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Beardsley, M.,+32+, Aesthetics ,nd ed., Indianapolis.  +3/2 
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Bousma, O.K., +3/*, “The Expression Theory of Art”, in M.Black ed., PhilosophicalAnalysis: A Collection of Essays, Prentice-Hall, pp.1+-30.
Carroll, Noel., +333, Philosophy of Art: A Contemporary Introduction, Routledge.
¡¢£¤¥¤ ¦§ῌ¨©ªR« +33. £¬­®¯i ° ±²³´µ Ernst Cassirer, Die Philosophie der Symbolischen Formen, Bd. III.
Phaenomenologie der Erkenntnis, +3,3.
Da Vinci, Leonardo., +3/,, The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci (The World’s
Classics), Selected and edited by Irna A. Richter, Oxford U.P.
Davies, Stephen., +33., Musical Meaning and Expression, Cornell U.P.
Davies, Stephen., ,**0, The Philosophy of Art, Blackwell.
Eldridge, R.T., ,**-, An Introduction to the Philosophy of Art, Cambridge U.P.
Gaut, Berys and Dominic M. Lopes (eds.), ,**/, The Routledge Companion to
Aesthetics, ,nd ed., Routledge.
Gombrich, E.H., +30-, “Expression and Communication”, in his Meditations on
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Hobby Horses and Other Essays, Phaidon Press. ῌ

ῌ  +33. Gombrich, E.H., +330, “Four Theories of Artistic Expression”, in R.Woodfield ed.,Gombrich on Art and Psychology, Manchester U.P., pp.+.+-+//.
Gombrich, E.H.,+30*, Art and Illusion, Princeton U.P. 

 !" +313 Goodman, N., +310, The Languages of Art ,nd ed., Indianapolis.
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Hospers, J., +3//, “The Concept of Expression”, in Proceedings of AristotelianSociety, //, pp.-+---...
Kivy, Peter., +32., Sound and Semblance, Princeton U.P.
Kivy, Peter., +323, Sound Sentiment, Temple U.P. DE4 The Corded Shell: Reflections on Musical Expression F&GH +32* :@6ABC 
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Levinson, Jerrold. (ed.), ,**-, The Oxford Handbook of Aesthetics, Oxford U.P.
Manns, James W., +332, Aesthetics, M.E.Sharpe
Savile, Anthony., +31+, “Nelson Goodman’s Languages of Art’: A Study”, British
Journal of Aesthetics, vol.++. no.+, pp.--,1.
Scruton, R., +31., Art and Imagination, Methuen.
Scruton, R., +32-, Aesthetic Understanding, Methuen.
wxyz{|} ~ +31. Q  <`+ 1 wxyz{|} I 12 "
Sircello, Guy., +31,, Mind and Art, Princeton U.P.
 +333 F Tormey, Alan., +31+, The Concept of Expression, Princeton U.P.
Wollheim,R., +31., On Art and the Mind, Harvard U.P.
Wollheim, R., +32*, Art and Its Objects, ,nd ed., Cambridge U.P. 7F7<4 +302
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Wollheim,R., +321, Painting as an Art, Princeton U.P.
Wollheim, R., +33-, The Mind and Its Depth, Harvard U.P.

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On Pictorial Expression of Emotions: A Philosophical Analysis

KIYOZUKA, Kunihiko
In the tradition of analytical aesthetics, the concept of ‘expression’ is one of the twinwords which characterize semiotic functions of works of art, the other of the twin being‘representation’. While representation is usually characterized as copying of visible
features of things, expression is usually conceived as signification of something invisible:
emotions, feelings, thoughts, etc. This paper is an attempt to elucidate the concept ofexpression, concentrating on the cases of pictorial works of art.
After a short introduction to the main theme in section +, in section ,, I take up E.H.
Gombrich’s survey of the research situation concerning the concept of expression.
Gombrich’s survey is valuable in that it stresses (in my view rightly) multiple aspects ofthe concept of expression. In some case, expression means arousal. In another case, itmeans communication. In still another case, it means representation. Gombrich urges that
all these aspects are to be respected.
In section -, I devote a series of supplementary discussions to each of the three
aspects of expression in Gombrich’s survey. These discussions, in my view, afford the raw
data for the characterization of the concept of expression.
In section ., after a brief survey of the theoretical situation concerning the concept ofexpression in analytical aesthetics, I take up Nelson Goodman’s theory and pay especial
attention to one of its difficulties: the neglect of perceptual experience.
Section / is an examination of Richard Wollheim’s theory, which is in a sharp
contrast to Goodman’s because the latter denies, while the former affirms, the importanceof experiential components of the concept of expression. In my view, Wollheim’s theory
is basically sound in standing on the experience’s side. He is also right in carefully
keeping the theoretical balance between three factors of expression: beholder’s emotions(that are aroused), artist’s emotions (that are communicated), and the features of theworks of art themselves (its expressive qualities that represent). But I point out the῍ -+ ῍

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difficulties surrounding the key concept of his theory: the concept of “projection”. I argue
that his theory of projection leads us to an impasse. I propose a way out from it, in the
direction of Ernst Cassirer’s theory of expression in the third volume of his masterpiece,
Die Philosophie der Symbolischen Formen (+3,1).

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A Drama of the Lost Tomorrow-- A Study of the Dramatization of Turgenev’s“On the Eve” by Hogetsu Shimamura andhis Art Theater (Geijutsu-za)

Naoki Aizawa
The goal of this paper is to research and describe the +3+/ performance of Turgenev’s“On the Eve” by Art Theater (Geijutsu-za) in Tokyo. The performance was produced by
Hogetsu Shimamura, an outstanding literary critic of the time and spirited reformer ofJapanese theater.
In the early twentieth-century, a stage dramatization of a Turnenev novel was
extremely rare. Masao Kusuyama wrote the stage scenario and introduced “A Gondola
Song”, which later became famous as a theme song for Kurosawa’s film “To Live (Ikiru)”,
for the first time into the drama. The famous actress Sumako Matsui portrayed Elena, theheroine of the story.
Theater reviews from actual eyewitnesses of the drama are introduced in this paper.
Some of these observers reported that the drama was like, “a warm love story from aspring night dream”, which may sound strange for many readers of Turgenev’s novels.
Others complained about a variety of things such as, the lighting and stage sounds, thesetting, the actors’ performances and the inserted song.
We shall examine these remarks and criticisms while referring to Hogetsu’s “theoryof art with compromise ” and Kichizo Nakamura’s “enthralling drama.”ῌ /, ῌ  z 

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6:;῕ $:;66>?8¡¢£ ῎C῏ ῎,῏ :;4¤¥¦,**.. Differences in use of "wa” in spoken and written Japanese
discourse. Paper presented at ATJ ,**. Seminar. (Occasional Papers 0, +2-+3.
Association of Teachers of Japanese.),**/a ῒ66>?6§¨
8ΐ «¬ ῎2῏ ῔$,**/b
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Proceedings,

2/-33,

University.
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Chafe, Wallace. ed. +32*. The pear stories. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex.
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Goodwin, Charles and Marjorie Goodwin. +33,. Assessments and the constructionof context. Rethinking context, ed. by A. Duranti and C. Goodwin, +.1-+23.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Labov, William. +31,. Language in the inner city. Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press.
Tannen, Deborah. +32*. A comparative analysis of oral narrative strategies:
Athenian Greek and American English. The pear stories, ed. by W. Chafe, /+21. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex.

