The Proceedings ofAcademic Exchange Weeks 2008
10~29 November,
November, 2008
Peking University
University
University ofWashington

University of Aarhus

Institute of Education
University of London

Christian Hospital
Chandragohna

Kobe University

Australian Catholic
University
University of Western
Australia

Graduate School of Huma
Human Development& Environment,
Environment, Kobe University

The Proceedings ofAcademic Exchange Weeks 2008
10~29 November, 2008
Graduate School GP (Good Practice) Program
Graduate School of Human Development &Environment
KOBE UNIVERSITYᴾᴾ‫ܖ‬ᘐ 9GGMU ‫إ‬ԓᨼʚŹŹο࠰җɟஉҗଐ᳸ʚҗʋଐᅕৎ‫ܖٻܖٻ‬ᨈʴ᧓ႆᢋ࿢‫ܖؾ‬ᄂᆮᅹ‫ܖٻ‬ᨈ )2žദᛢ‫෇ٳ‬ѣƷΪܱƴǑǔ‫ܖٻ‬ᨈ૙ᏋƷܱឋ҄ſ

はじめに
本冊子は 2008 年 11 月 10 日～29 日に神戸大学大学院人間発達環境学研究科で開催された学術 Weeks 2008 のプロシーディングスである。学術 Weeks 2008 は大学院 GP「正課外活動の充実による大学院教育の実質化」および人間発達環境学研究科の国際交流促進の一環として、はじめて実施された。今回の学術 Weeks では様々な分野の国際交流を通して、大学院生が自分の研究を見つめ直し、研究会の企画、運営、発表などの多くのスキルを習得することを主眼としている。また、本研究科で分散して行われている研究活動をある程度集約することで、大学院生が多くの研究領域に接する機会になればという思いで企画した。
本研究科の大学院生の研究に対して、学術 Weeks が何らか貢献できれば幸いである。
なお、各イベントの報告は、大学院生による報告（日本語）と発表言語（英語・日本語）で書かれた研究発表の原稿または要旨とパワーポイントデータの主に二つの部分から成っている。
大学院 GP 学術活動支援グループ

近藤徳彦
中谷彩一郎

PrefaceThis is the Proceedings of Academic Exchange Weeks 2008 (held at Graduate School of
Human Development & Environment, Kobe University on 10-29 November, 2008). We
have arranged this event as a part of the Graduate School GP Project "Giving Substanceto Graduate School Education through Activities outside the Standard Curriculum", andpromoting international exchange in Kobe University Graduate School of Human
Development and Environment. The main purpose of Academic Exchange Weeks 2008is that graduate students have a chance to review their own research, and learn many
research skills. In addition, Academic Exchange Weeks 2008 could give graduate
students an opportunity to be exposed directly to many diverse researches that are
different from their majors because this event gathered various seminars held hear andthere within the weeks in our Graduate School of Human Development andEnvironment. We hope that Academic Exchange Weeks 2008 would become profitablefor graduate students to do their research in this graduate school.
Each chapter of this proceedings consists of two main parts: (1) students’ reports
written in Japanese, and (2) full research papers, or abstracts & powerpoint data inoriginal languages (English or Japanese).
Narihiko KONDO
Saiichiro NAKATANI
iii

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank all the contributors from the eight institutions for theircooperation. We are also grateful to the Graduate School GP (Good Practice) Program
selected and sponsored by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science &Technology (MEXT), and Graduate School of Human Development & Environment,
Kobe University, for their financial assistance.

March, 2009
Editorial Committee of the Proceedings of Academic Exchange Weeks 2008
Graduate School of Human Development & Environment
Kobe University
JAPAN

Copyright © Individual Authors 2009. All Rights Reserved.

iv

目次 / Contents
はじめに / Prefaceiii

Acknowledgements
目次 / Contentsiv
v

I. バングラデシュ報告会 / Bangladesh Report (11/10 (Mon), 2008)「明日への対話～バングラデシュとともに学ぶ～」
大学院生の活動報告 / Students’ reports (in Japanese)13---------------------------------------------------パワーポイント発表原稿 / Powerpoint Presentations (in Japanese)
石原廉人「スウィーパーコロニー（都市清掃者の集落）を訪れて」

6

田阪綾子「グラミン銀行」

8
9

阿波美織「プロティボンディ協会 カルヤニ特殊学校 」
小林洋司「CLC（Christian Leprosy Centre）を訪問して」
宮川眞一「グローバルイシュとしての国際医療保健の現状について＜バングラデシュ

11
13

チャンドラゴーナーでのJOCS派遣医師としての働きを通して＞」

II. ロンドン大学教育大学院（子育て支援） /Institute of Education, University of
London (11/11 (Tue)～13 (Thu), 2008)
The 2nd International Academic Interchange Meeting between the Graduate
School of Human Development and Environment, Kobe University and The
Institute of Education, University of London: What do we learn from the child andfamily support in the UK?
27
Students’ Reports (in Japanese)30---------------------------------------------------Mary Sawtell & Helen Austerberry (Social Science Research Unit, Institute of
Education, University of London)‘Community support in the UK for parents and parents-to-be’
32
Helen Austerberry & Mary Sawtell‘Improving health outcomes for pregnant teenagers, young parents and theirchildren: evidence from UK targeted programmes that provide home andv

community-based support.’

40

Yukano Teramura (Graduate School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe
University / Midwife)‘Meanings of the Combination of Drop-in and Outreach Services: an analysis of thefamily support offered by a university satellite’47
Tetsuya Kuraishi (Graduate School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe
University / Mukogawa Women’s University)‘Development, Practice and Effect of Group-based Parenting Program for
Promoting Parents' Empathy for their Children’
52
III. 西オーストラリア大学（心理学）/ University of Western Australia(11/11 (Tue)～13 (Thu), 2008)
International Symposium with University of Western Australia:
Trans-cultural Psychology
61
Students’ Reports (in Japanese)
63
Review by Professor Masayoshi Morioka (in Japanese)73---------------------------------------------------David Morrison (School of Psychology, University of Western Australia)‘Workplace Safety Performance: The problem with facet aggregation and theimplied mediational role of cognitive failure’
75
Mike Anderson (Neurocognitive Development Unit, School of Psychology,
University of Western Australia)‘The Cognitive Neuroscience of General Intelligence’89
Kazuo Nakamura (Graduate School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe
University)‘On the mechanism of the genesis of representation in L. S. Vygotsky’s
psychological theory’ (Abstract)98
Chie Nakade (Graduate School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe
University)‘Rough-and-tumble play and expressive aggressive behavior― How do they occur and develop in late childhood ? ―’100viIV. オーフス大学（分子物理学）/ Aarhus University (11/11 (Tue)～13 (Thu), 2008)
107
Students’ Reports (in Japanese)
108
Hans Uffe Sperling-Petersen (Aarhus Univeristy, Denmark)‘The bacterial translation initiation factor IF2 - a target candidate for species
specific drug design’ (Abstract & Powerpoint)
111
Café Style Seminar: Doing Science Overseas
Nobuko Ohmido (Graduate School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe
University)‘Studying Science in Foreign Countries’ (Abstract & Powerpoint)
117
Hans Uffe Sperling-Petersen‘Science Studies at Aarhus University’ (Abstract & Powerpoint)120

V. 北京大学（Peking University）との学術交流会
柴彦威教授（北京大学城市与環境学院）連続講義
大学院生の活動報告

129131---------------------------------------------------柴彦威「時間地理学」（Powerpoint）
柴彦威「中国都市における時間利用と活動空間」（Powerpoint）
柴彦威「中国都市における単位制度およびその変化」（Powerpoint）

133
142
151

テーマ「日中大都市の時空間地理学」

VI. オーストラリア・カトリック大学（教育科学・ESD）/Australian Catholic University
Education for Sustainability Seminar (11/25 (Tue), 2008)
157
Dr Lyn Carter (Australian Catholic University, Melbourne)
Australian Sustainable Schools Initiative - What's going on in schools and inteacher education programs? – (Abstract & Powerpoint)
158

VII. 西オーストラリア大学（スポーツ科学）/ University of Western Australia (Sports
Science) (11/25 (Tue) & 26 (Wed), 2008)
Students’ Reports (in Japanese)---------------------------------------------------vii

171
173

Daniel J Green(Research Institute for Sport and Exercise Sciences, Liverpool John Moores
University; School of Sport Science, Exercise and Health, The University ofWestern Australia)‘Exercise as vascular medicine’ (Abstract & Powerpoint)
174
Anna Ooue (Graduate School of Human Development and Environment, Kobe
University)‘Comparison of blood flow in conduit arteries and veins in the upper arm duringpassive heating and leg exercises in humans’ (Abstract & Powerpoint)
183
Jian Lin (Graduate School of Human Development and Environment, Kobe
University)‘Thermoregulatory responses during prolonged intermittent exercise at medium
intensity’ (Abstract & Powerpoint)
187
Tatsuro Amano (Faculty of Human Development, Kobe University)‘The heat loss responses to isometric exercise under mildly hyperthermic conditionsin sprinters and distance runners’ (Abstract & Powerpoint)
191
Nobuko Harada (Graduate School of Human Development and Environment, Kobe
University)‘The effects of a dual-task on step reaction to soft surface ground in older adults’(Abstract & Powerpoint)
195

VIII. ワシントン大学（シティズンシップ教育）/ University of Washington
NEW TREND OF CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION IN USA (11/27 (Thu)～29 (Sat), 2008)

201
204

Students’ Reports (in Japanese)---------------------------------------------------Susumu Oshihara (Ehime University)‘Flexible Citizenship and History Education Based Course of Study (2008) inJapan’ (in Japanese with an English Abstract)
206

viii

Walter Parker (University of Washington)‘Global Citizenship" and the "International Education" Movement: A Case Study of
U.S. Schools Today’
215
Carol Coe (University of Washington)‘Developing citizenship skills through deliberative discussions: Exploring thePractice/Action Distinction’228
Workshops:
Walter Parker, ‘Deliberative discussion for democratic citizenship education: A
demonstration of a Structured Academic Controversy unit’ (Handouts) 247
Carol Coe, ‘Deliberative discussion for democratic citizenship education: A
demonstration of a Choices for the 21st Century unit’ (Handouts)
252

Editors’ Postscript

259

ix

x


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ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ
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੹࿁ߩࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ⸰໧ߦߪ‫ޔ‬㧞ߟߩࠦ࡯ࠬ㧔⊒㆐ᡰេ⺰‫␠ޔ‬ળⅣႺ⺰㧕ߩ㒮↢߇ෳടߒߚ‫ޕ‬ෳട㒮↢ߪ‫⎇ࠄ⥄ޔ‬ⓥ㑐ᔃߩ㜞޿ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘߩࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ߣࠦࡦ࠲ࠢ࠻ࠍߣࠅ‫ޔ‬
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Development㧕ߦ౒ㅢߔࠆ߽ߩߪ૗߆‫ߪߜߚ⑳ߡߒߘޔ‬૗ࠍߤߩࠃ߁ߦ⺆ࠅ‫ⴕޔ‬േߒߡ޿ߌ߫ࠃ޿ߩ߆㧫੹࿁ߩࠪࡦࡐࠫ࠙ࡓߢߪ‫⺖ߩࠄࠇߎޔ‬㗴ߦߟ޿ߡ࠺ࠖࠬࠞ࠶࡚ࠪࡦߒߚ‫ޕ‬㧝 ⥄Ꮖ⚫੺㧞 ࡆ࠺ࠝ᡼ᤋ㧟 ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘࡇࡦࡐࠗࡦ࠻ࡊ࡟ࡆࡘ࡯㧠 ࡄࡀ࡜࡯ߩႎ๔
⍹ේ㧦ࠬࠗ࡯ࡄ࡯ࠦࡠ࠾࡯‫↰ޔ‬㒋㧦ࠣ࡜ࡒࡦࡃࡦࠢ‫ޔ‬㒙ᵄ㧦ࡊࡠ࠹ࠖࡐࡦ࠺ࠖදળ‫ޔ‬ዊᨋ㧦࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽࡮ࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻ᢎ∛㒮㧡 ࡄࡀ࡞࠺ࠖࠬࠞ࠶࡚ࠪࡦ Ԙࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ߩႎ๔ ԙᄢቇ㒮 GP ⊛ᗧ๧ Ԛ੹ᓟߦะߌߡ
╙ੑㇱ ‫ߩߡߒߣࡘࠪࠗ࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޡ‬࿖㓙ක≮଻ஜߩ⃻⁁ߦߟ޿ߡ㧨ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ ࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽࡯ߢߩ JOCS ᵷ㆜කᏧߣߒߡߩ௛߈ࠍㅢߒߡ㧪‫ޢ‬
㧔15㧦00—17㧦00㧕 ⻠Ꮷ㧦ችᎹ⋿৻᳁ ࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽࡮ࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻ᢎ∛㒮ᵷ㆜කᏧ ࡊࡠࡈࠖ࡯࡞
ᗲᇫ⋵ቝ๺ፉᏒ↢߹ࠇ‫ޕ‬หㇹߩ᡿ጤ᧛᣹᳁㧔ర JOCS㧔Japan Overseas Christian Medical
Cooperative Service㧦ᣣᧄࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻ᢎᶏᄖක≮දജળ㧕ࡀࡄ࡯࡞ᵷ㆜ࡢ࡯ࠞ࡯㧕ߦᓇ㗀ࠍฃߌ‫ޔ‬ᶏᄖක≮දജࠍᔒߔ‫␹ޕ‬ቇㇱࠍ⚻ߡකቇㇱ߳ㅴቇ‫ޔ‬ᔃ≮ౝ⑼කߦ‫ޕ‬2005 ᐕ 9᦬‫ޔ‬JOCS ࡢ࡯ࠞ࡯ߣߒߡࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ߳⿞છ‫⺆ޕ‬ቇ╬ߩ⎇ୃࠍ⚳߃ߡ 2006 ᐕ 5 ᦬࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽࡮ࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻ᢎ∛㒮ߢᵴേ㐿ᆎ‫ޕ‬2008 ᐕ‫ޔ‬㧝ᦼ⋡ߩછᦼࠍ⚳߃ߡ‫⃻ޔ‬࿷ߦ⥋ࠆ‫ޕ‬‫ޟ‬᣿ᣣ߳ߩኻ⹤‫ߦ߽ߣߣࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃ̅ޠ‬ቇ߱̅ ႎ๔ᦠੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼⊒㆐ᡰេ⺰ࠦ࡯ࠬ㒙ᵄ⟤❱
 ⑳ߚߜߪ 2008 ᐕ 2 ᦬ 18 ᣣ߆ࠄ 28 ᣣߩ 10 ᣣ㑆‫ߦࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޔ‬ᷰ⥶ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ᷰ⥶⋡⊛ߪ‫ࠍ⑳ޔ‬฽߼ߡࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘࠬ࠲࠺ࠖ࠷ࠕ࡯ෳട㒮↢㧔એਅ‫ޔ‬ෳട㒮↢㧕߇਎⇇ᦨ⽺࿖ߩ߭ߣߟߣ޿ࠊࠇߡ޿ࠆࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘߦ߅޿ߡ‫ߩ⨲ޔ‬ᩮ࡟ࡌ࡞ߢ࿾㆏ߦ↢ᵴᡷༀߦขࠅ
⚵ࠎߢ޿ࠆੱ‫⁁ߥ߁ࠃߩߘޔ❱⚵ޔ‬ᴫ߿ᆫ൓߆ࠄߘࠇߙࠇߩ໧㗴㑐ᔃߦᒁ߈ઃߌߡ‫ޟ‬ቇ߱‫ޠ‬ߎߣߢ޽ߞߚ‫ߩߘߪߜߚ⑳ޔߡߒߘޕ‬ᚑᨐࠍ‫ޔ‬11 ᦬ߦⴕࠊࠇߚ‫ޟ‬ᄢቇ㒮 GP ቇⴚ weeks 2008‫ޠ‬ߦߡႎ๔ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ ႎ๔ળߪ‫ޟޡ‬᣿ᣣ߳ߩኻ⹤‫ޠ‬㧙ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘߣߣ߽ߦቇ߱‫ߣޢ‬㗴ߒߡੑㇱ᭴ᚑߢⴕࠊࠇ
ߚ‫৻╙ޕ‬ㇱߪ‫ޡ‬DEVE ቇߩࠬࠬࡔ‫ࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޔߡߒߣޢ‬ᷰ⥶ߦෳടߒߚᄢቇ㒮↢߇ࠦ࡯࠺ࠖࡀ࡯࠲࡯‫ࠍ࠻ࠬ࡝ࡀࡄޔ‬ോ߼ࠆࡄࡀ࡞࠺ࠖࠬࠞ࠶࡚ࠪࡦᒻᑼߢㅴ߼ࠄࠇߚ‫ޕ‬‫ޡ‬DEVEቇ‫ ߩ⺆⧷ޔߪߣޢ‬development ࠍ⇛ߒߚ⸒⪲ߢ޽ࠆ‫ޔߪࡑ࡯࠹ߩߎޕ‬ᄢቇ㒮↢ߦࠃࠆ੐೨
ߩࡒ࡯࠹ࠖࡦࠣߦ߅޿ߡ‫ޔ‬‫ޟ‬development ߣߪ‫‛ޔ‬ℂ⊛ߥᛛⴚ࡮㐿⊒ߦ⇐߹ࠄߕ‫ޔ‬ෳട㒮↢ߩኾ㐷㗔ၞߢ޽ࠆ␠ળⅣႺ߿ᢎ⢒࡮ᡰេߣ޿ߞߚᄙ㗔ၞߦ߅ߌࠆࠠ࡯ࡢ࡯࠼ߢ޽ࠆ‫޿ߣޠ‬
߁౒ㅢℂ⸃ߩ߽ߣ⸳ቯߐࠇߚ‫ߩߜߚߒߚࠊޕ‬ኾ㐷㗔ၞߪߺߥ⇣ߥߞߡߪ޿ߚ߇‫ޔ‬
development㧔㐿⊒߿⊒㆐ߣ⸶ߖ߫㧕ࠍ߼ߋࠆ⎇ⓥߦขࠅ⚵ࠎߢ޿ࠆߎߣ߿‫ߣ࡞࠽ࠫ࡯ࡑޔ‬ߐࠇߡ޿ࠆߎߣߦኻߒߡὶὐࠍᒰߡߚⷞὐࠍᜬߜวࠊߖߡ޿ࠆߎߣߪ౒ㅢߒߡ޿ߚ‫߁ߘޕ‬ߒߚ⋧㆑ὐࠍᗧ⼂ߒߥ߇ࠄ‫߿ޘੱߩࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޔߪߜߚߒߚࠊޔ‬ᓐࠄߩ᥵ࠄߒࠍ⋡ߩᒰߚࠅߦߒ‫⺖ߢߎߘޔ‬㗴⸃᳿ߦขࠅ⚵߻⚵❱߿㓸࿅ߦ⸅ࠇࠆߎߣߢ⾆㊀ߥ⚻㛎ࠍߒߡ߈ߚ
ߎߣࠍႎ๔ߒߚ‫৻╙ޕ‬ㇱߢߪ‫ޔ‬ෳട㒮↢ߘࠇߙࠇ߇ᓧߚߘߩ⚻㛎෸߮ቇ⠌ߒߚߎߣࠍ
development ߣ޿߁ࠠ࡯ࡢ࡯࠼ࠍਛᔃߦႎ
๔ߔࠆ߽ߩߢ޽ߞߚ‫ޕ‬ ౕ૕⊛ߥࡊࡠࠣ࡜ࡓߪ‫ޔ‬Ԙࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘߩ᭎ⷐ㧔ࡆ࠺ࠝ᡼ᤋ࡮㒮↢ߦࠃࠆࡇࡦࡐࠗࡦ࠻ࡊ࡟ࡆࡘ࡯㧕ԙ㒮↢ߦࠃࠆࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢႎ๔
Ԛ‫ޟ‬DEVE ቇ‫ࠪ࠶ࠞࠬࠖ࠺ߚߒߦࡑ࡯࠹ࠍޠ‬࡚ࡦߢ޽ߞߚ‫ޕ‬ ߹ߕߪ‫ߩࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޔ‬᭎ⷐࠍࡆ࠺ࠝ᡼
ᤋ࡮㒮↢ߩࡇࡦࡐࠗࡦ࠻ࡊ࡟ࡆࡘ࡯ߦࠃߞߡ

ࡄࡀ࡞࠺ࠖࠬࠞ࠶࡚ࠪࡦߩశ᥊

ႎ๔ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ᰴߦ‫ߩࠇߙࠇߘޔ‬㒮↢߇⥄ࠄߩ⎇ⓥ㑐ᔃߩ㜞޿ࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ߦᷰ⥶೨ߦࠕࡐࠗࡦ࠻ࠍߣࠅ‫ߚߒࠢ࡯ࡢ࠼࡞࡯ࠖࡈޔ‬࿅૕ߩႎ๔
ࠍⴕߞߚ‫ޕ‬ႎ๔ߒߚࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ߪ‫࡯࠾ࡠࠦ࡯ࡄ࡯ࠗࠬ࡮ࠢࡦࡃࡦࡒ࡜ࠣޔ‬㧔᝹㒰ߚߜߣߘߩኅᣖߩ㓸⪭㧕࡮࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽ࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻ᢎ∛㒮㧔࿾ၞක≮ߦജࠍ౉ࠇࠆ∛㒮ߢ޽ࠅࡂࡦ

࠮ࡦ∛∛㒮ࠍ૬⸳ߒߡ޿ࠆ㧕࡮ࡊࡠ࠹ࠖࡏࡦ࠺ࠖදળ㧔ᣣᧄߢ޿߁․೎ᡰេቇᩞ㧕ߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ႎ๔ߢߪ‫ࠍࠢ࡯ࡢ࠼࡞࡯ࠖࡈޔ‬ㅢߒߡ‫ࠆ޿ߡߞߎ⿠ߢࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޔ‬໧㗴ߣߘߩ໧㗴ߩ⸃᳿ߦะߌߡฦ࿅૕߇ขࠅ⚵ࠎߢ޿ࠆᵴേߦߟ޿ߡߩ᭎ⷐ߇‫ޔ‬ᄙ᭽ߥⷞὐ߆ࠄߥߐࠇߚ‫ޕ‬⒩᜕ߢߪ޽ߞߚ߇‫ޔ‬ෳട㒮↢߇ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘߩⅣႺ߿ੱ‫ࠄ߆ޘ‬ቇࠎߛߎߣ߇චಽߦવࠊ
ߞߡߊࠆࠃ߁ߥႎ๔ߢ޽ߞߚߣᕁ߁‫ޕ‬ ᰴߦ‫⚻ߩࠇߙࠇߘޔ‬㛎‫⚻ߩߘߡߒߘޔ‬㛎ߩಽᨆ߆ࠄ‫ޟ‬DEVE ቇ‫ࠍ߆ࠆߚࠎߥߪߣޠ‬ㅀߴวߞߚ‫ࠆ޽ޕ‬㒮↢ߪ‫ઁޔ‬㗔ၞߩෳട⠪‫ߩߘߚ߹ޔ‬⠨߃ᣇߣߩ੤ᵹߘࠇ⥄૕߇‫ޟ‬DEVE ቇ‫ޠ‬ߢ޽ࠅ‫ߩࠄ⥄ޔ‬ኾ㐷⍮⼂ߦ㊀ߥࠆᣂߚߥ⍮⼂ߩ⫾Ⓧ߇‫ޟ‬DEVE ቇ‫ߩޠ‬ዷ㐿ߦㅢߓࠆߩߢߪ
ߥ޿߆ߣㅀߴߚ‫⥄ޕ‬ಽߩ໧㗴㑐ᔃ߆ࠄ㆙޿㗔ၞߩࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ߦ⿷ࠍㆇ߱ߎߣߪ‫ޔ‬ంധߥߎߣߢߪ޽ࠆ߇‫ޔ‬ᣂߚߥቇ⠌ࠍ↢ߺ಴ߔᯏળߢ߽޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬㒮↢ߘࠇߙࠇ߇‫ߩߎޔ‬ᷰ⥶ࠍㅢߒߡ⥄ಽߩ໧㗴㑐ᔃߦᣂߚߥⷞὐࠍᜬߜㄟ߻ߎߣ߳ߩᗧ⟵ࠍ⷗಴ߒߚߣ޿߃ࠆߩ߆߽ߒࠇߥ޿‫ޕ‬ ߹ߚ޽ࠆ㒮↢ߪߘࠇߦ㑐ㅪߒߡ‫ޔ‬‫ޟ‬ᐲ㊂ߩᐢߐ‫ޟ߇ޠ‬DEVE ቇ‫ߪߦޠ‬ᔅⷐߢ޽ࠆߎߣࠍㅀ
ߴߚ‫ߪߢࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޕ‬㓏ጀߦࠃࠆᏅ೎߇ᧂߛᱷߞߡ߅ࠅ‫઀ޔ‬੐ߦዞߌࠆ⡯⒳ߪりಽߢ᳿߹ߞߡ޿ࠆ႐ว߇޽ࠆ‫৻ޕ‬ᣇߢߪ‫ޔ‬りಽߩ㆑߁߽ߩߣߩㅪ៤ࠍផߒ㊂ࠈ߁ߣߒߡ޿ࠆᵴ
േ߇޽ࠆ‫ࠆ޽ޔߚ߹ޕ‬㓸࿅ߪ‫⥄ޔ‬ಽߚߜߩ઀੐ࠍ਎ߩਛߦ⊒ାߒߡ޿ߚ‫ޘੱߥ߁ࠃߩߎޕ‬߆ࠄࠊࠇࠊࠇߪ‫ޔ‬ᨒߦߪ߼ㄟ߹ࠇߚ↢ᵴⅣႺߦ቟ᔃ࡮ḩ⿷ߔࠆߛߌߢߪߥߊ‫⇣ߪߣࠇߘޔ‬ߥࠆᣂߚߥⷰὐࠍ߽ฃߌ޿ࠇߥ߇ࠄ‫ߩ⼂⹺ޔ‬ᨒ⚵ߺࠍ᜛ᄢߒߡ޿ߊߎߣߩ಴᧪ࠆ᭴߃ߩ㊀ⷐߐߦߟ޿ߡ⠨߃ߐߖࠄࠇߚ᳇߇ߔࠆ‫ޕ‬‫ޟ‬ᐲ㊂ߩᐢߐ‫ߩ⼂⹺ޔࠅ޽ߢޠ‬ᨒ⚵ߺࠍ᜛ᄢߒߡ޿
ߊ᭴߃ߪ‫ઁޔ‬㧔ᄙ㧕ࠍฃߌ౉ࠇࠆߎߣߩߢ߈ࠆᔃߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬એ਄ߩࠃ߁ߥ‫ޟ‬DEVE ቇ‫࠹ࠍޠ‬࡯ࡑߦߒߚ㒮↢ห჻ߩ⼏⺰ߪ‫ޔ‬ฦ‫ߩޘ‬ኾ㐷㗔ၞߢ᭴▽ߐࠇߡ߈ߚ⥄ାࠍំࠆ߇ߔ߽ߩ߆߽
ߒࠇߥ޿‫ޔߒ߆ߒޕ‬‫ޟ‬DEVE ቇ‫ߪޠ‬ኾ㐷ᕈࠍᒝൻߒߡ޿ࠆ⃻ઍߦ߅޿ߡ‫ޔ‬ᣂߚߥน⢻ᕈࠍ⷗಴ߖࠆ߽ߩ
ߢߪߥ޿ߛࠈ߁߆‫ޕ‬ ߎߩࠃ߁ߥ⊒⴫ߩᓟ‫╙ޔ‬ੑㇱߦ߅޿ߡ࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽ࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻
ᢎ∛㒮ߢ௛ߊችᎹකᏧߩ⻠Ṷળ߇㐿௅ߐࠇߚ‫߅ߦࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޕ‬ߌࠆችᎹකᏧߩ⚻㛎ࠍ⡞ߊਛߢ߽‫ޟ‬DEVE ቇ‫߇⚛ⷐߩޠ‬ᷓߊ‫ߒߘޔ‬ችᎹవ↢ߦࠃࠆ⻠Ṷߡᄙጘߦᷰߞߡᢔࠅ߫߼ࠄࠇߡ޿ߚࠃ߁ߦᕁ߁‫ޔ߇⑳ޕ‬ችᎹකᏧߩ⻠Ṷࠍ⡞߈ߥ߇ࠄ‫ߎޔ‬ߩࠃ߁ߦᗵߓࠄࠇߚ߹ߐߦߘߩߎߣ߇‫ޔ‬development ߦߟ޿ߡ⥄ࠄ⠨߃ࠍᷓ߼ࠆߎߣ߇ߢ
߈ߚߣ޿߁ᚑᨐߢ޽ࠆߣ⏕ାߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬੹࿁ߩࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘႎ๔ળߪ‫ߩࠄ⥄ޔ‬㗔ၞࠍౣ⏕⹺ߒ‫ߚ߹ޔ‬ᄙ㗔ၞࠍ⍮ࠆߎߣߩ㊀ⷐᕈ߿‫⥄ޔ‬ಽߩኾ㐷㗔ၞߢߪߥ޿ᄙ㗔ၞߩⷞὐ߆ࠄ␠ળ໧㗴ࠍ⼂㧔ߒ㧕ࠆᯏળߢ޽ߞߚߣ޿
߁ᗧ๧ߢ㕖Ᏹߦଔ୯ߩ޽ࠆႎ๔ળߢ޽ߞߚ‫ޕ‬ෳടࠬ࠲࠶ࡈ㒮↢ߩჿ ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘႎ๔ળߪ‫⥄ޔ‬ಽ⥄りߦߣߞߡ㕖Ᏹߦ᦭ᗧ⟵ߥ߽ߩߢߒߚ‫ޕ‬ቇⴚ Weeks ߩߥ߆ߢ੹࿁ߩࠃ߁ߥႎ๔ળࠍડ↹ߢ߈ߚߎߣࠍ㕖Ᏹߦ᦭ࠅ㔍ߊᕁߞߡ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬ ߣ޿߁ߩ߽‫ߦࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޔ‬ᷰ⥶ߒߡ᭽‫߿ੱߥޘ‬ⓨ᳇ߦ⸅ࠇ‫ߪߜߚ⑳ޔ‬㕖Ᏹߦ᦭ᗧ⟵ߥᤨ㑆ࠍㆊߏߔߎߣ߇ߢ߈߹ߒߚ‫ߩߘޔߒ߆ߒޕ‬૕㛎߿૕㛎߆ࠄ⠨߃ߚߎߣߪ‫ޔ‬ᷰ⥶ߒߚ㒮↢ߘࠇߙࠇߩߥ߆ߢࠢࡠ࡯࠭࠼ߦ㐽ߓㄟ߼ࠄࠇߡ޿ߚ߹߹ߢߒߚ‫ޔࠍࠇߘޕ‬ᄙߊߩቇ↢߿㑐ଥ⠪ߦ⡞޿ߡ޿ߚߛߌࠆ႐߇ߢ߈ߚߣ޿߁ᗧ๧ߢࠊߚߒ⥄りߔߞ߈ࠅߒߚߣ޿߁ㇱಽ߇޽ߞߚ߆ࠄߢߔ‫ޔߚ߹ޕ‬ႎ๔ળߦߪችᎹవ↢߽߈ߡ޿ߚߛ߈‫ߒߚࠊߣࡘࠪ࠺࡜ࠣࡦࡃޔ‬ߚߜ߇⛮⛯⊛ߦ㑐ଥࠍ଻ߞߡ޿ߊ߈ߞ߆ߌߣߒߡ߽⦟޿ᯏળߢ޽ߞߚߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬ᦨᓟߦ໧㗴ὐߦߟ޿ߡᦠ޿ߡ߅ߊߣ‫ޔ‬ႎ๔ળࠍࡄࡀ࡞࠺ࠖࠬࠞ࠶࡚ࠪࡦᒻᑼߣ޿߁࠴ࡖ࡟
ࡦࠫࡦࠣߥᒻᘒߢⴕߞߚߎߣ߽޽ࠅ‫ޔ‬ෳട⠪ߩḩ⿷ᐲ߇޿߆߶ߤߢ޽ߞߚ߆ߣ޿߁ὐߦ㑐ߒߡߪ‫⇼ߒߎߔޔ‬໧߇ᱷߞߡ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬ ޿ࠈ޿ࠈߣᕁ߁ߣߎࠈߪ޽ࠅ߹ߔ߇‫ޔ‬㕖Ᏹߦ᦭ᗧ⟵ߥᤨ㑆ߦߥߞߚߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬㧔ዊᨋᵗม ✚วੱ㑆⑼ቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ੱ㑆ᒻᚑ⑼ቇኾ᡹ੱ㑆ᒻᚑ⺰⻠ᐳ㧕ߚߊߐࠎߩᣇ‫ޕߔߢߚߞ߆ߒࠇ߁߈ߛߚ޿ߡ᧪ߦޘ‬௢⥄り‫ޔ‬ᄙߊߩੱࠍ೨ߦႎ๔ࠍߒߚߎ
ߣߢ‫ޔ‬ᚑ㐳ߔࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߚߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫࡜ࠣࡦࡃޕ‬ႎ๔ળߩ⚻㛎ࠍߎࠇ߆ࠄߩੱ↢ߦ↢߆ߒߡ޿߈ߚ޿ߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬㧔⍹ේᑇੱ ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ੱ㑆ⅣႺቇኾ᡹␠ળⅣႺ⺰ࠦ࡯ࠬ㧕߫ߚ߫ߚߣḰ஻ߒߚႎ๔ળߛߞߚߚ߼‫ޔ‬ෳട⠪߆ࠄߩ⾰໧ߦචಽߦ╵߃ࠆߎߣ߇಴᧪ߥ޿
႐㕙߽޽ࠅ߹ߒߚ߇‫޿߆ߚߚ޽ޔ‬ෳട⠪ߩᣇ‫ޔࠄ߆ޘ‬ㅒߦ⑳⥄り߇ߚߊߐࠎߩ੐ታ߿ⷞὐ
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ߥߞߚችᎹవ↢ߣౣ߮ળ߃ࠆᯏળߣߒߡߣߡ߽ᭉߒߺߦߒߡ޿ߚႎ๔ળߢߔ߇‫࡜ࠣࡦࡃޔ‬࠺ࠪࡘ߿ࠣ࡜ࡒࡦ㌁ⴕߦ㑐ᔃࠍ߽ߟෳട⠪ߩᄙߐߦ㛳߈‫ޔ‬ႎ๔ળࠍㅢߒߡࡃࡦࠣ࡜‫߆ߥޟ‬߹‫߇ޠ‬Ⴧ߃ߚߎߣࠍߣߡ߽߁ࠇߒߊᗵߓߡ޿߹ߔ‫߽ࠄ߆ࠇߎޕ‬᛬ߦ⸅ࠇࡃࡦࠣ࡜‫ޠ߹߆ߥޟ‬ߩベࠍᐢߍߡ޿߈ߚ޿ߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬㧔↰㒋✍ሶ ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ੱ㑆ⅣႺቇኾ᡹␠ળⅣႺ⺰ࠦ࡯ࠬ㧕*ߥ߅‫ߩ࠻ࡦࡌࠗᧄޔ‬రߦߥߞߚࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ⸰໧㧔2008 ᐕ 2 ᦬㧕ߦߟ޿ߡߩ
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ίᣃࠊฌੈᎍỉᨼᓳὸửᚧủề㽳ਇẖ䊶ਇᵺ䈫䈇䈦䈢ⷰᔨ䈏⛘䈋䈝䈧䈐䉁䈫䈉䈢䉄䇮䉦䊷䉴䊃ᐨ೉䈱ᦨૐ૏䈮䈇䈢ᷡ᝹ੱ䉦䊷䉴䊃䈏઀੐䉕ᜂ䈦䈩䈐䈢䇯ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼␠ળⅣႺ⺰䉮䊷䉴
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ԘㇺᏒᷡ᝹ㇱ㐷ߩ᳃༡ൻߦߟ޿ߡ࡮࡮࡮
‫ޟ‬᳃༡ൻߦࠃߞߡ
᳃༡ൻߦࠃߞߡ‫ޔ‬ߦࠃߞߡ‫ޔ‬ᷡ᝹⠪ߩᷡ᝹⠪ߩ㓹↪߇㓹↪߇ᷫዋߔࠆ߆
ᷫዋߔࠆ߆߽ߒࠇߥ޿ߩߢਇ቟
߽ߒࠇߥ޿ߩߢਇ቟ߢ޽ࠆ
ਇ቟ߢ޽ࠆ‫ޠޕ‬ߢ޽ࠆ‫ޠޕ‬ԙઁᢎᓤߩᷡ᝹ᬺෳ౉ߦߟ޿ߡ࡮࡮࡮
‫ઁޟ‬ᢎᓤ߇
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ᷡ᝹ഭ௛ߦෳ౉ߒߡߊࠆߩߪ
ෳ౉ߒߡߊࠆߩߪ‫ޔ‬ߒߡߊࠆߩߪ‫ࠗࡑޔ‬࠽ࠬߢߪߥߊᚒ
࠽ࠬߢߪߥߊᚒ‫޽ߢࠬ࡜ࡊࠈߒ߻ߡߞߣߦޘ‬ࠆ‫ޕ‬ᚒ‫઀ߩޘ‬੐ߩ઀੐ߩㄆߐࠍઁ
ߐࠍઁߩੱߦ߽ࠊ߆ߞߡ
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‫ޟ‬ᷡ᝹ഭ௛એᄖߩ
ᷡ᝹ഭ௛એᄖߩ઀੐ߦ߽
઀੐ߦ߽‫ޔ‬ߦ߽‫ࠎࠈߜ߽ޔ‬ዞ߽ߜࠈࠎዞ߈ߚ޿
߇‫ޔ‬Ꮕ೎߇޽ࠆߚ߼
Ꮕ೎߇޽ࠆߚ߼㔍߇޽ࠆߚ߼㔍ߒ޿‫ޠޕ‬ߒ޿‫ޠޕ‬

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Ⲣ⾗䉕ฃ䈔䈩䋬▫䈱᧚ᢱ䋨䋱䈧ಽ䋲䉺䉦䋩䉕઀౉䉏䋬ᚑᒻᓟ䋲䋮䋳䉺䉦䈪ᄁ䉎䇯৻ᣣਛ૞ᬺ䈚䈩୘⒟ᐲ૞䉎䈖䈫䈏䈪䈐䉎䇯Ⓙ䈇䈣䈍㊄䈪ሶ䈬䉅䉕ቇᩞ䈮ㅢ䉒䈞䈢䇯‐䈱㘺⢒Ⲣ⾗䉕ฃ䈔䈩䋬䊋䊮䉫䊤䊂䉲䊠↥䈱‐䈫ᄖ࿖↥䈱‐䈱ᷙว⒳䉕⾼
౉䊶㘺⢒䇯䋱ᣣ⚂䋶Ɛ䈱੃䉕៦䉎䈖䈫䈏䈪䈐䋬䋱Ɛ䈅䈢䉍䉺䉦䈪ᄁ䉏䉎䇯‐䉕㘺䈉䈢䉄䈮䈲䋬㘺⢒䈱ᣇᴺ䉕ቇ䈹䋬‐ዊደ䉕↪ᗧ䈜䉎䋬㘺ᢱ䉕⾼౉䈜䉎䈢䉄䈱⾗㊄䉕↪ᗧ䈜䉎╬䈱᧦ઙ䈏⺖䈘䉏䉎䇯⚻ᷣቇ⠪䊛䊊䊙䊄䊶䊡䊇䉴᳁䈏✚ⵙ䉕ോ䉄䋬⽺࿎ጀ䉕ኻ⽎䈫䈚䈢ૐ
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䈏᝼ਈ䈘䉏䈢䇯

ȗȭȆǣȜȳȇǣң˟ಒᙲȗȭȆǣȜȳȇǣң˟ǫȫȤȋཎഷ‫ܖ‬ఄȷ࠰ᚨᇌŵᚨᇌ࢘ИƔǒჷႎᨦܹδȷᏯࣱȞȒδǁƷૅੲǛᘍƏŵăཎഷ‫ܖ‬ఄȷ˺ಅ৑ȷȪȏȓȪȆȸǷȧȳȗȭǰȩȠሁȷᨦܹδƷǈưƳƘᝢ‫׉‬ᎍƴ‫ݣ‬ƠƯǋૅੲǛᘍƬƯƍǔŵ
ĺ၏ᨈȷ˺ಅ৑
ȷᨦܹδƱ൐‫܇‬ƴ‫ݣ‬ƠƯƷȗȭǰȩȠƸᚕᛖၲඥȷ
ǳȟȥȋǱȸǷȧȳႆᢋƴ᧙Ƣǔώ‫܇‬ƷᣐࠋሁಮŷƋǓŴ‫݅؏ע‬ბ‫ૅ׹‬ੲȗȭǰȩȠǛ࣎ƕƚƯƍǔŵ

ʴ᧓ႆᢋ࿢‫ܖؾ‬ᄂᆮᅹႆᢋૅੲᛯἅὊἋ᧺ඬ ፦ጢ䉦䊦䊟䊆․ᱶቇᩞ

ȐȳǰȩȇǷȥᨦܹᎍૅੲʙऴ
䊶ᐕ䋴᦬䍀㓚ኂ⠪䈱䈢䉄䈱⑔␩᧦଀䍁೙ቯĺ㓚ኂ⠪䈱↢ᵴ଻㓚䉕࿖ኅ⽿ോ䈫⟵ോ䈮䈍䈇䈩ⴕ䈉䇯ĺ,'䋨≮⢒ᚻᏭ䋩䉦䊷䊄䈱㈩Ꮣ
ĺ䊙䉟䉪䊨䊶䉪䊧䉳䉾䊃䈱ឭଏ̪ȐȳǰȩȇǷȥƴƓƍƯᨦܹᎍᅦᅍƸႆ‫ޒ‬െ᨞ƴƋǓŴᨦܹᎍƴ‫ݣ‬Ƣǔ૎ሊƸᡶǈƭƭƋǔ

ĸĹᙻᙾ᚞ጀȷᙻᙾၲඥƱƍǘǕǔǋƷưŴ
˴ǛƠƨƍƷƔƜƷǫȸȉǛ̅ƬƯˡƑǒǕǔǑƏƴ᚞ጀƢǔŵ

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ᗵᗐ
䊶ᣣᧄ䈫䈱
ᣣᧄ䈫䈱Ꮕ⇣
䈫䈱Ꮕ⇣
ĺ⥄Ꮖ᳿ቯ
⥄Ꮖ᳿ቯ䉕
䉕䈉䉃ᢎ⢒ᣇ㊎ᢎ⢒ᣇ㊎⥄Ꮖ᳿ቯ䉕㊀ⷞ䈚䈢㊀ⷞ䈚䈢ᢎ⢒䈚䈢ᢎ⢒䇯ᢎ⢒䇯⥄⊒ᕈ䉕䈉䉃⥄⊒ᕈ䉕䈉䉃
䈏䈫䉌䉏䈩䈇䈢䇯
䈏䈫䉌䉏䈩䈇䈢䇯䊶 䍀 ᄖ 䍁 䈫 䍀 ਛ䍁 䈱 Ꮕĺ䊶䊶ⴝਛ䈮䈅䉎
ⴝਛ䈮䈅䉎․ᱶቇᩞ
䈮䈅䉎․ᱶቇᩞ䇯․ᱶቇᩞ䇯ᄖ䈪䈲ᄙ䈪䈲ᄙ䈒䈱ఽ┬䈒䈱ఽ┬䈏ఽ┬䈏‛਼䈇䉕䈚䈩䈇䉎⃻⁁䈇䉕䈚䈩䈇䉎⃻⁁䇯⃻⁁䇯䊶ቇᩞⷙቯ䈱
ቇᩞⷙቯ䈱೙᦯

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⸰໧䈚䈩

䋱

ᣣᧄ䈮䈍䈔䉎⟕ᖚ⠪㪈ޯ㪉ੱ䋯࿷ᣣᄖ࿖ੱ䈏䈾䈫䉖䈬✚วੱ㑆⑼ቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ੱ㑆ᒻᚑ⑼ቇኾ᡹ ੱ㑆ᒻᚑ⺰⻠ᐳ
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䊊䊮䉶䊮∛䈮䈧䈇䈩䊋䊮䉫䊤䊂䉲䊠
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ታᣉ䇯

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੹ᣣ䈱ᣣᧄ䈮䈍䈔䉎䊊䊮䉶䊮ᣣᧄ䈮䈍䈔䉎䊊䊮䉶䊮∛䈮䈍䈔䉎䊊䊮䉶䊮∛䉕ข䉍Ꮞ䈒⃻⁁䈫䈱⃻⁁䈫䈱䇸䈫䈱䇸౒ㅢὐ䇹౒ㅢὐ䇹䈫䇸㆑䈇䇹z ␠ળ∛䈫䈚䈩䈱䊊䊮䉶䊮∛ĺ䋨ක≮໧㗴䈮෼ᢢ䈘䉏䈭䈇␠ળ໧㗴䋩z ⓨ㑆⊛㓚ოĺ䋨䇸䈸䉎䈘䈫䇹䈎䉌㔌䉏䈩≮㙃䈮᧪䉎䈖䈫䋩z ක≮䈱໧㗴ψ䋨ᴦ≮⮎䈲㪮㪟㪦䈎䉌䇮ᓟㆮ∝䈱໧㗴䋩໧㗴䈱ẜ࿷ൻ䈎⸃᳿䈎䋿ĺ䋨䊊䊮䉶䊮∛䈮㑐䈚䈩䈱䉣䊏䉸䊷䊄䈱ዋ䈭䈘䋩z 䊊䊮䉶䊮∛໧㗴䈱໪⊒ᵴേ䈮䈧䈇䈩ĺ䋨Ꮕ೎䊶஍⷗䈱⸃ᶖ䈫ᣧᦼ⊒⷗䊶ᴦ≮䋩╙ੑㇱ ‫ߩߡߒߣࡘࠪࠗ࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޟ‬࿖㓙ක≮଻ஜߩ⃻⁁ߦߟ޿ߡ
㧨ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ ࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽࡯ߢߩ ,1%5 ᵷ㆜කᏧߣߒߡߩ௛߈ࠍㅢߒߡ㧪‫ޠ‬ችᎹ⋿৻᳁ ೨࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽࡮ࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻ᢎ∛㒮ᵷ㆜කᏧ ⻠⟵ౝኈԘ 㧙㧝㧕 㧶㧻㧯㧿ߩࡒ࠶࡚ࠪࡦߣᵴേ⚫੺     ౉ળࡄࡦࡈ࡟࠶࠻࡮ࠬ࡜ࠗ࠼ߩࠃࠆ⚫੺㧙㧞㧕 ችᎹ߇㧶㧻㧯㧿ࡢ࡯ࠞ࡯ߣߒߡ‫⃻ޔ‬႐ߢ௛ߊ߈ߞ߆ߌ㧔േᯏ㧕ߦߟ޿ߡ     ࡮ᐜዋߩ㗃ߩ㧶㧻㧯5 ࡀࡄ࡯࡞ࡢ࡯ࠞ࡯ጤ᧛᣹᳁ߣߩ಴ળ޿     ࡮ฃ㛎ᶉੱ࡮␹ቇㇱ࿷ቇ࡮කቇㇱㅴቇ     ࡮␹ቇㇱ࿷ቇਛ㧦ࠕࠫࠕ࿖㓙ᄐᦼቇᩞ㧦ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ⎇ୃ↢ԙ ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ㧔ㅜ਄࿖㧕ߩ⃻ታߦߟ޿ߡψ࿖㓙ක≮දജ߇ᔅⷐߥℂ↱࡮ਇᐔ╬ߥ‫ޟ‬๮‫ߩޠ‬ଔ୯‫⽺ޔ‬࿎‫ޔ‬ᷓೞߥක≮ㆊ⇹‫ޔ‬᡽ᴦߩ⣣ᢌ‫ޔ‬‫ޟ‬๮ߪᓙߞߡߊࠇߥ޿‫ޠ‬㧝㧕ἴኂක≮㧔࿖㓙✕ᕆක≮េഥ㧕㧦✕ᕆ࡮⍴ᦼ     㧞㧕࿖㓙ක≮េഥ㧔㐳ᦼ㧕      C ࿖ኅ㑆 D ࿖㓙࿅૕  E ᄢਛⷙᮨ㧺㧳㧻  F ዊⷙᮨ㧺㧳㧻  G ୘ੱ   ࡮౏┙∛㒮࡮කᏧ࡮ක≮⠪ߩਇวℂߥ⁁ᴫ㧝㧕⃻ታߦೣߐߥ޿ක≮ⅣႺ㧔ᴦ≮⾌ߪήᢱߣ޿޿ߥ߇ࠄ߽࡮࡮࡮㧕

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޽߰ࠇࠆᖚ⠪㧠㧕⽺ንߩᏅ㧦ක≮ฃ⋉ᩰᏅԚ ࠴ࡖࡦ࠼࡜ࠧ࡯࠽ߢߩක≮දജᵴേߦߟ޿ߡ ࡮∛㒮᭎ⷐ
࡮ࡊࡠࠫࠚࠢ࠻ߦߟ޿ߡ  ࿾ℂ⊛⁁ᴫ࡮ᱧผ⊛⢛᥊࡮ᢥൻ⊛⢛᥊  ࠕࡊࡠ࡯࠴ᣇᴺ࡮දജ⠪ߣߒߡߩ┙႐㧔㧶㧻㧯5 ߩࠕࡊࡠ࡯࠴㧕  ࡊࡠࠫࠚࠢ࠻ౝኈ࡮ㅴⴕ⁁ᴫԛ ࿖ᢎ߇ࠗࠬ࡜ࡓᢎߩ࿖ߢࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻⠪ߣߒߡᗵߓࠆߎߣ㨮⠨߃ࠆߎߣ
࡮ࠗࠬ࡜ࡓᢎߩᜬߟᢥൻ⢛᥊ߩℂ⸃ߣዅ㊀  ࡜ࡑ࠳ࡦ㧔'Z㧰㧹ᴦ≮㧕࡮␨ࠅߩᤨ࡮ᅚᕈߩ⟎߆ࠇߚ┙႐࡮ⅣႺ࡮୘ੱ⊛ߥ㑐ଥ㧦㓸࿅߳ߩ㑐ଥ 㧔࠻࠶ࡊࠍ⪭ߣߖ߫⹤ߒߪߔߔ߻߇‫ߩࠄ߆࠷࡯࡞ࠬ࡜ࠣޔ‬ࡏ࠻ࡓࠕ࠶ࡊᛮ߈ߩࠕࡊࡠ࡯࠴ߪήᗧ๧㧕㧦⼏ຬ࡮࠳ࡦࠬߩవ↢࡮ቬᢎ㑆ߩ㕒߆ߥ✕ᒛ⁁ᘒ࡮ᢎ⑼ᦠߩࠗ࡜ࠬ࠻ߩ⹤
㧝㧕ࠗࠬ࡜ࡓ␹ቇᩞߩ଀

㧞㧕∛㒮ౝ૑ዬߩ㈩⟎㧟㧕㧯㧴㨀ߢߩ੽ᢎኹ㒮὾߈ᛂߜ੐ઙ   ࡮૑᳃ߩ೑⋉ߣߥࠆߎߣࠍ߿ࠆ‫ޔ‬࿾ၞ߆ࠄ⹺߼ࠄࠇࠆਥ૕ߣߒߡߩࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻ᢎ∛㒮   ࡮⥄ಽߩ᜚ࠅᚲߣߒߡߩࠠ࡝ࠬ࠻ᢎ   ࡮␹ߩ⸘↹ߩታ〣ߣᵷ㆜߳ߩାઔ   ࡮␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮↢ࠍฃߌ౉ࠇߡߩᗵᗐ ᐕഃ┙ᐕഃ┙ ࠕࠫࠕ‫ޔ‬ࠕࠫࠕ‫ߩࠞ࡝ࡈࠕޔ‬ࠕࡈ࡝ࠞߩࠞ
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⃻࿷ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ‫ޔ‬ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘ‫ޔࠕࠫࡏࡦࠞޔ‬ࠞࡦࡏࠫࠕ‫ޔ࡞࡯ࡄࡀޔ‬ࡀࡄ࡯࡞‫ޔ‬ࡄࠠࠬ࠲ࡦ‫ޔ‬‫ߢࠕ࠾ࠩࡦ࠲ޔ‬ᵴേਛࡄࠠࠬ࠲ࡦ࠲ࡦࠩ࠾ࠕߢᵴേਛ ᅑቇ↢‫ޔ‬ᅑቇ↢‫↢ୃ⎇ޔ‬ᡰេ ૶↪ᷣߺ
૶↪ᷣߺಾᚻㆇേ ࿖ౝ໪⊒ᵴേ૿Ჴᅕৎ‫ܖٻ‬ʴ᧓ႆᢋ࿢‫ܖؾ‬ᄂᆮᅹ

Ӳ‫ע‬ưƷ෇ѣƷಮ‫܇‬ǍȯȸǫȸƷ٣ƕˡǘƬƯƘǔ
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Ჟ‫ݣ‬ᲫᲪᲪᲪʴ

