Short Guide

Exhibition September 4 – November 7, 2004
KW Institute for Contemporary Art, BerlinContents
Shrinking Cities is a project of the Kulturstiftung des Bundes(German Federal Cultural Foundation) in cooperation with theMuseum of Contemporary Art Leipzig, the Bauhaus Dessau
Foundation and the magazine archplus.

Front cover: Site of Monton Mill, Eccles 2003.
Back cover: Monton Mill, Eccles 1985.
© John Davies/Courtesy Rochdale Art Gallery, Manchester

Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies
First Floor: Detroit
Second Floor: Ivanovo
Third Floor: Manchester/Liverpool
Fourth Floor: Halle/Leipzig
Name Index

4
26
48
64
82
98

Project Partners
ThanksVisitor Service, Event Programme, Catalogue
Colophon

102
104
106
107

4

Cross Sections
andCultural Studies
Shrinking cities are a global phenomenon that has increasingly gained relevance in the past few decades. While the four
upper exhibition floors each present a selected location witha number of investigations, the exhibits on the ground floor
provide an overview of as well as comparisons between thefour city regions under investigation.
First of all, each location is compared with the others: chronologies show development over the past 100 years; statistics
and maps depict the causes and effects quantitatively and spatially; the Urban Scan provides an immediate visual impression
from the perspective of a slow car ride; the archive of initiatives show local activities.
The world map, the atlas of the shrinking cities, and thepostcard series of city portraits place the four locations in thecontext of the large number of shrinking cities within the past
50 years. These works are supplemented by cross-section
cultural observations, which pursue the question of what role
the topic plays in film and music production, and how it is5
represented and reflected here. Eleanor Bond’s painting andthe games arcade refer to possible future scenarios, pointing
thereby to the second phase of the project, which is dedicatedto the search for concepts of action. These results will be presented in Leipzig in the autumn of 2005.

Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

6

0.1

0.4–0.11

p. 10 Adaptation Laboratories #3
Ingo Vetter, Annette Weisser

0.2 p. 11 Urban Scan
Albrecht Schäfer et al.
0.3 p. 12 Life in Winnie
Eleanor Bond

0.12

0.4–0.11

0.13
0.2

0.3

see next page for a detailed overview

0.12 p. 21 You’ll Never Walk Alone
Christoph Schäfer0.13 p. 22 48 Album Covers
Antje Ehmann, Johannes Ehmann,
Michael Baute0.14 p. 23 Game Arcade
0.15 p. 24 Video Store
Antje Ehmann, Michael Baute,
Harun Farocki

0.15

ticket office

0.14
First Floor
elevator

0.1

7

8

Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

0.11

0.9
0.10
0.8

0.8

0.5

0.8

0.9 p. 18 Atlas of Shrinking Cities
Project Office Oswalt/Tim Rieniets et al.

0.6
0.5

0.7
0.4

0.10 p. 19 City Portraits
Project Office Oswalt/Elke Beyer,
Stefan Thimmel et al.
0.11 p. 20 Model Berlin
Ingo Vetter, Annette Weisser

0.8

0.6

0.7

0.5
0.4
0.8

0.8

0.6
0.5

0.4

0.7 p. 16 Archive of Local Initiatives
Project Office Oswalt/Doreen Mende et al.
0.8 p. 17 Shrinking City Film
Antje Ehmann, Michael Baute,
Harun Farocki

0.4

0.7

0.5 p. 14 Moving Data
Project Office Oswalt/Anke Hagemann et al.
0.6 p. 15 Statistics
Project Office Oswalt/Anke Hagemann et al.

0.6

0.7

0.4 p. 13 Chronologies
Project Office Oswalt/Elke Beyer et al.

910Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

11

0.1
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------ADAPTATION LABORATORIES #3 (2004)
Ingo Vetter, Annette Weisser

0.2----------------------------------------------------------------------------------URBAN SCAN (2003/2004)
Albrecht Schäfer et al.

The small greenhouse installed on the façade to the left inthe back courtyard is a parasite existing off the building. In
particular, it uses exhaust air from the technical facilities toinflate itself, and taps the water and electricity supply tocreate optimal growth conditions inside. The plant being
grown in the small greenhouse is a ‘ghetto palm’ (ailanthus
altissima), which the artists brought back from Detroit. The
specific environmental situations in the derelict areas ofshrinking cities have produced unique vegetation – plants suchas the ‘ghetto palm,’ which sprout from the remnants of housing
tracts. Nature is conquering back its space with plants thatare rampantly overgrowing the modern age.

Urban Scan gives an initial visual impression of shrinking urban
space in Detroit, Ivanovo, Manchester/Liverpool and Halle/
Leipzig. The films were shot from a car, stationary or moving
slowly, with two cameras attached to the car’s left and rightat right angles to the direction of travel. In the exhibition, therespective pairs of films are placed in analogue fashion to theoriginal recording situation.

12Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

13

0.3
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------LIFE IN WINNIE (2004)
Eleanor Bond

0.4----------------------------------------------------------------------------------CHRONOLOGIES (2003/2004)
Project Office Oswalt/Elke Beyer et al.

