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CanadaSupervisor:

Prof. John P. Oleson
ABSTRACTIn early second century Provincia krabia, a Roman fort
was built next to the Nabataean settlement of Hawar (Humeima
in modem Jordan).

Excavation indicates that Hawarls fort-

complex contained many of the components traditionallyassociated with Roman forts, including an external bathhouse.
This thesis places Hawarvsbath-house in both its
architectural and social-cultural context. The first goalis achieved by comparing this bath-house with 172 otherbaths associated with Roman forts, and with 175 baths in theancient Near East. The analysis reveals that this i s atypical Roman military bath.

The second goal, to recreate

the bath's social context, is approached by considering

evidence from other sources about the purpose of thisbuilding, who used it, when it was used, and how it wasused. Two appendices contain catalogues of comparative bathmaterial. A third appendix argues that this Roman bath wasused into the early Islamic period (c. 687-750).

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Title Page .................................................i
Table of Contents ......................................... iv

List of Tables ........................................... vii
List of Figures .............................,..........

Dedication ...............................................

viii

xi

Chapter 1: Introduction .................................... 1
Introduction ............................................5

Humeima in its Historical Context ....................... 5
The Roman Bath-house ................................... 17
Why was a Bath-house Built at Hurneima? ................. 20

The importance of baths to the Romans ............... 20

Literary and legal evidence for Roman military
baths ...............................................

21

Archaeological evidence for Roman military baths .... 23

Chapter 2: Hawarts Bath-house in its Architectural
Context ...................................................28

Comparative Material ...................................

28

Baths proximally associated with a Roman fort .......30

Ancient Near Eastern baths ..........................3 1
Roman military bath-houses in the Near East ......... 32
Egyptian military baths ............................. 35
Analysis of Hawarts Bath ............................... 36
Size ................................................ 4 1

Location ......
Reuse of Nabataean structure ........................48
Building materials ................................. . 4 8
Date of construction and renovation .................50
The Bath-Room . . ............

Room D ..............................................56
Room
Room C .............................................. 57
Room B .............................................. 58
Room F .............................................. 58
Room
Room
Palaestra ........................................... 63

Conclusion ............................................. 64
Chapter 3: Hawarts Bath-house in its Social Context ....... 65
Why did this Bath-building Exist? ......................65

Cultural identity ...................................65
Health .............................................

-66

Relaxation ......
Romanization ........................................ 73
Who used this bath-building? ...........................

75

What time of day was the bath-house used? .............. 78

How often was this bath-building used? ................. 82
How did theusing the bath-house bathe? .

Conclusion ........................

.....................93

Chapter 4: Conclusion and Recommendations for Future
Research ..................................................

94

Bibliography .............................................
102

Appendix A: Catalogue of Baths Associated WithRo F o~r t s .....................................
Appendix B: Catalogue of Baths in the Near East Built
Between the 4th Century B.C. and A.D . 750 ................171
Appendix C: Humeima's Bath-house in the Umayyad Period ...239

vii
LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Distribution of military baths by size ...........43
Table 2: Distribution of Near Eastern baths by s i z e .......44
Table 3: Distribution of military baths by century ........51
Table 4 : Distribution of Nsar Eastern baths by century ....52

viii
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Location of Humeima in the Near East .............2
Figure 2 : Bumeima- General Site Plan .......................3
Figure 3 : Bath-building--Actual State Plan ................18
F i g u r e 4 : Bath-building--Sequeme of Development ..........19

1 am grateful to a great many people who played a role inthe completion of this thesis.

My biggest debt of gratitude

is due to my supervisor, Prof. J. P. Oleson, who not only
provided al1 the help and encouragement that a supervisor
ought, but who also afforded me with the opportunity to workon Humeimafsbath-house. Having now directed an excavationof my own, 1 realize that it is not always easy to let
someone else work on a structure which you have excavated.
I appreciate Prof. Olesonfsgenerosity and willingness toshare his project with others.

I am also grateful for thethoughtful suggestions and observations provided by al1 themembers of my examining c o d t t e e (Prof. K. R. Bradley,
Prof. N. Micklewright, and Prof. M. M. Mulchahey); rrtany ofthese suggestions were incorporated into earlier drafts ofthis work.

The ability to draw on the rich knowledge-baseof the other CO-directors of the Humeima Excavation Project(Dr. Khairieh 'Amr, Ms. Rebecca Foote, and Dr. Robert

Schick) was also useful in the completion of this thesis and1 thank them al1 for their willingness to answer my frequent

questions. Humeimatsbath-house was excavated in 1989 and 1
would not have had the important first-hand knowledge ofthis structure if 1 had not been able to travel to
Jordan to study it.

1 am extrernely grateful to the American

Center of Oriental Research (ACOR) for awarding me the 1995
Jennifer C. Groot Fellowship in the Archaeology of Jordan

f o r this purpose.

Finally, 1 would l i k e to thank al1 myfriends and family for the great boost provided not o n l y by

their continuous support, but also by their faith in myabilities.

DEDICATION

To my Dad
Who never got to see how 1 turned out

But would have been pleased

CHAPTERI

Introduction

At the site of Humeima (ancient Hawar) in southern
Jordan are the remains of a Roman fort (see Figures 1 and
2). Outside the fort are the remains of a contemporaneousbath-house, fed by a water supply which was regulated by astopcock of Roman design and dimensions. Since Roman forts
usually had their own bath-house and since auxiliaq forts(like H a w a r ) normally had a bath-house located outside thefort, it is probable that Hawarrs bath was built to serve
the fort's garrison.
The military structures at ~ a w a rconsist of the fort
and external bath-house, plus an 11 x 15 m watchtower 2 k m
to the southwest. The information which can be obtained
from these structures can make significant contributions to
Our understanding of the militaryts role in Roman Arabia--a
topic which is still not well understood (Isaac 1990: 11819; Fiema 1995) .
The excavation and analysis of Hawarlsmilitary
structures in particular can advance our knowledge forseveral reasons. The first reason is simply that Hawar's
fort is one of only a very small number of excavated forts
in either Jordan or in the Roman N e a r East (Parker 1986: 45;
1995; cf. Kennedy & Riley 1990: 16).' In addition, Hawarts
fort, built in the early second century, is currently theearliest known fort in Jordan (Parker 1995: 255), so it canhelp us understand military arrangements in this littleunderstood first century of direct Roman control. Moreover,
Hawarts fort was clearly of some importance, as it is thelargest known awiliary fort in Jordan (Parker 1995: 255).

'Excavation on the fort began in 1993 and is still
continuing (see Oleson et al. 1994 & 1995) . The bath-house
was excavated in 1989 (see Oleson 1990) . The watch-tower has
not been excavated; surface pottery suggests it was in use in
the late Roman/early Byzantine periods (Eadie 1984: 219) .

Figure 1: Location of Humeima in the N e a r East

RED SEAFigure 2 : Humeima-General+

HUMEIMA.

rock-cut cistem

S i t e Plan

0

GENERAL SITE PLAN

O

built astem

structures+ main datum

- O

200m

But, most importantly for the purposes of this thesis, thisfort in the middle of the Jordanian desert is associatedwith a bath-house which is typical of the bath-houses
outside auxiliary forts in other parts of the Empire.
My first goal in this thesis is to put this bath-housein its architectural context and to show how it is a typical
Roman military bath. My second goal is to recreate thesocial context of this bath-house, and to suggest how thebuilding might have been used. As regards the second goal,
it is unfortunate that the interior of the bath-house wascleaned out in the post-Classical period. As a result, thebuilding contained none of the every-day artifacts (e.g.,
strigils and hair-pins) found in other bath-houses. In
order to put this bath into its social-cultural context,
therefore, 1 will have to make inferences based largely on
the usage patterns suggested for other bath-houses.
The thesis consists of four chapters and threeappendices. The temainder of this chapter will set up thesociabhistorical context for this bath by outlining theposition of Hawar in regional history, by stressing thecultural importance of Roman baths, and by reviewing theevidence for the use of baths by Roman soldiers.' Chapter
2 will provide an architectural context for Hawarfsbath inrelation to other military and Near Eastern baths. Chapter
3 will give suggestions, based primarily on ancient sources,for how and why this bath might have been used ( e . g . who
used it? how did they use it? when did they use it?).
Finally, Chapter 4 will briefly sumarize the results ofthese investigations and offer suggestions for subsequent
research .

Appendices A and B contain comparative material which'This review of Roman social history will range very widein chronological and geographical terms, since written
evidecce relating to military bathing practices is scanty.

will be referenced throughout the body of this work.
Appendix A is a catalogue of baths in, or just outside,
Roman (or Byzantine) f o r t s ; Appendix B is a catalogue ofbaths built in the Near East between the fourth century B.C.
and A.D. 750. Appendix C addresses the possibility thatHawarfs (Roman) bath-house might have remained in use in theseventh century, after Hawar came under Islamic control.'Introduction
The bath-house which is the s u b j e c t of this thesis islocated at Humeima in southern Jordan. Humeima is located
50 km southeast of Petra and 80 km north of Aqaba (seeFigure 1). It is located in the Hisma desert: a "bleak andbarren [plain of] ...dried mudflats and s u d . . . punctuated bycraggy peaks of sandçtonel1 (Bowersock 1983 : 8 ) . This was anextremely arid location in antiquity, and it remains sotoday, receiving an average of 95 rtun of annual rainfal1 and,in poor years, as little as 40 m (Eadie & Oleson 1986: 54).
p t i m e i m a in its Hj storical Context
The site of Humeima has been used by humans sinceprehistoric timesD4 In the historical period, the site was
first settled in the early first century B.C. by the'This thesis represents the state of my knowledge about
Humeima and Near Eastern baths up to May 1996 when the thesis
was submitted to my defense codttee.
Between May and
September 1996 (when the thesis was defended) 1 travelled to
Jordan, did some probes in and around Humeima's bath-house,
excavated a Nabataean bath-house at Wadi Ramm, and visited twobath-houses (at Arnman and Wadi Musa) which are not in mycatalogues. After much deliberation, 1 have decided not toinclude any information obtained since May 1996 in this workas a) the new information does not conflict with any of thefindings of this thesis and b) 1 thought it more appropriate
to leave the thesis as defended.
'Palaeolithic and Neolithic flints have been collected on
the site (Oleson et al. 1989: 27).

Nabataeans (Ouranios &gabika. in Jacoby 1958 : 675 F i b , see
below). The Nabataeans controlled a territory encompassing
the Negev, parts of the Sinai Peninsula, the northern Kegaz,
the Moab, and the southern Hauran at least as far north as
Bostra ( B U S H ) (Patrich 1990 : 21; see nry Figure 1). In thelate fourth or third century B.C., the Nabataeans were
described as wandering pastoralists who had grown richtransporting frankincense, myrrh, and valuable spices fromsouthern Arabia to the sea (Diodorus Siculus 19.94, probably
based on Hieronymos of Cardia). By the first century B.C.,
a major change had occurred in Nabataean culture. The
Nabataeans were no longer strictly wandering pastoralists.
Strabo (16.4.26) reports that many lived in costly Stone
houses in unwalled settlernents.' The remains of theirsettleménts lined the Nabataean trade-routes radiating out
from Petra (Graf 1992b: 970) . 6
The Nabataean settlement at Humeima was one such
settlement, located on the most accessible route from Petrato the Gulf of Aqaba (Bowersock 1983: 8). According toOuraniosl Arabika (in Jacoby 1958: 675 F l b ) , the settlement
was founded in the early first centuw B.C. by the Nabataean
king Aretas III (reigned c. 87-62 B.C.).
Auara: town in Arabia, so named by Aretas, son of
Obodas, as a result of an oracle given to his father.
For Aretas set out to investigate the oracle, which was'to seek a place auara'--that is 'whitet in Arabic or
Syrian. When Aretas hab arrived and was keeping watch,
there appeared to h i m an apparition. a man clothed in'The transformation of Nabataean culture as reflected bythese two passages has been discussed by many authors
including Bowersock 1983: 16-17, Oleson 1995, and Patrich
1990: 21-26. Other ancient literary passages mentioning the
Nabataeans are discussed in detail by Bowersock 1983, and(more briefly) by Patrich 1990: 21-26. General descriptionsof Nabataean history and culture can be found in Bowersock
1983, Glueck 1965, Hamond 1973, Patrich 1990, Graf 1992b, andDudley 1992.
'E .g., along the Petra-Gaza road (Cohen 1982) .

white riding a white camel, and when the apparition
disappeared, there appeared spontaneously a craggy
hill, firmly rooted in the earth. There he founded atom. (tram: Oleson 1990: 145)
The t o m which Ouranios refers to as auara ( a k p a in Greek)
is Nabataean Hawax.' The identification of Hawar withmodem Humeima has been firmly established by reference to a
Byzantine map of the early Roman Bmpire:
Compelling evidence that Avara [Hawar] was ciie ancientname of Humayma is supplied by the Peutinger Table,
which in its list of Arabian sites locates Avara 20
Roman miles S of Zadagatta (Sadaqa) and 23 miles N of
Praesidio (Khirbet el-Khalde). These figures, 30 km
and 36 km respectively, are in fact the exact distances
between Sadaqa-Humayma and Humayma-Khirbet el-khalde(OLeson et al. 1989: 272) ,Nabataean Hawar is the most significant Nabataean
settlement known in the Hisma (Graf 1983: 660; Oleson et al.
1989: 272; Oleson iorthcoming [a]: 1). Clearly, a great
deal of effort was expended in order to make the settlement
viable. In the desert, a settlement is only viable if it
can access enough water to maintain it through the rainlessseasons. A t Hawar, dozens of cisterns, two large
reservoirs, a wadi dam, and a 27 Icm aqueduct were built in
the first century B.C. or A.C. in order to supply thecommwiity with water.' Hawarlsaqueduct is longer than any'It is not entirely clear whether the Nabataeans referredto their settlement as nHawarn or nHawaralf.The name "hwrI1(Arabic "Hawarll) appears in a late-first century Nabataeangraffito carved near the settlementls I1HighPlacen (see Graf
1992a for a discussion of this graffita).
However, thepresence of a vowel aiter the "rn in Greek and Latin spellingsof the name (e.g . A h p u , Havarra, Hauas~,Hauana) may suggest
the Nabataeans pronounced "hwrW as Wawaran. Alternatively,
the non-Nabataean spellings might reflect a Graeco-Latin
tradition of feminising city names.
'On the Nabataean water-works see OLeson 1987, 1988,
1990, 1995-

8other aqueduct built by the Nabataeans.' Given themagnitude of the effort to supply this c o m i t y with water,
it is viewed as a deliberate effort of the Nabataean kingnprobably to attract settlers, caravans, and a market"(Oleson forthcoming [a] : 1).
It will be many years before archaeology can reveal thefull extent of the Nabataean settlement at Humeima. The
occupational remains at Humeima cover an area ofapproximately 1 sq. km (Eadie & Oleson 1 9 8 6 : 54) . Nabataean
pottery sherds and Stone wall blocks incised in thecharacteristic Nabataean fashion {see Hammond 1995 : 219 ) are
The ruins of
spread all over the surface of the site.''approximately 40 structures (mostly houses) can be seen on
the surface, but most of these structures probably date fromthe early Islamic period (Oleson forthcoming [a]: 10). To
discover the archaeologically uncontaminated remains of the
Nabataean settlement it will be necessary to look beneaththe later occupation levels. To date, t w o Nabataean
structures, possibly representing a house and a temple, havebeen found under later structures (house--underthe Roman
period bath: Oleson 1990: 153; temple--under a Byzantine
period church: Oleson et al. 1993: 130). Because of thegreat depth of the overlying strata, it will be many years
before the full extent of the pre-Roman habitation can be
judged. However, on the basis of the water-supply systernand local food resources, Oleson (forthcoming [a]) has
hypothesized that the permanent population of the settlement
center hovered around 654 persons in the Nabataean to early
Islamic periods, and the regional population hovered around'The aqueduct at Petra was 6 km long; the aqueduct at
Wadi Ramm was 1.5 km long (Oleson 1995 : 714) .

I0Eadie (1984: 220) reports that "Nabataean painted andplain ware appear on virtually every square metre of the site
and throughout the regionn.

817 persans .lx
In A.D . 106. under Trajan1s principate, the Nabataean
kingdom became the Roman province of Arabia. Very little is
known about the annexation process, which was apparently
orchestrated by the governor of Syria (Cassius Dio
68.14) .12 By 107, Egyptian troops (members of the 3 e ~ i o
JI1 Cvrenaica) were stationed in Arabia, and Arabia had its
own governor (PMich 466) .13 There is no literary mentionof battles associated with the annexation, and Arabiats
transformation from a Roman client kingdom to a Roman
province was probably relatively peaceful (Bowersock 1983:
81; Parker 1986: 125) .14
Speidel (1977) has collected the information on the
Roman troops stationed in Arabia in the second century (andlater). The identity of Arabials f i r s t (and only) permanentlegionary garrison until the late third century was theleaio III Cvrenaica (Speidel 1977: 693 & 699) ." However,
--

- --

- -

L'Olesonls calculations also allow for the probable numberof domesticated livestock and camels (see Oleson forthcomingCal
laDiscussions of the annexation appear in Isaac 1990:
119ff., Millar 1993: 92, Parker 1986: 123-25, and Bowersock
1983, among others .
"On th; interpretation of this papyrus, a letter home
£ r o m a new r e c r u i t , see Speidel 1977: 691-93.
''As Bowersock (1983: 81) points out : "Trajan never takes
the title Arabicus in his titulature, although he does add
Dacius to cornernorate another annexation of about the same
period as the Arabian onetf,and the "coin legend which later
appears. in commemoration of the new province declares. . .Arabia
3dauxsita not Arabia c a w n .
l S A fter A.D. 139, the lecrio III Cvrenaica was permanentiy
stationed in Arabia as is indicated by numismatic andinscriptional evidence, and (in the late fourth/early f ifth
century) by the Notitia Disnitatua (Speidel 1977: 693-98).
Between A.D. 106 and A.D. 139, it is not clear whether theJ e d o III Cvrenaicâ was permanently stationed i n Arabia
although Speidel (1977: 692-93, based on PMich 466) hasdue to the absence of military diplornas and the scarcity of
dated military inscriptions and archaeological excavations,almost nothing is known for certain about the auxiliary
forces who were stationed in Arabia in the second to third
centuries .16 Speidel believes Arabials first awiliary
garrisons would have corne from out of province, and hedemonstrates that they probably came from the neighboring
provinces of Egypt, Judaea, and Syria (719; cf. Millar 1993:
95). He also suggests that "Such native troops as there
were in the country were removed to other oriental provinces
where one finds at least six cohortes U l ~ i a ePetraeorumw(1977: 719; cf. Millar 1993: 96-97; Parker 1995: 258). In
contrast to this generally accepted view, a couple ofscholars are now proposing that %nits of the Nabataean
army, re-equipped and reorganized under Roman officersI1
might have been posted in Arzibia (Kennedy & Graf, reported
in Isaac 1990: 132-33).
The most obvious artifact of Trajan's annexation of
Arabia is the Via Nova Traiana, Trajan1s "New Roadw linking
Bostra to the Red Sea. This Roman road, complete withmilestones comemorating the emperor, was finished within a
few years of Arabials annexation.l7 However, this road was
only "newn in the method of its construction. In tems of
its placement, it followed a major caravan route which had
been in use for hundreds of years (Isaac 1990: 120; e . g . ,demonstrated that members of this legion were stationed in
Bostra in A.D. 107.
'"Information an the m r i t s stationed in Arabia in the latefourth to early f ifth centuries is provided by the Notitia
Dimitatm.
''"Traj anic milestone mmkers. . .indicate the S end of theTrajanic road [between Aqaba and Petra] was completed in 112,
just af ter the central section between Petra and Philidelphia(Amman), completed in 111.. ., and just before the N sector
between Philidelphia and Bostra, completed in 1 1 4 (Graf 1995 :264).

Scholars generally view the Via Nova Traiana as thepivotal component of the Roman presence in Arabia. In
Parker's (1986: 2) words:
The original Roman frontier in Arabia is still not wellunderstood but was based on a chain of forts along agreat trunk road, the via nova Traiana. A few forts
served as outposts east of this line. The frontier ingeneral marked the eastern limit of cultivation andthus of most sedentary population, but it was not theeastern boundary of the province ....Like most Roman
frontiers, the Arabian limes not only controlled the
movements of local tribes but also regulated
international commercial traffic.
The Roman garrisons along the Via Nova Traiana
controlled the east-west movement of nomadic people acrossthe frontier and regulated and protected the north-south
movement of people along the road (Parker 1986; Whittaker
1994: 79). Spaced at approximately 20 km intervals, theforts along the road would have provided a secure stopping
point after a dayfs march (Isaac 1984: 185). Travellers
using the road would have included milita- personnel,
private travellers and trade caravans. After the formationof the new province,
A major trade for lwniry traffic from the Hejaz and the
Red Sea [still] passed through Arabia (via Aila
[Aqaba], [Hawar], ~hiladelphia [Amman], Bostra [Busral)and continued to Damascus [see Figure 11 . The economic
benefits of this traffic provided some of the resources
for major programs of public works in Gerasa,
Philadelphia, Esbus, Pella, Petra, Bostra, and other
cities (Parker (1986: 128). l a"Luxury goods travelling along this road would haveincluded the balsam, frankincense, nryrrh, and spices mentioned
in a mid-first century A.C. treatise (Peripl. 27.54; see
Miller 1969 : 151) . In contrast to Parker, Bowersock (1983:64) has argued that this route declined in importance in thef i r s t century B.C. as a result of a new maritime route being
established between south Arabia and Egypt. Others haveargued that this new route did not seriously effect the older
land route ( e - g .Parker 1986; Isaac 1980; Dudley 1992: 92-96).
In addition, the assertion that this trade route's decline isGraffiti from Roman soldiers and Roman ruins suggest thatsoldiers also patrolled the portion of this caravan routesouth of the Via nova Traiana (i.e., from Aqaba to Madafin
SZlih) (Parker 1986: 124). The southern section of the Via
Nova Traiana (on which Hawar was located) is known frommilestone inscriptions to have been maintained until atleast the fourth century (Graf 1995: 264). The importanceof the southern terminus of this road in the l a t e t h i r dcentury is exemplified by the transfer of the legio X
P r e t e m i s f r o m Jerusalem to Aqaba (Isaac 1980: 893).19
Hawarls fort was one of the many Roman forts built
Due to the scarcity of written
along the Via N Q V ~Traianq.
documentation and archaeological excavation, this earlysecond centuq fort is also at present the oldest known f o r t
on the Via Nova Traiana?
Hawar's fort is also one of thelargest forts known in Jordan. It occupies an area of 3.0
ha; only the legionary forts at Lejjun and Udruh are larger
than t h i s auxiliary fort (Parker 1995: 255). Given its
size, Parker (1995: 255) has suggested that the fort "wasdesigned for a typical 500 man auxiliary unit of the
Principatet1. No written evidence as yet supplies us with
the identity of Hawarlsoriginal garrison, or describes its
size.
. .
The Notltla Dionitatum (QL. 34.25) reports that a unitof ecruites sacrittarii indiccenae was stationed at Hawar in

exemplified by the Via Nova Traiana bypassing Petra (Patrich
1990 : 27) has now been contradicted by compelling evidence
that Petra was indeed on the Via Nova Traiana (see Graf 1995).
''The
legion was still stationed there in the l a t efourth/early fifth century (Notitia Dicmitatum).

2aCeramic and numismatic evidence shows the fort wasconstructed in the first h a l f of the second century A.C.
(Oleson et al. 1995 : 8). The legionary fortress at Bostra, notyet excavated, also will probably date from the early second
century .

the late fourth or early fifth century, and excavation has
confirmed that Hawar's fort continued to be occupied into
the fifth century (Oleson et al. 1995: 8). A s was the n o m
for post-Diocletianic military garrisons (MacMullen 1980:459), this unit was likely smaller than Hawarlsoriginal
garrison, Estimates for the size of this unit of "native
mounted archers" are i n the range of 100-200 men (Kennedy &Riley 1990: 148).
As there is no written documentation of Hawarfs
garrisons besides the Notitia Dianitatunl, a l 1 otherh f o r m a t i o n about Hawarrsgarrisons will have t o corne fromarchaeologlcal discoveries and comparative studies withother parts of the E'mpire. Luckily, Roman (and Byzantine)
legionary and awciliary forts were fairly uniform throughout
the -ire.
Johnson, who has made a study of the Roman
forts in Britain and the German provinces, has noted that
Both legionary fortresses and auxiliary forts of thefirst and second centuries AD conformed broadly intheir planning to the basic principles laid down
by. . . [Polybius in the second century BC and Hyginus
Grornaticus in the late fourth or early fifth centuryAD], with divergences due mainly to the differing needsof an arrrry in permanent garrison as opposed to atenrporary camping site [the topic of Polybiuslsand
Hyginusl works] (1983: 31) .
Of course, there were variations in permanent fort design indifferent regions of the Empire and a t different time
periods (see Lander 1984), but the basic components of apermanent fort will always be present (a rectangular
enclosing wall, intersecting north-south and east-westroads, a headquarters building, barracks blocks, granaries,etc.).
Moreover, a bath-house is commonly appended to thislist of expected or traditional elements (e.g., Evans 1986:
75; Johnson 1983; Le Bohec 1994: 60; Nielsen 1990: 1-74;
von Elbe 1975: 471; Wilson 1988: 14). Excavations at theforts of Lejjun and Da'janiya (Parker 1991) have alreadydemonstrated that these expected components were present inArabian forts .
Excavation of Bumeimalsfort is still underway, butmany of the traditional elements have already been
identified. Humeimats fort has a rectangular perimeter wall
206.32 rn long x 148.32 m wide (c. 500 x 7P0 Roman feet)(Oleson et al. 1994: 145-47). There are gates in each ofits four sides. From the air, the north-south and east-westroads are visible. Part of the major north-south road (theVia Praetoria) was excavated in 1995 along with part of abarracks block and the headquarters building (see Oleson etal. 1995). Inside the headquarters building was found asandstone altar and a statue base with Greek inscriptions,one of which mentions Jupiter Capitolinus. One hundred andfifty aeters outside the fort are the remains of a Roman
petiod Lath-house. As will be shown in Chapter 2, thisbath-house (whose water supply was regulated by a bronze
stopcock one Roman foot in length, Oleson 1988: 123-25;
1990: 1 6 0 - 6 1 ) is typical i n terms of its location, size,
design, chronology, and lack of elaborate decorations ofbath-houses built outside other Roman forts.
The chronology and character of the ceramics spreadover the site and its necropoleis reveal that the Nabataean
civilian settlement continued to exist after theconstruction of the fort. Such a civilian community was anormal adjunct to a Roman fort. In the northern frontier
provinces, new communities typically sprang up outside offorts (Sommer 1984). In the East, however, the Roman army
was frequently based in existing cities (Isaac 1986: 388-89;
1990 : 1 3 3 ) .'' A s the fort at Hawar was placed at the" E . g . , Alexandria: Isaac 1986: 388, Bostra: Isaac 1990:
123-24; cf., Millar 1993 : 94; Dura Europos: Kennedy & Riley
1990: 114, and pre-67 Jerusalem: Isaac 1986: 389.
Fiema

(1995) argues that the Roman and Byzantine a m i e s garrisoned
economically and politically important sites in southern
Jordan, and the presence or absence of the military in aparticular time period is an indication of the importance ofoutside of the settlement, as there are no signs that the
Nabataean settlement was destroyed before the Roman
occupation, and as post-first century ceramics cover thesettlement center, it is likely that the fort and civilian
settlement existed concurrently £rom the time of the fort's
construction (cf. Eadie 1984: 219). Moreover, hundreds ofyears later, when the Roman fort was eventually abandoned, aflourishing civilian settlement existed at Ha~ar.~'
The size of Hawar's civilian population during theRoman period (c. A.D. 107-324) cannot be determined withaccuracy until more excavations are conducted at the site.
In the late Byzantine period, however, we have every reason
to believe the tom2' was prosperous. In the middle of thesixth century, Hawar was assessed the second highest tax
rate of any of the Transjordan t o m s under the jurisdictionof the dux Palaestinae (The Beezsheba Edict, Ait 1921: 4 ) .
The construction of four (or five) churches between the midfifth and mid-seventh centuries (Oleson et al. 1995: 8) also
attests to the prosperity of this conmninity in the Byzantine
period .
After being mentioned twice by Stephen of Byzantium inthe sixth century, Hawar drops out of the historical records
until it reappears in the early Islamic literature. We
know, however, that by at least 634 the region of Jordan
containing Hawar had corne under Muslim controlf2'and, morethat site in the same period.
"The fort was abandoned sometime in the mid-fifth century(Oleson et al. 1995: 8).

"Stephen of Byzantium (Ethnika 25 & 144) called Hawar ar s in the early sixth century.
Ptolemy (Geo~.5.17) ,writing in the second century, had similarly listed it as a
7ro;its.

"Hawar could have been under Muslim control since atl e a s t 630 when Aqaba surrendered; on Aqaba1s surrender, see
Schick 1992: 111-12.

specifically, under the control of the Umayyad Caliphate.
The members of the Urnayyad family came from an important
Meccan t r i b e . From 660-750 this family ruled a Muslim
empire which encompassed the Arabian Peninsula, Jordan,
Israel, Palestine, Syria, Iraq, Egypt and northern Africa.
The Umayyad Caliphate (and the Umayyad period in Jordan)lasted until 750 when the CaLiphate was overthrown bymembers of the rival Abbasid family.
The Abbasids came from another Meccan tribe, and were,additionally, descendants of the Prophet M u h a m a d l s uncle
al-'Abbas. In 686/687 a leading member of this familypurchased Hawar, which was now known as Humeima." Humeima
is mentioned repeatedly in the early Islamic literature."
From this documentation, w e know the Abbasids built a gasr
and a mosque on the site. Archaeology has located thesestructures in the southeast corner of the site. Decorationsin the gasr have been found to include multi-color wall
frescos and ivory furniture panels (Oleson et al. 1993 &
1994). According to the early Islamic literature (seeSchick forthcoming), it was from this isolated desert estatethat the disgruntled Abbasids plotted to overthrow the
Umayyad dynasty.
After overthrowing the Umayyads, the Abbasid family
established their own Caliphate at Baghdad. Humeima was now
far from the center of p o w e r , and without the presence ofimportant Abbasids, the settlement declined. Aïthoughoccasional light habitation continued up until the twentiethcentury, Humeima was never again a settlement of any
importance.
'=In Greek, Roman, and Byzantine texts the site is
exclusively referred to as WawarI1 (and derivations thereof) ;in the Islamic texts it is exclusively known as WumeimaW(Rebecca Foote, persona1 cormunication, May 1996) .

'=Theliterature for Humeima is discussed by Robert Schick(1994 & forthcoming).

e Roman Bath-house
In 1989, a small (c. 10 x 15 nt), multi-room,bath-house was excavated 150 m
hypocausted, nRoman-styletv27
to the southwest of the southwestern corner of the fort (seeFigure 2 ) . In other parts of the Empire, a bath wascommonly built at a Roman fort, and in the case of awiliary
forts (like this one), the bath was almost always built
outside the fort. Because a bath-house is an essential
component of a Roman fort, and because no other baths havebeen identified at H~meima,'~
it is logical to assume that
this bath-house was built for the soldiers stationed at thefort. This conclusion is supported by the bath's date ofconstruction (c. 135-324) (Oleson 1990 : 153) , and the(Roman) method of supplying the bath with watergzg
Humeima's bath-house was a typical Roman bath (seeFigures 3 and 4). It contained a series of rooms which
differed in terms of air temperature and function. Peopleusing this building would begin the bathing process by
undressing in an unheated a~odvterium(çhanging room) (RoomB or F). Next, they would apply oil to their bodies andthen lounge in a humid sweat room (Room D) until they had"By a "Roman-stylen bath-house, I mean a building
containing bathing-rooms heated to different air temperaturesby means of a hypocaust supported with brick pillars (çeebelow).
Such bath-houses had become common by the first
century B.C. when their construction method was described by
Vitruvius (De Arch. 5.10) .

"Remains of the heating systems of such structures should
be visible in the site s surface debris.
"The water supply for this bath-house was diverted fromthe Nabataean reservoir in a controlled fashion by rneans of abronze stopcock, one Roman foot in length, locked behind a
grating . Previously the overflow from the Nabataean reservoir
had not been regulated: T h e bronze stopcock symbolizes theway Roman regulatory procedures, and Roman law, which had
evolved ta serve the needs of a cosmopolitan, urbanizedempire, replaced the stem, but unwritten, informal tribal
customs of the local Nabataeans (Oleson 1990: 161).

Figure 3: Bath-building--Actual S t a t e PlanHUMEIMA
Structure No.77
Bath Building

ARCHI TECT OANIEL RI TSEMA

16 JULY, 1989

19

Figure 4 : Bath-Building--Sepence of Development

2. BATH; STAGE 1

built up a good sweat. The sweat, along with the oil, any
dirt and dead skin was scraped of with a curved strigil
before the bathers rinsed themselves with hot water in a hot
room (a çalidarium) (Room A) . Next, the bathers would washthemselves in a basin which in the original bath-house
construction (Bath Stage 1) was located in a w a m room (aze~idariurg)and in the second construction phase (Bath Stage. .
II) was located in an unheated room (a fria~darium) (RoomE). The process of bathing ended back in the a~odvterium
where the bathers would regain their clothes and then relax
on the benches.
The room in Humeimafçbath were heated by the movementof hot air under the floor and inside the walls. The floorsof the heated rooms sat on small pillars (pilae) and al1 theheated rooms, except the ce~idarium,contained verticalpipes in their walls which acted as flues. Air heated in a
furnace was drawn under the raised floors and up through thewalls. The area beneath a raised floor was referred to as ahypocaust. Hypocausts lay under the calidarium, sweat room,and the ceisidarium (Rooms A, D and E r see Figure 3). The
water in the calidarium sat in a heated basin; in addition,
before being used in the calidarium, the water may have beenheated in a storage caldron set over the furnace.
why was a Bath-howe Built at Humeima?

The importance of baths to the Romans. At firstglance, it may seem unusual that the Roman army would build
a bath-house at this desert fortress. However, it must be
remembered that bathing in such a building was an important
aspect of Roman culture. To the Romans, bathing involved
much more than cleansing the body; bathing was related tohealth, physical pleasure, social interaction, publicostentation, and cultural identity." The typical(Vitruvian-style)Roman bath-building was first built in thelate Republican period." The remains of such baths havebeen found throughout al1 parts of the Roman Empire. Their
importance is reflected in the fact t h a t they were one of
the first buildings to be built in a new t o m (Nielsen 1990:1-74), and that they were so numerous within a town."
Moreover, in the Byzantine sources, the prosperity of a t o mis often exernplified by the maintenance of its baths;13
whereas the fa11 of a town is often exemplified by the lossof its baths." Bath-buildings continued t o be built and
1°Health: Fontanille 1985, YegÜl 1992: 35 & appendix A;
Scobie 1986 : 425, Jackson 1988; physical pleasure : YegÜl 1992:
4-5 & 31, Dunbabin 1989; public ostentation: YegÜl 1992: 3334, Toner 1995; cultural identity: Yegiil 1992: 4-5.
"More primitive bath-houses (in terms of their heating
system) had originated in Greece in the f ifth century B .C.
(see YegÜl 1992: 24-29).

"Fourth century Rome had over 800 public baths (Yegül
1992 : 32) ; Thamugadi/Timgad had 13 public baths for a populaceof 10,000 (Nielsen 1990: 1 - 9 3 ).

'=E.g. Cod. Theod. 15.1.32, trans. Pharr 1959: 427: I f I norder that the splendid cities and toms may not fa11 into
ruins through age, We assign a third part of the income fromthe fanns belonging to a municipality to be used for the
repair of public works and the heating of bathsn; Procop.,
Aed. , 5-4-17,tram . Downey : 335 : at Mocesus in Cappadocia,
Justinian "built many churches and hospices and public baths
and al1 the other structures that are the mark of a prosperous
cityn.
%.g. Herodian 3 -6.9,trans. Whittaker 1969: 293 & 295:
a result of holding out a g a i n s t Severus, Byzantium was
Vompletely destroyed; deprived of its theatres, baths and al1
its splendour and honour, it was handed over with the statusof a village to be subject of Perinthus"; a similar fatebefelï. Antioch (Libanius, Or. 20.6, trans. Norman 1971: 315):"The great city is to have the title of a petty town and it isto keep away from the luxury of the baths. ; Procop. pers.
1 . 1 3 -17 & 1.14.11-12: when the Persian army cornes t o wrest the
t o m of Daras from Roman control, the Persian commander tells
the Roman commander to heat up the bath-house for he intends

Asused at least as long as a conmnrnity remained in the Empire.
As well as being an important aspect of civic culture,bath-houses were an iraportant aspect of military culture.
This importance is understated in the extant literaq andlegal sources, but is obvious frorn the archaeological data.
.
JJiteram and legal evidence for Romanmilitam baths.
There is no extant ancient source which discusses military
baths or bathing habitsa. However, scatteredreferences in the ancient sources allow us to makeinferences about the soldiers! bathing habits. Thus, w e can
glimpse images of soldiers bathing on the march (e.g.,
Fronto, Princ. Hist. 12-13), soldiers bathing at a fort
( e . g . , Herodian 4 . 4 ) , and soldiers bathing in publicbaths .3 5
Unfortunately, however, while these episodes give ustantalizing glimpses into the bathing activities ofsoldiers, what is most interesting is the overall paucity ofreferences to what must have been a regular activity ofsoldiers. One reason for this, no doubt, is that ancientauthors were more interested in describing the lives of thesocial elite than of the common people. Thus, many of theaccounts of soldiers' baths are more specifically accountsof important officers using baths.16 When literary mention
to bathe in i t the next day; the Romans understand this tomean they will join battle the n e x t day.
3s

K g . , Amm. Marc. 26.6.14: soldiers using the AnastasianBaths in Constantinople; S.H.A. , A l e x . Sev. 53 : soldiers using
womentsbaths in Antioch; CIL II 5181: soldiers granted freeadmission to a leased bathhouse.

E .g. , Cicero Deiot. 17-21: while on campaign, Julius
Caesar used the bathhouse of a client king; Fronto Princ.
Hist. 12-13: simple bath of conmiander in field; Joseph.,1.340-1.341 &
14.462-14.463: Roman client king (Herod theGreat) bathes in a bathhouse after a battle; Val. Max. 2 . 7 . 9 :disgraced cavalry commander forbidden to use the bathhouse;
S.H .A., Claudius 1 4 : honoured military tribune granted his own
bath-man and firewood for the bath.
36

is made of the comon soldiers bathing, it is usually just a
detail in the story of an important man."
Because they are biased by the interests of the upperclass Romans who wrote them, the literary references canonly provide us with fragmentary information about thebathing practices of soldiers. Some additional information
may be gleaned from Roman legal documents. An edict ofTheodosius (Cod. Theod . 7.11.1), revived by Justinian (Cod.
Iust. 1.47.1), releases local governments from theresponsibility of heating private baths for any but the mostsenior of military officers. This edict was ignored by " t h edukes of the Euphrates frontier... [who, over a three year
period] exacted a tremis [1/3 of a solidus] a day for woodand bathsv and were subsequently required to repay the money
twofold (Cod. Theod, 7.11.2; trans: Pharr 1959: 169). As
with the literary accounts, these edicts also focus on thesocial elite. However, another l a w stating the penalty forsoldiers caught stealing in the baths3' was, no doubt,
directed at the average soldier. And a rental contract fora bath-house in Spain (CIL 2.5181). specifying that soldiers
were to be admitted free, also relates to the lower-classmajority of soldiers.
Archaeolocrical evidence for Roman militarv baths. The
best evidence, however, for the importance of bath-houses inthe d a i l y life of the average Roman soldier cornes not fromE
' .g., Herodian 4 . 4 : Af ter killing his brother, Caracalla
flees to an army camp for safety; some soldiers are bathing
when he arrives; S.H.A., Alex. Sev. 53: After Alexander
Severus arrests some soldiers for their excessive bathing
habits, the army rebels; S.H.A., Avid. Cass. 5: Before he wasemperor, Avidius Cassius was put in charge of the Syrian
legions in order to curb their inappropriate behavior,including their bathing behavior.

"Miles, m i in furto balneario adwrehensus est. imominia
mitti d e b ~ t("A soldier caught stealing in the baths is to bedischarged with ignominy.") Dig. 47.17.3 (Paulus), translated
in Mommçen et al. 1985: 111.790.

literary and legal sources, but rather from archaeologicalevidence. fndeed, the best evidence for the importance ofbath-houses in military culture is the remains of numerous
bath-houses associated with Roman forts. In Appendix A, 1
have catalogued over 170 such bath-houses associated with
Roman forts. These bath-houses come from al1 parts of the
Empire but the majority of them (62%) come from the Provinceof Britannia alone.
The high concentration of military bath-houses in
Britannia and the %orthern border province^^^,^^ should not
be taken as evidence that military bath-houses were morecommon there. Instead, given the importance of bathing in
Roman culture, 1 believe that military bath-houses wereequally common wherever Roman troops were stationed. Suchbaths are currently better known in places like Britain
simply because 1) the British have been interested in
identifying and excavating Roman baths for over a century,2) military bath-houses in Britain are better preserved thanother military structures because they were often the only
part of a fort made of non-perishable materials, 3) because
they w e r e built of non-perishable materials, Roman baths are
better preserved than many of the other ancient structures
built in Britain, and 4) the inhabitants of Britain
preceding the Roman conquest did not build bath-houses (aswas common in the Hellenized East) and so Roman-period bathhouses are easier to identify there than in the East.
Because of factors such as these, military bath-houses are
better known in the northern frontier provinces than inother parts of the Empire. However, archaeologicalinformation from the other frontiers of the Roman Empire is
3 g D e fined by Nielsen (1990: 1-61} as "Britannia, Germania
Superior and I n f e r i o r , Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia Superior andInferior, Dacia, Moesia Superior and parts of Moesia Inferior,and parts of Thracian . These account for approximately 85% of
the baths in my catalogue.

increasing. In the Roman provinces of Arabia, Syria, andJudaea, for example, the majority of the posited military
baths (see Chapter 2) have only been the subject ofarchaeological study during the past 15 years. On al1 of
the under-excavated frontiers, there are probably many othermilitary bath-houses waiting to be revealed.
Another important source of archaeological evidence isprovided by the inscriptions which have survived pertaining
to the construction or restoration of military bath-houses(e.g. at Qasr el- Uweinid, see Appendix A) . In the"northern border provincesn, there are more extant
inscriptions related to the restoration, as opposed to theconstruction, of bath-houses. In addition, most of these
restoration inscriptions are £rom military, as opposed tocivilian, baths. Such inscriptions show that the army wasinterested not only in providing its garrisons with proper
Roman bathing facilities, but also in maintaining thosefacilities. According to the inscriptions, emperors andmilitary officers were responsible for the restoration of
military baths. However, there c m be no doubt that it was
the common soldiers who did al1 the work.'O
More information relating to common soldiers can befound among the few surviving military documents. Some ofthe documents appear to refer to the duties of soldiers inregard to the baths. Thus, w e read of soldiers working on
the construction or repais of baths," of soldiers''On these inscriptions, see Nielsen 1990: 1.75; she
describes the inscriptions in n. 6.
ab. Vindol . II 155, tram. Bowman & Thomas 1994 : daily
report for Vindolanda, early 90s A.C., "builders to the bathhouse 18"; OClaud 141: persona1 letter?, December A.D. 109 or
310, centurion helping to pave bath-house
4 1~

collecting supplies for bathsIa2and of soldiers working at
the bath^.^' A more personal involvement of soldiers withthe baths c m be seen in documents which appear to record
soldiers buying their own shoes, towels, and, possibly , soap
for the bathsma4 Also of a personal nature is a soldierfs
balance sheet, found at the HadrianfsWall fort ofVindolanda, which records that this soldier had received
money from Vatalis the bathmanit.4 V i n a l l y , aninteresting fragment of a document from Vindolanda may referto a separate bath-house for the praetorium slaves (i.e.,the slaves from the conmianding officerrs household)On the basis of this short survey of the literary,legal, and archaeological data, it can be s u d s e d that the
Romans built a bath-house at Hawar because the soldiers
42PDura82 = Fink 1971: #47, translated as Campbell 1994:(pp. 111-12): a morning report of cohort Xx Palmyreni,"sent: to collect wood for the bath, one soldier, of the
century of Nigrinus, Zebidas, son of Barneus. . . (Campbell
1994: 112) ; PSI 683, trans. Davies 1974: 316: soldierscollecting bath oil.
#la0

--

"BK 1979.643, translated as Campbell 1994 : #181 (pp. 11213) : part of a daily report from Bu-Nj em, Tripolitania, e a r l y
3rd century A.C., 2 soldiers listed as being I1at the bathn;
P G e n L a t 1, verso, part v = Fink 1971: #9: duty roster (tableof names by dates with duties written in) of the Lecrio III
renaica, several entries of ballio which reme ers te in, citedin Fink, p. 112 entry 3a, translates as "on bath dutyn;
455aab = Fink 1971: #52, possibly a morning report from 3rd
century A.C., unit unknown, list of men assigned to duties
includes "CVSTODIARUM BAL IIn where BAL probâbly (but notnecessarily) equals balnei (Fink 1971: 203 n. 8).
Vindol. Ix 197, trans. Bowman & Thomas 1994:"Gallic shoes for the bathsn; Tab. Vindol. II 184, oninterpretation see Bowman 1994: 41 & 77: ~udarium= towel,
sebum = ntallow, probably used as soap", Bowman 1994: 77.
44

45&

Vitale balniatore, T a b . Vindol . II 181, t r a m . Bowman& Thomas 1994, from barracks, A.D. 104-120

Vindol. II 322, trans. Bowman & Thomas 1994, A.D.
97-102/3

stationed at the fort expected to have access to such afacility. As in civilian life, going to the baths was acommon and important aspect of Roman military life. From thearchaeological evidence, we can see that bath-houses werecommonly built and maintained at Roman forts. From theextant written sources, it is possible to make inferences
about how such baths were used. In the next two chapters, 1
will draw on structural and written remains to aid in theinterpretation of the architectural and social history of
H u m e i r n a l s bath-house.

cEAPTKR2

Hawar's Bath-house in its Architectural C o n t e

The purpose of this chapter is to put Hawarrsbathhouse into its architectural context. In the process of
doing so it will become apparent that in terms of its type,size, location (in relation to the fort), building
materials, and date of construction and renovation, thisbuilding is typical of R o m military baths.
The chapter itself is organized into three sections.
The first section introduces the body of comparative
material which will be used to analyze this structure. The
second, and largest, section analyzes aspects of thisbuilding in relation to other military and Near Easternbaths. The final section discusses the probable function ofeach of the building's rooms.'
Comarative Material
In order to understand a structure, it is important toconsider it in context. The bath-house at Humeima was built
in association with, and probably as part of a Roman fortcomplex, and it was built in the Roman province of Arabia.
Consequently, when 1 was first faced with the task of
discussing this structure, 1 decided to seek out two
different types of comparative material. The first type ofcomparative material, bath-houses proximally associated with
Roman forts, has been used to form the catalogue in Appendix
A. The second type of comparative material, Near Easternbaths, is contained in the catalogue in Appendix B. In my'This discussion is not m e a n t to supersede either the
preliminary report published by the bath-house' s excavator(Oleson 1990), or his final report which is currently in
preparation. More detailed information on the bath-house's
construction ( e . g . , the composition and dimensions of the
fixtures, and the thickness of the calidariurn floor) ispresented in Olesontsreports.

search for useful parallels, top priority was given to Near
Eastern military baths, followed by any baths in the Near
East, followed by military baths in other parts of the
Empire. This prioritising is reflected in the level ofcompletion of individual catalogue entries.
The catalogues were modeled on the "Catalogue ofthermae and balnean recently published by Igne Nielsen(1990: II). Like Nielsen, 1 collected information on theancient and modern location of the bath, the bath's type,its size, and its date of construction and renovation. In
contrast to her, I did not suggest whether the bath should
be classified as thermae or balnea.' When 1 thought thecase warranted it, 1 collected information on construction
technique, state of preservation, and date of excavation,but, unlike her, 1 included this information in my comment
section, rather than in separate categories. Aïso included
in my comment section was anything of particular interest
about the bath (e.g. decorations, hypocaust materials,
source of water) . In addition, for Near Eastern baths, 1
tried to record the bath's purpose ( e - g , military, public,
domestic). For baths associated with Roman forts, 1 also
attempted to collect information on the bath's relation to
the fort, the fort's type, and the fort's size. The entries
also contain information on where published plans of thebath and/or site can be found and l i s t the sources 1 used incompiling the entry .'Twenty-seven percent (47/172) of the baths listed inAppendix A, and nineteen percent (34/175) of the baths in'There are no standard meanings of thermae and.-b(balneae, balneum) in either the primary or secondary
literature (cf. YegÜl 1 9 9 2 : 43) .
The primary basis for
Nielsen's distinction is the presence or absence of agalaestra (see 1990 : 1.3) .

