マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）【Special Feature Articles: Chao Foon Magazine and the Chinese Publication Network
in East and Southeast Asia during the Cold War】

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya:
The Case of the Union Cultural Organization
Tanigaki Mariko1

Introduction
This study examines the cultural exchange that occurred between Hong Kong and
Malaya/Malaysia, including Singapore 2, focusing on the Hong Kong Union Cultural
Organization (友聯社, hereafter UCO), which published Chao Foon.
The history of Hong Kong following the Japanese occupation (1941-1945) has been
observed mainly in the context of its relationship with the Peopleʼs Republic of China (PRC)
and the United Kingdom. The PRC, founded in 1949, was a powerful, national, united
government, and Hong Kong, which is connected to the PRC by land, was described as “anentity that can be liberated with a single phone call”. In contrast, the publishing networks ofEast and Southeast Asia in the 1950s and 60s, the theme of this special issue, reveal a
different aspect of Hong Kong. Chao Foon was a Chinese-language literary magazine thatwas founded by young people from Hong Kong who moved to Malaya. Against the backdropof this magazine was the spread of the Cold War regime across Asia and the presence of theUnited States (US).
After World War II ended, Cantonese became the lingua franca in Hong Kong 3. Hong
Kong appears to be a society dominated by Cantonese people. However, after 1945, Hong
Kong experienced a massive influx of immigrants from mainland China. These included
Kuomintang (Nationalist Party of China, hereafter KMT) supporters, military personnel,
businesspeople, capitalists, and intellectuals, many of whom came from further north than
1
2

3

50

谷垣真理子, Graduate School of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Tokyo (東京大学).
Malaya refers to todayʼs Peninsular Malaysia. In Malaya, the Malayan Union was established
as a British colonial administrative unit in April 1946, and the Federation of Malaya wasestablished in February 1948. After 1946, Singapore was separated from Malaya and became asole British crown colony. Malaya became independent from the United Kingdom in August
1957 and formed Malaysia with Singapore, Sabah, and Sarawak in September 1963. Singapore
separated from Malaysia in August 1965.
The English spelling of personal names followed their Cantonese pronunciation. For example,
the surname Lin (林), which is pronounced Lin in standard Chinese, was often rendered as
Lam, while Liu (劉) was rendered as Lau.

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya: The Case of the Union Cultural Organization

Guangdong. For example, Tung Chee-hwa (董建華)4, the first Chief Executive of Hong Kong
Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), was born in Shanghai and migrated to Hong Kongat the age of 12. Anson Chan Fang On-sang (陳方安生), the first ethnic Chinese to become
Chief Secretary in Hong Kong under the British administration, was also born in Shanghai
and migrated with her family to Hong Kong in 1948. A famous Hong Kong director, Ann Hui(許鞍華), was born in Anshan (鞍山), Liaoning Province in China.
These examples may create an impression that Hong Kong was the final destination
for Chinese immigrants. While this was true for some, Hong Kong was also a gateway for the
spread of Chinese communities across the world, and the case of the UCO illustrates thelinks between mainland China, Hong Kong, and Southeast Asia.
To explore this point, this study is structured as follows: Chapter 1 reviews thepolitical context in which the UCO was established in Hong Kong. Chapter 2 examines the
background of the people who established the UCO, while Chapter 3 describes the staff
members of the UCO who went to Malaya to establish and join Chao Foon and what kind ofactivities they performed, and Chapter 4 examines aspects of Hong Kong as a front in thecultural Cold War.
The main sources for this study are Lo and Hung (2014; 2017). The two-volume books
included interviews with 18 people, mainly the founders of the UCO and their successors.
Under the umbrella of the UCO, the Union Press published The Chinese Student Weekly 《中(國學生周報》) between 1952 and 1974, which was a general magazine for young people.
Aimed at secondary school students, university and tertiary institution students, and young
people in general, it focused on books, life, thought and literature, promoted young people topost their essays, and was popular among young Chinese people in Hong Kong andSoutheast Asia. In 2003, Lo Wai Luen digitised and uploaded The Chinese Student Weekly to
the Hong Kong Literature Database (香港文學資料庫)(Chinese University of Hong Kong
Librar y, 2003). In addition, the memoirs of Yu Ying-shih (余英時), a prominent Chinese
historian in the US who was involved in the activities of the UCO during its early period, wasalso referred to as a source (Yu, 2018).

Ⅰ Overview of the Union Cultural Organization
The Union Cultural Organization (UCO) is known as a product of the US dollar
culture (美元文化) and “greenback culture” (緑背文化) 5. During the Cold War, the US
45

The names of Chinese/ Chinese origin persons in this paper follow the dialectal notation
where this can be ascertained. Other wise, the pinyin notation is used for the names ofChinese/Chinese origin persons.
As the US dollar note is green in colour, greenback means financial support from the US.

