www.nad-plo.org‫االعتراف‬Recognizing‫بفلـسـطني‬Palestine‫اســتــثــمــار فــي الــســالم‬An Investment in Peace‫منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية‬‫دائرة شؤون املفاوضات‬Palestine Liberation Organization

Negotiations Affairs Department

www.nad-plo.org

Contents

Israeli
Unilateralism- Undermining
Peace

04

International
Responsibility
towards theQuestion ofPalestine

18

Israel’sSettlement
Regime Destroying the
Two - State
Solution

22

Isolation,
Disconnection– Israel’s
Policies in
Occupied East
Jerusalem

32

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Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

Israeli
Unilateralism- Undermining
Peace

I

srael has repeatedly undermined the Middle
East peace process and progress towards ajust and lasting peace by failing to implement
many of its obligations under previous
agreements reached with the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO). Israel’s failure
to honour previous agreements also calls into
question Israel’s seriousness and commitment
to the two-state solution, the internationallyagreed upon formula for peace.

5

Oslo Accords
In the early 1990s, Israel and the PLO entered a period of negotiations to “achievea just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement and historic reconciliation
through the agreed political process”,1 “based on Security Council Resolutions
242 and 3382” and the principle of land for peace.
The Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements(Declaration of Principles), concluded on 13 September 1993, established aframework for PLO-Israeli relations in the interim period, lasting at most five
years, in which the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank would establish a selfgovernment authority. On 28 September 1995, the parties signed the PalestinianIsraeli Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (Interim Agreement),a comprehensive agreement governing Palestinian-Israeli relations during theinterim period. Thereafter, the parties concluded a seriesof other agreements collectively known as the Oslo
Accords.
In addition to the Declaration of Principles, the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) formally recognized Israel
and its right to exist within secure and internationallyrecognized borders. While Israel joined the international
community in 1993 in recognizing the PLO as the sole
legitimate representative of the Palestinian People, it has
yet to reciprocate the Palestinian recognition. To date,Israel has failed to honour the Accords, as it has violated
many of its provisions, some of which are detailed below.

Third Redeployment
The Oslo Accords detail mechanisms for the withdrawal of Israeli troops fromthe occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). The 1994 Agreement on the Gaza Stripand the Jericho Area called on Israel to withdraw from Gaza and Jericho within
a set timeframe. This was followed by the Interim Agreement, which listed four
additional phases for Israeli ‘redeployment’ in the West Bank. The first phase
was to be Israeli redeployment from “populated areas” of the West Bank, to becompleted before elections for the Palestinian Council were held.3 The remaining
three phases would involve gradual redeployment to “specified military locations”
over the following 18 months, to take place at 6-month intervals.4 Accordingly,
Area C, “except for the issues that will be negotiated in the permanent statusnegotiations [Jerusalem, settlements, specified military locations], will be
gradually transferred to Palestinian jurisdiction”5 as part of the three-stage “further
redeployments.”6
1 Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (13 September 1993), Preamble [Declaration of Principles].
2 Ibid., Art. I.
3 Interim Agreement, Art. X(1); Art. XI(2)(a); Art. XVII(8); and Annex I, Art. 1(1).
4 Ibid., Art. X(2); Art. XI(2)(d); Art. XVII(8); Annex I, Art. I(9); and Annex I, Appendix I, para. B.
5 Ibid., Art. XI(3)(c).
6 Ibid., Art. XIII(2)(b)(8).

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Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

In fact, redeployment from Hebron, which was to be part of the first redeployment
under the Interim Agreement, was delayed, as was implementation of the following
two phases under the agreement. The final Israeli redeployment in the West Bank
– one of the main Israeli obligations set out in the Interim Agreement – remains
unfulfilled. Thus, to date, Israel remains in exclusive control of 61% of the WestBank (Area C), despite its commitment to redeploy its forces from the lion’s shareof the West Bank.

Settlements
According to Article XXXI (7) of the Interim Agreement, “[n]either side shall initiate
or take any step that will change the status of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
pending the outcome of the permanent status negotiations.”7

For the past 16 years, Israel has violated this article by continuing to build andexpand settlements in OPT, including East Jerusalem, thus illegally altering thestatus of the OPT, both physically and demographically, to prevent its returnto Palestinians. Since 1993, Israel has doubled the settler population to over
500,000 settlers.

Water
In accordance with principles set out in the Interim Agreement, Israel is obliged
to coordinate management of water and sewage with the PNA. In addition,
Israel must not increase its utilization of water resources beyond those amounts
allocated under the Agreement, must obtain prior approval for any water extraction
exceeding these allocated amounts, must practice sustainable water use, and mustexchange data on both how much water is extracted from all three aquifers, as wellas the maximum amount of water that could potentially be extracted from them.
7 The Wye River Memorandum (23 October 1998), Art. V, and the Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum, Art. 10
contain similar provisions.

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Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

Israel has violated every one of these obligations. It
has obstructed coordinated management of sharedwater resources throughout the interim period. Israel
has also increased its use of West Bank ground water,
extracting 50 percent more than the sustainable
yield from West Bank aquifers, and exceeding by
80 percent its agreed allocation from the West Bank
aquifers detailed under Article 40, Schedule 10 of theInterim Agreement. As to the Western Aquifer alone,a World Bank report shows that by 1999, Israel had
extracted 389 million cubic meters (MCM) more than
the 483 MCM allocated to it under the Agreement
without prior joint approval. According to the same
World Bank report, per capita water availability for
Palestinians in the West Bank has dropped to one
quarter that of Israel’s.
© unwomen

Today, Palestinian annual per capita consumption of fresh water is barely
70 cubic meters, which is significantly less than the minimum water
consumption levels recommended by the World Health Organization.8

Release of Prisoners
Israel continues to use imprisonment and detention, including administrative
detention, for political ends as a way of targeting Palestinian resistance tooccupation. So widespread are these practices that Palestinians in the OPT haveone of the highest incarceration rates in the world.
Section 1 of Article XVI of the Interim Agreement and Annex VII thereof (“Releaseof Palestinian Prisoners and Detainees”) provides for the release of Palestinianpolitical prisoners as well as the release of political prisoners from Arab countries.
Theses releases were to take place in three phases, the last of which was to occur
during the permanent status negotiations. Israel failed to carry out the release of
all prisoners. The 1999 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum also calls for the releaseof Palestinian and other political prisoners; the release was to have taken placein September and October 1999 and during Ramadanof that Muslim calendar year (December 1999 andJanuary 2000).
Despite these agreements, more than 6,000 politicalprisoners remain in Israeli jails, including 209 children9.
These prisoners are held in detention centres in Israel,in violation of the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention
Relevant to the Protection of Civilians in Times of War.
Israel has also rejected efforts to reactivate the workof the joint committee on prisoners established in
8 Palestinian Water Authority, http://www.pwa.ps/desktopmodules/newsscrollEnglish/newsscrollView.
aspx?ItemID=514&mID=11850
9 Defense for Children International – Palestine Section http://dci-palestine.org/content/child-detainees

9

the Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum, insisting that Israel should decide on further
prisoner releases, if any, unilaterally. While Israel released approximately 1,200
prisoners between 2007and 2009, they were selected on the basis of Israeli
criteria, including many who had already completed most of their sentences.

Economic Relations
The Paris Protocol annexed to the Interim Agreement was intended to bringprosperity to the Palestinian economy by ensuring greater access to Israeli andinternational markets. After an initial surge, export growth slackened; diversificationin external trade has not taken place; and the Palestinian economy’s dependence
on Israel remains as acute as ever.

Following are the main violations of the Paris Protocols:
•
•
•

•
•

•

Closures and restrictions on the movement of goods and people, including
those created by the Wall and its associated illegal regime, have led tosignificant fiscal and economic losses.
Israel has violated its duty to consult and notify the Palestinians before making
any changes to Israeli import policy or rates that affect Palestinians (as outlined
in Article III(6)).
Israel continues to deny the PNA full authority to implement its own importpolicy at the international border crossings in the West Bank and Gaza Strip,
in violation of Article III (14). This has meant that Israel has maintained
exclusive control over deciding the kind, type, and quality of goods allowed
into the OPT.
Israel refuses to recognize Palestinian standard certificates and conformity
marks, and restricts the PNA’s right to set its own petroleum products policy(in violation of Article III (12)).
Israel applies different standards for plants and animals, animal products
and biological products than those adopted or recommended by relevantinternational organizations, resulting in trade barriers between the two parties
and between Palestinians and the rest of the world in agricultural products (inviolation of Article VIII).
Israel has attempted to prevent Palestinian dairy and meat products fromentering East Jerusalem, which forms part of the OPT, and the Israeli market(in violation of Article VIII).

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Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

•

•
•
•

Although the parties have agreed to establish a Joint Economic Committee(JEC) to follow up on the implementation of the Paris Protocol, Israeli
actions have paralyzed the JEC. For example, Israel continues to delay the
implementation and resolution of outstanding issues, including approving
goods that are already on Lists A1, A2, and B annexed to the Paris Protocol (inviolation of Article III).
Israel has arbitrarily restricted labour mobility between the OPT and Israel,
refusing to discuss the matter at the JEC.
Israel has not transferred all taxes it has collected from Palestinian workers,
mainly the equalization levies, national insurance contributions and pension
funds (in violation of Article V).
According to Article III, Palestinian importers should receive equal treatment
at Israeli ports of entry. In practice, Israel discriminates against Palestinian
importers, resulting in delays and added costs to the Palestinians.

State-to-State Relations
The Interim Agreement, including the Paris Protocol, provide the guiding framework
for, and established bilateral committees to deal with, state-to-state related issues,
such as agriculture, archaeology, energy, environment, health, justice, monetary
affairs, post, telecommunications, transportation and tourism. In many cases,
Israel has implemented very little under the Agreement. In some cases, such asarchaeology, the bilateral committees have not met in over 15 years. In othercases, such as tourism, extensive efforts by the Office of the Quartet have failed
to persuade Israel to accept the application of existing agreements as a basis forreconvening the Joint Tourism Committee.

Examples of Israeli non-compliance include the following:oTelecom (Article 36, Annex III of the Interim Agreement): The international
gateway, access to frequencies, management of the electromagnetic sphere,
and the importation of new technology and equipment are essential todeveloping the Palestinian telecom sector. Provisions for each of these areas
are either provided for in existing agreements or through international rights
awarded to Palestine at the International Telecommunications Union.

11

Israel continues to obstruct implementation of technical agreements, including
most recently, the “Frequency Assignment Agreement” negotiated with theassistance of the Quartet Representative in July 2008 for a second mobile operator.
In addition, Israel generally denies the importation of essential equipment and fails
to issue permits to build infrastructure in Area C. Lastly, Israeli mobile companies
provide unauthorized coverage in Palestinian areas in clear violation of Article 36.
oFishing (Articles XVII and XXXI of the Interim Agreement, Articles 13 and 38
of Annex III, and the Paris Protocol): Israel arbitrarily limits Palestinian fishingaccess to three or less nautical miles from the shore as opposed to the 20 milezone provided for in the Interim Agreement. Arbitrary Israeli naval enforcement
has resulted in the death and injury of dozens of Palestinian fishermen andhas almost terminated a once vibrant Palestinian fishery industry.

oTourism (Article 37 of Annex III of the Interim Agreement, Article X of the Paris
Protocol): Israel is required to permit entry to all tourism professionals andbuses licensed by the PNA. Yet, Israel permits fewer than 80 Palestinian tour
guides to enter Jerusalem and Israel, while over 5,000 Israeli tour guides haveaccess to tourist sites in Israel and the OPT, including illegal settlement sites.

oElectricity (Article 10 of Annex III of the Interim Agreement, and the Paris
Protocol): The supply of electricity to the PNA is charged at some of thehighest rates in the world. Israel continues to refuse to enter into a commercial
agreement for tariffs of bulk supply and to charge the PNA on an ad hoc basis
the same rate it would charge private consumers in Israel.

Population Registry
Israel arbitrarily withholds approvals for PNA-requested approvals for permanent
residency and work and study visas. Israel grants only a handful of such approvals
every year. Travel to Gaza for foreigners has become virtually non-existent andrequires a special, and rarely granted, Israeli permit. Since mid-2009, someforeigners entering the West Bank have been issued visas for the “Palestinian
Authority only,” preventing them from entering not just Israel, but Jerusalem
and Area C as well. Other foreigners entering Israel have been required to sign
statements committing themselves not to enter PNA-controlled areas of the WestBank under penalty of legal action. These practices are in clear violations of Annex
III of the Interim agreement.
According to Article 28 of Annex III of the Interim Agreement, the PNA has theright, with the prior approval of Israel, to grant permanent residency in Gaza
and the West Bank to investors, employees, spouses and children of Palestinian
residents, and other persons for humanitarian reasons. The PNA may also grant
renewable, one-year visitor permits for the OPT with Israeli approval. Additionally,
the PNA may, with Israeli approval, grant renewable 3-month visitor permits for
the OPT, which also permit holders to enter Israel. Alternatively, visitors may enter
the OPT with a visa for Israel. Furthermore, paragraph 1(e) of Article 9 of Annex Iof the Interim Agreement states that tourists to the OPT who have entered throughan international crossing are not required to pass any additional control before
entering Israel.
© unrwa12

Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

Article 28 of Annex III of the Interim Agreement authorizes the PNA to maintainand administer the population registry, while “informing” Israel of changes in theplace of residence of any residents. Over the past few years, Israel has made it
increasingly difficult – and since mid-2009 virtually impossible – for residents of
Gaza to make the West Bank their place of residence.
In April 2010, Israeli occupation authorities adopted Military Order 1860. This
Order granted Israeli soldiers in the OPT unprecedented power and discretion totake action against so-called infiltrators within the OPT. It is estimated that thisorder threatens approximately 80,000 Palestinians holding Gaza ID’s living in theoccupied West Bank.