'For additional information on the entries, see the notes
preceding each catalogue.

Appendix B overlzp bath-entries in Nielsenrscatalogue. The
code for t h e corresponding entry i n Nielsen's catalogue islisted in the "Refn section of rrry entry in the form "Nielsen(1990) C.xxxR.
B a t f i s ~roximallvassociated with a Roman forc.
Appendix A contains 172 baths psoximally associated with aRoman (or Byzantine) fort . Almost al1 of these baths arealso temporally congruent with the associated Roman f o r t . 'The types of baths described in this catalogue include themain bath-house used by a fort's garrison, special baths forsenior officers, and baths in an i~ (mansio) outside afort. 1 have also included a few instances of baths used by
Roman soldiers after they garrisoned an existing fortress(e.g. Masada) or city (e.g. Dura-Europos); although suchbath-bouses do not strictly fa11 in the category of baths
associated with a Roman forts, they were facilitieç used by
garrisoned soldiers.
Appendix A, no doubt, does not include every bathassociated with a Roman fortress, but in compiling thiscatalogue I tried to include as many baths as possible,
concentrating on those in the Near East. The distributionof the baths in Appendix A by province is as follows:
Aegyptus 1, Africa Proconsularis 1, Arabia 8, Britannia
1076, Dacia 3, Germania Inferior 3, Gelmania Superior 23,
Italia 1, Judaea 4 , Mesopotamia 3, Moesia Inferior 4 ,Noricum 1, Numidia 2, Pannonia 1, Raetia 9, Syria 1, Thracia'I .e ., baths i n or within a couple hundred meters of afort .

'Exceptions are the bath-houses at Kastron ~ayfa'a andPhiloteria which post-date the Roman/Byzantine occupation of
their respective forts.
'The large number of British baths is a reflection of thedisproportionate amount of archaeological attention devoted tothat province ( s e e above, Chapter 1) .

cient Near Eastern baths. ~ppendixB lists 175 baths
built in the Near East between the fourth century B.C. andthe eighth century A.C. Baths in this catalogue include
urban public baths, domestic baths, baths at religious
centers, baths at caravanserai, and military baths.
The catalogue's fourth century B.C. starting date waschosen because it corresponds to the period when bath-houses
were first introduced to the Near East.' The end date of
A.D. 750 was chosen because that corresponds to thebeginning of the Abbasid period and (because the Abbasidfamily moved away from Hurneima at that time) to the
begiming of Humeimals decline. The primary focus of the
body of this thesis, however, is only on those baths whose
dates overlap Hawar's bath-housefsperiod of operation (c.
second - eighth centuries A.C.). Information on the otherbaths in Appendix B will be used mainly in comparativetables. Information on the Umayyad period (A.D. 634-750)
baths will also be discussed in Appendix C.
The geographical limits used in creating this catalogue
correspond to the those of the Roman Near East. Similarly
to Millar (1993: xi) and Nielsen (1990: 1.95 n. 6), 1 am
defining the Roman Near East as the territory included in
the early second century A.C. provinces of Arabia, Syria,
Judaea, and Mesopotamia. It makes sense to group theseprovinces together because, in tems of military policy andculture, these provinces formed a f a i r l y cohesive group whencomared to their neighbours in Egypt and Asia Minor. Fortyseven of the baths in this catalogue corne from Arabia,'The names and borders of Roman provinces varied overtime; to avoid confusion. 1 will hereafter employ Nielsen's(1990) names and borders which are based on the m i r e at theend of Trajan's principate ( A . D . 117) .
'A consequence of Alexander the Great's conquests.

thirty-six from Syria, eighty-five from Judaea, and six £rom
Mesopotamia. One other (Boutafis) was too near theintersection of Azabia, Judaea, and Aegyptus for me toassign to a province.
This catalogue does not claim to include every bathhouse built in the Near East during its twelve century
chronological range. Instead, an attempt was made toinclude the most well-known bath-houses, as well as the most
readily accessible ones in the literature.
Roman m ilitarv bath-hounes in the Near East. The
purpose in corrrpiling these catalogues was to collectinformation which might be useful in making comparisons to
the military bath-house at Humeima. A special subset ofbath-buildings (which are included in both catalogues) is
especially useful for such comparisons. These are the baths
associated with Roman forts in the Near East.
Sixteen of the baths in my catalogues (15 + Hawar) fa11
into this category. These baths are located at ad-Dianam,Athis/Neocaesarea, Becchufrin (2 baths), Beer Sheba, Bostra,
Dura Europos , c E n Haseva, Tell Faysal, Kastron Mayfa'a,
Lejjun, Masada, Philoteria, Qasr el-ctïweinid and Ramat
Rahel.' Two of these proximally-associated baths (atKaçtron Mayfa'a and Philoteria) post-date the forts withwhich they are associated and, hence, will not be discussed
further.
Six of the remaining baths are within the Roman
province of Arabia (ad-Dianam,Bostra, c E n Haseva, Tell
'Other baths which might have been included in thiscategory but were not because 1 am unclear of the nature of

their possible association with a Roman garrison are the baths
at Birtha/Zenobia, Dibon, the Roman-periodbath at Jerusalem
and the baths outside the military region at Dura Europos (al1of which were in garrisoned toms), baths at 'En Boqeq, Mezad'Arugot and Oboda ( a l 1 in vicinity of forts) , baths at Khirbet
el-khan and Maliatha (at road stakions), and "The Baths in the
Palace at Herodiumn (which contains graffiti made bysoldiers) .

Faysal, Lejjun, Qasr el-~Uweinid),one is in Syria(~this/Neocaesarea),three are in Judaea (Beer Sheba,
Masada, Ramat Rahel), and three are in Mesopotamia(Becchufrin x 2, Dura Buropos). Three of these baths (adDianam, En Haseva, Qasr el-~Uweinid)are associated withawiliary castella, two (Bostra, Lejjun) with legionary
fortresses, two (Athis/Neocaesarea and Dura Europos) withfortified towns, and one (Masada) with a reused indigenous
fortification. (The classification for the fortificationsat Beer Sheba, Tell Faysal, Becchufrin, and Ramat Rahel is
not clear.) The bath-house at Masada was used by the Romanarmy after the First Jewish Revolt but was not built by, orfor, Roman soldiers.lu
Vexy little is known about most of the Near Easternbaths which were apparently constmcted by, and for, theRoman army. The only evidence for a bath at Qasr el~Uweinidis an inscription which may not even haveoriginated on the site. No bath structure has been
identified there. The baths at Bostra and Tell Faysal havenot been excavated. Their existence has been hypothesizedfrom the presence of hypocaust tiles. Moreover, the fort at
Tell Faysal has only undergone a brief salvage excavation,and the excavators admit that the structure excavated may
not have been a fort (Palumbo et al. 1993 : 96). At Beer
Sheba, the location of a Roman fort has been suggested on
the basis of a 1918 aerial photo (Fabian 1995). The same
photo shows a bath-house 200 m from the south-east corner ofthe fort. Unfortunately, neither of these structures seems
to have been excavated, and the fort, at least, has since
been built over.
The eight remaining bath-houses have a l 1 been
excavated . However, the results of the (recent) excavation
loln£omationon the baths discussed in t h i ç section can
Se found in Appendix A or B.

at c E n Haseva do not seem to have been published yet, andthe excavations of the two Becchufrin baths have only been
published in a cursory fashion. This leaves me withdetailed information on only £ive of the Near Eastern
military baths (ad-Dianam,Lejjun, Dura Europos,
Athis/~eocaesarea,and Ramat Rahel) .
As comparative material for Hawarfsbath-house, thebath-houses at ad-Dianam and Lejjun are the most useful.
Both were located within the confines of Arabia. Lejjun was
the site of a legionary fortress located roughly 200 km
northeast of Hawar and ad-Dianam was a castellm located 100
Zan north-nosthwest of Hawar, in the Negev Desert.
Unfortunately for comparative purposes, both forts were
probably built about 150 years after Hawar's fort.
The other three excavated bath-houses were apparently
associated with garrisons within fortified conmnuiities. At
Dura Europos, in Mesopotamia, the occupying Roman army
blocked off part of the t o m for its own use and built a(third century) bath-house within this military precinct.
The Roman army garrisoned Athis/Neocaesarea, in Syria, in
the third century, and, in the fourth centuq, a bathingsuite was added to the princinia. Finally, a third century
bath-house was built at Ramat Rahel, in Judaea, as part ofthe camp installations of the occupying J ~ g i oX Fretensk.
Whenever possible in the discussion of thearchitectural features of the Hawar bath, 1 will refer tothe above bath-houses. It is unfortunate that the subset ofbaths associated with Near Eastern Roman forts is notlarger. In my search for useful parallels for Hawar's bathhouse, 1 was particularly interested in collecting
information on al1 the military bath-houses in the Near
East. That 1 was not able to find more is probably areflection of the general lack of excavation undertaken on
Roman military sites in the Near East (cf. Parker 1995: 251,
Kennedy & Riley 1990: 14). Indeed, most of the baths

included in this subset (including the bath at Hawar) have
only been excavated/identified within the last 15 years.
tian m i l i t a m bath^ . One last group of bathbuildings which might provide a useful comparison group forthe bath-house at Rawar are the first century military bathhouses in Bgypt. These military baths may have been thedesign prototypes for the early military baths built inArabia. The logic for this is as follows.
The bath-house was probably the most technicallycomplicated of the structures built by the Roman army.
Consequently, for other parts of the Empire, it has beensuggested that legionary architects oversaw construction of
military bath-houses (Nielsen 1990: 1-77-78; cf. Birley
1977: 34-35)." The original legionary garrison of Arabia
was the lecrio III Cvrenaica (Bowersock 1983: 106). The
legion was stationed at Bostra, but an inscription from Qasr
el-~Uweinid(c. A.D. 201) (Kennedy 1982) provides evidence
that members of the legion constructed military bath-houses
in other parts of the province. It is therefore possiblethat the engineer who designed Hawar's bath-house came fromthe lesio III Cyrenaica.
The province from which an architect came or in which
he was trained in probably influenced the appearance of thebaths he designed (cf. Nielsen 1990: 8 4 ) . The iecrio III
Cvrenaica. was stationed in Egypt before it was transferred
to Arabia, and many of its soldiers were recniited there.12
Therefore, it might prove useful to compare Hawar's bathhouse to bath-houses built in Egypt, especially those used
I.

xLHowever,very little is really known about militaryarchitects (see Evans 1994: 144-48 for a discussion of this
topic) .
"On the leaio III Cvrenaica in Egypt, see Lesquier 1918;
on the same legion in Arabia, see Speidel 1977.

by the leaio III Cvrenaica." In Egypt, the lesin III
a i c a was stationed in Nicopolis, a suburb of Alexandria(Speidel 1977: 693). Remains of a bath-house associatedwith the military camp at Nicopolis/Alexandria could
apparently be seen until 1875 (Lesquier 1918: 390).
Unfortunately, however, Lesquier (1918: 390) reports that wehave neither a complete description nor a plan of thisstructure. As 1 k n o w of no other militaxy baths in Egypt
which wera possibly used by the leaio III Cvrenaica before
it came to Arabia, 1 have, reluctantly, decided to suspend
this line of approach for the moment. 1 hope to resume it
in a future work.
Analvsis of Hawarls BathThere are many aspects of the bath which could be
subjected to a comparative analysis. Out of al1 these
possibilities, it was decided to focus the present analysis
on the structure's type, size, location (in relation to thefort), building materials, and date of construction andrenovation. These aspects were chosen because they arebroad enough to allow comparisons to be made between bathhouses from any period or any location, and because some or
al1 of these aspects are usually included in preliminary
excavation reports.
m o l o g f ~ . One cornmon way in which archaeologists
compare one bath-house to another is to compare each bath's
respective place in a typology of plans. Since 1929, thepredominant system for bath-house classification has beenthat employed by Krencker (DeLaine 1988: 17; see Krencker
1929: 177-81). In Krenckerls system, bath-houses fa11 into
one of three superordinate categories: the row type, the1 3 W e know the leaio III Cvrenaica had a bath-house (orbath-houses) in Egypt because a duty roster from A.D. 87
records soldiers from this legion being on bath duty (Fink
1971: #9 = PGenLat 1).

ring type, and the imperial type. The row and ring type arebased "on the route followed by the batherl'and the, larger,
imperial type is based "on the arrangement andmultiplication of certain elementsm ( D e L a i n e 1988: 17). As
Nielsen says:
In the row type, the bather follows the same route ta
and fro, retracing his s t e p s ; in the ring type, heembarks on a circuit, to wind up where he started;
finally, the imperial type is a double ring typearranged synmietrically about a common central axis, thecommon rooms in the axis being frioidarium, fe~idariumand caldarium (Nielsen 1990: 1.4, underlining added).
Krenckerlscategories can be further divided into
subcategories, some of which w e r e included in Krenckerrs
original treatise and some of which were added or modified
by later scholars.
Krencker's system has been very influential. Perhaps
most significantly, it was recently employed by Nielsen(1990) to classify the 387 baths in her "Catalogue ofthermae and balneaw. Based on t h e i r typologicalclassifications, Nielsen was able, in the body o f her work,
to discuss, for example, the prevalence of angular row typebaths versus axial symmetrical row type baths in different
centuries and different regions of the Roman Empire.
While a comon system for comparing the plans of baths
built in different geographical regions and time periods
would be very useful for architectural historians, it is notclear that Krenckerlssystem is the best candidate. DeLaine(1988: 17-19) has reviewed some of the existingclassification systems. She points out several problems
with Krencker's system and suggests that a system based on
close-knit geographical or temporal groups might bebettes." This other approach has been used to classify
some f i r s t century military baths in northwest Europe
14CompareNielsen1s (1990: I.100) reservations about using
Krenckerlssystem to classify baths in the eastern provinces.

(DeLaine 1988: 18), and is similar to the approach employed
by YegÜl (1992) in his recent book on Roman baths.l5Aïthough 1 considered adopting a geographically or
temporally-narrow focus when attempting to classify Hawar9s
bath-house, 1 decided not to do so for two reasons. The
first was that Hawarfsbath was of a small. simple design,
the essence of which seems to be repeated throughout thegeographical and temporal sphere of the Roman Empire. The
second was that the exact date of Hawarlsbath-house, and.
indeed, of the most likely comparison set (other Near
Eastern military bath-houses) is not known.
Instead, I decided to collect information on as many
military and Near Eastern baths as possible. 1 thehintended to compare the plans of the catalogued baths on thebasis of Krenckerlstypology. When 1 began this process, 1
felt that the advantages to classifying and comparing bathson the basis of Krencker's system were that his terms wererelatively descriptive and they did not require knowledge ofother bath plans. Unfamiliarity with the plan of otherbaths can be a problem, for example, when one is told that acertain bath is of the Wn-Gedi typen (e.g. the bath at adDianam, see Meshel 1989). Another advantage I saw inadopting Krencker's system was that it had already been usedthroughout Nielsenfs (1990) catalogue.
However, since making my initial decision, 1 have corne
to question the usefulness of Krencker's approach. My
reservations were aroused when 1 attempted to classify baths
according to Krenckerfstypology. One problem I soon
encountered was a difficulty in interpreting room functions,and hence direction of client-flow, because of"A similar approach has also recently been used by
Charpentier (1995) to classify some (primarily) f ifth century
baths in northern Syria. Unfortunately, Charpentier's article
was brought to my attention too late to have a major impact on
my own classification attempts.

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strongest as regards his subordinate categories (e-g.
angular, parallel, axial), I have decided to ignore them andinstead t o compare the bathsl plans only in t e m of his
superordinate categories (i.e . row, ring and imperial).
As I mentioned above, the bath-house at Humeima
belongs to Krenckerlsrow type. B a t h e r s using this building
would have travelled f r o m the a~odyteriumto the calidariilm,
and then retraced their same route back to the anodvterium.
The advantages of building baths of the row type was thatthey allowed for small, inexpensive, space-efficient bathhouses which could be easily adapted to limitations imposedby the location (cf. Nielsen 1990: 1.4, 1.114-15). They
were also probably easier to design and build than the othertypes. Such advantages apparently appealed to the milita-.
The vast majority of the classified baths from Appendix A
are of the row type (47 baths: 41 castellum, 6 legionary).
In contrast, only 3 (1 castellum, 2 in garrisoned cities)
are of the ring type, and only 1 is possibly of the imperial
type." The row type was also, apparently, popular in the
Roman Near East. Twenty-five of the Roman and Byzantine
baths classified in Appendix B are of the row type. In
contrast, 7 are of the ring type, 1 is either ring or row,and 3 are of the imperial type. ( A l 1 5 of the classified
Umayyad baths are also of the row type.) Given that the row
type allows for the smallest, most space efficient andadaptable bath-buildings, and that the row type was commonlyused f o r milita- and Near Eastern baths, it is quite
logical for the Roman army to have built a row type bathhouse at this Near Eastern castellum. Similarly, theRoman/Byzantine army also built row-type baths at the"The bath at Lambaesis, in Numidia. It might, rather,be of the row type. The baths at Masada and philoteria havebeen excluded from these calculations. The bath at Hawar is
excluded from this, and a l 1 subsequent , comparative
statistics.

Arabian forts of ad-Dianam and Lej]un.''Size. In its latest stage, the bath-house at Rumeima
was 150 sq. m. in area. This is considerably smaller thanthe large imperial thennae in Rome, which were sometimes aslarge as 179,350 sq. m. ( L e . The Baths of Diocletian);
however, a small size seems to have been quite proper forthe balneum of an auxiliary ast tel lu m.
Table 1 shows the size distribution for the 56 baths inAppendix A which apparently served as a fort's main bathhouse and for which I have been able to determine
dimensions. Forty-six of these baths are associated withwhat is said to be an auxiliary castellum and ten with what
is said to be a legionary fortress. As Table i shows,castellum bath-houses tended to be small. Most of those in
my catalogue are under 500 sq. m. They range i n size from
25 sq. m. to 2,300 sq. m. with an average size of 564 sq.
m.'9 In contrast to castellum baths, legionary bath-houses
tended to be larger. This is logical when you consider that
legionary baths would have generally been used by larger
garrisons.'"
The majority of the legionary baths in mycatalogue are over 3,000 sq. m. They range in size from 223
to 18,550 sq. m. with an average size of 5,792 sq. m."
"In
the
Near
Eastern
garrisoned
citiesof
Athis/Neocaesarea and Dura-Europos, ring type baths werebuilt.

I9The smallest is Castellum Bath XXVI at Iatrus; thelargest is at Coriosopitum whose area includes a 1,400 sq. m.
galaestra.
'OMacMullen has studied unit sizes and suggests that
legions ranged in size £rom 1,000 to 6,000 men (1980: 457 &
452) whereas auxiliary units ranged in size from 100 to 600 or
700 men (1980: 458). (This 700 man limit on auxiliary unit
size is the probable real limit even though some u n i t snshouldfthave contained 1,000 men as indicated by theirdesignation as Ynilliary", MacMullen 1980: 452).
'=The largest is at Aquincum; the smallest is at Lejjun.

The bath-house at Lej jun, in Arrabia, is by far the smallestof the legionary bath-houses in my catalogue. However, evenat 223 sq. m., this legionary bath-house is still larger
than the bath-house outside the Arabian casteat Hawar(150 sq. m.).

Table 1~istributionof milita?
rbaths bv size."

SIZE OFAUXILIARY
c&smu!mBATH

Up to 500 sq. m.
501-1,000 sq. m.
1,001-2,000 sq. m.

[l 2,001-3,000 sq. m.

LEGIONARYFORTRESS

22
12

1

4

1

I

1

- - - - -IF,-

001-5,000 sq. m.

lr5700i-6,000 sq. m.
---

-

-

6,001-7,000 sq. m.

1

7,001-8,000 sq. m.

18,001-9,000 sq. m.
9,000-10,000 sq. m.

over 10,000 sq. m.
nsmallw
1arge
Total

2
6

L
46

10

The size of Hawarfs bath-house is also quite typicalcomparison to other Near Eastern bath-houses. Table 2 shows
the size distribution for 60 of the Near Eastern hypocausted
bath-houses contained in Appendix B.

"When a galaestra formed part of a bathing complex, thegalaestra size is included in the total bath-house size. The
military bath in the garrisoned city of Dura-Europos is notincluded; nor is the bath at Coriovallum because 1 do not know
if the garrison a t Coriovallumls fort was legionary or
auxiliary.
Prestatyn has been included as, in spite of
Wilsonls (1988: 388) reservations, it could be a militarybath-house.

Table 2
Distribution of Near Eastern baths bv s i ~ e . ~ ~

11

SIZE

II

Op to 500 sq. m.

11 SOI-1,000sq. m.
1 1,001-2,000 sq. m.
1 2,001-3,000 sq. m.
3,001-4,000 sq. m.
4,001-5,000 sq. m.
1 5,001-6,000 sq. m.

1 TotalP m -ISLAMIC
26
4EARLY ISLAMIC
-

-

-

.

7
1

I
1

53

11

II

As Table 2 shows, rnost of the Near Eastern baths whose
sizes are recorded in Appendix B were small. The
predominance of mal1 bath-houses in this region is logical.
Roman and Byzantine urban centres had, depending on
population size, only one or a few large bath-houses
alongside many small baths. For example, Rome in the midfourth century had more than 856 small baths and 11 large
chermae (Votitia Urbis Recrionum), and Constantinople in theearly fifth century had 153 small baths and 8 large thermae(Notitia Urbis Constantino~olitanae,see Yegtil 1992: 324).
Small baths probably also dominated in domestic, military,and religious structures where the bathing suite was
required t o fit into a confined area. It is, therefore,
logical that one would find more small than large baths in
al1 parts of the Empire. Similarly, as Table 2 shows, smallbath-houses may have been more t y p i c a l than large bathhouses in the E a r l y Islamic period in the Near East.
Within t h i s larger context, it is quite reasonable t h a t
-

--

-

---

'=mena p a l a e s t a formed part of a bathing complex, thegalaestra size is included in the bath-house s i z e .

a small bath-house would have been built at Hawar. However,
an important caveat to this discussion is the f a c t that I
only k n o w the size of about one-third of the baths containedin each appendix. One of the major reasons for the lack ofsize-information for baths contained in Appendix B is theincomplete excavation of many of these bath-houses. U n t i lmore Near Eastern bath-houses have been excavated, any
conclusions regarding the predominance of small versus largebaths in this region, however suggestive, will have toremain tentative.
Location. In the I1northernborder provincesll,
legionary bath-houses were usually placed inside a fort
(e.g. at Deva and Isca) and auxiliary bath-houses wereusually placed outside (e-g.Mediobogum and Vindolanda)(Johnson 1983: 194; Nielsen 1990: 1-77}." Although wehave only limited information on the military bath-houses in
the Near Eastern provinces, this same internal versus
external placement pattern seems ta be repeated there.
Roman legionary fortresses existed at Lejjun and Bostra, andbath-houses have been identified inside the ruins of each ofthese f ortresses
Extemal bath-houses (within 2 0 0 m ofa Roman fort) have been noted at ad-Dianam, c E n Haseva, andBeer Sheba, al1 of which were probably the sites of"The bath-house and the parade ground were two of the
only military facilities regularly placed outside auxilialy
forts (cf. Johnson 1983: 215-21) .
Nielsen (1990: 1.74)
suggests bath-houses may have been placed outside castella sothey could be used by non-milita- settlers.
It is also
possible that the bathsl external placement had to do with thesmaller area within a u x i l i a q , as opposed to legionary, forts.
Indeed, sometimes, in a later stage of a castellumfs life,
after its garrison had been reduced and there was surplus
space within its walls, an internal bath-building might beb u i l t (Johnson 1983: 194; cf. Welsby 1982 : 25) .
'=The baths at ~ e j j u nhave been excavated; the baths at
Bostra are only known £rom surface remains.

auxiliary forts (m.z6 )Hawar was also the site of
an auxiliary çg~tellurg(Parker 1986: 140) and, there too,
the bath-house was external to the fort. Thus, just as inthe "northern border provincesn, legionary fortresses in
Arabia seern to have had interna1 bath-houses, and auxiliary
forts, like Hawar, seem to have had external bath-houses.
Hawarlsbath-house was located approximately 150 m
southwest of the southwest corner of the fort. Thisdistance was probably not unusual for that of an auxiliarybath-house. The other external bath-houses just mentioned
were located within 50 and 200 meters of their forts.27
Several factors probably influenced the precise
placement of an external bath-house. Where security was aconcern, a bath-house might be located in a walled annex
appended to the external walls of a fort ( e . g . at Newsteadand at Rough Castle). That this location was not used at
IIawar may indicate that security of the garrisonfsbathingfacilities was not considered a problem.
At other forts, a location close to flowing water seems
to have been the major determinant of the location of thebath-house (Johnson 1983: 220). At Hawar, the bath-house
was indeed located close to flowing water. However, thisbath's water came from man-made and, hence, manipulable
structures. Consequently, access to water may not have beenthethe placement
this bathbuilding."'(The castellum designation for Beer Sheba is uncertain.
The Notitia Di-itatum records the presence of a cohort ofDalmatian horsemen there, but Fabian has suggested that thefort might have been originally built for the Tenth Legion(see Fabian 1995).

"ad-Dianam: 100 m, c E n Haseva: 50 m, Beer Sheba: 200 m"If the army had wished it, the bath-house could evenhave been inside the fort since part of the aqueduct flow had
been diverted to a reservoir within the fort walls (see FigureAnother factor which might have influenced a bathhousetsposition was its relation to an anticipated (orexisting) civilian corr~muiity. It has been suggested that
auxiliary bath-houses were placed outside their forts sothey could be used by civilians (Nielsen 1990 : 1.74) .
Moreover, on the basis of a study of the auxiliaq ,m.
in Britannia, Sommer (1984: 15) has suggested that thecastellum bath-house was placed in the direction in which
the a m y wanted a local conmnuiity (vicus) to develop. The
preferred position for a Britannic çastellum bath-houseseems to have been a location facing the prta ~raatoria(i.e. the gate opposite the princi~ia). In a survey of 52
external bath-houses, Sommer found that almost half (46%)
were located outside the front gate of the fort (the g ! .
praetoria) whereas very few (10%) were located outside theback gate (Sonmer 1 9 8 4 : 15; see also his Figure 22) .
Assuming that the south gate was the main gate (or porta
graetoria) of the fort at Humeima, the bath-house there wasin sight of the porta ~raetoriaand the gorta ~rinci~alisdextra (the west gate) (see Figure 2). On the basis ofSommerlssurvey, this means that Hawartsbath-house was in a
fairly typical position for an auxiliaq bath-house." Ofcourse, at Hawar the army did not need to place the bathhouse in the direction in which it wanted the vicus todevelop because there was a pre-existing civilian comrminity
on the site. However, it is significant that the army
placed its bath-house in the midst of, or adjacent to, thiscivilian commmity. It is also probably significant that

"Sec figure 22 in Sommer (1984); Humeimals bath-house
would be to the top right of his figure. My naming of thegates is based on the auxiliary fort shown in Johnson (1983)
f ig. 19. The rationale for the south gate being the portaorta
graetoria is based on the placement of the east and west gatesnearer to this gate than to the north gate.

the fort was placed to the north of the civilian conimunity
because in Britannia (new) vici most frequently developed tothe south of forts (see Sommer 1984: 43 & fig. 21)
Reuse of Nabataean structure. The military bath-house
was placed within the civilian conmninity in a converted
Nabataean structure. The placement of the bath-house on topof a pre-existing structure imposed limitations on its
shape, size and proximity to the fort. It also influenced
the orientation of the walls such that the bath's
orientation did not precisely match that of the f o r t . ) l At
Ramat Rahel, in Palaestina, the Roman army also built abath-house on top of an existing structure, and there too
the Roman structure conformed to the orientation of theearlier structure. Thus, apparently, the advantages of
converting an existing structure sometimes outweighed thedisadvantages imposed by restrictions on its orientation,
shape, size, and location. In addition, it is also
important to consider that in order to have been judged as
suitable for conversion into a bath-building, an extant
structure (such as the Nabataean building at Hawar) musthave already met some of the shape, size, or location
requirements of a military bath-house.
9.
Roman military structures werebuilt of local materials whenever possible (Breeze 1983 :
50). The walls of Hawarls bath-house were faced with both
rubble and the reused blocks of older Nabataean structures.
The cores of the walls were composed of small bits of rubble
in a crumbly, ashy mortar which was probably made from the''Thesouthwest position of Kumeimals bath-house,regardless of its orientation to the fort gates, was also acommon location for auxiliary bath-houses (see Sonnner 1984:
fig. 21).
"The fort walls are oriented 10 degrees east of north(Oleson et al. 1994: 147); the bath-house walls are oriented
20 degrees west of north.

local materials. The interior walls of the rooms and thefloors were covered with a plaster which was probably also
made locally. The only parts of the structure which were
probably not made from local materials were the glass
windows and the ceramic pipes and tiles. Due to the lack of
raw materials and the scarcity of fuel, it would have beendifficult to prepare either of these materials at the site
(Oleson, personal comrminication, March 1996) . Therefore,
they were probably manufactured elsewhere and then shipped
into the fort. The ceramic building materials contain no
stamps to indicate their source of,origin."
No evidence of mosaic floors or marble wall slabs wasfound in the bath-house. These embellishments are commonly
found in Near Eastern non-milita- baths but it is not clear
how common they were in the military baths built there. Twoof the baths in Near Eastern garrisoned communities(Athis/Neocaesarea and Ramat Rahel) did contain suchrefinements, but they were absent in the excavated sectionsof the Arabian fort baths at Lejjun.
In the llnorthernborder province^^^, castellum baths (asopposed to legionary baths) were only moderately decorated,
and they rarely contained marble or mosaics (Nielsen 1990:
1.7576). Their absence is in keeping with a presumed
military emphasis on functionality over grandeur, anemphasis which is also mirrored by the plain plaster walls''The
excavations of the fort have not turned up any
stamped bricks or tiles, suggesting the ceramic building
materials used at Hawar came from non-military kilns. The useof non-military ceramic building materials may be related tothe early date of the fort or Hawarlsdistance from militarykiln sites. Stamped bricks and tiles (including a hypocausttile) have been found in the legionary fort at Bostra (Brulet1984) . Aowever, from a letter written by a soldier stationed
at Bostra in the early second century, we know that Hawar wasover 8 days travel from Bostra (by road) (ses Speidel 1977 :
691-93). Perhaps this was too far away for the forts to sharethe same supply of tiles.

--and floors of the bath-house at Hawar.
Dn.
Ceramic evidence suggests Hawar's bath-house was built
in the Late Roman period (Oleson 1990 : 153). Unfortunately,
because this attribution is based on a small number ofceramics, it is not yet possible to date the bath-house any
more precisely. The Late Roman period in Arabia corresponds
to the period between A.D. 135 and 324 (Parker 1986: 11).
Ceramics, coins, and weaponry from Hawarfsfort indicatethat the fort, itself, was built in the early second century
A.C. (Oleson et al. 1995: 8). At Inchtuthil, in Britannia,
the army constmcted an external bath-house concurrently (c.
A.D. 83) with the construction of a fort." Similarly, at
Qasr el-~Uweinid,in Arabia, inscriptional evidence suggeststhat the anny built a bath and a castellum concurrently (inA.D. 201). Therefore, it is conceivable that the bath at
Hawar was built at the same tirne as its fort in the earlysecond centuxy A.C. However, it is also possible that thearmy added the bath-house sometime later, between the secondand fourth centuries.
The second to fourth centuries A . C . ( L e . the Late
Roman period) was a vibrant period in the construction of
military bath-houses. I have gathered the dates of original
construction for 83 of the militam baths in Appendix A.
Table 3 indicates the number of these baths which were built
each century. At least half of these baths were built
between the second and fourth centuries A.C. Moreover, onethird were built in the course of the second century.

"And then abandoned both structures before they could beused.

Table 3n
NUMBERCZNTURY

1st century A-C.
IEIst-aid century A.c .
2nd century -A.C .
2nd-3rd century A . C .
3rd century A.C.

II 4th century A.C.
Ro- ""Roman or Byzantinen
Total

34

1

1

23
4

I

30
5
7

1

11
1

II
-

1
83

In the Near East, there does not really seem to havebeen a peak tirne for the construction of baths. Instead, as
Table 4 shows, b a t h construction was f a i r l y constant over anine to twelve century period. Of course, Table 4 , derived
from the information in Appendix B, does not contain a l 1 thebaths built in the Near East during this time period.
However, this sample of dated baths contains so many items(142) that it is probably statistically representative.
Compared to other Near Eastern baths in general, thedate of construction of Hawarls bath-house seems in no w a yremarkable. But a second to fourth century date for Hawarts
bath does overlap the construction dates for the Near
Eastern military baths at Athis/Neocaesarea, Dura Europos,
Lejjun, Qasr el-~Uweinidand Ramat Rahel. Moreover, for theundated military baths at ad-Dianam, B e e r Sheba, c E n Haseva,
Tell Faysal and Becchufrin, the date of Hawarlsbath
overlaps the date of their forts. Thus, t h e second to"Baths post-dating or pre-dating the occupation of t h eRoman garrison are not included.

52fourth centuq A.C. seems to have been a peak period in theconstniction of Near Eastern military battis.
Table 4D istribution'o f Near E a s t e r n baths bv centurv.3 5

2nd century B .C.
2nd-1st century B.C.
1st century B.C.
1st century B.C. - 1st century A-C.
1st century A.C.
1st-2nd century A.Cœ2nd century A - C I
II 2nd-3rd century A.C.
3rd century A.C.
3rd-4th century A.C.
4th century A S .
4th-5th century A.C.
5th century A.C.
II 5th-6th century A.C.
II 6th century A.C.
6th-7th century A.C.
nHellenisticw

I

1

I "Byzantine or E a r l y Islamicw
Early Islamic (Umayyad)

Total

''The

2
2
9
9

4

2
5
1
11

2
10

2
8

3
1

2

3
13
142

(military?) mikveh at R u j m ed-Deir is not included.

In the Late Byzantine period (c. 491-640, Parker 1986:il), the bath-house was renovated through the addition of asecond a~odvteriu~(Room F), the filling in of the hypocaust
under Room E, and the rebuilding of the heating system inRoomç C, A, and D (Oleson 1990). Sometime later, perhaps
also in the Late Byzantine period, another room (Room G) was
added - l6
Renovations were very common in bath-houses. At least
52 of the baths in my catalogues were renovated or repaired
at least once, and many underwent multiple alterations."
Renovations and repairs to heating systems were particularlycommon. This is not surprising considering the thermal
stresses which these areas experienced; not to mention theheavy traffic and moist atmosphere in the rooms above. At
Nysa-Scythopolis, the large public bath-house underwent m a n yalterations to its heating system:
Since the furnaces wore out fairly rapidly, changes
made in the furnace system were reflected by various'6The addition of Roorn G might, alternatively, have been
Islamic; see below, Appendix C.

3'MiIitarvbathsunderaoincrrenovations/re~airs:Aquincum,
Beaupart Park, Bewcastle, Birdoswald, Biriciana, Cilurnum(External Bath-house), Coriovallum, Dura Europos (Bath E3) ,Echzell, Hüfingen, Jagsthausen, Lambaesis, Letocetum,
Praetorium, Prestatyn, Rainau-Buch, ~uturiae, Saalburg,
Schirenhof, Slaveni, Turicum, Vindolanda (The Military Bathhouse) , Vindolanda (Mansio Baths) , Vindonissa, Vinovia,
Walldfirn (rebuilt after f ire), Würzberg, Zugmantel (Castellum
Bath 1) , Zugmantel (Castellum Bath II); for additional,
inscriptional, evidence to repairs to military bath-houses,
see Nielsen (1990) vol. 1 p. 75 n. 6; pear Eastern bathna renovations/re~airs: Antiochia (Bath C) , Antiochia(Bath F) , Ashkelon, Athis/Neocaesarea (Northern ExtramuralBaths), Barade, Bostra (South Baths), Cyprus (Lower Slope
Baths) , Dura Europos (Bath F3), Dura Ebropos (Bath E3) , DuraEuropos (Bath C3), Emma-,
Gadara (Byzantine Baths) , Gerasa(The Baths of Placcus), Hannnat Gadder, Masada (Vublic" Baths
in the Fortress), Borvat ~imirn,Khirbet Moyat 'Awad, NysaScythopolis, Philoteria, Qasr al-Hayr East (Extra-Muros
Baths) , Ramat Hanadiv, Sepphoris (The Roman Bathhouse) , Tel
Sera', Tiberias , Horvat Zikbrin .

phases of use, including the sealizg off of furnaces
and their replacement with new ones, the blocking ofvents which fed hot air ta the hypocaust and theopening of others, as well as the blocking of passages
between the hypocausts at various points between thehalls (Bar-Nathan & Mazor 1989-1991: 41).
In other bath-houses, renovations sometimes seem to havebeen motivated by a need to reduce the amount of water or
fuel the bath-house required (cf. Nielsen 1990: 1.116). For
example, renovations at Mampsis and Ashkelon reduced thesize of a bath-tub, and at Gadara, renovations reduced thesize of the heated area. Thus, the renovations at Humeirna
which involved filling in a hypocaust and rebuilding theremaining heating system were probably not unconmon.
The exact date of the renovations at Humeirna is
unknown. On the basis of stratified pottery, the excavator
believes they occurred in the Late Byzantine period (Oleson
1990). The Late Byzantine period seems to have been afairly stable and prosperous time for Near Eastern
settlements, especially for the settlements in the southern
Near East. Even as late as the b e g i ~ i n gof the seventh
century, "Jordan appears to have been generally peaceful andprosperous" (Schick 1992: 108). The Byzantine period was
also a tirne of great prosperity in the Negev (Shereshevski
1991: 1-2), the desert region west of Hawar which sharesmuch the same environmental conditions. This region"reached its highest density of settlement, and presumablyof populationf1in the late fifth and sixth centuries(Cameron 1993: 177). In Hawar itself the prosperity of thesettlement is reflected in the construction of four (orfive) churches between the mid-fifth and mid-seventh
centuries (Oleson et al. 19% : 8), and the enormous amountof surface pottery of that period (Eadie 1984: 221) .
Given the prosperity of Hawar's conmnuiity in the Late
Byzantine period, the tenovation of its bath-house does notseem surprising. Archaeological evidence has shown thatbath-houses were also renovated in the Late Byzantine periodat Nysa/Scythopolis (sixth century), Gerasa ( A . D . 584: The
Baths of Placcus) , and Antioch ( A . D . 537-538, see Kennedy
1985: 9). Moreover, literary evidence records that theEmperor Justinian renovated a multitude of bath-houses in
the mid-sixth century, including at least one bath-houseused by troops (at Circesium, Procop. Aed. 2.6.9-. 11). In
this context, a Late Byzantine date for the renovations to
Hawarfsbath-house does not seern out of place.3s
At Hawar, the Late Byzantine renovations of the bathhouse were presumably initiated by-thegarrison, if there
were still troops stationed in Hawar, and by the civilian
inhabitants of the t o m if the garrison had left. Thisissue cannot be settled definitively without knowing theexact date of the bath-housetsrenovation~.'~However, thelack of mosaics and marble panelling in the renovation stage
suggests that the renovations were carried out by and forthe military. Such decorations were common in urbari baths,
including, for example, the small fifth century urban baths
at Barade and Sergilla in Syria. Given that a fifth century
tax record for Palaestina Tertia (The Beersheba Edict)records that Hawar was assessed the second highest taxes
among the Transjordan toms ( U t 1921: 4), Hawarfs civilians
should have been able to afford such luxuries. Indeed,
3sPro~op.
&& 2.6.9-.ll, 5 . 2 . 4 , 5.3.4, 5.3.7, 5.9.33.
Procopius also records that Justinian constructed many new
bath-houses: A e d . 2.8.25 (in a garrisoned tom), 2.10.22,
4.10.21, 5.2.4, 5.3.18-.19, 5.4.17, 6 . 1 1 3 6.2.6, 6.4.11,
6.5.10.

