The Reception of Lotus SËtra Thought in China

Hiroshi Kanno

1. ProblemW

hen considering the reception of Lotus SËtra Thought in China,
we encounter two problems: the first is the identification of thecharacteristics of the reception of Lotus SËtra Thought seen in the Chinese commentaries on the Lotus SËtra (I will take up commentaries
during the Northern and Southern Dynasties and Sui Period); the second
the consideration of the various forms of faith and methods of practicebased on the Lotus SËtra. As for the latter, further delimiting the problem, I will discuss the devotion to Avalokiteßvara Bodhisattva based on
the Guanyin jing 觀音經, which is the twenty-fifth chapter of the LotusSËtra, and folk-oriented faith in the Lotus SËtra, which is shown in talesof miraculous response (the Hongzan fahua zhuan 弘贊法華傳 and Fahua
zhuanji 法華傳記), which discuss numerous worldly benefits to be gained
from faith in the Lotus SËtra.

2. The Reception of Lotus Sūtra Thought Shown in the
Chinese Commentaries on the Lotus Sūtra
I would suggest that the core thought of the Lotus SËtra may be summarily grasped from three basic points of view: the idea of the “oneBuddha vehicle”; the idea of Buddha Íåkyamuni’s “age-old existence”;
and the idea of the “bodhisattvas emerging from the earth.” I will investigate how each idea was interpreted in the Chinese commentaries on
the Lotus SËtra.
2.1. The Idea of the “One Buddha Vehicle” of the Lotus Sūtra
The idea of the “one Buddha vehicle” expounded in the second “Skillful
Means” chapter of the Lotus SËtra is that the Buddha appeared in thesahå world for one great purpose, which was to bring about the equalsalvation of all sentient beings. There are embedded within this notion
two complementary motifs: one is the idea that sentient beings may
136the reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

137

have equal access to Buddhahood,1 and the other, an emphasis onÍåkyamuni Buddha’s existence and role as a savior figure.2 I examine
the reception of the “one Buddha vehicle” in China, analyzing various
issues.
2.1.1. A Foundational Rubric for “Doctrinal Classification”Mahåyåna and Nikåya scriptures were haphazardly introduced to China
almost at the same time. In order to make sense of this broad range ofincoming materials, Chinese commentators began to develop elaborate
systems for categorizing them. This practice, known as “doctrinal classification” (Ch. panjiao 判教) which came to flourish during the fifth
century, just after the period when translation of the most importantMahåyåna scriptures had been completed, is considered to be one of themost distinctive features of Chinese Buddhism. Some rudimentary doctrinal classifications were produced from among Kumåraj¥va’s(344–413/350–409) disciples. At that time the idea of “elaborating thethree and revealing the one” (kaisan xianyi 開三顯一) expounded in the“Skillful Means” chapter of the Lotus SËtra, namely, the idea that thethree vehicles of ßråvaka, pratyekabuddha, and bodhisattva are provisional skillful teachings to mature sentient beings’ capacities, became acriterion of forming doctrinal classification. As an example, we might
introduce the sudden, gradual, and five-period classificatory scheme of
Huiguan3 慧觀 (Huiguan’s dates are uncertain, but he was a disciple ofKumåraj¥va, and his brief Fahua zongyao xu 法華宗要序 still survives),
which was especially prominent in the southern regions during theNorthern and Southern Dynasties Period.
To begin with, Huiguan distinguishes the two categories of the suddenteaching and gradual teaching as the most basic division in the Buddha’s
teachings. The former (the “sudden teaching”) corresponds to [thepreaching of] the Avataµsaka SËtra, which expounded directly the
Buddha’s enlightenment. The latter (“gradual teaching”) is conceived asa progressive exposition of the Dharma that advances gradually fromshallow to profound for the sake of sentient beings who cannot understand the Avataµsaka SËtra. The gradual taxonomy is divided
accordingly into five sub-categories or phases of teaching. They comprise: (1) the teaching that expounds the three vehicles individually or
separately, which corresponds to the Nikåya doctrines found in works
such as the Ógama sËtras, (2) the teaching wherein the three vehicles are
expounded conjointly or in common, which corresponds to the Dapinbore jing 大品般若經 or Large Prajñåpåramitå SËtra, (3) the evangelicalteaching, which represents the Vimalak¥rti and Brahmaparip®cchå138

