論文 Assemblage Thinking and Fisheries Geography:
A Retrospective of Fisheries Geography in Japan and Water World Studies
in Anglophone Human Geography
Ryuko MAEDA

ⅠPreface
In this paper, fisheries research in Japanese geography is compared with marine research in anglophone human geography to examine the characteristics ofeach method. First, the history of fisheries research in Japanese geography sinceWorld War II is summarized. Second, the characteristics of marine geography research are examined based on the assemblage perspective that has emerged in
anglophone human geography in recent years. Finally, the paper discusses how thisresearch trend can be applied to fishery studies in geography.
Fisheries research in Japanese geography has a long history. Gyoson Suisan
Chirigaku Kenkyu (Geographical Studies of Fishing Villages) by Aono (1953) is a
representative work. In this book, Aono described the settlement patterns,
production styles, and seafood distribution structure in fishing villages in Japan.
This work showed that fisheries research in geography has been defined by theterrestrial region, rather than the water, as the main area of investigation. Aono
suggested that this was due to research by fisheries scientists being mostly fishinggrounds-oriented, while work on fishing villages has been conducted by geographers,
economists, jurists, and ethnographers. Fisheries scientists have access to test
vessels and are in a position to conduct oceanographic and biological research on
fishing grounds, while others do not have this access and concentrate on studying
fishing villages. Under these circumstances, geographers take a fishing villageoriented position (Aono, 1953: 2-3).
Aono used surveys in the terrestrial field due to these constraints. Subsequent
geographers have used the same methods, and as a result, research on fishing1

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villages was dominant in fisheries geography in Japan until the 1980s (e.g., Kakimoto,1975)1). However, geographers who study fishing villages have not ignored theimportance of activities related to production that occur on the water. Geographer
Yoshihiko Yabuuchi wrote the following in his main work Gyoson no Seitai (Ecologyof Fishing Villages) (Yabuuchi, 1958: 18): “The natural environment of a fishingvillage, that is, the nature of its waters, affects its labor force, means of labor, andobjects of labor, and these are also affected by the social environment. If the naturaland social environments are viewed as the locational environment of the fishingvillage, the relationship between the environment and production can be understoodin a fundamentally correct manner”. Thus, Yabuuchi recognized that fishing isestablished by a combination of the natural environment on the water and thesocioeconomic environment that develops mainly on the land. However, as Aono
stated, development of research methods is a challenge and the activities of fishers
on the water have not been sufficiently studied.
In the 1980s, a new survey method was introduced to geography, based on
methods in ecological anthropology. According to Masataka Tawa, the main
characteristic of this method is “direct participation in fishing activities to obtaindata through observation, measurement, and survey, while focusing on therelationship between fishing grounds and fishing activities” (Tawa, 1997: 14). Since
its adoption, Japanese fisheries geographers have studied fisheries activities on thewater. In the next section, I will first summarize the background of the introductionof ecological methods and then examine the characteristics of studies that havebeen performed based on these methods.

Ⅱ Characteristics of ecological methods in fishery geography in Japan
1. Fisher’s behavior studies in Japanese geography
As cultural geography in the United States developed its methodology under
the influence of anthropology (Mikesell, 1977; Kobayashi, 1987), fisheries geography
in Japan was also influenced by anthropology in development of survey methods.
In particular, ecological anthropological studies of fishing activities that started in
the 1970s greatly influenced works of fisheries geography (Maeda, 2019). In the
1970s, Japanese ecological anthropologists investigated the activities of hunters,
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gatherers, and fishers in various areas to examine human-environment relationships.
Several small-scale fisheries in Japan were also investigated (Harako, 1972; Akimichi,1978) and maps were frequently used as a tool to describe the activities of fishers
in these studies. For example, Irimoto (1977) utilized maps to represent the seasonalchanges in collecting behavior of fishers in the reef zone. The fishermenʼs behavior
was visualized and readers were able to capture their space use more realistically.
In this regard, a geographer similarly maps human behavior in behavioral geography.
Thus, there was a high affinity between ecological anthropology and geography inthe way the data were presented.
In Japanese fisheries geography, the study of fishing activities on the water
began with Tawa (1981), based on proposed use of fishing grounds by longline
fishers in Mukuna, Ehime Prefecture, Japan. In the field he observed movement offishing boats from high ground and measured the duration of fishing activities,
along with participatory observation with fishers. Tawa emphasized first-hand datacollection, as in ecological anthropology, and spatially represented the collected
data using charts and maps. Later, this survey method was also used to reveal theuse of fishing grounds for single-trawl fishing (Tawa 1983). These case studies
permitted identification of factors influencing fishing activities on the water andmechanisms of fishers’ behaviors (Tawa 1984). Since this pioneering work, othergeographers have investigated fishing activities on the water. For example, Ikeguchi(2001) used participant observation to determine the detailed use of fishing grounds
by the ama fishery in Wagu, Mie Prefecture, Japan; and Maeda (2020) used the time
allocation method (Suda 1994) to analyze the natural and socioeconomic factors that
influence fishersʼ activities.
Methods of collecting activity data without direct observation by the investigator
have also been employed. Nakamura (2002a, 2002b) used fishing vessel logs instudies of offshore fishing activities that could not be observed from the shore,
while other studies have investigated daily movements of fishing vessels using GPS
devices (Yoshimura 2016) and logbooks written by fishers (Hashimoto 2015). With
the advent of new research methods, previous activities and activities far fromshore that cannot be directly observed by researchers can now be examined.