3gMoreover,at this time, imperial policy encouraged therenovation of existing structures over the building of newones (Di Segni 1995 : 317-18).
cent
1995

garrison was present until at least the early f.s indicated by the archaeological (Oleson et al.
and document;axy evidence (Notitia Disnitatummarble was used in the Late Byzantine churches built on thesite (Oleson et al. 19% : 8). Consequently, the lack ofelaborate decoration suggests that the bath-house wasrenovated by and for the garrisoned ~oldiers.~'e Bath -Rooms4 2
The bath-house at Hawar did not contain a l l the rooms
which are attested in military baths. Instead, the builders
seem to have chosen j u s t the most essential rooms for theirsmall bath. In the remainder of this chapter, I will
briefly comment on some of the rooqs which were or were notpresent .
Room D. Room D (3.10 x 2.39 m), which was present in
al1 of the bath-house phases, sat on a hypocausted floor andhad flue-pipes embedded in its walls. Its only fixture wasa flat bench; there was no basin for water. The excavator
has suggested that this room was a sweat room (Oleson 1990:
153) . 4 'Sweat rooms could either be dry or wet sweat rooms.
Room D was apparently a wet sweat room. The drainage of thebath-house was arranged such that water from Room A would
have flowed across the floor of Room D on its way to an exit
drain in Room E. Thus the patrons sitting on the bench in
Room D would have been subjected to a hot, moist atmosphere,I t is also theoretically possible that a separate(lavish) bath-house was used and maintained by the civilian
populace. However, flue pipe fragments from the walls of sucha structure would be visible on the surface of the site.
(Indeed that is how the present bath-building w a s identified
There are no surface remains
before its excavation,)
indicative of another bath-house at Humeima.
"See Figures 3 and 4 .

"Oleson (1990) uses the word laconicum. Since the words
laconicum and ~udatoriumare ambiguously defined in both theprimary and secondary literature, I will use the neutral term
"sweat roomn instead.

perfect for building up a pore-cleansing sweat.
S w e a t rooms were common in military bath-houses. They
could appear as round detached roomç, or as rectangularrooms either unintegrated or integrated into the bathing
sequence. Nielsen ( 1 9 9 0 : 1.78-79) suggests the round,detached, rooms are the earliest developmenta1ly; whereas
the rectangular, integrated, rooms are the latest ."The sweat room at Hawar was rectangular and integrated
into the bathing sequence. Such sweat rooms were common
after the late second century A.C. (Nielsen 1990: I.79), an
observation which might be useful in helping to date thebath-house. Of course, the (rectangular) shape of the bathrooms w a s to some degree restrained by the Nabataeanbuilding used as its base; however, note that 1) the
existing Nabataean structure was considered a suitable baseon which to build the bathing rooms, and 2) the architect
instead could have built a detached circular sweat room as
was common in military bath-houses before the second century
A.C.
Room A . Room A (2- 4 7 x 2.45 m) was also present in a l 1
bath-house stages. It was the bath's calidarium. The
calidarium (or hot-water bathing roorn) was thequintessential room in a hypocausted bath-house.
Roorn A sat on a hypocausted floor and had flue p i p e sembedded in its walls. It also contained a built-in splash
basin. This basin, jutting out from the wall, sat over the
hypocaust, and a flue pipe ran up the wall on either side of
the basin. This ensured that the water in the basin stayed
hot. The bathers would have inserted shallow vessels into
this basin and then doused themselves with the heated water.
R o m C. The calidarium w a s heated by a graefurnium(furnace) which adjoined it on the east . Like the
4 4 F o r another, early, discussion of round sweat rooms incastellum baths, see Fair (1927).

çalidarium, this graefurnium was present in al1 bath-housestages.
The bath-house at Hawar contained only one graefurnium.
Large bath-houses ; e . g . at Nysa/Scythopolis), lwury bathhouses ( e . g . at Herodian palaces) or bath-houses in colder
climates sometimes contained more than one furnace.
However, multiple furnaces required more fuel than a single
furnace and hence were probably avoided by m i l i t a q
architects. That some military bath-houses in the "northernborder provincesw did contain multiple furnaces was, most
likely, a design limitation imposed by the cold climate(Nielsen 1990 : 1.79).
Room B. Room B (3.09 x 2-74m) , an a~odvterium(orchanging room), was present in al1 stages of the bath-house.
In bath-house stage II, the room was lined with two (orthree) plastered benches with built-in pillows (klinai), butarrangements for seating or reclining presumably existed instage 1 as well (Oleson 1990: 156). An s~odvteriumwas thefirst and last room used by the bathers. In this room, thebathers would change out of their clothes before their bath.
After their bath, they would change back into their clothes
and then relax on the benches.
The walls of this a~odvteriumwere made of stone. In
the "northern border provincesn, a stone âaodvterium might
be indicative of a building constructed in the second
century A.C. or later because, before that time, wooden
doodvteria were common (Nielsen 1990: 1-79-80). However,the stone agodvterium at Hawar probably reflects not its
date of construction so rnuch as the scarcity of wood in theregion.
Room F. One of the alterations made ta the bath in the
Late Byzantine period was the addition of a second (stone)
anodvterium (Room F) . This second aoodvterium was larger(4.34 x 3.47 m) than the original one (Room B, 3.09 x 2.74
ml and contained more benches. With the addition of this59

second gpodvtarium, there were now eight-k
available
for the bathers to relax on after their bath.
The renovators might have had two motives for building
this second a~aavterium. The first was to make the bathhouse more efficient in te=of the number of people served
per unit tirne. The second was to provide off-duty soldiersand civilians with more space for lounging, gaming, andsocializing.''
The increase in the percentage of unheated rooms wasconsistent with bath-house developments in the eastern
provinces, and, particularly, in the Near East. In theseprovinces, "There is a development from a fairly equalbalance between the heated and the cold section [of thebaths] in the Roman period, to a growing cold section at theexpense of the heated one, which in the course of the
Byzantine period became quite smalln (Nielsen 1990: 1.115).
This development has been demonstrated in the plan of baths
built from the second to sixth centuries (Nielsen 1990:
1.115). The addition of a second 3~odvteriumat Hawar, inconjunction with the filling in of a hypocaust, may also
reflect this trend.
Room G. In the final bath-house stage (stage 3 ) ,postdating the Byzantine addition of Room F I Room G wasadded. Room G is a square room appended to the northeast
corner of the bath-house. It was described by its excavatorin this way:
The walls are less well built than those elsewhere in
the Bath, they do not bond with them, and the only door
opens outside the building. The interior of this zoom
had been cleared out to the foundation level sometimein the post-classical period, and no interior featureçremain to provide a clue to its original function(Oleson 1990: 153 & 156) .
In his preliminary publication of the bath-house,"On the importance of fort baths in the social life
soldiers, see below, Chapter 3.

Oleson (1990) suggested that Room F might have housed alatrine, Latrines are present in many Near Eastern andmilitary baths. They are also common in external militarybath-houses (Johnson 1983 : 213) , In military baths, they
are nusuaLly small and rectangular in shapen (Nielsen 1990:
1.80 n. 50). Moreover, latrines "were always near the[bath-house] entrcuice, so they could normally also be usedby passers-byI1 (Nielsen 1990 : 1.163) . If Room G is a
latrine then a good parallel for it can be found in thefifth century baths at Sergilla, in Syria. Sergillals bathhouse contained a rectangular room, approximately equal insize to Room G at Humeima, which housed a latrine. The
latrine-room was located near the entrance to the bathhouse, in the northeast corner of the building, with an
exterior entrance." Thus, HumeimalsRoom G (a rectangularroom in the northeast corner of the bath-house, located near
the bath-house entrance, with an extenal entrance) might''It also could be entered from inside the bath-building;for a plan of the bath-house see Charpentier (1995) fig. 6.
A quick perusal of bath plans suggest that the northeast
corner of a bath-building may have been a fairly typicallocation for the placement of a latrine. The military bathsat Cilurnum, Collen, Saalburg, Vindolanda (The Military Bathhouse and The Mansio Baths) and the Near Eastern baths at
Sergilla and Dura Europos (Bath F3) contained a latrine in ornear their northeast corner.
In addition, the baths at
Faesulae, Massaciuccoli, Nida (East Baths) , Leptis Magna(Hunting Baths), Thugga (Licinian Baths), Cuicul, Madaurus,
Lambaesis (Large Baths , "Palais du Legatm) , Ratae Coritanorum,and Augusta Raurica (WomenrsBaths, phase 1) (al1 shown inNielsen 1990 : II) also contained latrines near their northeast
corner. For many of these baths, including perhaps the one at
Humeima, the latrines may have been relegated to the northeast
because the architectural emphasis of the building was on thesouthwest where Vitruvius (De Arch. 5.10.1) advises that theheated rooms be placed. The set of heated rooms usually would
be flanked on one side by the furnace area and on the otherside by the unheated bathing rooms.
In many baths,
particularly small row type baths, this may have made thenortheast corner the best option for the placement of a
Latrine.

have contained a latrine. R o w e v e r , without fixtures, there
is no way to verify this interpretation.
An alternative interpretation is that Room G served asa fuel storage area. Such storage areas were comon in
Roman, Byzantine, and Early Islamic bath-houses where theytended to be easily accessible to the furnace. In -ybaths, the storage area was ditectly adjacent to thefurnace." In other baths, such as the bath at Sergilla,
the furnace and fuel storage areas were near each other but
separated by a service corridor. This might be similar to
the arrangement which existed at Hawar. At Hawar, Room G is
not directly adjacent to the furnace (Room C) but its only
door was on the side of the building from which the furnace
was stoked, and the door of Room G was within 8 meters of
the furnace entrance. It would have been a simple matterfor people to carxy the fuel outside the building from Room
G to the furnace.
In addition, storage areas usually faced ont0 the roadfor the easy unloading of fuel (Nielsen 1990: 1.20). The
modern (dirt) xoad through Humeima runs past the entrance to
Room G on the east side of the bath-building. The road ison slightly higher ground than the land on either side of it
which protects it from flooding during the winter rains.
For the same reason, Oleson believes the Via Nova Traiana
might have followed the same route through the site
(personal comrminication, March 1996).
Room E. Room E (3.55 x 3.15 m) was situated between
the anodvteria (Rooms B and F) and the sweat room (Room Dl.
It contained a splash basin and two square tables built into
corners of the room. In the earliest bath-house phase, ahypocaust ran d e r the floor, but there were probably noflue pipes in the walls (Oleson 1990: 156) . This means that47

E.g. at Ashkelon (Bath in Barnefa Quarter), Hammam As-

Sarakh, Qasr Ain es-Sol.

not only were the walls not heated, but that, without flues,
the heat from the furnace would not have been drawn under
the floor (cf. De Vries in press : 9) . R o m E was thus only
heated passively.
Situated as it is between an unheated gmodyterium and a
directly heated sweat room, Room E probably served as aclimatic transition room between the heated section of thebath and the unheated one. Such rooms (called heat traps byNielsen) were common in military bath-houses (Nielsen 1990:
79). In Ari-abia, another transitional room, between an
unheated atrium and a fully heated te~idarium,existed in
the military bath-house at Lejjun (De Vries in press: 8).
As in the bath at Humeima, this room contained a hypocaust
without wall flues. Interestingly, however, the hypocaust
only ran under the half of the room closest to thetenidarium; the half closest to the atrium was notsuspended. It is possible that there also was not a
hypocaust under the full floor area of Room E at Humeima.
The known extent of the hypocaust there is restricted to asmall probe (Probe 1 in Figure 3) excavated near thesoutheast corner of the room (running from the southern wall
to the center of the room). However, as this probe revealed
hypocaust supports (gilae) within less than a meter of thedoorway to the stage 1 dgodvterium (Room A) , it is somewhat
unlikely that the hypocaust would not have rrin under theentire f loor .
De Vries (in press) labels Lejjunfs transitional room afrisidarium and Olesor, (1990) originally proposed calling
Room E a friaidarium. However, 1 think Hawarts transitionalA
room is probably best labelled as a @gidariiirn?
te~idariumwas one of the more essential rooms in a bath"The labels are, to some extent, not important. We know
the room contained a wash-basin and we know the room was
The label is simply architecturalindirectly heated.
shorthand.

house, and in the early row type baths of the western
provinces, at least, it was more common than a friaidariuq(Nielsen 1990: 1-67). Tenidaria often contained a hypocaustwith no wall flues (Nielsen 1990: 1.156). Moreover, theytended to face south and/or west. HawarlsRoom E faces
west.
In the second bath-house phase, the hypocaust in Room E
was filled in. After that, the room no doubt served as afrioidarium. Room E 1 s hypocaust was filled in at the sametime that the hypocaust system in Rooms C f A, and D wasrebuilt. Perhaps these renovations were motivated by damage
to the hypocaust : at Emmaus, in Judaea, a ge~idariuqwas
turned into a friaidarium after an earthquake damaged the
hypocaust system. Alternatively, the renovations might
have been motivated by the need to re-configure an
ineffective heating system: at Coriovallum, in Germania
Inferior, renovations were carried out nprobably because theheating system did not function properlyv (Stolte 1976: 24344). Pinally, the renovations might have been motivated bya desire to reduce the amount of fuel required to run the
furnace. At any rate, the placement of a fricridariurn
between the g~odyteria.and hot roorns of a small bath-house
was in no way unusual.
Palaestr3. Hawar's bath-house did not have agalaestra. A palaestra was a courtyard for exercise takenin the course of the bathing process. Palaestrae started to
be excluded from Roman-style baths in the course of thesecond century A . C . "By the third century A . C . , such
palaestrae were unconmion in the Near Eastern baths and thistrend may be partially related to the absence of one at
Hawar. Probably a more important factor, however, was theabsence of palaestrae in military bath-houses in other parts
4gTheywere rare in the llnorthernborder provincesw after
the mid-second century (Nielsen 1990 : 1.81) .

of the Bmpire (i.e. in the "northern border provincesfn) .
Nielsen hypothesizes that one of the reasons military bathhouses did not include palaestraa was because "soldierspresumably received al1 the exercise they needed without
onef1 (1990: 1-79)

Humeimafs bath was built in the ancient Near East andit was built outside of a Rornan auxiliary castellum. It
should corne as no surprise therefore that this bath-househas much in common with both Near Eastern and military
baths. For example, its small size (under 500 sq. m.) andsimple row plan is typical of both varieties of baths. In
terms of its lack of elaborate decoration, however, thisbath is more reminiscent of a utilitarian castellum baththan the comfort-focused baths found in Near Easterncommunities and private villas. In tems of its location(external to the f o r t , within sight of the porta araetoria,
and on the edge of a civilian comrminity), this bath-house isalso typical of castellun baths found in other parts of the
Empire. In addition, Hawarlsbath was built during the peak
period f o r (Roman-Byzantine)military bath construction.
Thus, in many ways, this structure represents a typicalsmall military bath. To modem archaeologists, however,this is a very rare and special bath because it is one ofthe only military baths in the Roman Near East for which w epossess detailed information.

''On the soldier8s daily exercise, see below, Chapter 3.
For a contrasting view to Nielsen's, see De Vries (in press:
5)CHAPT&R3

Hawarfs Bath-house Zn its Social Context
Every building is constructed, maintained, andabandoned or destroyed in a social-cultural context. The
bath-house at Humeima is no exception. The bath-house wasbuilt as an adjunct to a Roman fort which was itself
adjacent to a Nabataean settlement located on Arabials
primary north-south road. The fort and settlement at Hawar
are still undergoing excavation, and there is much still be
discovered about them. However, the overall preliminary
stage of Hawarls excavations should not stop us from trying
to interpret the role which the already excavated buildings
played within Hawarts community. Indeed, by referring toancient literary and military documents, as well as theresults of excavations at other Roman forts, it is possible
to draw inferences about how Hawar's bath-building
functioned in its social-cultural context. In particular,
the topics to be explored in this chapter include why thisbath-house existed, who used it, when it was used, and how
it was used.

did this Bath-buildins Exist?
ltural identitv. In Chapter 1, 1 suggested that thisbath-house was built because the soldiers stationed at Hawar
would have expected to have access to such a bath-house.
"Going to the bathsn was an important part of Roman urban
culture, and the construction of bath-houses at Roman f o r t s
elsewhere indicates that the bath-house was an important
aspect of military, as well as civilian, culture.
Regardless of whether troops were stationed far £rom theland of their birth or were garrisoned within their native
province, their own bath-house, a structure common in al1
parts of the Roman Empire and used by al1 levels of society,would have assured these troops of their continuingparticipation in Roman society.
Health. A garrisoned Company was probably alçoprovided with a bath-house for reasons of health: in a
Roman fort, "where a large group of people occupied a
considerably small area ...hygienic principles had to beobserved by each legionary and by the whole unitw (Press
1988 : 77). The Roman armyls concern for the hygienic
conditions of its camps and men is reflected in regulations
that the camps and men's apparel be kept clean ( e . g . çpd,I u s t . 1 . 4 6 . 4 , Veget. 2.14, S.H.A. Avid. Cass. 6). A concern
with hygiene is also reflected in the militaryls efforts toprovide the soldiers with clean water, flushed latrines,
good food, frequent exercise, and expert medical care. In
addition, the army encouraged personal cleanliness byplacing handwashing basins in latrines and in other parts ofthe fort.'
The armyls care to ensure clean water, hygienic
conditions. good food, and frequent exercise was probably
related to the practice of preventive medicine, and sol too,
was the building of bath-houses. "Ancient medicine waspredominantly preventive in nature and its preponderant aim
was to treat and maintain a healthy bodyn (Yegill 1992: 352).
For the Romans, health was related to the proper balancing
of hot, cold, wet, and dry bodily humours. The Roman bathhouse, featuring rooms adjusted for different temperaturesand h d d i t i e s , played a role in Roman medicine.' As
regards preventive medicine, the Roman medical writer Celsus'On al1 these topics, see Davies 1989d; on the soldierls
diet, see Davies 1989c; on washing facilities in centurions'quarters, see Davison 1989: 233-37.

'On the role of baths in Roman medicine, see Fontanille"La conduite médicale semble rechercher l'équilibre
dans ltorganisme
humain entre le chaud, llhumide,le froid etle sec.
Le bain permettait donc d'essayer d ' y parvenirv(Fontanille 1985: 22).
(1985).

himself alone, ministered to the comfort of al1 who
were sick. (trans: Shipley 1924: 287 & 289)

Per omne belli Germanici Pannonicique tempus nemo enobis gradumve nostrum aut praecedentibus aut
sequentibus imbecillus fuit, cuius salus ac valetudo
non ita sustentaretur Caesaris cura, tamquam
distractissimus ille tantorum onemole huic uni
negotio vacaret animus. Erat desiderantibus paratumiunctum vehiculum, lectica eius publicata, cuius usum
cum alii tum ego sensi; iam medici, iam apparatus cibi,
iam in hoc solum uni portatum instrumentum balinei
nullius non succurrit valetudini.
This passage illustrates both that a link existed between
bathing and Roman medicine, and that Tiberius, at least, did
not deny the curative benefits of bathing to soldiers on
campaign
Convalescing soldiers were also sent to spas. Davies(1989d: 228) suggests that %orne military provinces had a.

Spa, originally built by and for the garrisoning troopsBt.
These spas were bath-houses built at hot springs revered fortheir curative powers. The general belief in the curativevalue of hot springs is exemplified in a passage from
Arternidorus. In his book on dream interpretation,
Arternidorus declares that to dream of bathing at a hot
spring "foretells health to the sick...For men frequent thew a r m springs when they are recovering from a sickness".

voaoùm v 6 y e i a v . . .oqpai v é r fi yhp &valapi3&vovres.. ai s €lepph
nopefiovrar, Artem. Onir. 64, trans: White 1975: 49).
Medicinal bath spas were found throughout the Roman world.*'Velleius Paterculus does not specify what instrumentum
balinei Tiberius brought with him on campaign.
In theDiqesta, the instrumentum of a bath-house apparently referred
to al1 the equipment of a bath-house, including the bath33.7.14,
33.7.17).
Tiberius 'attendants (Dia. 33.7.13,
instrumentum balinei might have included portable basins,
strigils, bath-oil, towels, or attendants.
'Onthis topic in general, see Jackson 1990.

Spas apparently frequented by Roman soldiers were located at
Bath in Britannia, Aachen in Germania Inferior, Baden-Baden
and Wiesbaden in Germania Superior, Varazdinske Toplice inPannonia Superior, and (probably) Apulum in Dacia andLambaesis in Numidia (Davies 1989d: 228). In peacetime,sick soldiers were probably sent to such spas to bathe in
and drink their healing waters (Davies 1989d: 228).
Bath-houses built at the forts were also, no doubt,
used to heal the sick or fnjured. Some military hospitals
contained their own set of bathing rooms (Davies 19894: 22226). These rooms probably played an important role in the
medical procedures followed for the treatment of injuries orillnesses.'"Depending on their quality, quantity and the
motive of the bather, baths were variously either cures, orvehicles for other substances as cures, or a vital part ofconvalescent therapyu (Zajac 1994: 3). When a fort did nothave a hospital with its own bathing suite, medical
treatments might have been carried out in the fort's main
bath-house. Medical instruments indicative of suchtreatments have been found in a room adjoining the palaestraof the Legionary Baths at Colonia Ulpia Traiana (Xantem,
Germany) (YegU1 1992: 355). Finally, the connection between
bath-houses and curative, or preventive, medicine isreflected by the frequent inclusion of statues of healer
deities in bath-houses and by the frequency of bath-houseinscriptions wishing the bather health.'
Relaxation. Another motive the army might have had in'For a list of illnesses which were treated in bathhouses, see Scobie 1986: 425.

'Statues of Asklepios and Hygieia were frequently erectedin bath-houses (Dunbabin 1989: 30, Scobie 1986: 425),
including the bath-house described by Lucian ( H i m . ) : statuesof Asklepios and his six children (al1 healer deities) were
set up in the public baths at Dion in Macedonia (Harrinqton
1996: 28 & 30).
Some of the health-related inscriptions inbath-houses are discussed by Dunbabin (1989).

building Hawarfs bath-house was to give the soldiers a place
to relax after they had completed their duties. Relaxation
seems to have been Herod the Great's primary motive forvisiting a bath-house after a battle: Josephus tells us
Herod went to the bath-house because he was tired and hot(BJ 1.340, AJ 14.462).
The Roman soldiers garrisoned at Hawar would not have
However, it is likely
spent their days fighting battles.'that they would have spent part of each day engaged inmilitary drills. Such drills were considered essential for
maintaining both the health of the soldiers and theireffectiveness as a military force (e.g. V e g e t . 3.2,
Onasander, ~trategikos10.1, Cod. Iust. 1-27-2.9). The
drills simulated battle maneuvers and hence were physicallydemandingo9 At the end of their drills, and their otherduties, the soldiers probably would have welcomed theopportunity to relax."
For soldiers stationed at a Roman fort, the bath-houseprovided one of the few avenues for relaxation. Breeze(1983: 56) lists the relaxation activities available togarrisoned soldiers as 1) gambling with their comrades, 2)partaking in the entertainments of the vicus, or 3) using
the bath-house. The bath-house would have offered the*On the role of the Roman a m y in Arabia, see Isaac 1990:
118-34.
'Fordetailed discussions of these drills, see Davies

198933 & e.

1°0ther in-camp duties of the soldiers would have included
guard duty, record keeping, cleaning the fort, maintaining theequipment, and working in the baths (perhaps stoking thefurnace or cleaning). Members of Hawarfs garrison might also
have been dispatched on scouting patrols, to guard convoys, torelay messages, to garrison small t o m s , and to obtainsupplies. On the duties of Roman soldiers, see Davies 1974;
on the duties of the ecpites cohortales, see Davies 1989a,
esp. 146.

enjoyment not only of bathing but also of socializing andgambling with one's colleagues. Thus Davies (1974: 332)
says, V h e bath-house was almost the equivalent of the NAAFI[Navy Army Airforce Institutel, where the men off duty could
bathe, exercise, amuse themselves, gamble, and e a t . 'Gambling probably took place in the a~odvteriumof militarybath-houses, as gaming pieces and altars to Fortuna havebeen found there (Johnson 1983: 220). Thus, in cornparison
to other fort buildings, the bath-house occupies a uniqueplace in military architecture: it was the only part of afort built at least in part for leisure purposes (Le Bohec

As a consequence of bathing's association with leisure,some ancient sources suggest that it had a negative
Such passages fomi part of a
influence on soldiers.=
moralist tradition that luxury corrupts (the t o ~ o sof-E.g.
in 359 B.C. , a Greek trierarch had accused his
predecessor, Apollodorus, of corrupting the crew of a triremeby paying them too high a wage and allowing them to use abath-house (Dernosthenes, Polv. 50.35): Cassius Dio reportsthat Queen Boudicca denigrated Roman soldiers as people "whobathe in warm water CP6arr 8 a p p Q loup~vous],eat artificial
dainties, drink unmixed wine, anoint themselves with myrrh,[and] sleep on soft couches with boys for bedfellowsV1 (Cass.
Dio 62.6.4, trans. Cary 1925: 93); Livy (23.28.10-23.28.16)
relates that Hannibal ruined his army by wintering them atCapua where they had access to many pleasures, including
baths; a letter supposedly written by Alexander Severus
complains of soldiers Irwhoring and drinking and bathing and,indeed, conducting themselves in the manner of the GreeksI1(amant, notant. lavant. et Graecorum more auidem se
instituunt, S.H.A., A l e x . Sev. 53, trans. Magie 1924: 285-87):
a similar letter supposedly written by Marcus Aurelius
are running riot incomplains that "the Syrian legions
luxury and conducting themselves with the morals ofDaphne ...[and] al1 are accustomed to bathe in hot waterV1(leaiones svriacas ...diffluentes luxuria et D a ~ h n i d i smoribus
aqentes, m a s totas excaldantes, S.H.A.,
Avid. Cass. 5.5,trans. Magie 1922: 243); Vegetius (c. A.D. 400) recommends
rural recruits over urban recruits, partially because therural recruits are llunaccustomed to the bathsI1 (balnearum
nescia, 1.3, trans. Stelten 1990: 13).

...

luxuria, see Toner 1995, Edwards 1 9 9 3 ) . More specifically,
the idea that baths could exert a negative influence on
people is a reoccurring theme in Greek (Rich et al. 1901:267), Roman ( T o n e r 1995 : 54-64; Dunbabin 1989 : 7 ) , andChristian (YegÜl 1992: 315-20) moral writings. To themoralist, t h e ideal soldier would have resembled Vegetiusl
rural recruit, "the boy who grows up in the open air and is
kept in condition by hard work, who has borne the heat of
the Sun, is scornful of the shade, unaccustomed to thebaths, [and] unf amiliar with l w r i e s t1 (1.3, trans : Stelten
1990: 13) . The ideal Roman soldier would be strong anddurable, self-sacrificing, and would have no desire forluxuries, just like Scipio Africanus (as depicted by Seneca
86). But the ideal Roman soldier was not a real Romansoldier. Real people periodically need to relax and enjoy
themselves. One of the a m y l s motives f o r building bathhouses at its forts must have been to provide the garrisoned
troops with an avenue for relaxation.12
Presumably, in combination with proper military
discipline, military bath-houses would not have had adetrimental effect on Roman soldiers. Instead, by
reinforcing the Roman soldierlscultural identity, bycontributing to his health, by helping him overcome hiswounds and illnesses, and by providing him with a place tom.

"CE. Dunbabin (1989: 7): "The moralists, indeed, arenever tired of thundering against the luxury of the baths, theprecious marbles, sun-filled rooms, water heated almost to theboiling point, and of course the silver vessels and precious
perfumes. Armnianus Marcellinus draws a vivid picture o f theostentation of the Roman aristocracy, arriving at the baths
with their train of fifty servants; and the immorality andopportunity for licence afforded by men and women bathing
together i s a favourite theme for many church fathers, as forpagas moralists before them. But for the average inhabitantsof the cities of the empire, the baths, large and small, werea place of refreshrnent and relaxation from the burdens ofeveryday life, an essential part of the pleasures of civilised
1iving .

relax after his military duties, most military bath-houses
would have exerted a positive influence on the soldiers who
used them.
Romanization. Besides affecting the soldiers who used
them, bath-houses would also have influenced non-military
people who came into contact with them. This influence
might have been one of the reasons why the Roman army built
bath-houses.
Consequently, one of the armyrs motives for theconstruction of Hawarrs bath-bouse might have been to
promote the romanization of a frontier region?
This
motive has been suggested for the military baths built in
the "northern border province^^^." The indigenous peoplesof the northern frontier provinces did not have a previous
tradition of bath-house building. Thus, "Baths were among
the first manifestations of Roman culture with which thelocal inhabitants became acquainted
Military] baths werenormally...placed outside the farts and were thus open bothto the soldiers and to the traders, craftsmen and other campfollowers who settled in the vicinity" (Nielsen 1990: 1.74,
cf. 1.5).
The conquered people, no doubt, learned about thepleasure and cultural significance of Roman baths whilebathing in military bath-houses. The locals then reproduced
these bath-houses in their urban centres. Further, the army
provided the architects, and sometimes the labour, so that...[

"The possibility that baths played a role in theromanization of frontier regions often appears in the modern
literature regarding Roman baths ( e . g . DeLaine 1988: 11; Toner
1995: 53; Dunbabin 1989: 7; Nielsen 1990).
For example,
DeLaine (1988: 11) states that Var Romans
maths] were oneof the essential elements of the civilised life, one which
could be used as a symbol of the romanisation of conquered
barbariansW.

...

'The argument which follows was derived from Nielsen
1.73-84).
For a different perspective on theromanization question in general, see Millett (1990), e s p . 6 5 103.
(1990:

the new Romans could build bath-houses and the otheressential components of a Roman t o m
A quotation from Tacitusr Aaricola highlights the roleof bath-houses in the romanization of the inhabitants ofBritannia:
Agricola had to deal with people living in isolationand ignorance, and therefore prone to fight; and his
object was to accustom them to a life of peace andquiet by the provision of amenities...Andso thepopulation was gradually led into the demoralizing
temptations of arcades, baths, and sumptuous banquets.
The unsuspecting Britons spoke of such novelties as'civilizationr, when in fact they were only a featureof their enslavement. (Aar., 22, trans. Mattingly (rev.
Handford), 1970: 72 & 73)

namque ut homines dispersi ac rudes eoque in bellafaciles quieti et otio per voluptatesadsuescerent ...p aulatimque discessum ad delenimenta
vitiorum, porticus et balineas et conviviorum
elegantiam. idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur,cum pars senritutis esset."Thus, military bath-houses seem to have played a rolein the romanization of some frontier regions. However, thiswas probably not a goal behind the construction of Hawarts
bath. Unlike the northern regions which had no pre-Roman
tradition of bath-house building, bath-houses had been built
in the hellenized regions of the Near East since the fourth
Nabataeans had travelled throughout the Nearcentury B.C.
East and, hence, were familiar with the bath-house- Indeed,
the Nabataeans themselves had built bath-houses before their"Tacitus does not seem to approve of lfAgricolatspolicyof civilising per v o l u ~ t a t e s(Dunbabin~~
1989 : 7 ) but Tacitusg
approval is not important for the present argument.
(Cf.
Furneaux & Andersonrs (1922: m i i ) praise for Agricola:
IILike many men of his age-andunlike his own son-in-law, if
we may judge from his cynical phrases---he [Agricola] saw theadvantage of diffusing Roman civilization in the provinces,
and, though he does not appear to have initiated this policyin Britain, he deserves praise for recognizing its merit andzealously forwarding it Ir).

territory became part of the Roman Empire.16 Consequently,
the Roman bath-house at Humeima would not have presented a
new concept to the indigenous inhabitants of Arabia.
Who used this bath-buildina?
Let us now turn away from the question of why thisbath-house existed and i n s t e a d consider who might have used
it. The bath-house at Hawar was built in conjunction with
the Roman fort, As a result, there is no doubt that the
primary clientele of this bath-house were the soldiers
stationed at the fort. In some Roman forts, there were also
additional bath-houses built to serve just the commanding
officer and, perhaps, the senior officers. Usually thesebath-houses were located inside the fort, adjoining thecommander's house (e-g. at Cilurnum and at Housesteads). No
evidence of such a bath-house has been found at Humeima(e.g. flue tiles or hypocaust tiles) and, given the scarcity
of furnace-fuel (to be discussed below), it is unlikely thatsuch a bath-house ever existed here. This means thatHawar's bath may have been used by both the enlisted men andthe officers.
In addition, this bath-house may have been used byother people as well. The Vindolanda tablets have revealed
that the commanding officer and some of the other officers
in a fort may have been accompanied by their families(Bowman 1994: 56-57), who would, no doubt, also have madeuse of the common bath-houseSlaves also apparently used bath-houses. There is
ample evidence that Roman soldiers kept slaves (see Speidel
1989; MacMullen 1984: 4 4 4 - 4 5 ) .

Special bath-houses forslaves have been postulated to exist at the Roman forts at"At Petra, Khirbet Moyat 'Awad and, maybe, at Mampsis;
hypocausted bath-houses were also built next to Nabataean
temples at Wadi Ramm, Sahir al-Baqar, and Sia but the dates ofthese bath-houses have not yet been determined.

Vindolanda and Deva. Since no such baths existed at Hawar,
it is possible that the soldiers' slaves--if there were any
at Hawar--also used the garrison's bath-house."
In other parts of the Empire, scholars assume that
local, non-military, people used a fort's bath-house,
especially where the bath-house was placed outside the fort
walls (e.g. Birley 1977: 37; Nielsen 1990: 1.74). Indeed,some scholars suggest that the militasr purposely built
bath-houses outside of forts so that they could be used by
the local people. Sommer (1989: 15) suggests that theposition of an external bath-house was meant ta suggest thegeneral direction outside of the fort in which the military
wished a new civilian settlement (vicus) to develop. The
civilsettlement at Humeima pre-dated the Roman fort.
The fort's bath-house was placed in the midst of thissettlement, in a renovated Nabataean structure, 150 m awayfrom the fort. If Hawarts bath-house was also intended to
be used by the civilian conmnuiity, it was in a good location
for this purpose.
Pinally, because Hawar was on the major north-southroad from the Red Sea to Syria, the bath-house might havealso been used by travellers. At other Roman forts, bathhouses were apparently made available to travelling military
personnel. At some forts, special baths might have been
provided for such travellers, whereas, at other forts themain bath-house would have been used." In addition,
f7Exanrples of slaves bathing: Apul. Met. 10.13-10.15,
Columella Rust. 1.6.19-1.6.20, CIL 2.5181,
1.6167, ,CIL
14.2978-9, Mart. i. 8.67; bath-house for slaves at
Vindolanda : Tab . Vindol . II 322 ; bath-house for slaves at Deva
(Chester): Webster 1985: 205.
,

"Special
bath-houses: e-g., baths
in mansio at
Vindolanda ; main bath-house : "other units on the move spending
the night under the shelter of the fort pitche& t h e i rtents.. .and could make use of the bath house independently of
the usual garrisonfl (Webster 1956: 45)

because Hawar was on an important trade route, it ispossible that non-military travellers might also have beenable to gain access to this bath-house."
Pliny (m 12.65)
reports that caravans paid al1 along their route for water,
for fodder, and for lodgings; some caravaneers might also
have paid for a bath.
Given that several different groups of people (i.e.
officers, enlisted men, families, slaves, local civilians,
and travellers) might have been using Hawar's bath-house,
there must have been some way of regulating the tirne eachgroup had access. This might have been done by assigning
different bathing times to different groups. The bathers
for a certain time or a certain day might also have been
given tickets. Lead disks, 12-21 mm in diameter, foundelsewhere in the Empire, probably served as admission tokens
for public baths. These objects resemble coins and areusually circular. They often have inscriptions relating toa specific bath-house and contain representations of bathing
equipment, bathers, or gods involved with bathing.20 One
such disk has been found in a military bath-house. This
thin lead disc, 12 mm in diameter, and stamped with anabbreviation for the leaio II Auausta was found in thefriaidarium drain of the fortress baths at Isca (Caerleon).
It has been tentatively interpreted as "an admission token
for civilians to the bathsw CG. C. Boon, reported in Rankov
et al. 1982: 4 2 0 ) Ostraca may also have been used in regulating entry toa military bath-house. A number of ostraca bearing the

19Gichon believes that, in the nearby Negev, %ursus
publicus and private travellers were particulary dependent
upon the military installations for rest, shelter andprotection, the more so since these posts controlled the water
sources which had to serve the traveller as w e l P (1974: 535).
''For
1.134-35.

a full discussion of bath-tokens, see Nielsen 1990 :names of Roman soldiers were found in bath-house strata from
Masada, The translators of these ostraca suggest they
served a function in the Roman armyrs administration of thebath-house (Cotton & Geiger 1989: 103-104). Perhaps they
were used as entry tokens,
Of course, it is not known for certain whether othergroups used Hawarfs bath-house, much less how M e i r usage
was regulated. Thus, in the following sections of thischapter I will concentrate on the bath-housefs probableprimary users: the Roman garrison at Hawar.
What time of dav was the bath-house used?

One interesting question to consider regarding thisbath-house is what time of day the military might have used
it. Civilians usually bathed in the late afternoon. The
tirne of the typical Roman bath seems to have been determinedby two factors. The first was that the bath-house achieved
the optimum bathing temperature in the afternoon. The
second was that the most convenient and efficient time tobathe was after the dayfs work had been completed but before
dinner. Thus, people were able to relax after work, andthen replenish w i t h dinner the fluids and energy they had
lost in the bath. 21
It is likely that these two factors (bath temperatureand efficient time-management) would also have influenced
the tirne of military baths. However, to the military, thesecond factor was, no doubt, the most important.
Consequently, one could argue that the soldiers would havebathed at whatever time of day their baths would be most'=For a discussion of civilian bathing times, see Nielsen
1990: 1.135-36.

convenient to their s~periors.*~ In this regard, soldiers
could be compared to slaves who bathed not when the watertemperature was the best, but when their absence would beleast disruptive to their masters. Thus, for example, thecook and the pastry-chef in Apuleius' Metamomhoses (10.1310.15) went to the baths after the master's dinner.
Similarly, Martial's ( E D ~ Q .8.67) house-slaves went to thebaths at a time when they were not needed to feed or bathe
their owner and at a time which seems to have been a ltdown
tirne" for the household (i.e. there was no water in thehouse nor fire in the kitchen).
Assuming that soldiers bathed at a time which was mostconvenient in terms of their activities, what time wouldthat would have been? It probably would not be morning or
early afternoon, because this type of bath is very relaxing
and it would not be good to relax the soldiers before they
had completed their work. Thus the late afternoon or early
evening would seem to be a more appropriate time. Moreover,since the soldiersr work involved physical activity, a bathafter they had completed this work would have had theadvantage of relaxing their muscles.
Literary evidence relating to the time of military
baths is very scarce, but the little evidence there is
supports the hypothesis that Roman soldiers would havebathed in the late afternoon/early evening. Fronto relates
that Lucius V e r u s , in command of a field army, bathed after
the business of the day was completed and before dinner(Princ. Hist. 13). Julius Caesar, also in command of afield army, bathed before dinner while he was billeting with
22Josephus (&3 3.85ff. ) reports that the daily routine of
Roman soldiers was very structured; e.g., "The hour for supperand breakfast is not left to individual discretion: al1 taketheir meals together. The hours for sleep, sentinel-duty, andrising are announced by the sound of M e trumpet: nothing isdone without a word of commandw (BJ 3.86-87, trans. Thackeray
1927: 601 & 603).

a client king (Cic. Deiot. 17). Another client king, Herodthe Great, bathed in the evening after winning an important
battle (Joseph. BJ 1.340-1.341,
144.62-14.463).
Finally,
in a letter recorded in S.H.A.,*'
Septirnius Severus
cornplains that undisciplined tribunes are bathing in the
middle of the day (S.H.A., Pesc. Niaer 3). This suggeststhat the middle of the day was the wrong time for soldiers
to bathe.
The most important evidence, however, regarding thetime at which the soldiers stationed at a fort might bathe
cornes from Herodian. In Historv 4.4, Herodian relates how
Caracalla murdered his brother Geta and then ordered theguards to convey him to the military camp for safety. Whenhe arrived in the camp some of the soldiers were bathing:After the murder Caracalla was the first to jump up andrun from the chamber. Rushing through the wholepalace, he shouted out that he had escaped a great
danger and only just been saved. He ordered the palace
guards to take him away and conduct him to the militarycamp since he knew he would be safely protected there.
If he remained in the palace building, he declared, hewould be destroyed. The soldiers believed him, since
they had no idea of what had been done inside, and sothey al1 nished outsi.de with him as he ran out at fullspeed. There was confusion among the populace when
they saw the emperor corne running quickly through the
middle of the city at nightfall. Bursting into thecamp and the temple where the standard and the imagesof the soldiers are worshipped, Antoninus threw himself
on the ground. Then he offered thanks and made asacrifice for his safety. When the news circulated
among the soldiers, as some were alreadv takina theirbaths and others slee~inq[hv oi pÈv 46q r e p i lou~pd!
c i ~ o voi 6 è (rv~nalov~o],they al1 hurridly mustered in"As with the other documents in S.H.A-, this letter wasprobably not really written by the alleged author (Septimius
Severus) but rather by the author of this biography (see Magie
1922: x x - x x i ) . There is a great deal of debate about who thisauthor was (for a brief sununary of the issue, see Conte 1994:
650-52 & 675).
Authorship aside, however, these documents,
probably written between 390 and 420 (Conte 1994: 651), areuseful for the attitudes they reveal regarding the bathing
behavior of Roman soldiers.

a panic. (trans. Whittaker 1969: 3 9 3 )The camp Caracalla goes to is probably the praetoriancamp in Rome, although an argument could be made for thecamp of the lecrio II Parthica at ~lbanum." At the time ofa i s event the camp at Albanum had at least one bath-houseand the praetorian camp in Rome probably did also?
Therefore, the soldiers in the camp mentioned were most
likely bathing in a bath-house. The time of their bath canbe inferreci from this passage, and from other authors who
describe Caracalla's entry into the camp, as taking place inthe e ~ e n i n g . ~ Together~
with the previous passages, thiscamp vignette suggests that the proper time for a military
bath was in the late afternoon/early evening.*'
241nHerodian's version, Caracalla spends the night in an
unspecified camp, and bribes the soldiers there, before goingto address the senate . In the version given in S .HOA. (Carac.
2), Caracalla bribes the soldiers at Albanum before going toaddress the senate. However, from the sloppy organization ofthis story, it is not clear whether Caracalla had spent thenight with the soldiers in the praetorium camp or t h e soldiersin Albanum. Cassius Diors ( 7 8 . 3 ) account does not identify
the camp either.
*On the bath-house at Albanum, see Appendix A. No bathhouse is as yet known in the praetorian camp at Rome but very
little of the camp has been excavated; there is evidence that
another military camp in Rome, the Castra Peremina, had its
own bath-house (see Richardson 1992: 7 8 ) , and the castra novaof the horse guards might have also (see Speidel 1 9 9 4 : 1 2 8 &fig. 10).

"Herodian: Caracalla a n s through the city on his way tothe camp r a p i 6 ~ f l q v (around afternoon, late afternoon orevening) ; Cassius Dio 78.3.1 : Caracalla arrives in the camp at
É o a ~ p a s (evening).
'?The passage in Ammianus Marcellinus, 26.6.14, where
Procopius visits the legionaries in a bath at d a m should not
be taken as contrary evidence. Ammianus Marcellinus statesthat the legions had set up their standards in the bath (ubis i m a ) ; thus, the legion was apparently using thislocatabuilding as its headquarters.
The translations of thispassage by Rolfe (1940) and Yonge (1894) support thisinterpretation.
Similarly, after the sixth century, bath-...

The location of the heated rooms in Humeima's bath isconsistent with the idea that this bath-house would bave
been used in the late afternoon/early evening. In his
discussion of bath-houses, Vitruvius recommends that theheated rooms face west or south if one is to bathe between
midday and evening:
Now M e hot and tepid baths are to be lighted from thewinter west; but if the nature of the site prevents, at
any rate from the south. For the time of bathing isfixed between midday and evening. (De Arch. 5.10.1,
trans. Granger 1931: 303)

Ipsa autem caldaria tepidariaque lumen habeant ab
occidente hiberno, si autem natura loci inpedierit,utique a meridie, quod maxime tempus lavandi a
neridiano ad vesperum est constitutum.
At Humeima, the sweat-room is on t h e south-west corner ofthe building. It is not known whether it contained windows
but pieces of what might be window glass were found in thecalidarium. The calidarium was located on the southern sideof the building and its outer wall faced south. In
addition, Room E which, in its earliest bath-house stage had
contained a hypocaust, was on the western side of thebuilding. Therefore, on the basis of the physical layout of
Humeimars bath-house, and on the literary evidence discussed
above, 1 tentatively conclude that the Roman soldiers at
Hawar would have used the bath in the late afternoon andearly evening.
How often was this bath-buildina used?
There is very little evidence one can draw on to answer
the question of how often Humeimafs bath-house would havebeen used. In spite of assertions in the secondary sources

houses were sometimes used for(Karpozilos et al. 1991: 271).