Movement and AccessOver the years, Israel has pursued a policy thatfragments the OPT through physical (e.g., settlements,
the Wall and checkpoints), legal and administrative
barriers. Movement between Gaza and the WestBank has become increasingly difficult for foreigners,and virtually impossible for Palestinian residents.
Palestinian West Bank ID holders have not had freeaccess to East Jerusalem and other Palestinian areas
illegally annexed by Israel since the early 1990s. In
addition, all areas west of the illegal Wall have become“closed zones” following the first such designation in
the northern West Bank in 2003. Access to the Jordan
Valley has also been restricted for non-residents of thearea.
© ccdprj

Clearly, these punitive measures amount to collective punishment. They are also in
violation of Article I (2) of Annex I of the Interim Agreement, which compels bothsides to “respect and preserve without obstacles, normal and smooth movementof people, vehicles and goods within the West Bank, and between the West Bankand Gaza Strip.” In both the Declaration of Principles and the Interim Agreement,
the parties also agree that “[they] view the West Bank and the Gaza Strip as asingle territorial unit, the integrity and status of which will be preserved during theinterim period.”

Safe Passage and Movement within the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
The Declaration of Principles and the Interim Agreement both affirmed the territorial
integrity of Gaza and West Bank, irrespective of their geographical separation. The
Interim Agreement also affirmed that the free movement of Palestinians and goods
between these areas shall be respected.
Article X of the Protocol Concerning Redeployment and Security Arrangements
annexed to the Interim Agreement required Israel to open a safe passage routeconnecting northern Gaza with the southern West Bank for “the movement of
persons, vehicles and goods” which was to include separate northern and southern

13roads through Israeli territory. Under the 1999 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum, thesouthern route for safe passage was to open on 1 October 1999 in accordancewith a Safe Passage Protocol to be concluded by the parties by 30 September
1999. On 5 October 1999, the PLO and Israel concluded the Protocol Concerning
Safe Passage between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Article 5(b) of theMemorandum also required the parties to agree on the specific location of thecrossing point for the northern route by 5 October 1999.
Despite these agreements, Israel has failed to open a northern safe passage route
between Gaza and the West Bank. It has also failed to provide safe passage forcommercial goods via the agreed southern safe passage route. Israel only allowed
the southern safe passage route to operate for the movement of people between
October 1999 and September 2000, yet subjected this movement to a strict Israeli
permit system. Many residents were only allowed to travel on special buses thatreceived Israeli army escort, and thousands of others were forbidden altogether
from travelling through the safe passage.

Incitement
Israel has failed to undertake any concrete measures to curb Israeli incitement
against Palestinians despite its obligations to do so under signed agreements.
This is in contrast to the PNA, which has acted decisively to end all forms ofincitement, including the introduction of a new Palestinian school curriculum andschool textbooks.10 The issue of incitement first appeared in the 1994 Gaza-Jericho
Agreement. Since then, appeals to end all forms of incitement have been included
in subsequent agreements between the PLO and Israel, up to and including the2003 Road Map.
Many examples exist of incitement against Palestinians in Israel: from calls tokill Palestinians, to state-sponsored commemorations that glorify individuals who
have taken Palestinian lives, through to individuals and groups who advocate apolicy of ‘transfer’ or the forcible displacement of Palestinians from their land andhomes. Most ominously, incitement against Palestinians is commonplace withinmainstream Israeli politics rather than being the purview of a radical few. For
example, on 29 August 2010, the spiritual leader of the Shas party11 Rabbi Ovadia
Yosef, publically stated:“Abu Mazen and all these evil people should perish from this world….
God should strike all these evil people with a plague, them and these
Palestinians.”
On 31 May 2011, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu praised Rabbis known
to be involved in incitement against Palestinians and Palestinian Israelis, including
Rabbi Shmuel Eliyahu, who had lobbied in Safed against renting or selling lands
and homes to Arabs,Rabbi Dov Lior, who took active part in incitement against
the late Israeli PM Yetshak Rabin, and Rabbai Yetshak Shapira, who wrote the book
10 Forming part of the PNA’s ongoing efforts to build a Palestinian state, Palestinian measures against
incitement focus on promoting the democratic values of an independent Palestinian state, and showing
Palestinians that there is an alternative to Israel’s military occupation.
11 Shas is a major coalition partner in the current Israeli government.

14

Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e“Torat Hemlekh” advocating for the killing of “non-goy” children. In an address
at the “Merkaz Harav”, the center of religious settler ideology, Netanyahu told the
Rabbis, “You are the elite special ops unit that leads the nation”.
In 1999, the “Committee to Prevent Incitement” was formed under the auspicesof the Wye River Memorandum. A joint initiative involving Palestinian, Israeli andAmerican representatives, the committee ceased all activities with the outbreakof the second Intifada in September 2000. The PLO has repeatedly called for thecommittee to be reconvened to address questions of incitement. This has not yet
happened.

Agreement on Movement and AccessFollowing the Gaza ‘disengagement’, the 2005 Agreement on Movement andAccess (AMA) sought to facilitate the free movement of Palestinian people andgoods within the OPT, as well as to Israel and the world, with a view to stimulating
Palestinian economic growth. The AMA addressed: (a) the Rafah Crossing Point,(b) Israeli-Palestinian crossings, (c) safe passage between Gaza and the West Bank,(d) Israel’s closure regime in the West Bank, (e) the Palestinian seaport, and (f) the
Palestinian airport. However, Israel’s failure to implement the AMA means thatmovement and access restrictions and the isolation of Palestinian communities
persist today:© ccdprj•

After a few months of intermittent operation in late 2005, the Rafah Crossing
Point linking Gaza to Egypt has remained virtually closed, and the EUBAM
mission charged with oversight of the crossing point has effectively beenprohibited by Israel from operating, undermining the AMA provision that
“Rafah will be opened as soon as it is ready to operate at an international
standard . . . and as soon as the 3rd party is on site.”•

In Gaza, Israel has maintained and tightened its crippling closure, whichbegan before the Palestinian elections in 2006. The closure severely curtails all
but a narrow list of enumerated imports from entering Gaza, while imposing
a total ban on exports, resulting in a man-made humanitarian crisis acrossGaza. Israel is in breach of the AMA provision requiring that crossing points
between Gaza and Israel operate “continuously.”•

Almost immediately after the AMA was concluded, Israel called off discussions
on the implementation of its commitment to “allow the passage of [bus]convoys to facilitate the movement of goods and persons” between Gaza andthe West Bank. To this day, no bus convoys run between the Gaza Strip andthe West Bank.

•

In the West Bank, the number of checkpoints, roadblocks and other obstacles
to Palestinian movement and access increased following the conclusion of theAMA, despite the commitment for Israel and the US “to establish an agreed
list of obstacles to movement [within the West Bank] and develop a plan toreduce them to the maximum extent possible.” According to the UN, as ofJune 2010, 504 barriers to movement continued to exist in the West Bank
alone – 34 percent more than when the AMA was concluded.

15•

Finally, Israel has refused to discuss the re-opening of Gaza’s airport andcontinues to block the construction of its seaport by refusing to guarantee
non-interference to prospective investors.

The United Nations and the World Bank identified restrictions on Palestinian
movement and trade as the primary cause of the humanitarian crisis Palestinians
continue to face, and the main reason for their dependence on aid.

Quartet Road Map
In 2003, the Quartet – comprised of the United States, Russia, the European Unionand the United Nations – proposed a road map for the peace process, “aim[ed]at progress through reciprocal steps by the two parties in the political, security,
economic, humanitarian, and institution-building fields, under the auspices of theQuartet.” The UN Security Council endorsed the Road Map in resolution 1515
(2003). Both parties reaffirmed their Road Map commitments at the Annapolis
Conference on 27 November 2007. Yet, Israel continues to violate all of its
obligations, including:oSettlement activity: As discussed above, Israel continues to violate its obligation,“[c]onsistent with the [2001] Mitchell Report, [to freeze] all settlement activity(including natural growth of settlements).” Israel also continues to violate its
obligation to “immediately dismantle settlement outposts erected since March2001”. To date, none12 of Israel’s approximately 100 outposts13 in the West
Bank, 58 of which were established after March 2001, have been dismantled.

oActions undermining trust: The Road Map also requires Israel to take no actions
undermining trust, “including deportations, attacks on civilians; confiscation
and/or demolition of Palestinian homes and property, as a punitive measureor to facilitate Israeli construction; [and] destruction of Palestinian institutions
and infrastructure.” Israel has killed and injured thousands of Palestinian
civilians, and confiscated thousands of dunums of Palestinian land. It hasconcentrated such measures in and around East Jerusalem where, for example,
it has demolished at least 450 Palestinian homes since 2003.

On 21 August 2011, the Israeli Ministry of Transportation and the Israeli Jerusalem
Municipality inaugurated the Jerusalem light train, which connects illegal Israeli
settlements in Occupied East Jerusalem with West Jerusalem. The railway, whichstarts at the illegal settlement of Kiyat Yofeil, passes through several Palestinianneighbourhoods, including the Old City and Sheikh Jarrah. It is built on illegally
expropriated Palestinian land and further divides Palestinian neighbourhoods. In
effect, the light train provides additional incentives for Israelis to become settlers
in the Occupied City and further entrenches Israel’s occupation of occupied East
Jerusalem.

12 This number does not include the handful of outposts removed by the Israeli army immediately or
shortly after being established, or outposts that were only partially dismantled.
13 This number does not include the handful of outposts removed by the Israeli army immediately or
shortly after being established, or outposts that are very temporary in nature (e.g., only inhabited during
the day or periodically throughout the year).

16oRecognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

East Jerusalem institutions: Israel
has failed to re-open Orient
House, the Palestinian Chamber ofCommerce and 8 other Palestinian
institutions that it first closed inAugust 2001.
“There is place only for one stateon the land of Israel .... I do notbelieve in a two-state solution”14
Danny Danon, Deputy Speakerof Knesset, August 2011.

oCommitment to Palestinian state:
Israel is required to issue an“unequivocal statement affirming
its commitment to the two-statevision of an independent, viable,
sovereign Palestinian state living
in peace and security alongside
Israel.” While the governmentsof Ehud Olmert and that of his
predecessor Ariel Sharon haveaccepted the goal of creatinga Palestinian state, no Israeli
leader or government ever has
articulated a clear and unequivocal
commitment to the establishmentof an “independent, viable andsovereign” Palestinian state.

In the past months, international
efforts to launch credible final-statusnegotiations between Palestine andIsrael have been stonewalled by Israel’s
intransigent positions. The current
Israeli government has refused toaccept any terms of reference basedon international law and relevant
UN resolutions. Israel also rejects the1967 borders as the boundaries of thetwo-states envisioned in relevant UN
resolutions, including 242 and 338.

14 http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/talktojazeera/2011/08/201185103022120129.html

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Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

International
Responsibility
towards theQuestion ofPalestineThe Question of Palestine, the longest
standing item on the United Nations
agenda, dates back to 29 November 1947.
On that day, the UN General Assembly(UNGA) adopted Resolution 181 II which
partitioned for the first and last time in its
history a homeland, Palestine, into two
proposed states.

Almost seven decades since the adoptionof resolution 181 II, Palestinians, whohave suffered decades of displacement,
dispossessions, and the systematic denialof their national and human rights, have
yet to exercise their inalienable rightto self-determination and establish an
independent and sovereign state of theirown. By contrast, the State of Israel is afull member of the UN.

