺑ผߦߟ޿ߡߩ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥ⨲Ⓜࠍᦠ߈㧘ߘߒߡᐕߦߪࡑ࡞ࠢࠬߩ‫╙ޢ⺰ᧄ⾗ޡ‬㧝Ꮞ㧔ࠛࡦࠥ࡞ࠬ✬ߩ⧷⺆ 㧕ߩଔ୯⺰ᛕ್ߩ⺰ᢥ‫࡞ࡑ࡮࡞࡯ࠞޟ‬ࠢࠬߩ⚻ᷣℂ⺰‫⨲ߩޠ‬Ⓜ 2) ࠍᦠ޿ߚߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚ߎࠇࠄߪᱷᔨߥ߇ࠄ㧘ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ⥄りߩᚻ⚕߿㈩Ꮣߒߚ
ⷐ⚂ߩᖡ╩㧘߅ࠃ߮㧘␠ળቇߩᏧඅߩ࠴ࡖ࡯࡞࠭࡮
ࡉ࡯ࠬ߇⺰ᢥߩቢᚑᐲࠍ⇼໧ⷞߒߚߎߣ㧘߹ߚ㧘ቇ໧ߩᏧߢ޽ࠆࠬࡍࡦࠨ࡯߇ᓐᅚߩ࿖ኅ੺౉ਥ⟵㧔ԟ㧕ࠍᛕ್ߒߚߎߣ 3) ߥߤߩ੐ᖱߢᒰᤨߪ౏⴫ߐ
ࠇߥ߆ߞߚ㧚ᓟᐕߎࠇࠄੑᧄߪᓐᅚߦࠃࠅ߹ߣ߼ࠄ
ࠇߡᄢ᏷ߦട╩ߐࠇ㧘⥄વߩ╙ㇱߦᒰߚࠆ‫ߩ⑳ޡ‬
ୃⴕᤨઍ‫ޢ‬/[#RRGTPVKEGUJKR 4)ߦ‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣ⑼ቇߩᧄᕈ
ߦߟ޿ߡ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥ㧔એਅ‫ᧄޟ‬ᕈ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߣ๭߱㧕 5) ߣߒߡઃ㍳ߦ෼㍳ߐࠇߚߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚࠙ࠚ࠶ࡉᄦᆄߪᐕઍ߹ߢߦߪㅴൻ⺰⊛ߥ␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇࠍ⏕┙ߒߡ޿ߚ㧚ᐕ߹ߢߦၫ╩ߐࠇߚ‫ᧄޟ‬ᕈ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߢߪ㧘ᓐᅚߪ᡽ᐭ߿ડᬺ߿ኅᣖߥߤ
ⶄᢙߩ↢↥᭽ᑼߩᷙวߣߒߡ␠ળࠍ⷗ߡ㧘ኅᣖ↢ᵴߩ㗔ၞ߿⑔␩⚻ᷣߩ㗔ၞ㧘߅ࠃ߮ઁߩ␠ળ⚻ᷣ⻉㗔ၞࠍᝒ߃㧘ߘߩᬌ⸛ߦᱧผ⊛ᣇᴺ㧘␠ળ᦭ᯏ૕⊛ᣇ
ᴺ㧘␠ળ೙ᐲ⊛ᣇᴺߣ␠ળ↢ℂቇ⊛࡮∛ℂቇ⊛ᣇᴺࠍㆡ↪ߔࠆ㧚ᓐᅚߪߎߩࠃ߁ߥ㗔ၞߣᣇᴺࠍ⚿วߐߖ㧘⻉↢↥᭽ᑼߩⶄวߣ޿߁ᣂߚߥ␠ળࠪࠬ࠹ࡓߩ
ࠕࠗ࠺ࠖࠕࠍ␜ߒߡ㧘␠ળㅴൻ⺰ߣ߽วࠊߖߡ↹ᦼ⊛ߥ␠ળ⚻ᷣℂ⺰ࠍឭ⿠ߒߚߣ⹏ଔߢ߈ࠆߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩℂ⺰૕♽ߩ‫⁛ߥ⊛⾰ᧄޟ‬ഃᕈ‫ޠ‬2)ߣ
వ㚟ᕈࠍᛠីߒߡࠁߊߚ߼ߦߪ㧘ߎߩ‫ᧄޟ‬ᕈ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߣ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߣᲧセߒߡ㧘⋧㆑ߣਔ⠪㑆ߩ⊒ዷ㑐ଥࠍᛠីߒ㧘ᾫᐕᦼߣೋᦼߩࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩ␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇߩ․ᓽߣផ⒖ࠍᛠីߔࠆߎߣ߇ᔅ㗇ߢ޽ࠆ㧚ߎߩ‫⁛ޟ‬ഃᕈ‫ߩޠ‬ၮ␆ߣߘࠇ߳ߩ⌕⋡ߩᤨᦼߩ⏕ቯߩߚ߼ߦ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߣߘߩḰ஻ㆊ⒟ࠍᬌ⸛ߔࠆᔅ
ⷐ߇޽ࠆ㧚ᐕߩᓐᅚߩೋᦼߩ⚻ᷣ⑼ቇ⎇ⓥߢߩ㧘ࠬࡒࠬ㧘࡝ࠞ࡯࠼㧘ࡑ࡯ࠪࡖ࡞㧘෸߮ࡂ࡯ࡃ࡯࠻࡮ࠬࡍࡦࠨ࡯ߩቇ⺑⊛૏⟎ઃߌ߿㧘␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇߩᣇᴺ㧘ኻ⽎㧘․ᓽࠍᬌ⸛ߒߡ㧘ߘߩᤨᦼߦ
ᓐᅚ߇ߤߎ߹ߢᾫᐕᦼߩㅴൻ⺰⊛ߥ␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇ
― 42 ―ΫͺΠςΑȆεΛΗȜ͈2997ාა໲!Uif!Ijtupsz!pg!Fohmjti!Fdpopnjdt!͈ࡔࣂ͈ΠρϋΑ·ςίΏοῧٜ୰Ȫˍȫߦㄼߞߚ߆߇໧㗴ߢ޽ࠆ㧚ߘߒߡ㧘ߎߩᤨᦼߦᓐᅚ
ߩߎ߁ߒߚᣇะᕈߣࠕࠗ࠺ࠖࠕ߇⹺߼ࠄࠇࠇ߫㧘ߘࠇߪᄦࠪ࠼࠾࡯ߣ⁛┙ߢ↹ᦼ⊛߆ߟవ㚟⊛ߥߎߣߥߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚ߚߛ࠻࡜ࡦࠬࠢ࡝ࡊ࡚ࠪࡦߩ⚫੺ࠍਥᣦ
ߣߔࠆᧄⓂߢߪ㧘ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩᐕ೨ᓟߩ⚻ᷣቇ⎇ⓥߦᷓߊ┙ߜ౉ࠄߕ㧘వⴕ⎇ⓥߦ⸅ࠇߡ߅ߊߦ⇐߼ࠆ㧚‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߩ⠡⸶ߣߎࠇࠄߩ໧㗴㧘ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩ⚻ᷣᕁᗐߩ⊒ዷߦ߅ߌࠆߘߩ૏⟎ઃߌߩ໧㗴ߣߪ㧘Ⓜࠍᡷ߼ߡᬌ⸛ߔࠆ੍ቯߢ޽ࠆ㧚㆏ᓼືቇ⠪ߢ޽ࠅ‫ޔ‬㆏ᓼືቇࠍ‫ޔ‬ᓐߩᓟ⛮⠪߇ߒߚࠃ߁

㧝㧚㧟 ࡑࠢࡉ࡜ࠗࠕ࡯ߦࠃࠆవ㚟ᕈߩ⹏ଔ
A.M.McBriar ߪFabian Socialism and English Politics
1884-19186) ߢᰴߩࠃ߁ߦᦠ߈㧘ࡈࠚࡆࠕࡦߩᣇᴺߣ

