DOCUMENT RESUME
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AUTHORTITLE

INSTITUTIONPUB DATENOTE

PUB TYPEEDRS PRICEDESCRIPTORSIDENTIFIERS

SO 017 832

Leestma, Robert; Bennett, William J.; And Others
Japanese Education Today. A Report from the U.S.
Study of Education in Japan. Prepared by a Special
Task Force of the OERI Japan Study Team: Robert
Leestma, Director.., and with an epilogue,"Implications for American Education," by William J.
Bennett, Secretary of Education.
Office of Educational Research and Improvement (ED),Washington, DC.
Jan 87103p.; Other Task Force members: Robert L. August,Betty George, Lois Peak. Other contributors: Nobuo
Shimahara, William K. Cummings, Nevner G. Stacey.
Editor: Cynthia Hearn Dorfman. For related documents,
see SO 017 443-460.
Reports - Descriptive (141)MF01/PC05 Plus Postage.
*Asian Studies; Comparative Education; Educetion;
Educational Change; *Elementary School Curriculum;
Elementary Secondary Education; Foreign Countries;*Japanese; *Secondary School Curriculum; Teacher
Education*JapanABSTRACT
Based on 2 years of research, this comprehensive
report of education in Japan is matched by a simultaneously-released
counterpart Japanese study of education in the United States.
Impressive accomplishments of the Japanese system are described. For
example, nearly everyone completes a rigorous core curriculum during
9 compulsory years of schooling, about 90 percent of the students
graduate from high school, academic achievement tends to be high, andschools contribute substantially to national economic strength.
Reasons for Japanese successes include: clear purposes rooted deeply
in the culture, well-defined and challenging curricula, well-orderedlearning environments, high expectations for student achievement,strong motivation and effective study habits of students, extensive
family involvement in the mission of schools, and high status ofteachers. Problems and criticisms are noted, including inattention tovariations in students' abilities and needs, rigidity and uniformityof the system, and insufficient concern for development of creativeand independent thinking. Current education reform efforts aredescribed. Implications of this report for U.S. education are
discussed in a special Epilogue by U.S. Secretary of Education,
William J. Bennett, who endorses several qualities of the Japanesesystem, such as high standards for all students, cultural literacy
developed through the school curriculum, and strong parental
involvement in the education of their children. A glossary andappendix containing statistical data, a bibliography, a list of
papers commissioned for the United States Study of Education in
Japan, basic references, brief facts about Japan, and a map of Japanconclude the document. Appended are the U.S. Press Release (dated
January 3, 1987) announcing release of the report and the matching
Japanese statement announcing release of the counteipart Japanese
report entitled "Educational Reform in the United States." (JP)

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Some Highlights of this ReportJapanese education

Education reform in Japan

Japanese society is education-minded to an extraordinary
degree: success in formal education is considered largely
synonymous with success in life and is, for most students,
almost the only path to social and economic status.

Japan is concerned about its education system and is making
extensive efforts to improve it. The reform movement includes

Formidable education accomplishments result from the collective efforts of parents, students, and teachers; these efforts
are undergirded by the historical and cultural heritage, a close
relationship between employers and education, and much informal and supplementary education at preschool, elementary,and secondary levels.

Reformers take a farsighted view of the national interest: they

vigorous public debate between proponents of change anddefenders of the status quo.
are coming to terms with societal needs in the 21st century
while grappling with such complex issues as finding a newbalance between group harmony and individual creativity inJapanese education.

During 9 years of compulsory schooling, all children receive

Implications for American educationa high quality, well-balanced basic education in the 3 R's,
scicnce, music, and art.

Some American education ideals may be better realized in Japan

Both the average level of student achievement and the student
retention rate through high school graduation are very high.

provides a potent stimulus for Americans to reexamine the stan-Japanese education also distinguishes itself in motivating

than in the United States. A close look at Japanese education
dards, performance, and potential of their own system. Somelessons worth considering:

students to succeed in school, teaching effective study habits,
using instructional time productively, maintaining an effec-

The value of parental involvement from the preschool years
on;tive learning environment, sustaining serious attention to

The necessity of clear purpose, strong motivation, and highstandards, and of focusing resources on education priorities;

character development, and providing effective employment
services for secondary school graduates.
Japanese education is not perfect. Probiems include rigidity,
excessive uniformity, and lack of choice; individual needs anddifferences that receive little attention in school; and signs ofstudent alienation. A related problem in employment isoveremphasis on the formal education background of
individuals.

The importance of maximizing learning time and making effective use thereof;
The value of a competent and committed professional teaching

force; andThe centrality of holding high expectations for all children anda firm commitment to developing a strong work ethic and goodstudy habitsrecognizing fat hard work and perseverance are
essential elements in a good education.

3

A report from the

U.S. Study of Education in Japan
prepared by a spectal task forceof the OERI Japan Study Team:
Robert Leestma, Director
Robert L. August, Senior Researcher
Betty George, Consultant
Lois Peak, Consultant
with contributions by Nobuo Shimahara,
William K. Cummings and Nevzer G. Stacey

and with an epilogue

Implications for American Education
by

William J. Bennett, Secretary of Education

Chester E. Finn, Jr.
Assistant Secretary and Counselor
to the Secretary
January 1987

Editor: Cynthia Hearn Dorfman

Graphics: Phil Carr

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington, D.C. 20402

BEST COPY AMIABLE

4,

Foreword
When President Reagan and Prime Minister Nakasone met in
1983, one result of their discussions was an agreement that aago of the CULCON Education Subcommittee. Dr. Leestma andthe special task force he assembled to prepare this report forgedvigorously ahead, and this small band of able scholars produced
the solid result you now hold. We are pleased to acknowledge
the major professional contribution of the principal authors bycooperative undertaking by Japan and the United States to study
education in each other's country would be worthwhile. This wasa timely conclusion because both countries were, and remain,
engaged in serious efforts to improve their education systems.

their names on the title page.
There were important contributions by others as well. The

In the course of these endeavors, it was thought, the United

tribution by Dr. William K. Cummings, and the chapter dealing with education and employment is based on an initial draftby Ms. Nevzer G. Stacey. Essential support service was provided by Ms. Charlene Medley. Special assistance was also rendered by Tetsuo Okada, Carol Foley, and Daniel Antonoplos.

States and Japan might each benefit from the experience of theother. That was the spirit that gave rise to the idea and that hascontinued to guide both efforts.
By mutual agreement, the two studies have been conductedunder the general sponsorship of the United States-Japan Conference on Cultural and Educational Interchange (CULCON),a continuing, high level forum of government and private sector leaders to foster cooperation in education, culture, and publicaffairs. The U.S. CULCON chairman is Dr. W. Glenn Campbell, Director of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.

Dr. C. Ronald Kimberling, Assistant Secretary for Postsecondary Education, is the Department of Education's representative on both the U.S. CULCON panel and the Japan-UnitedStates Friendship Commission. Dr. Kimberling and I co-chair
the CULCON Education Subcommittee, under whose direct
auspices this study has been conducted.
The Japanese Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture(Monbusho) has assumed responsibility for carrying out Japan's
study of American education. The U.S. Department of Education has been responsible for this examination ofJapanese education. Each has been free to develop its own agenda and fashiona suitable approach. Both inquiries began in October 1984. Eachside facilitated the work of the other as requested, particularly
during trans-Pacific research visits. The Department of Education herewith expresses its deep appreciation to Monbusho, in
general, and to Mr. Isao Amagi, leader of the Japanese team,in particular, for the fine cooperation provided to the U.S. team.
Within the Department of Education, the Office of Educa-

tional Research and Improvement (0ERI) has been the unit
responsible for conducting the study and preparing this report.

OERI provided a team of researchers and also underwrote
research on international comparisons in mathematics andscience achievement that would contribute to the study.
Of special note is the valuable assistance that has been provided by the Japan-U.S. Friendship Commission, an independent Federal agency. The Commission contributed funds forout-of-pocket research costs, thereby making possible 18 commissioned papers, necessary planning and consultant conferences, advisory committee meetings, research travel by thestudy staff to Japan, and the initial printing of this report.
When the study needed a boost in early 1986, I turned to the
Department of Education's senior career professional in international matters, Robert Leestma, to lead this important researchundertaking to a satisfactory conclusion. Among other things,
Dr. Leestma is a former chairman of the Education Committeeof the 24-nation Organization for Economic Cooperation andDevelopment and was a co-founder with Mr. Amagi a decade

chapter on the teaching profession is essentially the work of Dr.
Nobuo Shimahara, that on higher education is primarily a con-

The full OERI Japan Study team is listed at the end of this report.

I thank them all.
The team did not work alone. It benefited from the counselof the U.S. CULCON Education Subcommittee, especiallyaugmented for the study by additional leaders concerned witheducation in Japan and the United States. The members are
named on the inside back cover. I am pleased and grateful toacknowledge their valuable contributions. I extend my special
thanks to Professor Herbert Passin for his extensive review ofthe first draft and to Professor Herbert Walberg for his assistancethroughout the study.

The task force also had the benefit of research papers by
American and Japanese scholars that were prepared for thisstudy. A complete list of these is included in the appendix; theirtexts will all be made available through the ERIC system.
At the manuscript review stage, in addition to helpful critiquesfrom members of the Advisory Committee and constructive suggestions from Monbusho on one or another draft, the report also
benefited from review by other scholars, particularly Professors

Chalmers Johnson of the University of California, Berkeley;
Robert J. Smith, Cornell University; John W. Hall, Yale University; John Singleton, University of Pittsburgh; Edward R.
Beauchamp, University of Hawaii; Philip G. Altbach, State University of New York, Buffalo; and, especially, William K.
Cummings, National Science Foundation and Harvard University. On behalf of the entire team, I thank them all.
Gratitude is also due to Jim Bencivenga, Suellen Mauchamer,
Cynthia Dorfman, Phil Carr, and others in OEM's Information
Services for special dedication in bringing this report into print
on an exzeedingly tight time schedule.
In addition to this general report, a volume of scholarly papers
will be forthcoming later in 1987. Edited by Robert Leestma
and Herbert Walberg, the second book will set forth some further background information and findings of this substantial
study effort.
As readers will see, we have taken this special research opportunity seriously. We have tried to view Japanese education
broadly and in some depth, to understand it in its cultural context, and to see the relationship of the parts to the whole. We
wanted to find out how Japanese education works and why .
Within reasonable limits, I believe the task force has succeeded. American education stands to benefit. Secretary Bennett's
insightful epilogue suggests how.

5In reading this report, the reader should bear in mind that
schools in Japan are not carbon copies of one another. Thereis considerable variation among institutions at the same level orin the same category, albeit less so than in the Upited States
A similar statement can be made about teachers. But our quest
was for the "norm" in Japanese education. Thus, this report isconcerned with typical institutions, situations, and procedures;it does not deal with nuances, special cases, unusual variations,or minority problems. Read it to understand what is commonplace within Japanese education, not what is extraordinary.
Further, while the project was not designed initially in com-parative terms, the task force has woven in some data on the
United States where it seemed useful in providing perspectiveon the Japanese experience.
To ease the path for the general reader, we placed nearly allof the tables in the appendix. Those who want to peruse theiv

details will find much helpful data in the tables. And finally,
where conversion of yen to dollars is concerned, unless otherwise specified we used a rate of 160 yen to the dollar, theprevailing rate at the time the manuscript went to press.
This is an interesting report, and I believe others will find it
as informative and helpful as I have. Speaking as one who has
been involved in education reform efforts in the United States,
I have garnered from this report a clearer understanding of thechallenges facing Japanese educators and reformers as 1987
dawns. This, in turn, helps me to understand more clearly someof the risks and opportunities facing American education. And
that, after all, is one of the reasons we undertook the projectin the first place.

Chester E. Finn, Jr.
Assistant Secretary and Counselor to the SecretaryJapanese Education
Today

Daily schedule
Education philosophy and teaching practices
Classroom management and school life
Curt iculum
Home-school relations and home environment
Educational pressures
Out-of-school education
Children returning from abroad
Lower Secondary School (Grades 7-9)
Facilities
Organization and staff
Instruction and evaluation
Curriculum
Juku
Problem areas
Transition to upper secondary

Table of Contents
Page

Introduction

vii

The Context

1

Historical Background1
Premodern times
1
Meiji period (1868-1912) to World War II
1
Postwar era
2Some Cultural Foundations
2
Importance and purposes of education
3
Harmonious relations and central role of the group . . . 3
3
Hard work, diligence, and perseverance
Motivation
4
Legacy4

An Overview of the Formal Education System
Compulsory educrion
Upper secondary and higher education
Enrollment and advancement rates
Governance and administration
Finance
School year
Other dimensions of education in Japan

7
7
7
10
10

Juku

I11

Academic juku
Attendance patterns
Teachers
Why juku flourish
The marketplace
Criticisms
Maintaining perspective

Japanese family and parental roles
Formal pre-elementary education
Nonformal early education
Preschool and family
Pressures on pre-elementary education

Compulsory Education
Elementary School (Grades 1-6)
Facilities
Administration and staff
School calendar

33

33

34
34
34
36
37
37

Upper Secondary Education (Grades 10-12)
41
Some characteristics of upper secondary education . . 41
School status and selection
Facilities and staff
School calendar
Daily schedule
Instruction
Curriculum
University entrance
Student life
Student delinquency
What high school graduates do next5

5
5Higher L.' !cation
Structure and Basic Data
Types of institutions and programs
Enrollment
Administration
Major Issues
Entrance examination system
Quality of undergraduate education
Graduate education and researchContinuing education for adults
International education
Private higher education and national policy
Equality of opportunity
Linkages among the university, government,
business, and industry hierarchies
Concluding observations

11
11

13
13
13
13
14

The Teaching Profession
15
Composition and qualifications of teaching force . . . 15
Preservice education15
Becoming employed as a teacher
17
Inservice education
17
Japan Teachers Union
18
Social and economic status
19

Home, Family, and Pre-Elementary Education

26
26
27
28
32
32
33
33

Education and Employment

21
21
21

Work preparation within the school system
Work preparation outside the school system
Transition from secondary school to work
Transition from postsecondary education to work .
Role of employers
Concluding observation

22
23
23

'25
25
25
25
26

Education Reform

41

42
42
42
42
43

44
46
46
47
49
49
49
49
50
50
50
51

52
53
53
54
54
55

56

57
57
58
58
59

60
60
63

Origins, concerns, and rature of current reform effort . 63
National Council on Educational Reform
64
Council's diagnosis of education problems
65

7

Council recommendations
Concluding observations

Implications for American Education:
Epilogue by Secretary William J. Bennett
Glossary
Appendix
Thb les

Notes

Ili

65

66
69
73
75
77
83

Commissioned Research Papers
87
Basic References
89
Brief Facts About Japan91
Map of Japan
93
OERI Research Team
95
U.S. CULCON Education Subcommittee and Study
Advisory Committee
Inside back cover8

Introduction
It is no secret anymore that Japan has achieved world statusin education. Indeed, some of Japan's contemporary accomplishments in educationas in economic developmentare
literally in a class by themselves.
Japanese education provides all children with a high quality,
well-balanced basic education in the 3-R's, science, music, andart through 9 years of compulsory schooling. The average levelof student achievement is high by international standards. So is
the retention rate: virtually everyone completes the 9 compulsory
years and almost 90 percent of the students graduate from highschool. Japan has also succeeded in:
Motivating students to learn and teaching them effective study
habits;Creating and maintaining a productive learning environment,
which includes effective school diskipline;
Using time productively for educational purposes in and outof school;
Sustaining attention to developing character and desirable attitudes and behavior (according to Japanese norms) throughout

the elementary and secondary years;
Developing a professional teaching force that is competent andcommitted, well respected and well remunerated; andProviding effective employment services for secondary schoolleavers and graduates.
These accomplishments result from several interwoven factors, including:
A preschool experience (much of it parent financed) for morethan 90 percent of children;
An effective public school system, particularly during thecompulsory attendance period, supplemented at elementaryand secondary levels by
An informal, but symbiotic set of private (parent financed)
education programs responsive to the needs of individual
students.

All of the foregoing are undergirded by strong parental commitment to and sustained support for the education of the childduring the entire time he or she is in school. Education is reinforced at every turn by the historical and cultural heritage, com-munity consensus, government policy, and the needs andemployment practices of business, industry, and government.
Japanese education has produced multiple benefits for the nation as well as for its individual students. These,benefits include
a well-educated citizenry which strengthens national democracy;

an adaptable work force capable of high productivity in a competitive world economy; the opportunity for individual socialand economic mobility; and an improved general quality of life.
Despite these achievements, the system is not perfect. The
Japanese know better than most foreign observers that there are
significant costs as well as benefits associated with the choices
they have made and the results achieved. Some difficulties appear before the end of elementary school and are compoundedin secondary education. Higher education is in many respects
the weakest part of the entire system even though, paradoxically,
it continues to exert a commanding influence on the elementaryand secondary levels that feed it. The problems are widely
acknowledged in Japan and are currently the subject of concerned scrutiny in and out of government.
In trying to understand how the Japanese accomplish what
they do in education, how and why the system works, and someof its dynamics, one finds that more than the school system isinvolved. The home environment for the student, home-school
relations, unofficial education programs outside the school (particularly the juku), the relationship between industry and education, especially at the postsecondary level all have to be taken
into account along with history and culture.
For Westerners, Japanese education is fascinating and com-

plex. Its achievements appear to be as much a product of thenation's unique historical and cultural foundations and parental
commitment as of pedagogical policies and practices. Indeed,
several specific factors that contribute to educational achievement may not be readily exportable, so tied are they to theJapanese context.
While this report devotes some attention to problems and tothe current reform movement that aims to solve them, it focuses

primarily on understanding Japanese educationformal andinformal in its cultural context. The goal is to present enoughinformation in sufficient perspective that Japanese education canspeak for itself. Japanese terms are introduced where useful, anda glossary is included.
The report also sketches primarily in Secretary Bennett's
epilogue some possible implications for improving American
education. These points are not prescriptive. They are intended to stimulate the reader to examine the doctrines, values, per-formance, and potential of American education in a lightrefracted through the prism of Japanese experience. In the
United States, it is up to those directly responsible foreducation state, local and private authorities and individual
citizens to draw their own conclusions about the relevance ofJapanese experience to their own situations.

The Context
In Japan, as in most countries, education is best understoodin its historical and cultural context. Indeed, sometimes

education cannot be meaningfully separated from its social
foundations. This is particularly true for Japan, both becausemuch of the nation's history and culture is not widely known in
the United States and Western Europe and because enduring

cultural values strongly affect so much of contemporary
Japanese education. While justice cannot be done to Japanese

education's rich historical and cultural background in briefsummary, some basic context is essential for understanding
Japanese education today.

arrived with the Portuguese traders, were active printers.'
Besides religious materials, they also published Japanese dictionaries, grammars, and textbooks for use in church schools
and helped the Japanese add European scripts to their printing
capability Some Japanese travelled to Europe in this era. Therewas even a noteworthy mission to the Vatican.2
In 1603, after unifying the country, the Tokugawa family
established a government headed by the shogun (military ruler).

Four decades later, to consolidate power further, the shogun
banned Christianity, prohibited virtually all foreign trade andcontact, and closed Japan to the outside world. The nation thenentered a period of isolation and relative domestic tranquility
which was to last for 200 years.
Education was very important for the warrior samurai, themost powerful class in Japanese feudal society. The samurai

Historical Background

functioned as government administrators during this period. The

Not all ofJapanese education is homegrown. Japan is unusual
in its long record of interest and initiative in learning from othercountries. Most modern nations, including the United States,
have been the beneficiaries of education ideas from other coun-

literary studies. The literature was primarily Confucian classics,
large portions of which were memorized and recited. Study ofthe martial arts consisted of swordsmanship and military tactics.
Commoner education was generally more practically oriented.
It centered around providing basic training in reading, writing,tries, but Japan has been more active in deliberately seeking
ideas from abroad to help solve its education problems as it
perceives them and less self-conscious in adapting those which
seem useful.
WhZe contemporary Japanese education has been widely
praised, especially because of outstanding results demonstrated
in international comparative studies of school achievement inscience and mathematics, it is not well known that Japan's recordof distinction in education has roots that go back over a hundred years. Indeed, in some important respects education in
Japan today is heir to a legacy of ideas whose origins long
predate the century of modern Japanese history.

Premodern times
Chinese civilization was particularly influential in the formation of Japan's culture, and Chinese philosophical and literaryinfluences have remained strong throughout Japanese history.
Along with Buddhism, which came to Japan in the sixth century A.D. , came the Chinese system of writing and its literary
tradition. So, too, came Confucianism, its respect for learning,
the Confucian classics, and its philosophical traditions. Amongother things, the Confucian heritage emphasized respectful andbenevolent hierarchical relationships, harmonious social relations, and morality. Chinese ideas and systems were modified
to suit Japanese circumstances and ideals, and were interwoven
with Japanese philosophical and literary traditions.
As the European nations began to expand their empires toAsia, Japan experienced an intense period of contact with theWestern world from 1540 to 1640. Japan's traditional focus on
the Asian continent was broadened to include commerce with
Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, and England, the great seafaring trade and colonial powers of the age. Concurrently, Japanwas in the final throes of a period of civil wars, and the Japanese
were quick to acquire and exploit Western weapons and othernew technology for internal purposes. Jesuit missionaries, who

curriculum for the samurai was based on both military andand arithmetic, emphasizing the use of the abacus andcalligraphy. Much of this education was conducted in so-called
temple schools (terakoya). It is estimated that by the end of theTokugawa period there may have been more than 14,000 such
schools in Japan.3 They were often one-room private schools,
usually with one teacher and a group of students of mixed ages
and abilities. Teaching techniques included reading from various

textbooks, as well as memorizing and repeatedly copying
Chinese characters and Japanese script.
From the 1790's on, Japan began once again to have contacts
with other nations and felt renewed foreign pressures to open
her doors to the outside world. By 1853, when Commodore
Matthew Perry arrived requesting that Japan establish formal
diplomatic and trade relations with the United States, Japan wasneither ignorant of world affairs nor inexperienced in dealing
with other nations.
At the start of the Tokugawa period, reading and writing werelargely the province of the priesthood and the nobility. Most of
the population was illiterate. By the end of the era, however,there had been such a dramatic growth in education that the levelof schooling and literacy compared favorably with that ofEngland and France.' According to the best estimates, by theend of the Tokugawa period almost all of the children of the court
nobility and the governing samurai had some school experience,and probably 40 to 50 percent of commoner boys and 10 to 15
percent of girls of school age received some schooling.5 Under
subsequent Meiji leadership, this foundation would facilitate
Japan's rapid transition from feudal country to modern nation
within a relatively short span of time.

Meiji period (1868-1912) to World War II
In 1868, after a decade of bitter internal discord, theTokugawa government was overturned by a loose alliance of internal opponents who restored political power to the Emperor.

The new leadership rapidly set Japan on a modernization course.
They began to study not only the nature of Western society, but

Western education methods as well.
The Meiji leaders realized from the outset that education had
a major role to play in nation building and modernization. The
government consciously set out to create a public education
system that would help Japan catch up to the West. Missions
were sent abroad to study the education systems of leading
Western countries. In due course, Western advisors were invited
to Japan to help devise new approaches for Japanese education.
While the new system built atop the education base laid downin the Tokugawa period, it was quite different from the old.
Public schooling was systematically introduced throughout thecountry. It was open to girls as well as boys and to lower as wellas upper classes. The new system endeavored to tap all the nation's human resources in support of national objectives.
Ronald Anderson briefly summarizes the resulting evolution.o World War II:

The Meiji leaders . . . borrowed selectively from theWest, leaning primarily on the United States as a modelfor the initial modern school system. After almost a decadeof American influence, however, Confucian sources wereonce again consulted for educational guidance and Germany was found to be a model more congenial to theirown traditions and goals. They codified a nationalist
educational philosophy in 1890 in the famed Imperial
Rescript on Education, which was the basis for Japan's
ideology until 1945. The Imperial Rescript stressed Confucian precepts, particularly those concerning the hierarchical nature of human relations, service to the state, andthe pursuit of learning and morality. Besides the exposure
to an egalitarian American influence in the first decade of
the Meiji period, Japan experienced a second transmission of democratic American educational influence in theso-called "liberal 1920's" when the philosophy of John
Dewey and the progressive education movements became
popular. Though widely accepted at normal schools andthe elementary level, this approach was suppressed by the
militarists when they rose to power in the late 1930's. Dur-ing World War II, ulucation was characterized byauthoritarianism, indoctrination, and thought contro1.6

By the end of the war Japanese education was devastated.
Students were not attending school with any regularity, if at all,and many school buildings had been destroyed. With defeat
came the bankruptcy of much of prewar thought. A new wave
of foreign ideas was introduced during the postwar military occupation period.

Postwar era
Occupation policymakers were determined to democratize
Japan. The United States Education Mission, which arrived in
1946, believed that a complete reform of Japanese education wasnecessary to help achieve this objective. The Mission made anumber of recommendations for major changes in the Japanese
education system along American lines. Some of the resulting

changes included the institution of the 6-3-3 grade structure; therevision of curriculum and textbooks, including the abolition of
moral education courses (which had become highly nationalistic
the decade leading to the war); reforms in the writing system;
the establishment of coeducation; the introduction of universitybased teacher education; and support for equal access to higher
education. There was also an attempt to transform the centralized
prewar system into a decentralized system based on the Amer-ican model with elected local school boards.
After the restoration of full national sovereignty in 1952,
Japan immediately began to modify some of the education
changes introduced during the Occupation period. These
modifications more clearly reflected Japanese ideas about education and educational structure. The Ministry of Education
regained a great deal of power. School boards reverted to being appointed, rather than elected. A moral education course wasreinstituted in modified form, despite substantial initial concernthat it would lead to a reintroduction of prewar nationalism into

the schools.
By the 1960's, postwar recovery and accelerating economic
growth brought increased demands on the education system. In
addition, there were strong disagreements between the government and the teachers' union. This was also a period of great
turbulence in higher education. All this fueled confrontation anddebate about education reform. Some aspects of Japan's current
reform movement can be traced back to the late 1960's.
The Japanese education system has grown rapidly since 1960.
According to Morikazu Ushiogi, from 1960 to 1982 the proportion of the high school age group enrolled in high schools
increased from about 58 percent to 94 percent, while the proportion of those of college age enrolled in higher education insti-

tutions increased from about 10 percent to 36 percent.1
Today's system still reflects the long-standing cultural andphilosophical ideas that learning and education are esteemed andare to be pursued seriously, and that moral and character
development remain intimately related to education. A
meritocratic legacy stemming from the Meiji period endures,as does a centralized education infrastructure and an orientation
toward viewing education in the service of national development

as well as of personal benefit. The interest remains in investigating alternative education models abroad, as does a continuing capability to adapt foreign ideas and methods to Japanesetraditions.

Some Cultural Foundations
Japanese education is a powerful instrument of cultural continuity and national policy. The explicit and implicit content of
the school curriculum and the manner in which teaching andlearning are accomplished impart the attitudes, knowledge, sensitivities, and skills expected of emerging citizens of Japanesesociety. These lessons are further reinforced in the context offamily and society.
Linguistically, racially, and ethnically, Japan is a comparatively homogeneous nation with a strong sense of cultural identity
and national unity. But Japanese society is not monolithic, andthere is considerable individuality. There are also finely
calibrated distinctions in status based on age, gender, employment, and social and educational background.
Despite these differences, however, the Japanese prefer todefine themselves in a manner which emphasizes their core ofcommonly held beliefs and values. While popular culture andlifestyles have undergone some dramatic changes since WorldWar II, there remains a high degree of public consensus regarding societal values, appropriate standards of behavior, and theimportance and goals of education.

Importance and purposes of education
The origins of the Japanese commitment to education lie in
the Confucian and Buddhist heritage in which great respect isaccorded learning and educational endeavor as means to personal and societal improvement. Today, there is a clear consensus that education is essential for both individual and national
development and that it requires active, sustained commitmentof energy and resources at all levels of society. Parents andchildren take education seriously because success in school isa crucial determinant of economic and social status in adult life.
Government policymakers and business leaders view the content and quality of public education as central to national cohesion, economic development, and international relations.
To the Japanese, education has always had important goals in
addition to acquisition of academic knowledge, intellectual
growth, or vocational skills. Moral education and character
development are also among the central concerns. There is astrong consensus that schools have the obligation and authority
to impart fundamental Japanese values as the foundation ofproper moral attitudes and personal habits.
Respect for society and the established order, prizing group
goals above individual interests, diligence, self-criticism, andwell-organized and disciplined study and work habits are all
traits which are believed to be amenable to instruction. The
child's learning experiences at each level from preschool through12th grade reinforce their acquisition. Japanese teachers believethat the proper development of these values, attitudes, and habits
is fundamental to success in the classroom as well as in adult life.

Harmonious relations and central role of thegroupcompetition. Daily life in a Japanese eassroom requires considerable mutual assistance and adaptation of individual views
and interests to group goals and standards of behavior. The
heavy emphasis on group activities and social consensus resultsin considerable conformity in behavior. There is a strong tradition of viewing conformity and group orientation as demonstrations of moral character.
To most Westerners, a high degree of behavioral conformity
is typically associated with top-down control. However,Japanese teachers are not typically authoritarian nor is harshness
a characteristic of classroom life in Japan. Instead, the culturalemphasis on harmony and hard work requires that each individual within the system be a willing contributor to the groupeffort. Group leadership, Japanese style, orchestrates the members' motivations and expectations so that order and discipline,

both in the classroom and the larger society, are natural
outgrowths of achieving a high degree of individual identification with group goals.

Hard work, diligence, and perseverance
The Japanese believe that hard work, diligence, andperseverance yield success in education as well as in otheraspects of life. A certain amount of difficulty and hardship isbelieved to strengthen students' character and their resolve todo their best in learning and other important endeavors.
The amount of time and effort spent in study are believed tobe more important than intelligence in determining educational
outcomes. Most Japanese parents and educators are unshakably
optimistic that virtually all children have the potential to masterthe challenging academic curriculum, provided they work hard
and long enough. Some teachers and students are less sanguine.
The educational results achieved by most Japanese students ininternational comparisons provide considerable support for the
beliefs and expectations of the majority, particularly in light of
the fact that there is no credible evidence that Japanese children

have a higher level of native intelligence than, for example,
American children.
A recent comparative study by Robert Hess and others provides interesting confirmation of the Japanese belief in the efficacy of effort:

Japanese believe that being a member of a weli-organized andtightly knit group that works hard toward common goals is anatural and pleasurable human experience. Schools reflect thisIn Japan, poor performance in mathematics was attributed to lack of effort; in the United States, explanations were more evenly divided among ability, effort, andtraining at school. Japanese mothers were less likely toblame training at school as a cause of low achievement
in mathematics . . . Their children generally shared thiscultural priority. Classroom activities are structured to en-view of things.

Japanese society places a high value on harmony in interper-

sonal relations and the ability to cooperate with others. The

courage or require participation in group activities, to emphasize
the responsibility of individual students to the class as a groupand the school as a whole, and to develop group loyalty.
Particularly in elementary school, classes are organized into

Parents and teachers encourage regular study habits from the
1st grade on. A careful, reflective approach which achieves accuracy and precision rather than speed or intuitive insight is em-

small groups which are the basic units of instruction, discipline,
and other activities. Teachers attempt to foster group cohesion
and a strong group spirit by avoiding overt recognition of differences in individual ability and minimizing one-against-one

phasized, particularly during the early years. Repetition andmemorization continue to be important in the learning process,particularly in preparation for the arduous and important highschool and college entrance examinations.

Motivation
The cultural emphasis on student effort and diligence isbalanced by a recognition of the important responsibility borneby teachers, parents, and schools to "awaken the desire to try."
Japanese teachers do not believe that motivation is primarily amatter of luck, family background, or personality traits. They

believe that the desire to learn like character itself is

Particularly at the secondary ievel, entrance examinations provide special motivation for study. Students know that their scoreson high school and university entrance examinations will strongly influence their future life path. Parents reinforce this concern
by urging their children to study hard, by providing a home en-

vironment conducive to study, and by financing extra lessons
and tutorial assistance.

something which can be shaped by teachers and influenced
through the school environment. Students are unceasingly taught

and urged to "do their best," in groups and as individuals.
A major method of motivating students is the encouragementof group activities, which are believed to be more enjoyable forstudents than solitary endeavor. Motivation through group activity is accomplished by promoting a strong sense of shared
identity and by allowing individuals opportunity to influencegroup goals and activities. Wearing school uniforms, rotating
student monitors, and planning and staging class and school activities all contribute to the process.

LegacyJapanese history and cultural values permeate Japanese education. The heritage is reflected in the national consensus on theimportance of education, its role in character development, andthe willingness of both parents and children to sustain effort andsacrifice year after year to achieve success in school. It helps
form the invisible foundation of the contemporary education
system.

An Overview of theFormal Education
SystemJapan's education system today has its legal basis in the postWorld War II Japanese Constitution and national laws. The 1947

Constitution provides for free compulsory education for all
children "correspondent to their ability." Two laws passed in
1947, the Fundamental Law of Education and the School Educa-tion Law, provide the remainder of the basic legal foundation
for the education system.
The Fundamental Law of Education clarifies the aim of education and establishes national policy on such core issues as freecompulsory education, equality of opportunity, and coeducation.
It sets forth the central importance of education in its opening
lines:

Having established the Constitution of Japan, we haveshown our resolution to contribute to the peace of theworld and welfare of humanity by building a democratic
and cultural state. The realization of this ideal shall depend fundamentally on the power of education.'
The School Education Law provides general regulations forthe operation of the system at all education levels. In addition
to provisions on establishment, staffmg, and operation of all
types and levels of schools, the law emphasizes the importanceof creating moral and capable members of society.
The structure of the official education system is summarizedin figure 1. Its elementary and secondary portion is organizedalong the lines of the common American 6-3-3 model. The total
structure includes the following types or levels of institutions:preschools (yochien) and daycare centers (hoikuen),*6-year elementary schools (shogakko),
3-year lower secondary schools (sometimes called middle
school, chugakko) corresponding to junior high school in the
United States,

3-year upper secondary schools (sometimes called highschool, kotogakko)corresponding to senior high in the
United States,
schools for the handicapped (various terms are used depending on the type of school),
4-year colleges and universities (daigaku), many of which also
have graduate programs,
2-year junior colleges (tanki daigaku),
technical colleges (koto senmon gakko) offering 5- and 5 1/2year technical programs, which span the upper secondary and2-year college levels,
special training schools (senshu gakko) offcring vocational
tra'tning at both the upper secondary and 2-year college level,
andl'ochien are under the purview of the Ministry of Education, while hoikuen

are the responsibility of the Ministry of Welfare.

miscellaneous schools (kakushu gakko) offering practical or
vocational courses. (Note: This is the most variable institutional categoty, embracing diverse subjects for varying lengthsof time at the upper secondary or postsecondary levels.)

Japan has both public and private schools at each level of
education. There are few private schools for the 9 compulsory
grades, but the private sector becomes increasingly significant
at the upper recondary and postsecondary levels. Public schools
fall into two categories: national schools, established and fundedby the national government, and local public schools, establishedby either the prefectural or municipal government and fundedby all three levels of government.
Table 1 shows the total number of education institutions ofeach type by administrative category: national public, local public (prefectural and municipal), and private. 'able 2 shows total
enrollment by type of school and percentage distribution by administrative category. Table 3 shows enrollment by type ofschool and gender.

Compulsory education
Compulsory education begins at age 6 and lasts 9 years, encompassing the 6-year elementary and 3-year lower secondary
school period. It is characterized by a high degree of uniformi-

ty and equality of opportunity. Curriculum standards are
specified in a national Course of Study, and textbooks aregovernment approved. Generally speaking, students throughout
the country in the same grade study essentially the same material
at approximately the same time and pace. Schools are similar
in facilities, standards, and teaching methodology. In short, thesame basic education is provided for all for the first 9 years.
During the compulsory school years Japanese education
assiduously avoids making distinctions between students on thebasis of ability or achievement. There are no separate tracks,
ability groupings, remedial programs, or student electives. Promotion from grade to grade is virtually automatic as long as thestudent is attending classes. Students are almost never retainedin grade or skipped ahead.
Compulsory education for blind and deaf children began in

1948. Coverage was broadened in 1979 to include othercategories in special education. Students with major disabilities

are educated in special schools, almost all of them public.
Students with minor disabilities are educated in regular schools,
either via mainstreaming or in special classes. In 1984 approximately half of the elementary schools provided special classes.

Upper secondary and higher education
Educational uniformity diminishes beyond compulsory
schooling, and there is some ability grouping at the upper secondary level. There are growing costs for parents at the seniorhigh school level and beyond and restricted enrollment opportunities in public higher education.
According to public perception, each institution at the upper

secondary and higher education levels fits into a hierarchy.
Which high school a student attends is determined by academic
achievement confirmed by an entrance examination. University

Figure 1: Structure of the Education System
Grade

Age

Level

25

Graduate
Studies

24
23
22
21

.: 16
University

20

-J 15

JuniorCollege

19

18

MiscellaneousSpecialTraining

17

Schools

Schools

Technical
College

14

13

Upper
Secondary
School(High School)

16
15

12

.7 11
10

14

9

(Compulsory)
Lower Secondary
School(Junior High School)

13

12

8

7

11

6

10
5

(Compulsory)
Elementary

9

MI

I

School

8

MI

4
3

7 OM

6

mo as

r
Preschool
Ages 3-5

DaycareAges 1-5
wil

a

all

IM

2

1

admission is determined largely by highly competitive examinations open to all applicants nationwide. Thcse examinations arefamously rigorous, and a student's performance on them has aheavy impact on future social and economic status. In order tosurmount the examination hurdle, a substantial proportion of
students undertake remedial education, supplementary instruction, or special examination preparation assistance in private
education programs.

Enrollment and advancement rates
Student participation rates are high and dropout rates low at

all stages. Practically all over 99 percentof the children ofcompulsory school age are enrolled in school. Although preelementary and upper cecondary schools are neither compulsory

nor free of charge, more than 90 percent of Japanese children
in the respective age groups attend them. After compulsory
education in the 9th grade, over 94 percent of the students go
on to full-time study in one or another form of upper secondary
education and another 2 percent continue part-time (table 4). The
number of upper secondary school graduates in 1984 was 88 percent of the number of lower secondary graduates in 1981.2 Over29 percent of high school graduates enter a university (18 percent) or junior college (11 percent). Another 25 percent entera vocational education program of one sort or another (table 5).
The great majority of those who enter these programs graduate.

Governance and administration'
Japan has a three-tiered structure for governing and administering education with national, prefectural, and municipal

components, all under the general supervision of national
authority, the Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, com-monly shortened to Ministry of Education (Monbusho). The
relationships among the various components are summarized infigure 2.
Education policymaking at all three levels is systematized andconsensual. At the national level, Monbusho draws on the advice and recommendations of 13 standing advisory councils,
members of which are appointed by the minister from a broad
spectrum of specialists outside the ministry. The Central Council
for Education is the most powerful of the group and is concernedwith fundamental policy issues. Its members are appointed by
the minister with the consent of the cabinet.
The Minister of Education is appointed by the Prime Minister,
who is an elected member of the Diet (the popularly elected national legislature). Seldom does an Education Minister serve formore than a year or two, since cabinet posts are frequently
shifted under Japan's parliamentary system.

Monbusho is involved with the Cabinet and the Diet indeveloping budget estimates and drafting national legislation for
education in Japan. In addition to its education responsibilities,
Monbusho has overall responsibility for administering govern-

ment services for science and culture, including all national
museums and national art galleries and some national research
institutes. The range of its functions is illustrated in figure 3.
The Ministry of Education wields a considerable measure ofnational authority over the entire official system of education,

particularly at the elementary and secondary school levels, by:prescribing curricula, standards, and requirements;
approving textbooks;
providing guidance and financial assistance to the prefecturesand municipalities;
authorizing the establishment of colleges and universities;
operating national education institutions, primarily universities, junior colleges and technical colleges;
providing general supervision of private institutions of higher
education;
regulating establishment of private schools;
investigating and issufng directives to local boards of education for corrective action, as occasion may demand.
Each of the 47 prefectures has a 5-member board of education appointed by the governor with the consent of the prefectural assembly. Prefectural boards of education are responsiblefor:appointing the prefectural superintendent of education (withthe approval of Monbusho);operating schools established by prefectures, primarily upper
secondary schools;
licensing teachers and, with municipal recommendation, making appointments to the various municipal elementary andlower secondary schools;
providing advice and fmancial assistance to municipalities on
education matters.
The prefectural governor is responsible for operating prefectural postsecondary institutions and supervising the administration of private schools.
Each municipality has a 3- or 5-member municipal board of

edncation, appointed by the mayor with the consent of themunicipal assembly. These boards are responsible for:
operating municipal public elementary and lower secondary
schools in their jurisdictions;adopting textbooks for compulsory school use from Monbusho's approved list;
making recommendations to the prefectural boards of education on the appointment and dismissal of teachers.