Life in Winnie shows Winnipeg as a site for considering theutopian impulse – a longing to bring this city to life, for imagining possibilities for open and unused spaces, for articulating
the complex response to a diminished city.
Winnipeg is a city of Culture (also home to the artist), geographically isolated and economically weak, it is a mid-size
prairie city in slow, steady decline, haunted by the spectre of
Detroit, delayed and shrinking. Speculative fiction, invented
sites and landscapes were tropes used by Eleanor Bond in her
early images. She has continued to expand on these concerns
through reference to unrealised visionary proposals for urban
dwelling and through production-based on research in specific
cities such as Rotterdam, Salzburg, Detroit and Vancouver,and now Winnipeg.

The Chronologies sketch out economic, political and culturalprocesses that have molded social and urban structures in theurban regions of Detroit, Ivanovo, Manchester/Liverpool undHalle/Leipzig over the past hundred years. They reveal phasesof growth, compaction and expansion of cities as well as thevarious causes, counter-strategies and by-products of theirshrinking. Both concurrences and disparate timing in development between various spheres of life and between the individual cities are traced and accentuate the complex nature ofurban processes of development. The architecture of theexhibition shows the population development of two cities ineach of the four regions.

14

Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

15

0.5
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------MOVING DATA (2003/2004)
Project Office Oswalt/Anke Hagemann et al.

0.6----------------------------------------------------------------------------------STATISTICS (2003/2004)
Project Office Oswalt/Anke Hagemann et al.

Moving Data visualises the most significant movements in
Detroit, Ivanovo, Manchester/Liverpool and Halle/Leipzig
over the past five decades, with reference to population density, settlement area and urban structures. Contrary to thecliché of the permanence of built structures, what emerges ina directly perceptible way, is the instability of the urban; aconstant dynamic and shifting of forces that leads to both
growth and shrinkage.

Using statistical data, major developments in the shrinkage
processes of the regions Detroit, Ivanovo, Manchester/Liverpool and Halle/Leipzig are quantified and illustrated. Deindustrialization, suburbanization, locality polarization anddemographic change come under review. The statistical investigation of each of these processes is allocated to the one
region where it is especially significant. But, the statistics
always refer to and compare all four regions since the processes affect each location simultaneously, albeit with differences in intensity, quality and chronological order.

16

Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

17

0.7
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------ARCHIVE OF LOCAL INITIATIVES (2004)
Project Office Oswalt/Doreen Mende et al.

0.8----------------------------------------------------------------------------------SHRINKING CITY FILM (2003/2004)
Antje Ehmann, Michael Baute, Harun Farocki

The archive, with material from the four investigated regionsof Detroit, Ivanovo, Manchester/Liverpool and Halle/Leipzig,
is a sample demonstration of the diversity of local initiatives
in shrinking cities. Citizens organize themselves in order to findtheir own solutions to the day-to-day problems occasioned by
the shrinking, or again, to promote their independent economic, social and cultural initiatives.

It would be as futile to mark out a ‘shrinking-city film’ genre
as it would ‘shrinking-city music’. Countless films, however,feature urban decay, revamping, migration and desolation –and the central theme of entire genres is urban crisis in one
form or another. Channelled through concepts such as theghost town, industrial wasteland, graffiti, bars, paths, unoccupied buildings, vandalism and music, Antje Ehmann, Michael
Baute and Harun Farocki have approached aspects of the‘shrinking city’ in the film medium and created six stations
with assembled film clips.

18

Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

19

0.9
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------ATLAS OF SHRINKING CITIES (2002-2004)
Project Office Oswalt/Tim Rieniets et al.

0.10----------------------------------------------------------------------------------CITY PORTRAITS (2003/2004)
Project Office Oswalt/ Elke Beyer, Stefan Thimmel et al.

Between 1990 and 2000, one in four of the world’s cities wasshrinking. The atlas highlights the shrinking-city phenomenon
vividly on a global scale and presents important worldwide
processes of loss, shift/displacement and transformation that
underlie this phenomenon. A map of the world lists 350
shrinking cities of the past fifty years with a population of
more than 100,000.

A series of postcards portrays some very different shrinking
cities across the world. It illustrates the causes, forms, andgeographical extent of the phenomenon of urban shrinking.
The causes and circumstances of urban crises and dissipation
processes stem not only from typical ‘exhaustion symptoms’in old-established industrial regions. Just as national andglobal economic shifts, migration on a large scale, or theexhaustion of raw resources can induce the demise of a city,
so can political change, disasters and war. Other cities lose
inhabitants, urban functions and economic substance to suburbanization, border regimes, or segregation. The summary
urban portraits show the wide distribution of and dissimilarity between shrinkage processes.

20Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

21

0.11
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------MODEL BERLIN (2004)
Ingo Vetter, Annette Weisser

0.12----------------------------------------------------------------------------------YOU'LL NEVER WALK ALONE (2004)
Christoph Schäfer

Behind the exhibition hall lies a second courtyard (open Saturdays and Sundays). Hardly noticed and sumptuously overgrown with ruderal plants, here a hole was left in euphoricallyredeveloped Berlin-Mitte. Sit on the remnants of the Berliner
Bankgesellschaft, ‘tarry’ for a while . Don’t worry, you’re notmissing out on anything, the gold fever is over, the caravans
have passed on, and perhaps lying here – between things – isthe future of the city. Grilling is allowed.

