Japanese Journal of Applied Psychology
2020, Vol. 46 (Special edition), 11-18

ArticleRe-acculturation of Chinese Returnees after Study in Japan1）
Yuri OKUNISHI＊ and Tomoko TANAKA＊＊This study aims to examine which aspects of Japanese culture Chinese individuals adopted during their stay overseas and if they retained these cultural qualities after their return. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with five
Chinese individuals who had stayed in Japan for one to eight years. Each interview lasted between 30 to 90 minutes
and took place at X University in China, where returnees from Japan worked as academic staff. The results showedthat the individuals acquired aspects of the Japanese culture in three main categories: rules or manners (observation of
public rules), ways of communication (respecting other people’s intentions), and philosophy of life (orientation toward
co-existence with others). It appears that Chinese individuals firmly accepted and later internalized Japanese characteristics that they believed were admirable; therefore, it is believed that returnees retained these qualities even after returning to their original society.
key words: reentry, study abroad in Japan, re-acculturation, Chinese returnees, Japanese culture

Background of Study
With the world becoming metaphorically smaller
than ever, and with opportunities to study abroad increasing, individuals can change not only by acculturating into host societies but also by re-acculturating
into their native societies. Researchers have investigated the issues related to cross-cultural reentry andits effects on sojourners’ psychological well-being,
identity, and re-adaptation to the native society( Dettweiler, Unlu, Lauterbach, Legl, Simon, andKugelmann, 2015; Gaw, 2000; Kidder, 1992; Presbitero, 2016; Yoshida, T., Matsumoto, Akiyama, Moriyoshi, Furuiye, Ishii, 2003 ; Takahama & Tanaka,2011). Takahama and Tanaka (2011) pointed out that
research has tended to focus on the issue of reverse
culture shocks of returnees, while rarely exploring themeaning or utilization of study abroad experience forthese returnees. They reported that returnees experience feelings of alienation and are dissatisfied withthe life of their native society. Indeed, many returnees
1）

express higher levels of anxiety after their return than
before their study abroad experience.
Do overseas-experienced individuals who changed
their behavior patterns and sense of values throughtheir intercultural experience in host countries maintain these behaviors and values after their readjustment processes? Research has rarely focused on thelong-term changes of returnees and their effects on
the communities in which overseas returnees start
their new lives. The present study paid attention to
Chinese individuals who studied abroad in the neighbor country Japan.
China has been sending out a large number of international students. The Chinese are the largest single nationality in the foreign student population of Japan. In 2018, there were 114,950 international Chinese students in Japan (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sport, Science and Technology, 2019). As forthe number of international students from China in
2015, Japan received the seventh largest contingent,
after English speaking countries and Korea. ChineseThis work was supported by KAKENHI (No 15H03456) Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B) from the Japan Society for
the Promotion of Science (JSPS). The authors appreciate Dr. Tian Hongru of Zhejiang International Studies University, China
for her research assistance.
＊
Department of Secondary Education, Faculty of Education, Okayama University of Science, 1-1 Ridai-cho, Kita-ku, Okayamashi, Okayama 700-0005, Japane-mail: okunishi@ped.ous.ac.jp＊＊
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Okayama University, 3-1-1 Tsushimanaka, Kita-ku, Okayama-shi,
Okayama 700-0082, Japane-mail: tomo@cc.okayama-u.ac.jp

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Japanese Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 46

students from China consisted 55.9% of all international students in Japan, receiving the second highest
rate of international Chinese students in the world after Korea (62.0%). As such, Japan has a great presence in China’s international student exchange scene.
Kuroda (2011) reported the international student
policy of China as follows. China expanded its international student policy, aiming at great power withrich human resources. Since starting its policy ofopen economy in 1978, China has developed into theworld’s second greatest economic power; in 2010, it
began making its presence in the field of international
educational exchange. As such, the number of Chinese returnees has been increasing as a result of Chinese economic development and preferential treatment for them, such as offering support in housing
and employment ( Komatsu, 2016 ) . Re-adaptation
could also be another important subject.
The cumulative number of international students
since 1978 reached 458,660,000, whereas the cumulative number of returnees has reached 265,110,000.
In the past, the “brain drain” phenomenon was seen
as a problem, but in recent years, the return rate has
increased to 70% to 80% (Meng, 2018). Returnees
are referred to as “海 帰 族” or “sea turtle” (from thesimilar-sounding 海 亀 族), and employment waiting
groups called “海 待 族” or “kelp ribe” (from thesimilar-sounding 海帯族) have emerged. As such, thefuture utilization of human resources is drawing attention.
Sending out international students shifted into highgear in the 1990s when reform and open policy proceeded in the field of higher education. During thisdecade, studying abroad became popular among ordinary citizens, leading to the significant increase in thenumber of international Chinese students. Thus,
China came to rank high in the number of international students in major countries. Even in China,
which sends out the world’s largest number of students abroad, reentry study is underdeveloped. The
issue of reentry has not been given sufficient attention compared with the issues related to entry and adjustment to a new culture.
Uchibori (2018) reported that the attractiveness ofstudying in Japan for Chinese students lies in the cultural similarities of the two as neighboring countries.