The municipal superintendent of education is selected fromamong the board members with the consent of the prefecturalboard of education.
The mayor is responsible for operating municipal postsecondary institutions.

Finance
The cost of public education is shared by national, prefectural,and municipal governments, augmented at upper secondary andhigher education levels by tuition from parents. Private institutions are established as nonprofit corporations which derive theirincome from student tuition and subsidies from national and local
governments, sometimes augmented at the postsecondary levelby contributions from business and industry.
The national government provides almost half of total publicFigure 2. Operating Relationships of National Educational Agencies

National Diet

Plenary Session

Education Committee

Submitting
Budget &Sending

II

Bills

I

Board of Audit

Budget &Laws

I National Personnel I
Authority

Cabinet1

1

Transmitting Budget
Estimates & Draft Bills

Promulgating Laws &Allocating Budget

Auditing
Ministry of Education, Science & Culture

Councils
1

1-.1

The Ministry of Education. Science
and Culture shell be the administrative organ whose duty is to advanceand diffuse school education, social
education, science & culture, andshall be responsible for carryingout an integrated administration ofaffairs conceming these and religion.

Requests of Advice

4

I

Providing Rules& Recommendation

Supervision

mil

Recommendation

Quasi-Governmental
Organization Closely
Cooperating withI

Approval of Establishment

the Ministry ofI

r - ==

Guidance & Advice[

I
I

Education, Science
and CultureI
IV

al Public institutionsof Higher EducationI=.

ge---.11
itNational Facilities

Private institutionsof Higher Education

I.

National Institutionsof Higher Education

EdforucaSociiional

I

Assistance, Advice& Liaison
Local Educational
Agencies

I Social Education I
Activities

iPlanning, Advice& Assistance

National ResearchInstitutes

Source: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture. Education in Japan. A Graphic Presentation. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1982. p. 31.

iIt

International
Education

Activities

Figure 3. Organization of Monbusho
Personnel Division
General Affairs Division
Press and Information Office
Budgeting and Accounting Division
Policy Division
Information Management Office--I Minister's Secretariat

Research and Statistics Division
Educational Personnel Welfare Division

Department of Facilities for
Education, Science andCultureUpper Secondary School Division
Lower Secondary School Division
Elementary School Division
Kindergarten Division
Vocational Education Division
Special Education Division
Textbook Authorization Division
Textbook Administration Division

dElementary and Secondary
Education Bureau

Administration Bureau

Financial Affairs Division
Overseas Children Education Office
Local Affairs Division
Teacher Training Division
Facility Aid Division

Higher Education
BureauPlanning Division
University Education Division
Teacher Training University Office
University Entrance Examination Office
Technical Education Division
Medical Education Division
University Hospital Supervising OfficeStudent Affairs Division

dEducational Assistance andMinister
ParliamentaryVice-Minister

Private School Departme1
nt

Vice-Minister

Science and International_1

Affairs BureauI--d---Social Education Bureau

I

Facility Planning Division
Facility Administration OfficePlanning Division
Technical Division

Physical Education Bureau--I Commissioner's Secretariat

IPrivate School Administration Division
Private School Management Division
Private School Aid Division

Science Division

Scientific Affairs i inning Office
Research Insti.utes Division
Research Aid Division
Research Cooperation Office
Science Information DivisionInternational Affairs Planning Division
Educational and Cultural Exchange DivisionInternational Science Division
Student Exchange Division

Social Education Division
Youth Education Division
Women's Education Division
Learning Resources and Information Division
Physical Education Division
Sports Division
School Health Division
School Lunch Division

General Affairs Division
Bud:eting and Accounting Division

Culture Diffusion Division
Arts Division

Commissioner for
Cultural Affairs

Cultural Affairs Department

Deputy Commissioner
for Cultural Affairs

Japanese Language Division

Copyright Division
Planning and Research Office

Religious Affairs Division_I

Cultural Properties
I
Protection Department

Traditional Culture Division
Diffusion and Subsidy Office
Monuments and Sites Division
Fine Arts Division
Architecture Division

Source: Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture. Education in Japan: A Brief Outline. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1986. p. 17.

_Iexpenditures on education.4 It funds the more than 600 "national"

education institutions at all educational levels (table 1). It also
provides subsidies for educational purposes to private institutions, prefectures, and municipalities. These include:
subsidies to prefectures to cover half the cost of salaries andallowances of educational personnel at compulsory schools
and schools for the handicapped;
subsidies to prefectures and municipalities to cover half thecost of teaching equipment for public compulsory schools; andsubsidies to prefectures and municipalities to cover one-halfor one-third of the cost of construction of public elementaryand secondary schools.
The national government also makes local allocation tax grants
to prefectures and municipalities in order to reduce financial inequalities among them, and a portion of these grants is used for
education.
Prefectural governments provide funds for prefectural education institutions and services; salaries and allowances of teachers
at municipal elementary, lower secondary, and other schools;

and subsidies to municipal elementary and lower secondary
schools.

School year
The Tapanese school year begins in early April and is organized into trimesters that run from April to July, September toDecember, and January to March. The principal long vacation
takes place from mid-July to the end of August. There areshorter vacation periods at other times. In higher education, theacademic year has two semesters.
The Japanese elementary and secondary school year is usuallyreported as being 240 days long, including Saturdays. This
figure is somewhat misleading. Monbusk. requires a minimumof 210 days of instruction, including a half day on Saturdays.
Local boards can add more time at their discretion. They commonly specify 240 days. This permits 30 days for such school

activities as field trips, Sports Day, cultural festivals, andgraduation ceremonies. Adjusting for the half days on Saturdays,

the Japanese school year contains the full-time equivalent of

about 195 days of classroom instruction. The average length of
the school year in the United States is 180 days, and this total
usually contains some days of activities comparable to those forwhich the Japanese local boards add extra days.
On a cumulative basis this difference means that by the timeof high school graduation, Japanese students have been in schoolfor at least the equivalent of one American school year longer
than students in the United States. The difference in time devoted
to education is actually greater because of the more effective usethat Japanese teachers make of time in school, the larger amountof time Japanese students spend in study outside of school, andthe number of days in the American school year given over tononacademic pursuits.
The 51/2-day school week, the shorter summer vacation, andthe additional time spent in study outside of school, in
homework, tutoring, or juku, all combine to make education acontinuing aspect of Japanese children's lives, somewhat
analogous to a full-time job for adults.

Other dimensions of education in Japan
Japan is a learning society of formidable dimensions. The
strong commitment to education and self-improvement extends
beyond the official school system through a variety of institutions, programs, and opportunities. For example, there is a vast

publishing industry which provides a wide range of generai
reading and education material for the highly literate Japanesepublic. The several national newspapers which report in depth
on national and international affairs have a combined morningand evening daily circulation of more than 40 million.s Highquality educational television is extensively developed and widely available. Other educational opportunities are found in diverse

places, including cultural centers, department store clubs, andcorrespondence schools.
Of special significance for school age children are the juku
the unofficial, ubiquitous, parent-financed schools which supplement the official system. From the government point of view,the juku are not a healthy phenomenon. Yet they seem to meet
important educational needs for many families.

Juku
Juku is the Japanese term for a large and diverse group of

private, profitmaking tutorial, enrichment, remedial,
preparatory, and cram schools found throughout the country.
Most juku operate after school hours and on weekcnds. Juku
parallel the official school system in a somewhat interdependent
relationship. The Japanese scholar Kazuyuki Kitamura provides
an insightful, though perhaps overstated, perspective on the rela-tionship between juku and the regular school system:
The dominant values of the Japanese public primaryschool are egalitarianism and uniformity: Pupils are notclassified according to their academic ability because all
pupils are supposed to keep up with the progress of theclass. There they are taught by means of a nationally con-trolled, uniform curriculum. Despite its principles ofegalitarianism and uniformity, however, the school inevitably must produce high achievers and low achievers.
The school and its teachers are unable to counter thesedisparities because they are bound by the two mandatory
principles. So . . . high achievers who are dissatisfied withthe progress of the school class . . . attend a . . . school . . .
where they can take more advanced classes, while. .. [stu-dents with learning problems can attend] another typeof. .. school offering remedial classes. Then, thanks to theexistence of these. . . supperting institutions, the formal
school can continue to function according to the principlesof egalitarianism and uniformity.'
The juku can be categorized into academic and nonacademic.
The latter offer instruction for general enrichment purposes ina wide variety of subjects such as piano, the arts, abacus, andcalligraphy. They are more extensively attended by younger
children. The academic juku are the more prominent kind andassume increasing importance with each successive grade level.

Academic juku
Academic juku are a response to several realities in Japanese
education:
the need for supplementary instruction to enaHe many elementary and secondary students to keep pace with the demanding
school curriculum,
the need for remedial instruction to help those who have fallen

behind to catch up, andthe need for special assistance in preparing for entrance examinations for senior high schools and universities.

Academic juku offer instruction in school subjects such as
mathematics, Japanese language, science, English, and social
studies. They help students review and prepare for regularschool lessons as well as advance to the next level throughpreparation for entrance examinations. Many juku provide bothkinds of services as well as remedial assistance for those having difficulty with their school studies. The yobiko is a special
category of juku which specializes in preparing high school
students and graduates for university entrance examinations. It

is described further in the section on upper secondary education.

Academic juku vary greatly in philosophy, ownership,
physical plant, and scale of operation. There pre one-room juku
as well as chains, some with branches enrolling more than 1,000
students and employing a faculty of 50 or more. The major corporate chains have immense total enrollments at least one has

more than 1,000,000 students nationwide. Some juku havegained reputations as elite institutions in their own right, andsome of these even have entrance examinations, although usuallymore for class formation than for student selection. The typicaljuku is operated by a private individual with one or a few teach-

ers. The most common form is essentially a one-room, oneteacher school.
The juku enterprise today is a recent phenomenon, paralleling the expansion and development of secondary and higher
education. The growth during the past two decades has been
dramatic. A national survey conducted in 1976 found that 60
percent of the juku had been founded in the preceding decade.
Fully 70 percent of today's juku have been founded since 1976,
nearly half of them since 1981. Estimates of the current numberof academic juku differ widely, but recent Japanese figures put

the total at at least 35,000.

Attendance patterns
Juku attendance has risen at all grade levels in the last decade.2
Participation rates increase with grade level throughout the entire compulsory school period. National average attendance rates
rise from 6.2 percent of all children in the 1st grade of elementary school to 47.3 percent by the 3rd year of lower secondary

school, with figures for large urban areas even higher. The
figures for attendance by grade level are given in figure 4. Comparable detail is not available for the upper secondary years, but
the overall participation rate is lower, in part because almost 30
percent of the students are now in vocational education programs

and, thus, out of the university entrance marathon.
Except for 9th graders, during the compulsory school years
more students are enrolled in either a '`catch-up" program or one
which helps students review and prepare for regular schoolwork
than in one geared to examination preparation and advancement
to the next higher educational level. As students advance throughthe higher elementary grades and into lower secondary school,

there is a tendency for more students to enroll in preparatory
and examination programs. By the last year of lower secondary
school (9th grade), half of those enrolled are engaged in courses
which help prepare them for high school entrance examinations.
Juku also perform an important social function for young people, providing opportunities for contact with peers outside theirregular school context. The most common reason parents givefor sending their child to juku is that the child wanted to attend.

Many youngsters ask to attend because their friends or otherneighborhood children do. Almost 40 percent of the children
who go to juku say that one reason they like going is because
they are able to make friends with other boys and girls.
Juku operators, too, often point to the opportunity children
have to make new friends outside the school circle as one of themerits of attendance. Besides peer contact, many children see

Figure 4. Juku Attendance Rates by Grade Level Through Compulsory Education
percent

I
I

I

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

I

50

I
I
I
I
I
I

H
I
I
I
I
I
I
I

_J

I
I

I
I

30

...1
I

I
I
I

- -I
I
I
I
I

20 I
I
1

I

I
I
I
I

I

10 I
I
I

I
I

1

I

6.2

I
I

I

0I

I

I
1

1

2

3

4

5

Grade Level
Source: Showa 60 nendo jido, seito no gakkogai gakushu katsudo ni kansuru jittai chosa sokuho[Preliminary report on Students' Out-of-School Learning Activities 1985.] Tokyo: Monbusho, 1985.

6

7

8

9

juku as a positive experience because they are able to have more

personal contact with their teachers.
In listing the education benefits of juku attendance, about half
the students placed "gaining a better understanding of school
work" at the top of their list. About half of all elementary andlower secondary school students report that their main reason
for attending is "preparation and review" of school studies.

Teachers
Juku teaching is usually a part-time proposition, but many juku

employ some full-time teachers. In many cases, it is the moresenior and experienced full-time teachers who teach the criticalexamination preparation classes or the courses in a juku's particular specialty. A juku's faculty and reputation are strong draw-

ing cards.
Approximately one-third of all juku teachers are university
students. About 4 percent are teachers in high schools or institu-

tions of higher education. Only 1 percent arc elementary or
lower secondary school teachers (a decline from 6 percent a
decade ago, reflecting strong Ministry of Education admonitions
to regular full-time teachers against also serving as juku instruc-tors). About half of the remaining faculty members earned ateaching certificate during their university study, but have noteaching experience in regular schools. Some apparently prefer
employment in juku. Others may have been unsuccessful insecuring a regular teaching position.

Why juku flourish

pealing to parents who want their children to be exposed to themost rigorous standards of discipline and self-denial.

Most juku, however, differ from public school practiceprimarily in the extent of r ersonal attention provided. Juku are
not limited to standardized or lockstep instructional approaches,but may use whatever methods they believe are most effective.
Many juku pride themselves on approaches-mphasize
individual attention to student needs. In sharp coit to standard public school practice, some juku even stress individual
recognition as a motivational device. The free market in which
juku operate provides a strong incentive for improving instructional effectiveness: better instructional performance produces
more fee-paying students.
Class organization is one area where juku exploit their flexibility. Not being required to keep all students of the same grade
together, they often group students by ability rather than gradelevel. Some juku regroup students frequently on the basis ofperiodic assessments of progress.
Some juku emphasize self-instruction. They may use a programmed instruction approach where the student progresses at
his or her own pace. In these schools, classes typically consistof children working by themselves while sitting together in thesame room.
Many juku are run by dedicated teachers who feel quite
strongly that they offer a valid educational supplement to the instruction provided in public schools. Some juku might even beconsidered a form of experimental school run by professionals

who develop original curricular materials and innovative approaches to teaching and learning.

Beyond meeting the three academic needs noted earlier, juku

provide a socially acceptable way for parents to fulfill theireducational responsibilities as the child advances to a point in

The marketplace

mothers, an opportunity for their children to receive additional
educational and social benefits in a supervised environment after
school hours.
Few parents wish to deny their offspring the opportunity toattend juku when the children of other parents are attending.
Some parents feel they would be derelict in their duty as parents
if they did not send their children to juku. This tendency reflects
the values of the parents, and in many cases, the children, in
wanting to participate in an activity recognized by peer groups
as important.
There are reports of neighborhoods devoid of children after

The juku industry has become a big business. It has reached
the 800 billion yen level annually (about 5 billion U.S. dollars)
and is still growing.3 Because of the commercial aspect of mostjuku, some critics have argued that they have profit rather thaneducation at heart.
Juku operators acknowledge that their schools operate in themarketplace, but point out that they have a legitimate range ofeducational services to sell for which there is great demand. A
sizable proportion of parents obviously believe that juku are providing services which the public schools do not provide, which
the parents believe their children need, and for which they arewilling to pay. Parents are free to go elsewhere if a juku is notmeeting their needs or living up to its claims.

school because the youngsters are all in juku. Some regularschool teachers complain that children no longer stay around

Criticisms

schooling where they can no longer provide adequate assistanceat home. At the same time, juku offer parents, particularly

after school because they have to go to their juku lessons. A child

who does not attend may have no one to play with and may
therefore ask to be sent.
To some observers, juku represent an attempt by parents toexercise and by some educators to provide meaningful measuresof choice in Japanese education, particularly for children attending public schools. Some juku offer subject matter not available
in the public school curriculum while others emphasize a special
philosophical or ethical approach. A small number feature programs that are almost spartan in their demands, presumably ap-

Since juku attendance costs money, not all students are able
to obtain their services. Hence juku introduce some inequality
into what is nominally an egalitarian education system. Yet whilesome juku are expensive, most are affordable for most families.
Juku cannot afford to price themselves beyond the reach of theirpotential clientele. Japanese parents are very concerned about
doing whatever they can for their child's education. If the rising enrollments in juku are any indication, cost is not yet alimiting factor for most parents. Juku clearly are given some priority in family budgeting.

Juku fees depend on the grade level of the student, numberof courses taken, and the amount of individual instruction involved. In 1985 the average family with one elementary childattending a juku paid an estimated 2 percent of family income
in juku fees. For families where children took four courses, thefees averaged about 3.5 percent of family income. For students
of lower secondary school age, the costs averaged about 2.4 percent of family income. Home tutors tend to be considerably more
expensive, and the number of families employing them is only
a fraction of those sending their children to juku.
Some criticism has been expressed that when juku teachmaterial in advance of the time it is taught in school there canbe a disruptive and negative effect on the classroom situation.
But recent studies do not substantiate this view. Rather, in someareas of mathematics, for example, students who have attended juku do better than those who have not. However, in otherareas of mathematics there is little or no difference in performance between the two groups of students.4
Occasionally some juku, especially those oriented toward examination preparation, have engaged in deceptive advertisingor made false claims concerning their ability to qualify students
to pass entrance examinations. Other juku, anxious to enroll
more students, have sometimes tried to steal away talented
students or teachers on the theory that the presence of a particular "star" at their school would attract other students andparents. Such unethical behavior has reflected on juku overall.
However, most juku reputations are gained from legitimate
achievements.

Maintaining perspective

over half the parents do not send their children to juku, somefor reasons of cost, but probably more because they do not feelthe need for juku. The latter group believes the schools do anadequate job and that such supplementary services and expense
are unnecessary. Many of these parents also feel that children
ought to have more time at home to play when young and that
they, the parents, are capable of providing whatever additional
assistance the children may need with their studies.
If a student is not in juku, it does not mean that he or she isnecessarily at a disadvantage in school. Other avenues ofassistance are available. For example, self-help literature or supplemental texts and study guides, some produced by publishinghouses associated with juku, are widely available on a commer-

cial basis. Most items are moderately priced, generally in therange of 5 to 10 U.S. dollars. There is also a complete Correspondence High School of the Air course broadcast almost daily on the Japan Broadcasting Company's educational radio andtelevision channels. These programs are essentially free for thelistening and many studrnts do, in fact, use them to supplement

their studies.

In school and juku as well as in study at home, Japanesechildren learn good study habits, strong self-discipline, and persistence on school achievement matters. But Japanese children
do not study all the time nor do juku function soley as educational institutions. Many children enjoy their lessons and friends
in juku and have further social contacts with peer groups in clubs
and other activities outside of study situations. Japanese children
watch television, read comic books, and enjoy pop music. But
they clearly work hard on their education both in and out ofschool.

Throughout the entire elementary and secondary school span,

14

23

The Teaching
Profession
Japanese teachers are an essential element in the success story.
Japanese society entrusts major responsibilities to teachers andexpects much from them. It confers high social status andeconomic rewards but also subjects teachers to constant public
scrutiny.
Because Japanese culture views the school as a moral community and a basic training ground for becoming a good citizen,

teachers have broad responsibility for moral education andcharacter development and for instilling fundamental Japanesevalues, attitudes, and "living habits" in students at all levels.
These responsibilities are equal in importance to the academicroles of developing student motivation and helping students meetthe high academic standards required for success in secondary
school and university entrance examinations.
Teachers are expected to infuse cultural values throughout
school activities and to be concerned about students' lives bothin and out of school. Their efforts and influence often extend
into the home and the community.
Long an attractive profession in status terms, the appeal ofteaching as a career has heightened further during the past
decade because of a substantial increase in remuneration. The
average salary of teachers is now higher than that of other public
employees and compares favorably with salaries of other professionals in the private sector.
The salary increase, coupled with the depressing effects of the1973 oil crisis on industrial employment, led to a dramatic risein applicants for teaching positions. The total number of applicants taking prefectural appointment examinations nearly
doubled between 1974 and 1975 (from 128,000 to 245,000)
although the number of positions increased only 13.5 percent.
The number competing for teaching positions reached its peakin 1979 and has declined since to the present level of about
200,000.
Competition for entry into the profession continues to be intense. The 200,000 applicants now vie annually for approximately 38,000 vacancies in the public school system.

Composition and qualifications of teaching force
In 1984, Japan's school system was staffed by approximately
1,000,000 full-time teachers at the elementary and secondary
levels. In addition, about 99,000 teachers served in preschools

under the Ministry of Education, about 38,000 in schools forthe blind, deaf and otherwise handicapped, a total of about

50,000 in technical colleges, special training schools andmiscellaneous schools, and another 128,000 in universities andjunior colleges (table 6).
Teaching is one of the few lifetime professional career opportunities real:lily available to women in Japan. The percentagesof women full-time teachers in each type of institution are:

All institutions
Preschools

41.9
93.8

Elementary schools
Lower secondary schools
Upper secondary schools
Schools for the handicapped
Technical collegesSpecial training schools
Miscellaneous schools
Junior colleges
Universities

56.0
33.5
18.3

48.5
0.8
57.4
40.5
39.1
8.5

Ninety percent of all new teachers now have 4-year college
degrees, with most having majored in fields other than education. In 1985, more than 37 percent of the available positionsin the nation's public schools were filled by applicants having
bachelor's degrees from colleges of education while more than
53 percent were filled by applicants with a baccalaureate fromother types of colleges. About 6 percent were filled by juniorcollege graduates and the remaining 3 percent by master's degree
holders.
While most new teachers in recent years have had at least 4
years of university work, there are still substantial numbers ofolder Japanese teachers with less than a baccalaureate degree,
as a recent study indicates:

In 1983-84. . . approximately 41 percent of elementary
school teachers, 24 percent of lower secondary teachers,
and 11 percent of upper secondary teachers had not earned
bachelor's degrees ...In contrast, 99.6 percent of all U.S.

teachers, as of 1980-81, had at least a bachelor's degree . . In the same year, 56 percent of U.S. high school
teachers, 47 percent of middle school and junior highschool teachers, and 45 percent of elementary teachers

held at least a master's degree whereas the corresponding
percentages in Japan in 1983-84 were only 4.9 percent,

1.1 percent, and 0.3 percent, respectively.'
The Japanese elementary and secondary teaching force is moreexperienced than its American counterpart. In 1983-84, theaverage number of years of experience of Japanese elementaryand lower secondary teachers was 16.8 and that of upper secondary teachers 17.5, compared with an average of 13 years for
American elementary and secondary teachers in 1981 (the lastyear for which such data are available). Moreover, in 1980-81
more than 40 percent of the teachers in Japan had been teachingat least 20 years, compared with 22 percent in the United States.

Preservice education
After World War II, the Japanese Education Reform Committee, following recommendations of the United States Education

Mission, incorporated teacher education into the university
system. This strengthened its arademic component and led toa broader education, including the liberal arts, in a program notdirectly controlled by the central government.
The Japanese term this approach the "open system," meaningthat faculties or departments in universities other than collegesof education, and institutions without colleges of education, evenjunior colleges, can develop and offer teacher preparation programs. By 1979, about 84 percent of all colleges and univer15

sities and 84 percent of the junior colleges were helping prepareteachers.2 The more than 800 institutions involved in teacher
preparation now graduate nearly 175,000 students annually withteaching credentials. This figure represents approximately onethird of the total number of college and university graduates inJapan.3
There are currently 65 colleges of education, of which 58 areaffiliated with national universities and 7 with private institutions. These colleges are primarily engaged in preparing elementary and lower secondary school teachers. They produce 31,000

graduates annually, almost 18 percent of all who leave higher
education having met certification requirements for teaching.
In 1985, more than half the college of education graduateswere employed as teachers (46 percent in the public schools andanother 9 percent in private schools). However, most teachers
received their preparation in other than colleges of education.
The proportion of those hired who were not graduates of colleges of education increased with school level: they filled onethird of the openings at the elementary level, two-thirds at thelower secondary level, and nearly nine-tenths at the upper secondary level.

liable A. Requirements for 'Leaching Certificates*
Teaching
Certificate

Preschool
First Class
Second Class

Requirements
Credits
Qualification Professional Teaching
Education Subjects
Subjects°
Basic

Bachelor's degree
2 years postsecondary study,
62 credits

28

Bachelor's degree
2 years postsecondary study,
62 credits

32
22

16
8

14
10

40b or 32C
20b or 16C

18

16
8

ElementaryFirst Class
Second Class

Lower secondaryFirst Class
Bachelor's degree
Second Class
2 years postsecondary study,
62 credits
Upper secondaryFirst Class
Master's degree
Second Class
Bachelor's degree

I Elementary] Lower secondary
General education
Humanities
Social sciences
Natural sciences
Foreign languages
Physical education
Teaching subject
Professional education studies(including social andphilosophical foundationsof education, psychologyof education, child psychology, moral education,teaching methods, practice teaching)

48-52

48 .52

12a
12a
12a

12a
12a
12a

8-12

8-12

4

4

1613

40-50c18-26e32-36d*Minimum.
bLegally required number of credits.
dLegally required number is 32 for one group of subjects and 40 for the remaining

14
14

62" or 52c
40b or 32c*Actual requirements set by the training institutions themselves can be higher.
The requirements of national colleges of education range from 124 credits (thetotal number normally earned in 4 years) to 159 credits. To obtain more than
one teaching certificate, students usually take even more credits, averaging between 160 and 180 and exceeding 200 credits in extreme cases.

*Including 2 credits, equivalent to 2 weeks, for student teaching, in both secondary education programs and 4 credits, equivalent to 4 weeks, in the elementary program.
tylb teach social studies, science, homemaking, industrial arts, and vocational
education subjects.
eTo teach Japanese, mathematics, music, art, physical education, health, English
and religion, and to provide guidance and counseling.

16

There are different legal requirements for certification to teachin preschool, elementary school, lower secondary school, andupper secondary school. For preschool, elementary, and lower
secondary teachers, the basic qualification for a first class certificate is a bachelor's degree. The basic qualification for a second class certificate is 2 years of study (the acquisition of 62
credits) in a university or other postsecondary institution. For
upper secondary school teachers, the basic qualification for a
first class certificate is a master's degree. The qualification fora second class certificate is a bachelor's degree. The first classcertificate is now the preferred credential at all levels.
In addition to the length of study and degree qualifications,prospective teachers must earn a prescribed number of credits
in education studies and in the subjects to be taught. At the secondary level, a larger number of credits are required for certain subjects (including social studies and science) than for asecond group of subjects (including Japanese, mathematics, andothers). Table A shows the basic qualifications and the numberof credits in professional education subjects and in teaching subjects required for first class and second class teaching certificatesat each of the four school levels.
A typical 4-year course for elementary and lower secondary
school education majors in a national college of education includes the following credits:group of subjects.
dLegally required number is 32.
eLegally required number is only 14, including 2 credits in practice teaching.
National colleges of education require an average of 4-5 credits in practiceteaching in the lower secondary education program.

Minimum requirements for student teaching are 4 weeks (4credits) for the elementary program and 2 weeks (2 credits) for

secondary. However, national colleges of education require
students preparing to teach in lower secondary schools to haveat least as much student teaching experience as those preparing

to teach in elementary schools. Since 1954, certification requirements for work in the areas of academic specialization haveincreased while requirements in the professional education com-ponent have decreased.

Becoming employed as a teacher
While minimum requirements for teacher certification aredetermined by national law, prefectural boards of education may

add requirements. A prospective teacher meets the formal
academic requirements through successful completion ofprescribed courses of study in a postsecondary institution.
However, no matter how good one's academic record may havebeen, graduation from a university is not sufficient for appointment to a teaching position.
Most public school teachers are prefectural employees, eventhough three-fourths of them teach in municipal schools. Prefec-tures, therefore, play a significant role in the selection ofteachers for employment. In addition to completing required
university coursework, a prospective teacher must receive alicense to teach from a prefectural board of education. Such alicense is awarded on the basis of the prefectural board's reviewof the work the applicant has completed in higher education. A
license awarded by any prefecture is valid in all prefectures.
However, the applicant must also take prefectural appointment
examinations which help ensure that all applicants compete on
equal terms for any teaching vacancies.
Given the attraction of teaching as a career and the intensecompetition for positions, passing the prefectural appointment
examinations has become a primary goal of aspiring teachers,
one for which applicants work hard to prepare. The examinations are given in two stages. The first consists of written tests

Dismissals are extremely rare and normally occur only for
unethical conduct.
Teachers are rotated from one school to another within theprefecture on various schedules. This contributes to equalization of faculty resources among the prefecture's public schools.

Inservice educafion
Need and types. Continuing education on the job reflects
Japan's cultural commitment to self-improvement as well as a
response to perceived weaknesses in preservice education. Morethan two-thirds of Japanese teachers who responded to a 1978
survey expressed the view that preservice teacher training wasinadequate.' Prefectural and local boards of education are notwholly satisfied with preserv ice teacher preparation either, andthe Ministry of Education has reservations as well. Hence, Monbusho requires first-year teachers to receive a minimum of 20
days of inservice training during that year.
Under the direction of the Ministry of Education and prefectural and municipal boards of education, inservice training isoffered for public school teachers at all levels and at various
career stages. It takes five forms in Japan:

Inschool training;
Informal inservice training carried out by teachers themselvesin district-wide study groups;

Training given at the local (prefectural or municipal-

high level technical positions, large corporations typically recruit

equivalent) education center (see below);
Training given to principals, vice-principals, and curriculum
consultants by the Ministry of Education at a national training center;Two-year traininz given to a few hundred teachers annuallyat three nationally funded institutions established since 1978
for the purpose of providing graduate professional educationfor experienced teachers. These teachers are selected from allover the country.

only new university graduates.
In 1985, graduates fresh from colleges and universities filled
59 percent of the new openings. The remaining 41 percent were

Tokushima "education universities" were created by Monbusho
because university graduate schools in Japan traditionally con-in general education and specialized fields and skill tests in suchareas as physical education, music, and art. All applicants forlower secondary teaching jobs are required to take a test in
physical fitness. The second stage consists of interviews.
Age is an important consideration. More than half of theprefectures require applicants to be under the age of 30. Only
two prefectures have no age limit. This practice is more liberalthan that of Japanese industry where, for white collar jobs and

The three graduate institutions Hyogo, Joetsu, andfilled by a combination of the previous year's graduates who had
failed the appointment examination the first time around and ap-

centrate on preparing researchers and few offer relevant advanced study for practicing teachers. ibachers who complete thespecial graduate education program receive a master's degree
and return to the classroom. However, because of their small
number of graduates, these three institutions have had only alimited impact upon the teaching profession to date.
One of the commendable characteristics of the teaching profession in Japan is the extent to which inservice education isplicants with work experience in other fields. The latter hadearned appropriate credits in education during their university
study but had initially chosen to work in other fields. Now they
were switching to education.
With more than five applicants for every position, prefecturalboards of education can select able individuals from a large anddiversified pool. However, no suitable data base permits comparison of the intellectual and technical competence of teacherswith those who enter other occupations.
Once applicants gain entry to the teaching profession, they are
assured of lifetime employment. They are promoted essentially on the basis of seniority, as in all public sector and most major private corporation employment. The seniority concept isstrongly entrenched in Japan. The idea of performance-based
merit pay is not a live issue or feasible option. Partly becauseof the lifetime employment policy, all prefectural and municipal
boards of education are very careful in selecting new teachers.

teacher initiated and directed. Teacher organizations also sponsor

training and research related activities.
Much of the 20 days of inservice training required of newteachers takes place in the schools where they teach and is carried out under the supervision of shido shuji, expert experienced
teachers on leave of absence from their schools to serve as thefunctional equivalent of what American education would call amaster teacher, curriculum consultant, or teaching supervisor.
Teachers, including novices, also participate in citywide study
group meetings organized to discuss a variety of concerns including teaching methods and curriculum. One common train-

9P

17

ing method is for teachers to conduct demonstration classes
before their colleagues and a shido shuji, followed by feedback
sessions.
Education centers. A major source of inservice training is
the local education center, which also provides counseling andguidance services and conducts some research. Each of the 47
prefectures and 10 large municipalities (with status comparable

to a prefecture) has an education center.
The Hiroshima Municipal Education Center is typical. It isfinanced by the municipal board of education and staffed by 28
full-time specialists (including five administrators), most of themshido shuji, to serve teachers and administrators in its area. In
1985, the Hiroshima Center offered 159 separate training programs in 21 different categories. Its programs last 1 to 5 days
and cover such categories as subject matter knowledge, pedagogy, school administration, educational technology, student
guidance, and class management.
In addition to full-time shido shuji, the center training staff
includes selected university professors and some community
resource persons such as judges and industrial managers brought
in as guest speakers. Japanese teachers and school administrators
do not consider most university professors particularly usefulin inservice training because of their relative unfamiliarity withclassroom instruction and administrative practices.5 For theirpart, education professors question the approach of using otherteachers and administrators to retrain practitioners at the schoollevel. This difference in perspective helps sustain thecontroversy now so familiar to Americans over the role ofhigher education, particularly colleges of education, in preservice and inservice teacher education.
Various segments of the teaching force are scheduled for training on a periodic basis. For example, all sixth-year teachers aresupposed to spend 3 days at the center for refresher retraining
in selected aspects of their work.
There is also a program at the Hiroshima Education Centerfor school administrators, with emphasis on new principals. Administrators are expected to undertake training for 4 to 8 daysa year. A typical training session consists of lectures, discussion, and case studies.

The center also offers a 6-month program for six selectedteachers who work full-time on special projects of their own'Ace, and a 3-month program for 22 teachers who are granted
J....leased time from their schools to work on their projects.

Related concerns. Prefectural boards of education urge
teachers to use inservice training opportunities to master theholistic role of a teacher. The boards' (=cern reflects the abiding

Japanese cultural view that schooling is not only a cognitiveenterprise for the transmission of knowledge and acquisition ofskills, but also a vital process for developing morality, character,and basic life attitudes and habits.
Generally, inservice training at education centers and individual schools is believed to be successful. In a recent survey,
two-thirds of the teachers who participated in center programsfor the first time considered the training useful.6
It is interesting to note that in Japan, in contrast to the situation in the United States, institutions that provide preservice
education have little involvement in the continuing education of18

teachers. Further, while the level of inservice activity is high,little of it carries college credit or culminates in a graduate
degree.

Japan Teachers Union
No account of the teaching profession or postwar education
development in Japan would be complete without attention to
the Japan Thachers Union (JTU), Nildcyoso in Japanese. The JTU

is the dominant Organization of educators (there are a numberof smaller ones), the second largest public sector union, and avery influential member of Sohyo, the General Council ofJapanese Trade Unions.
The JTU is a national federation of prefectural unions, eachof which has considerable autonomy. The membership encompasses teachers and other education personnel at all levels, including college professors and clerical and support staff, in bothpublic and private institutions. However, JTU's members are
predominantly teachers in the public elementary and secondary
schools. The membership has declined in recent years. In 1985,

the number dropped below 50 percent of all public school
teachers for the first time since the union was established in theimmediate postwar period.7
The JTU has been an active force in educational and politicalmatters for almost 40 years. It has been at odds with Monbusho
on most matters during virtually the entire period. The govern-

ment has often been characterized as "conservative" and theunion as "radical." Neither label is necessarily helpful in crosscultural translation.
Shortly after the restoration of Japan's sovereignty in 1952,
Japanese education underwent a kind of "counter reform." Thenational government regained much of its former power overthe education system that had been curtailed by the Occupation.
Nikkyoso. however, remained a strong proponent of many Occupation reform policies and thus was often in sharp conflict withthe government. Some of the education issues about which Nilckyoso continues to feel strongly include decentralization of control, school autonomy, freedom of teachers to write and choose
textbooks, student centered education, greater teacher participation in decisionmaking, and comprehensive high schools for all
youths. The Ministry of Education has considerable interest in

all these matters, but usually from a different perspective.
Fundamental philosophical differences between the government and the JTU transcend the education sector. The government views teachers as neutral professionals who perform a duty
for the government, while the JTU regards teachers as workers
and participants in broad political and economic struggles. The

JTU interprets its relation to the government in labormanagement terms and takes strong stands on many government
policies, including sensitive domestic and international mattersthat have little or no relationship to education.5
JTU is well to the left on the Japanese political spectrum. Its
leadership has strong links to the Socialist Party. Some leaders
are members of the Japanese Communist Party. Thomas Rohlen
provides this perspective on the situation:

The majority of teachers do appreciate the union: 1) for
obtaining improved wages, benefits, and working condi-

tions, and 2) for serving as a counterweight to right-wing
influences and governmental authority. Even among those
who find the union's politics offensive, there is generalagreement with these points .. . . Most teachers are relatively liberal in their social opinions but rather conservative in their preference for orderly, smoothly run schools.*

specified in a schedule; a broad range of allowances,* which
are equivalent to almost one-fourth of the base salary; and anannual bonus equivalent to nearly 5 months' pay (about 41 percent of the base salary). The allowances include provision for
dependentsas is true in the public service salary schedules ofmany countries. Other factors being equal, a married teacher

In brief, there is a long history of conflict between JTU andthe government, with many complex political ramifications notreadily apparent or easily understood by those outside Japan.
Many teachers have been simultaneously loyal to and skepticalof both JTU and the government. Nikkyoso continues to pursue its manifold interests in the current national debate on education reform.

with children receives a higher pay than a married teacher

Social and economic status
No recent survey adequately compares the prestige of theteaching profession to other professions and occupations.
However, a 1975 Japanese study of social stratification andsocial mobility provides evidence on the situation at that time.
It included relevant data on the prestige ranking of elementaryand lower secondary school principals and elementaryteachers.°
According to the 1975 survey, elementary principals andteachers ranked 9th and 18th in public esteem, out of 82 occupa-

tions. Principals' prestige was higher than that of department
heads of large corporations, public accountants, and authors.
Elementary teachers enjoyed higher prestige than civil andmechanical engineers, white collar employees in large firms,
and municipal department heads. University professors wereranked third, below court judges and presidents of large companies, but above physicians.
It would be interesting to see what changes would turn up if
a similar study were conducted today. While the criticisms of
the past decade might well lower the ranldng of educators
somewhat, teaching in Japan clearly remains a socially respectedoccupation and an attractive career. The continuing strong competition in prefectural examinationsmore than five candidates,

most of them not education majors, competing for everyclassroom openingdramatizes the continuing allure of theprofession.
To be sure, the economic status of Japanese teachers is comparatively high, and the monetary rewards provide a strong incentive to pursue a teaching career. Yet this is a relatively new
situation. As recently as 1970, a teacher with 20 years of experience earned much less than did the average worker in theprivate sector." But by 1984, the beginning salary of a Japanesehigh school teacher with a bachelor's degree was 15 percent
higher than the starting salary of a white collar employee withan equivalent degree in a private company, and 12 percent higher
than the starting salary of an engineer with a bachelor's degree. 12First-year teacher salaries are generally higher than those ofother professions such as businessmen, engineers, pharmacists,

etc. At mid-career, their salaries are approximately equal.
Beyond age 53, however, teacher salaries are again higher. The
incentive to remain in the profession is strong because of the
cumulative effect of seniority and generous retirement benefits."
A teacher's total compensation is made up of a base salary28

without children or an unmarried teacher.
The salary structure for public school teachers is establishedby the Japanese National Personnel Authority. While legally applicable only to national schools, in practice this structure provides the model on which salary structures of public schools
throughout the country are based. Local deviations are minor
and variance among prefectures rare. Within this structure, there
is one set of salary schedules for teachers in elementary andlower secondary schools and another for teachers in upper secondary schools.
The base salary of a Japanese teacher depends heavily on
seniority. While the Japanese salary schedule starts lower than
the typical schedule in the United States, it continues to rise after

the U.S. schedule levels off. Unlike the salaries of Americanteachers, which tend to reach their peak between the 10th and15th years of service, salaries of Japanese teachers continue toincrease with seniority for 39 yearsthroughout the teachers'
careers. The salary ratio between a teacher at the top of theseniority scale and a beginning teacher with the same training
is approximately 3 to 1.
Salary is initially affected by the teacher's degree and certificate level, but seniority counts more as years of service accumulate. The differential between salaries of teachers with amaster's degree and those with a bachelor's degree is initiallyabout 17 percent. The differential between salaries of teacherswith a bachelor's degree and those with a 2-year degree is initially about 16 percent. In both cases, however, the differential diminishes to about 3 percent at the end of the professional
career.
the following examples of annual salaries, allowances, andboriusest according to the 1985 schedule clearly illustrate theeffect of seniority:

A newly employed unmarried 23-year-old teacher with nodependents:

2.5-2.9 million yen ($15,600-$18,100)
A 40-year-old head teacher with a spouse and two children:
5.3-5.8 million yen ($33,100-$36,200)

A 55-year-old principal with a spouse and no dependent
children:

7.8-8.7 million yen ($48,800-$54,400)
To finance retirement benefits, teachers contribute 8.87 percent of their salaries and their employers (national, prefectural,or municipal government) pay an additional 10.92 percent into
*Allowances include, where applicable, family allowance for dependents, highcost-of-living allowance, housing, commuting costs, head teacher allowance,
and administrative expenses (for principals and vice-principals).

tUnless otherwise noted, all calculations are at the exchange rate of 160
yen to the dollar, the approximate rate of exchange at the time the report went

to press.