㧝㧚㧡 ᄢ೨⋿᳁ߦࠃࠆ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥ⨲Ⓜߩ⹏ଔ ᄢ೨⋿᳁ߪ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߢߩࠬࡒࠬ⹏ଔߣ࡝ࠞ࡯
࠼ᛕ್ࠍ㊀ⷞߔࠆ㧚᳁ߪ߹ߕ㧘ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߦࠃࠆࠬ
ࡒࠬಽᬺ⺰ߩ␠ળㅴൻ⺰⊛⹏ଔߦᵈ⋡ߔࠆ㧚⷗⸃߇ᱧผਥ⟵ߦᄌࠊߞߚߎߣ߳ߩ㧘ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮
ࡐ࠶࠲࡯ߩ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ⊛ᣇᴺ‫ߩޠ‬వ㚟ᕈߣᓐᅚߩ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߩṶ➈ᴺᛕ್ߩ⁛⥄ᕈࠍᒝ⺞ߔࠆ㧔Ԙ㧕㧚ߦ㓝ࠇߡਇᚻ㓙ߦߢߪߥߊ‫౏ޔ‬ὼߣ߹ߚ⍮⊛ߦዷ㐿ߒߚߣ⷗ߥߒߚߩߢ޽ࠆ‫⚻ޔߪࠬࡒࠬޕ‬ᷣੱߣ๭߫ࠇࠆࠃ߁
ߥ‫ޔ‬⍵ዊൻߐࠇᄸᒻൻߐࠇߚੱ㑆ᕈߩ᭎ᔨߦ㗬ࠆߎߣߪߥ߆ߞߚ‫⚻ޕ‬ᷣᵴേࠍ‫ࠍࠇߘޔ‬ขࠅ࿐߻ੱ㑆↢ᵴ߆ࠄ᛽⽎ߒߚࠅߪߒߥ߆ߞߚߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ᓐߪᱧผ⊛ᗵᕈࠍᜬߞ
ߡ޿ߚ‫⥄߇ߩࠬ࡝࠻ࠕࡆޕ‬ಽߦ⺖ߒߚ⧰ⴕߪ‫ߩࠄࠇߎޔ‬⚿⺰ࠍౣ⊒⷗ߐߖ‫ޔ‬ᓐᅚߪߘࠇ߇⥄ಽ⥄りߩ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ
߆ߩࠃ߁ߦᗵߓࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߚ‫ޠޕ‬7)‫⑼ߪࠬࡒࠬߪߢߎߘޟ‬ቇ⊛⎇ⓥ⠪ߢ޽ࠆߣหᤨߦ␠ળᡷ
⦟ኅߢ޽ߞߚߣߐࠇ㧘ᓐߩಽᬺ⺰ߪ೨⠪ࠍ㧘ߘߒߡഭ௛

‫ߩ⸃⷗ߩࡦࠕࡆࠚࡈޟ‬ᄌൻߪනߦᱧผࠍ⎇ⓥߒߚ⚿ᨐߢଔ୯⺑ߪᓟ⠪ࠍઍ⴫ߔࠆ߽ߩߣ⺰ߕࠆ㧚ߔߥࠊߜ㧘ಽᬺߪߥ߆ߞߚ㧚ߘࠇߪ㧘⚻ᷣቇ⠪߇ߘࠇ߹ߢߦᓐࠄߩ᛽⽎⺰ߦ߅޿ߡߪ㧘ࠬࡒࠬߪᱧผ⎇ⓥࠍᩭߣߒߡṶ➈ߣᏫ⚊⊛Ṷ➈ࡕ࠺࡞ߩ࠲࡯ࡓߢ⺰ߓߡ߈ߚ⻉໧㗴ߦ㧘ᱧผ⊛ᣇ

ߩᣇᴺࠍ㚟૶ߒߡ⌀ℂߦㄭઃߊߣ޿߁⑼ቇ⊛⎇ⓥߩ⚿ᨐ㧘ᴺࠍ․೎ߦ↪޿ߚߎߣߩᏫ⚿ߢ޽ߞߚ㧚ࡈࠚࡆࠕࡦߩਛ

ᓟߦ↢‛⇇ߢ࠴ࡖ࡯࡞࠭࡮࠳࡯࠙ࠖࡦ Charles Darwin ߇㧘ߢ߽ߎߩᣇᴺߩవ㚟⠪ߪࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮࠙ࠚ࠶ࡉߢ޽ߞߚ㧚 ߘߒߡੱ㑆␠ળߦ߅޿ߡߪࡂ࡯ࡃ࡯࠻࡮ࠬࡍࡦࠨ࡯╬ߩ ߔߢߦ1886ᐕߣ1887ᐕߦ㧘ࡈࠚࡆࠕࡦදળߩ࡝࡯࠳࡯␠ ળ ㅴ ൻ ⺰ ⠪ ߇ ⊒ ⷗ ߒ ߚ ‫ ޡ‬ᯏ ⢻ ⊛ ㅴ ൻ functionalߚߜߩ⺕ߦ߽಴ળࠊߥ޿߁ߜߦ㧘㧔ᒰᤨߩฬ߇ߘ߁ߢ޽

adaptation ‫ޢ‬㧔ᯏ⢻ㆡᔕ㧦ᒁ↪⠪㧕ߩℂ⺰ߦ߽ว⥌ߔࠆᘢߞߚ㧕ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯ߪ⚻ᷣቇࠍ⎇ⓥߒߡ߈ߡ㧘⌒ࠍ⊒ើߒߚ߇㧘ᓐߩഃᆎߒߚഭ௛ଔ୯⺑ߪ࡝ࠞ࡯࠼࠘

ᮭᆭ޽ࠆ⚻ᷣቇ⠪ߚߜߩ᛽⽎⊛߆ߟṶ➈⊛ᣇᴺߦᰴ╙ߦࠍ⚻↱ߒߡഭ௛ో෼ᮭ⺑ࠍ↢ߺ಴ߒ㧘ࡑ࡞ࠢࠬߦฃߌ⛮ᄢ߈ߊߥࠆਇḩࠍ൐ࠄߖߡ߈ߡ޿ߚ㧚‫ޠ‬6)߇ࠇ㧘⚻ᷣቇߦᷙੂࠍ߽ߚࠄߒߚߣߔࠆ㧚ߘߒߡ㧘ഭ௛ߩߺࠍଔ୯ߩḮᴰߣߔࠆᕁ⠨ᴺࠍ㧘ࠬࡒࠬߩഭ௛⠪ߦኻ㧝㧚㧠 ࡠࠗ࠼ࡦ࡮ࡂ࡝ࠬࡦߩឬߊ‫ޟ‬ᓐᅚߩᚑᨐ‫ࠆߔ ޠ‬หᖱ㧘ߥ޿ߒඳᗲਥ⟵߆ࠄ⊒ߒߚ߽ߩߣ⷗ߡ‫ࠇߎޔ‬
ࠍ⑼ቇ⊛ᘒᐲߦ෻ߔࠆ߽ߩߣ⺰ߓߡ޿ࠆ㧚‫ޠ‬8)
 ࡠࠗ࠼ࡦ࡮ࡂ࡝ࠬࡦߪࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬࠍ⚻ᷣቇߩീᒝ
ߦะߌߚߩߪ࠴ࠚࡦࡃ࡟ࡦߣߩ㑐ଥߢ޽ࠆߣ޿߁‫ޕ‬‫ޟ‬1886ᐕߩᄐ‫ޔ‬ᓐᅚߪ‫⚻ޡ‬ᷣ⑼ቇ‫ࠍޢ‬ᛠីߒߡ߅ߊ
ߒ߆ߒࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ㧘␠ળᡷ⦟ኅߣߒߡߩࠬࡒࠬ
ߎߣ߇⥄ಽߦߣߞߡᔅ㗇ߢ޽ࠆߣ್ᢿߔࠆߦ⥋ߞߚ‫ࠍ ޕ‬㜞ߊ⹏ଔߒߚ㧚‫ߪߦ⺰⼏ߩࠬࡒࠬޟ‬㧘ࡌࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ
࠴ࠚࡦࡃ࡟ࡦߦࠃࠆ౏౒੐ᬺߩឭ᩺ߦኻߔࠆኻᔕߪ‫∛ޡ߁⸒ߩ ޔ‬ℂቇ pathological ‫ޠߚࠇࠄ߼⹺߇̖ޢ‬8)߆
ࠄߢ޽ࠆ㧔Ԙ㧘ԛ㧘Ԟ㧘ԟ㧕㧚ᄢ೨᳁ߪ㧘ࠬࡒࠬߩᓐᅚߩᕁ⠨߇⨹ߞ߸޿᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇߩℂᔨߣ⚿⺰ߦዉ‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣߩᱡߺࠍᱜߘ߁ߣߔࠆ᡽╷⊛ឭ⸒‫ࠍޠ‬ᓐᅚ߇߆ࠇߚ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆߎߣࠍ‫ߌࠄߐޔ‬಴ߒߚ‫޽ߢࠄ߆ޠ‬㜞ߊ⹏ଔߒߚߎߣࠍᰴߩࠃ߁ߦ⸒߁㧚ࠆ㧚ࡂ࡝ࠬࡦߪࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩ⚻ᷣቇ⎇ⓥߦࠃࠅ‫ޟ‬ᓐᅚߪߘࠇߦ⠌ᾫߔࠆࠃࠅ߽‫⥄ޔ‬ಽࠍߘࠇ߆ࠄ⸃᡼ߒ
‫ߜࠊߥߔޟ‬㧘ࠬࡒࠬ߇㊀໡ਥ⟵⊛ⷙ೙ߦ෻ኻߒߡ‫⥄ޡ‬ߚ‫ߒߣޠ‬㧘ߘߩ‫ޟ‬ᚑᨐ‫ߡߒߣޠ‬ᓐᅚ߇ࠬࡒࠬߩ‫⚻ޟ‬↱᡼છ laisser-faire ‫ࠍޢ‬㥏็ߒߥ߇ࠄ㧘‫ޡ‬࿖ኅߦࠃࠆ⟵ോᷣᵴേ̖ࠍขࠅ࿐߻ੱ㑆↢ᵴ‫ࠍޠ‬ᛠីߒ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ⊛ᗵ
7)ᢎ⢒೙ᐲࠍᤚ⹺ߒ̖ኻ㧔ࡑࡑ㧕ߦߪ࿖ኅ߇૶↪⠪ߣഭ௛ᕈ‫ࠍޠ‬りߦߟߌߚߣߒߡᰴߩࠃ߁ߦᦠߊ㧔ԙ㧕㧚⠪ߩ㑐ଥߦᐓᷤߔࠆߣ߈ߦ㧘‫ޡ‬ഭ௛⠪ߩ஥ߦ┙ߟ‫޽ߢޢ‬‫ޟ‬ᓐᅚߪ⚻ᷣቇ߇㆏ᓼ߿ࠃ߈᡽ᐭߩⷙ▸ߢ޽ࠆ߆ߩߏߣ