On the other hand, there are many culture theories
that contrast Japan and China, for example, Japanesecooperativeness, group orientation, tendency to worry
about shame, and preference for tranquility, and Chinese directness, individualism, tendency to focus on
face, and preference for liveliness (e.g., Engelbart &Gladu, 1993; Kong, 1992 ; Matsumoto, 1987 ; Murayama, 1995; Zhu & Wu, 1997; Yang, 1999). Other
researchers have addressed these cultural features individually, explaining that the Chinese emphasize onhuman network, are influenced by Confucianism,
have centralized politics, and emphasize order,
whereas the Japanese use indirect expressions incommunication and prefer homogeneity, and thatboth countries have courtesy practices, such as gift
giving and respectful greetings ( e. g. , Kaneyama,
1979 ; Mitsubishi Corporation, 1983 ; Morrison,
Conaway& Borden, 1999).
Researchers, including Takahama and Tanaka(2012), have investigated the reentry of Japanese students who studied abroad. However, data for thecomparison of returnees of other countries remainlacking. As such, researcher cannot conclude whichaspects of the study-abroad experience are universal
or socio-culturally specific phenomena or related toexternal or internal factors. Adding to the knowledge
on reentry for different countries would help solve
the problems related to this issue.
Okunishi and Tanaka (2011) examined Japanesecultural behaviors that give feelings of strangeness tointernational students in Japan and extracted six categories: indirect expressions to avoid direct communication, normative behavior in line with Japanese social conventions, suppression of openness of expression, consideration for a group, ways of dealing witha person of the opposite sex, and being treated as aforeigner. Chinese students’ acquisition of such cultural behaviors through their acculturation may mean
their mal-adaptation to their native Chinese culturalcontexts after their return.
In this research, we examined the acculturated behaviors as well as the long-term effects of Chinese
students’ past acculturation into a Japanese culturethat could possibly continue after their reentry into
their native country.

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Y. OKUNISHI and T. TANAKA: Re-acculturation of Chinese Returnees after Study in Japan

Table 1
Informant
A
B
C
D
E

Profiles of informants

Years of stay in Japan andforms of stayYears after
reentry to China

GenderAge

Major

1 year as a student
7 years as a student
10 years as a student
7 years as a student
3 years as a student
and 4 years as a worker

2 years
2 years
2 years
3 years
8 years

FemaleMale
FemaleFemaleFemaleTwenties
Twenties
Twenties
Twenties
Twenties

Humanities
Humanities
Humanities
Humanities
Humanities

Methods
Participants
The participants were five Chinese individuals who
worked as academic staff at X University in China at
the time of the interviews. X University is located ina large city in eastern central China. The participants
stayed in Japan as international students for one to ten
years. Their detailed profiles are shown in Table 1.
Research procedure
The authors visited X University for interviews in
March 2016. Semi-structured interviews lasting forabout 30 to 90 minutes were conducted with these
five individuals separately. The participants wereasked for research cooperation through the researchers’ acquaintance prior to the visit. The interviews,
held in a classroom at X University, were conductedin Japanese. The main questions included “When did
you first come to Japan and how long did you staythere?”, “Did you feel any cultural differences when
you first came to Japan”, ”What did you think about
the cultural differences you experienced?”, and “Didyou try to adopt a Japanese way?”. The questions
covered issues in cultural differences experienced by
the participants, time and duration of stay in Japan,
evaluations of these differences, and adoption ofthese differences. The same questions were also
asked for their reentry experiences. The purpose of
the research and protection of their privacy were explained prior to the interviews, and questions wereasked in a casual conversation style. The responses
were recorded with the participants’ approval. All recorded data were transcribed verbatim and eventuallyused for qualitative analyses.
Analyses
The authors carefully read through the transcribeddata and sought to identify the parts mentioned by theparticipants as differences between two cultures whilestaying in Japan. The participants’ evaluations ofthese differences and acculturated behavioral aspects
that they recognized were also extracted. The sameprocedure was repeated for the reentry part based on
the same transcribed data. We scrutinized the behaviors that were continued by the participants even after
reentry.
Results
The analyses indicated three aspects of Japaneseculture that Chinese returnees had acquired in theiradjustment to the host society: (1) rules and manners,(2) ways of communicating, and (3) philosophy inlife. Among these cultural aspects, a number were retained even after their reentry into their native country. The overviews of the acquired and retained behaviors are shown in Table 2.
Participant A, in her entry into the host culture, realized that she had to adhere to a large number ofmanners and rules that were specific to Japanese culture. She also realized that Japanese people used contrasting communication methods from Chinese, who
are rather direct and candid. Participant B realized
communication-related aspects of Japanese culturethat were different from home, such as using indirect
expression in talking, listening to others’ talk until theend, and showing an accepting attitude toward otherpeople. Participant C pointed out that Japanese students never invited private friends to their researchlaboratory, a public place, which she recognized aspart of Japanese manners. She also realized the communication tendencies of Japanese people, in which
respect for other people is emphasized. Participants D
and E found multiple behavioral differences fallingunder all three categories: manners and rules, com-（ 14 ）