19

For its part, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) advanced several proposals with the aim ofachieving peace through the realization of legitimate Palestinian national rights. In 1988, it declared
the establishment of the State of Palestine over the territory occupied by Israel in 1967 (the West Bank,
including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip). By limiting Palestinian national aspirations to 22% of
the Palestinian people’s historical homeland, the PLO made an historic compromise in the interest ofpeace. Palestine’s declaration marked its endorsement of UN Security Council resolutions 242 and 338,
which affirm the two-state solution and land for peace formulas. In return, Israel has responded to thiscompromise with intransigence and unilateralism.
For its part, the international community recognizes that the establishment of a viable, secure andindependent Palestinian state is the key to peace in the region. The international community has also
repeatedly affirmed its standing moral and legal obligation towards the Question of Palestine and thePalestinian people’s just demand to realize their inalienable rights.
International law bodies, instruments, and covenants have established and repeatedly affirmed thePalestinian people’s inalienable rights to self-determination, independence, and return among manyothers. In fact, the UNGA adopts fourteen resolutions every year by an overwhelming majority reaffirming
Palestinian rights and standing moral and legal international responsibilities to protect and realize theserights. Moreover, the 2004 historic Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on theconsequences of the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) left no doubtthat the international community holds responsibility with regards to the Question of Palestine and thePalestinian people.
“Every State has the duty to promote, through joint and separate action, realization of theprinciple of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, in accordance with the provisions of
the Charter, and to render assistance to the United Nations in carrying out the responsibilities
entrusted to it by the Charter regarding the implementation of the principle . . .” UN General
Assembly 2625 (XXV)The right to self determination of the Palestinian people is an inalienable right that is not up fornegotiations. It is a jus cogens norm that must be respected by states and it has been recognized as an ergaomnes right, which makes the realization of this right the responsibility of the international community. The
ICJ’s 2004 Advisory Opinion stated, “The obligations erga omnes violated by Israel are the obligation
to respect the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, and certain of its obligations underinternational humanitarian law.”15 The Court also reaffirmed the East Timor case of 1995, which describedas ‘irreproachable’ the assertion that ‘the rights of peoples to self-determination, as it evolved from theCharter and from United Nations practice, has an erga omnes character’”16.
The Palestinian people must also be provided the opportunity to “freely determine their political status
and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development” as provided by Common Article 1 of
the international covenants on Civil and Political Rights and on Economic and Social Rights. Likewise,
UN member states have overwhelmingly and repeatedly recognized that Palestinians enjoy the humanrights outlined by relevant Covenants and Declarations, which make up the body of International Human
Rights Law.
“Everyone will benefit from the establishment of a Palestinian state - the Palestinians, the Israelis,
the region, and all the peoples of the Middle East”; Dmitry Medvedev, President of the RussianFederation17
15 ICJ 2004 Advisory Ruling, page 131 http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf
16 Ibid.
17 http://en.rian.ru/russia/20110118/162195319.html

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Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

The Palestinian leadership seeks to consecrate the Palestinian people’s natural,
historical, and legal right to a state of their own. This step aims to consecrate this rightand protect the two-state solution. It is also a step firmly rooted in previous important
UN resolutions. This includes UNGA resolutions 3236, 2649, and 65/455, which
declared this right as “inalienable” and said that the Palestinian people have a right toa “sovereign and independent” state. UNGA Resolution 2672 declared that respecting
Palestinians’ inalienable rights is an indispensable element in the establishment of ajust and lasting peace in the Middle East. Moreover, in its 2004 Advisory Opinion,
the International Court of Justice made clear that impeding the Palestinian people’s
exercise of its right to self-determination is illegal.
The international community has repeatedly promised the Palestinian people toexert all efforts to realize the two-state solution, affirming that this is the only viable
peaceful resolution to the Middle East conflict.
“China supports the Palestinian people and their cause. We also support thePalestinians to get the United Nations recognition of a Palestinian state on thelands occupied in 1967 with Jerusalem as capital”. Wu Sike, Special Envoy to
the Middle East of the People’s Republic of China18
This internationally agreed on formula requires the establishment of a viable andsovereign Palestinian state. It is also consistent with the very basis of the Declaration of
Principles, including the principle of the two-state solution and relevant UN resolutions
like 242 and 338. This position has been reaffirmed repeatedly, especially over the past
two years;•

On 8 January 2009, Security Council adopted Resolution 1860, which reaffirmed
the urgency of achieving a comprehensive peace “based on the vision of a region
where two democratic States, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace withsecure and recognized borders, as envisaged in Security Council resolution 1850
(2008), and recalls also the importance of the Arab Peace Initiative”19.

•

On 19 March, 2009 the Middle East Quartet, convening in Moscow, reiterated
its commitment to the two-state solution. “The Quartet reiterates that Arab-Israeli
peace and the establishment of a peaceful State of Palestine in the West Bank andGaza is in the fundamental interests of the parties, of all the States in the regionand of the international community”20.

•

On 9 December 2009, the EU Foreign Affairs Council also affirmed the needto establish a viable Palestinian state and repeated its long-standing position of
not recognizing any and all illegal changes to the OPT, including East Jerusalem,
undertaken by Israel.
“The European Union calls for the urgent resumption of negotiations that will
lead, within an agreed time-frame, to a two-state solution with the State ofIsrael and an independent, democratic, contiguous and viable State of Palestine,

18 http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-08/27/c_131077668.htm
19 http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/204/32/PDF/N0920432.pdf?OpenElement
20 http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/409607B6476A9116852576EB004854B6

21

living side by side in peace and security. A comprehensive peace, which is afundamental interest of the parties in the region and the EU, must be achievedon the basis of the relevant UN Security Council Resolutions, the Madridprinciples including land for peace, the Roadmap, the agreements previously
reached by the parties and the Arab Peace Initiative… Recalling the Berlin
declaration, the Council also reiterates its support for negotiations leading toPalestinian statehood, all efforts and steps to that end and its readiness, whenappropriate, to recognise a Palestinian state.”21 Conclusions of EU Foreign
Affair Council, 9 December 2009•

In his address to the United Nations on 23 September 2010, US President Barack
Obama declared that true security for Israel can only be achieved with the creationof an independent Palestine, “one that allows the Palestinian people to live with
dignity and opportunity”22. He also stated that if the parties act in good faith andcommit to a peaceful resolution, “when we come back here next year, we canhave an agreement that will lead to a new member of the United Nations -- anindependent, sovereign state of Palestine, living in peace with Israel”23.

The international community also endorsed the Palestinian two-year state-building
plan, which was launched in September 2009 and has now concluded. In April
2011, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Union, andUN attested that Palestinian institutions are ready for statehood and agreed that thecontinued Israeli occupation is the sole remaining obstacle for Palestinian statehood.
The IMF declared that Palestinians are able to perform as a “well-functioning state”.
At the time, Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayad likened this recognition to a “birthcertificate” of the Palestinian State.
Most recently, On 26 July 2011, Mr. Robert Serry, Special Coordinator for the Middle
East Peace Process and Personal Representative of the Secretary-General warned against
the continued political impasse, caused by Israel’s continued illegal unilateral actions,
including settlement expansion. He told the Security Council during its open debate
on the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian Question, “We must not
lose sight of what is at stake. The World Bank, the International Monetary Fund andmy own Office, the Office of the United Nations Special Coordinator in the Occupied
Territories (UNSCO), have all acknowledged the unprecedented achievements of thePalestinian Authority in the West Bank. The Palestinian Authority has, in key areas,
reached a level of institutional performance sufficient for a functioning State. The
Palestinian Authority is ready to assume the responsibilities of statehood at any pointin the near future.”24
Almost seven decades since the birth of the Question of Palestine and twenty
years after the launch of peace negotiations, the international community’s
promise to help establish the State of Palestine is long-overdue.

21 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/EN/foraff/111829.pdf
22 http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2010/09/23/president-un-general-assembly-we-can-say-time-will-bedifferent
23 Ibid.
24 http://domino.un.org/unispal.nsf/e872be638a09135185256ed100546ae4/8a3327daf7ca49c3852578db004
e04ad?OpenDocument

22

Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

Israel’s settlement
regime –destroying thetwo-state solution
Background
The first Israeli settlement in the Occupied
Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem,(OPT) was established in 1967, the year
the Territory fell under Israeli occupation.
Since then, Israel, the occupying power,
has engaged in the colonization and illegal
exploitation of the Occupied Palestinian
Territory, including East Jerusalem (OPT). This
policy has seen the Israeli settler population
grow from approximately 5,00025 settlers in1968 to over 500,000 today.

25 http://www.passia.org/palestine_facts/pdf/pdf2006/6Land-Settlements.pdf

23

The illegality of all Israeli settlement activities in the OPT is not subject to dispute.
International Law and International Humanitarian Law consider them illegal. This
position has been repeatedly reaffirmed and embodied in various United Nations(UN) resolutions, including UN Security Council resolutions 904, 471, 465, 452,
446, 252, 267, 271, 478, and 672.
There is also international consensus that Israel’s settlement activities constitute a
grave violation of the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention Relevant to the Protectionof Civilians in Times of War.
“The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian
population into the territory it occupies”26 Article 49, Fourth Geneva
Convention Relevant to the Protection of Civilians in Times of War.
Additionally, in its Advisory Opinion of 9 July 2004, the International Courtof Justice decided that Israel’s Wall and its associated regime of settlements,
infrastructure, and Israeli-only roads constitute grave violations of International
Law and Israel’s obligations as an occupying Power. The Court also decided that
this regime “severely impedes the exercise by the Palestinian people of its right toself-determination, and is therefore a breach of Israel’s obligation to respect thatright”27, which the Court said was of an erga omnes nature.
The ICJ also ruled that the international community had a responsibility to stop
this illegal regime.
“…all States are under an obligation not to recognize the illegal situation
resulting from the construction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian
Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem…. It is also for all States,
while respecting the United Nations Charter and international law, to see
to it that any impediment, resulting from the construction of the wall, tothe exercise by the Palestinian people of its right to self-determinationis brought to an end. In addition, all the States parties to the Geneva
Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War
of 12 August 1949 are under an obligation, while respecting the United
Nations Charter and international law, to ensure compliance by Israelwith international humanitarian law as embodied in that Convention.”28
Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, 2004
The Court also ruled that Israel’s illegal settlement regime could be tantamount tode facto annexation of the OPT. It stated; “...the construction of the wall and its
associated régime create a “fait accompli” on the ground that could well become
permanent, in which case, and notwithstanding the formal characterization of thewall by Israel, it would be tantamount to de facto annexation”.29
This annexation agenda, which effectively destroys the two-state solution, is along standing Israeli policy and dates back to the early years of the occupation. In
26 http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/385ec082b509e76c41256739003e636d/6756482d86146898c125641e004
aa3c5
27 http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf
28 ICJ 2004 Advisory Ruling http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf
29 ICJ 2004 Advisory Ruling http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf

24

Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

January 1981, the Israeli government adopted a plan entitled “Settlement in Judeaand Samaria - strategy, policy and plans” by Matityahu Drobles. In the report, theintention of constructing the settlements in the OPT was made clear;“There mustn’t be even the shadow of a doubt about our intention to keep theterritories of Judea and Samaria for good. Otherwise, the minority population[Palestinians] may get into a state of growing disquiet which will eventually result
in recurrent efforts to establish an additional Arab state in these territories. The
best and most effective way of removing every shadow of a doubt about ourintention to hold on to Judea and Samaria forever is by speeding up the settlement
momentum in these territories.”30
The report also made clear that building Israeli settlements around Palestinian
population centers in the OPT would “reduce to the minimum the danger of anadditional Arab state being established in these territories. Being cut off by Jewish
settlements, the minority population [Palestinians] will find it difficult to form aterritorial and political continuity”31.
Thirty years have passed since this Israeli policy report. The situation on the groundstands testament to the continuation of the colonization and annexation policy,
which aims at denying the Palestinian People from exercising their inalienable
right to self-determination hence destroying the two-state solution.

© ccdprj

30 http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/B795B2D7FE86DA4885256B5A00666D70
31 http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/B795B2D7FE86DA4885256B5A00666D70

25

Present situation
Settler Population in OPT, including East Jerusalem over the Past 10 Years
2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

451,107468,538

485,813495,700

505,700

405,561

433,9632003

391,145

2005

2002

377,614419,983

2001

357,436

2004

2000

2010

2009

2008

2007

2006

2005

2004

2003

2002

2001

2000

Israeli Settler Population in OPT

Almost twenty years ago, the international community launched the Middle
East peace process in Madrid, Spain with the hope of reaching a historic andcomprehensive settlement to the conflict. The Palestinian-Israeli track began
shortly afterwards and resulted in the signing of the Declaration of Principles
in 1993, which was based on International Law and relevant UN resolutions,
including Security Council resolutions 242 and 338.
Subsequent Interim Agreements addressed various concerns, including thepressing Palestinian demand for Israel to cease its illegal settlement activities in
the OPT, which were altering the demographic and cultural composition of the
Territory, especially in Occupied East Jerusalem.
“Neither side shall initiate or take any step that will change the status of
the West Bank and the Gaza Strip pending the outcome of the permanent
status negotiations.”32 Article XXXI(7) of the Interim Agreement
However, Israeli violations of international law, relevant UN resolutions, andsigned agreements in relations to settlement activity did not cease. Israel continued
to build and expand settlements in the occupied West Bank, including in East
Jerusalem and (until 2005) in Gaza, thus artificially altering the status of the OPT,
both physically and demographically.

32 The Wye River Memorandum (23 October 1998), Art. V, and the Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum, Art. 10
contain similar provisions.