Although shrinking, Liverpool manages to achieve the feat,again and again, of catching the world’s imagination. A singular disparity. One house in every four is empty, one in five
dilapidated, and entire blocks are no more than ruins.
Between them are the street signs everyone knows as song
titles. In a Wurlitzer ‘Rave On’ Music Box, filled with sounds
and photographs from the Liverpool of the imagination, thepiece entitled You'll Never Walk Alone embodies the wealthof pre-conceptions and associations as well as the absence ofpeople. Thus, Liverpool is also an example of de-industrialization not necessarily going hand-in-hand with a dying of
culture. On the contrary, the arts often seem to concentrate
where the economy has failed and urban wastelands becomea potential.

22
0.13
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------48 PLATTENCOVER (48 ALBUM COVERS) (2004)
Antje Ehmann, Johannes Ehmann, Michael BauteBlack Music, Soul and the Funk of the early 1970s, the Punkof the late 1970s and 1980s, HipHop from the early 1980s on,
and Techno all reflect again and again on subjects related toshrinking cities. They all mirror the quality of the urban andits dangers not only on the plane of the musical product. Theirinterpretations also take place on the plane of the covers andartwork. The motifs are a confrontation with urban decay, butthey often double as self-stylisation and marketing. In addition, this image-making reflects back directly onto the cities’(self-) image and development. 48 Album Covers shows selected
covers illustrating the ways that music culture refers to theimagery of shrinking cities.

Ground Floor: Cross Sections/Cultural Studies

23

0.14
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------SPIELOTHEK (GAME ARCADE) (2003/2004)

The Spielothek is a stock of parlour games that can be
regarded as potential instruments of urban planning and citizen participation – or as an ironic comment on this. In all thegames, the player is given the possibility of changing the city.
In shrinking cities in particular, games offer the potential of
conveying to those affected the complex interrelation of thefactors of influence, the scope for action, and the prospects
for development. The following games can be played at the exhibition: BürgerMeister (2003/2004) by raumtaktik (Friedrichvon Borries, Matthias Böttger); WorldWideWob (2003/04)
by Pia Lanzinger; Xaga – das Stadtspiel (2003) by Netzwerk
Südost e.V.; Der Nordring – Das Stadtumbau-Spiel (2002) by
Stadtbüro Hunger; Pankower Stagnationsmemory (1990) by
Manfred Butzmann.

24
0.15
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------VIDEOTHEK (VIDEO STORE) (2003/2004)
Antje Ehmann, Michael Baute, Harun Farocki

A selection of movies for hire, from various genres such as thefeature, the documentary, science fiction and art film and withthe theme of the shrinking sity at their core.

26

DETROITAt the beginning of the twentieth century, Detroit, located in
the north of the American Midwest, became the centre ofAmerican car production. Chrysler, Ford, and General
Motors created the car city. Taylorism radically modernizedproduction, and Henry Ford’s assembly-line turned the car
into a mass product from 1913 onwards. Here is where thefirst concrete-paved street appeared, and the first urban
freeway. Detroit stood for unprecedented economic growth.
In the 1920s, numerous skyscrapers, department stores andcinema palaces with up to 5,000 seats were built. From 1900
and 1950, the number of inhabitants rose from 285,700 to
1.85 million.
After 1950, this boomtown became the trailblazer for cityto-outskirts migration, in which the inner city shrank while
the suburbs of metropolitan Detroit continued to expand.
The backdrop of Detroit’s suburbanization was automobilism
as well as de facto segregation. Between 1940 and 1960, theshare of African Americans grew to become a third of the
population. In response, the white middle-class moved tothe periphery. In 1998, 78 per cent of the population in thesuburbs was white, and 79 per cent of the population in the
inner city was black. At the same time, the average income inmetropolitan Detroit was twice as high as in Detroit’s inner
city.

27
Today, a third of the entire city area is abandoned while
127 municipalities in metropolitan Detroit are prospering.
Between 1978 and 1998, 108,000 buildings were demolishedin Detroit, but only 9,000 new buildings and renovations
were approved. Thousands of residential buildings, numerous department stores, offices and cinemas are vacant:abandoned, closed, boarded and bricked up. Street signs are
rusting. Grass is growing on the sidewalks. In some streets,
Detroit looks like a ghost town. Attempts to reurbanize thecity have left no significant traces. Only culture and selfinitiatives keep the inner city of Detroit alive. Here andthere, where guarded complexes of single-family houses
arise, suburbia advances on the inner city.