19

a teacher retirement fund. Besides medical insurance and survivor annuities, the major retirement benefits consist of a lumpsum cash payment and an annual pension:

Lump sum cash payment All public employees are entitledto a lump sum cash payment upon retirement. A teacher retiring at age 60 would normally receive an amount larger than
2-years' salary.
Annual pension Teachers and other education personnel are
eligible for retirement at age 60. The pension is a percentageof the last year's total compensation based on the number ofyears of service. The basic formula is as follows:

Length of Service
20 years
25 years
30 years
35 years
40 years

Percent of Last Year's
Total Compensation
40.0
47.5
55.0
62.5
70.0

For example, a teacher or principal who retired at age 60 after
35 years of service would receive 62.5 percent of his total compensation as an annual pension in addition to a lump sum payment of approximately $153,000 at the time of retirement.
A study comparing teacher salaries in Japan and the UnitedStates, recently completed under contract for the U.S. Department of Education, reports these major findings:
The average salary of Japanese teachers and the average salaryof American teachers were nearly equal in purchasing power

in 1983-84. The former, converted into "equivalent dollars"on the basis of a purchasing-power-parity (PPP) exchange
rate, was $20,775 and the latter $21,476. This near equality
between the average Japanese adjusted dollar-equivalent salaryand the average U.S. salary at that time is the result of two
factors: 1) the steeper Japanese salary sc'hedule, and 2) theheavier concentration of Japanese teachers in the highest
seniority brackets where Japanese dollar-equivalent salaries

are higher than dollar salaries in the United States.
The dollar equivalent salaries of Japanese teachers in their ear-ly years of teaching were below the salaries of their U.S.
counterparts, but the salaries of senior Japanese teachers were
substantially higher than those of their American counterparts.
The shift in relative position occurs at about the 20th year ofservice.

The salaries of Japanese teachers were substantially higher
than those of U.S. teachers when related to national indicatorsof per capita economic activity. The average teacher's salaryin Japan was 2.4 times the per capita income, compared with
1.7 times per capita income in the United States. The averageteacher in Japan could buy a significantly larger share of his
country's goods and services than could the average teacher
in the United States.
The ratios of the average teacher's salary to the average wage
in manufacturing, to average salary in all nonagricultural activities, and to salaries in various other occupations, are all
higher in Japan than in the United States."
Caution is required in using these comparisons because of thedifferent conditions of employment in the two countries. The
Japanese teacher works a longer school year than the American teacher. As a full-year employee, the Japanese teacher works
when school is not in session and has shorter vacations than theAmerican teacher. Teachers in Japan also have a wider rangeof functions than teachers in the United States. They assume
many responsibilities that in the United States are borne bycounselors and curriculum coordinators, for example. And they
apparently spend more time meeting with parents.
Moreover, pupil-teacher ratios and class size are considerablylarger in Japan than in the United States. For example, in 1982,
the average elementary class in Japan had about 34 pupils andthe average lower secondary class about 36. For the same year
in the United States, the National Education Association reported
an average class size of 25 at the elementary level and 23 at thesecondary level. '52920

Home, Family, andPre-Elementary
Education

thunder, fire, and fathers. Mothers may indicate to children thatfather will discipline them if they do not behave, but it appears
that the father's authority in childrearing has decreased over the
past generation.
In many white collar families, the father is a proverbial "guest"

in his own house, returning home most evenings after thechildren have gone to bed. Although fathers provide children
with certain role models and many take an active interest in
education matters, the task of attending to the child's upbring-As essential as the professional teaching corps is, the Japanese

ing and education is usually left to the mother. Mothers take thatchild's first teachers and most important supporters are theresponsibility seriously. Research indicates that Japaneseparents, primarily the mother. The educational role of home andfamily, both before the child enters school and throughout theschool years, is as fundamental a determinant of Japanese suc-mothers place the subject of childrearing at the top of their worry

cess in education as any factor could be.

mothers seldom confront their preschool children. Rather, theyattempt to appease the child and foster an intimate, dependent
relationship. The purpose of this approach is to get the child tocomply willingly with the mother's wishes and to shape behavior
gradually over the long term. Another goal of early training is
to instill in the child a deep sense of responsibility to the motherJapanese family and parental roles
Japanese families are stable. Divorce rates 'r..ave increased
since the 1960's, but remain relatively low. In 1980 the numberof divorces was 1.2 per thousand people, while the comparable
figure for the United States was 5.2 per thousand.' Just 6 percent of all Japanese families are headed by a single parent.2
Roughly half of all households in Japan are made up of a twoparent family and children. This typical family unit is smaller
and more urban than that of a generation or two ago. More thanhalf the population now lives in large urban areas, and only one
family in six includes three generations.3
Most homes, apartments, and condominiums are smaller thantheir American counterparts because of the high cost of urban
land. For the most part, residences are comparably modern andare filled with common consumer products. Most Japanesechildren grow up taking television and the latest toys and gadgets

for granted.

There is a strong consensus regarding roles and the appropriate division of labor within the family. A man's primary
focus is the workplace, which often includes extensive work

related socializing with male colleagues during the evening
hours. In contrast, a woman's primary focus is her home andfamily, with particular attention to the rearing of children. The
family-centered role of women is reinforced by their relativelack of longterm career opportunities outside the home.
While most Japanese subscribe to the view that a woman's
place is in the home and that work should not interfere with her
primary responsibilities to children and husband, women nevertheless make up almost 40 percent of the labor force. More thanlist.'
Mothers and their children are especially close. Japaneseand family. This becomes an important factor in developing
motivation for school achievement in Japan.
The Japanese believe that the home should be a relaxed place
where children are free of constricting requirements for emotional control and good behavior expected in formal social situations. Early childhood training includes attention to manners andproper social behavior required outside of the home, but there
is little actual exposure to group situations beyond the family
until the preschool experience.
Much of a mother's sense of personal accumplishment is tied
to the educational achievements of her children, and she expends
great effort helping them. In addition, there is considerable peerpressure on the mother. The community's perception of awoman's success as a mother depends in large part on how wellher children do in school.
Some Japanese mothers have gained a reputation for extraordinary concern and involvement with their children's education.
Stories about overzealous mothers abound. In part, thisphenomenon may stem from the sharply defined role distinction between spouses. Indeed, some Japanese note that fathers
should shoulder a fair share of the blame for these maternal
excesses, since the father's typical preoccupation with mattersoutside the home forces the mother to hear near total responsibility for managing the education of the children.7

half of these women are married.' Many mothers with small

Formal pre-elementary education

children work only part-time so they can be at home when their

The initial transition from indulgence at home to the institutional demands of formal education constitutes a radical change

children are not in school. The extra income generated bymothers working outside of the home is often used to help meetthe cost of their children's education.3
Spouses generally agree about their respective parental roles
and share a belief that the children are at the center of their marriage. Thus, the education of children becomes one of the mostimportant family functions.
In earlier times, Japanese fathers were regarded as severe andas having great authority. Indeed, there is an old Japanese say-ing that there are four things to be feared in lifeearthquakes,

in environment for the Japanese child. The difficulties areresolved for most children through some form of preschool experience, wherein the child is socialized in the ways of a group.
The transition from the more or less self-centered focus of home
life to the shared needs and group responsibilities of school life
occurs through the socially oriented preschool experience.8
Japanese parents are strongly committed to early education,
though pre-elementary education in Japan is not a part of compulsory education nor is it linked, like American kindergartens,21

to the formal school structure. Virtually all Japanese preelementary education takes place in one of two types of institu-

tions: preschools and daycare centers. Preschools (yochien,
often translated as "kindergartens"), which operate under Monbusho supervision, enroll children primarily between ages 3 and5. They are in session approximately 5 hours per day. Daycare
centers (hoikuen, sometimes translated as "nursery schools"),

established by the Ministry of Welfare, are primarily for thechildren of working mothers. They accept children from infancy
through age 5 and are in session 8 hours per day. In most otherrespects the two types of institutions are similar in physicalfacilities, curricula, teaching styles, and classroom activities.
A very high percentage of Japanese children are enrolled in
pre-elementary education. Forty percent of all 3-year-olds and92 percent of all 4- and 5-year-olds attend either preschools or
daycare centers (table 7). Japanese parents rarely withdraw theirchildren once they are enrolled.
Both types of pre-elementary institutions require tuition. In
the case of daycare centers, parents are assessed charges in accordance with their income. In addition to income from tuition,
pre-elementary institutions receive subsidies from all three levelsof government in varying amounts.
leachers and school environment. Japanese preschools arestaffed by licensed professional teachers. Virtually all are
women under the age of 25 who have graduated from a juniorcollege. Their preparation includes training in teaching as wellas in relevant subject areas. The former includes such topics as
principles of education, child psychology, and practice teaching,
and the latter such things as music, physical education, and thearts. Although serious and enthusiastic about their work, many
women leave preschool teaching after marriage in order to raisechildren of their own.
During most of the day, Japanese preschools and daycare
centers are relaxed, boisterous places. Parents and teachers prize
high spirits in their preschool children, and the yard and building
usually resound with enthusiastic voices and great activity.
Preschool classes are large by American standards, averaging 30 students (and just one teacher) per class.9 This large classsize is preferred by many Japanese teachers who believe thatit gives children an opportunity to learn to interact in a groupand generates more enthusiasm for the activities. Teachers
refrain from overt direction of group activities, preferring to en-

courage the class to learn to function as a group.")Teacher strategies for gaining compliance from the child andfor inducing proper behavior have considerable similarity tomaternal strategies and techniques. That is, they emphasize persuading the child to understand and comply willingly withdemands for particular behavior rather than forcing the child toobey.

Teachers do not rush to intervene or correct occasional
misbehavior. They encourage other students to become involved
in solving problems." Working through the group to resolve individual behavioral difficulties is believed to be an important partof the social curriculum, even at this early stage.

Curriculum. The curriculum of preschool is largely
nonacademic. Interaction with other children is stressed over in-teraction with materials. Cooperative activities, games, free22

play, and chores form a substantial part of each day. Children
are encouraged to accommodate themselves to the activities ofothers around them. Great emphasis is placed on social development and training in proper habits and attitudes.
Instruction in letters and numbers and other prereading skills
is absent from the formal curriculum guidelines set forth by the

Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Welfare. These
guidelines contain six content areas to be emphasized inclassroom activities: health, social life, nature, language, music
and crafts.12 Most preschoo.. and daycare centers follow theseguidelines.
While explicit teaching of reading and writing skills is uncom-

mon, children are encouraged to speak and comprehend
language by becoming familiar with illustrated stories and pic-

ture books. Self-expression and the correct use of spoken
language are emphasized.
In music, the children sing and become acquainted with simple musical instruments. In most preschools, each class spends
several weeks preparing to stage a yearly show for parents andneighbors. Miniature operettas, complete with costumes,
scenery, and piano accompaniment, are among the most popularpresentations.
Traditional paper folding, or origami, is an important elementof craft instruction. Even 3-year-olds are considered old enoughto learn to make airplanes, boats, and cups. Older children learn

more sophisticated folding techniques, producing penguins,cranes, and a wide variety of objects.
Throughout Japanese pre-elementary education, children learn
to function as members of a group. Major goals are to interest
children in school and their classmates and to provide an orien-

tation to school life. This focus on the group is carriedthroughout the school years and ultimately into adult life.
Although unrestrained voices and physical activity are encouraged during play periods, the day is interspersed with brief
periods of solemn ritual when the entire class learns to standquietly with attention focused on the teacher. Children learn todistinguish among the various levels of order and discipline appropriate at different times during the school day.
Japanese preschools thus provide important preparation in the
habits and routines of elementary school life. Children learn tobe orderly and neat, to manage their personal school supplies,
to take care of their personal needs, and to wear school badges,
hats, or uniforms according to school custom.

Nonformal early education
Preschool and daycare institutions are not the only sources ofpre-elementary education in Japan. Children often attend enrichment lessons in addition to preschool. Swimming, gymnastics,
and piano lessons are popular. Mothers believe that these lessons
provide enjoyable opportunities for their sons and daughters to

be with other children and to participate in physical exercise.
In comparison with typical preschool activities which emphasize social skills, the enrichment lessons provide a morestructured and focused learning experience. The Suzuki methodof music teaching is one example of these types of lessons. Suchlessons are the forerunners of similar out-of-school enrichment31

classes and related remedial and cram courses which become
more widespread during the later elementary and secondary
school years.

Preschool and family
The close nature of the mother-child relationship and theparents never function as assistant teachers or aides in theclassroom. Their role is to provide auxiliary support for thechild's activities and visibly to demonstrate their support and interest. These parental largely maternal habits and attitudes
will be maintained throughout the child's school career.

strong cultural and parental commitment to education enable themother to provide a strong foundation for the child's entry intoelementary school.
During the preschool years, mothers provide informa: learn-

Pressures on pre-elementary education

ing opportunities such as drawing, making simple toys withcerned that the traditional nonacademic focus of the official preschool and daycare curriculum is insufficient. They worry that
their children may not be able to keep up once they enter school.
They see the pre-elementary years as crucial in giving their chil-paper, paste, and scissors, and various activities related to basic
reading and counting skills. Most mothers encourage their child's
natural interest in letters and numbers, although few undertakea concerted program of instruction in reading and writing. By

answering questions, Purchasing readily available children's
magazines and activitY books, and playing traditional letter
recognition and phonetic children's games, mothers stimulate
their children's interest in basic reading skills. This preschool
home environment is largely responsible for the fact that many
Japanese children enter the 1st grade already able to read andwrite the 48 basic Japanese phonetic symbols.
An important outgrowth of preschool and daycare experienceis that Japanese mothers develop the habit of providing considerable assistance for their children in the schooling process.
Japanese preschools require a large investment of maternalenergy. Numerous articles such as book bags, lunch box wrap-

pers, and the like must be handmade according to certain
specifications. Each day the child must be personally taken to

and from the school gate or bus stop, often on the back ofmother's bike or motor scooter.
Mothers are also directly involved with the school in various
ways. Each day the child carries a notebook back and forth between mother and teacher which is alternately inscribed with
notes regarding the child's health, mood, and activities at homeand during the preschool day. Usually twice a month there are
PTA meetings or mothers' club meetings. There are also frequent meetings of committees of mothers working on various
special projects for the school such as gardening and hot lunch
preparation. With all of these additional school related responsibilities, enrolling a child in preschool has only a small timesaving effect for Japanese mothers.
Although daycare centers, which are designed for working
mothers, require somewhat less intensive involvement, they also
require considerable maternal participation.
In contrast to many preschools in the United States, JapanesePre-elementary education in Japan is beginning to reflect thepressures of parental concern with academic achievement in theschool years ahead. A growing minority of parents are con-dren an academic head start as well as helping them develop
social skills. Thus, some preschools and daycare centers are beginning to provide instruction in basic reading and writing skills.
Another factor contributing to the gradual introduction of explicit instruction in pre-elementary education is increased com-

petition among preschool and daycare centers to maintain
enrollments. One successful way of developing a competitiveedge is through providing some instruction in recognizing letters and numbers. Other preschools create distinctive programs
through weekly instruction in art, judo, calligraphy, or other special subjects.
This trend toward introduction of academic instruction in preschools is not regarded in an entirely favorable light by elementary school officials and social commentators. Emphasis on
academic training at this stage is seen as interfering with proper development of children's social skills and daily habits. Further, it is believed that having some children enter 1st grade withacademic skills while most have not had a comparable opportunity to acquire them causes teachers difficulties that could be
avoided if the entire group entered 1st grade with no previous
academic instruction.
Paradoxically, the children who have had the advantage ofpreschool hrstruction sometimes endure difficulties of their own.
Since Japanese elementary schools do not separate students according to ability, the better prepared students often suffer somemonths of boredom waiting for the rest of the class to catch up.
The combination of more instruction in basic reading andwriting skills at home, virtually universal participation inpreschool education, and growing enrollments in enrichment
lessons, have created an increasing discrepancy between the official guidelines for pre-elementary education and the actual experience and capability Japanese children bring to the 1st grade.

23nnlimited to a display of recent pupil artwork or perhaps a tankof goldfish.
Desks are typically arranged facing the blackboard. The rows
are two seats wide and each pair of seats is usually occupied bya boy and a girl. Also, teachers may have students rearrange
their desks into a U-shape to facilitate class discussion or into
clusters of 4-6 desks for collaborative activity in small groups.
Most public elementary schools do not have uniforms, but all

Compulsory
Education
Elementary School (Grades 1-6)

require something to identify the child as attending that particular

Entrance into elementary school is a major step in a child'slife. Preparation begins several months in advance. A motherattends meetings sponsored by the school that her child will attend. The school specifies what it expects the child to know andbe able to do upon entry. Well-organized personal habits, polite

use of language, and traffic safety are among the mattersemphasized.
Families make much of the new 1st grader's symbolic entry
into a more grown-up world. Congratulations and gifts are inorder. Virtually all children are outfitted with a personal deskand chair at home, a regulation hard-sided leather backpack(which costs parents from $75 to $150), school hats and insignia,

and various supplies specified by the school.
The formality and seriousness of the matriculation ceremonyfor 1st graders underscores the transition the children are making and the importance that school will have in their lives. Fifth
and 6th graders join school officials and community representatives in welcoming the new 1st graders and their parents.
Mothers and children dress in their best attire. Speeches fromcity and school board officials and the principal emphasize theimportance of the child's first symbolic step into society.

Facilities
Japanese school buildings are plain, but functional. Generally, they are three-story, rectangular, concrete structures whichlack central heating or air conditioning. Room stoves are commonly used in cold weather. The lack of decoration and furnishings is believed to help the child focus on learning and building
character. Yet all schools have excellent educational facilities,
including libraries, music rooms, art rooms, gymnasia, andplaygrounds. Seventy-five percent of public schools have swimming pools., Music rooms ordinarily include electric organs,pianos, xylophones, percussion instruments of various kinds,
and often a ruled blackboard suitable for teaching music reading.
Science and art rooms are similarly well equipped.
The principal's office and teachers' room are on the groundfloor. The desks in the teachers' room are arranged so that theteachers of a given grade sit facing each other with desks
touching. When not in their classrooms, teachers work and relax

in this face-to-face situation. This facilitates cooperation andcoordination of effort among teachers of the same grade.
Each grade occupies a separate section or floor of the building,with each class assigned its own room. Classrooms are uniformly rectangular with windows on one side and a doorway on theother that opens to a hallway running the length of the building.

school, such as a school cap or badge. Some schools require
students to purchase identical athletic apparel, which is often
worn during regular classes as well.

Administration and staff
The principal and the head teacher occupy the two primaryleadership positions. Ninety-eight percent of elementary school
principals are men, and three-quarters of them are over age 55.2
The principal is responsible for all school activities and plays
multiple leadership roles. Much of his time is devoted to representing the school with local authorities, the PTA, and various
outside groups. Through regular w eekly addresses to the stu-

dent body, he also symbolizes the school's authority andexpectations.
The daily life of the school, however, is usually directed by
the head teacher. Ninety-seven percent of elementary school
head teachers are men, and most are between the ages of 50 and
553 The head teacher is thoroughly knowledgeable about theentire school and its activities. He manages the implementationof policy in regular school activities, special projects, and otherprograms of the school. His main responsibilities are administrative. He teaches only about 3 hours per week.4 Headteachers get paid very little extra; the short term reward is in
the honor and respect of one's peers.3 Longer term, head teacher
experience is an important part of the career path to a possible
principalship.
Each class is headed by a single teacher who, with rare exceptions, is responsible for all subjects. Teachers average 22-23
hours per week in direct teaching activities.6 They also spend
considerable time working and planning together outside theirclassrooms.
Approximately 60 percent of elementary school teachers are
women. Two-thirds of all teachers are under the age of 40.1
More than one-half (58 percent) of the faculty have 4-year
degrees, and approximately one-third have graduated from ajunior college. Fewer than 1 percent of the teachers have
graduate degrees.8
Teachers teach a different grade level each year, thus gaining broad experience with the curriculum and characteristics ofall six grades. It is common for a given teacher to teach the samegroup of students for 2 years in a row. Talented and experienced
teachers are more frequently assigned to the 1st grade becausethat stage is considered critical in establishing children's attitudes

and learning habits for the rest of their school lives.
In all but the smallest schools, each grade level forms a working unit for administration, instructional planning, and informal

inservice education. Teachers meet once or twice a week ingrade level committees to discuss the coming week's teaching

The rooms are crowded with desks. Decorations are usually

33

25

schedule and other activities. Each grade is led by a grade level

head teacher who takes the lead in helping new or weakerteachers with practical suggestions for improving instruction andclassroom management. Each committee prepares and distrib-

utes a weekly or monthly newsletter to the parents of children
in that grade. The newsletter includes a report on the class's recent activities, a detailed schedule of curriculum material to becovered, and an inspirational message from teachers to parents.

School calendar
The Japanese rchool year provides numerous opportunities forthe entire studeat body to participate in special events andceremonies. These are carefully planned and highly organized.

They are managed primarily by the student council andclassroom representatives, with the guidance of teachers andschool tradition. Through these activities, students work together

and develop class and school identity. Classes spend considerable energy in planning and practicing these activities. For

some time prior to such events, the regular class schedule isrelaxed to allow the necessary time for preparation.
In May, it is common to have an all-school trip to a nearbypark or cultural monument or even an overnight field trip forall students of a given grade level. The goal is to broaden student knowledge about nature and the world around them in an
enjoyable, memorable fashion, as well as to train students in appropriate public behavior.
The 6-week summer vacation occurs from the middle ofJuly
until the end of August. During this period, teachers take theirown holidays, but frequently come to school to engage in inservice education and supervise students' club activities. Student
sports clubs continue to meet, and the swimming pool may be
open for student use. Although classes are not in session, vacation homework and individual research assignments ensure that
instructional continuity is not broken. The school also provides
an extensive set of rules and recommendations to fiunilies concerning student behavior, daily study, and play schedules dur-ing the vacation. This guidance fosters continuity in selfdiscipline and other desirable personal habits.
Autumn in Japan is closely associated with school athletic
festivals. Children eagerly anticipate their school's annual Sp-arts
Day. The entire student body practices intricate choreographedcheers and marching maneuvers. On the day of the event,parents and the neighborhood are invited to watch each classcompete in races and other track and field events. All are encouraged to do their best, both for their own class and to help
the school put its best foot forward. The goals of Sports Day
are to build class and school solidarity and to encourage wholehearted individual effort and perseverance.
The Culture Festival in the late fall or spring is another highpoint. On that occasion each classroom plans and rehearses skits
or other performances and every club demonstrates or displays
examples of its activities. Every child is involved in one or moreof these activities. Families and the community are invited toattend and the entirc school endeavors to do its best.
The school year ends in March with a formal graduation or
end-of-year ceremony which is somewhat less significant thanthe matriculation ceremony at the beginning of the year.
26

Japanese culture places more emphasis on congratulations andencouragement at the outset of a child's educational career thanupon its successful completion.

Daily schedule
The school day begins with a 10-minute faculty meeting in
the teachers' room. Meanwhile, halls and classrooms are filledwith the clamor of students arriving and preparing for the day.
Generally speaking, children meet to walk to school together
in neighborhood groups led by the 6th grade children.
Two or three times a week, following the teachers' meeting,the entire school gathers, either to perform morning exerciseson the athletic field or have a short assembly and receive a brief
inspirational message from the principal . Classroom activities

begin at 8:30 a.m. with a 15-minute morning class meeting
which is led by student monitors. Then two class periods arefollowed by a 25-minute recess and two more class periods.
Lunch at 12:30 p.m. is followed by a recess which lasts until
1:40 p.m.. Almost all Japanese elementary schools have a mandatory school lunch program for which parents are assessed aminimal fee. Students generally eat in their classrooms and taketurns serving their classmates. Teachers remain with their classes
during lunch.

After lunch and recess, in most schools the student bodyspends 20 minutes cleaning and sweeping the hallways andclassrooms, an activity deemed important for character development. (In other schools, cleaning takes place at the er.d of theday.) Then, after two periods of afternoon classes, the day ends
with a 10-minute class meeting. Following this, students packtheir textbooks, notebooks, and other materials into their
backpacks to carry home. No books or notebooks are left instudents' desks.
At 3:50 p.m., students scatter to school organized clubs,
private lessons, or home. Club activities include sports, music,
and crafts. On weekdays, teachers often remain until 5 or 6 p.m.

to plan lessons, lead club activities, or attend meetings. On
Saturdays, school ends at noon, after three class periods.

Education philosophy and teaching practices
Two important assumptions underlie much of Japaneseelementary and secondary education practices. One is that virtually all children have the ability to learn well and to masterthe regular school carriculum. The second is that certain habits
and characteristics, such as diligence and attention to detail, canbe taught. The premise is that all children have equal potential.
Differences in student achievement are thought to result largely from the level of effort, perseverance, and self-discipline, notfrom differences in individual ability. Hence, students in elementary schools are not grouped according to ability.
Promotion to the next grade is not based on academic achieve-

ment, but is automatic. Neither is classroom instruction individualized according to ability differences. However, Monbusho encourages teachers to give extra attention and encouragement to weaker students. Students also supplement their school

work at home and at juku.
The classroom teacher capitalizes on the 1st graders' feelingof self-importance and awe at being in school by carefully instructing them in proper behavior and classroom routines during the first weeks of school. These include how to rise and bow
at the beginning of class, how to sit, and how to arrange thedesktop for study. In the Japanese view, this lays a proper foundation for desirable attitudes and habits which will continue
throughout the child's school life.
Teachers in the early elementary years are not directly influenced by the entrance examination pressure which students
will face in entering high school and college. Thus, they havemore freedom in instructional approach than their secondary
school colleagues who must prepare students to pass entrance
examinations.
Almost all elementary schools use educational television
broadcasts by NHK, the Japanese National Public Broadcasting
Service. Science, social studies, and ethics programs are themost popular. Programs are broadcast weekly for each different

grade level and are 15 minutes long. Yearly programming
schedules are issued before the beginning of the school year sothat teachers can use them in developing lesson plans. Each trimester, NHK also publishes a teacher's text, which contains adetailed description of each scheduled program and notes con-cerning how to use it in the classroom, for each grade level.
These texts are widely available in local bookstores.9
The students' attention centers around teacher and textbook.
Students learn to take notes in the 1st grade. A separate notebook
is maintained for each subject, and in it the student records thelecture or classroom activity. Written examinations are given
frequently, and homework is assigned routinely. Report cards
are issued three times a year.
Each lesson is planned according to the sequence of material
in the textbook, the teacher's manual, and the school's instructional guidelines which in turn are based on the Monbushocourse of study. Teachers are required to cover all of the material

that the course of study mandates for each grade level.
A basic characteristic throughout elementary and secondary

education is the continuing emphasis on science andmathematics. The Japanese consider these subjects the basic
building blocks of technology, and curriculum requirements ensure that all children receive extensive grounding in them. Mathematics is one of the required subjects on university entrance
examinations and, hence, receives continuing attention throughall grades.

Classroom management and school life
Japanese classes are large by American standards. In 1983,
the average class size was 34 students and the legal maximum
was 45. Hence 45 students may be assigned to a single classbefore two smaller classes are formed. Monbusho is now midway through a plan to reduce the maximum permitted class size
from 45 to 40 by the year 1991.'°
Within each classroom, students are organized in small, mixed
ability groups called han. These groups of 4-6 students are cooperative study and work units. Teachers frequently ask the class
to divide into han to work on specific assignments and have them

report the results to the class. The han is also the primary unit
for discipline, chores, and various other classroom activities.

Student monitors are an important part of Japanese classroom

management. Each day or two, a different pair of students isin charge of calling the class to order, assisting the teacher inadministrative tasks, and encouraging classroom discipline. The

monitor role is rotated frequently so that every student in theclass has the opportunity to serve in this capacity.
Through the use of han and monitors, teachers delegate much
responsibility for classroom management and discipline to thestudents themselves. Through frequent rotation of roles andresponsibilities, all students have the opportunity to gain lear'..3rship experience and develop first-hand understanding of the im-portance of cooperation and mutual effort in achieving asmoothly run classroom.
All schools have active student governments composed ofelected representatives from each 4th-6th grade class. Student
government activities reinforce school policies and give students
experience in large scaie planning. Although meetings and activities are supervised by tea:hers, students lead the organization. Participation in student government also provides experience in representing one's peers, in group decisionmaking,and in assuming responsibility.

While Japanese classes are larger than American ones,
Japanese classrooms are more orderly. Students are more attentive and better behaved and transitions between activities are
more rapid and orderly. The net result is significant: Japanese
students spend about one-third more time during a typical classperiod engaged in learning than American students do during
a typical class period." It is important to note that this high levelof organization and discipline is achieved without strong direct

exercise of authority by the teacher.

The Japanese approach to classroom management anddiscipline is to provide extensive training from the first day ofa child's school career in the routines and rituals which makeup the classroom day. Coming to order, preparing one's desk
for study, and lining up for dismissal are practiced repeatedly
as separate routines unt:1 the entire class can perform themquickly and automatically. The daily monitor cues the class toperform the various routines. The teacher is, thus, freed fromthe necessity of personally managing transitions. These routines
allow students to see themselves as responsible for their own
behavior and help them develop pride in conducting themselvesin an orderly, efficient manner. '2
Japanese teachers rarely reprimand individual children. Instead, they prefer to guide the class in such a way that students

assume responsibility for correcting each other's behavior.
Rather than calling an inattentive child by name and encouraging him to hurry, the teacher typically remarks that a particular
han is not ready and allows the child's han-mates to exert peerpressure to encourage the child to take or complete the necessary
action.
In Japan, "student guidance" refers to the direction provided
by the classroom teacher to help students establish fundamental attitudes and behaviors necessary for successful school life.

Its scope is broad, ranging from study habits to academic
counseling, social behavior, and character development. The influence of student guidance is evident during classroom instruc-tion and also at daily morning and afternoon class meetings,
27

school events and ceremonies, and periodic teacher visits tostudents' homes.

Curriculum
Curriculum content and the sequence of instruction for eachsubject and grade level are specified in considerable detail by
Monbusho. Teachers are free to incorporate supplementaryteaching materials if they believe they enhance coverage ofprescribed course content. Textbooks are written and publishedby commercial publishers, although the content is based closely
upon Monbusho guidelines. After careful review to assure conformity with the prescribed courses of study, the Ministry of
Education approves textbooks for use in elementary schools.
Schools then select from among the books on the approved list.
These are purchased by the government from the commercial
publishers and distributed free of charge to children in both public and private schools. The books become the personal propertyof the students.
The elementary course of study and the required number ofclass periods devoted each week to each subject are summarizedin table B.

Japanese language.13 Japanese children spend one-fourth oftheir time in elementary school mastering their own language.
This is an arduous, "omplex task. Written Japanese is a mixture of Chinese characters and Japanese phonetic symbols. Three
separate writing systems must be learned. Two of these consistof 48 phonetic symbols each. The third system is composed ofapproximately 2,000 Chinese symbolic characters, each ofwhich can be read or pronounced in several ways, depending
on its context. These characters usually are visually complex
units requiring from one to twenty brush strokes each. In regulartext, Chinese characters are combined with the phonetic symbols according to carefully prescribed rules to form words andsentences. While the Japanese phonetic symbols have little am-

biguity in pronunciation, the Chinese characters almost invariably have two or more possible pronunciations.
Two additional features of the Japanese language compoundthe difficulty for learners. Individual words are not visually
separated from each other, and children must learn to intuit
which symbols must be grouped together to form a word. Furthermore, there are two different styles of following text. The
first is to read from left to fight, horizontally, as in Westernbooks. The second is to read columns vertically from top to bot-

Thble B. Required Number of Class Periods
Per Week and Year in Each Subject
at Each Elementary Grade Level*
SubjectGrade11-213141516

Japanese

8
8
8
8
6
6
(272) (280) (280) (280) (210) (210)Social Studies
2
2
3
3
3
3
(68) (70) (105) (105) (105) (105)Arithmetic
4
5
5
5
5
5
(136) (175) (175) (175) (175) (175)
Science223333(68) (70) (105) (105) (105) (105)
Music
2
2
2
2
2
2
(68) (70) (70) (70) (70) (70)
Art & Handicraft 2
2
2
2
2
2
(68) (70) (70) (70) (70) (70)Homemaking
22(70) (70)Physical Education 3
3
3
3
3
3
(102) (105) (105) (105) (105) (105)Moral Education
1
1
1
1
1
1
(34) (35) (35) (35) (35) (35)Special Activities
1
1
1
2
2
2
(34) (35) (35) (70) (70) (70)
Total number ofrequired class
25
26
28
29
29
29
periods(850) (910) (980) (1015) (1015) (1015)*Each class period is 45 minutes long. Numbers in parentheses are number ofclass periods required per school year.
Sources: Okuda, Shinjo. "The Curriculum and its Contents in Secondary Education." Paper presented at International Seminar on Educational Reform, National
Institute of Multimedia Education, Kyoto, Chiba, October 14-17, 1985, and Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture. Course of Studyfor Elementary Schools

in Japan. Tokyo: Monbusho, 1983, p. 122.

28

tom, starting with the column on the far right, in traditional
Japanese style. In Japanese language classes, textbooks are
printed vertically and children write their compositions in similar
form. In arithmetic and science, textbooks are printed horizon-tally, and notebooks for these subjects must be kept in similar
fashion.
During the first year of elementary school, children learn toread and write the two 48-character phonetic systems and a few
Chinese characters. Each year thereafter, approximately 200
Chinese characters are added, along with their various readings
and rules of spelling for common words. It is not until the endof the 9-year compulsory period that children have mastered theapproximately 2,000 characters necessary to basic literacy
enough to permit the reading of newspapers, for example. In
learning to write, proper shaping of letters and characters isstressed at all levels. To this end, formal training in calligraphy,
using traditional brushes and ink, is begun in the 3rd grade. The
complexity of the Japanese writing system is illustrated by
figures 5 and 6, which show the Japanese phonetic letters andthe Chinese symbolic characters to be learned in the first 3
grades.
In addition to reading and writing, Japanese language classes
emphasize other important skills. Practice in public speaking,speaking calmly and succinctly before a group, is a regular partof the curriculum, starting in 1st grade.
Formal grammar is taught beginning in the 3rd grade, and by
the 6th grade has advanced through auxiliary verbs, prepositions, and conjunctions. Thirty percent of the time in language
class is devoted to composition. Composition is taught beginningwith the combination of subject and predicate in the 2nd grade
and advancing by 6th grade to alternative styles and ways of
expressing the same thought.
Social studies. The social studies curriculum stresses the interdependence of all levels of society and the responsibility ofeach individual for the collective welfare. In the 1st grade, theRR

Figure 5. The Two Systems of Japanese Phonetic Letters

Table 1. THE SYLLABARIESIHIRAGANA(used for Japanese words)

964 tP t: t-, L

!*4

ki \
-5

7-,

t II 0)KATAKANAI(used primarily for foreign words)

1)

1/
1-

NJ

t

Source: Hadamitzky, Wolfgang, and Mark Spahn. Kanji and Kana: A Handbook and Dictionary of the Japanese Writing System.
Rutland, Vermont, and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1981. (Copyright 1981: Used with the permission of the Charles E.
Tuttle Company.)

37

29

Figure 6. Chinese Characters To Be Learned in the First
Three Gradest IT/ 131 I -t T A It * ft. A- .1'

I 1 it 7!Pc *1:

1i ALAP;it -I- )11 fc -IL X 41 A g 4' t a3T X 93 .i.

EXIi-Itil\WX**Z OA)) 4+ 2'-s-(76 characters)
31 S it +1 14 IL * fit iii CI 4- Ai * IA371-

it iD ft 5t $ pesi

41

4.1. 66 "t ik 4 IS

RI1 BA ?ii. te q*

t.

.T.

4 t. it K.: A- O.

19

Sk 11§ Pi 1 at V

0*fg.,k,t*

77

31k

X IA li MI * #. .42A 44 N. al 1-4A .,BAPliteltAX.tk**$t 4 ktc e)1 ..4 t. II A tt

fil Bli(145 characters)

et LE 1: 1- A It it it A Ilit MI 4it a $11 It 44 II- rfn

IV A 4A fit OF' t'

4a 'PI tai 4i fE it,

PI 4.e: AL rt 3.1: A- itik At til

4B tk *14 A * 44

q /11.

A I' 01 * AL V IR A li 1 Ph 4 24 135 I A * * *41

ka 4 S.k. fi. I* in A it T $: A A ft' tis gt 42 A 34 k 4

A A tis Kt 4ti gt -T-. it fk tt W 4: -$0- it ral 111. A Eti it13-f-.54. It pit .4i1 4 A, * A a 41, '1 4 40 (195 characters)

Source: Monbusho. Course of Study for Elementary Schools in Japan. Tokyo: Monbusho, 1983. p. 24.

30

2 5;2

focus is on the child's own school and family. In the 2nd, theemphasis shifts to the community. At subsequent grade levels
the scope expands to encompass the city, the prefecture, the nation, and foreign countries. In the 6th grade, students receive

an overview of Japanese history and the modern Japanesepolitical system. They are also briefly introduced to worldgeography and Japan's relations with other nations. Learning tounderstand maps, graphs, and tables is stressed throughout theelementary school period.

Arithmetic. Children in Japan are introduced to many concepts such as decimals, fractions, and geometric figures earlier
than their American counterparts. Accuracy in computation isstressed more than the ability to estimate." More emphasis isplaced on geometry, ratios, proportions, and reading charts thanin most American elementary schools.
Japanese arithmetic textbooks are succinct and provide little
repetition or review. Concepts and skills are typically presented
only once. The emphasis is placed on proper initial instructionand elaboration by the teacher. It is assumed that the child willpersevere in drill and study until the concept is mastered.
Teachers pace their coverage of the material so that the entire
course of study and textbook have been covered by the end of

the year and the class can proceed to the next grade level
uniformly prepared.
The number of hours devoted to arithmetic in the element .
school curriculum is more than in American elementary schools,

but not dramatically so. Japanese children spend considerably
more time studying arithmetic, however, because of more efficient use of the class hour and more time devoted to out-of-

school effort through a combination of homework, private
tutors, and remedial or cram schools. These factors combine tohelp Japanese children achieve their competitive edge in international comparisons of achievement in mathematics.
Science. The science curriculum aims to help children develop
the ability to observe, conduct simple experiments, and learn
to appreciate and enjoy nature. Several core areas are restudied
at successive grade levels with increasing sophistication anddetail. Biology studies include the life cycle of plants and theirrelationship to soil, water, and air, as well as basic anatomy andthe life cycle of animals, fish, insects, and humans.
Matter and energy are explored through the study of the properties of gases and solutions, combustion, magnetism, light,
sound, and electr;city. The earth and the universe are studied
through weather and atmospheric phenomena, geology and erosion, and the movements of the heavenly bodies. By the end of
the 6th grade, students !lave learned to design and execute simple experiments and to record and describe their observations.
Music. Music is an integral part of the elementary school corecurriculum. It includes singing, instrumental performance, andappreciation of both Western and Japanese music. From the stgrade, children learn to play melodies and simple harmon-t, on
small keyboard and wind instruments. They also receive

mal instruction in reading music. Musical expression ad im
provisation of simple accompaniments ate encourageo
ag11
the use of various percussion instruments. All childre: a; ....posed to a common core of Japanese and Western ciasaLeal
works, including Bach, Handel, Beethoven, and Schubert.