ࠇ߫㧘ߘߩᐓᷤߪᏱߦ‫ޡ‬ᱜߒߊ߹ߚ౏ᐔߢ޽ࠆ‫ߓ⺰ߣޢ‬ߊߦ┙ߜ⃻ࠇߚߣ߈ߦߪߘࠇ߇ࠗࡦ࠴ࠠߢ޽ࠆߎߣߦ‫ޔ‬ߚ‫ࠍߣߎޢ‬㧔ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ㧦ᒁ↪⠪㧕㜞ߊ⹏ଔߔࠆ‫ޠ‬8)ᗵߠߊߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆࠃ߁ߦߥߞߚ‫̖ޕ‬ᓐᅚߪ‫ޔ‬Ꮷඅ㧔ࠦࡦ࠻ߩߎߣ㧦ᒁ↪⠪㧕ߦᓥߞߡࠕ࠳ࡓ࡮ࠬࡒࠬࠍ଀ᄖߣ
ߒߚ‫ߪ࠻ࡦࠦޕ‬ᓐࠍ⥄ಽߩஉੱᥲߦട߃‫ޔ‬ᱜᒰߦ߽ᓐ߇ ࡝ࠞ࡯࠼ߩ‫ޟ‬ቯᏱ⁁ᘒ‫৻ޟߪߢ⺰⼏ߩޠ‬ቯߩੱญ߇ਈ߃ࠄࠇࠇ߫㧘⚻ᷣ⊛⢻ജ Economic Facultyߣ⚻― 43 ―