First Floor: Detroit

28

29
1.1

1.11

1.12

1.2 p. 31 Ratman, ThugPeter Williams

1.13

1.4

1.3 p. 32 Pictures of a City: Scrappers
Scott Hocking

1.6
1.14
1.2

1.3

p. 30 Devil’s Night Poster Series
Jeff Karolski

1.4 p. 33 Detroit Industries – Urban Agriculture
Ingo Vetter1.5 p. 34 Coda Motor City
Kelly Parker, Toni Moceri

1.5

1.6 p. 35 Slam Poets from D, in D
Robert Andersen

1.7

1.1

1.10

1.7

1.15
1.16
1.17

p. 36 The Heidelberg Project
Tyree Guyton, Tammy Lynn Evans1.8 p. 37 Hot Irons
Andrew Dosunmu
1.9 p. 38 Slim’s Bike
Benjamin Miguel Hernandez, Chris Turner
1.10 p. 39 Detroit Banks
Andrew Zago

1.9
elevator

1.8

1.11 p. 40 Memorial
Clinton Snider
1.12 p. 41 The Changing Landscape of the
Detroit Metropolitan Area
John Ganis

toilet1.13 p. 42 Magic City (Wed. Spec. 2004 Remix)
Christopher McNamara
1.14 p. 43 Fortifications Detroit
Mitch Cope
1.15 p. 44 Moving Graves
D. Pitera, C. Lee, J. Huellmantel mit M. Cope
1.16 p. 45 Detroit: Making It Better For You
iCUE/Kyong Park
1.17 p. 46 Old House/New House: Old City/New City
iCUE/Kyong Park

30

First Floor: Detroit

31

1.1
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------DEVIL'S NIGHT POSTER SERIES (2004)
Jeff Karolski

1.1----------------------------------------------------------------------------------RATMAN, THUG (2000)
Peter Williams

Ever since the 1970s, Devil’s Night has been the name for theeve before Halloween (October 30) when Detroit sets itself on
fire. Devil’s Night 1984 was the worst in Detroit’s history
earning the city the title of ‘Arson Capital of the Nation’: thecity experienced 810 fires during the three-day Halloween
period. Detroit has initiated a massive anti-arson effort thathas significantly reduced the number of fires. However, manyof the problems that beleaguered Detroit (large numbers ofabandoned buildings, depopulation, limited city services including fire protection and youth recreation, high unemployment, weak economic development) and combined with Halloween traditions to create Devil’s Night still exist today.
Five fictitious posters reveal creation myths, motivations
and causes behind Devil’s Night.

Ratman, Thug, is a work from a small series of paintings
highlighting various characters, places and objects of highsymbolic value to Detroit and its environs. The character
Ratman is a fusion of cartoons such as Mickey Mouse withthe dangerous and mischievous behaviour of young inner city
kids. In American culture, animal cartoons have often beenused as a negative representation of people of color. The history of Mickey Mouse includes the Minstrel; a character firstinvented by slaves to represent Whites in plays and skits performed for their own amusement. Later on the Minstrel wasappropriated by Whites to characterize the perceived follies
of Blacks. Peter Williams’ approach is to re-inform andremake the history of these characterizations. He has
deployed a different set of values and ideas to expose thedeafening and coercive nature of racism.

32
1.3
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------PICTURES OF A CITY: SCRAPPERS (2001-2004)
Scott Hocking

Scrappers are most often homeless men who collect every
usable piece of metal from unoccupied houses. They work
hard, on the brink of crime, and scrap merchants remuneratethem with just enough to survive. The depopulation of
Detroit’s inner city has bestowed a ‘goldmine’ on theseutilisers of scrap who live at the edges of society and, in theprocess, given rise to a unique subculture of exploiting parts
from old buildings. The installation involves the scrapper
Country's scorched copper wire in a cart in relation to a cart
full of cheap gas station snacks. About 90 pounds of copper
equals roughly $50 cash, which equals about 100 bags ofcaramel corn.

First Floor: Detroit

33

1.4
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------DETROIT INDUSTRIES – URBAN AGRICULTURE(2003/2004)
Ingo Vetter

Urban agriculture is something of a marginal phenomenon
in inner city Detroit’s spreading, sprawling expanse of void.
Yet, the gardens form a network that embodies socially
utopian and educative qualities. Those who till them seethem as an alternative potential of development for the cityof Detroit, an example of development ‘from the grass roots’– rooted locally, and geared to the community. They stand incontrast to the plans of local government or the ‘developers’
who rely on the received, market-aligned models of urban
development such as casinos, stadiums, shopping malls,
prisons and residential estates in suburban style – models
that, in Detroit, have only rarely worked.

34

First Floor: Detroit

35

1.5
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------CODA MOTOR CITY (2003/2004)
Kelly Parker, Toni Moceri

1.6----------------------------------------------------------------------------------SLAM POETS FROM D, IN D (2004)
Robert Andersen

There is hardly any public transport in the Motor City
Detroit. Those 22 per cent of households not owning a car are
more or less immobile and trapped both physically andsocially. Coda Motor City is a short film, serving as anappendix to Henry Ford’s vision of independence andequality through the automobile. While Ford’s dream was
successful, it has become heavily distorted over time. In ‘The
Motor City’, mobility necessary to survival can only beachieved through the automobile. Those people who cannot
drive or cannot afford a car struggle to undertake the mostmenial of daily tasks. This film is an effort to portray the dramatic energy of today in contrast to Ford’s Great Vision, by
documenting the personal effects of immobility on individual
lives as well as the broader implications on the socio-politicallandscape of Detroit. The theme suggests that Detroit istrapped in its identity as ‘The Motor City,’ which has led to
the failure to implement a fair and equal system of masstransportation.