Arts and handicrafts. The Japanese arts curriculum provides
an organized approach to the acquisition of some fundamental
artistic skills and to the process of artistic creation. Instruction
in drawing and painting proceeds from the use of pastel crayons
to the use of watercolors in the upper grades. Training in for-mal composition and the use of special techniques such asperspective, depth and dimension, and light and shadow begins
in the 3rd grade. Printmaking starts with paper prints in the 1st
grade and culminates in carved woodblock prints in the 5th and6th grades. Sculpture is spproached in a similar fashion. Beginning in the 3rd grade, students are taught to make preliminary
sketches and later to draw plans or make models for objects theywish to construct.
Homemaking. In the 5th and 6th grades, Japanese boys andgirls receive 2 hours of instruction per week in basic homemaking skills. The goal is to deepen children's appreciation of andparticipation in family life. Children practice basic meal plan-ning and learn how to prepare and serve simple foods. They
learn to take care of their own clothing, including handwashingof various articles, sewing buttons, and mending seams. They
also practice making simple articles like bags and aprons anddecorating them with simple embroidery.
Physical education. The Japanese value sports and exercise,and the government actively promotes lifelong sports activities.
The goals of the elementary school physical education curriculum are to help children learn to enjoy games and physicalexercise, grow in strength and perseverance, and develop
athletic skills, as well as become imowledgeable about achieving and maintaining good health.
The sports program includes track and field activities, march-

ing and drill, soccer and basketball, gymnastics and dance.
Swimming instruction is common, and three-quarters of allelementary schools have a pool. By the 6th grade the majorityof Japanese children are competent and confident in the water.
In the cold and snowy areas of the country, ice skating is encouraged during the winter months on rinks created by flooding
portions of the school grounds.
Health also receives considerable attention. The School HealthLaw provides for annual physical examinations for all students.
The health curriculum emphasizes proper nutrition, traffic safe-ty, and a healthy lifestyle. In the 5th grade, students study
physical growth and the changes associated with puberty.
Moral education. Although occupying only 1 class hour per
week, moral education has a fundamental role in Japanese educa-tion. It is a distinct area of instruction at every level of compulsory education, and attitudec, habits, and behaviors which
are consistent with the Japanese value system are infusedthroughout the curriculum.
The Japanese concept of moral education is far from vague
or formless. Twenty-eight themes in six categories are coveredat the elementary level, among them:
Importance of order, regularity, cooperation, thoughtfulness,participation, manners and respect for public property;
Endurance, hard work, and high aspirations;
Freedom, justice, fairness, rights, duties, trust, andconviction;
The individual's place in groups such as the family, school,
31

nation, and world;
Harmony with nature and its appreciation;
Need for rational and scientific attitudes toward human life.

In addition to the prescribed content, each school annually
identifies two or three central goals in moral education to be emphasized during the year. For example, in 1985, one elementary school chose thoughtfulness and endurance as its foci andrequested all teachers to collaborate in reinforcing these. Individual teachers, too, often develop goals for their own classes
in addition to the school's goals. While teachers do not necessarily share a single view of moral education, they readily accept
their responsibilities in this curriculum area.
Unlike other subject areas in the curriculum, no textbooks areused in moral education. Many teachers use educational television programs expressly developed for moral education, as wellas commercially available materials, to promote student discussion en moral issues. There is considerable latitude in this area
for teachers to develop their own approaches.
Special activities. Special activitcs occupy approximately 10
percent of the elementary and secondary echool program: 1 hour
per week for the 1st-3rd graders and 2 hours per week for the
4th-6th graders. These activities include all-school events suchas sports and cultural festivals, excursions, and ceremonies, aswell as pupil activities such as classroom meetings, student coun-cil meetings, and club act;vities.
Many of what are termed "special activities" in Japanese
education are similar to those categorized as extracurricular activities in American education. However, in Japan these activities are more closely integrated with the formal curriculum, tend
to involve all students, and are directed more toward character
development. The overall objective is to use these experiences
to promote the internalization of cultural values and to cultivate
attitudes and habits which lead to the individual's responsible
contribution to cooperative group effort.

Home-school relations and home environment
The Parent-Teacher Association is an important locus of activity for parents involved in the school life of their children.
Mothers are expected to attend PTA meetings. The PTA functions as a forum for the school to explain its policies and expectations to parents and to organize parental assistance forschool activities. It rarely contradicts the school's administration. In addition to meeting in large, all-school forums, parents
meet as a group with the classroom teacher. Annual PTA dues
range from about $9 at a public elementary school to about $30
at a private high school."
During the first weeks of school every year, teachers visit thehome of each of their pupils to widerstand the family gituatkinand study environment. Parents visit and observe the classroom
and consult with teachers on specific days that are scheduled forsuch meetings. Parents are guests at the various festivals andceremonies held throughout the year.
Schools not only train children in the norms and routines ofschool behavior, but are also responsible for teaching children
habits expected in the adult world, such as punctuality, nearness,and respect for authority. Japanese parents support this function.
32

The school is not reticent about communicating to parents its

beliefs regarding proper parental roles in education and inchildrearing. For example, schools often set boundaries forchildren's movements within the neighborhood or recommend
evening curfews. During summer vacation, the PTA newsletter typically contains guidelines for parents on the times theirchildren should get up and go to bed and when and how longthey should study.
Studying is encouraged and supported in the Japanese home.
Ninety-eight percent of all elementary school children have theirown desks in designated study areas.'6 Many mothers work with
their children on a daily basis, helping with homework or drilling on lessons to be learned. Inexpensive home study guides anddrill books for all grade levels and subjects are available at local
bookstores. These are designed to supplement the government
approved texts and are indexed to pages and chapters in the official texts.
The mother-child bond provides strong emotional support forthe child, particularly in the upper grades, as the child becomes
progressively more aware of the importance of academic
achievement and the severity of education competition. The
mother reinforces this awareness by encouraging the child tostudy and inducing the child to realize that academic success isimportant to her and of great concern to the family.

Educational pressures
The Japanese elementary curriculum is cumulative anddemanding. At each grade level, children are required to learn
large quantities of new material and proceed quickly from one
new concept to the next. Although most children manage to keep
reasonable pace with the instructional objectives, some fallbehind. The plight of children who have fallen seriously behindin their studies is much discussed in Japan. These children are
termed ochikobore, literally, those who have "fallen to the bottom" of the system. Although detailed evidence is scarce, theproblem clearly exists and receives considerable sympathetic attention in the mass media and from the public.
Some evidence regarding the extent of the problem is foundin a recent comparative study of reading achievement among 1stand 5th-grade children in one city in Japan, one in Thiwan, andone in the United States. Results for the Japanese sample showedthat although most children enter 1st grade well prepared inreading, by 5th grade a significant number of them have fallen
seriously behind." Four months after entering 1st grade, 86 percent of the children in the sample were reading at 2nd grade levelor above. However, over the next 4 years this initial lead inreading sharply diminished. When tested in the 4th month of the

5th grade, only 27 percent of the children were still reading
above grade level, while 25 percent had fallen 2 or more years
behind. Ten percent were reading at only 1st- or 2nd-gradelevels. Two important findings of this study by Harold Stevenson and his collaborators were: "There are Japanese children
with serious difficulties in learning how to read, and the severityof their problems is at least as great as that of American
children."18

A demanding curriculum and the small amount of remedialattention in school are not the only causes of ochikobore. As inall countries, there are diverse reasons why some children havedifficulty keeping up with their schoolwork. Differences in in-tellectual ability, family environment, and personality
characteristics are among the familiar factors which account for

the variation in academic achievement. The lack of individualintion of instruction compounds the plight of the slow
learner or those with other scholastic problems. Although someteachers do provide individual assistance outside of class time
for the slowest learners, the burden of remedial education falls
directly on the family.
Parents concerned with maximizing their children's chances
for success in school and in subsequent higher education andemployment provide whatever help with homework they can andthen pay for outside assistance as necessary. In Japan this usuallytakes the form of either hiring a private tutor or, more common-

ly, sending the child to juku. For many, juku provide thenecessary reinforcement which enables Japanese children to
keep abreast of the demanding curriculum.

Out-of-school education
In the elementary school years, juku attendance rates rise from
6.2 percent of all 1st grade children to 30 percent of all 6th grade
children." Attendance rates continue to increase through lower

secondary school as well.
A 1985 survey of juku by Monbusho reports that half of theelementary school students who attend juku take one subject andalmost 30 percent take two. The subjects most frequently studied
are Japanese language and arithmetic. Just over 10 percent of
all elementary school students attending juku study four subjects.

In effect these children are studying the basic academic curriculum twice, once in school and then again in juku. It is interesting to note that about 25 percent of all elementary school
students in juku are estimated to be studying English, although
it is not a required subject in elementary school.
The majority of elementary school students who attend juku
attend at least twice a week, but study for less than 1 hour ateach session. Students in the upper elementary grades have
longer lessons, although generally under 2 hours per visit.
At the elementary level, the majority of students are enrolled
in either a catch-up or preparation and review program. For
many children, the juku provide important educational services
that complement instruction provided by the formal school
system.

Children returning from abroad
Japan's increasing involvement in the international community
has created problems for school-aged children who go abroadwith their parents and then re-enter the Japanese education
system upon return. Not only have they fallen behind in suchacademic subjects as Japanese language, mathematics, andscience, but they no longer display traditional patterns of
behavior expected in Japanese classroom life. They are also at
a disadvantage in preparing for or taking entrance examinations
for high schools and universities in Japan. This makes overseas

assignments a source of considerable anxiety for parents ofschool-aged children.

Many families faced with an overseas assignment for thefather resolve the potential problem by having the mother remain in Japan with the youngsters so they can stay on coursein the Japanese education system. Some families take theirchildren with them initially, but send them home before thecrucial high school or university entrance examination years.
Continuity in school and with one's group of classmates is considered important, especially when the examination preparation
stages are reached beyond elementary school. The number ofyoungsters returning to Japanese elementary and secondary
schools in 1982 was 9,600.
The Ministry of Education has taken steps to deal with the
problems of students returning from abroad. In 1983, there were
74 full-time Japanese schools worldwide (including one each in
New York and Chicago) and 95 Saturday schools (33 in the
United States). Although these schools provide a basic Japanesecurriculum, most returning children still experience difficulty
in readapting to Japanese schools. Hence the Ministry of Education has also encouraged the establishment of special programs
to assist in the reintegration of children who have returned fromabroad. In 1982, there were 124 schools in Japan with suchspecial programs, most of them located in Tokyo, Osaka, andthe surrounding metropolitan areas."

Lower Secondary School(Grades 7-9)
Entering lower secondary school (the equivalent of junior highschool in the United States) is another major stage in comingof age in Japan. For the first time, public school students are
required to wear uniforms. Other aspects of personal appearance
are also regulated, including hair style and accessories. Thesechanges symbolize the seriousness of secondary education andthe expected attitudes and demeanor. Though elementary school
is serious and disciplined, the atmosphere of lower secondary
school is more so. There is greater emphasis on academic subjects and concerns. Education goals and procedures focus morenarrowly on the transmission and acquisition of factual
knowledge and on the further development of basic skills.
Completion of lower secondary school marks the end of compulsory education. It is the point of departure for entry into
employment, for the few so inclined at this stage, and for the
first competitive sorting of those who go to senior high schooland beyond.

Facilities
Public lower secondary school buildings and grounds areusually separate from those of elementary and upper secondary
schools, but are often similar in design with comparable facilities
for learning.
In the classroom desks are arranged in rows, and each pupil

has a chair and desk where books are stored during the day.
Rooms are generally spare, often with a single poster indicating
the classroom cleaning schedule for students or the weekly list33

41

of scheduled classes. The lack of displays and decorations
signals that serious study is the primary purpose of the room.
Computers and other technical learning devices are not evident
in the Japanese classroom; in 1983 only 3 percent of lower secondary schools had a personal computer, and few were used for

instruction.'

Organization and staff
The administration of lower secondary schools is similar tothat of elementary schools, with the principal and head teacher
at the top. Almost all of these positions are filled by men. The
majority of head teachers are more than 50 years old, and mostprincipals are more than 55.2

About one-third of lower secondary school teachers are
women.3 Three-quarters of the teachers at this level havefor classroom duties, but the elementary school emphasis on han

as basic units for instruction largely disappears. Students taketests at the end of each of the three trimesters of the Japanese
school year, and their performance is recorded for parents onreport cards which contain test scores, comments on the student's

day-to-day performance, and the teacher's general evaluation.
By the 9th grade, impending high school entrance examinations impart a sense of urgency to studying. In-class drilling forthese examinations is rare in public schools, however.

Curriculum
In addition to the required subjects of the core curriculum,
the lower secondary school introduces the study of English. The
typical number of class periods per week for the full curriculum

is shown in table C.

bachelor's degrees, while only 1 percent have graduate degrees.4

The average number of teaching hours per week is about 22.5
Average class size is 36 students.6
Each class has it own room where it remains all day. The
teachers, not the students, move between classrooms. This helps
maximize learning time. The room, and its daily maintenance,is the responsibility of the students who occupy it; it is not the
responsibility of the teachers who come there to lecture. (Thisis also the situation at the upper secondary level.)
Each class is assigned an advisor, tannin, whose duties combine those of homeroom teacher and counselor in the UnitedStates. This advisor is a teacher who is responsible for theacademic and social guidance of the members of the class, including counseling on personal and behavioral pnablems. The
advisor is present at daily and weekly homeroom meetings andhandles various class administrative matters. For 9th graders,tannin guides each student in selecting the appropriate upper secondary school.

Instruction and evaluation
A basic characteristic of Japanese secondary education andhigh school and university entrance examinations is adherence
to the view that there is only one right answer. Generally speaking, the premium is on mastery of factual material, often throughdrill and memorization, rather than on analysis, investigation,and critical thinking.
Instruction is based heavily on lectures which adhere closely
to the textbook and course content specified by Monbusho. The

teacher's main concern is to cover the prescribed material
thoroughly. Instruction in most subjects is teacher-centered andtakes place in a straightforward manner, usually through lecturesand use of the chalkboard. Students are frequently called on for

Table C. Required Weekly Class Periods per Subject,
by Grade Level.*
Subject

First Year Second Year Third Year
(Grade 7) (Grade 8) (Grade 9)

Japanese language
Social studies
Mathematics
ScienceMusic
Fine arts
Health and physicaleducation
Industrial arts
or Homemaking
Moral education
Special activities
Elective (usually
English)**Additional elective
hour***
Total

5

4

4

4

4
4

3

3
3
2
2
3

2

3
2
2
3

2

4
4
1

1

3

3

1

1

1

2
3

2
3

2
3

0

0

_

30

30

30

1

Each class period is 50 minutes long.

** Electives are assigned at the principal's discretion. The entire grade levelis required to take the same elective. English is the almost universal elective.
The additional elective hour in the 3rd year is typically assigned by the prin-cipal to one of the more difficult subjects such as mathematics or English.
Source: Ministry of Education. Science, and Culture, Japan. Education in Japan:
A Graphic Presentation. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1982. p.59.

Japanese language. Lower secondary students study Japanese

at an accelerated pace. In addition to a review of the 1,000

answers and recitation. They stand to respond.
Other methods of instruction are also employed, including
field trips, student pmjects, and laboratory work in science.
'No-thirds of all Japanese lower secondary schools use somecharacters covered during elementary school, they learn to read
and write another 1,000 characters, thus completely covering

educational television as part of their instructional program, andabout 20 percent use educational radio.7

calligraphy and are introduced to classical Japanese and Chinese

As in the elementary school, students are treated uniformly
and are not assigned to separate classes or groups on the basisof ability. Students are still commonly divided into small groups

language and literary style.
Social studies. In the first 2 years of lower secondary school,
students restudy Japanese history and geography at a more

the 2,000 characters required for basic literacy in Japanese.

Students continue to study composition, grammar, andliterature, learning to read short, easy passages in archaic

34

42sophisticated level. They also study world history and geography

review of the previous lesson and its homework problems. The

in terms of other countries' relations with Japan. In the thirdyear, students learn the fundamentals of Japanese civics, including the principles of the constitution and legal system, andlatter, with their solutions, have already been written on the
chalkboard by students assigned this task the previous day.
The teacher then introduces the new material to be covered

the interrelationships of local, prefectural, and national government. Considerable attention is devoted to economics, including
taxes, insurance, savings, price determination, trade unions, andinternational commerce.
There is strong emphasis on reading and interpreting statistics,
maps, and tables of all types. In addition, students learn to makeobservations, conduct surveys, and summarize their results in
a formal report. A study comparing Japanese secondary schoolsocial studies textbooks to those of the United States found thatand assumes that the students already have looked over the newJapanese textbooks present more complex vocabulary, moreof what the teacher has written on the board, as well as supplementary notes. Problems worked in class are entered, fol-data, and a broader range of points of view than American texts
do. American textbooks include more case studies, inquiry ex-

ercises, and reflective thinking activities.'
Mathematics. In addition to completing the study of basicarithmetical concepts and skills, principles of algebra andgeometry are taught at each grade level of lower secondary
school. In the 2nd and 3rd years, probabiiity and statistics arecovered. By the end of the compulsory curriculum, all Japanese
students have studied algebra through the factoring and plottingof quadratic equations and the geometry of circles, thePythagorean theorem, and some basic solid geometry.
According to an analysis by Bruce Vogeli of Teachers College, Columbia University, the normal pace in these subjects(and most others) for all Japanese students is roughly equivalent
to "the fast track in a good suburban school system in the U.S."
Vogeli further observed that in the United States, lunior highschool mathematics is primarily a review of arithmetic, while
in Japan it is oriented around basic algebra and geometry."
Japanese mathematics textbooks at the lower secondary level
are much shorter than similar textbooks in the United States,
and their prose style has been described as "terse." The texts are

section in their textbook before coming to class. The teacher
refers to related topics covered at earlier levels, provides definitions and explanations, and writes key points on the chalkboard
as the lesson evolves.
Students are expected to take notes in their mathematics
notebooks as the lesson proceeds. Teachers collect the notebooks

periodically for inspection, as is done in other subjects. All
notebooks contain a dated entry followed by a complete record

lowed by homework assignments and any additional home study.
When teachers evaluate students' homework, the entire notebook
is collected. Very little work is done on separate sheets of paper.

After explaining the new material, the teacher works somesample problems on the chalkboard. Then the students are
assigned one or two problems to solve at their desks. Students
are free to discuss these problems with their seatmates. The solutions are finally settled through explanation at the board.
As the end of the class period approaches, the teacher reviews
the important points of the day and describes the topic that thenext lesson will cover. One or two homework problems may be
assigned, and the students who will put them on the board thenext day are designated. When the bell rings, students again riseand bow, and the teacher returns to the teachers' room.
Science. During the 1st year, students study the properties ofsubstances and their reactions, characteristics and measurementof force, plant and animal ecology, and the solar system. During the 2nd year, the curriculum covers atoms and molecules
and their influence on chemical reactions, electrical circuits,

cellular processes and microscopic organisms, and thewritten with the assumption that the teacher will provide

mechanisms involved in weather changes. By the end of the 3rd

whatever further explanation and elaboration may be necessary
to fully convey the concepts. Problems in the textbooks are more
complex than in American textbooks. End-of-chapter drills andyear, students have studied the interrelationship of motion,

extra problems are fewer and rarely include answers.'"
Mathematics teachers do not typically assign a great deal of
homework, but it is assumed that students will spend considerable time reviewing and studying on their own. Japanese

7th-grade teachers report that they assign 1.7 hours ofmathematics homework per week in comparison to 2.6 hours
per week reported by U.S. teachers." Yet, when the time spent
on homework is combined with juku classes and/or private tutoring, Japanese 7th grade students report spending 4.7 hours per
week studying mathematics outside of class in comparison to
2.9 hours per week at the equivalent level in the United States.,2
Like other subjects, mathematics is taught in a well-organizedsystematic fashion. Let's look at a typical lesson:'3
The teacher arrives in the classroom a few minutes after thebell rings, signalling the end of the 10-minute break between
classes. The day's student monitor calls the class to attention.
All students rise and bow.
Instruction begins almost immediately with a 5- to 8-minuteenergy and work, ions and ionic substances, ecology, photosynthesis and bio-organic processes, and rock types and geologic
formations. Scientific observation, laboratory experiments, andfieldwork are part of the curriculum at all levels.
Music. The music curriculum continues to emphasize vocal
and instrumental performance and appreciation. Students learn
to sing in a chorus and play musical instruments in an ensemble. A full complement of treble, mid-range, and bass parts is
included, and attention is paid to sophistication of tone quality
and phrasing. Music appreciation includes a broader acquaintance with classical Japanese music, world folksongs, andclassical and modern Western orchestral and solo music. Basic
music theory and history are also covered. Students compose
simple works for voice or instruments and perform them as agroup.
Fine arts. The middle school curriculum continues training
in painting and sculpture and adds graphic design. Students planand construct larger works. They make a diagram, develop a
production schedule which accounts for the required tools andsteps in completing the project, make a model, and ilaally pro35

43

duce the finished product. Students also learn about various
periods and styles of paintings, sculpture, design, and craft
work.

by the classroom advisor. Character development is stressed by
all teachers in and out of formal classroom situations.

Health and physical education. Physical education en-

special activities which, as in elementary school, consist primarily of ceremonies, field trips, all-school events, and required clubcourages students to be interested in and develop their ability
to participate in individual and team sports, including exercise,
gymnastics, swimming, volleyball, soccer, and basketball. Boys
are trained in traditional Japanese martial arts such as judo andfencing. Girls study expressive dance. For both sexes, planned
individual programs to increase physical skills are emphasized.
'Nenty percent of class time is devoted to the study of health,including physical and mental growth and development. Topics
include prevention of disease and accidents, first aid, and theinterrelationship of health and daily habits.

Industrial arts and homemaking. In lower secondary
school, most boys are trained in industrial arts and most girls
in homemaking, though boys and girls can choose to take either
subject. The general purposes are to help students acquire practical skills, to become accustomed to using them, and to develop
appropriate attitudes toward work and home life.
The industrial arts curriculum includes woodworking, metal

Special activities. 'No class hours per week are devoted toactivities. Teachers continue to emphasize student guidance inboth cognitive and behavioral matters and encourage thedevelopment of group awareness, cooperative attitudes, andproper behavior.
Class trip. Each May, all Japanese 9th graders go on an extended field trip. For 4 days and 3 nights, teachers and students
tour one or another of Japan's famous cultural and historicalmetropolitan areas. Kyoto, Tokyo, and Hiroshima are favorites.
The purposes of these trips are to broaden students' experience
with a region of the country other than their own and to create
an enjoyable, shared memory of school life. Another important
goal is to train students in public manners and group etiquette.

Students are expected to conduct themselves with dignity.
Maintenance of school reputation is a serious matter.
Students and teachers spend a great deal of time in coopera-

tive planning and preparation for this major event in classworking, machine and engine maintenance, wiring and electricalhistory. Many students carefully save money to help finance theircircuitry, and agriculture and crop cultivation. The homemaking curriculum covers clothesmaking, cooking, nutsition, housing and interior design, and infant and child care.
English. According to Monbusho requirements, English is anelective subject, one of several foreign languages approved forstudy at the lower secondary level. As noted earlier, in Japan

expenses. Families contribute most of the costs, and assistancefor needy students is usually 'available.
Clubs. All students are required to participate in a school club
during one of the special activities hours. There are clubs forthe arts and several academic areas as well as for sports.
The vast majority of students also belong to an after school
club. These clubs are school based, but largely student organized
and run. Athletic clubs are the most popular. Club activity starts
when school ends shortly after 3 p.m. and continues until 5 or
6 p.m., depending upon the season of the year.
'No-thirds of all Japanese students in the three grades of lower

most "electives" are not choices left to the student, but arecourses selected by the principal according to prefectural
guidelines. Nearly all lower secondary schools follow a policyof requiring 3 years of English language ins'..-iction involving
105 class hours per year. The choice is not surprising, in part
because English is one of the required subjects on university entrance examinations.
The purpose of the English curriculum is to train students toread and write English, relying on grammatical analysis andtranslation to and from Japanese as the primary methods. Instruction includes grammatical explanation, practice with basic
sentence patterns, and memorization of vocabulary. Each year

approximately 350 words are studied in addition to various
idioms and grammatical forms. Brief passages are read andtranslated and students practice writing short compositions inEnglish.
Although there have been various efforts over the years to provide more experience in listening to and speaking English, these
dimensions remain underdeveloped. The English portions of theuniversity entrance examinations have focused exclusively on
the written rather than spoken language, and instruction at thesecondary school level is primarily geared to what will be tested
in the university entrance examinations. Moreover, few Japaneseteachers of English have substantial proficiency in conversational or idiomatic English.
Moral education. This core educational concern continues
to be addressed along the lines and themes summarized in theelementary school curriculum section. Self-control is emphasized in a broader human and social context. The course is taught

secondary school report that they actively participate in thevoluntary clubs. Many students would likely engage in club ac-

tivities every day, but school regulations generally limit the
number of days a club can meet each week. In Japan, the bettera student's academic record, the more likely the student will be

active in a sports club."

Juku
Lower secondary school students attend juku after school on
the average of two and a half times per week. They average 2hours of lessons per regular visit or 5 hours total per week. Juku

students today have somewhat longer lessons and heavier
courseloads than their predecessors did a decade ago. Is
Of all lower secondary school students attending juku, thelargest group, 42 percent, is studying two subjects each week,
which are, almost without exception, English and mathematics.
'Nenty-five percent of all third-year lower secondary school
juku participants take fiv. subjects.
The number of juku that concentrate on examinadon preparation has increased in recent years. Currently the educational
goals stated by juku operators for their lower secondary school
programs are evenly divided between giving itudents a better
understanding of ongoing school work and preparing them forentrance examinations."

36

44

Problem areas

tle provision for diagnosis of learning disabilities and in-imately 24 percent were engaged in an examination preparatory
program. For 9th-grade students facing high school entrance examinations, the pattern changed considerably. The proportionof juku attendees engaged in examination preparatory programs
more than doubled, to 54 percent, while the proportion engaged

dividualized remedial assistance; and automatic promotion,

in review and supplementary study programs dropped off

which increases the pressure on students who have fallen behindsomewhat to a still high level of 43 percent. There was a related
decline in the proportion of students taking nonacademic enrich-

The demanding curriculum is difficult for slow learners. Three

aspects of education policy compound this problem: the viewthat effort alone can compensate for differences in ability; lit-

(ochikobore) as they face an increasing burden of academic
demands. Inevitably, the number increases with grade level,
accompanied by attendant disaffection from school.
There is some school violence in Japan, though its extent, bothin degree and frequency, is much less than that experienced in

the U.S. However, because violence is considered a serious
aberration of school and societal norms, it is a source of publicconcern and receives extensive coverage in the mass media.
In Japan, "school violence" usually means violence directedagainst teachers, student violence against other students, andvandalism. It rarely includes teacher violence against students.
The number of schools in which incidents of student violenceoccurred declined between 1982 and 1984. In 1984 about 11.5
percent of public lower secondary schools experienced someform of school violence.
The related problem of ijimeabullying," the intimidation or
tormenting of individual students by others, especially by groupsof studentshas become the subject of serious concern andwidespread media coverage throughout the country. Bullied
students are said to have some characteristics which set themapart from the rest of the students. FrOM all accounts, the problem has been increasing in recent years and is more serious at
the junior high than at the senior high school level.
Monbusho has set up a program to make teachers sensitive
to such behavior and its symptoms, and the police have established a special unit, including a telephone hotline, to deal withsuch incidents. In the first half of 1985, approximately 1,000
students were involved in bullyiag incidents which required
police intervention. The lbkyo hotline received over 1,300 callsin 6 months, mostly from lower secondary school students who
were victims of bullying.,7

Transition to upper secondary school
In Japan, the passage from compulsory education to seniorhigh school is not automatic. It requires formal application andentrance examinations, which are given in March. Preparation
for these examinations becomes the dominant concern of most
students in 9th grade. Changes in participation patterns in sports
clubs and juku dramatize the shift in use of discretionary time.

In July, at the end of the first trimester, third-year students
begin to withdraw from active participation in clubs and enrichment activities and increasingly focus their out of school time

ment lessons, from approximately 36 percent of 7th-gradestudents to only 20 percent in 9th grade. These shifts reflect the
preoccupation of third-year students with the challenge of gain-

ing entry to a senior high school of their choice.
The 6-week summer vacation and New Year's holidays aretimes of particularly intense study and preparation. High school
entrance examinations are given in March.
Upper secondary school hierarchies. In public perception,
each of the high schools in an attendance area is ranked in ahierarchy. This perception is based largely on each school's
record of success in sending its graduates to prestigious institutions of higher learning the traditional standard of excellencein Japanese upper secondary education. Historically, publicschools have enjoyed greater status than private schools, but thesituation is undergoing some change. The majority of private
schools and public vocational schools still occupy the middle andlower rungs of the hierarchy. Recent scholarship indicates thatpart-time, correspondence, and night schools or programs areusually perceived to be the least prestigious form of upper sec-

ondary education."
The school hierarchy has remained stable. Thomas Rohlen,
who has done the most thorough study of Japanese secondary
education by a foreign scholar, explains why:
. . . Reputation is a self-fulffiling prophecy. The school
drawing the best applicants has no trouble retaining its
high reputation, and the schools at or near the bottom cando very little to change their destiny.. . . New public highschools, for lack of reputation, take their place at the bottom of the ladder in their category (academic or vocational). The rule among public high schools is that statusand quality are functions of relative age."

Most students and their parents aspire to a public high schoolwith a college preparatory program for reasons of status, further education prospects, and cost. While public schools generally have the edge. the number of students they accept is limited.

Thus, students in the middle and lower levels of classroom
achievement must adjust their aspirations to less prestigious institutions, often a private school or one with a vocational curriculum. Despite the higher cost of private secondary schools,
there is no guarantee of higher quality.

ondary school. The participation rate in clubs drops sharply fromover 90 percent f students in 7th and 8th grades to just underChildren who do not perform well academically, and theirfamilies, usually pay a heavy price in more ways than one. The
youngsters end up in less prestigious high schools with all that
foreshadows for future social status and career prospects, andhalf of the students in 9th grade.
Of students attending juku in the 7th grade in 1985, about 62
percent were enrolled in a program geared toward reviewing
and supplementing regular elm:loofa instruction, while approx-

many of the parents have to pay the higher costs of private
education. Rohlen notes a further family burden for many
parents whose children make up the lower third of the classacademically: "Because there is a solid correlation between

on preparation for the entrance examinations for upper sec-37

45

poverty and poor school performance, it follows that the costsof private schooling are likely to fall heavily on families least
able to afford them."'" Those who do not succeed in gaining entry to a public or private high school for academic or economic
reasons usually turn to public vocational schools. For thosestudents not gaining admission to the lowest ranking vocational
schools, the principal remaining alternatives are night school or
employment."
Entrance process. The entrance process for upper secondary
schools is carefully shaped to avoid a free-for-all competition
at examination time. Admission is influenced prior to actual examinations by a form of guided placement at the application
stage.
Advisors counsel each student regarding schools where he or
she is likely to be admitted. The advice is based on the student's
overall record, grades, scores on commercial achievement tests(and sometimes on aptitude tests), and the aspirations of student
and parents. The commercial tests are used as indicators of likely
success on the various high schools' entrance examinations. Yet,in the final analysis, the main criterion for entrance into upper
secondary education is the extent to which the course of study
for lower secondary education has been mastered; this is what
the examinations confirm.
As is the case 3 years later for entry to the higher educationlevel, a large commercial publishing industry supplies examination preparation books and related study material such as prac-

advice and recommendations than to rigorously select a few
students from among many applicants. (Indeed, given the low
ratio of applicants to openings, the examination process could
be viewed as a mechanism for excluding rather than including
a very small proportion of the applicants). The high school

tice examinations. The books and study guides are often detailed.
For example, they report kind and frequency of questions likely

examinations' major influence is motivational: it provides a powerful influence on studcnts to study seriously during the late mid-

to be faced, provide practical drill questions, explain special

dle school years and in the earlier years as well.

problems that students should prepare to meet, and give specificGirls do as well as boys in the high school entrance competition, but their subsequent institutional enrollment pattern at theadvice on strategy and tactics for examination taking.
All public high schools in a particular prefecture administer
the same test, although tests vary from prefecture to prefecture.
The examinations usually contain questions in three subject
areasJapanese language, mathematics, and English. Recently some prefectures have added science and social studies. The
examinations cover the work of all 3 years of lower secondary
school, but frequently half of the questions involve material
learned in the 3rd year.
For a small percentage of the best students, the classroom advisor's recommendation and the student's lower secondary school
record may suffice in assuring admission to an appropriate up-

per secondary school. These students are spared the pressureof entrance examinations. This form of early selection is partly
based on the predictability of the examination results if the conventional path were to be followed. But it also reflects an emerging, liberalized trend in high school admissions that is beginningto take into account a broader range of abilities than examination results alone.
Although there is some variation by prefecture, the common
pattern is that students can apply to only one public upper sec-

ondary school. (The entrance examinations of private highschools are usually available to anyone who wishes to apply, so
a student can apply to both a public and a private institution concurrently.) Schools choose from among the applicants on thebasis of their scores on the entrance examination and their lower
secondary school record. The school record usually includes a

description of the student's special activities, an evaluation of
personality, work habits, and behavior, and the school attendance record.
The advisor's recommendation is seriously given and usually followed. Most students take the entrance examination of thehighest ranking school which their advisors believe they are likely to be able to enter, and succeed in gaining admission. Rohlen

reports that a modicum of affirmative action on behalf ofstudents from poorer sections of the district sometimes occurs
in the process on an unofficial basis.22
The fit between the number of openings in a given school, particularly in the better academic high schools, the number of ap-

plicants, and the qualifications of individual students is so
carefully worked out by classroom advisors that the final ratioof applicants to places in each of the upper secondary schools
is kept very low, commonly not above 1.2 to 1 and often under
1.1 to 1. Some close, informal, district-wide coordination withthe admissions officials of the higher ranked public high schools
seems apparent. 23

Essentially, then, especially for the academic high schools,
entrance examinations serve more to confirm the lower schools'

postsecondary level differs significantly, reflecting different
cultural norms and subsequent employment realities. A smaller
proportion of girls continue their education in universities.24
The results of the March entrance examinations are announced
later the same month. The small number of students who do notgain admission because of their own miscalculation in selecting
a school to apply to, poor examination performance, or because
they were misadvised, can take a second-round examination at
another school. The second examination opportunity takes placeshortly after the results of the first examination are known.
Net results. The basic lesson regarding high school entrance
is, as Rohlen puts it, "work very hard in school or you will haveto end up having to pay for private schooling just to get a

diploma, or even worse, m.ss the chance for college
altogether."'" But regardless of level of school achievement,
cost, or prospects for postsecondary education, the great majority of students continue on to senior high school.
By the end of 9th grade, all students who desire to continue
their schooling have been successfully matched with an upper
secondary level school. As shown in table 4, approximately 94
percent of all Japanese children advance to full-time enrollment
in one or another kind of upper secondary school and about 2

percent enter some type of part-time education program. Approximately 3 percent take a full-time job. This leaves less than
1 percent unemployed or otherwise out of school.
The facts that nearly all Japanese junior high school students

38

46

continue their education in one or another form of upper secondary education, that 28 percent of the full-time high school
students attend private schools, and that about 93 percent of
those who enter 10th grade graduate from 12th grade indicate
the great importance that Japanese culture places on securing

at least a high school diploma. These facts also dramatize thedetermination and sacrifice of parents at all levels of society toprovide for their children's education at least through high school
graduation.

47

39

Upper Secon
Education(Grades 10-12)
High school entrance is the critical juncture at which theJapanese education system begins to reflect major differencesin ability and socioeconomic background. The hierarchical ranking of the high school that a student attends is closely related
to future employment and career path. With high school entry,
a student already has a fair idea of his or her likely future status.
Thomas Rohlen summarizes the enormous significance of highschool ranking and attendance:
Although the attention of Western scholars has focused
primarily on the problem of college entrance in Japan, andparticularly on the formation of future elites, the time ofhigh school entrance represents an even more crucial juncture in the total process of educational stratification. Virtually the entire youth population is involved, and theeducational tracks into which students are shunted at thisstage are both more diverse and more fundamental thanat the college stage to the overall structure of society. The
ranking of high schools in a given locality is as clear if
not clearerto all citizens as is the ranldng of universities
on a national scale. At the local level, which high schoola person attends carries lifetime significance, and the finely etched stereotypes of student character associated witheach high school become an indelible part of individual
identity.
For most students, the even more serious atmosphere of upper secondary school and the growing pressure of impending
college entrance examinations makes high school a low pointin the life of many Japanese youth.2 On the other hand, the drivefor good secondary school credentials and university admission

provides most high school students with a clear sense of purpose and goal orientation during late adolescence.

Some characteristics of upper secondary
education
All Japanese high school students are enrolled in either anacademic or vocational program, but the course work in the firstyear is the same for all students. The academic program is thecollege preparatory track. In 1984, approximately 70 percent
of all Japanese high school students were enrolled in this track.
In the second and third years, students in academic programs
have the choice of specializing either in literature or science.
Within each specialization, students are sometimes further
separated by ability levels. In the second and third years of thevocational program, about one-third of the student's time isdevoted to vocational education. The rest is spent on the standard academic subjects.
One objective of the Occupation's education reform was topromote comprehensive secondary schools, yet the comprehensive model did not become dominant. Today, about 49 percentof the upper secondary schools provide the academic program,
23 percent are vocational high schools, and only 28 percent arecomprehensive offering both types of programs.3
The Occupation had better success with its coeducation objective. Four out of five Japanese high schools are coeducational.
About 90 percent of the public schools, but only 37 percent of

the private schools, are coeducational.
Although private schools are rare at the elementary and lower
secondary levels, 24 percent of upper secondary schools are
private. These schools enroll 28 percent of all Japanese upper
secondary school students.4
Both public and private high schools charge tuition. A family with a child in public high school can expect to spend about
5 percent of its income for school expenses. The average cost
for a family with a child in private high school would be 10 percent or more.s In addition, there are other education expenses
incurred by many families, such as supplementary books, juku
tuition, or private tutoring costs. Juku tuition would require
another 3 to 5 percent of family income per child.

School status and selection
Established public high schools have long enjoyed the mostprestige. However, over the past decade, redistricting and otherattempts to discourage one or two high schools in an area fromenrolling a disproportionate number of the best students havebeen made, but reform is often not a simple matter. Some reform

efforts to reduce the preoccupation of public schools withpreparation for university examinations have backfired, as
parents with university aspirations for their children have shifted

their patronage to private schools. There are natural ripple effects in juku. Currently, depending on the educational situation
in a given locality, the "best" high school in the area may beeither public or private.
On a national basis, between 50 and 100 of the 1,300 private
secondary schools have developed fine reputations because of

the success of their graduates in gaining entry to the mostprestigious univek sides. Some of the most prestigious private
institutions are 6-year schools that encompass grades 7-12. They
structure the 6-year program so that the regular secondary school
curriculum is covered in 5 years, leaving the final year for fulltime preparation for university entrance examinations.6

In some cities, elite private high schools send the highest
number of graduates to elite universities. Ikuo Amano, a pro-,fessor at the University of Tokyo, summarizes the dominanceof private high schools in the battle for admission to his
institution:
Currently 351 high schools, including 74 private schools,
send graduates to the University of Tokyo, which is themost selective university in Japan. But the top 20 highschools, those sending the largest number of entrants to
the University of ibkyo, are private schools. Most of these
private 'prep schools are located in metropolitan areas,
and in those areas the children who seek admission to them
have to start preparing for the schools' entrance examina-48

41

tions when they are in the fourth or fifth grade of primaryteachers. Frequent citywide departmental seminors, study

schoo1.7

meetings and regular teacher transfers between schools createa strong, informal city or prefecture wide network of friendships
between teachers of the same subject. 10
In high school, teachers' regular teaching duties average about

Although most students aspire to enter the best local highschool, only the strongest students in each age group can achieve
this distinction. The rest of the good and average students enter
other academic high schools which correspond to their level ofscholastic achievement. Students of lesser school achieveir ent

may have to choose between maintaining a future option on a
possible university education by paying more to attend a private
academic high school, or attending at lower cost a public vocational school.