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in chinasËtras, (4) the teaching that reverts to commonality or sameness, whichcorresponds to the Lotus SËtra, and (5) the teaching of eternal abiding,which corresponds to the Mahåyåna Nirvåˆa SËtra.
According to this doctrinal classification, the Lotus SËtra is relegatedto a position that is lower in status than both the Avataµsaka SËtra as
the sudden teaching and the Nirvåˆa SËtra, which occupies the highest
place among the five gradual teachings. However, the first, second andfourth gradual teachings were conceived on the basis of the idea of the“elaborating the three and revealing the one.” Therefore, we can see how
Chinese practitioners of doctrinal classification (such as Huiguan) gave
form to their classificatory systems by consulting the Lotus SËtra.
Because the Chinese exegetes on the Lotus SËtra did not succeed inorganizing the instructional content of the Buddha’s career sufficiently
by relying solely on the progression from the three vehicles to the one
vehicle, they sought to develop even more detailed arrangements bymaking use of such parables as the tale of the prodigal son told in the
fourth, “Belief and Understanding” chapter of the Lotus SËtra.
This five-period scheme of doctrinal classification placed the LotusSËtra in a position lower than that of the Avataµsaka and NirvåˆasËtras, and for this reason it was severely criticized by the likes of Zhiyi
智顗 and Jizang 吉藏. However, one could say that, even for Zhiyi and
Jizang, the enduring tendency to look to the Lotus SËtra as a basic foundation for doctrinal classification in itself remained unchanged.
In summation, the Lotus SËtra’s concept of the one Buddha vehicle—
the first of our three core concepts—was appropriated in China as afoundational rubric for the formative development of Chinese Buddhist
doctrinal classification. In so far as the attention given to the second andthird core concepts of the Lotus SËtra was never comparable to it inscope, one could also argue that this first of three concepts was the primary point of concern for Chinese Buddhists.
2.1.2. The Three Vehicles as Expedient, the One Vehicle as Real, and theDistinctive Interpretation of the Lotus Sūtra Found in the Faxiang
SchoolEven though “the three vehicles as expedient and the one vehicle as
real,” which in the specialized terminology of Chinese exegetical discourse becomes “elaborating the three to reveal the one,” wasspecifically appropriated as one of the elemental concepts of the LotusSËtra, Kuiji 窺基 of the Faxiang 法相 school interpreted it from a perspective that is diametrically opposite to the explanations of both the
Lotus SËtra and previous exegetes. He held that sentient beings could bethe reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

139

divided into five basic categories according to their salvific natures ordispositions (zhongxing 種性). They include: (1) individuals endowedwith the fully determined disposition of a ßråvaka, (2) individuals
endowed with the fully determined disposition of a pratyekabuddha, (3)individuals endowed with the fully determined disposition of a bodhisattva, (4) beings whose salvific disposition is yet to be formed ordetermined and (5) beings who are deprived of salvific disposition altogether. Among these five, beings of the first, second and fifth disposition
cannot attain Buddhahood. According to Kuiji, the Lotus SËtra preached
the idea that “the three vehicles are expedient and the one vehicle isreal” merely in order to direct beings of undetermined disposition (category 4) away from the path of the ßråvaka and pratyekabuddha andtoward the path of the bodhisattva. This is because the defining position
for Kuiji presumed “the three vehicles to be real and the one vehicle to
be expedient.”4 Such an interpretation of the Lotus SËtra neglects theintentional meaning of the Lotus SËtra at the time when it was compiled, but changing our perspectives, we can say that Kuiji proposed aninterpretational system of Buddhism different from that of the LotusSËtra.
In Japan problems of this sort were renewed in the form of a controversy between SaichØ 最澄 (767–822) and Tokuichi 德一 (date unknown)over the “expediency and reality of the three and the one.” In the end,
the idea that one vehicle is real survived in the world of East Asian
Buddhism.
2.1.3. Zhiyi’s “Three Benefits” of “Sowing, Maturing and Reaping”

As we have indicated, the idea of the one vehicle not only contains animplicit emphasis on sentient beings having equal access to Buddhahood, but also places an emphasis on the role of the Buddha as a saviorof sentient beings. This issue, in turn, intersects with certain discrepancies that occur between the Lotus SËtra and the Nirvåˆa SËtra regarding
the attainment of Buddhahood. For example, the Mahåyåna NirvåˆaSËtra asserts that “all sentient beings are endowed with ‘Buddha-nature’(foxing 佛性),” or an inherent disposition to Buddhahood. The basis for
sentient beings’ attainment of Buddhahood is posited on the basis that
this Buddha-nature is intrinsically present in all sentient beings. However, the Lotus SËtra was completed before the Nirvåˆa SËtra. When the
Lotus SËtra professes that all sentient beings will attain Buddhahood, it
develops this idea from the position that “Íåkyamuni Buddha, in orderto enable all sentient beings to attain Buddhahood, beneficently
appeared in this sahå world. That, in itself, was the World Honored