Byzantinearmybarracks

that Roman soldiers stationed at a fort bathedwregularlytn,2'1 have found almost nothing in the primaryor secondary sources to suggest how often ntregularly"
actually wasThe only primary document 1 know of which is relevantto this question is a duty roster from Egypt for the legio
III Cvrenaica (Fink 1971: #9 = PGenLat 1). ~ h i sroster
lists the daily work assignments for October 1 throughOctober 10, A.D. 87 for 31 m e m b e r s of the legion. With the
exception of October 2, one to three soldiers were working
at the baths every day. On the basis of this one document,
it is hard to know whether this legionfs bath-house was indaily use (assuming that someone on another duty roster was
working there October 2) or whether it was used only
occasionally but that a record of one of these occasions
just happened to survive. The secret to how often thislegionrs, or any garrisonrs, bath-house would have been usedprobably depended on the availability of water and fuel, apoint to which 1 shall return in a moment.
Among the secondary sources, the only attempt 1 know of
to calculate how often the soldiers garrisoned at a Roman
fort could use the fort's bath-house was made by De Vries(in press: 4). He calculated that each legionary at elLejjun, in Arabia, could have bathed once every 3 weeks.
However, his calculation is based on s o m e questionableassumptions, one of which is that the bath-house was indaily use.
The problem with the assumption t b a t ~ejjun's bath wasused continuously is that Roman baths required a constant
supply of raw materials ( L e . water and fuel) to remain in
operation. In the t o m s , citizens contributed to theprovisioning of public baths, thus allowing such baths to"Le Bohec 1994:
twregularbathstt.

160:

wregularlyn; Evans

1986:

75:

remain in daily ~ p e r a t i o n . ~On~ private estates, there wasno need to keep the baths in continuous operation. At Pliny
the Youngerts villa at Laurentum, the bath-bouse furnace wasonly fired up when Pliny was in residence (Pliny, ED. 2.17).
Presumably, keeping the bath in operation when the master
was absent would have been a waste of fuel and/or water,
In order to speculate on whether the bath-house at
Hawar was in continuous, frequent, or infrequent operation,
one needs to consider the possible sources of water and fuelon which it could draw. Because it was attached to the
Nabataean aqueduct which had a discharge of 1.72 l/sec(Eadie & Oleson 1986: 6 8 ) , there would have been enoughwater to keep the bath-house in continuous operation. Fuelfor the furnace, however, was probably scarce.
Forbes (1966) lists the main fuels for hypocausts aswood, charcoal and coal. Locally available coal was used insome rnilitary baths in Britannia (Forbes 1966: 2 0 ) , but it
was not generally used elsewhere in the Empire and wasprobably not used at Hawar, as there was no regional source.
Charcoal may have been used at Hawar, but it could not havebeen made there because of the lack of suitable wood,'O
Hence, if charcoal was used at Hawar, it would have had tobe carried in, Although lighter than wood, charcoal is more
expensive, and it seems unlikely that it would have been an
economical energy source for a relatively large-scale"In the Late Republic and Early Empire, individuals often
gave money for the procurernent of Fuel and w a t e r for publicbaths (Nielsen 1990: 1.122-25).
In Late Antiquity, the money
was often obtained by taxes: e.g., Cod, Theod. 15.1.32 (A.D.
3 9 5 ) : "We assign a third part of the income from the fams
belonging to a municipality to be used for the repair ofpublic works and the heating of bathsm (trans. Pharr 1959:
427).
For more on the provisioning of public baths, seeNielsen 1990: 1.122-25.
''Themajority of the wood at Hawar would have probably
shrubs (see below) which Theophrastus (Hist. Plant.
5.9.3) says are inappropriate for conversion to charcoal,

been

.

consumerOf the main bath-fuels, this leaves only wood as alocally obtainable source of fuel for Hawar's bath.
Unfortunately, there never would have been very much wood
available at Humeima. In this desert environment, both wild
and cultivated trees were (and are) rare. Literature fromthe early Islamic period, based on 200 years of oral
tradition, states that a patriarch of the Abbasid family had
a grove of 500 olive trees at Humeima in the seventh century(Schick forthcoming). Given the climate at Humeima, Oleson(forthcoming [b]) has speculated that a special microcatchment system of irrigation would have had to be set up
for every one of these trees, in order to ensure theirsurvival. In the Roman period, micro-catchments might havebeen used to support some trees at Humeima, but, given thelabour required to support trees here, it is not likely that
there were ever many trees at Humeima. It is also unlikelythat such specially maintained trees would have everprovided much in the way of fire-wood, except when they were
pruned ''The most prevalent source of wood at the site today is
the Jointed Saltwood bush (Haloxvlon articulatum) which thelocal bedouin use to make their tea-fires. Carbonizedremains of this bush, found in the furnace, produced a ''C
date of A.D. 350 + 60, suggesting that the Romans had used
it to fuel the bath-house (Oleson, reported in De Vries
1991: 271). The excavator of a bath-house at Mampsis, in
the Negev desert, also believes that its bath-house was.

"Of course, if there were hundreds of olive trees on thesite in the Umayyad period, their lees and pits would haveprovided another potential source of fuel. Olive waste wasused as a source of fuel in another Umayyad period bath (Qasr
al-Hayr East: Extra-Muros Baths) but there is no evidence that
this source of fuel was used at Umayyad period Humeima.
Moreover, there is no evidence that this grove of olive trees
existed at Humeima in the Roman or Byzantine periods.

fuelled by desert shrubs since no other fuel was a n i l a b l e
in the region (Negev 1988: 169). However, the Jointed
Saltwood bush would not have been a very efficient source of
fuel: "It produces a very hot flame, but for only a shorttirne, and enormous quantities must have been needed to heat
the Bath Buildingm (Oleson 1990: 160). These bushes are
fairly prevalent around Humeima (c. 8 bushes every 100 sq.

m.) but the region would have been quickly de-bushed if
Jointed Saltwood was frequently used to heat the bath.
Thus, there was little fuel locally available at
Humeima with which to fire the bath-furnace. However,charcoal might have been brought in, and it is possible thatwood might have been brought in also. A morning reportcovering 4 days in late March c. A.D. 233 from Dura Europos
lists one man being sent to collect firewood for thebath^.'^ Other men listed in the same document have been
sent to collect wheat, to escort the barley-collectors, havebeen detailed to the headquarters of the governor withletters, or have been sent to Becchufrayn on detachment.
These tasks are listed among the business for a particularday. For each task, the assignment is listed, the number ofs o l d i e r s assigned and their identity, and whether thesoldiers are missi or reversi (sent or returned). Given the
structure of this document, it is obvious that these tasks
require more than a single day to complete. Since only one
man is being sent to collect firewood for the bath, andsince firewood was probably hard to obtain around Dura
(Welles et a l . 1959: 278 n . 9), it seems more likely that
this soldier is going to requisition firewood than tocollect it himself.

32PDura 8 2 = Fink 1971 # 4 7 : missus lia balnei mil iniarini zebidas barnei, "sent: to collect wood for the bath,one soldier, of the century of Nigrinus, Zebidas, son ofBarneus. . . I t (trans: Campbell 1 9 9 4 : 112)-

Roman military supplies were often obtained byrequisition: lrDocumentsfrom Egypt record soldietscollecting tunics, cloaks, blankets, and garments; palm
ropes; oil for cooking, lighting, and bathing; weapons;hides; chaff for euel and fodderN (Davies 1974: 316).
Sometimes troops could travel a great distance torequisition supplies: "Cahors 1 His~anorum,based in
Maceconia, had men in Gaul to collect corn and clothingIq(Davies 1974: 316). Consequently, although there wasprobably insufficient wood at Hawar to run the bath very
often, it is possible that the army brought in additional
wood and charcoal for the furnace. Indeed, fuel seems tohave been obtained for military baths in Egypt in this way(Lesquier 1918: 354-57). Sirnilarly, in Britannia, %oai
was...carted to Roman forts, where it was used in the
furnaces of bathsIq (Forbes 1966: 26)
If wood was shipped into Hawarrs fort, it would have tohave corne from a well-watered region which was relatively
nearby. This was presumably the southern region of the
Jordanian Plateau, in particular the al-Sharar escarpment,
which was 550 m higher than the Hisma desert (and hence
received more rainfall), and was linked to Hawar by the Via
Nova Traiana, There were oak forests in this area in
antiquity but, as a result of extensive exploitation, al1that remains today of these forests is Irscattered residual
scrubn (Hart 1986: 338). Wood shipped from this region
would only have taken a few days to reach Hawarts garrison.
In addition to charcoal and wood, there are some otherpossible fuels which could have been used at Hawar. Forbes.""For more information on how Near Eastern garrisonsobtained their supplies, see Lesquier 1918: 349-75.
Almost nothing is, as yet, known about the supplies
shipped to Hawarrs garrison.
Large quantities of oyster
shells found in the fort in 1995 indicate that shell fish was
brought from the Red Sea for this desert garrison.

(1966: 14) mentions that chaff, straw, and dried dung were

frequently used as fuels in the ancient Near East. Several
military documents from Egypt record the arriva1 of
shipments of chaff apparently destined for bath fuel.34
Dung is used as a fuel for Islamic baths,15 and, more
specifically, came1 dung is apparently still used as a cheap
fuel for Near Eastern potters and lime-burners (Forbes 1966:15). Dung was used as a primary source of fuel at theArabian fort of Lejjun (Parker 1984: 37), but 1 have notbeen able to ascertain whether it was used in Lejjun's bathhouse. Given the scarcity of fuel at Humeima, dung from thelocal camels, sheep, and goats might have been used in thebath-furnace.
The upshot of this discussion of the possible fuels
used in HawarCs bath-house is that, with the exception of
Jointed Saltwood, it is not known which fuels would havebeen used. This summer we hope to test the feasibility ofsome of the hypothesized bath-house fuels. The frequency
with which this bath-house could operate would have depended
on the availability of fuel. Until we can make stronger
assertions about the fuel used, we cannot answer thequestion of how often this bath would have been operational.

How did the soldiers usina the bath-house bathe?
The interior of HumeimaCs bath-house was cleared out
earlier this century by a local inhabitant. As a result,the original cultural deposits inside the bath do not'4See Lesquier 1918: 3 5 5 - 5 6 : Bülow-Jacobsen (1992: 111-12)
likewise suggests the chaff shipments in OClaud 124 & 125
might have been destined for bath fuel ; OTz
l 6 4 l f f , cited inDavies 1974: 316 n. 32, also lists chaff ~ e i n gcollected by
the army as fuel and fodder.

+"One of M e personnel positions listed for Islamic bathhouses in both the tenth century and the twentieth century
translates as "superintendent of the supply of dung-fuel forthe furnace" (Sourdel-Thomine 1971: 140).

survive.

However, the manner in which bathers used thisbuilding can be surmised by reference to other Roman baths.
Hawarfs bath-house contained the same type of rooms as
are found in bath-houses throughout the Roman Empire.
Consequently, the soldiers stationed at Hawar probably
bathed in a similar fashion to Romans anywhere in the
Empire. Having said that, 1 should point out that tnere wasapparently no fixed pattern for using the roorns in the Roman
bath: persona1 preferences influenced the order and method
in which people used the existing rooms (Yegiil 1992: 39).
The description which follows should give an idea of how
typical soldiers might have used Hawar8s bath-house.
Upon entering Hawarfs bath-house, the bathers went intoan a~odvterium (changing room) where they changed out of
their clothes and put on sandals to protect their feet fromthe heated floors. N e x t , they probably headed straight
through the unheated room on their way to the sweat room.
Here, they would tub oil over their body and then lounge on
the bench until a good sweat was built up. The sweat, alongwith oil, dirt, and lose skin would then be scraped off
using a curved strigil, usually made of metal. Then thebathers would go into the calidarium (or hot-room) where
they would rinse themselves off by pouring bowlfuls ofheated water over their head and body. After rinsing in thecalidarium, the bathers would retrace their path to thesweat room where they might stay a little longer before
going into the unheated room called a friaidarium. Herethey would use shallow bowls to scoop up cold water from abasin and then pour the cold water over their bodies toclose their pores. They would then be rubbed down withtowels and might, perhaps, be anointed with perfumed oil.
Finally, the bathing process ended back in the a~odvterium
where, after they changed, the bathers could stretch out on
the benches and relax.
Examples of the bath equipment used by soldiers have

been found in military contexts, "Gallic shoes...for thebaths" are mentioned in a document from the fort ofVindolanda ( T a b . Vindol. II 197, trans, Bowman 61 Thomas1994). Four wooden slip-on sandals, found at Vindolanda,
have been tentatively identified as such bath shoes (Birley
1977: 125-126 & Fig. 38). Towels (sudaria) are alsomentioned in the Vindolanda tablets (Tab. Vindol. II 184).
In addition, one of the translators of the Vindolanda
tablets has speculated that a substance listed as sebum(tallow) might have been used as soap (Tab. Vindol. II 184,
on interpretation, see Bowman 1994: 77). However, theRomans generally used bath oil instead of soap. Bath-oil ismentioned in a military document from Egypt (PSI 683, citedin Davies 1974: 316). The oil used by some soldiers may
even have been scented. Scented unguents were apparently
present in the camps, since Pliny (m 13.4) mentions thatthey were used to anoint the standards and eagles onholidays. Finally, a strigil has been found in the bathhouse of the Roman fortress of Isca (Caerleon) (Rankov etal. 1982: 4 2 0 ) .
Another accessory commonly used by Roman bathers was abath-attendant. Bath attendants might serve as c a ~ s a r i i(who guarded the bathers' clothes), unctores or a l i ~ t a e(whoanointed the bathers and acted as masseurs), as perfusores(who poured water over the bathers), or as a l i ~ i l i (whoplucked out the bathers' a m - p i t hair). Sometimes, a single
attendant, referred to as a balneator perfomed al1 of theseduties. In civilian contexts, the positions of Roman bathattendants were filled by slaves or people of low social
status ' 6
That an attendant was an important piece of bathing
equipment is illustrated by a story about the Emperor

.

'
O
n

Roman bath attendants, see Nielsen 1990: 1.125-31.

Hadrian :''He often bathed in the public baths, even with thecommon crowd. And a jest of his made i n the bathbecame famous. For on a certain occasion, seeing aveteran, whom he had known in service, rubbing his backand the rest of his body against the wall, he asked him
why he had the marble rub him, and when the man repliedthat it was because he did not own a slave, he
presented him with some slaves and the cost of theirmaintenance. But another tirne, when he saw a number ofold men rubbing themselves against the wall for the
purpose of arousing the generosity of the Emperor, heordered them to be called out and then to rub one
another in turn. (S.H.A. Hadr. 17.5., tram. Magie
1922: 53)

publice frequenter et cum omnibus lavit. e x quo ille
iocus balnearis innotuit: narn curn quodam tempore
veteranum quendam notum sibi i n militia dorsum etceteram partem corporis vidisset adterere parieti,
percontatus , cur se mannoribus destringendum daret , u b i
audivit hoc idcirco fieri quod servum non haberet, etservis eum donavit et sumptibus . v e r u m alia die cum
p l u e s senes ad provocandam liberalitatem principis
parieti se adtererent, evocari eos iussit et alium ab
alio invicem defricari.
Notice that when asked why he was scraping against themarble, the veteran did not reply %ecause 1 do not have astrigilm but rather "because 1 do not have a slaven.
Hadrian, in return, does not give him a strigil, but rather
gives hirn slaves. Later, Hadrian does not require each man
to strigil himself, but rather to strigil each other. The
advantage of having someone else handling the strigil isthat there are sorne places which must have been hard toreach on oners own body. This service would have been but
one of the advantages of having an attendant in the baths.
There is some evidence that people serving in the
military had their own bath attendants. A letter,
supposedly written by the Emperor Valerian to the procurator
37Thisstory is not necessarily true. However, in orderto make sense to its readers, even a fictitious story- mustcontain plausible details. Here it is the details which
concern US .

of Syria, lists the privileges which are to be accorded to a
new tribune in M e Fifth Legion. Amongst the entitlements
which t h i s man is to be given is listed one bath attendant(balneatorem unum, S.H.A., Deified Claudius 14). Anotherillustration of a military bath attendant cornes from
Procopius. Procopius (Pers. 1.13.29-.32)
relates the storyof l'a certain Andreas, one of the persona1 attendants of
Bouzes ...[who] was following the army, for he cared for the
person of Bouzes in M e bath" ('Avép(crs 6 h j v rLs k v rois
Bofi<oU O ~ K E C O I S 7 4 O T P Q T ~E ~ T E T O , &TC T O ~BOUCOU O ~ P ~ T O S
k v Balovefq kripdobpevos, trans. Dewing 1914: 111). These
two examples illustrate that fact that some officers had
their own bath attendants. An example from Josephus could
be t a k e n to mean that enlisted men also had bath attendants.
Describing a post-battle visit to a bath-house by Herod theGreat, JosepCus reports:
That evening, Herod having dismissed his companions torefresh themselves after their fatigues, went himself
just as he was, yet hot from the fight, to take a bath,like any common soldier, for only a single slave
attended him. (m 1.340, trans. Thackeray 1927: 159)...

'Hp66qs 68 ~ p 6 s&onSpav f i 6 1 706s @ f l o u s rerpqr6ros &ai
8cpanci (r TOU O ~ ~ L I T O61a@disS
ai ai)rOs OS q v Ert 0éppOsCK TOV 5 n h w A,ouo6pavos f i a i Q T ~ C Y TOLT ~ K < ~ T E P O V .é i s YOUVa h 3 rai s E ~ ~ E T O .
The statement Aouo6p~vosfiel O T P Q T L ~ T I K ~ T C ~ O €Vi .s yoûv ai)?+
R Q ~ SE ~ T E T O seems to imply that Herod was acting like acommon soldier because he was accompanied by a single slave.
It is, therefore, possible that bath attendants might
have been available to serve the soldiers at Hawar. Romansoldiers commonly kept slaves and Speidel (1989) has argued
that cavalry soldiers had personal slaves. A soldierrs own
slave could have assisted him in the bath, or Company slaves
might have regularly worked as bath attendants. Anotherpossibility is that local people might have been hired asbath attendants. Finally, soldiers listed as on bath-dutyin the military records might also have served as persona1

bath attendants; however, it is just as likely that theirjob was to stoke M e furnaces."
Conclusion
Unless military documents are found at Humeima which
detail the use of the garrison's bath-house, any conclusions
made about the use of this building will have to remaintentative. However, as 1 have attempted to show, it ispossible to use the scant primary and secondary material tocreate logical arguments for the probable function and useof this military bath-house.

JeSoldiers on bath-duty:
1979.643, translated asCampbell, 1994, #181, pp. 112-13: part of a daily report from
Bu-Njem, Tripolitania, early 3rd century AD, 2 soldiers listed
as being llat the bath"; PGenLat 1, verso, part v = Fink (1971)#9: duty rost.er (table of names by dates with duties writtenin) of the Legio III Cyrenaica, several entries of ballio
which Premerstein, cited in Fink, p. 112 entry 3a, translatesa s "on bath dutyIt : PMich 455a&b = Fink (1971) #52, possibly amorning report from 3rd century AD, unit unknown, list of men
assigned to duties includes nCVSTODIARUM BAL IItt where BAL
probably (but not necessarily) equals balnei (Fink 1971: 203,n e 8).

cH2wmR4

Conclusion and Recommendations for Future Research
In A . D . 106, the Roman Emperor Trajan annexed the
Nabataean kingdom, and thereby created the Roman province ofArabia. Shortly after that, a Roman fort was built next to
the Nabataean settlement of Hawar. Perhaps at the same t h ebut, at any rate, during the Roman era, a military bathhouse was built outside the fort, on the edge of thecivilian settlement.
My purpose in this thesis bas-been to place this bathhouse in its architectural and social-cultural context. To
facilitate this process, 1 collected comparative informationon other bath-houses associated with Roman forts, and onother bath-houses built in the ancient Near East. In
addition, 1 examined Roman and Byzantine literary accounts,
and military records, to obtain primary documentation
relating to the use of Roman (and Byzantine) military baths.
The information obtained was integrated into the first
three chapters of this thesis, along with relevant
information from secondazy works. Chapter 1 first provided
an introduction to the site and history of Humeima, and thenreviewed the cultural significance of bathing to the Romans,
and the evidence for military bathing practices. Chapter 2
discussed architectural aspects of Humeimafs bath, andcompared it to other baths associated with Roman forts andwith other baths built in the ancient Near East. This
analysis found that in terms of its placement, size, simple
plan, lack of elaborate decoration, and date ofconstruction, this bath-house was typical of the castellum
batfis found throughout the Roman world. Moreover, the dateof its renovation was not unusual in respect to other Near
Eastern baths. Chapter 3 sought to recreate the socialcultural atmosphere in which Humeimalsbath existed while
addressing important questions about its function (why did

the Roman a m built this bath-house, who would have used
it, what time of day would it have been used, how often
would it have been used, and llow would the soldiers using it
have bathed) . The analysis of these questions drew heavily
on primary documentation to present reasoned discussions ofeach of these questions.
The results of the present body of work cannot produce
a definitive series of statements on why this building wasbuilt as it was, and how it was used. Indeed, suchdefinitive statements are only rarely possible inarchaeological work. However, as a result of theseinvestigations, we now have a better understanding of thearchitectural and social contexts in which this small
military bath was built and used.
At the b e g i ~ i n gof this thesis 1 pointed out that the
milita- structures at Humeima could rnake important
contributions to our understanding of Roman Arabia and the
Roman Near East. The topic of this thesis, the bath-houseat Kumeima, is an important building for several reasons.
The first is that it represents a typical Roman military
bath in a region in which few of these structures are known.
The bath-house at Humeima was built by, and for, thesoldiers at a Roman fort. Bathing was an important aspectof Roman culture, and people throughout the Roman Empire
used hypocausted bath-houses regularly, including soldiers
garrisoned at Roman forts. The importance of such baths in
Roman militam life is amply demonstrated by the frequency
with which hypocausted bath-houses have been identified at
Roman forts. Appendix A contains over 170 such examples.
Unfortunately, however, the vast majority of the known
military bath-houses are located in the northern frontier
provinces (especially Britannia); whereas , only a handful
are from the Near East .
The paucity of identified military baths in the Near
East probably does not mean that the Roman army did nota) '14
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106.' This would make it an important structure forinvestigating the transition from Nabataean to Roman Arabia.
Moreover, Humeimalsbath was not cnly used by thepeople who built it. It was probably also used bycivilians, and it was used after the end of the Roman era.
Thus, to archaeologists and social historians, the bathhouse at Humeima is also important because it represents anarchitectural and cultural constant within the evolving
dimensions of a local comrmuiity. When the bath-house wasbuilt, the civilian settlement at Hawar was composed
primarily of indigenous Nabataeans,,and the fort was
occupied by Roman soldiers most likely from out-ofprovince.' Later, in the late fourth/early fifth century,
the fort was apparently garrisoned by native Arabians,' butthese indigenous inhabitants, and their civiliancounterparts, would not have been culturally identical tothose present on the site 2-300 years earlier. Indeed, onedifference is that many now probably worshipped theChristian god instead of the ancient Nabataean gods.'
Another new element was added to the cultural mosaic ofHumeima in 686/687 when the site was purchased by a memberof the Abbasid farnily. It is not certain that the bath'On the dating of the bath, see above, chapter 2.

'Speidel s (1977: 719-20) analysis of the early Arabiangarrisons would suggest that Hawarts garrison was nonNabataean .
Kennedy and Graf's alternative hypothesis(reported in Isaac 1990: 132-33) would suggest that somesoldiers would have been non-Nabataean,but, perhaps, o n l y theofficers.

(Qr. 34.25) records that a'The Notitia Dianitatuni. . indicrenae
garrison of gauites saaittaru
was stationed there.
4 A t Petra, sixth centuzy scrolls record Christianinhabitants with Nabataean names (Koenen 1995: 10).
At
Humeima, the stage II renovations of the bath-house coincidewith the Late Byzantine construction of four or f ive churcheson the site (see above, chapter 2).

house remained in operation after the Abbasids purchased thesite;' however, if it did, its early Islamic patrons would
also have differed culturally from al1 previous patrons of
the bath-house. Thus, from both a social and architectural
standpoint, it is significant that although the cultural
make-up of Humeimarsinhabitants changed over tirne, theirneed for a bath-house did n o t .
Finally, the bath at Humeima is irrrportant because theinformation collected about it cari now be used to explore
additional questions about milita- and Near Eastern baths.
Below are a few examples.
As 1 mentioned previously, Humeimarsbath may be one of
the first baths built by the Roman a m y after the annexationof Arabia. Therefore, because of its early date and Roman
builders, this bath could be useful to anyone interested ininvestigating the transition from the pre-Roman baths built
by the Nabataeans to the Roman baths built in the former
Nabataean kingdom. In particular, the design features ofthis bath could be useful for investigating the relative
influences of local traditions versus training and previous
experience on the design of military baths. Bath-houses
were built in the Nabataean kingdom before it was annexed by
the Romans. After it was annexed, the original garrisonsprobably came from out-&-province; the legionary forces
certainly did (Speidel 1977: 719-20). Thus, the architect
who designed Humeimalsbath-house was probably not
Nabataean. It would be interesting, therefore, to compare
this bath both with earlier Nabataean baths and with earlier
baths built in the province of the military architectls
previous posting (perhaps Aegyptus) .
'This topic is discussed in Appendix C.
6The lesio III: Cvrenaica was transferred from Aegyptus.
Other early units stationed in Arabia came from Syria andJudaea (see Speidel 1977: 719).

Also, as regards the question of the importance of
local building traditions, it might be interesting tocompare the hypocausted baths built by several different
groups before their territories came under Roman control.
Thus, it would be interesting to compare hypocausted baths
built in the Nabataean kingdom, the Jewish kingdom, ParthianDura Europos, and Hellenistic Syria. Such a comparison
might reveal different cultural biases in bath-house design
which might also differ from the design of Roman baths built
by non-indigenous troops. Of course, in any suchinvestigation, special consideration will have to be takenof the tirne-period in which the baths were built. For
example, the presence of nidbrick hypocaust pilae in both a
Seleucid bath at Tel Anafa and a Herodian bath at Masada(Baths on Lowest Terrace of the Northern Palace) may be as
indicative of an early stage in hypocaust development as ashared cultural bias in building materials.' In addition,
it must be remembered that there was an architectural andcultural interchange between these cultures before they
becarne nRomanN. On a large scale, this is illustrated by
the mere presence of hypocausted bath-houses throughout the
pre-Roman Near East and, on a small scale, it is illustrated
by the presence of Nabataean motifs in a Jewish villa bathat Khirbet el-Muraq.
Another interesting idea for future research would be
to compare the bathing facilities available to soldiers fromHellenistic times up until the end of the Byzantine period.
Of interest would be the degree to which bathing facilities
in Nabataean forts (e.g. Homat Ma9agura) and Jewish forts( c g . Ramat Hanadiv) might have influenced later
Roman/Byzantine military bath-houses in the same regions.

'Cf. Barag 1967: 250: Sun-dried bricks were one of themost common building materials in the ancient Near East but
kiln-fired bricks were uriknown before the Roman period.

In such a comparison, the bath-house a t Hawar would be
useful as a typical example of a Roman-period çastellum
bath-house, external to its fort.
Finally, as regards Humeimavsbath-house itself,
another t o p i c worthy of further attention is the possibility
that this bath-house was used by travellers. Humeima was on
the caravan routes in the Nabataean, Roman and Early Islamic
periods.' At other caravan stops, in a l 1 these periods,
bathing facilities have been found which may have been usedby travelle~s.~It is, therefore, possible that Humeimafs
bath-house was also used by travellers. Of course,
Humeimarsbath-house was considerably smaller than the"Extra-Muros Bathsw at Qasr al-Hayr East but it wasapproximately equal in size to the baths at Qasr el Mushah
postulated to have been used by travellers (see Bisheh 1989:
88). Humeimalsbath was also probably larger and moreelaborate than some of the unhypocausted facilities provided
at other road stops such as Horvat Malaguraand Maliatha.
The main advantage to allowing travellers to use
Humeimafsbath is that i f (non-military)bathers werecharged an entrance fee, this service could have provided a'In Nabataean and Roman tintes i t was on the main northsouth route from Bostra to the Red Sea. In the Umayyad
period, "It was located near the pilgrimage route, so . . .many
travellers used to pass throughfl(Schick 1994: 150). That the
Via Nova s Red Sea port (~qab3)w a s still heavily involved inoverland caravan trade at the end of the Byzantine period/
begiming of the Umayyad period is demonstrated by the termsof Aqabats surrender to the Muslims: Vhis is a guarantee from
God G d Muhammad the prophet, t h e apostle of GO^, to Yuhannab. Rulba and the people of Ayla [Aqaba], for their ships andtheir caravans by land and sea.. .It is not permitted that theyshall be restrained from. . .using their roads by land or sean
(extracts from Schick 1992: 112).

'E .g. Khirbet el-Khan (date unknown), Horvat Maragura(Nabataean), Maliatha (Nabataean and R o m ) , mirbet Moyat'Awad (~abataean[and Roman?1 ) , Qasr al-Hayr East : ~ x t r a - M U ~ O S
Baths (Umayyad), Qasr el Mushah (~mayyad [or Byzantinel),
Sahir al-Baqar (Nabataean or Roman).

source of income for the people who controlled the bath(i.e. the garrison)
Baths (via entrance fees) were used
to generate money for their owriers in both Roman (Nielsen
1990: 1.124-25) and early Islamic (Morony 1984: 269-70)
times. At a xoad station like Hawar travellers might havebeen allowed to use the garrisonfsbath for a fee. Pliny(m 12.65) reports that caravaneers were accustomed to pay
al1 along their route for water, fodder, and lodgings. They
might also have been enticed to pay for a bath. At other
Roman forts, extra weapons, tools, and tiles were apparently
fabricated to be sol6 or bartered outside the camp as asource of revenue (Campbell 1994: 121). Perhaps fort baths,
such as Hawarls, could also have been used as a source ofrevenue for the military. Additionally, after the t o m was
no longer garrisoned, the bath might have served as a sourceof revenue for Hawar's civilian inhabitants. More researchneeds to be done into the role of baths at caravan stops
before this possibility can be addressed adequately.
In terms of architectural and social history, the bathhouse at Humeima is an intriguing structure. It was built
by soldiers but was likely also used by civilians andtravellers. It was built by Roman pagans but was probably
also used by Nabataean pagans and Byzantine Christians, aswell as, perhaps, the early followers of Islam (see Appendix
C). It was built in a water- and fuel-poor region and, inorder to function, relied on the importation of water and,perhaps, fuel. Given the difficulties of running a bathhouse in the desert, the fact that it remained in use for
hundreds of years is strong testimony to the importance ofbath-houses in the cultural l i f e of Humeima's inhabitants.

At

loSoldierspresumably did not pay to use a military bath.
an early second century non-military bath-house in Spain,

soldiers were also admitted free (CIL 2.5181).

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sanitation, and mortality in the
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Catalogue of Baths Associated With Raaan Forts
Noteç:
I.

Conrnos~tJ on g fcatalosue e w j es.

Name of site : Ancient and/or modern (in brackets)
Location: Roman province in Trajan's time
(underlined), modem territorial region (inbrackets)
Date built and date renovated (plus evidence fordates)

Bath Type: based on Krenckerlsclassification scherne
Bath Size: in sq. m.
Bath Rooms: if identified by excavator
Relation to Fort: interna1 or external, and exact
location
Fort Type: auxiliary castellum or legionary fortress,
information on fort design if given by
excavator)
Fort Size: in ha.
Plans: source of published plans on bath (and fort)
Reference: publications consulted to create this entry
Comment: other items of interest regarding this bath
Provincial labels. The names and borders of the Roman
provinces varied over tirne. For consistency with
Appendix B, 1 have decided to use the provincial
boundaries which existed in Trajan's day (the earlysecond century A . D . ) . This has been done to make thebaths easier to locate; it does not necessarily represent
the territorial affiliation of the bath at the time ofits construction.
Room labels. 1 have gone with the excavatorsl ordiscussants~ interpretation of what rooms are present.
However, 1 have noticed that a heated room, with orwithout a water receptacle, not directly adjacent to thefurnace is called a tevidarium by some authors, anaddi tional calidarium by others, and a steam room(~udatoriumor laconicum) by still others .
-Dates. Al1 dates are A.D. (unless otherwise specified) .
Fort size. Unless given in one of the papers in an
entrylsreference section, the fort sizes were taken fromJohnson (1983) or Le Bohec (1994).
Fort t-.
Unless given in one of the papers in an
entrylsreference section, the fort types for Britannic
forts were taken from Sommer (1984).

Referencea References containing information on morethan one bath-house are listed in the main bibliography.
Articles/books used for only one bath-house are cited infull as part of t h e entry f o r that bath-house.
Abbreviations i n catalocrue entries.
bath; F = f o r t ; B a = both bath and f o r t ;B in C = bath i n c i t y ;E = palaestra.
(Aalen)
Loc :
Date:
8 me:
B Size:B Rooms
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:

Comment :F: built

bath house in vicuç
Auxiliary Casteïïum
5.6 havon Elbe (1975) p. 6; Johnson (1983) p. 282
Largest auxiliazy f o r t of Upper German-Raetian
limes(Abergavenny )LOC :B r i tannia

Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:

Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:external
Castellum

Plans :
Ref:

Sommer (1984)

Comment :Abusina (Eining)
Raetia (on Danube)
Loc :
Date:

B Type:B Size:B Roorns:
Rel to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :in annex
Auxiliary Castellunt
1.8 haF a : von glbe (1975) p . 116
von Elbe (1975) pp. 114-17

ad-Dianam (Yotvata)
Arabia (Israel: in Negev)
Loc :Purpose :Military
F: Diocletian (inscription) c. 297; destroyed
Date :
late 4th C.; B: no dateable f i n d s'cEn-Gedi typet - single row
B Type:B Size:?
? (Ç identified)
B Roomç:
Re1 to F: external; 100 m north of fort
F Type :Castellum (guadribuxcrium)
39.4 rn x 39.7 m
F Size:Plans :
F: Meshel (1989) p. 230; B: Meshel (1989) fig. 4
Ref :Z e t e v Meshel, "A fort at Yotvata from the time of
Diocletian, IEJ 39 (1989) 228-238; Zefev Meshel.
"Yotvata," in E. Stern et al., (1993, vol. 4, pp.
1517-20)
Cornent :B: Meshel (1989) speculates fort may have been
built when "the Negev,
Sinai and southern
Transjordan were transferred from A r a b i a to
Judaea" p 238; meagre remains; not fully
excavated round and square ~ i l a e ,square pipes
in walls; obviously ( ? ) related to fortress ; near-

Aesica (Greatchesters or Great Chesters)
Britamia
LOC :
Date:
Hadrianic?
B Type:Axial row type
B Size:540 çq. m.
B Rooms:
Re1 to F: Sommer ( 1 9 8 4 ) mentions bath 90m to south of fort(same bath?)
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 135
Nielsen (1990) C.136
Ref:
Comment
Albano : see Albanum

Albanum (Albano)Loc :Italia (Italy)

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

c. 202

Ref:

external, southwest of fort and beyond Appian Way

Herbert W. Benario, "Albano and the Second
Parthian Legion," Frchaeology 25 (1972) 257-63.

Comment :part of wall preserved in church of San Pietro;camp established by Septimius Severus for 2nd
Parthian Legion; Benariots map of camp shows
another bath inside camp (not mentioned in t e x t )AI~u;ind+ia

LOC :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Room :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Lesquier (1918) p. 390

to west of Roman suburb'of Nicopolis; praetoriumand bath of Roman camp could be seen until 1 8 7 5 ;we do not possess either a complete description
or a plan of the bath (Lesquier, 1918); English
built their camp over Roman camp

Aquincum (Budapest)
LOC :Pannonia
Date :
Early 2nd C; rebuilt many tintes, e.g., in 268( t i l e stamps) and in 3rd-4th C; probably
destroyed by fire in 364-365 (tile stamps)
B Type:Axial symmetrical row type, l a t e r half-synmietricrow type
B Size:
1st phase 8,550 sq. m. incl P 10,000 sq. m.
B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:Legionary
F Size:24 haPlans :
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C A 9 3

Comment :~this/Neocaesarea (Dibsi Faraj ) : Principia Baths
Loc :S ~ r i a(Syria)
Purpose :Date :
Early 4th C; re-utilized as dwelling in Arabtimes
B Type:Ring type
B Size:500 sq. m.
B Roonts:
C f 2 zs, etc.
Re1 to F:
F Type:garrisoned city
F Size:Plans :
Area: Harper (1975) p. 321
Re£:
Harper (1975); Nielsen (1990) C -378
Comment:
salvage excavation: site since flooded by dan;

excavator (Harper) suggest s the princi~iawas
built when the village was fortified andgarrisoned. . in the 3rd C; bath-wing added to thepin the Early Byzantine period; 3
furnaces; box-flue tiles; marble-clad walls;
service corridors at semi-basement level

Auara: see Hawar(Bainsbridge)
LOC :B r i tannia
Date :B Type:B Size:B Room :Rel to F: external; overlaid by later extension
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Ref :Sommer (1984)
Comment :( B a l m u i d l y ) : Amex BathLOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :--B r i t a m i a (Antonine Wall)c. 143bath-house in annex to east of fort
Castellum
F a : Johnson (1983) fig. 205
Fair (1927); Wilson (1967)
External bath-house "seems to have been anafterthought, since it was laid out over theditches of the fort, wfiich then had to be filled
in order to support the building". It was soon
replaced by internal bath-house. (Wilson, 1967,
p. 48)(Balmuidïy): Interna1 BathLOC :Britannia (Antonine Wall)
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: internal, against back of rampart
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :F m : Johnson (1983) fig. 205
Ref:
Fair (1927); Wilson (1967)
Comment:
External bath-house "seems to have been anafterthought, since it was laid out over theditches of the fort, which then had to be f i l l e din order t o support the buildingn. I t was soon
replaced by internal bath-house. (Wilson, 1967,
p. 4 8 )(Bar B i l l )Loc :Brieannia (Antonine Wall)
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
include latrine
Re1 to F: internal, built against back of rampart
F Type:Cas tellum
F Size:Plans :
B: Rook (1992) F i g . 29 (photo 27)
Ref:
Johnson (1983) p. 213
Comment:
at lowest point of fort
(Bearsden)
LOC:
Britamia (Antonine Wall)
Date:
AD 142-65
B Type:row
B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: in annex in east of f o r t
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
F a : Johnson (1983) fig. 206, Breeze (1983) fig.
12 (plans slightly d i f ferent); B: Breeze (1983)
fig. 27 & 28 (Photo); Rook (1992) p. 40
Ref :Sommer (1984); Breeze (1983) pp. 38-39; Rook
(1992) p. 40
Comment: 9 timber; rectangular sweat room with external
entrance; earlier, unfinished, bath-house nearby(Beaupart Park)
LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:

Cornent:

Britamia
Phase 1: 2nd quarter of 2nd C; then short period
of abandonment; Phase 2 a a : end of 2nd C - middleof 3rd C

n-a.
n-a.
n-a.
B: Cleere (in Max£ield, 1989) p. 164
Cleere (in Maxfield, 1989) pp. 162-64
Bath-house built by Classis Britannicq; phase 1
visually similar to Auara's Stage 1.

Becchufrin (~ifrin/Kufrin): Interna1 Baths
Loc :monotamia, (Iraq: east of Dura Europos)
Purpose :Military
F: c. 194
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: internal, next to praetorium?
F Type:F Size:170 m x 130 m
Plans :F (&B?) : Invernizzi (1986b) p. 364 (structures notlabelled) ; B: Invernizzi (1986b) p. 371 (aerial
photos1
Ref:
Antonio Invernizzi, "Kifrin--B?XXov$p~cv ,Mesonotamia 21 (1986a) 53-84; A. Invernizzi,"Kifrin and the Euphrates Limes," in PhilipFreeman & David Kennedy (eds.) , The Defense ofm e Rman and Bvzantine East (part 1, pp. 357381) . Oxford: BAR International Series 297,l986b.
Comment:
salvage excavation preceding flooding by dam;remains of internal baths slight; not muchinformation given on baths (see Invernizzi,
1986b, pp. 362-63); fort mentioned in militarypapyri from Dura-Europos; caravan city

Becchufrin (Kifrin/Kufrin) : Extramural Baths
LOC :Mesonotamia (Iraq: east of Dura Europos)
Purpose: Military
Date :
F: c. 194
B Type:8 Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: extemal
F Type:F Size:170 m x 130 m
Plans :
F (a?): Invernizzi (1986b) p. 364 (structures notlabelled)
Ref :Antonio Invernizzi, "Kifrin--B?,&fov@p~
cv , tt
Mesonotamia 21 (1986a) 53-84; A. Invernizzi,"Kifrin and the Euphrates Limesrtlin PhilipFreeman & David Kennedy (eds.), The Defense of
the Roman and Byzantine East (part 1, pp. 357381). Oxford: BAR International Sexies 297,
1986b.