Facilities and staff
Facilities. Japanese high schools resemble their lower secondary school counterparts. They are unadorned multi-story rec-tangular or U-shaped concrete structures, equipped withlaboratories, libraries, and the like. Vocational schools havespecialized classrooms which are equipped for practical training in mechanics, electronics, business, and other fields. Most
schools have gymnasiums, athletic fields, and swimming pools.
Upper secondary schools also have audio-visual equipment, including cassette tape recorders, and 90 percent have color television sets. Over half have personal computers, although inclassuse of these devices is not widespread.'
Staff. As in lower secondary schools, each upper secondary
school has a principal and head teacher, again almost always
men. Indeed, 83 percent of Japanese high school teachers aremen. Women teachers tend to teach such subjects as home
economics and girls' physical education.
In addition to the principal and head teacher, there are gradelevel head teachers and department heads, vocational guidancecounselors, and disciplinary officers who oversee general student conduct and provide liaison with police and other assistancefor students who get in trouble. Teachers with reduced course
loads carry out the vocational guidance and disciplinary functions on behalf of the entire school. While all teachers assist in
helping students find a job or apply to higher education institutions, the homeroom advisor and the teacher responsible forvocational guidance have actual day-to-day responsibility inthese areas.
As in lower secondary schools, the teaching staff is organizedadministratively both by grade level and subject. The teachers'
room is arranged so that the desks of all homeroom advisors fora given grade adjoin those of the counselors and the head teacher
responsible for that grade level.
Although students in the same grade are assigned to different
class groups each year, the faculty remains largely the same andteachers move up with the age group until graduation. Thus,
over the 3-year period teachers come to know most of theirstudents well. This helps teachers provide instructional continui-ty, occupational guidance, and promote student character development.9
Within the academic department framework, a head teacher
helps the faculty in that subject coordinate decisions about theconte_nt and pace of instruction, plans and conducts inservice
training, and provides guidance and assistance to new or weaker

15 hours per week. " About 40 percent of all teachers are
assigned homeroom advisor responsibilities. 2 The homeroom
advisor for each group of students plays an important role in providing individual guidance on the selection of higher education

institutions and counseling students with personal, social, or
delinquen cy problems.

School calendar
As in elementary and junior high schools, the yearly calerdar is divided into 3 semesters. All-school celebrations such as
Sports Day and Culture Festival continue to be important occasions for building school pride and unity. Second-year students
go on a 3- or 4-day class field trip to a cultural or historic areaof the country. The experience serves the same purposes as theschool trip at the lower secondary level.
For students who plan to take university entrance examina-

tions, the third year of high school is a time of self-imposed
withdrawal from clubs, hobbies, and most leisure pursuits.
Students study as much as possible, often focusing more attention on tutorial and juku-related assignments than on regularclassroom instruction. As March examination season nears,
there is a perceptible change in classroom atmosphere. Student
attention is concentrated totally on the impending exams. Oncethe examinations are over and the next year's course has been
determined, the last few weeks of high school are casual andrelaxed.

Daily schedule
In a typical high school, teachers gather each morning at 8:30

a.m. for a brief meeting. Students meet at 8:35 a.m. for a
5-minute homeroom period. Regular classes begin at 8:45 a.m.
and there are four 50-minute classes before lunch. High school

students eat in their homeroom. lvo afternoon periods arefollowed by school clean-up and a 5-minute homeroom meeting,after which students are dismissed at 3:30 p.m. On Saturday the

day ends after four periods, at 1 p.m. Club activities are held
after school and run until 5 or 6 p.m. One hour per week isdevoted to mandatory club activity. Other club activity is
voluntary.
An hour-long homeroom period occurs once a week. This pro-vides an oppertunity for teachers to concentrate on student
guidance. Typical activities include helping students develop
greater awareness of themselves as high school students, encouraging them to reflect on their summer vacations, or perhaps
asking them to contemplate the forthcoming advancement fromone grade to another. These discussion topics are planned byteachers and scheduled in advance for the entire school year.

Instruction
Although fewer than 1 in 5 high school students actually con-tinue their education at a 4-year university, the entrance ex-4249

aminations exert a strong influence on everyone's instruction.
Most strong academic high schools are more a downward extension of higher education concerns than an upward extensionof compulsory school philosophy. In both academic and vocational programs, the tenor and pace of instruction are geared to

students' 3-year course of study and the number of class hours
per week devoted to each subject would be:covering large quantities of factual information likely to be tested

FIRST YEAR

on entrance examinations. Students in the university-boundacademic track feel the pressure and understand the importanceof studying hard for examinations long before they enter theirsenior year.
Both vocational and college preparatory programs are primarily academic in nature and designed to maintain a challenging
pace of advancement through new material. Even in the vocational schools, instruction in academic subjects rarely deviatesfrom straightforward lectures. Good teachers are consideredthose who carefully and conscientiously cover the material
outlined in the course of study. Enriching the required informa-tion with audio-visual materials or p. amentary on the facts
presented in the textbooks is permitted, but given little priority
by most teachers. There is scant time for such supplementaryattention anyway. Student questions ordlenes are uncommon and not encouraged. Some teachers, however, not only exhibit an exceptional command of the factual material, but also
are talented in stimulating student imagination.

All StudentsjJapanese I
Contemporary Society
Mathematics I
Science I
English I
Physical Education andHome economics*
HealthMusic o.t. Calligraphy
Homeroom
Club activities
Total class hours per week

Weekly Hours
5

4
6
4
6

4
1

2
1
1

34

*Boys take 4 hours of physical education and girls take 2 hours
and 2 hours of home economics.

Curriculum
During the 10th grade, the program is virtually identical forall students, whether they are in the academic or the vocational

program. The Japanese student faces a demanding course of
study in the required core subjects of Japanese language,mathematics, science, English, and social studies.
All first year students study "Japanese Language I," "Contemporary Society," "Mathematics I," "Science I," "Art," "Physical
Education," and "Health."" They also take a course in the arts
(painting, music, calligraphy, etc.) and English as an "elective.""Japanese r provides continued practice in reading contemporary literature and composition. Students study some classicalJapanese and Chinese literature, as well as archaic language andliterary forms.
"Contemporary Society" is a survey of contemporary national

and international issues and problems, with an emphasis onpolitics, economics, and personal ethics.
"Mathematics r includes further work with the quadratic formula and higher order equations, graphing of quadratic equations, introductory trigonometry, complex numbers, sets, andalgebraic proofs.
"Science r covers laws of transformation and conservationof energy, basic chemistry and computation of chemical formulas, embryonic development, evolution, and Mendelian laws.
Many students have difficulty with the content and pace of thecurriculum. Some fall far behind and lose interest. In one recent survey students were asked what kind of school they would
like to attend. The overwhelming majority selected the response"one with lessons which are easier to understand."14

Academic program. At a typical academic high school, theLiterature Majors

SECOND YEAR
Weekly Weekly Science Majors
Hours Hours

Japanese 11

5

Classical Literature
Japanese History
World History
Basic Mathematical
Analysis
Biology or Chemistry
English

2
2

4

3

3
3

3

3

3

4

7

4
5

Physical Education andHome economics*
HealthMusic or Calligraphy
Homeroom
Club activities
Total class hours
per week

4

4

1

1

2

1

1

1

1

1

34

34

Japanese 11

Japanese History
or World History
Algebra & Geometry
Basic Mathematical
Analysis
Physics
Chemistry
EnglishPhysical Education andHome econondcs*
HealthMusic or Calligraphy
Homeroom
Club activities
Total class hours
per week*Boys take 4 hours of physical education and girls take 2 hours
and 2 hours of home economics.

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43

THIRD YEAR

Literature Majors
Modern Literature
Classical Literature
Japanese History
World History
Ethics or Politics
Basic Mathematical
Analysis
Biology or Chemistry
EnglishPhysical Education
Homeroom
Club activities
Total class hours
per week

Weekly Weekly Science Majors
Hours Hours

4
4

3

3

2

3
3

5
5

2
2
8
3

4
4
6
3

1

1

1

1

34

34

Modern Literature
Japanese History
or World History
Integral and Differential Calculus
Probability andStatistics
Physics
Chemistry
EnglishPhysical Education
Homeroom
Club activities
Total class hours
per week

predetermined sequence. In comparison to regular academic
programs, less class time is spent in studying academic subjects
and the textbooks are less difficult. However, students are stillrequired to spend 16 to 18 hours a week in each of the 3 years
studying Japanese, mathematics, social studies, and English, aswell as science during 2 of the years. As in the academic program, 9 hours per week are devoted to physical education, home
economics, health, music or art, homeroom, and club activities.
Only 9 to 11 hours per week are actually devoted to vocational
education. The incentive to study is not as great in vocational
schools because for most students, there are no university entrance examinations to prepare for and the academic record may
not be given as much weight by the employers likely to hire fromthese schools."
Clubs. Clubs are an important part of Japanese high school
life. Activities after school are strongly encouraged and over halfofJapanese students are active in one or more clubs. As in lower

secondary schoo!, sports clubs are the most popular. Most areorganized and run by the students themselves.

Meetings are held from 3 to 5 or 6 p.m. There is inThe Japanese high school student does not assemble an individual class schedule from a large menu of possible electives.
Extras such as driver education, drama, or psychology are notoffered.
Except for two courses per year in which students are allowed
to choose between options to fulfill a specific requirement (suchas selecting music, fine arts, or calligraphy to fulfill the arts requirement), each class takes the same courses and remains a unit
for the entire day. For students in the academic curriculum, thechoice among these options is frequently based on thecharacteristics of the university entrance examination for which
one is preparing. Students whose interests or educational objectives are not satisfied by the established curriculum turn to after

school clubs, out of school enrichment classes, or academic
juku.
Although moral education as a formal subject in the cur-iiculum disappears at the upper secondary level, student
guidance and character development continue to receive attention. The emphasis shifts, however, from the training in fun-damental living habits and classroom behavior of the lower
grades to the further development of a disciplined attitude toward

work and study.
In the academic program, only 9 class hours per week are
devoted to nonacademic subjects. During this time, boys receive

4 hours of physical education and girls receive 2 hours ofphysical education and 2 of home economics. Both boys andgirls take 1 hour of health and 2 hours of fine arts. The weekly
schedule also includes an hour each of homeroom and facultyled club activities.
Vocational programs. Almost 30 percent of all full-time
Japanese high school students are enrolled in a vocational program. The vocational curriculum is career oriented, but not jobspecific. The occupational areas include commerce, industry/technology, agriculture, home economics, fisheries, and health.
Enrollments in vocational programs are shown in table 8.

Within each vocational major the curriculum follows aterscholastic club competition in some sports, particularly soccer and baseball. Japan's largest amateur sporting event is theannual National High School Baseball Summer Tournament.

Club activities provide recreation opportunities for students
while fostering social relations and group solidarity.

University entrance
Importance of a university education. In Japan, university
graduates have a lifetime advantage over those without a university degree. The education credential, not the individual talent,
determines initial employment with the more prestigious companies and remains a major consideration in any advancement.
It is uncommon for a nonuniversity graduate to move ahead ofa university graduate in such firms. With little chance to return

to formal education, the adolescent depends on doing well inschool, first to enter a good high school and then a good university. More than any other single event, the university entrance
examinations influence the orientation and life of most Japanesehigh school students, even for the many who do not go on topostsecondary education. For university aspirants, it is literally
the last major hurdle to be successfully negotiated on the way
to adulthood and preferred employment.
In Japan, one's university largely determines one's prospects
for the best careers and jobs. Career patterns of the graduatesof various universities are widely known, and institutions are
informally ranked according to the success of their graduates
in securing prestigious employment. It is very difficult to securehigh status, white collar employment with the government or

a major firm unless one has graduated from a top ranking
university.
It is not primarily the specific coursework or other academic
preparation which students receive at these institutions which
is so highly valued by employers. Rather, it is the ability to learn
what is taught, work hard, and persevere, all demonstratecl by
success on the rigorous university entrance examinations, whichindicate to the prospective employer that the student will be a44

51

good risk as a career employee. Thus, the competition to enter
the best institutions is especially severe. The number of applications to openings for institutions as well as constituent academic
units are published annually, and students take these into accountin deciding where to apply.
Preparation for entrance examinations. For students aspiring to enter the more prestigious universities, exam preparation
is an arduous and painful task which often begins in earnest inlower secondary school. In its most extreme form, the long, intense period of study followed by the stress of the examination
itself is referred to as "examination hell." A common slogan is"4 hours pass, 5 hours fail," referring to the presumed relationship between the amount of time a student sleeps each night andthe prospect for success or failure on the examination.
Apocryphal or not, the catch phrase dramatizes the rigor of theregimen in which the student is caught.
Scores on entrance examinations to the better universities havebeen increasing. Students, therefore, have had to work harderto gain admission, especially to the top schools. Many students
who fail the examination to the university of their choice will
spend a year or more in intensive study and then try again. Monbusho data show that in 1984, 36 percent of all entrants to 4-year
universities had spent at least 1 year in extra study." For entrance to the most prestigious facilities of the best universities,

this percentap is even higher, and it is not uncommon that
almost half of the students who are admitted are taking the ex-amination for the second (or third) time."
Even mastery of the high school curriculum may not be sufficient to pass the very difficult examinations of the better institutions or more specialized faculties. Helping fill the gap
between what students learn in school and what they must know
to pass the examinations of a specific institution or constituent
academic unit is a sizeable private sector cram school industry,yobiko.
Yobiko. These are a specialized extension of the juku system.

There are local yobiko in each prefecture as well as someregional and national chains of schools. These sophisticated cramschools offer intense training for the entrance examinations,
often tailored specifically to the requirements and examinationsof individual institutions or groups of universities with common
characteristics.
Although there is a nationally administered standardized entrance examination available in Japan, many universities depend
instead upon one of their own design. Some institutions use theresults of the national examination as a general screening device
and consider only those applicants whose scores are above a certain cut-off point. The institution's own examination is then used

to select students for admission. Whatever the nature of theexams, the yobiko aim to prepare students to pass them.

Each year, there are about 200,000 ronin, (literally,"masterless samurai") students who have failed the exams foradmission to the school of their first choice and who have electedto spend a full year preparing to take the examinations again.
Many of the ronin enroll in a full-time examination preparation
program at a yobiko. There are over 200 yobiko in Japan.18 The
number of students enrolled in them very nearly approximates
the number of ronin. In addition, there are high school students

who attend yobiko-sponsored programs after regular school
hours and on weekends. Although some yobiko have programs
geared to high school students, the hallmark of yobiko is the full-time, year-long examination preparation programs for ronin.
Given the fact that so many university entrants have had theronin experience, secondary education in Japan is often called
a 3-3-1 or -X system to reflect the extra year or more of study
that many students engage in after high school graduation.
Not many female high school students attend yobiko, and maleronin outnumber female ronin more than 10 to 1. These participation patterns again reflect the different institutional objectives of girls in postsecondary education." Female students
account for less than 25 percent of university enrollments. Theirprofessional career opportunities are limited.
The yobiko develop and administer model examinations
against which students can chart their progress and estimate theirchances of gaining admission to a particular institution. These
practice exams are given several times during the year and arealso open periodically to the general public for a fee. The latter

event is often a means by which students first come to a par-ticular yobiko. Many of the large yobiko also maintainsophisticated information gathering operations to collect data on

the content and results of the most recent university
examinations.

Yobiko also publish a wide variety of books and study aids,
which they sell commercially. Texts they create exclusively for
their own students are a big drawing card for the school, since
they are often prepared by professors and teachers intimatelyfamiliar with the entrance examinations, and they are not usuallyavailable in the bookstores. Faculty of these yobiko include bothfull-time and part-time teachers, with many of the part-timers
drawn from various university faculties and other educational
institutions. Yobiko often have their own entrance examinations,
but like those of the juku discussed earlier, these exams are often
used for class organization and ranking as much as for entrance.
The cost of yobiko for a year's full-time study approximatesthat of tuition and fees for some private universities, althoughmost private universities cost more. The average cost is about
one-third higher than tuition and fees at a national university.
Suicide issue. Worry about examinations is a continuing reali-ty for most Japanese high school students and their families,
but dramatic media coverage notwithstanding it is not truethat large numbers of disappointed youth are driven to take theirown lives because of their failure to pass the entrance examination to elite universities. While school related factors are clearly
among the important causes of adolescent suicide, examinations
per se are not the dominant factor: " . . . maladjustment toschool . . . lack of motivation, dislike of school, and trouble withhomeworkare more prominent than failure in exams or thepain of exam preparations . . ."20
The suicide rate for Japan for the 15 to 19 age group dropped

43 percent during the 1975 to 1984 decade while that for
the United States increased 17 percent and surpassed Japan's.
A comparison of youth suicide rates in Japan and the UnitedStates in three age brackets over the past 20 years is presented
in table 9.
45

52

Student life
Although the classroom and study out of school occupy themain portion of high school students' days, recent data show thatJapanese students still enjoy leisure activities. High school
students watch TV, listen to the radio or read newspapers andmagazines an average of about 2 hours per day, engage in sports
for almost 1 hour per day (more on the weekends), and findanother hour a day for some other form of relaxation.
Teenage social life in Japan is focused on school, clubs, andschool-sponsored activities. Although most high schoolclassrooms are coeducational, boys and girls display shyness inpublic social relationships. While each sex is interested in theother, close opposite-sex friendships and dating are rare. Most
students do not begin dating until after high school.
Japanese high school students are not encouraged to experiment with adult fashions, pastimes, and responsibilities. Students
are not allowed to drive automobiles until they are 18 years ofage. Although 16-year-olds may obtain a license to drive small
motorbikes, three-quarters of all high schools prohibit or severely restrict their use. Many students must commute as much as

ferences between Japanese and American values and priorities
concerning adolescent sexuality, Thomas Bohlen writes:. . . Americans have found a new morality to suit our increasingly precocious individualism, whereas in Japan, ur-banization, industrialization, and prosperity have drawn
nearly the entire population into a middle-class pursuit ofeducational achievement. The postponement of independence and adult sexuality appears to be a by-product.

Japan is not puritanical about sex, but it is very middleclass about getting ahead and very aware of propriety andstatus. Adolescent romance and sex are still improper.23
Adolescent rebellion commonly takes the form of small but
significant alterations in school uniforms and regulation hairstyle. Boys express delinquent tendencies through widening thetrouser legs of their school uniforms, or wearing sandals rather
than regulation footwear. Girls lengthen their skirts beyond theregulated norm or have their hair dyed brown or set in a permanent wave.
Cigarette smoking is considered a serious form of delinquency

45 minutes or more to school, and most students use public
transportation or a standard three-speed bicycle.

among high school students. Although smoking on school
premises is rare, some teenagers smoke on the streets or inPart-time jobs are also discouraged or prohibited by most highschools. A large scale comparative study of high school students

private. When caught in the act, they are taken to the station andin Japan and the United States found that only 21 percent ofJapanese high school students worked part-time during theschool term, compared with 63 percent in the United States.
Schools and parents discourage students from working on the
grounds that it distracts them from study and exposes them todubious influences in the adult community."
Students are often further restricted by school regulations
regarding inappropriate activities, regulations which remain
operative even after students leave the school grounds. Curfews,

dress codes for after school hours, and prohibitions regarding

the frequenting of game parlors, coffee shops, and other
undesirable neighborhood attractions are common. In someschools, parents cooperate with the teacher in charge of student

admonished by police. Repeated offenses are grounds for expulsion from school.
Substance abuse takes the form of sniffing glue or paint thinner and ranks as a relatively serious manifestation of adolescentanti-social behavior. Although the subject of considerable media
attention, the problem remains small in statistical terms. Nationwide in 1984 there were only 15,000 lower and upper secondary
school students who were admonished by the police for thisact.24

There is little adolescent drinking, and marijuana and harddrugs are virtually unavailable. Coupled with the fact that car
ownership or regular use by high school students is virtuallynonexistent, Japan is spared some very serious, often interrelated
problems that are common in some other industrialized nations.

behavior in patrolling the neighborhood after school and on

Serious forms of delinquent activity that do occur include

weekends to monitor student behavior and encourage observanceshoplifting or theft, usually of bicycles and motorcycles. While
there are some motorcycle and automobile hot rodding gangs,
the total number of these is relatively small .23
Schools of good academic standing typically are less plaguedby problems of delinquency and find it easier to require students
to conform to the rules. As noted earlier, vocational and otherschools near the bottom of the hierarchy enroll more disaffected
and disadvantaged youth. In these schools, teachers typically are
more tolerant in enforcing the letter of the school's regulations.
When student delinquency occurs, schools are usually involved
along with the parents and police.
When delinquent students are apprehended by neighborhood
police for such offenses as smoking, shoplifting, or motorcycle hot rodding, both the school disciplinary counselor and thestudents' parents are commonly required to come to the police
station and take subsequent disciplinary action. In some cases,
the school's response is so predictably prompt and severe thatthe police may attempt to protect a contrite first offender caught
smoking by notifying only the parents and not the schoo1.26

of school rules.

Student delinquency
Juvenile delinquency in Japan has increased over the past
decade. It is widely publicized in the mass media and is a growing source of national concern clearly reflected in the current
reform movement. Yet, by comparison with various other industrialized nations, including the United States, delinquency
in Japan is mild and infrequent. This is not just because Japanis a homogeneous, highly disciplined society. It is also partly
because Japanese youth are more closely supervised. They spend
a greater proportion of their time at home or in school. Further,many major factors commonly associated with juvenile delinquency and crime, such as poverty, divorce, and adult crime,

occur less commonly in Japan than in many other major
nations."
In explaining the apparent reasons for the relative confinementof adolescent experience to home and school and some basic dif-

46

53

What high school graduates do next

In the United States. In 1985, 2,666,000 students graduatedfrom high schoo1.27 About 58 percent went on to full-time or

In Japan. In 1984, 1,482,312 students graduated from upper secondary schools. More than 29 percent of these went on

part-time study in 4-year and 2-year colleges. (This was arecord; the proportion had been in the range of 50 to 55 per-to university undergraduate and regular junior college programs(18 percent to university and 11 percent to junior coliege programs) In addition, almost 12 percent went on to postsecondary
courses in special training colleges. Thus, approximately 41 percent of the graduates proceeded to one or another of these typesof postsecondary education.
Another group of the graduates, almost 14 percent of the total,cent for most of the 1970's and early 1980's.) Of the 1,539,000
who went to college, 593,000 were also working. (Informationon the number going on to various vocational programs otherthan in junior colleges is unavailable.)
Of the 42 percent of all graduates who did not go to college,
26 percent were working, 8.5 percent were unemployed, andthe remaining 7.5 percent were not in the labor force. The total
number of 1985 graduates employed, including those who werealso attending college, was 1,292,000 or 48.5 percent.

went on to other kinds of vocational courses, primarily thosein that category of institutions known as "miscellaneous schools."

Approximately 41 percent of the total number of graduates(including 1 percent working and studying) found employment.
Details of the total distribution of students after graduation arepresented in table 5.

54

47

Higher Education
Topping off Japanese education today is a large, diversified
system of higher education consisting, in 1985, of 461 universities, 543 junior colleges, 62 technical colleges, and various
other postsecondary institutions and programs.

By the start of World War II, Japan already had a higher
education system equal in scale to that of the leading European
nations. The major functions of its universities were training elite
leadership for govertunent, business, and society in general andthe conduct of research to serve national needs. Technical andscientific subjects received heavy emphasis.
After World War II, the Occupation authorities instituted amajor reform of higher education. Among other things, they
granted university status to a number of lesser institutions, thus
greatly expanding the postsecondary universe, and promoted inclusion of a strong general education component in university
undergraduate education. They also introduced the junior college concept. Many other postsecondary institutions came into

being after the Occupation.
Since the war both the number of higher education institutions
and their total enrollments have increased dramatically. From1950 to 1984, the number of students in universities and 4-yearcolleges increased from 225,000 to 1,843,000, while the number
enrolled in junior colleges rose from 15,000 to 382,000.

The universities, led primarily by the national universities, sit
at the apex of the hierarchical structure of the postsecondary
system. They offer a regular undergraduate degree program,normally 4 years in length.* There are 6-year programs in
medicine, dentistry, and veterinary science. Postgraduate options include 2-year master's degree programs, and 5-year doctoral programs. More than half the universities have graduate
programs and two-thirds of these offer both master's and doctoral level work.
The highly ranked institutions provide a passage to good positions in government and large corporations, and their entrance
examinations mold most of secondary education and some ofwhat precedes it. The universities usually considered at the topof the prestige structure include Tokyo, Kyoto, Tokyo Instituteof Technology (national), and Keio and Waseda (private).
Junior colleges received their major impetus from postwar

Occupation policies concerned with fostering democracy
through broadening educational opportunity. They offer 2- andsometimes 3-year programs, most of which are designed for
women. Most of the institutions are small, with a limited rangeof subjects. In fact, three-fourths of them have only a single curriculum, which can have as concentrated a focus as music, painting, or English literature.2 In Japan, junior college education,indeed higher education for women in general, is commonly
considered as preparation for eventual marriage and homemaking, rather than as training for long-term professional employment in business and industry. Less than 5 percent of junior col-lege graduates go on to further higher education.

Structure and Basic Data
Types of institutions and programs
Postsecondary institutions are either national public (established, funded, and operated by the national government), local
public (prefectural or municipal), or private. Private institutions
have been the most responsive to increased popular demand forhigher education. They now outnumber public institutions andserve the majority of students. Yet national universities are
generally more prestigious and, because of greater resources,usually provide a better quality education at lower cost to
students.
Public and private postsecondary institutions are of five major types: universities (a term that in Japan is traditionally applied to all postsecondary academic institutions of 4 years or
more, hence corresponding to the combined "college and university" phrase commonly employed in the United States), juniorcolleges, and three types of technical and vocational institutions
described in the next chapter. Table 10 shows the number of institutions in each of the five types, by control category (public
or private). 'able 11 shows enrollments by type of institution
and kind of course.
There are also a few new types of institutions, including two
technological universities which mainly serve graduates of thetechnical colleges who enter in the third year and can complete
both bachelm's and master's degrees in curricula "consistent with
their previous educational experience."

Enrollment
Almost 2.9 million students were enrolled in postsecondary
education in 1984, making the Japanese system the fourth largest
in the world (after the United States, the Soviet Union, and India). While the educational standards in many parts of the system

leave something to be desired, a high proportion of those whoenter postsecondary education complete the program they enter.
Ikuo Amano reports that almost 75 percent of university students
graduate in 4 years and 87 percent graduate eventually.3
Of the nearly 2.9 million students in postsecondary education,
about 64 percent are in universities, mostly in undergraduate
courses, 13 percent in junior colleges, 14 percent in special training colleges, almost 8 percent in miscellaneous schools, and only
.6 per cent in the fourth and fifth yeas of the 5-year courses
in technical colleges.
Thirty-seven percent of the total enrollment in Japanese higher
education is female. Of the total female enrollment, 40 percent
is in universities, 32.3 percent in junior colleges, and 22.5 percent in special training schools. 'able 12 shows female enrollment in the different types of postsecondary institutions.
Distribution of enrollment by fields presents some interesting
patterns. For example, although Japanese higher education confers only 40 percent as many bachelor's degrees as the U.S., it*This requires a minimum of 124 credits, of which 36 are in general education, 8 in foreign languages, 76 in the major, and 4 in health and physicaleducation.

55

49

produces as many engineers, because nearly 20 percent ofJapanese university students specialize in engineering comparedwith only 7 percent in the United States.
As explained below, graduate study in Japan is relatively
underdeveloped or underutilized and enrollment patterns reflect
this. Enrollment at the graduate level is ohly 3 percent of thetotal enrollment in universities and juniol colleges. The comparable figure for the United States is approximately 11 percent(of which a substantial portion is foreign students.) The low proportion of students enrolled in graduate programs in Japan shows

even in key fields.

Administration
As usual, ganeral policy and administration are under thejurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. Monbusho has theauthority to approve the establishment of all new institutions,both private and public; has direct control over the budgets of
all national universities, colleges, junior colleges, and any
associated research institutes; provides su:aidies to private andprefectural institutions; prescribes minimum standards foruniversities with respect to curricula, num_ ir and qualificationsof teachers, and size of buildings and grounds; and provides
research and foreign travel support to individual scholars. Whileindividual universities can exercise autonomy in many matters,

particularly if they are very prestigious, private or both, theMinistry retains primary influence over the development ofhigher education in Japan.

Major Issues
Entrance examination system
While the present examination system has a pragmatic origin,
it also reflects a basic characteristic ofJapanese culture: to impose strict screening before the initiation of a social relationship (whether friendship, marriage, or lifelong employment),but once the relationship has been established, to invest muchtrust and energy in its maintenance. University affiliation falls
within this pattern.
The examination system arose largely from the need to deal
with uncertainties accompanying the rapid expansion of secondary education and the establishment of many new univer-sities. In the old system, reputable schools with rigorous
programs (most at upper secondary level, some with a year
beyond) were the principal preparatory institutions for the universities. A close ratio was maintained between the number ofstudents in those schools and the number of places in universities. Only in a handful of university faculties where applicantssignificantly outnumbered places were entrance examinations
critical in selecting students. During that period, entrance examinations were more important at the stage of passage fromthe middle schools into the higher secondary preparatory schools
than in gaining university entrance.
With the inauguration of the new system by the Occupation,
the traditional transition process from preparatory school tohigher education was thrown into disarray. A larger number andmore diverse range of preparatory schools were producing
graduates intent on seeking admission to a larger and morevaried group of universities.
In the hierarchical Japanese society, the status of the new institutions at both levels was, predictably, lower and more uncertain than that of institutions with established reputations. Hencethe most prominent universities were flooded with applications.

They developed rigorous entrance examinations to maintainquality control of their admissions. The new, lesser universities,

even when they had fewer applications than places, felt compelled to develop their own entrance examinations in order tomaintain the appearance of similarity to leading institutions. Today, in addition to their student selection function, examinations
also provide a source of income for various private institutions
because of the fees charged to take the examinations.
High stakes competition. Unlike the application management
system used at the local level in the high school entrance examination process, the university entrance examinations are
rigorous national competitions among many students contending

for a limited number of places in the more prestigious institutions. The stakes in the competition are high, given the great
lifelong advantage traditionally enjoyed by those who graduate
from a prestigious university.
Since professional education generally starts at theundergraduate level, students need to choose their fields of study
before they apply for admission. Because requirements vary by
field or faculty, the examination is usually given by the faculty
concerned, rather than by the university in general. Faculties
differ in their requirements and standards, and there is little opportunity to transfer from one field or faculty after admission.
To change fields or institutions normally requires dropping out
completely and starting the demanding entrance process all overagain.

Thus, selecting an institution and faculty to apply to is aserious and complex matter that has to be faced at the outset ofthe examination preparation process. Because of the hiring
policies and practices of the more prestigious employers in bothpublic and private sectors, many academically talented students
pay more attention to the status of institution and faculty than

to the field itself.
Consequences. Many secondary school graduates who failto gain admission to their preferred institution try again thefollowing year and commonly devote full time to the preparation process. The large number of experienced university entrance examination takers who are trying again ronin makes
the competition that much more difficult for first-time contenders, as well as the ronin. According to Monbusho figures,
24 percent of all males seeking university admission in 1983
were 1-year ronin and 8 percent were trying for the second or
third time. About two-thirds of the 1983 high school graduates
who failed the entrance examination tried again in 1984. The
figures rise with institutional prestige. For example, Ikuo Amano
reports that "51 percent of those admitted to the entering 1984class of Tokyo University and 48 percent of these admitted to
medicine were ronin."4

Preparation. By the mid-1950's a variety of mechanisms
emerged to help young people gain a more realistic sense of their

50

56

chances in the examination competition. This was especiallydesirable because examinations are so scheduled that no student
can sit for the examinations of more than two national universities. To begin with, the secondary school sector has become
increasingly differentiated with some schools maintaining an extremely high academic standard, attracting students of outstanding ability, and producing an enviable record of student successin entrance examinations to the top universities. Most secondary

schools have developed a fairly accurate sense of how theirgraduates rank competitively in the annual contest for entry tovarious institutions. Guidance programs in all schools help
students make reliable estimates of their chances of success inentering specific institutions. Students can draw upon a large
number of annual publications which give examination questions
and answers and study suggestions for the exams of more than
400 universities and faculties.
There are a variety of mock entrance examination tests administered by commercial companies. The results are evaluatedagainst a large and growing data base which provides young people with indications of their performance relative to others aspir-

ing to their preferred institutions. Further, special after school
preparatory courses and tutors are widely available for remedial
work or cram purposes. As noted earlier, the yobiko specialize
in preparing youth for university entrance examinations.
On the institutional side, an important development has been

the common examination, the Joint Achievement Test, administered by the Association of National Universities as an initial screening mechanism prior to the examinations given byindividual institutions. The exam covers five subject areas:

mathematics, Japanese, English, natural science, and thehumanities. Factual knowledge and problem-solving skills areemphasized, especially the former. Multiple choice and shortanswer questions are the primary means employed to cover themassive -mount of detail. The examination process takes twodays.
Students can gain admittance to some institutions on the basisof their performance on this examination. Other institutions use
the results of the common examination to establish the cutoff
point to qualify a much smaller number to compete on their own
proprietary examinations. The examinations test knowledge offacts, not aptitude or IQ. Such measures of student performanceas high school grades, teacher recommendations, or extracurricular activities are not usually considered.

However, an increasing number of universities, especiallyprivate ones, are beginning to admit students without examination, on the basis of recommendations from their high schools.
In 1984, almost 20 percent of those gaining admission to private
universities entered via recommendations rather than examinations. (Many of these were graduates of the admitting institutions' affiliated preparatory schools.) The recommendation routeis much more heavily used by junior colleges in 1983 morethan 60 percent of first-year students were admitted via recommendations rather than examinations.5

While the negative aspects of the examination system areusually stressed, it should also be noted that entrance examinations make some positive contributions to the overall education

system. They buttress academic standards and foster achievement throughout precollegiate education. Because the examination system tests primarily what is known rather than student
aptitude, Japanese young people come to know a lot in a variety of fields. Their knowledge is not limited to rote learning; international comparative studies of school achievement indicatethat Japanese young people also perform extremely well in solving difficult mathematical and scientific problems requiring advanced reasoning skills.
Preparation for the examination system requires sustainedcommitment and hard work. Thus, from a relatively young age,
Japanese students learn values that will serve them well as they
move into the labor force and adult life. While preparation for
university entrance examinations entails sacrifices from all concerned, it also helps provide a common sense of purpose forstudents and parents.

Quality of undergraduate education
The postwar curriculum reform required that 36 credits of the
124 required for graduation in the 4-year curriculum be devoted
to general education. Reformers hoped this would induce univer-sities to liberalize their traditional specialized faculties andestablish broader organizational units along the lines of the artsand sciences faculties in American universities. But mostJapanese universities did not embrace the idea of general
education.
Because of the low priority that university authorities haveassigned to general education courses, students have also taken
them lightly. As a result, the first 2 years have become a relaxed
period during which students frequently cut classes, devote muchof their time to clubs and other pleasurable activities that they

had to forego during the grueling period in upper secondary
school when they were preparing for university admission. Onceadmitted to a university, a student has had high assurance of
graduation. Hence, there has been ample opportunity to ease offin college. The difficult part has been entry, not exit. In Edward
Fiske's apt summary, "American students, by and large, take examinations to get out of school, Japanese take them to get in."6
Some sectors of Japanese higher education do take general
education more seriously. Especially in the faculties of engineer-ing, science, agriculture, and medicine, there is a reasonablelevel of integration or coordination between general and special

education. In these fields the general education courses are
sometimes spread across the 4 years rather than concentrated
in the first 2 years. Thus, students are more likely to study
seriously throughout the entire undergraduate period. In addition, student-teacher ratios are lower in these faculties. Graduate

students, who are more numerous in these fields, assume important roles in guiding their juniors through the requirementsof specialized course work and related laboratory experience.
Ezra Vogel summarizes some of the common problems inJapanese universities:

Universities have an important function in certifying
students, but faculty devotion to teaching and to students
is limited, student preparations are far less than prior to
the entrance examination, analytic rigor in the classroom

57

51

is lacking, and attendance is poor. University expenditures
per student are unreasonably low...The Japanese student

in his essays is more likely to follow guidelines than todevelop his originality.7
Edwin Reischauer's criticism is even sharper: "The squandering of four years at the college level on poor teaching and very
little study seems an incredible waste of time for a nation so pas-sionately devoted to efficiency."'
Japanese university educators are well aware of such deficiencies in undergraduate education and anticipate changes in theyears ahead. The potential for change is found partly in pendingreform efforts and partly in demographic realities. After 1992
the supply of college age people will decline sharply and many
institutions will have to compete for students.

Graduate education and research
Since the beginning of the modern educhtion system, theleading universities in Japan have been viewed as places for advanced study and research, although on the eve of World War
II only four universities had graduate schools, and these lacked
prescribed programs of study and fixed periods of residency.
Students pursued their own research under a senior professor

in a master-disciple relationship. Most aimed at academic
careers.
Following the European tradition, faculties were organizedin "chairs" consisting of a senior professor and one to threesubordinates responsible for research in the chair's field. Eachchair as a matter of course received an annual research budget
to use as it deemed appropriate. Only where research needs exceeded the annual budget did the chair have to apply for special
funds.
Professors and other staff members were expected to provide
lectures for undergraduate students. However, their most satis-fying educational responsibility was the direction of long
research theses which students were required to produce forgraduation. The postwar reforms sought to "modernize" thistraditional apprentice system of academic training by establishing formal graduate programs with systematic course work
leading to master's and doctoral degrees. Master's degrees werefirst offered in the mid-1950's and doctorates in the early 1960's.
The new universities were especially eager to obtain recognition as places for graduate training, for this conferred status aswell as some budgetary advantages. Hence many of the new
universities sought and received permission to establish graduate
schools. However, students have shown little interest in attend-

ing them. In 1984, private institutions granted only 33 percentof the 18,493 master's and 4,090 doctoral degrees awarded,
while the national universities granted 63 percent. (Local private
universities granted the remainder.)9
Graduate enrollments in Japan are thus concentrated in a small
number of institutions. While almost 60 percent of the universities have graduate programs and 40 percent offer doctoral level
work, half of the master's candidates and two-thirds of the doctoral candidates are concentrated in two dozen institutions-5
percent of all universities.")

Only about 65,000 students, 4 percent of total university
enrollment, are enrolled in graduate studies in all fields in Japan,
52

compared with over 1.6 million in the United States. The ratioof graduate to undergraduate university students in Japan isabout 1 to 26, compared with 1 to 9 in the United States. In
general, much graduate study remains primarily "in-service
training for university careers.""
The major reason for the traditional resistance of Japanese
students to graduate study has been the limited prospects forsuitable employment upon completion of graduate work. Apartfrom the academic sector, relatively few jobs are available in
the research laboratories of government institutes and large cor-porations. These positions are primarily for master's level
graduates in engineering and basic sciences. Firms that conduct
research generally prefer to develop their own researchers in-house. The demand is even lower at the doctoral level.
Because of the limited job prospects for students with graduate
degrees, few well-established universities have devoted serious

effort to further development of graduate programs. In many
instances, the old apprentice system was merely masked by in-troduction of new courses that lacked overall program
coherence.
While the scale of graduate education in Japan remains small
by U.S. standards, job prospects for graduate students are begin-ning to improve as national needs, strategies, and policies
change. Consequently, the number of students seeking advanced

training is increasing. Education planners looking to the 21st
century, when Japanese industry expects to be solidly based on
the new capital of knowledge, anticipate the demand for better
qualified personnel will increase.
The growing interest in improving graduate education willpress universities to modernize and expand their research efforts.
The strength ofJapanese industry to date has been in acquiring

fundamental knowledge from other countries, adapting or improving it, and designing, manufacturing, and marketing theresulting products. The strategy has been eminently successful.
However, as Japan increasingly competes in fields in which thestate-of-the-art is evolving rapidly and in which organizations
that do basic research and development have a competitive edge,
its strategy is changing. More attention is now being given toadvancing the state of knowledge through an increase in basic
research.
In 1985, according to Monbusho data, universities employed
40 percent of the nation's researchers and accounted for "about
half of the government's research expenditure related to the advancement of science and technology" and 22 percent of the total
national research expenditures. Health is the most active fieldof university research (39 percent of the researchers), followed
by engineering and the humanities (14 percent each).12
All Japanese universities routinely allocate a portion of theirbudgets to faculty research. At national universities, almost all
research funds are provided by the government, which is more
likely to support basic research. At private unversities, which
educate the majority of students, but where less research is conducted, research funds come from nongovernment sources,
largely student fees and income-producing assets (land, small
business, etc.).
Research is conducted not only within universities, but also
through associated research institutes. There are also 12 national

inter-university research institutes in various fields of science(for example, high energy physics, polar research, space andastronautical science, and genetics). They have the same legal
status as universities and are open to visiting researchers. Their
facilities are much superior to those found in individual institutions. Staff members have faculty ranks, but no teaching re-sponsibilities. The general criteria for the establishment ofinter-university institutes include the need for large scale research facilities and equipment, the systematic collection of data,
and/or large scale team research. These institutes also have spe-cial responsibilities for international cooperative research
programs."
Research cooperation between universities and industry is arelatively recent development. The creation of Tsukuba Science
City in 1973 has been the most impressive single effort to improve research linkage between industry and academia, integrate
general and specialized education, and innovate in the management of higher education. Tsukuba was planned and built by thegovernment to promote research and education activities in acomprehensive, integrated fashion. The city includes two universities, 46 national research centers, 8 private research centers,
and a growing number of technology-dependent firms locatedin an industrial park. Tsukuba University maintains close
linkages to the national and private research centers.
There is no shortage of faculty desire to pursue advanced
research, but over the past decade the resources available forthe purpose have not increased significantly. Indeed, when adjusted for inflation the amount routinely allocated to a chair for
research has declined substantially, and the difference has barely
been matched by the increase in separately budgeted grants. In
1983, the amount available to Japanese university professors forbasic research in science and engineering fields was approximately $500 million, or about one-tenth the sum available in
the U.S.
Despite financial shortages, Japanese university researchers
have increased their share of the world's production of significant scientific literature. Whereas in the 1960's, they contributed
only 4 percent, today they are contributing 10 percent or morein many fields, and an increasing number of Japanese researchers are being recognized as international leaders in their fields.