26

Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

Today, the on-going creation and expansion of Israeli settlements in the OPTpose the single greatest threat to the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state
and, by extension, to a just and lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians.
Israel’s settlement expansion has fragmented the Occupied Palestinian Territoryand society, and denied Palestinians access to vital land and water resources,
commercial markets and essential social, educational and health services.
“Consistent with the Mitchell Report, GOI freezes all settlement activity(including natural growth of settlements).”33 Quartet Road Map for Peace
In the absence of international accountability, successive efforts to stop thisillegal Israeli regime have failed. Israel willfully violated the terms of the Quartet’s
Roadmap for Peace, which was later embodied in Security Council resolution
1515. It also refused to heed repeated international calls to cease settlement
activities in the OPT in order to launch credible final status negotiations with thePalestinian side.
“…the continued expansion of Israeli settlements in the Palestinian
Occupied Territory came to be the most important obstacle for concrete
progress in negotiations leading to a just and durable solution to thisQuestion.” Permanent Representative of Brazil to the UN, Ambassador
Maria Ribeiro on 18 February 2011 in statement to Security Council
Instead, Israel has continued to subsidize illegal settlement construction andencourage Israelis to move to the OPT and settle in one of the approximately 200
illegal settlements and outposts there. A recent study by Peace Now revealed that
the Israeli government subsidy even includes settler transportation, with Israeli
settlers paying about half the amount Israelis living in Israel do.34
A review of statistical data about Israel’s settlement regime demonstrates:•••

Israeli settler population doubled since the signing of the Declaration of
Principles in 1993, from approximately 250,000 to over 500,000 in 2011.
Since 2000, the Israeli settler population in the OPT has grown each year
by between 5 and 5.7%, three times the average population growth inside
Israel.35
In some settlements, the growth rate in the past 10 years with available data
(1999 – 2009) has tripled:• The population of Bitar Illit, grew from 12,700 in 1999 to 34,999 in 2009.
• The population of Givat Ze’ev grew from 13,000 to 46,245.

Today, the illegal Israeli regime of settlements, Israeli-only roads, infrastructure,and Wall now take up approximately 45.5% of the OPT and illegally houses a
population of over 500,000 Israeli settlers.
Clearly, this regime threatens the very viability of the two-state solution. In fact,
the international community has been unanimous in endorsing this conclusion.
33 The Quartet Road Map (July 2003)
34 http://peacenow.org.il/eng/content/peace-now-research-reveals-settlers-freeloading-your-expense
35 http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=170595

27

28

Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

Israel’s illegal settlement regime threatens the two-state vision for peace in the
Middle East and is incompatible with the “land for peace” formula, contained in
UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338 and on which the peace process is based. These
principles require Israel to withdraw from the territories it occupied in 1967 in
exchange for full peace with its neighbors.
“…we reject in the strongest terms the legitimacy of continued Israeli
settlement activity. For more than four decades Israeli settlement activity interritories occupied in 1967 has undermined Israel’s security and corroded
hopes for peace and stability in the region. Continued settlement activity
violates Israel’s international commitments, devastates trust between theparties and threatens the prospects for peace.” Permanent Representativeof US to the UN, Ambassador Susan Rice on 18 February 2011
Israel’s colonial regime now threatens the prospect of a viable, contiguous andsovereign Palestinian State. In reality, it is turning the occupation into annexation.
This stark reality stands in conflict with the international community’s efforts toreach comprehensive peace through the two-state formula, which necessitates
the establishment of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders, in accordancewith relevant UN resolutions. Stopping this regime is a vital Palestinian need
and an international demand. Indeed, the reality on the ground demonstrates
that stopping Israel’s expansionist enterprise must be an international priority ofdecisive significance.

© ccdprj29...What Israel is Imposing Unilaterally
2008: Israeli Unilateralism (Settlements & Wall)
12% of Historic Palestine

30

Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

The Palestinians’ Historic Compromise...
100% of Historic Palestine1937 Peel Commission Partition Plan
80% of Historic Palestine31

1947 UN Partition Plan
44% of Historic Palestine

1967 de facto Line (Endorsed by PLO in 1988)
22% of Historic Palestine

Maps are for illustrative purposes only. Boundary representations are not necessarily authoritative.

32

Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

Isolation,
Disconnection– Israel’s
Policies in
Occupied East
JerusalemJ

erusalem is the beating heart of Palestine.
It is the center of the Palestinian identity
and its source of cultural, historical, andspiritual heritage. The Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO) has long maintainedthat occupied East Jerusalem is the naturalsocio-economic and political center for thePalestinian state given its cultural centrality,commercial vitality, historical significance,and geographic centrality connecting thenorthern and southern parts of Palestine.
It is an integral part of the Occupied
Palestinian Territory (OPT), as recognized by
the international community and relevant
United Nations (UN) resolutions.

The international community recognizes
that over the past four decades, Israel
has implemented systematic policies andpractices that aim to diminish the Palestinian
population and transfer them to otherparts of the occupied West Bank. These
Israeli policies represent flagrant violationsof international law, previously signed
agreements and related United Nations
Security Council Resolutions, including
242, 252, 298 and 476 among others.

33“Given the character and the importance of the rights and obligations involved, the Court is of theview that all States are under an obligation not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from theconstruction of the wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including in and around East Jerusalem.
They are also under an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation createdby such construction.” ICJ Advisory Ruling, 2004
Israel’s practices also violate the Advisory Ruling of the International Court of Justice, which affirmed theirbreach of the provisions of the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention Relevant to the Protection of Civilian Persons
in Times of War, namely:••••

Article 147 of the Convention prohibits extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified
by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly.
Article 49 of the Convention prohibits the “forcible transfer” of protected persons within the occupied
territory, as well as their deportation to places outside occupied territory. This prohibition is absolute, andapplies “regardless of their motive.”
Article 49 of the Convention further prohibits the Occupying Power from transferring parts of its own
civilian population into the territory it occupied.
Article 53 of the Convention provides that “Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal
property belonging individually or collectively to private persons ... is prohibited, except where such
destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations.”

In Addition, Israeli policies in occupied East Jerusalem violate the Universal Declaration of Human Rights(signed by Israel), namely:
•
•
•
•
•

Denial of equal protection under the law (Article 7)
Arbitrary arrest, detention, or exile (Article 9)
Denial of the right to return to one’s country (Article 13)
Arbitrary expropriation of personal property (Article 17)
Interference with religious worship and observance (Article 18)“We’ll make a pastrami sandwich of them. We’ll insert a strip of Jewish settlements in between thePalestinians, and then another strip of Jewish settlements right across the West Bank, so that in 25
years, neither the United Nations, nor the U.S.A, nobody, will be able to tear it apart.” Ariel Sharon
to Winston S. Churchill III in 197336

Since 1967, Israel has maintained a clear policy aimed at permanently and irrevocably annexing occupied
East Jerusalem and the change of its demographic and cultural nature. In a 1973 report by the Israeli interministerial Committee to Examine the Rate of Development for Jerusalem, the following recommendation was
made; “the demographic balance of Jews and Arabs must be maintained as it was at the end of 1972”37, whichat the time was 73.5% Jewish and 26.5% Palestinian.
In 1980, Israel adopted the so-called “Basic Law” on Jerusalem, which ratified the annexation of occupied
East Jerusalem to Israel. The international community does not recognize this annexation, in line with UN
Security Council Resolution 478. This Resolution rejected the Israeli measure as a violation of the Fourth
Geneva Convention and determined that “all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by
Israel, the occupying Power, which have altered or purport to alter the character and the status of the Holy Cityof Jerusalem, and in particular, the recent ‘basic law’ on Jerusalem, are null and void”.

36 http://blog.icahd.org/2007/10/quoting-ariel-sharon.html
37 Gafni committee, Haaretz 9/9/2002, Gideon Levy

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Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e

Revocation of residency in East Jerusalem
After the 1967 occupation of East Jerusalem, Palestinian indigenous inhabitants of the city were given thestatus of “permanent resident”. Practically speaking, Israel treats the Palestinians in occupied East Jerusalem as
aliens with a residence permit that can be revoked if they leave the city to live elsewhere, including the restof the OPT.
Indeed, residency revocation has become a regular Israeli practice. According to human rights organizations,more than 14,000 Jerusalem IDs have been revoked between 1967 and 2009, affecting well over 20% of thePalestinian families in occupied East Jerusalem. Between 2006 and 2008 alone, 4,577 IDs were revokedmore than 50% of the total number of ID confiscations.38
Israel’s policy of ID revocation in occupied East Jerusalem violates its obligations, as an occupying power,
as outlined in the Fourth Geneva Convention. The Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits individual or massforced transfer, as well as deportations of protected persons from the occupied territory to the territory of theoccupying power or any other country.
In addition, Israel has unilaterally and illegally expanded the municipal boundaries of Arab East Jerusalem
from the original 6.5 square kilometers before the 1967 occupation to 72 square kilometers. Of this expanded
area, 35% of the 72 square kilometers (25 square kilometers) has been expropriated by Israel for settlements
and settlement expansion, 30% (21.7 squares kilometers) is unplanned area where no construction is allowed,
22% (16 squares kilometers) is defined by Israel as “Green areas,” where no construction is allowed, whichleaves only 13% of the land (9.3 squares kilometers) for use of the indigenous Palestinian population of
303,000. These policies, especially the continued expansion of illegal settlements in and around occupied East
Jerusalem, have resulted in increasing the number of Israeli settlers from negligible figures to nearly 200,000
today.

Demolition of Palestinian Homes
The demolition of Palestinian homes in occupied East Jerusalem by the Israeli authorities has persisted since1967. The main purpose of the house demolition policy is to dispossess Palestinian families from East Jerusalem
and change the nature of the city. Estimates indicate that more than 3,300 homes have been demolished since
1967, including several historic and religious sites such as the historic Moroccan Quarter in the Old City.
According to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, Israel demolished 499 homes in the past six years
alone, amounting to 15% of the total number of home demolitions since 1967.

Impact of Israeli Military Closure and the Wall around Jerusalem
On average, one million tourists from around the world come to visit occupied East Jerusalem every year; yet,the only group forbidden to enter the Holy City are the Palestinians living in the rest of the OPT. The Israeli
military closure has continued to obstruct the ability of Palestinians to enter occupied East Jerusalem and has
worsened since the closure was made permanent in March 1993.
With the ongoing illegal construction of the Wall in and around occupied East Jerusalem, Palestinian access toand the ability to live in Jerusalem are continually eroded and have become increasingly difficult. Thus, theclosure and the Wall have become a de facto (albeit illegal and unrecognized) unilaterally imposed “border.”38 ACRI report, May 2010

35

This Wall, most of which has been completed around occupied East Jerusalem, is being used to consolidate
and expand Israel’s hold on Palestinian land in order to facilitate further settlement expansion. It also serves tophysically and functionally sever the northern and southern West Bank.
“We saw how the separation barrier cuts right through the Palestinian neighborhoods, dividing
communities, families, friends. The wall is not only making it harder for people in those neighborhoods
to live normally, to visit or do business with their family and friends on the other side. It is disrupting
Palestinian contiguity, making a viable Palestinian state increasingly hard to imagine.”39 Mary
Robinson following 2010 visit to the OPT
One of the immediate implications of Israel’s policy was and remains the prevention of three million Christianand Muslim Palestinians from accessing their holy sites and places of prayer located in occupied East Jerusalem.
Moreover, the closure and the Wall have also disconnected up to 70,000 Palestinian residents of Jerusalem
from their city as they are left outside the Wall. Consequently, the closure and the Wall severely limit trade andcommerce in, through and around occupied East Jerusalem, the traditional Palestinian economic center. Lastly,
it has severed social connections and the social fabric of life of Palestinians who live on both sides of the Wall.
The US State Department’s Report on International Religious Freedom for 2010 recognized that the constructionof the Wall has “significantly impeded Bethlehem residents from reaching the Church of the Holy Sepulcher inJerusalem and [has] made visits to Christian sites in Bethany and Bethlehem difficult for Palestinians who liveon the Jerusalem side of the barrier”. The report also said that the portions of the Wall and the checkpoints thatprevent access to Jerusalem also impede “the movement of clergy between Jerusalem and West Bank churches
and monasteries, as well as the movement of congregations between their homes and places of worship”40.
Israel has sought to impose its cultural and religious exclusivity on occupied East Jerusalem, in flagrant violationof international law and its obligations as an occupying power. In contrast, the PLO has maintained that while
East Jerusalem is an integral part of the OPT and must be the capital of the State of Palestine.
The PLO vision is of Jerusalem as a shared city and the capital of two states and joins the three monolithic
religions. The Palestinian vision on Jerusalem is rooted in the deep historical, political, cultural, social, religious
and economic ties of the Palestinian people with the occupied City. The Palestinian position on Jerusalem isalso based on the relevant provisions of international law and UN Security Council Resolutions as well as
the principles of the Madrid Peace Conference and inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force inaddition to the Arab Peace Initiative.
Israel’s policies and practices in occupied East Jerusalem seek to eliminate the prospects for the two-statesolution. By carving out occupied East Jerusalem from the OPT and severing it from its natural and historicalsurrounding, Israel disconnects the northern occupied West Bank from its south and makes the prospects of a
viable, contiguous, and sovereign Palestinian state unviable.
Any political settlement over the future of Jerusalem must incorporate both Palestinians’ basic rights and theirnational aspirations of having East Jerusalem as the capital of the Palestinian state. Without Jerusalem, neither a
two state solution nor peace in the Middle East will be attainable. The State of Palestine, which is a prerequisite
to peace and stability in the region, cannot be established without East Jerusalem as its capital. This is a fact,dictated by practical needs, international law, and the will of the international community. But to preserve thisinternational agenda, Israel’s destructive policies must be stopped.