Japanese Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 46

Table 2

Overview of Acculturation and Its Influence after Reentry

Acculturated cultural behaviors while staying in Japan
Informant A(1) Manners & Rules
bowing, frequent acts of assuring, writing a response inemail correspondence, demonstrating etiquette such asways of lining up shoes and placing bags, being punctual, telephoning at appropriate times and situations(2) Communication
contacting a host before a visit, not easily asking for a
big favor without thoughtful consideration especially toteachers and superiors, using indirect expressions

Acculturated cultural behaviors continued after reentry
Trying not to be late for meetings, telephoning before
visiting

directing students to make thoughtful considerations,explaining situations before asking a big favor fromteachers, telephoning at appropriate times and situations

Informant B(2) Communication
using indirect expressions, listening to others’ talk until making introductory and indirect remarks before asking
they are finished, showing an accepting attitude toward a favor
othersInformant C(1) Manners & Rules
not inviting private friends to a research laboratory(2) Communication
being nice to others and strongly considering their needs Praising others often, not telephoning often, consideringand situations, making decisions through discussions, the convenience of others, making an appointment beusing indirect expressions, praising others often, tele- fore events (eating out, meetings)
phoning infrequently except for emergency situations,making an appointment before events (eating out, meetings)

Informant D(1) Manners & Rules
bowing, exchanging formal greetings among unacquainted individuals, greeting in respectful ways, cleaning up with high awareness of public beautification(2) Communication
being considerate of others’ feelings without being too
pushy, keeping a certain distance from others with politeness and respect, giving back a present every timeand returning something equivalent for a gift, demonstrating a stronger sense of belonging to a group(3) Philosophy of life
being cooperative with others and emphasizing processes

Informant E(1) Manners & Rules
splitting a bill, waiting in lines, bowing, taking with quiet voices, telephoning at appropriate times and situations(2) Communication
not asking private questions, even among close friends,
making decisions through discussions, using indirect expressions(3) Philosophy of life
being competitive with others to achieve a successfulcareermunication, and philosophy in life. The accepted cultural aspect pertaining to the third category, philosophy in life, was retained after their return and influenced the way they interacted with people and managed their work. The Japanese virtue of being coop-

Being considerate of others’ feelings, especially withcolleagues who have studied in Japan, listening to others
and respect their opinions when eating out, teaching students Japanese manners of preparing for and cleaning up
with everyone, returning something equivalent for a gift
being cooperative with others

giving strict guidance to those students cutting in a line

Making introductory, explanatory, and indirect remarks
before asking a favor, not disclosing private things toothersnot being competitive with others to achieve a successfulcareererative with others was firmly internalized by thesetwo participants and remained with them in the longrun.
The following are examples of the participants’comments regarding the abovementioned aspects.