The Japanese Council of Science and Technology recently

recommended a major increase in funds for fundamental
research, pointing out both the practical need for new knowledge
and the responsibility Japanese science has to increase its contribution to world science. This recommendation was strongly
endorsed by key corporate and political leaders.
The increased attention to graduate education and research ispart of a national effort to strengthen Japan's capabilities in science and technology in order to maintain economic growth andthe quality of life. While there have been major obstacles in securing or using funds from external sources, recent modificationof regulations is leading to more private support for university
research via donations, contract research, and cooperative research with industry." In a time of financial constraint, however,it remains to be seen whether increased support for these objectives will come at the expense of other university programs
such as philosophy, social science, and the arts.

Continuing education for adults
Traditionally, apart from ronin, Japanese education does notfeature a second chance. There are few opportunities to go backto school. There is now growing interest in improving opportunities for further education for adults. Yet, virtually all of theformal higher education institutions admit students based on theirperformance in entrance examinations. The traditional cycle ofJapanese education has young people peaking in their examtaking capabilities at the conclusion of high school. When adults
consider going back to formal schooling, they face the prospectof competing against young people who are in their prime forcompetitive examinations.

This prospect, plus the strong university tradition of seeing
its clientele as young undergraduates, has discouraged most
adults, as can be seen from the small percentage of persons
above 25 years of age who are in school. This situation differsfrom the current age profile of students in American higher
education, where, by 1983, almost half of the student body was
22 years of age or older, and where, by 1985, nearly 38 percent was 25 years of age or older and 13 percent 35 or older.
Most continuing education for adults in Japan takes place inprivate, profit-making institutions.
In recent years, national policymakers in Japan have become
increasingly concerned about such emerging major problems as
the aging of the population, the anticipated labor shortage, andthe need to re-educate middle-aged and older people if the labor
force is going to remain flexible and productive. Such factors
have given rise to educational alternatives such as the University of the Air which uses flexible standards in accepting applicants. A wide range of courses is beginning to be offered via
tele: ;sion and radio. The University opened on an experimen-

tal basis in April 1985 with a first-year enrollment of 17,000
students. This innovative institution for working people andothers interested in continuing their education adds anotherdimension to the Japanese higher education system.

International education
Until recently, foreign nationals could not hold a regular posi-tion in a national university, and even today the foreigners
holding such positions can be counted on the fingers of two
hands. Most foreign faculty members are found in private institutions, but their total number is still less than 2 percent of
the national professoriate.
Foreign students are rarer still. Whereas foreign students constitute 5 to 10 percent of higher education enrollments in many
Western European countries (and about 3 percent in the UnitedStates), in Japan they amount to only one-half of 1 percent. Indeed, there are more Japanese students studying in the UnitedStates than the total of all foreign students studying in Japan.
In 1984 there were just 10,700 foreign students studying inJapan, 80 percent of them from other Asian countries and 8 percent from North America. In contrast, there were approximately
339,000 foreign students studying in the United States, morethan 13,000 of whom were from Japan.
The dominant factor limiting foreign study in Japan is, ofcourse, the language requirement. Virtually all university in53

59

struction is in Japanese, and there is little opportunity to learn
or use the language outside Japan.

Private higher education and national policy
While some of the oldest universities were established under
private auspices, since the late 1870's the central government
has viewed the public (primarily national) university sector as
the main vehicle for its purposes. Indeed, during the late nineteenth century the government appeared determined to eliminate
private higher education before finally changing course andacknowledging its value. Until the early 1970's, the government
then maintained a neutral stance, neither supporting nor particularly controlling the private sector. The higher education
policy was essentially one of devoting public funds to public
institutions to insure quality in that sector while letting private
institutions cope with social demand for expansion of opportunity in postsecondary education.
In the absence of government support or direction, the private
sector has been especially sensitive to market demand. As illustrated in table 2, the private sector has created most educational opportunities in universities, junior colleges, special
training schools, and miscellaneous schools. About 73 percent
of university students and 90 percent of those in junior colleges
are now enrolled in private institutions. This contrasts with theUnited States where public institutions enroll about 68 percentof the college and university students and about 94 percent of
those in junior colleges.
However, private higher education tends to concentrate on theless costly curriculum areas. For example, private universities
emphasize humanities and social science faculties where expenditures are lower rather than the more expensive laboratory
sciences .
The gap between the public and priviite sectors began to widen
in the mid-1950's as popular demand for higher education grew
rapidly, but public institutions provided only modest increases
in enrollment opportunity. Private universities began to increase

their enrollments relative to their resource base of staff,
buildings, and campus space. Student-teacher ratios in private
institutions came to exceed 30 to 1. In certain faculties, the ratio
soared above 200 to 1.
Many of the more prestigious private institutions sharply increased their fees and tuition. For example, at one stage some
private medical faculties charged entrance fees in excess of$30,000. While some increases in revenue were clearly needed to provide more facilities and staff and to raise salaries, someof these actions were exploitative. Student protest mounted overthe imbalance between higher education supply and demand. By

1969 the entire system of higher education was severely
disrupted by this issue and others, including controversial national political matters. There was a student protest movementof formidable proportions. At one point some 160 institutions
were closed.

In response to the private university crisis, the Japanese

directed by a board of private university officials, retired civil
servants, and leading citizens. The Foundation now furnishes
approximately 30 percent of the operating expenses of qualified
private universities according to a formula which favors lower
student-teacher ratios and increased course offerings in criticalfields such as science and engineering.
Other vehicles of government policy include special grants to
private institutions, aid to students (mostly in the form of loans),
and research grants to the faculty of private institutions. The
government also has increased the tuition at public universities
to reduce the cost differential to students between public andprivate institutions.
Yet, private universities still operate at a considerable disadvantage in resources. They are sometimes known as "one-third"
universities because of the disparities in resources and quality
indicators when compared to national universities. There are
significant differences in expenditures per student, building andcampus areas per student, and student-faculty ratios." Large
class enrollments and high student-teacher ratios commonly
result in little or no student participation in class, infrequent personal contact with instructors, little written work assigned, anda shortage of books and seats in university libraries. It is alsointeresting to note that in 1984, only 2.7 percent of baccalaureate
graduates from private universities undertook advanced study
while 15.9 percent of those from national universities did.

Equality of opportunity
Because of its substantial size, the Japanese higher education
system is not without a significant measure of equality of opportunity. Children from families in the lowest 20 percent income bracket have a 1 in 3 chance of attending a university
compared with a 9 in 10 chance for those from the top 20 percent income bracket. This situation does not compare unfavorably with the situation in most other major nations.
Yet the class differentials at leading institutions are muchgreater. Four of every 5 students at the University of Tokyo
come from professional or executive homes. Few working classyouth are represented. Special treatment for students from poorfamilies or other disadvantaged groups is not a matter of national
policy.

Cost of higher education. The cost of higher education is asignificant factor. While public education is less expensive andmore prestigious than private higher education, access to it ismore limited and difficult.
The average cost (tuition, fees, and living expenses) for a yearof higher education in 1982 was Y 1,230,500. This amount rep-resented 25 percent of average family income at that time."
Parents contributed about 80 percent of that sum. Private col-leges, which are more expensive than public ones, cost
Y 1,436,400, equal to 30 percent of annual income, of which
parents contributed 76 percent. For 1 year at a junior college,

a family paid an amount equal to 20 percent of its annual

government sought to achieve better balance between the public

income.17

and private sectors. The major vehicle has been the Private
School Promotion Foundation, a government-funded program

Yet public provision for student financial aid is nct s extensive in Japan as in some countries (in the United States, for5460

example, more than 50 percent of all students in higher education receive some form of federal assistance), and most of it
takes the form of loans rather than grants. In 1986, the Japan

Scholarship Foundation provided loans to about 430,000
students." Thus, for most families the cost of providing postsec-

ondary education is a heavy financial burden. Many students
work part-time, often as private tutors or juku teachers, particularly for precollegiate students preparing themselves for entrance examinations.
Status of women. Japanese women are almost as likely as
men to enter a higher education institution. However, theirenrollment pattern differs significantly, reflecting societal expectations and occupational realities. For example, women comprise less than 10 percent of the enrollment at the University ofTokyo. Nationally, there is a strong tendency for them to major
in home economics, the arts, or social sciences. Only 3 percentof the engineering students in universities are female, compared
to about 14.5 percent in the United States.
Urban-rural differential. The urbanized prefectures are
more likely to send students to higher education, but this differential is accounted for by their families' occupational and income distribution, as well as by more extensive secondary school
opportunities and the geographic distribution of postsecondary
institutions. Indeed, the lbkyo metropolitan area alone accounts
for 30 percent of the students and at least 15 percent of the nation's total population, depending upon how the metropolitan
area is defined.
All things considered, the Japanese higher education system
has made important progress toward equality of opportunity ina relatively brief span of years. However, there is a potentiallyserious problem in the apparent trend towards monopolizationof the most prestigious universities by children from the highest
socioeconomic levels. While these young people gain admission
on the basis of their outstanding performance in the examinations, some Japanese social critics worry that the related phenomena of elite high schools, family tutors, and the best juku
which help make such performance possible are more accessible to affluent families. They foresee the possibility that if sucha trend were to continue, it could undermine the legitimacy ofthe entrance examinations as an objective, meritocratic filter forentry into higher education.

Linkages among the university, government,
business, and industry hierarchies
The close linkage of university affiliation and career opportunity has been a characteristic of Japanese higher education
since the government established Tokyo Imperial University in
1877. The imperial universities had gained prominence throughtheir virtual monopoly in supplying recruits to the higher civil
service, then and still a career second to none in prestige inJapan. As recently as 1982, for example, approximately 60 percent of those who succeeded in the higher civil service examination were graduates either of the University of Tokyo or Kyoto
University.
The linkage persists in no small part because employers canknow that, given the severe competition for admission, anyone

who is accepted into a top university has a high level ofscholastic ability, intelligence, perseverance, and capacity for
effort, qualities much valued in leadership positions in bothpublic and private sectors. The view that these and other relevant qualities also can be developed and identified in other ways,

places, and stages of life is simply not part of the Japanesetradition.

One of the major objectives in creating a large number of
4-year universities after the war was to broaden opportunities
for higher education and in the process dilute the dominance ofthe small number of elite universities. Indeed, because of theheavy expenditures involved in building up the large number of

new universities throughout the country, the University ofTokyo's share of the government higher education budget
decreased somewhat in the early postwar years.
However, the reforms ailed to uproot the university prestige
system the special ties of the top institutions with government
and the most attractive employers in the private sector, par-ticularly financial institutions and major industries. In the
nongovernment sector, the leading national universities sharethe limelight with a small number of prominent private universities. While more universities are now producing graduates, themost prestigious large private sector employers continue to turnto their favored universities for their preferred recruits. Manycompanies restrict their recruiting efforts to a few institutions.
The evidence of concentration is strong, particularly in ma-

jor firms in mature industries. As summarized in a recent
analysis by Japanese business consultant, Akira Esaka:

There are more than twice as many presidents r companies listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange from Todai[Tokyo University] as from second pace Keio University, and twice as many executives from Todai as from second-place Kyoto University...the four' national andprivate universities account for 27 perce,,c of department
and section chiefs in listed companies. 20

Because of this pronounced preference by major public andprivate employers for the graduates of a few high status universities, these favored institutions have enjoyed the greatest success in enrolling able young students. In the postwar period theleading universities have seemed even more eminent because of
the increase in the nuraber of lesser institutions to which they
could be compared. Because of their early and continuing prominence, the leading universities remain comparativeiy successful

in attracting funds to establish new research institutes andgraduate departments when they are interested in doing so.
There is some evidence that the picture is beginning to change.
While University of Tokyo graduates, for example, populate key
sectors of government and business, there are few graduates of
the traditional top ranked universities in the new generation ofJapan's fastest growing companies, in part because the graduates

prefer the firms with established prestige rather than those in
the process of moving up. Influence is also increasing foryounger graduates of private universities such as Nihon, Chuo,
and Meiji, which are in the second tier of status. Akira Esaka
writes:55

61

Todai heads the field for middle managers graduated between 1935 and 1944, but ft comes in second for thosegraduated between 1945 and 1954 and third for thosegraduated after 1954.21

Tokyo University's hold on third place is far from secure. In
a recent survey of the university backgrounds of employees promoted to middle management positions in 257 leading companies
during the past 2 years, a key finding was that "Todai and Kyoto

had fallen behind Waseda, Keio, Nihon, Chuo, and Meiji
universities."22 (University size is an important variable,
however. Many of the top private universities have much larger
enrollments and graduating classes than the prestigious national
institutions.)

Concluding observations
Currently, the higher education system in Japan is the targetof extensive criticism by various reform groups and the56

Among the most discusscd issues are the examination system,
the quality of undergraduate education, rigidities in theuniversity-based research system, and the limited opportunity
for graduate and continuing adult education.
The current reform interest differs from that in earlier periodsin that it has not been precipitated by a major breakdown in thesystem or by strong demand from the corporate sector for improvement. Rather, the current impetus stems from a growing
sense in Japan that higher education is neither responding to newnational needs in a changing world nor to the changing concernsof Japanese youth.
The reform movement faces many obstacles. Some fundamental education issues are at stake in a time of growing economic
constraint. Deeply rooted traditions, status systems, and vested
interests are being challenged in the process. Any reforms that
may be implemented are likely to have important implications
for secondary and even elementary education, as well.

62

Education and
Employment
Human resource development has been indispensable to
Japan's success in the international marketplace and continues
to be a crucial element in the strength of tit Japanese economy.
It takes place within and beyond the school system in a varietyof public and private settings.

The needs and preferences of employers exert strong influences on the education system. The dynamic relationship between education and the economy is reinforced at every turn by
the interwoven policies and practices of government, education

institutions, business, and industry. Effective school based
employment services play a significant role in matching noncollege bound graduates with available jobs.
Large companies* with lifetime employment policies accountfor approximately 27 percent of the work force and are major
providers of a wide range of continuing education and training
opportunities for their workers.' However, the majority of thenation's labor force, employed by small business or selfemployed, does not benefit from these opportunities.

Work preparation within the schooi system
Awareness of the world of work begins early in Japanese
education and affects all students throughout the period of compulsory schooling. Students keep their school clean, serve meals,
and engage in a variety of other group activities which foster
a commitment to cooperative behavior. What the schools emphasize are basic attitudes about functioning effectively in organizations and behaviors believed necessary for success in theJapanese world of work.
About 8 percent of the lower secondary school curriculum isdevoted to industrial arts and homemaking. Students take 70
hours of industrial arts or homemaking a year in the 7th and 8th
grades and 105 hours in the 9th grade. Formal vocational educa-tion does not begin until compulsory education is completed.
Five categories of educational institutions prepare nonuniversity bound youth for entry into the labor market:
upper secondary schools,
technical colleges,
junior colleges,
special training schools,
miscellaneous schools.

The fourth and fifth categories are less tightly controlled or
influenced by Monbusho with respect to curriculum than the firstand second. Most institutions in the last three categories areoperated by private organizations.
Upper secondary schools. Within Japan's upper secondary
school framework, both academic and vocational programs areavailable full-time, part-time, and by correspondence. Part-time*Defined as those with 300 or more employees and Yen 100 million or morein capital.

and correspondence programs normally last 4 years. Vocational
education is available both in comprehensive secondary schools

and in separate vocational secondary schools. In both cases,
vocational education courses are offered in the 1 lth and 12th
grades.

In 1984, there were 4.9 million full-time and part-timestudents enrolled in upper secondary schools. Of this total, 97
percent were full-time and 3 percent part-time students. Of the
full-time students, 72 percent were enrolled in the general or
academic course while the remaining 28 percent were enrolled
in vocational and other special courses (table 8).
All students at the high school levelwhether in the academic

or vocational curriculumneed a minimum of 80 credits tograduate. Students in the vocational track must obtain at least
30 credits in the vocational area.2 The central feature of the highschool vocational curriculum is that it is broad-based, not lobspecific. It covers six areas: commercial, agricultural, technical/industrial, home economics, fisheries, and health courses.
In 1984 about 27 percent of the female students were enrolled
in vocational courses, the largest numbers in the commercial
course (about 399,000 or 16.4 percent of all female students)
and the home economics course (about 135,000 or 5.6 percent).
About 31 percent of the male students were enrolled in vocational courses, the largest numbers in the technical course (about
449,000 or 18.2 percent) and the commercial course (about
165,000 or 6.7 percent).
Technic& colleges (koto senmon gakko). Technical colleges
were established beginning in 1962 to produce skilled technicians for industry. About 93 percent of them are public institutions. Students are admitted in the 10th grade after completing
compulsory schooling. These colleges offer a 5- or 51/2-year pro-gram almost exclusively in engineering and merchant marinestudies, mostly to male students. In 1985, 62 technical colleges
enrolled approximately 48,600 students. No new technical colleges have been established &nee the mid-1970's. Total enrollment has been relatively stab)? for the past 15 years.
Special training schools (s6Ashu gakko). This category of
institutions was established in 1976 to help students develop
abilities required for their vocation and daily life, and also tohelp improve their general education. Institutions in this category

exist in two ion
Upper secondary special training school (koto senshu gakko),offering 3-year courses to !owe,. secondary school graduates.

Special training college ( .
postsecondary level count.

gakko), offering 2-yeart.

..;:hool graduates.

These institutions also offer continuing education courses open

to anyone. Special training schools may be established by thenational government, local government, or a private individual.
Almost 90 percent are private.
They offer a wide range of opportunities for skill acquisitionin the fields of engineering, agriculture, medical care, nursing,health, commerce, home economics, and culture/liberal arts.
Many of these courses are closely linked to the student's meeting
occupational qualifications and certification.
The number of special training institutions has grown rapid-

ly. In 1985, 3,015 such schools had a total enrollment of

63

57

538,000. Approximately three-fourths of their students areenrolled at the postsecondary level. According to a 1981 survey
conducted by the Japan Recruit Center, 65 percent of the 5,200
firms surveyed expressed a desire to recruit from these schools.
The record to date indicates that they are filling an importantneed for both graduates and employers.
Miscellaneous schools (kakushu gakko). These institutions
provide vocational or practical training in such areas as book-keeping, typing, automotive repair, computer techniques,
dressmaking, and cooking. Courses are offered at both upper
secondary and postsecondary levels and vary greatly in length.
In 1985 there were 4,300 miscellaneous schools, almost all
private. They enrolled about 530,000 students, nearly half ofthem female.
Junior colleges. Junior colleges provide both general education and vocational education courses, although primarily for
women who, as indicated earlier, make up 90 percent of theenrollment. More than one-third of the students are in general

education courses humanities, social science, and generalculture. The single most heavily enrolled vocational field is

employers' definition of what constitutes self-development isbroad, ranging from attending public seminars to reading professional journals. Although self-development is not mandatory,
employees know that their supervisors place a great deal of emphasis on it and will weigh employee efforts of this sort in theannual evaluation process.
Besides the various training programs of private employers,
Japan has a national vocational training law with provisions forboth public and private enterprises. Under it, the government
provides a variety of incentives including training allowances
for the unemployed, financial assistance to small and medium
size firms, incentive grants for paid educational leave, and advisory and institutional services.

Through the Ministry of Labor, the government also sponsors basic training, skill improvement training, retraining for
new occupations, and instructor training. In 1981 there were approximately 3,000 courses offered in about 400 public training

centers for some 300,000 students. Yet, this program has notbeen particularly successful in attracting job seekers who wantto learn new skills, largely because employers have not recruited

home economics, basically homemaking, which enrolls about
27 percent of all students. Other vocational areas include teacher
education, with about 22 percent of enrollments, and engineering, agriculture, and health, which together account for 10 per-heavily from these programs.4

cent of enrollments. Thachers trained in junior colleges find most

There are three main points of transition into employment fornonuniversity bound youth: at the completion of compulsory
education, i.e. after 9th grade; at the completion of upper secondary school (equivalent of high school graduation in the
United States); and at the completion of occupational training
at the postsecondary level.
Only about 3 percent of students begin work directly uponcompletion of compulsory education. Such students have noof their employment at the preschool level.
Statistical summary. In 1984, more than 2.7 million students
were enrolled in the five categories of institutions. More thanhalf of them were in upper secondary schools and 68 percentof the total enrollment was in programs at the upper secondary
level.
The number of technical colleges, special training schools,
and miscellaneous schools in 1985 is shown in table 1, together
with the distribution by administrative category (national, local
public, and private). The 1985 enrollment in each of these three
types of institutions and the percentage distribution of enrollment by gender and control are shown in table 13. Enrollments
at upper secondary and postsecondary levels in the five typesof institutions offering vocational and technical programs are
given in table 14.

Work preparation outside the school system
Postcompulsory vocational training is also offered outside theformal education system. Programs ofJapan's large companies
are of special significance. Although these companies make up
only half of 1 percent of the total number of companies in Japan,
they employ over one-fourth of the work force and produce nearly 50 percent of the nation's GNP.3 The education and training
they provide is designed to enhance the productivity and flexibility of their work force, particularly in meeting the changing
demands of the marketplace and the national economy. Theirinvestment in education and training is long term; it appears toincrease during recessions.
Undergirding the formal and informal training provided bycompanies is management's view that employees have an obligation to develop themselves, often on their own time. However,Transition from secondary school to work

vocational or occupational training. Among high school
graduates, however, 40 percent enter the labor force directly,
while about 55 percent go on to some kind of postsecondary
education or training and about 5 percent are unemployed (table5). A major factor in the smooth transition of students from secondary school to work is an effective job referral system.

This system is based on cooperation and mist between
employers, schools, and the Public Employment Security Office (PESO) operated by the Ministry of Labor. It relies as wellon the confidence of students in their teachers, advisors, andcounselors. The underlying goal of the system is to minimize
unemployment by giving every student a chance to be employed.
A strong national economy with a continuing need for additional

manpower during the past few decades has made the highemployment rate possible.
The employment services system has its legal basis in the
Employment Security Law of 1947. The underlying principle
is that job placement assistance for youth should be supplied only
by PESO and other nonprofit organizations, including schools.
(This orientation stems from prewar experience with youth exploitation by various commercial forces.) Direct communication is prohibited between a company offering positions and highschool students seeking employment. Actual contacts between
them can only be made by PESO or by schools and other nonprofit organizations. In practice, because of the large number

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of high school graduates and other demands upon PESO, theresponsibility for maintaining contact with companies andassisting high school students in their search for employment
is borne mainly by the schools.
The process begins with companies determining their manpower needs and preparing a recruitment card for each job tobe filled. The card describes the job, the company, and the terms
and conditions of employment. The card is reviewed by PESO
for compliance with applicable standards, including wages andbehefits. Cards approved by PESO are then used by the schools
as the basis for job referral assistance. Many companies also
send representatives to visit the schools and meet with placement counselors, but not with the students.
The schools devote much effort to placing students in suitable
positions. They maintain placement offices where students canreview the recruitment cards and other information on
employers. Full-time or part-time placement counselors consult
students about their job preferences and assist them in preparing personal histories, advise them on how to behave during interviews, and even conduct mock company entrance examinations and interviews. If two or more students at a school are interested in the same position at a company, the school staff confers and decides which students will apply in which order to takethe company's examination. In making such a decision, the staff
considers not only grades, but also the number of times a stu-

dent has been absent and tardy, as well as other behavioral
characteristics of importance to an employer. By mid-August
the internal selection process in the school is completed.
Beginning in September of the April-March school year, 12th
grade students submit their applications to the companies. Company entrance tests cannot legally be taken until October, andno employment decisions may be made until that time. The test

dards of academic performance and behavior, including attendance and punctuality. Generally speaking, students who choose

not to participate in the system are likely to end up in lesssatisfactory jobs, often temporary ones at low wages.
The system is generally effective in placing noncollege boundyouth in their first jobs within a few months after graduation.
Among the factors contributing to its success are active involve-

ment of employers; a common commitment and mutual trust
among schools, employers, and PESO; reliable information exchange among the participating parties; clarity of mission andconcentration of effort; focus on entry level jobs for young people with limited skills; and emphasis on opportunities in small
business.
Employers are well aware of the status ranking of high schools

and they compete to recruit from the top ranked institutions.
Career counselors try to send their best students to the mostdesirable employers in order to maintain the reputation andplacement records of their schools. The personal networks thatlink business personnel officers and school teachers andguidance personnel make their own contribution to the placement process in a fashion analogous to what occurs en route tohigher education and subsequent employment for university
graduates.

Transition from postsecondary education to
work
Graduation from universities, as in the rest of the education
system, takes place in March, but by agreement between theuniversities and employers the recruitment process officiallybegins the previous October. In years when economic prospects
are bright and there is heavy demand for university graduates,

may include a written examination, an IQ test, a physical ex-

the process begins even earlier.

amination, and an interview or some combination of these. Companies pay attention to grooming, general appearance, personality, and school records. Club participation is also considered important in many cases because similar group relationships exist

Prospective graduates may apply to comptly,
through a university placement office, or throu
connections. The procedure used varies accordingeht
or faculty in which a student is enrolled, the stat4of the university he or she attends, the availability of univerplacementin certain company situations.
By mid-November most students have found employment. Ac-

cording to a recent study, boys have an easier time than girls
in being hired into good jobs directly out of high schoo1.3 Others
whose initial applications were not successful are in the processof taking second or third company entrance examinations. The
school continues to help students find jobs until the end of May,

services, and the personal connections of family, /fiends or
faculty mentor.

PESO is not a significant factor in placing university

about 2 months after graduation. After that time, schools areprohibited from aiding students in their search for jobs. But by
then the great majority have become employed. The rest continue the search on their own.

graduates, but there is a special public program to facilitate job
search for university graduates who desire employment outsidelarge urban areas. For this purpose, the Ministry of Labor andthe prefectural governments operate 54 public placement offices
throughout the country.
While direct application by students to employers is becoming common, the traditional pattern of direct employer to univer-

The employment process serves as both a learning and motiva-

sity faculty or department contact continues to be dominanttional experience for secondary school students. It provides apotent signal to all that by remaining within the school system
the student has a better chance to get a job upon completion of
his or her studies.
The program provides most students with useful and accurate
information about specific jobs and with active assistance in thejob search process. But schools do not feel any obligation torecommend a student whose record has not met the school's stan-where prestigious institutions, companies, and fields areconcerned.
For example, when a major company seeks an engineering
graduate from a top university, the company frequently taps its
special connections with faculty members in that institution. Thishas the advantage of assuring the company that the student
recommended is well-qualified, since the sponsoring professor
does not want to damage his connections with the company, and

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that the student will accept the position offered because the student traditionally has a strong, continuing obligation to his pro-

specific academic units within a university.
Public universities seldom operate their own placement offices, but private universities often have active ones. The placement office screens the graduates, matching them by quality andquantity to a company's request. If the number and quality ofreferrals a company receives do not meet its needs, the company may not recruit from that university in the future. This isa serious matter for private universities whose reputationsand

going into small and middle-sized companies come primarily
from the newer private institutions. A recent study effectively
summarized the direct linkage between top ranked universities
and companies: "If one desires a career in an excellent company,
one first has to be admitted to a prestigious university. Thus
labor market competition is transformed into college entrancecompetition.7
The transition to work for graduates of postsecondary institutions other than universities is similar in range and diversity tothe pattern for universities. For example, placement services arenormally available in technical colleges as well as in special
training colleges. There are various patterns of direct contact
between and among students, companies, and institutions. Thereis direct recruitment by companies in some situations as wellas widespread individual student initiative in job search. Contacts through personal networks or those of family and friends

enrollments--are largely based on their success in placing

often play a key role in preferred access to employment

graduates in good firms. It is at least as serious for the individual

opportunities.

student whose choices for future employment are being determined by an institutional middleman.
Employers can initiate direct contact with college students on

Role of employers

fessor. In contrast, social science and humanities majors are
more apt to apply directly to prospective employers or to workthrough university placement offices where they exist. Even

when the more prestigious employers are willing to beapproached by students directly, they may restrict acceptanceof applications to graduates of particular universities or to

October 1 and begin their recruitment examinations November 1.
The applicant is almost always given a written examination andan interview, but a detailed assessment of the student's professional knowledge is not particularly important to a company.
The company believes it can judge the caliber of a potential
employee by knowing which university he attended. In any case,the company expects to provide its own on-the-job training for
all new employees. The purpose of the written test is to determine the extent of the applicant's knowledge of general information and current events. The interview is used to assess theapplicanes rsonality, motivation, leadership potential, appearanctude towards business, and how well he will fit inwithculture and the other employees.
Foktost s ents, the company examination and interview
ale besicallyruals that confirm decisions reached earlier as aresult of a vis to the company the student may have made theprexious slipper or fall. It is not uncommon for students to visit
sevelal 'firms during the summer. The better candidates often
receive informal confirmation of employment offers shortly after
such visits.
There is intense competition for the best students, who often
receive offers from several companies. Competition does not
involve much difference in salary level but, rather, revolves
more around the student's perception of the relative prestige andlifetime employment prospects of competing employers. Selection of the first employer is as important as selection of university, because after employment there is little opportunity formobility between companies of comparable prestige in the same,or even in different, industries.
In 1985, over three-fourths of the prospective graduates had
been informally notified by November 1 by the firms that would
make them offers. By the end of November, 95 percent of thestudents have received firm employment offers.6
The majority of graduates recruited into large companies forlifetime careers generally come from the national universitiesor the most prestigious private institutions. University graduates

Employers play significant roles in education. They establish
and maintain the value of education credentials through theiremployment policies and recruitment practices. Credentials,
based essentially on the general reputation of the institution
granting them rather than on the specific nature and caliber ofthe student's academic work, are utilized as a screening device.
This is true not only for employment by the more prestigious
companies, but also for most kinds and levels of positions in the
public and private sectors.
Given the essentially linear and unforgiving nature ofJapanese

education and credentialism with few alternative routes andsecond chance career opportunities (except to retake university
entrance examinations)the career prospect die is largely castfor the great majority of students when they enter high school.

Employers have been satisfied with the examination andcredentials system because in their experience it effectively identifies employees who have demonstrated a high level of intellec-

tual ability, diligence, and motivation. An example of recent
confirmation of this concept is found in a 1983 survey conductedby the Hitachi Research Institute.° The results showed that 83
percent of management and 66 percent of union respondents

believed that the existing system of recruiting university
graduates would not be changed.
As noted earlier, large companies also provide extensive onand off-the-job training for their employees. Most middle-sizedcompanies and many of the smaller ones also furnish somemeasure of training. The point is that employees are kept upto-date through company training programs, not through parttime study at postsecondary education institutions.
Finally, employers identify and articulate their needs so thatthe education system can respond to them. A major example ofsuch responsiveness has been the creation of the special training schools to meet skilled manpower needs.

Concluding observation
In Japan, the relationship between education and the economy

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appears to be closer and more effective than in most other industrialized nations. Japan does a very effective job of providing
a flexible and productive labor force for its economy, in largepart because of the pivotal roles played by a high level of basic
education, disciplined work habits, and group cohesivenessall school based or fostered. Indeed, the remarkable performanceof the Japanese economy over the past 25 years provides compelling testimony to the fundamental contributions that educa-tion can make to national development and international
competitiveness.

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Education Reform
Japan is now engaged in a major education reform movement.
Its scope is such that if most of the major proposals under consideration are adopted and implemented, the resulting level ofchange would rank with the two previous watersheds in Japanese
education history the Meiji and Occupation reforms. The continuing dynamic relationship between education and national
need is apparent in the reform debate. Problems are being faced
openly in public debate and political action, reflecting the impressive self-corrective potential of a parliamentary democracyin action.

Origins, concerns, and nature of current reform
effort
The current effort can be traced back some 15 years througha number of often critical reports, some government initiatedand some not. Separately and cumulatively, they have sparked
much public debate. For example, in the late 1960's the Central Council for Education called for eliminating uniformity andpromoting diversity in education. In 1970, the Japanese govern-

ment called upon the 24-nation Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) for an outside review
of its education policies. The international experts provided by
OECD lauded Japan's considerable accomplishments in education, but were critical of a number of policies and practices,
including the extent of centralized control, standardization, conformity, institutional hierarchy, and the emphasis on university
entrance examinations .1
Several subsequent reports, including one from the Japan
Teachers Union in 1975, added impetus to the reform movement. Reports from various business groups, including one fromthe Japan Committee for Economic Development in 1979, urged
greater creativity, diversity, and internationalism in education.
The reform movement has developed considerable momentum over the past few years and education reform is now a major national issue. Political and business leaders believe thatJapan is moving into a complex stage of economic andtechnological development that will require greater individual
imagination, creativity, and sensitivity to international dimensions. Hence, current and future generations of youth must be
prepared appropriately. Many Japanese also believe that education has been partly to blame for some deterioration in the nation's social fabric in the 1970s and '80s. Yet it is understoodthat social tensions and labor market changes affect education.
For example, some believe that home support for education has

declined as a result of the increase in children from broken(IEA). As in the first survey in 1964, Japanese 13-year-olds andhigh school seniors ranked flrst or second in almost every areaof mathematics skills tested. (The performance of American
students was well below the international average.) However,in this latest survey, the average achievement of the Japanese
13-year-olds was somewhat lower than their predecesrors in the1964 survey.* This is not the only sign of some educational
decline. According to Kazuyuki Kitamura, other indicators include "the increasing number of low achievers in primary andsecondary schools; increased school violence, especially atjunior high schools; and the emerging phenomenon of voluntary dropouts from senior high schools."2
For these And other reasons, opinion polls have been reporting reduced public confidence in the education system. Somekey findings from a May 1984 survey by a major Japanesenewspaper include:. .

. more than half (55 percent) of the adult respondents

felt "unsatisfied" with the primary and junior high schools,

whereas only 24 percent were "satisfied." (In a similar
survey conducted in 1977, 49 percent of the respondents
had been "satisfied". . . only 22 percent "unsatisfied."). . .

to the question, "Do you think school education has
become better or worse when you compare it with yourschool days?" 32 percent of adults surveyed in 1984
answered "better," while 47 percent considered it 'worse."(In 1977, 44 percent had said "better" and 32 percent . . .
"worse.")3
Reformers are focusing on such issues as the enforced unifor-mity of schooling at elementary and secondary levels that isbelieved to stifle individuality, create frustrations and contributeto disorder in schools, and the heavy emphasis on university en-

trance examinations which is believed to hinder personal andintellectual development. Some problems, such as those stemming from standardization in compulsory education, arerecognized as the other side of the coin of success in school
achievement during the compulsory school years.
There has been considerable continuity in both debate andmembership of various reform bodies over the past decade anda half. While heir to various concerns and debate since 1970,the present reform effort differs in two respects. It cuts nearer
the core of Japanese education practice and challenges somebasic principles that have governed the present system for the
past 35 years. It has also had the advantage of strong politicalleadership from Prime Minister Nalcasone himself.
The Prime Minister became actively involved in education
reform during the 1983 election campaign for the lower houseof the Diet. The extent of voter dissatisfaction with the education system led him to make reform of education one of threehomes and families where both parents are employed away fromhome. The decline in student motivation for sustained effort on

issues which he believes need priority national attention now andthe examination treadmill is manifested in part in an increasein anti-social behavior in schools and the dropout rate.
Other concerns are turning up as well. In 1981-82, the Sec-

ministrative reform of government.)
A recent study group with special significance for Prime

into the 21st century. (The other two are financial and ad-

ond International Survey of Mathematics Achievement was con-ducted in 24 countries under the auspices of the International
Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement*The scores of the U.S. 13-year-olds were also lower in 1981 than in 1964.
But the scores for high school seniors in Japan and the U.S. were both higher:a 1981 than in 1964.

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Minister Nakasone's subsequent initiatives in education reform
was the Conference on Cultu and Education. This special advisory commission was established by the Prime Minister in June
1983.

As chairman, the Prime Minister appointed thedistinguished founder (now honorary board chairman) of theSony Corporation, Masaru Ibuka, long a strong advocate ofeducational innovation, particularly in early childhood education. The group reported on a number of topics that remain mat-ters of concern, including moral education, the emphasis on

Today we are facing dramatic changes in our circumstances, both domestic and overseas, as well as greatchanges in the times. I am convinced that the time hascome to develop new policies for implementing thenecessary reforms in political, economic, social, educational, cultural and other fields so as to adequately copewith these changes and thus safeguard the future of ournation. To this end, it is necessary for us, I believe, toreform our educational system with a long-term perspec-

credentialism, university admissions policies, teacher education,

tive and make this a responsibility of the entire

and internationalism in Japanese education. The group hit

Government . . .

especially hard at "the evil of uniform education" and concluded that the Japanese education system "must undergo a major

reform so that every Japanese will grow more at ease withhimself and able to cope with the future independently."
On the eve of the general election of December 1983, thePrime Minister released a seven-point plan for reform that drewwidespread media attention. Among other things, he proposed
reform of the university entrance examination system and areassessment of the 6-3-3 school organization. The Prime
Minister's concern with education extended beyond schooling,
as he made clear in a February 1984 speech to the Diet:
It seems to me that postwar education has been heavily
and exclusively dependent upon the schools, and we havetended to neglect the importance of comprehensive educa-tion from the broader perspective encompassing family
education, social education and other educational forms,
and that this imbalance lies behind the explosive increasein violence in the schools, juvenile delinquency and othercontemporary problems . . . .I believe that the time hascome to institute sweeping reforms across the entire
educational spectrum in preparation for the 21st century. s

National Council on Educational Reform
The following month, Prime Minister Nakasone proposed to
the Diet that an ad hoc council on education reform be established under his direct control. After extensive debate, such abody was establiihed in August with a 3-year mandate to makea comprehensive study of various government policies and prac-

tices in education and related areas and to present recommen-

dations for ieform of the education system. The name waschanged in April 1986 to National Council on Educational
Reform.
The National Council reports directly to the Prime Minister,
not to Monbusho. Vesting such responsibility in a body otherthan the Ministry of Education is a major change from standard
Japanese practice.* Because of the Council's direct link to thePrime Minister, one leading Japanese scholar considers it to be
the most powerful education advisory body since the postwar
Reform Committee.'Prime Minister Nakasone's vision for the Council was set forthin his brief speech at the Council's first meeting:*This extraordinary procedure has not been used in education since the Education Reform Committee. established 21__most 40 vesm non during flub tleminm-. .

. It is my belief that educational reform should aim topreserve and further develop the traditional Japaneseculture which we have inherited and to cultivate inchildren lofty ideals, sound physical strength, wellbalanced personalities and creative power, as well as such
moral and behavioral standards as are universally acceptedin human society, so that these future Japanese citizens
may be able to contribute to the international community
with a Japanese consciousness . . . .