ῌ 11 ῌ



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The use of subjective expressions in Japanesewritten narratives:
A contrastive analysis of native and non-native data

Fumio Watanabe
In this paper I analyze the use of subjective expressions in written narratives byJapanese native speakers and non-native speakers, whose native languages were English,
Chinese, and Korean. The data for this study come from narratives elicited using a/-minute animated film.
Building on Goodwin and Goodwin (+33,) and Nakai (,**-), I define subjective
expressions in narratives as expressions representing the narrator’s subjective
judgement or evaluation of events in the story using adjectives, adverbs, or modal
auxiliaries.
I demonstrate that +) native speakers presented their negative evaluation of
unexpected events using V-te simau ‘end up doing V’ more often than non-native
speakers, ,) while the non-native speakers used V-te simau in the last part of the story, thenative speakers did not use it in this way, -) native speakers used V- (r) u koto ga dekita‘was able to do V’ to present their positive evaluation of the accomplishment of goals,.) non-native speakers used epistemic modals and explicative modals like no da ‘it’s that῍’ more often than native speakers, and /) native speakers tended to use adjectives andadverbs expressing the protagonists’ emotions in the beginning and ending scenes.

ῌ 12 ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited +Naoto Tomizawa+. Introduction
The syntactic structures of the resultative constructions in English, exemplified by(+a,b) and (,a,b) below, have been controversial in the generative literature. ,(+)

a. They watered the tulips flat.
b. They hammered the metal flat.

(,)

a. Complete fanatics, Free would arrive at each gig hours early to sit in the dressing
room together and play themselves into readiness.
b. ...

They looked into the car. They talked to each other. For a moment I was

afraid they would talk the female to death. I have seen human beings talk toeach other for hours.

The controversy is neatly summarized in Carrier & Randall (+33,), where they classify thegenerative analyses into three : (i) the uniform Small Clause (SC) analysis, (ii) the uniform
Ternary Analysis, and (iii) the Hybrid analysis. They are schematically illustrated in (-),(.), and (/), respectively. The structures given in (a) are proposed to be the underlying
structures for the type of constructions in (+a,b), where the logical subjects of theresultative predicates serve as the thematic objects of the matrix predicates such as waterand hammer. The structures in (b), on the other hand, indicate the underlying structures
for the type of constructions in (,a,b), where the subjects of the resultative predicates
The idea pursued in this paper was presented at the second Yamagata Linguistics Forum held on
September ,2, ,**0, where I got a variety of comments and suggestions from the audience, towhom I would like to express my gratitude. My thanks also go to Todd Enslen and Steve Ryan,
who kindly judged the grammaticality/acceptability of various English sentences. I would like tothank an anonymous reviewer of this journal for carefully reading the paper. All the errors andmisunderstanding that remain in the present paper in spite of my attempt to eliminate them, areof course of my own. This research is supported by a grant-in-aid for scientific research #+0/,*,3,.
,(,a) is taken from the description by Phil Sutcliffe of the CD entitled Free Live! published in ,**,by Universal Island Records and (,b) is an excerpt from“Doggy in the Window”in Rover’s Tales by
Michael Z. Lewin (+332).
ῌ 13 ῌ
+Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

apparently do not receive thematic roles from the matrix verbs such as play and talk. We
follow Carrier & Randall in referring to the resultative constructions in (+a,b) as “transitive resultative constructions”, and those in (,a,b) as “intransitive resultatives”.

(,)

The uniform SC analysis
a.

(-)

b.

intransitive resultativesb.

intransitive resultativesb.

intransitive resultatives

The uniform Ternary analysisa.

(.)

transitive resultatives

transitive resultatives

The Hybrid analysisa.

transitive resultatives

The uniform SC approach to the resultative constructions, given in (,), is discussed in
Kayne (+32/), whose outstanding proposal in the light of the present classification is thatthe postverbal nominals in the transitive resultatives are not the direct objects of theotherwise transitive matrix verbs. The uniform Ternary analysis of resultatives in (-), on
the other hand, is defended by Carrier & Randall (+33,), who argue that both the
postverbal nominals and the resultative predicates are semantically selected by thematrix verbs and that the subject-predicate relation holding between the nominals andῌ 2* ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

the resultative predicates is obtained by an independent semantic principle, hence anelimination of the syntactic structure of small clauses. The Hybrid analysis in (.) is
proposed by Hornstein & Lightfoot (+321), where the postverbal nominals in the intransitive resultative constructions occupy the subject positions of the resultative small
clauses whereas those in the transitive constructions are direct complements of thematrix verbs, which control the PRO subjects of the resultative small clauses.
The primary concern of the present paper is the syntactic structures of the intransitive
resultative constructions. In this light, the uniform SC analysis and the Hybrid analysis
share the same proposal in that the constructions involve resultative small clauses. Thus,
one of the differences between these analyses, on the one hand, and the uniform Ternary
analysis, on the other, lies in the nature of the postverbal nominals with respect to theirsubjecthood/objecthood. It seems to be safe to say that this very nature motivates Carrier& Randall to adopt not the SC- approach but the Ternary alternative.
This paper reconsiders the arguments Carrier & Randall have made for the Ternary
analysis and argues that some of the facts they base their arguments on actually reflect
the nature of the underlying structures of the constructions, others reflect the nature of
the superficial (derived) structures of the constructions, and still others actually showneither subjecthood nor objecthood. The discussions lead to the conclusion that thephenomena Carrier & Randall’s analysis is based on in effect do not lend support to their
Ternary analysis. We argue instead that the intransitive resultatives involve SC structures, as in (,b) and (.b).
The following discussions are organized as follows. Section , reviews Carrier &Randall’s arguments for the Ternary analysis and attempts to refute them in favor of theconventional SC-approach to the intransitive resultatives. Section - introduces an apparent problem for the SC-approach to the intransitive resultatives and argues that therelevant linguistic fact reflects the derived objecthood of the postverbal DPs, so that they
do not constitute a problem for us. Section . gives an interim summary of the discussion
and makes clear the distinction between the SCs in the intransitive resultatives and“full-fledged”SCs. Section / extends the discussion to perception construction and suggests that the construction involves SCs similar to the intransitive resultative SCs.
Section 0 is the conclusion of the paper.

ῌ 2+ ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa,. On the arguments for the Ternary analysis by Carrier & Randall (+33,)
Carrier & Randall’s arguments for the Ternary analysis come from three different
components of the grammar : (i) semantic selection, (ii) morphological or lexical processes,and (iii) syntax. As for semantic selection, they cite the following sentences to show thatthe difference in grammaticality among these sentences can be captured within the
Ternary analysis, where the semantic types of the resultative predicates are specified by
the verbs that take them. This is not the case in the SC analyses, they argue, because
selectional relation is not definable at all between the verbs and the resultative predicatesthat reside within the SCs.