140

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

One’s sole, great purpose.” Thus it combines universal attainment of
Buddhahood with a profound religious connection that exists between
the Buddha and sentient beings themselves.
This religious connection between Íåkyamuni Buddha and sentient
beings is given expression in Zhiyi’s views on the three benefits of“sowing the seed, maturing the seed, and reaping the fruit.” Specificallyspeaking, the “benefit of sowing the seed” refers to the process throughwhich the Buddha forges the initial karmic connections—the first religious connections—with sentient beings; the “benefit of maturation”
refers to the process of maturing the salvific capacities of sentient
beings; and the “benefit of reaping the fruit” correlates to the act ofbringing about their final liberation and realization of Buddhahood.5
Zhiyi took the story of the Buddha Excellence of Great Penetrating
Wisdom in the seventh chapter, “The Parable of the Phantom City” to be
an illustration of the idea that the salvific process has a beginning and an
end. Accordingly, he conceived the idea that the Buddha actively provides sentient beings with the three benefits of “sowing the seed,maturing the seed, and reaping the fruit” of Buddhahood.
2.1.4. The Question of whether the Lotus Sūtra Expounds or Does not
Expound the Notion of Buddha-nature

The Mahåyåna version of the Nirvåˆa SËtra was compiled in India
sometime during the fourth century of the Common Era. As its core concept, the sËtra teaches the ever-abiding of the Dharma-body(dharmakåya) and the universality of Buddha-nature. One will noticeright away that, on this point, the Nirvåˆa SËtra closely resembles theideas of the one vehicle and the age-old existence of the Buddha that areso central to the Lotus SËtra. However, the Lotus SËtra proper does notemphasize the ever-abiding of the Dharma-body to the extent seen in theNirvåˆa SËtra and nor does the term “Buddha-nature” appear in the
Lotus SËtra. Therefore, the conviction was widespread during the Northern and Southern Dynasties Period that notions of intrinsic Buddhanature and the eternity of the Buddha as they appeared in the NirvåˆaSËtra were not expounded in the Lotus SËtra.6 The so-called three great
masters of the Sui Dynasty—Jingying Huiyuan, Zhiyi, and Jizang—managed to prove that the Lotus SËtra expounds Buddha-nature inprinciple.7
2.2. The Idea of the “Age-old Existence of the Buddha” of the Lotus
SūtraThe second of our three core concepts from the Lotus SËtra, thethe reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

141“age-old existence of the Buddha,” is expounded in the sixteenth chapterof the Lotus SËtra, “The Life Span of the Thus Come One.” There arethree major points in this chapter: the first is that Íåkyamuni’s life span
as a Buddha is eternal; the second is that his entry into nirvåˆa at the ageof eighty was merely intended as an “expedient display of nirvåˆa”8 (theidea that the Buddha provisionally showed himself to enter final nirvåˆamerely as a skillful measure to arouse a keen resolution on the part ofsentient beings to seek the enlightenment); the third is that the eternal
Buddha will appear to persons of deep faith (from the perspective ofsentient beings themselves, this is to grant the possibility that one may“see or meet the Buddha”).
The concept of the “age-old existence of the Buddha” was relatively
insignificant in China. Because the preaching of the Nirvåˆa SËtra wasequated with the fifth-period doctrine of the Buddha’s eternal abiding,which we introduced above, and the Nirvåˆa SËtra itself was affirmed as
the sËtra that revealed the true eternity of the Buddha. On the other
hand, the first major theme of the Lotus SËtra was regarded as “elaborating the three and revealing the one” and the eternity of the Buddha wasregarded as the unique idea of the Nirvåˆa SËtra.
Looking back historically at the interpretations of the concept of the“age-old existence of the Buddha,” Sengrui 僧叡 (date unknown), who
was a disciple of Kumåraj¥va, understood the representation of the
Buddha in the sixteenth “The Life-Span of Thus Come One” chapter tobe something that symbolized an eternal and limitless life-span. As he
saw it, the use of hyperbolic similes to express vast stretches of time(such as, “eons equivalent to motes of dust contained in five hundred
thousands of tens of thousands of millions of nayutas of asaµkheyas oftrichiliocosm world-realms”) made it possible to strongly impress theidea of the Buddha’s eternity on its audience. Be that as it may, Fayun
offered an interpretation from the perspective of the five-period schemethat was diametrically opposed to this idea. According to Fayun’s Fahua
yiji 法華義記,9 representations of the Buddha’s life span in scripturesprior to the Lotus SËtra assign it a duration of either eighty years (as in
the more familiar biographies of the Buddha) or seven hundredasaµkheyas kalpas (as in the ÍËraµgamasamådhi SËtra). By contrast,
the duration of the Buddha’s life asserted in the Lotus SËtra is considerably longer than that in these other works. This excessive length isattributed to the idea that the Buddha simply used his supernatural powers to extend his life span in order to save sentient beings. Therefore, therepresentation of the Buddha’s life-span found in the Lotus SËtra is still
considered by Fayun to be nothing more than a relative period of