Finally I should like to add that educational reform involves more than the reform of education alone. It will
inevitably lead to reform ofJapanese society itself. Bearing this in mind, I should like to ask you, Mr. Chairman
and all members of your Council, to deliberate on educational reform so as to respond to the expectations of all
segments of our population and take into account theiropinions to the greatest extent possible."'The Council has 25 general members and 20 specialist members, including representatives from elementary and secondary
education, higher education, organized labor, and business andindustry. All are proponents of education reform of one sort oranother. The Council is chaired by the former president of Kyoto
University, a longtime personal friend of the Prime Minister.
The two vice-chairmen are the president of Keio University anda senior consultant for the Industrial Bank ofJapan. Two-thirdsof the group are graduates of national universities. Ten of the
25 members are alumni of Tokyo University.'
The Council identified the eight major issues to be considered:

1. Basic Requirements for an Education Relevant to the 21stCentury (Aims of education; analysis of the past and present of education; and future prospects for education.)
2. Organization and Systematization of Lifelong Learning andthe Correction of the Adverse Effects of Undue Emphasison the Educational Background of Individuals (Correctionof the adverse effects of undue emphasis of the educational
background of individuals; development of a lifelong learning system; vitalization of formal education; and vitalization of educational functions of family and comwunity.)
3. Enhancement of Higher Education and Individualizationof Higher Education Institutions (Diversification and individualization of higher education institutions; scientificresearch and graduate schools; and the organization andmanagement of institutions of higher education.)dary Education (Basic direction of the substance of educa-tion; structure of the school system; moral education;
health education; education of the handicapped; and classsize end other educational conditions.)
5. Improvement of the Quality of 7iachers
6. Coping with Internationalization
7. Coping with the kformation Age

8. Review of Educational Administration and Finance(Distribution of functions between governments andnongovernmental bodies; responsibilities of the national
and local governments and the distribution of functions between different levels of government; school administration and management; and educational costs and financing
of education.)9
The Council identified these concepts in considering all theissues: emphasis on individuality, fundamentals, creativity, expansion of choice, humanization of the education environment,
lifelong learning, internationalism, and dealing with the information age. Emphasis on individuality is considered the fundamental guiding principle.10
The Council has organized itself into four committees. Workis done in plenary sessions, too; and two dozen of these were

held in the first year alone. The Council is taking the Prime
Minister's charge to consider public expectations and opinions
seriously. It has conducted public hearings in several prefectures

throughout Japan, and has held special hearings to which key
organizations were invited to express their views on education
reform. The Council received written proposals and commentsfrom approximately 100 organizations before the end of the firstyear of its work.

The Council has already produced two reports, the First
Report on Educational Reform, presented to the Prime Ministerin June 1985, and the Second Report on Educational Reform,

submitted in April 1986. A third report is expected in 1987.
The first two reports provide an unusually candid summaryof Japan's education problems as perceived by many leading
Japanese. Many of the concerns will seem exaggerated to Amer-ican readers, given the greater extent and severity of somerelated problems in the United States. However, the Japanese
do consider their problems to be serious. This is clear from theurgent tone of these documents, the vigor of the ongoing debate,
and the heavy attention that the mass media now give reform
matters. The evidence makes a persuasive case that the Japanesebelieve their education system needs more than a simple tuneup, and that the prospect for some fundamental change is greaterthan it has been at any time since the war.

Council's diagnosis of education problems
The Council's First Report discussed the Japanese tendency
to attach too much importance to the educational backgroundof an individual, espei ially to graduation from certain
prestigious institutions, and on excessive and prolonged com-

petition in entrance examinations. Under the heading, "An
educational wasteland," the Couacil's Second Report speaks ofa "state of desolation" in Japanese education. It is conceivabletide of mediocrity" metaphor that helped galvanize education
reform in the United States.
Three sets of reforms are articulated in the Second Report.
The first concerns efforts to "invigorate education and inspire
public confidence" in all sectors of the education system. The
second centers around "coping with the changes of the times,"
and reintroduces the topics of internationalism in Japanese
education and the "information age." The third area includes
educational administration and finance.
The Council avers that the rigidity and uniformity of thesystem have created problems. It notes such manifestations ofthe "state of desolation" as bullying, school violence, juvenile
delinquency, and the refusal to go to school. These phenomena
are viewed as serious, deep rooted, and related to each otherand to present conditions of the family, school, and community. The Council asserts that the rigid, uniform school programs,
excessive controls on students, and other factors prevent soundcharacter formation, increase pressures on children, and create

frustration. Moral education, the Council says, has been
downplayed, and there is an imbalance between assertion ofrights and awareness of responsibilities.
The Council fears that an excessive emphasis on memorization has produced many conformist people who are unable tothink independently and creatively. It also believes that somepeop!e do not understand traditional cultural values and lack aJapanese identity. The Council has been concerned about thequality of higher education, as well. Finally, in a thinly veiledreference to the Ministry of Education and the Japan Teachers
Union, the Council notes that even within the education sector
there is an atmosphere of serious mutual distrust and suspicion
that must be rectified if public confidence in education is to berestored.

Council's recommendations
While phrased in general terms, the Council's recommendations to date have dealt with a number of fundamental issues,
including diversification, decentralization, and moral education.
The recommendations stress the importance of increasing individuality, choice, and flexibility throughout the education
system.
The Council has said that centralized control over education
should be loosened. National authorities should set minimum
standards to maintain and improve the quality of education, butshould allow for local innovation. At the elementary and sec-

ondary levels, national guidelines should emphasize basic
knowledge and skills and moral education,,but at the same timeencourage development of school programs in accordance withlocal circumstances. The Council has also asserted that more
importance should be attached to the role of private schools with
their distinctive aims and principles and that consideration should
be given to ways of facilitating the establishment of more private

schools for the first nine grades.
The Council recommends further diversification of higher
education, with each institution having greater freedom todevelop its own programs. Admission to postsecondary institu-

requirements and entrance examinations. Regulations should be
revised so that students can change institutions and departments

more easily. Graduate education and research should be"liberalism" and coping with "individuality" is, therefore, heatedand earnest.
Although several problems have come into clearer focus for

improved, ways of obtaining private sector funds found, andthe Japanese, there is not yet consensus on solutions. Con-

joint industry-government-higher education research expanded.
Among the measures proposed to improve teacher quality, theCouncil suggests that newly appointed teachers undergo a yearof inservice training under the supervision of veteran teachers.

siderable opposition to change exists in various quarters. A common concern is that, given the formidable successes ofJapanese

In a related recommendation, the Council proposes that theongoing program to lower the present pupil-teacher ratio in compulsory education should be fully implemented and the staffing

situation further improved. The Council also calls forstrengthening teacher training in moral education.
The Council recognizes the "bullying" problem as having
reached a serious level and believes that all-out efforts are need-

ed to eliminate it. It has encouraged parents to strengthen

education, the baby not be thrown out with the bath water.
Ken'ichi Koyama, a university professor and Tokyo graduate,summarizes some of the difficulties ahead, including inflexible
adherence to the status quo and the national challenge of finding a new balance between group harmony and individuality inJapanese culture:

Implementing educational reform will not be easy.
Ironically, this is partly due to the very siwcess Japanese
education has had in assisting the catch .up process. As in

discipline at home and has stressed that efforts by home, school,
and community are all necessary. It has suggested measures toachieve greater internationalization of education, such as steps
to facilitate enrollment of foreign students and improve foreign
language instruction. It has suggested reforms to cope with thethe case of people who come to a bad and precisely

development of information technologies. The Council also

winner.' . . .
Educators are inclined by nature to adopt a negative andpassive stance on reform questions. The education systemstresses the importance of developing a lifelong learning system,
reducing the current emphasis on formal education credentials

of individuals, giving additional opportunities to adults, andserving an aging population in the future.

The Council acknowledges the education problems ofJapanese children living abroad as well as those who re-enterschools in Japan. The Council believes that children who returnto education in Japan should be seen as an asset because of theirexperience abroad, and that special selection procedures andplacement provisions should be developed to ensure equitable
treatment in their admission to high schools and universities.

Concluding observations
In addition to being concerned over the challenge of meeting
new national needs in science and technology to remain competitive in a changing world economy, the Japanese are alarmed
by what they perceive as a growing sense of student disaffec-

tion from the education system. Anti-social attitudes andbehavior by students strike at the heart of Japanese culture,attacking such core values as respect for authority and education and social harmony.
The growth of ijime (school bullying) is particularly upsetting to the Japanese because it represents group behavior goneout of control. However small the scale at present, the unwillingness of alienated students to participate constructively informal education and to observe group norms is seen as a rejection of the larger social system which Japanese leaders andthe public believe bodes ill for the future. gime is a vexing problem for a society that prizes order, harmony, and predictability. While disaffection appears to be growing in the face of therigidities of the present system, there is understandable anxiety on the part of the authorities about opening the system togreater diversity and individualismliberalization" because

because they were once winners, so successful systems
and policies tend to become inflexible and invite disasterby clinging to tried and true methods. Japanese education

may be on the verge of this sort of 'tragedy of thetoday, however, is suffering from a devastating blight
whose symptoms are grueling exam-score competition,
juvenile delinquency, and violence in the schools. If thecause of this disease is the uniform modern school systemitself, medicine targeted only at the symptoms will havelittle effect. The responsibility of educators is to diagnose
the disease from a long-term and comprehensive perspective and to implement a bold program of treatment.' I

Broadly speaking, because (apart from higher education)
Japan has essentially "caught up" with or surpassed the West in
education performance, there are no longer any con, ehensive
foreign models likely to offer much help. Other nations are
struggling with education problems of like complexity, trying
to find solutions within their own contexts. The questions Japanis asking itself now are questions of culture as well as pedagogy:

How will Japanese culture, which has traditionallyplaced paramount importance on the individual's place
within the organization, adapt to the coming 'age of theintellect?' How can we achieve a balance among intellectual, moral, and physical education? How can we foster
individuality and creativity while at the same time maintaining respect for harmony as part of our culture? These
are among the questions that we must address as we face
the monumental task of educational reform. '2
While there may not be packaged solutions for cross-national

import or export, there are still many ideas and approaches
which nations can share and learn from each other. There arealso some interesting analogies. For example, the powerful influence ofJapanese higher education on secondary education willremind students of American education history of the battle cryschools free!" This will be more difficult in Japan. While thehigher education sector is by widespread agreement the weakest
part of the Japanese system and not world class in educationalterms, it is also the most resistant to change because of its status
as the stronghold of tradition and of the national "power structure." Moreover, the American example of higher education
reform shows how resistant to change this sector can be.
Perhaps the most remarkable feature for American observersof the current reform movement in Japan is that it is tending tomove in the opposite direction from that in the United States.
Education reformers in Japan are seeking some decentralizationof control, greater diversification of institutions, lass uniformity
and standardization of curriculum, more flexibility in teaching,and more individualization of instruction.
Americans already have state and local control, great diversity in education programs at elementary and secondary levels,and an open, diversified higher education system. Having gone
far toward providing pupil-centered instruction and a broad ar-

ray of curricular choice, most serious American reformers arenow seeking a greater measure of commonality in the curriculum

and higher academic standards for all.
Educators, political leaders, and parents in both countries are
more interested now than in the past in comparing educational
perspectives, approaches, and achievements and welcome information that enables them to do so. This report by the U.S.
Department of Education and the counterpart report on American education prepared by Japan's Ministry of Education are
unusual examples of cooperative activity toward mutual understanding in education.
Will the combined effort genuinely assist those seeking better education for the children of the two nations? Will each nation find lessons of value for its own reform needs? Let's lookat some possible implications of the Japanese experience for improving American education, as seen by Secretary of Education
William J. Bennett.

Implications for
AmericanEducation
Epilogue by Secretary
William J. Bennett
What lessons might we draw for ourselves from a close lookat Japanese education? It is scarcely a novel query. Japan, after
all, has increasingly become a reference point or gauge by which
Americans appraise our own education system.
At the same time, many American educators have tended toshun the "lessons" of Japanese education. "Their culture is sodifferent," we are told, or "their society is so homogeneous,"that nothing about their education enterprise could possibly be

germane to the American experience. This stance seems
somewhat peculiar for American educators, who generally want

the lessons children learn in our schools to yield deep understanding and appreciation of other peoples and cultures. So it

strikes me as odd that many educators have characterized
Japanese education as interesting, perhaps in its own terms impressive, but fundamentally irrelevant to their lives and work.
Why should we Americans seek to distill lessons for ourselvesfrom the experience of Japanese education? For two main
reasons, the first practical, the second more idealistic.
Japanese education works . It is not perfect, but it has been
demonstrably successful in providing modern Japan with apowerfully competitive economy, a broadly literate population,a stable democratic government, a civilization in which there

is relatively little crime or violence, and a functional society
wherein the basic technological infrastructure is sound andreliable. One may not attribute these accomplishments entirely
to the education system, but it would be folly to deny that theeducation system has strongly reinforced them.
We Americans, being a pragmatic people, would therefore bewell-advised to learn what we can from Japanese education if
only because of its manifest success. But there is a more abstract
reason, too: It is the American belief in the value of universal
education that the Japanese have so successfully put into practice, and the American quandary over 'equality" and "excellence"that the Japanese seem rather satisfactorily to have resolved. Our
educational ideals are better realized on a large scale in Japan

than observers lisve tended to realize.
This is not, to be sure, entirely coincidental. The structures,
policies and practices of modern Japanese education have been
influenced in no small part by that nation's remarkable knackfor borrowing an idea and then adapting it, working it out indetail, and executing it with thoroughness and finesse in theJapanese context. And at least a few of the ideas and approaches
used in education in Japan can be traced to American influence

What lessons, then, do I draw from Japanese education that
American educators and policymakers may wish to consider?
Not, let me be clear, that we should try to mimic specific practices or imitate particular arrangements. We would not, for example, want to emulate the basic organizational framework ofJapanese education that relies heavily on direction and control
from the central government.
Instead, we should look for principles, emphases and relationships in Japanese education that are compatible with American
values, indeed that tend to embody American values (as well as
many findings of education research), to see how we might borrow and adapt them for ourselves.
Let me offer a dozen such principles that I glean from theforegoing pages as well as from other accounts of Japanese
education. I would note that none of these findings, conclusions,and impressions is uniquely the property of Japan. Rather, they
are uncommonly well-displayed within modern Japanese education. Where appropriate, I have noted some agreements between
Japanese practice and our own research findings.
1. Parental engagement with the education of their children,from infancy through high school, makes a big difference in how
much and how well children learn. As we said in What Works,"parents are their children's first and most influential teachers."
It seems to me that Japanese fandlies have melded parenting andformal education in commendable fashionand in many cases
have accomplished this with only one parent "on the scene" muchof the time. Yet it does not seem that Japanese families (or pre-schools and daycare centers) "hurry" younk; children into
academic work. Instead, they do their best to equip the youngsterwith attitudes and habits that will stand him in good stead whenformal schooling begins. And once it does, the parent stays intouch with the teachers, supervises the homework, arranges ex7
tra instructional help if needed, and buttresses the child's motivation to do well in school and beyond. Many American parents

also do these things. More should.
2. Schools are clear about their purposesand children andparents are, too. Though Japanese schools attend to character
formation, physical health, and good behavior, and offer a wide
variety of teams, clubs and other extracurricular activities, they
nonetheless seem to remain well-focused on their central functions. They have not turned into societal multiservice centers,
nor are they buffeted by pedagogical and curricular fads. They
know their mission and role and, while these are not exclusively "cognitive," they are the objects of sustained and purposeful
effort by everyone associated with the schools. To borrow once
more from What Works, a great many Japanese schools seemto embody these characteristics that research has ascribed to "ef-fective" schools: "places where principals, teachers, students,
and parents agree on the goals, methods and content of schooling. They are united in recognizing the importance of a coherent
curriculum, public recognition for students who succeed, promoting a sense of school pride, and protecting school time forlearning."
3. Motivation matters. There is a continuing emphasis inJapanese society, at least through the primary and secondary
years, on awakening in students the "desire to try," the sense that

that progress can be made by practically anyone who tries hardenough, and the realization that adults genuinely care about one's
performance.

4. Expectations and standards matter, too. Children learn

youngsters with a deep sense of good and bad, right and wrong,moral and immoral. As Aristotle and William James both re-mind us, character is acquired through habit. And if children
see teachers and principals as models of democratic sensibilities,

more when more is expected of them. In What Works we citedthey will tend to build the right kind of habits.

research indicating that "Students tend to learn as little or as
muchas their teachers expect." The Japanese experience sug-

IfJapanese schools do any one thing with greater care and persistence than other nations of whose education systems I haveknowledge, it is to forge the kinds of habits that their society
deems right.
8. The school and classroom environment should reflect the
purposes to be achieved there. Japanese education here confirms
both research and common sense; a well-ordered, and purposeful learning environment, including both formal discipline
and a high level of individual self-discipline, is the kind of setting in which learning best occurs. Appropriate school behavior
and effective study habits are instilled in Japanese youngsters
from the first day of schooland prudently foreshadowed bymuch that occurs in home and preschool settings. Visitors toJapanese schools report being in the principal's office of a juniorhigh school with the office door open and several hundred youngadolescents not more than 50 yards away. Yet it is possible toconverse in normal tones with no interruptions from the corridor. Remarkably, though, Japanese schools are not somber
places, nor are their students fearful and inhibited. They laughand play, are cheerful and enthusiastic, just like girls and boysaround the world. But they seem to have learned what kinds of
behavior are appropriate, where and when. So should our
youngsters.
9. Ensuring that enough time is effectively devoted to learning, in school and out, is one of the most reliable means bywhich adults can help children acquire a good education. HereJapanese educators and parents seem to have worked out a threepart strategy. First, they assign so many days and 11
mal education that by the end of 12 grades a Japanc.s.: studcnt
has actually accumulated the equivalent of an entire. Americe.n
school year more instructional time than studern !he samein the United States. Second, they minimize -iiversions ao 1
distractions in school so that little time is wasted Juring the ci:."or in the class period. By ensuring good classro.)m disciploeand by assigning responsibility for routine prsvedui es tostudents themselves, the teacher is able to rema:n "on ;!.slt.' . ornearly all of the allotted time. Third, youngste
n. stoplearning when school ends. There is homework tome, there
are exams to be studied for and, for many boys and gids, parents

gests that the expectations and standards of community and fami-

ly powerfully influence the child, too. Leaving aside special
schools and programs in the U.S., the Japanese generally seemto expect a level of performance that is closer to children's true

intellectual capacities than Americans ordinarily do. Moreremarkably, they adhere to these standards for virtually all
youngsters, never supposing that one or another category or subpopulation cannot accomplish as much as everybody else. These
beliefs do not, to be sure, work perfectly for every single child,and the Japanese, we understand, are interested in some of ourways of assisting youngsters who have special needs, problems

or gifts. But the Japanese also tend not to underestimate
children's potential or be overly swayed by external characteristics. They elicit more from students because they have highstandards for ordinary youngsters.

5. It is possible to deliver to virtually all children a comprehensive basic education that starts with the "3-R's" but also
incorporates history, science, art and music, physical education,practical studies, and the beginning of foreign language study.
This can be done through a balanced and integrated curriculumthat is substantially the same for all youngsters during the periodof compulsory attendanceand then allows limited choices andsome specialization in the senior high school.
6. The school can and should do its part to transmit the sharedand inherited culture to the next generation. A nation whose
young people do not understand its history is ill-equipped torelate knowledgeably to other nations or to learn fromexperienceeither its own or that of others. Moreover, a society
whose people fail to become "culturally literate" will have increasing difficulty with internal communications, domestic tranquility, informed civic participation, and external relations.
Though my own intellectual convictions would not lead me
to organize a social studies curriculum quite as the Japanese
have, I admire the systematic and purposeful stance they havebrought to the transmission of historical knowledge and cultural
understanding through the schools.
7. Sound character, sturdy values and ethical behavior may
not originate in school, but the formal education system can reinforce and nurture these qualities both through the regular curriculum and through the "implicit curriculum," as I termed it inFirst Lessons. This phrase refers to the way the school organizes
and presents itself, how the adults in it conduct themselves, thestandards that are set for behavior and inteio ity, the symbols andattitudes, the incentives, rewards, sanctions and ceremonies.

provide for additional, unofficial instruction from various
sources. Instead of tailoring standayda to the student, Japanese
education seems to vary the total learning time that a student puts
iii so as to enable him to achieve the goals that he and his parents

and teachers have set.

10. Besides extracting the mcst learning from the timetion" but the amount of attention they pay to children's

available, education needs to ensure that its other resources are
deployed in accord with its priorities. The Japanese have put
their money into a high quality teaching force and basic educa-character far exceeds the class time specifically reserved 'nor suchtion materials, not into frills, large bureaucracies, lavish

Japanese schools designate certain hours for "moral educa-

studies. Nor do teachers and principals (or parents and other
adults) refrain from committing themselves to clear distinctions,facilitiel, innumerable electives or platoons of specialists. Yet
cLildren learn while in schoolto Way musical instruments.

language, in most schools even to swim! Though teachers are
relatively well-paid, their classes are largeand the teachingyear lasts nearly 12 months.
Japanese families incur a number of out-of-pocket expenses
for education at every leveland they pay tuition for senior highschool, even in public institutions. I do not suggest that weemulate that practice, but I do note that in both their private andpublic outlays for education, the Japanese strive to ensure thatthey are getting value for money.
11. Competent, dedicated teachers make for good schools
and a society that offers its teachers reasonable remuneration,
respected status in the community, an orderly school environment, a substantial measure of colleagueship and responsibility,
and opportunities to recharge their intellectual and professional
batteriessuch a society can attract a surfeit of eager, qualified
people to the classroom, and can retain them in the teaching profession. It may be noted that, in most cases, the Japanese do notenter the teaching profession via colleges of education, nor isit necessary to do so in order to be knowledgeable about one's
field and competent to transmit one's knowledge to young people. Remember: Japanese schools have more than five applicantsfor every classroom opening.

12. Youngsters who take responsiblity and are held
accountable for their educational achievement are apt to work
hard, to persist, and in time to learn a lot. What we sometimes
call the Protestant ethic is strong in Japanese education. Thereare clear rewards for success: short-term rewards in the respectof one's peers and praise from parents and teachers; mid-range
rewards in gaining admission to the senior high school or col-lege of one's choice; and more distant rewards in the worlds ofwork and adult society. Notwithstanding reports of "pressure"on Japanese young people, their on-time high school graduation
rate is considerably greater than our own, and their average levelof skill and knowledge acquisition is higher than in any other"universal" education system I know.
There are aspects of Japanese education, perhaps espeallyat the college level, that do not impress me, that would not beappropriate in the American context, or that contravene otherprinciples we value. Educational opportunities in Japan may not
be especially responsive to children with special nePds, for example. It is important to note, however, that Japan hm embarked
on an education reform movement of its own and that many
discontents and criticisms have been voiced within that nation.
It seems likely that changes are in the offing.
But it is not my place either to praise or to criticize Japanese
education. Nor have I attempted to construct a ..ximprehensive
catalog of specific lessons or promising imports for the UnitedStates. The dozen "principles" sketched above ma j, however,be encouraging to Americans who even without benefit ofdetailed knowledge of Japanese education had adr.uced these orsimilar points from research, from experience, from history,
from reason, or from common sense. Tip. essential lesson for
us to glean from our examination of Japanese education, after
all, besides the intrinsic rewards of enhanced knowledge am:understanding, is that much of what seems to work weft l';rJapan in the field of education closely resemble. what ...PIT.,in the United Statesand most likely elsewhere. Good edacalion is good education.

Glossary

shoguna military ruler and de facto head of the government
during much of the 12th to 19th centuries.

DietThe legislative branch of the Japanese government, comprising the House of Representatives (lower house) and theHouse of Councillors (upper house).

Sohyo General Council of Japanese Trade Unions.
tanninThe teacher in charge of a particular class of students,
whose duties in lower secondary school combine those of
homeroom teacher and counselor.

han Small mixed-ability groups of four to six students assignedtosit and work together which cooperate in study,

discipline, chores, and other classroom activitieE.

ijime The intimidation and tormenting of individual students
by others. Commonly translated as "bullying."juku Privately established schools which teach academic andnonacademic subjects. Academic juku offer tutorial, enrichment, remedial, and examination-preparatory classes which

supplement regular school work. Most hold classes after
school or on weekends.

terakoya small private schools, usually run by a single teacher,popular during the Tokugawa period.

Todai Tokyo University
Tokugawa periodThe historical period from 1603 to 1868. The

period takes its name from the Tokugawa fami4, whuse
descendents held the office of shogun during that time.
yobiko Upward extension of juku which specializes in preparing high school graduates for university entrance examinations, often through intensive full-time programs.

Meiji periodThe historical period from 1868 to 1912 during
which Japan embarked on a program of industrialization andmodernization.

Monbusho The Japanese Ministry of Education, Science andCulture, often shortened to Ministry of Education.
NHKNihon Hoso Kyokai, the Japanese National Public Broadcasting Service.

Japanese Terms for Different
Types of Educational Institutions
yochien preschool (sometimes translated kindergarten)

hoikuen daycare center (sometimes translated nursery school)

Nikkyoso The Japan Teacher's Union, JTU.

shogakko elementary schoolochikoboreStude9ts who have fallen seriously behind in theirstudies. Literally, those who have "fallen to the bottom of
the system."chugakko lower secondary school (sometimes translated as
junior high school)

prefectureOne of 47 regional districts of the Japanese government, the level between the nation and the municipality.
ronin Students who have failed the entrance examination to an
institution of their choice and have chosen to spend an additional year or more in study to take the examination again.

Originally used to mean "grasterless samurai."

samuraiThe hereditary class of warriors who served Japan's
feudal lords from the 12th to the 19th centuries and also provided aristocratic leadership for tne Japanese government,

particularly during the Tokugawa period.

shido shuji Experienced teatregular teaching duties w?
trainers.

n leave of absence from.,.:rve as inservice teacher

kotogakko upper secondary school (sometimes translated ashigh school)
koto senmon gakko

technical college (offering a 5- or 51/2-year

course, which spans the upper secondary and 2-year college levels)

daigaku college or university
tanki daigaku 2-year junior college
senshu gakko special training school, including:
koto senshu gakko upper secondary special training school

senmon gakko special training college (for graduates ofupper secondary schools)
kakushu gakko miscellaneous school (offering various courses
at upper secondary or postsecondary level)

AppencthMb le 1. Number oi Schools by Type and Control:
May 1985
TYIN

1ti

ational Local Public Private
Public (prefectural

Table 2. Enrollment, by Type of Scho
Percentage DistAbution by AdmInistrath
Type of SchoolandNumberAll schools
Preschools*
Elementary schools
Lower secondary
schools
Upper secondary
schools
Schools for the blind,deaf and otherwise
handicapped
Technical colleges
Junior colleges
Universities
Special training schools
Miscellaneous schools

46,912
6,269
24,79918,591

8,903
168

10,472

581

4,147

1,289

851

16

4

4
455

51

34

331

173
112

2,664
4,180

Percent
1.0
70.n

100
100
100

0.3
0.3

41.2
99.0

100

0.7

94.1

5.2

100

0.3

76.0

23.6

100 4.9
100 87.1
100 6.8
100 20.7
100 5.9
100 0.2

93.3
6.5
9.4
7.4
5.7

2.6

28.1
58.5

0.7

Total

Percentage Dist,.

Number of National Local Pubi erivate
Students(prefecturalandmunicipal)!

All schools
66,116 63S
Preschools*
15,220 48
Elementary schools
25,040 73
Lower secondary
schools
11,131
78
Upper secondary
schools
17
5,453
Schools for the blind,deaf and otherwise
handicapped
912 45
Technical colleges
62 54
Junior colleges
543
37
Universities
460 95Special training schools 3,015 178
Miscellaneous schools 4,300
8wry:

May 1985

Pre-elementary
schools:
Preschools
2,067.951
Daycare centers 1,770,466
Elementary
schools
11,095,372
Lower secondary
schoolr
5,990,183
Upper secondary
schools
5,177,681
Schools for theblind, deaf andotherwise
handicapped
95,401
Universities
1,848,698
Junior colleges
371,095
Technical
colleges
48,288Special training
schools
538,175
Miscellaneous
schools
530,159

0.3

24.4
56.9

75.3
43.1

0.4

99.0

0.5

0.6

96.5

2.9

0.2

71.7

28.1

3.9
4.7

95.2
3.0
5.6

0.9
72.7
89.7

84.4

8.6

7.0

3.4

4.5

92.2

0.0

1.8

98.1

24.3

Source: Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. Education in Japan:
A BriefOutline. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1986. p. 5. Data on daycare centers provided
by the Ministry of Welfare.

1.7

6.5
83.8
72.0
88.4
97.2

*In addition to preschools under Monbusho in 1985 there were 22,899 daycare
centers operated by the Ministry of Welfare, of which 13,600 were public and9,299 were private. (Unpublished data supplied by the Ministry of Welfare.)Source: Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. Education in Japan:
A Brief Outline. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1986. p. 19.

Table 3. Enrollment by Type of School and Gender:
May 1985'1),pe of School

Enrollment

Total I
Male I Female
Preschools
2,067,951 1,055,516 1,012,435
Elementary schools
11,095,372 5,682,490 5,412,882
Lower secondary schools 5,990,183 3,067,897 2,922,286
Upper secondary schools 5,177,681 2,609,198 2,568,483
Schools for the deaf, blindand otherwise handicapped
95,401
59,28336,118
Technical colleges
48,28846,565
1,723
Junior colleges
371,095
37,920 333,175
Universities
1,848,698 1,414,297
434,401
Special training schools
538,175
225,990
312,185
Miscellaneous schools
530,159 271,695
258,464
Source: Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. Education in Japan:
A Brief Outline. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1986. p. 5.

Table 4. Number and Percent of 1984 Lower
Secondary School Graduates, by Activity
Immediately Following Graduation
Activity

NumberUpper secondary school:
Full-time regular course 1,723,021
Part-time regular course
34,587
Correspondence regularcourse4,804
Short-term course

Activity

Percent
91.52
1.84
.26

249

.01

1,762,661

9,563
43,617

93.62
.51

2.32

Subtotal: technicaland vocational

53,1802.82

Employment
Unemployment
Deceased, unknown

51,31815,039
570

2.73
.80
.03

1,882,768

100.00Grand total

I

Number

Percent

I

University, Junior college
and advanced secondary
courses:
University undergraduate
course266,810
Junior college regular course 168,107
Short-term courses at

18.00
11.34

universities and junior colleges

Subtotal: upper
secondaryTechnical college
Vocational training

Table 5. Number and Percent of 1984 High School
Graduates, by Activity Following Graduation

Source: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstractof EducationScience and Culture. 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.
pp. 40-41.

and advanced courses at
upper secondary schools
Correspondence courses at

3,897

.26

universities and junior colleges

436

.03

Subtotal: all university,
junior colleges andadvanced secondary
courses439,250'

29.63'

Vocational training:
Special training

collegeadvanced course

172,283

11.62

17,057
Miscellaneous school courses 174,759
Public training facility courses
8,570
Subtotal: all vocational

1.15
11.79
.58

Special training

collegeother courses

training courses

372,669b

25.14b

Employment
Unemployment
Deceased, unknown

590,125C

39.81c5.23.18Grand total

77,574
2,694
1,482,312

100.00'Includes 5,319 employed persons.
bIncludes 11,793 employed persons.
CExcludes 17,112 employed persons referred to in footnotes 1 and 2, who went
on to higher level courses or vocational training.
Source: Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstractof Education, Science. and Culture, 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.

pp. 48, 49, 50.

Table 6. Number of Full-time itachers by Level orType and Administrative Category (National, Local
Public or Private) of Institution: May 1984
(rounded to nearest hundred)Type or
Thtal
PublicPrivateLevel of'Nal National Local
Institution
Allinstitutions 1,321,700 1,069,800 61,900 1,008,000 251,900
Preschools (under
Monbusho)* 99,200
27,000300
26,800 72,100
Elementary
Schools
468,700 465,900 1,800 464,100 2,800
Lower Secondary
Schools
278,900 271,200 1,700 269,600 7,700
Upper Secondary
Schools
258,600 200,900
600 200,300 57,700
Schools for
Handicapped 38,200
37,900 1,300
36,700200
Technical
Colleges
3,800
Special Training
Schools
23,500Miscellaneous
Schools
22,700JuniorColleges
17,400
Universities 110,700

3,600 3,200

300

Table 8. Number and Percentage Distributionof Full-time Upper Secondary Students,
by Course of Study: 1984
ProgramStudents
Number3,403,600

Academic or General
Vocational
Commercial
550,40n
Industrial (Technical) 435,4Pr
Agricultural
149, :
Home Economies
135 ,01.ru
Health23,500Fisheries
16,200Other
35,900Subtotal: vocational
1,345,500
Grand total
4,749,100

1Percent
71.7
11.6
9.2
3.1

2.8
.5
.3

.8

28.3
100.0

Note: Because of rounding detail may not add to total.
Source: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstractof Education, Science. and Culture. 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.
pp. 44-45.

200

2,300

800

1,600 21,200

700

[**]

700 22,100

2,900 1,100
57,200 51,200

1,900 14,500
6,000 53,400

Note: Detail may not add to total because of rounding.
*There are another 180,497 full-time teachers in the daycare centers under the
Ministry of Welfare, cited by the National Council of Day Nursery: Day Nurseries
in Japan 1985. Tokyo: The Council, 1985. p. 8.
**The number of teachers in national miscellaneous schools was 18.
Source: Ministry of Education. Science and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstractof Education. Science and Culture. 1985 edition. pp. 7, 9, 11, 13.

Thble 9. Number of Suicides per 100,000 Populationin Japan and the United States, by Age Groups
10-14, 15-19, and 20-24: 1965, 1975, 1984
Ye-i-u-H
1965
1975
1984

10-14 years

15-19 years

20-24 years

Japan U.S.

Japan U.S.

Japan U.S.

0.5

20.8
21.5

8.9
163

15.5

15.6

1.1

0.5
0.8

7.4
9.7

0.7

1.3

5.5

4.0
7.5
9.0

Source of Data: Ministry of Welfare, Japan. Jinko dotai tokei [Vital Statistics].
Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985. National Center for Health Statistics, U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services. Special Tabulations (unpublished) 1985.

Table 7. Enrollment in Pre-Elementary Education as
Percent of Population Age 1-5, by Age Group andType of Institution: 1984
Age

Population

Percent Enrolled
Preschools and Preschools Daycare
Daycare Centers
Centers
1 and 2 3,024,000
10.9
00.0
10 . 93
1,529,000
40.4
13.2
27.2
4 and 5 3,211,000
92.1
60.1
32.0

Group

Source: Population data from Japan Statistical Yearbook. Tokyo: Statistics Bureau,
Management and Coordination Agency, 1985. Preschool enrollments from Gakko
kihon chesa hokokusho. Tokyo: Monbusho, 1984, p. 422-3. Daycare center en-

rollments provided by the Ministry of Welfare.

Table 10. Number of Institutions Offering
Postsecondary Programs and Enrollments in These
Programs, by Type of Institution: 1984
Type of Institution

NumberEnrollment

Universities
National
Local Public
Private460

1,843,153
442,503
54,117
1,346,533

Junior Colleges
National 37
Local Public
Private536
17,213381,87351

448

20,661
343,99962
54
4
417,53014,892
1,499
1,139

2,386

404,153

Technical Colleges
National
Local Public
PrivateSpecial Training Collegesa
National
Local Public
Private

95
34
331

161

16,821

154

21,458365,874

2,071

Miscellaneous Schoolsb
National
Local Public
PrivateTotal Enrollment in Postsecondary Educiaion

220,430
22
5,662
214,7462,867,139"Speci-ltrainiag schools offering advanced courses fin which upper secondary
school completion is required for admission.
bThere were 4,474 miscellaneous schools in 1984. Of this total, 9,120 and 4,345
were national, local public, and private institutions, respectively. Some of themiscellaneon: schools offer courses for which upper secondary school completion is required for admission. The total number of such institutions and information concerning the breakdown of this total into the national, local, and private
categories are not available. However, enrollments in such postsecondary courses
in each of the three categories are available and are shown in the table. Thesefigures and the distribution of all miscellaneous schools among the three
categories, indicated above in this note, make it clear that most of the miscellaneous schools offering postsecondary courses were private institutions.

Source: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture Japan. Statistical Abstractof Education, Science and Culture, 1985 edition. Pp. 6, 8, 10, 12, 58, 61, 62,

90, 92.

Table 11. Enrollment in Postsecondary Education byType of Institution and Course: 1984
Type of Institution
Universities
4-year undergraduate courses
Master's courses
Doctor's courses
Advanced courses
Short-term courses
Other courses

Junior Colleges
Regular courses
Advanced courses
Short-term courses
Other courses
Technical Colleges(Koto-senmon-gakko) -4th and 5thyears of 5-year course

I

Enrollment
Total
j Course
1,843,153

1,734,080
45,105
20,5871,380
2,604
39,397
381,873
377,107
2,084
1,160
1,522

17,530Special Raining Colleges(Senmon-gakko) -Advanced courses(requiring upper secondary school
completion for admission)

Miscellaneous Schools(Kakushu-gakko)-Courses
requiring upper secondary school
completion for admission

404,153

220,430
2,867,139

Source: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstractof Education. Science and Culture, 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.

pp. 58, 62, 63, 90, 92

Table 12. Female Enrollment in Postsecondary
Education, by Type of Institution: 1984
Type of Institution Total Enrollment Female Enrollment

Number I Percent
Universities
1,843,153
Junior Colleges
381,873
Technical Colleges
17,530Special Training Colleges 404,153
Miscellaneous Schools
220,430

425,012343,489448
239,380
54,5701,062,899

2,867,139

Total

23.1

90.0
2.6
59.2
24.8
37.1

Source: Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstractof Education, Science, and Culture. 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.
pp. 58, 62, 63, 90, 92.

Table 14. Enrollments in Vocational and Technical
Programs at Upper Secondary and Postsecondary
Level in Selected Institutions,by Tyne of Institution and Level of Course: 1984'(rounded to nearest hundred)Type of Institution

Enrollments by Level
Both
Upper
PostLevels Secondary Secondary
All institutions
2,738,700 1,869,000 869,700
Upper secondary schools 1,398,900 1,398,900b
Technical colleges
47,50030,000e
17,500d
Special training schools
485,400
81,300 404,200
Miscellaneous schools
579,300
358,800e 220,400
Junior colleges
227,600
227,600f
4The table excludes enrollments in "ordinary" courses of special training schools
for which there cre no special admission requirements.

bTotal upper secondary school enrollment of 4,885,913 in regular courses lessenrollment of 3,487,047 in the general course.

CEnrollment in first 3 years of course.

Table 13. Enrollments in Technical Colleges, Special
Training Schools and Miscellaneous Schools andPercentage Distribution of These Enrollments by
Gender and by Administrative Category: May 1985
Type of
Institution

Number

Percentage Distribution
Gender Administrative Category
National Local Private
PublicTechnical
colleges

48,288 96.4 3.6Special training
schools
538,175 42.0 58.0
Miscellaneous
schools
530,159 51.2 48.8

84.4

8.6

7.0

3.4

4.5

92.2

0.0*

1.8

98.1

*The enrollment in national miscellaneous schools was 164.
Source: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Education in Japan:

A Brief Outline. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1986. p. 5.

dEnrollment in fourth and fifth years of course.
CEnrollment in courses for which other than upper secondary school completionis required for admission.

rEnrollment in engineering, agriculture, health, home economics, and teacher
education.
Source: Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstractof Education, Science and Culture. 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.
pp. 44, 58, 64-65, 90, 92.

Notes3. Ministry of Education IMonbusho). Kyoiku &kat Geppo [The Board of
Education Monthly Re-iew], Nov. 16. 1983. p. 68.
4. Ichikawa, Shogo. ed. Kyoshoku Kenkyu Bien [Encyclopedia of Inservice
Training]. lbkyo: Kyoiku Kaihatsu Kenkyujo, 1983. p. 41.

Historical and Cultural Context

5. Hayakawa, Misao. op. cit. p. 81.
6. Ibid. p. 83.

1. Boxer, Charles R. The Owistian Century in Japan. Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1951. pp. 190-198.

7. Mainichi Daily News, October 1, 1986,

2. Lath, Donald. Japan in the Eps of Europe: 7he Sixteenth Century. Chicago:

8. Cummings, William K. Education and Equality in Japan. Princeton, NJ.:
Princeton University Press, 1980.

University of Chicago Press, 1968. pp. 688-706.
3. Passin, Herbert. Society and Wucatton in Japan. New York: Kodansha In-

9. Rohlen, Thomas P. Japan's High Schools. Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1983. p. 222.

ternational, 1982. p. 31.
4. Dore, Ronald. "The Legacy of Tokugawa Education." In Marius Jansen,

ed. Changing Japanese Attitudes 7bward Modernization. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1969. p. 100.
5. Ibid.
6. Anderson, Ronald. Education in Japan: A Century of Modern Development.

Contract Study, U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1975. p. 36.
7. Ual,iogi, Morikazu.
":.
School to Work: The Japanese Case."
In William K. Cummings, et b: vs. Educational Policies in Crisis. New
York: Praeger, 1986. p. 28
8. Hess, Robert D., et al. "Family Influences on School Readiness and Achievement in Japan and the United States: An Overview of a Longitudinal Study."
In Harold Stevenson, Hiroshi Azuma, and Kenji Hakuta eds. Child Develop-

10. Tominaga, Ken'ichi, ed. Nippon no kaiso kozo [The Structure of Japanese
Stratification]. Tokyo: lbkyo University, 1979.
I 1. Thurston, Donald. nachos and Politics in Japan. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press, 1973. pp. 213-214.
12. linjiin Kyuyokyoku [Personnel Authority]. Minkan Kyuyo No Anal [Surveyof Wages] Tokyo: Jinjin Kyuyokyoku, 1984.