39 http://www.theelders.org/middle-east/blogs/elders/jerusalem-heart-problem-%E2%80%93-and-solution
40 http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2010/148825.htm

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Recognizing Palestine A n I n v e s t m e n t i n P e a c e‫‪36‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﲡﻌﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‬‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬‫ﻭﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‪.‬‬‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ‬‫ﺻﺒﻐﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬‫ﻣﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺗﺌﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺆﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﻀﻢ ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬‫ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﻭﲡﻤﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‬‫ﻣﺘﺠﺬ ﹼﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺍﺻﺮ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﲤﺘ ﹼﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ‬‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪،‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ‪،‬‬‫ﻭﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻳﺪ‬‫ﻟﻠﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻬﺎ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ‬‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺛﻴﻖ ﺣﺠﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻳﺔ‬‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ‬‫ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ‬‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ‬‫ﻋﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻦ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‬‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ‬‫ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‬‫ﺳﻼﻡ‬‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬‫ﹲ‬‫ﹲ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺣﻞﹼ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﲤﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‬‫ﻭﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺤﻔﺎﻅ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻼﻡ‪،‬‬‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﺍﳌﺪﻣﺮﺓ‪.‬‬‫‪© ccdprj‬‬‫‪35‬‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻟﻺﺣﺼﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻫﺪﻣﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ‪ 499‬ﻣﻨﺰﻻ ﹰ‬‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ‪ 15%‬ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﻫﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.1967‬‬‫ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺨﻠﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺼﺮﻱ ﺣﻮﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻟﻪ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﺋﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﲢﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ‬‫ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻳﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻭﺩﺧﻮﻟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺷﺪﺩﺕ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﺣﻮﻟﺘﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ‪/‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪.1993‬‬‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻼﺷﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻭﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﺗﻠﻔﻬﺎ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﺭ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﻤﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﲔ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺤﻈﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ( ﻳﺸﻜﻼﻥ ”ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ“ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺿﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻛﻤﻠﺖ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺋﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺴﻬﻢ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺘﲔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫”ﻟﻘﺪ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺨﺘﺮﻕ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻳﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻻ‬‫ﻳﺤﺪ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﲡﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺎﺋﻼﺗﻬﻢ‬‫ﻭﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻻﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻫﻮ ﻳﻌﻄﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ‬‫ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﹰ ﺻﻌﺒﺎ ﹰ‪ “.‬ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﻨﺴﻮﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪2010‬‬‫ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ‬‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻭﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﺔ ﻭﻛﻨﺎﺋﺴﻬﻢ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻀﻼ ﹰ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 70,000‬ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻬﻢ‬‫ﻷﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻘﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﺖ ﺗﻘﻊ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﺔ ﻭﻋﺴﻴﺮﺓ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ – ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ – ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‬‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻳﺾ ﻧﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻄﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻲ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ‪.‬‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2010‬ﺃﻗﺮﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ”ﺃﻋﺎﻕ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺖ ﳊﻢ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻨﻴﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ]ﻗﺪ[ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﻴﺤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺰﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺑﻴﺖ ﳊﻢ ﺻﻌﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‬‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ“‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻗﻞ‬‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ”ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﲔ ﻛﻨﺎﺋﺲ ﻭﺃﺩﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ]ﺑﺎﻗﻲ[ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﺎﺋﺲ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻟﻬﻢ ﻭﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ“‪.‬‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻﺕ‬‫ﺍﳊﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﻋﺰﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻬﺎ‬‫‪34‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1980‬ﺗﺒﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺿﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻻﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﻌﺘﺮﻑ‬‫ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻀﻢ‪ ،‬ﲤﺎﺷﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻣﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ )‪ (478‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺭﻓﺾ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ‬‫ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺭﻓﺾ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻀﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﺺ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ”ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ‬‫ﺍﻻﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﻄﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺪﻋﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﺑﻊ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰎ ﺗﺒﻨﻴﻪ ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻻﻏﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﻃﻠﺔ“‪.‬‬‫ﺳﺤﺐ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻨﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1967‬ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺿﻊ‬‫”ﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻤﲔ“ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﺃﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ‬‫ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﹰ ﻟﻠﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺳﺤﺒﻪ ﻭﺇﻟﻐﺎﺅﻩ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻏﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﺳﻜﻨﻮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺳﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ 14,000‬ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﻫﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 1967‬ﻭ‪ ،2009‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺷﻤﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ‪ 20%‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺤﺒﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ‪ 4,577‬ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﻫﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻤﺘﺪﺓ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ 2006‬ﻭ‪ 2008‬ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ – ﻭﻫﻮ‬‫‪37‬‬‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓﹰ ﺗﻘﺪﺭ ﺑـ‪ 50%‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻟﺒﻄﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﻴﲔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﺗﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺳﺤﺐ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬‫ﺑﺼﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﻟﻸﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﶈﻤﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻔﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬‫ﻣﺎ ﻓﺘﺄﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺨﻄﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ‬‫ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﻤﲔ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺮﺳﻴﺨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1967‬ﻭﺳﻌﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ‬‫ﻣﺮﺑﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﻮﻏﻠﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ‪ 6.5‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻊ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 72‬ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﹰﺍ‬‫ﹰ‬‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪ 35%‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﺧﺼﺼﺘﻬﺎ ﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬‫ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻨﺖ ﻋﻦ ‪ 30%‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﲟﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺩﺕ ‪ 22%‬ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ”ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺧﻀﺮﺍﺀ“‪،‬‬‫ﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ‪ 13%‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬‫ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﻢ ‪ .303،000‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﲤﺨﺾ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1967‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ‪ 200,000‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ‪.‬‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻫﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺯﻝ‬‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1967‬ﻭﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻫﺪﻡ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻫﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻓﻲ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﻷﺳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﻃﺎﺑﻌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ‪ 3,300‬ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‬‫ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﻴﲔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1967‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻛﺤﻲ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﻓﻲ‬‫‪ 37‬ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﺭ‪/‬ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ‪.2010‬‬

‫‪33‬‬‫”ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻀﻤﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻯ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺊ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺣﻮﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﺰﻣﺔ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺊ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ“ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‬‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪2004 ،‬‬‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺃﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬‫ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻬﺠﺔ ﻭﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺺ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﻧﻘﻠﻬﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﺠﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ﹰ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺎ ﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻼﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺒﻖ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻗﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ )‪ (242‬ﻭ)‪ (252‬ﻭ)‪ (478‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬‫ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻨﺎﻓﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‬‫ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮﺀ ﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬‫ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪:‬‬
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‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﲢﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ )‪ (147‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺗﺪﻣﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳑﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻤﻴﲔ ﲢﺖ ﺑﻨﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻻ ﺗﺒﺮﺭﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﻪ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬‫ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺴﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﲢﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ )‪ (49‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﻳﺤﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺮﻱ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻱ ﻟﻸﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﶈﻤﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻔﻴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬‫ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺘﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺤﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻳﺎ ﹰ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﻭﺍﻋﻴﻪ‪.‬‬‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﲢﺮﻡ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ )‪ (49‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﺣﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺟﺰ ﹰﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﺘﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﺗﻨﺺ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ )‪ (53‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ”ﻳﺤﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﻣﺮ ﺃﻱ ﳑﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺛﺎﺑﺘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﻣﻴﺮ‪“.‬‬‫‪ ...‬ﺇﻻ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﹰ‬‫ﻭﻓﻀﻼ ﹰ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻔﺬﻫﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬‫)ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ(‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻚ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪:‬‬
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‫ﺍﳊﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻥ ﲤﻴﻴﺰ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(7‬‬‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺠﺰﻫﻢ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻔﻴﻬﻢ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﹰ ﺎ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(9‬‬‫ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪﻫﻢ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(13‬‬‫ﲡﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﻼﻛﻬﻢ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﹰ ﺎ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(17‬‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(18‬‬‫”ﺳﻮﻑ ﻧﹸﺪﺧﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎ ﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎ ﹰ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ‪ 25‬ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﹰ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻱ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻬﺎ‪ 35“.‬ﺃﺭﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﻟﻮﻧﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﺮﺗﺸﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1973‬‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1967‬ﻭﺍﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺿﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻭﻧﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺻﺮﺣﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﹰﺍ ﻭﺑﻼ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺑﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﻔﺬﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺮﻯ ﺍﻹﻓﺼﺎﺡ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺻﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ .1973‬ﻭﺟﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺮﺝ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ”ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.36“1972‬‬‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻳﺘﻮﺯﻉ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪ 73.5%‬ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻭ‪ 26.5%‬ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪http://blog.icahd.org/2007/10/quoting-ariel-sharon.html 35‬‬‫‪ 36‬ﳉﻨﺔ ﻏﺎﻓﻨﻲ )‪” ،(Gafni Committee‬ﻫﺂﺭﺗﺲ“‪ 9 ،‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،2002‬ﺟﻴﺪﻋﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﻔﻲ )‪.(Gideon Levy‬‬‫‪32‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫«‪– qBH«Ë ‰eF‬‬‫‪qOz«dÝ« UÝUOÝ‬‬‫‪”bI« w‬‬‫«;‪WK²‬‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﲟﻜﻮﻧﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ‬‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﻫﻤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﺟﻨﻮﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ‬‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺃﺻﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﺪﺓ‬‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪31‬‬‫ﺧﻄﺔ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1947‬‬‫‪ %44‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 1967‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺒﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻡ‪.‬ﺕ‪.‬ﻑ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪(1988‬‬‫‪ %22‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬‫‪30‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫اﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻼم ‪. . .‬‬‫‪ %100‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺡ ﳉﻨﺔ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1937‬‬‫‪ %88‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬‫‪29‬‬‫‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻪ اﺳﺮاﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷرض ﺑﺼﻮرة أﺣﺎدﻳﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬‫‪ :2008‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ‬‫‪ %12‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬‫‪28‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺒﺘﻠﻊ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ 45.5‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺍﳌﺴﻜﻦ‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ 500,000‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎ ﹰ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺗﻬﺪﺩ ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﻳﹼﺪ‬‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻭﺗﻬﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‬‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﺗﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﻳﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ‬‫‪ 242‬ﻭ‪ 383‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻜﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ‬‫ﺍﻧﺴﺤﺎﺏ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1967‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ‪.‬‬‫”ﻧﺮﻓﺾ ﺑﺄﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ‬‫ﺃﺿﻌﻔﺖ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1967‬ﺃﻣﻦ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﻭﻗﻮﺿﺖ ﺍﻵﻣﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺘﻬﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‬‫ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ‬‫ﻭﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ“‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ ﻟﻠﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﺮ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ‬‫ﺭﺍﻳﺲ ﻓﻲ ‪ 18‬ﺷﺒﺎﻁ‪/‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍﻳﺮ ‪2011‬‬‫ﺗﻬﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺘﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﺿﻢ ﻟﻸﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻟﻴﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‬‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1967‬ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ‬‫ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻠﺤﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻳﹸﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻌﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﹸﻌﻄﻰ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻮﻯ‪.‬‬‫‪© ccdprj‬‬27

‫‪26‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺟﺰﹼﺃ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‬‫ﻭﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺃﺭﺍﺿﻴﻬﻢ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﳊﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫”ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﲡﻤﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ )ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ‬‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ( ﺗﻨﺎﺳﻘﺎ ﹼﻣﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻴﺘﺸﻞ“‪ 32.‬ﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺀﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﺪ ﳌﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ‬‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻨﺘﻬﻚ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ﹰ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﺘﻬﺎ‬‫ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﰎ ﹼ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻻﺣﻘﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 1515‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬‫ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﻀﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﺻﻐﺎﺀ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻜﺮﺭﺓ ﻟﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ‬‫ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬‫”‪ ...‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻄﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‬‫ﻋﻘﺒﺔ ﻛﺒﺮﻯ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﻞ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺩﺍﺋﻢ‬‫ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ“‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ ﻟﻠﺒﺮﺍﺯﻳﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﻳﺒﻴﺮﻭ ﻓﻲ ‪18‬‬‫ﺷﺒﺎﻁ‪/‬ﻓﺒﺮﺍﻳﺮ ‪ 2011‬ﻓﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‬‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺶ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺭ‬‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﻝ ‪ 200‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺃﺟﺮﺗﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻵﻥ‬‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺗﻨﻘﻼﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ‬‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺍﳌﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻰ ﺍﺧﺮ‬‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪33.‬‬‫ﻭﻳﹸﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
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‫ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1993‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪250,000‬‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 500,000‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.2001‬‬‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،2000‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ‬‫ﺑﲔ ‪ 5‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻭ ‪ 5.7‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪34.‬‬‫ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻓﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﻌﺸﺮﺓ ﺃﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ‪:‬‬‫• ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺔ ﺑﻴﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻴﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ‪ 12,000‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎ ﹰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1999‬‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 34,999‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎ ﹰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.2009‬‬‫• ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻴﻔﻌﺎﺕ ﺯﺋﻴﻒ ﻣﻦ ‪ 13,000‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 46,245‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎ ﹰ‪.‬‬‫‪ 32‬ﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﲤﻮﺯ‪/‬ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ ‪(2003‬‬‫‪http://peacenow.org.il/eng/content/peace-now-research-reveals-settlers-freeloading-your-expense 33‬‬‫‪http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=170595 34‬‬