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2. Problems in fisheries geography in Japan
Fisheries geography has developed uniquely, but there are problems studying
fisheries activities in bodies of water. One problem is that the term “nature” only
abstractly defines the natural environment of the fishing grounds. If we consider
nature in the sense of “something other than humans”, there are countless “natural”
things in the water world. Examples include living organisms such as fish, seaweed
and plankton, and inanimate objects such as water molecules, sodium, seafloor topography, and waves. Thus, the water is a collection of countless elements withdifferent properties (Bear 2017). Fishermen’s activities unfold in the intertwining ofthese elements with fishing.
Each of the elements of water can have a diverse relationship with fishers.
Relationships of fish and fishers, such as “catch - to be caught” and “eat - to be eaten” are formed; and fishers can also relate to inanimate objects. For example, relationships of fishers with the seafloor topography are established through the act ofenvisioning where to set up fishing gear and checking the topography to avoid
running aground. Diverse nature is practiced through relationships with humans(Hinchliff, 2007). However, a researcher’s knowledge is limited and cannot capture
everything. Under these limitations, studies have focused on the correspondence
between fishers and specific “nature” by narrowing down their targets, such as theeffects of wind and seafloor topography on fishing activities. Complex relationshipsthat originally formed between multiple elements like a mesh are presented in aneatly organized manner.
These methodologies are of value and have revealed a wealth of ecologicalknowledge, including tacit knowledge (Polanyi, 2003), possessed by fishers. Alternative forms of spatial use that are not landlocked (Lambert et. al., 2006: 480) havebeen shown by depicting the reality of activities on the water, which cannot be
fully revealed through terrestrial research alone. However, the behavioral patternsof fishers cannot be simplified in the context of the diverse and complex relationships of elements (Anderson et al. 2012). If we define the water world related tofishing as the fishery space, fishers themselves are one of the elements that makeup the space. In this space, forms of fishing ground uses created as relationships
with surrounding elements are made or broken.
A new perspective of spaces is required that is effective in viewing the water
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world, including oceans, lakes and rivers, as a gathering of diverse elements. It is
important not to simplify the mechanisms of fishing activities by lumping together
diverse natural elements in the sea as “nature” (e.g., Howarth et al. 2014). Rather,
the relationships among elements through which the activities are generated should
be addressed, and connections among the underlying elements should be carefully
described. The next section introduces studies in anglophone human geographythat focus on assemblage. These studies are now providing an important perspective on the geography of fisheries.