142

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

No Image

Ceiling painting of the Bodhisattvas emerging from the Earth. Cave 31,
Dunhuang Mogao Caves; High Tang Dynasty period, 8th century (Dunhuang
shiku quanji, Vol. 7, Shanghai Renmin Chubanshe, 2000)

duration. If we look at this situation from the perspective of the eternityof the Buddha as taught in the Nirvåˆa SËtra, we can only conclude
that, in the Lotus SËtra, the existence of the Buddha is still presented as
impermanent.
Jingying Huiyuan, Zhiyi, and Jizang managed to prove that the LotusSËtra taught a doctrine of the eternity of the Buddha criticizing the theory of the Lotus SËtra’s representation of the Buddha as impermanent, ofwhich Fayun is representative.10
2.3. The Idea of the “Bodhisattvas Emerging from the Earth” of the
Lotus Sūtra
The third idea, the “bodhisattvas emerging from the earth,” is expoundedin the Lotus SËtra’s tenth chapter, “The Teacher of the Law” and the fifteenth chapter, “Emerging From the Earth.” The bodhisattvas emerging

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

143

from the earth are those who are born on the basis of their vows. They
have realized enlightenment in a past age, and appear in the impure andevil sahå world after Íåkyamuni Buddha’s death, out of their compassion for sentient beings.11 It seems plausible that the persons responsible
for compiling the Lotus SËtra during its formative period seized on theidea of the bodhisattvas emerging from the earth for purposes of
expressing their own self-image as devotees.
As the bodhisattvas emerging from the earth were regarded as mythical figures appearing in a sËtra, they have not been interpreted as
bodhisattvas, who actually appear in the historical world.12 This fact isdifferent from the fact that the theory of Maitreya’s manifesting form
and transforming body appeared many times in various ways.
The idea of severely subduing sentient beings who are intractably evil
appears in Nanyue Huisi’s 南嶽慧思 (515–577) Fahua jing anle xing yi 法華經安樂行義,13 but we do not find his subjective interpretation of thebodhisattvas emerging from the earth. Further, Xinxing 信行 (540–594),
founder of the Three Stages Teaching (Sanjie jiao 三階教) incorporated
the veneration practice of Bodhisattva Never-Disparaging, which actualizes the idea of the one Buddha vehicle of the Lotus SËtra, directly into
his own practice of universal reverence (pujing 普敬), but he did not havethe direct relation with his self-awareness of a bodhisattva emerging
from the earth.

3. The Folkish Faith in the Lotus Sūtra
There are various forms of faith on the basis of the Lotus SËtra such asrecitation, copying, hearing the teachings, lecturing, self-immolation by
burning, and meditation.14 I will discuss the devotion to Avalokiteßvara
and folk faith in the Lotus SËtra, which is shown in tales of miraculous
response speaking of numerous worldly benefits to be gained from faith
in the Lotus SËtra.
3.1. The Devotion to Avalokiteśvara
Various records of tales of miraculous response 應驗記 were authored in
China with the earliest concerning Avalokiteßvara Bodhisattva. Needlessto say, he is a central character of the Guanyin jing, which was takenfrom the twenty-fifth chapter on “the Universal Gate of Avalokiteßvara
Bodhisattva” of the Lotus SËtra. What is called, “record of tales of
miraculous response” is a record of verification that buddhas or bodhisattvas appear in this world to save sentient beings. From the standpointof unenlightened people who receive a responsive manifestation from144

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

buddhas or bodhisattvas, it is a record that their experiences of benefits
on the basis of faith in buddhas or bodhisattvas are written down. Even
though such stories of the experiences include preposterous ones, fromthe viewpoint of ordinary people at the time, even mystic phenomena
can actually appear and their compilation and distribution seemed tohave a significant impact on the spread of Buddhism.
The popularity of Avalokiteßvara Bodhisattva is based mainly on
three kinds of Chinese translations of the Lotus SËtra, which includes
the “Avalokiteßvara” chapter. Further, the facts that esoteric BuddhistsËtras like the Qing Guanshiyin pusa xiaofu duhai tuoluonizhou jing 請
觀世音菩薩消伏毒害陀羅尼咒經 translated by Zhu Nandi 竺難提 in the
Eastern Jin 東晉 Dynasty and the Shiyimian Guanshiyin shenzhou jing
十一面觀世音神咒經 translated by Yaßogupta 耶舍崛多 in Northern Zhou 北周 Dynasty appeared and Avalokiteßvara Bodhisattva was valued as abodhisattva, who is bound up with Amitåyus Buddha, along withMahåsthåmapråpta Bodhisattva in sËtras connected to Pure Land
Thought such as the Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經 and Guan wuliangshou
fo jing 觀無量壽佛經, might have imparted a certain influence on his popularity. Also along with escalation of the devotion to Avalokiteßvara, lotsof apocryphal scriptures, a central character of which is Avalokiteßvara
Bodhisattva, such as the Gaowang guanshiyin jing 高王觀世音經,
Guanshiyin pusa wangsheng jingtu benyuan jing 觀世音菩薩往生淨土本緣經, and Guanshiyin sanmei jing 觀世音三昧經15 added impetus to the
devotion to Avalokiteßvara. And the commentaries on the Guanying jingand Qing Guanyin jing and the formation of Avalokiteßvara confessionalmust have also made an impact on the devotion to Avalokiteßvara.
The Guanyin jing expounds twelve worldly benefits (escaping sevencalamities, getting away from three poisons, and having a baby boy andbaby girl). As for records of tales of miraculous response concerning
Avalokiteßvara Bodhisattva, the fact that Lu Gao’s 陸杲 (459–532) Ji
Guanshiyin yingyan ji 繫觀世音應驗記, which was lost for a long time in
China, was stored at the KissuizØ 吉水藏 of the ShØrenin 青蓮院 in Japanwas reported and thorough research on the text was published by Makita
TairyØ.16 Lu Gao’s Ji Guanshiyin yingyan ji included seven miracle stories compiled by Fu Liang 傅亮 (374–426), ten miracle stories compiled
by Zhang Yan 張演 (the former half of the fifth century) in the Liu Song劉宋 Dynasty, along with sixty-nine miracle stories compiled by Lu Gaohimself. Needless to say, these miracle stories are connected to thetwelve benefits of Avalokiteßvara Bodhisattva mentioned above.
In addition, even though the book title does not include the name of
Avalokiteßvara, Wang Yan’s 王琰 Mingxiang ji 冥祥記 (its fragments arethe reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