Comment:

salvage excavation preceding flooding by dam; notmuch in£ormation given (see Invernizzi, 1986b,
pp. 362-63); photo of ue from baths(Invernizzi, 198623, p. 370); fort mentioned inmilitary papyri from Dura-Buropos; caravan city

(Beckfoot)Britannia
LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Rel to F: external
P Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Sommer (1984)
Comment :(Beer Sheba)
Judaea (Israel)
LOC :Purpose :B: Roman or Byzantine; F: "might have been built
Date :
as early as the 3rd. c. as a camp for the Tenthlegion after the legion was transferred from
Jerusalem to Eilahn (Fabian, 1995, p. 239)
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: outside fort; c. 200 m from southeast corner offort

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :(Belovo1
Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :B&F: Fabian (1995) Fig. 3

F: Peter Fabian. The l a t e Roman Military Camp at
Beer Sheba: A New Discovery,fl The Roman andByzantine Near East (JRA Supplementary Series no.
14, Ann Arbor, MI: 1995) pp. 235-240.
fort not excavated and has been built over (butoutline can be seen i n 1 9 1 8 aerial photo); fort
" i s dif f erent from al1 contemporary military
installations in southern Israel ...Yet it
resembles the large structures known fromTransjordan at Lejun, Udrah and Aiiaw (Fabian,
1995, p. 239); the Notitia Dimitaturq mentions a
Roman fortress manned by a cohort of Dalmatian
horsemen; Beer Sheba shown as military camp on
Madaba map; Fabian suggests Beer Sheba was "themilitary headquarters of southern Palestinen (p.
239); possibly dwc ~alestinaresided in BeerS hebaThracia (~ulgaria)
F: Late Roman

Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Rrasimira Vacheva, "Baths in Bulgaria,

Balnearia

1.1 (1993) 6
Comment:

wmilitarybathsn

Benwell: see Curidercum
Beth-Yerah: see Philoteria(Bewcastle)
Britannia (just north of Hadrian's Wall)
LOC :Hadrianic; "remained in use, with modifications,
Date :
into Severan periodw (Johnson, 1983, p. 287)
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 t o F: internal, in southeast graetentura
Castellum (irregular hexagon)
F Type:F Size:2.4 haPlans :
F a : Johnson (1983) fig. 212
Johnson (1983) p. 287
Ref :Comment :Binchester: see Vinovia(Birdoswald)
Britannia (Hadrianls Wall)
LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Castellum
Wilson (1967) p. 6 1

Inscription (dated 297 -30 5 ) recorded
reconstruction of blneum, praetorium & g r i n c i n i aBiriciana (Weissenburg)
LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Roomç :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :me?Ai

E a r l y 2nd C.; phase II from second half of 2nd C
Angular row type480 sq. m. (phase 1), 1,320 sq. m. (phase II)

CastellumRef :

Nielsen (1990) C.136

Comment :(Birren)LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F :F m e :F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Britannia,

Stone building i n annex possibly bath (Sormer,
1984)
Castellum

1.7 haSommer (1984)(Birthdir)

Loc :Britannia

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :probably bath in vicus (Sommer, 1984)

Sommer (1984)

Bisericuta: see Dinogetia
Boppard am Rhein: see Boudobriga

Bosra: see Bostra
Bostra (Bosra): North B a t h s
Loc :Arabi, (Syria)
Furpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: inside fort
F Type:Legionary fortress
F Size:16.8 ha
B in city: Bowersock (1983) p. 189; F in city:
Plans :
Kennedy & Riley (1990) f i g . 72
Ref :Bowersock (1983) p. 189; Kennedy & Riley (1990);
Raymond Brulet, nEstampilles de la III' Légion
Cyrénaïque à B o s t r a , " Bervtus 32 (1984) 175-79
Comment:
North Baths shown in Bowersockls map would lieinside fort shown in Kennedy & Rileyls map if thetwo maps were superimposed; stamped legionary
tiles have been found in fort area (including around hypocaust tile); Bostra was base for the
Jeqio III Cvrenaica; I have not found any
description of these baths(Bothwellhaugh)
LOC :Date :
B m e :
B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :100 west of f o r tCastellum"small"Rook (1992) fig. 35 (photo); Wilson (1988) p.
403; Sommer (1984)

Cornent :Boudobriga
LOC :
Date:

357-59 (tile stamps); abandoned in 406;
incorporated into a church in the 5th C

B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Variant of the parallel row type1,500 sq. m.
Castellum

Nielsen (1990) C.159

Bowes: see Lavat rae(Bowness)
toc :
Date:

B Type:B Size:B Rooms:R e 1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :in vicus
Castellum
Sommer (1984)

(Brecon Gaer)LOC :B r i t a n n b (Wales)
Date :
possibly 3rd C
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: interna1 bath i n graetentura
F Type:auxiliary fort
F Size:Plans :
B: Welsby (1982) fig. 27 - 3 (rooms not labelledl
Ref :Welsby (1982) p. 25
Comment:
Welsby speculates that the bath-house was "placedin the m i d s t of the graetenturq when presumably
the f o r t garrison had been reducedn
Brocolitia (Carrawburgh)
Loc :
B E !
Hadrianic?; fort b u i l t around 1 3 0 A.D.
Date :
Axial row type
B Type:440 sq. m B Size:
B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
Castellurn
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Nielsen (1990) C.137
Ref :Sommer (1984) mentions bath outside fort (notComment :sure if same one)
(Brough)
LOC :Date :B Type:8 Size:B Rooms:
Re1 t o F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :probably external bath t o east

Castellum(Bryn-y-Gefeiliau)
Britamia (Wales)
Date :
fort site occupied c. 90-160 ? ?
B Type:LOC :B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

Stone building in annex might be bath or mansio
Castellum
4 acres + 3 acre amex

Ref :
Comment :Garlick (1973) p . 70; Sommer (1984)

Budapest: see Aquincum
Loc :

Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F m e :F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :Dacia (Romania)
201 (CIL III 14485)
Parallel row type
240 sq. m.
Cas tellum

B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 142
Nielsen (1990) C.149(Bu Ngem)
Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

c. 1 haP m : Lander (1984) p. 114-19 & fig. 100

Ref:

Comment :free-standing, beside grincinia(Burgh by
Loc :
Date:

B Type:B Size:8 Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

external
Castellum

Ref:

Sommer (1984)

Comment :( Cadder)LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Roorns:
R e 1 t o F:

B r i t a m i a (on Hadrianfs Wall)"probably annex w i t h bath t o E n of f o r t (Sommer,

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Castellum
Sommer (1984)(Caerau)
LOC :Britannia

Date :B Type:8 Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :in amex to northeast of fort
Castellum
Sommer (1984)

Caerhun: see Canovium
Caerleon: see Isca
Caernarfon/Caernarvon: see Segontium
Caubdsmum (Kempten)

Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Rel to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :RaetiaYegül (1992) pp. 386-87(Cameion)
Loc:
Date :B Type:Britamia

B Size:B Roomç:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:external
Castellum

Plans :
Ref :Comment :Sommer (1984)

LOC:
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Rel t o F:
P Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :(Carpow)

Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Roomç:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:

Comment :B r i tannia

external bath-house
Castellum
4.86 acres
B&F: Taylor & Collingwood (1927) p. 185
Garlick (1973) pp. 62-66

Britanriia (Scotland: Perthshire)
F: early 3rd C
c. 1,100 (nry estimate)
2 AS, 1 F I 4 Ts, 2 ÇSinternal, on via m i n c i n a l i slegionary

B: Black (1993) p . 7
E . W . Black,unsuspected fortress b a t h ,Balnearia 1.1 (1993) 6-7
excavators o r i g i n a l l y called this building thegraetorium but Black reinterprets it a s a bathhouse; unusual in that it has Vwo complete andidentical sets of bath rooms around a common
frisidarium*; Black suggests each half of thebuilding was f o r a different legion with 2
legions occupying the fort at the same tirne

C a r r a w b u r g h : see Brocolitia(Castlecary)
Britannia
Date :
Antonine
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :S / L attached
R e 1 to F: inside f o r t , close to rampart & parallel t o it
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
F a : Lander (1984) p. 77 fig. 56
Ref:
Fair (1927)
Comment :LOC :(Castleford)
LOC :Britanniq
Date :B Type:B Size:
B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :bath in annex
Castellum
Sommer ( 1 9 8 4 )(Chelmsford)
Loc :

Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:R e 1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :n tamlai n vicus
Castellum

Sommer ( 1 9 8 4 )Comment :Chester: see Deva

(Chester-le-Street)
LOC :Bricannia
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Rel to F: external
F Type:Castellurn
F Size:Plans :
Ref :Sommer ( 1 9 8 4 )Comment :Chesterholm: see Vindolanda
Chesters: see Cilurnum

Cilurnum (Chesters): External Bath-house
Britannia
Date:
2nd half of 2nd C; rebuilt several t imes ;abandoned in 367
B Type:Ring type
E3 S i z e :490 sq. m. (noriginally much s m a l l e r n )B Rooms:
include latrine
Re1 to F : external, between fort & river, on Ynilitary wayn
F Type:cavalry Castellum
F Size:Plans :
B : Birley (1959) p . 2 2 ; Rook ( 1 9 9 2 ) fig. 3 8
LOC :Ref :
Cornent:(photo fig. 39) ; Breeze (1983) fig. 27 (slightly
dif ferent) ; F: Birley (1959) p . 12 ; F&B: Birley(1959) fig. 3
Nielsen (1990) C.139; Eric Birley, Chesters Roman
F o r t (London: Her Majestyls Stationery Office,1959).
often called finest military bath-house in
B r i t a i n ; glazed-glass window in Ç: (4 feet wide) ;bath-house in praetoriurq is "smaller but more
luxurious than that outside fort (Birley, 1959,
p. 2 0 )Cilurnum (Chesters): Praetorium Baths
Loc :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: in graetorium
cavalry Castellum
F Type:F Size:F a : Birley (1959) p. 12
Plans :
Eric Birley, Chesters Roman Forc London: H e r
Ref:
Majestyrs Stationery Office, 1959
bath-house in graetorium is %mal er but more
Comment :luxurious than that outside fortw (Birley, 1959,
p. 20)(Collen)
LOC :Britamia

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

Flavian?
Axial row type1,030 sq. m.

Ref :Castellum
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 138
Nielsen (1990) C.140

Comment :see Praetorium

Corbridge: see Coriosopitum

Coriosopitum (Corbridge)
Loc :Britamia

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:

Flavian, after 79; destroyed in the early 2nd C
Angular row type
900 sq. m., incl. P 1,400 sq. m.

P Type:F Size:Castellum

Plans :
Ref:
Cornent :Nielsen (1990) C.141

Coriavallum (Heerlen)
LOC :e m a m l o r (Netherlands)
Date:c. 50; restored c. 250; in 1st half of 4th C.
partly destroyed & site incorporated into fort
B Type:El Size:
2,064 sq m.
B Rooms:
Re1 t o F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Stolte (in Stillwell et al., 1976); Hugo J.
Ref:
Helrner, T h e reconstruction of the Baths ofHeerlen i n ARCHEON, Aiphen aan den R i j n,palnearia 1.1 (1993) 5-6.
3rd C. alterations "probably because the heating
Comment :system did not function properlyn (Stolte, 1976,
pp. 243-44); inscription from site records
restoration done by a decurio in Colonia U l n i aTraiana (Xantern) in 250; the baths have been
enclosed in a museum; a full-scale reproductionof the baths has been built a t Aïphen aan den
Rijn(Cramnnd)
Loc :Date :
8 Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :B r i t a m i a (on Antonine Wall)external
Castellum
Wilson (1988) p. 333; Sommer (1984)
Bath-house excavated in 1975-76 & then backfilled.

(croy Hill)
LOC :

.

itann~aDate:

B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:external
CastellumF Size:
Plans :
Ref:
Comment :Sommer (1984)

Cundercum (BenweI.1)
Loc :Britannia
Hadrianic?
Date :
Angular ( ? ) row type
B Type:B Size:440 sq. m.
B Rooms :Re1 to F:
Castellum
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Nielsen (1990) C.142
Comment :Sommer (1984) mentions bath 270 rn southwest offort (same bath?)

Derventio (Papcastle): External Bath-house
Britannia (Lake Country)
LOC :Date :
4th C
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: external
F Type:Cavalry Castellum
F Size:6 3/4 acres
Plans :
Ref:
Sommer (1984)
Comment :Dement io (Papcastle): Commander s Bath

LOC :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Britanniq (Lake Country)
4th C

for commanding officer
CavaLry Castellum
6 3/4 acres
Garlick (1970) p. 43

D e v a (Chester)Loc :Britamia

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:

finished 79
c. 6,500 sq. m.
include gymnasium
inside fort, east of porta ~ r a e t o r i a

F Type:F Size:Plans :

Ref:
Comment:

Legionary Fortressc. 24 haB&F: Garlick (1973) p . 21 ("imaginas.
reconstructionn)
Garlick (1973); Watson (1985) p. 204
fortress equipped with piped spring water

D i b s i F a r a j : see Athis

Dinogetia (Bisericuta)
LOC :Moesia Inferior
Date :
Dioclenianic/Constaninian; rernodelled for a n o t h e r
purpose by Justinian
B Type:Parallel row type
B Size:360 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
Castellum
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :Nielsen (1990) C. 183

Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :R e 1 t o F:

F Type:F Size:external; s o u t h of river
river)
Castellum

Plans :
Ref:

Sommer (1984)

Comment
LOC :B r i tannia,

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :in vicus
Castellum
Sommer (1984)( & vicus

between f o r t &(Salihiyeh): Bath. - E3esogotamia (Syrial
Military?
E a r l y 3rd C
Ring type (later row type)Dus Eurapos

Loc :Purpose :Date :
B m e :
B Size:B Rooms :R e 1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :. -700 sq. m.
within militaxy precinct
garrisoned city
9 ha
B: Y e m l (1992) fig. 423
Nielsen (1990) C.362; Y e g ü l (1992) pp. 358
within a 9 ha region of city walled off for useof Roman garrison; walled-off region also
contained p r i n c i ~ i a ,barracks blocks, andtemples; "Dura provides an excellent though rareexample of the accommodation for an implanted
urban garrison within the circuit of an existingstronghold" (Kennedy & Riley, 1990, p. 114);
identified by benches along walls
A~ndvterium-

Ebchester: see Vindomora

Eboracum (York)LOC:
Britannia
Date :
4th C.
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: interna1
F Type:legionary
F Size:Plans :
B&F: Garlick (1971) pp. 38-39 (nconjecturaï
reconstructionw); Wilson (1988) p. 227
Ref:
Wilson (1988) p. 233-34
Cornent: remains preserved beneath I1RomanBath IM"

Eboracum (York): Baths in Canabae
LOC :Brita~ia,
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

in canabae
legionary
B&F: Garlick (1971)

reconstructionn)
Ref :Comment :(Erihaell)

LOC :
Date:

Germania Sunerior
92-100; restored 180-200; restoreà 211-222 (tilestamps)B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :

ROW

type
oves 875 sq. m.

Castellum

B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 150
Nielsen (1990) C.161

E i n i n g : see Abusina(Elginhaugh)
Brita~iàDate :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: Vrobably bath outside fortn ( S o m e r , 1984, p.
LOC :

80)

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :Castelfum
Sommer (1984)(a
Haseva, Tel Tamar)&abia (Israel: in Arabah in Negev)
LOC :Milita=Purpose :B: RO&;
F: probably founded after annexat ion
Date:arabia; p r o j ecting towers added late 3rd/early
4th C; fell into disuse during- 2nd half of 4th
info not yet available
B Type:nnnn
B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: 50 m southeast of fort
Castellum
P Type:c. 46 m x 46 m
F Size:Plans :
Rudolph Cohen, "The fortress at c E n Haseva,
Ref:
Biblical Archaeoloaist 5 7 : 4 (1994) 203-214;
Staff, "1995 excavation opportunities, Biblical~rchaeolocrvReview 21.1 (1995) 45.
Cohen's 1994 article was published before theComment :1993 season at which point the excavation of bath
was still in the early stages; nRomann baths are
mentioned in a description of the s i t e publishedprior to the 1995 season

Exeter: see Isca Dumnoniorum(Tell FaysdL)(Jordan)
LOC :Purpose :F: end of 2nd C/beginning of 3rd C CE
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: URIulown
fort or watchtower; but may be caravanserai or
P Type:villa
3 1 m x 37 m
F Size:Plans :
Gaetano Palumbo, Rhairieh 'Amr, Ali Musa &Ref:
Michelle Rasson-Seigne,/"'alvage Excavations at
T e l l Faysal1,Jarash," mAJ 37 (1993) 89-117
salvage excavation in 1991; site had b e e n heavily
Comment :damaged by 20th C construction; only a small
portion of "fortII was excavated; fort would havecontrolled southern access to Gerasa; "thepresence of a large number of hypocaust
tiles ...MY indicate the presence of a bath in
the arean (Palumbo et al., 1993, p. 95);
hypocaust tiles also reused in l1lateIfkiln;"fortn now preserved under highway(Forden G a e r )

Loc :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:elans :

pritamia

Ref :Sommer (1984)

in vicus
Castellum

Comment :Frank£=am Main: see Nida

(Galligaer)
LOC:
BritamiaDate:
110-130, abandoned 130
B Type:Axial r o w type
B Size:800 sq. m.
B Rooms :Re1 to F:
P me:Castellum
F Size:Plans :

Ref:

Comment :(Gelligaer
froc :Date:

B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:in annex bonded to fort
Castellum
B&F: Sommer (1984) fig.

Ref:
Comment :GemellaeLoc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :(structures notlabelled)
Sommer (1984)

Numidia
Hadrianic (tile stamps)
Double row type
115 sq. m.
Castellum

Nielsen (1990) C.230

Glannoventa (Ravenglass )Loc:

Date :B Type:B Size:B Roomç :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment

F : c. 130 (replaced earlier fortlet); occupied
until c. 400; idle for periods in 2nd & 3rd C.

"identity of the various rooms are in doubtn(Wilson, 1988, p. 255)
extemal; NE of fort (but Wilson, 1988, says in
NE corner of fort)
Castellum
3 1/2 acres
Sommer (1984); Wilson (1988) pp- 254-55

Greatchesters or Great Chesters: see Aesica
G r h a r i o (Kongen)

LOC :
Date:
B Type:Germania Sunerior
F: Antonine

sgmm
U

tn-rl

(High Rochester)
Brita~ia
Date :
unknown
B Type:B Size:8 Rooms:
Re1 to F: internai
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Ref :Welsby (1982)
Comment :
LOC :

ioc :
Date :B Type:B Size:B ~oomç:Çemania Sugerior
B: c. 8 3 / 8 4 ; F : C l a u d i -entrance-court, A, F, T, C, S/L

Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:

F a i r (1927)

Comment :(Housesteads): External Bath-house
Britamia (on Hadrian's Wall)

LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:

external, to east of fort
Castellum
1.7 haF&B: Connally pp. 24-25 (sketch); F : B r e e z e fig.
1
Welsby (1982) p . 120

Comment :(Housesteads): Praetorium BathBritannia (on Hadrian's Wall)
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :R e 1 to F :i n graetorium
F Type:Castellum
F Size:1.7 haPlans :
F a : Comolly pp. 24-25 (sketch); F: Breeze
fig. 1Ref:
Welsby (1982) p. 120; Johnson (1983) p. 134
LOC:

R e l to F:

P Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Castellum
Nielsen (1990) (2.364
See also Castellum Bath XVI

Iciniacum
Loc :Date :

Raetia2nd-3rd C; built upon older baths; abandoned i n260

B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Parallel row type510 sq. m.

external, 250 m S W of fort
Castellum
B: v o n E l b e (1975) p. 389
Nielsen (1990) C.201; von Elbe (1975) p. 388-89
altar t o Fortuna found in modvterium(Ilkley): ~raetoriumBath
Britaruiia
LOC :late 4 t h C
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Rel to F: added t o graetorium
Castellum
F Type:F Size:
B: Welsby (1982) fig. 41B
Plans :
Welsby (1982) p. 119
Ref :mav be bathing suite; many of rooms roughly built
Comment :( Ilkley) : Vicus BathLOC :-B
l a t e 4th C
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Rel to F: bath in vicus
Castellum
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Sommer (1984)
Ref:
probably
bath in vicuç
Comment :(Inchtuthil)
Britannia
Date:
c. 83
B Type:B Size:LOC :B Rooms:
Re1 to F:

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :external; j u s t beyond southern def enses
Legionary Fortress2 1 . 4 ha

F: Breeze (1983) fig. 3 1
Breeze (1983) p . 42; Wilson (1967) p . 1 8
fort abandoned before completion; bath-house had
not been used before demolished; except f o r bathhouse & f o r t wall, fort built of timber; Wilson(1967) p. 1 8 : Stone for o f f i c e r s l bath-house may
have corne from quarry 2 1/2 miles to the south( Inveresk)
Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Roorns:
Re1 t o F: i n vicus
Castellum
F Type:F Size:Plans :

Ref:
Comment :Sommer (1984)

Isca (Caerleon)
Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 t o F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

Ref :c. 8,000 sq. m.
include P
inside i n praetentura
Legionary Portressc . 1 9 ha
B: Y e g i i l (1992) fig. 86 & 87; F a : Jobson ( 1 9 8 3 )fig. 197
Johnson p . 266; Watson ( 1 9 8 5 ) p . 2 0 4 ; N. B.
Rankov, M. W. C. Hassall, & R. S . O . Tomlin,
ttRoman B r i t a i n i n 1981," Britannia 1 3 ( 1 9 8 2 ) 3 2 8 422.

Comment :finds f r o m bath: possible admission token (leadd i s k stamped w i t h LeIIA), decorated bronzes t r i g i l , bone gaming counters

Isca Dwmioniorum (Exeter)
Britannia
Date :
c. 60-65
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Rel t o F:
Legionary Fortress
F Type:LOC :Khirbet el-kerak: see Philoteria
Kifrln: see Becchufrin

KOngen: see Grinario(Koschîng)Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Fair (1927)
Ref:
Comment :Kufrin: see Becchufrin
Lambaesis (Lambese)
Numidia
Loc :Mid-2ndC ; restored during the reign of Septirnius
Date:
Severus (CIL VI11 2706) ; rebuilt in 2 6 0 -269 (AE1971 no. 508?)
Imperia1 type or double symmetric r o w type
B Type:3,070 sq. m.
B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: inside in SE corner
Legionary
F Type:20 ha
F Size:
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 196 & 22-23; Y e g ü l (1992)
Plans :
fig. 244
Nielsen (1990) C.233; YegÜl (1992) pp. 216-17
Ref:
Comment :Lambese: see Lambaesis(Lancaster)Loc :Britamia
Date:built c . 120/130; disused by c. 160; formed partof another building c. 250-300; demolished 4th C.
for new fort
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 t o F: external
F w e :
Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Wilson (1988) p. 258-59; Welsby (1982) p. 45
Ref:

Comment :Lauriaw (Lorch)
Noricum

LOC:
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 t o F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Severan?
Parallel row type4,000 sq. m., i n c l . P 7,350 s q . m.
Legionary
22 ha
B: Nielsen (1990) fig.

Nielsen (1990) C. 188

Lavatrae (Bowes)
Loc :Br; t a ~ i aDate :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Rel to F: to south of fort between fort and river
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Garlick (1971) p. 28; Sommer (1984)
Ref:

Comment :(Leintwardrne)
l3r:lta~j-a

LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Rel to F:
F m e :F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :in annex to south
Castellum
Sommer (1984)(el-Lejjun)
mabia (Jordan)
Purpose:Military363-502 building
Date :
B: built e a r l y 4 t h C (coin);284-551
re-used (no longer bath) ; F:B Type:Angular row type
B Size:c. 223 .1 sq. m.
B Rooms:
at least 5 rooms (not completely excavated); 8Atrium-E (with hypocaust under half ) -T-Ç (namingof roomç conjectural)
Re1 to F: inside f o r t , abutting north enclosure wall
Loc :

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Legionary fortress
4.6 haF&B: Parker (1991) fig. 2; B: Parker (1991) fig.

14
De Vries V l a n of the Bath and the Function of
Its Roomsn; S. Thomas Parker, "Preliminary Reporton the 1989 Season.
of the Limes Arabicu
Proje c t , p r e l w Rmorts nf ASOR - Saançored
Excavatxms. 3982-89 (pp. 117-54). Baltimore:
1991,
Bath not completely excavated; may be anotherbath ( o r latrine) in east v j cus building predating fort; may be a more monumental bath"across wadi north of northeast corner of thefortressn (De Vries note 5) but this seems purely
c o n j e c t u r a l . Caveat: De Vries labelling of rooms
diffexent from Parker's (1991).

.

Comment:

Letocetum (Wall)Loc :B r i tannia
Phase 1 : 1st C., Phase 2 : early 2nd C.? , Phase 3 :Date :
3rd C., Phases 4 & 5 : (dates not given i n Wilson,
1988; phases 4&5 might be single phase)
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: external
Castellum
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Wilson (1988) p. 182; Sommer (1984)
Ref :phase 3: new a~odvterium& cold plunge added;
Comment :phase 4: interna1 changes; phase 4: main stoke
h o l e rebuilt; Sommer (1984): probably bath invicug(Llandmexy
LOC :Britannig

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F ~ype:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :bath or mansio outside f o r t to west
Castellum
Sommer (1984)(Llanio)

LOC:
Date :

Britannia

B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Re£ :external; to south of f o r t
Cas tellum
F a : Sommer plate 18 (aerial photo)
Sommer (1984)

Cornent :Lorch: see Lauriacum(Ltoughor)

LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :R e 1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :ext ernal
Castellum
Sommer (1984)(Low B o r r o w Bridge)

LOC :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 t o F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

Ref :Comment :(L m n e

LOC :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:R e 1 t o F:

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:

probably bath outside fort to south (Sommer,

1984)
Castellum

Sommer (1984)

B r i t a m i a (Saxon Shore)
F: abandoned c . 350

smallinterna1
Cast e l l u m
F&B: Lander (1984) p . 178
R e e c e ( i n Maxfield, 1989) pp. 152-57; B. W .
C u n l i f f e , "Excavations a t the Roman f o r t at
Lympne, Kent 1976-78," Britannia. 11 (1980) 2 2 7 -150

Comment :88, esp. 256-8
excavated in 1852; not known if al1 rooms foundMainz: see Mogontiacum(Malton)toc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :in defended vicus
Castellum
F m : Sommer (1984) fig. 13 (structures
unlabelled)
Sommer (1984)(Margidunum)
LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :Ref :B r i t a m i a (England: Nottinghamçhire)Camp?

Taylor & Collingwood
report)pp. 195-196 (interim

Comment :Loc:

Germania Su~erior

Date :

After 83, i.e., late 1st C to early 2nd C;
abandoned around 150
Axial row type375 sq. m.

B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :(Maryport)
LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:Castellum
B: Krencker (1929) Abb. 352
Nielsen (1990) C.166; Y e g ü l (1992)

Britannia
F : early Trajanic?
444.4 sq. m. (107.2 sq.

main building

Plans :Ref:
Cornent :B: Rook (1992) figs. 46 & 47; Garlick (1970) p.
47 (photo); F a : Johnson (1983) fig. 164
Garlick (1970) p. 4 7 ; Fair (1927)(Melandra Castïe)Britamia
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :R e 1 to F: i n v i c u s
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Ref :Sommer (1984)
Comment :
LOC :

LOC :
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :Çermania Sumerior
Hadrianic. Built upon an earlier bath of 90 (tilestamps)Axial half-symmetric r o w typeover 3,500 sq. m.
Legionary
B: Nielsen (1990) fig.
Nielsen (1990) C. 167(Moresby)
Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:R e 1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :probably bath in vicus
Castellum
Sommer (1984)

Comment :(Muuuills): Rampart
Bath
Loc :
j3ritamia (Antonine Wall)
Date :B Type:B Size:%mallnB Rooms :Re1 to F: i n t e m a l , near xampart

(Netherby)
Britannia
LOC :Date :
Hadrianic
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: extemal
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Ref :Welsby (1982)
Comment :Neuss: see Novaesium(Newstead)Loc :Britanniq
Date:originally built c. 80
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :H (cold bath in apse) , T, Ç, S/L
in annex to W e s t of fort
Castellum
4.3 haSommer (1984); Pair (1927)

Ni&(Frankfurt a m Main, Heddernheim) : Western Bath-house
Germania Su~erior (Germany)
Loc :
Date:
S/L: constructed 83-84 & destroyed 88-89
B Type :B Size:B Rooms:
isolated circular S/L
Re1 to F:
F Type :F Size:Plans :
Ref:
von Elbe (1975) pp, 127-28; Fair (1927)
Comment :çaveac: there is also a Hedderheim i n Raetia(Niederbieber)
LOC :Germania Sunerior
Date :
B: Late 2nd C (Cornodian); destroyed in 260; F:
185-92
B Type:Axial symetric row type
B Size:1,300 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Re1 to F: inside fort in retentura
F Type:Castellum
F Size:4.9 haPlans :
F a : Johnson (1983) fig. 210; B: Krencker (1927)

Ref:
Comment :Abb. 354; Johnson (1983) fig. 146 (unlabelledl
Nielsen (1990) C.169; Johnson (1983) pp. 284-86

N i g m m p l l u m ( Zwammerdam)

LOC :Date :B Type:8 Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :mania Infe r i o r (Holland)possibly bath-house outside fort
Castellum
J. K. Haalebos (in Stillwell et al., 1976)

Novae (Svistov)LOC :Moesia Infe r i o r (Bulgaria)
demolished by Romans in 2nd C & replaced with hospital
Date :B Type:row

B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment:

at least 2400 sq. m. (probably larger)
include 2
i n s i d e fort at cross roads of via ~ r a e t o r i aandv i a sasularis
legionaryDyczek, Piotr, Two baths from Polish excavations
at Novae,f1Balnearia 2.1 (1994) 6-7.
wall decorated with frescos and stucco

Novaesium (Neuss)
LOC :Çermania I n f e r i o r
Date :
Domitian
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:23-25 haF Size:Plans :F m : Le Bohec (1994) fig. 31a
Ref :Cornent :(Oberscheidental)
LOC :Germania Su~erior
Date :
L a t e Domitianic to 100; abandoned around 150
B Type:Axial row type
B Size:820 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Re1 to F:F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Castellum
B : Nielsen (1990) fig. 152
Nielsen (1990) C A 7 2(Old Kilpatrick)
LOC :Britannia
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Rel to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :i n annex
Castellum
Sommer (1984)(Old Penrith)
Britannia
Date :LOC :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:

Re1 to F:
P Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :external
Castellum

Sommes (1984)

Papcastle: see Derventio( P m )
LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :external
Castellum
F&B: Sommer (1984) plate 24 (aerial photo)
Sommer (1984)( Pen-y-Darren)
LOC :Britannia,
Date :B Type:B Size:

O

33
d u

V

U

,G O
U
rd ri

$

lQ

4 B

rd
d a,

-4 s!

tnci

*rl

B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:Castellum

F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :Nielsen (1990) C.150

Loc :Date :

pritannia (Wales)
Phase 1: c. 100; Phase 2: c. 150; abandoned c.
160

B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:

F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :"tinyn3 rooms

extemal; SE of f o r tCastellum

Wilson (1988) p. 387-88; Sommer (1984)
Phase 1: 2 heated rooms (timber frisidarium
hypothesized); Phase 2: Stone friaidarium withcold plunge added. "The baths were presumably
civilian r a t h e r than military as the structure
is too small to have served as the garrison bathhousen (Wilson, 1988, p. 388) . But some bricks
in pil:have stamp of XXth Legion.
-(Qasr el-meinid)
Arabia (Jordan: 15 km southwest of modem Azraq)
MilitaPurpose:
Servian c . 200 (inscriptions); possibly abandoned
Date:
4th C (pottery)see comment
B Type:nn
B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
i r r e g u l a r quadrangle
F Type:c. 0 . 2 5 ha (Parker, 1986, says size average f o r
F Size:Arabian castellum)
F: Parker (1986) p. 18
Plans:
Parker (1986) pp.
17-19; D. L. Kennedy,
Ref:-Jirchaeolo-lorations
on the Roman Frontierin North- East J o r d ~(Oxford: BAR International
Series 134, 1982); David Kennedy, "The Romanf rontier in Arabia (Jordanian sector), l1 JRA 5(1992) 473-89
Bath building has not been found. Evidence f o r
Comment :bath is based on an inscription conrmemorating theconstruction of a çastellum and balneum by the
Jecrio III p r e n a i c a (vCastellurnet C S > praesidium
Severianum . Vexillatio leg (ionis) III
LOC :

-

Cyrenic (ae) (sic) baln (eum) Mucia [no] et
Fab [ian]O [ C O ] (n)s (ulibus) extruxit ", Kennedy
1982: 125). The "reference to the constructionof a bath (balneuq) at such a remote fort isstriking testimony to the creature comforts
available to the Roman soldiers on the ArabianfrontierN (Parker 1986: 17-18) , Kennedy (1992:
480) doubts inscription was originally from here
given the paucity of water; J. P. Oleson(personal communication Feb. 95) saw no evidenceof a bath here.
(Rainau-Buch)
RaetiaDate :
Around 140; rebuilt in second h a l f of the 2nd C
and after 233
B Type:Axial row type
B Size:990 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 175
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C.2 0 2
Comment :LOC :(Ramat Rahel)
LOC:
Judaea (Israel: 3.5 km south of old city ofJerusalem)
Purpose :Military?? (see comment)
Date :
2nd half of 3rd C; church and monastery built in
mid-5th C continued to use b a t h ; destroyed i nearly 7th C by £ire
? (location of doors uncertain)
B m e :
B Size:B Rooms :open courtyard maybe palaestra
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Area: Aharoni (1993) p. 1267 (unlabelledl
Plans :
Benjamin Isaac. The Limits of m i r e : The Roman
Ref :jlrmv in the East. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990;
Yohanan Aharoni, "Ramet Rahel, in Stern et al.
(1993) v. 4, pp. 1261-67; Yohanan Aharoni,
Excavations at Ramat Rahel: Seasons 1959 and 1960
(Roma: 1962); Yohanan Aharoni, mcavatjons at
V - o n s
1961 and 1962 (Roma: 1964)
on top of hill; site would have controlled accessComment :to Jerusalem; bathhouse and aqueduct which
supplied it built by Roman legion; Roman Tenth
Legion occupied Jerusalem and Ramat Rahel in 3rd
C; "the camp installations of the Roman TenthLegion ...comprised an elegant block of livingquarters with a peristyle, and a bathhouse. . .andapparently other temporary and simpler
structuresn (Aharoni, 1964, p. 121); bath ="double row of adjoining rectilinear rooms(Aharoni, 1962, p. 69) ; heated rooms on east ( ! ;tubuli; t i l e s in bath-house w i t h starrrp of Roman
Tenth Legion; mosaic floors; rectangular basins;
basins connected with terracotta pipi-;
drainage
pipes under mosaic floors; bath built on top ofolder building (reproducing its orientation); 1
haventt seen s y mention of a fort proper
Ravenglass: see Glannoventa( R e c u l v e r ) : Internal Bath A

LOC :
Date:
B Type :B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment:

Britannia (England: southeast coast)
one of interna1 bath-house dates to latersmall
in graetentura (one of 2 baths there)
Castellum
B: Welsby (1982) Pig. 27.4A6cB (rooms notlabelled)
Welsby (1982)
Fort partly lost to sea(Reculver) : Internal Bath B
Loc :B r i t a m i a (England: southeast coast)

Date :
B m e :
B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

one of internal bath-house dates to later

Ref:

Comment :small
in graetentura (one of 2 baths there)
Castellum
B: Welsby (1982) Fig. 27.4A&B (rooms notlabelled)
Welsby (1982)
Fort partly lost to sea(Reculver)Loc :B r i t a m i a (England: southeast coast)

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:external: north of fort
Cas tellum

B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :in annex to east of fort
Castellum
F a : Wilson (1967) p. 45

R-uturiae (Richborough)pritannia (Saxon Shore fort )
Loc :
Date:
row
B Type:c. 100 sq. m. (my estimate from fort plan1
B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: interna1 bath-house
Awciliary
P Type:F Size:
B: Rook ( 1 9 9 2 ) f i g . 6 0 ; F a : Blagg (in ~axfield,
Plans :
1989) p - 144
Blagg (in Maxfield, 1989) pp. 143-45; Welsby
Ref:(1982)
Bath-house "poorly constructed wh ch necessitated
Comment :numesous repairs during its life. The excavatorsuggested that due to i t s mal1 s ze, it may havebeen intended for use by officers only" (Welsby,
1982, p. 25); bath-house built over mansio(Saalburg)
Germania Su~eriorLoc :135 (tile stamps); rebuilt in 180s
Date :
Axial sow type
B Type:880 sq. m.
B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
Castellum
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Cornent :B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 156
Nielsen (1990) C.173; Johnson (1983) p . 207
lead pipes served bath-housesee Dura Europos
LOC :Date :
B w e :
B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
P Type:F Size:Plans :

Germania Sunerior
95-100 (tile stamps) ; functioned only 10-20 years
Axial row type
600 sq. m.
CastellumRef :
Comment :(Scbirenhof)
LOC:
RaetiaDate :
Mid-2nd C; rebuilt at the beginning of the 3rd C
and in 233-250
B Type:Axial row type
B Size:1,125 sq* m.
B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
B: Nielsen (1990) fig.
Ref :Nielsen (1990) (2.203
Comment :

LOC :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :- -Late 1st C to 2nd C ; abandoned 150
Axial row type
3 8 0 sq. m.
Castelhm
B: Nielsen ( 1 9 9 0 ) fig. 1 5 7
N i e l s e n (1990) C . 175

Segontium ( C a e r n a r f on/Caernarvon)
pritamia (Wales)
Loc :built at close of 3rd C; never completed;
Date :
dismantled early 4th C .
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F: intemal bath-house in graetentura
auxiliary Castellum
F Type:F Size:
B: Welsby (1982) fig. 27.5B (rooms not labelled)
Plans :
Welsby (1982); Garlick (1973) pp. 66-67
Ref :Comment : inscription relating to repair of fort aqueducts(Slack)Britannia
F: abandoned c. 140
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: external
Castellurn
F Type:LOC :F Size:
Plans :
Ref :Comment:

F&B: Sommer ( 1 9 8 4 ) fig. 1 7
Garlick (1971) p. 34; S o m e r ( 1 9 8 4 )" A n a l t a r dedicated to Fortune by a centurion of
the VI Legion was found in 1 7 3 6 in the bathh o u s e n (Garlick, 1971, p. 3 4 )(Slaveni)
LOC:

Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 t o F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :

Ref :J3acia (Romania)
Severan ( t i l e stamps); rebuilt by P h i l i p the Arab
Parailel row type
300 sq. m.
Castellum
Nielsen ( 1 9 9 0 ) C.152

Comment :(Stockstadt)
Ç e r m a n i a SuneriorA f t e r 83, l a t e 1st t o early 2nd C

LOC :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 t o F:

Axial r o w type720 sq. m.

P Type:Castellurn

F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :B: Nielsen ( 1 9 9 0 ) f i g . 158
Nielsen ( 1 9 9 0 ) C.176

Svistov: see Novae
Tel Tamar: see cEn Haseva
Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 t o F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Britannia
2nd h a l f of 1st C .
isolated circulas S/L ( w i t h h y p o c a u s t )external bath-house by river

Garlick ( 1 9 7 1 ) p. 34; Fair (1927)"fort...first excavated by May i n 1 9 2 0 b e f o r e i t s
destruction by a steel worksn (Garlick, 1 9 7 1 , p.
34

Theilenhofen: see Iciniacum(Tm-y--)

froc :
Date :
B %e:
B Size:B Roomç :Re1 to F:
P Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment :B r i t a m i a (Wales)

external bath-house
Castellum
just over 3 acres (4 acre extension)

Garlick (1973) pp. 69-70

Turicum (Zürich)RaetiaLoc :Date :
Second half of 1st C; totally transformed in mid2nd C
B Type:Axial row type
B Size:145 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Rel to F:
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C . 2 0 4Comment:
replaced by city baths in mid-2nd C
Uann =-Rasas:

see Kastron Mayfa'a

Vindolanda (Chesterholm): The Military Bath-house
Britannia
LOC :163-200 (from tile stamps) ; several rebuilding
Date:phasesAngular row type
B Type:310 sq. m.
B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: external, in viCUh;
Castellum
F Type:F Size:
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 140; Birley (1977) fig. 5;
Plans :
Comolly p. 29 (reco~struction); F m : Birley(1977) fig. 4; Comolly pp. 26-27 (sketches)
Nielsen (1990) C.146; Birley (1977); Wilson
Ref :(1988); A ï a n K. Bowman, Life and Letters on the
Roman Frontier (London: British Museum Press,
1994)

Comment :writing tablets found on site mention baths but
seem to predate ( A . D . 92-130) this bath (seeBowman 1994: 13); nhot-roorn floors showed signs
of frequent repairs," Birley suggests A andlatrine were either added in later stage or they
were built by the garrison auciliaries whereas
legionary craftsmen built the central block;western stock-hole filled in in l a t e r stage; 2types of hypocaust pillars: monolithic andVnortared thin slabsn; V n the Roman period, boys
nist have been employed to crawl beneath thesuspended concrete f l o o r s and clean out the sootfl(Birley 1977: 36); "numerous hairpins, beads anddelicate box-wood combsN found inside; Birley
thinks civilians used this bath (p. 78); latrine
in northeast corner: Praetorium Baths
Vindolanda
LOC :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: internal, in commanding officerfs reçidence
Castellum
F Type:P Size:Plans :
BirLey (1977)
Ref:
excavated in the early 19th century but not
Comment :published; Birley (1977) suggests that theofficers bathed here rather than in the mainbaths (p. 37 & 90)

Vindolanda (Chesterholm): Mansio Baths
LOC :Britannb
Date ;
B Qpe:
B Size:2 hypocausted & 3 non-hypocausted rooms + fumace
B Rooms:
Re1 to F: external, in vicus
Castellum
F Type:F Size:mansio: Birley (1977) fig. 10; mansio & fort:
Plans :
Birley (1977) fig. 4Birley (1977)
Ref:"We &st assume that the principal guests in theComment :mansio would have been army officers on the mobetween posts and civil government officiah-census and taxation officers, couriers and thelike. But others who could pay would probably
have been equally welcome i.f there was room.
(Birley 1977: 46) ; bathing rooms next to kitchen
on one side and latrine on other side (innortheast corner of bathing suite); 2 hypocausted
rooms in first phase; one O f hypocausted rooms
eventually walled up

Vindomora (Ebchester)LOC :B r i tamis
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: "hypocaust in an apse-shaped room, probably partof the bath-suite in the commandant% housen(Wilson 1988: 245)
Castellum
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Wilson (1988)
Ref :Comment :Vindonissa (Windish)Çemania Sunerior
LOC :47-69; rebuilt in 70
Date :
Axial synnnetric row typeB m e :
B Size:3,230 sq. m. incl H b a s i l i c a themaruni
B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
Legionary
F Type:c. 18 haF Size:
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 160; Yegül (1992) fig. 85;
Plans :
F: Johnson (1983) fig. 178
Nielsen (1990) C.177
Ref :Comment :Vinovia (Binchester): Praetorium Baths
Britamia
Loc :built late 4th C; modified later (date unknown)
Date :B Type:B Size:B Roomç:
Re1 to F: free-standing addition to p r a e t o r i m
F TLpe:Castellum
F Size:
B: Rook (1992) fig. 34
Plans :
Fair (1927); Welsby (1982) p. 119-20
Ref :modifications included 2 new rooms; "major
Comment :changes may indicate that the baths had-become
conamuial rather than being used by the commandant
onlyn (Welsby, 1982, p. 120) .
Vinovia (Binchester): Vicus Baths
Britannia
LOC :Date :
S/L: probably Flavian
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
isolated circular S / L ( w i t h hypocaust)(presumably belongs to baths in vicus but notRe1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment:

certain)external, in vicuç SE of f o r tCastellum
F a i r (1927); Somer (1984)
bronze strigil found in S/L.

Wall: see Letocetum
Walldtlxn

Loc :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :Germania Sunerior148-161 (tile stamps) ; burned down and n e w baths
built in 232 (inscription);destroyed 2 4 8 - 6 0 .
Axial row type525 sq. m. (phase 1)

Castellum
B: Nielsen (1990) fig.
Nielsen (1990)(Wallsend)
LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:B liooms :Re1 to F: possibly bath
Castellum
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Sommer (1984)
Ref :Comment :(Watercrook)
LOC :
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F: external bath(beyond river)
P Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Sommer (1984)
Cornent :Weissenburg: see Biriciana(Sommer, 1984)

possibly bath or mansio to NE

(Welzheim)
la Sunerior
LOC :Secondhalf of 2nd C
Date :
Axial
row
type
B m e :
300
sq.
m.
over
B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
Castellum
F Type:F Size:
B: Nielsen (1990) f i g . 159
Plans :
Nielsen (1990) C. 179
Ref:
Comment :(Whitley Castle)
Loc :Britannia
Date:

B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :probably external bath to NE
Castellum

Sommer (1984)

W i n d i s h : see Vindonissa(WÜrzberg)
Germania Sunerior
LOC :Probably Flavian-Trajanic; S/L added later (Fair,
Date :
1927)
Axial row type
B Type:170 sq. m.
S Size:B Rooms :A, H I 2, Ç, S/&; furnace next to Ç & S/H
Re1 to F:
Auxiliary Castellum
F Type:F Size:
B: von Elbe (1975) p. 472
Plans :
Fair (1927); Nielsen (1990) C.180; von Elbe
Ref :( 1 9 7 5 ) pp. 471-73
nbathhouses an indispensable attribute of even a
Comment :small fort where the soldiers could relax when
off dutyw (von Elbe, 1975, p. 471); interior
walls plastered & painted; al1 rooms had glass
windows; outside walls whitewashed(Y G a e r )LOC :Date :B Type:B Size:BritaUB Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Comment :extemalCastellum

Sommer (1984)

York: see Eboracum

Yotvata: see ad-Dianam(Zugmantel): Castellum Bath 1
ermania Su~erior
Date :
Atound 110 (tile stamps) ; entirely rebuilt in 150(tile stamps)
B Type:Axial row type
B Size:240 sq. m.
B Rooms :Re1 to F:
F Type:Castellum
F Size:Plans :
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 163
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C. 181
Comment:
Covered by Castellum Bath II
LOC :(Zugmantel): Castellum Bath If
Loc :

Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref :Cornent:

Around 150 (tile stamps) ; restored around 200(tile stamps)
Axial row type
290 sq. m.
Castellum

B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 164
Nielsen (1990) C.182; Johnson (1983) p. 207
lead pipes served bath-houseZÜrich: see Turicum
Zwannnerdam: see Nigrumpullum

Catalogue of Baths in the Near East
B u i l t Between the 4 t h Century B.C. and A . D . 7 5 0

Notes:of catalocnie
entrlm.
Name of site: Ancient and/or modem (in brackets)

Location: Roman province in T r a j an's tirne(underlined), modem territorial region ( inbrackets)
Purpose for which bath built : e .g., military, civic,
domestic
Date built and date renovated (plus evidence for-dates)
Bath Type: based on Krenckerlsclassification scheme
Bath Size: in sq. m.
Bath Roomç: if identified by excavator
Relation to Fort: (if applicable) interna1 orexternal, and exact location
Fort Type: (if applicable) auxiliary castellum or
legionary fortress, information on fort design
if given by excavator)
Fort Size: (if applicable) in ha.
Plans : source of published plans on bath (and fort)
Reference: publications 1 consulted to create thisentry
Comment: othex items of interest regarding this b a t hTemoral ~eriod. The fourth century B.C. was chosen as
the starting date for this catalogue because that is whenbath-bouses-were f irst introduced-to t h e Near East (as aresult of Alexander the Great's conquests.) The end date
was chosen as A.D. 750 because that corresponds to the
begiming of the Abassid Caliphate and (because the
Abassids moved away from Humeima) to the beginning of
Humeinta's declineÇeooraghical resion. The geographical region covered
this catalogue corresponds to the territory included
Trajan's provinces of A r a b i a , Judaea, Svria, andpleso~otamia. Although the names and borders of these
prov'znces varied ovef t h e , 1 have decided to use
Trajanls terminology as it corresponds to the Roman Near
East at the time of Arabiafs annexation (in the earlysecond century A.C.) . A location within T r a j ants

provinces has been noted for each catalogue entry. Thishas been done to make the baths easier to locate; it does
not necessarily represent the territorial affiliation of
the bath at the time of its construction. In addition, 1
have given the location of each bath in the modern
territorial regions of Jordan, the West Bank, Israel, t h e

Gaza Strip, the Golan Heights, Syria, Iraq, and nirkey.
Near territorial borders, it was sometimes difficult todetermine to which region an ancient site belonged: 1
apologize for any inaccuracies. For the Roman
territorial boundaries, I consulted the maps in Tsafrir
et al. (1994) and Nielsen (1990); for the modern
boundaries, 1 consulted the National Geo-ranhic Atlas of
the Worlg, 6th ed. (1990).
Ritual baths Jewish ritual baths (micnraot) could beconsidered bathhouses in that they often contain two or
more rooms (for bathing and dressing). However, my
purpose in compiling this catalogue was to document
bathhouses which might be useful to consider in relation
to the Roman-style bathhouse at Humeima. Since one ofthe defining characteristics of.Roman-stylebaths is hot
water bathing facilities (hence therntae), 1 have only
included the mIiyaot which had provisions for hot-waterbathingAlnhabetizinq. 1 have attempted to make my alphabetizing
conform to the system used in the General Index tovolumes 1-XXX of the &mual of the Denartment of
Antiqpities of Jordan. Thus, Yhe sites are classified
alphabetically, based on the main element of the namewithout the [Arabic] definite article (al, el, ed, esh,es) . l1 (p. 7) Khirbet, Horvat, and Tell have been ignored
for purposes of alphabetizing. Jebel and Wadi are used inalphabetizing.
Room labels. 1 have gone with the excavators' or
discussants~interpretation of what rooms are present.
However, 1 have noticed that a heated room, with orwithout a water receptacle, not directly adjacent to thefumace is called a T by some authors, an additional Ç byothers, and a stearn room (S or L) by still others.
Roman milita^ Baths in Near East. These are containedin both Appendix A (military baths) and Appendix B (Near
Eastern baths) .
References References containing information on morethan one bath-house are listed in the main bibliography.
Articles/books used for o n l y one bath-house are cfted infull as part of the entry for that bath-house.