ⅢA ssemblages of water worlds and current studies of geography of the sea inanglophone geography
1. What are assemblages?
In the 2010s, the assemblage referred to by Gilles Deleuze in “A Thousand
Plateaux” (Deleuze, 1994) was introduced into geography. Geography focuses on theworld of space/time, in which heterogeneous elements are brought together (e.g.
Massey, 2005). Real space changes over time and the cohesion of heterogeneous
elements is always open to instability (Massey, 2005). To understand the elusiveness of such spaces, concepts of assemblage have been applied in geography inrecent years (Anderson et al, 2012). According to Bennet (2010: 23-24), “assemblages
are ad hoc groupings of diverse elements, of vibrant materials of all sorts” (Bennet,
2010: 23). “[T]hey include humans and their (social, legal, linguistic) constructions,also include some very active and powerful nonhumans: electrons, trees, wind, fire,electromagnetic fields” (Bennet, 2010: 24). In other words, based on assemblage
thinking, space is a mixed construct of humans and things. Bennet argues, however,that “no one materiality or type of material has sufficient competence to determine
consistently the trajectory or impact of the group” in an assemblage (Bennet, 2010:24).
While Bennet advocates a vital materialism and emphasizes the agency of objects, power in such collectives is not concentrated on specific people or objects.
The effects of various elements are only “slowly brought to light as the assemblage
stabilizes itself through the mutual accommodation of its heterogeneous components” (DeLanda, 2002: 144). In other words, when we grasp the way in which mul5

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tiple people and things gather through the terminology of an “assemblage,” we do
not consider any single thing or person to be responsible for the occurrence of acertain event. Rather, we first seek the locus of responsibilities for various eventsin the assemblage of humans and non-humans itself. Then, we turn our attention to
the influence of individual elements and the relationships among them.
Regarding the significance of applying assemblage thinking in geography, Allen(2011: 154) argues that there is a “possibility that heterogeneous elements can holdtogether without actually forming a coherent whole”. When multiple elements areassembled in a particular space, there is not necessarily a strong coherence between them. There may also be relationships among the elements that “cannot be
observed, but are actually occurring” (Shinohara 2015: 227). Assemblage thinking iseffective when it depicts the emergence of networks among these elements, as wellas the fragility and tentativeness of the relationships among the elements themselves and the spaces that result from them (Anderson and McFarlane, 2011).
2. Application of assemblages to the geography of water bodies
In this section, I will examine the characteristics of geographical studies offisheries that apply assemblage thinking. “[C]ontemporary geographical enquiries ofthe sea are increasingly relational” (Spence, 2014: 203). In particular, studies focusing on fisheries are prominent in presenting the entanglement of humans andnon-humans in the sea through a critical examination of fisheries management
systems. Resource management systems based on spatial affairs, such as development of Marine Protected Areas, are being implemented worldwide. However, theinstitutionalized zoning of fishing space is not always in line with the customs andculture of coastal communities and the ecology of aquatic organisms. Fishing spaces contain “a collection of habitats, natural processes, multi-stakeholder practices,and use rights that are tied to places” (St. Martin and Hall-Arber, 2008: 779). Nevertheless, resource management systems are formulated in a linear fashion thatdelimits fishing space and ignores such an assemblage. These policy trends are
critiqued by geographers, who address the networks and fluidity among the elements that characterize the geography of the sea.
Bear and Eden (2008) critically examined the resource management policies
involved in Marine Stewardship Council (MSC) certification. The regulations must6