ऎ൥ȁ࢖ੇ

ᷣ⊛᰼ᦸEconomic Desireߪ㧘⾰⊛ߦ߽㊂⊛ߦ߽࿕ቯߐࠇࠆ‫ ޠ‬8) ߣߐࠇߚߚ߼㧘ᓐߩ᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇ߇ታᬺߩ
⑼ቇ Science of Businessߣߥߞߚߣ㧘‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥࠇߚ‫ᧄޟ‬ᕈ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߢߪ㧘ᓐᅚߩ␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇߩᣇᴺߣኻ⽎ߦߟ޿ߡߩ㍈޿ᜰ៰߇ߺࠄࠇ㧘ㅴൻ⺰⊛␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇ߇ឭ␜ߐࠇߚߎߣߪ㧘వߦㅀߴߚ㧚ߢࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪᛕ್ߒߡ޿ࠆ㧚ߘࠇࠍฃߌߡᄢ೨᳁
╩⠪ߪߎߩઃ㍳ߩ‫ᧄޟ‬ᕈ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥ߇‫⁛ߥ⊛⾰ᧄޟ‬ഃߪ㧘ᓐᅚߩ⚻ᷣ⊛ߥ⢻ജߣ᰼ᦸߩ㑐ଥߣߘߩᄌേᕈ
ᕈ‫ߣߩ߽ࠆ޽ߩޠ‬⠨߃ߡ㧘‫ᧄޟ‬ᕈ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߩ⚫੺ߣ⠡⸶ࠍ⊒⴫ߒ 㧘ߘߩౝኈࠍ⺰ߓߡ߈ߚ ߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚ࠍᒝ⺞ߔࠆⷰὐࠍ㊀ⷞߔࠆߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚㧔Ԙ㧘ԝ㧕㧚㧝㧚㧢 ‫ᤨⴕୃߩ⑳ޡ‬ઍ‫⺑⸃ࠆߌ߅ߦޢ‬㧝㧚㧣 ᐕߩᣣ⸥ߦ⷗ࠆ⨲Ⓜၫ╩ᤨߩᔃႺ ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ㧘వߦ⸅ࠇߚࠃ߁ߦ‫ୃߩ⑳ޡ‬ᬺᤨࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ߇౏ᑼ⸥㍳ߩࠃ߁ߦઃߌߡ߈ߚᣣ⸥߆ ઍ‫ᧄߩޢ‬ᢥߢ㧘ᐕߣᐕߩ㧞ᧄߩ⺰ᢥ⨲Ⓜ
ࠄ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥ⨲Ⓜၫ╩ᤨߩᓐᅚߩᔃႺࠍ⷗ࠃ߁㧚ᐕ᦬ᣣ㧘ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇ⎇ⓥߦߟߩၫ╩ߣ㧘⚻ᷣቇ⎇ⓥߦߟ޿ߡ⸃⺑ߒߡ޿ࠆ㧚ᓐᅚ޿ߡགྷ߈ߣᚑᨐࠍ⸥ߒߡ޿ࠆ㧚ᓐᅚߪ㧘߷ࠎ߿ࠅߪ㧘‫ࠍߣߎࠆߔ⴫౏ߦߋߔޟ‬ᗧ࿑ߒ‫ߚޠ‬㧘‫␠ޟ‬ળ⸻‫ޟ‬㊁ᔃ⊛ࠕࠗ࠺ࠖࠕ‫ࠍޠ‬ᄞ⷗ߡ‫ޟ‬᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇߪህߥ
ᢿߦߟ޿ߡߩࠛ࠶࠮ࠗߪᦠ߆‫߽ߤࠇߌߚߞ߆ߥޠ‬㧘߽ߩߛ߽̆ߞߣ߽ህߥ㛽᛬ࠅ઀੐ߛ‫߇ޠ‬㧘ฎౖᵷ᡽‫ޟ‬ᐕߩᄐߩ᦬ߩ㑆ߦ̖ࠕ࠳ࡓ࡮ࠬࡒࠬ߆ࠄࠞ࡯
ᴦ⚻ᷣቇᛕ್ߩߚ߼ߦߪ‫ߦᦝߡߒߘ̖ߦࠇߘ߇⑳ޟ‬㧘࡞࡮ࡑ࡞ࠢࠬ㧘ࠞ࡯࡞࡮ࡑ࡞ࠢࠬ߆ࠄࠕ࡞ࡈ࡟࠶
⑳߇ߘߩၮ␆ߦ⠌ᾫߒߥߌࠇ߫ߥࠄߥ޿‫߁޿ߣޠ‬㧚࠼࡮ࡑ࡯ࠪࡖ࡞ߣ޿߁㧘᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇ⠪㆐ߩ⪺ㅀߩ⎇ߘࠇߪߟ߹ࠅ㧘‫ޟ‬᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇߩၮ␆ߣߥߞߡ޿ࠆ࠺
ⓥ߆ࠄ↢ߓࠆ৻ㅪߩᕁ⠨ࠍ㧘⚻ᷣቇߩ␠ળቇߣߩ㑐࡯࠲߇ታߪ૗߆㧘ߘࠇ߇ᔅⷐߣߔࠆ઒ቯߪ૗߆㧘ߘଥߦߟ޿ߡߩⷰᔨࠍ㧘㚂የ৻⽾ߒߚଔ୯⺰ࠍ㧘⊒ዷߐߖࠆᣇะߦォߓ‫ߡ  ޠ‬㧘ੑߟߩࠛ࠶࠮ࠗࠍᦠ޿ߚ㧚ߩផ⺰ߣ⚿⺰߇ⷒ߁㗔ၞߪ૗߆‫ࠄߥ߫ࠇߌߥ߃ᝒޠ‬ߥ޿ߣ޿߁ࠃ߁ߦ㧘ᛕ್ኻ⽎ߩℂ⸃߇ᔅⷐߛ߆ࠄߢ
‫ޟ‬ᐕߩᄐߣ⑺ߩ㑆ߕߞߣ⑳߇ᄞਛߦߥߞߡ޿ߚ‫⑳ޡ‬޽ࠆ㧚⥄ಽߩ‫ޟ‬㊁ᔃ⊛ࠕࠗ࠺ࠖࠕ‫ߦޠ‬ၮߠ߈㧘ᓐᅚ⥄りߩዊߐߥߎߣ‫ߪޢ‬㧘ੑߟߩ㐳޿ࠛ࠶࠮ࠗߣߥߞߚ㧚߇‫ޟ‬᰼ߔࠆᒻᘒߪ㧘ᄢ㊂ߩṶ➈⊛ផ⺰ߣ଀⸽⊛੐ታ৻ߟߪ‫⚻ࠬ࡝ࠡࠗޡ‬ᷣቇߩᱧผ‫ࠅ޽ߢߩ߽ߩߡ޿ߟߦޢ‬㧘 ߣ߆ࠄߪᗐ௝߽ߟ߆ߧ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ޠ‬㧔Ԙ㧕㧚11)
ઁߩ৻ߟߪ‫⚻ߩࠬࠢ࡞ࡑ࡮࡞࡯ࠞޡ‬ᷣℂ⺰‫ߩߡ޿ߟߦޢ‬ᐕ᦬ᣣߩᣣ⸥߇ᦠ߆ࠇߚࡍ࡯ࠫߦ㧘ࡆࠕ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ̆ߤߜࠄ߽੹߹ߢ౏⴫ߐࠇߥ߆ߞߚ㧚‫ ޠ‬࠻࡝ࠬߪࠕ࠳ࡓ࡮ࠬࡒࠬߩ‫ޡ‬࿖ን⺰‫ޢ‬㧔㧕ߦߟ޿ߡߩࡁ࡯࠻ࠍᝌࠎߢ޿ࠆ㧚 11) ߎߩᤨᦼߦ‫ޡ‬࿖ንࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ‫ޟ‬᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇ⠪㆐ߩ⪺ㅀߩ⎇ⓥ߆ࠄ↢⺰‫ߒߥߎߺ⺒ࠍޢ‬㧘ࠬࡒࠬߩ⼏⺰ࠍ૏⟎ઃߌߚߩߢ
ߓࠆ৻ㅪߩᕁ⠨‫⚻ޟߣޠ‬ᷣቇߩ␠ળቇߣߩ㑐ଥߦߟ޽ࠈ߁㧔ԙ㧕㧚ߘߩᓟ᳿ቯ⊛ߥዷ㐿߇⸰ࠇࠆ㧚޿ߡߩⷰᔨࠍ‫⊒ࠍޠ‬ዷߐߖߡ‫⚻ࠬ࡝ࠡࠗޟ‬ᷣቇߩᱧᐕ᦬ᣣࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ㧘‫ߪ⑳ޟ‬㧘ᦸ߻㒢ࠅผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥࠍᦠ߈㧘⠉ᐕ‫ޟ‬㚂የ৻⽾ߒߚଔ୯⺰ࠍ㧘⊒ߦ㧘⚻ᷣ⑼ቇߩ⢛㛽ࠍณ߈᛬ߞߡߒ߹ߞߚ̖᡽ᴦ⚻ዷߐߖࠆᣇะ‫ࠬࠢ࡞ࡑߢޠ‬ଔ୯⺰ࠍᛕ್ߔࠆ‫࡯ࠞޟ‬ᷣቇߩේℂߪ㧘੹߹ߢ⏕࿕ߚࠆ߽ߩߣߥߞߚߎߣ߇
࡞࡮ࡑ࡞ࠢࠬߩ⚻ᷣℂ⺰‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥࠍᦠ޿ߚߩߢ޽ࠆ 㧚 ߥ߆ߞߚ̆ߘߩේℂߪ㧘ᣂߚߥ໧㗴߇ⷰኤߐࠇࠆߦ
ߟࠇ㧘ߘߩᢙ߇Ⴧ߃ߡ߈ߚ߫߆ࠅ߆㧘ߘࠇࠄߩේℂ
ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪߎߩᧄߩ⺰ᢥߪᒰᤨ⥄ಽ߇⎇ⓥߢ
ᄞਛߦߥߞߡ޿ߚ‫⥄⑳ޟ‬りߩዊߐߥߎߣ‫߇ޠ‬ᒻࠍߣ⥄૕ߪ㧘ߔߢߦ৻⥸ൻߐࠇߡ߈ߚฦㇱ㐷ߩਥ㗴ߦߟߞߚ߽ߩߣㅀߴߡᄢಾߦᛒ߁߇㧘⥄Ꮖ⹏ଔߪૐ޿㧚 ޿ߡߩⷰኤߦࠃࠅᄢߥࠆᵈᗧࠍᛄߞߡ⊒ዷߒߡ߈ߚ
ߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ߡߞ⸒ߣޠ‬㧘‫ޟ‬᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇߩේℂ‫ࠍޠ‬ᛠី‫ߩࠗ࠮࠶ࠛߩࠄࠇߎޟ‬ਛߦ૗߆ᧄ⾰⊛ߥ⁛ഃᕈ߇޽ࠆ㧘ߒߡᛕ್ߒ߈ߞߚߣ⏕ାߔࠆߩߢ޽ߞߚ㧔Ԙ㧕㧚11)ߣߪ⑳ߪᕁࠊߥ޿㧚߻ߒࠈᒰὼߦ߽㧘ߘߩ⌀ℂߩ☸ߪ⹺ߘࠇ߆ࠄㅳ㑆߶ߤߒߡ㧘᦬ᣣߦߪࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ
߼ࠄࠇߚ᡽ᴦ⚻ᷣቇ⠪ߩᧄߦ⷗ࠄࠇࠆࠃ߁ߥ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ
ߪ‫⚻ࠬ࡝ࠡࠗޟ‬ᷣቇߩᱧผ‫⨲ߩޠ‬Ⓜࠍᦠ߈਄ߍߚ㧚৻ᣇߢ㧘ߘߩోߡߩ⺋ࠅߪઁߩᄌࠊࠅ⠪ߩ⪺૞ߩਛߦ⷗ ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ㧘‫⚻ࠬ࡝ࠡࠗޡޟ‬ᷣቇߩㅴᱠ‫╙ߩޢ‬޿ߛߐࠇࠆ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆߩߛ㧚⑳߇⸒޿ߚ޿ߎߣߪߖ޿ߗ