‫‪25‬‬‫ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ‬‫‪2010‬‬‫‪2009‬‬‫‪2008‬‬‫‪2007‬‬‫‪2006‬‬‫‪2005‬‬‫‪2004‬‬‫‪2003‬‬‫‪505,700‬‬‫‪495,700‬‬‫‪485,813‬‬‫‪468,538‬‬‫‪451,107‬‬‫‪433,963‬‬‫‪419,983‬‬‫‪405,561‬‬‫‪391,145‬‬‫‪377,614‬‬‫‪357,436‬‬‫‪2002‬‬‫‪2001‬‬‫‪2000‬‬‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﺓ ﺃﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‬‫‪2010‬‬‫‪2009‬‬‫‪2008‬‬‫‪2007‬‬‫‪2006‬‬‫‪2005‬‬‫‪2004‬‬‫‪2003‬‬‫‪2002‬‬‫‪2001‬‬‫‪2000‬‬‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﻣﺪﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺃﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬‫‪ 1993‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 242‬ﻭ‪.338‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﺎﳉﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﰎ ﹼ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻻﺣﻘﺎ ﹰ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺟﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺣﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺗﻐﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫”ﻟﻦ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺃﻱ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺪﺀ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺧﻄﻮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ“‪ 31.‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ (7)31‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻟﻼﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺒﻨﻲ‬‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺳﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪،‬‬‫ﻭﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ )ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،(2005‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪ 31‬ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﻔﺮ )‪ 23‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺃﻭﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ (1998‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،5‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﲢﺘﻮﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 10‬ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻣﺎ ﹰ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪24‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﻢ ﻟﻸﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺪﻣﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪،‬‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ‪.‬‬‫ﻓﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪ ،1981‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺧﻄﺔ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ”ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺍ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺎﻣﺮﺓ – ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﻣﺨﻄﻄﺎﺕ“ ﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﺘﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺩﺭﻭﺑﻠﺰ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬‫ﻗﺪﻣﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﺑﻠﺰ ﺑﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺎ ﹰ ﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪:‬‬‫”ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﺃﺩﻧﻰ ﺷﻚ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻧﻴﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﺍ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺎﻣﺮﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻻ ﻓﺈﻥ‬‫ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ )ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﲔ( ﻗﺪ ﻳﺼﻴﺒﻬﻢ ﻗﻠﻘﺎ ﹰ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﺍ ﹰ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﺬﻝ‬‫ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻜﺮﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻜﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻠﻰ‬‫ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻹﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺫﺭﺓ ﺷﻚ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻧﻴﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﺍ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺎﻣﺮﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺑﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ‬‫ﻭﺗﻴﺮﺓ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ“‪29.‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ”ﻳﻘﻠﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺩﻧﻰ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ‬‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ( ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬‫ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ“‪30.‬‬‫ﻣﺮ ﹼ ﺛﻼﺛﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺣﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺾ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪.‬‬‫‪© ccdprj‬‬‫‪http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/B795B2D7FE86DA4885256B5A00666D70 29‬‬‫‪http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/B795B2D7FE86DA4885256B5A00666D70 30‬‬

‫‪23‬‬‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﻘﺎﺵ ﺇﺫ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮﻫﺎ‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺔ ﻟﻸﻋﺮﺍﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﹼ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰎ ًّ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺕ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 904‬ﻭ‪ 471‬ﻭ‪ 465‬ﻭ‪ 452‬ﻭ‪ 446‬ﻭ‪ 252‬ﻭ‪ 267‬ﻭ‪ 271‬ﻭ‪ 478‬ﻭ‪.672‬‬‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎ ﹰ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﺎ ﹰ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ﹰ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﺍ ﹰ‬‫ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪.1949‬‬‫”ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﺣﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺟﺰﺀﺍ ﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﲢﺘﻠﻬﺎ“‪ 25.‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،49‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‬‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻓﻲ ‪ 9‬ﲤﻮﺯ‪/‬ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ ‪ ،2004‬ﻗﺮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‬‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﻭﺑﻨﻴﺔ ﲢﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﻃﺮﻗﺎﺕ ﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﻝ‬‫ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻹﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﻗﻮﺓ‬‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﺭﺕ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ”ﻳﻌﻴﻖ ﺑﺸﺪﺓ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬‫ﺣﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺧﺮﻕ ﻹﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻖ‪ 26“،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺭﺃﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻻﻣﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻭﻗﻒ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺗﻖ‬‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪.‬‬‫”‪ ...‬ﺗﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺊ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪ ...‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻷﻱ ﻋﺎﺋﻖ ﻧﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﳝﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ‬‫ﺣﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‬‫ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ‪ 12‬ﺁﺏ‪/‬ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪،1949‬‬‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺘﺜﺎﻝ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ“‪ 27.‬ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ‪2004‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ‬‫ﲟﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺿﻢ ﻟﻸﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﺇﺫ ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ‪ ...” :‬ﻳﺨﻠﻖ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ ”ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﹰ ﻻ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻟﻪ“ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺿﻌﺎ ﹰ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ‬‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﲟﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺿﻢ ﻟﻸﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ“‪28.‬‬‫‪http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/385ec082b509e76c41256739003e636d/6756482d86146898c125641e004aa3c5 25‬‬‫‪http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf 26‬‬‫‪ 27‬ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ‪http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf .2004‬‬‫‪ 28‬ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ‪http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf .2004‬‬

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‫ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ‬‫ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺔ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1967‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻧﻔﺲ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻬﻤﻜﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ‬‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎ ﹰ ﺣﺎﺩﺍ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪﺩ‬‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﻣﻦ ‪ 500024‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1968‬ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ 500,000‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎ ﹰ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.‬‬‫‪http://www.passia.org/palestine_facts/pdf/pdf2006/6-Land-Settlements.pdf 24‬‬

‫‪21‬‬‫ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ‪،‬‬‫ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﻭﺇﺫ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺑﺮﻟﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻤﻪ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ‬‫ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ“‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ 9 ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﺩﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ‪2009‬‬‫•‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻳﻮﻡ ‪ 23‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﺩﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،2010‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺃﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬‫ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪،‬‬‫”ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﲤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺑﻜﺮﺍﻣﺔ“‪ 21.‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺃﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ‬‫ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺤﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺰﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﳊﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ‪” ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﻮﺩ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻣﺔ ﳝﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺼﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ – ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ‬‫ﺑﺴﻼﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ“‪22.‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ”ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻬﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ“ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻃﻠﻘﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ 2009‬ﻭﰎ ﹼ‬‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺤﻠﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ‪/‬ﺃﺑﺮﻳﻞ ‪ ،2011‬ﺷﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ‬‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﻫﺰﺓ ﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ‬‫ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ‬‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ”ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﺤﺘﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻳﺔ‬‫ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ“‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺷ ﹼﺒﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻴﺎﺽ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑـ‬‫”ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻴﻼﺩ“ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﲤﻮﺯ‪/‬ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ ‪ ،2011‬ﺣﺬﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﻖ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ‬‫ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻟﻸﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻐﺒﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺄﺯﻕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‬‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ‬‫ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺡ ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺮﻱ‪:‬‬‫”ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﻳﻐﻴﺐ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﻴﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﺍﳉﺎﺛﻢ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‬‫ﻭﻣﻜﺘﺒﻨﺎ ﻭﺃﻳﻀﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﻖ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﳌﺴﺒﻮﻗﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻹﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻔﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﺓ ﻟﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ“‪23.‬‬‫ﻣﺮ ﹼ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻻﺩﺓ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻣﺮ ﹼ ﻋﺸﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪،‬‬‫ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﻪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺪﺍ ﹰ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻘﺎ ﹰ‪.‬‬‫‪http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2010/09/23/president-un-general-assembly-we-can-say-time-will-be-different 21‬‬‫‪http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2010/09/23/president-un-general-assembly-we-can-say-time-will-be-different 22‬‬‫‪http://domino.un.org/unispal.nsf/e872be638a09135185256ed100546ae4/8a3327daf7ca49c3852578db004e04ad?OpenDocument 23‬‬

‫‪20‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻫﻮ ﺣﻖ ”ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺮﻑ“ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ”ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ“‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 2672‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ‬‫ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻫﻮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ‬‫ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻼﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺩﺍﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﺯﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬‫ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2004‬ﺃﻭﺿﺤﺖ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﻘﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﻋﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﺑﺒﺬﻝ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ‬‫ﺍﳊﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻛﺪﺍ ﹰ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳊﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺃﺟﻞ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪.‬‬‫”ﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﻗﻀﻴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺪﻋﻢ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1967‬‬‫ﻭﻋﺎﺻﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ“‪ .‬ﻭﻭ ﺳﻴﻜﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺒﻌﻮﺙ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﲔ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪18‬‬‫ﻭﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﺴﺠﻢ‬‫ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ﹰ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻮﻫﺮ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪242‬‬‫ﻭ‪ .338‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﹼ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻻ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺘﲔ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺘﲔ‪:‬‬‫•‬‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 8‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪ ،2009‬ﺗﺒﻨﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 1860‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ”ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺘﺎﻥ‬‫ﻫﻤﺎ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺐ ﺑﺴﻼﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﻨﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ‬‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺧﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ (2008) 1850‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ“‪19.‬‬‫•‬‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 19‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ‪/‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ،2009‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺳﻜﻮ ﻭﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪” .‬ﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‬‫ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻏﺰﺓ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻓﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺼﺐ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻭﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ“‪20.‬‬‫•‬‫ﻓﻲ ‪ 9‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﺩﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،2009‬ﺃﻛﺪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺎﺟﺔ‬‫ﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷ ﹼﺪﺩ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫”ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﻑ ﻋﺎﺟﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺿﻤﻦ‬‫ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‬‫ﻭﺩﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﺍﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺐ ﺑﺄﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﻼﻡ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﻭﻟﻼﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻣﺪﺭﻳﺪ‬‫‪http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-08/27/c_131077668.htm 18‬‬‫‪http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/204/32/PDF/N0920432.pdf?OpenElement 19‬‬‫‪http://unispal.un.org/UNISPAL.NSF/0/409607B6476A9116852576EB004854B6 20‬‬

‫‪19‬‬‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﻘﺘﺮﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1988‬ﺃﻋﻠﻨﺖ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) 1967‬ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ(‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻬﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻻ ﹰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺎ ﹰ‬‫ﻭﻣﺆﳌﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﺤﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻠﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 22‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ‪..‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﻳﻦ ‪ 242‬ﻭ‪ 338‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺬﺍﻥ ﻳﺆﻛﺪﺍﻥ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﻭﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺭﺩﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻨﺖ ﻭﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻧﺐ‪.‬‬‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﺮ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭﺁﻣﻨﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﲡﺎﻩ‬‫ﺍﳌﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺮﻑ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻗﺮﺕ ﻭﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬‫ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺣﻘﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻻﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻣﺠﺎﻻ ﹰ ﻟﻠﺸﻚ ﺑﺄﻥ‬‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬‫”ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ‬‫ﻟﻠﺸﻌﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﻛﻠﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ‬‫ﺍﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ ‪“...‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ‪) 2625‬ﺩ‪(-25‬‬‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺣﻖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺨﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻻﻣﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﲢﺘﺮﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﹼ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻛﺤﻖ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﺺ‬‫ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2004‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ”ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﺧﻠﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﺗﺘﻠﺨﺺ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ“‪ 15.‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺗﻴﻤﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1995‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺻﻔﺖ ”ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ‬‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺜﻘﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻭﻋﻦ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ“ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ ”ﺧﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺷﺎﺋﺒﺔ“ ﻭﺃﻧﻬﺎ ”ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺗﺘﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ“‪16.‬‬‫ﻭﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻲ ”ﻳﻘﺮﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺿﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻳﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻲ“‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻨﺺ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮﻕ‬‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺣﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﲢﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺛﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬‫”ﺳﻮﻑ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ – ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺷﻌﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ“‪ .‬ﺩﳝﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻓﻴﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩﻳﺔ ‪17‬‬‫ﻭﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﺲ ﺍﳊﻖ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﻄﻮﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﺲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻭﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﻮﺓ‬‫ﺭﺍﺳﺨﺔ ﺍﳉﺬﻭﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 3236‬ﻭ‪ 2649‬ﻭ‪ 455/65‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ‬‫‪ 15‬ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ‪http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf ،2004‬‬‫‪ 16‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.‬‬‫‪http://en.rian.ru/russia/20110118/162195319.html 17‬‬