13. Hayakawa. op. cit. p. 107-109.

14. Barro. op. cit.
15. Ibid. pp. 23-24.
Home, Family, and Pre-Elementary Education

Overview of School System

1. Statistics Bureau, Management and Coordination Agency, Japan. Japan
Statistical Yearbook 1984. lbkyo: The Agency, 1984. National Center for
Health Statistics, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Vital
Statistics of the United States 1980 Volume III: Marriage and Divorce.

I. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. Education in Japan:
A Graphic Presentation. Ibkyo: The Ministry, 1982. p. 9.

2. Statistics Bureau, Management and Coordination Agency, Japan. op. cit.
p. 48.

2. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstract ofEducation, Science, and Culture. 1985 edition. Ministry of Education,
Science, and Culture, Japan, Ibkyo: The Ministry, 1985. p. 22.

3. Ibid.

3. Material for this section was primarily drawn frimn: Ministry of Education,
Science, and Culture, Japan. 'Development of Education in Japan 1981-84:
Report for submission to the 39th Session of the International Conference

5. Yamamura, Kozo and Susan B. Hanley. "Tchi hime ni taro: Educational
Aspirations and the Decline in Fertility in Postwar Japan." Journal ofJapanese Studies Vol. 2, No. 1, Autumn 1975, pp. 83-125, quoting research
by Fujin ni kansuru shomondai chosa kaigi [Conference on Research on
Women's Issues] Gendal nihon foul no ishiki to kodo [Consciousness andBehavior of Modern Japanese Women], 1975.

ment and Education in Japan. New York: W.H. Freeman, 1986. p.161.

on Education." Tokyo: The Ministry, 1984. pp. 44-48.

4. Ibid. pp. 53-60.
5. Keizai koho center [Japan Institute for Social and Economic Affairs]. Japan,

1985: An International Comparison. Toyko: The Center, 1986. p. 94.

4. Hakuhodo Institute of Life and Living. Changing Lifestyles in Japan Volume

2: Japanese Women in 7krmoil. Tokyo: The Institute, 1984. p. 142.

6. Hakuhodo Institute of Life and Living. op. cit. p. 57.
7. Mainichi Daily News, February 8, 1985 p. 9, quoting Hiroshi Minami, direc-

tor of Japan Psychology Center.

Juku

I. Kitamura, Kazuyuki. "The Decline and Reform of Education in Japan: A
Comparative Perspective." In William K. Cummings, et aL, eds. Educational Policies in Crisis. New York: Praeger, 1986. p. 161.

2. This and other data in this section based on Monbusho, Shows 60 nen&jido, seito no gakkogal gakushu katsudo ni kansuru final deosa sokstho[Preliminary Report on Students' Out-of-School Izarning Activities]. Iblyo:

8. Taniuchi (Peak), Lois. "Interrelationships between Home and Early Formal Learning Situations 6:4 latianese Children." Paper presented at Annual
Conference, Northeast Region, Comparative and International Education
Society, Nov. 26, 1984, City University of New York.

9. Kodama, lkIcetoshi. "Preschool Education in Japan." NIER Occasional
Paper. Tokyo: National Institute for Educational Research. March 1983.

p. 3.

Monbusho, Daijin kanbo tokeikyoku [Statistics Bureau, Minister's
Secretarial], 1986.
3. Mainichl Daily News, January 7, 1985, quotes 690 billion yen, while Japan
Times April 25, 1986, citing a Japan Fair ltade Commission report, reportsa figure of 870 billion yen.
4. Sawada, Thshio and Sachino Kobayashi. "Gakushu juku no sansu, sugaku
kyoiku ni tsuite no bunseki" [Analysis of Arithmetic and Mathematics Instnrcfion in Juku] in Kolatritsu kyolku kenkyusho kenkyu shuroku. Vol. 12,
March 1986. Toyko: Kokuritsu kyoiku kenkyujo. [NIER]

Teaching Profession
1. Barro, Stephen. A Comparison of Teachers'Salanes in Japan and the UnitedStates. Washington, D.C.: Center for Statistics, U.S. Department of Educa-

tion, 1986.
2. Hayakawa, Misao. "The Quality and Socioeconomic Status of Teachers inJapan." Paper prepared for the U.S. Study of Education in Japan, U.S.
Department of Education, February 1986. p. 23.

10. Tobin, Joseph, D. Davidson, D. Wu. "Ratios and Class Size in the JapanesePre-school." Unpublished paper, Dept. of Human Resources, Universityof Hawaii, 1986.
11. Lewis, Catherine. "Cooperation and Control in Japanese Nursery Schools."
Comparative Education Review, Vol. 28, No. 1, February 1984. p. 69-84.

12. Kodama. op. cit. pp. 7-8.
Elementary School (Grades 1-6)
1. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstract ofEducation, Science and Culture. 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.

p. 102.
2. Monbusho. Gakko kyvin tokei chosa hokolat sho [School Faculty Statistical

Survey Report]. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1983. p. 86.

3. Ibid. p. 86.
4. Ibid..p. 97.

83

83

5. Fiske, Edward B. "Japan's Schools Stress Group and Discourage Individuality." New York nines July 11, 1983. p. 1, A-6.

in Mathematics." Paper prepared for the United States Study of Educationin Japan, U.S. Department of Education, October 1985. pp. 29-32.

6. Monbusho. Gakko kyoin tokel chosa hokokusho. op. cit. p. 97, and Stephen

11. Based on ISA data provided by the Center for Statistics, U.S. Departmentof Education.

Basso. A Comparison of Teadiers'Salaries in Japan and the United States.

Washington, D.C.: Center for Statistics, U.S. Department of Education,
1986. p. 21.
7. Monbusho. Gakko kyoin tokel chosa hokokusho. op. cit. p. 86.

8. Ibid.
9. NHK (Nippon Hoso Kyokai: Japanese National Public Broadcasting Service]. NHK School Broadcasts 1986. Tokyo: NHK, 1986.
10. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. "Development of Education in Japan 1981-84: Report for Submission to the 39th Session of the In-

ternational Conference on Education." lbkyo: The Ministry, 1984. p. 38.
11. &avenson, Harold. "Classroom Behavior and Achievement of Japanese,
Chinese, and American Children." In Robert Glazer, ed. Advances in Instructional Psychology. Hillsdale, NJ.: Erlbaum, 1985. In press.
12. Peak, Lois. "Classroom Discipline and Management in Japanese Elementary School Classrooms." Paper prepared for the United States Study of
Education in Japan, U.S. Department of Education, October 1985.

13. This and other descriptions of the curriculum for the various subjects are
drawn from Ministry of Education, Science and Culture. Course of Studyfor Elementary Schools in Japan. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1983.
14. Stevenson, Harold. "An Analysis of Japanese and American Textbooks in
Mathematics." Paper Prepared for the U.S. Study of Education in Japan,
U.S. Department of Education, October, 1985.
15. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture. Statistical Abstract of Education, Science, and Culture. 1985 edition. lbkyo: The Ministry, 1985.
pp. 136-7.
16. Research by Nomura sogo kenkyusho (Nomura Research Institute]. Sumai
bunka ni kansuru kihonchosa [Basic Survey on Home and Daily Life andCulture]. Reported in Asahl Shinbun, November 26, 1983. p. 11. Survey
done for Sumai Bunke and Kyanpeinu suishin iinkai (committee promoting
the campaign on Home and Daily Life and Culture).

17. Stevenson, Harold, et al. "Learning to Read Japanese." In Harold Stevenson, H. Azuma, and K. Hakuta. Child Development and Education in Japan.
New York: W.H. Freeman, 1986. p. 225, 226.

18. Ibid. p. 233.
19. Data in this section based on Monbusho. Showa 60 nendo fido seito no gakkogai gakushu katsudo ni kansuru final chosa sokuho (Preliminary Reporton Students'Out-ol:School Learning Activities]. Tokyo: Monbusho, Daijin

Kanbo tokeikyoku, (Setistics Bureau, Minister's Secretariat] 1986.
20. Data from statistics provided by Embassy of Japan, based on Monbusho.
Kaigai shijo kyolku no genio (Situation of Education of Overseas Children],1982 and 1983.

12. Ibid.

13. Based on a description provided by Patricia Horvath, Fulbright Scholar,
National Institute for Educational Research, Japan. July, 1986.

14. Seimei hoken bunka senta and Nihon seishonen kenkyusho. Nichibel
chugakusel Hahaoya chosa hokukusho (Report on Japanese and American
junior high school students and their mothers). Seishonen kenkyusho, Tokyo.

1985. p. 23.
15. Monbusho. Showa 60 nendo fido, seito no gaMcogal galaishu katsudo ni kansuru final chosa sokuho. (Preliminary report on students' out-of-school learning activities]. Monbusho, Daijin kanbo tokeikyoku, 1986.

16. Ibid.
17 . The Daily Yomiuri, December 15, 1985.

18. Rohlen, Thomas. Japan High Schools. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. p. 122.
19. Ibid.

20. Ibid. pp. 127, 128.
21. Ibid. pp. 123, 124.
22. Ibid. p. 127.
23. Ibid. p. 126.
24. Ibid. p. 308.
25. Ibid. p. 127.

Upper Secondary Education (Grades 10-12)

I. Rohlen, Thomas. Japan High Schools. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. pp. 121-2.

2. Cummings, William K. Education and Equality in Japan. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1980. p 140.
3. Ammo, Ikuo. "Educational Crisis in Japan." In William K. Cummings, eteds. Educational Policies in Crisis. New York: Praeger, 1986. p. 28.
4. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstract ofEducation, Science and Culture, 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.
pp. 42, 43.

5. 1983 tuition data reported in Monbusho tokei yoran, (Statistical Abstract]

Monbusho, Daijin kanbo chose tokeika [Statistics Office, Minister's
Secretariat]. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985. pp. 148, 149. Average family income reported in Keizai Koho Center. Japan 1985, An International Comparison. Tokyo: The Center, 1985. p. 87.

Lower Secondary

I. "Educational Use of Microcomputers in Japan." Unpublished report of acommittee set up by the Ministry of Education to discuss the fundamental
policy and strategies in reforming primary and secondary education to meetthe information age, 1985.

6. Amano, op. cit. p.28.
7. Ibid.
8. Sakamoto, Ilikashi. "The Diversity of New Distance Teaching Institutions:

The Japanese Experience." Paper presented to 13th World International
Council for Distance Education Conference, Melbourne, August 15, 1985.

2. Monbusho. Gakko kyoin tokei chosa hokokusho, 1983. p. 42.

9. Rohlen. op. cit. pp. 172-3.

3. Ibid. p. 42.

10. Ibid. p. 175.

4. Ibid. p. 104.

11. 1980 data from Japanese National Institute for Educational Research quoted

5. Current information provided by the Japanese Ministry of Education, Science

and Culture.

6. Ibid.

in Stephen Barro, A Comparison of Teachers' Salaries in Japan and theUnited States. Center for Statistics, U.S. Department of Education,
September, 1986. Monbusho data quoted in Gakko kyoui tokei chosahokokusho (School Faculty Statistical Survey]. Monbusho, 1983 (p. 143)

suggests a slightly lower average of 14.3 hours.

7. Sakamoto, Takashi. "The Diversity of Teaching Institutions: The JapaneseExperience." Paper Presented at the 13th International Council for Distance
Education World Conference, Melbourne, August 15, 1985. p. 3.

12. Monbusho. Gakko kyoin tokei chosa hokokusho, op. cit. Tokyo: The
Ministry, 1984. pp. 128-129.

8. Becker, James M. "The Japan-United States Textbook Study Project" The
History Teadier, Vol. 16, no. 4, August, 1983. p. 565-566.

13. Monbusho. Course of Studyfor Upper Secondary Schools in Japan. Tokyo:
The Ministry, 1983.

9. Fiske, Edward B. "Japanese Schools: Intent about the Basics." New York14. Horvath, Patricia. "Reflections on Mathematics Education in Japan." Unpublished manuscript. Tokyo, 1986.

Tbnes, July 10, 1983. p. Al, 28.

10. Stevenson, Harold W. "An Analysis of Japanese and American Textbooks

15. Rohlen, op. cit. p. 40.

84

84

16. Monbusho. Gakko kihon chosa hokokusho, op. cit. (volume II) Tokyo: The

Ministry, 1984. pp. 100-101.
17. Amano, Ikuo. "Educational Crisis in Japan." In William K. Cummings etal., eds. Educational Policies in Crisis. New York: Praeger, 1986. p. 39.

18. Rohlen, op. cit. p. 309.
19. Monbusho. Gakko kihon chosa hokokusho. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1984.
p. 524.

20. Rohlen, op. cit. pp. 330-331.

17. Ibid.
18. Education in Japan op. cit. p. 10.

19. Grayson, Lawrence P. "Japan's Intellectual Challenge: The System."Engineering Education, January 1984. p. 19.
20. Esaka, Akira. "The Decline of the Academic Elite." Japan Echo, Volume

XII, Number 3, 1985. p. 57.
21. Ibid. p. 57.
22. Ibid. p. 57.

21. Stocking, Carol. "Comparing Youth Cultures: Preconceptions in Data." In

William K. Cummings, et al. op. cit. p. 145.
22. Rohlen, op. cit. p. 295.
23. Ibid. p. 293.
24. Somucho [Mministrative Management Agency]. Seishonen Hakusho [White
Paper on Youth 19851 Tokyo: Somucho seishonen taisaku honbuhen, 1985.

25. Ames, Walter L. Police and Community in Japan. Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 1981. p. 83.

Education and Employment

1. Inoue, Ken. Manpower and Development in Japan: A Study of Japanese
Education and Paining System. Paper prepared for the World Bank, 1984,
p. 59

2. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Education in Japan:
A Graphic Presentation. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1982. p. 60.

3. Inoue. op. cit. p. 60.

26. Ibid.

4. Ibid. p. 37.

27. Cohany, Sharon R. "What Happened to the High School Class of 1985?"
Monthly labor Review, Volume 109, Number 10, October 1986. pp. 28-30.

5. Horvath, Patricia J. "Career Counseling for Non-college Bound High School
Seniors in Japan." Paper prepared for the United States Study of Educa-

Higher Education

I. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture. Education in Japan: A Brief
Outline. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1986. p. 9.

tion in Japan, U.S. Department of Education, 1985. pp. 9, 10, 11.
6. Mira, Koji and Solomon B. Levine. "Education and Labor Force Skills in
Postwar Japan." Paper prepared for the United States Study of Educationin Japan, U.S. Department of Education, 1986. p. 14 and Ushiogi,
Morilcazu. "Ttansition form School to Work: The Japanese Case." In William

2. Taira, Koji and Levine, Solomon B. "Education and Labor Force Skills in
Postwar Japan." Paper prepared for the U.S. Study of Education in Japan,
U.S. Department of Education, January 1986. p. 25.
3. Amano, Ikuo. "Educational Crisis in Japan." In William K. Cummings, etal., eds. Educational Policies in Crisis. New York: Praeger, 1986. p. 35.
4. Ibid. p. 39.

5. Ibid. p. 35.
6. Fiske, Edward B. "Japan's Schools: Exam Ordeal Rules Each Student's
Destiny," New York Times. July 12, 1983. p. Al.
7. Vogel, Ezra F. Japan as Number 1: Lessons forAmerica. New York: Haiper& Row, 1980. p. 162. Originally published in Cambridge by Harvard
University Press, 1979.
8. Reischauer, Edwin. "Introduction." In Benjamin Duke, The Japanese School:

Lessons for Industrial America. New York: Praeger, 1986. p. xviii.

K. Cummings, et al., eds. Educational Policies in Crisis. New York:
Praeger, 1986. pp. 204-207.
7. Ibid.

8. Cited in Muto, Hiromitsu. Education and &lining in Japan in the Cybernetic
Age. Program Report No. 85-B2. Institute for Research on Educational
Finance and Governance, Stanford University, August 1985. p. 31.
Education Reform

1. "Examiners' Report and Questions." In Reviews of National Policies for
Education: Japan. Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation andDevelopment, 1971 pp. 45-112.
2. Kitamura, Kazuyuki. "The Decline and Reform of Education in Japan: A
Comparative Perspective." In William K. Cummings, et al., eds. Educational Policies in Crisis. New York: Praeger, 1986. p. 156.

9. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstract ofEducation, Science and Culture. 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry 1985.
p. 82.

3. Asahi Shinbun public opinion poll reported in Kitamura, Kazuyuki. op. cit.
p. 156.

10. Amano, op. cit. p. 35.

4. Beauchamp, Edward R. "Reform Tladitions in the United States and Japan."
In William K. Cummings, et al., eds. Educational Policies in Crisis. New

York: Praeger, 1986. p. 10.

11. Galtung, Johan. "Social Structure, Education Structure and Life Long Educa-tion: The Case of Japan." In Reviews of National Policies for Education:
Japan. Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development,
1971. p. 140.
12. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, Japan. The University Research

System in Japan. Tokyo, 1986. pp. i, 5 and 7.
13. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. The University Research

System in Japan. op. cit. p. 8-9.

5. Quoted in Beauchamp, Edward R. op. cit. p. 10.

6. Kitamura. op. cit. p. 154.
7. Provisional Council on Educational Reform. First Report on Educational
Reform. June 26, 1985. pp. 68-69.

8. Beauchamp. op. cit. p. 11.

9. Provisional Council on Educational Reform. op. cit. pp. 4-5.

14. Ibid. p. 13.

10. Ibid. p. 4.

15. Amano, op. cit. p. 33-34.

11. Koyama, Ken'ichi. "An End to Uniformity in Education." Japan Echo,
Volume XII, Number 2, 1985. p. 49.

16. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, Japan. Statistical Abstract ofEducation, Science, and Culture. 1985 edition. Tokyo: The Ministry, 1985.
p. 138, and Keizai Koho Center [Japan Institute for Social and Economic
Affairs]. Japan 1985: An International Comparison. Tokyo: The Center,

12. "-id.

1986.

85

85

Papers Commissioned for theUnited States Study of Educationin Japan
Title

Author

The Development of Postwar
Edward R. Beauchamp
Educational Orientation and Policies University of Hawaiiin Japan
Developmental Perspectives on the Mary Jean Bowman
Education and Economic Activities and Machiko Osawa
of Japanese versus American Women University of Chicago

The Influence of Western Philosophy Hideo Kojima
and Theories of Psychology andNagoya University
Education on Contemporary
Educational Theory and Practicein Japan

Education in Japan: The Creativity
Issue

Catherine Lewis
School of Medicine
University of California,

San Francisco
Management of Classroom Discipline Lois (Thniuchi) Peakin Japan and the Role of the
Elementary Schor'cher

Graduate School of
Education, Harvard
University

Understanding American
Performance on International
Comparisons: An Analysis of
Mathematical Textbooks in Japanand the United States (grades 7-12)Harold Stevenson
Center for Human
Growth and Cognitive
Development
University of Michigan

Postsecondary Plans of U.S. andJapanese High School Seniors: An
Introductory Comparative Analysis

Carol Stocking
and Glen David Cvrry
Department of Medicine
University of Chicago

Education and I Fhor Force Skills
in Postwar Japan

Misao Hayakawa
Ichimura Gakuen
Junior College
Inuyama, Japan

Koji Mira
University of Illinois
Urbaria-Champaign
and Soloinon B. Levine
Umversity of
Wisconsin, Madison

Patricia Horvath
Fulbright Scholar
Descriptive Data from 4 High Schools Tokyo, Japan

Occupational Information, Placement Shunichiro Umetani
and Choices for the Japanese Youth Japan Institute of Labor,
Tokyo, JapanAn Analysis and Comparison of
Science Education in Japan and theUnited States

Willard J. Jacobson
Teachers College
Columbia University

Merry White.kiarvard University

The Influence of Class Management

Tokuo Kataoka
School of Education
Hiroshima University

Domita.nt Psycnocultural Factors
Influencing Socir.lization and the
Implications of Sociali7ation for
School Performance in Japan

Personal Income Distribution and
Its Lfluence on Education in Japan

Masakazu Yano
Research Institute ofHigher Education,
Hiroshima University

An Analysis of Cognitive, Affective Leigh Bursteinand Behavioral Characteristics ofand John Hawkins
Students in Japan
Center for the Studyof Evaluation,
University of California
at Los Angeles
Vocational and Occupational Rainingof Non-College Bound YouthRobert Evans, Jr.
Brandeis University

The Quality and Socioeconomic Status Eva C. Galambosof U.S. Teachers

The Quality and Socioeconomic
Status of Teachers in Japan

Researcher andConsultant, Atlanta,
Georgia

Career Counselling for Non-College
Bound High School Seniors:

and Student Guidance upon Academic

Work at the Lower Secondary Level

86

87

Some Basic References
Background on Japanese Society
I. Gibney, Frank. Japan: The &agile Superponre (Rev. ed.) New York: New
American Library, 1985. 437 pp.

2. Lebra, Takie. Japanese Patterns of Behavior. Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1976. 295 pp.
3. Nakane, Chic, Japanese Society. Berkeley: University of California Press,

13. Cummings, William K. Education and Equality it Japan. Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1980. 305 pp.
14. Cummings, William K., et al. (eds.) Educational Policies in Crisis: Japaneseand American Perspectives. New York. Praegei , 1986. 308 pp.
15. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture. Outtne of Education in Japan:
1985. Tokyo: Ministry of Education, Science anti Culture, Government ofJapan, 1985. 90 pp.
16. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture. Education in Japan: A Graphic

Presentation. Tokyo: Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture, 1982.

1970,

128 pp.

4. Reischauer, Edwin. The Japanese. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1977. 442 pp.

17. Nagai, Michio. Japanese Higher Education: Its Take-Off and Crash. lbkyo:
University of Tokyo Press, 1971. 264 pp.

5. Thylor, Jared. Shadows of the Rising Sun. Originally published: New York:18. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Reviews of Na-

Morrow, 1983. First Quill Edition, 1984. 336 pp.

tional Policies for Education: Japan. Paris: OECD, 1971. 162 pp.

6. Vogel, Ezra. Japan's New Middle Class: The Salary Man and His Family
in a Tokyo Suburb. 2nd ed. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963.
305 pp.

19. Ranbom, Sheppard. "Schooling in Japan," a special three-part series for
Education Week. February 20, 1985, 34 pp. February 27, 1985, 26 pp.
March 6, 1985, 26 pp.

History of Japanese Education

20. Rohlen, Thomas. Japan's High Schools. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. 363 pp.

7. Aso, Makoto and Ikuo Amano. Education and Japan's Modernization.
Tokyo: The Japan Times, 1983. I I I pp.

21. Shimahara, Nobuo. Adaptation and Education in Japan. New York: Praeger,
1979. 190 pp.

8. Dore, Ronald P. Education in 7bkugawa Japan. (2nd Edition), Ann Arbor:

22. Shimahara, Nobuo. Burakumin: A Japanese Minority and Education. The
Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1971. 102 pp.

University of Michigan Prers, 1984. 346 pp.
9. Ministry of Education, Science, and Culture. Japan's Modern Educational
System: A History of the First Hundred Years. Tokyo. Ministry of Education, Science and Culture, 1980. 473 pp.
10. Passin, Herbert. Society and Education in Japan. Tokyo and New York:
Kodansha International, 1982. 347 pp.

Other Facets of Education in Japan
1 1 . Anderson, Ronald. Education in Japan. Washington D.C: U.S. Department

of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1974. 412 pp.

12. Cummings, William, K., Ikuo Amano, and Kazuyuki Kitamura (eds.).
Changes in the Japanese University: A Conpanstive Perspeaive.
New York:
Praeger, 1979. 261 pp.

23. Thurston, Donald. 7kachers and Politics in Japan. Princeton, NJ.: Princeton
University Press, 1973. 337 pp.
24. Making the Grade in Japan- A program produced for educational television and now available on video cassette. Produced by Dateline Productions for the Lillian Lincoln Foundation, 1985. 28:30 minutes, color. For
information on availability, contact Lillian Lincoln Foundation, cro KTSFTV Channel 26, 185 Berry Street, Suite 1820, San Francisco, CA 94107.
A well-balanced introduction to Japanese schools. Japanese education expert Professor Thomas Rohlen explains key characteristics and goals of theJapanese system. Film sequences include everyday life and instruction in
Japanese elementary classrooms, the home and school life of a high school
girl, the supporting role of Japanese mothers, and the daily activities ofJapanese teachers. Juku, examination pressures, and university admissions
are also treated.

87

89

Some Brief Facts About Japan
Land and People
Japan has a population of 120,000,000, about half 0,Pt of theUnited States. It is one of the most densely populated countries
in the world, with a total land area about the sin of Montana.
The land is a chain of volcanic islands, four-fifths mountainous,
spread overa 2,000 mile arc off the Northeast Asian mainland(see map).
Japanese life expectancy in 1985 was among the longest in

the worldabout 80 years of age for women and 74 for men.
Most Japanese follow the Buddhist and Shinto (native
Japanese) religious traditions. Neither is an exclusive religion
and most Japanese observe both. Confucian ethics have apervasive influence in Japanese thought and life. There are about

one and half million Christians in Japan.

EconomyA major power in world markets, Japan's economic successis the product of a well educated, industrious work force, a highsavings rate, effective business leadership, and national policies

for the promotion and development of foreign trade. The
economies of Japan and the United States are increasingly

related. Javan is second only to Canada in volume of trade with
the U.S. Although the large U.S. trade deficit with Japan has
become a major concern, in 1984 Japanese purchases from the
U.S. were close to the the value of U.S. exports to the United
Kingdom, France, and West Germany combined. The U.S. andJapan together account for 35 percent of world GNP and 50 per-cent of the free world GNP.

Government
Japan is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary
government of three branches: legislative (the bicameral Dietwith its House of Representatives and House of Councillors);

executive, consisting of the Cabinet headed by the Prime
Minister; and judicial. The Liberal Democratic Party has controlled the government since the founding of the party in 1955.
The country is divided administratively into 47 prefectures, butdoes not have a federal system of government. The prefectures
are not sovereign entities with the independent authority andfinancial capability of American states. However, prefectural
governors and assembly members and municipal mayors andassembly members are popularly elected.

Sources of Information: U.S. Department of State and U.S.
Department of Commerce.

88

91

OERI Research Teamfor theU.S. Study of Education in Japan
Robert Leestma, Director(0ERI, U.S. Department of Education)

Nobuo Shhnahara(Associate Dean, Graduate School of Education, Rutgers
University; first year, full-time on leave of absence, thenpart-time as consultant and senior advisor)

Robert L. August(on loan from the Library of Congress)

Daniel P. Antonoplos(0ERI, U.S. Department of Education)

Lawrence P. Grayson(DEAL U.S. Department of Education)

Tetsuo Okada(0ERI, U.S. Department of EduCation)
Nevzer G. Stacey(0ERI, U.S. Department of Education)
Consultants for Japanese Education Today:

Lois Peak(Japan specialist)

Betty George(Former comparative education specialist,
U.S. Office of Education)
Clerical staff:

Carol Foley(0ERI, U.S. Department of Education)Charlene Medley(0ERI, U.S. Department of Education)

90

95

United States CULCON Education Subcommittee

Denis P. Doyle
Hudson InstituteEleanor H. Jorden
Professor, Cornell University and Visiting Professor ofJapanese Language and Culture
Williams College

The Subcommittee served as the Advisory Committee for the

U.S. Study of Education in Japan. The current membership as
augmented for the Study:

Kenneth 0. Michel
Vice President, Education and Training (Retired)
General Telephone and Electronics Corporation
Herbert Passin
Professor, East Asian Center
Columbia University

C. Ronald Kimberling, Co-chairman
Assistant Secretary for Postsecondary Education
U.S. Department of Education

Chester E. Finn, Jr., Co-chairman
Assistant Secretary for Educational Research andImprovement and Counselor to the Secretary
U.S. Department of Education
William S. Anderson
Chairman, Executive Committee
NCR Corporation

William F. Pierce
Executive Director
Council of Chief State School Officers
Billy R. Reagan
General Superintendent (Retired)
Houston Independent School District

Justin L. Bloom
President, Technology International, Inc.
Mary Jean Bowman
Professor Emeritus of Economics
University of Chicago

Thomas Rohlen
Professor, Anthropology and International Strategic Institute(Research)
Stanford University

Herbert J. Walberg
Professor, College of Education
University of Illinois at Chicago

Betty Bullard
Director, International Education
College of Education
University of South Carolina

Kenneth D. Whitehead
Deputy Assistant Secretary for Higher Education Programs
U.S. Department of Education

William G. Craig
President, Monterey Institute of International Studies

91

UNITE!) STATESDEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONWASHINGTON D.C. 20208

OFF ICIAI. BUSINESSPENA! TY FOR PRIVATE USE, $300(

11..S.MAIL,)

01IMMRPOSTAOE AND FEES PAID
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCA nom
ED 395NEWS

UNITED STATESDEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONEMBARGOED FOR RELEASE AT 6:30 PM
Saturday, January 3, 1987

Jane Glickman--(202)32-457F
Lou Mathis--(202) 732-4302

JAPANESE EDUCATION OFFERS LESSONSFOR AMERICAN SCHOOLS, BENNETT SAYS
U.S. Secretary of Education William J. Bennett today
said that the main lcaison to be drawn from the Department's

study on Japanese education is this: "Japan has a successful
education systim; we can do it too; we are doing it in someplaces and could do it in a lot more; and we can do it without
sacrificing any of the values that America holds dear."
The Secretary explained, "The Japanese have
implemented the ideal of universal education and seem to haveresolved the quandary over equality and excellence.

In short,

the Japanese successfully practice many of our own ideals.""If we wish to duplicate Japan's educational success,"

Bennett said, "we can do so by remembering our own American
ideals, and by carrying out what our own research tells us
works best."
These are some of the implications that Bennett said
can be drawn from a two-year study of Japanese education
released this week by the U.S. Department of Education.

Japanese Education Today, the first comprehensive
report on education in Japan by the U.S. in over a decade, grewout of a 1983 discussion -- followed by a 1984 agreement -between President Reagan and Prime Minister Nakasone that eachnation would study the other's education system.
-MORE-

-2-

Bennett stated that while Japanese education is by nomeans perfect, "it has been denetv.00- 5."^^°"C"1 "modern Japan with a poweifully competitive economy, a broadly
literate population, a stable democratic government, acivilization in which there is relatively l.ittle crime orviolence, and a functional society wherein the basic
technological infrastructure is sound and reliable.
"One may not attribute these accomplishments entirely
to the education system, but you can't deny that the education

system has strongly reinforced them."
In Japan, education is compulsory for nine years,

beginning at age six.

Curriculum standards are uniform

throughout the country, schools are similar in facilities andteaching methods, textbooks are government approved, and rarely
are there separate tracks, ability groupings, remedial programsor student electives.

Students attend school five-and-a-halfdays a week.
Nearly all Japanese students leaving compulsory
education after ninth grade continue through senior high school,

despite stiff standards and the cost of attending -- averaging
from five to fifteen percent or more of family income.
Both the average level of student achievement and thestudent retention rate through high school are very

high --

some 93 percent of students who enter high school graduate.

-MORE-94

-3-

The Secretary spelled out some differences anddrawbacks in the Japanese.education system, notably the highdegree of control from the central government, weaknesses inhigher education and the lack of attention in public education
for students with individual needs and talents.
With regard to higher education, the report noted thatteaching at that level is of uneven quality, that women comprise
fewer than a quarter of Japanese university students but 90% ofjunior college students, and that only four percent of thetotal postsecondary enrollment is in graduate studies.
The study quoted scholar Edwin Reischauer, who said,"The squandering of four years at the college level on poor
teaching and very little study seems an incredible waste of time
for a nation so passionately devoted to efficiency."
The report also noted slime of the problems of an

educational system that treats all students essentially alike.

For instance, elementary and secondary school children who fallbehind in their studies must secure private remedial assistanceoutside the regular system and at parental expense.
Concerned about such perceived shortcomings in its
education system, Japan has embarked upon a nationwide reformmovement, coincident with the one in the United States.

These

reform movements taking place in both countries were amajor reason for undertaking the simultaneous studies.

The

leaders of both nations agreed that each country might benefit
from the experience of the other.

-MORE-

95

-4-

Both the American and the Japanese studies wereconducted under the general sponsorship of the UnitedStates-Japan Conference on Cultural and Educational Interchange(CULCON).

The Japan-U.S. Friendship Commission, an independent

Federal agency, contributed research funds for the American
study.

The Department of Education's Office of Educational

Research and Improvement (OERI) conducted the U.S. study under
the direction of Assistant Secretary Chester E. Finn, Jr.

OERI's study team was advised by CULCON's 16-member Education
Subcommittee, and a dozen leading scholars on Japanese education
thoroughly reviewed the report at the manuscript stage.
A volume oi scholarly papers produced for the study
will be published next year, providing further details on anumber of aspects of Japanese eduCation.

###

9fi

INFORMATION ABOUT THE JAPANESE STUDYOF EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATESThe Japanese held a press conference in Tokyo on December 26 todiscuss their report on the American educational system, which
will be released here on January-5.
Because of the time difference, January 5 in Japan is January 4
in the United States. Therefore, the studies are being released
simultaneousy.
The press conference was held at the Ministry of Education,
located at 3-2-2 Kasumigaseki, Chiyoda-KU, Tokyo 100.
Mr. Isao Amagi, chairman of the Japanese study team, hosted
the press confeience. Mr. Amagi is special advisor to the
Minister of Education and Director General of the National
Institute of Multi Media Education. For further information
about the Japanese study, contact the press office at the
Ministry of Education. From the United States, call
81-3-581-1585; from Tokyo, call 03-581-1585.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ON U.S. STUDIES
OF.JAPANESE EDUCATION

American interest in Japanese education goes back more than a
In 1872, less than 20 years after Admiral Perry first
century.
sailed into Tokyo Bay, a brief report on education in Japan was
included in the second annual report of the U.S. Commissioner of
Education.
The present report marks the third comprehensive study ofJapanese education published by the federal education agency inthe last 30 years.
The others are: Japan: Three Epochs ofModern Education, published by the U.S. Office of Education(USOE) in 1959; and Education in Japan: A Century of Modern
Development, published by USOE in 1975.
Japanese Education Today is the first study emerging from a
Presidential initiative and the first to be directly sponsored
It also involves a broader range of research and aby CULCON.
wider scope of topics than any single previous effort.

97

Educational Reform in the United States

A Reportof the Japan-U.'S. Cooperative Studyon Educational Reform
made by the Japanese Study Group

SummaryThis report, "Educational Reform in the United States," isconcerned with recent reforms in American secondary and higher

education, and includes related historial and cultural
perspectives.

Reform in education is one of the important and common policy

problems which has faced advanced nations in recent years.

In

August of 1984, the Prime Minister of Japan set up a bpard of
inquiry, the National Council on Educational Reform, which has
siace been making widespread investigations into educational
reform.

This council represents the third educational reformmovement in Japan, following the educational modernization of theearly part of the Meiji Period and the great reforms in education
which occurred after the end of World War Two.

In America, theNational Commission on Excellence in Education, submitted theresulats of its investigations to the Secretary of Education in
April 1984 in a report entitled "A Nation at Risk."This reportaroused great interest in reform in education and came to symtolize

198reform at the federal,
the epoch-making advances in educational

state, and local levels.
in educational reform
In consideration of these movementsof 1984, the U.S.in Japan and the United States,'in JUly
Interchange
Japan Conference on Cultural and Educaitonal
between the Minister of(CULCON) felt the need for "cooperation

Education, Science and Culture in Japan and the U.S. Department
specialists in bothof Education in recruiting groups ofresearch incountries to conduct wide-ranging cooperative
secondary education and its articulation with higher education.
meeting between the thenThen, in Septemter of that year, in a
Yoshio Mori, andMinister of Education, Science and Culture,
Bell, an agreement
the then Secretary of Education, Terrel H.
advice given by CULCON both towas reached on the basis of theinto U.S. andarrange for cooperative research to be conductedthat topic as
Japanese educatin and to hold a joint seminar on
CooperaFive Research
On the Japan side, a U.S.-Japanwell.

President of the National
Group was organized, with Amagi Isao,
its head.
Institute of Multi Media Education was selected as

was established,
On the American side, a reasrch groupthencentering upon the National Institute of Education,

cooperative research was begun.
research group, having a
As for this report, the JapaneseJapan, has
deep interest in current educational reforms intoday is based on
considered the fact that education in Japan
World War Two under theeducational reforms carried out after
has also
great influence of the United States of America, andconsidered the fact that today there
299

is cultural andeducational friction behind U.S.-Japan economic friction, andhas thus while focusing the research-on current movements in

American educational reform, also investigated the relative
historical, social and cultural-backgrounds of these movements,and have so constructed their findings.

At the same time that

the Japanese report is being released, in Washington, the/merican side of the U.S.-Japan Cooperative Research in
Education is releasing its report on the educational situationand ternds in educational reform in Japan.

In the progress of

the reserach, there has been full cooperation between bothgroups, both in terms of the exchange of materials andinformation and in terns of exchanging drafts of the reports
for comments by the other side.

However, responsibility forthe final contents of the reports rests with the respective
group issuing the report.
On the Japan side, the research group was composed ofthirty-three Japanese specialists divided into four teams, theSteering Team (headed by Isao Amagi) , the Secondary Education

Team (headed by Shinjo Okuda), the Science & Mathematics
Education Team (headed by Shigeo Kojima), and the Higher
Education Team (headed by So-ichi Iijima).

Duing 1984, eachgroup focused on gathering materials for investigation andresearch.

During 1985, specialists from each group was sent to

the United States to do field work, and the results of theirresearch were reported.

Also, from October 14 through 17 ofthat year, an International Seminar on Educational Reform washeld in Japan, focusing on Japanese and American specialists
but also including specialists from five other countries, thus

io o

educational
further increasing awareness of the importance ofreform.
conducted,
Based on the process by which the research wasthree areas in
the present report has especially focused on
which American experiences are thought to contain suggestions

for educational reform in Japan.

these three areas are:and higher
secondary education, the articulotion of secondary
education.
education, and undergraduate college or universityof theHowever, it is not our intention that the contents

reforms in it becurrent American educational situation andRather it
proposed as elements of educational reform in Japan.
the research andis our hope that what has been mede clear byinvestigation, the concrete verification of the realities ofAmerican educatonal refOrm and the suggestions

made by thatreform, may be valuable as a reference tool in furthering
consideration of the problems in our own country.
reform in the
The special characteristic of educational
to produce
United States is, if expressed in one phrase,
movements inexcellence in education. There are five concrete
The first is that the initiative in reform has
this effort.
second is that serious
been taken at the state level, theterms of many
consideration is being given to results inemphasis on
standards and measurements, the third is the
fourth is theuniformity and standardization in education, thelearning
importance given to academic subjects and to cognitive
remarkable concern bothin the curriculum, and the fifth is thefor a global
for the forthcoming information society andperspective.

Although the Constitution of the United States gives
control of education to the individual states in a huge country
composed of many different peoples, it has traditionally been
initiative inthe local school districts which have taken the

education.

Now, however, it is the individual states which aretaking the initiative in educational reform, with great carefor opening up educational opportunities and responding toindividual differences, while also emphasizing non-academic
subjects.

Thus, traditional American education, as it strives

to overcome the problems posed by the need for both equalityand diversity, is confronting the challenge of fundamental
reform with secondary education at its nucleus while extendingthat nucleus to include higher education.
What must be done to achieve excellence while at the sametime maintaining both equality and diversity?

This is the main

andpoint of argument in today's educational reform movement,in the effort toone of the sources of the energy necessaryconquer the problems involved.

There are five problems.

The

for thefirst is that of who should bear the responsibility

academic contents of education, although there is generalagreemethe sethat the contents should emphasize cognitive skills;
is the problem of character formation in publicschools, including both the reluctance to regiment values,
and the need forwhich has been prevalant over the last decade,problem of education both
new moral education; the third is thethose who arefor the exceptionally talented child and forschools can avoid
socially disadvantaged; the fourth is how theof incentives from thelosing their independence as a result.5102

from the outside; and the fifth is the problem of how to insure

quality in teachers while at the same tiem having the requisite
nemter of teachers.

Considering the course of today's educational reforms, it
can be seen that American education, in building upon the

traditional ideals of equality and diversity in trying to finda new excellence, is confronted with a dilemma and inflatedwith a kind of crisis outlook.

But these very dilemmas areboth the energy fuelling the reforms, and the vitality ofAmeican education itself.

103