Y. OKUNISHI and T. TANAKA: Re-acculturation of Chinese Returnees after Study in Japan

Examples of participants’ comments(1)Rules and manners
Participant A“It’s not that I am different from other Chinese
people, but it is that there are more things for me now
to worry about. I came to feel uneasy about others’
ways of doing their work. For example, in cases likewhen I receive an email from my [Chinese] students;
I reply to them, receiving no reply in the end. I did
not care about such cases before, but because of theinfluence of my study abroad in Japan, I am now particularly bothered by these kinds of acts.”
Participant C“One good thing about Japan is that, for example,
after a meeting, everybody puts away garbage such as
tangerine peels together, puts seats back to their original places before leaving. Actually, I taught this manner to Chinese students. In China, there are many
people who can’t do this because they tend to expectthat somebody else would do it for them. Also, there
are many cases, even among faculty staff, of people
not throwing their own garbage, so the faculty room
is, in fact, full of garbage. I would clean up litter if I
find it on a desk. There is a difference in the attitude
toward beautification, especially in public places. I
could probably call this as morality.”(2) Ways of communicating
Participant B“In communication with others, I learned in Japan
to express what I want to say indirectly. The people
in Kyoto I stayed with expressed themselves in thisway, so I learned to say things in a bit of a roundabout way. At first, I couldn’t understand what people intended to say. After my Japanese friends explained their real intentions to me, I came to understand gradually. I started to use this way of expression about two years after my first arrival. My manner of communicating probably hasn’t return to myoriginal [before studying in Japan]. When I want tosay something, I now make lots of introductory remarks, quite a lot of remarks. For example, when I
ask for any favor, I explain the situation, the difficult
situations, surrounding myself. I don’t immediately
ask for the favor; I do it after making such [introductory] remarks. I adjusted to the Japanese way. I adjusted myself so easily in Japan probably because of（ 15 ）

my original personality that is not that much straightforward either.”Participant C“Japanese people contact others in advance to an
event. They don’t ask somebody to dinner without
prior announcement. In fact, they rarely do. Especially in the workplace, people make an appointment
in advance, even one week ahead. In China, amongcolleagues who live nearby, it is easy to ask one another to eat out unexpectedly, even at a last minute.
You don’t have to worry too much about this issue.
But now I try to make an appointment in advancewhen planning events with my superiors. I try to
avoid actions that may possibly inconvenience others,
including the act of making casual phone calls.”(3) Philosophy in life
Participant D“I am exploring myself to find a way to curry favorwith others, like my superiors. I have not found answers as to how to wisely deal with others yet. Thereis a gap in the sense of values. There is a difference inviews between those who want to move upward andthose who don’t. Some of my values are those I originally had, and others are Japanized. I don’t hope tointentionally bring advantageous things to my life. I
don’t want to be such a person anymore. I dare not tobe that kind of person. In this sense, I am similar to
Japanese.”“So far, I have a feeling that I am right. I don’t pursue promotion. I am not unscrupulous about themeans to it [promotion]. I am neither searching for a
successful career nor promotion. One thing I wish foris that I could live in a world that I can feel satisfied
with, a world for which I am not to be blamed at all
but in which I am not so much recognized as
strange.”
Participant E“I feel every Chinese person is oriented toward upward mobility. This feeling has such a strong power.
For me, in Japan, well, it may be related to my innatecharacter, but I don’t like such ways so much. Almost
all Chinese want to advance in life. For example, theywant to be promoted to a professor and such. Thereare competitions created, and people try to do manythings to achieve their goals. For example, they intentionally make friends with their superiors. I do not（ 16 ）

Japanese Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 46

like such ways. And I didn’t have to think and go inthat way in Japan.”“[After studying in Japan,] I have totally given up
such practices. I tell my husband not to expect fromme in terms of getting promoted in my career. Forme, an ordinary life with freedom is enough. Coming
back, I realized we Chinese are supposed to exert
ourselves, after all. I feel it every day. I just feel it.
And I don’t like it very much. When everybody goesthat way, I feel like I want to stay back.”
Implications
The participants reported their continued practiceof cultural behavior and values acquired in Japan. Although these behaviors did not match with social andcultural behaviors expected in China, they were nonetheless maintained by them, intentionally. The cultural behaviors found in this study overlapped withfour of the six items of Japanese social skills for international students categorized by Tanaka and Okunishi (2016): indirect expression, social conventions,suppression of expression, and consideration for agroup. These four behaviors seemed to have beennaturally learned by the participants through their life
in Japan. Among these behavioral features, several
were recognized by Chinese returnees as admirable,
and those behaviors firmly accepted by them were
eventually internalized in them. In this way, these Japanized cultural behaviors were retained. The significant aspect is that the acculturation of individuals
changed not only the returnees’ personality aspects
but also the ways in which they interacted with people in their original society. Such actions by returnees
could contribute change to the practices and values ofa native society, making the latter more multiculturaland internationalized.
Of the behaviors acquired by the participants in Japan, rules and manners and ways of communicating
partially agreed with the list of Japanese social skills
acquired by international students in Japan (Okunishi& Tanaka, 2011; Tanaka & Okunishi, 2016): indirect
expression of negative matters in consideration ofothers, social grace, and listening to and respecting
others in groups. In the psycho-educational learningof these skills (Tanaka, 2012), students pointed to thephilosophical background of Japanese thought for