Abv r vis 1.
B = bath; F = fort; B&E' = both bath and fort;
B in C = bath in city;. .
9 = ~ ~ o d y t e r Ei ~= ,frraidarium, T = fe~idarjum,
Ç = caldarium, S = sudaorium, L = laconicum,
S/L = either sudatorium or laconicuq;= galaestra

An entry of the form "mer.XXXXXXXn (where the X 1 s arenumbers) , following " T s a f r i r et al. (1994) gives themap coordinates used in that source.
'Abda:

see Oboda

Abila (Qweilbeh/Quailibah): Bath/Nymphaeum Complex
Loc :Arabia? (or Judaea) (Northern Jordan: 15 km northnorth east of Irbid)
Purpose: civic? (at centre of city)
Date:
B Type:s bath/nymphaeum complexn
B Size: Ynassive ~ i n of
B Rooms:
Plans:
B in city: Mare (1994) p. 360
Ref :W. Harold M a r e , T h e 1992 Season of Excavations at
Abila of the Decapolis, 11 ADAJ 38 (1994) 359-78;
Staff, Vocus on digs," Biblical Archaeolosv R e v i e w
22.1 (1996) 24
Comment :Acco: see Ptolemais

ad-Dianam (Yotvata)Loc :A r a b i a (Israel: in Negev)
Purpose: Military
Date:
F: Diocletian (inscription) c. 297; destroyed l a t e
4th C.; B: no dateable finds
B Type: IcEn-Gedi type1 - single row
B Size: ?
B Rooms : ? (C identified)external; 100 m north of fort
Re1 to F:
F Type : Castellum ( ~ d r i b u r o i u m )F Size: 39.4 m x 39.7 m
Plans:
F: Meshel (1989) p. 230; B: Meshel (1989) fig. 4
Ref :Z e l e v Meshel, "A fort at Yotvata from the time of
Diocletian," TEJ 39 (1989) 228-238; Zeev Meshel
nYotvata,n in E. Stern et al., (1993, vol. 4, pp.
1517-20)

Cornent: B: Meshel (1989) speculates fort may have been
built when lfthe Negev, Sinai and southern
Transjordan were transferred £ r o m Arabia to Judaeanp. 238 ; meagre remains; not fully excavated; roundand squaresquare pipes in walls; obviously(?)

related to fortress; near Humeima!

Anman: see Philadelphia

Amwas: see Emmaus(Tel Anafa)
LOC :S v r i a (or Judaea?) (Golan Heights)
Purpose :Date :
building: Late Hellenistic (late 3rd quarter or
early 4th quarter of 2nd C B.C.) ; s i t e : abandonedin 2nd quarter of 1st C B.C., resettled early 1st C
A . C . , abandoned again by end of 1st C A.C.
B Type:B Size:B Rooms : furnace, bathing room, dressing r o o mPlans:
Herbert (1993) p. 59
Ref:
Sharon Herbert, "Anafa, Tel, in Stern et al.
(1993) V. 1, p . 58-61
Comment: bathing rooms part of Late Hellenistic building
consisting of a central courtyard surrounded byrooms on four sides; "primitive hypocaust system of
mud-brick pillarsI1 (Herbert, 1993, p. 59) ; black
and white mosaic; plaster basin in bathing room;coin of 128-125 B.C. in construction fil1 ofbathing suite; in 1st quarter of 1st C B.C.
building undement substantial renovations
through6ut which bath remained in use'Anin: see Betoaenea('Anjar)Svria (Lebanon)
LOC :Purpose : civic'Anjar: 714-15 (Umayyad)
Date :
B TyI?e:B Size:B Rooms: 4 rOOMS
B in t o m : Creswell (1989) pp. 123
Plans :
Creswell (1989) pp. 122-24; Maurice C h e h a b , T h e
Ref:
Umayyad palace at 'Anjar, " A r s Orientalis 5 (1963)
17-25

detached bath-building inside north gate of city;
at one of lowest points inside enclosure; Ç has
nsemi-circular recess [es] to right and left, as in
Qusayr 'Amra and Harcanam as-Sarakhn (Creswell, 1989,
p. 124). Creswell: square hall & usual sequence of
three rooms.
Antiocrhia on the Orontes: Bath A
Loc :Svria (Turkey)

Purpose :Date :

A.D. 350-400; abandoned after earthquake during
reign of Justinian
Angular row type?
1,025 sq. m.

B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans:
B: Manderscheid (1988) abb. 31
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C. 377
Comment :Antiochia on the Orontes: Bath B
LOC :Svria (Turkey)
Purpose :Date:
3rd C (coins)
B Type : Angular row type
B Size: 180 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Plans:
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 256
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C.376
Comment :Antiochia on the Orontes: B a t h C
LOC :Svria (Turkey)
Purpose :Date:
3 r d C; rebuilt in the late 4 t h C; destroyed by anearthquake during the reign of Justinian
B Type: Imperia1 type
B Size: 3,700 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Plans:
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 254, Yegfil (1992) fig 4 1 4Ref :Nielsen (1990) C.374; Yegiil (1992) p. 326
Comment: Yegtil, 1992, sees similarities to South Baths at
Bosra & Sanctuary of Jupiter Heliocaminus at
Baalbek

Antiochia on the Orontes: B a t h E
LOC :Syria (Turkey)
Purpose :Date :
A f t e r A.D. 305 (coins)
8 Type: Angular row type
B Size: 1,050 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Plans:
B: Manderscheid (1988) abb. 33, Yegiil (1992) f i g .
426

Ref :
Nielsen (1990) C.375
Comment :Antiochia on the Orontes: B a t h F
LOC :Svria (Turkey)
Purpose: p u b l i c
Date:restored i n 537
B Type:B Size:B Roomç:Plans :
Ref :Yegill (i992) p. 326
Comment: smaller and less opulent than Bath C

Antiochia Hippos: see Hippos
Apamea (Qalalat al Mudiq) : North Baths

Syria (Syria: 55 km north of Hama)
Loc :Purpose :A . D . 117
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
B in C: Burns (1992) p. 47
Plans :
Burns (1992); Manderscheid (1988) p. 58
Ref:
in n o r t h of city; "lavish in scale with
Comment : on
two large halls for the cold and warm bathsu(Burns, 1992, p. 48)

Ashkelon/ Ascalon
Judaea (Israeb-on Mediterranean Sea)
Loc :Purpose "canlt yet decide whether this is a small publicbath or a large private onew (Stagner, 1991, p. 49)
4th C A. C, (Byzantine), çeveral r e p a i r s and at
Date :
l e a s t one renovation; replaced by monumental
apsidal building in 6th C
B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
Lawrence E. Stager, ttAshkelon,uin Stern et al.,Ref :(1993) v. 1, -pp.
103-112; Lawrence E. Stager,
Ashkelon Discovered (Washington, DC: ~iblical
Archaeology Society, 1991)
Comment built over~omanvillas; "much-repaired mosaic
floorn, in 2nd phase tub-size reduced; inscription
on 2nd phase tub reads "Enter, enjoy, and. It
garbage and nearly 100 6th C skeletons of infants
found in bathsr sewer system (presumably f'rom af terbathsl abandonment)
-

-

0

1

~shkelon/Ascalon
Judaea (fsrael--on Mediterranean Sea)
LOC :Purpose : part of e s t a t e
Byzantine
Date :B Type: "southern typen
B Size: 294 sq. m.
B Roomç Ç, S , T, E, possibly A
B: Israel (1993) fig. 106; Area: Israel (1993) fig.
Plans :
Ref :105
Yigael Israel, "Ashqelon,II E S 1 13 (1993) pp. 100-

105
Comment: in Barnefa Quartes of Ashkelon; c. 4.5 km NE of Tel
Ashkelon; salvage excavation in 1991; 2 sitz-baths
in H; fuel-storage area next to furnace; next tobaths is "white-washed room with a lavatory bowl
and basin made of plaster" (Israel, 1993, p. 104)

Khirbet 'Atara:

see Ataroth 1

A t a r o t h 1 (Khirbet 'Atara,

Khirbet Rafat)
Judaea (West Bank?: double village north
Jerusalem)

LOC :Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:8 Rooms:
Plans :
(1994) p. 71, m g r . 168
Ref:
T s a f r i r et a
'Atara) , 170142 (Kh. Rafat)
Comment: "bath housen~this/Neocaesarea ( D i b s i F a r a j ) : Principia Baths
Svria (Syria)
LOC :Purnose :Early 4th C; re-utilized as dwelling in Arab tintes
Date :B Type: Ring type
B Size: 500 sq. m.
B Rooms: cf 2 Ts, etc.
Re1 to F: in grincinia
F -e:garrisoned city
F Size:Plans: Area: Harper (1975) p. 321
Ref :Harper (1975); Nielsen (1990) C. 378
Comment: salvage excavation: site since flooded. by. dam;
excavator (Harper) suggests the princ~pbawas built
when the village was fortified and garrisoned inthe 3rd C; bath-wing added to the princi~ia in the
Early Byzantine period; 3 furnaces; box-flue tiles;
marble-clad walls; service corridors at semibasement level
-

--

-

&

-

-

-

Athis/Neocaesarea (Dibsi Faraj) : Western Extramural Baths
LOC :Svria (Syria)
Purpose: civic
4th C; abandoned mid 5th C and apparently replaced
Date :
by Northern Extramural Baths
B Type:B Size: 600 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Plans:
Area: Harper (1975) p. 321
Re£:
Harper (1975); Nielsen (1990) C.379 (she combinesthe Western and Northern Extramural Baths in one
entry)
Comment: salvage excavation: site since flooded by dam;outside citadel on West; "at a low level convenient
for the easy supply of watern (Harper, 1975, p.
329); partially excavated; limestone block masonry;geometric mosaics; cold plunge bath~this/Neocaesarea(Dibsi Faraj): Northern Extramural Baths
LOC:
S c i a (Syria)
Purpose : civic
built in 452 (dated by inscription); renovated in
Date :
6th C by changing function of some rooms and adding
new rooms; renovated for non-bathing purposes in
Early Islamic period
B m e :
B Size:B Rooms : multiple hot rooms; multiple As; latrine
Plans: Area: Harper (1975) p. 321
Harper (1975); Nielsen (1990) C.379 (she combines
ReE:
the Western and Northern Extramural Baths in one
entry)
Comment : salvage excavation: site since flooded by dam;outside northeast gate of citadel; not fully
excavated; built chiefly of brick; built Ifona flataxea created by the cutting back of the bank ofdebris outside the citadel wall and the destructionof some small earlier buildingsw (Harper 1975 :329); in 1st phase, E floored with mosaic
displaying animal theme; in 2nd phase, E reflooredwith mosaic incorporating a personification ofHygiene; in 2nd phase there was an undergroundservice room for stoking two furnaces and draining
bath~this/~eocaesarea(Dibsi Faraj)
LOC:
Svria (Syria)
Purpose: domestic
Date :
house: built in early 4th C A.C.; abandoned in mid
4th C when basilica built in area
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans: Area: Harper (1975) p. 321
Ref :Harper (1975) p - 325
Comment: salvage excavation: site since flooded by dam; richhouse with private bath; in fortified city
Auara: see Hawar'Avdat:see Oboda

(Tel A v i v )JudaeaLOC :( Israel)

PurposeDate :B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
Ref :Comment

Byzantine

E. Ayalon, "Tel Aviv, 'Haaretzl Museum," ES1 4(1985) 107-108
in valley east of Tel Qasile; part of hot room
uncovered in salvage excavation in 1984; Ayalonsays very similar to Byzantine bathhouse at Tel
Qasile(Babisqa/Babiska): Double ~ a t h s /Large and Small Baths
Svria (Syria)
Purpose : civic
5th-6th C
Date:
B Type: Two axial row types
B Size: 191 and 124 sq. m.
B Rooms :Nielsen (1990) fig. 260
Plans :
Nielsen (1990) C.380; Grabar et al- (1978) p. 95;
Ref:
Charpentier (1995)
Comment : not excavated; Charpentier (1995: 229-30) suggests
the "Large Baths" may not be baths
LOC :B a b a s : see Panias

Barade (Brad)

LOC :Syria (Syria)

Purpose : civic, Tchalenko: originally part of private estatephase I (hot rooms) : 4th C; phase II (cold rooms) :probably 2nd half of 5th C
B Type: angular row type
B Size: less than 500 (my estimate from Charpentier's plan)
B Rooms: uncovered Hatriuni- (unheated) "salle de transition
avec un bassinw-&-(heated) destrictarium?-Ç1;
latrine
B: Charpentier (1995) fig. 9 (ignore earlier plans
Plans :
published by Nielsen, YegÜl, and Tchalenko; B in C:
Tchalenko (1953) Pl. CXXXIII & CCVII, Burns (1992)
p. 59
past-excavation: Charpentier (1995); preRef:
excavation: Nielsen (1990) C.381; Yegiil (1992) pp.
334-38; Grabar et al. (1978) p. 95; Tchalenko(1953); Burns (1992) pp. 58-59
Comment : excavated in 1992 and 1994 by Charpentier (final
report in process); beware the pre-excavationaccounts of these baths in Nielsen (1990), Yegül(1992), Grabar et al. (1978); Tchalenko (1953), andDate :

Burns (1992); *the low-vaulted rooms are quite
different from the fifth centuzy baths at Serjilla"(Burns, 1992, p. 58); mosaic in uncovered E;
individual tubs; hot section more elaborate than at
Sergilla(Baqa el-Garbiya)

toc :Judaea (Israel: near Caesarea)
Purpose:Date :
probably late Roman or Early Byzantine; ceased tofunction by end of Byzantine period; anotherstructure built over top at later time
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Badihi 6: Boshnino (1991) p. 113
Radwan Badihi & Aviva Boshnino, "Baqa el-Gharbiya,lr
Ref :ES1 10 (1991) 113; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 135(under entry for Geth in Samaria), m . r . 154202
Comment: partially excavated in salvage excavation
Batanaea: see Betoaenea
Becchufrin (Kifrin/Kufrin): Interna1 Baths
LOC :w o t a m i a (Iraq: east of Dura Europos)

Purpose: Military
Date :
F: c. 194
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:internal, next to graetorium?
F Type:F Size: 170 m x 130 m
Plans:
F (a?): Invernizzi (1986b) p. 364 (structures notlabelled); B: Invernizzi (1986b) p. 371 (aerial
photos)cv ,Antonio Invernizzi, "Kifrin--B7&fov$p~
Ref :pIasogotamia 21 (1986a) 53-84; A . ~nvernizzi,"Kifrin and the Euphrates Limes," in Philip Freeman& David Kennedy (eds.) , -eof the Roman
and Bvzantine East (part 1, pp. 357-381). Oxford:
BAR International Series 297, 1986b.
Cornent: salvage excavation preceding flooding by dam;remains of internal baths slight; not muchinformation given on baths (see Invernizzi, 1986b,
pp. 362-63); fort mentioned in militasr papyri from
Dura-Europos; caravan city~ecchufrh(Kifrin/Kufrin): Extramural Baths
LOC :plesonotarnia (Iraq: east of Dura Europos)
hirpose: ~ilitary
F: c. 194
Date :

B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
external
F Type:F Size: 170 m x 130 m
F (&B?): Invernizzi (1986b) p. 364 (structures not
Plans:
labelled)
Antonio Invernizzi, "Kifrin--BgXXou$prc v , "Ref:
Mesomtamia 21 (1986a) 53-84; A. Invernizzi,"Kifrin and the Euphrates Limes," in Philip Freeman& David Kennedy (eds.) , The Defense of the Romanm d Byzantine East (part 1, pp. 357-381). Oxford:
BAR International Series 297, 1986b.
Comment : salvage excavation preceding flooding by dam; notmuch information given (see Invernizzi, 1986b, pp.
362-63); photo of p i l a e from baths (Invernizzi.
1986b. p. 370); fort mentioned in military papyri
from Dura-Europos; caravan city
( B e e r Sheba)

LOC :Judaea (Israel)

Purpose :Date :

B: Roman or Byzantine; F: "might have been built as
early as the 3rd. c. as a camp for the Tenth legion
after the legion was transferred from Jerusalem toEilahn (Fabian 1995: 239)

B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:

outside fort; c. 200 m from southeast corner offort

F Type:F Size:P l u s:Ref :B&F: Fabian (1995) Fig. 3
F: Peter Fabian. "The late Roman Military Camp at
Beer Sheba: A New Di~covery,~
The Roman andBvzantine Near East (LIRA Supplementary Series no.
14, Ann Arbor, MI: 1995) pp. 235-240.

Comment : fort not excavated and has been built over (butoutline can be seen in 1918 aerial photo); fort "isdifferent from al1 contemporary military
installations in southern Israel ..Jet it resembles
the large structures known £rom Transjordan at
Lejun, Udrah and Aliam (Fabian, 1995, p. 239); theNotitia Dicmitatum mentions a Roman fortress mannedby a cohort of Dalmatian horsemen; Beer Sheba shownas military camp on Madaba map; Fabian suggests
Beer Sheba was "the military headquarters ofsouthern Palestinen (p. 239); possibly aux
palaestina resided in Beer Sheba

E3eisan: see Nysa-Scythopolis

Beit Jibrin: see Eleutheropolis

Bet She'an: see Nysa-Scythopolis
Bethafu: see Boutafis

Beth Guvrin: see Eleutheropolis
Beth Shean: see Nysa-Scythopolis
Beth Y-:see Betoaenea

Beth-Yerah: see Philoteria(Beth-Zur, Khirbat et Tubeiqa)
LOC :Judaea (West Bank: near Hebron)
Purpose :Date :HeIlenistic
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans:
Area: Sellers (1933) plate 11
Ref:
Ovid Rogers Sellers, The Citadel of Beth-Zur(Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1933, pp. 1619); Reich (1988) p. 102
Cornent : tubs, benches, basins , and possible foot baths ; nohypocaust rnentioneà; Sellers suggests it may bebathhouse or dye/ tanning plant; Reich (1988)
thinks it is bathhouse and is one of earliest onesin Israel~etoaenea/Batëmaea (Beth Yannai?) ( 'Anin)
LOC :Judaea (Israel: village 15 miles east of Caesarea)
Purpose: medicinal baths
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans:
Ref:
Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 88, m.r. 165211
Comment: nmedicinal baths"

Birtha: see Zenobia

Bosra: see Bostra
Bostra (Bosra):South Baths
LOC :Arabia (Syria)
Purpose :Date:
f i r s t built in 2nd C A.C.; rooms added in 3rd C;B Type:rooms converted and new rooms added in 4th C; inUmayyad period communal bathing pools replaced bysmall individual basins and some rooms used fornon-bathing purposes
Nielsen1 classification: Axial half-symmetric row
type (probably not based on full plan)
2,760 sq- m. (based only on a portion?)

B Size:8 Rooms:
Plans:
B: Weiss (1994) fig. 35; Nielsen (1990) fig. 218(represents only a portion of Weisst plan); B incity: Bowersock (1983) p. 189
Ref:
Nielsen (1990) C.286; Harvey Weiss. flArchaeology in
Syria, AJA 98 (1994) 101-158, esp. 153 (bestsource for information); Segal (1988) pp. 56-57
Comment: see Weiss (1994) for changes in bath in each tirne
periodBostra (Bosra):
North Baths
LOC :Arabia (Syria)
Purpose :Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
inside fort
F Type: Legionary fortress
F Size: 16.8 ha
Plans:
B incity: Bowersock (1983) p. 189; F incity:
Kennedy & Riley (1990) fig. 72
Ref :Bowersock (1983) p. 189; Kennedy & Riley (1990);
Raymond Brulet, nEstampilles de la III9 Légion
Cyrénaïque à Bostrafn Bervtus 32 (1984) 175-79
Comment: North Baths shown in Bowersockls map would lie
inside fort shown in Kennedy & Rileyfs map if thetwo maps were superimposed; stamped legionary tiles
have been found in fort area (including a roundhypocaust tile) ; Bostra was base for the leoio III
Cvrenaica; 1 have not found any description ofthese baths

Bostra (Bosra):
Central Baths
Loc :Arabia (Syria)
Purpose :Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
B in city: Bowersock (1983) p. 189
Ref:
Comment :Date :built and abandoned in 1st C A X .
B Type:B Size:B Rooms: 4, P I TI Ç (etc.?)
Plans :Ref :V. Tsaferis & M. Peleg, " K e f ar Nahum - 1984, "3(1984) p. 64; V. Tsaferis & M. Peleg, Wefar Nahum:
Excavations of the Department of Antiquities 1985," ESZ 4 (1985) p. 59;
Comment: round and square bricks in Ç; not fully excavatedCaphar Saba (Khirbet Sabiye)
Judaea ( Israel)
LOC :Purpose :Roman
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 99, m.r. 144176
Re£ :Comment : '!Roman bath-house"

Chorazin (Khirbet Kerraze)
Judaea (Israel: north of Sea of Galilee, 4 km northof Capernaum)
Purpose : public ritual b a t h complex
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Area: Yeivin (1993) p. 302
Plans :
Zeev Yeivin, ThorazinIn in S t e m et al., (1993) v.
Ref :1 pp. 301-304; 2 . Yeivin, "Korazim - 1983/1984,w
PSI 3 (1984) 66-71, esp. 67; Tsafrir et al. (1994)
p. 103, m.r. 203257
Comment : Jewish community; immersion pool; clay oveninstalled in 6th/7th C A.C. (but complex might nothave been used for bathing at this tinte)
LOC :Colonia Ennnaus (Moza, Motza, Qalunyia)
LOC :Judaea (Israel: west of Jerusalem)
Purpose :

Date:
Roman
B ?"ype:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Ref:
Barag (1967) p. 267; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 105,
m.r. 165133
Comment: not same as Emmaus; military colony established by
Vespasian; bath uncovered by Mandatory Departmentof Antiquities

Cypms: Lower Slope B a t h
LOC :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose :Date :
Herodian; L added at later stage
B Type: Axial row type
B Size: 200 sq. m.
8 Rooms: 4, 2 Es, 2 xs, 1 L, 1 ÇPlans:
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 238; Netzer (1993) p . 315(better); Area: Netzer (1993) p. 315
Ref:
Nielsen (1990) C.337; Ehud Netzer, nCypros, in
Stern e t al., (1993) v. 1 pp. 315-317; Small (1987)
Comment: 2 furnaces: 1 next to Ç, 1 next to L; circular L;
mosaic in A; stepped pools in Es; rough-hem stone& ashlar; possible Hasrnonean mikveh beneath one ofTs-

Cyprus: Upper B a t h s~ u d a e a (West Bank)
LOC :Purpose :Date :
Early Roman period; bathtubs in
added in laterphase
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
Re£:
Ehud Netzer, flCypros,lt
in S t e m et al., (1993) v . I
pp. 316; Small (1987)
Comment : wall frescos in F and 2; white mosaic and onuss e c t i l e f l o o r s ; marble wash-basin and stone carved
bathtub in Ç; stepped immersion pool in P; bathtub
in T; entrance via courtyard which might have beenroofed; F srnaller than T or Ç; possible second
story; cisterns beneath some of rooms; rough-hem
stone(D;in;i-Nord)
LOC :Svria (northern Syria: c. 10 km east of Babisqa)

Purpose :Date :
Byzantine
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
Ref :Tchalenko (1953) vol. 1, p. 25, 118; Charpentier(1995) p. 225 n. 25
Comment: covered cisteni believed to be frorn baths(Deir el-Balah)
Loc :Judaeq (Gaza Strip: in Sinai)
Purpose :Date :
Byzantine
B Type:B Size:
B Rooms:
Plans :Ref :Eliezer D. Oren, "Sinai : Byzantine and Arab
PeriodsIw in Stern et al. (1993) v, 4 p. 1396.
Comment : prosperous Byzantine t o m near Deir el-Balah;ancient name of t o m not known; might be Sykamazon
from Madaba map; salvage excavations in 1973
uncovered sections of " w e l l constructed bathhouse"(Khirbet edh-Dharïh)Jirabia (central Jordan)Loc :Purpose : in residential building
residential building occupied 1st C A.C. to
Date :
begiming of Byzantine period
S m e :
B Size:B Rooms: 2 rooms: 1 C

Plans :
Ref :Patricia M. B i k a i & Deborah Kooring , "Archaeology
in Jordan, AJA 99 (1995) 507-533, esp. 521-22.
Comment : circular hypocaust bricks; good photo of Ç showing
hypocaust, intact Ç floor and rectangular wallgrooves for flue-pipes p. 522; also Nabataean
temple at site
Dhiban: See Dibon
D i b o n (Dhiban, Diban)

LOC :Arabia (Jordan: in Moab)Purpose :Date:
Roman or Byzantine (no direct evidence)
B Type: ? (not fully excavated)
B Size: ? (not fully excavated)
B Rooms : ? (not fully excavated)
Plans :Ref :A. D. Tushingham. The Excavations at Dibon (Dhiban)
in the M o a b : The Third Camaign 1952-53. Cambridge:
American Schools of Oriental Research, 1972, p. 57.
Cornent: Whether it was constructed earlier in the
Byzantine period or is to be assigned to the Roman
period is at present unclear. A bath would be anatural amenity in a Roman garrison t o m of thethird century . (Tushingham, 1972, p. 57) Only Ç
excavated .

D i b s i F a r a j : see Athis

Dora (Tel Dor)LOC :Judaea (Israel: on Mediterranean)
Purpose: public
Roman
Date :

B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
E. Stem, 1. Sharon, & A. Gilboa, "Tel Dor - 1987,11
Ref :
7-8 (1988/89) pp. 43-49; Biblical Archaeology
Review 21.1 (1995) p. 39
Comment hypocaust bricks in centre of room are roundwhereas those against walls are square; hypocaust
under at least 2 rooms; floor in larger room also
supported by low partition wall built of squarehypocaust tiles; bath-house being excavated f u r t h e r
in 1995(Khirbet --Dura)Judaea (Golan Heights)
Loc :Purpose :Byzantine
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Amir Golani, ltGolan,Survey of Central Area, E S 1 9
Ref :(1989/1990) pp. 7-8; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 114,
m.r. 212266Comment : severely damaged by m o d e m construction and by westside tumbling d o m slope; part of Ç uncovered;çumensura & hypocaust ; " small pools paved withwhite rnosaicsn (Golani, 1989/1990, p. 8)
Dura Eurapos (Salihiyeh): Bath P3(Syria)LOC :Purpose :Mid 1st C A.C.; probably restored in 150-175;
Date :
defunct c. 210; [Yegtil, 1992, p. 33: destroyed in£ i r e in 2151 ; a milita- amphitheatre was built
into thein A.D. SI6
B Type: Angular ( ? ) row type
B Size: 630 sq. m., incl. g 1,680 sq. m.
B Rooms : E (with pool), T, S/L, Ç (with basins), 5, 2
latrines, etc.
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 247; Brown (1936) Pl. 3
Plans :
Nielsen (1990) C.360; Clark Hopkins, The Discovery
Ref :of Dura - E U ~ O D O S (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1979); F. E. Brown, "Block F,," pp. 49-83 in M. 1.
Rostovtzeff et al.
m a -E U ~ O D O S .
Preliminarv Regort fo the Sixth Season af Work.
October 1932-March 1933 (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1936)
Comment : Parthian; plaster in E painted with Victory; noneof rooms perfectly square or rectangular; gypsum
mortar; 2 furnaces; square hypocaust tiles; service

area adjoining each furnace; 3 rooms withhypocausts & tubuli; furnace floors slope as
recommended by Vitruvius; heated rooms domed;
terracotta piping inserted in arches to lightenload; pillars, spandrels & soffits of arches aroundE pool were painted; in phase 2, 11 pool filled in &replaced with basin, E lined with rubble bencheswith " a m n rising 0.18 m above bench height, newbathing room added, fuel room adjoining furnace,
fuel room has mudbrick walls; water not heated
before entering basins; E repaved multiple times,
remains of dedicatory inscription in E
Dura Europos(Salihiyeh): Bath C3-

Mesoootamia (Syria)
LOC :Purpose : Military?
Date :
Early 3rd C; rebuilt later
B Type: Ring type (later row type)
B Size: 1,050 sq. m.
B Rooms :B: Yegül (1992) f i g . 425
Plans :
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C.361; Yegül (1992) pp. 358
Comment : Yegül (1992) suggests C3, E3 & M7 built after
destruction of F3 and "soon after the establishmentof a n e w garrison and the arriva1 of n e w troops inthe city in 210' (p. 3 3 8 . Brown. cited in yegfil
military(1992) suggests they are llexclusively
baths, but a step in the intense Romanization ofmunicipal l i f e characteristic of the citylsl a s t
half centuryn (p. 338).
Dura Europos(Salihiyeh): Bath E3
pieso~otarnia (Syria)
LOC :PurposeDate :B Type:B Size:B Rooms

Military?
Early 3rd C
Ring type (later row type)
700 sq. m.
within military precinct
garrisoned city
9 ha
B: Yegül (1992) fig. 423
Nielsen (1990) C.362; YegÜl (1992) pp. 358
within a 9 ha region of city walled off for use of
Roman garrison; walled-off region also contained
grincinia, barracks blocks, and temples; "Duraprovides an excellent though rare example of theaccormodation for an implanted urban garrison
within the circuit of an existing- strongholdff(Kennedy & Riley, 1990, p. 114); A ~ o d ~ t e r i u m
identified by benches along walls:

P Type:F Size:Plans :
Ref:
Comment

Dura Bures (Salihiyeh): Bath M7
esogotamia (Syria)
LOC :Purpose Military?
Early 3rd C
Date:
B Type: Ring typeB S i z e : 600 sq. m.
B Rooms
B: YegÜl (1992) fig. 424
Plans :
Nielsen (1990) C.363; Yegül (1992) pp. 358
Ref:
odvterium identified by benches along walls;
CommentYegÜl (1992) suggests C3, E3 & M7 built after
destruction of F3 and %oon after the establishmentof a new garrison and the arriva1 of new troops inthe city in 210" (p. 338). Brown, cited in YegÜl
(1992) suggests they are nexclusively military
baths, but a step in the intense Romanization ofmunicipal life characteristic of the city's last
half centuryn (p. 338) .
Eboda: see Oboda'Blin Yalu: see 'En Ya el(El B a r à )Svria (Syria: just north of Muggleyya)
Loc :Purpose :5th C
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms

Plans :
Ref :Comment

small

Charpentier (1995)
in village; Charpentier228) believes thebaths at El Bara, Sinsarah, Muggleyya, Frikia andSergilla form a local group: "Ces bâtimentss'organisent systématiquement sur un plan
rectangulaire, avec le même nombre de salles
disposées selon un schéma identiq~e...~(description of similarities follows)

Eleutheropolis (Beth Guvrin/ Beit Jibrin)
Loc :Judaea (Israel: The Shephelah)mrposeDate :B Type:B Size:B Rooms

Plans:
Ref :Amos Kloner, "Beth Guvrin: Church at Mahat el-Urd(Makhatet el-'Urj) , in S t e m et al., (1993) v . 1,
pp. 196-97
Hloner does not suggest bath but hypocaust might be-Cornent

from bath; hypocaust built over mosaic in church;
not clear if hypocaust built when church was in use
or later
Elusa

Arabia (Israel: in Negev)
toc :Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :Ref :Avraham Negev, nElusa,lr in Stem et al. (1993) v . 1
p.

381

Comment : bathhouse in western half of city; water conveyedfrom resesvoir to bathhouse in lead and clay pipes;
t o m founded by Nabataeans
Eumaus (Amwas, Maqam es-Sheikh 'Ubeid) : The Southern Baths
Judaea ( Ïsrael)
Loc :Purpose :Date :
3rd C A.C.?; renovated to a smaller s i z e after
damaged by the earthquake of 498; t o m abandoned in
636; Crusaders used baths as warehouses; Mamelukes
turned baths into holy place
B Type : Axial row typeB S i z e : 100 sq. m.
B Room :B: Manderscheid (1988) abb. 24; Gichon (1993) p.
Plans :
387 (phase 2)
Nielsen (1990) C.338; Mordechai Gichori, mknmaus:
Ref :The Southern Baths,1t in S t e m et al. (1993) v. 2,
p.
- 387-89.
Comment : thermal springs known for healing powers; probably
are other baths at site waiting to be found; notfully excavated; water £rom reservoir; tanks forcold, warm, and hot water; after renovation, 2
turned into E and Ç turned into T; possibly
palaestra
('En
LOC:

BoqeqfQasr Umrm Baghgheq)
Judaea (1srael:-oasiso n west shore of Dead Sea)

Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
M. Gichon. "En Boqeq," in Bncvclonedia of
Ref:chaeoloqical Excavations in the Holy Land, v. 2,
1976, p. 365.

Cornent : possible bath-house (not cleared); 4th C fort at

site but not sure of bath's relation to fort
(En-Gedi)
LOC :Judaea (Israel on border between Israel and West
Bank: oasis on W e s t shore of Dead Sea)
Purpose :between A.D. 70 and 132
Date:
B Type: Row
B Size: 200 sq. m.
B Rooms: 2 AS, F (with pool), T, C
Plans :
B. Mazar & 1. Dunayevsky, "En-Gedi: Fourth andRef :fifth seasons of excavations preliminary report,"
IEJ 17 . 3 (1967) 133-43; Benjamin Mazar, "En-Gedi:
The Bathhouse, in Stern et al. (1993) v. 2 pp.
404-405.
Comment : built on top of earlier bath; might be part oflarger building; built with reused architecturalpieces from Herodian building (e.g ., Doric capitalÜsed in floor)(aHaseva, Tel Tamar)
LOC :Asabils (Israel: in Arabah in Negev)
Purpose: Military
Date :
B: Roman; F: probably founded after annexation of
Arabia; projecting
towers added late 3rd/early 4th
C; fell into disuse during 2nd half of
B Type: info not yet available
II
11
B Size:nIInn
B ROO~S:t~
Re1 to F:
50 m southeast of fort
F Type: Castellum
F Size: c. 46 m x 46 m
Plans :
Rudolph Cohen, The fortress at c E n Haseva, It
Ref :Biblical Archaeolosist 57:4 (1994) 203-214; Staff,"1995 excavation opportunitiesInB i b l i c a l
J4rchaeolocrv Review 21.1 (1995) 45.
Comment : Cohen's 1994 article was published before the -93
season at which point the excavation of bath was
s t i l l in the early stages; nRomanubaths are
mentioned in a description of the site publishedprior to the 1995 season
- -

('En

-

-

-

--

Yalel, 'Ein Y a î u )Judaea ( Israel : near Jerusalem)
LOC :PurposeRoman
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms : at least 2 roomç
Area: Edelstein (1988/89) fig. 48 (bath no.
Plans :

Ref :

G. Edelstein, "'Rn Yafel," nSI 5 (1986) pp. 30-33;
G. Edelstein, "'En Yalel - 1987," PSI 7-8 (1988/89)
pp. 54-57; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 122, m . r .
166127

Comment: on upper terrace; Ç " w i t h pottezy heating pipes
embedded in plaster, and a Stone paved f l o o r
resting on brick archesn (Edelstein, 1986, p. 30)('En Yalel, 'Kin Y a l u )LOC :J J . , (Israel: near Jerusalem)
Purpose :Roman ( a f t e r Bar Kokhba Revoit)
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms : at least 3 rooms
Plans :
Area: Edelstein (1988/89) fig. 48 (bath no. 8-10)
Ref:
G. Edelstein, "'En Yalel," ES1 5 (1986) pp. 30-33;
G. Edelstein, "'En Yafel - 1987," ES1 7-8 (1988/89)
pp. 54-57; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 122, m.r.
166127
Comment : on lower terrace; t i l e s with stamps of Tenth Roman
Legion; circular room with wall frescos; mosaic;
wall flues('En Z u r )LOC:
Judaea (Israel: near Ramat ha-Nadiv)
Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
Tsafrir et al. (1994) pp. 211-12 (under entry for
Ref:
Ramat ha-Nadiv), m.r. 145217
Comment : "bath-house"(el- F e d e i n )~ r a b i a(northern Jordan)Loc :Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size: 400 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Humbert (1989) fig. 1
Plans:Ref :J. B. Humbert "Fedein (el)," in Homès-Fredericq &Hennessy (1989)
Comment : Figure 1.3 in Humbert (1989) labelled 'Arabcastlel, perhaps Umayyad bath," only mention tobath in this entry.

(Tell Faysal)
Arabia (Jordan)
Purpose :Date :
F: end of 2nd C/beginning of 3rd C A.C.
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Re1 to F:
uriknown
F Type: fort or watchtower; but may be caravanserai or
villa
FSize: 3 1 m x 3 7 m
Plans :
Ref :Gaetano Palumbo, Khairieh 'Amr, Ali Musa & Michelle
Rasson-Seigne, mSalvage Excavations at 'Tell
Faysalf, Jarash," ADAJ 3 7 (1993) 89-117
Comment: salvage excavation in 1991; site had been heavily
damaged by 20th C construction; only a small
portion of "fortN was excavated; fort would havecontrolled southern access to Gerasa; "the presenceof a large number of hypocaust tiles . . .may indicate
the presence of a bath in the areait (Palumbo etal., 1993, p. 95) ; hypocaust tiles also reused in"late" kiln; "fortm now preserved under highway
LOC:(Frikia)
LOC :Svria (Syria: just north of Sergilla)
Purpose :
Date:
5th C
B Type:B Size: small
B Rooms:
Plans:Re£:
Charpentier (1995)
Comment: in village; Charpentier (1995: 228) believes thebaths at El Barà, Sinsarah, Muggleyya, Frikia andSergilla form a local group: "Ces bâtimentss'organisent systématiquement sur un plan
rectangulaire, avec le même nombre de salles
disposées selon un schéma identique...!!
(description of similatities follows)

Gadara ( U m Qeis/ Um Qeis/ U m Qais): Byzantine Baths
Judaea (Jordan)LOC :mirpose: civic
Date:
Early 4th C., 2nd period 5th C (following "severenfire); used into early 7th C; during Umayyad period
converted to smaller domestic units
B Type : Ring type
B Size: Nielsen: 2,340 sq. m.; Weber: 30 x 50 m
B Rooms :Plans:
B: ~anderscheid (1988) abb. 166, Holm-Nielsen etal. (1989) fig. 4 ; B in C: Weber (1990) centerfold,no. 14
Nielsen (1990) C.339; Weber (1990) pp. 26-27; S.
Holm-Nielsen, U. Wagner-Lux, K. J. H. Vriezen, & T.
Weber. T m Qeis (Gadaraf in Hm&-Fredericq &Hennessy (1989) vol. 2
Comment : Excavated in early 1980s by Danish team; on south
side of decumanus maximus (entered from it); built
on steep slope; southern facade was 14 m high;rectangular rooms; Ç made smaller during
rebuilding; "fuel stored in two vaulted chambers
under the bath, with direct access from the Streetn(Nielsen, 1990, vol. 1, p. 20 n. 77)
Ref :Gadara (Umm Qeis/ Um Qeis/ U m Qais): Baths of Herakleides
Judaea (Jordan)
LOC :Purpose : civic
3rd C A.C.
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
B in C: Weber (1990) centerfold, no. 17
Ref :Weber (1990) pp. 28
Comment : Excavated in 1960s by Jordanian & Geteans; 100m north of decumanus maximus; mosaics still inplace; mosaic designs geometric; one mosaic names
Herakleides as donor
Gadara (Umm Qeis/ Um Qeis/ Umm Qais) : el-Qasr
LOC :Judaea ( Jordan)

Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
B in C: Weber (1990) centerfold, no. 18
Ref :Weber (1990) pp. 28
Comment : unexcavated; 3 m high standing remains of a
substantial octagonal building; "several water
charnels between the street and the building hintthat it may have been the monumental vestibule fora bathsn (Weber, 1990, p. 28) ; 200 m south ofdecumanus maximus

Gadaris : see Gazara

Gazara/ Gadaris (Tell Jezer) ( B i b l i c a l Gezer) : The Syrian
Bath

LOC :
Judaea ( Israel : near Enmaus)
Purpose :Date :
Hellenistic
B Type:B Size:B Rooms : 7 rooms + furnace
B: Maaister (1912) fig. 110
Plans :
Ref :Mamister, R. A. Stewart, The Excavation of Gezer
2902-1905 gnd 1907-1909 (London: John Murray, 1912)
pp. 223-228; Reich (1988) p. 102

Comment : one of earliest hot bath-houses in Eretz-Israel;
furnace; no mention of hypocaust; cement floors; 3
rooms contain tubs/tanks; water from al1 tubs
drained across floors and l e f t building via drain
in one room; barre1 vaults
Gazara/ Gadaris (Tell Jezer) ( B i b l i c a l Gezer) : The Roman
Bath
LOC :
JudaeaJudaea(Israel: near Emmaus)
mirpose:
Roman
Date:
B Type:B Size: 375 sq. m.
B Rooms : 4, T I Ç, F I atrium, latrine
MacAlister (1912) plate 1
Plans :
MacAlister, R. A. Stewart, The Excavation of Gezer
Ref:
1902-1905 and 1907-1909 (London: John Murray, 1912)
pp. 228-36; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 131, m.r.