ʴᲩঠ‫ݣ‬ᲫᲪᲪᲪʴ

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㪦㪬㪫㪄
㪦㪬㪫㪄㪧㪘㪫㪠㪜㪥㪫㩷㩷㪛㪠㪪㪜㪘㪪㪜㩷㩷㪧㪩㪦㪝㪠㪣㪜㩷㩷㪛㪘㪫㪘 㪚㪿㫀㫃㪻 㪉㪇㪇㪌㪋㩼㪛㪼㫉㫄㪸㫋㫆㫃㫆㪾㫐㪞㪸㫊㫋㫉㫆㪼㫅㫋㪼㫉㫆㫃㫆㪾㫐㩷㪸㫅㪻㩷㪘㪹㪻㫆㫄㪼㫅

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ද‫ݧ‬ᤆද‫ݧ‬ለ ȐȳǰȩȇȃǷȥჃᜱң˟ᛐ‫ܭ‬ఄȐȳǰȩȇȃǷȥჃᜱң˟ᛐ‫ܭ‬ఄ ᅈ˟ႎȞǤȎȪȆǣȸƷᅈ˟ႎȞǤȎȪȆǣȸƷૅੲႸႎƱƢǔȞǤȎȪȆǣȸƷૅੲǛૅੲǛႸႎƱƢǔ ̮‫ܪڊ‬૙Ʒ̮‫ܪڊ‬૙ƷᐯဌǯȪǹȁȣȳᲰᲪǯȪǹȁȣȳᲰᲪᲟŴᲰᲪᲟŴȒȳǺȸᲟŴȒȳǺȸ૙
ȒȳǺȸ૙ᲫᲯᲟŴ
ᲫᲯᲟŴ
ʿ૙ᲬᲯ
ᲬᲯᲟ
ʿ૙
ᲬᲯᲟ
 ൑࠰ኖᲫᲯ
൑࠰ኖᲫᲯӸ
ᲫᲯӸƷҡಅဃ

  -#26#+
70+10
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ᐕઍ

಴᧪੐

એ೨

䉝䊤䉦䊮ᣖ
䉝䊤䉦䊮ᣖ䈫䊃䊥䊒䊤ᣖ䈫䊃䊥䊒䊤ᣖ䈏ⷓᮭ䉕ⷓᮭ䉕੎䈦䈩䈇䈢

㪚㪟㪫䊔䊮䉧䊦
㪚㪟㪫䊔䊮䉧䊦ੱ
䊔䊮䉧䊦ੱ
䈱ੱญᲧ

㪈㪎㪍㪇ᐕ
㪈㪎㪍㪇ᐕ

⧷᧲䉟䊮䊄
⧷᧲䉟䊮䊄ળ␠䉟䊮䊄 ળ␠䈮ળ␠䈮ഀ⼑䈘䉏䉎
ഀ⼑䈘䉏䉎

಴᧪੐

㪈㪐㪎㪌ᐕ
㪈㪐㪎㪌ᐕ

⥄ᴦ᡽ᐭࠍ
⥄ᴦ᡽ᐭࠍ૞ࠅᱞⵝ⚵❱ࠍᱞⵝ⚵❱ࠍ૞ߞߡ㑵੎ߞߡ㑵੎ࠍ㑵੎ࠍᆎ߼ ߚ‫ޕ‬

ᐕ
ᐕ

ࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘァࡃࡦࠣ࡜࠺ࠪࡘァ߇ᓙߜફߖߢᄢ
ߖߢᄢ߈ߥⵍኂ
߈ߥⵍኂࠍⵍኂࠍฃߌߚ‫ޕ‬
ߌߚ‫ޕ‬
ߎࠇࠍᦼ
ో࿯ߦ
ߎࠇࠍᦼߦ᡽ᐭߪ
᡽ᐭߪ&+7ో࿯ో࿯ߦァࠍ㚢ገߐߖ㚢ገߐߖᱞⵝ⚵❱ߐߖᱞⵝ⚵❱ߩᱞⵝ⚵❱ߩ᝹⸛૞ᚢ㐿ᆎ‫ޕ‬‫ޕ‬᝹⸛૞ᚢ㐿ᆎ
ߎߩァ੐ⴕേ
ߎߩァ੐ⴕേߪ
ァ੐ⴕേߪ‫ޔ‬หᤨߦหᤨߦㅴⴕߒߡ޿ߚࡌࡦࠟ࡞
ㅴⴕߒߡ޿ߚࡌࡦࠟ࡞ੱ
ߒߡ޿ߚࡌࡦࠟ࡞ੱߩ
&+7߳ߩ
߳ߩ౉ᬀ
߳ߩ౉ᬀߣ
౉ᬀߣ૬ⴕ‫ޕ‬૬ⴕ‫ޕ‬᡽ᐭ䈏䊔䊮䉧
᡽ᐭ䈏䊔䊮䉧 䊦
ੱ䈱
౉ᬀ᡽╷䉕
䉕ផㅴ
౉ᬀ᡽╷

㪋㪏㪅㪌㪇㩼

㪈㪏㪍㪇ᐕ
㪈㪏㪍㪇ᐕ

⧷䈱ᡰ㈩ਅ

㪈㪐㪋㪎ᐕ
㪈㪐㪋㪎ᐕ

ࡄࠠࠬ࠲ࡦ
ᐕઍ
ᐕઍ

㪈㪐㪍㪇ᐕ
ᐕ
㪈㪐㪍㪇

䉦䊒䉺䉟᳓ജ⊒㔚ᚲ䉦䊒䉺䉟 ᳓ജ⊒㔚ᚲ䉕᳓ജ⊒㔚ᚲ䉕૞䉎䈢䉄䇮䉎䈢䉄䇮Ꮉ 䉕䈞䈐ᱛ䉕䈞䈐ᱛ䉄䈩䉦䊒䉺䉟ḓ䉄䈩䉦䊒䉺䉟 ḓਁੱ䈱䉼䊞䉪䊙
䈱䉼䊞䉪䊙ᣖ
䈏䈪䈐䈢䇯
䇯ㄘ࿾䈱
᳓ᴚ䇮
䇮㪈㪇ਁੱ
䈱䉼䊞䉪䊙ᣖ䈏㔍᳃䈫㔍᳃䈫䈏䈪䈐䈢ㄘ࿾䈱㪋㪇䋦
㪋㪇䋦䈏᳓ᴚ
㪈㪇ਁੱ䈭䈦䈩䉟䊮䊄䈮⒖૑䈭䈦䈩䉟䊮䊄䈮⒖૑䇯⒖૑䇯ᄬ䉒䉏䈢ㄘ࿾
䉒䉏䈢ㄘ࿾䈱
ㄘ࿾䈱⵬ఘ䇮
⵬ఘ䇮↢ᵴ଻㓚ή䈚↢ᵴ଻㓚ή䈚䋺᡽ᐭ䈮᡽ᐭ䈮 ኻ䈜䉎ᒝ䈜䉎ᒝ䈇 ਇ
ḩ䈫ਇା
ਇା䇯
䇯

&+7ߩ
ߩߩ
ߩㇱᣖࠍ
ㇱᣖࠍ♾วߒࠫࡘࡑ
♾วߒࠫࡘࡑ᳃ᣖਥ⟵ߒࠫࡘࡑ᳃ᣖਥ⟵ࠍ᳃ᣖਥ⟵ࠍឝߍߡࡌࡦ
ࠟ࡞ੱࠟ࡞ੱߣߩᐔ╬ߣߩᐔ╬ߣᢥൻ⊛⁛⥄ᕈߦኻߔࠆᙗᴺ਄
ߔࠆᙗᴺ਄ߩ
ᐔ╬ߣᢥൻ⊛⁛⥄ᕈߦ
ᙗᴺ਄ߩ଻㓚
ࠍ᳞߼ࠆ ㆇേࠍ
ㆇേࠍ㐿ᆎ

㪈㪐㪎㪈ᐕ
㪈㪐㪎㪈ᐕ

䊋䊮䉫䊤䊂䉲䊠ᑪ࿖䊋䊮䉫䊤䊂䉲䊠ᑪ࿖ᐕᐕᒰᤨߩࠕࡢࡒ
ᒰᤨߩࠕࡢࡒㅪ⋖᡽ᮭߩࠕࡢࡒㅪ⋖᡽ᮭ ߣᐔ๺දቯߩ
ᐔ๺දቯߩ✦⚿
㧝㧕᡽ᐭ߇ߩੱ‫․ߦޘ‬೎ߩ
᡽ᐭ߇&+7ߩ
․೎ߩ࿾૏ࠍ
࿾૏ࠍਈ߃ߡ⥄ᴦᮭ߃ߡ⥄ᴦᮭࠍ
⥄ᴦᮭࠍ⹺߼ࠆ࿯࿾ߦߟ޿ߡ
ߦߟ޿ߡᚲ᦭ᮭ
㧞㧕ᅓࠊࠇߚ࿯࿾
ߦߟ޿ߡᚲ᦭ᮭ߇
ᚲ᦭ᮭ߇⏕⹺ߐࠇࠇ߫
⏕⹺ߐࠇࠇ߫㄰ㆶ
ߐࠇࠇ߫㄰ㆶ
ࠊࠇߚ࿯࿾

ዋᢙ

ᐕ
ᐕ

%13᡽ᮭ
᡽ᮭ߇᡽ᮭ߇⊓႐‫ޔ‬⊓႐‫ޔ‬ᐔ๺දቯߩ
ᐔ๺දቯߩጁⴕߦ
ጁⴕߦᶖᭂ⊛㧧ᶖᭂ⊛㧧ౣ߮ ਇ቟ߥ
ਇ቟ߥ⁁ᴫߦ
⁁ᴫߦ‫ޕ‬

⊛ห৻ᕈ䉕
䉕⛽
㪚㪟㪫䈱
ᣂ᡽ᐭ䈮
䈮㪚㪟㪫䈱
㪚㪟㪫䈱ੱ䇱䈲ᣂ᡽ᐭ㪚㪟㪫䈱ᢥൻ⊛䇮ᢥൻ⊛䇮⸒⺆ ⊛ห৻ᕈᜬ䈜䈼䈒⥄ᴦ
䈜䈼䈒⥄ᴦ䉕
⥄ᴦ䉕ⷐ᳞䇯
ⷐ᳞䇯ᣂ᡽ᐭ䈲ᣂ᡽ᐭ䈲หᗧ䈞䈝
หᗧ䈞䈝䇯
䈞䈝䇯
㪈㪐㪎㪌ᐕ
㪈㪐㪎㪌ᐕ

ߞߡ㑵੎
㑵੎ࠍ
⥄ᴦ᡽ᐭࠍ
㑵੎ࠍᆎ߼ ߚ‫ޕ‬⥄ᴦ᡽ᐭࠍ૞ࠅᱞⵝ⚵❱ࠍᱞⵝ⚵❱ࠍ૞ߞߡ

㪈㪈㪅㪍㪇㩼

㪚㪟㪫䊔䊮䉧䊦
㪚㪟㪫䊔䊮䉧䊦ੱ
䊔䊮䉧䊦ੱ
䈱ੱญᲧ

ᐕઍ

㪈㪌㪎㪌㪄
㪈㪌㪎㪌㪄㪈㪍㪍㪍ᐕ㪈㪍㪍㪍ᐕ 䉝䊤䉦 䊮₺࿖䊛䉧䊷䊦Ꮲ࿖
䊛䉧䊷䊦Ꮲ࿖  㪈㪈㪅㪈㪈㪅㪍㪇㩼
㪍㪇㩼㪌㪇䋦㪌㪇䋦䉕 シ䈒਄࿁䈦䈩䈇䉎ȁȃǿǴȳɯᨒ‫࠘ע‬Ʒέ˰ൟଈᨼ‫ׇ‬
᳃ᣖ

䉦䉺䉦䊅⺒
䉦䉺䉦䊅 ⺒䉂

㪚㪿㪸㫂㫄㪸

䉼䊞䉪䊙㪫㫉㫀㫇㫌㫉㪸

䊃䊥䊒䊤㪫㪸㫅㪺㪿㪸㫅㪾㫐㪸䊃䊮䉼䊢䊮䉩䊞

㪤㪸㫉㫄㪸

䊙䊦䊙

㪩㪸㫂㪿㪸㫀㫅㪼䊤䉦䉟䊮೎ฬ䇮೎ฬ䇮೎⴫⸥

ቬᢎ

ੱญ䋨
ੱญ䋨ੱ䋩

੽ᢎ
㪫㫉㫀㫇㫌㫉㫀㪃㩷㪫㫀㫇㫉㪸㪤㪸㪾㪃㩷㪤㫆㪾㪿㪃㩷㪤㫌㪾㪉㪌㪉㪃㪏㪌㪏

䊍䊮䉵䊷㪏㪈㪃㪇㪈㪋

੽ᢎ㪉㪈㪃㪍㪊㪐

੽ᢎ㪈㪌㪎㪃㪊㪇㪈

੽ᢎ㪈㪍㪃㪐㪊㪉
㪈㪊㪃㪋㪎㪈

㪙㪸㫎㫄䊗䊛㪙㫌㫄㪃㪙㪸㫌㫄㪃㪙㪸㫄䉨䊥䉴䊃ᢎ㪧㪸㫅㫂㪿㫆

䊌䊮䉮䊷㪧㪸㫅㪾㫂㪿㫌㪸

䉨䊥䉴䊃ᢎ

㪊㪃㪉㪉㪎

㪤㫉㫆㫅㪾

䊛䊨䊮

㪤㫌㫉㪸㫅㪾㪃㩷㪤㫉㫌㫅㪾䉝䊆䊚䉵䊛㪉㪉㪃㪈㪎㪏

㪤㫉㫆

䊛䊦

㪤㫉㫆㫆

䉝䊆䊚䉵䊛

㪢㪿㫐㪸㫅

䉨䊞䊮

㪢㪿㫐㪼㫅

੽ᢎ䇮䉨䊥䉴䊃ᢎ

㪉㪃㪊㪋㪊

㪈㪉㪏

㪢㪿㪸㫄㫀

䉪䊚

㪢㪿㫌㫄㫀㪃㩷㪢㪸㫄㫀

䉝䊆䊚䉵䊛

㪈㪃㪉㪋㪈

㪪㪸㪢

䉰䉾䉪

㪚㪿㪸㫂㪃㩷㪫㫊㪸㫂㪃㪫㪿㪸㫂

䉝䊆䊚䉵䊛

㪉㪃㪈㪉㪎

㪣㫌㫊㪿㪸㫀

䊦䉲䊞䉟㪢㫌㫂㫀㩿㪖㪀

䉝䊆䊚䉵䊛

㪍㪍㪉

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Ტɤଐ༏Უɤଐ༏ᲣȞȩȪǢȷฆӳज़௨̊ȞȩȪǢȷฆӳज़௨̊ ʖ᧸Ʊʖ᧸Ʊଔ஖ႆᙸȷ
ଔ஖ႆᙸȷ඙ၲ
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IOE ╙ 2 ࿁ቇⴚ੤ᵹ⎇ⓥળ‫ߩࠬ࡝ࠡࠗޟ‬ሶ⢒ߡᡰេߦቇ߱‫ޠ‬The 2nd International Academic Interchange Meeting between the
Graduate School of Human Development and Environment, Kobe
University and the Institute of Education, University of London: "What do
we learn from the child and family support in the UK?"

PROGRAMME
11th November 2008
14:00~15:15
Ms Mary Sawtell & Ms Helen Austerberry‫ޟ‬ㅪว₺࿖ (ࠗࠡ࡝ࠬ) ߦ߅ߌࠆⷫߣᅧᆼਛߩⷫߦኻߔࠆ࿾ၞᡰេ ࠪࡘࠕ࡮ࠬ࠲࡯࠻࡮ࡊ
ࡠࠣ࡜ࡓߦ߅ߌࠆኅᐸ⸰໧ᣉ╷ߩ⹏ଔߣ੹ᓟߩ⊒ዷ‫ޠ‬“Community support in the UK for parents and parents-to-be: an exploration ofhome-visiting schemes, the Sure Start Programme and innovative future developments”.
15:30~16:45
Ms Helen Austerberry & Ms Mary Sawtell‫ޟ‬10 ઍߩᅧᇚߩஜోߐ߿⧯޿ⷫߣሶߤ߽ߩஜోߐߩᡷༀ ኅᐸߣ࿾ၞࠍၮ⋚ߣߒߚᡰេࠍ
ਛᔃߣߔࠆㅪว₺࿖ (ࠗࠡ࡝ࠬ) ᵹࡊࡠࠣ࡜ࡓߩ⹏ଔ⚿ᨐ߆ࠄ‫ޠ‬“Improving health outcomes for pregnant teenagers, young parents and their children:
evidence from UK targeted programmes that provide home and community-based
support”.
18:00~20:00
Joint Reception

12th November 2008
15:00~
Field work at the plant satellite ARCH

13th November 2008
10:00~10:20
ኹ᧛ ࠁ߆ߩ (␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ᢎ⢒⎇ⓥ⵬૒ຬ࡮ഥ↥Ꮷ)‫ޟ‬ᄢቇ߇ㆇ༡ߔࠆሶ⢒ߡᡰេࠨ࠹
࡜ࠗ࠻ᣉ⸳ߦ߅޿ߡ࠼ࡠ࠶ࡊࠗࡦ
ߣࠕ࠙࠻࡝࡯࠴ࠍ⚵ߺวࠊߖࠆߎ
ߣߩലᨐ‫ޠ‬Yukano TERAMURA (Research& Teaching Assistant, Graduate
School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe University / Midwife)“Effect of the combination of drop-in service and out-reach service: An example of auniversity satellite for child and family support”
10:20~10:50
Comments from Ms Mary Sawtell and Ms Helen Austerberry
11:00~11:40
ୖ⍹ ື਽ (␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ඳ჻⺖⒟‫ޔ‬ᱞᐶᎹᅚሶᄢቇ ಎᢎ᝼)ߎߤ߽߳ߩ౒ᗵࠍ㜞߼ࠆⷫࠣ࡞࡯ࡊ࡮ࡊࡠࠣ࡜ࡓߩ㐿⊒࡮ታ〣ߣ⹏ଔ

Tetsuya KURAISHI (Doctoral Student of Graduate School of Human Development &Environment, Kobe University / Associate Professor of Mukogawa Women’s
University)“Development, practice and effect of group-based parenting program for promoting
parents' empathy for their children”
11:40~12:10
Comments from Ms Mary Sawtell and Ms Helen Austerberry㧨ෳടࠬ࠲࠶ࡈ㒮↢ߩჿ㧪Mary ߐࠎ‫ޔ‬Helen ߐࠎߪ‫ޔ‬11 ᣣ 12 ᤨ㗃‫␹ޔ‬ᚭᄢቇߦ೔⌕ߐࠇ‫ޔ‬ᔕធቶߦߡᜂᒰ⠪ߣᤤ㘩ࠍขࠅ‫⻠ޔ‬ṶḰ஻ߦળ႐ߩᄢળ⼏ቶߦะ߆ࠊࠇ߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ᤤ㘩ߩ႐ߢߪ‫ޔ‬㘼ࠅઃߌߡ޽ߞ
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߈߹ߒߚ‫ޔ߽ࠄߜߎޕ‬㧝㧝ᣣห᭽‫ޔ‬ᄙᢙߩ৻⥸ߩᣇࠍ฽߻ෳട⠪߇޽ࠅ߹ߒߚ‫⻠ޕ‬Ṷ⚳ੌᓟߦ‫ޔ‬ᔕធቶߦߡᜂᒰ⠪ߣᤤ㘩ࠍขߞߚᓟ‫⸥ޔ‬ᔨ᠟ᓇࠍߒߡోᣣ⒟ࠍ⚳ੌߒ߹ߒߚ‫␹ޕ‬ᚭᄢቇࠍᓟߦߒߚ߅㧞ੱߪߎߩ޽ߣ੩ㇺⷰశߦⴕ߆ࠇߚࠃ߁ߢߔ‫ޕ‬⑳ߪ੹࿁‫ߩࡓ࡜ࠣࡠࡊޔ‬૞ᚑߥߤ߆ࠄోᣣ⒟ߦෳടߒ߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ታ㓙ߦᆎ߹ࠆ߹ߢߪ‫⎇ޔ‬ⓥಽ㊁ߥߤߩࠝࡈࠖࠪࡖ࡞ߥᖱႎ߇߶ߣࠎߤߢ‫⹜౉߽⺆⧷ޔ‬એ᧪ߣ‫✕߽ߡߣޔ‬ᒛߒߡ޿߹
ߒߚ‫ޔߒ߆ߒޕ‬ታ㓙ߦᆎ߹ߞߡߺࠆߣ‫߽ߡߣޔ‬᳇ߐߊߦ⹤ߒ߆ߌߡߊߛߐߞߚࠅ‫ߊ߹߁ޔ‬⴫⃻ߢ߈ߥ޿⺑᣿ࠍ⺒ߺขࠈ߁ߣߒߡߊߛߐ޿߹ߒߚ‫⥄⑳ޕ‬り߽ೋᣣߪਭ‫ߦ⺆⧷ߩޘ‬ᚭᖺߞߡߒ߹޿‫߆ߥ߆ߥޔ‬Ⓧᭂ⊛ߦ⹤ࠍߢ߈ߕߦ޿߹ߒߚ߇‫ޔ‬㧞ᣣ⋡‫ޔ‬㧟ᣣ⋡ߣᘠࠇࠆߦߟࠇ‫ޔ‬Ⓧᭂ⊛ߦ⺑᣿ߒߚࠅ‫⎇ޕߚߒ߹ࠅߥߦ߁ࠃࠆ߈ߢࠅߚߞુޔ‬ⓥౝኈߢߪ‫ޔ‬೙ᐲ⺰ߣታ〣⎇ⓥߥߤߩ㆑޿߽޽ࠅ‫ޔ‬⍮ࠄߥ߆ߞߚ੐߫߆ࠅߢᣂ㞲ߥߎߣ߇ᄙ߆ߞߚߢߔ‫⻠ޕ‬Ṷߢߪ৻⥸ߩᣇ߇ᄙߊෳടߐࠇߡ޿ߚߩߪࠃ߆ߞߚߩߢߔ߇‫ߣߞ߽ޔ‬ቇ↢ߥߤᄢቇౝ߆ࠄߩෳട⠪߇㓸߼ࠄࠇߚࠄࠃ߆ߞߚߣᕁ޿߹ߒߚ‫⥄⑳ޕ‬り߽‫ޔ‬วห࡟࠮ࡊ࡚ࠪࡦߢߒ߆ઁߩಽ㊁ߩᣇߥߤߣߩ߆߆ࠊࠅ߇ߥ߆ߞߚߩߢ‫ߣߞ߽ޔ‬ᄙߊෳടߢ߈ࠇ߫ࠃ߆ߞߚߣ෻⋭ߒߡ޿߹ߔ‫੹ޕ‬࿁ߩෳടߢ‫ޔ‬ෳട⠪߿දജ⠪ߩᣇ‫ޔޘ‬᜗⡜ᄢቇߩᣇ‫ߩࠎߐߊߚߤߥޘ‬ᣇߣ㑐ࠊࠆ੐߇಴᧪‫ޔ‬ߣߡ߽ೝỗߦߥࠅ߹ߒߚ‫੹ߪࠄࠇߎޕ‬ᓟߦⓍᭂ⊛ߦᵴ߆ߒߡ޿߈ߚ޿ߣᕁߞߡ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬㧔ᢎ⢒⑼ቇ⺰ࠦ࡯ࠬ㧝ᐕ ች࿾ࠁ߈㧕

⑳ߪ‫ޔ‬2008 ᐕߩቇⴚ࠙ࠖ࡯ࠢߩ߁ߜ‫ࡦ࠼ࡦࡠޔ‬ᄢቇᢎ⢒ᄢቇ㒮ߩㇱߦෳടߒ߹ߒߚ‫߹ޕ‬
ߕ 11 ᦬ 11 ᣣߩ⻠Ṷળߩ೨ߦ‫ޔ‬Mary ߐࠎ Helen ߐࠎߣᤤ㘩ࠍߏ৻✜ߒߥ߇ࠄ߅⹤ࠍߒ߹
ߒߚ‫߅ޕ‬ੑੱߣ߽ߣߡ߽ᦶࠄ߆ߥᣇߢ‫✕ޔ‬ᒛߒߡ޿ߚ㒮↢ߩ⑳ߚߜ߽࡝࡜࠶ࠢࠬߔࠆߎߣ
߇ߢ߈߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ඦᓟ߆ࠄߪ Mary ߐࠎ Helen ߐࠎߩ౏Ṷ߇ⴕࠊࠇ߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ቇⴚ੤ᵹ⎇ⓥળ
ߩ࠹࡯ࡑ߇‫ߩࠬ࡝ࠡࠗޟ‬ሶ⢒ߡᡰេߦቇ
߱‫ޔߢߩߚߞߛޠ‬10 ᦬ᧃߩኹሶደᏧ▸Ⴖߩฃ⻠↢ߛߞߚᣇߩෳട߽ᄙߊ޿ࠄߞߒ
߾޿߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ౝኈ߇ሶߤ߽߿ⷫߩ࿾ၞᡰេ
ߦ㑐ߔࠆ߽ߩߛߣ޿߁ߎߣ߽޽ࠅ‫ߥޘ⦡ޔ‬ᣇߩෳട߇޽ߞߚߎߣߪߣߡ߽ࠃ߆ߞߚ
ߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬⠉‫ޘ‬ᣣ 11 ᦬ 13 ᣣߪኹ᧛ߐࠎୖ⍹ߐࠎߩ⻠Ṷ߇ⴕࠊࠇ߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬౮⌀߿࠺࡯࠲߇ߣߡ
߽ಽ߆ࠅ߿ߔߊ‫ޔ‬Mary ߐࠎ Helen ߐࠎ߆ࠄߩࠦࡔࡦ࠻߽⥝๧ᷓ߆ߞߚߢߔ‫ߩߘޕ‬ᓟ‫ޔ‬ࠠࡖࡦࡄࠬ߿ᄢቇ๟ㄝࠍ᩺ౝߒߥ߇ࠄ
Mary ߐࠎ Helen ߐࠎࠍ㚞߹ߢ߅ㅪࠇߒ߹
ߒߚ‫߅ޕ‬ᔔߒ޿ਛ᧪ᣣߒߡ޿ߚߛ޿ߚ
Mary ߐࠎߣ Helen ߐࠎߢߒߚ߇‫ޔ‬ᣣᧄ߿␹ᚭߢߩᢙᣣ㑆ࠍᭉߒࠎߢ޿ߚߛߌߚߩߥࠄᐘ޿
ߢߔ‫ޕ‬ዋߒߩ㑆ߢߒߚ߇ቇⴚ࠙ࠖ࡯ࠢߦ߆߆ࠊࠆ੐߇ߢ߈‫⚻޿޿߽ߡߣ߽⑳ޔ‬㛎ߦߥࠅ߹ߒߚ‫ޕߔ߹޿ߑߏ߁ߣ߇ࠅ޽ޕ‬㧔ሶߤ߽⊒㆐⺰ࠦ࡯ࠬ㧞ᐕ ૒┻᩶ሶ㧕੹࿁ߪ㧘ᕆߥߎߣߢߒߚ߇㧘ࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢߣߒߡߖߞ߆ߊᣣᧄߦ᧪ߡ޿ߚߛ޿ߚ߅
ੑੱߩߚ߼ߦ㧘߅⨥ࠍ߽ߡߥߒ߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬႐ᚲߩㇺว਄޽ࠆ⒟ᐲ◲⇛ൻߒߚ߅ὐ೨ߦߥࠅ㧘߹ߚ㧘⑳⥄り߹ߛ߹ߛᧂᾫߥ߅ὐ೨ߢߒߚ߇㧘߅ੑੱߦ༑ࠎߢ޿ߚߛߌߚߩߢ㧘ߣߡ߽ࠃ߆ߞߚߢߔ‫ޕ‬޽࡯ߜߩ⷗ቇߣ߅⨥ߩ޽ߣ㧘ਃችࠍᢔ╷ߒ߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬๺㘑㔀⽻ߩ߅ᐫߥߤࠍ߹ࠊࠅ‫߅ޔ‬࿯↥ࠍ৻✜ߦᬌ⸛ߒ߹ߒߚ‫ߩߘޕ‬ᓟߩᄕ㘩ળߢߪ㧘ㄉᦠߦ㗬ࠅߥ߇ࠄߢߒߚ߇㧘㘩᧚ߩ⺑᣿㧘
⎇ⓥߦߟ޿ߡߥߤࠍ߅⹤ߒ߹ߒߚ‫ߦ․ޕ‬๺㘩ߦߪ㧘߅ੑੱ߇ߥ߆ߥ߆㘩ߴࠆᯏળߩߥ޿㘩᧚߽޽ߞߚߩߢ㧘㘩ᢥൻߩ㆑޿ࠍᗵߓߥ߇ࠄ㧘ᭉߒߊળ㘩߇ߢ߈߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬੹ᓟ߽ᄖ࿖߆ࠄ᧪ߚᣇߚߜߦ߽ߡߥߔᯏળ߇޽ࠆߣ߈ߦߪ㧘੹࿁ߩࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢߩ⚻㛎ࠍᵴ߆ߒߡ޿߈ߚ޿ߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬㧔↢ᵴⅣႺ⺰ࠦ࡯ࠬ㧞ᐕ ዊጊ↰␭ᄥ㧕Community Support in the UK for Parents and Parents to be
Mary Sawtell and Helen AusterberrySocial Science Research Unit, Institute of Education, University of London

Introduction
In this paper we will be covering the following: why support is important; approaches toproviding community support in the UK; current and future UK services; some examplesof our research in this area. In particular we will describe about one piece of researchthat we have done evaluating a breast feeding support programme.

Why support is important?
Research shows that a poor quality early childhood is strongly linked with an increased
risk of poor outcomes for children. For example if a child grows up in a household witha very low income we know there is an increased risk of: injury; child abuse and neglect;sudden infant death; respiratory infections. Research into the effects of the quality ofearly parenting shows strong links between poor parenting with a range of negative
outcomes for children such as: behaviour problems; school drop out and poor
performance; drug and alcohol abuse; poor physical and mental health in adulthood.
The subject of the health of mothers is an important illustrator of why support is so
important. Good health is obviously important for women themselves but it is also very
important for the well-being of the whole family. For example in terms of mental healthand well-being, rates of antenatal and postnatal depression are high in the UK and weknow that outcomes for children are worse when their mothers are depressed. For
example rates of both forms of depression are about 10 -15% in UK mothers. The
negative impact on children whose mothers have postnatal depression is well known however there is some new work showing that the children of women with persistent(long lasting) antenatal depression are 50% more likely to show developmental delay
than those whose mothers are not depressed in pregnancy (Deave ,Heron et al, 2008).
A poor relationship between parents - including where there is domestic violence - is also
damaging to children and is therefore another example of risk to child well-being.
The UK is a highly divided society; we have a huge, wide gap (bigger than most othercountries in Europe) between the richest and the poorest families in our country. We area society with many pressing social concerns. For example:
1 in 3 children in the UK currently live in poverty
We have the highest teenage pregnancy rate in Europe (Wiggins, Oakley et al,
2005)



We have other social problems that are growing - for example family
homelessness – with children growing up in very poor quality temporary housing
when families of four or more share one small room (Sawtell, 2002).
As the most vulnerable members of society, the impact of this divide falls particularly
heavily on young children. Evidence suggests that good quality support, offered early inlife, enhances child and family health and wellbeing (Wiggins, Oakley et al 2004).

Approaches to providing community support in the UK
In order to try and address the problems in our society that I have been describing to you,the UK Government has introduced a range of policies and legislation. Particularly
relevant is the policy document Every Child Matters. Published in (2003) – Every Child
Matters launched a programme of change to improve outcomes for every child. The
outcomes listed in Every Child Matters were that every child should:· Be healthy· Be Safe· Enjoy and achieve· Make a positive contribution· Achieve economic well-being
The Children Act was made law by the UK Government in (2004) and provided thelegislative framework to support Every Child Matters. Another key publication was thereport by Lord Laming. This was the report of the independent inquiry into the death ofVictoria Climbie published in 2003. I will describe a bit more about this later.
The key aim of current UK Government policy in this field is to develop high quality
services for all children and families and specifically to improve services for the mostdisadvantaged in order to reduce the gap between advantaged and disadvantaged.
There is a range of key characteristics that are considered important for community
services in the UK currently. First of all the expectation is that the approach of services
is holistic – by this I mean that the child is seen as a whole person. This contrasts with a
traditional medical approach where the approach is to consider a person in terms of thedifferent parts of their body or systems.
Secondly services should be joined up – this was a key recommendation from theVictoria Climibié enquiry. To explain, Victoria Climibié was a young girl who wasabused and killed by her guardians in 2000. An extensive enquiry into her death foundshe had been in contact with numerous different services from hospital departments tosocial services prior to her death. As a result of a lack of co-ordination between these
services no one realised how at risk she was before it was too late. The main services thatare expected to be working more closely together are health, education, social care andemployment support services. This joining up of services needs to happen at top tierlevel – so at highest management level as well as at the point of delivery.

Next the focus for community provision is firstly protection of the child, and then thefocus is prevention followed by early intervention. Prevention and early detection
services for new public health priorities such as the rising levels of obesity in children in
the UK are becoming increasingly important.
Fourthly Services should be child and family centred –for example they should be as
convenient as possible to use, suiting the family rather than the service provider. They
should be flexible using a combination of approaches including outreach in non healthsettings, mobile facilities like buses that drive around rural areas and parents should beseen as partners in deciding what services are developed in their area.
There is now a strong focus on what’s called positive parenting- i.e. the belief thatparents can and should be taught how to be better parents. I will say a little more about
this shortly.
Finally services will be characterised by ‘progressive universalism’. This is a new term
being used to describe approaches to service delivery in the UK. In the past we described‘universal services’ – where the service is for everyone and ‘targeted services’ – where
the service is targeted at a particular group who needs it most. Progressive universalism
is a universal service but it gives a continuum of support according to need, so everyone
is offered a core service but those with the greatest need get more in addition. For anyone
who is interested they might like to look up something called the Child Health Promotion
programme which has just been launched in the UK. This programme is going to be a
key part of service planning and delivery in the future and is a good example of this ideaof progressive universalism (Shribna & Billingham 2008).
To just add to what I said about positive parenting there is now a lot of government
attention on teaching parents how to be better at parenting– so making something that hasin the past been a private matter a public one. Early evidence suggest that parenting
support can be effective as part of a package of support measures. In particular the focus
is on supporting a better infant/parent relationship through improved attachment between
both mothers and their children and fathers and their children too. There is also a focus
on helping parents meet their own goals, including becoming economically independent.
So, I have just described a list of things that are currently considered central to UK
community services for children. To summarise - this list included that services areholistic and flexible, that they are child centred and that that teaching positive parenting
becomes a focus. I would like to add one more and this is that systems for monitoringand evaluation of services at a local level are made a priority from the start. This allows
both the uptake of the service and matters such as user satisfaction to be measured. This
allows for development of the service to be ongoing in order to make it as effective as
possible. In our research at SSRU it is a consistent finding from our evaluations thatprioritising monitoring and evaluation of services in this way at a local level is not
something that we are good at in the UK – maybe it is something that you are better at inJapan.



Current and future UK services
I am going to describe community services in terms of these three groups: health visitors,
general practitioners, midwives; The Sure Start programme; Sure Start Children's Centres.
Health visitors, general practitioners and midwives have historically been the backboneof community child and family health services. General practitioners are doctors while
health visitors and midwives are nurses with additional training. Health visitors havebeen in existence for nearly 150 years and have been the main co-ordinators andproviders of community primary health services for children organising immunisations,developmental checks, parenting advice and support to mothers, as well as prevention
and early detection of child abuse. In the past these services have been considered
universal – however both health visiting and midwifery are now becoming more of aprogressive service offering a core service to all families but particularly in terms ofhealth visiting a more intensive one to those who are at risk of disadvantage. Historically
health visitors have worked mainly in people’s homes, they continue to do this but also
often now providing services in Sure Start Children’s centres which I am about todescribe. I would just like to say that I am a health visitor myself – this was my work for
10 years before I became a researcher. I believe that you have public health nurses inJapan – I would be really interested to know how similar or different the two roles are.
Some of you may have heard of the Sure Start Programme in the UK. It is based on an
American programme called Head Start which started in the 1960s and was found to havesome long term success in improving educational outcomes and reducing crime inchildren growing up in disadvantaged circumstances. The Sure Start programme was set
up in the UK in 1999 as a pilot or a trial programme. A large scale evaluation looking at
its progress and impact has been running alongside the Sure Start programme for the firsteight years of its life.
The Sure Start programme combined, at local level, support in the home with support in
special Sure Start Centres. These Sure Start centres have now taken the title Sure Start
Children’s Centres. Early findings from the Sure Start evaluation (in 2005) wereconsidered disappointing – with outcomes for children being worse in the moredisadvantaged groups than in similar populations without a Sure Start Programme. Morerecent findings in 2008 appear more positive revealing positive effects across the target
population, showing that parents of three year old children showed more positiveparenting skills and provided a better home learning environment, that these children
showed better social development and higher levels of positive behaviour andindependence, and that families took more advantage of the range of support services
available than in areas where Sure Start was not operating (seehttp://www.surestart.gov.uk/ for more detail on Sure Start and the evaluation).
So what we have today is a Government Strategy that by the year 2010 there will be a
Sure Start Children’s Centre in every community for every 800 under 5 year olds. There
will be a total of 3,500 centres across the country. Areas where the population has alower income will receive more funding than areas where the population is wealthier.

Holistic health and well-being services will be offered under one roof in what we call a‘one stop shop’, but there will also be outreach work in other places in the area.
Sure Start has been a well resourced programme; it’s been very high profile and a real
government priority with nearly one and a half billion pounds spent on it in the first five
years (2.5 billion dollars). I would like to describe for you what a typical Sure Start
Children’s Centres looks like. I am going to describe what you would see if you visited
one in a poor area of the UK.
It is very likely that the centre would be a new purpose built building. The group
working on the design would have included architects, service managers, local
professionals such as midwives and health visitors, and local parents. The resulting
building is likely to be very child friendly – for example inside it will be very brightly
coloured and much of the interior will have been considered through the eyes of a child.
It will be a large building with space to house a whole range of professionals fromeducation and health and social care. There may well be a nursery on the same site.
The kind of people who would be working there are health visitors and midwives,teachers and social workers, physiotherapists and massage practitioners, speech therapists,
dieticians and counsellors. There will also be employment advisors to advise parents on
how to get back into work. Members of the community will also be working there bothin a paid and a voluntary capacity. The sorts of services they will be offering are theusual child health type services and also a nursery but also a range of other things
according to what local people say they need. For example there may be baby massage,
parenting programmes, cooking workshops for parents and counselling sessions forparents whose relationship is in difficulties. There will also be breast feeding support –an example of which is going to be described in a minute by Helen. Of course there will
always be some parents who won’t use the centre and in these cases staff will visit in thehome – but the hope is that even these parents will in time feel confident enough to takeup the services on offer. All these services are offered free or at very low cost.
As you can see the idea is that you get a joined up service – what we call in the UK aseamless service. At its most fundamental it is hoped that this will avoid what happened
with Victoria Climibié who fell through the gaps between services.

Examples of our research
We have carried out a number of studies in this field – particularly relevant ones are:Social Support and Family Health Study (Sawtell & Jones 2002: Wiggins andOakley 2004; Austerberry and Wiggins 2004)
Sure Start Kilburn Priory - Breastfeeding Peer Support Programme (Austerberry
2006)
Becoming a Mother Study (2007- ongoing - no publications as yet)

We are now going to describe the Breast feeding Peer Support programme which waspart of a Sure Start programme in an area of London called Kilburn Priory.

Case Study
Sure Start Kilburn Priory, London
Breastfeeding Peer Support Programme Evaluation
BackgroundTo provide a context, Kilburn Priory, like lots of parts of inner London, is a mixed areawith a large minority ethnic population. There are pockets of expensive housing nextdoor to state-owned housing estates. Like all early Sure Start Areas, it has a high level ofdeprivation overall, despite these wealthy pockets.
Aims
The aims of the Breastfeeding Peer Support Programme were: to raise the profile ofbreastfeeding locally; and to offer support to local women to help them breastfeed.
Content of the Peer Support Programme
Each year Sure Start maternity staff recruit, train and support a team of local women as
volunteer peer supporters to help local women breastfeed. Peer supporters work in formal
National Health Service settings, namely the postnatal ward of a local hospital, local
antenatal clinics and child health clinics. Peer supporters also work in informal settings,
such as in mother’s homes, and at the Baby Café, which his a drop-in support group forbreastfeeding mothers
Profile of peer supporters
About 12 volunteers were trained per year between 2003 and 2006, by a Sure Start healthvisitor at the local Sure Start Children’s centre. Training was followed up by support
meetings.
The peer supporters had a wide ethnic profile – Black British and Black Afro-Caribbean;
White British; White European; South Asian; Middle Eastern. There was one Japanese
woman. Between them they spoke 16 languages (including English and Japanese),though about half had moved on by the time of the evaluation.
The peer supporters in our study ranged from 23 to 40 years. Their youngest child ranged
from 10 months to 10 years. Many had been supported themselves by the programme.
The Evaluation
The evaluation of Kilburn Priory Breastfeeding Peer Support Programme 1, which was
carried out at the Institute of Education, was a qualitative study drawing on interview
1

Austerberry H (2006) Evaluation of Sure Start Kilburn Priory Breastfeeding Support Work: Report offindings. Social Science Research Unit, Institute of Education, University of London

data with peer supporters, breastfeeding mothers, Sure Start breastfeeding support staff
and local maternity service staff.
Evaluation findingsInterviews carried out during the evaluation with mothers, peer supporters and Sure Start
staff suggested that: peer supporters gained training and experience through volunteering.
They grew in self-confidence; some secured jobs as a result. The ethos of giving andreceiving strengthened the local community. Significant staff time was needed to build
the team and keep peer supporters involved, especially when there were a high proportionof Minority Ethnic women in the team. A ‘buddy’ system between new peer supporters
and experienced ones helped new peer supporters settle in and stay motivated.
Findings were that peer support worked well with mothers. Mothers valued the service
for: emotional and practical support; solidarity; and friendship.
We finish with a quote from a peer supporter who had been helped to breastfeed herself
by the programme:“There’s a wealth of written information, when you’re a new mum you don’t havethe time or energy to find out…It was so nice to not to have to go through thewhole process of going and booking a doctor’s appointment and going in andsitting down and saying, ‘I have a problem’, but phoning up [a peer supporter]. It
was mother-to-mother support that made a difference and it was something so
simple.”References
Austerberry H (2006) Evaluation of Sure Start Kilburn Priory Breastfeeding Support
Work: Report of findings. Social Science Research Unit, Institute of Education,
University of London
Austerberry H, Wiggins M, Turner H, Oakley A (2004), Evaluating social support andhealth visiting. Community Practitioner 77: 460–464.
Deave T, Heron J, Evans J, Emond A. The impact of maternal depression in pregnancy
on early child development. BJOG 2008;115:1043-1051.
http://www.everychildmatters.gov.uk/
Sawtell M. Lives on Hold: homeless families in temporary accommodation. Maternity
Alliance 2002.



Sawtell M & Jones C. Time to Listen: an account of the role of ‘support’ health visitors.
Community Practitioner 2002: 75: 50-52.
Shribna S, Billingham K (2008) Child Health Promotion Programme. DCSF and DH.
TSO:London
Wiggins M, Oakley A, Sawtell M, Austerberry H, et al (2005), Teenage Parenthood andSocial Exclusion: A multi-method study. London: Social Science Research Unit Report,
Institute of Education, University of London.
Wiggins, M., Oakley, A., Roberts, I., Turner, H., Rajan, L., Austerberry, H. et al. (2004),
The Social Support and Family Health Study: a randomised controlled trial and economic
evaluation of two alternative forms of postnatal support for mothers living in
disadvantaged inner city areas. Health Technology Assessment. 8(32) 134 pages

Improving health outcomes for pregnant teenagers, young parents
and their children: evidence from UK targeted programmes thatprovide home- and community-based support.
Helen Austerberry and Mary Sawtell
Social Science Research Unit, Institute of Education, University of London

The second presentation that focused on evidence from the UK to support new
families looked at home-based and community-based support for pregnant teenagers,
young parents and their children.
The high teenage conception rate found in Britain compared with most otherdeveloped countries, coupled with the poverty and disadvantage that is associatedwith young parenthood, helps explain why this group has been a focus of UK
Government policy for almost a decade.
The following table shows international comparisons of teenage birth rates in 1994
and 2002.
Teenage birth rates

Rate per 1000 women aged 15 – 19 years
1994* 2002**
Japan
4
6
European Union average
15
14
UK
33
27
USA
54
46
* United Nations Population Division** National Statistics Agencies

We can see that in 1994 the teenage birth rate was over eight times higher in the UK
than it was in Japan, which had the lowest rate amongst developed countries. By 2002
the ratio had decreased to about four-and-a-half times. So the rate in the UK isrelatively high but it is decreasing. Whereas in Japan (although still very low
compared with other countries) it increased by 50% over this period.
Policy context
The UK Teenage Pregnancy Strategy (2000 – 2010) is a ten-year government policy
with two main aims - to reduce:x the teenage conception rate;
x and the risk of long-term social exclusion amongst young families.
The second aim of the Teenage Pregnancy Strategy– which we shall be focusing on
here – concerns the provision of support to pregnant teenagers, young parents andtheir children. A specific target is to increase the proportion of teenage parents in
education, training or employment to 60% by 2010.

We present findings from evaluations of three UK government initiatives targeted at
pregnant and parenting young people that form part of this strategy.
We shall focus particularly on national programmes that we have evaluated at theInstitute of Education, University of London. These are: the Sure Start Plus
programme, which offered a holistic support package to pregnant teenagers and young
parents; and aspects of the Teenage Health Demonstration Site programme
concerning support to prevent second conceptions amongst teenage mothers. We also
discuss a health-led parenting programme targeted at first-time teenage parents, theFamily Nurse Partnership, which is in its early stages of implementation. We explore
their key characteristics, and barriers and aids to their success.
Sure Start Plus programme
As part of the Teenage Pregnancy Strategy, the Sure Start Plus programme aimed toreduce the risk of long term social exclusion associated with teenage pregnancy
through co-ordinated support to pregnant teenagers and teenage parents.
The pilot programme, funded by the Department of Health and the Department for
Education and Skills, began in April 2001 and ran until April 2006. Our evaluation at
the Institute of Education began in January 2002 and ended in December 2004 1. It
utilised a mixed-methods approach and had four components: a service delivery
study; an evaluation of impact using a matched case control study; an analysis ofjoined-up policy and practice; and an economic commentary on the cost of the
programme. Data was collected through interviews and surveys of young people,
programme staff and related professionals.
The programme was based in 35 local authorities in England, in areas of highdeprivation with high conception rates. These were mainly in inner areas of London
and other large cities, which is where the highest rates of deprivation are found in the
UK. Rural areas in England tend to be more affluent, which appears to be theopposite picture to that found in Japan.
The national Government expectations of the pilot were that there should be:
x One-to-one support from a lead professional (one professional to coordinate the package of care)x Innovation and local variation in order to learn (to use the pilot programme
as an opportunity to try out new ways of doing things – and to follow
local need rather than a national template)x Support for pilot sites through local strategic partnerships (these werecommittees made up of managers in health, education and youth services
and from the Sure Start programme, which was discussed in the previous
presentation)
The aims of Sure Start Plus
The aims of Sure Start Plus were fourfold. They were to:1

Wiggins M, Rosato M, Austerberry H, Sawtell M, et al (2005), Sure Start Plus National Evaluation: Final
Report. Social Science Research Unit, Institute of Education, University of London. 110 pages.



x
x
x
x

Improve healtho early contact with maternity services; smoking cessation
Improve learningo participation in education; gain basic (or higher) qualifications
Strengthen families and communitieso increase involvement of family, partner or father of the child
Improve social & emotional wellbeingo better identification and support around postnatal depression

How did Sure Start Plus look in practice?
In practice the Sure Start Plus Programme was diverse; this characteristic arose fromsites being given freedom to innovate to best suit their locality. There were various
models of programme structure in terms of the services they offered and the ways inwhich they were delivered. For example, they were housed in different sectors,
including health authorities, education and youth advice services, and thevoluntary/non-profit sector. There was evidence of strong local joined-up working(for instance between staff who helped young women re-engage in education, Sure
Start Plus advisers and between specialist teenage pregnancy midwives. The way
services were delivered varied in terms of range and ethos. Some local programmes
targeted fewer young women in depth, whereas others aimed to reach as many as
possible; some emphasised the needs expressed by service users, whereas others
emphasised Sure Start Plus targets, like smoking cessation). The range of expenditure
varied between local sites, from 37,300 JPY to 130,500 JPY per teenage conception.
Content of services
Despite the diversity, all local pilots provided as standard a holistic package of care,which included one-to-one advice and support with: housing, health care, parenting
skills, re-engaging with education, childcare
Personal advisers saw young women in their homes, in cafes, or at local projects.
They worked by appointment and through drop-ins. They befriended women,
counselled them, helped build their confidence, and helped negotiate family
relationships. They also helped in practical ways, around access to education, housing
or benefits. They worked in an active way, chasing up young women who were indanger of losing touch with the programme. Most had a caseload of about fifty young
women.
The programme also delivered group work with teenagers. Groups were mainly
informal support groups, antenatal or parenting skills classes, and mother and baby
groups. Often advisers would encourage young women to start coming to a group, if
they were nervous or shy, by driving them there or accompanying them.
Additional projects that were developed by local pilots were: training modules for
professionals (about young parents’ needs or about working in youth- friendly andaccessible ways); childcare projects; skill-based training; housing associations; andspecialist fathers’ work.
How was Sure Start Plus received by young people?
Young people found the service to be accessible and acceptable. They valued therelationship with their adviser. The only complaint was that contact too short term.