৻ㇱࠍ઀਄ߍ‫ߢߣ޽ߚޠ‬㧘ߘࠇߣ╙ੑㇱߩ࠹࡯ࡑࠍ
޿㧘ߎࠇࠄߩࠛ࠶࠮ࠗߦ૕⃻ߐࠇߚࠕࠗ࠺ࠖࠕߪ੐ታ⑳ᰴߩࠃ߁ߦ␜ߒߡ޿ࠆ㧚‫৻╙ߩߎޟ‬ㇱߪ㧘ߎߩ⑼ቇ
⥄りߩᔃ߆ࠄ↢ߓߚߣ޿߁ߎߣߛ㧚‫ ޠ‬ߩ⿠Ḯߣ㧘ࠕ࠳ࡓ࡮ࠬࡒࠬߦ߅ߌࠆ⑼ቇ⊛ត᳞⠪ߣ␠ળᡷ㕟⠪ߣ޿߁ੑ㊀ᕈߣߒߡߩߘߩ⴫⃻ߣࠍᛒߞߡ޿ࠆ㧚‫ߡߒߘޠ‬㧘‫╙ޟ‬ੑㇱ‫ߪޠ‬ᰴߩࠃ߁ߥ໧㗴ߢᓐᅚߪ‫ߩࠗ࠮࠶ࠛߩࠄࠇߎޟ‬ਛߦ૗߆ᧄ⾰⊛ߥ⁛ഃᆎ߹ࠆ੍ቯߢ޽ࠆ㧚‫ޟ‬ዋᢙߦࠃࠆ㓏⚖⊛࿶᡽ߣᛥ࿶
ᕈ߇޽ࠆ㧘ߣߪ⑳ߪᕁࠊߥ޿‫⻞ߣޠ‬㆖ߒߡ޿ࠆ߇㧘ߣߦኻߔࠆ਎♿ߩߎߩᾲὓߥᡷ㕟ㆇേ߇㧘ᅤ૗ߦታ㓙ߦߪ㧘ߎߩᧄᢥߩઃ㍳ߣߒߡᐕ߹ߢߦᦠ߆
― 44 ―ΫͺΠςΑȆεΛΗȜ͈2997ාა໲!Uif!Ijtupsz!pg!Fohmjti!Fdpopnjdt!͈ࡔࣂ͈ΠρϋΑ·ςίΏοῧٜ୰Ȫˍȫ⟵ߣ⷗ࠆⷰὐࠍᒻᚑߒߡ޿ߞߚߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚ࡑ࡞ࠢࠬߒߡ㧘਎♿ߩ㓹↪⠪ߩ⑔㖸ࠍઍ⴫ߔࠆ৻⑼ቇߦォ11) ᛕ್ߩዷ㐿ߪ 1887 ᐕߦߥߞߡ߆ࠄ⨲Ⓜൻߐࠇߚ㧚ൻߐࠇߚߩ߆‫߁⸒ߣޠ‬໧㗴ߢ޽ࠆ㧔ԙ㧕㧚ߚߛߒ㧘‫╙ޟ‬ੑㇱ‫ߚߒ߁ߎߩޠ‬໧㗴ߩᬌ⸛߽‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪߘߩᓟߢ㧘⥄ಽߩ⼏⺰ߩ⺖㗴ࠍឭ␜ᢥߦ฽߹ࠇࠆߎߣߦߥߞߚߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚ߔࠆ㧚‫⥄⑳ޟ‬りߩℂ⺰̖ߩታ㓙⊛ߥ᦭↪ߐࠍ⸽᣿ߒ
㨬ᱧผ㨭⺰ᢥߩ౏⴫ߦߟ޿ߡ㧘ࡉ࡯ࠬ߿ࠬࡍࡦࠨ࡯
ߥߌࠇ߫ߥࠄߥ޿‫ࠅ߹ߟޠޕ‬㧘‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣ໧㗴ࠍߘߩ⸒߆ࠄ⾥ᚑ߇ᓧࠄߥ߆ߚࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ㧘หᐕ᦬ᣣ
⪲ߢㅀߴߡ‫ߩߘޔ‬ᗧ๧ࠍቯ⟵ߒߥߌࠇ߫ߥࠄߥ޿‫ޠ‬㧘‫ߣߩ߽ߩ⌀ߪࠕࠖ࠺ࠗࠕߩ⑳ޟ‬㧘߹ߚ޿ߟߩᣣ߆㧘‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣ⊛ߥ∛ℂߩᵈᗧᷓ޿ⷰኤߩ㊀ⷐᕈࠍ␜ߒߥߐ
⑳ߦࠃߞߡߢߥߌࠇ߫ߘߩߣ߈ߪ⑳ࠃࠅ߽ߕߞߣㆡ޿‫  ߡߒߣ⸽଀ߩߘޕ‬ᐕߩ㕍ᦠ=$NWG$QQM⧷࿖
છߩઁߩੱ‫ߡߞࠃߦޘ‬㧘઀਄ߍࠄࠇࠆߢ޽ࠈ߁ߣ⠨ߩ࿖ળ߹ߚߪ᡽ᐭߩႎ๔ᦠ?ࠍ㧘߹ߚ㧘ోߡߩᎿ႐
߃ࠆ㧚⑳ߩ⺰ᢥߩᱧผ⊛ㇱಽߪߢ߈߇⦟ߊߡ㊀ⷐߥ
ᴺࠍ૶޿ߥߐ޿‫߁⸒ߣޠ‬㧚߹ߚ㧘‫↱⥄ޟ‬᡼છߣ࿖ኅ
ㇱಽߢ޽ࠅ㧘ߘߒߡ⑳ߦߣߞߡో૕ߢߩᄬᢌߪᱧผ
េഥߩ໧㗴ࠍㅀߴߥߐ޿㧚৻ᣇߢߩߎߩ↢↥ߣઁᣇ⊛ߢ㊀ⷐߥㇱಽߣ᭴ᚑߣߩ⚿߮ઃ߈ߩ߉ߎߜߥߐߢ
ߢߩ┆ਲߣߩ⻘ࠍ⥄ಽߢ߿ߞߡߺߥߐ޿‫ߣޠ‬໧㗴ࠍ޽ࠆ‫ߣޠ‬㨬ᱧผ㨭⺰ᢥߩ‫ోޟ‬૕ߢߩᄬᢌ‫ࠍޠ‬གྷ޿ߡ޿␜ߔ㧚ߘࠇߪ㧘⥄ಽߩ∛ℂቇ⊛ℂ⺰ߩⷰὐ߆ࠄ㧘ࠆ㧚‫ߒ߽ޟ‬ำ߇ᜎ⛘ߐࠇߡᏫߞߡߊࠇ߫̆ࠃࠈߒ޿㧘 ‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣ໧㗴‫ޠ‬㧘ߟ߹ࠅ␠ળߩ‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣ⊛ߥ∛ℂ‫߇ޠ‬ำࠃࠅ߽ఝࠇߚᄙߊߩ߽ߩ߇หߓᘷ߈⋡ߦ޽ߞߡ߈
‫↱⥄ޟ‬᡼છ‫ࠇߐࠄߚ߽ࠅࠃߦޠ‬㧘ߘߩᴦ≮ߩߚ߼ߦ11)ߚߩߛ‫ޟߣޠ‬ำ‫ޠ‬㧩⥄ಽߩಽりࠍᘨ߼ߡ޿ࠆ㧚 ߪ‫ޟ‬࿖ኅេഥ‫ޠ‬㨯੺౉߇ᔅⷐߥߎߣࠍឭ⿠ߔࠆߩߢ
޽ࠆ㧔Ԝ㧘ԟ㧕㧚11)
 ᓐᅚߪ㨬ዊߐߥ߽ߩ㨭ߩ‫ޠߩ߽ߩ⌀ߪࠕࠖ࠺ࠗࠕޟ‬ߣ⏕ାߒߡ޿ࠆ߇㧘ߎߩ‫ߪޠࠕࠖ࠺ࠗࠕޟ‬૗ߢ޽ࠈ߁߆㧚 ᦬  ᣣߦߪࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ㧘᳇ࠍขࠅ⋥ߒߡ㧘␠ળ⑼ቇߣ⚻ᷣ⑼ቇߩኻ⽎ߥ޿ߒ㗔ၞߦߟ޿ߡ
㧞㧚ේⓂߩᵈᗧᦠ߈ߣ࠻࡜ࡦࠬࠢ࡝ࡊ࡚ࠪࡦ
ߥߤ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫⺰ޠ‬ᢥߩਥⷐߥ⺰ὐࠍᛠីߒߚߣ޿߃ࠆ㧚߹ߕ㧘‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣ⑼ቇߩㆡಾߥਥ㗴߇ੱ㑆ߩᧄ⾰ߢ޽ࠆ㧞㧚㧝 ේⓂᨎ⋡ߩᵈᗧᦠ߈ߦߟ޿ߡ
ߎߣߩ⺰⸽‫ޠ‬㧘ߔߥࠊߜ‫␠ޟ‬ળ⑼ቇ߇‫޿ߟ߮⚿ޟޠ‬ਅߦឝタߒߚ౮⌀̅ ߦ⷗ࠄࠇࠆࠃ߁ߦ㧘ේⓂߩ1ߡ޿ࠆੱ㑆‫␠ޟߩޠ‬ળ↢ᵴߩਛߢ↢ߺ಴ߐࠇࠆり૕ᨎ⋡3:1ߩ਄ㇱߦߪࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩᚻߦߥࠆߣᕁࠊࠇ
⊛ߥ⻉ജɆ⢻ജߣ᰼ᦸ‫ࠍޠ‬ᛒ߁ߩߢ޽ࠆ߆ࠄ㧘‫⚻ޟ‬
ࠆThe History of English Economics ߩ࠲ࠗ࠻࡞߇޽ࠅ㧘ᷣቇߪ㧘૗ࠄ߆ߩ․೎ߥ⚿วജࠍᛒ޿ߟߟ㧘ߎߩ⑼ߘߩ਄ߣਅߦ㋦╩ᦠ߈ߢ‫ޔ‬ฎᢥᦠ㙚஥ߩ⺑᣿߇ᦠ߆ቇߩ৻ㇱ㐷ߢߥߌࠇ߫ߥࠄߥ޿‫ࠆ޽ߢߩޠ‬㧚ߘࠇࠁࠇߡ޿ࠆ㧚એਅߘࠇࠄࠍ਄߆ࠄ㗅ߦ␜ߔ㧚߃㧘‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣቇ߇੤឵ଔ୯ࠍᜬߟ⢻ജߣ᰼ᦸߣࠍ઻߁
ߩࠍ㧘␜ߐߥߌࠇ߫ߥࠄߥ޿‫ࠆ޽ߢߩޠ‬㧚ߎࠇࠄߩਥᒛ߇వߩ‫ߩޠࠕࠖ࠺ࠗࠕޟ‬ዷ㐿ࠍߥߔߣ⠨߃ࠄࠇࠆ‫ߪࠇߘޕ‬㧘ᓟ‫ޘ‬ዷ㐿ߐࠇࠆࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߩℂ⺰ዷ㐿ߩࡕ࠴࡯ࡈߣߥࠆ㊀ⷐߥ␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇߩⷰὐࠍ␜
ߔ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ㧔Ԝ㧘ԝ㧕㧚11)
ᰴߦࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬߪ‫↢ߦ࡯ࠫࡠ࠽ࠕޟޔ‬ℂቇࠍ↪޿ߡ‫⚻ޟޔޠ‬ᷣቇ⠪ߚߜ㧔߇㧕̖ᓐࠄߩ⑼ቇߩਥ㗴ࠍንߣቯ⟵ߒߡ߈ߚ߆ࠍ␜‫ߔޠ‬㧚‫ߦࠬࡒࠬ࡮ࡓ࠳ࠕޟ‬߅ߌࠆ⌀ታߩశߩ῜⊒‫⯯ࠆߌ߅ߦ࠼࡯ࠞ࡝ޔ‬னߩ⚿౮⌀ ේⓂߩᨎ⋡ߩ਄ㇱߩᵈᗧᦠ߈᥏ൻ‫ޔߡߒߘޔ‬ᱜ⛔ᵷ⚻ᷣቇ⠪㆐ߩᗐቯߔࠆੱ㑆‫ޔ‬ࠞ࡯࡞࡮ࡑ࡞ࠢࠬߦ߅ߌࠆ᛽⽎⊛ੱ㑆ߣߘߩ᧪ࠆߴ
Section VII.1. Hem Ԛ B.W, [watermark 1886 at fols.
߈ㆇ๮‫⃻ޔ‬ઍߩ⚻ᷣቇ⠪ߚߜߦࠃࠆߘߩੱ㑆ߩᓳᮭ
3,6,7,10,15,16,18,20,22,23,26,27,32,33,35,36,39,43,44,ߣ޿߁ᄸᅱߥሽ࿷ߩ⊒ዷ‫␠ޔ߁޿ߣޠ‬ળ∛ℂቇ⊛ⷰ
11)47,48,49,51,52,53,55,56]  3:1
ὐߦࠃࠆᛠីߢ޽ࠆ㧔Ԙ㧘ԙ㧘Ԛ㧘Ԟ㧕㧚 ߹ߚ㧘 ᦬ߩ‫⚻ࠬ࡝ࠡࠗޟ‬ᷣቇߩㅴᱠ‫ߪ࡞࠻ࠗ࠲߁޿ߣޠ‬㧘  The History of English Economics ᦬ߦߪ‫↢̖ޟ‬ᚑߣᚑ㐳‫ߡߞߥߣޠ‬㧘ㅴᱠ⺰߆ࠄ↢[n.b. that M.A. Hamilton, Sidney & Beatrice Webb, 1933,ᚑ㧛ᚑ㐳⺰ߣ↢ℂቇ⊛ߦߥࠅ㧘ߘߩᓟ‫ޟ‬ᱧผ‫ߥߣޠ‬
p.56, states that this essay was finished 1885, so this isߞߚ㧚⚻ᷣቇߩᄌൻࠍࠬࡍࡦࠨ࡯߿࡜ࡑ࡞ࠢ⊛ߥㅴ
perhaps a copy]ᱠਥ⟵߆ࠄ࠳࡯࠙ࠖࡦ⊛ߥ㕖ቯะㅴൻਥ⟵߿ᱧผਥ
― 45 ―