51

マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）

engaged in cultural publicity and propaganda activities on a global scale. The Ford and Asia
Foundations actively supported cultural activities in Asia. The UCO sur vived after the
support from the US foundations ended and was, arguably, the most successful venture of
the US dollar culture.
The Union Research Institute(友聯研究所, hereafter URI), under the umbrella of the
UCO, was well-known among China watchers in the 1950s and 60s. During the Cold War,Hong Kong ser ved as a window for the West to obser ve the PRC behind the “Bamboo
Curtain”. Those observing China made use of the Universities Service Centre (大學服務中
心, hereafter USC) located at No. 155 Argyle Street (亞皆老街), Kowloon Tong (九龍塘), andthe nearby Union Research Institute at No. 9 College Road (書院道). Both institutions were
financially supported by US organizations and were part of the cultural Cold War.
According to John Gittings 6, a British journalist who arrived in Hong Kong in 1968,
Hong Kong served as a base for anti-Chinese propaganda and intelligence gathering. The
largest intelligence-gathering centre in Hong Kong was the US Consulate General (Gittings1972). For those observing China during the Cold War, the USC and URI in Hong Kong were
important intellectual infrastructures for observing China; the USC was an institution thatwas founded in Hong Kong in 1963 by US China studies academics to re-energise US-China
studies when McCarthyism came to an end. The USC provided a research base for China
studies scholars and graduate and postdoctoral students from the US.
The URI, under the umbrella of the UCO, had been storing clippings from newspapers
and periodicals on contemporary China since the 1950s. In addition to newspapers publishedin China, its coverage also included newspapers published in Hong Kong and Southeast Asia.
The USC used the URIʼs clipping files by paying royalties to the UCO. However, after 1966,
the USC began to expand its own collection, as the URI was no longer able to keep its
collection up-to-date (Vogel, 2004: 13). The URI material was purchased by the Hong Kong
Baptist College (香港浸會學院), which later became the Hong Kong Baptist University (香港
浸會大學) and, as of 2023, the newspaper clippings, magazines, and pamphlets collected by
the URI between the 1950s and 70s have been available at the university library (Hong Kong
Baptist University Library 2021).
Meanwhile, in the overseas, URI was prominent as a China-watching base, and the
UCO was known in the Hong Kong and Southeast Asian Chinese communities for its highquality publications. The Chinese Student Weekly, a favourite among the Hong Kong youth
during the 1950s and 60s, was launched on 28 July 1952, and ran for 1,128 issues, over a 22year period, until 20 July 1974. Following this, the Union Press published China Weekly 《祖(652John Gittings is a UK journalist. He was affiliated with the Contemporary China Institute at
the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London when he wrote this article on
China watching in Hong Kong. He took MA in Oriental Studies from Oxford University.

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya: The Case of the Union Cultural Organization

国周刊》, first published in Januar y 1953), which reported on the internal workings ofmainland China, Children s Paradise 《( 兒童樂園》, first published in January 1953), which
was aimed at children, and University Life 《大學生活》(, first published in April 1955) (Law,2009).
Of these, The Chinese Student Weekly carried news about schools in Hong Kong,
mainland China, and schools that used Chinese as the medium of instruction in various
overseas locations, as well as information about studying in Taiwan, and accepted a large
number of essay postings from young people and students. The first issue, published in July
1952, had four pages; however, from the second week of December that year, it became aneight-page publication. On the first anniversar y of the first issue, the circulation had
increased from a few hundred to 20,000. In Hong Kong, apart from the newspaper stands on
the street, it had agency sales offices in 127 schools and 45 bookshops, with actual sales inHong Kong reaching 12,000 copies per issue. It also established a sales network in Taiwan
and Southeast Asia as well as within Chinese communities in Europe and the US (Law, 2009).
Based on the Hong Kong edition, other editions were published in Singapore, Malaya,
Myanmar, and Indonesia (Lo and Hung, 2014: 147).
The UCO is considered to have been established during the late 1940s, as publications
by the Union Press in late 1949 and early 1950 can be identified (Lo and Hung, 2014: 11). The
fundamental objective of the UCO, namely, to promote “political democracy, economic equity,
social freedom”, can be seen in its brochure and publication catalogue, (Lo and Hung, 2014:11-12). In its brochure, the UCO introduces itself as follows:
Since the Communist Party of China (CPC) began to gain power, many Chinese
people have fled the mainland for the free world. Most of them fled to avoid being
liquidated, but some had other ideas. They would not have been liquidated had they
stayed in China; in fact, if they had wished, they could have joined the privileged classin order to liquidate others. They did not come to the free world only to embrace
freedom, but also with a sense of responsibility and determination to contribute to thedestruction of communist rule and the establishment of a democratic society in China.
Among them was a group of young intellectuals who had already contributed to the
movement; they had established an organization for young people and embarked on
cultural work before the fall of the mainland government and now ran two schools, aninstitute and two magazines. They became refugees in a land of unknowns: HongKong. They were ver y poor; some of them arrived in Hong Kong with only atoothbrush (Lo and Hung, 2014: 13).
In its founding statement, the UCO clarified its opposition to the CPC. It also asserted53マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）