Originally the UK Departments of Health and Education envisaged that the Sure Start
Plus programme would provide support to families up to a child reaching four years.
In practice sites were not resourced to provide support beyond the child’s firstbirthday.
Here are some quotes from young women we interviewed.
“[The Sure Start Plus adviser] was one of those people you could make friends withstraight away. She’s a warm lovely person…I just throw it all at her! She does help youwith [any problem].” Young mother aged 17.
“I liked not just support – you get trips, [Sure Start Plus] organise parents groups. They
contact people for you – education, housing, childcare. So they help organise many things.
They ask what you need of them and then try and organise what you want.” Pregnant

young woman aged 17
How was Sure Start Plus received by staff?
Staff thought that the programme was an effective and appropriate way to be working
with this client group. Professionals from partner agencies (specialists in maternity
services, education services, careers advice services, youth service, supported housing
services) saw Sure Start Plus as having improved local support across a range ofissues for teenage parents. There was evidence of strong local joined-up working
between these agencies and the local Sure Start Plus team of workers.
Has Sure Start Plus made a difference?
What did we find from our evaluation of Sure Start Plus? Was the programme
successful in reaching pregnant teenagers and young parents and helping them interms of their health, wellbeing and education?
When we made statistical comparisons with similar areas without Sure Start Plus wewere able to show success in providing crisis support to young women in Sure Start
Plus areas: decisions about pregnancy outcome; emotional support; relationships withfamilies; housing; and domestic violence.
In terms of education, more young women under 16 years (compulsory school age)
were returning to education in Sure Start Plus areas than comparison areas. There wasincreased participation in education or training for young women aged 16 and overwhen advisers were based in the education sector.
There was little global impact on reducing smoking and increasing breastfeeding,which were key health goals; however, there were examples of good work in theseareas.
Sarah’s story – an example of help with returning to education
One 16-year-old woman, Sarah, was planning to gain qualifications in order tobecome a midwife. When she found out she was pregnant she thought her future wasover. She was getting on badly with her parents so was living away from her family insupported housing, where she had met her partner. He was happy when she firstbecame pregnant but as time went on her relationship with him deteriorated. Shestruggled to cope with pregnancy and a turbulent relationship and stopped going toschool. She was referred to a Sure Start Plus adviser by a specialist young woman’s
midwife at the local hospital.
Before she could think about returning to school, the advisor first helped with:x Accommodation – found her supported housing that would accept children
x Financial difficulties – she was in debt and unsure about entitlement to state
benefitsx Parental relationship – they met her parents together to help improve relations…then (once her life was less chaotic) the adviser helped with:x Sarah’s education plan to reach her midwifery goal – the Sure Start Plus
adviser worked with the local education / career advice agency and she gained
secondary school qualifications to enable her to start a paramedic course atcollegex Childcare – the adviser helped her access a good nursery and a student
mother’s grant for childcare

Young fathers
Programmes found it challenging to engage fathers at first, partly because they did not
make this work a priority, whereas young mothers were at the heart of he programmethroughout. Examples of innovative work with fathers emerged later on. One example
is given below, from Nottingham, a city in the English Midlands.
Case study: work with young fathers - at Nottingham Sure Start Plus 2
Nottingham Sure Start Plus had dedicated male father’s support workers in their team.
They held residential weekends with young fathers and their partners to plan services,
finding that young fathers would not attend single-sex events. Over the course of aweekend they would hold male-only groups in order that young men felt safe to
explore their fears and feelings.
Services that were set up as a result of what young men ask for in planning sessions
included support work with fathers and couples. This work: explored roles andresponsibilities of young fathers; challenged stereotypes about them; examined
relationships with partners and extended families; looked at managing the anger thatyoung men frequently expressed; and developed advocacy services around access tochildren. Development work with other agencies highlighted the support needs ofyoung fathers.
Summary of the findings from the Sure Start Plus Evaluation
Having a dedicated lead professional, providing holistic support, was valued by young
people and professionals. Sure Start Plus was successful in providing crisis supportand helped to lay foundations for future positive development
Recommendations from the evaluation2

Sawtell M, Wiggins M, Austerberry H, Rosato M, Oliver S (2005) Reaching out to pregnant teenagers andteenage parents. Innovative practice from Sure Start Plus programmes. London: Social Science Research Unit,
Institute of Education, University of London. 35 pages. ISBN: 0955048710

The evaluation made recommendations for how new integrated children and young
people’s services throughout England should provide support for pregnant teenagers
and young parents in the future.
Children and young people’s services should fund personal support workers forteenage parents, who would have a holistic role, and work in depth and longer-termwith most vulnerable young people. Advisers should have small caseloads of 25 to 50
young people, with different advisers for young women and men.
A co-ordinator should manage the support service and keep its profile high withinchildren and young people’s services. There should be a team of specialist provision
for pregnant teenagers and young parents, support for pregnancy options, specialist
teenage pregnancy midwives and support for breastfeeding. Local needs assessment
should be carried out for services for young parents.
Targeted Health-led Parenting Programme - the Family Nurse Partnership
The second UK programme which we outline here is the Family-Nurse Partnership,
which is currently being piloted in England. It is a nurse home-visiting programme
based closely on a successful US model that is targeted a at first-time teenage parents
and their children. It aims to improve health, wellbeing and self-sufficiency, throughthe formation of a strong therapeutic bond between the mother and nurse.
Evaluation of its early implementation by a team at Birkbeck College, University of
London 3, led by Professor Jacqueline Barnes, has found that enrolment rates were
high. Most parents had a high regard for their Family Nurses and valued the learning
aspects of the programme, although attrition rates in most areas were higher than thetarget. Family Nurses found benefits to their role and working methods despite thework being emotionally and professionally demanding. High quality supervision andorganisational support was seen to be key to successful delivery.
Teenage Health Demonstration Site programme - preventing second conceptions
We finish by briefly describing an aspect of the Teenage Health Demonstration Siteprogramme 4 . This programme aims to demonstrate innovative approaches todelivering health and wellbeing services to young people in non-traditional settings.
As a result of scoping work additional staff have been employed in programme areas
to provide intensive one-to-one contraceptive support to all young women pre- andpost- maternity or termination of pregnancy, in outreach and domiciliary settings.
Early indications are that services work best when they are both intensive and flexible.
We present a case study within one site.

3

Barnes J, et al. (2008) Nurse-Family Partnership Programme: First Year Pilot Sites Implementation in England.
Pregnancy and the post partum period. Institute for the Study of the Children, Families and Social Issues,
Birkbeck, University of London
4

Austerberry H, Sawtell M, Ingold A, Wiggins M, Arai L, Strange V (2008) Evaluation of the Teenage
Health Demonstration Programme: 1st Annual Report 2007. London: Social Science Research Unit, Institute of
Education, University of London. 76 pages

Case Study - Antenatal and post-birth support in Bolton Teenage Health
Demonstration Site
Bolton, a former cotton-producing town near Manchester in the north of England, hasdeveloped a new service in the past two years to prevent unwanted second
conceptions amongst teenage parents. The sexual health service has employed a‘second conceptions’ nurse, who specialises in contraception and young people’s
health. She works in partnership with maternity services and health visitors. The
universal midwifery service refers all under-18 young women, with consent, atbooking. She offers the women a home visit at 30-weeks, where she provides acontraceptive assessment and plan which is placed in the maternity records. The
maternity services notify the specialist nurse of each birth. She then offers a post-natal
home visit before day 21 where we gives the woman a prescription for contraceptives
or signposted to support services. Long acting reversible contraception is promoted.
At a ten-week follow-up ongoing support offered, via a young people’s health centre,
as well as housing and other support services. Staff feel that good liaison with the
midwife and health visitor is essential. A pre-day 21 visit to the new mother is key, as
is continued liaison with health visitors through the early years of the baby’s life, toalert the second conceptions nurse if the mother stops contraception.

Conclusion
Many of the young parents who access UK support programmes have complex needs.
Their backgrounds are characterised by poverty, disaffection with school andemotional abuse or neglect. Pregnancy and parenthood often throw their lives into
turmoil, and the difficulties found in their backgrounds are often compounded by lackof family support, poverty, homelessness and social isolation. Evidence fromprogrammes such as these, when looked at together with further promising
approaches developed in other counties to support teenage parents, suggests that
intensive, holistic interventions in pregnancy and the early years targeted atvulnerable groups can be cost-effective in the long-term. 5

5Barnes J, et al. (2008) Nurse-Family Partnership Programme: First Year Pilot Sites Implementation in England.
Pregnancy and the post partum period. Institute for the Study of the Children, Families and Social Issues,
Birkbeck, University of London

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Tetsuya KURAISHI
Graduate Student of Doctorial Course, Kobe University
Associate Professor of Mukogawa Women’s University

History of Our Parenting Program
Outbreaks of serious crimes by the young in Kobe City instigated the developmentof our program. Kobe Child Guidance Clinic and our staff including me started
analyzing such cases of juvenile delinquency in 2000. And in order to prevent suchdelinquencies, we began to offer a parenting program called Parental Empathic
Communication with their Children in Kobe (PECCK in short) in 2001. We havebeen offering it to three different groups of parents every year since the year, and 23
parent groups (total number of the parents amounted to 162) participated in PECCK in
the end of 2008.
During these 8 years, we have studied the effects of this program and continued its
progression, the outcome of which is presented at academic meetings as shown below:∝Analyses of program contents for the parents who have problems about theirchildren’s behavior, of modification of parents behavior, and of developing processof parent groups; presented at The Japanese Conference of Children and Families(2001).
∝Analysis of program development for the parents who have problems about theirchildren’s behavior; presented at The Japanese Conference of Children and Families(2002).
∝Analysis of development of support program for the parents who have problems
about their young children’s behavior; presented at The Japanese Conference ofChildren and Families (2003).
∝Effectiveness of support program for the parents who have problems about theirchildren’s behavior; presented at The Japanese Conference of Children and Families(2004).
∝Development, practice and effect of group-based parenting program for promoting
parents’ empathy for their children; presented at The Japanese Conference of Social
Welfare (2008).
Participants and Purposes of the Program
Almost all the participants of Parental Empathic Communication with their Children
in Kobe (PECCK) are mothers of children from 4 years old (middle grade ofkindergarten) to 12 years old (the oldest grade of primary school). Some of theseparents are the voluntary participants having being informed of this program at local
resources and the others the involuntary ones recommended to take this program bysome child guidance clinics. In these parents’ view, their children show some kindsof problem behavior or trouble: they have difficulty in controlling their emotions; they
are discouraged to enjoy their living; they have strong hostility; they frequently quarrel
with their siblings; they are isolated from friends; they steal stuff from friends or do
shoplifting. And the parents also feel negative feelings toward themselves: these are
impatient or flurried by time-flow and by external factors such as media, education,
parenting, guilty and self-reproach, negative recognition about human relation such as
isolation, mistrust and recollection of traumatic experience in their infancy.
The purpose of PECCK is to help these participant parents reduce stress and anxiety
caused by their childcare, form relevant relationship with their children, understandintellectual and developmental disorder, understand how to cope with delinquency inearlier childhood, enhance empathic communication skills with their children andacquire coping skills for controlling their children’s problem behavior.
The participants expect their children to change their attitude or behavior: reducing
violent behavior and rude words; decreasing the frequencies of telling a lie; making
friendship with their siblings; reducing dependency; paying attention to their parents;
adjusting themselves to rhythm of daily living. They also expect themselves to bechanged; understanding how to control their emotion and how to cope with the lies toldby their children; getting the heuristics for childcare; making friends with otherparticipants; understanding how to accept the demands of their children.
Picture 1≞≞ A Scene of one of the Sessions
Details of the Program
Our program PECCK is agroup-based, and a group of
about ten participants receive aseries of seven sessions, each ofthem being held from10 p.m. tonoon on every Tuesday. The
same series is repeated threetimes (spring, autumn, andwinter terms) a year to threedifferent groups. The series iscomposedoflectures,workshops and discussions.
This program is offered at Kobe General Children’s Center and 162 participants, as
already stated, joined PECCK in 23 terms from 2001 to 2008

The contents of the first and the second sessions are introductory lectures with theassessment of the participant’s needs and dividing them into small groups. The themeof the first lecture is “Understanding children’s problematic behavior and symptoms
shown by children,” and the theme of the second one “Understanding communicationin parent-child relationship.”
The third and the fourth sessions are the combinations of a lecture and a workshop
intervention: In the third session, the lecture theme is “Understanding how to accept
children,” and the workshop task is drawing “Everyday troublesome scene repeated at
my family,” followed by group discussion; In the fourth session, the lecture theme is“Perceiving communication pattern,” and the workshop task is drawing panel cartoon
about troublesome parent-child conversation at home, followed by group discussion.
Picture 2

A Scene of one of the Sessions

The latter half of PECCK aims
at role-play intervention into theparticipant’s
recognitionofparent-child communication and iscomposed of role-playings anddiscussion in small groups. In
the fifth session, the role-playingtaskis“Parent-childconversation,” and several pairs of
the participants take the role ofchild or parent. In the sixth
session, the role-play task is also “Parent-child conversation,” and the same pairschange their roles played in the fifth session. In both sessions, the pairs talk about the
feelings while playing their parts after the role-playings. In the last session, theparticipants look back their own experiences and expressions all through the previous
sessions, as well as discuss how they changed themselves during these seven weeks.
Almost all of them state positive change of their attitude to children and the relation totheir children.
Purpose of the Interventions in the Program
The purpose of the interventions by workshops and role-playings is to make theparticipant parents be aware of their irrelevant communication pattern and/or irrelevant
behavior under the conflictive relationship with their children. Through theseinterventions, participants get the opportunities to change their communication patternor behavior and also enhance their empathy for their children, eventually to be inparental empathic communication with their children. The down below is thedetailed purposes and procedures of the workshops and the role-playings.

About the workshops“Everyday scene repeated at myfamily” provides the parents with thetime for looking back their typical,
troublesome scenes brought about by
their conflictive relationship to theirchildren.
“Panel-cartoon
drawing
aboutparent-child conversation” provides theparents with the time for recognizing thesequential, deadlocking patterns inparent-child to enhance the change themto the relevant patterns.
χ Picture 3

Everyday scene repeated at

my family’

φPicture 4

Panel cartoon drawing aboutparent-child conversation

About the role-playingsRole-playings in the two sessions aim at promoting the parents’ empathy for theirchildren, and the procedure is as follows:
The participants are divided into several pair groups.㹢One is supposed to take the roleof parent and the other is supposed to take the role of child in each pair.㹢The
parent-part explains the usual behavior of her child to the child-part under the conflictsituation.㹢The parent-part acts to the other as usual at home. 㹢The child-part acts in
response to the parent-part’s behavior. 㹢The parent-part writes down or talks about
what she experienced or felt in a parent’s place.㹢Child-part writes down or talks about
what she experienced or felt in a child’s place. 㹢Finally, the parent-part notices that
she actually feels empathy for her child at the spot.

Evaluation of the effects of the program
After completing seven sessions, the participants were required to answer thequestions, and we analyzed the data commonly obtained among the participants. The
questions are to inquire the participants’ impression about the program (seminar), theirsatisfaction level about the workshops and the role-playings, emotional or behavioral
change of their children, and effects recognized by the participants themselves.
The result of the impressions by checking the participants’ response distributions areshown in Table 1, and it indicates almost all the participants had good impressions
about our program, but that about a quarter of them were not satisfied with it.
Table 1 Participants’ Impressions about Seminar
Question 1: Has the seminar met your expectation?
Affirmative answer…82.7% Negative answer…16.3%
Question 2: Was the seminar easy for you to understand?
Affirmative answer…95.2% Negative answer…4.8%
Question 3: Do you think the seminar was of good quality?
Affirmative answer…96.2% Negative answer…3.8%
Question 4: Were you satisfied with the seminar?
Affirmative answer…60.6% Negative answer…24.9%‒ No answer…11.5%
For analyzing the effects of the workshops and the role-playings, we calculated
Pearson correlations between the satisfaction level about such interventions and theimpressions of the seminar. In Table 2, only the significant correlation pairs areshown, and the followings could be pointed out. The participants’ satisfaction levelof the workshops is relative with their recognition of the seminar being satisfactory andof quality. Their satisfaction level of the role-playings relates to their recognition of
the seminar coming up to the expectation and being of quality. And the same effect isseen when we combined both workshop and role-playing scores together. In otherwords, the interventions of this program seem to correlate to the participants’evaluation that the seminar comes up to the expectation and it is also of high quality.
And it was shown that either workshops or role-playings have nothing to do with theseminar being easy to understand, because this question about understandability rather
concerns the evaluation of the lectures in the program. The lowest box in Table 2 justindicates that the satisfaction levels of two types of our interventions are in strong
relation to each other.

Table 2 Pearson Correlations among Workshops, Role-playings and Impressions
Workshops and Satisfaction in Impressions
r=.508‒ P<.01
Workshops and Quality in Impressions
r=.538 P<.01
Role-playings and Meeting Expectation in Impressions
r=.609 P<.01
Role-playings and Quality in Impressions
r=.798 P<.01
Workshops+Role-playings and Meeting Expectation in Impressions r=.651 P<.01
Workshops+Role-playings and Quality in Impressions
r=.847 P<.01
Workshops and Role-playings
r=.888 P<.01
About the children’s emotional or behavioral change, we firstly asked theparticipants whether or not their children changed during their receiving this seminar.
Out of 69 who responded this question, 61 participants (88.3%) answered affirmatively.
We then asked these 61 to write down freely their children’s changes, which were to beclassified into the following five categories: Stability of Emotion 24 (33%); Wealthy
Communication 13 (18%);

KOBE GEGENERAL CHILDREN’S CENTER

PECCK(Seven Sessions)

Treatment Level

Case Screening

Evaluation

Program, Text,& Manual

Effects of Short Term Period

Development

Effects of Long Term Period

Out-reaching
Evaluation

PECCK Mini
(Two or Three Sessions)

Prevention Level

Family Support

Community-based

Fathers’

Centers (Next Step

ApproachClassesfrom 0 to 3 yrs.)(Needs Assessment)

COMMUNITY-BASED OUTREACH SERVICE

Figure 1

Our Implementation Plan of PECCK & PECCK-Mini

Independent Behavior 15 (21%); Control of Hot Temper 15 (21%); Independent
Behavior 15 (21%); Reformation of attachment 5 (7%).
As for the participants’ recognized effects to themselves, we also asked them towrite down freely, and the statements could be classified into the following six
categories: Being Accepted in Group Work; Feeling of Self-acceptance; Stability of
Emotions; Empathy for their Children; Face-to-face Contact with Children; Positive
Modification of their Communication Patterns.

Discussion and future task
The results of the participants’ evaluation about our program claim that the purposeand hypothesis of PECCK are verified and it is an effective means for enhancing good
relationship between parents and children. However, it was shown that a quarter ofthe participants were not satisfied with the program, and we firstly should find out thereason for this fact.
Totally speaking, PECCK surely meets the needs of the parents in that they actually
feel that their children have changed for the better, and they themselves have improved
their empathic communication. Thus, we hope this practice will lead to theprevention of the children’s juvenile delinquencies in the future. But, in order toverify that this program is effective for such prevention, we have to evaluate thelong-term effects by way of, for example, longitudinal method.
Another task of ours is to deliver this program locally to more and more parents inneed. We have just created a short program called PECCK-Mini which is composedof 2 sessions of a workshop and a role-playing, and we have just tried it several times
as a community-based service. As shown in Figure 1 on the previous page, we would
like to build a new support system by combining PECCK implemented at Kobe
General Children’s Center and PECCK-Mini implemented at several local centers.





+++
⷏ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕ
ᄢቇ㧔ᔃℂቇ㧕㨪

7PKXGTUKV[QH
9GUVGTP#WUVTCNKC
2U[EJQNQI[ International Symposium with University of Western Australia

Trans-cultural Psychology㨪⷏ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕᄢቇߣߩ࿖㓙ࠪࡦࡐࠫ࠙ࡓ㨪ᄙᢥൻߩਛߩᔃℂቇ‫ޣ‬ਥᣦ‫⥄ޤ‬Ꮖߣ⚵❱ߩᒻᚑ‫ޔ‬ኻੱ㑐ଥߩ․ᓽ‫ޔ‬ᔃℂ‫⊒ޔ‬㆐ߦ߅ߌࠆ⥃ᐥ⺖㗴ߦߟ޿ߡ‫ࠕޔ‬ࠫࠕ࿤ᔃℂቇߩ዁᧪௝ࠍ⷗ᝪ߃ߥ߇ࠄ⼏⺰ߔࠆ‫ޕ‬‫ޣ‬᜗⡜⠪‫ ޤ‬Dr.David Morrison  Professor Mike Anderson(School of Psychology, University of Western Australia)
㊄੗ᄈብᢎ᝼㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮⚻༡ቇ⎇ⓥ⑼㧕/ Professor Toshihiro Kanai(Graduate School of Business Administration, Kobe University㧕‫⸰ޣ‬໧⠪‫ ޤ‬UWA ↢๮⥄ὼ⑼ቇㇱቇㇱ㐳 Professor George Stewart   㧔Dean, Faculty of Life and Physical Sciences㧘University of Western Australia㧕‫ޣ‬ኻ⽎‫ ޤ‬ᢎຬ㧘㒮↢㧘ቇㇱ↢㧘⎇ⓥ⠪‫ޣ‬ᣣ⒟‫ޤ‬㧝㧝᦬㧝㧜ᣣ㧔᦬㧕 Dr. Morrison ߣ Professor Anderson ᧪ᣣ㧝㧝᦬㧝㧝ᣣ㧔Ἣ㧕ඦ೨ ᄢቇ㒮↢ߦࠃࠆቇౝ᩺ౝ    ඦᓟ ⷏ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕᄢቇ⚫੺ Professor George Stewartၮ⺞⻠Ṷ  Dr. Morrisonડ↹ኻ⺣  Dr. Morrison x Professor Kanaiᄛ ቇⴚ WEEKS วห࡟࠮ࡊ࡚ࠪࡦ
㧝㧝᦬㧝㧞ᣣ㧔᳓㧕ඦ೨ ቇⴚ⻠Ṷ  Professor Anderson ඦᓟ ⎇ⓥ⊒⴫ ਛ᧛๺ᄦ ᢎ᝼㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼㧕
ਛ಴⍮ᕺ㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ඳ჻⺖⒟೨ᦼ㧕   ᄛ ᔃℂ⊒㆐⺰ࠦ࡯ࠬਥ௅ߩᙣⷫળ
㧝㧝᦬㧝㧟ᣣ㧔ᧁ㧕ࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢ
㧝㧝᦬㧝㧠ᣣ㧔㊄㧕

Dr. Morrison ߣ Professor Anderson ߏᏫ࿖䋼ᵴേ䈱⹦⚦䋾㩷㧞㧜㧜㧤ᐕ㧝㧝᦬㧝㧝ᣣ㧔᦬㧕ቇౝ᩺ౝᔃり⊒㆐⺰ߩᄢቇ㒮↢  ฬߣ⷏ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕᄢቇߩవ↢ᣇ  ฬ㧘ੱ㑆ⅣႺ⺰ߩᄢቇ㒮↢  ฬߣࠝ࡯ࡈࠬᄢቇߩవ↢  ฬߣวหߢቇౝ᩺ౝ
࿖㓙੤ᵹળ㙚߆ࠄߩ౐↲ߩ↸ਗߺߩዷᦸ㧘⥄ὼ⑼ቇ♽ߩ࿑ᦠ㙚ߥߤߩᣉ⸳᩺ౝ㧘౐↲บࠠࡖࡦࡄࠬߩ᩺ౝ
ߘߩᓟ㧘᫪ጟవ↢㧘㊄੗వ↢㧘ᄢቇ㒮↢  ฬ߽วᵹߒ㧘౐↲บࠠࡖࡦࡄࠬߩ๺㘑࡟ࠬ࠻࡜ࡦ‫ߢޠࠄߊߐޟ‬ᤤ㘩ᤤ㘩ᓟ㧘⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱࠠࡖࡦࡄࠬ߳‫ޕ‬

UWA ⚫੺
㧝㧟㧦㧟㧜㨪㧝㧟㧦㧠㧡      ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱ F256

UWA ↢๮⥄ὼ⑼ቇㇱ㐳 Professor George Stewart⷏ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕᄢቇߩᚲ࿷࿾ߢ޽ࠆ㧘ࡄ࡯ࠬᏒߩ
․ᓽߥߤߣߣ߽ߦ㧘⷏ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕᄢቇߩ⺑᣿ࠍߒߡ޿ߚߛߊ‫ޕ‬ၮ⺞⻠Ṷ㧝㧟㧦㧠㧡㨪㧝㧡㧦㧟㧜       ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱ F264

Individual differences in safety behaviour and cognitive error
MORRISON, D. L. (University of Western Australia)       ⻠Ṷ⠪㧦Dr. David Morrison㧔University of Western Australia㧕       มળ⠪㧦᫪ጟᱜ⧐ᢎ᝼㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼㧕
‫⻠ޣ‬Ṷⷐᣦ‫ޤ‬

Identifying individual differences in safety related behaviours and error has long been a
topic of interest in organisational psychology. The relationship between personality
and safety related behaviours was examined across three studies using self andsupervisor ratings of safety behaviour and self reported cognitive errors. The studies
had dual aims. First, to test the hypothesis that lower order personality facets were
better predictors of unsafe work behaviours and error than super ordinate global
personality factors. Second, using cognitive resources theory as a guiding framework,
the indirect effects of cognitive ability and personality on safety behaviours andoutcomes were assessed using a measure of cognitive failure as a mediating variable.
The data revealed different facets of emotionality and conscientiousness predicted self
reported errors and safety behaviours. No main or interaction effects of cognitive
ability and personality were found. The effects of anxiety, a facet of emotionality,
were partially mediated by cognitive failures whereas those of prudence andorganisation (facets of conscientiousness) were fully mediated. Finally, results showedthat conscientiousness and emotionality are antagonistic to each other with respect tocognitive failures, and thus a more complex picture of the relationship between
personality and safety is presented than has hitherto been the case.
‫ޤ⹏⻠ޣ‬

 ࡅࡘ࡯ࡑࡦࠛ࡜࡯ߦߟ޿ߡߩࡕ࡝࠰ࡦవ↢ߩ⎇ⓥࠍࡄࡢ࡯
ࡐࠗࡦ࠻ࠍ↪޿ߡ⊒⴫ߒߡ޿ߚߛ޿ߚ‫ޕ‬ ⹺⍮⢻ജߣࡄ࡯࠰࠽࡝࠹ࠖߣߩ㑐ㅪ߆ࠄࡅࡘ࡯ࡑࡦࠛ࡜࡯
ߩᬌ⸛ࠍⴕ߁ߎߣߦࠃࠅ㧘ታ㓙ߩ␠ળ⊛႐㕙ߦ߅޿ߡࡅࡘ࡯
ࡑࡦࠛ࡜࡯ࠍࠃࠅዋߥߊߔࠆߎߣ߇น⢻ߣߥߞߚࠅ㧘޽ࠆ޿ߪ㧘௛ߊੱߩ․⾰ߦᔕߓߡㆡ᧚ㆡᚲߦ㈩⟎ߔࠆߎߣߦࠃࠅ㧘㓹↪⠪ߣⵍ㓹↪⠪ߦߣߞߡ⋧੕ߦ௛߈߿ߔ޿ⅣႺߦߥࠆߎߣ
ߥߤߩ⥝๧ᷓ޿⊒⴫ߛߞߚ‫ࠅࠃߣࠅߊߞࠁޕ‬ᐔᤃߥ⧷⺆ߢ⹤ߒߡߊߛߐࠅ㧘ቇ↢߽ℂ⸃ࠍߔࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߚ ࡕ࡝࠰ࡦవ↢ߩ⊒⴫ᓟ㧘␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮⚻༡ቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ߩ㊄੗వ↢߽ෳട޿ߚߛ߈㧘⚵❱ᢥൻߩⷞὐ߆ࠄߩ⹤㗴ឭଏ߿㧘ᄢቇ㒮↢߆ࠄߩ⾰໧ߥߤࠍ੤߃
ߥ߇ࠄ㧘๺߿߆ߥ㔓࿐᳇ߩਛ㧘᦭ᗧ⟵ߥᗧ⷗੤឵ࠍߔࠆ႐ߣߥߞߚ‫ޕ‬ડ↹ኻ⺣㧝㧢㧦㧜㧜㨪㧝㧣㧦㧟㧜     ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱ F264

     ‫ޟ‬࿖㓙ᢥൻ࡮⚵❱ᢥൻߣࠠࡖ࡝ࠕᒻᚑ‫ޠ‬  ኻ⺣⠪㧦Dr. David Morrison㧔University of Western Australia㧕㊄੗ᄈብ ᢎ᝼㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮⚻༡ቇ⎇ⓥ⑼㧕

      มળ⠪㧦᫪ጟᱜ⧐ ᢎ᝼㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼㧕

‫ޤ⹏⻠ޣ‬ ㊄੗వ↢߇ᣣᧄ⺆ߣ⧷⺆ߩ᜿ᜦߩ઀ᣇߩ㆑޿ߣ޿߁ౕ૕⊛ߥ଀߆ࠄ㧘ᢥൻᏅߦߟ޿ߡߩ
⹤ࠍዷ㐿ߐࠇߚ‫ߚߒ߁ߘޕ‬Ꮕ⇣߇㧘ᣣᧄߦ߅ߌࠆ୘ੱ࡮୘ᕈߩ᭎ᔨߩ⁛⥄ᕈߣᷓߊ㑐ࠊߞߡ߅ࠅ㧘߹ߚ㧘⚵❱ߣ୘ੱߩ㑐ଥߣ޿߁㕙ߦ߅޿ߡ߽․ᓽ⊛ߦ⷗಴ߐࠇࠆߎߣߦ⹤㗴߇෸߮㧘ฦవ↢ᣇ߇ᢥൻᏅ߅ࠃ߮㧘ߏ⥄ಽߩ⎇ⓥ㗔ၞߩ┙႐߆ࠄ㧘ߘࠇߙࠇߩ⠨߃ࠍㅀߴࠄࠇ
ߚ‫ޕ‬ᔃℂቇߩ⼾ንߥ⍮⷗ࠍ⢛᥊ߦ㧘⚻༡ቇߩಽ㊁ߢੱ㑆ࠍਛᔃߦᝪ߃ߚ⎇ⓥࠍⓍߺ㊀ߨߡ
߅ࠄࠇࠆ㊄੗వ↢ߣ㧘⚵❱ᔃℂቇࠍኾ㐷ߣߐࠇࠆࡕ࡝࠰
ࡦవ↢ߣߩ⼏⺰ߪᵴ⊒ߦዷ㐿ߐࠇߚ‫ޕ‬㊄੗వ↢߇㧘⧷⺆ߢߩ⊒⸒ౝኈࠍㅙᰴᣣᧄ⺆ߦ⸶ߒߡ⸃⺑ߒߡߊߛߐߞߚߩߢ㧘⡬ⴐ߽ℂ⸃߇ߢ߈㧘ᧄᄢቇ㒮
⎇ⓥ⑼ߢߪᣣ㗃⸅ࠇࠆߎߣߩዋߥ޿㧘ߎߩ㗔ၞߩవ┵ߩ
ℂ⺰ߦ࠽ࡑߢធߔࠆߣ޿߁㧘ᓧ߇ߚ޿⚻㛎ࠍߔࠆߎߣ߇
ߢ߈ߚ‫ޕ‬

ቇⴚ 㪮㪜㪜㪢㪪 วห䊧䉶䊒䉲䊢䊮㩷 㧝㧤㧦㧜㧜㨪㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷 㩷㩷 ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱᄢળ⼏ቶቇⴚ WEEKS ߦෳടߐࠇߚవ↢ᣇߣߩ┙㘩ࡄ࡯࠹ࠖߢ㧘ᔃℂቇಽ㊁ߢ᧪ߡ޿ߚߛ
޿ߚ㧘ࡕ࡝࠰ࡦవ↢㧘ࠕࡦ࠳࡯࠰ࡦవ↢㧘ࠬ࠴ࡘࡢ࡯࠻వ↢ߣᣣᧄߦ߅ߌࠆ⥃ᐥ
ᔃℂ჻ขᓧߩ೙ᐲ߿㧘ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕߢߩ⥃ᐥᔃℂ჻ߩ઀੐ߥߤߩ⹤㧘ᢥൻߩ㆑޿ߦ㑐ߔࠆᣣᏱ⊛ߥ⹤ߥߤࠍ੤߃ߥ߇ࠄ⺣╉ߒ㧘੤ᵹࠍᷓ߼ߚ‫ߚ߹ޕ‬㧘ઁߩಽ㊁ߩవ↢ᣇߣ߽⹤ߔߎߣ߇ߢ߈㧘ᭉߒ޿ᤨ㑆ࠍㆊߏߒߚ‫ޕ‬㧞㧜㧜㧤ᐕ㧝㧝᦬㧝㧞ᣣ㧔Ἣ㧕㩷ቇⴚ⻠Ṷ㧝㧜㧦㧜㧜㨪㧝㧞㧦㧜㧜             ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱᄢળ⼏ቶ

The Cognitive Neuroscience of General Intelligence⻠Ṷ⠪㧦Professor Mike Anderson㧔University of Western Australia㧕      มળ⠪㧦ේ↰ ᣂ㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ඳ჻⺖⒟ᓟᦼ㧕㊄ ቄታ㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ඳ჻⺖⒟೨ᦼ㧕‫⻠ޣ‬Ṷⷐᣦ‫ޤ‬In this talk I will look at two different suggestions for the information processing basis of
Spearman’s g (or general intelligence). One is speed of information processing and the other is theintegrity of “frontal” or executive functions. Data from patients with fronto-temporal dementia andchildren born prematurely will be used to support my claim that speed of processing and executivefunctions represent two different dimensions to Spearman’s g – one related to individual differences
in intelligence (or IQ) and the other to developmental change. I will also discuss a project that is
examining the role of cortical maturation in the development of cognitive abilities.
䇼⻠⹏䇽㩷 ␹⚻ᔃℂቇࠍኾ㐷ߣߐࠇࠆࠕࡦ࠳࡯࠰ࡦవ↢߇㧘ᐜఽߩ⍮⢻ߩ⊒㆐ߦߟ޿ߡߩ⻠Ṷࠍߐࠇߚ‫⎇ޕ‬ⓥᣇᴺߪታ㛎߇ਥ૕ߢ㧘઒⺑ߣᬌ⸽ߩㆊ⒟ࠍ⺑᣿ߒߥ߇ࠄ㕖Ᏹߦߚߊߐࠎߩ⎇ⓥ⚿ᨐࠍ⊒⴫ߒߡߊߛߐߞߚ‫ޕ‬ታ㛎ߢታ㓙ߦሶߤ߽ߚߜ
ߦታᣉߐࠇߚ࠹ࠬ࠻ࠍ૕㛎ߢ߈ࠆࠃ߁ߥേ↹߿㧘ᤋ௝ߥߤ߽⋓ࠅㄟ߹ࠇߚࡄࡢ࡯ࡐࠗࡦ࠻ࠍ૶↪ߒߡ㧘ߣߡ߽ࠊ߆ࠅ߿ߔߊ⺑᣿ߒߡߊߛߐߞߚ‫⚻␹ޕ‬ᔃℂቇߪᧄቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ߢߪ޽߹ࠅቇ߱ߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߥ޿ౝኈߢ޽ࠅ㧘ᦨೋߪߘߩታ㛎⊛ߥᚻᴺߦዋߒߣ߹ߤ޿߽ᗵߓߚ߇㧘‫ޟ‬⍮⢻ߣߪ૗߆‫߁޿ߣޠ‬ᷓ޿໧㗴ࠍᩮᧄߦᜬߞߡ޿ࠆ
ߩߪหߓߛߣᗵߓߚ‫ޕ‬หߓ໧㗴ߦኻߒߡߎߩࠃ߁ߥࠕ
ࡊࡠ࡯࠴߽น⢻ߢ޽ࠆߎߣࠍ⍮ࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈㧘ቇ↢ࠄߦߣߞߡ߽ᣂߒ޿⥝๧ࠍ߆߈ߚߡߡߊࠇࠆ⊒⴫ߢ޽ߞߚߣᕁࠊࠇࠆ‫ޕ‬ ᧄ⻠Ṷߢߪ㧘มળ߽ᄢቇ㒮↢߇ᜂᒰߒ㧘ࡈࡠࠕ࡯ߩ
ቇ↢߆ࠄߩ⾰໧߽޽ࠅ㧘ቇ↢ਥ૕ߩᤨ㑆ߣߥߞߚ‫ޕ‬ቇ↢ߦวࠊߖߥ߇ࠄ㧘ᨵエߦࠕࡦ࠳࡯࠰ࡦవ↢߇ኻᔕߒߡߊߛߐࠅ㧘⧷⺆ߢߩ⾰⇼ᔕ╵ߩ઀ᣇࠍ૕㛎ߢ߈ࠆᯏળߣߒߡ߽㧘⾆㊀ߥᤨ㑆ߣߥߞߚ‫ޕ‬⎇ⓥ⊒⴫㧝㧟㧦㧟㧜㨪㧝㧣㧦㧜㧜                   ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱᄢળ⼏ቶ䉮䊜䊮䊁䊷䉺㧦Dr. Morrison  Professor Anderson࡮

Professor Stewartมળ⠪㧦₺ ᧻㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ඳ჻⺖⒟ᓟᦼ㧕Ԙ Rough-and-tumble play and expressive aggressive behavior   㧙 How do they occur and develop in late childhood㧫 㧙㩷⊒⴫⠪㧦ਛ಴ජᕺ㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ඳ჻⺖⒟೨ᦼ 1 ᐕ㧕㩷䇼⊒⴫ⷐᣦ䇽㩷
ఽ┬ᦼߦ߅ߌࠆ↵ఽߩ᡹᠄ⴕേߪખ㑆㑐ଥߩਛߢᒝൻ
ߐࠇ߿ߔ޿ߎߣ߇ᜰ៰ߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ㧔౎ፉ㧘2002㧕‫ޕ‬᡹᠄ⴕേߩᄙ޿ሶߤ߽ߪ๟ࠅ߆ࠄᜎุߐࠇ߿ߔ޿ߥߤߩ໧
㗴߇޽ࠆ߇㧔೨↰㧘2001㧕
㧘᡹᠄ᕈߩ㜞޿୘ੱߪ⹺⍮⊛ߥᱡߺ߇↢ߓߡ޿ࠆߣߒߡ㧘᡹᠄ᕈߣ␠ળ⊛ᖱႎಣℂ
ߣߩ㑐ଥࠍߺࠆ⎇ⓥ߇ᄙߊߥߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ㧔ựญ㧘1992ဈ੗࡮ጊፒ㧘2004㧕‫⎇ߩࠄࠇߘߒ߆ߒޕ‬ⓥߢߪ⥄Ꮖ⹺⍮ߦࠃࠆ᡹᠄ⴕേࠍᛠីߒߡ޿ࠆߦߔ߉ߥ޿ߚ߼㧘ᣣᏱ႐㕙ߦ߅ߌࠆખ㑆ห჻ߩ⋧੕૞↪ߩਛߢߩ᡹᠄ⴕേߣࠄ߃ࠆᔅⷐ߇޽ࠆ㧔ዣ࡮ᐢ↰㧘1996㧕‫ޕ‬ߐࠄߦఽ┬ߦ߅ߌࠆ᡹᠄ᕈࠍ⠨߃ࠆ႐วߦߪ㧘ㆆ߮ߣ޿߁ⷰὐࠍήⷞߒߡߪߥࠄߥ޿‫ఽޕ‬┬ᦼߦ߅޿ߡߪ᡹᠄ߩࠃ߁ߦ⷗߃ࠆⴕὑߩਛߦㆆ߮߇ടᾲߒߚߌࠎ߆ߏߞߎߩࠃ߁ߥ߽ߩ
߇฽߹ࠇߡ޿ࠆน⢻ᕈ߽චಽߦ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ሶߤ߽ࠄߩ᡹᠄ߣੂ᥸ㆆ߮ߣ߇ߤߩࠃ߁ߦዷ㐿ߒߡ޿ࠆ߆ࠍᛠីߔࠆߎߣߢ㧘ߘࠇࠄߩࠃࠅ൮᜝⊛ߥᆫࠍߣࠄ߃ࠆߎߣ߇น⢻ߢ޽ࠆߣ⠨߃ࠄࠇࠆ‫⎇ᧄߢߎߘޕ‬ⓥߢߪ㧘ఽ┬ᦼߩ↵ఽߦᄙߊ⷗ࠄࠇࠆੂ᥸ㆆ߮ߣ⴫಴ᕈ᡹᠄ߦߟ޿ߡⷰ
ኤ⎇ⓥࠍⴕ޿㧘ߘࠇࠄ߇ߤߩࠃ߁ߦዷ㐿ߒߡ޿ࠆߩ߆ߩࡕ࠺࡞ࠍ૞ᚑߔࠆߎߣࠍ⋡⊛ߣߒߚ‫⚿ߩߘޕ‬ᨐ㧘᡹᠄ߩࠃ߁ߦߺ߃ࠆⴕὑߩਛߦߪ㧨ੂ᥸ㆆ߮㧪㧘㧨ᗧ࿑ߦߕࠇߩ޽ࠆ᡹᠄
㧪㧘㧨ᧄ᳇ห჻ߩ᡹᠄㧪ߩ 3 ⒳㘃߇޽ࠆߎߣ߇ࠊ߆ߞߚ‫⚳ޕ‬ᕷߦߪ㧨ᐔ๺⊛⚳ᕷ㧪㧘㧨஥ᔶࠅဳ⚳ᕷ㧪㧘㧨ਔ஥ᔶࠅဳ⚳ᕷ㧪ߩ 3 ⒳㘃߇޽ࠆߎߣ߇␜ߐࠇߚ‫ߦࠄߐޕ‬ജߩᒝߐ㧘ⴕὑߩᗧ࿑㧘㑐ਈ⠪ߩਇḩᗵ߇ዷ㐿ࠍേ߆ߔ㊀ⷐߥࡈࠔࠢ࠲࡯ߢ޽ࠆߎߣ߇⷗಴ߐࠇߚ‫ޕ‬߹ߚ㧘↵ఽߩ⴫಴ᕈ᡹᠄ⴕേ߇ㆆ߮ߣ߈ࠊ߼ߡኒធߦ⚿߮ߟ޿ߡ޿ࠆߎߣ߇ᡷ߼ߡ⏕⹺ߐࠇߚߣߣ߽ߦ㧘ㆆ߮ߣ᡹᠄ߣߩᨒ⚵ߺߩᄌࠊࠅ߿ߔߐࠍᛠីߔࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߚ‫ޕ‬‫ޤ⹏⻠ޣ‬ ⧷⺆ߩࡄࡢ࡯ࡐࠗࡦ࠻ࠍ૞ᚑߒ㧘ߘࠇࠍ⸃⺑ߔࠆᒻߢㅴ߼ࠄࠇߚ‫⴫⊒ޕ‬⠪߇⥄ಽߩᗧ࿑ࠍવ߃ࠆߚ߼ߦ㧘ࠊ߆ࠅ߿ߔ޿⧷⺆ࠍ૶ߞߡ⺑᣿ߐࠇߚߚ߼㧘⡬ⴐߦ߽⎇ⓥౝኈ߇ࠃߊࠊ
߆ߞߚ‫ߚ߹ޕ‬㧘หᤨߦ⧷⺆ߢ⊒⴫ߔࠆ㓙ߦ㧘ߤߩࠃ߁ߥὐߦᵈᗧߔࠇ߫ࠃ޿ߩ߆ߣ޿߁ὐ
߽ᗵߓࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈㧘੹ᓟߩኻᄖ⊛ߥᵴേߦ߅޿ߡߩࠬࠠ࡞ࠍቇߴࠆᤨ㑆ߣߥߞߚ‫ޕ‬ ⾰⇼ᔕ╵ߦ߅޿ߡ߽㧘ߔߴߡ⧷⺆ߢߥߐࠇ㧘⊒⴫⠪߇ ๮ߦᔕ߃ࠆᆫ൓ߦߪᗵേߒߚ‫ޕ‬߹ߚ㧘ߘࠇߦኻߒߡ㧘ࠊ߆ࠄߥ޿႐วߪࠦࡔࡦ࠹࡯࠲ߩవ↢ᣇ߇߁߹ߊࠛࠬࠦ࡯࠻ࠍߒߡ
ߊߛߐࠅ㧘ࠃࠅ⊒⴫⠪ߩ⎇ⓥߩ⺰ὐ߇᣿ࠄ߆ߣߥࠅ㧘⊒⴫⠪㧘ࠦࡔࡦ࠹࡯࠲㧘ࡈࡠࠕ࡯ߩ 3⠪߇⋧੕ߦℂ⸃ࠍᷓ߼ࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߚߣᕁࠊࠇࠆ‫⴫⊒ޕ‬⠪ߩ߇ࠎ߫ࠅߦ㧘ߐࠄߦᄢቇ㒮↢߽ജࠍ߽ࠄߞߚ‫ޕ‬ԙ On the mechanism of the genesis of representation in L. S. Vygotsky’s psychologicaltheory ‫ߩ࡯ࠠ࠷࡯ࠧࠖࡧޟ‬ᔃℂቇℂ⺰ߦ߅ߌࠆ⴫⽎ߩ⊒↢ߩࡔࠞ࠾࠭ࡓߦߟ޿ߡ‫ޠ‬      ⊒⴫⠪㧦ਛ᧛๺ᄦ ᢎ᝼㧔␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼㧕
䇼⊒⴫ⷐᣦ䇽㩷
⴫⽎ߦࠃߞߡ‫ੱޔ‬㑆ߪ⃻ታ਎⇇߆ࠄ㔌ࠇ‫⃻ޔ‬ታߣߪ⁛┙ߒߚ♖␹⊛਎⇇ࠍᚻߦ౉ࠇࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆ‫ੱޕ‬㑆ࠍઁߩേ‛ߣᦨ߽ᧄ⾰⊛ߦ඙೎ߔࠆ߽ߩ߇♖␹਎⇇ߢ޽ࠆߥࠄ߫‫ߩ↢⊒ߩ⽎⴫ޔ‬໧㗴ߪ‫ޔ‬ሶߤ߽ߩ⊒㆐ᔃℂቇ
ߦ߅޿ߡᦨ㊀ⷐߥ⺖㗴ߢ޽ࠆ‫ᧄޕ‬ႎ๔ߢߪ‫࡯ࠧࠖࡧޔ‬࠷ࠠ࡯ߩ⊒㆐ℂ⺰ߦ߅޿ߡ‫߇ࡓ࠭࠾ࠞࡔߩ↢⊒⽎⴫ޔ‬ߤߩࠃ߁ߦ⠨߃ࠄࠇߡ޿ࠆߩ߆ߦߟ޿ߡ⠨ኤࠍߔࠆ‫ޕ‬⴫⽎⊒↢ߩࡔࠞ࠾࠭ࡓߦߟ޿ߡ‫⥄࡯ࠠ࠷࡯ࠧࠖࡧޔ‬りߪ᣿␜⊛ߥ࿁╵ࠍਈ߃ߡ޿ࠆࠊߌߢߪߥ޿‫ޔߒ߆ߒޕ‬ሶߤ߽ߩ⊒㆐ߦߟ޿ߡㅀߴࠄࠇߚࡧ
ࠖࠧ࡯࠷ࠠ࡯ߩ⺰ㅀࠍಽᨆߒߡ޿ߊߣ‫ߦࡓ࠭࠾ࠞࡔߩ↢⊒⽎⴫ޔߦߎߘޔ‬㑐ߔࠆࡧࠖࠧ࡯
࠷ࠠ࡯ߩ⠨߃߇၂㑆⷗߃ߡߊࠆ‫ᧄޕ‬ႎ๔ߢߪ‫⊒(┬ఽޡࡈ࡜ࠣࡁࡕޔߦ․ޔ‬㆐)ᔃℂቇߩ⻉໧㗴‫ߩޢ‬ਛߩ੃ఽᦼߩ⸥ㅀࠍಽᨆߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ߩߘޕ‬ಽᨆ߆ࠄߪ‫ߩ↢⊒⽎⴫߇࡯ࠠ࠷࡯ࠧࠖࡧޔ‬ၮᧄේ࿃ࠍ‫ߣఽ੃ޔ‬ᄢੱߩ㑆ߦᚑ┙ߔࠆ‫ᧄޟ‬Ḯ⊛ࠊࠇࠊࠇ(Ur-wir)‫ޠ‬ᗧ⼂ߦ⷗ߡ޿ࠆߩߢߪ
ߥ޿߆‫߇ߣߎ߁޿ߣޔ‬᣿ࠄ߆ߦߐࠇߚ‫ߣఽ੃ޕ‬ᄢੱߩߎߩᔃℂ⊛৻⥌ࠍᇦ੺ߦߒߡೋ߼ߡ‫ޔ‬੃ఽߪ㔌ࠇߚߣߎࠈߦ޽ࠆኻ⽎ࠍ‫〒ߩߘޔ‬㔌ࠍస᦯ߒߡ‫⥄ޔ‬ಽߦ㑐ਈߐߖࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆ
ࠃ߁ߦߥࠆ߆ࠄߢ޽ࠆ‫ߣఽ੃ޕ‬ᄢੱߩ␠ળ⊛ߥ㑐ଥߦ⴫⽎⊒↢ߩᄾᯏࠍ⷗ࠆߎߩࠃ߁ߥ⠨߃ᣇߪ‫ߦࡦࡠࡢޔ‬ㄭߊ‫ޔ‬ᗵⷡㆇേ⊛ⴕὑߩౝ㕙ൻ߆ࠄ⴫⽎⊒↢ࠍᝒ߃ࠆࡇࠕࠫࠚߣߪ⇣ߥߞߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬ᙣⷫળ(ੱ㑆⊒㆐⺰ࠦ࡯ࠬਥ௅) 㧝㧤㧦㧟㧜㨪   ㈬ᔃ㙚ߦߡ
UWA ߩవ↢ᣇߩߏᏗᦸߦࠃࠅ㧘㈬⬿ߩ޽ࠆ㧘ᣣᧄᖱ✜޽߰ࠇࠆ‫ޟ‬㈬ᔃ㙚‫ߡߦޠ‬㧘ᙣⷫળࠍⴕߞߚ‫ޕ‬ᣣᧄ㈬߿ᣣᧄᢱℂࠍႊ⢻ߒߥ߇ࠄ㧘ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡝ࠕߩ࿖᱌߿ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡝
ࠕߩ᱌ࠍ৻✜ߦ᱌߁ߥߤ㧘ή␞⻠ߢᢥൻ੤ᵹࠍᭉߒࠎߛ‫ޕ‬‫ޣ‬᜗⡜⠪⚫੺‫ޤ‬   
Dr David Morrison is the Head of School of Psychology at University of Western
Australia. David has been an active researcher and research consultant for 20 years. He
is the founder of PersonAbility; a psychometric assessment and development company.
Through his business David has consulted and provided training services to a wide
variety of government and private sector organisations.
David began his career as in human factors and engineering design concerned with howhumans solve complex problems in ever more complex industrial systems and how
personnel may be selected and trained for work in “high-tech” environments. David has
publishing extensively in this area making contributions to mainstream human factors
journals such as International Journal of Man-Machine Systems, Behaviour andInformation technology, IEEE Systems Man and Cybernetics, International Journal ofComputer Integrated Manufacturing and the Journal of Human Factors and Ergonomics
in Manufacturing. He has been on the editorial board of the International Journal of
Cognitive Ergonomics and the International Journal of Human Factors and Ergonomics
in Manufacturing.
     
Professor Mike Anderson is Director of the Neurocognitive Development Unit in the
School of Psychology at the University of Western Australia. He took his
undergraduate degree in psychology at the University of Edinburgh and his PhD at
Oxford under the supervision of Professor Patrick Rabbitt. He was a Lecturer at the
University of Edinburgh and a Senior Scientist at the Medical Research Council’s
Cognitive Development Unit in London before moving to Western Australia in 1990.
His research interests are in developmental psychology, particularly in understanding
the mechanisms underlying individual differences and developmental changes in
intelligence. He currently holds an ARC discovery grant (with Dr Allison Fox, Dr
Corinne Reid (Murdoch University) and Professor Dorothy Bishop (University of
Oxford)) investigating the maturation of cognitive functions and the development ofintellectual abilities in primary-school aged children. In collaboration with Dr Reid,he has run Project K.I.D.S a research study that has investigated both the intellectualand the social and emotional development of children. The project has tested morethan two thousand children since 1995.