(/)

a. the joggers ran themselves sweaty/῍sweating/exhausted
b. the kids laughed themselves sick/῍sickenedc. the chef cooked the kitchen walls black/῍blackened
d. the tourists walked their feet sore/blistery/῍blisterede. Bill drank the glass empty/῍emptied(0)a. the maid scrubbed the pot shiny/῍shined/῍shiningb. the jockeys raced the horses sweaty/῍sweatingc. the chef cooked the food black/῍blackened/῍charred

In this light, Embick (,**.) argues that the availability of empty and the unavailabilityof emptied in (/e), for example, are essentially due to an aspectual specification of
resultative constructions : only statives are compatible with resultatives. This is why theperfective aspect of emptied, sickened, blackened, blistered, and so on is not allowed inresultative constructions, nor is the progressive aspect of sweating and shining. It is thecase that the aspectual specification of a given predicate plays an important role inspecifying the aspect of the whole sentence the predicate appears in. But it is not true thatthe aspect of the sentence is always determined by the inherent specification of thepredicate. Take a look at (1a,b), which show that the semantics of toward and to contributeto the specification of the aspect of the relevant sentences.

(1)

a. They drove toward Tokyo for/῍in an hour.
b. They drove to Tokyo in/῍for an hour.

ῌ 2, ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

One plausible extension of this idea is that resultative SCs are syntactically AspPs. If
this is on the right track, the unavailability of the derived adjectives such as emptied andsweating in (/) and (0) can be accounted for, under the SC-based analyses of the resultative
constructions, by a semantic restriction to the effect that only the stative AspPs areavailable as resultative SCs. A second argument made by Carrier & Randall for the Ternary analysis concerns
lexical or morphological processes : (i) process -ing nominalization, (ii) middle formation,and (iii) adjectival passive formation. (2)-(+*) show that intransitive resultatives cannot
undergo these processes, while transitive counterparts can, as indicated in (++)-(+-).

(2)

Intransitive resultatives : process -ing nominalizationa. ῎the jogging craze has resulted in [the running of a lot of pairs of Nikes
threadbare]b. ῎[the talking of your confidant silly] is a bad idea

(3)

Intransitive resultatives : middle formationa. ῎the baby ticks [ [e] awake] easilyb. ῎this type of pavement runs [ [e] thin] easilyc. ῎this teapot drinks [ [e] dry] in no time at all(+*)

Intransitive resultatives : adjectival passive formationa. ῎a [ticked-awake] babyb. ῎the [run-thin] pavementc. ῎a [drunk-dry] teapot

Embick’s (,**/) approach to the resultative constructions is different from ours. He proposes thatthe transitive resultative constructions are headed by a fientive verb [FIENT], a near equivalentof BECOME, which takes a Theme argument as its subject and a STATE argument as its complement. Thus, sentence in (ia) has the structure in (ib), where the means component of the semanticsof the sentence, namely, the hammering action, is introduced by the adjunction of HAMMER to
FIENT as in (ic). Hence, the sentence is interpreted as‘John caused the metal to become/be flat byhammering it’.

-(i) a. John hammered the metal flatb. [vP John v[AGENT] [AspP Asp [vP [THEME the metal] v[FIENT] [STATE flat]]]]c. [vP John v[AGENT] [AspP Asp [vP [THEME the metal] v[FIENT]῍HAMMER [STATE flat]]]]
The resultative predicate flat is directly selected by v[FIENT] and no SC is postulated. These considerations alone might lead us to conclude that his analysis is similar to the Ternary analysis. But theverb that selects flat is not the matrix verb HAMMER, which is crucially different from the
Ternary analysis. In addition, flat establishes a subject-predication relation with the metal though
the mediation of v[FIENT]. The label of the resulting syntactic structure is vP, but it is semanticallyequivalent to SC in the sense that there is a subject-predication relation. Thus, it seems to bepossible to say that Embick’s analysis incorporate the SC approach to the subject-predicate relation to the resultative predicates.
ῌ 2- ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited(++)

Tomizawa

Transitive resultatives : process -ing nominalizationa. [the painting of fire engines the color of schoolbuses] is strictly prohibited by
the state law
b. [the watering of tulips flat] is a criminal offense in Holland(+,)

Transitive resultatives : middle formationa. this table wipes [e] clean easilyb. this metal pounds [e] flat easily(+-)

Transitive resultatives : adjectival passive formation
a. a [wiped-clean] tableb. [pounded-flat] metal

Let us consider the process -ing nominalization first. One general property of thisprocess is that if the base verb has a DP to assign its structural accusative Case to, its
process -ing nominalization fails when the DP is not an argument of the noun. This isbecause unlike structural Case, inherent Case that nouns have is assignable only to their
thematic arguments. .

This is generalized as in (+.)(+.) An of-NP of process -ing nominals is an argument of the noun.

(+.) explains the contrast in grammaticality between (+/b) and (+0b).

(+/)

a. they cooked the banquet mealb. [the cooking of the banquet meal] went on for several hours(+0)

a. they expect there to be a riot.
b. ῍[the expecting of there to be a riot] is in the news

In (+/b), the banquet meal is the direct complement of the noun cooking and the latter canassign inherent Case to the latter. In (+0b), by contrast, there is not an argument of
expecting and violates the Case Filter.
How, then, does the Ternary analysis exclude the process -ing nominalization of
intransitive resultatives in (2a-c)? Carrier & Randall propose that although the resultative
predicates have a structural sisterhood relation with the selecting verbs, they are not

See Chomsky (+320) for details.
ῌ 2. ῌ
.

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

direct arguments of the latter. This is of course a stipulation, not well established in theliterature.
In the SC approach to intransitive resultatives, by contrast, the facts in (2)-(+-) are quite
straightforward : postverbal DPs in intransitive resultatives are not arguments of thematrix verbs and fail to be assigned inherent Case, in violation of the Case Filter.
Middle formation and adjectival passive formation have similar properties, which aresummarized in (+1). These conditions rule (+3b)/(,+b) out, and (+2b)/(,*b) in.

(+1)

Middle formation and adjectival passive formation apply only to the verbs thathave direct DP complements.

(+2)

a. you can handle this car easilyb. this car handles [e] easily(+3)

a. they laughed at the politiciansb. ῍the politicians laugh at [e] easily(,*)

a. they broke the radiob. the broken radio(,+)

a. they sat on the chairb. ῍the sat-on chair

Carrier & Randall claim that the postverbal nominals of the intransitive resultatives aresyntactically sisters of the selecting verbs but they are not their direct arguments, so thatapplications of middle/adjectival passive formation are illicit.
Introduction of this kind of dissociation between syntax and semantics is unnecessary
in the SC approach to intransitive resultatives, on the other hand, because here the
postverbal nominals are not the arguments of the matrix verbs. In this approach, thus,(+1) suffices to exclude (+3b) and (,+b).
To summarize the discussion so far, semantic selection and lexical/morphologicalprocesses do not give particular advantage to the Ternary analysis and the latterprocesses actually favor the SC-approach over the Ternary alternative in the analysis of
intransitive resultatives in that it can dispense with the (not well established) dissociationof syntax and semantics that the Ternary analysis has to have resort to.
Let us now turn to a third argument for the Ternary analysis that Carrier & Randall
have made : syntactic properties of the resultative constructions. The relevant syntactic
ῌ 2/ ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

processes are (i) verbal passivization, (ii) long distance extraction of result predicates, and(iii) wh-extraction out of the (logical) subject DPs of the result phrases.
Verbal passivization is applicable to the postverbal DPs of both intransitive andtransitive resultatives as in (,,) and (,-).