harmony. Our participants also demonstrated understanding of this idea. However, as for the third category, philosophy in life, similar items were not foundin the aforementioned skills list. The social skills list
was devised to help in the formation of interpersonal
relationships with Japanese hosts. An individual’s attitude toward life would not coincide with such skills
but rather relate to their own beliefs.
Adopting Japanese social skills benefits the sociocultural adaptation of international students in Japan.
Lee and Tanaka (2017) discussed the “switching” ofcultural behaviors between two cultures. In a hostcountry, behaviors are used selectively depending onwhether a counterpart is a host or a compatriot.
However, after returning to China, the participantsin this study continued some of their acquired behaviors. This gives rise to several questions. Do these acquired behaviors gradually regress with time in theirnative societies? Or are they continued in the longterm under certain circumstances, such as if they areconvinced of the meaningful impact of their behavior
on society?
Takahama and Tanaka (2011, 2012a, 2012b) investigated the experiences of seven Japanese undergraduate students who studied in the US for 4 to 11
months. The students, after returning to Japan, reported feelings of alienation arising from the discontinuation of the environment, discomfort from not being able to tune in to the talk of their friends, loneliness from not being able to share their precious experience, and dissatisfaction with their non-stimulating
daily life. They refrained from talking about theirstudy abroad and showing their acquired skills; they
avoided making their differences stand out. They
were distressed by the cultural differences, especiallyJapan’s emphasis on cooperativeness and peer pressure. However, the culture shocks were settled in a
few months after interacting with their friends, andthey analyzed themselves as they “got used to” andgained positive attitudes, such as creating new goals(Takahama & Tanaka, 2013).
The reports of discomfort and irreversible cognitive behavioral change by the Chinese individuals inthis study after their return seem to suggest their
deeper intercultural acceptance of the host culture.
Unlike code-switching trials to adjust to different cul-

Y. OKUNISHI and T. TANAKA: Re-acculturation of Chinese Returnees after Study in Japantural groups (Lee et al., 2017), the phenomena we
recognized were the maintained Japanese ways ofthinking and behaviors. The participants in our study
had a longer period of studying abroad, and weremore mature in terms of age compared with the previously mentioned Japanese students. They were professionals with their own way of life, and had alonger time period after returning before being interviewed. Participant B confessed that she could notunderstand an indirect way of expression when she
first encountered it in Japan but came to be able todecipher after hearing the explanation and began toadopt it herself two years later. Thus, learning of cultural behaviors take time. However, if one’s personality harmonizes with the cultural characteristics of ahost society, acculturation may be promoted. The acculturated self would continue to exist on returning,leading to the intention of continuation of the acculturated behavior despite recognizing the gap with thesocial norms of the native society.
The findings also give rise to more questions on
adjustment. Are those who are well adjusted to a newenvironment simply skilled at coping with changes,
and therefore will re-adjust smoothly to their original
society after coming back ? Or would they havetrouble in their re-adaptation to their original society?
In other words, does intercultural adaptation to one
culture promote or inhibit re-adaptation to one’s
original culture ? The hypothesis of smooth adjustment to a host society leading to rebound in readjustment to a native society could be modeled after
a bow-drawing, if the repulsive force when drawing a
bow is used as metaphor. Based on this viewpoint, it
may be difficult to adapt flexibly to any culture. Instead of simultaneous use of cues from multiple cultures, people would selectively choose those that fit
them and settle accordingly. This selective acceptance of cultural behavior and the depths of culturallearning likewise merit discussion.
The limitations of this research should be stated.
First, the research approached only a limited numberof participants within limited social and age groups.
Second, all of the participants were researchers belonging to the same university ; therefore, the obtained knowledge may be limited. Future researchshould confirm the results of our findings. Longitudi-（ 17 ）

nal research is also required for the refinement of thisstudy. Third, it cannot be concluded that the findingsof this study were culture-specific phenomena applying only to those having stayed in Japan or universal
ones common to sojourners regardless of destination.
Further study of Chinese returnees having studied
abroad in different parts of the world can be expected
to lead to concrete answers.
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