● 金井

壽宏先生

神戸大学大学院経営学研究科教授
専

攻
経営管理・経営行動科学

研究テーマ
リーダーシップ, モティベーション、クリエイティブなマネジメント, ネットワーキン
グ, キャリア・ダイナミクスなどのテーマを中心に, 創造や連帯になじむニューウェー
ブの組織や管理のあり方を探求。

２００８年１１月１３日（水）フィールドワーク
モリソン先生とアンダーソン先生とともに，大学院生６名
と京都へ
１０：００

京都駅に集合

１０：３０

東寺へ

１１：３０

四条通りを散策

良い天気にめぐまれ，暖かい日差しの中，日本最古の五重塔がある東寺へ。両先生は，禅や修業などに興味をもたれている様子であった。紅葉した木々の風景を楽しみなが

１２：００

昼食

京都の古い町家を改装したお店で昼食。西オーストラリア大学の話や，各学生が自分の研究テーマを説明し，両先生がそれについての感想やさらに話をふくらましてしてくださり，それぞれが自分の研究に対しての視野を広げることができる有意義な昼食のひとときを過ごした。

70㧝㧠㧦㧜㧜㨪 ᷡ᳓ኹ߳
ୃቇᣏⴕߩቇ↢߿㧘ⷰశቴߩߦ߉ࠊ߁ਛ㧘ᷡ᳓ኹࠍ⸰໧‫ޕ‬వ↢ᣇߪ⚃⪲ߦᗵേߐࠇ㧘ᤨ᛬㧘┙ߜᱛ߹ࠅߥ߇ࠄ㧘⚃⪲ߒߚᧁ‫ࠅߊߞࠁࠍޘ‬ߣ⌑߼ࠄࠇߡ޿ߚ‫ޕ‬ቇ↢ߪᷡ᳓ኹߩᱧผ߿㧘వ↢ᣇ߇⇼໧ߦᕁࠊࠇࠆߎߣߥߤߦኻߒߡ㧘⍮ߞߡ޿ࠆ⧷⺆ࠍ㚟૶ߒߥ߇ࠄ㧘ઍࠊࠆઍࠊ
ࠆవ↢ᣇߣ߅⹤ࠍߒߚ‫ޕ‬వ↢ߚߜߪᏫࠅߦ㧘߅ሶߐࠎᣇ߳⌕‛ߥߤߩ߅࿯↥ࠍ⾼౉ߐࠇ㧘ᣣᧄᢥൻࠍᭉߒ߹ࠇߡ޿ߚ‫ޕ‬ 㧝㧣㧦㧟㧜 ੩ㇺ㚞ߦߡ⸃ᢔ
䋼ቇⴚ䉡䉞䊷䉪䉴ᵴേ䈻ෳട䈚䈢㒮↢䈱ჿ䋾㩷٨ ੹࿁ߩቇⴚ࠙ࠖ࡯ࠢࠍㅢߒߡᶏᄖߢߩ⎇ⓥߩേะࠍ⡼ߢᗵߓࠆߎߣ߇಴᧪㧘ߣߡ߽ቇ߱
ߎߣ߇ᄙ߆ߞߚߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬ᔃℂቇߣߪ⠨߃ᣇ㧘ࠕࡊࡠ࡯࠴ߩ઀ᣇߩ 1 ߟߦㆊ߉ߕ㧘⥄ಽߩ⎇ⓥߔࠆಽ㊁߿ౝኈߣ޿߁ߩߪ߽ߞߣᐢߊ⠨߃ߡ޿޿ߩߛߥߣ޿߁ߎߣ߇৻⇟ᄢ
߈ߥ෼ⓠߢߒߚ‫⎇ߡߒߘޕ‬ⓥ⚿ᨐ߽ࠃࠅᢙ୯ߥߤ㧘᣿⏕ߦಽ߆ࠆᒻߦߔࠆߎߣߢࠃࠅ⺑ᓧജࠍᜬߚߖࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆߩߛߣᗵߓ߹ߒߚ‫ߪࡦ࡚ࠪ࡯ࠤ࠾ࡘࡒࠦߩߢ⺆⧷ޕ‬ዋߒᄢᄌߢߒߚ߇㧘⦟޿ീᒝߦߥߞߚߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ޕ‬٨ ቇⴚ࠙ࠖ࡯ࠢߪ㧘ౝะ߈ߦߥࠅ߇ߜߥᣣ㗃ߩቇ↢↢ᵴߦ޽ߞߡ㧘ᄖߩ਎⇇ߦ⋡ࠍะߌࠆ⦟޿ᯏળߣߥߞߚߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫޿⁜ޕ‬ቇ໧㗔ၞߦ⇐߹ࠄߕ㧘ㄭ޿ߌࠇߤ᥉Ბ޽߹ࠅߥߓߺ
ߩή޿ಽ㊁ߩᦨᣂߩℂ⺰ߦ㧘⸒⪲ߩოࠍ⿧߃ߡ⸅ࠇࠆߎߣ߇಴᧪ߚߩߪ᦭ᗧ⟵ߢ޽ߞߚߣᕁ޿߹ߔ‫ߛߚޕ‬㧳㧼ߩᵴേో૕ߦߟ޿ߡߪ⿰ᣦ߇ᶐㅘߒߡ޿ࠆߣߪ޿߃ߕ㧘ቇⴚ࠙ࠖ࡯ࠢߦߟ޿ߡ߽㧘᳿ቯߐࠇߡ޿ߚߎߣࠍታⴕߔࠆߚ߼ߦᗧ๧߇ࠃߊಽ߆ࠄߥ޿߹߹ෳട
ߒ૗ߣ߆ਸ਼ࠅ⿧߃ߚߣ޿߁ታᗵ߇ᱷࠅ߹ߔ‫ޕ‬٨ ⥄ಽߩ㚔ᨴߺߩ޽ࠆ⎇ⓥಽ㊁ߣߪ㆑޿߹ߔ߇㧘ߘࠇߣㄭ޿ಽ㊁ߩ⎇ⓥߦ⸅ࠇࠆߎߣ߇಴
᧪㧘⥝๧߇ᐢ߇ࠆߣ౒ߦ㧘⥄ಽߩ⎇ⓥࠍࠃࠅ߭ࠈ޿ⷞὐ߆ࠄᝒ߃ߥ߅ߔߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߡೝ
ỗࠍฃߌ߹ߒߚ‫⧰߇⺆⧷ߪ⑳߽ߢޕ‬ᚻߥߩߢ㧘ౝኈߦߟ޿ߡ޿߈ߦߊ߆ߞߚߎߣ߇ᱷᔨ
ߢߒߚ‫ޕ‬
٨ ቇⴚ࠙ࠖ࡯ࠢߢߪ㧘ᄖ࿖ߩవ↢ߩ⹤ࠍ⡞ߊߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߡߣߡ߽ࠃ߆ߞߚߢߔ‫ޕ‬᥉Ბߥ߆ߥ߆⡞ߊߎߣ߇಴᧪ߥ޿ߩߢ⦟޿ീᒝߦߥࠅ߹ߒߚ‫⻠ޕ‬Ṷ߇ోߡ⧷⺆ߢ㧘ㅢ⸶߇߶ߣࠎ
ߤߥ߆ߞߚߩߢℂ⸃ߔࠆߩ߇㔍ߒ߆ߞߚߩ߇ᱷᔨߢߒߚ‫ޕ‬٨ ቇⴚ࠙ࠖ࡯ࠢߢߪᣣ⒟ߩ㑐ଥ߆ࠄࠦ࡯ࠬౝߩ⊒⴫ߒ߆⡞߈ߦⴕߊߎߣ߇಴᧪ߕ㧘ᱷᔨߢߒߚ‫⇼⾰ߚ߹ޕ‬ᔕ╵߽ߔߴߡ⧷⺆ߛߞߚߚ߼㧘⧷⺆⢻ജ߇ߥ޿ߣߟ޿ߡ޿ߌߥ޿ߎߣ߇
ᱷᔨߛߞߚߒ㧘⇼໧ߦᕁ޿߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬٨ 㒮ߦ౉ߞߡࠃ߁߿ߊ⥄ಽߩኾ㐷ಽ㊁ߩീᒝࠍߪߓ߼ߚೋᔃ⠪ߢ޽ࠆߩߦ㧘ઁಽ㊁ߣߩදജߣ޿߁ߩߪขࠅ⚵ߺߦߊ޿ߣᕁ޿߹ߒߚ‫ߥ߁ࠃߩߎޕ‬ᵴേ߇ቇㇱ↢ߦ߽㐿߆ࠇߡ޿ࠇ
߫㧘ኾ㐷ಽ㊁ߦ౉ࠆ೨ߦ᭽‫ߥޘ‬ㆬᛯ⢇ࠍᓧࠆߎߣ߇಴᧪㧘⥄ಽߩ⋡ᜰߔ㆏ࠍ⠨߃ࠆߎߣ߇಴᧪ࠆࠃ߁ߦᕁ޿߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬٨ ⷏ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕᄢቇߩవ↢ᣇߣߩ੤ᵹߪ㧘ߥ߆ߥ߆಴᧪ߥ޿⾆㊀ߥ૕㛎ߛߞߚߣᕁ޿
߹ߔ‫ࠅ߹޽߇⺆⧷ޕ‬ᓧᗧߢߪߥ޿ߩߢ⊒⴫ౝኈࠍℂ⸃ߔࠆߩߪ㔍ߒߊ㧘ᡷ߼ߡ⧷⺆ࠍቇ߱ᔅⷐᕈࠍᗵߓ߹ߒߚ‫ޟޕ‬ᔃℂቇ‫߁޿ߣޠ‬ቇ໧ߩ⎇ⓥࠍ㧘਎⇇ਛߩ⦡ࠎߥ⎇ⓥ⠪߇⦡ࠎߥ┙႐߆ࠄ⎇ⓥࠍⴕߞߡ޿ࠆߣ޿߁੐ታࠍ⡼ߢᗵߓ㧘ᒰߚࠅ೨ߥߩߛߌࠇߤዋߒਇᕁ⼏ߥᗵⷡࠍᜬߜ߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬٨ ⷏ࠝ࡯ࠬ࠻࡜࡝ࠕᄢቇߣߩቇⴚ੤ᵹߪ㧘᥉Ბߩቇᩞ↢ᵴߢߪ⍮ࠆߎߣߩߢ߈ߥ޿⎇ⓥߦ
ߟ޿ߡ⸅ࠇࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈㧘ߣߡ߽⥝๧ᷓ޿߽ߩߢߒߚ‫ߒ߆ߒޕ‬㧘ㅢ⸶ήߒߩ⊒⴫ߢߪห
ಽ㊁ߩቇ↢ߦߣߞߡ߽ℂ⸃߇㔍ߒߊ㧘߹ߒߡઁಽ㊁ߩቇ↢ߚߜߦߣߞߡߪ᳇シߦෳടߔࠆߎߣ߇㔍ߒ߆ߞߚߩߢߪߥ޿߆ߣᕁ޿߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ᒰᣣߩෳടߛߌߢߥߊ㧘ߘࠇ߹ߢ߽Ḱ஻߇ᄙߊ޽ࠅ㧘⽶ᜂ߇ᄢ߈߆ߞߚੱ߽޿ߚࠃ߁ߢߔ‫ޕ‬㒮↢ਥ૕ߣ޿߃ߤ߽㧘ዋߒࠨࡐ࡯
࠻૕೙߇ᔅⷐߛߣᕁ޿߹ߒߚ‫ޕ‬西オーストラリア大学との国際シンポジウム「多文化の中の心理学」講評
森岡正芳（神戸大学大学院人間発達環境学研究科教授）
西オーストラリア大学（以下ＵＷＡと略記）を 2008 年 3 月末に訪問したとき、この大学の心理学部門の規模には驚いた。基礎から応用、実験から臨床にいたるすべての心理学領域をカバーできるアカデミックスタッフの充実ぶり、設備のすばらしさ。このたびＵＷＡ
よりモリソンおよびアンダーソン博士が初来日されたが、私たちの学部、研究科が学術協定校として対等に交流できるのか正直言って不安があった。心理学部門にかぎっていうと、私たちの研究科は発達、人格、臨床という心理学のごく一部をカバーするにすぎず、設備の貧弱さについては目を覆うばかりである。しかし、学術ウィーク当日は天候にも恵まれ、講師の方々も思いのほか神戸の地を気に入られたようであった。
両博士は最先端の心理学の話題を、その水準を落とすことなく学生に伝わるようかみく
だいてお話しされ、こちらの不安は杞憂にすぎなかった。講義の合間にも学部長の博士とともに学生たちにも気さくに接触され、一日たつごとにうちとけた雰囲気になったことがうれしかった。講義および、シンポジウムの内容については博士後期課程院生日潟
淳子さんの報告に十分にまとめられているが、以下簡単に感想を述べておきたい。
モリソン博士は組織心理学の立場から、きわめて現代的なテーマである安全と危機管理の問題についてご自身の研究の一端を紹介された。労働環境とパーソナリティの関係という大きな問題圏を背景におきながら、人の安全に関わる行動と誤りが生じる要因を科学的に根拠づけていく。認知的なリソースだけでなく、仕事への不安や誠実性という情動面の要因が絡んでいることを明確に提示された。このテーマは引き続く経営学研究科金井壽宏
教授との対談において直接つながり、実りのある討論となった。金井先生の英語での講演、プレゼンテーションと討論のしかたなど、本場仕込みの作法は磨きがかかっていて、説得力のあるもので、若い院生たちに模範を示され大いに刺激となった。会場には経営学研究
科の院生学生ほかもつめかけ、質疑も盛んにかわされ熱のこもった討論会となった。
翌日のアンダーソン博士の講演は、知能研究の最先端のお話であった。知能の概念は心理学の歴史でも、もっとも由緒のあるテーマであるといってよい。しかし研究史の中で知能の概念はより多義的になってきている。アンダーソン博士は知能の神経科学的根拠づけを行い、Big Q.という知能の構築的モデルを提示した。このモデルは学会でもすでに定評があり、知的障害、発達障害の臨床領域でもこのモデルを基盤にした援助法が試みられている。会場には院生だけでなく、教員も多数つめかけ活発な議論がかわされた。二日目の午後は、コースより博士前期課程院生の中出千恵さん、そして中村和夫教授の研究発表があった。お二人の英語による発表はよく準備されたみごとなものであり、予定の時間を大幅にこえる活発な議論が交わされた。司会、コメント、その他会場の手配など院生たち中心にてぎわよく運営され、正規外の教育研究活動としてもよい体験であった。午後の会場は心理発達論コースの学部生たちの顔も多く見かけうれしく思った。

73 ੹࿁ߩࡊࡠࠫࠚࠢ࠻ߪ‫ࡦ࠰࡝ࡕޔ‬ඳ჻ࠍਛᔃߣߔࠆ㨁㨃㧭߆ࠄ‫࡞࡜ࡘ࠴࡞ࠞࠬࡦ࡜࠻ޟ‬ᔃℂቇ‫౒ߩޠ‬ห⎇ⓥߩⷐ⺧߇޽ࠅ‫ࠍ✜┵ߩߘޔ‬ಾࠅ㐿ߊ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ‫⇣ޕ‬ᢥൻ㑆ߩනߥࠆᲧ
セ⎇ⓥߦߪߣߤ߹ࠄߥ޿ᄙᢥൻ㑆ᔃℂቇߩ᭴▽ࠍ߼ߑߒ‫ࠕࠫࠕ᧲ޔ‬࿤ߩᣂߚߥᔃℂቇࠍ૞ࠅ੤ᵹߒߡ޿ߊ╙৻ᱠߣߥߞߚ‫ޕ‬㨁㨃㧭߆ࠄߩ⊒ାߪ‫⧷ޔ‬࿖ᧄᵹ‫ߦߐ߹ޔ‬ᱜ⛔ߩ⑼ቇ⊛ᔃℂቇߩᵹࠇࠍߊ߻߽ߩߢ‫ޔ‬ቇ↢ߚߜߣߣ߽ߦߘߩ৻┵ߦ⸅ࠇ߃ߚߎߣߪ⑳ߚߜߩᢎ⢒⎇ⓥᆫ൓ࠍ໧޿⋥ߔࠃ޿ᯏળߣߥߞߚ‫ޕ‬޽ࠄߚ߼ߡ⿥ߏᄙᔔߩᤨ㑆ࠍഀ޿ߡ㚟ߌߟߌߡߊߛߐߞߚ㊄੗ᄈብవ↢‫ޔ‬ਛ᧛๺ᄦవ↢ࠍߪߓ߼ߣߔࠆ␹ᄢߩవ↢ᣇ‫ޔ‬ᣣẟᷕሶߐࠎࠍ࠴࡯ࡈߣߔࠆ㒮↢ߩᣇ‫ߩޘ‬ᄙᄢߥߏ⧰ഭߦ
ᗵ⻢ߒߚ޿ߣᕁ߁‫ޕ‬‫ޟ‬ᄙᢥൻߩਛߩᔃℂቇ‫ࡈ࠶࠲ࠬޠ‬㒮↢㧔*ߪࠬ࠲࠶ࡈ㒮↢ઍ⴫㧕₺᧻(D)‫ޔ‬ේ↰ᣂ‫ޔ‬᫪ญ┥ᐔ‫ޔ‬ᣣẟᷕሶ*㧔એ਄ D2㧕
‫↰ޔ‬ખ↱૫‫ޔ‬ጊᩮ㓉ብ‫↰ޔ‬ᷗ๺᱌ሶ㧔એ਄ D1㧕‫ޔ‬੗ᚻ⦟ᓼ‫ޔ‬਄↰੝ᒎ‫ޔ‬Ꮉ᎑㓁⩿‫ޔ‬㊄ቄታ*‫┻ޔ‬ౝ⟤૒ሶ‫┻ޔ‬ਛ⟤Ⓞሶ‫ޔ‬ᄙ↰ᐘሶ‫ޔ‬⼱ᧄᜏ㇢‫ޔ‬ਛ㊁෹⟤ሶ‫ޔ‬㊁ⷺᶻᳯ‫ޔ‬ᐔ੗ᱜඳ‫⇌ޔ‬㊁ᔟ‫᧻ޔ‬Ꮉජ዆㧔એ਄ M2㧕
‫⏷ޔ‬ㆺ⌀⟤‫ޔ‬੹᧛ታ↱♿‫ޔ‬ጟ↰ᕶሶ‫ޔ‬ㄭၴ㚅ᄹ‫ޔ‬㜞⼱ᄹ‫ޘ‬ᕺ‫ޔ‬ᱞ૒๺ሶ‫⼾ޔ‬ፉ⧎ᕺ‫ޔ‬ਛ⼱෹㚅‫ޔ‬ਛ಴ජᕺ*‫ޔ‬ศ↰ᦺ㚅‫ޔ‬ศ↰᣿ᣣ㚅‫ޔ‬ർญ๺Ꮧ㧔એ਄ M1㧕



Workplace Safety Performance: The problem with facet aggregation and theimplied mediational role of cognitive failure
David L. Morrison 1
School of Psychology, University of Western Australia

Abstract
In this paper the relationship between personality and safety behaviour and different error
categories is examined. Using the five factor model of personality as a framework, thehypothesis that previously inconsistent relationships between individual personality factors andsafety can be resolved through the disaggregation of individual facets from superordinate factors
is tested and supported. Using the concept of psychological arousal as a guiding framework, therelationship between specific facets of Emotionality (e.g., Anxiety) and facets ofConscientiousness (e,g, prudence) are examined for their relationship with different aspects ofsafety related behaviour (unsafe acts and skill/rule based errors) was also examined. The
combined effects of facets from the Conscientiousness and Emotionality factors is also examined
for their impact on self reported cognitive failures which is hypothesised to act as a mediator of
personality on error. Results showed that Conscientiousness and Emotionality are antagonistic toeach other with respect to cognitive failures and that self reported cognitive failures mediate theimpact of personality on self-reported skill/rule based errors..

1

Contact Address 35 Stirling Highway, Crawley, Western Australia WA 6009. Email davidm@psy.uwa.edu.auIntroduction
Human involvement plays a major role in the occurrence of everyday accidents (Reason, 1988,
1990). Wagenaar and Groenweg (1987) estimated that 70 to 80 percent of workplace accidents
can be attributed to human error, that is, a deviation from an individual’s preliminary intention toreach a targeted outcome (Heckhausen & Beckmann, 1990). It has been proposed that theanalysis of human error provides the basis for safety recommendations and thus has a crucial,albeit indirect impact on system design and the prevention of future accidents (Rasmussen, 1986).
The research reported here seeks to expand on the personality-safety research byinvestigating links between personality and safety outcome variables. Initially we follow the fivefactor model but later argue that a more fine grained analysis of personality, utilising cognitive
theory, should lead to more consistent results. The present study sought to consider, as criterion
variables, three likely antecedents to workplace accidents. The first, unsafe workplace behaviour(UWB), represents intentional violations of safety protocols, such as taking ‘short cuts’(Hofmann & Stetzer, 1996). The second, is the propensity to be involved in slips and lapses ofattention resulting in what have been called skill and rule based errors (SBE). These errors
represent unintentional errors that occur, in part, due to poor equipment design (signal
confusability) and “attentional intrusion”, lack of attention or distractibility (Reason, 1984). The
third criterion is what are referred to as Knowledge Based Errors (KBE). This type of errpr
results from errors in cognitive that occur on tasks that require conscious and deliberate effort(e.g. mental arithmetic).
Direct Links between Personality and Safety Outcomes
In recent years, the convergence of personality research has led to the emergence of theFive-Factor Model (FFM) of personality which has served as a conceptual framework to conduct
systematic research on personality and various criteria (Costa & McCrae, 1992; Goldberg, 1992;
Barrick and Mount, 1992). According to this model personality can be parsimoniously but fairly
comprehensively defined within the space of five broad factors: Openness to Experience,
Coscientousness, Extraversion, Agreableness and Emotionality.
The most robust links to accidents and other safety-related outcomes is Conscientiousness(Arthur & Graziano, 1996; Cellar et al., 2001). Indeed Conscientiousness seems also to be themost consistent predictor of a range of work performance measures. The implied relationship is
one whereby individuals low on conscientiousness are less organised, careful, and systematic andas such will be more prone to accidents due to poor planning, and procedural omissions (Tziner,
Murphy, & Cleveland, 2002). Wallace and Vodanovich (2003b) found that Conscientiousness
was a significant predictor of both workplace accidents and unsafe work behaviours, in a sample
of 219 production workers.
Clarke and Robertson (2005) suggested that links between Emotional Stability andaccidents would be expected to emerge due to those low on Emotional Stability being more prone
to distraction, and vulnerability to distress due to environmental factors. Briefly, this hypothesis
was based on previous studies demonstrating links between Neuroticism (i.e. low Emotional
Stability) and experiences of driver stress (Mattherys, Dorn, & Glendon, 1991) and quality ofcoping strategies (Parkes, 1990), combined with negative links observed between self-reported
stress levels and cognitive performance (e.g. Steffy, Jones, Murphy, & Kunz, 1986). Essentially,
this argument suggests that individuals low on Emotional Stability will be more easily distracted(see Norman, 1981), and thus more prone to making particular types of errors of the sortassociated with lapses of attention. Individuals low in emotional stability might also be expected
to experience a diminution of cognitive resources in high stress environments making them prone,not only to be (i) distractable, (ii) overly focussed on a narrow set of environmental data but (iii)
to also making errors on tasks requiring conscious processing effort.
Hitherto, research has been inconsistent in showing the link between personality andaccidents. We believe that there are a number of reasons for this. One of these is the level ofaggregation at which personality is described. While models such as the FFM are useful, an
analysis based on a model of personality at this level of granularity ignore the facets said to underpin each factor and as such represent a crude depiction of personality. Arguably, the mostpopular measure of the FFM, the NEO (Cost and McCrae, 1992) contains up to six individual
facets representing super ordinate factors. The consequence is that measures of personality may
under perform as criterion predictors. The second, but perhaps related, error is to treat all
accidents as if they had the same underlying cause or the same psychological roots.
The question, then, is what behavioural and psychological styles make us believe thatsome people more than others are accidents waiting to happen?
People who are more
emotionally volatile than others may be involved in more accidents but the question is why? Wecan, for example, measure emotional volatility, but how does this volatility affect cognition,
behaviour and the probability that a safety violation and accident will occur.
The present study is one in a series that we have conducted where the above issues are
beginning to be addressed. Our central thesis is that it is the level of aggregation at which thepersonality-safety/accidents linkages are being sought that obscures the nature of therelationships in terms of form and magnitude. We also argue that, based on psychological theory,that there are specific relationships at the facet level that should correlate with specific types of
unsafe acts and behaviours. For the moment the context in which the individuals act is ignored
but this simply reflects lack of opportunity to examine the potential moderating effects of context
rather than a lack of acknowledgement of their importance.
Narrow versus Broad Personality Traits
Most studies examining the links between personality and safety outcomes such asaccidents, have tended to focus on broad measures of personality, such as the Big-Fivepersonality factors. For example, Conscientiousness can be thought of as an ‘umbrella’ factor fora cluster of more specific traits such as diligence, forethought and planning, prudence, andperfectionism. It is possible, then, that links observed between broad personality factors andcriteria such as accidents are attributable to direct links between these criteria and the narrower
subordinated personality facets. Wherever a relationship exists for some narrow facets within asingle factor but not for others, any relationship observed between a broad personality factor andthe criterion variable will be ‘diluted’ by those narrow facets that are not relevant (see Ashton,1998). Focussed predictors should make better predictions when they closely relate to a tighly
specified criterion. A problem with much research in this area is that the criteria are often poorly
specified (ie all accidents and their are treated the same) and the predictors of these criteria arepoorly defined.
A General Model of Cognitive Processes and their Relationship to Human Error
Rasmussen (1986) argues that human behaviour is largely under the control of threemodes of cognitive control. When activated each level of control handles incoming informationin different ways and the types of errors made when operating in the different modes are quite
different. The levels of cognitive control have been labelled as: knowledge based processing,rule based processing and skill based processing. Knowledge based processing is concerned withanalytical problem solving based on symbolic representation, whereas rule and skill based
behaviour are concerned with perception and action and tend to be less under volitional controland conscious processing resources.
The general prediction, with respect to personality, for knowledge based errors is lessclear as it may result from wilful violations or limited attentional or resource capacity.
Nevertheless it is possible to suggest that hose who have little regard for convention and rules (afacets of some measures of Conscientiousness), may be involved in safety violations. The
Emotionality facets, such as anxiety, may also play a role at this level since general arousal isalso known to impact on the availability of cognitive resources (Kahneman, 1983) and therefore
decision making capacity. One might predict that in stress inducing environments those prone tosuffer anxiety may well perform less well when the task requires cognitive resources to be
optimally available.
Hitherto, the argument has been that some personality characteristics predispose people toa general psychological and physiological (arousal) states. In particular we have argued for a link
between Emotionality and Skill/Rule based errors and Emotionality and knowledge based errors
under conditions of hyper arousal. But there is a missing link in the causal chain. Prior to theerror being observed we might expect that general arousal will lead to a susceptibility to mental
slips and lapses that go unnoticed to most except the person him or herself. If true, then it is thegeneral propensity to suffer slips and lapses due to personality that predisposes people to be
involved in rule/skill based errors in particular. This suggests that there may be an intervening
variable between the general personality and the observed safety violation and it is the propensity
to suffer a cognitive failure. Cognitive failure, is defined as a mistake or ‘failure’ in theperformance of an action that a person is normally capable of completing, and, as it happens, hasbeen demonstrated to be an important antecedent of safety performance (Wallace andVodanovich, 2003a, 2003b). Cognitive failures, are often associated with slips trips and fall or
errors where an intended action is somehow interrupted.
Cognitive failures appear to result from a deficit in an individual’s ability to sustain
attention to an ongoing task, particularly when one is faced with concurrent demands on attention.
McKenna (1982) proposed that the degree to which an individual’s attention is prone to captureby extraneous environmental cues is, to an extent, implicitly driven by personality.
While hyper aroused individuals will suffer from the inability to attend to a wide range ofstimuli, Wallace and Vodanovich (2003b) suggested that conscientious employees, who are taskoriented and organized, will repeatedly make attentional checks when performing work duties.
These activities would be expected to reduce the individual’s propensity for cognitive failure, andhence skill errors. Following this line of reasoning, anxiety and conscientiousness may well be
antagonistic to each other in some situations. If so then the relationship between personality anderror is somewhat more complex than simple correlations would suggest and that different
components of personality will, under some circumstances, promote error while in others they
will mitigate each other.
From the above descriptions it is possible to argue that individuals will vary in theirsusceptibility to commit errors and that different mechanisms will apply in each case. On the one
hand highly emotional individuals would be expected to be more susceptible whereas highly
conscientious individuals less so. A fatal combination may be found in someone who is high inemotionality and low in conscientiousness.
Thus we generally hypothesise that personality, at least in part, influences one’s ability tosustain attention to an ongoing task, which in turn causes certain individuals to have a higher
propensity for erroneous behaviour than others. Thus, although personality may not directlypredict accident involvement, cognitive failure seems to serve as a generative mechanism(mediator) through which certain personality variables, namely facets of Conscientiousness (suchas organisation and prudence) and Emotional Stability (such as anxiety), indirectly influence
accident-related outcomes, such as rule and skill-based errors. This hypothesised mediationalmodel is depicted in Figure 1 and the present study sought to provide an empirical test of thismediator model.
+ve
Facets of
Emotional
Stability

Knowledge Based
Error

+ve

-ve
Cognitive Failure

Facets ofConscientiousness

-ve

+ve

Voluntary safety
behaviours+ve
Rule and
Skill-Based Errors

Figure 1.
From the above it is possible to formulate a number of hypotheses:
From the above arguments we are able to formulate two hypotheses.
Hypothesis 1: Only The general Emotionality and Conscientiousness personality factors
will predict different safety related outcome variables.
Hypothesis 2: The predictions will reflect an antagonistic relationship between these two
personality factors Emotionality and Conscientiousness
Hypothesis 3: Only Conscientiousness will predict (inversely) volitional unsafe work
practices.
Hypothesis 4: Individual facets of personality will be better predictors of error than thegeneral super ordinate personality factors.
Hypothesis 5: The relationship between personality and Rule and Skill based error ismediated by the propensity to suffer cognitive failures. Cognitive failures are the results ofpersonality characteristics which influence psychological arousal (e.g. facets of Emotionality
positively relate to cognitive error) and are mitigated by characteristics which promote vigilance(e.g. facets of Conscientiousness relate negatively to cognitive error).
The present study sought to investigate a moderating role personality factors on eachother. We ask, for example, how personality factors interact to influence behavioural outcomes.
As noted above we have conducted several studies which test the propositions outlined above.
The data from one such study are presented and summarised in what follows.
MethodMeasures
Unsafe Work Behaviour. Unsafe work behaviour (UWB) was measured using the shortform version of the Workplace Safety Questionnaire (WSQ; Hofmann & Stetzer, 1996). This
shortened measure comprises six items. When completing the measure, respondents are requestedto indicate how frequently they engage in each UWB, on a 4-point response scale (1 = ‘Never’, 4= ‘More than once a week’). Sample items include ‘Generally rushing through a job due to timepressure thereby increasing risk to yourself’ and ‘Generally neglecting to use or clean equipment
correctly’. Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was observed to be .70.
Knowledge based Errors (KBE): This measure was a simple numerical calculations test
comprising 60 questions answered under timed conditions. Simple arithmetic calculations
performed without a calculator were performed where speed and accuracy are emphasised. For
the present study, the number correct was taken as the dependent measure.
Accident Likelihood Scale: The Accident Likelihood Scale (Roberts, 2004) comprises 10
items that examines how likely a person is to injure themselves or make a mistake whilst
performing a specific task. The measure consists of two sub-scales. Roberts (2004) argued thatfive survey items correspond to knowledge-based errors that occur at the conscious level ofcognitive processing (e.g. performing a task without having read the instructions or procedures
first), while the remaining five items pertain to skill and rule based errors. For the purposes ofthe present study the distinction was ignored and the data were collapsed into a single measure
henceforth referred to as SBE, or errors at the inattentive, unconscious level (e.g. a lapse inconcentration whilst performing a repetitive task). The response format is a 5-point Likert scale(1 = never, 5 = very often) and items are positively worded. That is, high scores on the each of
the sub-scales represent a higher propensity for experiencing errors at the rule-based or skillbased level of cognitive processing.
Cognitive Failure. Broadbent et al.’s (1982) Cognitive Failures (CF) Questionnaire
comprises 25 items that inquire about a person’s general propensity to minor mistakes or
cognitive failures over the past six months. Responses to these items were made on a 5-point
scale (0 = ‘Never’, 4 = ‘Very Often’). The items pertain to physical blunders (e.g. “Do you bumpinto things?”) memory lapses (e.g. “Do you forget people’s names?”) and distractibility (e.g. “Do
you start doing one thing and then get distracted into doing something else?”). Previous testretest reliability results support the stability of the construct (e.g. r = .82 over a 2-month time
period; Vom-Hofe et al., 1998). Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was observed to be .88.
Personality. The 192-item version of the HEXACO Personality Inventory wasadministered to the job applicants. This questionnaire measures 24 facet scales which fall under
the six higher-order factors (see Appendix A). All items on the HEXACO Personality Inventory
are short descriptive statements, and participants were asked to indicate the extent to which theyagreed that each statement described them, using a 5-point scale (1 = strongly disagree; 5 =strongly agree). Cronbach’s alphas for the 24 facet scales ranged from (    ).
Participants and Procedure
The participants of this study were a sample of 367 applicants to position within the Fireand Emergency Services Authority of Western Australia. The mean age of the participants was
28.5 years (sd = 6.49 years), and most participants were male (95.9%).
As part of the applicant process, all participants completed the HEXACO Personality
Inventory, along with four cognitive ability tests. After completing these assessments,
participants were informed that research into personality and safety was being conducted, andshould they be willing to participate, they could remain in the testing room to complete some
additional questionnaires. All participants were informed that completion of these questionnaires
was voluntary and their responses would not affect the selection decisions in any way, nor would
the questionnaires be presented to the hiring organisation. Data were gathered from participantsin large groups of 70-80

Results
Hypothesis Testing
The first component to the present study involved examining the direct relationshipbetween personality and UWB and SBE. The purpose of the first analyses was to compare thepredictive strengths of narrow traits to that of the corresponding parent factors. For each of the
HEXACO factors, the corresponding facet variables were regressed on the three dependentmeasures, UWB KBE and SBE and the R2 of this model was compared to the squared correlation
between the corresponding parent factor and the dependent variables. In most cases, using
narrow facet personality measures rather than broad factorial personality measures provides amore accurate estimation of UWB. The results are broadly summarised in Table 1

GeneralFactorHonesty
Emotion
Extravers

Good Overall
Predictor for
SBE
UWB
8
8
+9
9
+9
8
+9
9

8
AgreeabConscient -9

8
-9
9

8

8

Openness

Strong Facet Predictors withdirectional effect for SBE
SBE
UWB
KBE

Prediction Improvement
Over Factor
SBE
UWB KBE+ Anxious
None

67.7%

+ Anxious- Social
Boldness- Liveliness- Organised
Organised - Diligence- Prudence + Perfection- Prudence+Anxious

19.7%

23.7%

104.6%

39.5%

42.5%

Table 1. Summary results showing general effects of factors and facets for each error type (SBE& UWB)As seen in Table 1, Emotionality and Conscientiousness were found to be significant
predictors of both SBE and UWB whereas KBE was only predicted by the Emotionality factor.
Agreeableness, Honesty and Openness to Experience general factors were not significant
predictors of any of the dependent variables as expected.. Unexpectedly Extraversion was foundto predict UWB and thus Hypothesis 1 was largely supported. The direction of the relationships(ie that Emotionality would promote error and Conscientiousness would mitigate it) was as
anticipated by Hypothesis 2.
At the facet level, predictions of the dependent variables improved for all of the generalfactors when they predicted a dependent variable. The increasing the variance accounted for at
the facet level as can be seen by the prediction improvement results highlighted in the columns to
the far right of the Table 1. In addition the direction of the results suggests that Emotionality
increases errorsThus, both hypothese 1 and two have been supported.
Hypothesis 3 was not supported as both Emotionality and Conscientiousness predicted
Unsafe Work Behaviours (UWB).

Hypothesis 4 was supported in that when a facet level analysis was uncertaken the amountof variance in the dependent variable that was explained increased for individual facets.
Mediational Analysis
The second hypothesis was that Cognitive Failures (CF) would mediate the relationshipbetween the outcome measures tapping inattention and distractability (SBE) but not knowledge
based errors (KBE) or deliberate conscious unsafe behaviours (UWB). Following the procedure
outlined by , Barron and Kenny, 1986; Judd and Kenny, 1991), the results of theis analysis canbe seen in figures 2 and 3 for the general factors and facet level analyses respectively.
.
Knowledge-Based Errors+veEmotionality+ve
Cognitive
FailureConscientiousness+ve

Skill & Rule based
Errors-ve+ve

Unsafe Work Behaviour

Figure 2. Mediation effect of cognitive failure at the general factor level
The first point of note in Figure 2 is that both Conscientiousness and Emotionality are
mediated by Cognitive Failures and in a way that was anticipated . Secondly, Emotionality
and not Conscientiousness was linked to Knowledge Based errors which was unexpected.
This result might be peculiar to the context of the present study in that it was a “high stakes”
selection situation. The third point of note was that the link between personality anddeliberate unsafe acts (UWB) was mediated by Cognitive Failure. This was also an
unexpected result. Perhaps participants prone to cognitive failure seek to reduce the burden on
their information processing system by taking shortcuts that compromise safety. Thus only
partial support for Hypothesis 5 was found although arguably the most important components
of it were supported: (i) Conscientiousness and Emotionality are mediated by Cognitive
Failure; (ii) Emotionality and Conscientiousness act antagonistically on behavioural outcomes.
A further mediation test was undertaken, this time using the facets rather than thegeneral factors the results of which are summarised in Figure3. The additional varianceexplained by the facet level model aside, the general pattern of results is as reported for thegeneral factor level analysis: (i) The facets of from the Emotionality and Conscientiousness
factors are antagonistic to each other with respect to Cognitive Failures; (ii) Cognitive Failures
mediates the effect of personality albeit for the Anxiety facet this is done only partially.
Anxiety has both a direct and indirect effect on Skill & Rule Based Error as well as volitional
unsafe work behaviours. Additionally, Anxiety has only a direct effect on Knowledge BasedError. As before the general thrust of our hypotheses has been supported



+ve
Anxiety

Knowledge based
error

+ve

+ve

+ve
+ve
Fearfulness+ve

Skill & Rule-BasedErrorsCognitive
FailureOrganisation
Diligence
Prudence+ve

Unsafe work behaviours-ve

Figure 3. Mediation effect of Cognitive failure at the facet level.
Discussion
The first aim of the research presented here was to explore the direct links between both
broad and narrow personality facets and behaviours that ultimately, in some cases, will haveserious consequences (i.e. slips, trips and lapses of attention that could potentially lead to
accidents), and unsafe work behaviour (i.e. deliberate violations of safety protocol) The data
have by an large supported the hypotheses with some unexpected results.
Collectively, the results suggest that individuals higher on Emotionality, and more
specifically those that are more Anxious, are more likely to process task relevant data
superficially (ie a failure to monitor) or from a failure to consider relevant data more broadly (ie anarrowed focus of attention). Consequently they are more prone to distraction (a failure toattend) or a narrowing of focus (also a failure to attend) leading to higher rule based and skill
based errors.
The results for the Conscientiousness factor, both at the super ordinate level and the facet
level suggest an antagonistic relationship between different aspects of personality. In otherwords, highly conscientious individuals are less susceptible to error because their mind set ismore towards careful deliberation and depth of processing. Put together the antagonistic
relationship between Conscientiousness and Emotionality offers some clues at to why thecorrelation between personality factors and safety outcome variables is often quite low (seeCooper and Robertson, 2005).
The weak relationships alluded to above might also be explained, in part, by the fact thatsuper ordinate personality factors contain “noise” due to facet conflation into a single factor score.
Evidence in support of this argument is found for the facet level analyses where, in every case,the variance explained by individual facets was greater than the generic factor scores.
Collectively, the results of this study suggest that there is merit in considering narrow facets
rather than broad factorial traits in the prediction of workplace safety outcomes.
A further goal of the present research was to investigate the role of cognitive failure as amediator in the personality - error relationship. Wallace and Vodanovich (2003a, b) found, across
two studies, that cognitive failure was a significant predictor of workplace accidents and unsafe
work behaviour. Given that the causes of accidents are typically faulty cognitive/attentionalprocesses including mental errors, poor selective attention, and distractibility (Arthur et al., 1991;
Mihal & Barrett, 1976) it is not surprising that reports of accident correlate highly with scores on
the CFQ. It is therefore important to identify any personality information that may predict
propensity to cognitive failures.
In the present study, those low on Conscientious reported a higher susceptibility forcognitive errors. This can be attributed to the notion that the two constructs largely reflect
opposing regulatory styles (Wallace et al., 2003b). That is, employees prone to cognitive failure
tend to exhibit off-task processes and behaviours (e.g. absentmindedness, forgetful, easily
distracted), while highly conscientious individuals are hard-working, organized and disciplined,
behaviours that reflect on-task processes (Barrick, Stewart, & Piotrowski, 2002). Such on-task
behaviours have been attributed to the reason why such individuals report being involved in few
accidents and generally do not engage in unsafe acts (Tziner et al., 2002).
Empirical support was found for the mediating role of cognitive failure in the relationshipbetween facets of Conscientiousness (Organised, Diligence, Perfectionistic, and Prudence – allfully mediated) and proneness to rule and skill based errors. That is, cognitive failures occur(partly) because of a combination of a lack of cognitive organisation (low on Organised),
willingness to work hard (low on Diligence), willingness to pay attention to detail (low on
Perfectionism), and ability to control impulses (low on Prudence), and these cognitive failures
lead to unintentional skill errors.
The partial mediation of the relationship between Anxious and rule and skill based errors
suggests that individuals with a greater propensity to worry or experience anxiety are more likely
than those that are less anxious or worrisome, to experience cognitive failures, and thus commit
skill errors. This finding also supports a ‘limited cognitive resources’ model, which suggests thatcognitive errors are more likely to occur as individual’s cognitive recourses are being taxed.
Empirical studies have consistently shown that trait-anxious individuals display an attentional
preference for distracting stimuli, especially in environments perceived to be threatening (Kindt& Van Den Hout, 2001). Within anxious individuals, cognitive resources are being allocated to
distractors such as perceived threats and negative emotions (e.g. Matthews and Wells, 1988).
Such individuals can therefore allocate less cognitive resources to tasks, and hence morecognitive failures and more errors will emerge.
Two sets of results remained unexpected in the present study. One of these was that
Extraversion (and Social Boldness and Liveliness at the facet level) was inversely related to self
reported unsafe workplace behaviours. The second was that Emotionality (and Anxiety at the
facet level) predicted all three categories of dependent variable. Especially surprising was theeffect of Anxiety on Knowledge Based Errors when Conscientiousness (or its facets) did not. In
the first instance, we speculate that these results may reflects two things. First is the common
method effect where data coming from the same source (ie self report) has a tendency to showcorrelation as a function of response bias. For Unsafe Work Behaviours this explanation seems
possible but is less likely to be the case for the other variables that had an enduring and direct
relationship with Anxiety in particular. Knowledge based errors were determined from an
objective and independent test, ruling out the common method explanation. For the Skill andRule based measure, the common method explanation is a possibility, but as we have found thesame effects when the Skill and Rule Based error assessment comes from a different source, italso seems unlikely. The second possible explanation for the observed effects is that they aretheoretically meaningful. For example, the description of Social Boldness contains elements ofself efficacy. Individuals high in self efficacy may not see certain behaviours as unsafe or if they
do they may believe they can “fix” the problem when it occurs. The relationship of self efficacyto reality seems a worthwhile avenue for further research since although it is trait like it can be
modified (Bandura 1996).
The anxiety effect on Knowledge Based Errors may be explained by recourse to resource
theory once more. Those who are more anxious are often found to under perform in stressful
situations and this is said to reflect a reduction in cognitive resource availability. The context inwhich the present research was conducted, by its very nature, might be thought of as stressinducing. Recall, the respondents in this study were part of a high stakes job selection process.
The mitigating effect of conscientiousness would not be found with the Knowledge Based Error
measure used here since as it was operationalised the scores simply reflected total correct andignored number attempted or errors committed. The interesting question is whether the effects ofConscientiousness would be found with a more refined or sensitive measure of Knowledge based
Error.
Implications for Organisations
The findings from the current study have a number of practical implications fororganisations. First and foremost, the results indicate that personality measures can offer validmeans to predict one’s propensity for cognitive failure, skill errors, and unsafe work behaviours,
and therefore should be used in the selection of ‘safe’ personnel. This is especially important forscreening job applicants for safety-critical organisations. Moreover, however, such measures
should aim to be specific as possible, focusing on traits such as anxiety, and those that fit under
the Conscientious family.
The finding that the CFQ is a strong predictor of safety outcomes is also of practicalimportance. Indeed, the high correlation found between scores on the CFQ and skill-based errors,suggests that the CFQ is a solid predictor of accidents when task components have the potential
to be automatic and performed in a more automatic mode. Future studies assessing the cognitive
failure-accident relationship will hopefully further encourage the addition of the CFQ into a test
battery, designed to screen job applicants on the basis of future safety performance. Before this
could eventuate, however, it might be important to develop a version that is less open to social
desirability or faking.

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Appendix A
HEXACO Factors, Facets and Brief Descriptions
FactorHonesty

Emotionality

Facet
Sincerity
Fairness
Greed Avoidant
Modesty
Fearfulness
Anxiety
Dependence
Sentimentality
Expressiveness

Extraversion

Social Boldness
Sociability
Liveliness
Forgiving

Agreeableness

Gentleness
Flexibility
Patience
Organisation

Conscientiousness

Diligence
Perfectionism
Prudence
Aesthetic
Appreciation

Openness

Description
tendency to be genuine in interpersonal relations
tendency to avoid fraud and corruption
tendency to be uninterested in possessing lavish
wealth, luxury goods, and signs of high social statustendency to be modest and unassuming
tendency to experience feartendency to worry in a variety of contexts
one’s need for emotional support from others
tendency to feel strong emotional bonds with others
tendency to be excitable and dramatic in one’s
interpersonal style
one’s comfort or confidence within a variety of social
situations
tendency to enjoy conversation, social interaction,and parties
typical enthusiasm and energy
willingness to feel trust and liking toward those who
may have caused one harm
tendency to be mild and lenient in dealings with otherpeopleone’s willingness to compromise and cooperate withotherstendency to remain calm rather than to become angry
tendency to seek order, particularly in one’s physicalsurroundings
tendency to work hardtendency to be thorough and concerned with details
tendency to deliberate carefully and to inhibit
impulses
one’s enjoyment of beauty in art and in naturetendency to seek information about, and experience
with, the natural and human world
Creativity
one’s preference for innovation and experiment
Unconventionality tendency to accept the unusual
InquisitivenessThe Cognitive Neuroscience of General intelligence
Professor Mike Anderson
Neurocognitive Development Unit, School of Psychology, University of Western Australia

In my paper I will review some research that says something interesting and new about thenature of individual differences in intelligence and developmental change. Specifically, that
individual differences normally measured as IQ, are largely caused by differences in speed of
information processing but developmental change is caused by changes in an orthogonal
dimension of psychological functioning. This dimension is largely known as executivefunctioning and executive functions are supported by the development of the frontal lobes of thebrain. In persuading you of this view I will introduce you to some of our recent work on corticalmaturation and the development of specific cognitive functions which is supported by a current
grant from the Australian Research Council to myself and co-workers 1.
IQ and intelligence
As is well-known, the concept of IQ was born out of early psychometric work by Binet who
constructed the first “mental scale” (Anderson, 1992). Binet conceptualised intelligence in termsof mental age or how intelligence grew with the developing child. Mental age was taken to be
the chronological age of children who could pass a problem of a given difficulty. Thus a childcould have a mental age of eight if they could pass items that the typical eight year old passed
but the typical seven-year old failed. Howwever it was Wilhelm Stern who noted that if we
divide a child’s mental age by their own chronological age (and multiplied by 100) we could
derive a measure of individual differences in ability standardized by the age of the child. Thus achild aged eight who has a mental age of eight will have an IQ of 100 (or the average IQ). A
child of 9 with the same mental age would have a lower IQ and a child of 7 would have a higher
IQ. While the concept of IQ has a long and acrimonious history in psychology (see Anderson,2006), that is not our concern today. Rather, I want to focus on a central concept related to IQ
and that is the nature of general intelligence or g (Spearman, 1904). Spearman considered allmental activities to involve two components: one common to all and he called that g, and theother specific to the specific cognitive task at hand. Spearman thought of g as being some kindof mental energy (in modern psychology we would call this a general resource or capacity) andattributed individual differences in g to some biological property of the central nervous system.
This view of Spearman has not been popular in modern psychology, with many preferring theidea that the intellect is composed of a number of multiple intelligences (Gardner, 1983). Again,that is a debate for another day and instead I want to focus on two alternative accounts of thecognitive basis of g.
Speed of processing and g
Jensen (1998) and many others have argued that there is overwhelming evidence thatgeneral intelligence can be attributed to variation in a single global factor, speed of information
processing. The impetus for the speed of processing hypothesis is the finding that elementary
cognitive tasks (Jensen, 1982) with little or no knowledge content, such as reaction time and1

Discovery grant DP0665616 awarded to M.Anderson, A. Fox, C. Reid & D.Bishop.

inspection time tasks (Nettelbeck, 1987), are nevertheless correlated with knowledge-richintelligence test performance (Anderson, 1992). Reaction time measures show a regular decrease
with development (Keating & Bobbitt, 1978) and inspection time (see below) also has beenshown to decrease with age during development (Nettelbeck & Wilson, 1985), although not asstrongly as reaction time (Anderson, 1988). This has led some to suppose that not only does
speed underlie differences in g in adults but also developmental changes in g. Anderson (1992,
1988, 1989, 1992) has challenged this and argued, instead, that while speed may underlie
individual differences in g, what underlies developmental change are developing executivefunctions. Recently this idea has received some support from a body of work that attributes g
not to speed of information processing but to properties of the frontal lobes of the brain.
Frontal/Executive functions as a specific function and/or an alternative basis of g?
A radically different formulation of the basis of general intelligence has been proposedby Duncan (Duncan, 1995; Duncan et al., 1996). It has been known for some time that
substantial injury can be inflicted on the frontal lobes of the brain with little or no effect on
measured intelligence or IQ. This is paradoxical because such patients also present withconsiderable difficulties in everyday problem solving. However, Duncan showed that whenfrontal patients are given tests of crystallized g, such as the heavily knowledge-based tests suchas the Wechsler scales (WAIS), their IQs are normal. On the other hand, when they are given atest of fluid intelligence, such as the Cattell Culture Fair, they are significantly impaired (Duncan
et al., 1996). An fMRI study (Duncan et al., 2000) has shown that when participants perform ahighly g-loaded task the frontal lobes of the brain show heavy activation. Thus it is possible thatthe functions subserving frontal functions (and their relationship to g) are different from thosethat typically underlie individual differences in IQ. I will present data from a patient study (inpreparation for publication) that argues that speed of processing is related to individual
differences in g but is unrelated to frontal functioning. The mechanisms supported by the frontal
lobes of the brain represent another (developmental dimension) to g. Before this I will explain
my theory of intelligence.
The theory of the minimal cognitive architecture underlying intelligence and development
Anderson’s (1992) theory of the Minimal Cognitive Architecture underlying intelligence anddevelopment argues that intelligence tests measure intelligence through assessing knowledge, butthat knowledge itself is acquired through two different routes proposed by Fodor (1983). The
major proposition is that these two processing routes are related to the two different dimensionsof intelligence – one related to individual differences and the other to cognitive development.

Figure 1: Anderson’s theory of the minimal cognitive architecture
underlying intelligence and development

In the theory the first route to knowledge (depicted in figure 1) is through thought andthis is the route that is related to differences in IQ. Thoughtful problem solving can be done
either by verbalising a problem (using language-like propositions to think) or by visualising it(using visuo-spatial representations to think). In the theory this is accomplished by having two
different kinds of knowledge acquisition routines, each generated by one of two specificprocessors. The specific processors are the source of individual differences in specific abilities.
However, the observed specific ability is constrained by the speed of a basic processing
mechanism – at slow speed only the simplest kinds of thoughts of either kind can be
implemented (the speed of the basic processing mechanism can be measured using tasks such as
inspection time and reaction time). It is this constraint that is the basis of individual differencesin general intelligence and the reason why manifest specific abilities are correlated (giving riseto the g factor).
The second route for acquiring the knowledge that will influence intelligence test
performance (depicted in figure 1) is through dedicated information processing modules, and itis this route that is related to cognitive development. Modules have evolved to provide
information about the environment that could not be provided by central processes of thought(route-1 knowledge acquisition) in an ecologically useful time frame. For example, if we had to‘think through’ all the perceptual information presented to us in order to construct a 3dimensional view of the world we would be literally lost in thought. Because this activity is so
important to us and requires great computational power and speed, evolution has created special
modular devices to allow us to do this automatically. In the theory this is catered for by the'Perception of 3D space' module illustrated in figure 1. The maturation and acquisition ofmodules is the prime cause of developmental change. Because modules function independentlyof variations in the speed of the basic processing mechanism their operation is independent ofdifferences in IQ. This means that individual differences and cognitive development represent
two independent dimensions of intelligence. It also means that these complex modular attributes
are available to non brain-damaged individuals with intellectual disabilities. It is my contention
that the general class of processes that we call “executive functions” and that are supported by
the frontal lobes of the brain are modular in this sense.
I will now describe two tasks we have used to differentiate the contributions that both speed ofprocessing and executive functions make to differences in g. In the first case I will describe an
inspection time measure of speed of processing and in the second Duncan et al.’s (1996) goalneglect task.
Inspection time and speed of processing
Over the years we have conducted many studies using a particular measure of speed ofprocessing – inspection time or IT (see figure 2). In an IT task a participant must make a simple
perceptual discrimination – in this case whether a “space invader” has antennae that are the sameor different length. The exposure duration of the stimulus is controlled using a procedure thatprevents further processing of the stimulus information by presenting a masking stimulus. By
varying the stimulus onset of the mask relative to the stimulus the exposure duration can becontrolled. A staircase method (PEST) can be employed to change the exposure durationaccording to the whether the participant correctly identifies the stimulus as same or different. In
this way the exposure duration for a required level of accuracy can be estimated and this is
known as the participant’s inspection time.

Standard Inspection Time

Figure 2: A typical inspection time stimulus

Inspection time has been shown to correlate at about -0.5 with intelligence in adults (Nettelbeck,
1987; Kranzler and Jensen, 1989). I have shown that inspection time is related to intelligence inchildren (Anderson refs) and have used it to measure speed of processing in a number to difficult
to test groups, such as including autistic children (Anderson et al., 1998; Schueffgen et al., 2000),groups with general mental retardation (Moore et al., 1995; Anderson & Miller, 1998),
schizophrenics (Badcock et al., 2004), and children at risk of Developmental Coordination
Disorder (Piek et al., 2004).

Goal Neglect
Duncan and colleagues believe that the frontal lobes of the brain are the areas responsible for
instantiating cognitive routines for problem solving. These routines involve the establishing of
hierarchies of task goals, maintaining those goals and monitoring ongoing information
processing in service of those goals – the core functions of what others call executive functioning.
In a task designed to measure these functions, the goal-neglect task, Duncan not only showedthat patients with frontal damage performed very poorly but that performance on this task inindividuals with no known brain damage is predicted by their levels of fluid g.