(,,)

a. the baby was ticked [e] awake by the loud clockb. her sneakers were run [e] threadbarec. the pavement was run [e] thind. her handkerchief was swept [e] soggy
e. the teapot was drunk [e] dry by the thirsty workers(,-)

a. the barns are painted [e] redb. the tables are wiped [e] cleanc. John was booed [e] off the stage at the ceremony

The acceptability of the verbal passivization of intransitive resultatives is not surprisingat all in the Ternary analysis, because the postverbal nominals are arguments of thematrix verbs. How, then, is this fact accounted for by the SC-approach to the intransitive
resultatives, where the postverbal DPs are, by definition, not the arguments of the verbs?
There are cases where passivized DPs are not arguments of the relevant verbs as in (,.a,b), but passivization of an element within an adjunct is totally unacceptable as in (,/).

(,.)

a. the politician was laughed [PP at [e]]b. John was considered [IP [e] to be honest]

(,/)

῍

the politics class was slept during [e] (by John)

The contrast between (,/), on the one hand, and (,.a,b) and (,,a-e), on the other, suggeststhat the SC postulated by the SC-approach for the intransitive resultatives is, in fact,
semantically related to the matrix verb, just as PP and IP in (,.a) and (,.b), respectively,
are to laugh and consider. This is consistent with the observation made with respect to thediscussion of semantic selection above, where we have reached the conclusion that thestative aspect of the SC in intransitive resultatives is imposed by the matrix intransitive
verbs. Unlike the SC complements of consider, believe, and so on, though, the SC of theintransitive resultatives apparently does not have a full-fledged status of complement,ῌ 20 ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

which is presumably because it is in the course of dynamic transition from an adjunct toan argument.
A second syntactic argument for the Ternary analysis comes from extractability of
resultative predicate phrases out of wh-islands. Interestingly, their extraction does notgive rise to a strong violation. Look at (,0).

(,0)

a. ?how threadbare do yo wonder whether they should run their sneakers [e]b. ?how hoarse do you wonder whether they sang themselves [e]c. ?how bald do you wonder which tires to drive [e] [e]d. ?how dry do you wonder whether the sun baked the field [e](,1)

a. ?how flat do you wonder whether they hammered the metal [e]b. ?how shiny do you wonder which gems to polish [e] [e]c. ?which colors do you wonder which shirts to dye [e] [e]d. ?which sized do you wonder which logs to cut [e] [e]Carrier & Randall claim that this weak violation is a reflex of the argument status of theextracted resultative predicate phrases. It is then predicted that extraction of the predicates of “full-fledged”SCs gives rise to a strong violation, just as that of nonarguments.
This predication is borne out. Rizzi (+33*:+-*) independently observes that sentences in (,2a,b) are totally ungrammatical.

(,2) a. ῍how stupid do you wonder whether Bill considers [SC Pete [e]]b. ῍how angry do you wonder whether he became [SC [e] [e]]It could therefore be concluded that this extractability fact constitutes a strong argument
for the argumenthood of the resultative predicate phrases and, hence, the Ternary
analysis, where such argumenthood is obtained.
This conclusion, however, is only plausible within the traditional framework of the
ECP-based account of the argument/nonargument asymmetry. Within the minimalist
program initiated by Chomsky (+33-), where the device of the ECP is eliminated from thecomputational system, the traditional ECP effects are expected to follow from theinteraction of primitive properties of language. One plausible candidate worth pursuing
is an extension of Rizzi’s (+33*) referentiality. He proposes that only referential elementsῌ 21 ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

are extractable out of wh-islands.
Notice here that referentiality plays an important role in another component ofgrammar : y-feature agreement. Spec-head agreement in the domain of TP is a typicalinstantiation of y-feature agreement. Let us hypothesize that y-feature agreement requires referentiality. This hypothesis provides a neat explanation of the ill-formedness ofthe following sentences.

(,3) a. ῍/* pounds will be weighed [e] by Maryb. ?῍I regret that for us to smoke bothers her so much (Alrenga (,**/))/* pounds in (,3a) and the sentential subject for us to smoke in (,3b) are both nonreferential, so that they fail to value the y-feature of the relevant T head. That the sentential
subject does not reside in Spec-TP is originally argued for by Koster (+312) and recently
defended by Alrenga (,**/). Thus, (-*a) has the structure in (-*b), where Spec-TP is
occupied by an empty category.

(-*)

a. that the moon is made of cheese was even contemplated by Aristotle
b. [that the moon is made of cheese] [TP [e]i was even contemplated [e]i by
Aristotle]

Within our present framework, this empty element is referential, so that it must be a DP.
Thus, the contrast in grammaticality among (-+a-c) follows.

(-+)

a. most fans hoped [that the Giants would win the World Series]
b. it was hoped (by most fans) [that the Giants would win the World Series]c. ῍[that the Giants would win the World Series] [TP [e]i was hoped [e]i by mostfans]

The ungrammaticality of (-+b) is due to the fact that hope cannot take DP as its
complement, just as Alrenga argues for.
y-feature agreement has interesting consequences for the elements in the relevant
syntactic domain. Consider the following structure.

ῌ 22 ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa(-,)

In this configuration, when XP values the y-feature of F, XP becomes frozen in the sensethat its internal element becomes unextractable. /This has been traditionally referred

to as the Subject Condition in the literature. More interestingly, the configuration makes
YP easy to extract. Thus, vP-extraction out of a wh-island in (--) only gives rise to a mild
violation.

(--)

? ...

and [win the race] I wonder whether he did [e] (Rizzi (+33*:-+))Let us suppose that a predicate YP becomes referential when F[y] has its y-feature valued.
This account for the extractability of the verbal element out of a wh-island in (--).
Bearing these in mind, let us return to the contrast between (,0a-d) and (,2a,b). The
weak violation of the extraction of resultative predicates in (,0a-d) is presumably due totheir referential status. This means that the resultative SCs involve y-feature agreement
between the subjects and the SC-head (Asp), which renders the complement resultative
predicates referential. The “full-fledged”SCs in (,2a,b), on the other hand, do not involve
similar y-feature agreement, 0 so that the predicates in the SCs remain nonreferential. 1
In sum, extractability of resultative predicates out of wh-islands apparently favors the
Ternary analysis over the SC-approach, but considerations of the nature of extractablity
within the minimalist framework provide us an account that is compatible with the
SC-approach.
Let us now turn our attention to a third syntactic argument for the Ternary analysis :wh-extraction out of the (logical) subject DP of the resultative predicates. Carrier &Randall observe that elements can be extracted out of the DPs that resultative phrases
are predicated of :(-.)

a. the Nikes (that) I ran [DP the soles of [e]] threadbare/ragged

See Tomizawa (,**-) for the implementation of this idea. We will return to this feature shortly.
This predicts that SC subject may be a clause. This prediction seems to be borne out:(i) he made [SC clear [that there is one chance to avoid military action]]1
Further consequences of this approach are examined in Tomizawa (in preparation).
ῌ 23 ῌ
/0Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

b. the shoes (that) I walked [DP the heels of [e]] to tatters/paper-thinc. the gang (that) I drank [DP the leaders of [e]] under the tabled. the film (that) the producer talked [DP the cast of [e]] to death(-/)

a. the door (that) I painted [DP the back of [e]] redb. the gang (that) I shot [DP the leaders of [e]] deadc. the trees (that) the wind blew [DP the tops of [e]] bareIn this light, these DPs contrast sharply with the DP-subjects of “full-fledged”SCs :extraction out of the latter DPs gives rise to a violation of the Subject Condition, as
shown in (-0) below. The same holds of the ECM subjects as well, as in (-1).