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include the gear that can be used, the hours of activity, and the species of fish thatcan be caught. However, organisms and seawater move freely beyond the lines
demarcated by humans. The fluidity of water easily nullifies a linear network ofdemarcation and management. In other words, the physical environment of the sea
and the ecology of aquatic life make standardization of space through institutionsdifficult. Because fisheries operate in waters as a heterogeneous assemblage of elements, the workings of non-human elements must also be considered in the operation of resource management systems (Bear, 2017). Fishers themselves, who are
active on the water, are one of the components. Therefore, fishing activities areformed in the context of relationships with other components. In this context, bothhumans and non-humans exercise their subjectivity. Moreover, the connections
between elements are constantly changing in the materially fluid sea (Steinberg
and Peters, 2015a, 2015b). Fishers must act according to the variability of the various elements that surround them and the unstable relationships between them.
In understanding the geographies of water worlds as unstable space, it is useful to use assemblage thinking, which attempts to capture the cohesion and vulnerability among elements through focusing on the changes and potential for rupturesof relationships between actants. As a result, it is possible to identify “how the resulting conflicts and reconciliations affect human environment relations” (Wiber andBarnett, 2021: 4). Furthermore, assemblage thinking promotes attention to actors(water molecules, plankton, water flow, depth) that are often overlooked in terrestrial-centered geography and assesses their ability to create specific spaces (Fairbanks et al, 2018). This methodology, which carefully depicts the role of the wholeaggregate (human, nonhuman, inanimate, etc.) and its individual components, advances both theoretical and empirical research in fisheries geography.
3. Perspectives of “ocean exceeded”
The study of the geography of water worlds based on the assemblage viewpresents an alternative perspective of space that differs from that of the terrestrial
view. However, we cannot explain phenomena that occur in the sea by observing
only sea, lake and river space. Fishers mainly dwell on land, and the institution offishing space is also created on land. To analyze phenomena in the sea, it is necessary to use an analytical perspective that straddles sea and land.
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This view was introduced by Peter and Steinberg (2019) and Bear (2019), whoargue that the ocean is “extensive metaphysically” (Peter and Steinberg, 2019: 295).
Specifically, the ocean is materially transformed into seawater, rainwater, riverwater, etc., and moves between water and land. In this process, some fresh wateris taken into the bodies of animals and plants. The sea also influences people’s sensibilities and memories, as described in novels, poems, and diaries. Therefore, materially and immaterially, the ocean “becomes embodied, internalizing itself within
the subjects that constitute the marine environment” (Peters and Steinberg, 2019:298). From this perspective, not only the elements in the ocean, but also those present on land, are incorporated as part of the assemblage.
I would like to focus here on eating fish. Fish swim in bodies of water before
they are caught and incorporated into the human body. When fish are caught byfishers and anglers, most are landed and eaten on land. Fish cross spaces throughthe intervention of humans and birds. “[F]ish extend beyond the ocean and they arepotentially central to the ocean in excess” (Bear, 2019: 330). Probyn (2016) stated in
Eating the ocean that marine ecosystems and economies cannot be simplified (i.e.
Howarth et al, 2014). Thus, the human-fish relationship does not converge only in a
simple “catch - be caught”. Rather, the relationship changes according to natural
conditions such as topography and currents, as well as socioeconomic conditions
such as fishing methods and markets. Therefore, “fish as food is in the middle of thecomplex entanglement” of natural environment, industry, history, trade, etc.
(Probyn, 2016: 5). Probyn concurs with Abrahamsson et al. (2015), arguing that “fishis not fish itself” (Probyn, 2016: 52). Fish can survive only in the presence of water,
plankton, and nutrients; and to be distributed as a commodity, fish must be connected to fishers, distribution networks, and fishing ports. Thus, fish are provided toconsumers through connections with various elements in both water and land. The
reality of fisher’s behaviors cannot be captured within the spatial limitation of abody of water, and they should be located on a variety of scales. Therefore, I believe that the basic stance of fisheries geography should be to carefully trace therelationships among human and non-human elements surrounding fishers.

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Ⅳ Conclusion
This paper has examined the relationship between the geography of fisheries
in Japan and water world studies in anglophone human geography based on theassemblage perspective. Application of assemblages to the geography of the water
world enables consideration of the connection of various elements within water andacross the boundaries between the terrestrial and water worlds.
Formation of a particular fishing activity is linked to various elements surrounding fishers and organisms. The first step in research is to trace the relationships among these elements. In Japanese fisheries geography, which is derived
from ecological anthropology, fieldwork has been used as a research method. In thiswork, the economic problems of fishing areas were necessarily linked to social environment and large-scale policies. Yamauchi (2005: 257) praised such empiricalresearch methods as being able to “examine extensively the characteristics of management organizations found in a fishing village and their relationship to geographically defined employment opportunities, social ties within the village, and the fishing ground environment, including the fishing system, in order to derive highexplanatory principles”.
Fisheries geography in Japan has been suggested to lack a thriving epistemological and methodological debate (Yoshida 2019). However, I think that by incorporating theoretical studies from anglophone human geography and using researchfrom fishery geography in Japan that has been accumulated since the 1980s, it ispossible to explain the spatial use patterns of fishery activities. This will lead topresentation of an alternative perspective to that in terrestrial-centered geography.
The geography of the water world, with its fluid and unstable spatial characteristics, is a realm in which a new spatial epistemology for geography can be proposed.
Notes1) In geography in Japan，the term “fisheries geography”（Gyogyo chirigaku）has taken
hold.fishery geography or geography of fisheries.
Acknowledgements
This work was supported by Grant for Environmental Research Projects from The
Sumitomo Foundation.
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