that there existed a group of intellectual youths who had fled abroad, including to Hong
Kong, with a sense of intellectual responsibility for building a liberal democratic society.
Therefore, the UCO was regarded as a Third Force. Wang Jianwu ( 王 健 武 ), wholater spent ten years in Singapore and Malaya/Malaysia, stated: “At that time, we left China
because we did not agree with the situation in the country. We were neither the KMT nor infavour of the CPC. After leaving China, we did not want to go to Taiwan either. Therefore,
many people regarded the UCO as a Third Force” (Lo and Hung, 2014: 148-149).
The Third Force sought a third path that was different from that of either the KMT or
the CPC. The activities of the Third Force can be divided into two periods, namely: (1) the
period when they were active in mainland China during the Republic of China (ROC) era;and (2) the period when the movement developed in Hong Kong during the 1950s. The
Third Force during the ROC period was organised as the “Democratic parties” (民主黨派) of
the “Three Parties and Three Interest Groups” (三黨三派), which refers to the Young China
Party (中國青年黨, formed in Paris in 1923), the Chinese National Socialist Party (中國國家社會黨, formed in 1932, later becoming the China Democratic Socialist Party, 中國民主社會黨), the Chinese Action Committee for National Liberation (中華民族解放行動委員會,
formerly the Provisional Action Committee of the Chinese Nationalist Party, 中國國民黨臨時行動委員會, later becoming the Chinese Peasantsʼ and Workers` Democratic Party, 中國農工民主黨), the National Salvation Association (救國會, originally全國各界救國聯合會), theNational Association of Vocational Education of China (中華職業教育社) and the Rural
Reconstruction Association (郷村建設協會). These formed the China Democratic Political
League (中國民主政團同盟) in 1941 and were later reorganised to become the China
Democratic League (中國民主同盟) in 1944 (Nakamura, 2018: 234-235)7.
The opposition to the KMT-led constitutional transition after World War II led to thedissolution of the China Democratic League in 1947. Some remained in mainland China,
whereas others moved to Hong Kong and continued their activities, with American support.
A report by the Hong Kong Working Group of the KMT (國民黨香港工作組) on “the Current
Status of Political Activities of Chinese Residents in Hong Kong” (留港華人政治活動現狀)listed the military officers of the Wang clique (汪派) and New Guangxi clique (桂系), each ofwhich was linked to Wang Ching-wei (汪精衛) as the main actors of the Third Force (Huang,
754Chen Zhengmao (陳正茂) also sees the Third Force during the ROC period as these threeparties and three interest groups. The three parties were the Young China Party (中国青年黨),
the Third Party (第三黨, reorganised into the Provisional Action Committee of the Chinese
Nationalist Par ty (中國國民黨臨時行動委員會)in 1930) of Deng Yanda (鄧演達), and theChinese National Socialist Party (國家社會黨) of Zhang Junmai (張君䬀) known as Carsun
Chang. The three interest groups were Liang Shumingʼs(梁漱溟) Rural Construction group(郷村建設派), Huang Yanpeiʼs (黄炎培) National Association of Vocational Education of China (職業教育社), and Shen Junruʼs (沈鈞儒) National Salvation Association (救國會) (Chen, 2011: 2).
The three constituent organizations of the three factions are as Nakamura views them.

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya: The Case of the Union Cultural Organization

2020: 241-242). These included Xie Chengping (謝澄平), who was Xu Guansanʼs (許冠三)teacher at university and the organiser of the Freedom Front 《( 自由陣線》). Following theoutbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, the major cities fell one after another in mainland China,
and Guilin in Guangxi became a place of refuge for intellectuals, including academics,
journalists, and cultural figures. In Guangxi, Li Zongrenʼs (李宗仁) KMT Guangxi cliquedominated. Li rivalled Chiang Kai-shek and, in opposition to Chiang, accepted the CPC andleftist officials based on Guangxi (Nakamura, 2018: 140-141).
In fact, members who were later involved in the establishment of the UCO, such as
Xu Guansan and Chen Siming (陳思明), gathered at the Free Press (自由出版社), which
published Freedom Front. The Free Press was one of the publishers that was funded by the
US Information Agency during the early 1950s. Many publications by the Free Press haveanti-Communist, nostalgic, and gang-related themes. Freedom Front contained many articles
advocating third-party political ideas (The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008).
The Free Press had a close relationship with the Young China Party, which belonged
to the Third Force. The founding members of the UCO, who were in and out of the Free
Press, naturally had a close correspondence with Zuo Shunsheng (左舜生) and Li Huang (李璜) from the Young China Party (Lo and Hung, 2014: 11). Among the founding members,
Qiu Ran (邱然), Chen Siming, Hu Xinping (胡欣平), Xu Dongbin (徐東濱) and Xu Guansan
were involved in the Democratic Chinese Youth Grand Alliance (民主中國青年大同盟)(Chen, 2011: 92). The Grand Alliance was intended to rejuvenate the human resources of theThird Force.
However, Xi Huihui (奚會暉), who was instrumental in the corporatisation of the
UCO, disagreed with the logic that the UCO was a Third Force because of its antiCommunist, anti-Taiwan stance. Xi saw the UCO as not necessarily anti-Taiwan, although it
opposed a series of policies when the KMT was in power on mainland China and criticised
the KMTʼs failure to implement democracy after moving to Taiwan (Lo and Hung, 2014: 6263).

Ⅱ Founding Executives of the Union Cultural Organization
Yu Ying-shih stated that the UCO was founded by intellectual youths who had
migrated from mainland China to Hong Kong. None of the founding cadres was born inHong Kong or Cantonese. According to Yu, the earliest founding members were a group of
approximately 20 people, led by ten leaders. Their ages ranged from 24 to 32 years, and they
had graduated from universities in mainland China before 1949 (Yu, 2018: 135-136).
Zhang Linghua (張浚華, born in Hong Kong in 1938, whose place of origin was Xinhuicounty, Guangdong province), who edited Children s Paradise until 1994, describes the core55

マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）

members of the UCO as follows:
Yan Yun (燕雲) from the Union Cultural Organization was from Yenching
University (燕京大學)and Xu Dongbin was from Peking University (北京大學). They
were well versed in English and familiar with international community. I was
unacquainted with them when I was in charge of The Chinese Student Weekly. (Amongthe UCO cadres,) there were members who did not really understand Cantonese, like
Zhao Cong (趙聡), for example. Zhao was a graduate of Peking University and themost knowledgeable regarding classical Chinese literature. He seemed to play withand enjoy the world of literature and history and had little intention of integrating into
Hong Kong society. Some of the senior members of the UCO lacked any language
aptitude or any desire to learn Cantonese (Lo and Hung, 2017: 193).
Thus, the founding members of the UCO did not speak Cantonese and seemed likeoutsiders, who had no intention of integrating into Hong Kong society.
By cross-checking several sources, including Lo and Hung (2014; 2017), Yu (2018),
and Fu (2019) who discussed the relationship between the UCO and the Asia Foundation,
based on the Asia Foundationʼs archives, it can be inferred that the core members of the
UCO, during its early years, were Chiu Ren, Xu Dongbin, Hu Xinping, Chen Siming, and Xu
Kuan-San8. Hence, the author wishes to review the backgrounds of these core members
individually and consider whether these characteristics emerge.
Qiu Ran was Maria Yen, and known as Yan Gui Lai (燕帰来) at the UCO. Her pen
name was Yan Yun. She was a first-class student from the Department of Western Languages
at Peking University, one year junior to Xu Dongbin, and well-versed in English.
Qiu Ran was one of the founders of the UCO, who set the organizationʼs policy andheld the position of secretary-general of the Union Press, and director of the URI. It is said
that Qiu Ran used the royalties from the book University Life under the Red Banner 《紅旗下(的大學生活》) as capital to found the UCO. Gui Zhongshu (桂中樞)9, a friend of Qiu Ranʼsfather Qiu Chun (邱椿), introduced James Ivy, head of the Asia Foundation in Hong Kong, to
Qiu Ran, and thus a relationship between the Asia Foundation and the UCO was established(Lo and Hung, 2014: 65-66; Fu, 2019: 69). Like Xu Dongbin (see below for details), Qiu Rannegotiated and liaised with the American institutions, including the Asia Foundation (Yu,8956

Xu left the Union Press shortly after its foundation.
Born in Kai county (開県), Sichuan province, he studied in the US as the first foreign student
after the Boxer Uprising, returned to China in the 1920s and published The China Critic 《中(国評論周報》) in Shanghai. He studied law at Dong Wu University, became a lawyer, opened an
office in 1928, and moved with his family to Hong Kong in 1949. He worked as an editor at theHong Kong Standard, an English-language newspaper.

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya: The Case of the Union Cultural Organization

2018: 137-138).
Qiu Ranʼs deep commitment to the UCO seems to have been largely due to her own
father. Qiu Chun (his courtesy name is Da Ran大然), was of the same generation as thepioneer of liberalism in China, Hu Shih (胡適). Qiu Chun taught at Beiping Normal
University (北平師範大學), Peking University and Beijing Normal University (北京師範大學)10. Qiu Chun was expelled from the KMT due to his involvement in the Young China
Party. Qiu Chun was unable to travel to Hong Kong for health reasons in 1948, and remainedin the mainland China after the establishment of the PRC in 1949. He was criticised during
the Cultural Revolution in 1966 and passed away in September of that year (Cong, 2019).
Qiu Ran left the UCO in 1967. She then briefly worked for the Chinese University ofHong Kong, pursued postgraduate studies in Germany, obtained a PhD and taught at the
University of Zurich. Yu recalls that Qiu Ran was an important activist during the Cold War
and published prose and poetry. She entered a German monastery in the late 1970s andfound faith to be a stronghold in the latter part of her life (Yu, 2018: 138).
Alongside Qiu Ran, Xu Dongbin was also the face of the UCP. Xu was born in Beiping(now Beijing) in 1927, and his birthplace was Enshi county (恩施縣). He used the alias Xu
Chongzhi (許崇智) for a time in Hong Kong. During the Sino-Japanese War, he enrolled in
the Department of Foreign Languages at the National Southwest Union University (國立西南聯合大學), which was formed through a merger of Peking University, Tsinghua University,
and Nankai University. During the war, he trained and worked as an interpreter for the US
Air Force, after which he returned to the Department of Western Languages at Peking
University. After joining the UCO, his excellent English language skills enabled him tonegotiate and liaise with US foundations, such as the Asia Foundation. He also had a deep
understanding of Chinaʼs foreign relations and international politics, and served as the editorin-chief and president of the Union Press and director of the URI (Yu, 2018: 136).
Xu launched the Tiger Newspaper 《( 中文虎報》) in Kuala Lumpur with a newspaper
belonging to the Sing Tao Daily Group (星島日報) on behalf of the UCO in 1959. When thenewspaper ceased publication, he returned to Hong Kong in 1964 to serve as chief editor of
the Sing Tao Daily (Lo and Hung, 2014: 168); between 1973 and 1978, he was general editorof the Shidai Congshu 《時代叢書》() at TIME magazine, and, in 1981, was general editor of
the Ming Pao 《明報》(), for which he wrote editorials. In 1989, he retired and settled in San
Francisco, but wrote weekly editorials for Ming Pao until early 1995. He died in October 1995
(Lo and Hung, 2014: 167, 170).
In addition to this, Hu Xinping, known as Sima Changfeng (司馬長風), was also a key
founding member of the UCP. He used the pseudonym Hu Yue (胡越) for his essays on
10

The Education Department of Peking University was incorporated into Beijing Normal
University.