145

included in Luxun’s 魯迅 Gu xiaoshuo gouchen 古小說鉤沉) and Tang
lin’s 唐臨 Mingbao ji 冥報記 (3 volumes, written during the era of
Yonghui 永徽 [650–655]) also recorded the miraculous response of
Avalokiteßvara Bodhisattva.
3.2. The Hongzan fahua zhuan and Fahua zhuanji
As mentioned above, the records of tales of miraculous response basedon the Guanyin jing were compiled first among such records, and thenrecords based on the Lotus SËtra, the Avataµsaka SËtra, and the Diamond SËtra were compiled later. As for the Avataµsaka SËtra, Fazang’s法藏 (637–714) Huayan jing zhuanji 華嚴經傳記 (five volumes),17 Jingfa
Huiyuan’s 靜法慧苑 (date unknown) Huayan jing zuan lingji 華嚴經纂靈記(fragments), and Hu youzhen’s 胡幽貞 (date unknown) Huayan jing ganying zhuan 華嚴經感應傳 (one volume, compiled in 783) were compiled
and as for the Diamond SËtra, Meng Xianzhong’s 猛獻忠 (dateunknown) Jingang bore jing jiyan ji 金剛般若經集驗記 (compiled in 718)
were compiled.18
As for the Lotus SËtra, Huixiang’s 惠祥 Hongzan fahua zhuan (tenvolumes) and Sengxiang’s 僧祥 Fahua zhuanji (ten volumes) were compiled.19 We do not know the exact date of compilation of the two texts
and nor do we know their antero-posterior relation. These texts seemed
to make a big impact on Jeok’s 寂 Fahuajing jiyan ji 法華經集驗記20 (Kor.
Beophwagyeongjip heomgi) in Korea and Chingen’s 鎮源 Dai Nippon
koku hokke genki 大日本國法華驗記21 (compiled approximately in 1004)
in Japan.
The Hongzan fahua zhuan is divided into eight categories of image,translation, explanation, contemplation, abandoning the body, recitation,quick sËtra recitation, and copy. Here I will introduce the layman Wang
Fanxing 王梵行 under the category “recitation.”22 Wang Fanxing lost hissight in his childhood and his mother taught him the Lotus SËtra fromher own lips. By the time he was thirteen years old, he was to be able torecite the Lotus SËtra in its entirety. And then he went on to recite theLotus SËtra 17,000 times. Even though he could not see anything, hecould walk along the street alone, weave, sew, and write better than people with normal vision. He was vegetarian, never got married, andpassed away at the age of seventy-one. His dead body was abandoned at
the field, but beasts and birds did not approach it and it became skeletonized. Then, it is said that his tongue, which had so often recited theLotus SËtra, extended thirty centimeters from his mouth and did not
decay for a long time.23
The Hongzan fahua zhuan is divided into twelve categories. The sixth