The Standard Goal Neglect (GN) Task
WATCH LEFT or WATCH RIGHTX F(Call out aloud)2
3(ignore)
B C
7
2
4
4
H A
L
Q
5
9
3
8
T M
+
(means watch right)(means watch left)
5
8
N F
R Y
Figure 3: Stimulus sequence in the Goal Neglect Task. Letter or number pairs arepresented sequentially as described in the text

Figure 3 shows how the goal neglect task works. Participants are presented with a Rapid Serial
Visual Processing task (RSVP), where pairs of either letter or digit pairs are presented(sequentially) in the centre of a computer screen. Each pair is presented for 200ms with an interstimulus interval of 200ms. Participants must maintain three goals during the task. The first iseither to report the stimulus that appears on the left or on the right of the pair. The second is toreport letters and not numbers. The third is to report letters from the side indicated by a cue thatappears after 10 pairs of digits are presented and is followed by a further 3 pairs. Goal neglect is
manifest in an inability to correctly report the appropriate letters that appear after the cue.
Study with patients
This research was conducted with Simon Davies at Murdoch University, Western Australia, John
Hodges, formerly of Cambridge and now the University of New South Wales, and Sinclair
Lough a clinical neuropsychologist in Dorchester, England. The data are being prepared for
publication and first appeared as part of Dr Davies’ PhD. We measured inspection time and goal
neglect in patients with frontal temporal dementia (FTD), their typical clinical controls, patientswith Alzheimer’s disease and elderly subjects with no known brain injury but with fluid
intelligence test scores that were matched with the FTD group.

Figure 4 presents the data for both inspection time and goal neglect, calculated as z-scores overthe groups as a whole (this allows us to compare the tasks which have radically different scales).
What we see is that the Alzeimer’s group are very poor on both tasks. The FTD group is muchworse on goal neglect than the clinical control group and, in fact, is better on inspection time(they have faster speed of processing). The critical comparison is with the “low-g” group. These
are the older participants who have been matched with the FTD group on their fluid intelligencetest score (g). Importantly we now see a double dissociation between speed of processing andgoal neglect. The low g group is much better on the goal neglect task but much worse on
inspection time. Put another way, it is likely that the elderly participants have lower g scoresbecause of slow speed of processing, whereas the FTD group have lower g because the damage
to their frontal systems has led to an executive functioning deficit. In turn this provides evidence
for the hypothesis that there are two dimensions to g.

Inspection time and Goal Neglect standard
scores as a function of group

Category
Zscore GN(s) (reversed)

1.00

Zscore IT (reversed)

ZscoreError Bars show Mean +/- 1.0 SE

0.00

-1.00

AD

FTD

controls

low 'g' controls

Diagnosis

Figure 4: inspection time (blue) and goal neglect (red) scores.

Conclusion
There is a great deal of contemporary interest from cognitive neuroscience in the nature ofgeneral (fluid) intelligence or g. I have presented some data from patients that suggest that there
may be two distinct dimensions to g, one related to individual differences in speed of information
processing and the other related to executive/frontal functions. Our current project at the
University of Western Australia is examining similar questions developmentally by measuringcortical maturity in typically developing children. We collect these data in Project KIDS wherechildren come to the university to be measured on a whole range of psychometric measures aswell as information processing and psychophysiological measures. We measure cortical maturity
through innovative techniques using evoked related potentials. Our questions are relatively
straightforward: Does cortical maturity in the frontal lobes proceed on the same or different pathto that in language areas of the brain? Does maturity in each area predict separately behavioural
tests thought to reflect the activity of these areas (executive functions and language)?
Alternatively, is there a global crotical developmental function that is related to fluid intelligenceand is that mediated thorugh speed of processing or executive functioning. All being well wewill have the answers in about two years.

References
Anderson, M. (1988). Inspection time, information processing and the development ofintelligence. British Journal of Developmental Psychology, 6, 43 – 57.
Anderson, M. (1989). Inspection time and the relationship between stimulus encoding andresponse selection factors in development. In D. Vickers & P. L. Smith (Eds.), Human
information processing measures, mechanisms and models (pp.509-516). Amsterdam:
Elsevier Science.
Anderson, M. (1992). Intelligence and development: A cognitive theory. Oxford. Blackwell.
Anderson, M. (2001). Conceptions of intelligence. Journal of Child Psychology & Psychiatry,42, 3, 287 – 298.
Anderson, M. (2006). Biology and intelligence – the race/IQ controversy. In S. Della Sala (Ed).
Tall Tales. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp 123-147.
Anderson, M. & Miller, K, L. (1998). Modularity, mental retardation, and speed of processing.
Developmental Science, 1, 239-245.
Anderson, M. & Nelson, J. (2005). Individual differences and cognitive models of the mind:
using the differentiation hypothesis to distinguish general and specific cognitive
processes. In J. Duncan, P. McLeod, & L. Phillips (Eds). Measuring the mind: Speed,
control and age. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 89-113.
Badcock, J., Williams, R., Anderson, M., & Jablensky, A. (2004). Speed of processing andindividual differences in IQ in schizophrenia: General or specific cognitive deficits.
Cognitive Neuropsychiatry, 9, 233-247.
Duncan, J. (1995). Attention, intelligence, and the frontal lobes. Gazzaniga, Michael S. (Ed). The
cognitive neurosciences. pp. 721-733. Cambridge, MA, USA: Mit Press.
Duncan, J., Emslie, H., Williams, P., Johnson, R., & Freer, C. (1996). Intelligence and thefrontal lobe: The organization of goal-directed behaviour. Cognitive Psychology, 30, 257– 303.
Duncan, J., Seitz, R.,J., Kolodny, J., Bor, D., Herzog, H. Ahmed, A., et al. (2000). A neural basis
for general intelligence. Science, 289, 457-460.

Fodor, J.A. (1983). The modularity of mind. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Gardner, H. (1983). Frames of mind: the theory of multiple intelligences. London: Heinemann.
Jensen, A.R. (1982) Reaction time and psychometric g. In Eysenck, H.J. (Ed) A Model forIntelligence. Berlin: Springer Verlag.
Jensen , A.R. (1998). The g Factor: The science of mental ability. Westport, CT: Praeger.
Kranzler, J.H. & Jensen, A.R. (1989). Inspection time and intelligence: A meta-analysis.
Intelligence, 13, 329 – 347.
Keating, D. P., & Bobbitt, B. L. (1978). Individual and developmental differences in cognitive
processing components of mental ability. Child Development, 49, 155-167.
Moore, D., Hobson, R.P., and Anderson, M. (1995) Direct perception: Evidence for IQindependent processing. Intelligence, 20, 65-86.
Nettelbeck, T. (1987). Inspection time and intelligence. In P. A. Vernon (Ed.), Speed of
information processing and intelligence. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.pp.295-346.
Nettelbeck, T., & Wilson, C. (1985). A cross-sequential analysis of developmental differencesin speed of visual information processing. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 40,
1-22.
Piek, J.P., Dyck, M.J., Nieman A., Anderson, M., Hay D., Smith, L.M., McCoy, M. &Hallmayer, J. (2004). The Relationship Between Motor Coordination, Executive
Functioning and Attention in School Aged Children. Archives of Clinical
Neuropsychology, 19, 1063-1076.
Scheuffgen, K., Happé, F., Anderson, M., & Frith, U. (2000). High ‘intelligence’, low ‘IQ’?
Speed of processing and measured IQ in children with autism. Development andPsychopathology, 12, 83-90.
Spearman, C. (1904). “General intelligence”, objectively determined and measured. American
Journal of Psychology, 15, 201 – 293.



On the mechanism of the genesis of representation in L. S. Vygotsky’s
psychological theory
Kazuo NAKAMURA
Professor, Graduate School of Human Development and Environment, Kobe University<abstract>1
The function of perception is seeing, hearing or smelling the features of the object
that exists here and now. Therefore, perception cannot come free from the real worldthat exists at hand now. Perception binds its own subject to the actual present world. On
the other hand, with the help of representation, we can reproduce in the mind the object
that doesn't exist here and now. Thanks to representation, we are able to separate theobject from the real world both temporally and spatially, and beside that hold it in themind. The most essential function of representation is to replace the actual object bysomething else mental. In such a replacement relation, the replacing one (representation= signifier) is separated from the replaced one (the actual world = signified) and comesto be able to behave independently. That is, we can become the possessor of the mental
world independent of the real one by representation. Representation liberates its own
subject from the perceptual bondage of the real world. Therefore, we can say that
representation is the most important factor in human mental development.
Well, how does the representation bringing about the mental world that mostdefinitely distinguishes human being from other animals germinate in the process ofchild development? It must be important for every psychological theory to elucidate thisproblem. In this report, we try to research what L. S. Vygotsky thinks about themechanism of the genesis of representation in child development. Vygotsky himself
does not necessarily describe the mechanism of the genesis of representation explicitly.
However, we are able to find out Vygotsky’s own idea about the mechanism of thegenesis of representation by analyzing the infant’s developmental features described byhim. As a result of the analysis, we could find that Vygotsky seemed to regard theconsciousness of “Ur-wir” as a root cause which prepares the genesis of representation.
The consciousness of “Ur-wir” means the initially appearing psychologicalcommonality of the infant and his mother which serves as the starting point for further
development of consciousness. According to Vygotsky, the very consciousness of“Ur-wir” makes it possible for the infant to assimilate the distant object into his
psychological inside and deal with it in psychological plane. Based on the psychologicalcommonality of the infant and his mother, the infant for the first time is able to bridgethe distance between him and the object, and retain the psychological set (attitude) tothe distant object.

1

The full version of this paper will be published in Bulletin of Graduate School of

Human Development & Environment Vol.2. No.2 (March, 2009). If you are interested,
please refer to the forthcoming Bulletin.

Rough-and-tumble play and expressive aggressive behavior
How do they occur and develop in late childhood ? Chie Nakade
Graduate School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe University
Introduction
Peer relationships in childhood are important for their social development. Nevertheless,
it is pointed out that problems in peer relationships such as “being attacked directly”
and “the existence of troublemakers” (Koishi, 1995) are major stressors to children(Nakazawa, 1997). Moreover, as in childhood, children are often occupied with peer
relationships, and we should notice that children rejected by their peers are in great
distress. Maeda (1995, 2001) claims that children with salient aggressive behaviors
strongly feel loneliness and are often rejected by their peers. It is pointed out that theexpressive aggression is often seen in boys’ play and that aggressive behaviors among
boys tend to be reinforced in their relationships with peers (Yashima, 2002). This meansthat there is a complexity of boys’ relationships. On the one hand, aggression tends to be
reinforced by peers but at the same time they reject high-aggressive children.
Many researchers have investigated the relationships between aggression and social
information processing (e.g. Hamaguchi, 1992; Sakai & Yamazaki, 2004) because thehigh aggressiveness is thought to be related with cognitive distortion. These studies,
however, only consider aggressive behaviors recognized by children themselves or theirfriends. Therefore, it is necessary to grasp aggressive behaviors caused by an interactionof children (In & Hirota, 1996).
We also have to think about children’s aggression from a perspective of play.
Aggression is defined as “a behavior which has an intention of hurting someone”, but as
far as childhood is concerned, there is something like a play-fighting which has a lookof aggression. As physical activity play, there are ‘locomotor play’, ‘exercise play’ and‘rough-and-tumble play(R&T)’. R&T refers to vigorous behaviors such as wrestling,grappling, kicking, and tumbling that would appear to be aggressive except for theplayful context. It peaks between 8 and 10 years, and boys exceed girls in frequency. In
his study, Smith reports the existence of play which looks like aggression. Most children
start R&T with making a physical move on other children (such as patting a shoulder),and attacked children sometimes react aggressively. Smith focuses on how sociometricstatus influences children’s R&T. However it must be useful to comprehend the processof aggressive behavior and R&T from a view point of the interaction with others, andinclusively understand how aggressive behavior and R&T occur, and what problems anddangers are.
So, this study aims to observe and make a model of how boys in late childhoodshow and develop their behaviors of expressive aggression and R&T in theirrelationships. In this study, expressive aggression is defined as physically and verbally
aggressive behaviors, while R&T is defined as a vigorous behavior which seems to be
behaviors of expressive aggression but in the playful context.
Method࡮The subject of this study was 20 boys who attended an after-school care program. 15
were in 4th grade, and 5 were in 6th grade.
࡮I observed them once a week from 3 pm to 6 pm. The observation was carried out
7times in all from May to July 2007.
࡮Sitting in a corner of the room, I kept taking a not of what they did. When aggressive
behavior or R&T occurred, I took meticulous notes on the process of their behaviors
including their looks, reactions and voices. If most children played outside, I also wentout for observation.
࡮I made a transcription from the note and after every observation. This data was thenanalyzed by Grounded Theory Approach. First of all, the data was broken down into
separate units. Then they were labeled by the type and intent of behaviors. By property
and dimension I figured out how a given unit goes to another unit, and constituted amodel.
ResultI don’t include “admonition” into aggression because it has more constructive intentions
than aggressive behavior. And I separate aggressive behavior and R&T into two groups:“first behavior” and “non-first behavior”, because first behavior has a big influence on
the subsequent development. An attached handout shows the model I have constituted
but today I would like to focus on several points.

(a) There are 2 types of first behaviors: first R&T and first aggression“First R&T” occurs in play or arise suddenly as teasing or meddling. When it occurs
in play or when its “strength” is low or middle, “playful reaction” happens. But as the“strength” becomes higher, attacked children tend to react aversely. “First aggressive
behavior” occurs after a physical warning or an unsatisfactory end of former aggressive
behavior. In this case, the victim is not necessarily a participant of former aggressive
behavior or warning. When children suffer “first aggressive behavior”, children who
already feel discontent react aggressively like intimidation or fighting back, andchildren who hardly feel discontent just try to avoid the aggression or show passivity.
(b) There were three types of non-first aggressive behaviors: “R&T”, “aggressive
behavior with both seriousness”, “aggressive behavior with a gap of intentions”.
There are secure R&T and precarious R&T. Secure “R&T” is characterized by adual-direction and a low or middle strength. Meanwhile precarious “R&T” ischaracterized by one-way and a high strength. But the stability changes often. Secure
R&T occasionally changes into other 2 types of behaviors, and precarious R&T changed
into a secure one. This means that the strength and direction of behaviors change thestability and their category.
“Aggressive behavior with both seriousness” means a situation where both children
seriously show their expressive aggressions. We can find two patterns here. First, withincreasing “strength”, a fighting back as R&T gradually turns into “aggressive behavior
with both seriousness”. Secondly, a child who feels dissatisfied with the admonition or
the end of former aggressive behavior shows “first aggressive behavior”, and anotherchild reacts aggressively. This instantly turns into “aggressive behavior with both
seriousness”. Thus there are different processes to get to “aggressive behavior with both
seriousness”.
“Aggressive behavior with a gap of intentions” means a situation where one childattacks as play but the other child attacks seriously. When “strength” of “R&T” grows
stronger, one participant becomes serious. And the “R&T” turns into “aggressive
behavior with a gap of intentions”.
(c) There are three types of ends: the “peaceful end”, the “end with one-side anger” andthe “end with both-side anger”.

The “peaceful end” means an end with enjoyable atmosphere. Only “R&T” gets it.
Two types of causes lead to this end. One is a clear cause such as paper-rock-scissors,admonishment by other children or daily routines like leavers assembly and going-hometime. Another cause is that as “R&T” progressively weakens, both children step awayfrom each other, and then end R&T with smile. After “peaceful end”, children arejolly-looking. And what is more some of them seem to feel regret at ending the R&T.
The “end with one-side anger” means an end with a situation where one child is angry
or surely in a bad mood but the other is happy. It mainly arises from “aggressive
behavior with a gap of intentions”, but sometimes from “first R&T” having a highstrength. There are 3 causes leading to this end: one child’s resignation, a third-person’s
admonishment and one-sided stop of attack for unknown reasons.
The “end with both-side anger” means an end with anger or discontent on both sides.
It arises from “aggressive behavior with both seriousness”. There are 2 causes leading tothis end: either a third-person admonishes the participants, or both children gradually
step away from each other.
(d) It is therefore concluded that “strength”, “intent of behavior” and “discontent ofparticipants” are the major factors that develop the process of this model of aggressive
behavior and R&T.
As the degree of “strength” becomes higher in “R&T”, children becomes more
seriously. So the R&T changes into “aggressive behavior with a gap of intentions” or“aggressive behavior with both seriousness”. Furthermore, children react aversively to“R&T” in case it has a high degree of “strength”. These results suggest the importanceof “strength”. When the levels of “strength” are the same, “first R&T” causes obliging
reactions, while “first aggressive behavior” causes aversive reactions. And when the“intent of behavior” was ungraspable, a victim reacts after observing the look of theperformer. These facts indicate the importance of “intent of behaviors”. Moreover ifbehaviors end with children’s anger or discontent, they tend to show “first aggressive
behavior” to the participant of the former aggression or to another child who has
nothing to do with it. There are some cases that a child who receives a tough reprimandfrom other children shows ”first aggressive behavior” to them. They suggest that“discontent of participants” functions as a trigger for aggression and that children getout from the discontent in the form of aggression, and show the circularity ofaggression.
Conclusion
First and most importantly, this study reveals that, among boys, “aggressive behavior
with both seriousness”, ‘’R&T” and “aggressive behavior with a gap of intentions” arevery close to each other and one gradually changes into another. Smith’s research also
reports a case that R&T gradually changes into aggression. But he does not treat it
thoroughly because he considers it is caused only by rejected children. In my study,
however, there are some cases that “R&T” change into other types of aggression and it
does not always happen to certain children. So there is a possibility that the change of
behaviors is not unusual for children. In & Hirota (1996) observe that there is agive-and-take of low aggressive behaviors. They indicate that such aggressive behaviors
maintain the relationships between children. Accordingly we cannot easily split boys’
behaviors, which seem aggression, into “play” and “serious aggression”. We have toconsider how we should treat R&T, which is included in aggression-like behaviors.
There are 3 major factors, which conduce to the change from play to aggression:“strength”, “intent of performer” and “discontent of participants”. A frame of behavior
seems to be judged by the “intent of performer”, which is figured out by “strength” asan external condition and “discontent of participants” as an internal condition. This may
be an “encoding” part in social information processing of Dodge. And the circularity ofaggression is also suggested from the fact that discontent as the end of aggression leads
to another aggressive behavior.
And finally, the striking fact is the existence of “aggressive behavior with a gap ofintention”. “R&T” and “aggressive behavior with both seriousness” are well formed
because the participants are in the same frame (“This is play fighting”. “This is real
fighting”.). But regarding “aggressive behavior with a gap of intention”, the participants
are in the different frames, so the situation is fragile. Nevertheless it occurs occasionallyand lasts long. In the meantime, some behaviors change into “aggressive behavior withboth seriousness”, or end with a gap of intention. Yano(1989) finds out the same 3 typesof frame, from his observation of kindergarteners. Using “frame” concept of Bateson,
Yano says that “aggressive behavior with a gap of intention” means a discrepancy of theframes. And he also argues that this discrepancy is similar to “Ijime (bullying)”.
This time I could not examine the instability of frame, so I would like to continue toconsider it in the future.

References
Hamaguchi, Yoshikazu (1992), ‘A study on children’s social cognition and reactive
behaviors in a proactive situation: effects of popularity and sex’ (in Japanese). The
Japanese journal of educational psychology 40, 420-427.
Koishi, Hirofumi (1995), Developmental psychology of human relationships 3-Childhood- (in Japanese) . (Baifu-kan)
Maeda, Ken-ichi (1995), ‘Peer relations and loneliness in childhood: children’s peer andself-perceptions of their aggression, withdrawal, and social competence’ (inJapanese). The Japanese journal of educational psychology 43, 156-166.
Maeda, Ken-ichi (2001), A sustainability of social position in peer relations (inJapanese). (Kitaoji-shobo)
Nakazawa, Jun (1997), ‘Children’s life events and stresses’ (in Japanese). The 61st
Annual Convention of the Japanese Psychological Association, 289.
Sakai, Akiko & Yamazaki, Katsuyuki (2004), ‘Children’s evaluations and outcome
expectations for aggressive responses and types of aggressiveness’ (in Japanese).
The Japanese journal of educational psychology 52, 298-309.
Yashima, Minako (2002), ‘Aggression and development’ (in Japanese). Katsuyuki
Yamazaki & Tetsushi Shimai (eds.), Behavioral science of aggression 60-80(Nakanishiya-shuppan)
Yoon, Heebong & Hirota, Shin-ichi (1996), ‘An observational study of aggressive
behavior in the classroom’ (in Japanese). The Japanese journal of educational
psychology 44, 102-108.

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


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#CTJWU7PKXGTUKVGVࠝ࡯ࡈࠬᄢቇ Hans Uffe Sperling-Petersen ᢎ᝼᜗⡜␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ੱ㑆ⅣႺቇኾ᡹᪢᧛ ⇇ᷰ
␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼ੱ㑆ⅣႺቇኾ᡹ᩊ ੝⍫ሶ

ႎ๔ߩ᭎ⷐ
 2008 ᐕߩ 11 ᦬ 11 ᣣ߆ࠄ 13 ᣣߦ߆ߌߡ‫ࠬࡈ࡯ࠝ࡮ࠢ࡯ࡑࡦ࠺ޔ‬ᄢቇ㧔Aarhus University,
Denmark㧕߆ࠄ‫ޔ‬Hans Uffe Sperling-Petersen ᢎ᝼㧔ኾ㐷ߪಽሶ↢‛ቇ㧕ࠍ᜗⡜ߒߡⴕࠊࠇߚᵴേߦߟ޿ߡႎ๔ߔࠆ‫ޕ‬ౝኈߪ Sperling-Petersen ᢎ᝼ߦࠃࠆ࠮ࡒ࠽࡯‫ޔ‬‫ޟ‬ᶏᄖߢࠨࠗ
ࠛࡦࠬߔࠆ‫ޔޠ‬෸߮ 2 ߟߩࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢߦߟ޿ߡߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬⥄ὼⅣႺ⺰࠮ࡒ࠽࡯㧔11 ᦬ 11 ᣣ㧕ᵴേೋᣣߢ޽ࠆߎߩᣣߪ‫ ߕ߹ޔ‬Sperling-Petersen ᳁ࠍਃችߦㄫ߃ߦⴕߞߡᦨೋߩ᜿ᜦࠍ
ߒ‫␹ޔ‬ᚭᄢቇࠠࡖࡦࡄࠬࠍᓤᱠߢ◲නߦ⚫੺ߒߡ‫↲౐ޔ‬บߩ㘩ၴߢᤤ㘩ࠍߣߞߚᓟ‫ޔ‬ඦᓟ
߆ࠄ Sperling-Petersen ᢎ᝼ߦࠃࠆ࠮ࡒ࠽࡯ࠍ㐿௅ߒߚ‫ߩ࡯࠽ࡒ࠮ޕ‬ㅴⴕߪ‫␹ޔ‬ᚭᄢ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱߩ↰ਛᚑౖᢎ᝼߇ⴕߞߚ‫ޕ‬ౝኈߪᓐߩᦨㄭߩ⎇ⓥߢ޽ࠆ᛫↢‛⾰㧔antibiotics㧕ߦ㑐ㅪߒߚᣂ⮎ߩ㐿⊒ߦߟ޿ߡߢ޽ߞߚ‫ޕ‬᛫↢‛⾰ߣߪ‫ޔ‬ᓸ↢‛߇↥಴ߔࠆ‫ߩઁޔ‬ᓸ↢‛ߩჇᱺࠍᛥ߃ࠆ‛⾰ߩߎߣߢ‫⩶⚦ߡߒߣ⮎ޔ‬ᗵᨴߩᴦ≮ߦᓎ┙ߡࠄࠇߡ޿ࠆ‫ᦨޕ‬ೋߦ⊒⷗ߐࠇߚࡍ࠾ࠪ࡝ࡦߥߤߪ᦭ฬߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬᛫↢‛⾰ߪ⚦⩶߇ᵴേߒߚࠅჇᱺߒߚࠅߔࠆߣ߈ߦᲑ㓏⊛ߦᯏ⢻ࠍ⊒ើߔࠆ޿ߊߟ߆ߩ࠲ࡦࡄࠢ⾰ࠍ࠲࡯ࠥ࠶࠻ߦߒߡ૞↪ߔࠆߎߣߢ⚦⩶ࠍᲕߔ߇‫ޔ‬
Sperling-Petersen ᳁ߩ⎇ⓥߪ‫ޔ‬ߎࠇ߹ߢߣߪ⇣ߥࠆ࠲ࡦࡄࠢ⾰ࠍ࠲࡯ࠥ࠶࠻ߦߔࠆߎߣߢ‫ޔ‬ᗵᨴߒߚ⚦⩶ߩ⒳㘃ߦᔕߓߚലᨐ⊛ߥ⮎ࠍ૞ࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆน⢻ᕈࠍ␜ໂߔࠆ߽ߩߢ޽ߞ
ߚ‫⑳ޕ‬୘ੱߣߒߡߪ㕖Ᏹߦ⥝๧ᷓ޿ౝኈߢ޽ߞߚߣᕁ߁߇‫ޔ‬੐೨ߦࡔ࡯࡞߿ឝ␜ߢትવߒ
ߡ޿ߚߦ߽߆߆ࠊࠄߕ‫߿߿ޔ‬ౝኈ߇ኾ㐷⊛ㆊ߉ߚߖ޿߆‫ޔ‬⡬⻠ߦ᧪ߚੱᢙ߇ડ↹㑐ଥ⠪એ
ᄖߢߪ 3~4 ੱߣዋߥ߆ߞߚߩߪᱷᔨߢ޽ࠆ㧔᪢᧛㧕‫ޕ‬ࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢ㧦ἥߩ㈬⬿⷗ቇ‫ઁߩߘޔ‬㧔11 ᦬ 12 ᣣ㧕 ߎߩᣣߪᦺߩ 10 ᤨߏࠈߦೋᣣߣหߓᓙߜวࠊߖ႐ᚲߢ Sperling-Petersen ᢎ᝼ߣวᵹߒ
ߚᓟ࠲ࠢࠪ࡯ߢ⒖േߒߡ‫␹ޔ‬ᚭߩἥߩ㈬⬿ࠍ᩺ౝߒߚ‫ߪࠢ࡯ࡢ࠼࡞࡯ࠖࡈޕ‬ડ↹ߩᲑ㓏ߢ޿ߊߟ߆ߩ୥⵬ࠍ᜼ߍ‫ࠍ࠻ࠬ࡝ߩߘޔ‬੐೨ߦᓐߦዯߌߡߤࠇ߇⦟޿߆ㆬࠎߢ߽ࠄ߁ᒻᑼߦ
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ᒰᣣߩ᩺ౝߦ⥃ࠎߛ‫⸥ޕ‬ᔨ㙚߿⾗ᢱ㙚ߢߪᄖ࿖ੱⷰశቴ↪ߦ⧷⺆ߩ⺑᣿ߩ⋴᧼߇޽ߞߚߚ
߼⺑᣿ߔࠆ㓙ߦഥ߆ߞߚ߇‫޿߆⚦߽ߢࠇߘޔ‬ኾ㐷⊛ߥ੐ᨩࠍ⧷⺆ߦ⸶ߒߡ⵬⿷⺑᣿ߔࠆߩߦߪ㛽߇᛬ࠇߚ‫ߒ߆ߒޕ‬᩺ౝຬߦࠃࠆࡄࡈࠜ࡯ࡑࡦࠬ߿೑߈㈬ߥߤࠗࡌࡦ࠻⊛ߥߎߣ߽޽
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ቇߩㄭᳯᚭિሶಎᢎ᝼ߩ‫ޟ‬ᶏᄖߢࠨࠗࠛ
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ㆇ༡⠪ߩᎿᴺ߇㊀ⷐߥࠞࠡߢ޽ࠆ‫ⴕߥ߁ࠃߩߎޕ‬੐ߩᚑഞߩ್ᢿၮḰߣߒߡෳട⠪ᢙ߇޽ߍࠄࠇࠆ߇‫੹߇⑳ߒ߆ߒޔ‬࿁ⴕߞߚࡐࠬ࠲࡯૞ᚑ‫ߪߢߌߛࠅ⾍࡯࠲ࠬࡐޔ‬ᢙߩࠕ࠶ࡊ߇㔍ߒ߆ߞߚߎߣ߆ࠄ‫⋥ޔ‬ធవ↢ߦ߅㗿޿ߒߡትવߒߡ޿ߚߛߊߎߣߦߥߞߚ‫౉ߦࡒ࠯߇ߛޕ‬ߞߡ޿ߥ޿ૐቇᐕ↢߹ߢߦߪ‫߇࠻ࡦࡌࠗߩߘޔ‬ᶐㅘߒߥ޿ߣ޿߃ࠆ‫ࡇࠕߡߒߦ߁ࠃߩߤޕ‬࡯࡞ߒߡ‫ޔ‬ᶐㅘߐߖߡ޿ߊ߆߇੹ᓟߩ⺖㗴ߢ޽ࠆ‫ߣࠇߘޕ‬หᤨߦ㝯ജ޽ࠆౝኈߢߥ޿ߣᗧ
๧߇ߥ޿‫੹ޕ‬࿁ߪᐘ޿ߥߎߣߦᶏᄖ⇐ቇߦ⥝๧ߩ޽ࠆ࿁↢߇ᄙ߆ߞߚߩߢ‫ޔ‬ૐቇᐕߦ߽
ࠕࡇ࡯࡞ߢ߈ߡ޿ߚߣ޿߃ࠆ㧔ᩊ㧕‫ޕ‬ࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢ㧦␹ᚭࡢࠗ࠽࡝࡯⷗ቇ‫ઁߩߘޔ‬㧔11 ᦬ 13 ᣣ㧕 ߎߩᣣߪඦᓟ߆ࠄ‫ޔ‬Sperling-Petersen ᢎ᝼‫␹ޔ‬ᚭᄢ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱߩㄭᳯᚭᢎ᝼‫ޔ‬᪢᧛ߩ 3ੱߢ‫␹ޔ‬ᚭࡢࠗ࠽࡝࡯ߩ⷗ቇߦⴕߞߚ‫ޕ‬2 ᣣ⛯ߌߡ㈬㑐ଥߩᣉ⸳ߩ⸰໧ߣ޿߁ߩ߽ᅱߥ߽ߩ
ߛߣᕁߞߚ߇‫ޔ‬Sperling-Petersen ᢎ᝼ߪ‫࡝ࡄޔ‬ᄢቇߦ⇐ቇߒߡ޿ߚ⚻㛎߇޽ࠆ߆ࠄ߆‫ࡢޔ‬ࠗࡦߦ⹦ߒ޿ࠃ߁ߛߞߚߩߢ‫ޔ‬᩺ౝߒߡߊࠇߚࡢࠗ࠽࡝࡯ߩੱ߽߰ߊ߼ 4 ੱߢ⦡‫ࠗࡢߣޘ‬ࡦߩ⹤ࠍߒߡ⋓ࠅ਄߇ߞߡߒ߹ߞߚ‫߽⑳ޕ‬୘ੱ⊛ߦࡢࠗࡦ߇ᅢ߈ߥߩߢḩ⿷ߛߞߚ‫ࠗࡢޕ‬࠽࡝࡯⸰໧ߩᓟߪ‫⚳ᦨޔ‬ᣣߣ޿߁ߎߣߢ‫ޔ‬3 ੱߢਃችߩߔ߈὾߈ደߢᄕ㘩ࠍ㘩ߴߚ‫ߦ․ޕ‬໧㗴ߪߥ߆ߞߚ߇‫ޔ‬ᄕ㘩ߦⴕߊᐫࠍ੐೨ߦ᳿߼ߡ޿ߥ߆ߞߚߩߢ‫ޔ‬ᐫࠍតߒߡዋߒᱠߊߎߣ
ߦߥߞߚߩߪࡒࠬߛߞߚ߆߽ߒࠇߥ޿‫ߩߘޕ‬ᓟ‫ᦨޔ‬ᓟߩ᜿ᜦࠍߒߡ೎ࠇߚ㧔᪢᧛㧕‫ޕ‬㧔ో૕ࠍㅢߒߡߩᗵᗐ㧕
࡮޽ࠆ⒟ᐲ੐೨ߦ੍ቯࠍ⚵ࠎߢ‫⸰ޔ‬໧వߩਅ⷗߿⧷⺆ߢߩ⺑᣿ߥߤߩḰ஻ࠍߒߡ޿ߚ߅߆
ߍߢ‫ోޔ‬૕ߣߒߡߪᄢ߈ߥࡒࠬߪߥߊㅴⴕߢ߈ߚߣᕁ߁‫ߪߡ޿ߟߦ࡯࠽ࡒ࠮ޕ‬ㅴⴕࠍ↰ਛᢎ᝼ߦછߖߡ޿ߚߩߢ⑳⥄りߩߔࠆߎߣߪࡆ࠺ࠝߩ᠟ᓇߊࠄ޿ߢ޽ߞߚ߇‫ޔ‬2 ᣣ⋡ߩࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢߦߟ޿ߡߪၮᧄ⊛ߦ⑳ 1 ੱߢડ↹߆ࠄታⴕ߹ߢࠍߒߥߌࠇ߫ߥࠄߥ߆ߞߚߩߢ
ᄢᄌߛߞߚ‫ޕ‬ᄢቇߦ᜗⡜ߒߚੱࠍ᩺ౝߔࠆߣ޿߁⚻㛎⥄૕߇ೋ߼ߡߛߞߚߩߢ✕ᒛߒߚ߇‫ޔ‬
Sperling-Petersen ᢎ᝼߇᷷๺ߥੱ‛ߢ⑳ߦวࠊߖߡߊࠇߚߣ޿߁ߎߣ߽޽ࠅ‫ޔ‬⒖േਛߦ᥉Ბߩ↢ᵴ߿ฦ‫ߩޘ‬࿖ߩᤨ੐ߥߤߦߟ޿ߡߩળ⹤ࠍߔࠆߥߤ‫ޔ‬ᕁߞߡ޿ߚࠃࠅߪࠬࡓ࡯࠭ߦ
ࠦࡒࡘ࠾ࠤ࡯࡚ࠪࡦ߇ߢ߈ߡߣߡ߽ᭉߒ߆ߞߚ‫৻ޕ‬ᐲߎߩࠃ߁ߥ⚻㛎ࠍߒߡ߅ߊߣ‫ޔ‬ᰴߦห᭽ߩߎߣ߇޽ߞߚߣ߈ߦߪߤ߁ߔࠆ߆ߥߤߩࠪࡒࡘ࡟࡯࡚ࠪࡦ߇㗡ߩਛߢߒ߿ߔߊߥࠆ
ߩߢ‫ߪߡߞߣߦ⑳ޔ‬㕖Ᏹߦ⦟޿⚻㛎ߦߥߞߚߣᕁ߁‫ޕ‬෻⋭ὐߪ᜗⡜ߔࠆߎߜࠄ஥ߢߩᖱႎ
౒᦭ᐲߩਇ⿷ߢ޽ࠆ‫ߩ࠻ࡦࡌࠗߩࠇߙࠇߘޕ‬ᜂᒰ⠪߇޿ߟߤߎߢ૗ࠍⴕ߁੍ቯ߆ࠍ߽߁ዋ
ߒᛠីߒߡ߅ߌ߫‫ోޔ‬૕ߩᵹࠇ߇ࠬࡓ࡯࠭ߦߥߞߚߣᕁ߁‫ߩߎޕ‬෻⋭ߪ੹ᓟߦ↢߆ߒߚ޿㧔᪢᧛㧕࡮ࠗࡌࡦ࠻ㆇ༡ߪ‫ޔ‬ᜂᒰ⠪ߩ୘ੱ⢻ജߦᆔߨࠄࠇߡ޿ࠆߚ߼‫ޔ‬ቇⴚ9''-5ో૕ߩ৻૕ൻ߇
ᰳᅤߒߡ޿ࠆߣᗵߓߚ‫ޕ‬ትવߩߚ߼ߩࡐࠬ࠲࡯૞ᚑ‫ޔ‬ෳട⠪ฬ★‫ߩߣ࡜ࠧࠕࠚࡈࠞޔ‬シ㘩ߥߤߩᛂߜวࠊߖ‫ޔ‬ળ႐⸳༡‫ޔ‬ᒰᣣߩࠗࡌࡦ࠻ㆇ༡ߦ៤ࠊߞߚ߇‫࡯࠽ࡒ࠮ߩ߆߶ޔ‬ᜂᒰ⠪߇ߤߩࠃ߁ߥߎߣࠍߒߡ޿ࠆߩ߆߇ࠊ߆ࠄߥ޿ߒ‫ߞ߆ߥࠄ߆ࠊ߆ߩ޿޿߫ࠇ߿ߢ߹ߎߤޔ‬ߚ‫ࠍࠇߘޕ‬ᡷༀߔࠆߚ߼ߦߪ‫ࠆ޽ޔ‬⒟ᐲߩ⛔৻߿ࡑ࠾ࡘࠕ࡞૞ࠅ߇ᔅⷐߛߣᗵߓߚ‫ޕ‬ 㑐ଥ⠪ߩᣇ‫ޔ‬ෳട⠪ߩᣇ‫ޔ‬Ḱ஻࡮ㆇ༡ߥߤߩ⚂㩃᦬㑆ߢᧄᒰߦ߅਎⹤ߦߥࠅ޽ࠅ߇ߣ߁
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The bacterial translation initiation factor IF2 - a target candidate for
species specific drug design
Professor Hans Uffe Sperling-Petersen
Aarhus University, Denmark

Summary
For more than 50 years we have known antibiotics which target macromolecules in theelongation step of the translation machinery, in particular aminoglycosides. The
initiation step however seems much more reluctant in providing us with efficient andspecific inhibition targets for bacterial infections of humans.
It was recently discovered that two of the bacterial translation initiation factors,
IF1 and IF2, are universal proteins found in homologous forms in all living organisms.
The presentation will concentrate on the bacterial IF2 (eIF5B in eukaryotes) anddemonstrate characteristic "constant" and variable" regions in this protein. We havestudied this factor in several bacteria and alignments of these in combination with
databank sequence data of bIF2 from archae and eukaryotes reveals the C-terminal partto be conserved between different species while the N-terminal part is characteristic by
its variability in both length and composition.
It is suggested that the species-specific N-terminal of IF2 may be useful as atarget for species-specific selective drugs acting on the protein or the nucleic acid level.
In addition aspects of raising antibodies against the translation initiation factor
IF2 will be discussed and results from immunochemical studies will be presented.

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IF2

1

Database
date

G-domain

We have earlier shown extreme intra-species conservationof IF2 in isolates of E. coli

E. coli

7-86

94

99

99

S. thyphi.

11-97

89

94

98

K. oxytoca 11-97- analyzing more than 50 isolates including Danish clinicalisolates (from blood, urine and faeces) and faeces isolates
from wild animals (Spanish bulls and Thai elephants)
variation was found at only one aminoacid-position (out of
890)!

88

94

97

E. cloacae 11-97

71

89

86

P. vulgaris 11-97

17

71

51

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stearot 8-87

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75

52

12

73

49

53

82

81

16

64

33

14

59

- the variation found was at position 490 in the G-domain:
approximately 50% glutamine and 50% glycine- the N-terminal 100% conservedd. V-VI

Species890

d. I-III44% aa identity vs E. coli IF2

B. subtilis 11-90
E. faecium 11-90
H. influen. 11-95
M. genitali. 2-96
T. aquaticus 2-96

 IF2 is very conserved among Enterobacterial species
 The N-terminus of IF2 is highly variable in evolutionary distant species

VARIABLE REGIONIENTEROBACTERIALEUBACTERIAL

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CONSTANT REGIONIII

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VI

Database
Speciesnºaa date
E. coli
890 7-86
S. thyphimuri.892 11-97
K. oxytoca
896 11-97
E. cloacae
897 11-97
P. vulgaris
917 11-97
S. agalactiaea 927 11-97
L. lactis
950 n.r.
A. aeolicus 805 12-98
B. stearoterm. 741 8-87
B. subtilis
716 11-90
B. burgdorfe. 882 12-98
E. faecium
784 11-90
H. influenzae 829 11-95
H. pilori944 11-97
M. genitaliu. 619 2-96
M. pneumo. 617 11-97
S. auriantaca 1054 11-97
Synechoc. sp. 1001 11-97
T. aquaticus 571 2-96
T. palidum
842 12-98
A. fulgidus
595 12-98
M. jannaschii 578 11-97
M. thermoau. 594 12-98
P. horikoshii 577 12-98
S. acidocalda. 534 12-98
G. theta(Chl) 735 12-98
P. purpur.(Chl) 763 10-96
B. taurus(Mit) 727 11-95
H. sapiens(Mit) 727 11-95
S. pombe(Mit) 686 12-98
S. cerevis.(Mit) 676 5-92
H. sapiens
1220 12-98
S. pombe
1079 10-96
S. cerevisiae 1002 2-95

IF2 is a phylogenetic marker% identical positions
in alignment

0

40-50

~96 100

Range suitable for generationof phylogenetic tree
SSU rRNA marker(nucleotide level)IF2 marker(amino-acid level)
IF2 G-domain marker(nucleotide level)

High Phylogenetic resolution using nucleotides encoding the IF2 G-domain

IF2/eIF5B is a Universal Phylogenetic Marker

400 nucleotides in the G-domain were used
to compare 11 strains of Haemophilus
parainfluenzae

115

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Kobe University
November 13, 2008

•Population: 5.2 million

Science studies at Aarhus University•Area: 42,930 km2•Peninsula + 406 islands•Language: Danish

Aarhus, Denmark•Political system: Democratic Monarchy

E\+DQV8IIH6SHUOLQJ3HWHUVHQ•Monarchy since 800 AD (1.200 years)•Democratic since 1849 (160 years)•Member of the European Union

Ole Rømer (1644 -1710) - born in Aarhus
The speed of light

Do you know any Danes?

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Fountains at Versailles

The Bering Streat
The Bering Sea

Hans Christian Ørsted (1777 - 1851)

Vitus Bering (1681-1741)
Born in Horsens, Denmark

Discovered in 1820 electromagnetism

HANS CHRISTIAN ANDERSEN
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The Nobel Prize in Chemistry 1997
The K+/Na+ pumpJens Christian Skov(born 1919)

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Jørn Utzon (born 1918)

The Sydney Opera House'R\RXNQRZDQ\'DQLVKSURGXFWV"The worlds largest container shipping company

% 2+,),Carlsberg Research Center
Carlsberg Laboratory
Carlsberg Research Laboratory
Carlsberg Biosector$DUKXVDQGWKHXQLYHUVLW\FDPSXV

AarhusWritten history since 900 

Seat of Bishop since 948
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Educations are offered in:

Structure of Educations (Science)• Computer science• Mathematics• Chemistry• Physics & Astronomy• Biology• Geology• Molecular Biology• Engineering•Biotechnology•Computer technology•Chemical engineering

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Courses are offered by the 8 departments

WK\HDUVSHFLDOSURJUDPLQFOIHOORZVKLS\HDUV3K'IHOORZVKLSA Special one-semester course in Envionmental Science7HDFKLQJODQJXDJH
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Forms of teaching• Lectures (45 min) - based on textbooks (99% in English)\HDU

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Forms of examination/evaluation    '  (& %  Written examination - normally 4 hours, with or without textbooks
Oral examination - normally 30 min on a known or unknown
question
Written reports - 10-50 pages        !
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Addresses
Aarhus University: www.au.dk
Faculty of Natural Sciences: www.nat.au.dk
Department of Molecular Biology: www.mb.au.dk

Practical information
Housing - will be arranged by our International Secretariate

Aarhus University BioDesign Laboratories: www.biodesign.dk

Cost of living (approximately):Room:

2.250 dkr

= 300  = app. 38.500 JPY

Food:

1.125 dkr

= 150  = app. 19.250 JPY

Others:1.125 dkr

= 150  = app. 19.250 JPY

Contact person at Aarhus University:

Science Studies:
Professor Hans Uffe Sperling-Petersen
Department of Molecular Biology
Aarhus University
Gustav Wiedsvej 10

Total:

4.500 dkr = 600 /month = app. 77.000 JPY

DK-8000 Aarhus C Denmark
e-mail: husp@biobase.dk

Danish currency: KRONER, DKr (crowns) 1  = 7,5 kroner
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7PKXGTUKV[Australian Sustainable Schools Initiative - What's going on in schools
and in teacher education programs?
Dr Lyn Carter
Australian Catholic University
Summary of Talk
It is now beyond doubt that the global
outlook is profoundly environmentallyunsustainable. The links between limits
to growth, hyper-consumption levels,
climate change, biodiversity loss, water
shortages and ecosystem destruction
have been thoroughly documented andare now widely accepted. Clearly, achange of culture is required to reshapehuman relationships with the natural
systems, and education, whether at the university level or within the school sector, has arole to play. This talk discusses education for sustainability (EfS) and futures thinking
focusing on the types of initiatives currently being implemented in Australia. In
particular, it describes the Australian Sustainable Schools Initiative (AuSSI) that has
been developed as a co-ordinated Federal, State and Territory government project thataims to produce a professional learning framework for educational communities thatprovide EfS. Many examples from both the university and school sector are included.
Brief Biography
Lyn lectures in science, technology and sustainability education to undergraduate
primary and secondary teacher education students in the Trescowthick School of
Education on the Melbourne Campus of the Australian Catholic University. She also
lectures in postgraduate education particularly in the areas of research methodologies
and contemporary issues in curriculum. Lyn was recently awarded a Citation for
Outstanding Contribution to Student Learning from the Australian Learning andTeaching Council for her teaching in the Australian University sector. Her Citation (withDr Caroline Smith) was for leadership in the development and implementation of an
Education for Sustainability focus within teacher education and professional learning
programs.

158

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‫⑼࠷࡯ࡐࠬޟ‬ቇߩ⎇ⓥ࡮ᢎ⢒੤ᵹߣ࿖㓙⎇ⓥߩേะ‫ޠ‬‫  ᦬ ޣ‬ᣣ‫ޤ‬㧚ࠬࡐ࡯࠷⑼ቇಽ㊁ߢߩ࿖㓙੤ᵹౝኈߩᬌ⸛㧔㧦ޯ㧦㧘&㧕㧚⎇ⓥ੤ᵹળ㧔㧦ޯ㧦㧘ᄢળ⼏ቶ㧕1) Lecture
Dr. Daniel J Green
Research Institute for Sport and Exercise Sciences, Liverpool John Moores University
School of Sport Science, Exercise and Health, The University of Western Australia
Title: Exercise as vascular medicine
2) Presentations(1) Dr. Ooue Anna (PD in Graduate School of Human Development and Environment,

Kobe University)
Title: Comparison of blood flow in conduit arteries and veins in the upper arm duringpassive heating and leg exercises in humans(2) Jian Lin (Student of Master Course in Graduate School of Human Development andEnvironment, Kobe University)
Title: Thermoregulatory responses during prolonged intermittent exercise at medium
intensity(3) Tatsuro Amano (Undergraduate in Faculty of Human Development, Kobe
University)
Title: The heat loss responses to isometric exercise under mildly hyperthermic
conditions in sprinters and distance runners(4) Nobuko Harada (MA in Graduate School of Human Development and Environment,
Kobe University)
Title: The effects of a dual-task on step reaction to soft surface ground in older adults‫  ᦬ ޣ‬ᣣ‫ޤ‬㧚᝼ᬺ߳ߩෳടߣ੤ᵹ㧔㧦ޯ㧦㧘$㧕り૕⊛ᔕ⺰ߩ᝼ᬺߦෳടߒߡ޿ߚߛ޿ߚ
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EXERCISE AS VASCULAR MEDICINE
Professor Daniel J Green PhD
School of Sport Science, Exercise and Health, The University of Western Australia⻠Ṷⷐᣦㆇേߪ㧘ᔃ⤳ⴊ▤♽࡝ࠬࠢߩᷫዋߦ⚂ 30㧑⽸₂ߒߡ߅ࠅ㧘ߎࠇߪ㒠࿶೷߿ૐࠞࡠ࡝࡯ߥߤ
ߩ⮎‛≮ᴺߣหߓߊࠄ޿ߩലᨐߢ޽ࠆ㧚ߒ߆ߒ㧘ㆇേ߇ᔃ⤳ⴊ▤♽࡝ࠬࠢࡈࠔࠢ࠲࡯ߦ෸
߷ߔᓇ㗀ߪ⋧ኻ⊛ߦߪ޽߹ࠅ㜞ߊߥ޿㧚ߒߚ߇ߞߡ㧘ᔃ⤳ⴊ▤♽ࠍ቞ࠆㆇേലᨐߩઁߩ⺑᣿߇ᔅⷐߢ޽ࠆ㧚ᓴⅣⴊᶧߣേ⣂ოߩ㑆ߦ޽ࠆⴊ▤ౝ⊹ߪᄙᢙߩறಽᴲ㧔ಽᴲߐࠇߚࡎ࡞
ࡕࡦߥߤ߇ㄭறߩ⚦⢩ߦ૞↪ߔࠆ᭽ᑼ㧕ࡎ࡞ࡕࡦࠍ↥↢ߒ㧘ߘࠇߪࠕ࠹ࡠ࡯ࡓ↥↢ࠍᛥ೙ߔࠆ㧚ౝ⊹ߩᯏ⢻⇣Ᏹߪⴊ▤∛ߩೋᦼߢⶄว⊛ߥ∝⁁ߣ⠨߃ࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆ㧚ౝ⊹ߦࠃࠆⴊ▤᜛ᒛߦ߅޿ߡ㊀ⷐߥ↢ℂቇ⊛ೝỗߪേ⣂ߩߕࠅᔕജߢ޽ࠆ㧚ㆇേߪౝ⊹਄ߩߕࠅᔕജ
ߩჇടࠍ➅ࠅ㄰ߒ⿠ߎߔߎߣߢⴊ▤߳⋥ធലᨐࠍᒁ߈⿠ߎߔ㧚ዊ╭⟲߿ᄢ╭⟲ߩㆇേ࠻࡟
࡯࠾ࡦࠣߪౝ⊹ᯏ⢻ߩᡷༀߦ㑐ਈߔࠆߎߣ߇᣿ࠄ߆ߦߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ㧚߹ߚ㧘ㆇേ࠻࡟࡯࠾ࡦ
ࠣߪേ⣂ߩౝ⣧ᓘߩᄌൻ߿േ⣂ߩౣ᭴▽ࠍᒁ߈⿠ߎߒ㧘ߎࠇ߇ࠕ࠹ࡠ࡯ࡓⴊᩖߩ࡝ࠬࠢૐ
ਅߦ⽸₂ߒߡ޿ࠆ߆߽⍮ࠇߥ޿㧚ⴊ▤ᯏ⢻ߩᄌൻߣ᭴ㅧߩߘࠇߣߩ㑐ଥߦ㑐ߔࠆ⎇ⓥߪ㧘ㆇേ࠻࡟࡯࠾ࡦࠣ߇ᓸዊⴊ▤ߦ෸߷ߔᓇ㗀ߦ㑐ߔࠆ߽ߩߣߒߡ㧘ࡅ࠻ߦ߅޿ߡ㧘ᣂߒ޿⎇ⓥߢ޽ࠆ㧚ߒߚ߇ߞߡ㧘ㆇേ߇ⴊ▤ߦ෸߷ߔ⋥ធ⊛ߥലᨐߪ㧘ㆇേ࠻࡟࡯࠾ࡦࠣߦ㑐ㅪߔࠆᔃ⤳⊒૞ߩᷫዋࠍචಽߦ⺑᣿ߔࠆ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ㧚ㆇേᒻᘒߩ㆑޿߇ߕࠅᔕജߩࡄ࠲࡯ࡦߦ
㑐ଥߔࠆߎߣ߆ࠄ㧘ⴊ▤ߩߕࠅᔕജ߳ߩㆇേߩ⋥ធ⊛ലᨐ߇⠨ᘦߐࠇࠇ߫㧘ㆇേಣᣇߪᦨ
ㆡߦߥࠆ߆߽⍮ࠇߥ޿㧚

Abstract
Exercise is associated with an approximate 30% benefit in terms of decreased cardiovascular (CV)risk, a magnitude similar to that associated with antihypertensive and lipid lowering drug therapies.
The impact of exercise on traditional cardiovascular risk factors is, however, relatively modest.
Clearly, other explanations for the cardioprotective benefits of exercise must exist. The vascularendothelium, which forms the interface between the circulating blood and the artery wall, produces
numerous paracrine hormones which are anti-atherogenic. Endothelial dysfunction can beconsidered an early and integral manifestation of vascular disease. An important physiologicalstimulus to endothelium-mediated vasodilation is arterial shear stress. Exercise exerts direct
effects on the vasculature via the impact of repetitive increases in shear stress on the endothelium.
There is strong evidence that exercise training of small and large muscle groups is associated withimprovement in endothelial function. Exercise training also induces changes in artery lumen
diameter, arterial remodelling, which may contribute to decreased atherothrombotic risk. Studiesof the relationship between changes in artery function and structure in humans are now emerging, as
is information relating to the impact of exercise training in microvessels. A direct effect of
exercise on the vasculature therefore provides a plausible explanation for the reduction in cardiac
events associated with exercise training. Since different forms of exercise are associated with
distinct patterns of shear stress, it is likely that exercise prescription may be optimised if the direct
effects of exercise on vascular shear stress are taken into consideration.

ResearchInstituteforSportandExerciseSciences
Liverpool JohnMooresUniversity

ChangesinVascularFunction
andStructureFollowing
ExerciseTraining

ExerciseasVascular Medicine
3URIHVVRU'DQLHO-*UHHQ/LYHUSRRO-RKQ0RRUHV8QLYHUVLW\8QLWHG.LQJGRP
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UniversityofWesternAustralia,Perth

TheUniversityofWesternAustralia
Perth
Perth

SportsScience
ExerciseandHealthJapan

Australia
Why should we careabout artery function
and structure?