57

マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）

Marxism and the CPC, and the pseudonym Si Ma Chang Feng for his literary and otherworks (Yu, 2018: 137). Hu was born in Harbin, Heilong Province, graduated from the
National Northwest University (國立西北大學), and became a National Congress delegate
after the Sino-Japanese War ended. He arrived in Hong Kong during the late 1940s, became amember of the Democratic Chinese Youth Grand Alliance, and was involved in the foundingof the UCO. He later taught at Hong Kong Shue Yan College (香港樹仁學院) and the Hong
Kong Baptist College, and died in New York in the 1980s (Lo and Hung, 2014: 34). He is theauthor of Zhongguo Xin Wenxue Shi 《中國新文學史》() and Xiangchou Ji 《郷愁集》(). He wasthe first editor-in-chief of China Weekly (Yu, 2018: 137).
Another founding member, Chen Siming, also known as Chen Weiqiang (陳維䱗) and
Chen Zhuo Sheng (陳濯生), was a graduate of the National Central University (國立中央大學). He was a member of the Democratic Chinese Youth Grand Alliance, edited the Freedom
Front in the 1950s and later joined the UCO. He was also involved in the activities of the UCO
in Malaya in 1955 and emigrated to the US (Lo and Hung, 2014: 11). Chen published his
memoirs on the UCO11.
Chen was the son-in-law of Ding Tingbiao (丁庭標) (Lo and Hung, 2014: 177). Ding
Tingbiao was a member of the Legislative Yuan of the Nationalist Government (國民政府立
法委員) and a leader of the Young China Party of Jiangsu Province (江蘇省青年黨). Ding
Ting Biao moved to Hong Kong in 1949, joined the Free China Movement ( 自由中國運動 )and became part of the Free Press, where he was involved in the publication of the Freedom
Front (Lo and Hung, 2014: 177). Ding Ting Biao was Ding Wenjiangʼs (丁文江) uncle. Ding
Wen Jiang was a prominent geologist and writer in the Republic of China, and also a friend of
Hu Shi, Liang Chʼi-chʼao (梁啓超) and Fu Ssu-nien (傅斯年).
Several of the founders of the UCO, such as Xu Guansan, left it shortly after its
foundation. Xu was born in 1925 and graduated from the Northeastern University (東北大學)
in 1947. At the request of Xie Chengping of the Free Press, Xu moved to Hong Kong in 1950
and took charge of the editorial work for the Free Press (Yu, 2018: 139). Xie Chengping was
Xuʼs mentor at university. Xie moved to Taipei in 1949 to work as the secretary of Fu Suunien, the principal of Taiwan University. Yu attributes the greatest success of the UCO among
the Third Force to the “mutual respect” among the members. However, he states that “XuGuansan was the only exception and we had to follow separate paths” (Yu, 2018: 139). When
Xu left the UCO, he formed the Platitude Press(人人出版社) together with Sun Shuxian (孫述憲) and published Ever y Man s Literature 《( 人人文學》). Xu taught at the Chinese
University of Hong Kong( 香港中文大學 ), where he authored Wo Suo Liaojie de Ziyou 《我(所了解的自由》), Xin Shixue Jiushi Nian 《新史學九十年》(), and Shixue yu Shixue Fazhan 《史
(
11

58

It was severely criticised by He Zhenya as being “full of inaccuracies” (Lo and Hung, 2014: 10).

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya: The Case of the Union Cultural Organization

学與史學発展》) (Lo and Hung, 2014: 13).
Shi Chengzhi (史誠之) was also a founding member but passed away at an early age.
He wrote several books on the CPC, including On the Military Development of the CPC 《論(中共的軍事發展》), and Historical Turning Point and China s Future: On the Past of thePeople s Liberation Army and the Future of the CPC（《歴史転排拆與中國前途―論解放軍的過去與中共的未来》）.
Yu states that the UCO, unlike other US-supported organizations, survived the loss of
US suppor t because it had developed into a modern enterprise, the Union Cultural
Organization Limited (友聯文化事業有限公司) (Yu 2018: 139-140). Yu also states that thecontributions of Chen Siming and Xi Huihui were significant. Sun Shuyu (孫述宇), theyounger brother of Sun Shuxian, a founding member of the UCO, recalls that He Zhenya (何振亜) was in charge of the accounting (Lo and Hung, 2014: 120).
He Zhenya was born in Shanghai in 1925. His place of origin was Anhui Province. He
attended the National Central University (國立中央大學) and later served in the Youth Army
as a translator and paratrooper. He arrived in Hong Kong in 1949 and joined the UCO in
1950. Although he did not publish any of his own writing, as the general manager, he was
responsible for the overall business operations of the UCO After leaving the Union Press, hemaintained his relationships with the previous UCO members. In 2003, he donated a large
amount of materials related to The Chinese Student Weekly to the Chinese University of Hong
Kong Library. He later settled in Shanghai and died in Taipei in 2009 (Lo and Hung, 2014: 9).
Xi Huihui was born in Shenyang in 1929. He moved to Hong Kong in 1949 andenrolled in the Depar tment of Economics of the New Asia College (新亞書院). While
studying, he became involved in the activities of the UCO, on the advice of Chʼien Mu (錢穆),the principal of the college. After graduating from college in 1953, he began working full-timeat the UCO and was put in charge of printing The Chinese Student Weekly as Publishing
Super visor (督印人) in 1954. Between 1956 and 1959, he developed UCO activities in
Singapore and Malaya, and became the president of the Student Weekly there. He studied in
the US from 1960, completed his MBA in 1963, and returned to Hong Kong to become theliaison officer between the UCO and the Asia Foundation. He served as the president of theUnion Press and secretary-general of the URI, and emigrated to the US in 1967 for family
reasons (Lo and Hung, 2014: 49).
He Zhenyaʼs involvement in the UCO was triggered by a chance meeting on the street
one day with one of the founding members, Chen Siming (Lo and Hung, 2014: 10). Xi Huihui
and Yu Ying-Shih joined the Union Press on Chʼien Muʼs recommendation. Qiu Ran visitedChʼien Mu at the New Asia College around 1951 and asked him to introduce someoutstanding students. Chʼien Mu was a long-term friend of Qiuʼs father from his days inmainland China (Lo and Hung, 2014: 54-55).
59

マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）

Yu was invited by a friend to take up the position of general editor of The ChineseStudent Weekly in July 1952. He resigned after approximately three months and returned tohis dual role at the Freedom Front. Yu was unable to work on The Chinese Students Weekly fora long time. For this reason, Yu recalled that he was poorly-suited to editing a student
publication. He also stated that he had to help Chʼien Mu, his mentor, to set up the New Asia
College (Yu, 2018: 141).
Yu Ying-Shih was born in Tianjin in 1930 and, like Xu, He, and Xi, his place of origin
was Anhui. When the Sino-Japanese War broke out in 1937, Yu stayed with his fatherʼs family
in Anhui (Yu, 2018: 15). In 1946, when his father was appointed to Acting Dean of the Facultyof Arts of the Northeastern Zhongzheng University ( 東北中正大學文學院院長代理 ), Yu
also took supplementary courses at the university to prepare for the university entrance
examination the following year. In 1948, Yu became a student at Yenching University (Yu
2018: 64), but then moved to Hong Kong to avoid the Chinese Civil War and transferred to
the New Asia College (Yu, 2018: 93; 95). He graduated from the college in 1952, and was
numbered among the first batch of students. After graduating, he taught at a secondary
school in Hong Kong before moving to the US in 1955 to study at Harvard University, where
he obtained his PhD. He spent most of the rest of his life in the US, teaching at Harvard,
Yale, and Princeton universities. He also acted as the Dean of the New Asia College.
As Yu pointed out in the chapter 2, all of members listed here were either graduates
or about to start university education in mainland China. In addition, two ser ved in the
military and three were born in Anhui. Four were in contact with Chʼien Mu, a professor of
the New Asia College in Hong Kong. The college was founded in 1949 by the famous
scholars from the mainland such as Chʼien Mu. The founding objective was to establish an
educational institution which combines the essence of the scholarship of the Song and Ming
academies and the tutorial system of Western universities. The college attracts students
because of its splendid course list, which includes General History of China taught by Chʼien
Mu and Introduction to Philosophy by Tang Chun-i (唐君毅). This selection was a direct
import of the best academics from Republican China.

Ⅲ The UCOʼs activities in Malaya
In 1956, the UCO decided to expand its operations in Malaya and Singapore (Lo andHung, 2014: 61). The core members of the UCO, such as Chen Siming, Qiu Ran and Xi
Huihui, moved to Malaya and Singapore as the first wave. Then Yu Dekuan (余 徳 寛 )followed. Later, Wang Jianwu, Zhang Haiwei (張海威), Yao Tuo (姚拓), Gu Mei (古梅),
Huang Ya (黃崖), Li Yongzhen (黎永振) and others also went to Malaya. By then, Chao Foon
had already been launched, in November, 1955.
60

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya: The Case of the Union Cultural Organization

As the first stage, Xi and Gu Mei published the Student Weekly, the Singapore andMalayan versions of The Chinese Students Weekly. They also published Chinese language
textbooks and Chao Foon, and ran bookshops that sold them. Students Weekly and Chao Foon
were sister journals and often had overlapping editors (Masutani, 2022:41). Outposts ofStudent Weekly were set up in cities in Singapore and Malaya to recruit talented students
from Chinese secondar y schools as correspondents. Extracurricular activities, such as
choirs, dramas, and literary creations, as in Hong Kong, were also provided to the students
in Malaya. These activities aimed to promote democratic ideas among young overseas
Chinese people and preserve Chinese culture (Lo and Hung, 2014: 60).
Gu Mei (born in Nanjing, hailing from Guangdong) described the work of the UCO in
Malaya as follows: Chinese was not an official language in Malaya and there were few
Chinese language schools. It was important to reach out to students and encourage theircreative work in Chinese. Outstanding correspondents were invited to attend a two-weeksummer camp (Lo and Hung, 2014: 94). Thus, the UCO was able to establish a network ofcorrespondents and raised the next generations.
It was dangerous to travel to various parts of Malaya at that time, as the Communist
Party of Malaya (CPM), which took up arms in 1948, was engaging in guerrilla activities in
the mountainous areas. The colonial government forcibly relocated to the New Villages andprevented the Chinese people from providing food and other necessities to the CPM. By
1954, 480 new villages had been built across Malaya (Tsuboi and Murai, 2011: 77). Passage
in and out of these new villages was subject to traffic checks. If individuals carried food, it
could be mistaken for aid supplies to the CPM, and they could be arrested and imprisoned.
Contrarily, in the remote areas, the CPM members might consider travellers an enemy andkidnap or kill them (Lo and Hung, 2014: 61).
These activities of the UCO were supported by two Malayan Chinese leaders. One
was Leong Yew Koh (梁宇皋)12 (Lo and Hung, 2014: 21, 61), who was a devout Catholic andappreciated the activities of the UCO. When He Zhenya and Xi Huihui moved to Malaya,
Leong was the Minister of the Health and, following independence of Federation of Malaya,
he became the first Malacca Governor, a ceremonial head of the Malayan State of Malacca(Lo and Hung, 2014: 60). According to He Zhenya,

it was Leong that encouraged the UCO

to organise cultural and media activities for young people in Malaya (Lo and Hung, 2014: 21).
It is assumed that Leong contacted the UCO through the network of the Catholic Church inHong Kong. Qiu Ran, a Catholic, again acted as an intermediary. When Qiu Ran spoke torural and remote Chinese communities in Malaya, Leong sometimes accompanied her (Loand Hung, 2014: 65).
12

Leongʼs wife and Wang Ching-weiʼs wife were sisters (Lo and Hung, 2014: 21).