(-0)

a. ??which subject do you consider [SC [DP a book about [e]] too boring for yourclass]
b. ??who did you find [SC [DP a photograph of [e]] rather unattractive]c. ??who did you judge [SC [DP a rumor about [e]] false]d. ῍the man that I consider [SC [DP the brother of [e]] honest](-1)??who did you believe [IP [DP a picture of [e]] to have been selected] (Lasnik (+33/))

Given the fact that extraction is generally possible out of the object DPs but not out of thesubjects, as in (-2a,b), the grammaticality of (-.) and (-/) constitutes good ground for
Carrier & Randall to suppose that the postverbal DPs in resultative constructions haveassumed the status of objectsῌ not that of the subjects of SCs.

(-2)

a. who did you select [DP a picture of [e]]b. ?῍who was [TP [DP a picture of [e]] selected]

Just like the argument from the long distance extractability of resultative predicates
we discussed above, this argument hinges on the particular framework one adopts, more
specifically, on the components of the grammar that derive the subject/object asymmetry. Thus, Tomizawa (,**-) argues that extraction is prohibited when the element out of
which extraction is to take place has established a Spec-head agreement relation with therelevant head. Partial structures for the ill-formed sentences in (-2b) and (-1) are given in(-3a,b), respectively.
ῌ 3* ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa(-3) a. ?῍ [TP [DP a picture of [e]] [T’ T[EPP,y] vP]]
b. ?? [IP [DP a picture of [e]] [I’ [I to[EPP,y] vP]]

Here, DPs in Spec-TP/IP value the y-features of T/I via Spec-head agreement. In thisconfiguration, extraction is impossible out of these DPs. Now turn to SCs. Given that theresultatives involve SC structures, as we pursue in this paper, the relevant structures forthe “full-fledged”SCs in (-0) and those for the resultative SCs in intransitive resultatives
in (-.) will be the ones in (.*a,b), respectively.

(.*)

a. “full-fledged” SCs?? [FP [DP a book about [e]] [F’ F[EPP]

AP]] 2b. SCs in intransitive resultatives[FP [DP a book about [e]] [F’ F[EPP,y]AP]]

What distinguishes (.*b) from (.*a) (and (-3a,b), for that matter)? I would like to suggestthat the head of resultative SCs has incomplete y-features, which render extraction out of
its subject DP relatively free.
In sum, extractability argument on the basis of the subject/object asymmetry apparently gives a strong support to the Ternary analysis, but it actually depends on thenature of the Subject Condition. Our explanation of the Subject Condition in terms offeature valuation gives an account of the different behavior of SCs without recourse to
the subjecthood/objecthood of the extraction sites.
We have seen in this section that the three kinds of arguments for the Ternary analysis
that Carrier & Randall made with respect to the internal structure of the resultative
constructions can be refuted in favor of the traditional SC approach to intransitive
resultatives in (,b)/(.b), repeated here as (.+).

2

Note here that in the preceding discussion we assumed that the head (Asp) of the“full-fledged”SCs
lack y-features; otherwise, extraction of SC predicates out of wh-islands would give rise to a mild(not strong) violation of the Subjacency Condition, contrary to fact.
ῌ 3+ ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited(.+)

Tomizawa

intransitive resultatives-. Binding and pseudogapping in the resultative constructions
The following facts show that the postverbal QPs in the resultative constructions canbind pronouns within adjuncts modifying the matrix verb phrases.

(.,)

a. the loud clock ticked [SC [every baby]i awake] [at hisi/heri/itsi afternoon nap]b. they laughed [SC [every applicant]i out of the room] [at hisi/heri job interview](.-)

I painted [every door]i white [without masking itsi knob]

At first glance, this seems mysterious, because the QPs in the SC-subject positions in (.,a,b) do not c-command into the adjuncts located outside of the SCs. One might, then,argue, on the basis of these facts, that the postverbal DPs in intransitive resultatives arein fact direct objects of the matrix, intransitive verbs. This section considers how thesefacts go along with the SC-approach.
That clause-internal subjects can c-command into elements that reside in the domain
outside of the clauses is observed in the ECM constructions as well. Lasnik & Saito (+33+)
point out the following facts.

(..)

a. ?The DA proved [IP [DP the defendants]i to be guilty] [during [each other’s]i trials]
b. ῍The DA proved [CP that [DP the defendants]i were guilty] [during [each other’s]itrials]c. ?The DA accused [DP the defendants]i [during [each other’s]i trials](./)

a. ?The DA proved [IP [DP none of the defendants] to be guilty] [during [any of thetrials]]b. ῍The DA proved [CP that [DP none of the defendants] were guilty] [during [anyof the trials]]

ῌ 3, ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawac. The DA accused [DP none of the defendants] [during [any of the trials]

In the ECM construction in (..a), each other can take the defendants as its antecedent,
whereas such referential dependency is unavailable in the corresponding finite clause in(..b). In (./a), the negative polarity any in the adjunct phrase modifying the matrix event,is shown to be licensed by the negative element in the subject position of the ECM
construction. This, again, contrasts with the finite version as in (./b).
Let us adopt Lasnik and Saito’s analysis, according to which the SC-subject overtly
raises to Spec-AgrOP (hereafter, Spec-vP, following the spirit of Chomsky (+33/)), fromwhich it c-commands the anaphor in (..a) and the negative polarity item in (./a). This
analysis can be carried over to the account of the binding facts in intransitive resultativesin (.,a,b) above. These sentences roughly have the following structures, where theSC-subjects have overtly raised to Spec-vP, from which they can c-command the pronouns. 3(.0)

a. the loud clock [vP [every baby]i v [VP ticked [SC [every baby]i awake]] [at hisi/heri/itsi afternoon nap]b. they [vP [every applicant]i v [VP laughed [SC [every applicant]i out of the room]] [athisi/heri job interview]

According to this analysis, the binding facts in (.0a,b) do not reflect the base-generated
objecthood of the postverbal nominals of the intransitive resultatives; rather, they reflect
the derived objecthood.
Lasnik (+33/; +333) goes on to argue that their raising analysis of ECM-subjects receives
support from the behavior of pseudogapping. Extending Jayaseelan’s (+33*) analysis, heproposes that peudogapping is generated by raising of a postverbal element (typicallyDP) to Spec-vP, followed by VP-deletion. +*Thus, the second clause in (.1a) has the

structure in (.1b).

(.1)

a. ?John gave Mary a lot of money, and Mary will Susan
money]
b. Mary will [vP Susan v [VP give Susan a lot of money]]

Here I will leave open the question of word order of the raised SC-subjects and the matrix verbs.
I have changed the label from Spec-AgrOP to Spec-vP for the reason mentioned above.
ῌ 3- ῌ

3+*

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

Lasnik (+33/) observes that peudogapping is available in a “full-fledged”SC construction
as in (.2). The same is true of the ECM construction as well, as in (.3).