TheUK

Everywhere?

Clinical RelevancePhysiological Relevance
ExerciseTrainingEffects
TOTALVASCULARCONDUCTANCE

After Training

Coronary Artery Disease ------ Macrovascular Disease (Conduit arteries) ------ Stroke
13%

Microvascular Disease (Resistance arteries): Retinopathy, Nephropathy, Neuropathy

MustBeHigherAfterTraining=

Before Training
Clausen PhysiolRevs1977

Vascular conductance must  to accommodate  CO
(also explains BP lowering effect of exercise)Endothelial
dysfunction

Arterial Function: Change in vasodilator capacity ?

Age,CVDisease

Arterial Structure: Arterial remodelling ?

Exercisep CVriskby
3040%
Women’s Health Study
Apparently healthy women >45 yrs(n=27 055, 1992-1995)
Endpoints:
CVD (MI, stroke, PCI, CABG, CV death),• Risk factor modification explains~50% of beneficial effect of
exercise

How do we measure artery function and structure
in humans?

Buthow?
Homocysteine
Diabetes
BMI

Novellipids

Traditionallipids

Unknownfactor(s)
4060%• > 40-60% unexplained!
Hypertension

Direct vascular conditioning effectsof training?

Hemostatic factors

Flowmediateddilation(FMD)
8OWUDVRXQG
SUREHSlidebyKyraPyke

Conduit artery assessment

Occluding cuff ~220 mmHg

Resistance artery assessments
FMD %Baseline

FMD
Cuff

Plethysmography

Ultrasound/Doppler:
Artery Diameter and Blood Flow

ACh infusion
NO n nSaline control

LNMMA infusion (NO p p)

BrachialArteryBloodFlowAnalysisDisplay

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Lean
Age- 8.6  2.4 yrs

Height- 1.45 ± 0.03 m
Weight– 62.8 ± 5.6 kg (140lb)+\SHUFKROHVWHUROHPLD:DOVKHWDO(XU +HDUW-

Height- 1.35 ± 0.05 m
Weight– 29.3 ± 2.5 kg (66lb)&$'+DPEUHFKWHWDO1(-0

Adolescents
 +HDOWK\VXEMHFWV  VWXGLHVVKRZLPSURYHPHQW

Obese &9'5LVNIDFWRUV  VWXGLHVVKRZLPSURYHPHQW

Age- 14.3 ± 1.5 yrs
Height- 1.67 ± 0.01 m
Weight– 96.4 ± 3.3 kg (211lb)

7UDLQLQJVLJQLILFDQWO\LQFUHDVHGFRQGXLWYDVRGLODWLRQ

Lean
Age- 14.9 ± 2.7 yrs
Height- 1.64 ± 0.02 m
Weight– 57.5 ± 3.1 kg (125lb)± (VSHFLDOO\LQVXEMHFWVZLWKULVNIDFWRUVDQG&9GLVHDVHVFKDQJH





700g
600g



Adolescents



*
*




>

%0,

$IK
)H

7R
)H

/%0

No change in body weight or BMI.
M = mg glucose needed per kg lean body mass to maintain BGl at 5.0mmol/L

Decreased measures of central adiposity

8 wks exercise markedly improves insulin sensitivity inobese adolescents

Emphasises importance of comprehensive assessment of bodycompositionSofar……

• Large muscle group dynamic exercise training:
Enhances coronary and peripheral resistance vessel
vasodilator function
Watts et al -Enhances coronary and peripheral conduit artery
vasodilator function

J Pediatrics 2004
JACC 2004
Sports Med 2005
Circ editorial 2003

Effects more evident in subjects with CV disease andrisk factors

Exercise training normalises endothelial function
in obese children and adolescents

Reflex changes or localised effect?

LocalisedTrainingandArterialFunction

FMD%

Effectoflocalised(eghandgrip)
exercisetraininginhumans

Heart Failure (+ve)––––

Healthy subjects (~ or –ve):

Hornig Circ 1996
Katz JAP 1997
Hambrecht JACC 2000; Circ 1998
Bank J Card Fail 1998

–
–
–
–

Green et al JAP 1994
Green et al JAP 1996
Franke et al Clin Physiol 1998
Maiorana et al MSSE 2001

Adaptations more readily apparent in subjects with
impaired function a priori?

LocalisedExerciseandConduit Structure/Function• Small muscle group training:– Can induce resistance and conduit artery remodelling
Paraplegicathlete
Paraplegicathlete– Evidence for functional adaptations is poor in healthy
subjects, but good in CVD

LegamputeeathleteLegamputee(intactleg)

• Function may be more amenable to adaptation in thosewith initially impaired functionRoadCyclistAthlete
LegAmputee(affected)
Tennisplayer(racketarm)Roadcyclistathlete– Localised or intrinsic mechanisms since:

Tennisplayer(opp
Tennisplayer arm)

• Unilateral adaptations occur

Untrainednormal(right)
Untrainednormal(leftarm)• Not due to transmural pressure as BP is bilaterally affected• Localised changes in shear stress?

• Large elastic arteries show less adaptation than smaller conduit arteries• Localised adaptations evident in tennis players, amputeesModalityMayAltertheTrainingResponse
Thijssen,etalMSSE2008

Cycle

Rest

Cycle

Walk

Kicking

HandgripAnterogradeflow

Retrogradeflow• Background:Exercisetraininginhealthysubjects:  NOfunction(4weeks) Nochangeinfunction(812weeks)
 Resultshavebeeninconsistent

What about:
Functional vs structural change?
Timecourse of arterial adaptation

 NOFunction

Hornig etal. 1996;Hambrechtetal.2000;
Linke etal. 2001;Pullin etal.2007
Maioranaetal.2001

 NO

Maioranaetal.2001;
Thijssenetal.2007

Function0

4

8

Rakobowchuk 2005;
Moriguchi etal.2005

12

20Healthy,SedentaryMales

ExerciseTraining(n=13)

Controls(n=7)8weekTrainingProgrammeNoTrainingMeasurements.

BrachialArteryResponses.

DXA,VO2max

CTUR
STRU

DXA,VO2max
TION
FUNC

VascularFunction
Vascular“Structure”
ArterialRemodelling

FMD

FMD

FMD

FMD

FMD

CADC

CADC

CADC

CADC

CADC

0

2

4

6

8

FMD=flowmediateddilation

ExerciseTraining

CADC=conduitartery
dilatorcapacity 30mins,3xweek 15minscyclingand15minstreadmillrunning 80%HRR,preventanyupperlimbexercise

PoplitealArteryResponses

CTUR
STRU

E

FUNCTION

TION
FUNC

E

FUNCTION

Does adaptation occur at alllevels of the arterial tree?

Changeinarterydiameter(%)

Exercisetrainingandphysicalactivity:
1.EnhancearteryfunctionFunction
then

Structure

2.Enlargearteriesviaremodelling

Bothadaptationsdecreaseatherosclerosis
WeeksofTraining

Methods:MicrodialysisandLaserFlowmetry

ExperimentalProtocol:Pharmacology

Controlsite

LaserDoppler

ExperimentalProtocol:Physiology

AChdoseresponsecurve(%CVCmax)

Controlsite

nqC

Microvascular(Skin)BF,ExerciseTrainingandNOFunction

ContributionofNOtoAChdose
responsecurves,posttraining

Trainingeffect

ArterialAdaptations:Relevancezzzz…..zzzzz……zzzzz

Endothelial
dysfunction
Exercise/Fitness

Age
Inactivity
CVDisease
Sedentia• Exercise training:– n conduit artery– n resistance artery– n microvessel

function and size = p CAD, stroke, PVD
function and size = p BP, n O2 delivery
function= p retinopathy
nephropathy
impotence
neuropathyComparison of blood flow in conduit arteries and veins in the upper arm
during passive heating and leg exercises in humans
Anna Ooue
Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Graduate School of Human Development & Environment
Kobe University

Abstract
This study compared the blood flow in the conduit arteries and veins of the upper arm between
passive heating and leg exercises by using ultrasound Doppler. In passive heating experiment, hotwater was circulated for 20 rested subjects in the supine position to keep the mean skintemperature at 37–38°C for 50 min after the rest for 55 min. In exercise experiment, 14 subjects
performed a supine cycling exercise at 60–69% of maximal oxygen uptake for 30 min after the
rest for about 55 min. Although blood flow in the conduit artery and superficial vein of the upperarm increased linearly with rising core temperature (Tc) during passive heating, blood flow inthese vessels slightly decreased in the early stage of Tc elevation, then increased with a rise inTc during exercise, so that blood flow was significantly greater during the former condition thanthe latter at a given Tc (P < 0.05). In contrast, blood flow in the deep vein of the upper arm did
not change under either condition. Blood flow in the artery depended primarily on the blood
velocity, but blood flow in the superficial vein was related to both blood velocity and diameter.
Moreover, the mean skin temperature and skin blood flow during passive heating weresignificantly higher than during exercise at a given Tc (P < 0.05). These results suggest that thecontrols of blood flow in conduit arteries and superficial veins, but not deep veins, are different
between passive heating and exercise at a given Tc. This difference is suggested not only to be
due to the mean skin temperature but also exercise effects.

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᳓ࠍᓴⅣߐߖᐔဋ⊹⤏᷷ࠍ 3738͠ߢ⛽ᜬߒߚ㧔50 ಽ㑆㧕㧚೎ߩ 14 ฬߩⵍ㛎⠪ߪ቟㕒ࠍ⚂ 55 ಽ㑆଻㧚ߞߚᓟ㧘6069VO2max ᒝᐲߩઔ⥁૏⥄ォゞㆇേࠍ 30 ಽ㑆ታᣉߒߚ㧚਄⣨ㇱߩዉ▤േ⣂߅ࠃ߮⴫࿷ᕈ㕒⣂ߩⴊᵹ㊂ߪ቟㕒᷷ᾲ⽶⩄ᤨߦ߅޿ߡᷓㇱ૕᷷਄᣹ߦ઻޿⋥✢⊛ߦჇᄢߒߚ߇㧘ㆇേᤨߦ߅޿ߡᷓㇱ૕᷷਄᣹ೋᦼߦࠊߕ߆ߦૐਅߒߚᓟ㧘ᷓㇱ૕᷷਄᣹ߦ઻޿Ⴧᄢߒߚ㧚ߘߩߚ߼㧘ห৻ᷓㇱ૕᷷ߢᲧセߒߚ႐ว㧘೨⠪ߩ᧦ઙߩⴊᵹ㊂߇ᓟ⠪ߩߘࠇࠃࠅ᦭ᗧߦᄢ߈޿୯ࠍ␜ߒߚ㧔P < 0.05㧕㧚৻ᣇ㧘਄⣨ㇱߩᷓ࿷ᕈ㕒⣂ߩⴊᵹ㊂ߪ޿ߕࠇߩ᧦ઙ߽ᷓㇱ૕᷷਄᣹ߦ઻޿ᄌൻߒߥ߆ߞߚ㧚ዉ▤േ⣂ߢߺࠄࠇߚⴊ
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YHLQ EXW QRW WKH GHHS YHLQ LV GLIIHUHQW EHWZHHQ SDVVLYHKHDWLQJ DQG H[HUFLVH HYHQ FRPSDULQJ WKH %) UHVSRQVH
YHUVXV FKDQJLQJ ¨7F 7KHVH GLIIHUHQFHV PD\ EH LQGXFHG E\ QRW RQO\ 7VN EXW DOVRH[HUFLVH HIIHFWVThermoregulatory responses during prolonged intermittent exercise at themedium intensity
Jian Lin
Graduate School of Human Development & Environment , Kobe University

Abstract
To investigate the thermoregulatory responses during prolonged intermittent exercise at the medium
intensity ten healthy male subjects cycled under three different conditions at the same total
㧚workload, 1) continuous exercise at 50% maximal oxygen uptake (VO2max) for 30 min㧚(con-condition), 2) intermittent exercise at 50% VO2max for 60min (30-s intervals of exercise and㧚rest; 30-s condition), and 3) intermittent exercise at 50% VO2max for 60min (3-min intervals of
exercise and rest; 3-min condition) at an ambient temperature of 25qC and a relative humidity of
50%. In each experiment, heart rate (HR), esophageal temperature (Tes), skin temperature (chest,
upper arm, forearm, thigh and lower leg), sweating rate (chest and forearm, SR), skin blood flow㧚(chest and forearm, SkBF), total sweating loss (TSL) and oxygen uptake (VO2) were measured. HR,
mean skin temperature and mean body temperature were significantly lower during the twointermittent conditions than continuous condition. Although there is no significant difference in Tes
㧚among three conditions, changes in SkBF, SR, TSL and VO2 were significantly smaller during thetwo intermittent conditions than the continuous condition. In addition, there are not a marked
differences in these variables between 30sec- and 3min conditions. Thus, there were no significant
㧚
differences in Tes among three conditions even VO2 during continuous condition was significantly
greater than the two intermittent conditions. It is suggested that this is due to greater heat dissipation
associated with higher skin blood flow and sweating rate during continuous condition thanintermittent conditions. In addition, a significant difference in Tb indicates that heat storage inintermittent conditions is lower than that in continuous condition at medium exercise intensity.

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WHPSHUDWXUHGXULQJLQWHUPLWWHQWH[HUFLVH ZDVJUHDWHUWKDQFRQWLQXRXVH[HUFLVH 7KLVZDV FDXVHGE\GLIIHUHQWH[HUFLVHLQWHQVLW\EHWZHHQHDUOLHUVWXGLHVDQGWKLVVWXG\ 6LJQLILFDQWLQFUHDVHLQ7EGXULQJFRQWLQXRXVFRQGLWLRQLQGLFDWLQJWKDWKHDWVWRUDJHGXULQJFRQWLQXRXVH[HUFLVHZDVJUHDWHUWKDQWKDWGXULQJWZRLQWHUPLWWHQWH[HUFLVHVDWPHGLXPH[HUFLVH
LQWHQVLW\ GXHWRKLJKHU7VNGXULQJFRQWLQXRXVFRQGLWLRQWKDQWZRLQWHUPLWWHQWFRQGLWLRQVThe heat loss responses to isometric exercise under mildly hyperthermic
condition in sprinters and distance runners.
Tatsuro AMANO
Faculty of Human Development, Kobe University
ABSTRACTTo clarify the distinction of heat loss responses to a sustained handgrip exercise (non-thermal factors)
between sprinters and distance runners, we compared the sweating response and skin blood flow
responses during isometric handgrip exercise in the two groups under mildly hyperthermic
conditions. Eight men sprinters and seven men distance runners performed isometric handgrip
exercise at 20, 35 and 50% maximal voluntary contraction (MVC) for 60s after supine rest for 50minin a climatic chamber with a regulated ambient temperature of 35͠ and relative humidity of 50% to
induce sweating response at rest by rising skin temperature without a marked change in internal
temperature. Sublingual and mean skin temperatures (thermal factors) in both sprinters and distancerunners groups were essentially constant throughout all exercise intensities. Changes in heart rate,mean arterial blood pressure and rating of perceived exertion with increased exercise intensity weresimilar in both groups. Responses of sweating rate and cutaneous vascular conductance on the chest,
forearm, thigh and palm at each exercise intensities were not significantly different between sprintersand distance runners. Our results suggest that the physical trainings in sprinters and distance runners
have similar effects on the sweating response and skin blood flow responses caused by non-thermal
factors. However, there is a remain possibility that the heat loss responses caused by non-thermal
factors may differ between sprinters and distance runners because the earlier studies indicated thatcardiovascular responses was different between two groups during exercise for more than 2min.

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The effect of a dual task on step reaction to a soft surface ground in older
adultsNobuko HARADA, MA
Graduate School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe University
Abstract
The ability to maintain postural stability is a basic requirement for determinants of daily
activity for older adults with independence, but there are a number of complicatedenvironments to survive in real life and then falls are frequent. To avoid falling, a rapid step isa very important protective strategy to recovery balance and it can contribute to age-relatedchanges in postural stability. To stabilize human posture, the somatosensory is very importantfor controlling posture stability, but changes in mechanical properties of the skin and its
receptors with age reduce the afferent information from the bottoms of the feet for their
posture control. Meanwhile, older adults may have difficulty in moving and controlling
posture while concurrently performing some tasks.
The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of dual task on step reaction to soft
surface ground which could cause less afferent information from the bottom of feet for older
females. Nine young and eleven older females participated in this study. There were two task
conditions: stepping while grasping an empty cup (single task) and stepping while grasping acup filled with water (dual task). In both the tasks they had to land on a low-resistant mattressplaced in front of them. The results revealed that step velocities for both ages weresignificantly slower in dual task than in single task. An interested finding was that theinitiation time of stepping reaction in dual task was significantly longer for the older subjects
than in single task. Furthermore %DSP (duration of swing phase as the percentage of a total
stepping reaction time) was significantly lower and %DDP (duration of double-stance phaseas the percentage of a total stepping reaction time) was significantly higher for the older thanfor the young females in both the tasks. These results suggested that a soft surface causedbalancing difficulty and could adversely affect the step performance for the older females indual task resulted by increasing the burden on the central nerve system.

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㨪ࠕࡔ࡝ࠞߦ߅ߌࠆࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊᢎ⢒ߩᣂầᵹ㨪

27th November, 2008 (Thu) / 2008ᐕ11᦬27ᣣ (ᧁ)Venue: Large Meeting Room, Faculty of Development / ᣈ㧦⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱᄢળ⼏ቶ
9:15㨪10:15
Opening Address㐿ળߩㄉ

Professor Nobushige Imatani / ੹⼱㗅㊀ᢎ᝼
(Graduate School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe University/ ␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼㧕Lecture: Associate Professor Susumu Oshihara㡗ේㅴಎᢎ᝼
㧔Associate Professor, Ehime University / ᗲᇫᄢቇ㧕“Flexible Citizenship and History Education Based Course of Study (2008) in Japan”


10:15㨪12:00
Lecture: Professor Walter Parker (University of Washington)‘ “Global Citizenship” and the “International Education” Movement: A Case Studyof U.S. Schools Today’

14:00㨪16:30
Lecture: Ms. Carol Coe (Doctoral Student at University of Washington, Former HighSchool teacher)“Developing citizenship skills through deliberative discussions: Exploring thePractice/Action Distinction”





28th November, 2008 (Fri) / 2008ᐕ11᦬28ᣣ ㊄
9:30㨪12:00
Venue: Large Meeting Room, Faculty of Development / ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱᄢળ⼏ቶ
Workshop: Professor Walter Parker‘Deliberative discussion for democratic citizenship education: A demonstration of a
Structured Academic Controversy unit̉
Workshop: Ms. Carol Coe‘Deliberative discussion for democratic citizenship education: A demonstration of a
Choices for the 21st Century unit’
14:00㨪16:30
Venue: Akashi Elementary School attached to Faculty of Human Development,
Kobe University / ␹ᚭᄢቇ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱ㒝ዻ᣿⍹ዊቇᩞESD Class (by Hiroshi Inoue) Visitation & Discussion/ ੗਄ඳ༹ 㒝ዻ᣿⍹ዊቇᩞᢎຬ ߩESD᝼ᬺෳടߣ⸛⼏

29th November, 2008 (Sat) / 2008ᐕ11᦬29ᣣ ࿯ 
All Day / ⚳ᣣ
Fieldwork / ࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢ

࿖㓙Ꮢ᳃ᕈᢎ⢒ផㅴࡀ࠶࠻ࡢ࡯ࠢ࡮࠮ࡒ࠽࡯
ᵴേႎ๔ᦠ
␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼
‐ᔒ⃍␹ᚭᄢቇᄢቇ㒮ੱ㑆⊒㆐ⅣႺቇ⎇ⓥ⑼
᧘᧱᦬ᣣߦߪ‫␹ޔ‬ᚭᄢቇߢࡢࠪࡦ࠻ࡦᄢቇߩవ↢߿㒮↢ߣ੤ᵹߒߡ‫ࠞ࡝ࡔࠕޔ‬ᢎ⢒೙ᐲߦ⸅ࠇ‫ޔ‬࿖㓙ℂ⸃ᢎ⢒ߦ㑐ߔࠆታ〣੐଀ࠍࠃࠅᷓߊℂ⸃ߔࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ߚ‫ޕ‬߹ߕᗲᇫᄢቇߩ㡗ේㅴవ↢ߪ‫ޟ‬ቇ⠌ᜰዉⷐ㗔ߦၮߠߊᱧผቇ⠌ߪ‫ޡ‬࿖᳃‫ޡߪ޿ࠆ޽ޢ‬ᣣᧄੱ‫ߩޢ‬⢒ᚑߩߺࠍ⋡⊛ߣߒߡ޿ࠆߣ⠨߃ࠄࠇߡ޿ࠆ‫ޔߒ߆ߒޕ‬ขࠅ਄ߍࠄࠇߡ޿ࠆߩߪ
‫ޟ‬ᣣᧄߩ޿߁࿖ኅߩᱧผ‫ޔߕࠄߥߺߩޠ‬‫ޟ‬࿾ၞߩᱧผ‫ࠆߴ⺞ࠍޠ‬ቇ⠌߽ߔߴ߈ౝኈߣߒߡឭ
␜ߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬ਔ⠪ߩቇ⠌߆ࠄᄙ᭽ߥ⷗ᣇ࡮⠨߃ᣇߩ⢒ᚑ߇น⢻ߣߥࠆߣ⠨߃ࠄࠇࠆ‫ߩߘޕ‬႐ว‫(ࡊ࠶ࠪࡦ࠭ࠖ࠹ࠪ࡮࡞ࡉࠪࠠ࡟ࡈޔ‬Flexible Citizenship)ߣ޿߁᭎ᔨ߇㊀ⷐߦߥߞߡ
ߊࠆ‫ߣޠ‬ឭ⸒ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ᰴߦ‫࡯ࠞ࡯ࡄޔ‬వ↢߇⻠Ṷࠍⴕߥߞߚ‫ߥ࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޟޕ‬Ꮢ᳃ᮭ‫ޟ߿ޠ‬਎⇇Ꮢ᳃‫ߚ⑳ޟޔޠ‬ߜߩᣂߒ޿਎⇇⚻ᷣߩߚ߼ߩᢎ⢒‫੹ߪ⺆↪ߩߤߥޠ‬ᣣ‫ޔ‬㗫❥ߦ૶↪ߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ‫⎇ߩߎޕ‬ⓥ
ߪ☨࿖ߩ౏┙ቇᩞߢߩᣂߒ޿‫ޟ‬࿖㓙ᢎ⢒‫ޠ‬ㆇേࠍ⺞ߴߚ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ‫☨ޕ‬࿖ߩ౏┙ቇᩞߪߤࠎߤࠎ‫ޟ‬࿖㓙ᢎ⢒‫ࠍޠ‬ណ↪ߒߡ޿ࠆ‫࡯ࠞ࡯ࡄޕ‬వ↢ߪ‫ޟޔ‬࿖㓙ᢎ⢒ߣߪ૗ߢߔ߆!‫߁޿ߣޠ‬໧޿ࠍㅢߒߡ‫ߩߘޔ‬ᗧ๧ߣࡊࡠࠣ࡜ࡓߩᷙੂࠍ⷗಴ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ᗲ࿖ᔃߣ਎⇇ਥ⟵ߩࠃ߁ߥ⋧ኈࠇߥ޿൓ജ߇੎ߞߡ޿ࠆߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ᦨᓟߦ‫⥄߇ࠎߐ࡯ࠦޔ‬ಽߩ⎇ⓥࠍ⊒⴫ߒߚ‫ޕ‬ᓐᅚߩ⊒⴫࠹࡯ࡑߪ‫ޟ‬ክ⼏⊛ߥ⼏⺰ߢᏒ᳃ᮭᛛ⢻ࠍિ߫ߔ⸠✵㧔ࡊ࡜ࠢ࠹ࠖࠬ㧕ߣⴕേ㧔ࠕ࡚ࠢࠪࡦ㧕ߩ඙೎ࠍតࠆ‫ޔߢޠ‬᭎ⷐߪએਅߩࠃ߁ߦߥࠆ‫ޕ‬ലᨐ⊛ߥ᳃ਥ␠ળߪඳ⼂ߢᾫ✵ߒߚᏒ᳃ࠍᔅⷐߣߔࠆ‫ޕ‬วⴐ࿖ߩ౏┙ቇᩞߪ‫ߩߎޔ‬㔛ⷐߦᔕ߃ࠆߎߣ߇᳞߼ࠄࠇࠆ‫ᦨ߇ߩࠆߔ߁ߤߪߦࠆߔ߁ߘޔߒ߆ߒޕ‬ㆡߛࠈ߁߆㧫ߎߩ⊒⴫ߪክ⼏⊛ߥ⼏⺰ߩᵴ↪ߦߟ޿ߡ⺞ᩏߔࠆ‫ޕ‬ክ⼏ߒߡ޿ࠆㆊ⒟ࠍࠃࠅℂ⸃ߔࠆߚ߼ߦ‫ߩࡊࠗ࠲ߩߟ  ߪࠎߐ࡯ࠦޔ‬ክ⼏⊛ߥ⼏⺰ߩᲧセࠤ࡯ࠬࠬ࠲࠺ࠖࠍⴕߥߞߚ
ߟߩ⾰໧߇ߎߩ⺞ᩏߩߚ߼ߩ㊀ⷐߥⷞὐࠍਈ߃ߡߊࠇࠆ   ᳃ਥ⊛ߥᛛ⢻ࠍᒻᚑߔࠆߚ߼ߩ ⸠✵ߦ૶↪ߐࠇࠆ⸛⼏ߣ‫ޔ‬නߦ᳃ਥ⊛ߥᛛ⢻ࠍᒻᚑߔࠆߚ߼ߢߥߊ‫ ޔ‬᡽╷ࠍ᳿߼ߡታᣉߔࠆ ⴕേࠍ⿠ߎߔߚ߼ߦ૶↪ߐࠇࠆ⸛⼏ߩ㑆ߦߪ‫߆ߦߥޔ‬㆑޿߇޽ࠆߣߔࠇ߫‫ࠎߤޔ‬ߥ㆑޿߇޽ࠆߩ߆!  ‫ߩ⪲⸒ߩߢ⼏⸛ޠߩߺߩ✵⸠ޟ‬ήജߐ‫ⴕߡߒ✵⸠ޟߪ޿ࠆ޽ޔ‬േߔࠆ‫ߩ⪲⸒ߩ⼏⸛ޠ‬ജߪ‫ޔ‬ቇ↢ߦ⋧㆑ࠍ↢ߓߐߖࠆߩ߆!ߎߩ⎇ⓥߩ⚿ᨐߪክ⼏ߒߡ޿ࠆㆊ⒟৻⥸ߣ‫ⴕߣ✵⸠ߦ․ޔ‬േߩ඙೎߳ߩℂ⸃ࠍ⍮ࠄߖࠆ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬వ↢㆐ߣ㒮↢㆐ߪ੤ᵹᵴേߩᚑᨐࠍ〯߹߃‫৻ޔ‬ጀࠕࡔ࡝ࠞߩࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒ߩ⌀㜑ࠍ⍮ࠆߎߣߣߥߞߚ‫ޕ‬ੑᣣ⋡ߩඦ೨ਛߪ‫ޔ‬2CTMGT వ↢ߣ %CTQN ߐࠎ߇᳃ਥਥ⟵ߩࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊᢎ⢒ߦߟ޿ߡߘࠇߙࠇߩࠞ࡝ࠠࡘ࡜ࡓࠍ⹦ߒߊ⚫੺ߒߚ‫᧪ޔ޿ⴕࠍࡊ࠶࡚ࠪࠢ࡯ࡢޔߚ߹ޕ‬႐ߩᣇ‫ޘ‬ࠍࠣ࡞࡯ࡊߦࠊߌߡ‫ࠍࡓ࡜ࡘࠠ࡝ࠞޔ‬ታ〣ߒߡ㗂޿ߚ‫߇ࠎߐߥߺޕ‬Ⓧᭂ⊛ߦෳടߒ‫⺰⸛ޔ‬ࠍዷ㐿ߒߚߎߣ߇‫ޔ‬㕖Ᏹߦᒝ޿ශ⽎ࠍᱷߒߚ‫ޕ‬ ඦᓟ‫ޔ‬2CTMGT వ↢ߣ %CTQN ߐࠎࠍߪߓ߼৻ⴕ߇␹ᚭᄢቇ⊒㆐⑼ቇㇱ㒝ዻ᣿⍹ዊቇᩞ߹ߢ
㧢ᐕ↢ߩ‫ޟ‬࿾⃿᷷ᥦൻߦߟ޿ߡ⠨߃ࠃ߁‫߁޿ߣޠ‬᝼ᬺࠍෳⷰߒߦ⿞޿ߚ‫ᦨޕ‬ೋ‫࡮࠻ࠬࠥޔ‬ࠬࡇ࡯ࠞ࡯ߩᦺᣣᣂ⡞␠ߩ⸥⠪ߩᣇ߇‫ޔ‬਎⇇ฦ࿾ߢ᠟ߞߚ౮⌀ࠍ⷗ߖߥ߇ࠄ‫ޔ‬᷷ᥦൻߦߟ
޿ߡ↢ᓤߚߜߦ⚫੺ߒߚ‫ޔߡߒߘޕ‬࿾⃿᷷ᥦൻ໧㗴ߦߟ޿ߡ㑐ᔃࠍᜬߚߖ‫ޔ‬ේ࿃߿ᓇ㗀‫ޔ‬਎⇇⊛ߥขࠅ⚵ߺߦߟ޿ߡ⺞ߴߚࠅ⸥⠪ߦࠗࡦ࠲ࡆࡘ࡯ߒߚࠅߒߡ߆ࠄ‫ߌࠊߦࡊ࡯࡞ࠣޔ‬ߡ‫ߩࠄ߆ࠇߎޔ‬࿾⃿ߦߟ޿ߡ⠨߃ߐߖ‫⥄ޔ‬り߇ขࠅ⚵߼ࠆ᷷ᥦൻኻ╷ࠍឭ᩺ߒߘࠇߙࠇߦ
⊒⴫ߒߡ߽ࠄߞߚ‫ޕ‬᝼ᬺਛ‫↢ޔ‬ᓤ㆐߇Ⓧᭂ⊛ߦ⸛⺰ߒ‫ߥࠢ࡯࠾࡙ޔ‬ឭ᩺ߒߚߎߣߦߪ㕖Ᏹߦᗵᔃߒߚ‫ߩߘޕ‬ᓟ‫ޔ‬ᩞ㐳ቶߢࡒ࡯࠹ࠖࡦࠣ߇߅ߎࠊߥࠇ‫ޔ‬ᜂᒰߩ੗਄ඳ༹వ↢ߣ⹤ߒว޿‫ޔ‬᝼ᬺߦߟ޿ߡ⸛⼏ߒߚ‫ޔߦ․ޕ‬%CTQN ߐࠎߪ‫ޔ‬᝼ᬺਛ↢ᓤ㆐ߩⓍᭂߐߦᶡ߇ߢࠆ߶ߤᗵ
േߐࠇߚߣߩߎߣߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ ਃᣣ⋡ߪ‫ޔߡߒߣࠢ࡯ࡢ࠼࡞࡯ࠖࡈޔ‬2CTMGT వ↢ߣ %CTQN ߐࠎࠍᣣᧄߩવ⛔⊛ߥ߽ߩ߇޽߰ࠇࠆ੩ㇺߦ᩺ౝߒߚ‫ޕ‬






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 ᐕ๔␜ቇ⠌ᜰዉⷐ㗔ߦ߅ߌࠆᱧผቇ⠌ߣࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ⢒ᚑ㡗ේ ㅴ㧔ᗲᇫᄢቇ㧕Flexible Citizenship and History Education Based Course of Study (2008) in Japan
Susumu Oshihara, Ehime University
Paper presented at Kobe University, November 2008᭎ⷐ ቇ⠌ᜰዉⷐ㗔ߦၮߠߊᱧผቇ⠌ߪ‫ޟ‬࿖᳃‫ޟߪ޿ࠆ޽ޠ‬ᣣᧄੱ‫ߩޠ‬⢒ᚑߩߺ⋡⊛ߣߒߡ޿ࠆߣ⠨߃ࠄࠇߡ޿ࠆ‫ߒ߆ߒޕ‬㧘ขࠅ਄ߍࠄࠇߡ޿ࠆߩߪ‫ޟ‬ᣣᧄߩ޿߁࿖ኅߩᱧผ‫ߩޠ‬ߺߥࠄߕ㧘‫ޟ‬࿾ၞߩᱧผ‫ࠆߴ⺞ࠍޠ‬ቇ⠌߽ߔߴ߈ౝኈߣߒߡឭ␜ߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬ਔ⠪ߩቇ⠌߆ࠄᄙ᭽ߥ⷗ᣇ࡮⠨߃ᣇߩ⢒ᚑ߇น⢻ߣߥࠆߣ⠨߃ߡ޿ࠆ‫ߩߘޕ‬႐ว㧘ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮
ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ(Flexible Citizenship)ߣ޿߁᭎ᔨ߇㊀ⷐߦߥߞߡߊࠆ‫ޕ‬

Abstract“Goal of history education is national identity.”Many People think that Goalof history education based Junior high school Course of Study is very similar. History education based Junior high school Course of Study present both
National History and Local History. Both histories produce diversity. It is ver
y important concept “Flexible Citizenship”. It has possibility of connect “National” and “Global”.
ᧄႎ๔ߩ⋡⊛ߣᚻ㗅 ᧄႎ๔ߩ⋡⊛ߪ㧘3 ᦬  ᣣߦ๔␜ߐࠇߚ‫ޟ‬ਛቇᩞቇ⠌ᜰዉⷐ㗔‫ޠ‬㧔‫ޟ‬ᣂᜰዉⷐ㗔‫⸥⇛ߣޠ‬㧕ߦ␜ߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ␠ળ⑼ᱧผ⊛ಽ㊁ߩ․⦡ࠍ〯߹߃ߥ߇ࠄ㧘ߘࠇߦၮߠߊᱧผቇ⠌ߦ߅ߌࠆࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ(Global Citizenship)⢒ᚑߩน⢻ᕈࠍ⠨ኤߔࠆߎߣߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ(Flexible Citizenship)ߣ޿߁᭎ᔨࠍㆡᔕߒߡߺࠆߣ㧘࿖᳃⢒ᚑߩߺߣ⠨߃ࠄࠇߡ߈ߚᱧผቇ⠌ߦ߅޿ߡ߽㧘ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ⢒ᚑߪน⢻ߢ޽ࠆߣ⠨߃ࠄࠇࠆߎߣࠍ␜ߔߎߣߢ޽ࠆ‫ౕޕ‬૕⊛ߥᚻ㗅ߪ㧘ᰴߩ㧟ὐߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬



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ࠆ‫ޕ‬


ᣂᜰዉⷐ㗔ߦ߅ߌࠆ␠ળ⑼ᱧผ⊛ಽ㊁ߩ․⦡ ⋡ᮡ ᣂᜰዉⷐ㗔ߦ߅ߌࠆਛቇᩞ␠ળ⑼ߩ⋡ᮡ ᐢ޿ⷞ㊁ߦ┙ߞߡ㧘␠ળߦኻߔࠆ㑐ᔃࠍ㜞߼㧘⻉⾗ᢱߦၮߠ޿ߡᄙ㕙⊛࡮ᄙⷺ⊛ߦ⠨ኤߒ㧘ᚒ߇࿖ߩ࿖࿯ߣᱧผߦኻߔࠆℂ⸃ߣᗲᖱࠍᷓ߼㧘౏᳃ߣߒߡߩၮ␆⊛ᢎ㙃ࠍၭ޿㧘࿖㓙␠ળߦ↢߈ࠆᐔ๺ߢ᳃ਥ⊛ߥ࿖ኅ࡮␠ળߩᒻᚑ⠪ߣߒߡᔅⷐߥ౏᳃⊛⾗⾰ߩၮ␆ࠍ㙃߁‫ޕ‬ ᱧผ⊛ಽ㊁ߩ⋡ᮡߪᰴߩࠃ߁ߦᣂᜰዉⷐ㗔ߦ␜ߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬  ᱧผ⊛੐⽎ߦኻߔࠆ㑐ᔃࠍ㜞߼㧘ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩᄢ߈ߥᵹࠇࠍ㧘਎⇇ߩᱧผࠍ⢛᥊ߦ㧘ฦᤨઍߩ․⦡ࠍ〯߹߃ߡℂ⸃ߐߖ㧘ߘࠇࠍㅢߒߡᚒ߇࿖ߩવ⛔ߣᢥൻߩ․⦡ࠍᐢ޿ⷞ㊁ߦ┙ߞߡ⠨߃ߐߖࠆߣߣ߽ߦ㧘ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߦኻߔࠆᗲᖱࠍᷓ߼㧘࿖᳃ߣߒߡߩ⥄ⷡࠍ⢒ߡࠆ‫ޕ‬  ࿖ኅ࡮␠ળ෸߮ᢥൻߩ⊒ዷ߿ੱ‫↢ߩޘ‬ᵴߩะ਄ߦዧߊߒߚᱧผ਄ߩੱ‛ߣ⃻࿷ߦવࠊࠆᢥൻㆮ↥ࠍ㧘ߘߩᤨઍ߿࿾ၞߣߩ㑐ㅪߦ߅޿ߡℂ⸃ߐߖ㧘ዅ㊀ߔࠆᘒᐲࠍ⢒ߡࠆ‫ޕ‬  ᱧผߦ⷗ࠄࠇࠆ࿖㓙㑐ଥ߿ᢥൻ੤ᵹߩ޽ࠄ߹ߒࠍℂ⸃ߐߖ㧘ᚒ߇࿖ߣ⻉ᄖ࿖ߩᱧผ߿
ᢥൻ߇⋧੕ߦᷓߊ߆߆ࠊߞߡ޿ࠆߎߣࠍ⠨߃ߐߖࠆߣߣ߽ߦ㧘ઁ᳃ᣖߩᢥൻ㧘↢ᵴߥߤߦ㑐ᔃࠍ߽ߚߖ㧘࿖㓙ද⺞ߩ♖␹ࠍ㙃߁‫ޕ‬  りㄭߥ࿾ၞߩᱧผ߿ౕ૕⊛ߥ੐⽎ߩቇ⠌ࠍㅢߒߡᱧผߦኻߔࠆ⥝๧߿㑐ᔃࠍ㜞߼㧘᭽‫⾗ߥޘ‬ᢱࠍᵴ↪ߒߡᱧผ⊛੐⽎ࠍᄙ㕙⊛࡮ᄙⷺ⊛ߦ⠨ኤߒ౏ᱜߦ್ᢿߔࠆߣߣ߽ߦㆡಾߦ
⴫⃻ߔࠆ⢻ജߣᘒᐲࠍ⢒ߡࠆ‫ޕ‬ ᡷ⸓ߩⷐὐ ‫ޟ‬ਛቇᩞቇ⠌ᜰዉⷐ㗔⸃⺑ ␠ળ✬ ᐔᚑ  ᐕ㧣᦬ᢥㇱ⑼ቇ⋭‫ޠ‬㧔‫⸥⇛ߣޠ⺑⸃ޟ‬㧕ߦߪ㧘ᰴ㗁ᨒ࿐ߺౝࠕ㨪ࠝߩ㧡ὐࠍᱧผ⊛ಽ㊁ߩᡷ⸓ߩᄢ߈ߥⷐὐߣߒߡ␜ߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬



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 ౝኈ ᱧผ⊛ಽ㊁ߩዉ౉⊛ߥ૏⟎ઃߌ߿ᱧผ⊛ߦ⠨ኤߔࠆߣ߈ߩᛛ⢻ߩ⠌ᓧߣ㑐ᔃ࡮ᗧ᰼ߩ⢒ᚑࠍ⋡⊛ߣߔࠆᄢ㗄⋡  ‫ޟ‬ᱧผߩߣࠄ߃ᣇ‫ߣޠ‬㧘ㅢผ⊛ߥ᭴ᚑߣߥߞߡ޿ࠆ  ‫ޟ‬ฎઍ߹ߢߩᣣᧄ‫ޟ  ޠ‬ਛ਎ߩᣣᧄ‫ޟ  ޠ‬ㄭ਎ߩᣣᧄ‫ޟ  ޠ‬ㄭઍߩᣣᧄߣ਎⇇‫⃻ޟ  ޠ‬ઍߩᣣᧄߣ਎⇇‫ߩޠ‬㧡ߟߩᄢ㗄⋡ߢ᭴ᚑߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬ࠕ ‫ޟ‬ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩᄢ߈ߥᵹࠇ‫ࠍޠ‬ℂ⸃ߔࠆቇ⠌ߩ৻ጀߩ㊀ⷞ㨻 ‫ޟ‬ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩᄢ߈ߥᵹࠇ‫ߩޠ‬ℂ⸃ߣ޿߁⋡ᮡߩ৻ጀߩ᣿⏕ൻ㨼 ቇ⠌ౝኈߩ᭴ㅧൻߣὶὐൻ

㨽 ฦᤨઍߩ․⦡ࠍߣࠄ߃ࠆቇ⠌ߩᣂ⸳㨾 ฎઍ߹ߢߩቇ⠌ߩᄢⷰൻࠗ ᱧผߦߟ޿ߡ⠨ኤߔࠆജ߿⺑᣿ߔࠆജߩ⢒ᚑ㨻 ᡽ᴦ㕙ߥߤߩᄌ㕟ߩ․⦡ࠍ⠨߃ߡᤨઍߩォ឵ߩ᭽ሶࠍߣࠄ߃ࠆቇ⠌㨼 ᤨઍߩ඙ಽ߿ߘߩ⒖ࠅᄌࠊࠅߦ᳇ઃߊቇ⠌㨽 ᕁ⠨࡮್ᢿ࡮⴫⃻ߔࠆቇ⠌ߣ⏕߆ߥℂ⸃࠙ ㄭ⃻ઍߩቇ⠌ߩ৻ጀߩ㊀ⷞࠛ ᭽‫ߥޘ‬વ⛔߿ᢥൻߩቇ⠌ߩ㊀ⷞ
ࠝ ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩ⢛᥊ߣߥࠆ਎⇇ߩᱧผߩᛒ޿ߩలታ ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ⢒ᚑߩⷞὐ߆ࠄ㧘߹ߕ⋡ߦߟߊߩߪ㧘ᣣᧄߣ਎⇇ߣߩ㑐ଥߢ޽ࠆ‫ߦޠ⺑⸃ޟޕ‬㧘਎⇇ߩᱧผߩᛒ޿ߩలታߦߟ޿ߡㅀߴࠄࠇߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬ ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩᄢ߈ߥᵹࠇߩℂ⸃ߩߚ߼ߦ㧘ߘߩ⢛᥊ߣߥࠆ਎⇇ߩᱧผߩᛒ޿ࠍల
ታߐߖߚ‫߫߃଀ޕ‬㧘ౝኈߩ  ߩࠕߢ਎⇇ߩฎઍᢥ᣿߿ቬᢎߩ߅ߎࠅߦ㑐ߔࠆቇ⠌ࠍలታߐߖߚࠅ㧘ㄭ⃻ઍߩ᰷☨⻉࿖ߩࠕࠫࠕㅴ಴ࠍ⁛┙ߩਛ㗄⋡  ࠕߣߒߡ᭴ᚑߒߚࠅ㧘╙ੑᰴ਎⇇ᄢᚢᓟߩቇ⠌ౝኈߦ಄ᚢ߿ߘߩ⚳⚿ࠍ૏⟎ઃߌߚࠅߒߚ‫ߚ߹ޕ‬㧘࿖㓙㑐ଥ߇㊀߈ࠍභ߼ࠆㄭ⃻ઍߩቇ⠌ࠍ㊀ⷞߔࠆߎߣߢ㧘ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩዷ㐿ࠍ਎⇇ߩേ߈ߣ৻ጀ㑐ㅪઃߌߡቇ⠌ߔࠆࠃ߁ߦߒߚ‫ޕ‬ ߎߩὐߪ㧘ᣣᧄߩᱧผߩℂ⸃ߩߚ߼ߦߪ㧘਎⇇ߣߩ㑐ଥ߇ᔅⷐߛߣ޿߁ࠬ࠲ࡦࠬࠍ〯ⷅߒ㧘ߘࠇࠍలታߐߖߡ޿ࠆ‫ߩߎޕ‬ὐ߆ࠄߪ㧘੹᳞߼ࠄࠇࠆ‫ޟ‬ᣣᧄ࿖᳃ߩᢎ㙃‫ߩߡߒߣޠ‬ᣣᧄߣ਎⇇ߣ޿߁㑐ଥ߽⷗ฃߌࠄࠇࠆ‫ޕ‬ 㜞╬ቇᩞߩ࿾ℂᱧผ⑼ߦ߅ߌࠆᔅጁୃߣߩ㑐ㅪߢ㧘ో࿖᳃߇㧘ᣣᧄߩᱧผࠍㅢผ⊛ߦቇ߱႐ߪਛቇᩞߒ߆ߥ޿ߣ޿߁㧘ᢎ⢒⺖⒟✬ᚑ਄ߩ໧㗴߽޽ࠆ‫ߩߘޕ‬ਛቇᩞߢߪ㧘ᱧผ⊛ಽ

㊁ߦ  න૏ᤨ㑆ߒ߆㈩ᒰߐࠇߥ޿‫ޟޕ‬਎⇇ߩᱧผ‫ޟ߽ࠅࠃޠ‬ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩዷ㐿‫߇ޠ‬ఝవߐࠇࠆߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ᣂᜰዉⷐ㗔␠ળ⑼ᱧผ⊛ಽ㊁ߦ߅ߌࠆ⾗⾰⢒ᚑߩ⺰ℂ ޽ߊ߹ߢ߽‫ޟ‬࿖᳃‫ߩޠ‬⢒ᚑࠍਥ⌒ߣߒߚᱧผቇ⠌ߢ޽ࠆ‫⃻ޕ‬࿷ߦ߅ߌࠆ‫ޟ‬ᣣᧄ࿖᳃‫ߦޠ‬ߪ㧘ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩᄢ߈ߥᵹࠇߣવ⛔ߣᢥൻߩ․⦡ߩℂ⸃߇ᔅⷐߢ޽ࠆ‫ߚ߹ޕ‬㧘࿖㓙␠ળߩ৻ຬߢ޽ࠆ‫ޟ‬ᣣᧄ࿖᳃‫ߪߦޠ‬㧘࿖㓙ද⺞ߩ♖␹ࠍ㙃߁ߎߣ߇ᔅⷐߢ޽ࠆ‫ߥ߁ࠃߩߎޕ‬⠨߃ᣇࠍၮᧄߣߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ߢߎߎޕ‬㧘ߣߤ߹ߞߡ޿ߡߪ㧘ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ⢒ᚑߩน⢻ᕈߪૐߊߥࠆ‫ߪࠇߎޕ‬㧘࿖᳃ᢎ⢒㧔࿖ኅߩᢎ⢒᡽╷㧕ߣߒߡߩᱧผቇ⠌ߩ㒢⇇ߢ޽ࠈ߁‫ޕ‬ ߒ߆ߒߥ߇ࠄ㧘‫ޟ‬࿖᳃‫߆ߩ޿ߥߪߢࡊ࠶ࠪࡦ࠭ࠖ࠹ࠪ࡮࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣߪޠ‬㧫ߣ޿߁⇼໧߇↢߹ࠇߡߊࠆ‫ߩޠ࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޟߪޠ࡞࠽࡚ࠪ࠽ޟޕ‬ኻ᭎ᔨߥߩߢ޽ࠈ߁߆㧫ߘߩࠃ߁ߦߣࠄ߃
ࠇ߫㧘Ꮻዻᕈࠍ೨ឭߣߔࠆᱧผቇ⠌ߦ߅޿ߡࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ⢒ᚑߪ㧘ߘ߽ߘ߽ਇน⢻ߣ⸒߃ࠆߩߢߪߥ޿߆‫ޕ‬ ╩⠪ߪ㧘
‫ߟ߽ߩޠ࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޟ‬஺᭎ᔨߣߒߡߩᕈᩰࠍ߽ߞߣⓍᭂ⊛ߦߣࠄ߃ࠆߴ߈ߣਥᒛ
ߒߚ޿‫߫ࠇߔ߁ߘޕ‬㧘ᱧผቇ⠌ߦ߅޿ߡࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ⢒ᚑߪน⢻ߣߥࠆ‫ޕ‬஺᭎ᔨߪߘߩਛߦᄙ↪ߥ᭽⋧ࠍᜬߟਅ૏᭎ᔨࠍߚߊߐࠎ᦭ߒ㧘ᄙ᭽ߢ޽ࠅ㧘ߘࠇࠄߦኻߒߡኡኈߢ޽ࠆߣ޿߁⁁ᘒߢ޽ࠆߣߣࠄ߃ߡ޿ࠆ‫ࠍࡊ࠶ࠪࡦ࠭ࠖ࠹ࠪ࡮࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޕ‬࿕ቯൻߒߚ߽ߩߣߣࠄ߃ࠆߣ㧘⢒ᚑߔߴ߈⾗⾰ߩ⋴᧼߇⇣ߥࠆߛߌߢ㧘⢒ᚑ⺰ℂߪᣂᜰዉⷐ
㗔ߣ߆ࠊࠄߥ޿‫ޕ‬ᱧผቇ⠌ߦ߅ߌࠆࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ⢒ᚑߩน⢻ᕈ ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ Flexible Citizenship ߥࠆ᭎ᔨࠍᩭߦߒߡ㧘⢒ᚑߒࠃ߁ߣߔࠆ‫ޟ‬࿖᳃‫ߩࡊ࠶ࠪࡦ࠭ࠖ࠹ࠪ࡮࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣߣޠ‬૏⟎ઃߌࠍ⠨߃ߡ޿ߊ‫ߩߘޕ‬ᰴߦ㧘␠ળ⹺⼂ᢎ⢒ߦ߅ߌࠆࠞ࡝ࠠࡘ࡜ࡓ᭴ᚑߩⷞὐߢ߽น⢻ᕈࠍ⠨ኤߔࠆ‫ޕ‬ ‫ޟ‬࿖᳃‫ࡊ࠶ࠪࡦ࠭ࠖ࠹ࠪ࡮࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣߣޠ‬ ࠞ࡝ࡈࠜ࡞࠾ࠕᄢቇࡃ࡯ࠢ࡟࡯ᩞߩᢥൻੱ㘃ቇ⠪ߢ޽ࠆ Dr Aihwa ONG ߪ㧘ℂ⺰⊛߆ߟታ⸽⊛⎇ⓥࠍㅢߓߡ㧘ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ Flexible Citizenship ߥࠆ᭎ᔨࠍឭ␜ߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ߩߎޕ‬᭎ᔨߪ㧘ᦨㄭߩ☨࿖ߦ߅ߌࠆ㧘Citizenship Education ߿␠ળ⑼ᢎ⢒㧘ᄙᢥൻᢎ⢒㧘ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒╬ߦᓇ㗀ࠍ෸߷ߒߟߟ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬
㧔Dr. ONG ⪺ᦠ߿ಽᜂၫ╩ߪާෳ⠨ᢥ₂ިෳᾖ‫ޕ‬㧕╩⠪ߪ㧘ߎߩࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊࠍᣂߚߥ᭎ᔨߣߒߡᝒ߃ࠆ
ߩߢߪߥߊ㧘߽ߣ߽ߣሽ࿷ߒߡ޿ߚ߽ߩߣᝒ߃ࠆᔅⷐ߇޽ࠆߣ⠨߃ࠆ‫⺆⸒ࠍࠇߘޕ‬ൻߢ߈ߚߚ߼ߦᵈ⋡ࠍᶎ߮ࠆࠃ߁ߦߥߞߚߣ⠨߃ߡ޿ࠆ‫ߪࠇߘޕ‬㧘ࠕࠗ࠺ࡦ࠹ࠖ࠹ࠖౝߩᄙ᭽ᕈ
ߣߘߩᨵエᕈࠍ⸒⺆ൻߒߡ޿ࠆߣ߽⠨߃ࠄࠇࠆ߆ࠄߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ ԘAihwa ONG ߩ໧㗴ᗧ⼂㧘⎇ⓥኻ⽎ ✬⪺ 2.-(3)ߦߪ㧘ᰴߩࠃ߁ߦ⚫੺ߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬

UCࡃ࡯ࠢ࡟࡯ߩᢥൻੱ㘃ቇ㧘᧲ධࠕࠫࠕ⎇ⓥߩᢎ᝼‫ޕ‬ᓐᅚߪ᧲ධࠕࠫࠕ㧘ਛ࿖ධㇱ㧘ࠞ࡝ࡈࠜ࡞࠾ࠕߢߩࡈࠖ࡯࡞࠼ࡢ࡯ࠢࠍⴕߞߡ߈ߚ‫ޕ‬ᓐᅚߪ㧘⃻࿷㧘ࠕࠫࠕߩㇺᏒߦ߅ߌࠆ᡽ᴦ(government)㧘ෂᯏ㧘቟ో଻㓚ߦ㑐ᔃࠍᛴ޿ߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬  ԙDr. Aihwa ONG ߩࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ
 Dr. ONG ߪ㧘⾗ᧄਥ⟵⚻ᷣߦ߅ߌࠆ‫⿧ޟ‬Ⴚߒߡ޿ࠆੱ‫ࠍޠޘ‬ขࠅ਄ߍ㧘ߘߩੱߚߜߩ‫࠻ޟ‬࡜ࡦࠬ࠽࡚ࠪ࠽࡝࠭ࡓ‫ޟߣޠ‬ᄌኈ‫ߩޠ‬㑐ଥࠍ⠨ኤߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ߩߘޕ‬㓙㧘ਛ࿖㧘․ߦ࿷ᄖਛ࿖
ੱߚߜࠍ⎇ⓥߒߡ߈ߚ‫ޕ‬ᓐᅚߩಽᨆ߇␜ໂߒߡ޿ࠆߩߪ㧘⿧Ⴚੱ㧘଀߃߫㧘ਛ࿖ੱߣ޿߁
▸⇵ߦ߅޿ߡ࠻࡜ࡦࠬ࠽࡚ࠪ࠽࡞ߥ৻ຬߢ޽ࠆ࿷ᄖਛ࿖ੱߚߜߩ㧘ⶄ㔀ߢ޽ࠅߥ߇ࠄ㧘‫ޟ‬㗅ᔕ⊛ߥ‫ޠ‬Ꮻዻᗧ⼂ߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ ࠻࡜ࡦࠬ࠽࡚ࠪ࠽࡞ߥ⒖േߣࡀ࠶࠻ࡢ࡯ࠢߪ㧘࿾ၞߦᢥൻࠍᒻ૞ࠅ㧘୘ੱߦᣂߚߥࠕࠗ
࠺ࡦ࠹ࠖ࠹ࠖࠍᒻᚑߔࠆ‫ߩߎޕ‬㧞ὐߪ㧘࿖ኅᚢ⇛ߩォ឵ߦ߅޿ߡ㎛ߣߥࠆ㊀ⷐߥ߽ߩߢ޽
ߞߚ‫ޕ‬࿷ᄖਛ࿖ੱ߇ᱧผ⊛ߦਛ࿖ߣ⒖േవ࿖ߣߩ㗼⪺ߥ㑐ଥࠍ⛽ᜬߒ⛯ߌߚ߆ࠄߛߌߢߪ
ߥ޿‫ޕ‬㊀ⷐߥߩߪ㧘ߎߩ࿷ᄖߩ߽ߟ⒖േᕈ߿㗅ᔕᕈߪ㧘ߚߛනߦਛ࿖ੱߢ޽ࠆߣ޿߁ߎߣ
ߦ⇐߹ࠄߥ޿ߎߣߢ޽ࠆ‫ߪࠇߘޕ‬㧘‫ޟ‬Ꮢ᳃‫ߩޠ‬᭎ᔨߩᣂߒ޿ℂ⸃ࠍ߽ଦߔߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ߪࠇߎޕ‬㧘⃻ઍߩ࿖᳃ᕈߩ᭎ᔨ߆ࠄ㧘޽ࠆ⒟ᐲߩ࿾ℂ⊛࡮ᱧผ⊛ߥႺ⇇ࠍ᦭ߔࠆᣂߒ޿‫ޟ‬٤٤ੱᕈ‫ޠ‬ߩࠃ߁ߥ߽ߩߩ೔᧪ࠍᜰ៰ߢ߈ࠆߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ߥ߁ࠃߩߎޕ‬㧘‫ޟ‬٤٤ੱᕈ‫ࠍޠ‬ᐞ㊀ߦ߽ౝ࿷ߐߖ㧘ߘࠇࠍߘߩ႐ߦ‫ޟ‬㗅ᔕߒߥ߇ࠄ‫ޠ‬㧘‫ޟ‬ᨵエߦ‫⴫ޠ‬಴ߐߖߡ޿ࠆߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ Ԛࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒߳ߩ␜ໂ ੹߹ߢߩ㧘ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒ߪ㧘ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ൻ␠ળ߳ߩኻᔕ㧘␠ળߩࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ൻࠍ⼏⺰ߒߡ߈ߚ‫ߡߒߘޕ‬㧘ߘߎߦ᳞߼ࠄࠇࠆᏒ᳃㧘޽ࠆ޿ߪ㧘Ꮢ᳃ᕈࠍ⼏⺰ߒߡ߈ߚ‫ޕ‬Ყ༙⊛ߦ⸒߃߫㧘‫࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޟ‬ᢎ⢒ߣߒߡߩᏒ᳃ᢎ⢒‫ޕ߁ࠃ߃޿ߣޠ‬Dr ONG ߩ⠨߃߆ࠄ㧘Ꮢ᳃ߩ⏕┙ߦࠃࠆ␠ળߩ᭴▽㧘ਗ߮ߦ㧘୘ߩ⛘ኻ⊛⥄↱㧔ᗲ࿖ᔃࠍ⛘ኻⷞߔࠆ⥄↱ࠍ฽߻㧕ߦ߅ߌࠆࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ൻߩ᭴▽ࠍ⺒ߺขࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆ‫ޕ‬Ყ༙⊛ߦ⸒߃߫㧘‫ޟ‬Ꮢ᳃ᢎ⢒ߣߒߡߩࠣ
ࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒‫ޕ߁ࠃ߃޿ߣޠ‬ ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߣߪ㧘᭽‫ߥޘ‬࿖ኅߢᵴേߔࠆੱ‫ߩޘ‬ታᘒࠍ⺞ᩏߔࠆਛߢ⸒⺆ൻߐࠇߚ᭎ᔨߢ޽ࠆ‫ߪߣޠ࡞ࡉࠪࠠ࡟ࡈޟ߁޿ߢߎߎޕ‬㧘ߒߥ߿߆ߥ㧘Ⲣㅢߩ೑ߊ㧘㗅ᔕᕈߩ޽ࠆ㧘ߥߤߩᗧ๧ߢ޽ࠆ‫ߪࠇߘޕ‬㧘ⶄᢙߩ᭽⋧ࠍหᤨߦ‫ޟ‬૕ౝߦ‫ߎࠆ޿ߡߞ߽ޠ‬ߣ߇೨ឭߥߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ࠆߌ߅ߦࡊ࠶ࠪࡦ࠭ࠖ࠹ࠪޕ‬Ꮻዻᕈࠍ⠨߃ࠆ႐ว㧘㊀ⷐߥ᭎ᔨߣߥࠆ‫ޕ‬ߒ߆ߒߥ߇ࠄ㧘ᄢ൓࡮૕೙ߦ㗅ᔕߔࠆߣ޿߁ᗧ๧ߢߪߥߊ㧘ߘߩ႐ߘߩ႐ߩⷞ㊁(Perspective)ߢ⠨߃㧘ⴕേߢ߈ࠆߣ޿߁ߎߣߢ޽ࠆ‫ᧄޕ‬ᒰߦࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞ߢ޽ࠆߚ߼ߦߪ㧘ో૕߇ߺ߃ߡ޿ࠆߎߣߣ㧘㧔Ყ༙⊛ߢ޽ࠆ߇࡮࡮㧕‫ޕࠆ޽ߢߣߎࠆ޿ߡߒࠅ߆ߞߒ߇ޠࠕࠦޟ‬ ߘߩ‫ࠍޠࠕࠦޟ‬㧘ᣂᜰዉⷐ㗔㧔ߦઍ⴫ߐࠇࠆવ⛔⊛ߥ࿖᳃ᢎ⢒㧕ߢߩᱧผቇ⠌ߪ㧘ᒰὼߥ߇ࠄ‫ޟ‬࿖᳃‫ߦޠ‬᳞߼ߡ޿ࠆߣ⸃㉼ߢ߈ࠆ‫ߪࠇߘޕ‬㧘ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞ߥࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ
࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ৻ߟߩဳߣߥࠅ߁ࠆߩߢߪߥ޿߆‫ߩߘޕ‬႐ว㧘‫ޟ‬࿖᳃‫ޠ‬એᄖߩ᭽⋧ࠍ߽ߜ߁ࠆ
ᄙ᭽ᕈߣ㧘ߘࠇࠄࠍᨵエߦⴕ߈᧪ߢ߈ࠆᕁ⠨ࠍ଻⸽ߔࠆᔅⷐ߇޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ ␠ળ⹺⼂ᢎ⢒ߦ߅ߌࠆࠞ࡝ࠠࡘ࡜ࡓ᭴ᚑ ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞ߥࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ‫ޟߡߒߣޠࠕࠦޟ‬࿖᳃‫ߩޠ‬⢒ᚑࠍᱧผ⊛ಽ㊁߇⋡ᜰߔߣ⠨߃ࠆ‫␠ޕ‬ળ⑼ߦ߅ߌࠆઁಽ㊁ߢߪ㧘ઁߩ‫߇ޠࠕࠦޟ‬น⢻ߢ޽ࠈ߁߆‫ޕ‬଀߃߫㧘࿾ℂ⊛ಽ㊁ߦ߅޿ߡ‫ޟ‬࿾ၞੱ‫ޟ߿ޠ‬࿖㓙ੱ‫ࠈ޽ߢߩࠆ޿ߡ߃ࠄߣߣޠࠕࠦޟࠍޠ‬߁߆‫ߪ޿ࠆ޽ޕ‬㧘౏᳃⊛ಽ㊁ߦ߅޿ߡฦᏫዻᕈࠍⴕ߈᧪ߔࠆࠃ߁ߥౝኈߦߥߞߡ޿ࠆߩߢ
޽ࠈ߁߆‫ޕ‬ዊቇᩞߦ߅޿ߡߪߤ߁ߢ޽ࠈ߁߆‫ޕ‬㜞╬ቇᩞߢߪߤ߁ߢ޽ࠈ߁߆‫␠ޕ‬ળ⑼ࠍߪ
ߓ߼ߣߔࠆ␠ળ⹺⼂ᢎ⢒ߦ߅޿ߡߪ㧘‫ߩޠࠕࠦޟ‬Ꮕ߆ࠄࠞ࡝ࠠࡘ࡜ࡓ᭴ᚑࠍౣᬌ⸛ߔࠆᔅⷐ
߇޽ࠆߣ⠨߃ࠆ‫ߚ߹ߪࠇߘޕ‬㧘ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒ߩౝኈࠍౣ᭴▽ߔࠆᚻ┙ߡߦ߽ߥࠆߩߢ޽
ࠈ߁‫ޕ‬
 ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒ߦ߅޿ߡ㧘ᄙ᭽ᕈߣኡኈߩ㊀ⷐᕈߪਥᒛߐࠇߡ߈ߚ‫ߒ߆ߒޕ‬㧘ߘࠇࠍߟߥ޿ߢ޿ߊ㑐ଥᕈࠍⷞ㊁ߦ౉ࠇߥߌࠇ߫ᄙ᭽ᕈߣኡኈߩᗧ๧ߪඨᷫߔࠆ‫ޕ‬෶㧘⃻ታ⊛ߢߥߊߥࠆ‫ੱޕ‬㑆ߪ᭽‫ߥޘ‬㑐ଥߩਛߢ↢߈ࠆ␠ળ⊛ሽ࿷ߢ޽ࠆߣ޿߁⠨߃ᣇࠍ㊀ⷞߔࠆᔅⷐ߇
޽ࠆ‫ߩߘޕ‬㑐ଥߩਛߩ㧘૗ߦ㧘ߤࠇߋࠄ޿㊀߈ࠍ⟎ߊ߆ߦࠃࠅ㧘ߘߩੱߩߘߩᤨὐߢߩࠕ
ࠗ࠺ࡦ࠹ࠖ࠹ࠖ߇↢߹ࠇࠆ‫ޕ‬ᄙ᭽ߥ᭽⋧ߪ୘ੱౝߢߪ㧘ᩮᐩߢ❬߇ߞߡ޿ࠆ߽ߩߣ⠨߃ࠆߴ߈ߢ޽ࠈ߁‫ࠍࠇߘޕ‬㧘೎୘ߩ߽ߩߣ⠨߃ߚࠅ㧘ኻ┙᭎ᔨߣߺߥߔߣ㧘଀߃߫㧘‫ޟ‬࿖᳃‫߆ޠ‬ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ߆ߣ޿߁ᛯ৻⊛ߥ⁁ᘒࠍ↢ߺ಴ߔ‫ޕ‬૗ߦ㊀߈ࠍ⟎ߊ߆ߪ⇣ߥࠆ߇㧘ੱ㑆ߩᜬߟᄙ᭽ߥ㑐ଥᕈࠍᢿߜಾߞߡ޿ߊὐߢߪ౒ㅢߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ੱޕ‬㑆␠ળߩ㑐ଥࠍߺ㧘⠨߃ߡ޿ߊߎߣߢ㧘ᷓ޿␠ળ⹺⼂ࠍㅢߒߡ㧘୘ੱౝߦᄙ᭽ߥ㑐ଥ㑆ߩᜟ᛫⁁ᘒࠍߟߊࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆ‫ߩߎޕ‬ᜟ᛫⁁ᘒߢࠕࠗ࠺ࡦ࠹ࠖ࠹ࠖߪஜోߦ଻ᜬߐࠇࠆ‫ߩߘޕ‬ᜟ᛫⁁ᘒࠍᔅⷐߦᔕߓߡᄌൻߐߖࠆߩ߇ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞ߢ޽ࠆߣ޿߁ߎߣߢ޽ࠈ߁‫ޕ‬ᣂᜰዉⷐ㗔␠ળ⑼ᱧผ⊛ಽ㊁ߦ߅ߌࠆࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ⢒ᚑߩน⢻ᕈ ࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞ߥࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ⢒ᚑߩⷞὐߦ߅޿ߡ㊀ⷐߥߩߪ㧘‫ޟ‬ᣣᧄߣ
਎⇇‫߁޿ߣޠ‬໧㗴㧔‫ޟ‬ᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผߩ⢛᥊ߣߥࠆ਎⇇ߩᱧผߩలታ‫ޠ‬㧕ࠃࠅ߽㧘‫ޟ‬ᱧผߩߣࠄ
߃ᣇ‫ߣޠ‬ᚲ⻐ᣣᧄߩᱧผߩㅢผ⊛᭴ᚑㇱಽߣ޿߁ੑర⺰ࠍᣂᜰዉⷐ㗔߇ណ↪ߒߡ޿ࠆߎߣ
ࠍ⹏ଔߔࠆߎߣߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬‫ޟ‬ᱧผߩߣࠄ߃ᣇ‫ߩޠ‬ਛߦ㧘ᰴߩࠃ߁ߥਛ㗄⋡߇޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬




㧔ౝኈ㧕
ࠗ りㄭߥ࿾ၞߩᱧผࠍ⺞ߴࠆᵴേࠍㅢߒߡ㧘࿾ၞ߳ߩ㑐ᔃࠍ㜞߼࿾ၞߩౕ૕⊛ߥ੐ᨩߣߩ߆߆ࠊࠅߩਛߢᚒ߇࿖ߩᱧผࠍℂ⸃ߐߖࠆߣߣ߽ߦ㧘ฃߌ⛮߇ࠇߡ߈ߚવ⛔߿ᢥൻ߳ߩ
㑐ᔃࠍ㜞߼㧘ᱧผߩቇ߮ᣇࠍりߦઃߌߐߖࠆ‫ޕ‬㧔ౝኈߩขᛒ޿㧕ࠗ ࠗߦߟ޿ߡߪ㧘ౝኈߩ(2) એਅߣ߆߆ࠊࠄߖߡ⸘↹⊛ߦታᣉߒ㧘࿾ၞߩ․ᕈߦᔕߓߚᤨ
ઍࠍขࠅ਄ߍࠆࠃ߁ߦߔࠆߣߣ߽ߦ㧘ੱ‫↢ߩޘ‬ᵴ߿↢ᵴߦᩮߑߒߚવ⛔߿ᢥൻߦ⌕⋡ߒߚขᛒ޿ࠍᎿᄦߔࠆߎߣ‫ߩߘޕ‬㓙㧘ඳ‛㙚㧘ㇹ࿯⾗ᢱ㙚ߥߤߩᣉ⸳ߩᵴ↪߿࿾ၞߩੱ‫ߩޘ‬දജ߽⠨ᘦߔࠆߎߣ‫ޕ‬ ․ߦ㧘ฃߌ⛮߇ࠇߡ߈ߚવ⛔߿ᢥൻ߳ߩ㑐ᔃࠍ㧘࿾ၞߩౕ૕⊛ߥ੐ᨩߦ߅ߌࠆቇ⠌ߣ㑐ㅪߐߖࠃ߁ߣ޿߁ߎߣࠍ⺒ߺߣࠆߎߣ߇ߢ߈ࠆ‫੹ޕ‬࿁ߩᡷ⸓ߩⷐὐߩࠛ‫ޟ‬᭽‫ߥޘ‬વ⛔߿ᢥൻߩቇ⠌ߩ㊀ⷞ‫ߦ߁ࠃࠆ޽ߦޠ‬㧘㧔ᷓ⺒ߺߢ޽ࠈ߁߇࡮࡮࡮㧕ࠊߑࠊߑᢎ⢒ၮᧄᴺߦߪઃ޿ߡ޿ߥ޿‫ޟ‬᭽‫߁޿ߣޠߥޘ‬ᢥ⸒ࠍߟߌߡ޿ࠆ‫ߚ߹ޕ‬㧘ੱ‫↢ߩޘ‬ᵴ߿↢ᵴߦᩮߑߒߚᢥൻߣ
޿߁ᢥ⸒߽޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ ߎߩ‫ޟ‬᭽‫⊒ߩޠߥޘ‬ᗐࠍ㧘࿾ၞߩᱧผߣᣣᧄߩᱧผߩㅢผ⊛᭴ᚑߣߦ↢߆ߔߎߣ߇ߢ߈
ࠇ߫㧘ᱧผߩᄙ᭽ᕈࠍ଻⸽ߔࠆߎߣߦߟߥ߇ࠆ‫ߪࠇߘޕ‬㧘න⺞ߥ‫ޟ‬વ⛔ߣᢥൻ‫߁޿ߣޠ‬ᐛᗐߦᡰ㈩ߐࠇߥ޿⃻ታ߆ࠄߩࠕࡊࡠ࡯࠴ߦߥߞߡ޿ߊߩߢߪߥ޿߆‫ߒߛߚޕ‬㧘ᱞ㆏߿⨥㆏㧘⪇㆏ߥߤߩ㧘ᣣᧄߩ‫ޟ‬વ⛔ߣᢥൻ‫ߣߛޠ‬ᐢߊ⹺⼂ߐࠇߡ޿ࠆ߽ߩࠍุቯߔࠆߩߢߪߥ޿‫ޕ‬ߘࠇࠍ㧘one of them ߣᝒ߃ࠄࠇࠆᕁ⠨ߩ㊀ⷐᕈࠍਥᒛߒߡ޿ࠆߩߢ޽ࠆ‫࡮࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޕ‬ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊ⢒ᚑߩน⢻ᕈ߆ࠄ㧘࿾ၞߩᱧผߩቇ⠌ߪ㧘㊀ⷐߥᗧ๧ࠍᜬߟߣ⠨߃ࠆ‫ޕ‬ާෳ⠨ᢥ₂ި

Dr. Aihwa ONG ߩઍ⴫⊛⪺૞㧔1.න⪺㧘2.✬⪺㧘3.⪺ᦠಽᜂၫ╩㧘4.⺰ᢥ㧕
1.-(1) Aihwa ONG, SPIRITS OF RESISTANCE AND CAPITALIST DISCIPLINE
Factory Women in Malaysia     #$ *[\]
1.-(2) Aihwa ONG, FLEXIBLE CITIZENSHIP The Cultural Logics ofTransnationality^_* [\]]] 㧔࠼ࠗ࠷⺆⸶᦭㧕
1.-(3) Aihwa ONG, BUDDHA IS HIDING Refugees, citizenship, the new America
University of California Press, 2003.㧔ࠗ࠲࡝ࠕ⺆⸶᦭㧕
1.-(4) NEOLIBERALISM AS EXCEPTION Mutations
Sovereignty, Duke University Press, 2006.



in

Citizenshipand2.-(1) Aihwa ONG and Michael G. PELETZ, editied, BEWITCHING WOMEN, PIOUS
MEN Gender and Body Politics in Southeast Asia    `{ 
Press, 1995.
2.-(2) Aihwa ONG and Donald NONINI, editied, UNGROUNDED EMPIRES The
Cultural Politics of Modern Chinese Transnationalism| _ {}\]]
2.-(3) Aihwa ONG and Stephen J. COLLOER editied, GLOBAL ASSEMBLAGESTechnology, Politics, and Ethics as Anthropological Problems {*#{{Publishing, 2005.
3.-(1) Modernity, Anthropological Aspects. in International Encyclopedia of the Social
and Behavioral Sciences, vol.15, editied by Smelser and Paul B. Baltes, Oxford:
Pergamon, 2001, pp.9944- 9949.
3.-(2) "Higher Learning: Educational Availability and Flexible Citizenship in Global
Space" in Diversity and Citizenship Education, edited by James A. Banks, Wiley,
2003, pp.49-
4.-(1) "Muslim Feminists in the Shelter of Corporate Islam" Citizenship Studies 3(3),
1999,pp.355-\
4.-(2) "Graduated Sovereignty in Southeast Asia" Theory, Culture, and Society\   -
4.-(3) "Cyberpublics and Diaspora Politics among Transnational Chinese", Interventions
5 (1), 2003, pp.82- 100.
4.-(4) "The Chinese Axis: Zoning Technologies and Variegated Sovereignty" Journal of
East Asian Studies 4, 2004, pp.69-96.
4.-(5) "Experiments with Freedom: Milieus of the Human" American Literary History,2006.
 1.-(2) ߪ 㧘 2000 ᐕ 㧘 ࠕ ࡔ ࡝ ࠞ ᳃ ᣖ ቇ ળ ⾨ Senior Prize, American Ethnological

Association ࠍ㧘ߘߒߡ㧘2001 ᐕ㧘ࠕࠫࠕ♽ࠕࡔ࡝ࠞੱ⎇ⓥቇળࠞ࡞࠴ࡘ࡜࡞࡮ࠬ࠲࠺ࠖ
࡯࠭⾨ࠍฃ⾨ Winner of the Association for Asian American Studies Cultural Studies
Book Award ߒߡ޿ࠆ‫ޕ‬
 3.-(2) ߪ㧘⥄り߇ឭ⿠ߒߚ᭎ᔨߢ޽ࠆࡈ࡟ࠠࠪࡉ࡞࡮ࠪ࠹ࠖ࠭ࡦࠪ࠶ࡊߩ⢒ᚑߣᢎ⢒ߦ߅ߌࠆ᦭ലᕈࠍ⺰ߓߚ߽ߩߢ޽ࠆ‫ޕ‬ާAihwa ONG ⪺એᄖߩਥⷐෳ⠨ᢥ₂ި

࡮NCSS, NCSS Position Statement on Global Education. Social Education㧘Vol. 46,
No.1, 1982, pp. 36-.

࡮Michael WALZER, What It Means To Be An American, Marsilio Editori S.P.A., 1992.
㧔ࡑࠗࠤ࡞࡮࠙ࠜ࡞࠷ࠔ࡯⪺㧘ฎ⨃↰ብ⸶‫ޡ‬Minerva ᱧผ࡮ᢥൻ࡜ࠗࡉ࡜࡝࡯㧣 ࠕࡔ࡝ࠞੱߢ޽ࠆߣߪߤ߁޿߁ߎߣ߆̆ᱧผ⊛⥄Ꮖ⋭ኤߩ⹜ߺ̆‫ᦠࠔࡧ࡞ࡀࡒޢ‬ᚱ㧘

2006.㧕࡮Walter C. PARKER, TEACHING DEMOCRACY: Unity and Diversity in Public Life,
Teachers College Press, 2003.
࡮James A. BANKS(edited.),DIVERSITY AND CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION: Global
Perspectives, Jossey-Bass A Wiley Imprint, 2004.
࡮James A. BANKS and others, DEMOCRACY AND DIVERSITY Principles andConcepts for Educating Citizens in a Global Age `nter for Multicultural
Education, College of Education, University of Washington, 2005.
㧔ࠫࠚ࡯ࡓ࠭࡮㧭࡮ࡃࡦࠢࠬઁ⪺㧘ᐔᴛ቟᡽⸶‫ޡ‬᣿⍹࡜ࠗࡉ࡜࡝࡯ ᳃ਥਥ⟵ߣᄙᢥൻ ᢎ⢒̆ࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ൻᤨઍߦ߅ߌࠆᏒ᳃ᕈᢎ⢒ߩߚ߼ߩේೣߣ᭎ᔨ̆‫ޢ‬᣿⍹ᦠᐫ㧘

2005㧚
㧕
࡮㝼૑ᔘਭ‫ޟ‬21 ਎♿࿾⃿␠ળߩน⢻ᕈߣࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒‫ޠ‬‫࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޡ‬ᢎ⢒‫ޢ‬ഃೀภ㧘1998
ᐕ㧘pp. 6㨪21.࡮ਃᶆァਃ‫☨ޡ‬࿖ߩ౏᳃⢒ᚑ⎇ⓥ‫᧲ޢ‬ᵗ㙚಴ 㧘2004 ᐕ.
࡮ᣣᧄࠣࡠ࡯ࡃ࡞ᢎ⢒ቇળ✬‫࡞ࡃ࡯ࡠࠣޡ‬ᢎ⢒ߩℂ⺰ߣታ〣‫ޢ‬ᢎ⢒㐿⊒⎇ⓥᚲ㧘 ᐕ.

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“Global Citizenship” and the “International Education” Movement:
A Case Study of U.S. Schools Today*

Walter C. Parker, University of Washington
Paper presented at Kobe University, November 2008

Abstract
Terms such as “global citizenship,” “world citizen,” and “education for our new global
economy” are used with frequency today. This study examines the new “international education”
movement in U.S. public schools. Increasingly, U.S. public schools are adopting “international
education.” I asked “What is it?” and found a jumble of meanings and programs. Contradictory
forces, such as nationalism and cosmopolitanism, are at play.
I. Introduction
Not far from my home in Seattle is a public elementary school that closed for a thoroughremodeling and re-opened amid fanfare with “international” in its new name and dual language
immersion as its focus. Several years later, the middle school nearby added “international” to its
name, too, with “global perspective” as its focus. Across town, a distressed high school was
divided into small schools, and one of them became the “global studies academy.” Two othercity high schools have added the International Baccalaureate.
These are not unusual events, which is my first point. A new “international education”
movement—actually a new wave of an old movement—is underway across the United States. It
consists of newly internationalized public schools along with state coalitions for international
education, an annual International Education Week co-sponsored by the U.S. Departments ofState and Education, an array of language initiatives, the Goldman Sachs Foundation’s awards
for exemplary “international” schools, and more. Phrases like “the global economy,” “ourincreasingly interconnected world,” and “global citizens” roll off many tongues. Audiences nod
their heads knowingly. Indeed, “international education” is the new common sense.1*A short version of this paper appears in the journal Phi Delta Kappan (November 2009).
1

See Clifford Geertz, “Common sense as a cultural system,” in C. Geertz (Ed.), Local knowledge (pp. 73-93) (New York:
Basic Books, 1983).

But what does it mean? What forms is it taking, and what work is it doing? This is myquestion. I have studied the current wave from three angles: observing a handful of publicschools that have transformed themselves into “international” schools, interviewing movement
activists who are helping to shape them, and examining government and foundation initiatives.2
Before proceeding, I should clarify two things. First, this study is a continuation of myinterest in democratic citizenship education. I am wanting to know if the “international
education” movement has any connection to citizenship education—if, for example, the rhetoricof “global citizenship” has any real meaning in the movement.
Second, I should clarify that the “international education” is nothing new. The current
commotion is the latest instance of a perennial concern in education. Just since World War II
there have been at least two waves of activity in the U.S.—today’s and another that began in the
1960s. Before that, between the two world wars, was a surge of activity centered on the World
Conference on Education in Geneva in 1929; and still earlier, in 1893, was the International
Education Congress of the Columbian Exposition in Chicago. Indeed, there is a sizeable
literature—documentary, analytic, and historical—on “international education,” and one canonly conclude that it has concerned educators and government officials for as long as there havebeen nations and their schools. 3
II. National Security
National security appears to be the main engine of today’s international education
movement in the U.S. It is the movement’s strong discourse. Discourse is language-in-use, or2Methodological note: I captured a three-pronged sample of the current movement, certainly not its entirety.
Discourse and frame analysis were the principal analytic tools: In each instance of “international education”
examined in my samples of schools, activists, and media, I searched for problem frames, solution frames, andmotivational (urgency) frames, and I deployed four methodological resources: A. Binder, Contentious curricula(Princeton University Press, 2002); R. Eyerman and A. Jamison, Social movements: A cognitive approach(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991); M. Foucault, The order of things: an archeology ofthe human sciences (New York: Vintage, 1970); and R. Wodak and M. Meyer (eds.), Methods of critical discourse
analysis (London: Sage, 2001). My thanks to Susan Mosborg and Steven Camicia for their able assistance.
3
See these examples: L. F. Anderson, “An examination of the structure and objectives of international education,”
Social Education, 35(7), 1968, pp. 639-652; J. M. Becker, An examination of goals, needs, and priorities ininternational education in U.S. secondary and elementary schools (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare, 1969); R. Case, “Key elements of a global perspective,” Social Education, 57(6), 1993, pp.
318-325; D. G. Scanlon, “Pioneers of international education, 1817 to 1914,” Teachers College Record, 60(4), 1959,
pp. 209-219; R. Sylvester, “Mapping international education: a historical survey 1893-1944,” Journal of Research inInternational Education, 1(1), 2002, pp. 91-125; and B. B. Tye & K. A. Tye, Global education: a study of school
change (State University of New York Press, 1992). Of course, any demarcation of “waves,” like other attempts toperiodize history, is an interpretive act over which there is much disagreement.

working language. It refers to the way language rules operate in relation to social circumstancesand structures. Language has effects—it gets things done. It doesn’t simply convey meanings; itmakes meanings, reinforcing some and discarding others. A “strong” discourse drowns out its
competitors, pushing aside other ways of speaking, listening, being heard, and making sense. In a
hospital, medicine is the strong discourse. Whether you’re a patient, nurse, physician, or visitor,
it is medicine’s vocabulary, conceptual apparatus, view of the world, and way of behaving thatlord over the scene. Someone who introduces shamanism, witchcraft, or faith healing won’t get
far. Similarly, in a mental hospital, the strong discourse is psychiatry; in a temple of worship, it isfaith and theism; in a corporation it is growth and the bottom line.
To those who assumed that world mindedness, global citizenship, intercultural
understanding, or something of that sort was driving the movement, this may come as a surprise.
Today’s wave is dominated by nationalism.4
International education as a national security discourse has two key dimensions:
economic and military. The economic way to secure the nation is to improve the nation’s
economic competitiveness with other nations — maintaining it or regaining it if it already has
been lost. The military way is to strengthen the nation’s armed forces, including its intelligencecommunities.

II – A. Economic Security
U.S. Secretary of Education Margaret Spellings makes the economic argument forinternational education. “Through the No Child Left Behind Act, we are committed to having
every child in the United States learn and succeed in our global economy. . . .”5 She links school
reform directly to success in today’s world and defines that success in economic terms; school
reform is a technology for accomplishing that goal.
The link is also expressed in a burgeoning number of state reports. For example,
according to North Carolina in the World: Increasing Student Knowledge and Skills About theWorld, “Improving international education is about providing students the best opportunity forsuccess in the emerging workforce.”6 Similarly, the Asia Society’s annual conference “brings
4
5“International Education Week 2005 Announced,” http://usinfo.state.gov/scv/Archive/2005/Nov/09-19221.html.
North Carolina in the World, North Carolina in the World: Increasing Student Knowledge and Skills About theWorld (Raleigh: Center for International Understanding, 2005).
6together high-level delegates from two dozen states. . . to address a significant problem in
American education: the wide gap between the growing economic and strategic importance ofAsia and other world regions to the United States, and U.S. students' limited knowledge about
the world outside our borders.”7
In each of these, international education is positioned to address a key problem posed by
globalization: the defense of the nation’s competitive edge in the new “flat” worldwide economyof the 21st century.8 Schools are seen as the solution. Only they can produce the “enterprisingindividuals” who will be successful in this flat new world.9 This is the calculus of neoliberalism(free-market fundamentalism), with its strategies of privatization, entrepreneurship, and freetrade agreements.10 Without it America will lose its edge to Dublin, Beijing, or Bangalore; or if
lost already, never regain it.
This is plainly put in the influential report from the National Academies of Science,
Engineering, and Medicine, urgently titled Rising Above the Gathering Storm: Energizing and
Employing America for a Brighter Economic Future. This excerpt frames the problem(competition in a flat world) and the urgency (impending loss of leadership) of finding asolution:Thanks to globalization, driven by modern communications and other advances, workers
in virtually every sector must now face competitors who live just a mouse-click away in
Ireland, Finland, China, India, or dozens of other nations whose economies are growing.
This has been aptly referred to as ‘the Death of Distance.’ . . . The committee is deeply
concerned that the scientific and technological building blocks critical to our economic
leadership are eroding at a time when many other nations are gathering strength. . . .
Although many people assume that the United States will always be a world leader inscience and technology, this may not continue to be the case inasmuch as great minds andideas exist throughout the world. We fear the abruptness with which a lead in science and7

www.internationaled.org/statesinstitute.htm.
Thomas L. Friedman, The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the 21st Century (New York: Farrar, Straus andGiroux, 2005).
9
Brian J. Caldwell, “The New Enterprise Logic of Schools,” Phi Delta Kappan, November 2005, pp. 223-25.
10David Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005).
8technology can be lost — and the difficulty of recovering a lead once lost, if indeed it canbe regained at all.11

Gathering Storm then moves to solutions. The first among four is K-12 education:“Enlarge the pipeline of students who are prepared to enter college and graduate with a degree inscience, engineering, or mathematics by increasing the number of students who pass AP(Advanced Placement) and IB (International Baccalaureate) science and mathematics courses.”12

II – B. Military Security
The military dimension to the national security argument is framed as a communication
problem: we don’t know our new enemies’ languages.
In 2003, Rep. Rush Holt (D-New Jersey) expressed this in the National Security
Language Act: “We need to do more to make sure that America has the language professionals
necessary to defend our national security. . . . Changing our (armed forces) recruiting methods
alone will not solve the problem. To meet new security needs, we need to create a new domesticpool of foreign language experts and we can only do that by investing in the classroom. . . inforeign languages of critical need, such as Arabic, Persian, Korean, Pashto, and Chinese.” Later
came Congressional Resolution No. 100 of 2005, which urged the U.S. to “establish aninternational education policy” that would “promote a world free of terrorism, further UnitedStates foreign policy and national security, and enhance [U.S.] leadership in the world.’ ”
In 2006, President George W. Bush himself introduced the National Security Language
Initiative, which would provide $114 million for the “teaching of language for national security
and global competitiveness.”13 In his speech, the President laid out a combined front for the “waron terror” composed of a language-proficient military, language-proficient intelligence network,and language-proficient diplomatic corps that are able to “convince governments” in their own
language, and a language-proficient American people who, all together, can participate withgreater effect in “spreading freedom.”

11

Committee on Prospering in the Global Economy of the 21st Century, Rising Above the Gathering Storm:
Energizing and Employing America for a Brighter Economic Future (Executive Summary) (Washington, D.C.:
National Academies Press, 2007), pp. 1-3, www.nap.edu.
12
Ibid., p. 6.
13
www.state.gov/r/summit/.

So, at least two national security arguments are at play in the current international
education movement. Both are urgent — one with economic threat, one with military threat —and they overlap.

III. “Schools Are Broken”
The popular belief that the school system is broken also fuels the international education
movement. This is a discourse of derision, and it tirelessly broadcasts the claim that publicschools are failing to educate students for life in the new flat world.
The national security and school failure discourses are connected. Consider this statementfrom Operation Public Education, a reform project geared to “transforming America’s schools”
so as to respond to “the challenge of human capital development” in the intensely competitive“level playing field of the global economy.”14

Terrorism and the war in Iraq are high on the list of the nation’s concerns, but the greatest
danger facing America is, as (former IBM chairman) Louis Gerstner recognized, thechallenge of human capital development. Our nation’s public schools, the foundation forthis effort, are still failing far too many of our children despite an investment of some$500 billion annually.15

The author, an advisor to the Secretary of Education, continues by reminding readers that “sadly,
we’ve known about this threat for quite some time.” His reference point is the 1983 report A
Nation at Risk, which claimed that the “mediocrity” of our schools was so profound that had it
been imposed by “an unfriendly foreign power, we might well have viewed it as an act of war.”16This is an urgent crisis-and-salvation narrative. The crisis story is that schools are failingmiserably to educate students for the new world order. The salvation story is that only schools
can rescue the nation. It is a simple formula: schools caused the crisis and schools can solve it.
There is no small amount of magical thinking in the claim that schools can save society,since schools themselves are embedded in society. Schools are not autonomous agents outside
14
Theodore Hershberg, “Value-Added Assessment and Systemic Reform: A Response to the Challenge of Human
Capital Development,” Phi Delta Kappan, December 2005, pp. 276-83.
15
Ibid., p. 276.
16
National Commission on Excellence in Education, A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform(Washington, D.C., 1983), p. 1.

the fray, steering society in this or that direction. They are more its caboose than its engine.
Lawrence Cremin, the historian of American education, observed that this formula — he called ita “device” — has been used repeatedly across the nearly two centuries of our education system.
It was used by proponents of vocational education in the early years of the 20th century, by the
post-Sputnik proponents of math and science education in the 1950s, in the 1980s by A Nation at
Risk, and now, apparently, by the international education movement. “To contend that problems
of international competitiveness can be solved by educational reform,” Cremin wrote,“especially educational reform defined solely as school reform, is not merely utopian andmillennialist, it is at best a foolish and at worst a crass effort to direct attention away from thosetruly responsible for doing something about competitiveness.”17

IV. Marginal Voices
While the strong discourses of national security and school failure may together dominate
the movement, they don’t push other meanings and programs clear off the curriculum planningtable. At the edges of that table, and closer to the ground of school practice, are otherinterpretations of both the problem and the solution. I found three. One, global perspective, gives
international education a transnational cultural meaning; another, cosmopolitanism, gives it atransnational political meaning; a third, student body, gives it a cultural meaning again, but in a
decidedly local, student-centered way.

IV – A. Global Perspective
The first of these emerged in the 1960s during an earlier wave of excitement about
international education. In 1965, Congress passed the International Education Act. In 1969, theU.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare published an influential report that called fordeveloping the capacity of students “to view the world system as a whole,” to comprehend “theinterrelatedness of the human species qua species,” and to think in ways that are “free from theinfluence of ethnocentric perceptions.”18

17

Lawrence A. Cremin, Popular Education and Its Discontents (New York: HarperCollins, 1990), p. 103.
James M. Becker, An Examination of the Goals, Needs, and Priorities in International Education in U.S.
Secondary and Elementary Schools (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, 1969),
pp. 268, 271.
18

The wave’s high-water mark came in 1978 with the publication of Robert Hanvey’s An
Attainable Global Perspective, which argued for a transition from “pre-global” to “global
consciousness.” That meant understanding that we live in an interconnected world anddeveloping what Hanvey called “perspective consciousness.” Hanvey suggested that students
needed to learn about political, ecological, economic, and cultural connections by studying
problems that cut across national boundaries. “Perspective consciousness” was “the awarenesson the part of the individual that he or she has a view of the world that is not universally shared,that this view of the world has been and continues to be shaped by influences that often escapeconscious detection, and that others have views of the world that are profoundly different fromone's own.”19
The Reagan administration dealt a direct blow to this era of international education in the
1980s, a decade that saw fierce contests over the meaning of “international” and “global” inschools. A 1986 U.S. Department of Education report, “Blowing the Whistle on Global
Education,” accused the movement of pacifism, anti-capitalism, and capitulation to foreign
enemies.20
The discourse of global perspective has resurfaced into today’s movement as a re-scalingof “multicultural education” from the nation to the globe. Knowledge, recognition, and respectfor diverse cultures are taken out of the national container and extended to peoples everywhere.
This approach wants to tackle the cultural provincialism and exceptionalism of American society
along with high school graduates’ slim knowledge of the world.
Here is an example of how this discourse shows up in today’s movement. Teachers at one
new public “international” middle school embrace “global perspective” as the school mission.
On the school’s web site, they display their objectives. Both perspective consciousness and theinterconnectedness of the world system are evident:

1. Global Challenges: Examine and evaluate global issues, problems, and challenges(e.g., students understand that global issues and challenges are interrelated,complex, and changing, and that most issues have a global dimension).

19

Robert G. Hanvey, An Attainable Global Perspective (New York: Center for Global Perspectives, 1978), p. 5.
Gregg L. Cunningham, Blowing the Whistle on Global Education (Denver: Regional Office, United States
Department of Education, 1986).

20



2. Culture and World Areas: Study human differences and commonalities (e.g., students
understand that members of different cultures view the world in different ways).
3. Global Connections: Analyze the connections between the United States and the world(e.g., students can describe how they are connected with the world historically,
politically, economically, technologically, socially, linguistically, andecologically).

IV – B. Cosmopolitanism
Another marginal discourse for international education boldly shifts territory to global
citizenship and, in so doing, raises questions about loyalty and identity.
In contrast to putting the nation first, cosmopolitanism puts humanity and Earth first. In abrief essay that has drawn wide attention, University of Chicago ethicist Martha Nussbaum
proposes a cosmopolitan education for students in American schools. She wants to transform
civic education so that children are taught not that they are, above all, citizens of the UnitedStates and stewards of its interests, but that “they are, above all, citizens of a world of humanbeings.”21
To identify oneself as a citizen of the world breaks the old habit of loyalty to a nation andbeing defined primarily or solely by local origins and membership. That frees us, she argues(quoting Seneca), to dwell instead “in two communities — the local community of our birth andthe community of human argument and aspiration that ‘is truly great and truly common, in which
we look neither to this corner nor to that, but measure the boundaries of our nation by the sun.’”22
If the global perspective approach to international education takes cultural education
beyond the national container, cosmopolitanism does the same for political education. It tackles
not only the problems of American provincialism and exceptionalism, but also nationalism.
World citizenship, after all, is more a political than a cultural concept. In most states, students are
required to recite the Pledge of Allegiance (to the nation, of course). The cosmopolitan schoolboard member will ask why students aren’t pledging allegiance to the larger civic community:
the human family. One school may express this by quietly dropping the morning pledge ritual;
21

Martha C. Nussbaum, For Love of Country? (Boston: Beacon, 2002), p. 6. See also Joel Spring’s cosmopolitan
proposal in A New Paradigm for Global School Systems: Education for a Long and Happy Life (Mahwah, N.J.:
Lawrence Erlbaum, 2007); and the study by Katharyne Mitchell and Walter C. Parker, “I Pledge Allegiance To. . . :Flexible Citizenship and Shifting Scales of Belonging,” Teachers College Record, 2008, pp. 775-804.
22
Ibid., p. 7.

another by adding a second, cosmopolitan pledge; another by stronger forms of environmental
education, teaching a course on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, or introducing
students to the International Red Cross curriculum on international humanitarian law.

IV – C. International Student Body
A third marginal approach returns the meaning of international education to culture but,in contrast to the global perspective, focuses squarely on the cultural composition of the school’s
student body. Some public “international” high schools serving high-need students in resourcestarved urban areas have created a form of international education built on the demographic
tapestry of the student body. Immigrant students, some of them refugees, add a new kind ofdiversity to the schools’ already diverse populations. School leaders creatively seize theopportunity and claim theirs are international schools because they have an international student
body.
Culture fairs showcase students’ home cultures. English language learning is advanced asa central mission of the school and is, in effect, reframed as international education. The stresses
on such schools — financial, the discourse of school failure, institutional racism — contribute tothis reframing. “International education” can be deployed to mobilize new resources and media
attention and, as one parent activist told me, “to attract market share back to the public schools.”
The main emphasis of the approach, as a district superintendent said, “is making students
and teachers aware of the diversity within their midst and finding ways to help them value thatand trace that to wherever it originated.” He continued:

Being a magnet for so many different kids to come together seems to me to be anadvantage. . . . You can’t avoid it. The kids are going to experience it on the playground,they’re going to experience it in the classroom, in the lunchroom, on the bus. They’regoing to see kids who are different from them. It becomes almost a way of living. Even
though kids may never leave this city, the world has come to them.23

V. Conclusion: A Solution on the Loose
23

Walter C. Parker and Stephen P. Camicia, “The New ‘International Education’ Movement in U.S. Schools: Civic
and Capital Intents, Local and Global Affinities.” Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American
Educational Research Association, New York, April 2008.

International education today is a broad movement containing, even in my limited study,
a disparate mix of meanings and motives. It is being deployed to bolster the nation’s economic
and military defenses, to liberate multiculturalism from its national container, to promote world
citizenship, and, in some urban schools, to take advantage of a vibrant immigrant population.
These are a handful of the alternatives curriculum planners will encounter when they consider
how to “internationalize” school programs. The first two add up to a national security discourse,which is backed by no less than the federal government, major foundations, the National
Academies, and the popular belief that the school system is broken. The other three aim in
different directions and are peripheral by virtue of lacking this kind of institutional power toadvance their goals. I have painted these five only in the broadest strokes, and no doubt there are
more.

Table 1
Some strong and weak meanings of “International Education” in U.S. schools today•

economic competitiveness: “International” education will revitalize the school system while ensuringthat the U.S. will retain (or if already lost, regain) its competitive edge in the new “flat” global
economy. Science and math are priorities.

•

military readiness: Teaching strategic languages in schools, K-12, will “make sure that America has
the language professionals necessary to defend our national security” (National Security Language
Act, 2003). Mandarin and Arabic are priorities.

•

global perspective: Rather than only knowing and respecting diversity within our nation, students
should know and respect the multitude of cultures on Earth. Multiculturalism is re-scaled from thenation to the globe, and some attention is paid to global connections and systems.

•

cosmopolitanism: It is time to shift students’ primary allegiance and locus of concern from the nation
to the human family and Earth—from national citizen to global citizen. Some versions trumpet“multiple identities” (national, ethnic, and global), others shift fully to global humanity.

•

student body: Immigration is putting the world in the classrooms, hallways, cafeteria, and playground.
Seizing the opportunity, an “international” school is formed on the basis of its “international” student
body. The cultural and linguistic diversity of students is prioritized.

The multiple discourses at play under the name “international education,” some powerful,some weak, provide educators with a golden opportunity: to decide how best to prepare children
and youth for a changing world. They can spread out the alternatives, weigh them against one
another, and determine which one or two, or some hybrid, shall stand as “international
education.”Deeply held values are woven into each of the alternatives, including conflicting
understandings of patriotism and competing visions of what schools are for. Disagreement isinevitable. Voting against House Bill 266 in Utah, which would have provided more funding for
the IB program in Utah’s schools, Sen. Margaret Dayton said she is “opposed to the antiAmerican philosophy that’s somehow woven into all the classes as they promote the U.N.
agenda.” Aligning herself with the first of the two national security discourses and clearly
against cosmopolitanism, she clarified: “I would like to have American citizens who know how
to function in a global economy, not global citizens.”24 Sen. Dayton’s antipathy to IB is in stark
contrast to the National Academies’ support for it, but both operate within the strong discourse of
economic competitiveness.
Is “international education” anchored somewhere? The short answer, looking through thewindow opened here, is “no.” It would be an oversimplification to assert that international
education In the United States today is nothing but a continuation of national defense education
under a misleading name. It is partly and strongly that, to be sure, but more accurate is to portraythe movement as plural and discordant. There are multiple meanings and practices underwritten
by multiple ideologies, and there is plenty of hype. International education in U.S. schools today
is a solution on the loose; it solves a variety of problems, serves an array of masters, andexpresses diverse and often conflicting values. There is no coherence to the movement, only anillusion conjured by the common use of a name.
That nationalism plays a starring role really shouldn’t surprise readers who, like me, were
expecting the movement’s centerpiece to be something different. As historians have madeabundantly clear, public schools everywhere have routinely served national purposes.25 In anation’s early years, the school system typically is devoted to developing a national community
unified by common beliefs and customs. Later, the system turns to reproducing these in
subsequent generations and making adjustments that are deemed necessary. International
education is caught up in this pattern. As economist Kenneth Boulding observed during thatearlier 1960s wave, the challenge is to24

Quoted in Ben Fulton, “Worldly Program Gets Avid Support,” Salt Lake Tribune, 23 February 2008, pp. A1, A6.
Andy Green, Education and State Formation: The Rise of Education Systems in England, France and the USA(London: Macmillan, 1990).
25develop an image of the world system which is at the same time realistic and also notthreatening to the folk cultures within which the school systems are embedded; for if
educators do not find a palatable formula, the ‘folk’ will revolt and seek to divert formal
education once again into traditional channels.26

Because my sample of schools, activists, and media was limited and not random, thefindings reported here cannot be generalized to the entirety of the current “international
education” movement in U.S. schools. My interest was to find and clarify a set of actuallyexisting alternatives in hopes of expanding the universe of possibilities that educators might
consider when deciding what curricular action to take. Only with some clarity about the various
and at times conflicting aims of so-called “international education” can they hope to make wise
curriculum decisions. Ultimately, my purpose here was to create space for thinking seriously
about how education about the world is proceeding, and might otherwise proceed, in the publicschools of the U.S. and other nations. Must citizenship education be forever tied to the nationstate? Can it be re-scaled to the world? These are my closing questions.

Walter C. Parker is Professor of Education and Adjunct Professor of Political Science at the
University of Washington. His books include Renewing the Social Studies Curriculum (ASCD,
1991), Educating the Democratic Mind (State University of New York Press, 1996), Education
for Democracy (Information Age, 2002), Teaching Democracy (Teachers College Press, 2003)
and Social Studies in Elementary Education 13th ed. (Allyn & Bacon, 2009). Forthcoming from
Routledge is Social Studies Today: Research and Practice.

26

Kenneth Boulding, “Education for Spaceship Earth,” Social Education, November 1968, p. 650.