61

マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）

The other was Loke Wan Tho (陸運濤). Loke ran the Cathay Organization (國泰機構),
which not only operated cinemas, restaurants and hotels in Singapore and Malaya, but alsobegan to produce films in 1953. Loke bought out Yong Hwa Film Co. (永華影業公司) in
Hong Kong in 1955 and founded the Motion Picture & General Investment Co. Ltd. (國際電影懋業有限公司). Loke treated Xi like a younger brother. When Leong was compelled tostep down from the position of Malacca Governor due to his familyʼs financial situation, Xi
visited Loke in Singapore and obtained a cheque for Leong (Lo and Hung, 2014: 21; 61-62).
Of the UCO listed members who moved to Malaya, apart from Yao Tuo and Huang
Ya, Wang Jianwu remained there for the longest time. Wang was born in Shanghai, but hisbirthplace was Anhui Province, similar to Xu, He, and Xi. Wang enrolled in the Departmentof Economics of the New Asia College and was in charge of the network for correspondentsof The Chinese Student Weekly while still a student. After graduating from college, he began
to work full-time at the UCO (Lo and Hung, 2014: 141). Wang travelled to Malaya in 1955 andspent five years in Singapore and five years in Malaya/Malaysia before returning to Hong
Kong in 1965 (Lo and Hung, 2014: 61).
Wangʼs account of the Union Pressʼ activities in Malaya was more specific than that ofXi and Gu. Wangʼs first task upon his arrival in Malaya was to establish a theatre company,
Singapore I-Lien Drama Society (藝聯劇團). Xi Huihui, mentioned above, played the leadrole in The Flower of Begonia 《秋海棠》(), and Thunderstorm 《雷雨》(
) (Lo and Hung, 2014:
149).
Wang was also responsible for a three-week camp in the Cameron Highlands. The
correspondents came from the new villages that were surrounded by barbed wire. The camp
gave a lasting impression on correspondents. Some of the participants were still in touchwith Wang even half a century later (Lo and Hung, 2014: 153). Among the correspondents atthe time was Huang Zhilian (黄枝連), who later taught at the Chinese University of Hong
Kong (Lo and Hung, 2014: 23).
The publication of Chao Foon could not be considered a very commercially profitableventure. The financial support from the US also proved inadequate. It needed to be funded
by a solid profit generated by other ventures conducted in Malaya/Malaysia. As mentioned
in Chapter 2, the successful development of corporatisation may have facilitated the UCOʼshealthy financial condition. Its textbook business in fact brought a stable profit to the UCO in
Malaya/Malaysia.
The Union Press published Youlian Huoye Wenxuan 《友聯活葉文選》(). This book was
originally edited as a reference book on Chinese language and literature in Hong Kong. It
was beautifully laid out and printed, with detailed explanator y notes, annotations, andcolloquial translations of the classical texts. In Singapore and Malaya/Malaysia, the Union
Press customised the book to suit the local conditions and compiled 129 works, including
62

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya: The Case of the Union Cultural Organization

both classics and modern literature (Ng, 2022: 136). In addition, Wang established a printing
factory in Kuala Lumpur. This made it possible to produce textbooks that were customised
to suit Malay/Malaysia (Lo and Hung, 2014: 155).
Finally, the UCO in Malaya/Malaysia got right persons who have capability, patince
and willingnessto conduct editing Chao Foon. Zhang Haiwei (張海威)、Huang Ya (黄崖),and Yao Tuo played a central role in this (Masutani, 2022: 38).
Zhang Haiwei was the first editor of Chao Foon and was known by the pen name Fang
Tian (方天). Zhangʼs father was a political leader in China13. After Zhang graduated from
National Chiao Tung University (國立交通大學), the family left Shanghai for Taiwan andarrived in Hong Kong in 1949. Zhang joined the UCO and edited The Chinese Student Weekly
from 1953, before moving to Singapore in 1955 for the launch of Chao Foon. Around the timeof the independence of Malaya in1957, Chao Foon became a strong advocate of the “pureMalayanisation” of Chinese literature in Malaya. Zhang himself published Lannihe de Wuyan《( 爛泥河的嗚咽》) in the same year as Malaya gained independence. This work wasconcerned with the harsh living conditions of the lowest-class workers and depicted theiroppression by capitalists. However, Zhang was unable to obtain citizenship in Malaya and so
migrated to Canada (Huang, 2022: 174).
Around the time that Zhang left Malaya, Chao Foonʼs base moved from Singapore to
Kuala Lumpur in 1958, and Huang Ya led Chao Foonʼs editing in the 1960s. Huang was one of
the leading long novel writers on the Chinese literar y scene outside mainland China(Masutani, 2022: 38). Huang emigrated to Hong Kong in 1950 and edited University Life and
The Chinese Student Weekly before moving to Malaya in 1959, where he edited Chao Foon
between 1961 and 1969. He then left the UCO and emigrated from Malaysia in 1987, whenmass arrests were made under the Internal Security Act (Operasi Lalang). He died in
Bangkok in 1992 (Ogi, 1977: 192; Lo and Hung, 2014: 19; Masutani, 2022: 38). Huang
published several full-length novels based on Malayan politics and history during his time as
editor of Chao Foon. One of his best-known works is Lie Huo 《烈火》(), which is set against
the backdrop of Malayaʼs first national elections in 1959, and concerns a man and woman
whose families are opposed to their relationship because of class differences (Lim 2022:149151).
Yao Tuo was born in 1922 and served in the army during the Sino-Japanese War. He
moved to Hong Kong in 1950, joining a refugee camp in Tiu Keng Leng (調景嶺)14, and13

14

Zhang Haiweiʼs father was Zhang Guotao (張国燾). Guo Xuan was one of the founding leadersof the CPC and a Central Committee member, elected at the First CPC Congress. However,
due to divisions within the CPC, Zhang Guotao switched to the KMT in 1938 and was expelledfrom the CPC.
There was a temporary enclave in Tiu Keng Leng for resettling KMT soldiers, supporters andtheir families who had fled from mainland China to Hong Kong.

63マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）

worked as a scullery worker. In 1953, he found a job advertisement in a newspaper for aposition at The Chinese Students Weekly, applied for it and was hired. In 1956, he wasappointed the president and main editor of Student Life and also edited Youlian Huoye
Wenxuan. In 1957, Yao Tuo moved to Singapore with his wife and children to edit Student
Weekly and Chao Foon. He moved to Kuala Lumpur in 1958 following the UCO officeʼs
moving to Kuala Lumpur. He became the editor-in-chief of the Union Press in Malaysia andpresident of Student Weekly in 1963, when Malaysia became independent. He also became amember of the editorial board of Chao Foon (Ho, 2017: 158-159). Yao Tuo supported Chao
Foon on the management side. Chao Foon ran at a deficit of RM2,000-2,500 per month. Yao
appropriated funds from the UCO for Chao Foon and continued publishing (Masutani 2022:
41). Yao was awarded the Malaysian Chinese Literature Prize in 1993. He died in Malaysia in2009 (Ogi, 1976: 218(820); Lo and Hung, 2014: 19; Masutani, 2022: 38).

Ⅳ Hong Kong as a Front in the Cultural Cold War
Focusing on the UCO, it appears that Hong Kong was exclusively infiltrated byculture and information from the western, capitalist world. However, this is a one-sided view.
It should be noted that, during the 1950s, Hong Kong was also the frontline of the Cold War,with active cultural and information activities being conducted by the CPC. These activities
targeted workers, the youth, and schools15.
The activities that targeted the workers included the Hong Kong Federation of Trade
Unions (香港工會聯合會), which was established in April 1948. After World War II ended,
Hong Kong experienced a large influx of people from mainland China, and life was difficult
for workers. Trade unions were formed among workers with long working hours and low
wages.
With regard to schools, leftist schools existed. For example, the CPC sent the
Guangzhou-based party member Ng Hong Mun (吳康民) to work as a teacher at Pui Kiu
Middle School (培僑中學). Ng later became a key figure in the CPCʼs propaganda activities
in Hong Kong.
Activities targeted at the youth included the Hok Yau Club (學友社) and Youths
Garden (青年楽園). The Hok Yau Club had dance, singing, language writing, basketball, anddrama groups, and also hosted cultural and sports activities. In the early days of the Hok Yau
Club, the main organiser of activities was Szeto Wah (司徒華)16, who had joined the Chinese
New Democracy Youth League (新民主主義青年團), the youth organization of the CPC, in
15
16

64

This is discussed in detail in Tanigaki (2019).
Szeto Wah distanced himself from the CPC since the 1970s and became involved in social
movements. He was a prominent charismatic leader of the democratic faction in Hong Kong.

Cultural Exchange between Hong Kong and Malaya: The Case of the Union Cultural Organization

September 1949. The club was under the leadership of the CPCʼs underground organization.
Youths Garden was launched in April 1956 in response to The Chinese Student Weekly(Chen, 2017: 3-11). Ng Hong Mun launched the first version17.Youths Garden targeted
middle school students and older in Hong Kong, and various innovations were introduced
into the newspaper to broaden its readership. It included news about the sports and choral
competitions in which Hong Kong secondary school students participated, information on
textbook recycling, and model answers to difficult questions on the Hong Kong standardised
examinations. Students were sometimes given the task of editing the paper. Cantonese
language was used more extensively than in The Chinese Student Weekly. Rather thanideological propaganda, it sought to foster an interest in mainland China through offering
guides to traditional culture, classical literature, and historical sites.
Thus, Hong Kong was on the frontline of the cultural Cold War. Some groups werecritical of the CCP, whereas others were close to it. A major battleground was youth-oriented
magazines. To attract more readers, efforts were made to create magazines that would
attract the readersʼ attention and interest.

Conclusion
Finally, the author would like to reconsider the reason why the UCP extended theiractivities to include Singapore and Malaya/Malaysia. As Gu Mei says, the UCO might
consider a commercial opportunity in a countr y that was larger than Hong Kong, withsizeable Chinese communities and schools nationwide, where textbooks and other books
were in considerable demand (Lo and Hung, 2014: 98). At the same time, Malaya andSingapore were both British colonies at that time, similar to Hong Kong, and the entry andexit procedures were easy. According to Yao Tuo, one could enter Singapore or Malaya at
any time by applying for an entr y and exit permit in Hong Kong (Ho, 2017: 157).
Furthermore, it is important to note that there were requests for activities from the Malayanside, such as by Leong Yew Koh.
In light of these factors, Hong Kong in the early 1950s may not have given the UCOʼsfounding members a sense that their goal of establishing a liberal democratic society would
be realised soon. In mainland China, the suppression of counterrevolution and socialisation
began, while the one-party dictatorship of the KMT gradually strengthened in Taiwan. Oncethey had left their own land, it may have made little difference to them whether they lived in
Hong Kong, Singapore or Malaya/ Malaysia.
17

In August 1958, Ng was appointed headmaster of Pui Kiu Middle School and left his post as
editor of Youths Garden. Chan Tsui Tsun (陳序臻) took over editorial duties and continued toedit the magazine until it ceased publication in 1967.

65

マレーシア研究第 12 号（2023 年）

During the 1950s and 60s, Hong Kong was involved in the Cold War, with the UnitedStates at its centre, not only from an economic perspective but also in a cultural sense. Hong
Kong became a place of refuge for people leaving China who could not stand with the CPC.
However, their journey did not necessarily end in Hong Kong. Although somewhat
neglected in this study, a number of Malaysian-Chinese individuals studied in Taiwan and,after graduating, remained there to create Chinese literature. Many of these identify as
Malaysian-Chinese literary writers. The cultural networks in mainland China, Hong Kong,
Malaya/Malaysia and Singapore extend to Taiwan. Networks that include Taiwan will be thesubject of future research.

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68