142140Comment : floors paved with white or coloured mosaics;
marble-lined walls , square hypocaust tiles ; pool in
E; hoard of coins in E drain perhaps from admission
fees; building bas been greatly damaged from being
used as a quarry
G e l i l o t : see Tel Mikhal

Gerasa (Jerash): The Baths of Placcus
Arabia (Jordan)Loc :Puzpose :A.D. 454-455; restored in 584
Date :B Type: Angular row type
B Size: 830 sq. m.
8 Rooms : "besides the usual heated rooms, an atrium and an
open court with a s w i d n g pool--an extremely rareelement at this time and in Christian contextm(YegÜl 1992: 320)
cathedra1 conrplex (including baths) : Piccirillo
Plans :
(1993) fig. 527; cathedral corrrplex in city:
Piccirillo (1993) p. 355
Nielsen (1990) C.341; YegÜl (1992) p. 320
Ref :Comment : Built by blshop as "an adjunct to an important
ecclesiastical complex, although their size andplanning make it most likely that their use was not
restricted to the clergyn (Yegiil, 1992, p. 320)

Gerasa (Jerash): East Baths
LOC :Arabia (Jordan)
Purpose :Date :
3rd C A . C . ?
B Type:B Size:B Roomç :Plans :
B in city: Bowersock (1983) p. 188
Ref :Manderscheid (1988) p. 116; Nielsen (1990) p. 112
n, 131; Segal (1988) p. 24
Comment: not excavated; not fully exposed; partly overbuilt;
poorly presemed; larger & more complex than West
Baths

Gerasa (Jerash): West Baths
Arabia (Jordan)
LOC :Purpose: civic
Date:
2nd C (probably 2nd haLf)
B Type: Imperia1 type?
B Size: 4,500 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Plans:
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 241; B in city: Bowersock(1983) p . 188
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C.340; Segal (1988) p. 24
Comment :Gerizim Mons (Mount Gerizim, Jebel et-Tur)LOC :Judaea (West Bank)
mirpose: Domestic?
Date:
Hellenistic (city established c. 200 B.C.,
destroyed 114-111 B.C.)
8 Type: Tub RoomB Size:B ROOW:
Plans :
Ref :Itzhak Magen, "Gerizim, Mountn in S t e m et al.
(1993) V . pp. 484-488
Comment: 2 bathrooms in one residential building and 1 inanother; bathroomç have stone or plaster bathtubs;
one bathroom has plastered wash basin; no mentionof a suite of bathing rooms or a hypocaust
t

LOC :

-

Svria (northern Syria: c. 15 km southwest ofBabisqa)

Purpose :Date:
Byzantine
B Type:B Size: small
B Rooms:
Plans :
Ref:
Charpentier (1995) p. 225 n. 25

Comment :Halebiye: see Zenobia(Hanunam As-Sarakh/ HanmSn al-Sarah)
w a b i a orda dan)toc :Purpose : hammam of Qasr el-Hallabat (2 km away)
Date :
Umayyad, A.D. 705-15
B Type: Angular row type
B Size: 310 sq. m. (bathing + audience rooms)
B Rooms: entrance hall, A-Z-Ç
B: Bisheh (1987) fig. 1; Creswell (1989) p. 166
Plans :
(quite different)
Nielsen (1990) C.288; Ghazi Bisheh. wHamnZm alRef :Sarah in the light of recent excavations,"
D~maszenerMitteilunaeq 4 (1987) 225-30, plates 5966; Creswell (1989); Khouri (1992) pp. 27-30.
Comment : 3 parts: audience hall, bathing rooms, hydraulicstructures; A tunnel-vaulted, T cross-vaulted, Çdomed; tunnel-vaulted recess in 2; 2 semi-circular
recesses in Ç; probably water tank over furnace;
unroofed fuel storage/service area adjacent tofurnace; latrines flushed by waste water; well
water raised by animal-powered ~àgivahinto raised
reservoir from which gravity-flow was used toconvey it to bath through ceramic pipes; also pipes
to garden; pool & fountain in audience hall;decorated with mosaics, marble, statues & painted
plaster; strikingly similar to Quasayr Amra,
though its masonxy is better finished off and its
courses more tightly joinedll (Bisheh, 1 9 8 7 , p.
229) ; Stone pilfered in 1950s; clearance andpartial reconstruction in 1974 but no report on
this work; adjacent unroofed mosque is from Ottoman
period( H a n m a t Gadder)
Judaea (Jordan: in Yarmuk Valley near Gadara)
LOC :Purpose: therapeuticbuilt late 2nd C A.C.? Phase 1: Roman & Byzantine;
Date:
Phase 2: early Islamic (renovated & re-opened in663); abandoned 9th/early 10th C
B m e :
B Size: 4200 sq. m.
B Rooms :B: Manderscheid (1988) abb. 175; B (Phase 1):
Plans :
Hirschfeld & Solar (1981) f ig. 2; B (Phase 2) :Hirschfeld & Solar (1981) fig. 3; Area: Hirschfeld& Solar (1981) fig. 1
Yizhar Hirschfeld & G i o r a Solar. T h e Roman Thermae
Ref :al H a m t Gader: Preliminary report of threeseasons of excavationsInIEJ 31 (1981) 197-219;

Stern et al. (1993) v. 2, p. 569
Comment: "The combination of a sacred spring, therapeutic
thermae and a cultic theatre offered visitors thesame type of religious, meàical and social
facilities which were available at many cultic
centres throughout the Roman Empiren (Hirschfeld &Solar, 1981, p. 198); water from hot spring; tubs;
window glass; lamps; images defaced in Abassid
periodEaumatha: See Hammat Gader
Aanan;ith-Tiberias: see Tiberias

Tell el-Emmeh: see Hammat Gader
H o m t Eanot: see FCh.

el KhanHawar/Auara (Humeima )LOC :Arabia (Jordan: in Hisma)
Purpose: Military
B: Phase 1: N a b building; Phase 2: Late Roman bath;
Date:
Phase 3 : Byzantine bath; F: built 2nd C
B Type: r o w (stage 1 = parallel r o w type)B S i z e : 150 sq. m.
B Rooms: &-F/T-L-Ç:
Re1 to F:
outside fort
F Type: Castellum (Parker, 1986)
FSize:

3.0ha

Plans:

B: Oleson (1989) figs. 4-6; B&F: Oleson (1994) fig
1; F: Oleson (1994) fig. 3
B: John P. Oleson, Wumeima hydraulic survey, 1989:
Preliminary field report, Classical Views 34(1990) 145-63. F: John P. Oleson, Khairieh ' A m r ,Rebecca Foote, & Robert Schick, nPreliminary reportof the Humeima excavation project, 1993," (;,'lassicalViews 38 (1994) 141-79.

Ref :Comment :(Tell H e f e r / Tell el-Itshar)
Judaea (Israel: c. 15 km southeast of Caesarea)
Purpose :Date :
Byzantine
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
Ref:
Samuel M. Paley & Yosef Porath, "Hefer, Teln in
Stern et al. (1993) v . 2 pp. 609-14, esp. 613
Comment :Loc :A L H e m m a : See Hammat Gader

Baths in the Palace
H e r o d i u m (Jebel Fureidis) :toc :Judaea (West Bank)
EUrpose baths in fortif ied palace
last 3rd of 1st C B.C.; converted into monkts cells
in ~yzantineperiod
B Type: Angular row type
B Size: 300 sq. m.
B Rooms A, E (with pool), T, Ç
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 243
Plans :
Nielsen (1990) c.342; Gideon Foerster, T h e
Ref :Mountain Palace-Fortressn in Stern et aï. (1993) v.
2 pp. 619-621; S m 1 1 (1987)
Comment in northwest of palace; mosaic floorç; frescos in
Pompeian F i r s t Style; circular(D 4.15 m) ;another story above bath; IlIn the bathhouse w e r eseveral erotic inscriptions written by soldiers"(Foerster, 1993, p. 621)

Herodium (Jebel Fureidis)
Loc :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose : palace baths
Date :
Herodian
B Type:B Size: large
B Rooms: 8 , 3 Es, 2 Çs (1 possibly L ) , F not yet found
B: "~erodion- 1982/1983" p. 48
Plans :
Ehud Netzer, "Lower Herodiurntvin S t e m et al.
Ref :(1993) v. 2 pp. 621-626, esp. 623; nHerodion l982/1983," E S 1 2 (1983) pp. 4 7 - 4 9Cornent : in lower Herodian; near southwest corner of poolcomplex; "largest of its kind so f a r discovered inany of Herodls palacesn (Netzer, 1993, p. 623) ; notfully excavated; large Ç; round Ç or L (D c . 4 m) ;mosaic floors; frescos; marble wash basin withmythical figure, 2 furnaces; one corner and several
room bases cut into bedrock
Eerodium (Jebel Fureidis)
LOC :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose :Date :
Herodian?
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :B: Netzer (1981) 111. 77
Plans :
Ehud Net zer, Lower Herodiumn
Ref:
Stern et al.
(1993) v. 2 pp. 621-626, esp. 623; Ehud Netzer,
Greater Herodiu~ (Qedem 13, Jerusalem: Hebrew
University of Jerusalem, 1981, pp. 47-49.
Cornent : in lower Herodian; north of pool complex; somehypocaust pilae made of round flat bricks, somemade of Stone; mosaic in Ç; mikveh; not fullyexcavated
H e r o d i u m (Jebel Fureidis)
Judaea, (West Bank)
LOC :PurposeHerodian?
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
Ehud Netzer, "Lowex Herodiumm in S t e m et al.
Ref :(1993) v. 2 pp. 621-626, esp. 623; E. Netzer,
ft~erodion--1984/1985n
E S 1 5 (1986) 49-50
Cornent in lower Herodian; north of pool complex; similar
to other bathhouse in this area and "bothstructures probably belong to a residential complex
which formed part of the palace, perhaps forhousing toparchy administration" (Netzer, 1986, p.
50); discovered in 1985
fippos/ Antiochia Hippos/ Sussita
LOC :Judaea (Golan Heights: 2 km east of Sea of Galilee)
Purpose
Byzantine
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
Claire Epstein, "Hippos (Sussita) in S t e m et al.
Ref:(1993) V. 2 pp. 634-636
Comment "baths...required a considerable amowit of watern
which was a valuable commodityI1 (Epstein, 1993, p.
635); city prosperous in Byzantine period

See Hawar
iudaea (ïsrael : northeast of Acco)
Loc :Purpose :Byzantine
Date :B Type:B Size:B Roomç:Plans :
182269Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 148,
Ref:
"Byzantine
bath-housen
Comment :(11-Anderun)

LOC :Svria (northern Syria)
Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:
B Rooms :Plans :
Ref:YegÜl (1992) p. 318
Comment: small bath in village; inscription over entrance
translates: "1, Thomas, [acting] for the sake oft h 6 property owners, have given this bath,presenting this memory. What is the name of thebath? Health. Through this entering, Christ haç
opened for us the bath of healing. " (Yegtil, 1992,
p. 318)Tell el-Itshar: see Hefer
Khirbet Jalil: see Tel M i k h a l
Khirbet Jeouni: see Rosh Pinna

Jebel Fureidis: see Herodion(Jebel Seis/ 'Usays)
Arabia (çyria: 105 km southeast of Damascus)
Loc :Purpose : 1 lm not sure of its role in its community (qasr,
granary , large houses and a rnosque)
Umayyad (before 715) [date based on associat ,onDate :
with qasr whose date is based on a literaryreference to Walid 1 having a residence here and£rom dated graffiti scratched on rocks]
B Type:B Size: 272 sq. m. (bath + audience hall)

B Rooms:
Plans :
Area: Creswell (1989) p. 119; B: Creswell (1989) p.
121 (unlabelled)
Creswell (1989) pp. 118-122; Burns (1992) pp. 133Ref :134

Comment : bath + audience hall like Qasr 'Amra; 150 m east ofqasr (same distance as at Humeima); small spring
Jebel et--:see Gerizim Mons

Jerash: see Gerasa

Jericho (Jericho): Bath in the Central Building of the
Hasmonean Palace Compllex
Loc :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose : -palace baths
Central Building: 1st stage of Hasmonean palace
Date :
complex (c. 134-104 B.C.), probably filled in c.
92-83 B.C. so fortified palace could be built on
B Type:B Size:top

B Rooms :Plans : Area: Netzer (1993) p. 682 and p. 684; mikveh:
Netzer (1982) p. 109
Ref:
Ehud Netzer, "Jericho: Hellenistic to Early Arab
Periods, in Stem et al. (1993), v . 2, pp. 681691; Netzer (1982) pp. 108-110
Comment : in northwest corner of building; mikveh withstorage and immersion pool c o ~ e c t e dby pipe; 800
flat bowls found in dkveh indicating V h a t for aconsiderable portion of the time in which the mirne
was in use, the pools were not emptied i n order toclean the bottoms" (Netzer, 1982, p. 108); bathtub;, 2 pools to West
15nstallationfor heating watertg

Jericho (Jericho): Baths in the ITtwinpalacet1
Loc :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose : palace baths
Date :
Hasrnonean (c. 76-67 B.C.)
B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans: Area: Netzer (1993) p. 683 and p. 684
Ref :Small (1987); Ehud Netzer, "Jericho: Hellenistic to
Early- Arab Periods,Ig in Stern et al. (1993), v. 2,
pp. 681-691; [E. Netzer & E. Meyers. Vreliminary
report on the Joint Jericho Excavation Project,l1
Comment

two adjacent mirror-image palaces ; I1bothpalaces
contained bathhouses, consisting of a bathroom andan immersion pool, as well as other pools for
immersionw (Netzer, 1993, -p. 685); s w i d n g pooladjacent to each palace

Jericho (Jericho): Independent Bath (Small)
LOC :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose palace baths
Date :
C. 4 0 - 3 7 B.C.
B Type:B Size:B Rooms: "entrance roornn, ncold-waterpool1t,"hot-water"bathroom with bath tubw, also possibly"dressing-roomç"
Plans :
Area: Netzer (1993) p. 684 no. 9; bath & mikveh:
Netzer (1982) p. 112
Ref:
Small (1987); Ehud Netzer, "Jerkho: Hellenistic to
Early A r a b PeriodsInin S t e m et al. (1993), v. 2,
pp. 681-691; Netzer (1982) pp. 110-114
Comment : T h e addition of the mikvehs and the bathhouse westof the pools may be attributed to the difficult
location (and the problems of water supply) createdby the fortified palace built on the artificial
mound during Alexander Jannaeus reign fl (Netzer ,1993, p. 686); water heated by tank over furnace;mosaic floors; frescoes; water from aqueduct; pools
drained (by pipes) into large s w i d n g pool; mikvehwith two pools nearby; in last stage of mikveh,
immersion pool could be heatedJericho (Jericho): Bath in Herodfs1st palace
LOC :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose: palace baths
Date :
Palace: c. 35-30 B.C.
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Pians: Area: Netzer (1993) p. 683
Ref:
Small (1987); Ehud Netzer, Vericho: Hellenistic to
Early Arab Periods, in S t e m et al. (1993), v. 2,
pp. 681-691; James Pritchard. Excavation at
Herodian Jericho. 1951. AASOR 32-33 (1958) [bathpp. 9-12]
Comment: Pritchard identified it as a gymnasium but Netzer
says now considered part of Herodls 1st palace;
hypocaust; mosaics; ~rwell-plasteredbathrooms
similar to those found at Khirbet Q~rnrartt~~(Netzer,
1993, p. 683)
Jericho (Jericho): Baths in Herodls 2nd palace
LOC :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose: palace baths
Date :
palace: c. 30-25 B.C.
B Type:B Size:B Rooms: A, 2, F (with stepped pool), Ç
Plans: Area: Netzer (1993) p. 683
Ref :Small (1987); Ehud Netzer, Ir Jericho : Hellenistic to
Early Arab Periods, in S t e m et al. (1993), v. 2,
pp. 681-691
Comment: built on top of Hasmonean palace; nRoman-stylebathhouse"; hypocaust; most rooms had mosaic
floors; fresco and stucco wall decorations

Jericho (Jericho): Baths in Herodls 3rd palace/Baths in North Wing of Herodls Palace/Baths in the Winter Palace (Nielsen)
LOC :Judaea (West Bank)
Purpose: palace baths
Date :
Last third of 1st C B.C. (Nielsen); c. 15-10 B.C.
(Netzer, 1993)
B Type: Axial row type
B Size: 350 sq. m.
B Rooms :Plans: Area: Netzer (1993) p. 683; B: Small (1987) fig. 1(does not show z, unlabelled) ; Netzer (1993) p.

688 (unlabelled)
Nielsen (1990) C.343 ; Ehud Netzer, "Jericho:
Hellenistic to Early Arab P e r i o d s , " in Stem et al.
(1993), v . 2, pp. 681-691; Small (1987)
Comment: Roman-style bathhouse, northeast side of north wingof palace; except for bath (built of Roman
concrete) most of north wing built of nid brick; F
has stepped pool; circular toom (D. 8 m) may be(Jerusalem): Baths in Upper City
Judaea ( Israel)
Purpose : domestic
Herodian
Date :
B m e : domestic bathrooms
B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
Small (1987) p. 60; Avigad (1984); Nahman Avigad,
Ref:"Herodian Period,II in Stem et al. (1993) v. 2 pp.
LOC :729-735

Comment : each house in upper city had at least one mikveh
and some houses had two or more; "implies a highdegree of observance of the laws of ritual purityI1(Avigad, 1993, p. 729); Yypical plan.. .is a
stepped pool, h e m into the rock, with a vaulted
ceiling built of ashlarsff(Avigad, 1993, p. 729);
private mikvehs indicate wealth of orner; Ifthesebaths were used o n l y f o r ritual immersion, and notfor bathing as such, which took place in otherpools or in bathtubs ...Several private buildings
w e r e even equipped with steam baths, besides theordinary bathrooms. These were a Roman innovation,and had hypocausts (heating chambers) beneath theirmosaic floors. The floors here were supported bypottery pipes rather than by the small brickcolumns generally found in such hypocausts."(Avigad, 1984, p. 142)
(Jerusalem, at Khirbet Ka'kul)
Judaea (Israel)

Loc :Purpose :Date:
Late Hellenistic or Early Roman
B Type: mikveh
B Size:B Rooms :Plans :Ref :Jon Seligman, Verusalem, Kh. Ka'kul,
ES1 13(1995) 69-70
Comment: in northern quarter of modern Jerusalem; in
antiquity near Jerusalem-Mikhmas road; Vhree
cabuns excavated nearby may have served to heat thewater f o r the bathn (Seligman, 1955, p. 67)

(Jerusalem): Roman Baths( Lsrael)

LOC :
adaea
Purpose :Date :"built in the period between 70 and 132 A.D., andcontinued in use till the t h i r d centuryn (Barag,
1967, p. 266)

B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans:
Ref:
Barag (1967) p. 266
Coment: on eastern slope of Mt. Zion; excavated in 1890;
bricks with starctps of Lesin X Fretensis

LOC :Judaea ( Israel)
Purpose :Date :
Byzantine (or Early Islamic)
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
HilleL Geva and Michael Avi-Yonah, *The ~yzantine
Ref :Periodn in S t e m et al, (1993) v. 2 pp. 768-85;
esp. 774
Comment : northwest of Robinson% Arch; brick hypocaust;"secondary use of bricks with the starrrp of theTenth Roman LegionW (Geva and Avi-Yonah, 1993, p.
774)(Jerusalem)
Loc :._Judaea, (Israel)
Purpose: public
end of Byzantine period
Date :B Type:B Size:B Roomç:Plans:
Ref:
Michael Avi-Yonah, IfThe Southwestern Hillt1in Sternet al. (1993) v. 2 pp. 774-75; esp. 774; Avigad(1984) pp. 210-11
Comment: in northern part of Jewish quarter; marble-lined"sitting-bathn; square pottery flues; squarehypocaust tiles; photos: Avigad (1984) p. 210(Jerusalem)
Judaea (Israel)
Purpose : monastery baths
Date :
monastery: founded in 6th C A.C.; enlarged(mainly after Islamic conquest ) ; abandoned
LOC:

B Type:B Size:B Room
Plans :
Ref :David Amit, Samuel Wolff & Amir Gorzalezany,
wJerusalem, the Third Wall (Area D) , B a . 13 (19%)
80-83Comment

in residential area of Armenian monastery; (now ateast end of Prophets Street) ; stone-paved bathingpool; vestibule; furnace; salvage excavation in

Loc :PurposeDate:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :

JudaeaRef :Comment( Israel )Byzantine
50 sq. m.

E-T-C

bath and city: Geva & Avi-Yonah (1993) p. 769; B:

Chambon (1989/1990) fiq. 132
Alain Chambon. Wotre Dame Monasteryl' E S 1 9(i989/1990) p. 145-46; Hillel Geva and Michael AviYonah, The Byzantine Period" in S t e m et al.
(1993) v. 2 pp. 768-785; esp. 783
outside city on grounds of Notre Dame monastery; NW
of Damascus Gate; salvage excavation (1987); marble
floor-slabs; hypocaust in partly rock-cut
depression

Loc :Judaea ( Israel )Purpose :UmayyadDate :B Type:B Size: large: tlcaldariumalone had an area of more than
1,000 sq. m." (Ben-Dov. 1993, p. 794)
B Rooms :Plans :
Meir Ben-Dov, "Umayyad Seat of Goverment, in
Ref :Stern et al. (1993) v . 2 , pp. 793-94
Comment : in NW wing of building on Temple Mount; only
partially cleared; "ent,rances supported by po inted
arches [are] the first discovered to date in an
Umayyad bathhousen (Ben-dov, 1993, p. 794); window
glass; reused bricks of Tenth Legion
Tell Jezer: see Gazara II

Jimzu: see Gamzo
Khirbet Ka'kul:

see Jerusalem

~ u d a e a(Jordan: on east shore of Dead Sea)
Purpose:
Byzantine (maybe built on Roman building)~ a t :eB Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans : Area: Strobel (1989) fig. 2
A. Strobel . Zarah (el)/Kallirrhoe, in Homès Ref:
Fredericq & Hennessy (1989)
Comment nAccording to ancient Roman and Jewish literarysources, a famous thermal bath complex (nbeautiful
was situated in this area in Greco-Roman
springstl)
times.. . [citations follow]II (Strobel, 1989, p.
633); at least 38 hot springs in vicinity; bathshown on Madaba map
LOC :Uum ar-Rasas)(Kastron Mayfa'a/
Loc :~rabia(Jordan)

Purpose:Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Umayyad (8th Cl;

3rd or early 4th C

F Type:F Size:Plans :

transformation of gate to bath: Bujard Fig. 4.1 &4.2Jacques Bujard, "La fortification de KastronMayfa'a/Um ar-Rasas,II SHAJ V (1995), pp. 241-249.
Comment : in the Umayyad period, the eastern gate of the
Roman fort was blocked up and a hamam (bath) was
installed between its two towers; 3 arches still
standing in bath

Ref:

(Kefar S a v a )Loc :Judaea (Israel: between Caesarea and Antipatris)

Roman
Date :B Type:B Size: " large
B Rooms
Plans:
Ref:"Kefar Sava - Nabi Yamin (Tomb of Benj amin), E S 1 1(1982) 63
Comment : site of Roman way station; salvage excavation in
1982; part of furnace room and hypocaust uncovered
Khirbet el-kerak: see Philoteria
Khirbet Kerraze: see Chorazin

(Khirbet el-Khan, Horvat Hanot)
LOC :Judaea (near border of Israel and West Bank)
Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:

Plans:Ref:

A. Shenhau, I1HorvatH a n o t (Khirbet el-Khan), BSI 5(1986) pp. 46-47; T s a f r i r et al. (1994) p. 167,
m.r. 154124
Comment : salvage excavations in 1985; remains of roadstation on Jerusalem-Eleutheropolis road; numerous
0.2 m x 0.2 m t i l e s might be from bathhouse; whitemosaics
Kaorvat 'Eleq: see Ramat Hanadiv
Kifrin: see Becchufrin
K u f rin : see Becchufrin

K u r n u b : see Mampsis

Kypros : see Cyprus( e l - L e j jun)Loc :Arabia (Jordan)

Purpose: Military
Date :
B : built early 4th C (coin); c. 363-502 building
re-used (no longer bath); F: c. 284-551
B Type : Angular row type
B Size: c. 223.1 sq. m.
B Rooms: at least 5 rooms (not completely excavated); AAtrium-E (with hypocaust under half)-T-Ç (naming ofrooms conj ectural)R e 1 to F:
inside f o r t , abutting- north enclosure wall
F Type: Legionary fortress
F Size: 4.6 haPlans :
F a : Parker (1991) fig. 2; B: Parker (1991) fig. 14
Ref :De Vries "Plan of the Bath and the Function of Its
Boomsn; S. Thomas Parker, nPreliminary Report on
the 1989 Season of theu -LProject,
Preliminarv Renorts of ASOR-S~onsoredExcavations.
1982-89 (pp. 117-54). Baltimore: 1991.
Comment : Bath not completely excavated; may be another bath(or latrine) in east v i c u s building pre-dating
fort; may be a more monumental bath "across wadi
north of northeast corner of the fortressIv (DeVries note 5) but this seems purely conjectural.
Caveat: De Vries labelling of rooms different from
Parker's (1991).

(-1
Loc :
Judaea ( Israel)
Purpose :Date :
end of Byzantine period
B Type:B Size:B RoomçPlans :
Ref :Comment"massive piers, Stone pavings , broken clay p i p e s ,bricks, and slags . . .perhaps represent the remainsof a bathhousen ("Lodm p . 6 7 )(HomatLoc :Arabia (Israel: in Negev, northwest of Eboda)
PurposeDate :
fortresç: 2nd C B.C. - 1st C A.C. (ceramicç)
B m e :
B Size:B RoomsR e 1 to F:
F Type:F S i z e : 20.5 x 20.5 m
Plans :Ref :R . Cohen, "Horvat Ma'agura, E S 1 7-8 (1988/89) p.
114; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 172, m.r. 126030
Comment: salvage excavations in 1985 & 1987; Nabataean andRoman road station; bathing area next t o west wallof fort; water drains from bathtub across floor;
shelf along wall; stove for heating bath water;
wooden ceiling

Machaerus (Qala at el Mishnaqa/ Al-Meshneq)
Loc :Judaea (Jordan)
Purpose: Military?, h i l l fortress of Herod the G r e a t
Date :
30 B.C.; destroyed A.D. 72 by Romans
B Type: Angular row type or ring type8 S i z e : 330 sq. m.
B Rooms:R e 1 to F:
F Type: Castellum
F Size:Plans :
B: Small (1987) fig. 3 (not labelled)
Nielsen (1990) C . 3 4 5 ; Smai.1 (1987)
Ref :Comment : site of John the Baptistrs execution(Khirbat ai Maffjar):Baths in the Palace
Loc :Judaea (West Bank?: north, of Jer~icho
1
Purpose : part of palace conplex
Date:
Umayyad, early 8th C; dest royed 746 in eart
B Type: Angular row type
B Size: 1,750 sq. m.

B Rooms : large (30 x 30 m. ) unheated room with bathing pool,2 smaller cold roomç, 2 hot r o o m , sit-dom
latrine, diwan (audience hall for owner)
Plans :
Creswell (1989) fig. 100 (bathing rooms A-G atbottom)Ref :Nielsen (1990) (2.344; Creswell ( 1 9 8 9 ) pp. 186-200;YegÜl (1992) p. 341
Comment: "the largest and finest hammam so far discovered inIslamn (Creswell, 1989, p. 186) ; octagonal Ç withniches for individual bathing; richly decorated
hall attached to bathing suite (contains large coldpool) : controversy over usage; Y e g Ü l ( 1 9 9 2 )suggests entertainment hall "whose use wasprimarily, though not exclusively, connected withthe bathsu (p. 347) ; elaborate entrance porch;
private entrance for Khalif from qasr; water
brought by aqueduct to reservoir and then fell
(working water mills) to cistern and to baths;
palace abandoned before it was finished but bathhad been in use for long tirne before that;"emphasis is on aquatic sport and frivolity"(Creswell, 1989, p. 200)
(Mavin)Judaea (Jordan: c. 10 km West of Madabal
LOC :mrpose : private
A . D . 5 4 7 / 4 8 (mosaic with inscription)
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Piccirillo (1993) p. 202; Leah Di Segni, "TheRef :involvement of local, municipal and provincial
authorities in urban building in late antique
Palestine and Arabiatn The Roman and Bvzantine Near
East (JRA Supplernentary Series n. 14, Ann Arbor,
MI, 1995) p. 327
Comment : near hot spring; bath on northwest slope of tell;discovered by chance in 1980 ; %ery elaborate" (DiSegni)
Tell Makmish: see Tel Mikhal

Maliatha ( Sha ' ar Ramon)
LOC:
Arabia (Israel: in Negev)
Purpose: in khan
Date :
Khan: built by Nabataeans
until mid 3rd C A.C.
B Type:B Size:B Rooms: at least 2 rooms
Plans :A.C.

and usedR. Cohen, "ShatarRamon - 1986,II ESI 7-8 (1988/89)
164-165; Tsafrir et al, (1993)
Comment : salvage excavation; road station between Petra andEboda?; in southeast corner of Khan; no hypocaust;
plastered rooms with plaster basins; drainage
across floor; stove in adjoining room may have been
for heating bath water; this room added in later
stage

Ref:

see Mampsis
Mampsis (Mamshit, Kurnub) : Building V (The Bath-house)
LOC :&rabia (Israel: in Negev)
Purpose: civic
Negev: Late Nabataean period; Nielsen: 2nd C A S Date :or later; still in use inLate Roman and Byzantine
periods; used as a dwelling in Late Byzantine times
B Type: Angular row type
B Size: 190 sq. m.
B Rooms : A-E-T-L-4 (but Ls may be Çs)
Plans:
B: Negev (1988) p. 168 6r 169; B in C: Shereshevski(1991) Map 1
Ref:
Nielsen (1990) C.289; Negev (1988)
Comment: quality of wall masonry differs between rooms;
water from public reservoir; conduit from reservoir
to bath may have been filled and emptied by jars;
water and fuel scarce in area; fuel was juniper
bushes; A largest room; 9 has a Nabataean style;benches; 2 baths in F; size of a F tub reduced inl a t e r stage; no basins or tub in T but provision
for water (no hypocaust) ; 2 Çs or Ls (hard to
identify due to damage to floors, but no tubs);
Negev suggests Late Nabataean date on basis ofstratigraphy and Nabataean-style
Mamshit: see Mampsis
Maqam es-Sheikh 'Ubeid:

see m u s

Mareshah: see Marisa
Marisa (Mareshah)LOC :Judaea (Israel: The Spephelah)
Purpose :Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
Ref:
Comment: baths to be excavated in 1992 or later (Prof Amos
Kloner, director)

213

Masada (Masada. Mezada, es Sebbe) : Tublicm Baths in the
Fortress
Judaea (Israel: West shore of Dead Sea)
toc :Purpose : public bath for fortress dwellers
Herodian (37-4 B .Cm); rebuilt during revolt in 73;
Date :
defunct in Trajanic times
B Type: Angular row type500 sq. m.
8 S i z e : 290 sq. m., incl.
B Rooms: 8 , TI E , ÇI E
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 242; Area: Netzer (1993) p.
Plans :
974

Nielsen (1990) C.346; Ehud Netzer, "Masada,ft in
Stern et al. (1993) v. 3 pp. 973-985, esp. 978-979;
Hannah M. Cotton & Joseph Geiger, Masada II. The
Y ~ q aIe Yad1'n Excavat ions 1963-1965, Final Renorts,
The Latin and Greek Documents (Jerusalem: Israel
Exploration Society, 19891 ; Tçafrir et al. (1994)
p. 180Comment : p with pool and portico of Nabataean capitais;
mosaics; wall frescos; stepped pool in F; Ç largest
room; Ç had apse in north for basin & rectangularniche in south for bathtub; some hypocaust pilae
made of round bricks, some of stone; rectangularflue pipes; probably used by Roman soldiers after
73/74 as evidenced by "a graffito ...which probably
reads LEG X found in the calidariumw (Cotton &Gieger, 1989, p. 103) & ostraca from this bathhouseapparently bearing the names of Roman soldiers (seeCotton & Geiger, 1989, pp. 103-104)

Ref:

Masada (Masada, Mezada, es Sebbe) : Bath in Western palace
Judaea (Israel)
Loc :Purpose : for royal apartments
Herodian
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Small (1987); Ehud Netzer, IfMasada, in S t e m etRef:al. (1993) v. 3 pp. 973-985, esp. 977
Comment : in northeast corner of royal apartment wing;
miqvaot; bathtubs in Ç; mosaics
Masada (Masada, Mezada, es Sebbe) : Bath on Upper Terrace ofNorthem Palace
Loc :,Judaea (Israel)
Purpose :Herodian; went out of use in 2nd stage in Herodian
Date :
periodB m e :
B Size:B Rooms:

Plans :Ehud Netzer, "Masada,
pp. 973-985, esp. 976
Comment : on eastern cliff
Ref :Stern et al. (1993)

Masada (Masada, Mezada, es Sebbe) : Baths on Lowest Terraceof Northern Palace
Judaea ( Israel)
LOC :Purpose :Herodian
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Ref:
Comment : ashlar; Ç on round mudbrick pilae; white mosaic;prima- ref: Josephus, ~ h &Jewish War, 7.8.3 289-91
Martpius Monasterv (Khirbet Murasas).Judaea (wést Bank?: near Jerusalem and Jericho)
LOC :Purpose monastery baths
Byzantine (c. 6th C). monastery abandoned in 7th C
Date :
after Arab conquest
B Type:B Size: c. 117 sq. m.
B Rooms
Plans :~ Stern et al.
Itzhak Magen, Martyrius M ~ n a s t e r y ,inRef:(1993) V. 3 pp. 968-972
Comment in middle of western side of -monastes., ç might
contain separate ce11 for abbot; mosaic; pool

LOC :PurposeDate :B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
Ref:
Comment-?

(Syria)ancient village:

7th C A . C .

Tchalenko (1953) vol. 1, pp. 280-283
bath-im? (resembles bath-TM at ~abisqa), probably
fed by aqueduct located near center of small
village

Al-Meshneq: see Machaerus(Mezad 'Arugot, Qasr el 'Arei ja)
Loc :Jlidaea (Israel: on west b d c of Dead Sea near EnG e d i)

Purpose :Date:B Type:Size:
B Roorns
Plans:
Ref:
Comment' pool '8

Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 185, m.r. 186096
also fort; al1 articles cited on it in Tsafrir etal. (1994) are in Hebrew
see Masada(Midjleyya, Muggleyya)
Svria (northem, central Syria)
Loc :Purpose: civic
Nielsen : 6th C (Roman); Charpentier & Tchalenko:
Date:
5th C
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:(1992) fig. 419; Area: Tchalenko (1953)
Plans :

Charpentier (1995); Y e g i i l (1992) pp. 333-34;
Tchalenko (1953)
Comment : Y e g ü l , 1992: Similar to Serdjilla but not as
inventive; Charpentier (1995: 228) believes thebaths at $1 Barà, Sinsarah, Muggleyya, Frikia andSergilla form a local group: "Ces bâtiments
slorganisentsystématiquement sur un plan
rectangulaire, avec le même nombre de salles
disposées selon un schéma identique . . . I f(description of similarities follows)

Ref :(Horvat Migdal, Z u r Nathan)(West Bank)
Loc:
Purpose:Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 186, m.r. 150183
Ref:
Comment : "bath-housen(Tel Mikhal, Tell Makmish, Gelilot, Khirbet Jalil)Judaea (Israel: on Mediterranean Sea)
Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
Ref :Area: Levy (1991) p. 120 (does not show fort)
Yosef Levy, "Gelilot (Kh. Jalil), " ES1 10 (1991)
120-121; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 244, m - r , 131174

Comment: Roman fort in region; part of T and hypocaust
excavated in salvage excavation; white mosaic floor
in T; two plastered oval hipbaths; tnarble tiles;
water conveyed from well to bath-house in potterypipes( H o m a t Mirinid Khirbet el-Minya)

LOC :Judaea (Israel: on northwest shore of Sea ofGalilee near Tiberias)
Purpose :Byzantine; several renovations
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans : Area: Grabar et al. (1960) fig. 2
Oleg Grabar, l1MinnirnHorvat,l1 in S t e m et aï.
Ref:(1993) v. 3 pp. 1050-51; 0. Grabar, J. Perrot, B.
Ravani, & Myriam Rosen, "Sondages à Khirbet elMinyehItt
IEJ 10 (1960) 226-243; Geoffrey R. D.
King, ttSettle~ent
patterns in Islamic Jordan: The
Umayyads and their use of land,'<S W IV (1992) pp.
369-375
Comment : The Umayyad palace here t%mst certainly beconnected with a no-longer extant bathhouse (fromthe Byzantine period . . J I about 200 m to thenorthwesttl;[the bathhouse at Humeima is also c.
200 m NW of the later qasr]; the Byzantine
bathhouse was excavated before 1960 but the
excavator died before it could be published and no
posthumous publication had yet appeared as of 1993;
Sauvaget (cited in Creswell 1969) has alsosuggested there is a hammam on the western side of
the qasr but this area has not been fully excavatedand Grabar et al. (1960) Say tW
hypothèse deSauvaget que l'on trouverait un bain dans le coinsud-ouest du palais n'est, pour l'instant, pas àretenirr1(p. 226 n. 2); agricultural estate aroundqasr; qasr perhaps used by Umayyad court in winter;
qasr may also have served as a Voad stop1<fortravelling court or caliph; one of only qasrs westof River Jordan
Khirbet el-Minya: see Horvat Mimim

Motza: see Colonia m u s
Mount Gerizim: see Gerizim Mons
(Wirbet Moyat 'Awad)

LOC :Arabi3 (Israel: in Arabah in Negev)
Purpose:Date :
B: end of 1st C/ beginning of 2nd C A.C. (2phases); khan: in use 3rd/2nd C B.C. to 3rd C A.C.
B Type: "bathhouse
B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Rudolph Cohen, "Mo a (Khirbet Moyat 'Awad) tt in
Ref :Stern et al. (1993) v. 3 pp. 1137-40; Isaac (1990)
pp. 129-30
Corcanent : Nabataean; along western side of 40 x 40 m khan orcaravanserai; tTRoomsare arranged against exteriorwall around an open courtyardtl(Isaac, 1990, p.
130) ; multiple bath-rooms; bench along wall of A;
aqueduct brought water from Il x 9 m pool tobathhouse; site on caravan route from Petra to Gaza
Moza: see Colonia Enmaus(Khirbet el-Muraq)
Judaea (West Bank: c. 12 km west of Hebron in
Eoothills of Hebron range)
purpose : baths for villa
Herodian (Herodian pottery, coins from A.D. 67 &Date :
68)
B Type:B Size: ? (but wall around whole villa complex only
encloses 1554 sq. m.); Ç 3.10 m x 3.10 m
B Roomç:Plans :
E. Damati. Vhirbet el-Muraqv, IEJ 22 (1972) 173.
Ref:
Comment : salvage excavation; Nabataean capitals and maçon's
mark featuring Nabataean numeral; strong wallaround villa; bath next to northern wall; hypocaust
entirely within hem rock; threshold to a pavedwith small white tesserae; plasteron walls shows
impression of clay pipes
LOC :Khirbet Murasas: see Martyrius Monastery(Na aran)
Loc :J u d a ~ a(Golan Heights)
mrpose :Date :
B w e :
B Size:B Rooms: 4 roorns
Plans :
Ref :Claudine Dauphin, "Golan Survey (1989/1990) pp. 6-7

Comment: near Roman road; flue recesses in interna1 walls;
flue pipe fragments; circular and square hypocausttilesNeocaesarea: see Athis
Neronias: see Panias

Nysa-Scythopolis (Beisan, Beth Shean) (Biblical Beth Shean)~udaea(Israel)
Loc :Purpose: civic
built in Roman era; standing remains £rom 5th & 6th
Date :
C; fell into disuse after earthquake of 749
B Type:B Size:c. 5700 sq. m. ("largest bath building unearthed so
far in this countryn, Foerster, 1993, p. 227)

B Rooms:
B: Mazor (1987/88) fig. 8; Bar-Nathan & Mazor
Plans :
(1989/1991) fig. 56; B in city: Foerster (1993) p.
224 no. 7 & p. 228 no. 2
Gideon Poerster, "Beth-Shean at the Foot of theRef:Moud, in Stern et al. (1993) v. 1 pp. 223-235;
Tsafrir et al. (1994) pp. 223-25, m.r. 197211; G.
Mazor, IlThe Bathslt,E S 1 6 (1987/88) 10-18; Rachel
Bar-Nathan & Gaxy Mazor, 'City Center (South) and
Tel Iztabba Area. Excavations of the Antiquities
Authority ExpeditionflES1 11 (The Bet Shelan
Excavation Project (l989-l99l)) 38-43
Comment : part of Roman building dismantled in preparationfor Byzantine building; many renovations; 15
dedicatory inscriptions from early 6th C; enteredthrough pro~vlaeumoff of colonnaded Street; wall
paintings; mosaics; window glass; benches; many
pools; llwaterwas supplied to the pools by means ofa syphon system built of pottery pipes and was
drained through pottery pipes equipped with a stop
valvet1(Bar-Nathan& Mazcr, 1989-1991, p. 41); at
one stage, a pool converted into peristyle; atleast 9 furnaces; "Since the furnaces wore out
f a i r l y rapidly, changes made in the furnace systemwere reflected by various phases of use, including
the sealing off of furnaces and their replacementwith new ones, the blocking of vents which fed hot
air to the hypocaust and the opening of others, aswell as the blocking of passages between the
hypocausts at various points between the hallsn(Bar-Nathan& Mazor, 1989-1991, p. 41); being
consemed and restored

Nysa-Scythopolis (Beisan, Beth Shean) (Biblical Beth Shean):
The South Bathhouse
LOC :Judaea (Israel)
Purpose:Date :
Late Roman; used in Byzantine period
B Type:B Size: smallB Rooms: at least 5 rooms
Plans:
B in city: Foerster (1993) p. 224 no. 5
Ref :Gideon Foerster, "Beth-Shean at the Poot of theMound, in Stern et al. (1993) v. 1 pp. 223-235; M.
Pelag, "The South BathhouselnESx 6 (1987/88) 43-44
Cornent: between amphitheatre and theatre; mosaics in plain
white and geometric designs; walls faced with pinkmarble, white marble or painted plaster; lead andpottery pipes; pools; bathtubs'Avdat , Eboda)
Arabia (Israel: in Negev)
LOC:
Purpose:Date :
Byzantine (6th C)
B Type:B Size: c. 300 sq. m. (my estimate £rom plan)
B Rooms : A, F, T, C, Courtyard, Pool
Plans:
B: Negev, 1993, p. 1165; Area: Negev, 1993, p. 1155
Ref:
Avraham Negev. "Oboda," in Stern et al. (1993) v.
3, pp. 1155-1165; Shereshevski (1991); Tsafrir etal. (1994) pp. 114-15 m.r. 129023
Comment: shown on Peutinger Table on main Aila-Jerusalem
road; bath-water from well; cross-shaped Ç; bathtubs; Stone benches; domed and barrel-vaulted
roofs; "one of best preserved Byzantine buildingsof this type (Negev, l993, p. 1165); also Byzantine
fortress at s i t e (but not near bath-building); also
Nabataean-Roman campOboüa ( 'Abda,

Palmyra (Palmyra): The Baths of Diocletian~ v r i i(Syria)
LOC :Purpose : civic (but see comments)
A.D. 284-305; perhaps the cold section belongs t o aDate :
palace from the 1st half of the 3rd C A.C., later
converted into baths
B Type: Axial row type
B Size: 270 sq. m.
B Rooms :Plans :
B in C: Browning (1979) map 4
Nielsen (1990) C.382; Iain Browning, Païmvra
Ref :(London: Chatto & Windus, 1979)
Cornent : entrance to baths meant to be imposing: 1) entrance
jutted out into colonnaded street, 2) portico washigher than colonnades, 3) portico supported on red
granite columns whereas everything else along
street made from honey-colored limestone; and 4)
granite columns sat on raised bases; S. T. Parker
has suggested to me that it is probably not acoincidence that the date of construction of thebaths closely corresponds to the construction of
the fort of the lecrio 1 Illvricoruq in 293-305(persona1 comrmulication, March 20, 1996)

~anias/Paneas/ Paneias/ Caesarea P a n i a s / Caesarea of
P h i l i p / Neronias (Banias)

LOC :Svria (Golan Heights)
Purpose :
Date:
Roman
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :Zvi Uri Matoz, "Banks," in Stern et al. (1993) v.
1, pp. 136-143
Comment: in western quarter; wall ftescos; Vompletely
covered todayv

Ref:

Panias/ P a n e a s / ~aneias/Caesarea ~anias/Caesarea of
Philip/ Neronias (Banias)
Loc :Syria (Golan Heights)
mirpose: part of villa?
Date :
villa: 4th - 5th C A.C.