ऎ൥ȁ࢖ੇ

਄ߩwatermark 1886ߩߣߎࠈ߆ࠄਅߩBeatrice ߦะߌߡ⍫ශ߇ᦠ߆ࠇߡ޿ࠆ㧚ߎࠇߪ਄ߦᦠ߆ࠇߚߔ߆ߒ
1886ߦ߆߆ࠊࠄߕ㧘ਅߩᵈᗧᦠ߈ߩࠃ߁ߦ M.A.
Hamilton ߩSidney & Beatrice Webb, 1933 ߦᓥߞߡ㧘

realized, and theorists and legislators allowed that thePrecious Metals might be directly exported, in orderthat money might be indirectly imported.

An elaborate commercial policy called “The Mercantileߎߩࠛ࠶࠮ࠗ߇1885ᐕߦቢᚑߒߡ޿ߡ㧘ߎߩේⓂߪ
౮ߒߢ޽ࠆ㧘ߣ޿߁ߎߣࠍᵈ⸥ߒߡ޿ࠆߣᕁࠊࠇࠆ㧚 System” was introduced. The aim of this policy, was tosecure through trade restrictions and bounties, theߒ߆ߒ೨ឝߩ1886ᐕ8᦬8ᣣߩᣣ⸥ߦ╙৻ㇱࠍ઀਄ߍ
Excess of the value of the Exports over that of theߚߣ޿߁⸥ㅀ߇޽ࠆߩߢ㧘ߘࠇߪ‫ޟ‬᣿ࠄ߆ߥ⺋⹺ߢ
8)
Imports. This excess would it was thought cause the޽ࠅ㧘1886ᐕᚑ┙ߩᛩᦠ↪ᷡᦠේⓂߢ޽ࠆ‫ ޠ‬㧚એ
ਅ2࿁ߦಽߌߡ58⪲ߩ࠻࡜ࡦࠬࠢ࡝ࡊ࡚ࠪࡦࠍ␜ߔ㧚 indirect importation of money, and lead therefore to theaccumulation of Wealth.

㧞㧚㧞 ࠻࡜ࡦࠬࠢ࡝ࡊ࡚ࠪࡦ㧔Fol.3:1㨪3:18㧕

It would be a mistake however to think, that

Fol.3:1

historically considered, any theory of national wealth

The History of English Economics

was the earliest

Political Economy originated in the minds of traders

Fol.3:3and finaciers. It was an attempt to solve the practicalor most important factor in deciding the commercial

problem; How to increase the riches of a nation, and forpolicy of the country. Close corporations of trademan,

this it was necessary to form some conception, of the

manufacturers, and traders, had, during the Middle

origin, and nature of wealth.

Ages, dictated their terms to Princes and Ministers in

The first theory of Wealth, arose from an exclusiveneed of money, and had imposed the “manufacturing

attention to the most superficial fact of industrial life –System” on the trade of the country. Those who were

the adoption by all civilized nations of the Precious

supposed to understand trade, ie, individuals andMetals as the medium of Exchange. For the popularsocieties engaged in it were listened to, as the bestnotion that “Wealth is money” was merely theauthorities on commercial matters.

expression of a universal and persisitent mental

The interest of the existing Producer leading directly

association between a wish for the necessaries andto bounties and monopolies, to take on foreign

luxuries of life, and the possession of money, whereby

manufactures, and to the restriction and orbitarythese might be obtained. Thus, in those early days, thesettlement of labour, was held to be synonymous withfinancial policy of the State was directed to promote thethe National interest. Thus, the “Manufacturing” andImportation, and to check the Exportation of thethe “Mercantile” systems, blenden naturally together. A

Precious

plausible

Metals.