(.2)

a. the DA proved [SC Jones guilty], and the Assistant DA will Smith
guilty]]b. the Assistant DA will [vP Smith v [VP prove [SC Smith guilty]]](.3)

a. the DA proved [IP Jones to be guilty], and the Assistant DA will Smith
guilty]]b. the Assistant DA will [vP Smith v [VP prove [IP Smith to be guilty]]]

Both the binding phenomena and peudogapping share the same process : overt raising
to the Spec-vP. It is thus expected that peudogapping is available in the resultative
constructions. This prediction is borne out. The following examples are all judged to begrammatical.

(/*)

a. John ran his Nikes threadbare, and Mary did her Reebocks
b. the loud clock ticked the babies awake, and it didn’t their mother(/+)

a. John wiped the desks clean, and Mary did the blackboards
b. French fans booed Materazzi out of the pitch, and Italian fans did Zidane

Let us summarize the discussion so far. The binding facts, coupled with the peudogapping facts, show the derived objecthood of the SC-subjects.
We will now turn to the reason why raising takes place in the binding and peudogapping configurations. In this light, Miyagawa (,**+) has made an interesting observation.
In (/,), not can have wide scope over everyone. Thus, the sentence can express my belief
that not everyone arrived.

(/,)

I believe [IP everyone not to have arrived yet]not ῍ every : OK

This type of interpretation is not available in (/-) below, however.

(/-)

I believe [every defendant]i not to be guilty [during hisi trial]not ῍ every : ῎The only interpretation available for this sentence is that I believe that every defendantis innocent. The fact that every defendant has wide scope over not in (/-) makes sense inῌ 3. ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

our discussion so far, because the QP has raised to Spec-vP, from which it asymmetrically
c-commands not. The question, then, is why a similar raising process does not take placein (/,). A plausible approach is that raising is carried out only when motivated by someexternal element. Binding requirement on the bound pronoun in (/-) is one instantiationof such motivation. However, EPP-feature on v does not serve as such motivation;otherwise, everyone in (/,) would raise to yield its wide scope reading. This is summarizedin (/.).

(/.)

Raising to Spec-vP takes place only when externally motivated.

In the case of pseudogapping as well, raising of a postverbal element is forced by an
external element. To illustrate, consider (//).

(//)

John will select me, and Bill will [VP[d] select you]

Let us suppose that the VP to be elided is specified as d and that an element with d must
undergo deletion during the course of the derivation under identity (actually, nondistinctness) with its antecedent. In (//), [VP select you] is distinct from its antecedent, so thatyou is forced to extract out of this VP just to make the complement of select a variable.
The VP so generated, namely, [VP select vbl], meets the nondistinctness requirement, andis therefore deleted.
This analysis differs from Lasnik’s in that when there is a postverbal DP, raising of the
DP to Spec-vP takes place every time in the latter, but only when externally forced in theformer. The difference can be sharpened in the treatment of extraction from within asimple object like who did you select a picture of. In Lasnik’s analysis, [DP a picture of [e]]occupies Spec-vP (or, originally, Spec-AgrOP). This is why the analysis needs someproviso to ensure that extraction out of this DP does not result in an effect similar to thatof the Subject Condition. In our analysis, on the other hand, such a proviso is unnecessary.

.. Interim summary : On the subjects of small clauses
The considerations in sections , and - can be summarized as in (/0), where (a-d) list theῌ 3/ ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

types of the postverbal DPs. “Lexical processes”include process -ing nominalization,
middle formation, and adjectival passive formation. “Predicate extraction”refers to long
distance extraction of SC-predicates out of wh-islands. “Binding”covers anaphor binding,bound pronoun interpretation, and licensing of negative polarity items.

(/0)

lexicalpredicateextraction

binding &processes

extraction

out of DP

pseudogappinga. simple objects

OK

--

OK

OK

b. subj of intransitive SCs

῍

?

OK/?

OK

c. subj of transitive SCS

OK

OK

OK

OK

d. subj of full-fledged SCs

῍

῍

??/῍

OK

I have argued that the fact that every type of postverbal DPs behaves similarly withrespect to binding and peudogapping directly reflects their derived objecthood, whereas
the underlying property of these DPs are shown by lexical processes, according to which
the postverbal DPs of both the intransitive resultatives and “full-fledged”SC constructions have the nonobjecthood (i.e., subjecthood). Apparent difference between the intransitive resultative SC-subjects and “full-fledged”SC-subjects is argued not to show theunderlying objecthood of the former; rather, it only shows the syntactic feature-valuation
involved. The same is true of the fact relating to extraction out of DPs. Here again, thesubjects of the intransitive resultative SCs behave differently from those of the “fullfledged”SCs. These two phenomena seem to be corelated. I have hypothesized thatspecification of y-features of SC-heads is different between the intransitive resultative
SCs and “full-fledged”SCs. The former involve meager y-features whereas the latter haveno y-features. In general, Spec-head agreement for valuation of y-features renders (i) theSpec domain opaque when the relevant y-features are complete and (ii) the complement
domain referential. Thus, the paradigm in (/0) follows.

/. Perception constructions
We have so far discussed SCs whose predicates are typically APs. Let us consider SCs
with VP predicates, namely, perception constructions. This construction essentiallybehaves like intransitive resultatives in that (i) it allows extraction out of the postverbal
ῌ 30 ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

DPs, (ii) the postverbal DPs c-command elements within the adjuncts modifying thematrix verbal phrase, and (iii) pseudogapping is applicable to the postverbal DPs. These
are illustrated in (/1), (/2), (/3), respectively.

(/1)

a. which planet did you see [[DP a picture of [e]] appear on your computer screen]b. which president did you watch [[DP a picture of [e]] burn in the wastebasket](Basilico (,**-))(/2)

I watched [[DP every student]i climb up the hill] [through hisi/heri binoculars](/3)

The DA watched [Jones humiliate Mary], and the Assistant DA did Smith

The acceptability of (/1a,b) shows, in our analysis, that [DP a picture of [e]] is involved in
valuation of meager y-features, because only this configuration permits extraction fromwithin subject positions. This is in line with Hornstein, Martins, & Nunes (,**0) analysisof the perception construction. The availability of bound pronoun interpretation andpeudogapping in (/2) and (/3), respectively, indicate that postverbal DPs raise to Spec-vP
when forced, just as the postverbal subjects of the intransitive resultatives.
One remaining problem is the well-known lack of passivization in the case of perception construction, ++which contrasts with intransitive resultatives. I will leave the issue

open here.