146

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

category “the collection of prefaces by various masters” includes Fahua
fanjing houji 法華翻經後記 attributed to Sengzhao 僧肇 (384–414?).24
Here I will introduce the episode of Wulong 烏龍 and Yilong 遺籠,
who were father and son, respectively, which was taken up under theeighth category “saving sufferings by copying.”25
Wulong, whose family business was calligraphy, disliked Buddhism
and did not copy Buddhist scriptures all through his life. He also prohibited his son Yilong from copying Buddhist scriptures and passed away
throwing up blood. Then, a Minister of War of Bingzhou 并州 was a fervent follower of Buddhism and he asked Yilong, who was very good at
calligraphy, to copy the Lotus SËtra, but Yilong refused his request
according to his father’s will. However, he was finally forced to do it by
a powerful person and wrote sixty-four characters from the Miaofa lianhua jing juan diyi 妙法蓮華經卷第一 to the Miaofa lianhua jing juan diba
妙法蓮華經卷第八. He regretted that he betrayed his father’s will, but his
father appeared in his dream and said to him, “The sixty-four characters,
which you wrote, became sixty-four transformation buddhas and savedme from the sufferings of the hell. From now regret the former evil
deeds and make copying the Buddhist scriptures your occupation.”
Yilong awoke from his dream, regretted his shedding tears, and reported
this matter to the Minister of War. All the people exulted to hear that andpraised, “As long as to write only the title of the Lotus SËtra brings
about such big benefits, to copy the Lotus SËtra by oneself and makeothers copy it can bring about immeasurable benefits.” As its result,copying the Lotus SËtra became very popular.

4. Conclusion
This paper is composed of two parts of “the reception of Lotus SËtra
Thought shown in the Chinese commentaries on the Lotus SËtra” and“the folk faith in the Lotus SËtra.”In the first part I have clarified how the three core concepts of the
Lotus SËtra, which are the “one Buddha vehicle,” the “age-old existenceof the Buddha,” and the “bodhisattvas emerging from the earth,” wereinterpreted and accepted on the basis of its commentaries of Fayun,
Zhiyi, Jizang, and Kuiji.
I explained the idea of the “one Buddha vehicle” in four sections. In
the first section “A Foundational Rubric for ‘Doctrinal Classification,’” I
pointed out that the idea of the “one Buddha vehicle” was appropriatedin China as a foundational rubric for the formative development ofChinese Buddhist doctrinal classification and that the attention given tothe reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

147

the second and third core concepts of the Lotus SËtra was never comparable to it in scope. In the second section “The Three Vehicles as
Expedient, the One Vehicle as Real, and the Distinctive Interpretation of
the Lotus SËtra Found in the Faxiang School,” I introduced the Faxiang
school’s idea that the three vehicles are real and the one vehicle is expedient on the basis of five kinds of salvific dispositions. According to thedoctrine of the Faxiang School, the Lotus SËtra is an expedient teachingthat cultivates only beings of undetermined disposition. In the third section “Zhiyi’s ‘Three Benefits’ of ‘Sowing, Maturing and Reaping,’” I
took up Zhiyi’s theory of three benefits. It interprets adequately “solegreat purpose for the Buddha’s appearance in this world,” which values
the religious connection between Íåkyamuni Buddha and sentient
beings. Zhiyi took the story of the Buddha Excellence of Great
Penetrating Wisdom in the “The Parable of the Phantom City” chapter
to be an illustration of the idea that the salvific process has a beginningand an end and he thought the Buddha actively provides sentient beings
with the three benefits of “sowing the seed, maturing the seed, and reaping the fruit” of Buddhahood. In the fourth section “The Question ofwhether the Lotus SËtra Expounds or Does not Expound the Notion of
Buddha-nature,” I pointed out that even though Huiyuan’s five-period
doctrinal classification regarded the Lotus SËtra as not expounding theBuddha-nature, Zhiyi and Jizang managed to show the Buddha-nature
doctrine of the Lotus SËtra.
Concerning the idea of the “age-old existence of the Buddha,” I pointed out the following three points: the first is that the concern to thesecond idea in China was quite subtle compared to the Nirvåˆa SËtra,which exactly expounds the eternity of the Buddha; the second is that
Fayun, who adopted five-period doctrinal classification, interpreted theBuddha of the Lotus SËtra as impermanent; the third is that Zhiyi and
Jizang managed to prove the Buddha of the Lotus SËtra to be eternal.
Concerning the idea of the “bodhisattvas emerging from the earth,” I
pointed out that in China the bodhisattvas emerging from the earth were
not interpreted as those who actually appear in the historical world probably because they are regarded as mythical figures appearing in thesËtra. On this point, the fact that the Japanese monk Nichiren recognized
himself to be an incarnation of the Bodhisattva Superior Practices, who
is one of leaders of the bodhisattvas emerging from the earth, and possessed a keen religious self-awareness is out of common in the historyof Lotus Thought.
In the second part I took up the devotion to Avalokiteßvara
Bodhisattva on the basis of the Guanyin jing and introduced various