But

with

the

developmentoftheoryofnational

advantage,

wasacommerce, the mercantile classes perceived that evenconvenient cloak to private interest, against thethe facts of Exchange were notinroads of new and conflicting enterprise.

Fol.3:2

From time to time, shrewd merchants and farseeing

a simple as they seemed to be. The prohibition of thefinanciers pointed out the fallacy underlying theExportation of Gold pressed heavily on the East India

hypothesis, that the laws ofMerchants; and the facts of the new trade discloed thereal nature of Gold and Silver as commodities, apart

Fol.3:4

from their conventional nature as instruments of

Production were favourably influenced by manipulating

Exchange. Through the influence of the East India

Exchange. The French Physiocrates broke through theCompany, the laws forbidding the Exportation ofcrust of Exchange, and discovered one of the ultimate

bullion were repealed in 1663 by the English House ofsources of wealth the “produce of Land.” They installed

Commons.

“Matter” as the fetish of production, and advocated the

The theory that Money constituted Wealth was still

useful principle of free-trade; but as the “Agricultural

dominant, but the action and re-action of trade weresystem” had little influence on English Public Opinion― 46 ―ΫͺΠςΑȆεΛΗȜ͈2997ාა໲!Uif!Ijtupsz!pg!Fohmjti!Fdpopnjdt!͈ࡔࣂ͈ΠρϋΑ·ςίΏοῧٜ୰Ȫˍȫbeyond stimulating inquiry, it is unnecessary toachievement as a scientific investigator; “His chiefconsider it’s theories.

work was to indicate the manner in which value

In 1776, the year of the publication of Adam Smith’smeasures human motive. Possibly the full drift of what

Wealth of Nations, though the “Mercantile” andhe was doing was not seen by himself; certainly it was“Manufacturing” Systems were discredited in the

not perceived by many of his followers, who approachedminds of the more philosophical of the trading class,

Economics from the point of view of business rather

these systems controlled popular opinion and decided

than philosophy. But for all that best economic work

the commercial and financial policy of the country. The

whichmaterial interest of the great mass of consumers, thedistinguished from that which went before, by aindustrial instinct of young enterprise, and the growing

clearler insight into the balancing and weighing byneed for freedom of action among the workers, neededmeans of money, of the desire for the possession of aexpression.

thing on the one hand, and on the other, all the various

All alike found their expression in the independent

efforts and self-denials which directly and indirectly

inquiry of the great economist of the 18th century into

contribute towards making it.”

came

after

the

Wealthof

Nationsisthe actual sources of National Wealth.
Fol.3:7
Fol.3:5

Adam Smith, then in following wealth to one of it’s

The great work of Adam Smith had therefore a twofold

sources “Labour”discovered the Economic nature ofcharacter. He aimed of the discovery of the lawsman, and described it. We mean by the “Economic

regulating Production, with the practical purpose ofnature that portion of human Faculty and Desire which

increasing the total wealth of the nation; and with thishas an Exchange value; or to use Professor Marshall’s

object constantly in view, he investigated industrial life

formula, which can be “ weighed and balanced byand traced to it’s human source the the industrial

means of money.” He divided the Economic nature of

product Wealth.

man into Economic Faculty and Economic Desire, or as

As a reformer of social abuse, he pleaded the material

he would have expressed it into the power of production

interests of the great mass of his country men; heand into the capacity for Consumption. In his world-pressed on public Opinion the ever extending and everfamed essay on the “Division of Labour,” he traces thevarying needs of the growing body of consumers -- hehistorical growth of Economic Faculty, and discovers, inadvocated freedom of action for the world be inventor,

the self interested desire to “barter one commodity for

producer, and worker, and he denounced sternly, theanother”

weighting and shackling of the great majority in thedevelopment.

race of life, through the state protection of individuals

We perfects the theory of “functional adaptation,” as it

and small societies. This double nature gave to his

is shown in human life, and forestalls the biologicalwork richness of thought and feeling; it endowed it withstatement of it. And it is in these chapters that we see

humanity, made it live and germinate in the hearts, as

most clearly his characteristics as a reasoner. He states

well as in the intellects, of his fellow – countryman.

the empirical law as it

theoriginal

sourceofits

progressive

On the other hand it resulted in an absence of logical
Fol.3:8
Fol.3:6

issequence, in an indefiniteness of purpose leading tocontemporary life. He relates it clothed in fact.

serious misunderstanding among his followers. TheyHe then proceed to analyze these facts, and verifies theconfused the results of his investigations, which belong

universal nature of this law, by a deduction from an

to all time, with the doctorines of his reformation,

ultimate law of human life.

which applied only to the social conditons in which he

For Adam Smith was no pedant in the use of method;

lived.

he used the Historical, Inductive, and Deductive

developedin

history,andmanifestedinmethods, as they respectively suited the nature of his
Professor Marshall has thus described Adam Smith’s

subject matter; his special distinction lay in his― 47 ―

ऎ൥ȁ࢖ੇ


constant effort to give to each it’s appropriate

But in one respect his analysis of the Economic

verification. The chapter entitled “That the Division ofFaculty was lamentably deficient. We refer to thelabour be limited to the extent of the market” deals

ambiguous use of the term “Labour.” He nowheremore especially with Economic Desire.

defines this word.

He demonstrates that the development of Economic

Muccullock as editor of the Wealth of Nations, writes

Faculty is dependant on the growth, both in strength“It seems however that generally speaking he supposedand variety of form of Economic Desire.

it to mean the exertion made by human nature to bringHe follows the action and re-action of Faculty andabout same desirable result.”

Desire, though he intricate labyrinth of Exchange with

Muccullock himself however, objects to this definition

it’s attendant circumstances the conventional use of theas too restricted, and would include

precious metals. Later on, he describes the origin anduse of money, the appropriation

Fol.3:11
the action of machinery and animals, “because so far as

Fol.3:9the doctrines of Political Economy are concerned theyof land by individuals, and the accumulation of capital.

are in all respects same.”

He distinguishes between Productive and Unproductive

This no doubt true, if limit Economic Science to the

Labour, or as we should prefer to express it between

discovery, and the description, of the “Laws of

Fertile and Sterile Economic Faculty; and he notices an

Production.” And, if Adam Smith had confined himself

empirical law which we think has hardly received

to this aim, a purpose to which he brought thesufficient attention- for it partially describes though it

enthusiasm of the scientific student, and the fervour ofdoes not explain a phenomenon of our larger towns,

the philanthropist, the wide definition of the term

namely,… “Wherever capital predominates industry

Labour would have been correct. But possibly, heprevails, wherever revenue idleness.”wished to complete his picture of industrialism; for he

Further he defines the limits of Economic Science, fortrades Wealth through with evident indifference, as ithewas distributed by the conventions and the necessities

noticestheinequalities

producedinthemeasurement of Economic Faculty by the presence ofof his time along the class channels of social life.

the other qualities of human nature. We may think his

Labourenumeration of the “Five principle circumstances which

comprehending the grand total of human effort, ismake up for a small pecuniary gain in somesuddenly reduced in it’s signification, to it’s mostemployments and counterbalances a great one in

restricted sence, namely manual labour. To explain theothers” insufficient and inadequate,

inequalities of Distribution, Adam Smith laconically

he overlooks the great pleasure derived from the freerelates

exercise of the higher intellectual and esthetic faculty

accumulation of Capital.

the

the

sole

rise

human

of

sourcePrivateofProduction,

Property,

and

the

raising these faculties out of the category of the
Economic in as much as the owner
Fol.3:12
Fol.3:10

The original state of things in which the labourer

exercises them without regarad to their Exchange

enjoyed the whole produce of his labour could not lastvalue, and in so far as they may not correspond to an

beyond the first introduction of the appropriation of

Economic

Land and the accumulation of stock. It was at an end

Desireinthe

Public

Mind;

may

be

independent of it for their development; and throughtherefore

it’s indifference, may have no measurable Economic

improvements were made, in the productive power ofresult.

these

Labour, and it would be to no purpose to trace further

circumstances was a dostinct recognition of the limit ofwhat might have been it’s effect upon the recompence

his subject matter; a recognition deplorably absent inor wage of labour.” This reference to necessity has a

the more vulgar minded of his followers.

strange sound to the modern ear, delicately attend to

Neverthelesshisdefinition

of

long

beforethemostconsiderable

the “natural right” of the manual class of producers!