0. Conclusion
In this paper I have attempted to defend the conventional SC-approach to intransitive
resultatives.
Two of the interesting properties of the syntax of intransitive resultatives are that they
allow extraction of SC-subject-internal elements relatively freely and extraction ofSC-predicates out of wh-islands gives rise to only a mild violation reminiscent of the
Subjacency Condition violation. These properties contrast with those exhibited by“full-fledged”SCs taken by consider, believe and so on, where extraction of SC-subjectinternal elements exhibits Subject Condition effects and SC-predicate extraction out of
wh-island results in a strong violation reminiscent of the ECP violation. We haveproposed that Spec-head agreement in the intransitive resultative SCs involves incom-++

See Declerck (+32-), Felser (+332), Basilico (,**-), Hornstein, Martins, & Nunes (,**0), among others.
ῌ 31 ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

plete y-features and claimed that such incomplete feature-valuation allows extraction outof the element in the Spec position. We also proposed that Spec-head agreement of
y-features involve referentiality, which in turn makes the complement of the headreferential. This process has been argued to be responsible for the extractability ofSC-predicates out of wh-islands. In “full-fledged”SCs, we have proposed that no y-feature
valuation is involved. It has been shown that from this property follow the inextractability of elements within SC-subjects and the impossibility of the extraction of SCpredicates out of wh-islands. Unavailability of lexical or morphological processes such asprocess -ing nominalization, middle formation, adjectival passive formation, favors theconventional SC-approach to the intransitive resultatives in that they cannot apply tononarguments. As for semantic selection, I have suggested that selectional properties are
due to the intermediate nature of the intransitive resultative SCs : they are in the courseof dynamic transition from an adjunct to an argument. Binding phenomena and availability of pseudogapping have been argued to reflect the derived objecthood of the SCsubjects.

References
Alrenga, Peter. ,**/. A sentential subject asymmetry in English and its implications for complement selection. Syntax 2, +1/-,*1.
Basilico, David. ,**-. The topic of small clauses. Linguistic Inquiry -., +--/.
Carrier, Jill and Janet H. Randall. +33,. The argument structure and syntactic
structure of resultatives. Linguistic Inquiry ,-, +1--,-..
Chomsky, Noam. +320. Knowledge of language : Its nature, origin, and use. New
York : Praeger.
Chomsky, Noam. +33-. A minimalist program for linguistic inquire. K. Hale & S.
J. Keyser (eds.) The view from building ,*. Cambridge, Mass. : MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam. +33/. The minimalist program. Cambridge, Mass. : MIT Press.
Declerck, Renaat. +32-. On the passive of infinitival perception verb complements. Journal of English Linguistics +0, ,1-.0.
Embick, David. ,**/. On the structure of resultative participles in English.
Linguistic Inquiry -/, -//--3,.
Felser, Claudia. +332. Perception and control : A minimalist analysis of English
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Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

direct perception complements. Journal of Linguistics -., -/+--2/.
Hornstein, Norbert, Ana Maria martins, & Jairo Nunes. ,**0. Infinitival complements of perception and causative verbs : A case study on agreement andintervention effects in English and European Portuguese. University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics +., 2+-++*.
Hornstein, Norbert and David Lightfoot. +321. Predication and PRO. Language 0-,,--/+.
Jayaseelan, K. A. +33*. Incomplete VP deletion and gapping. Linguistic Analysis,*, 0.-2+.
Kayne, Richard. +32/. Principles of particle constructions. J. Guéron, H.-G. Obenauer, and J.-Y. Pollock (eds.) Levels of syntactic representation. Dordrecht :Foris.
Koster, J. +312. Why subject sentence don’t exist. S. J. Keyser (ed.) Recent transformational studies in European languages, /--0.. Cambridge, Mass. : MIT Press.
Lasnik, Howard. +33/. A note on pseudogapping. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics ,1, +.--+0-.
Lasnik, Howard. +333. On feature strength : Three minimalist approaches to overt
movement. Linguistic Inquiry -*, +31-,+1.
Lasnik, Howard and Mamoru Saito. +33+. On the subject of infinitives. CLS,1,.-,.--.-.
Levin, Beth and Malka Rappaport Hovav. +33/. Unaccusativity : At the syntaxlexical semantics interface. Cambridge, MA. : MIT Press.
Miyagawa, Shigeru. ,**+. A-movement, word-order permutation, and reconstruction. ῍handout῎ MIT.
Rizzi, Luigi. +33*. Relativized minimality. Cambridge, Mass. : MIT Press.
Takahashi, Daiko. +33.. Minimality of movement. Doctoral dissertation, University of Connecticut, Storrs.
Tomizawa, Naoto. ,**-. Some concepts and consequences of the derivational
computational system. Doctoral dissertation, Tohoku University.
Tomizawa, Naoto. in preparation. On bare clauses. Ms., Yamagata University.

ῌ 33 ῌ

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited

Tomizawa

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IJcd'¹º(ῌAnderson, S. P., A. de Palma, B. Kreider, (,**+), “Tax incidence in differentiatedprodut oligopoly”, Journal of Public Economics, vol. 2+, +1--+3,.
Dierickx, I. , C. Matutes, and D. Neven (+322), “Indirect taxation and Cournot
equilibrium”, International Journal of Industrial Organization, 0, -2/--33.

+++

4567

)*89:;8<=>Gaudet, G. and S. W. Salant (+33+)ῌ ”Uniqueness of Cournot equilibrium: New
results from old methods”, Review of Economic Studies, vol./2, -33-.*..
Hamilton, S. F. (+333), “Tax incidence under oligopoly: a comparison of policy
approaches, Journal of Public Economics, vol. 1+, ,---,./.
Myles, G. D. (+33/), Public Economics, Cambridge University Press.
Seade, J. (+32*a), “The stability of Cournot revisited”, Journal of Economic Theory,
vol. ,-, +/-,1
Seade, J. (+32*b), “On the effects of entry”, Econometrica, vol..2, no. ,, .13-.3*.
Seade, J. (+32/), “Profitable cost increases and the shifting of taxation: equilibrium
responses of markets in oligopoly”, Discussion paper.
Stern, N. (+321), “The effects of taxation, price control and government contracts
in oligopoly and monopolistic competition”, Journal of Public Economics, vol.
-,, +---+/2.
Tirole, J. (+322), The theory of industrial organization, MIT Press.
Ushio, Y. (,***), “Welfare effects of commodity taxation in Cournot oligopoly”,
Japanese Economic Review, vol. /+. no. ,, ,02-,1-.
Varian, H. R. (+32.), Microeconomic Analysis (second edition), Norton.
Varian, H. R. (+33,), Microeconomic Analysis (third edition), Norton.
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On the commodity taxation on the asymmetric firms
in the imperfect competitive economy

Haruhiko KOREKAWA
We analyze the effects of commodity taxation on the profits of imperfect competitive
firms, especially taking account of asymmetry of the firms in the industry. We propose
the condition for increase of profits of the firms with increase of exercise tax rates. These
conditions are expressed in terms of number of firms, market share of firms, and theelasticity of slope of inverse demand function.