148

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in chinasËtras, which brought about the popularity of Avalokiteßvara
Bodhisattva, and apocryphal scriptures, a central character of which is
Avalokiteßvara Bodhisattva and further introduced the compilation ofrecords of the tales of miraculous response of Avalokiteßvara
Bodhisattva.
Then, I took up the Hongzan fahua zhuan and Fahua zhuanji, whichemphasized actual beneficial experiences of various practices expounded in the Lotus SËtra such as hearing the teachings, recitation, copy andlecture.
This folk faith in the Lotus SËtra is very different from the theoreticalconcerns regarding the Lotus SËtra shown in the sūtra commentaries.
Both research areas are important for the historical research of thewhole reception of the Lotus SËtra. Philosophical research on the LotusSËtra by eminent monks was respected by common people, who could
not understand it, and yet had greatly supported the propagation of the
Lotus SËtra, but tales of common people’s experiences must haveattracted much more interest.
Acknowledgements
I would like to offer my sincere thanks to Prof. Daniel Bruce Stevenson and Prof. A.
Charles Muller for their expertise in editing the English version of this paper.
Notes
1
The idea of sentient beings’ universal attainment of Buddhahood is demonstrated in
the Bodhisattva Never Disparaging’s practice of bowing in obeisance. See my previous
paper on this topic, “The Practice of Bodhisattva Never Disparaging in the Lotus SËtra
and its Reception in China and Japan,” in The Journal of Oriental Studies 12 (2002):
104–122.
2
The emphasis on Íåkyamuni Buddha seems to have connection with the idea of asavior figure of the threefold world shown in the “Simile and Parable” chapter of the
Lotus SËtra, “But now this threefold world is all my domain, and the living beings in it
are all my children. Now this place is beset by many pains and trials. I am the only person who can rescue and protect others” (T9. no. 262, 50c19–20; Translation by Burton
Watson, The Lotus Sutra and Its Opening and Closing Sutras [Tokyo: Soka Gakkai,2009], pp. 105–106) and the idea of Buddha Íåkyamuni’s “age-old existence.”3
See Jizang’s Sanlun xuanyi (T45. no. 1852, 5b3–14).
4
See Kuiji’s Dasheng fayuan yilinzhang 大乘法苑義林章 vol. 1, “Further, the LotusSËtra talks only about beings whose salvific disposition is yet to be formed or determined and so it is expedient teaching” (T45. no. 1861, 266b13–14).
5
Fahua wenju 1A, T 34. no. 1718, 2c1–9.
6
See Liuqiu’s 劉虬 (438–495) systems of five-period classification as discussed in thesection on “Doctrinal Traces of the SËtras” (zhongjing jiaoji yi 衆經教迹義) contained in
Jingying Huiyuan’s 淨影慧遠 Dasheng yizhang 大乘義章 (T44. no. 1851, 465a11–25).