B Type:B Size:8 Rooms :Plans :Ref :Zvi Uri Ma' oz, tlBanias, in S t e m et al. (1993) v .
1, pp. 136-143
Comment: in southern quarter; semicircular structure; whitemosaic floor; not fully excavated(Pardessiya, Khirbet
el-Pulus)
LOC :Judaea (Israel?)
Purpose :Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :Ref :E l i Yannai & Etan Ayalon, "Pardessiya (Kh. Umm el--Conment: site probably contains ruins of a Byzantine farm ormonastery; ceramic tiles might be from bath-house

Pella of the Decapolis (Tabaqat Fahl)
LOC :Judaeq (Jordan)
Purpose: civic
Date :
early Roman period (1st C A.C.) (style ofarchitecture)
B rype:B Size:B Room :Plans:
Area: Smith p. 1176 & 1174
Ref :Robert Houston Smith l1Pellan in Stern et al. (1993)
v. 3 pp. 1176-77; Robert Houston Smith & Leslie

Preston Day, Pella of the D e c ~ o l i s :Vol. 2. Final
Re~orton the Coïïeae of wooster ~xcavations in
ea IX. The Civic Comlex, 1979-1985, The Collepof Wooster, 1989, pp. 10-19.
Comment : only semi-circular exedra excavated; baths not
fully excavated because modern water table toohigh; water prevented excavators from reaching
floor level at any spot in exeàra; square andcircular tiles set in cement in construction of
shelf and channel; baths perhaps pre-dated civic
complex as not on same grid system; also hammeh
north of city

Pelusium
LOC :Arabia (Egypt: in northwest Sinai)
Purpose :Date :
Hellenistic or Roman
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :Ref :Eliezer D. Oren, IrNorthwest SinaiIf'in Stern et al.
(1993) V. 4 pp. 1394-1395
Comment: bathhouse complex uncovered in 1987-1991
excavations of Egypt Antiquities Service
Petra: Nabataean BathLoc :Arabia (Jordan)
Purpose : religious?
Date :
Nabataean (Weming: 4th quarter of 1st C B.C. orearly 1st C A.C., McKenzie: 1st C B.C.); part ofentrance to bath may have been dismantled when
Propylaea steps built (Joukowsky, 1994, p. 311)
B Type: Variant on row type (Weming)
B Size:B Rooms: at least 4 rooms
Plans:
B: Manderscheid (1988) abb. 294, McKenzie 0 Pl.
75; Area: Stem et al., p. 1182; Joukowsky (1994)
Figs. 2 and 4 (aerial photos)
Ref :Avraham Negev. "Petra," in S t e m et al. (1993) v .
4, p. 1182, 1186; Wenning (1987) pp. 226-27; Judith
McKenzie, The Architecture of Petra (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1990); Martha Sharp Joukowsky,"1993 Archaeological Excavations and Sun-ey of theSouthern Temple at Petra, Jordan," ADLK 38 (1994)
pp. 293-332

Comment: just south of Temenos Gate; partially excavated(but not published) in 1967-68; undergroundentrance ( d o m staircase); sandstone ashlar
masonry; circular room (diameter 5.12 m) with 8
engaged half-columns, apse-shaped niches, a stone
flagged floor, and a stone dome with circularwindow; square room also has dome with circular
window at top; basins; plaster mouldings; walls
decorated with red and yellow painted stucco andcolored marble facings; not clear if structure
between bath and Temenos Gate is part of bathbuilding; one of earliest monumental buildings incity; bath may predate aqueduct system; Wenningsuggests because of its proximity to four temples,
it may have had a religious purification function;
Joukowsky thinks bath "may have been part of theSouthern Temple Complexn (1994, p. 327)

Petra
LOC :

( Jordan)Purpose :Date :
Nabataean
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
Ref:

Rolf A. Stucky, Yvonne Gerber, Bernhard Kolb, &Stephan G. Schmid. llSwiss-LiechtensteinExcavations
at ez-Zantur in Petra 1993: The Fifth Campaign."
ADAJ 38 (1994) 273-292.
Comment : on Lower Terrace; bath inferred from hypocaust
connected with cistems; T h i s costly bathinstallation of the Roman type shows that the
Nabataeans were not willing to renounce the luxury
that was common i n contemporary Roman villas i n
ItalyR (Stucky e t al., 1994, p. 275) .

Petra: Byzantine Bathhouse
Arabia (Jordan)
LOC :PurposeDate:
Byzantine
B we:
B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
Area: Negev (1993)
Ref:
Avraham ~ e g e v . fl~etra,"in S t e m et al. (1993) v.
4 , p . 1182, 1186
Comment c. 175 rn east of monumental gateway
Philadelphia (Amman)
LOC :A r a b i a (Jordan)
PurposeDate :B Type:B Size:B Roomsi n City: Segal (1988) fig.
Plans :
Ref :Comment: Segal (1988): Worth-east of this meeting point[the cross-roads of the city's 2 main streets]stood the Bath ...which was found in such ruins thatno attempt was ever made by archaeologists to evendescribe itw (p. 10)
Philippopolis (Es schuhba/ Shahba)
LOC :Svriq (Syria: in Hauran)Purpose :Date:
2nd half of 3rd C f after Philip the Arab
B Type: Imperia1 type?
B Size: 2,620 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Plans:
B: Nielsen (1990) fig. 259, Burns (1992) p. 217(rooms labelled differently than by Nielsen) &Segal (1988) fig. 162; B in city: Segal (1988) fig.
154
Ref:
Nielsen (1990) C.383; Segal (1988) pp. 80-81

Comment: Nielsen: not excavated; well constructed; notfinished; interior walls decorated with marble andalabaster; domes lined with painted plaster
Philoteria (Beth-Yerah/Khirbet el-Kerak)

LOC:

Judaea (Israel: on south bank of Sea of Galilee)

Purpose :Date:

4th-5th C A.C.; repaired (possibly in 6th Cl;
Islamic period settlement above ruins of bath
B Type : Angular row type
B Size: 400 sq. m.
B ROO~S:E, T, Ç
Re1 to F:
over part of waïlF Type:F Size:Plans: B: MaisLer et al. (1952) fig. 1
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C . 3 4 7 ; B. Maisler, M. Stekelis, h M.
Avi-Yonah. The excavations at Beth Yerah (Khirbet
el-Kerak) 1944-1946,11
I N 2 (1952) 218f; Ruth
Hestrin, IlBeth Yerah, in Stem et al. (1993) v. 1
pp. 255-59

Comment: rubble benches, mosaics, bath-tubs, round pool;water brought in c l a y pipes from aqueduct; also
2nd-3rd C A . C . fort: T h e original bath (4th or 5th
C A.C.), which rested on the wall of thefort . . .could not have been erected as long as thefort was used for its original militasr purpose1I(Maisler et al., 1952, p. 223) .
Ptolemais (Acco)ri (Israel: in Galilee on Mediterranean Sea)
LOC:
Purpose :Date :Roman
B Type:I

dGQ, *i,a4Jaoc,k * A ad 3 U) tn

dili!"&'-'U

Date:B Type:B Size:B RoomçPlans : plan unclear "due to later destructions andrebuildings of the arean (Creswell, 1 9 8 9 , p. 158)
Creswell (1989) pp. 158; Grabar et al. (1978) pp.
Ref :Comment

54-56
2 long rooms of unknown function were converted

into bath soon after they were built; nimpossible
to suggest...the arrangement or number of its [thebathsl] rooms" (Grabar et al., 1978, p. 55) ;oriented toward interior of Enclosure; brickhypocaust; wall flues; in renovation size of heatedrooms reduced; fire-box moved in renovation;
perhaps marble floors(Qasr al-Hayr East/ Qasr al-Hair ash Sharqi): Extra-Muros

Baths
Loc :

Svria (Syria: in desert between Palmyra & Damascus)
Purpose : public
Date:
Umayyad, c. A.D. 730; many renovations overcenturies of use; abandoned c. 10th C; periodicallyinhabited by squatters thereafter
B Type:B Size: c. 1159 sq. m. (my estimate)
B Rooms: Grabar et al., (cited in Creswell) suggest Medieval

Islamic teminology is more appropriate to thisbath than Roman tednology: 1 maslah (anundressing area close to latrines and usuallyclearly separated from the rest of the b a t h ) , 2
wastani barrani (unheated area close to the wamer
parts and used for undressing in winter), 2 wastanijuwwani (warm room often used for depilation), 1
bararah (hot room nearest the furnace usuallyprovided with small bathtubs for bathers to dip
into one at a tinte after sudation)
Plans :
B: YegÜI (1992) fig. 427; Creswell (1989) p. 161
Yegül (1992) pp. 339-41; Creswell (1989) pp. 159Ref:
60; Grabar et al. (1978)
Comment : 60 rn NNW of NW corner of Lesser Enclosure (which
Grabar et al., 1978, suggest is a caravanserai);maslah is largest room and has 2 pools and had
glass windows; service areas next to fumace:largest may be for fuel storage; nnidbrick walls on
Stone foundations in senrice area; charred olive
pits suggest olive waste used as fuel; water tankover furnace; benches; one bench had four spaces
for shoes; sit-dom latrine; floor of Room 8 relaid
four times; decoration: marble and painted walls;"the presence of an elaborately designed court/hallat Qasr al-Hayr illustrates the importance accorded

to a bath-related social function in early Islamic
society" ( Y e g i i l , 1992, p . 341); bath underwent
several stages (original stage most elaborate)
Qasr el 'Areija:

see Mezad 'Arugot(Qasr El-Heir el Gharbi/ Qasr a l - H e i r West)
LOC:
Svria (Syria: 37 miles west of P a l v a )mrpose :Date :
A.D. 724-27
B Type: row
B Size: c. 532 sq. m. (my estimate)
B Rooms: largeçt room is unheated with basin, 2 otherunheated rooms, 3 heated rooms (2 with basins)
Plans:
B: Creswell (1989) p. 143; Schlumberger Pl. 17 & 18
(hypocaust )Ref:
Nielsen (1990) p. 97 n. 16; Creswell (1989) pp.
141-43; Daniel Schlumberger. Oasr El-Heir elGharbi. Institut français dfarchéologiedu ProcheOrient Byrouth-Damas-Anunan.Bibliothèquearchélogique et historique CXX, Paris: 1986.
Cornent: 30 m north of palace; water brought by conduit andstored in cistern; marble used in heated rooms,
unheated rooms plastered to imitate marble(Qasr el Mushah)Arabia (Jordan)
LOC :Purpose: for travellers (on pilgrimage o r official business)
Date :
early Islamic: Umayyad? (maybe Byzantine)
B Type: row
B Size: c. 142 m (my estimate)
B Rooms : 9-E-T-Ç
B: King (1989) fig. 3; Area: King (1989) fig. 1
Plans :
G. R. D. King, "Mushash (Qasr el), in H o m è s Ref:
Fredericq & Hennessy (1989); Bisheh (1989)
Comment : lacks lavish decoration of Qasr Amra o r Hammam AsSarakh; walls not of uniform thickness; marble
floors; large A; benches and places f o r clothes in
8; plastered bench in z; flue pipes in Ç; furnace
not excavatedQasr Unim Baghgheq: see 'En Boqeq(Qasr e l - m e i n i d )Loc :Arabia (Jordan: 15 km southwest of m o d e r n Azraq)
Purpose: Militaq
Date :
Servian c . 200 (inscriptions); possibly abandoned
4th C (pottery)
B Type: see commentn
B Size:nn
B Rooms: fTnn
Re1 to F:F Type:F Size:irregular quadrangle
c. 0.25 ha (Parker, 1986, says s i z e average for

Arabian castelluq)
F: Parker (1986) p. 18
Parker (1986) pp. 17-19; D. L. Kennedy,
Ref:
cal Bmloxat ons on the Roman F r o n t i e l ~in North-East Jordan (Oxford: BAIZ ~nternational
Series 134, 1982); David Kennedy, IlThe Roman
frontier in Arabia (Jordanian sector)," i B A 5(1992) 473-89
Bathbuilding has not been found. Evidence forCornent :bath is based on an inscription commemorating thecons?xuction of a çastellum and balneum by the
Jecrio III menaicq (nCastellumet CS> praesidium
Severianum . Vexillatio leg(ionis) III Cyrenic(ae)(sic) b a h (eum) Mucia [no] et Fab [ian]O[col (n)s (ulibus) extrwciti, Kennedy 1982 : 125) .
The "reference to the construction of a bath(balneuq) at such a remote fort is striking
testimony to the creature comforts available to the
Roman soldiers on the Arabian frontiern (Parker
1986: 17-18). Kennedy (1992: 480) doubts
inscription was originally from h e r e given thepaucity of water; J. P. Oleson (personalcommunication Feb. 95) saw no evidence of a bathhere .

Plans :

(Qastal)A r a b i a (Jordan: south of Amman)
LOC :Purpose:Date :
Umayyad?

B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
Area: Carlier (1989) fig. 1
Ref:
P. Carlier. "Qastal (el B a l k a ) , " in ~omès-Fredericq& Hennessy (1989)
Comment : "the remains of the bath (consisting mainly of theheater-block) are still to be studiedw ( C a r l i e r ,1989, p. 464); "an underground bath ( s i r d a b ) is
also expected in the SW corner of the courtyard"(Carlier, 1989, p. 462)
Quailibah: see Abila(Khirbet Qumram)

LOC:
Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Judaga (West Bank)Plans :Ehud Netzer, lVJericho:Hellenistic to Early Arab
Periods," in Stern et al. (1993), v. 2, pp. 681691, esp. 682
Comment : baths in Herodls 1st palace at Jericho similar to
those at Khirbet Qumram

Ref:Qweiïbeh: see Abila

Rn, Rafat: çee Ataroth 1
(R-1

Loc :
Judaea ( 1srael)
Purpose :Date:
3rd-4th C ; transformed into another public buildingin the 5th-6th C A.C.
B Type: Angular row type
B Size: 550 sq. m., incl. 2 690 sq. m.
B Rooms :B: ~anderscheid(1988) abb. 312
Plans :
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C . 3 4 8Comment :Ramat Aviv: see T e l l Qasile(Ramat EIanadiv/ Khorvat 'Eleq/ Khirbet Umm el- 'Aleq)
Loc :Judaea (Israel: on slopes of Mt. Carmel, 10 km NE
of Caesarea Maritirna)
Purpose : public?
Date:
end of 1st C B.C.; F pool added in second phase;
destroyed c. A.D. 70
B Type: row
B Size: 90.75 sq. m. (bathing room + furnace)
B Rooms : F-2-Ç, p, large pool (1 think this "poolu is a
reservoir), adjoining open courtyard possibly
galaestra or service courtyard
Plans :
B: Hirschfeld (1995) fig. 8; Area: Hirschfeld(1995) fig. 3
Ref :Yizhar Hirschfeld. "Bath-house at Khorvat 'EleqfrTBalnearia 1.1 (1993) 5 ; Yizhar Hirschfeld, "TheE a r l y Roman Bath and Fortress at Ramat Hanadiv Near
Caesarea/I The Roman and Bvzantine Near East (JIIA
Supplementary Series no. 14, Ann Arbor, MI: 1995)
pp. 29-55.
Comment : nearby f o r t built i n the late 1st C B.C. (village
in late 4th C B.C.) ; Romans destroyed fort andvillage after Jewish revolt; m s t be Jewish
community because abandoned c. A.D. 70; bathtub inc; monolithic hypocaust pilae; doors to T and Ç
unaligned t o conserve heat; small bathing pool in E
like basin in HumeimafsE but larger; "Before thepool was added [in the E it] probab-tyserved as an

An (Birschfeld, 1995, p. 3 4 ) ; spring water carried

via aqueduct to pool to bath; also small bath innorthwest corner of fortress.
(Ramat Rahel)
LOC:
Judaeq (Israel: 3.5 km south of old city ofJerusalem)
hirpose : Military?? (see comment)
2nd half of 3rd C; church and monastery built in
Date :
mid-5th C continued to use bath; destroyed in early
7 t h C by fire
B Type: ? (location of doors uncertain)
8 Size:B Rooms: open courtyard maybe galaestra
Re1 to F:
F Type:F Size:Plans : Area: Aharoni (1993)
Ref :Benjamin Isaac. The ~ h i t ofs E n m i r e : The Romanrmv in the East. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990;
Yohanan Aharoni, "Ramat Rahel," in Stern et al.
(1993) v. 4, pp. 1261-67; Yohanan Aharoni,
Excavations at Ramat Rahel: Seasons 1959 and 1960
(Roma: 1962); Yohanan Aharoni, Excavations at Ramatsons 1961. and 1962 (Roma: 1964)
Comment : on top of h i l l ; site would have controlled accessto Jerusalem; bathhouse and aqueduct which supplied
it built by Roman legion; Roman Tenth Legion
occupied Jenisalem and Ramat Rahel in 3rd C; "thecamp installations of the Roman Tenth
Legion ...comprised an elegant block of livingquarters with a peristyle, and a bathhouse ...andapparently other temporary and simpler structuresn(Aharoni, 1964, p. 121); bath = "double row ofadjoining rectilinear rooms (Aharoni, 1962, p.
69); heated rooms on east ( ! ) ; tubuli; t i l e s inbath-house with stamp of Roman Tenth Legion; mosaic
floors; rectangular basins; basins connected withterracotta piping; drainage pipes under mosaic
floors; bath built on top of older building(reproducing its orientation); 1 haventt seen any
mention of a fort proper(Rehovot- in-the-Negev/ Rhirbet Ruheibeh, Ruhayba)
Arabia (1Srael: i n N e g e v )Purpose :Date :
B: Byzantine; town: founded by Nabataeans; largely
abandoned by A.D. 700
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans:
B: Tsafrir et al. (1988) f i g . 5; Shereshevski
LOC:(1991) Plates 46.2 and 47 (not labelled); B in C:
Shereshevski (1991) Map 7
Ref:
Yoram Tsafrir, Joseph Patrich, Renate RosenthalHegiabottom, lsrael Hershkovitz, and Yehuda D.
Nevo. Excavations at Rehovot-in-the-Neoev. Vol. 1:
The North Church (Qedem 25, Jerusalem: 1988 ) ; Yoram
Tsafrir and Kenneth G. Holum, "Rehovot-in-theNegevIn in Stern et al. (1993) v. 4 pp. 1274-1277;
Creswell (1989) pp. 115-16
Conment: near well; circular room; same vaulting system as
at Qasr Amra: tunnel-vault, cross-vault, dome; wallgrooves; Woolley and Lawrence (cited in
Shereshevski) Say it resembled bathhouse at Eboda;
never excavated; destroyed at begiming of 20th C;
described in detail by Musil( R o s h P h n a , Kh, Jeouni)
LOC :Judaea (Israel: Upper Galilee)
Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Ref:
Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 216, m.r. 200264
Comment: Tsafrir et al.: nbath(?)NRuhayba: see Rehovot-in-the-Negev

Khirbet Ruheibeh: see Rehovot-in-the-Negev( R u j m &-Deir)

Judaea (West Bank: west of En-Gedi)
Purpose :Date :
Late Roman or Byzantine; repaired in Moslem period
B Type : mikveh
B Size:B Rooms :Re1 to F:
below corner of fort
P Type:FSize: 4 x 8 1 1 1
Plans:
B: Amit (1989/1990) f i g . 162
Ref:
David Amit, Tatta, S ~ n r e y ,ES1
~ 9 (1989/1990) 165166
Comment: only part is rock-cut (rest mixture of cernent andstones); pool lined with thick plaster
LOC :Khirbet Sabiye: see Caphar Saba

(Sahir al -Bagas)
Loc :A r a b h (Jordan: Slaysil region, near Petra)
Purpose: associated with Nabataean temple and housem . r . 119088
Comment : well preserved(Sergilla/ S e r d j i l l a )LOC :Sa (Syria)
Purpose : civic
Date:
A.D. 473 (mosaic inscription: IGLS IV 1490)
B Type: Ring type (looks like row to me)
B Size: 375 sq. m.
B Rooms :Plans:
B: Charpentier (1994); Charpentier (1995) figs. 57; Y e g Ü l (1992) fig. 416 - 2 & 417; Area: Tchalenko(1953) Pl. CXL, Burns (1992) p. 215
Ref :Nielsen (1990) C.385; YegÜl (1992) p. 329-33;
Gérard Charpentier, " L e s bains de SergillaInSrria
71 (1994) 113-42; Charpentier (1995)
Comment: "one of the best-preserved bathing structures fromthe entire Roman realmw; built for town by wealthy
citizen and wife (mosaic dedication Yegiil, 1992,
fig. 418); at major cross-roads of town; Tchalenko(1953) speculates that bath stood at center ofsocial life of town and whole region; large
basilical room not
but large public room forvillage (e.g . , audience room) ; separate entry ways
to public and service areas; fuel storage area (notdirectly adjacent to furnace); caretakedattendentarea; interna1 and external latrines; cistern;YegÜl's view of this as bath-inn is wrong(Charpentier, 1995, p. 229); Charpentier (1995:
228) believes the baths at El Bar& Sinsarah,
Muggleyya. Frikia and Sergilla form a local group:"Ces bâtiments sforganisentsystématiquement sur unplan rectangulaire, avec le même nombre de salles
disposées selon un schéma identique..."(description of similarities follows)
LOC :Si (Syria: j u s t southwest of Sergilla)
Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
B: Charpentier (1995) fig. 5
Ref:
Charpentier (1995)
Comment : in village; Charpentier (1995: 228) believes thebaths at El Barà, Sinsarah, Muggleyya, Frikia andSergilla form a local group : T e s bâtimentss'organisent systématiquement sur un plan
rectangulaire, avec le même nombre de salles
disposées selon un schéma identique. . . "(description of similarities follows); basillica

room smaller than at Sergilla(Sha ' asah)Loc :S v r i a (Syria)
Purpose2nd - 3rd C
Date:
B Type: Ring type
B Size: 170 sq. m.
B Rooms
Plans :
Nielsen (1990) C.384
Ref :Comment : Nielsen: not excavatedShalar Ramon: see Maliatha
Shahba: see Philippopolis
T e l l esh Shari'a:see Tel Sera'

Shuni (Kefar Shuni)
Loc :Judaea ( Israel : northeas t of C a e s a r e a )Purpose : flpublicbathm
Date:
B Type:B Size:B Rooms :Plans :
Ref :Biblical Archaeolocrv Review 21 .l (1995) p. 45
Comment :&ria (Syria: in Hauran 3 km southeast of Qanawat)
Purpose :temple: phase 1: 50 B.C. - A.D. 5 0 , phase 2 : 5 0 Date:
1 0 6 , phase 3 : 1 0 6 - 2 0 0 ; B : "Romanff ( " i t s dating islimited to B u t l e r ' s general statement that 'thisbuilding was in a l 1 probability erected during theperiod of Roman domination in the Hauranf", N e g e v ,1988, p . 181)
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :
Area: Burns (1992)
Ref :Burns (1992) pp. 2 2 0 - 2 2 2 ; Negev ( 1 9 8 8 ) p . 1 8 1
Comment : c. 1 5 0 m from Nabataean temple; [maybe Nabataean
bath-temple complex like at Wadi R a m ] ; "It is
hardly likely that a religious centre of suchmagnitude, serving pilgrims coming from afar, would
not offer appropriate bathing facilitiesfl ( N e g e v ,LOC:

Sussita : see H i p p o sTel TV:see c E n Haseva

Thana: see Thomia

Thoana: see Thornia

Thornia (Greek: Thana/ Tho-,
Modern: Tuamnehl
toc :W a b i a (southern Jordan)
Purpose :
Date:
R o m
B Type:8 Size:B Booms :Plans :
Ref:
Zbigniew T. Fiema, Tuwaneh and the Via Nova
Traiana in Southern Jordan, WAJ 37 (1993) 549-50
Comment : llRomanbathhouse

Tiberias (Tiberias): Main city bath? (adjoining ,_cardo. &marke tplace)
LOC :Judaea (Israel: on west bank of Sea of Galilee)
Purpose: civic
Date :
4th C A S . (pottery); many repairs; "fundamental
changet1in 6th C; 'used continuously until the city
was destroyed in eleventh centurytT(Stern et al. ,1993)
B Type:B Size: 1,300 sq. m.
B Rooms:
Plans :
B: Stern et al., 1993, p. 1465 (top) (unlabelled);
Area: Stern et al., 1993, p. 1464 & 1465 (top 6cbottom)S t e m et al. (1993) v. 4 , p. 1464-67
Ref:
Comment: unusual subterranean pool perhaps connected toJewiçh purity laws; marble-lined bathtubs; coloured
mosaics; bath "frequently referred to i n Talmudic
literaturen (Stern et al., 1993, p. 1466)

Tiberias (Tiberias) : Bath-house at Hamath Tiberias ( justsouth of Tiberias)
LOC :Judaea (Israel: on west bank of Sea of Galilee)
Purpose :Date :B Type:B Size:B Rooms:

Plans:
Area: S t e m et al. (1993) p. 1464
Ref :S t e m et al. (1993) v. 4, p. 1464
Comment: 1 assume i t l s connected with the hot spring(Harrrmath)(~oprak-en-Narlidja)Loc :S v r i a (Syria?: near Antioch)
Purpose :Date :Mid 5th C
B Type: AnguLar row typeB S i z e : 180 sq. m.
8 Rooms :Plans:
B : Nielsen ( 1 9 9 0 ) fige 257
Ref:
Nielsen ( 1 9 9 0 ) C.386
Comment :Khirbat et Tubeiqa: see Beth-Zur

Tuwaneh: see Thornia
Wirbet Unim eLtALeq: see Ramat Hanadiv
Khirbet Umm el-Mus: see Pardessiya
Umm Qais/ Umm Qeis/ üm Qeis: see Gadara

Umm =-Rasas:(-

see Kastron Mayfa'a

Rihan)LOC :Judaea ( I s r a e l : b e t w e e n Caesarea and Scythopolis)
Purpose: civic
Date :~oman/~yzantine
B Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans :

Shimon D o r , "The survey of western Samaria,llStern et al., (1993) v. 4, p. 1 3 1 4 .

Ref :Comment :'Usays:see Jebel Seis

Arabia (Jordan: i n Hisma)
Purpose :Date:
Nabataean?
B Type:B Size:B Rooms : at least 4 rooms
Plans :
Loc :

Ref:

Comment : c i r c u l a r room; w a l l flues; b e s i d e d o m e s t i c
structure; near temple; to be probed and surveyedin 1 9 9 6 b y Barbara Reeves and Dennine Dudley
Yotvata : see ad-Dianam

Ez-Zara: see Kallirrhoe
El Zarvah:see Kallirrhoe~ e n & i a / B i r t h a (Halebiye)
Svria (Syria: on Buphrates)

LOC :Purpose public
6th C
B Type:B Size:B Rooms
Plans :
B: Chzpentier (1995) figs. 10 6 il
Burns (1992) p. 123
Charpentier (1995); Kennedy & Riley (1990)
Ref :~ u m s(1992) pp. 122-24
Comment city part of Palnryrene domains until A.D. 273;
small garrisoned city; baths near crossing of mainstreets; bath built by Justinian (Procopius Aed.
is unusual for small
2.8.25) ; the presence of apublic baths in this period so Charpentier (1995:
232) suggests it might have served a military
purpose for the townls garrison; Charpentiersugests similar t o e a r l i e r baths at Barade andl a t e r b a t h s a t Qasr e l Hair el Sharqi (see his fig.

Date:

11

>

Zikhrin) : B a t h in Area E~ u d a e a(Israel): Roman-Byzantine village in western
Samaria
mirpose in Byzantine house~ ~ z a k i n(possiblyeoriginated in Roman period) ;Date:used for non-bathing purposes in Early Islamic
periodB Type:B Size:B Rooms:
Plans: Area: Fischer (1993) fig. 48
Ref :Moshe Fischer, "Horvat Zikhrin - 1987/1989," PSI 12(1993) pp. 40-44; Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 2 6 2 ,m . r . 146163
Comment : Ç resting on square brick pillars; clay flue pipes;
arched doorway between Ç and another, mosaic-paved,room(Eorvat Zikhrin): Bath in Area F
Judaea (Israel): Roman-Byzantine village in western
Samaria
Purpose:
Byzantine; E & T also renovated in Byzantine periodDate:
B Type:B S i z e : 150 sq. m.
B Rooms: Cr Tt P

B in Ai-ea: Fischer (1993) fig. 50 (B no. FIII)
M. Fischer, "Wirbet Zikhrin - 1984/1985, " ES1 4(1985) pp. 117-119 ; Moshe Fischer, "Homat
Zikhrin - l987/l989, ESx 12 (1993) pp. 40-44;
Tsafrir et al. (1994) p. 262, m.r. 146163
Comment: mosaics; 1 m x 1 rn plastered bathtub in E; nearbybuilding might have been involved i n m i n g baths
Plans :Ref :Z u r Nathan: see H. Migdal

APPENDIX C
Humeima fi s Bath-house in the lJmayyad Period

It is likely that Humeimals bath-house continued to be
used into the early Islamic period (c. 660-750).
Unfortunately, however, there is no direct archaeologicalevidence to support this assertion. Most of the bath-house
was cleaned out to floor level by a local inhabitant earlier
this century (Oleson 1990 :- 152) . As a result, although
Umayyad sherds were found within it, the context iscompletely contaminated. In addition, there were noalterations to the building which can be classified as
ndefinitivelyuUmayyad. Nor do the early Islamic documents
relating to Humeima explicitly state that there was a hammam(bath) associated with the Abbasid's gasr (R. Schick,personal comrminication, 1995). Thus there is no directarchaeological or literary evidence to support the continued
usage of the bath-house into the early Islamic period.
Conversely, there is also no direct evidence that the bathhouse was out of use in this period. In the course of thischapter, I will present indirect evidence which 1 believe
suggests that the bath-house was in use in the Umayyad
period. Since the evidence for this assertion is notconclusive, I have chosen to present it as an appendix.
My belief that the Abbasid family reused the Roman
bath-house at Humeima revolves around the observation thathamams were an essential part of Umayyad period habitations(Grabar 1987: 145; Kennedy 1985: 8; Sourdel-Thornine 1971:139). A barranant is an Islamic bath, more comonly known inWestern society as a Turkish bathf1or, in French, as a"bain mauren. The early hammams contained the same types ofrooms as Roman baths, and they also resembled Roman baths intheir method of heating and decoration.' There is no doubtthat the models for the earliest hammams, as with so much inearly Islamic architecture, were the regional R o m andByzantine structures extant after the Muslim conquest.'
The Muslims started building hammams soon after theirconquest of the Roman Near East.' Islamic texts "mention
the construction of baths in the first toms founded after
the conquestn (Sourdel-Thomine 1971: 139).' In addition tourban baths, travellers could also access baths at caravan
stops (e.g. Qasr al-Hayr East and Qasr el Mushah). Rural
dwellers had access to private baths: archaeological remainsof Umayyad period baths have been found on both simple farms(e.g. Qasr 'Ain es-Sil) and at palatial estates (e.g.
Khirbet al Maf fjar, Qasr Amra, IChirbet al-Minya, Hammam asSarah). According to G r a b a r (1987: 1 4 5 ) , ltNextto mosquesand living or formal units, the most comon feature of earlyMuslim estates was the bath1!. In the Umayyad period theseestates were commonly located in the desert (see King 1992).
'Heating: Kennedy 1985: 10-11, Sourdel-Thomine 1977;
decoration: Creswell 1989: 114; Sourdel-Thomine 1977. Becauseof the similarities in design, excavators usually apply the
Latin labels to the roomç of a Umayyad bath. On one group of
excavators ' decision to use the Medieval Islamic labels rather'The Arabic conqueror of Alexandria, Amr, relates that,among o t h e r things, he found 4,000 baths theren (Nielsen 1990:
On the influence of the conquered landsl
1.99 n. 23) .
architecture on early Moslem architecture see Creswell 1989
(esp. pp. 3-6 & 1 4 2 - 4 4 ) , and Almagro 1992 & 1995; on Romanbaths as models for Islamic baths, see Grabar 1987: 146,
Almagro 1992: 356, Sourdel-Thomine 1977, and Nielsen 1990:
1.152.

'And also of the Sasanian mire (Morony 1984: 269-70).

' "We have very little archaeological evidence about early
Islamic urban bath-houses, although we know from abundant
literary evidence that they existedm (Kennedy 1985: 10).
Remains of an urban bath have been found at ' A n j ar . (Al1 baths
referred to in this appendix are described in Appendix B.)

Given the prevalence of baths in Umayyad society, andespecially on their aristocratie estates, it seems
reasonable that there would have been a hammam associatedwith the Abbasid gasr at Humeima.' Access to such a bathwould seem especially important when one considers that
because of Humeimafs isolation, there were no other nearby
toms to provide the family with alternative bathingfacilities.
The members of the Abbasid family were aristocrats andhence accustomed to luxuries. However, because of its
isolation and placement in the bleak and barren Hisma, theenvironment of Humeima had relatively little to offer in theway of luxuries. But one luxury Humeima might have beenable to offer the Abbasids was an ample supply of water torun a bath--the source of this water being the Nabataean
aqueduct .
The question of whether or not there was a functioning
bath at Hurneima in the early Islamic period ultimately
depends on whether the Nabataean aqueduct was still in
operation. At other Umayyad sites, baths were supplied bywells (e.g. Hammam as-Sarah, Qasr Amra) but at Humeima theground water is so deep that it is extremely unlikely thatwells have ever existed there (Oleson Forthcoming [bl).
Moreover, although there would have been many functioning
cisterns at Humeima in the Umayyad period, unless these werefilled by the aqueduct, thoy probably could not have

'In the early Islamic literature, Humeima is not actuallyreferred to as an "estate" but rather as a "sesidence"(manzil) (or as a nvillagen) (Schick forthcoming).
The
Abbasidts residence (labelled Oasr in Figure 2) was a large(61 x 50 m) multi-roomed structure with a central courtyard.
Floral wall frescos and ivory furniture inlays have been
revealed during the aasrrs excavation, as well as a private
external mosque to the southeast (Oleson et al. 1993 & 1994) .

supplied enough water to keep a hammam in operation.'
Thus, in order for a functioning bath-house to have existedon the site in the Umayyad period, the aqueduct would haveto have remained in operation. Without it, there simply
would not have been eaough water.'
Unfortunately it is not clear whether or not the
aqueduct was in operation in this period. The presentarchaeological record can neither confirm nor deny thispossibility (Oleson, personal comnauiication, April 1996) .
An ancient story that the aqueduct was filled with olive oilfor an Abbasid party (Oleson, personal conmninication, April
1996) suggests that the aqueduct charnel may have remained
unbroken in the early Islamic period. However, this story
has an air of fantasy surrounding it (reminiscent of"streets paved with goldn) and may reflect an imagined
prosperous past rather than true conditions at the Abbasidsl
m. At present, therefore, it is not known if the
Nabataean aqueduct was still in use in the Umayyad period.
Without the aqueduct, a bath-house could not have functioned
at Humeima.
Assuming for the moment that the aqueduct continued to'Unlike wells and spring-fed aqueducts which tap
perpetual sources of water, the cisterns at Humeima could only
be filled during the winter rains and floods. Consequently,
they held a limited and sparse quantity of water . The average
cistern held only 91 CU m of water and the llagest could only
hold 250 CU m. In contrast, Humeimalsaqueduct, flowing at a
rate of 6.19 CU m/hour, delivered 148.56 CU m of water to the, more water than the average
settlement every day e
cistern held) . If the aqueduct was no longer functioning, they e a r l y supply of water would be limited. Top priority for thelimited cistern water would have to have been for human andanimal consumption and agricultural needs , followed by theconservative use of water for washing people and clothes.
Without an aqueduct, there probably would not have been enoughwater to wash in the relatively wasteful fashion typical ofbath-houses.
'On the hydraulic systems at Humeima, see Eadie & Oleson
1986 and Oleson 1990 & forthcoming.

function, there are two possibilities for the origin of abath at the site. The first possibility is that the Abbasidfamily could have built a new bath in or near the gg$g$,.
There are many regional parallels for the building a U w d
wereperiod qasr with a hammam. Sometimes these- b
located inside the qashs (e.g. Khirbat al Maffjar, Qasr alHayr East: Bath in Greater Enclosure) and sometimes they
were located outside ( e . g . Hananam as-Sarah, Jebel Seis, Qasr
el-Heir el Gharbi) . jlammamç located outside a O ~ S L :could be
as distant as 2 km away.'
The second way in which the Umayyad period inhabitantsof Humeima could have secured a hammam is that they could
have reused the extant bath-house. Extant Roman/Byzantine
bath-houses were reused in the Umayyad period at other Near
Eastern locations including Bostra, Hammat Gader, NysaScythopolis, and Tiberias . Moreover, at Khirbet el-Minya,
the U m a y y a d inhabitants reused a Byzantine bath-house
located 200 m to the northwest of their gasr--the same
distance and orientation as Humeima's bath-bouse is from theaaçrLet us now weigh these two possibilities for securing ahammaq. A bath physically attached to Humeimats-sr at
first appears to be the best option because such a bathwould have been closer to the living quarters and perhaps
more private.' However, a disadvantage to such a bath isthat it would have had to be built from scratch. This
construction would have required skilled workers who may
have been expensive and who may not have been available on
the site. Moreover, another disadvantage to building a new'Like Hammam as-Sarah, the hammam of Qasr el-Hallabat;on
their association see Khouri 1992: 27-30.
'Privacy was an issue at Khirbet al Maf fjar where, eventhough the hammam was attached to the gasr, a private
entrante-route w a s constructed for the orner.

hammam is that it would have to have been provided with asource of water.
As 1 rnentioned above, the only really viable source ofwater for a hammam at Humeima was the Nabataean aqueduct.
Humeima's aqueduct stopped c. 200 m short of the aasr. If a
new hammam had been built adjoining the w, the aqueduct
would have to have been extended in order to supply it withwater. Like the building of a hammam, this process would
have required skilled workers (and may have been expensive).
This option was apparently rejected by the Abbasid family as
there is no evidence that they attempted to extend the
aqueduct (Oleson, persona1 communication, April 1996). Of
course, water for a hanmiam at the oasr could instead havebeen carried from the aqueduct-fed reservoirs in containers.
However, it seems very inefficient to carry large quantities
of water over 250 m; especially when there was a preexisting bath-house already linked to the aqueduct.
Regarding the options of building a new bath or reusing
an old one at Humeima, it is interesting to consider the
response of the Crusaders in an analogous situation. The
Crusaders wished to set up bath-houses in their conquered
Arab cities:,..the Crusader balnea (baths) were the Arab hamamas.
In this case not only was the installation a costly one
that required professional builders, but in al1 cases
in which its water supply depended on the ancientaqueducts which brought water into the city fromnatural sources, the position of the balnea was fixed
because building new ones would have meant constructionof n e w supply installations. In other places thebalnea were linked to local wells and rainwater
reservoirs and as such were in fixed locations, Only
when population growth increased demand beyond
capacity, which did occur in some thirteen-century
Crusader cities, were new balnea erected (Prawer 1977:
186).

For the Crusaders, it was preferable to reuse theexisting bath-houses than to build new ones. Such wasprobably also the case for the Abbasid family at Humeima.

If a new hammam were to have been built near Humeima's %m.,
the Abbasid family would have had to have gone to thetrouble and expense of building the bath and providing itwith a supply of water. This would not have been necessaq
if they instead reused the Roman period bath-house. The
Roman bath-house was already built and although it was now
centuries old, such an age was not unusual for a functioning
bath-house (Louis 1971: 145). It may have required somerenovations, but these would have been insignificant
compared to the difficulties associated with constructing aharmnam from scratch. More importantly however, if the
aqueduct was still functioning, the Roman bath-house wasalready provided with an adequate supply of bath-water.
Lastly. as regards the question of building a new bath orreusing an old one, the excavators at Humeima have been
unable to find any trace of a hammam attached to the aasr,
or nearer to it than the Roman bath-house (Oleson and Foote,personal communications, 1996).
Additional, tangential, support for the continued useof the (Roman) bath-building in the Urnayyad period isprovided by the observation that this region of the sitewas, indeed, in use in the Umayyad period. In 1995,
excavation commenced on a structure located c. 15 m to thesoutheast of the bath.''This structure, which was
originally constructed in the Roman period. was renovated i n
the Umayyad period. This renovation indicates that theU m a y y a d period inhabitants were active in the region of thesite containing the bath-house. ft is even possible that
Room G in the bath-house (added in the last stage) dates

iOTheexcavation of this structure, designated as Field

is being directed by Hhairieh 'Amr as part of the
Humeima Excavation Project. 1 am grateful to K. 'Amr and J.
P. Oleson for allowing me to reference this unpublishedstructure.
El22,

from this period."
Another argument to support the continued use of
Humeimats bath into the early Islamic period is that theearly Islamic name of the site may itself refer to abathVr2 In Nabataean tintes, the site was called Hawar,
meaning nwhiteft.13 This name, transliterated into Greek as
Aapcr/Auara (also Hauare and Hauanae), was retained in Roman.
. .
and Byzantine times (Ptol. Geoq. 5.17, Notltia D i m x t a t u m ,[m. 3 4 - 2 5 ] , the Beer Sheba Edict, The Peutinger Table,
Stephen of Byzantium 25 & 144). In the early Islamic
literature (reviewed in Schick forthcoming), the site wasstill called by a name related to the concept "whiten.
However, the standard Arabic word for llwhitefl(bavda) was
not used; nos (in the written documents at least) was the
Arabic word used which is cognate with Nabataean "Hawarn(hwr). Instead, the site's early Islamic name wasapparently based on a less cormnon Arabic word for I1whiten(hm). In addition, the word chosen was put into its
I''The walls of Room G were more roughly constructed thanthe other walls in the bath. Likewise, the Umayyad periodrenovations to El22 were rougher than the original
construction.
Although the walls of Room G were better
constructed than the Umayyad period walls in E122, it is still
possible that both renovations date from the Umayyad period
but that better case was taken with the bath renovations.

"The possibility (to be discussed below) that lfHumeima"means "Little Bathn was first suggested to me by Rebecca
Foote. To the best of my knowledge, this interpretation of
the site's name has never before been published. Ultimately,
the argument w i l l need to be developed by someone who reads
Arabic, which 1 do not. The preliminary argument which
follows developed in conversation with Rebecca Foote andRobert Schick, who both read Arabic and are familiar with the
Arabic literature relating to Humeima.
I am especiallyindebted to Robert Schick for much of the linguistic analysis .
''The Nabataean name for the site is explained inOuranios' Arabika (Jacoby 1958: 6 7 5 . frag. lb); see above,
Chapter 1.

diminutive form (bumeima)."
After a gap of more than a millemium, w e cannot be
sure of how the site came to be called "Humeiman in theIslamic documents. However, one intriguing possibility isthat the name reflected the presence of a bath. Although"whiten is a possible meaning for h m , a more comon meaningis "blackn,to blacken through heatn and, hence, "hot,feverish, hot water, bath". The word hrrun, written in
English works as hammam, is the common Arabic word for
At Humeima, the Roman-built bath-house, although small,must have been a significant structure situated, as it was,in the midst of the hot and arid Hisma desert. It is
possible, therefore, that the bath made a significant enoughimpression on the 1slami.c immigrants for t h e m to choose alabel for this site which reflected, at the same tirne, thenative (Nabataean) name for the site ("whiten)and thepresence of a hypocausted bath-house. Working on thisassumption, it would further follow that the diminutive formof the label was used not to qualify the native meaning (asin "Little white Placew) but rather to qualify the
concurrent/alternative meaning ( " L i t t l e Bathm).
'*The Arabic dictionaries I could access at the Universityof Victoria did not l i t " h m m st low frequency definition"whiten . However, e v e q twentieth century scholar who has
explained the meanixzg of the site has stated that i t meanst T w h i t e n (e-g., Musil 1 9 2 6 : 59, Stein 1938/39 in Kennedy 1982:
273, Bowersock 1983: 173). For exarrrple, Stein explains that
"The word hawwarq, in Aramaic and Arabic meaning 'whitet,issynonymous with the word Homaima used for the designation of
the place on account of the white colour of i t s rocks andsoiln (in Kennedy 1982 : 273) . In contrast, no modern scholar
has attempted to explain why a diminutive form was used (eventhough Musil 1926: 64 explained the diminutive f o m of uaraused for nearby Qwera) .

"Other meanings of the m o t nhmmn,spelt differently inEnglish, include "pigeonn and "close friend" (see Wehr 1 9 8 0 :203-204)-

Moreover, the hypothesis that Wumeima" means somethingother than just "Little White Placen is supported by the
concurrent survival of the Nabataean name nHawartl
into thetwentieth century. Musil (1926: 59), who visited the siteat the beginning of this century, related that the locals
often interchanged the name nHomejman (nHumeiman)with thename Tawwâran. "BawwâraW ("Hawarn)is probably the label
by which the natives have referred to this site since
Nabataean times; whereas, fiHumeimam is a related but
different label which was used by incoming Islamic nobles to
describe an acquired piece of property.
The name Wumeima" might have been chosen by thepurchasing Abbasid family to reflect both the native name ofthe site and the presence of the small Roman bath. If thisbath was still operational (or could be made operational) it
probably became the hammam for the residents of the gêsr.
In surrmiary, because hanmiams are so significant inIslamic culture, and because they are so prevalent at
Umayyad period habitations, and especially on aristocratie
estates, 1 believe the Abbasid family would have had ahammam at Humeima. Moreover, since no archaeologicalevidence has been found for a new hammam, one attachea tothe gasr, and since it seems uniikely that such a structure
would ever have been constmcted, I believe the Abbasidfamily would have chosen to reuse the Roman bath-house as
their hammam. Essential to this argument is the belief thatthe aqueduct which fed the Roman bath-house was still
functioning in the Umayyad period. Archaeology can neither
confirm nor deny this belief. However, tangential support
for the reuse of the bath-house is provided by theobservation that the region of the site containing the Roinan
bath was in use in the Umayyad period. The continued
functioning of the Roman bath might also be reflected in theearly Islamic name for the site, nHumeiman,the diminutiveof the word "hammamn whose most common meaning is *bathn.