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See e.g., Laurence H. Tribe, The Puzzling Persistence of Process-Based Constitutional Theories, 23
Y6A: L. J. +*0- (+32*), Mark Tushnet, Darkness on the Edge of Town, 23 Y6A: L. J. +*-1 (+32*),
Samuel Estreicher, Platonic Guardians of Democracy, /0 N. Y. U. L. R:K. /.1 (+32+), Archibald Cox,Book Review, 3. H6GK. L. R:K. 1** (+32+), Paul Brest, The Substance of Process, ., O=>D SI. L. J. +-+(+32+), Ronald Dworkin, A M6II:G D; PG>C8>EA: (Harvard Univ. Press, +32/) chap.,, RD7:GI H.
BDG@, T=: T:BEI>C< D; AB:G>86 (New York, +33*), +3.-+33, Daniel R. Ortiz, Pursuing a Perfect
Politics, 11 V6. L. R:K. 1,+ (+33+).
++/
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LMN (.O!FG /ltuv!>wx6$῍ y῍ ῌz῍ Ely ({!> Posner h&|}~῍ E(S>῍ D/ῌ ῏Constitutional Theoryῐ+m]8!>ῌ lm Richard Posner Eh& +*

Rk ῏ῌῐ῍ /lm California Law Review (  Richard H. Fallon Jr. !> -  ῏Fallon, Strauss, Dorfῐ (9>E῎

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Posner ῌ Ely ῏῎+῏+ῐ Posner ῍ Ely ῍ l)(r>E +, lz ῑE  (4&5!>ῒ   /*  /  2-3  ῏,**+ῐ῍ 2.,῎2.- ῌz ῑ4&K(9>E ,-ῒ   /+  0  ++1/  ῏Dworkin  Sunstein E , (m  >ῐῌ
+*(S !> Posner q(¡¢!> ῍ z῍ Constitutional Theory _ (O > , m q£ ¤(῍ E  ({!>qrj><!>ῌ ῌ R>8=6G9 PDHC:G,
OK:G8DB>C< L6L (Harvard Univ. Press, +33/) chap. 0 Have We Constitutional Theory ?, ῍Richard A.
Posner, Against Constitutional Theory, 1- N. Y. U. L. Rev. + (+332). ῌ῍ ¥)(¦§῍ ¨©
ª« + m¬P >῍ ῍῍ ­((sP¦§῍ ¨©>® +R>ῌ zS¤P῍ <9/  >ῌ ῍ ­(sP῍
R>8=6G9 A. PDHC:G, T=: PGD7A:B6I>8H D; MDG6A 6C9 L:<6A T=:DGN (Belknap Press, +333) R>ῌPosner E h&®(R>¯°(mG῍ ±²l ῑR.A. ³´µ¶(9>ΐE῔h&)·*> ῏@ +ῐ ῏@ ,ῐῒ ¸ ¹º 0  +  +-1 ῍ ,  ,*-  ῏+333ῐῌ
++Richard H. Fallon Jr., How to Choose a Constitutional Theory, 21 C6A>;. L. R:K. /-/ (+333), David A.
Strauss, What is Constitutional Theory ? 21 C6A>;. L. R:K. /2+ (+333), Michael C. Dorf, Create Your
Own Constitutional Theory, 21 C6A>;. L. R:K. /3- (+333).
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Richard A. Posner, Pragmatic Adjudication, +2 C69DOD L. R:K. +, . (+330). Posner ¤?6¥¦§¨©ª 1AB῍ «5¬­ ῒ®¯¤?6¥ῌῐ ῐ°ῌ±ῑΐ ²³U´ ,1 µ . ¶ +-- · ῐ,**.ῑ῍ +-3·¸¹ῌ
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DLDG@>C, supra note ,1, EAN, supra note 0, R>8=6G9 A. EEHI:>C, T6@>C<H (Harvard Univ. Press,+32/), D6K>9 A. J. R>8=6G9H, TDA:G6I>DC 6C9 I=: CDCHI>IJI>DC (Oxford Univ. Press, +320),
L6JG:C8: H. TG>7: & M>8=6:A C. DDG;, OC R:69>C< I=: CDCHI>IJI>DC (Harvard Univ. Press, +33+),
H6GGN H. W:AA>C<IDC, ICI:GEG:I>C< I=: CDCHI>IJI>DC (Yale University Press, +33*) , Lawrence
Lessig, supra note ,1, Frank Michelman, Law’s Republic, 31 Y6A: L. J. +.3- (+322), David A. Strauss,
Common Law Constitutional Interpretation, 0- U. C=>. L. R:K. 211 (+330).
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῎ +,1 ῎῎ῒ῔῕῍ῑΐῌῐ῏Is constitutional theory necessary?

HAYASE Katsuaki
Is constitutional theory necessary? Posner answers that it is unnecessary. However,
he also has a theory, as a theory about how judges should interpret and apply constitutional law. Therefore, it can be said that the answer to whether constitutional theory isnecessary depends on the method of a definition of “constitutional theory”. However,everyone who performs a constitutional interpretation has a theory about how constitutional law should be interpreted. Moreover, even if it is those who take the position ofcriticizing theory, the position is told logically or theoretically.
Does it have such a discussion in Japan? I think that arguments about how judges
should interpret and apply constitutional law, or about whether such arguments isnecessary, is required also in Japan.

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The problem of stability of linear discrete systems with time-varying delay isconsidered in this paper. In the previous results, the conditions are involved only thelength of the delay. We derived a stability condition considering both the length of thedelay and causality in the form of the linear matrix inequalities (LMIs).

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Large University EFL classes῎ The ETJ Journal῎ Vol῎ 0. No.+ http://davidenglishhouse῎ com/journalpdfs/vol0no+/features/ETJNewsletter῎ Cards῎ pdfNovember +-,,00/. 4a»¼ _`Sm½῍  +1/3 
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August ,00/. Seminar Intercultural Training and Communication Seminar JET ProgramYamagata Prefecture International Affairs Office Yamagata Japan.
May ,00/. Presentation Intercultural Communication: Recognizing Our Own Cultural
Patterns of Communication The International Association of Japanese Studies YamagataJapan.
Ryan S B. ,00/ Recognizing Intercultural Conflict: An Analysis of International
Exchange Students Meeting in a Japanese University Context Bulletin of Yamagata University Humanities Vol.+/, No .:+21-,0,January 1, ,00/. Co-Presentation Word Association Quizzes for Improving EFL Learners’
Speaking and Listening Skills Hawaii International Conference on Education.

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English Technical Vocabulary: A Reappraisal Employing Linguistics Terminology     +., +: .3-/2.
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New Zealand Annual Conference  !" #$% !" .
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materials The results will hopefully help me to develop new classroom materials that willallow students to acquire certain aspects of language more easily.
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01 +3 - , . ,* /Vol.ῌ

CONTENTS
ArticlesOn Pictorial Expression of Emotions: A Philosophical Analysis῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍KIYOZUKA Kunihiko῍῍῍+

A Drama of the Lost Tomorrow -- A Study of the Dramatization of Turgenev’s“On the Eve” by Hogetsu Shimamura and his Art Theater (Geijutsu-za)
῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍AIZAWA Naoki῍῍῍ ῐῑ ῌ ῎ῌ῏ῌ ῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍FUKUYAMA Yasuo῍῍῍-/-The use of subjective expressions in Japanese written narratives:
A contrastive analysis of native and non-native data ῍῍῍῍῍WATANABE Fumio῍῍῍01

Syntactic structures of resultatives revisited῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍TOMIZAWA Naoto῍῍῍

13On the commodity taxation on the asymmetric firms
in the imperfect competitive economy῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍KOREKAWA Haruhiko῍῍῍ +*+Is constitutional theory necessary? ῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍HAYASE Katsuaki῍῍῍ ++/Notes and Discussions
Stability Condition of Linear Discrete Systems with
Time-varying DelayῌLMI Condition considering Causality῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍NISHIHIRA Naofumi῍῍῍ +,3,**/ Activity Report on Education and Research῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍῍ +-/FEBRUARY 2001

Faculty of Literature & Social Sciences

Yamagata University