‫‪18‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫«*‪WOËR‬‬‫«‪ÁU& WOËb‬‬‫‪5DK WOC‬‬‫ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﻷﻃﻮﻝ‬‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪29‬‬‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ ‪ .1947‬ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪،‬‬‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ‬‫‪) 181‬ﺩ‪ (-2‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰎ ﹼ ﲟﻮﺟﺒﻪ ﻭﻟﻠﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺃﺭﺽ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ‪) 181‬ﺩ‪ ،(-2‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪،‬‬‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺎﻧﻰ ﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﺠﻴﺮ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﺎﻓﺢ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺣﻘﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬‫ﻟﻠﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻴﺮ ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‬‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‬‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻀﻮﺍ ﹰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪.‬‬‫‪17‬‬‫ﻭﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺷﻬﺮ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻗﻠﺖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ ﺑﲔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻨﺘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﻓﻀﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬‫ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻓﺾ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1967‬ﻛﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺺ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 242‬ﻭ‪ 338‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪.‬‬‫‪16‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 1515‬ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2003‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺃﻧﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻲ ‪ 27‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﺒﺮ ‪ .2007‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪:‬‬‫‪ o‬ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﺁﻧﻔﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ ”ﲡﻤﻴﺪ‬‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﲤﺎﺷﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﻣﻴﺘﺸﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .“2001‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ ”ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ‪/‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ .“2001‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻄﺎﻳﻨﺔ‪12‬‬‫ﺍﳌﺌﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻣﺔ‪ 13‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ‪ 58‬ﺑﺆﺭﺓ ﺇﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ‪/‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪.2001‬‬‫ﺗﻘﻮﺽ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ‪ :‬ﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻳﺔ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ‬‫‪ o‬ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﹼ‬‫ﺗﻘﻮﺽ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ”ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﻭ‪/‬ﺃﻭ ﻫﺪﻡ‬‫ﺃﻥ ﹼ‬‫ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻴﺔ ﻛﺈﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﻣﻴﺮ‬‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ“‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺘﻠﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﺮﺣﺖ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﳕﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻬﺪﻡ ‪ 450‬ﻣﻨﺰﻻ ﹰ‬‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.2003‬‬‫ﻭﻓﻲ ‪ 21‬ﺁﺏ‪/‬ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪ ،2011‬ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺻﻼﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬‫ﺧﻂ ﺳﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﳋﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺳﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺒﺪﺃ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺔ ﻛﻴﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﻮﻓﺌﻴﻞ‬‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﻭﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺟﺮﺍﺡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﹼ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺔ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺃﺭﺍﺽ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺔ ﺗﻌﺰﻝ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﺀ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﳋﻔﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻓﺰﺍ ﹰ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻟﻺﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ ﻛﻲ‬‫ﻳﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﻮﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺮﺳﺦ ﺍﻹﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪ o‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ‪ 8‬ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻏﻠﻘﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺏ‪/‬ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪.2001‬‬‫”ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ‪ ...‬ﻻ ﺃﺅﻣﻦ ﺑﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ“‪ 14.‬ﺩﺍﻧﻲ‬‫ﺩﺍﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺏ‪/‬ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪2011‬‬‫‪ o‬ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﲔ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ”ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎ ﹰ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺎ ﹰ ﻻ ﻟﺒﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻴﺔ ”ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺫﺍﺕ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﺑﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺃﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻊ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ“‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ ﻗﺒﻠﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﻳﻬﻮﺩ ﺃﻭﳌﺮﺕ‬‫ﻭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺳﻠﻔﻪ ﺃﺭﻳﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻘﻢ ﺃﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ”ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎﺓ‬‫ﻭﺫﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ“‪.‬‬‫‪ 12‬ﻻ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺯﺍﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﹰ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﻗﺼﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﰎ ﹼ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‪.‬‬‫‪ 13‬ﻻ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺯﺍﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ﹰ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﻗﺼﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ‬‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﻗﺘﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪.‬‬‫‪http://english.aljazeera.net/programmes/talktojazeera/2011/08/201185103022120129.html 14‬‬‫‪15‬‬‫ﺭﻓﺢ‪) ،‬ﺏ( ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪) ،‬ﺕ( ﺍﳌﻤﺮ ﺍﻵﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪) ،‬ﺙ( ﺍﳌﻴﻨﺎﺀ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪) ،‬ﺝ( ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﺒﻌﻪ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪) ،‬ﺡ( ﺍﳌﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪.‬‬‫ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻓﺸﻞ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺰﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻮﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ‪:‬‬‫•‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﻄﻊ ﳌﻌﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2005‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﳌﻌﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺑﻂ‬‫ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﲟﺼﺮ ﻣﻐﻠﻘﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻌﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻌﺜﺔ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳌﻜﻠﻔﺔ‬‫ﻗﻮﺿﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺑﺎﻹﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﺪ ﹼ‬‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﻓﺘﺢ ”ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺢ ﲟﺠﺮﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺟﺎﻫﺰﺍ ﹰ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ‬‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﹰﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ‪ ...‬ﻭﲟﺠﺮﺩ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ“‪.‬‬‫•‬‫ﻓﻲ ﻏﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺇﻏﻼﻗﻬﺎ ﺍﶈﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺑﺮﻣﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻗﺒﻞ‬‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .2006‬ﻭﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﺪﺍ ﹰ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻏﺰﺓ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻔﺮﺽ ﺣﻈﺮﺍ ﹰ ﺗﺎﻣﺎ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﻔﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﺤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻚ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ‬‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﲔ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ”ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ“‪.‬‬‫•‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﹰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻟﻐﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺵ ﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻛﻲ ”ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﲟﺮﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﻓﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺎﻓﻼﺕ ﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺧﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﻭﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ“ ﺑﲔ‬‫ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ“‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻮﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻓﻞ ﺣﺎﻓﻼﺕ ﺑﲔ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫•‬‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔﻊ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ ﻭﺍﳊﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﺍﻻﺳﻤﻨﺘﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﻖ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﳑﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺗﻨﻘﻠﻬﻢ ﺧﻼﻓﺎ ﹰ ﳌﺎ ﺗﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ‬‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ”ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﻖ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ )ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ( ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬‫ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻄﺔ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﻖ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺣﺪ ﳑﻜﻦ“‪ .‬ﻭﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪،‬‬‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﹰﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪/‬ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮ ‪ ،2010‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ‪ 504‬ﻋﺎﺋﻘﺎ ﹰ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ – ‪ 34‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ‪.‬‬‫•‬‫ﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍﹰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻀﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻄﺎﺭ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺀ‬‫ﻏﺰﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﻓﻀﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﺪﱘ ﺍﻟﻀﻤﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﶈﺘﻤﻠﲔ‪.‬‬‫ﺣﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2003‬ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺣﺖ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﻮﻧﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺭﻭﺳﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ‬‫ﻭﺍﻷﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ”ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬‫ﺧﻄﻮﺍﺕ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﲢﺖ‬‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ “.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﻸﱈ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ‬‫‪© ccdprj‬‬‫‪14‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ‬‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﲤﺎﻣﺎ ﹰ ﳑﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﺘﻪ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺗﺨﺬﺕ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻛﻲ ﺗﻘﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬‫‪10‬‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﺝ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﺍﻭﻻ ﹰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻏﺰﺓ‪-‬ﺃﺭﻳﺤﺎ ﺃﻭﻻ ﹰ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1994‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ ﰎ‬‫ﺇﺩﺭﺍﺝ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻹﻧﻬﺎﺀ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺧﺎﺭﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪.2003‬‬‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﺕ ﻟﻘﺘﻞ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﺣﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﺮﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﲤﺠﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪،‬‬‫ﻭﺩﻋﻮﺍﺕ ﺃﻃﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﲢﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺣﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺗﺸﺮﻳﺪﻫﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻴﻬﻢ ﻭﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ‬‫ﺳﻜﻨﺎﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﳑﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﺍﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺟﺰ ﹰﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻻ ﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺌﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻓﲔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ‪ 20‬ﺁﺏ‪/‬‬‫ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ‪ ،2010‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺣﻲ ﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺷﺎﺱ‪ 11‬ﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﻋﻮﻓﺎﺩﻳﺎ ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻸ ﺃﻥ‪:‬‬‫”ﺃﺑﻮ ﻣﺎﺯﻥ ﻭﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻷﺷﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻬﻠﻜﻮﺍ ﻭﻳﺘﺮﻛﻮﺍ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ ... .‬ﺳﻮﻑ‬‫ﻳﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﷲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﻋﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ“‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻓﻲ ‪ 31‬ﺃﻳﺎﺭ‪/‬ﻣﺎﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﲔ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺣﺎﺧﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻗﺪ ﺣﺮﺿﻮ ﺿﺪ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﺷﻤﻮﺋﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻔﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺩﻋﺎ‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﺟﻴﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺃﺭﺍﺽ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻑ ﻟﻴﺌﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ﹰ ﻧﺸﻄﺎ ﹰ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ ﺿﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻳﺘﺴﺤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﺑﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﻳﺘﺴﺤﺎﻕ ﺷﺎﺑﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎ ﹰ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ”ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺓ ﻫﺎﻣﻴﻠﻴﺦ“ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺩﻋﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬‫ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ”ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺎﺭﺍﻑ“ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻷﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺐ ﻧﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬‫ﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻼ ﹰ‪” :‬ﺃﻧﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﻭﻭﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪“.‬‬‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1999‬ﰎ ﹼ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ”ﳉﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ“ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﻔﺮ ﲟﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﻗﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺪﻻﻉ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ .2000‬ﻭﺩﻋﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬‫ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺾ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻠﺘﺌﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ‬‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻚ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻊ ﻏﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2005‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺴﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻬﺪﻑ‬‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﺎﳉﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪) :‬ﺃ( ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬‫‪ 10‬ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺨﺬﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺟﺰ ﹰﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﺬﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺪﻳﻼ ﹰ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪.‬‬‫‪ 11‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺷﺎﺱ ﻃﺮﻓﺎ ﹰ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬‫‪13‬‬‫ﺿﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ”ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻐﻠﻘﺔ“ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬‫‪ .2003‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﻮﺩﺍ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻏﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻋﺪﺍ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬‫ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﲔ‪.‬‬‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺇﳕﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺕ ﻋﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ﹰ‬‫ﻟﻠﻤﺎﺩﺓ ‪ (2)1‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﺇﻟﻰ ”ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﻓﺎﻅ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ“‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ‬‫ﻣﻦ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﻤﺎ ”ﻳﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻛﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ“‪.‬‬‫ﺍﳌﻤﺮ ﺍﻵﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ‬‫ﺃﻛﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﻭﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﻐﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺼﺎﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻛﺪ‬‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺎﺗﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺑﺎﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﺑﻔﺘﺢ ﳑﺮ ﺁﻣﻦ ﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺰﺓ ﺑﺠﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺴﻴﻴﺮ‬‫”ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﻛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ“‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺃﻥ‬‫ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻤﺮ ﻃﺮﻗﺎ ﹰ ﲤﺮ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻟﻸﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻧﺼﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‬‫ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .1999‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﺮ ﺍﻵﻣﻦ ﻓﻲ ‪ 1‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ‬‫‪ 1999‬ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻤﺮ ﺍﻵﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺑﺮﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ‪ 30‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ .1999‬ﻭﻓﻲ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ ،1999‬ﺃﺑﺮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﺮ ﺍﻵﻣﻦ‬‫ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪)5‬ﺏ( ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﶈﺪﺩ‬‫ﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭ ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺤﻠﻮﻝ ‪ 5‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪.1999‬‬‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻣﻌﺒﺮ ﺁﻣﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ‬‫ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﳑﺮ ﺁﻣﻦ ﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ‬‫ﺍﳌﻤﺮ ﺍﻵﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﻤﺤﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻤﺮ ﺍﻵﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﳌﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ 1999‬ﻭﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،2000‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺧﻀﻌﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﰎ ﹼ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺣﺎﻓﻼﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻳﺮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺟﻨﻮﺩ‬‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﻻﻑ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﳌﻤﺮ ﺍﻵﻣﻦ‪.‬‬‫‪© ccdprj‬‬‫‪12‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬‫ﺍﻣﺘﻨﻌﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﺷﻴﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﲤﻨﺢ‬‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻏﺰﺓ‬‫ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻣﺎ ﹰ ﻭﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﺎ ﹰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﻤﺎ ﻣﺎ ﲤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ‬‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،2009‬ﰎ ﹼ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺄﺷﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺃﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫ﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﰎ ﹼ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻃﻠﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ‬‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﲢﺖ ﻃﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺿﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﻗﺎ ﹰ ﻓﺎﺿﺤﺎ ﹰ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﺤﻖ‬‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪© unrwa‬‬‫ﻭﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﳊﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺢ ﺗﺄﺷﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻧﺎﺱ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ‬‫ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﲤﻨﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﺭﻳﺢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻟﻸﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻳﺘﻢ ﲡﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ‪،‬‬‫ﻭﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﺭﻳﺢ ﳊﺎﻣﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﳝﻜﻦ ﳊﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺷﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﺯﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺓ ‪)1‬ﺩ( ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 9‬ﻟﻠﻤﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺺ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺤﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺪﺧﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﲔ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﻭﺭ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﺃﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬‫ﺗﺨﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 28‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﹼ‬‫ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﳉﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ – ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ‬‫‪ 2009‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ – ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻏﺰﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻜﻨﻮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ‪/‬ﺃﺑﺮﻳﻞ ‪ ،2010‬ﺗﺒﻨﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺎ ﹰ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﺭﻗﻢ ‪ 1860‬ﹸﻣﻨﺢ‬‫ﲟﻮﺟﺒﻪ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﺒﻮﻗﺔ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﻻﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺍﳌﺘﺴﻠﻠﲔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﺮﹼﻑ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬‫”ﺍﳌﺘﺴﻠﻠﲔ“ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﳝﻠﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺎﺭﻳﺢ ﺍﻟﻲ ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﻢ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﹸﻘ ﹼﺪﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ 80,000‬ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺔ‬‫ﻏﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﻭﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺒﻌﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺟﺰﺃﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫ﺻﻐﻴﺮﺓ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﻖ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴﺶ( ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻞ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻸﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬‫ﻭﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻼ ﹰ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻤﻠﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻬﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫‪11‬‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‬‫ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰎ ﹼ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﳉﺎﻥ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ‬‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﹼ‬‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﲡﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻟﻮ ﳌﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ‪ 15‬ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﹰ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻹﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬‫ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻛﺄﺳﺎﺱ ﻻﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﻑ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ ﺃﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﺗﺒﲔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﻣﺘﺜﺎﻝ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻌﺔ‪:‬‬‫‪ o‬ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،36‬ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ(‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺍﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﻭﻣﻐﻨﺎﻃﻴﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﻴﺘﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ‬‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻷﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺎﻻﺕ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺤﺖ ﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﲔ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺮﻗﻠﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻧﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ”ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺩﺩﺍﺕ“ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﰎ ﹼ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﺑﺸﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﲟﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﳑﺜﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﲤﻮﺯ‪/‬ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ‬‫‪ 2008‬ﻟﺘﺸﻐﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺔ ﻫﻮﺍﺗﻒ ﻧﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﲢﺮﻡ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﲔ‬‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﲤﺘﻨﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﺼﺎﺭﻳﺢ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬‫ﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﹰ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻮﺍﺗﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻤﻮﺡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.36‬‬‫‪ o‬ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺪ )ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 27‬ﻭ‪ 31‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ ‪ 13‬ﻭ‪ 38‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪،‬‬‫ﻭﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ(‪ :‬ﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﻴﻮﺩﺍ ﹰ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﲔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬‫ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺪ ﻭﲢﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﲟﺴﺎﻓﺔ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻣﻴﺎﻝ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻃﺊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ‪ 20‬ﻣﻴﻼ ﹰ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﺺ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬‫ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﺘﻞ ﻭﺟﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﻣﺼﻨﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﻴﻮﻱ ﻟﻸﺳﻤﺎﻙ‪.‬‬‫‪ o‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 37‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ(‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﻓﻼﺕ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺧﺼﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ‬‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ‪ 80‬ﻣﺮﺷﺪﺍ ﹰ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﻴﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮﻣﻦ ‪5,000‬‬‫ﻣﺮﺷﺪﺍ ﹰ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﻴﺎ ﹰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻳﺼﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﲟﺎ‬‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪ o‬ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺀ )ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ(‪:‬‬‫ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻃﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻭﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺀ ﺗﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﳌﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﲡﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﺔ‬‫ﻟﺘﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻓﻊ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﲔ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﺻﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬‫‪10‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬

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‫ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬‫ﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ‬‫‪ ،(14)3‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺗﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﺡ‬‫ﺑﺈﺩﺧﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﺗﺮﻓﺾ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﳉﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﻼﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻔﺮﺽ‬‫ﻗﻴﻮﺩﺍ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺮﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬‫)ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.((12)3‬‬‫ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﺎﺗﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﻮﺍﻧﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻭﺻﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺳﻔﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﲡﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻭﺑﲔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ )ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(8‬‬‫ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺤﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ‬‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺰ ﹰﺀﺍ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺰﺃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬‫)ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(8‬‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﳉﻨﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﳌﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ‬‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺷﻠﺖ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺸﺄﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺋﻢ ﺃ‪ 1‬ﻭﺃ‪ 2‬ﻭﺏ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻘﺔ ﺑﺒﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.39‬‬‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﺴﻔﻲ ﺑﺘﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‬‫ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﻀﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻟﻢ ﺗﻘﻢ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺘﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺍﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬‫ﺟﺒﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺎﻓﺆ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻭﺻﻨﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ )ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻜﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(5‬‬‫ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،3‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻧﺊ‬‫ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺼﻠﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺿﺪ‬‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺴﻔﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺎﺧﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻔﻬﺎ‪.‬‬‫‪9‬‬‫ﺗﻄﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ﻭﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺃﻭﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ 1999‬ﻭﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﻣﻀﺎﻥ‬‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﺤﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﱘ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ) ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪/‬ﺩﻳﺴﻤﺒﺮ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪/‬ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ‪.(2000‬‬‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ‪ 6,000‬ﺳﺠﲔ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﻘﺒﻌﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ‬‫ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ‪ 209‬ﻃﻔﻼﹰ‪ 9،‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ‬‫ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﲔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪.1949‬‬‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﻀﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﺴﺖ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﺩﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺨﺬ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﹰ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﲔ ﺃﻃﻠﻘﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 1,200‬ﺳﺠﻴﻨﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2007‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 2008‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺃﻧﺎﺑﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬‫ﰎ ﹼ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﺳﺲ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺓ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺑﺎﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻻﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺻﻮﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ‬‫ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﻭﺟﻴﺰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺎﻃﺄ ﳕﻮ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺤﺪﺙ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﻘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﻳﺎ ﹰ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ ﹰ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺒﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪:‬‬‫•‬‫•‬‫ﺍﻹﻏﻼﻕ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﺪﺍﺭ‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﳑﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺧﺴﺎﺋﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻓﺎﺩﺣﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻜﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺇﺑﻼﻏﻬﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ )ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺒﲔ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.((6)3‬‬‫‪ 9‬ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ – ﻗﺴﻢ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﲔ ‪http://dci-palestine.org/content/child-detainees‬‬‫‪8‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﺗﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﻣﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﺮﻑ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﺼﺼﺔ‪،‬‬‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺮﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﻵﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻵﺑﺎﺭ‪.‬‬‫‪© unwomen‬‬‫ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻜﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﺎﻗﺖ‬‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﳉﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺮﺟﺔ ‪ 50‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺭ‬‫ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﻪ ‪ 80‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﻴﺔ‬‫ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍ‪‬ﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﳉﻮﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،40‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬‫ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻵﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،1999‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺟﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ‪ 389‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻣﻜﻌﺒﺎ ﹰ ﺃﻱ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻤﻴﺔ ﺍ‪‬ﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻬﺎ‬‫ﺑﺤﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪ 483‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻣﻜﻌﺒﺎ ﹰ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺨﻔﻀﺖ ﺣﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ‬‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺑﻊ ﺣﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻻ ﻳﻜﺎﺩ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺬﺑﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ 70‬ﻣﺘﺮﺍ ﹰ‬‫ﻣﻜﻌﺒﺎﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺪ ﺍﻷﺩﻧﻰ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬‫‪8‬‬‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﻹﻓﺮﺍﺝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﻠﲔ‬‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻲ‬‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻷﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻛﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﻬﺪﺍﻑ‬‫ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﲡﺮﻱ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻳﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 16‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻨﻪ )”ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﻠﲔ“(‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺏ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻄﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ‬‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻫﺎ ﻟﻴﺤﺪﺙ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﻌﺖ‬‫ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﻠﲔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻡ ‪ 1999‬ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﻥ‬‫‪ 8‬ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪http://www.pwa.ps/desktopmodules/newsscrollEnglish/newsscrollView.aspx?ItemD=514&mID=11850 ،.‬‬7

‫‪6‬‬‫«‪Âö????« w?? —U??L??¦??²??Ý« 5D??KHÐ ·«d²Žô‬‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﰎ ﹼ ﺗﺄﺟﻴﻞ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﹰﺀﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬‫ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﹰ ﰎ ﹼ ﺗﺄﺟﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﲔ ﻧﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬‫ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ – ﻭﻫﻲ‬‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﻲ – ﺣﺒﺮﺍ ﹰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺭﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ‬‫ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ 61‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬‫)ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺝ( ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ‬‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﹰ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ (7)31‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﻲ‪” ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﻷﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺧﻄﻮﺓ‬‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬‫‪7‬‬‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ“‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟـ ‪ 16‬ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻜﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ‬‫ﻭﺗﻮﺳﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺿﻊ‬‫ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺘﲔ ﺍﳉﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻊ‬‫ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،1993‬ﺿﺎﻋﻔﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﲔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬‫ﻣﻦ ‪ 500,000‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎ ﹰ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ‬‫ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺗﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬‫ﺍﳌﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﻣﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﲟﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫‪ 7‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪)(2)13‬ﺏ()‪.(8‬‬‫‪5‬‬‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﺳﻠﻮ‬‫ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﻠﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ”ﻟﻠﺘﻮﺻﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ ﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﻭﺩﺍﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﺔ‬‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ“‪” 1،‬ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﻳﻦ ‪ 242‬ﻭ‪ 338‬ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻋﻦ‬‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ“‪ 2 ،‬ﻭﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪.‬‬‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﺳﻢ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ )ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ( ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺧﺘﺘﻢ ﻓﻲ ‪13‬‬‫ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ 1993‬ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺧﻤﺲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ‬‫ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ‪ 28‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ ،1995‬ﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺤﻜﻢ‬‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﺑﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﺳﻠﻮ‪.‬‬‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬‫ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺎ ﹰ ﺑﺈﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺣﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﻨﺔ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ‬‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﻴﺎ ﹰ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍ‪‬ﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪1993‬‬‫ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﲟﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﳑﺜﻼ ﹰ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺎ ﹰ ﻭﻭﺣﻴﺪﺍ ﹰ‬‫ﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﳌﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﻭﺗﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻮﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ‬‫ﻓﺸﻠﺖ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﺳﻠﻮ ﻭﺩﺃﺑﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ‬‫ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﺩﻧﺎﻩ ﺑﺸﻲﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ‪.‬‬‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‬‫ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺃﻭﺳﻠﻮ ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻼ ﹰ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺇﻧﺴﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ‬‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﶈﺘﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻏﺰﺓ‪-‬ﺃﺭﻳﺤﺎ ﺃﻭﻻ ﹰ ﺍﳌﺒﺮﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ 1994‬ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ‬‫ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ ﻭﺃﺭﻳﺤﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻋﻘﺐ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺩﺭﺝ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ‬‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ”ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ“ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ”ﺍﳌﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ“ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ‬‫‪3‬‬‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﻄﻮﺕ‬‫ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍ‪‬ﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﹼ‬‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ”ﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ“ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﻯ ‪ 18‬ﺷﻬﺮﺍ ﹰ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻛﻞ‬‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺪﺓ ‪ 6‬ﺃﺷﻬﺮ‪ 4.‬ﻭﺗﺒﻌﺎ ﹰ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺝ ”ﻋﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ‬‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ )ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺱ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ( ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻴﺎ ﹰ‬‫‪6‬‬‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ“‪ 5‬ﻛﺠﺰﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ”ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ“‪.‬‬‫‪ 1‬ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻲ )‪ 13‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪/‬ﺳﺒﺘﻤﺒﺮ ‪ (1993‬ﲤﻬﻴﺪ )ﺇﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ(‪.‬‬‫‪ 2‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.1‬‬‫‪ 3‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،(1)10‬ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،(8)17‬ﻭﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪.(1)1‬‬‫‪ 4‬ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻱ ﺭﻳﻔﺮ )‪ 23‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ‪/‬ﺃﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ ‪ (1998‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،5‬ﻭﲢﺘﻮﻱ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 10‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ‪.‬‬‫‪ 5‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،(2)10‬ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪)(2)11‬ﺩ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،(8)27‬ﻭﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪ ،(9)1‬ﻭﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﻓﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺓ ‪.1‬‬‫‪ 6‬ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ‪)(3)11‬ﺝ(‪.‬‬

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www.nad-plo.org‫االعتراف‬Recognizing‫بفلـسـطني‬Palestine‫اســتــثــمــار فــي الــســالم‬An Investment in Peace‫منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية‬‫دائرة شؤون املفاوضات‬Palestine Liberation Organization

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