Slam poetry battles – a popular part of Detroit’s arts has
become ever more so in recent years. These are contests at
which writers, mostly amateurs, present their texts andpoems to the public in performing, recitation form. The content of slam poetry by Michael Ellison, Khary Kimani Turnerand Chantal ‘Legacy’ Leonard is about daily urban and social
life in Detroit. Detroit’s slam poets are well known
throughout America and have won prizes at national contests.

36

First Floor: Detroit

37

1.7
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------THE HEIDELBERG PROJECT (2004)
Tyree Guyton, Tammy Lynn Evans1.8----------------------------------------------------------------------------------HOT IRONS (1999)
Andrew Dosunmu

Beginning in 1986, artist Tyree Guyton transformed abandoned houses into tremendous works of assemblage art.
Found objects including car hoods, tires, old signs, dolls andbroken toys together with brightly colored polka dots andpainted faces both changed the appearance of and brought
attention to the abandon and neglect. Guyton was raised on
Heidelberg Street and witnessed its decline as families andbusinesses were replaced by poverty and decay. Lack ofinvestment in the community inspired Guyton to respondwith a creative, adaptive re-use of the urban environment.
From its inception, the Heidelberg Project incited contrasting
reactions revealing the political and cultural complexities ofurban Detroit. In 1989, Guyton received the ‘Spirit of Detroit
Award’ from City Council for his contribution to metropolitan
cultural life. In 1991 and 1999, bulldozers targeted several of
Guyton's art houses and installations by order of the city
council. In both instances, Guyton went to work immediately
reconstructing his works on Heidelberg Street.

Hairstyling is as much a part of African-American culture in
Detroit as Slam Poetry. Hot Irons shows five Detroit hairdressers in preparation for an internationally renowned hairconvention called ‘Hair Wars’. Known as the ‘black hairextravaganza of America’, ‘Hair Wars’ has established itself
as a Mecca for creative, expressive and fantastical hair
without relying on political origins or ramifications. Hot
Irons captures the pressures, rituals, hopes and hype of thestylists competing for recognition and respect. Andrew
Dosunmu documents the explosions of color, riots of form,
surprises of sculpture, and amazing boldness that transforms ordinary hair into extraordinary art.

38

First Floor: Detroit

39

1.9
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------SLIM’S BIKE (2004)
Benjamin Miguel Hernandez, Chris Turner

1.10----------------------------------------------------------------------------------DETROIT BANKS (1998-2004)
Andrew Zago

The creator of Slim’s Bike, James Thompson (Slim), lived in
Detroit’s run-down and notorious Cass Corridor precinct,
mostly inhabited by poor people, students, artists and intellectuals. Slim’s Bike arose from objects discarded and disdained that Thompson found on the street: among them
could be photographs of families now forgotten, of little children and of women of sexually equivocal character. The formand construction of Slim’s Bike changed every year but the
topics that the artist tackled through his bike remained constant for twenty-five years: liberty, sexuality, the structure offamilies, community affairs and social aspects of life as an
African American in a city hit by decay. James Thompson
died in the mid-1990s. Slim’s Bike was found and restored by
Benjamin Hernandez and Chris Turner, two Detroit-based
artists.

Andrew Zago documented all the remaining corner bankbuildings in Detroit. All of the documented examples were
purpose-built as banks between the 1920s and the 1940s andonly a small percentage still function as banks. The worksuggests the structure of social and economic change in
Detroit as it charts the functional drift of a generic, well distributed building type, functioning here as an index of urbanchange.

401.11----------------------------------------------------------------------------------MEMORIAL (2004)
Clinton Snider

Memorial depicts a somewhat curious spectacle in an otherwise ordinary Detroit setting. A lone utility pole is adornedby an assortment of colorful stuffed animals and other toys,
most likely memorialising the site of a child’s death. Roadside memorials, common in Detroit and other working/lower
class areas of the United States, are often constructed by
loved ones to indicate the site of a car accident, crime or othertragic death. The landscape itself may also serve as a kind ofmemorial to the city of Detroit, where vacant, grassy lots andrun-down homes are all that remain of once bustling neighborhoods.

First Floor: Detroit

41

1.12
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------THE CHANGING LANDSCAPE OF THE DETROITMETROPOLITAN AREA (1987/2004)
John Ganis

John Ganis uses photography to document the consumptionof landscape in the USA, focussing on new buildings penetrating into nature. In Chrysler Technology Center Construction, Michigan (1987), for instance, he shows the site preparations for the technology center now owned by Daimler
Chrysler Corporation. Although the structure of this hugecomplex had not yet been erected, there are three architectural maquettes that are strangely juxtaposed against thebarren ground. Detroit Boundary with Highland Park, At
Davison Freeway and Interstate 75 (2004) shows the intersection of two freeways on an inner border of Detroit that creates a ‘dead zone’ within the urban area. Mall Construction
and New Homes, Lake Orion Michigan (2004), on the other
hand, shows the seemingly endless suburban sprawl thathas extended many miles past the outskirts of Detroit and its
immediate suburbs to the rural area of lake Orion which isabout 40 kilometres north of Detroit. Finally, Oakland
County Drain marks, at the edge of the suburbs, the development of watertrain projects for on-going suburbanization.