― 48 ―ΫͺΠςΑȆεΛΗȜ͈2997ාა໲!Uif!Ijtupsz!pg!Fohmjti!Fdpopnjdt!͈ࡔࣂ͈ΠρϋΑ·ςίΏοῧٜ୰Ȫˍȫ
His indifference however manifested here, as in hisof free contract and non-interference. They havewhole treatment of the “Labour question” was but one

mistaken the qualified precepts of the social reformer,of the bad results of his double character as social

for the abstract theories of a scientific investigator.

reformer, and scientific investigator; for his social

They have forgotten that Adam Smith lived in an age ofsympathies, roused by the artificial restrictions of hisclass oppression and that the “Wealth of Nations” is aown time, were enlisted in the service of the consumer

history work of social obuses.

and the would-be producer, he was in fact their official

We can hardly realize the social effect of the laws ofpleader. And in his way, the bad effect of thisSettlement, of the prohibition on the emigration of theintellectual fallacy, was inappreciable, for the strife

artisan, of the cruel penalties attached to illegal

between the different

occupations, of the endless vexation and loss resulting

Fol.3:13

Fol.3:15

classes of producers had not as yet arisen. Neverthelessfrom the regulation, and restriction, of interernal andit is this small grain of falsehood developed by theforeign trade.

ignorance of his immediate followers, pruned andenunciate a general principle of “Laisser faire” ortrimmed by the cutting logic of Ricardo’s Mind,

advocatetransplanted

Political

Undoubtedly he had the faith of an energetic andEconomy that now overshadows us in the mighty tree

upright nature in the worth of individual effort. He wasof socalled scientific socialism. For if Manual labour bea man inspire by deep religious feeling, and he saw inthe only form of Economic Faculty, if capital be only

the vice of self-interested class regulation the great“result of parsimony” then after deducing current

antagonist to the natural law of Divine Government:

by

the

Germancriticsof

And yet, in no single instance did heanunlimited

freedomofcontract.

interest on capital, and after allowing for risk andBut he approved of State compulsory education; heclerk’s wages of supereintendence, the net produce has

advocatedbeen earned by the labourer.

population; he suggested as an encouragement to

These two assumptions are however false. Capital does

science the state examination of these engaged in the

not originate entirely, or even principally, in the act ofliberal profession; and finally, he declared, that, whensaving, which is simply superior self restraint in thethe state interfered between employer and workman in

gratification of the Economic Desire, or possibly thethe workman’s interest the interference was always

absence of this Desire. It originates in the presence of a“just and equitable.”state

military

training

of

the

whole

specific form of brain-power, which whether we give it a

We may dream that state action is always good. We

high or low value, has a definite place in the hierarchy

may awear it is always bad. We may believe that aof Economic Faculties--and is variously manifested indeeper research and more extended reasoning warrants

the organizers of industry

us in describing the exact nature of its

Fol.3:14

Fol.3:16

in the originators of commercial enterprise, and in thelimits—enables us to say “here and no further.” Adammoney making instinct of the wholesale and retail

Smith however was wholly innocent of these abstract

traders. It is strange that Adam Smith should haveideas. He had only one general principle regarding

completely overlooked these special forms of labour, forstate action—If interest A be virtually the State, and if

he mentions in treating of Production not only theinterest A be antagonistic to interest B, then any state

Inventor but also the relations to production of theregulation of the joint affairs of A and B will belearned Professions.

disadvantageous to interest B.
A modest proportion. A proportion none of us will

Before we leave the greatest and most original work on

controvert until the coming of the millennium of

Economic Science, we would point out what we conceive

Ethical evolution when the altruistic Sentiment will be

to be a misapprehension in the minds of his followers,

the dominant force of social life.

and of his German critics, as to his supposed doctorines      ࡮ --------------------------࡮― 49 ―

ऎ൥ȁ࢖ੇ


What then were the changes in events and ideas thatෳ⠨ᢥ₂transformed this crusade of the 18th century against

1)

Gospel”

of

the

19th

century;

B.:

The

HistoryofEnglishEconomics,

PASSFIELD Collection, 7/1/3,1886.

the oppression of the Many by the Few, into the“Employer’s

Webb,

2)

and

Webb, B.: The Economic Theory of Karl Marx,
PASSFIELD Collection, 7/1/5,1887.

substituted, under the shelter of a common name, a set
3)

of abstract principle for the conduct of financial૒⮮౏ବ㧦ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯ߣࡂ࡯ࡃ࡯࠻࡮ࠬ
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business, for the scientific observation of one aspect ofࠆ㧘␠ળ⹏⺰␠㧘2010.

human life, the Economic nature of man.
4)

If we wish to gain an insight into this question, weWebb, B.: My Apprenticeship, Longmans, Green and Co.,New York,1926.

must study the leading features of the era of Industrial
5)

Revolution (eloquently described by Arnold

Webb, B. : On the Nature of Economic Science, ((1) My
Objections to a Self-contained, Separate, Abstract

Fol.3:17

Political Economy and (2) A Theory of Value), in Webb,

Toynbee) that interevened between the publication of

B. My Apprenticeship, as Appendix D, pp.422-430.

Adam Smith’s “Wealth of Nations”

6)(1776) and the

McBriar, A.M.: Fabian Socialism and English Politics
1884-1918㧘 Cambridge at The University Press, 1962.

publication in 1817 of the next great work on Economic
7)

Science Ricardo’s “Principles of Political Economy.”ࡠࠗ࠼ࡦ࡮ࡂ࡝ࠬࡦ㧦࠙ࠚ࠶ࡉᄦᆄߩ↢ᶦߣᤨઍ㧘ࡒࡀ࡞ࡧࠔᦠᚱ㧘

8)

During these years, the great mechanical inventions ofᄢ೨⋿㧦ࡌࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯(࠙ࠚ࠶ࡊ)ߣ᡽ᴦ⚻the 18th century, were realized. They gave birth to aᷣቇ㧘⛫Ủቑ⺰ฌ,45(3),55-69,หᔒ␠ᄢቇ⚻ᷣቇળ㧘

new people, a people rapidly increasing in numbers,

1994.
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and changing in character, as invention after invention,૒⮮౏ବ㧦ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯࡮࠙ࠚ࠶ࡉ‫⚻ޟ‬ᷣ

opened out fresh possibilities of accquiring wealth.

⑼ቇߩᧄᕈߦߟ޿ߡ‫ߣ੺⚫ߩޠ‬⠡⸶㧘㐳ጟᎿᬺ㜞╬

Steam and machinery instituted a new system ofኾ㐷ቇᩞ ⎇ⓥ♿ⷐ㧘╙44Ꮞ㧘╙1ภ㧘ᐔᚑ20ᐕ3᦬㧘Industrial life. The unit of production, ceased to be the

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master workman, owing his stock, half agriculturist,૒⮮౏ବ㧦ࡆࠕ࠻࡝ࠬ࡮ࡐ࠶࠲࡯ߩ␠ળቇ⊛⚻ᷣቇ

half manufacturer, employing the labour of his familyߩᱧผ⊛ᣇᴺ̆↢ℂቇ⊛ᣇᴺ߆ࠄㅴൻ⺰⊛ᣇᴺ߳̆㧘

and of a strictly limited number of apprentices, and㐳ጟᎿᬺ㜞╬ኾ㐷ቇᩞ ⎇ⓥ♿ⷐ㧘╙45Ꮞ㧘╙2ภ㧘

selling his goods in a provincial market; it became theᐔᚑ21ᐕ11᦬㧘2009.
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big capitalist producing for a distant market, dealing

Webb, B.: The Diary of Beatrice Webb 㧘 Volume oneout raw material to a collection of individuals, each of

1873-1892 㧘edited by Norman and Jeanne MacKenzie㧘

whom had its work apportioned with the same

Belknap Press, 1982.
䋨㪉㪇㪈㪇㪅㩷㪈㪇㪅㩷㪈㩷ฃઃ䋩㩷

regularity and definiteness as was manifested in the
Fol.3:18
movements of machinery superintended.
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― 50 ―