Developing Citizenship Skills through Deliberative Discussions:
Exploring a Practice/Action Distinction

Carol J. Coe, University of Washington
Paper presented at Kobe University, November 2008
Abstract
To function effectively, a democratic society needs a knowledgeable and skilled citizenry. Publicschools in the United States are charged with meeting this demand. But how best to do so? This paper
explores one possible avenue, the use of deliberative discussions in the high school classroom. In aneffort to better understand the deliberative process, I conducted a comparative case study of two typesof deliberative discussions: deliberations used primarily for skill development or practice anddeliberations used primarily to decide a course of action. Two questions provide the focus for thisresearch: (1) What differences, if any, are there between deliberations that are used for practice (tobuild democratic skills) and deliberations that are used not only to build democratic skills but also totake action (to decide and implement policy)? (2) Does the oral impotence of a “practice-only”
deliberation or the oral empowerment of a “practice-and-action” deliberation make a difference tostudents? The results of this study inform our understanding of the deliberative process in general andthe practice/action distinction in particular.
I. Introduction: A Dearth of Discussion
John Hughes’ 1986 film “Ferris Bueller’s Day Off” is a classic satire of the American highschool. One scene depicts a particularly grotesque classroom. Student apathy is pervasive. The wellmeaning but pedagogically challenged teacher tries to engage his students in discussion. Failing to
get any responders to his plea (“Anyone? Anyone?”), time after time he ends up answering his own
questions. Ferris Bueller’s classroom, though fictional, is not the kind of educational environmentthat we want for our students. Instead we hope for classrooms in which a lively exchange of ideas is
a common occurrence. Rather than a room filled by the monotone droning of a teacher and thestultifying silence of students, we hope for an atmosphere of eager engagement in which diverse
opinions and multiple ideas provide solid evidence that democratic skill building and citizen
preparation are underway. At least at an intuitive level academics and educators agree that
deliberative discussion, when used effectively, can promote learning.
But is the absence of lively classroom discussions problematic? Some scholars would claim
it is, suggesting that our democratic form of government requires a citizenry trained in effective
ways to talk (Allen, Gibson, 2001). Parker (1989) posits that “[o]pen, free, authentic talk is the coinof participatory citizenship” (p. 354), so without discussion among its citizens, democracy
degenerates. Parker makes clear that asking students to engage in deliberative discussions ofcontroversial issues is one of the most rigorous forms of education available and one of the best
preparations for “the reasoned argumentation of democratic living” (Parker, 2005, p. 350).
Support for moving beyond a stand-and-deliver pedagogy and its accompanying student
passivity can be found in the work of progressive educators and their belief that experiential
education is an important element in relevant and lasting learning. Barber (1989) argues for
programs that empower students “through decision-making processes, that give them practicalpolitical experience, and that make them responsible for developing public forms of talk and civic
forms of judgment (p. 355). He further suggests that such a curriculum “will be a powerfulincentive to citizenship, for it will provide an education that is aimed not only at participation but
works through participation” (p. 355).
In Talking to Strangers Danielle Allen builds a compelling case for "a habit of citizenship”
that would have deliberation at its core. By “talking to strangers”—by discussing a problem throughto a mutually accepted decision—we can, Allen believes, revitalize our democratic citizenry.
Deliberation is a strikingly practical technique for establishing a “habit of citizenship” in theclassroom. The subjective dimension of everyday school life provides multiple possibilities for
instilling in the young “the habit of political friendship,” possibilities for deliberations in which they
can practice this citizenly talk. If schools were to provide such practice, perhaps at graduation
students would enter adult society primed for their role as informed and active citizens.
The International Education Association (IEA) Civic Education Study (Torney-Purta,
2002b) concluded its research by stating: “An ideal civic education experience in a democracy
should enable students to . . . be comfortable in participating in respectful discussion of importantand potentially controversial issues” (p. 203).
Sadly, the “ideal civic education experience” which the IEA study proposes is virtually nonexistent in American schools. The Ferris Bueller spoof is not far from classroom truth. An
examination of the educational landscape of American high schools reveals a dearth of classroom
discussion (Cazden, 2001; B. E. Larson, & Parker, W. C., 1996; Oakes, 2005b). Oakes (2005a)
makes the point that most U.S. classrooms are passive, “non-involving” places rather than active,
engaging ones. She writes that in the 25 classrooms she and her colleagues observed, “passive
activities . . . were dominant [and] the opportunities students had in any group of classes to answer
open-ended questions, to work in cooperative learning groups, to direct the classroom activity, or tomake decisions about what happened in class were extremely limited. In most classes these things
just did not happen at all” (p. 129, emphasis added). The reality is that there is now and always has
been a dearth of discussion in our schools (Boler, 2004; Cazden, 2001; Haroutunian-Gordon, 1991;
Hess, 2004; B. E. Larson, Parker, W.C., 1996; Simon, 2001). This being the case, students may
leave high school ill equipped for effective citizenship, having had little or no practice in discussing
controversial issues with their peers (Barber, 1989; M. Boler, 2004; Haroutunian-Gordon, 1991).
Since talk is an essential skill for citizens of a democracy, the overall lack of democratic skillbuilding through deliberation and other forms of discussion in our public schools hardly seems wise
(Barber, 1989; W. C. Parker, 2006).
In America calls for more classroom discussion, dialogue, deliberation, and debate arenothing new (Apple, 1995; Gutmann, 1987; Sleeter, 2004). In fact, recommendations for more
frequent use of classroom discussion abound (Allen, 2006; Kelly, 1989). Parker (2003) argues that“dialogue plays an essential and vital role in democratic education, moral development, and public
policy” (xviii). In a later article Parker (2005) posits that “[e]ngaging students in deliberations ofacademic controversies is arguably the most rigorous approach to disciplinary education available. .
. . At the same time, such engagement prepares them for the reasoned argumentation of democratic
living” (p. 350). In spite of such recommendations, discussion remains one of the least usededucational strategies (Barber, 1989; Hess, 2004). Clearly, our commitment to this particular
democratic skill is more one of lip service than actual practice.
Since deliberation is a requisite skill for effective citizenship (Goldfarb, 1998; W. C. Parker,2005) and a requirement for a healthy democracy (Mendelberg, 2000), an examination ofdeliberation may prove beneficial to teachers who are always in search of a better educative activity
or a more effective pedagogy and to scholars who, according to Mendelberg and Oleske (2000),“know little about how deliberation in fact works” (p. 169). My research attempts to change that; itoffers a close examination of the process of deliberation as it occurs among high school students
who have little formal training in discussion. Further, it provides insights into the meaning that
deliberations have for them.
II. Deliberative Discussion and the Practice/Action Distinction
In my study I focus on one form of discussion – the practice of deliberation – examining it
as a pedagogical tool for citizen preparation and trying to better understand it, especially from thestudent point of view.

What separates deliberation from other forms of discussion? Gastil (2008) offers a shorthanddefinition of deliberation, stating that people deliberate when “they carefully examine a problem
and arrive at a well-reasoned solution after a period of inclusive, respectful consideration ofdiverse points of view” (p. 6, emphasis in original). To qualify as deliberation, then, various claims
or various ideas must be given a fair hearing. Parker (2006) draws a distinction between
deliberations and other classroom discussions, particularly seminars, and notes that deliberations are
discussions for the purpose of making a decision about what a community should do. Consistent
with Gastil’s and Parker’s conception of deliberation, I use the term deliberation to mean any
discussion in which the participants consider more than one policy option as they attempt to reach adecision. My exploration of deliberation focuses on its process, studying the interactions andargumentation that occur as students work their way forward toward a decision.
An examination of classroom deliberation reveals at least two distinct purposes: (1) one fordemocratic skill development or practice, and (2) one to decide a course of action. Practicedeliberations are meant to prepare students for effective citizenship. This is most often attempted byasking students to deliberate on controversial issues. They are expected to discuss different
alternatives, giving each a careful hearing, and then reach a decision on what the best alternative is.
Their decision is hypothetical, merely the end result of a discussion that offers practice in criticalthinking. Students experience no consequences, no repercussions, because their decision is not put
into place. Their decision does not affect policy. On the other hand, deliberations that call for
decision-making action give students a voice in an authentic process. This moves the deliberationfrom a hypothetical or theoretical plane and places it firmly in the discussion-for-action category ofauthentic decision-making. Once enacted, proposals have various effects or consequences.
With this practice/action distinction in mind, I examined the following two questions:(1) What differences, if any, are there between deliberations that are used for practice (to build
democratic skills) and deliberations that are used not only to build democratic skills but also to takeaction (to decide and implement policy)? (2) Does the oral impotence of a “practice-only”
deliberation or the oral empowerment of a “practice-and-action” deliberation make a difference tostudents?
III. Methods
In order to better understand the distinction between deliberations for “practice only” anddeliberations for “practice and action,” I conducted a study of four deliberations that occurred in thesocio-cultural setting of a high school classroom. I focused on both the argumentation andinteraction that occurred during the process of deliberation and the meaning the deliberation had forthe students who participated in it. Therefore, both the actual deliberations and the reflections ofstudent participants were used to inform my understanding of the deliberative process.
Setting: Although deliberation of any kind is rare in most high schools, when it does occur,
it usually happens in the confines of a single classroom. Therefore, I wanted to locate myobservations in the socio-cultural setting of the classroom. The deliberations I observed took place
at East Bay High School1 located on the campus of Berkwald Community College. The students
who choose to attend East Bay do so knowing that they will be taking some college classes while inhigh school. The students who choose to attend East Bay are probably not typical of high school
students as a whole; they may have higher than average motivation and a greater interest in
obtaining a college degree.
East Bay is in its second year of operation. During its first year, a single class of 35
freshmen was enrolled. During its second year, another class of freshmen was added, so the school
enrollment stands at a relatively stable 70 students. This year a new freshman class will be added
and that number will grow to over 100. In its fourth year of operation, the plan is to cap enrollment
at 140 students in grades nine through twelve. East Bay draws from an economically stable, middleclass population. Many of its students come from a home-school environment, and East Bay is theirfirst exposure to a public-school education. Many choose it, they admit in their pre-enrollment
interviews and essays, because they do not feel comfortable or would not fit in at a traditional
comprehensive high school. In many cases, these students are not “socially adept.” They have had avery limited exposure to life beyond their local area, which is known as one of the whitest counties
in all of California. Therefore, the demographic fact that 99% of the students at East Bay are whiteshould come as no surprise.
Participants: The participants in the deliberations were ninth- and tenth-grade students
enrolled at East Bay. The size of each discussion group hovered between 15 and 20 students. In
addition to listening to students during the deliberations, I also interviewed six student participants
four weeks after the deliberations. This allowed time for the deliberations to be transcribed andavailable for their analysis and observations. Since these particular students were asked to examine,reflect on, and respond to transcripts of their previous deliberations, they served as informants,
helping to deepen my thinking and aid my understanding of the deliberative process from a
student’s point of view.
1 East Bay and all other names used in this study are pseudonyms.

Selecting East Bay as a site for my study was a practical and expedient choice because theprincipal and teachers allowed me to hold the four deliberations during the school’s advisory time.
Since few classrooms would provide a setting in which I could observe regularly scheduled
deliberations, my selection is a clear case of purposeful sampling (Patton, 2002). I believe thebenefits of using a school in which the deliberations were not only allowed but scheduled for“researcher convenience” outweighed any possible drawbacks. I made this decision in much thesame way that Mitra (2003) conducts in her “student voice” work. She chooses a sample based on
how representative it is of the concept of student voice rather than how representative it is of schoolsites. If I had not chosen East Bay and worked with the principal and staff to schedule thedeliberations on a specific day and class period, I could have ended up observing for days at a time
without ever getting to see a deliberative discussion. Such was the experience of Cazden (2001) as
she studied classroom discourse. Since I used the criterion of “availability of deliberative
discussions” in choosing my research site, I make no attempt to generalize my findings to otherschool settings.
Data Collection2: Four deliberative discussions served as the foundation of this study. In
addition, I gathered 48 written responses from student participants (reflections on the deliberations),
and I interviewed six students, asking them to reflect on the experience and examine various
portions of the transcripts. The four deliberations were designed to study the practice-action
distinction. Two deliberations were designated as practice-only (for democratic skill-building); thetopic under consideration was global terrorism.3 The other two deliberations were designated as
deliberations for practice-and-action because the decisions that were reached would be put into
effect. In the deliberations for practice-and-action the students had been given instructions (andpermission of the principal) to develop guidelines for holding future discussions of controversial
issues. It was up to the students to propose, decide, and enforce the guidelines.

2 In setting up my research design I was aware that answers to my central question (What differences, if any, are there

between classroom deliberations for practice only and deliberations for practice and action?) might differ considerably,
depending on whom I asked. I was especially interested in the opinions of students. What meaning did they make of
their participation in these two types of deliberative discussions? Students may view the deliberations differently than
do their teachers or other adult observers. Because of my interest in student voice, I attempted to learn from all student
participants. Both written responses and interviews were important in helping me understand the deliberative processfrom the student point of view. In this manner, I was attempting to follow the example set by Glesne (2006), who
expresses a desire to locate some of her research “with and not on others” (p. 2, emphasis in original). I share thatdesire, and consequently, it influences my research and my findings.
3 The materials used for this deliberation (Responding to Terrorism: Challenges for Democracy) were adapted from
Choices for the 21st Century Education Program, a program of the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown
University. The materials may be accessed online at <www.choices.edu>.
My primary methods of data collection were ethnographic in nature (Glesne, 2006). I used
observation, interviews, and questionnaires:
1. Observation of the deliberations: Data were gathered from four deliberations. Each deliberation
had approximately 15 to 20 students participants, although not every participant chose to speak
during the actual deliberation. The deliberations were audio-taped4 and transcribed (Bogdan, 2007),and the transcripts were coded and studied in much the same way as Cazden (2001) looks atclassroom discourse.
2. Written Reflections: During a follow-up visit to East Bay, students were asked to write short
responses to several questions. These written reflections were used to further investigate themeaning that students made of their participation in the deliberative discussion process, helping me
better understand the practice-action distinction from the students’ points of view. All students who
participated in the deliberation were invited to respond to these open-ended prompts (Maxwell,2005). This collection of reflections written by the student discussants provided insight into thestudents’ feelings and beliefs about their participation in the deliberations and their perceptions andinterpretations of the deliberations.
3. Interviews: During my follow-up visit I conducted six semi-structured interviews (Opie, 2004)
with a purposeful sample drawn from the field of student participants (Patton, 2002). These
interviews were audio-taped and subsequently transcribed. During the interviews participants wereshown transcripts of their deliberations and asked to further reflect on their meaning; thus students
served as informants as well as subjects, since they were asked to reflect on and respond to previous
deliberations. This decision was in keeping with my original intent to understand deliberation fromthe students’ points of view or perspectives. The selection of students was intentional rather thanrandom: I interviewed three males and three females representing high, medium, and low
deliberative participation and a range of academic abilities. Open-ended questions were used toelicit student beliefs about the similarities and differences they observed in the two types ofdeliberations.

4 I audio-taped the deliberations in an attempt to increase student anonymity. No student names were connected to anyof the deliberations. In the transcriptions and coding students are referred to by numbers rather than names or
pseudonyms. In fact, I don’t even know their names. This student anonymity allowed me to focus on the words thatwere said and the ideas that were presented in the deliberations. However, it did limit my understanding of some of theinteractions that ensued. At times during my transcription of the data I would have liked to know some of the nonverbal reactions to what someone was saying. Ultimately, I was satisfied with the decision I made to use only voicedata. It forced me to focus my analysis on the content of a student’s ideas and arguments, a focus which was sufficientfor this initial exploratory work.

Data Analysis: To analyze my data I used ideas gleaned from Gastil (2008), Horn (2007), Toulmin(1958), and Gee (2005). First, I examined the deliberations as a whole. Using criteria developed by
Gastil (2006a) that identify the “ideal deliberation,” I considered both the analytic and the social
processes of deliberation. According to Gastil, an “ideal deliberation” has a five-part analytic
process containing (1) a solid information base; (2) key values; (3) a broad range of solutions; (4)the weighing of pros, cons, and tradeoffs among solutions; and (5) a “best possible” solution.
Additionally, an “ideal deliberation” has a four-part social process containing (1) adequately
distributed speaking opportunities; (2) mutual comprehension; (3) the consideration of everyone’s
ideas and experiences; and (4) respectful communication.
Influenced by the work of Horn (2007), especially her development of the unit of analysis
that she calls “episodes of pedagogical reasoning” or EPRs, I broke the transcripts into “units ofargumentation” or UAs. Not everything that was said in the deliberations could be classified as
UAs; however, as students attempted to explain or justify their positions, the vast majority of what
was said did fit this category. Once the UAs had been identified, I analyzed them using anargumentation taxonomy developed by British philosopher, Stephen Toulmin (S. E. Toulmin, 2003)
in 1958. Using his categories of claim, data, and warrant, each argument (or claim) was dissected so
its strength and validity could be assessed.
I also attempted a rudimentary discourse analysis (S. Florio-Ruane, & Morrell, E., 2004;
Gee, 2005) of the deliberations. Based especially on the discourse analysis work of Gee (2005), I
asked several questions of the data. First, I asked how the discourse in the two different types ofdeliberation were “enacted.” Was one type of deliberation more “schoolish” than the other? Were
the students “enacting” their identities differently from one deliberation to another? What did thedata tell me about what students felt was “normal,” “right,” “good,” “correct,” “proper” (or the
opposite) in a deliberation? What kinds of language were privileged or predominated (e.g.,technical, everyday)? What kinds of evidence were privileged or predominated (e.g., statistical,
expert opinion, personal experience)? What types of elaborations were privileged or predominated(e.g., words, images)? How were claims made? How were lines of argument developed? Whatpersuasive “turns” were evident in the deliberations?
Data Quality and Limitations: The data I gathered have allowed me to begin an initial
exploration of the deliberative discussion process and the practice/action distinction. However, thedata are limited. First of all, the four deliberations I chose for analysis were all conducted in one
school, a school that has virtually no racial and very little economic diversity. This limitation mayhave provided me with a skewed understanding of what goes on in a deliberation. Given a larger
basis of comparison—deliberations from several different schools and more racially and ethnicallydiverse student populations—I might find significant differences in the deliberations.
As with any ethnographic study, there is a danger of researcher subjectivity. My study is no
exception. I tried hard to stay objective. I worried that collecting data at a school in which I had
worked might affect student behavior as they tried to “please the teacher.” I worried that myknowledge of the students might also affect how I read the data. I decided to locate my research in aschool in another state, at a school where I had no pre-conceived ideas of the various student
participants. My positionality to the students was as an outsider, viewed (it seemed) as someone
they did not need to impress. They were able to talk about the discussion topics without worrying“what Mrs. Coe will think.” I wasn’t grading them. In fact, my presence had no effect on theirgrades in any way. Their behavior appeared authentic; they had nothing to gain or lose from how
they behaved in the discussion circle.
IV. Findings
The central finding of this study is that differences exist between deliberations for practice(to build democratic skills) and deliberations for practice-and-action (to decide and enact decisions).
At first, this may seem intuitively obvious. Clearly, in this particular study the practice-action
distinction was built into the deliberations. In the deliberations on terrorism, the discussants were
well aware of the fact that any decision they reached would have no impact on local, national, orinternational policies of any kind. They voiced their opinions, presented evidence in support ofthose opinions, and grappled with one another’s ideas, but they knew that this was merely aclassroom exercise. In the deliberations concerning the policies for controversial issues, thediscussants were equally aware that they had been empowered to decide the policies and that theywould be expected to live with the decision(s) they reached. Therefore, it is not surprising to finddifferences emerging from these two processes; however, the exact nature of those differences was
impossible to predict before the data were analyzed. After data analysis several themes emerged. In
this lecture I will list five of them but, in the interest of time, discuss just two.
Theme #1. Analytic and social processes vary between the two types of deliberation.
Using Gastil’s (2006) analytic and social process criteria, I looked at each deliberation as acase. First, I considered the deliberations in light of his five-part analytic process criteria: (1) a solid
information base, (2) key values, (3) a broad range of solutions, (4) the weighing of pros, cons, andtradeoffs among solutions, and (5) a “best possible” solution. Specific differences soon came tolight. The information base used by the students for the practice deliberations was almost
exclusively academic in nature. The students cited information from the Choices curriculum thatthey had been provided. Consequently, the information they used came from “outside” themselves.
By contrast, the information base for the action deliberations was entirely personal in nature. When
information was offered by the students, it consisted of stories or analogies used in an attempt tosupport their points of view. That information came from “inside” the students’ lives. An
illustration of this phenomenon is the student who chose to personally reveal information about
herself to help support her claim that Internet conversations “can get so out of hand”:
If you use Internet responsibly, it's fine. Like sometimes it can get so out of hand. I
know that personally I am not a good face-to-face kind of person. I am always reallyworried that they're going to get mad at me—that's just me—but I know that I can't dothings face-to-face very well, but if I'm online, then I'm just like hey, ya know, and thenwhatever happens happens. But I'm not worried that they're gonna’ whack me oranything. (laughter)
This “information from inside” phenomenon is further illustrated by a second example,
this one from a student who is offering support for her claim that “being mean can sometimes
help a person change behavior.” She uses a personal anecdote:
Sometimes like I'll be teasing my mom, and I'll think that it's fun, and I think she's goingalong with it. I'll think it's all cool and I'll be like . . . ha ha . . . Mom, make me a sandwich,and she’s like “I don't feel good,” and I'm like, “It's your job. Make me a sandwich, likemake me a chicken pot pie, b-word.” And then she's like (student giggles), “You are beingrude” and then she calls ME the b-word, and then I'm like “Wow, that hurt!” And thenmaybe I shouldn't call her the b-word, and “I'm sorry mom.” But if she answers like “Alicia,
I really don't appreciate it,” I'd be like . . . “ha ha, you're fat,” and “Alicia, I don't like theway you're talking to me!” and I'd be like . . . “ha ha, you have grey hair!” (several students
laugh)
That type of personal example was used frequently during the “practice-and-action” action
deliberations but was used only once during the “practice-only” deliberations, when a student wastrying to argue against an isolationist stance that another student had proposed. To give support toher claim, she offered this analogy:Just letting them [other countries] fight their fight sometimes isn't the smartest idea because
once they are done fighting their fight with them, they come after you or the person that ison the side. If you've ever played Risk or any of those games—I always played it with mybrother—and my brothers, actually—and they would fight against each other, and then theywould go against me after they were done, and then, like okay, let's combine forces because
I was building up my force. So it's pretty much if you . . . if you put yourself in isolation orsomething—someone's gonna come along and—no matter what—I'm saying that if you put
yourself in an area and don't actually care what's going around you, it usually comes back tohurt you.
Another analytic part of the deliberation process, according to Gastil (2006), is the range ofsolutions that are offered in a deliberation. Are different solutions, ones expressing bothconservative and liberal positions, expressed? Is there a range of solutions that include both middleof-the-road and more extreme positions? Here again I found differences between the two types ofdeliberation. In the “practice-only” deliberations the students expressed a variety of different
positions, ranging from an isolationist to a one-world stance. In the “practice-and-action”
deliberation students struggled to articulate any variety at all. A kind of groupthink emerged withstudents agreeing that discussions should be respectful and that freedom of speech should beallowed, but they failed to look for differences as to where they would draw their personal lines.
Most often, they merely restated the importance of respect, for example, rather than introducing a
new or different position. Consequently, they never moved beyond these general platitudes to begin
hammering out a specific policy for the discussion of controversial issues at their school.
The three remaining analytic processes (values, weighing of pros and cons, and solutions)showed similarities between the two types of deliberation. In both cases values were implied but
seldom articulated, the weighing of pros and cons was minimal, and time was up—the discussions
were stopped—before solutions had been decided. Using Gastil’s analytic criteria, neither type ofdeliberation taken as a whole would be considered strong. Potential conflicts over values wereignored as were attempts to argue against someone else’s position. Students tended to offer theirown arguments in favor of their position but seemed unable to mount a serious challenge against
someone else’s argument. The overall effect was one of several alternating monologues. Table #1
summarizes the analytic process similarities and differences between deliberations for practice anddeliberations for action.

Table #1. Analytic Processes of Practice and Action Deliberations
Process Gastil’s Criteria

A
n
a
l
y
t
i
c

Practice-Only
Deliberations

Practice-and-Action
Deliberations

Information BaseAcademic

Personal

Key Values

ImpliedImpliedRange of Solutions

Sufficient

Lacking

Weighing Pros & Cons

MinimalMinimalSolution

Incomplete

Incomplete

Using Gastil’s (2006) analytic and social process criteria, I also analyzed the four-part social
process of deliberation, which contains (1) adequately distributed speaking opportunities, (2) mutualcomprehension, (3) consideration of everyone’s ideas and experiences, and (4) respect. As with theanalytic processes, here again there were both similarities and differences between the two types ofdeliberation. In both cases, there were sufficient opportunities for everyone who wanted to speak tohave his or her turn. In both cases, the deliberations were marked by attempts at respectful
discussion. Students listened to one another, and when they were talking, they addressed the entire
group rather than initiating a “side bar” conversation. Differences between the two deliberative
cases occurred with the two remaining criteria: mutual comprehension and consideration of ideas.
With both, there was a stark contrast between “practice-only” and “practice-and-action”
deliberations. For example, in the “practice-only” deliberation no checking for understanding ofanother’s viewpoint occurred. It is impossible to say, based on the transcripts alone, why this was
the case. Perhaps it was because students felt they already understood all the comments that werebeing made. Perhaps it was because they were more invested in what their peers said during the“practice-and-action” deliberation; perhaps with a forthcoming decision on the line that would
affect their school lives, they felt the need to make sure they understood one another. Regardless of
the reason(s), students frequently asked one another what they thought. Care was taken to include
all voices in the conversation. Several times students who had not yet participated were invited toshare an idea or opinion.
Another difference between the two types of deliberation came with the consideration ofideas. In the “practice-only” deliberation students seemed willing to occasionally disagree with one
another’s positions. Limited consideration of a couple of different ideas surfaced, but not enough toclaim that the consideration of ideas was sufficient. On the other hand, during the “practice-andaction” deliberations, there was no clash between ideas whatsoever. It was as though the group hada tacit agreement to let any statement go unchallenged. The reason(s) for this reticence are not clear.
Additional data would need to be collected to hypothesize about the possible causes. As was
mentioned previously, both deliberations were respectful. However, turn-taking and invitations into
the discussion were more obvious in the “practice-and-action” deliberation. In fact, there wereoccasions in these deliberations for respectful silences. No such silences occurred in the “practiceonly” deliberations. Each time a person finished speaking, another was quick to jump in—not with acomment that built on what had just been said, but rather with a brand new idea or argument. Table#2 summarizes the social process similarities and differences between deliberations for practice anddeliberations for action.

Table #2. Analytic Processes of Practice and Action Deliberations
Process Gastil’s Criteria

S
o
c
i
a
l

Practice-Only
Deliberations

Practice-and-Action
Deliberations

Speaking Opportunities

SufficientSufficient

Mutual Comprehension

Not Attempted

Attempted

Consideration of Ideas

Insufficient with some clash

Insufficient with no clash

Respect

SufficientSufficient

Theme #2. The amount and use of data to build an argument vary between the two types ofdeliberation.
The data clearly indicate that deliberations for practice only more closely conform tostandard forms for argumentation (Cappella, 2002; S. E. Toulmin, 2003) than do deliberations forpractice and action. They were by no means complete in their argumentation, but more often thannot, an effort had been made by the student to provide some support in the form of evidence or
example for the claim he or she was making. So, for example, if a student asserted that “countries
other than the U.S. experience terrorism,” he supplied examples of terrorist acts directed against
both France and Britain. In other words, he offered evidence—what Toulmin (2003) calls data—to
support his claim. If a student asserted that the United States should act in conjunction with theUnited Nations, she provided support for that position—by suggesting that such a position would
reduce the drain on U.S. resources and increase our military strength.
This attempt to provide data in support of various claims occurred frequently in the deliberations forpractice. However, data were most always missing when claims were made in the deliberations foraction.
The four arguments chosen for inclusion in Table #3 are typical of the larger body ofarguments contained in the transcript. Claims were made. If the deliberation was for practice only,
often those claims were backed up with data of some kind (evidence, examples, stories, analogies,
illustrations, etc.). Most of the claims made during the deliberations for practice and action were
presented without accompanying data. Warrants of any kind were seldom made explicit. If no data
were presented in the argument, then of course a warrant is not possible either (since the warrant iswhat ties the data to the claim). Table #3 illustrates this theme.
Table #3. Analysis of Argumentation: Claims, Data, Warrants
Practice-Only Deliberation
UA Claim#1
Terrorism is not just directed against
the U.S.
Data
France and Britain have been attacked
Warrant(No warrant stated)

Practice-and-Action Deliberation
UA Claim#3
Discussing ideas and beliefs is how we
grow
Data
(No data offered)
Warrant(No warrant possible)

UA
#2

UA
#4

Claim
We should go with the United Nations
Data
Limits drain on resources; gives us
bigger army
Warrant(No warrant stated)Claim
We should review the ground rules
Data(No data offered)
Warrant(No warrant possible)

Other themes that emerged include the following:
Theme #3. The level of student engagement varies between the two types of deliberation withgreater engagement resulting during “practice-and-action” deliberations.
Theme #4. A disconnect exists between the deliberations with stronger arguments and thedeliberations that students claim have stronger arguments.5
5This theme requires an operationalization of the term “stronger arguments.” For the purpose of this study,“stronger arguments” are arguments with some support (or data) rather than no support (or data) to back up their claims.
Thus, if a student makes a claim that he/she supports with some kind of data, that will (by definition) be a stronger
argument than one in which no support is offered. Using this fairly standard assessment of argument strength, we realize
from the findings of Theme #2 that deliberations for practice consistently had stronger arguments presented than didTheme #5. A disconnect exists between the deliberations with stronger arguments and thedeliberations considered more engaging by the students. 6
Themes #4 and #5 are, for me, the most perplexing and the most intriguing of all the ideas toemerge from this study. The disconnect between the quality of the deliberations, on the one hand,
and the students’ belief in both their quality and their appeal on the other, startled me. As aclassroom teacher who facilitated hundreds of discussions during my 35-year teaching career, I held
frequent classroom deliberations, some for practice only and some for practice and action. It didn’t
occur to me at the time that I might be sacrificing discussion quality to buy some increases instudent interest and engagement. It didn’t occur to me, either, that the skill-building that I knew was
occurring as we practiced deliberation might not transfer over to other types of deliberation. A
follow-up study could explore the differences that engagement (either intellectual or emotional) canplay in shaping one’s experience. In what ways can deliberation become both intellectually rigorousand emotionally satisfying?
V. Conclusion: Research Recommendations
Because my study was limited to deliberative discussions at one high school, the findings
reported here cannot be generalized to deliberations in other high schools across the United States.
However, based on this preliminary work, I believe additional research is warranted, and I would
like to suggest three areas for additional exploration.
First, I propose to study the deliberative process among students from culturally diverse
and/or traditionally marginalized populations. Since the issue of student voice is at the heart ofdeliberation, cultural influences that may shape a student’s willingness or affinity to talk could playa significant role in how that student participates. Culture has such a powerful impact on shaping
behavior that its effects are certainly worthy of examination.
deliberations for action. That’s why Theme #4 came as such a surprise to me. I had already analyzed the data when I
met with students to conduct interviews. I already “knew” that the practice-only deliberations contained a far greaternumber of strong arguments (i.e., claims backed by data) than did the practice-and-action deliberations. And then as I
interviewed the students, one after another told me how much better or stronger or more powerful the deliberations forpractice-and-action were. I pressed them to explain what made these deliberations stronger, and their responses madeclear that they were basing their decisions not on a traditional assessment of argument strength (e.g. Toulmin, 2003, orCappella, 2002) but on the level of engagement that they remembered experiencing.
6 Applying the same operationalized definition of “stronger arguments” that I used in Theme #4, the data show anegative correlation between the deliberations with stronger arguments and the deliberations that most engaged thestudents. Data indicate that students believed that the deliberations for practice and action were significantly moreengaging that the deliberations for practice only. In the interviews and written responses not one student reported thatthe practice-only deliberations were more engaging. On the other hand, well over half of the students responding to a
generic question about differences between the two types of deliberation chose to comment on the greater involvement
and engagement during the practice-and-action deliberations.
Second, I propose to study the effects of status differences on the deliberative process.
American high schools are notorious as places in which friendship groups can morph quickly into
powerful cliques that sort and separate students by “popular” and “unpopular” designations. Suchstatus differences may have a sizable impact on the deliberation process. Literature on small grouppractice theorizes that the participation of one or two high-status members in a group can lead to
discussions that are less open and less balanced in participation than groups with member ofrelatively equal status (Humphreys, 1981).
Third, I propose to study the effects of participation in the deliberative process over time.
The deliberations that were held at East Bay were conducted over the course of a two-day period.
The students were new to the deliberative process. However, if given a regular diet of discussion,
the students might very well deliberate in a more sophisticated manner. Their argumentation
techniques might improve with practice. So a question for future research is what effects, if any,occur as students receive training and practice in deliberation over the course of an entire school
year?
Clearly, there is still much to learn about deliberation in general and about the practiceaction distinction in particular. My study is one attempt to shine a light on the deliberative process.
While such information cannot help the pedagogically challenged teacher of Ferris Bueller’sclassroom, it may serve as a point of discussion and possibility for those teachers who participate in
the daily challenges of real high school classrooms and who work to turn inexperienced andimmature teenagers into seasoned and effective citizens.

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Horn, I. S. (2007). Fast kids, slow kids, lazy kids: Framing the mismatch problem in mathematics
teachers' conversations. The Journal of the Learning Sciences, 16(1), 37-79.
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Carol Coe is a doctoral student in the College of Education at the University of Washington, Seattle.
Her work focuses on citizenship education, particularly deliberative discussions in high schoolclassrooms. During her 35-year classroom career Ms. Coe taught high school social studies andlanguage arts. As a member of the National School Reform Faculty, she has also worked with adultlearners, most recently engaging in collaborative assessment of student work. She has published adozen articles on teaching and learning and been a regular presenter at state and national education
conferences.

Walter Parker"Structured Academic Controversy" (SAC)

Description
This is an ambitious yet feasible form of instruction that helps students (a) join anddiscuss academic controversies that are at the heart of a course curriculum, (b) learn to deliberatecontroversies in groups, and (c) learn to take and defend positions. (d) If writing is added as theculminating activity/homework, then persuasive writing becomes the fourth objective.
Procedure: 1
1. Introduction.
1a. Tell students the academic, social (group process), and higher-order thinking (HOT) objectives.
1b. Display the materials needed: Background Information, Point, Counterpoint
1c. Give an overview of the procedure.
2. Pair/Team assignments. Assign each student to a pair, and two pairs to a team.
2a. Display pair and team assignments on a poster or transparency.
2b. Students meet in teams and choose a team name.
3. Pairs Study and Prepare.
3a. Pairs independently study the handout labeled Background Introduction and, below this, the controversial
issue stated as a question (e.g., Background Information: Should Britain Return the Elgin Marbles to Greece?)
It introduces the controversial issue and should be no longer than 1-3 pages.
3b. Pairs study the position to which they have been assigned: the point or the counterpoint. The position, withsupporting arguments, is stated on a handout of 1-2 pages, the pair’s task is either to do additional research on
the issue and this position or to go directly to 3c.
3c. Each pair prepares a presentation that it will make to the other pair in the team. In this presentation, the pairstates its position on the controversial issue and argues for it. Prompt students to develop multiple lines ofreasoning to support their positions. Allow for additional research if needed.
4. Teams.
4a. Pairs present positions and supporting arguments to one another.
4b. Pairs reverse positions, feeding back each other’s position and reasoning to the other’s satisfaction (provingthat each pair has listened and understood the other pair’s presentation).
4c. Teams discuss the issue.
4d. Teacher invites students to drop the position to which they were assigned and continue to discuss the issue
in teams, now reaching for a consensus.
5. Whole Class. Ask each team to report on its discussion (4d). Say something like, “Tell us about your consensus
on the issue or, if you didn’t come to a consensus, then where your disagreement is.”6. De-briefing. De-brief each objective in turn, asking students to what degree they think it was achieved. Then, foreach objective
6a. Social objective: Identify group process problems that need attention next time.
6b. HOT objective: Identify higher-order thinking skills that need attention next time (e.g., distinguishing theposition taken on an issue from the arguments mounted for or against it).
6c. Academic: Explain why this controversy is important to the course of study.
7. Follow-up Writing. Using the NAEP persuasive writing rubric, have students individually write an essay in which
they express their ‘own’ post-discussion position and reasoning on this issue.

1Read more about it: Johnson & Johnson, "Critical Thinking Through Structured Controversy," Educational Leadership 45(8),May l988. Walter C. Parker, Teaching Democracy (Teachers College Press, 2003);and Social Studies in Elementary Education,
13th ed. (Allyn & Bacon, 2009).

Handout #1
W. Parker
Structured Academic Controversy (SAC)

Should Voting Be Required in Democracies?

The issue: Over twenty nations require citizens to register and vote. Should Japan have such a
law?

Procedure
Discourse
1. You and a partner will be assigned to take a pro or con position on this controversial
issue.
2. You will study the issue and develop an argument for the position to which you wereassigned.
3. You will make a presentation to the opposing side, laying out your position and thereasons for it. And, you will listen carefully to the opposing side do the same.
4. The two sides will come together and discuss the issue, and see if it is possible to arrive
at a consensus.
Writing
5. Follow-up writing: You will draft a persuasive essay, arguing for the position you truly
support.

Handout #2
Compulsory Voting
B ackground Information

Should Voting Be Required in Democracies?
Over twenty countries have some form of compulsory voting which requires citizens toregister to vote and to go to their polling place or vote on election day. With secret ballots, it's
not really possible to prove who has or has not voted so this process could be more accurately
called "compulsory turnout" because voters are required to show up at their polling place onelection day.
One of the most well-known compulsory voting systems is in Australia. All Australian
citizens over the age of 18 (except those of unsound mind or those convicted of serious crimes)
must be registered to vote and show up at the poll on election day. Australians who do not voteare subject to fines although those who were ill or otherwise incapable of voting on election day
can have their fines waived.
Compulsory voting in Australia was adopted in the state of Queensland in 1915 and subsequently
adopted nationwide in 1924. With Australia's compulsory voting system comes additional
flexibility for the voter - elections are held on Saturdays, absent voters can vote in any statepolling place, and voters in remote areas can vote before an election (at pre-poll voting centers)
or via mail.
Voter turnout of those registered to vote in Australia was as low as 47% prior to the 1924
compulsory voting law. In the decades since 1924, voter turnout has hovered around 94% to96%. [source: Matt Rosenberg www.geography.about.com]
These countries also have compulsory voting: Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium,
Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Cyprus, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, Fiji, France, Gabon,
Greece, Guatemala, Honduras, Italy, Luxembourg, Mexico, Netherlands, Paraguay, Peru,
Philippines, Singapore, Switzerland, Thailand, Turkey, Uruguay. (Note: underlined nations havestrict enforcement; others vary on enforcement, some weak, some none) [source: International
Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance]Handout #3
Compulsory Voting
P oint: Require voting.

Advocates for compulsory voting have several arguments for why the practice should be
adopted by democratic societies. First, compulsory voting laws do increase voter turnout.
Political scientists estimate that compulsory voting increases voter turnout by 8 to 15 percent.
The increase is most often seen among people who normally do not vote, particularly the poorand less educated. As Simon Jackman notes, “to the extent that compulsory voting increases
turnout, compulsory voting also removes socioeconomic differences in electoral participation.”In other words, say advocates, the higher the rate of voter participation in democratic elections,the more those elections can be said to represent legitimately the will of the people.
Advocates also see important civic outcomes in compulsory voting. In their view, voting
is a necessary part of the work of a citizen. While they acknowledge that this responsibility
might compel people to vote against their will, as American legal commentator John Dean notes,“so is the compulsion to drive only on the right side of the road. Requiring citizens to vote is no
more restrictive than requiring them to register for the draft. And it is far less restrictive thanrequiring, for example, school attendance; to serve on juries, possibly for weeks or months at atime; to pay taxes; or to serve in the military when drafted. Voting is the least a citizen can do for
his or her country.”
Furthermore, advocates claim an element of civic education through voting: if people know theymust vote, they will pay closer attention to the issues and go to the polls more informed.

Handout #4
Compulsory Voting
C ounterPoint: Do not require voting

Opponents of compulsory voting argue that citizens do not want compulsory voting, afact supported by a 2004 survey conducted in the United States, by ABC News. In fact,
opponents argue that low voter turnout may well be a sign of overall voter satisfaction, notdisappointment, with the current system. Canadian academic Filip Palda agrees: “Those who
obsess about voter turnout are perhaps the ones to whom we should pay the least attention.
Politicians of established parties see low turnout as a rebuke. The less legitimate politicians feel,the more they try to pass laws that build around their regimes a Potemkin facade of citizen
involvement. This is why Soviet Bloc countries forced their citizens to vote.” Because voting is
an expression of faith in the political system, opponents of compulsory voting argue that
deciding not to vote is one of the few tools citizens have to challenge corruption or fraud. Whenthe people have reason to believe that their votes will not be counted, will be tampered with byelection officials, or will be otherwise misrepresented, forcing them to vote compels them toendorse a false outcome. When there is only one candidate or when all candidates appear as poor
options, compulsory elections only breed cynicism about the political process. In short, forcing
people to vote in a corrupt or meaningless election actually weakens citizen power in a
democratic society.
Opponents of compulsory voting also worry about the central government’s control of theinformation that compulsory voting requires. Today, when computers and information databases
can reveal so much about a person, decentralized control of election information is an important
way to protect citizens from an increasingly powerful national government. More fundamentally,
opponents argue that voting is not an obligation but a privilege. If the goal is to foster citizen
participation, then there are easier—and better—ways than compulsory voting to foster civic it.
By increasing the level of education people receive, countries can help their citizens better
understand public issues and to address them meaningfully. Finally, critics of compulsory voting
say that forcing participation of millions of people who neither know nor care about an election
is counterproductive.

Carol Coe
Choices for the 21st Century Educational Program
Description
Choices for the 21st Century is a national education program produced by the Watson Institute forInternational Studies at Brown University.* The program is designed to introduce substantive
international content into secondary school curriculum. The goal of the program is to empower young
people with the skills, habits, and knowledge necessary to be engaged citizens who are capable ofaddressing international issues with thoughtful public discourse and informed decision making.
Procedure
1. Introduction• Focus attention on the subject (e.g., terrorism), setting a context and conveying its
importance.
• Review the purpose of deliberation, which is to consider a broad range of alternatives andgive each alternative a thorough and fair hearing.
• Present a brief overview of this procedure.
2. Small Group Preparation• Divide the class of students into four groups of equal size, assigning each group responsibility
for one option. (Depending on the size of the class, the four groups may need to be subdivided as they prepare for the forum.)• Give each person in the group a copy of the appropriate handout (e.g., group one gets thehandout on option #1, group two gets the handout on option #2, etc.). If time allows, students
may be asked to do additional research their assigned positions.
• Individuals read and study the handout, selecting the strongest arguments. (The teacher may
ask students to write a brief summary of their assigned option before discussing it with othersin their group.)• Groups discuss their assigned option, considering its merit and building the strongest case for
its adoption.
• Each group selects a spokesperson to present its position and a spokesperson to answer
questions. (Multiple spokespeople may be selected, each responsible for presenting one of thearguments in favor of the option or for fielding questions.)
3. Public Forum• Presentations: Spokespersons will present their groups’ position, one option presented at atime. (The maximum time allowed for each presentation should be announced in advance.)• Question and Answer (Q&A) Period: Following each presentation, members of the audience
may ask questions. (The time allowed for this Q&A period should be announced in advance.)• Open Discussion: Following all of the presentations and the focused Q&A period, themoderator “opens the floor” for general discussion (a weighing of the issues). At this time,
new options may be proposed and the original options altered or combined in new ways.
4. Decision and Reflection: Depending on the purpose of the forum, this concluding period may vary.
• The moderator may call for a vote on each option individually and on any new alternatives
that have emerged.
• Students may be asked to develop their own options and defend them in a written response
and reflection paper.
• The group may reflect together or individually on the process itself. What worked? What
didn’t? How can changes be made to improve the process in the future?
*

Read more about the Choices Education Program by visiting its website at <http://www.choices.edu/>.
Carol Coe, Kobe Workshop
November, 2008

Handout #1

Option 1: Direct an Expanded Assault on Terrorism*
Our country cannot tolerate acts of terrorism, those who perpetrate them, or those nations who
harbor terrorists. As a peace-loving country, we have no choice but to take on the job of rooting out
terrorism wherever it exists. It is our responsibility and duty to protect ourselves and help make theworld safe from terrorists. The war on terrorism is a worldwide struggle and we must move forwardwith a worldwide offensive to combat it until all who threaten peace and security are destroyed.
Although it is helpful to have the cooperation of other nations, we must be prepared to fightterrorism—using whatever methods it takes and alone if necessary—wherever and whenever it
threatens. Nothing less than our own freedom is at stake.

Arguments for this position

Arguments against this position•

Acting alone when necessary avoids thedifficulties that arise from seeking
cooperation with other nations thathave different political interests andconstraints.

•

If we expand the war on terrorism on
our own terms, other countries may feel
antagonism toward us, and such a
unilateral action may fuel further
terrorism.

•

The only way to avert imminent threats
to our security is to act preemptively.

••

By engaging indigenous forces to fightterrorist groups and their government
sponsors, we can save lives.

If we act without regard forinternational law, we will lose
international support and isolate
ourselves from the international
community.

•

The response fails to address theunderlying causes of terrorism, so it
does not interrupt the cycle of violence.

•

Using force as a response to terrorism
is bound to result in the deaths ofinnocent civilians. Our country must
respond to terrorism in ways that
preserve our national ethics anddemocratic traditions.

•Being free of the bureaucracy andpolitical constraints of multinational
decision-making will allow us torespond more quickly where and when
we need to.

*This handout is a reproduction of the “Options 1” page from a Choices for the 21st Century unit on terrorism. It has
been modified to use as a demonstration model with an international audience.
Carol Coe, Kobe Workshop
November, 2008

Handout #2

Option 2: Support United Nations Leadership to Fight Terrorism*
Terrorism is a global, not a national, problem. Today our security and the security of the restof the civilized world depend upon our ability to work together to address this universal threat. We
must recognize the United Nations as the entity with the legitimacy to develop and maintain a longterm, truly international effort to control and eventually wipe out terrorism worldwide. We must playa leadership role in strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations on security matters andoffer our military, intelligence, and economic support to a UN-led effort to eradicate terrorist cells
wherever they are found. We must stand with the world community against lawless terror.

•

Arguments for this position

Arguments against this position

Cooperating as a partner with othernations through the UN will create atruly international response to
terrorism, one that reflects the interests
and needs of all of the international
community, and denies hiding places toterrorists anywhere.

•

When our interests are threatened—
here or abroad—we have a right to dowhat is necessary to defend ourselves,
with or without the support of the othernations and international organizations.

•

The UN already has conventions
prohibiting terrorism and biologicalweapons and has been unable toenforce them. Why will the UN be any
more effective now?

•

The UN is too slow, too weak, and too
indecisive to make any real difference.
Giving the institution more power is atbest a long-term proposition. It won’t
do anything for the terrorist threat
today.

•

Terrorism will not end until we address
its root causes.

•

If we pledge to join with the UN in an
all-out campaign against international
terrorism, we may be forced to spend
our own resources on international
initiatives that we may not fully
approve of at the expense of defending
ourselves at home.

•

International cooperation brings
together the financial, diplomatic, andintelligence tools necessary to addressinternational terrorism.

•

The UN is only as strong as its member
states. In order to make the UN
effective as an internationalorganization it must have the full
support of our country.

•

We cannot afford to isolate ourselvesfrom the international community.

*

This handout is a reproduction of the “Options 2” page from a Choices for the 21st Century unit on terrorism. It has
been modified to use as a demonstration model with an international audience.
Carol Coe, Kobe Workshop
November, 2008

Handout #3

Option 3: Defend Our Homeland*
On March 20, 1995 members of Aum Shinrikyo attacked Tokyo’s subway system byreleasing Sarin nerve gas aboard the trains. These terrorists brought death and destruction to ourcountry. Twelve people died and over 5,500 were harmed, many with permanent injuries. We wereattacked on our own homeland, and we now feel vulnerability. Clearly, we have enemies who areintent on doing us harm. The time has come to build up our national defenses against such terrorist
acts. While civil liberties are important, we must recognize that we are in a new world. Our
government must be allowed to take new steps to protect our security.

Arguments for this position

Arguments against this position•

We live in a world where a small
handful of angry individuals can wreak
havoc with a small amount of weaponsgrade biological or chemical material ora “dirty bomb” in a suitcase. Being
prepared for such attacks will save
lives.

••

Terrorism is globalized. It will be
impossible to get a full picture of theterrorist threats facing us if we do notbring our intelligence resources
together with those of the rest of theworld. That integration of intelligencecapacity will not happen if we
withdraw from the international
community.

By limiting any response only to those
who directly threaten us, we will avoid
needlessly drawing the wrath of a wider
circle of terrorist organizations.

•

Withdrawing from the international
community will not protect us frompossible attack. As long as there arehaves and have-nots in the world, we
will remain a target for terrorism. Thereis nowhere to hide.

•

We cannot defend our country against
all possible means that terrorists have attheir disposal. Our only practical andmoral choice is to address the root
causes of international terrorism.

•

The terrorist threat is everywhere. It isbetter to fight terrorism on foreign soil
than to have it come again to our own
shores.

••Taking sides in the battles of othernations (such as Israel’s struggles with
Hezbollah) only increases our own
vulnerability by drawing the attentionof a wider circle of terrorists. The less
we are involved in the affairs of othernations, the more secure we will be.

Resources saved from international
involvement can be redirected topromote enhanced security at home.

*This handout is a reproduction of the “Options 3” page from a Choices for the 21st Century unit on terrorism. It has
been modified to use as a demonstration model with an international audience.
Carol Coe, Kobe Workshop
November, 2008

Handout #4

Option 4: Address the Underlying Causes of Terrorism*
Terrorism is a crime against humanity and cannot be tolerated. However, strong military or
police action will only perpetuate the cycle of violence. We must abandon any plans for such action
and join with others to address the deeper issues underlying terrorism. Terrorism feeds on thefrustration of some of the world’s most disadvantaged peoples. We must join with the developed
world to devote our attention and our resources to launching programs that address the underlying
causes of terrorism. We must also examine our own policies in many parts of the world to see that weare not inflaming longstanding local and regional conflicts, fueling discontent, and creating abreeding ground for anti-Japanese sentiment.

Arguments for this position

Arguments against this position•

If we do not address the underlying
causes of terrorism—including poverty,
injustice, powerlessness, and hatred—
we risk feeding the anger or theterrorists and creating new recruits toterrorist networks.

•

Addressing the underlying causes ofterrorism will take time. Meanwhile weremain vulnerable to more terrorist
attacks. We have to act now to stop
terrorist attacks at their source.

•

Taking a leadership role in addressing
the humanitarian needs of populations
in failing states will reduce animosity
toward our country.

•

Neither our country nor theinternational community has theresources to address all of theunderlying causes of terrorism.

•

In order to be a credible force inaddressing terrorism, we must
demonstrate that we understand thecauses of terrorism and are committed
to taking action to address them.

•

We cannot afford to redirect so much of
our national budget to development
efforts overseas at a time when thoseresources are needed to build up our
defenses here at home.

•

By addressing the underlying causes ofterrorism, we will be able to avoid
putting our civil liberties at risk from
repressive homeland security measures.

•

If we focus our efforts on long-term
solutions, we will be allowing terrorists
to commit horrible crimes without
immediate consequences. This will
invite additional attacks both at home
and abroad.

•

There will always be hatred. There will
always be violence. No amount offoreign aid will change this. We haveno real control over anything but ourown security.

*

This handout is a reproduction of the “Options 4” page from a Choices for the 21st Century unit on terrorism. It has
been modified to use as a demonstration model with an international audience.
Carol Coe, Kobe Workshop
November, 2008

Handout #5

Responding to Terrorism
Challenges for Democracy*
Option 1: Direct an Expanded Assault on Terrorism
Our country cannot tolerate acts of terrorism, those who perpetrate them, or those nations who
harbor terrorists. As a peace-loving country, we have no choice but to take on the job of rooting out
terrorism wherever it exists. It is our responsibility and duty to protect ourselves and help make theworld safe from terrorists. The war on terrorism is a worldwide struggle and we must move forwardwith a worldwide offensive to combat it until all who threaten peace and security are destroyed.
Although it is helpful to have the cooperation of other nations, we must be prepared to fightterrorism—using whatever methods it takes and alone if necessary—wherever and whenever it
threatens. Nothing less than our own freedom is at stake.

Option 2: Support United Nations Leadership to Fight Terrorism
Terrorism is a global, not a national, problem. Today our security and the security of the restof the civilized world depend upon our ability to work together to address this universal threat. We
must recognize the United Nations as the entity with the legitimacy to develop and maintain a longterm, truly international effort to control and eventually wipe out terrorism worldwide. We must playa leadership role in strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations on security matters andoffer out military, intelligence, and economic support to a UN-led effort to eradicate terrorist cells
wherever they are found. We must stand with the world community against lawless terror.

Option 3: Defend Our Homeland
On March 20, 1995 members of Aum Shinrikyo attacked Tokyo’s subway system byreleasing Sarin nerve gas aboard the trains. These terrorists brought death and destruction to ourcountry. Twelve people died and over 5,500 were harmed, many with permanent injuries. We wereattacked on our own homeland, and we now feel vulnerability. Clearly, we have enemies who areintent on doing us harm. The time has come to build up our national defenses against such terrorist
acts. While civil liberties are important, we must recognize that we are in a new world. Our
government must be allowed to take new steps to protect our security.

Option 4: Address the Underlying Causes of Terrorism
Terrorism is a crime against humanity and cannot be tolerated. However, strong military or
police action will only perpetuate the cycle of violence. We must abandon any plans for such action
and join with others to address the deeper issues underlying terrorism. Terrorism feeds on thefrustration of some of the world’s most disadvantaged peoples. We must join with the developed
world to devote our attention and our resources to launching programs that address the underlying
causes of terrorism. We must also examine our own policies in many parts of the world to see that weare not inflaming longstanding local and regional conflicts, fueling discontent, and creating abreeding ground for anti-Japanese sentiment.

*This handout is a reproduction of the “Options in Brief” page from a Choices for the 21st Century unit on terrorism. It
has been modified to use as a demonstration model with an international audience.




Editors’ Postscript

This proceedings was edited by the Editorial Committee of The Proceedings ofAcademic Exchange Weeks 2008, made up of postgraduate students at the Graduate
School of Human Development & Environment, Kobe University. We would like tothank the contribution and assistance of all the postgraduate staff members.

March, 2009
Narihiko KONDO (Professor)
Saiichiro NAKATANI (Academic Assistant)…………………………………………..
Contact: Graduate School GP Secretariat
Action Research Center for Human & Community Development
Graduate School of Human Development & Environment
Kobe University
Address: 3-11 Tsurukabuto, Nada-ku, Kobe 657-8501, JAPAN
Phone: +81-(0)78-803-7969 / Fax: +81-(0)78-803-7971
e-mail: gph_info@ml.h.kobe-u.ac.jp
URL: http://gph.h.kobe-u.ac.jp





Graduate School GP (Good Practice) Program
Graduate School of Human Development & Environment
Kobe University
Secretariat: Action Research Center for Human & Community
Development (HC Center)3-11 Tsurukabuto, Nada-ku, Kobe, Hyogo Prefecture, 657-8501 Japan
Phone: +81-(0)78-803-7970
URL: http://gph.h.kobe-u.ac.jp/

FAX: +81-(0)78-803-7971