42

First Floor: Detroit

43

1.13
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------MAGIC CITY (WED. SPEC. 2004 REMIX) (2004)
Christopher McNamara

1.14----------------------------------------------------------------------------------FORTIFICATIONS DETROIT (2004)
Mitch Cope

Christopher McNamara contrasts film footage from Canadian TV of the race riots in Detroit in 1967 with a slowly
rotating sprinkler outside his parents’ Windsor home and a1967 pinball machine entitled Magic City. In July of 1967, theneighbourhood directly across the river from McNamara’s
neighbourhood became the sight of one of the most tragic andbloody civil disturbances of the period. The ‘riots,’ as they
were referred to in the popular media, were a series of escalating conflicts between the residents of the city (largely
black) and the largely white police force, bolstered by the
National Guard (also largely white). The resultant whiteflight from the city in the years that followed created a
vacuum in Detroit that is still evident in many parts of thecity.

After the destructive 1967 riots, Detroit business and property owners became increasingly paranoid and fearful offurther rioting and began re-designing the city in order todefend themselves from the perceived threats coming fromthe streets. These drawings illustrate six major types of
fortifications found within the city of Detroit and its surrounding suburbs. The viewpoint is from the unfamiliar vantage point of the pedestrian standing in a structural landscapedesigned completely around the automobile and therefore
fortified against the pedestrian. Some fortifications havebecome so extreme they effectively choke off entire neighborhoods, buildings, and streets, aiding in the further decline
and isolation of certain types of communities and businesses.

44

First Floor: Detroit

45

1.15
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------MOVING GRAVES (2003/2004)
Dan Pitera, Christopher Lee, Jody Huellmantel with Mitch
Cope

1.16
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------DETROIT: MAKING IT BETTER FOR YOU (A FICTION) (2000)
iCUE/Kyong Park

Moving graves are the most extreme case of Detroit’s suburbanization over the last fifty years. The final resting place
has become movable. Within the context of US society’s
mobility, the grave loses its role as a fixture. Over a thousand
deceased individuals are moved out of Detroit every year.
When residents of Detroit began moving out of the city, theyleft behind their deceased relative’s final resting place in
Detroit’s old cemeteries. The phenomenon of moving graves
in Detroit begins as a quest for comfort in a suburban environment and a retreat from fear of the city.

Kyong Park’s film is fiction, its title a slogan from Detroit city
marketing. In the style of a commercial, supposedly producedby the car industry and real estate developers, it portrays thedecline of Detroit as a large-scale plan: suburbanisation,
inner-city decline, racial hatred, and media coverage are partof a strategic plan, which along with many losers will also
produce winners – the plan’s initiators. The seemingly unplanned development thus reveals its secret logic.

46
1.17
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------OLD HOUSE/NEW HOUSE (2003/2004)
iCUE/Kyong Park

Kyong Park interviewed inhabitants who had moved out tothe suburbs of Metropolitan Detroit from the inner city about
the stations of their individual housing history. Personal recollections and everyday experiences delineate a psychographof Detroit consisting of motives for moving house; the fears
and desires of the occupants. Parallels quickly emerge between diverse, often contradictory realities in a shrinking city.

48

Ivanovo
Ivanovo lies 300 kilometres northeast of Moscow, has a populationof 448,000, and is the capital city of the eponymous region with
1.1 million inhabitants. Starting in the mid-nineteenth century, theregion developed into a centre of the Russian textile industry.Unlike
the big cities of Western Europe,Ivanovo has partially still preserved
the spatial structures of a village, even in the twentieth century. Onestoried wooden houses with small gardens and no running water
stand next to the representative architecture of the Stalinist era.The
rapid population growth in Ivanovo between 1920 and 1980 made itnecessary to employ other strategies for constructing residentialbuildings.From the 1950s on,under Party leaders Nikita Khrushchev
and Leonid Brezhnev,urban settlements with multiple-storied community units and residence towers were constructed.
After 1990, the concentration of the region’s industry on one
main branch turned out fatal.When the Soviet Union collapsed, thecity fell into an unprecedented economic crisis. The cotton fromUzbekistan was no longer delivered. Sales faltered because all at
once Western European and Far East garment suppliers appearedon the scene. The severe ‘transition’ from command to market
economy reduced the volume of production: in 1998, it sank tomerely 22 per cent of the level from 1989. Many women and men
officially remained employees of companies deeply in debt in orderto hold onto their employed status which provided them with medical and social care, although not much. Still, their wages are so low

Second Floor: Ivanovo

49

that it does not suffice for their daily subsistence. At times, 60 per
cent of the population in Ivanovo were dependent on the fruit andvegetables from their gardens for their survival. Individual initiative
is high, networks are tightly woven. Young people, especially thosewith a good education, leave Ivanovo to look for work in Moscow.
The birth-rate has declined markedly in the past few years while life
expectancy has sunk dramatically.