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in china

149

7
As for Jingying Huiyuan, see the Dasheng yizhang vol. 1 (T44. no. 1851, 466a–b);
as for Zhiyi, see the Fahua xuanyi vol. 5B (T33. no. 1716, 744c–746a); as for Jizang,see the Fahua xuanlun vol. 1 (T34. no. 1720, 367a–b).
8
See the Lotus SËtra (T9. no. 262, 43b16).
9
See Fahua yiji, vol. 1 (T33. no. 1715, 573c–574a).
10
As for Jingying Huiyuan, see the Dasheng yizhang vol. 1 (T44. no. 1851, 466b); as
for Zhiyi, see the Fahua xuanyi vol. 10A (T33. no. 1716, 802c–803a); as for Jizang, see
the Fahua xuanlun vol. 2 (T34. no. 1720, 374c–378b).
11
See my previous paper on this topic, “The Bodhisattvas of the Earth in the LotusSËtra: Involvement in the Human Society,” in The Journal of Oriental Studies 20 (2010):
108–128.
12
The Japanese monk Nichiren (1222–1282) recognized himself to be one of the bodhisattvas emerging from the earth and possessed a keen religious self-awareness. It is
uncommon in the history of Lotus Thought.
13
See the Fahua jing anle xing yi, “As for the third meaning, [when confronted with]sentient beings who are intractably evil, the bodhisattva in order to subdue them andcause them to have a change of heart sometimes uses harsh words, slander, reviling, andhumiliation to arouse remorse and enable them to foster wholesome mentalities. This is[also] known as ‘forberance toward sentient beings’” (T46. no. 1926, 701b26–29).
14
See Michihata RyØshË, “ChËgoku BukkyØ to HokekyØ no shinkØ,” in ŌchØ Enichi(ed) Hokke shisØ (Kyoto: Heirakuji, 1975: 506–523); Shengyan, “Zhongguo yi Fahua
jing wei jichu de xiuxing fangfa,” in Zhonghua foxue xuebao 7, 1994; Shengkai, “Lunzhongguo zaoqi yi Fahua jing wei zhongxin de xingyang xingtai (shang),” in Fayin 215,
2002; Shengkai, “Lun zhongguo zaoqi yi Fahua jing wei zhongxin de xingyang xingtai(xia),” in Fayin 216, 2002.
15
As for the Guanshiyin Sanmei jing, see Makita TairyØ, RikuchØ koitsu kanzeonØgenki no kenkyË, Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, 1970.
16
The existence of that text was reported by Shibuya RyØtai, ShØwa genzon tendai
shoseki sØgØmokuroku (1943) and its explanation was made by Tsukamoto ZenryË
(“Koitsu likuchØ kanzeon Øgenki no shutsugen: Shin Shafu SØ FuryØ no KØzeon Øgenki,” in KyØto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyËjo sØritsu nijËgo shËnen kinen ronbunshË,1954 and its transcription, annotation and research was published by Makita TairyØ
(ibid). Also see Wang Zhizhong, Han Wei liuchao xiaoshuo shi (Zejiang guji chubanshe,
1997: 261–274) and Kinugawa Kenji, “FuryØ KØzeon Øgenki yakuchË” in Hanazono
daigaku bungakubu kenkyË kiyØ 29, 1997.
17
See Yoshizu Yoshihide, “KegonkyØ denki ni tsuite,” in Indogaku bukkyØgaku kenkyË
27–1, 1978 and NakajØ Michiaki, “KegonkyØ denki kenkyË (1) (2),” Komazawa daigaku
daigakuin bukkyØgaku kenkyËkai nenpØ 12/13, 1978/1979.
18
See O Gwanghyeok, “KongØhannyakyØjËgenki kenkyË,” Gim Jigyeon and Chae
Inhwan (ed) Shiragi bukkyØ kenkyË, Tokyo: SankibØ busshorin, 1973: 470–503.
19
See Matoba Yoshimasa, “ChËgoku ni okeru hokekyØ no shinkØ keitai (1): hokkedenki,” in Indogaku bukkyØgaku kenkyË 31–1, 1982 and “ChËgoku ni okeru hokekyØ noshinkØ keitai (2): hokkedenki to gusanhokkeden ni okeru hokkekyØ no dokuju to reigensetsuwa ni tsuite,” in Indogaku bukkyØgaku kenkyË 32–2, 1984.
20
See Ō ta ShØjirØ, “Jyaku hosshi no HokekyØ no genki wa genson suru,” in Nihon rekishi 390, 1980 and Mitomo KenyØ, “Jyaku sen HokekyØ jËgen ki no yichi kØsatsu,” in
Watanabe HØyØ sensei koki kinen ronbunshË: Hokke bukkyØ bunkashi ronsØ, KyØto:Heirakuji shoten, 2003 and Takahira MyØshin, “HokekyØ jËgen ki ni kansuru yichi

150

the reception of lotus sūtra thought in chinakØsatsu,” in Indogaku bukkyØgaku kenkyË 56–2, 2008. As for the text, see TokyØ daigaku
toshokan zØ HokekyØjËgenki (KichØ kotenseki kankØkai daisanki kankØ: ShØwa
gojËroku nen roku gatsu.
21
See Dai Nippon koku hokke genki (included in Inoue Mitsusada and Ō sone ShØsuke
[collation and annotation] Ō jØden Hokke genki, Iwanami shoten, 1974) and Gim Gyeonghui, “Dai Nippon koku hokke genki no seiritsu to tokushitsu” (the dissertation
submitted to TokyØ daigaku daigakuin sØgØbunka kenkyËka).
22
See T51. no. 2067, 32c.
23
Liu Ading took up “only tongue does not decay” as the first of the characteristics ofrecords of tales of miraculous response concerning the Lotus SËtra. See Liu Ading,Fojiao lingyanji yanjiu: yi Jin Tang wei zhongxin, Sichuan chuban jituan bashu shushe,
2006: 202–209.
24
As for the Fahua fanjing houji, see Kim Byungkon, “SØjØ ki HokkehonkyØgoki
gisensetsu no zenbØ to kaimei,” in BukkyØgaku ronshË 27 issued by RisshØ daigaku
daigakuin bukkyØ gakkai, 2009.
25
See T51. no. 2068, 83c–84b.
Author Biography
Hiroshi Kanno is an associate director and a senior research fellow of the Institute ofOriental Philosophy and a professor of Soka University. Born in Fukushima, he graduated from The University of Tokyo in 1976 and received his D.Litt. (Buddhist Studies) in
1994. He specializes in Buddhist studies and Chinese Buddhist thought and has written
many books and articles including A Study of Chinese Thought on the Lotus SËtra
(1994), Study on Chinese Buddhist Thought of the Northern and Southern Dynasties and
Sui Period (2012), The Meaning of the Lotus SËtra’s Course of Ease and Bliss: An
Annotated Translation and Study of Nanyue Huisi’s (515–577) Fahua jing anlexing yi(co-authored with Daniel Bruce Stevenson, 2006), “A Comparison of Zhiyi’s and
Jizang’s Views of the Lotus SËtra: Did Zhiyi, after all, Advocate a ‘Lotus Absolutism?’”(2000).