50

Second Floor: Ivanovo

51
2.1

2.12

2.2

2.10

2.2 p. 53 Around Ivanovo in 16 Postcard Stories
Nicole Schuck

2.11
2.3

2.3 p. 54 Green City
Alexander Sverdlov, Sergei Sitar
2.4 p. 55 Consensual City
Sergei Sitar, Alexander Sverdlov
2.5 p. 56 Factories, Plants, Houses of craft(Fabriki, Zavody, Doma Remesla)
Yuri Leiderman

2.9
2.4

2.1

p. 52 After Planning #3
Bas Princen

2.6 p. 57 The Factory 8th of March(Fabrika Im. 8-go Marta)
Sergei Sitar, Olga Filatova

2.6
2.5

2.8

2.7 p. 58 Workers’ Home No. 3
Ines Lasch, Alexei Kononenko,
Vera Samorodova
2.8 p. 59 Factory Puchezh – „Thready/Gone“
Elena Samorodova, Vera Samorodova

elevator

2.7

2.9 p. 60 Born out of necessity – Utility Objects
from the Ivanovo Region (Vynuzhdennye veshchi Ivanovskol gubernii)
Vladimir Archipov2.10 p. 61 Survival Manual
Savva Miturich, Sergei Miturich,Alexander Sverdlov, Boris Spiridonov

toilet2.11 p. 62 Collage Venues
Elena Samorodova, Vera Samorodova
2.12 p. 63 A Glass of Soup (Banka supa)Sergei Bratkov with Viktoria Begalskaya

52
2.1
-----------------------------------------------------------------------AFTER PLANNING # 3 (2003/2004)
Bas Princen

In his photographs, Bas Princen focuses on unfinished planning
projects from the Soviet era, and on unplanned adaptations of architectural structures today. He shows constructions such as that of an
unfinished hall in Yuzha Outskirts, of the kind the Soviet Union
produced in masses and which occur again and again all over thecountry. Another unfinished building is the Palech Cultural Centre,
a house for the Soviet Artists’ Association. Construction began in
1978 but was suspended in 1990 for lack of funds. In the wake of thecollapse of grand-scale urban planning and projects, individual
micro-architecture is appearing. A case in point is the catering
annexes to the theatre which was designed by renowned architect
Alexander Vlassov in 1932-8, but is hardly used today. The three
single-family houses of Ivanovo Outksirts were left unfinished, after
their owners left the city for unknown reasons. Out of fear of theowners, no one dares to enter the construction sites whereas abandoned state construction sites are usually looted clean.

Second Floor: Ivanovo

53

2.2
-----------------------------------------------------------------------AROUND IVANOVO IN 16 POSTCARD STORIES(2003/2004)
Nicole Schuck

Sixteen postcards of the monuments and architecture in Ivanovo are
installed on the wall and marked with a number.The visitor is given
headphones and can enter the number for each card on the CD
player. The Russian artist Svetlana Kuzmicheva narrates about theplaces and buildings depicted on the cards. She locates the sites in
the city, and the listener can follow these descriptions on the city
map drawn on the wall. The history of the sites and relevant anecdotes are pieced together to give an imaginary city tour of Ivanovo.
Svetlana Kuzmicheva talks, for example, about Lenin monuments in which flats have been built. The words of Svetlana
Kuzmicheva fill the postcard monuments and squares with concrete
everyday life, often turning them into places with a haunting logic.
The sites Svetlana Kuzmicheva describes – contrary to their monumental character asserted in the postcards – are undergoing changeor falling into ruin.

54Second Floor: Ivanovo

55

2.3
-----------------------------------------------------------------------GREEN CITY (2003/2004)
Alexander Sverdlov,Sergei Sitar

2.4-----------------------------------------------------------------------CONSENSUAL CITY (2003/2004)
Sergei Sitar,Alexander Sverdlov

Using, as a test case, the town Yuzha in the Ivanovo region, Green
City addresses the development of the city in the post-socialist era.
Like many of the post Soviet cities, Yuzha is experiencing a turbulent period of its history. It could be characterized by the unprecedented disintegration of the existing city, dilapidation of its major
functions and its matter, together with new unplanned and vital
developments that are simultaneously taking place. Balancing between decay and development, the city represents a condition which
is a radical urban experiment in itself.Green City is an urbanist study
capturing and formalizing current transformations in Yuzha for possible use as a basis for a new urban model.

Do shrinking cities function as epicenters of the growth of alternative identities, or do they shrink precisely because they ultimate lacka local identity, the mere embryos of which are being continuously
washed away by the global information tide? The project attempts
to address this question and is focused on Yuzha, a small textile cityof 18.000 inhabitants, 95 km southeast from Ivanovo. Yuzha is thelast in the region still not covered by mobile tele-communication, it
has no rail or river connections, and therefore the specificity of the
post-socialist cultural landscape here is less contaminated byexternal influences. On the other hand, the contemporary networkof cultural institutions and active parties on this site represents the
typical conditions of the Ivanovo region. Consensual City describes
information circuits, actors and forces working on the formation of
the identity of a post-socialist, de-industrialized shrinking city.

56

Second Floor: Ivanovo

57

2.5
-----------------------------------------------------------------------FACTORIES, PLANTS, HOUSES OF CRAFT (FABRIKI,ZAVODY, DOMA REMESLA) (2004)
Yuri Leiderman2.6-----------------------------------------------------------------------THE FACTORY 8TH OF MARCH (FABRIKA IM. 8-GO
MARTA) (2003/2004)
Sergei Sitar,Olga Filatova

The project employs a certain parallel between one of the author's
old paintings, ‘Fabriki, Zavody’ (1987), and the economical collapseof Ivanovo region. The recent economical transformation is presented in the installation, where the painting of Yuri Leiderman, as asymbol of preceding industrial development, is juxtaposed with
examples of today’s regional crafts, which are being consciously redeveloped as a partial substitute for the lost industry. Since 1990,‘Houses of Crafts’ are being developed everywhere in the Ivanovo
region, harking back to the old traditions, while subjugating them tomodern aesthetics, and occasionally producing some strangely
eclectic forms.

The Factory 8th of March at Ivanovo was among the technologicalvanguard of the Soviet textile industry. In honour of the women
working there, the factory was named after the date of International
Women’s Day. In July 2003, the insolvency proceedings begun five
years before were concluded. Up to that date, already seventy new
firms and shops of varying scale and profile had arisen in the ruinsof the defunct factory. Among these was Silver City, the largest
shopping and services centre in the region. For Sergei Sitar andOlga Filatova it is symbolically only consistent that here of all places,at the site of a ‘show-case’ factory in Soviet terms, there should haveoccurred a massive ‘return of the repressed’ – the return of trade andservice functions, in a form customary of European cities and associated with the population’s self-determination in everyday life andin what and how they consume.

58
2.7
-----------------------------------------------------------------------ARBEITERWOHNHEIM NR. 3 (WORKERS’ HOME NO. 3)(2003/2004)
Ines Lasch,Alexei Kononenko,Vera Samorodova

The eight-storey Workers’Home No.3 in Ivanovo was built by three
local textile works – the Kirov Works, the Bolshaya Ivanovskaya
Manufaktura and the Zhidelyov Works – in 1974. Life in the hostels
at that time implied the occupant’s spatial integration into an organized socio-political and cultural life. It stood for extensive social
provisions on the one hand and, on the other, for the absolute priority of the collective coupled with minimal opportunity for privacy.
Workers’ Home No. 3 is an exemplary account of the outward andsocial changes that occurred between 1974 and 2003 and demonstrates how, behind the building’s dilapidated façade, a communityof tenants relying on their own resources makes real their own
notions of a civic society.

Second Floor: Ivanovo

59

2.8
-----------------------------------------------------------------------FACTORY PUCHEZH – ‘THREADY/GONE’ (2003)
Vera Samorodova,Elena Samorodova

Following the radical dismantling of textile production in the
Ivanovo area, Factory Puchezh – ‘Thready/Gone’ shows the workspaces in a linen combine in Puchezh as an aesthetic phenomenon.
In the past ten years, faltering supplies of raw material and risingenergy and fuel prices have led to a plummeting fall in productionlevels to between five and seven per cent of what they were. The
photographic series shows the workers that remain, lost in vast halls
in the exercise of their almost optional activities as well as fragmentsof abandoned production plants and idle machines.

60
2.9
-----------------------------------------------------------------------BORN OUT OF NECESSITY – UTILITY OBJECTS FROM
THE IVANOVO REGION (VYNUZHDENNYE VESHCHIIVANOVSKOI GUBERNII) (2003/2004)
Vladimir Archipov

Vladimir Archipov has collected home-made utility objects from
Ivanovo region that were devised as solutions to everyday problems.
They stand for innovations made by Ivanovo’s citizens, who, owing
once to the economy of scarcity, now to lacking financial means,depend on their own resources.To create something out of necessity
is a Russian tradition.

Second Floor: Ivanovo

61

2.10
-----------------------------------------------------------------------SURVIVAL MANUAL (2003/2004)
Savva Miturich,Sergei Miturich,Alexander Sverdlov,Boris Spiridonov

Survival Manual is a collection of techniques, know-how and everyday practices developed by the inhabitants of the city of Yuzha.The
practices listed were evolved long before the end of the Soviet
Union; but it was only after perestroika, in conditions of radical economic decline, that a major part of the population took to forms ofself-organisation in earnest. Essentially, Survival Manual supplies
answers to the question confronting one in many places in Russia.
How does one live in cities if one is as good as penniless?

62

Second Floor: Ivanovo

63

2.11
-----------------------------------------------------------------------COLLAGE VENUES (2003)
Vera Samorodova,Elena Samorodova

2.12-----------------------------------------------------------------------A GLASS OF SOUP (BANKA SUPA) (2004)
Sergei Bratkov with Viktoria BegalskayaCollage Venues is based on the premise that shrinking cities represent
a dynamic, self-developing phenomenon that far transcends, andthus renders questionable, the fixed rational models of functional
forms of organised urban life. Urban spaces of undefined type in
Ivanovo and Kineshma are shown as projections of deep socio-economic changes in a period of transition. In the everyday actions ofpeople who have lost their once fixed social status in the course of
the restructuring process and who have given up their accustomed
professional niche, life is characterized by change and spontaneity
rather than by calculable regularity.

With the title, A Glass of Soup, Sergei Bratkov calls Warhol’s Campbell’s Soup to mind – a key work of Pop Art. Brought into association
with the situation in Russia today, it becomes a symbol of masspoverty. The glass jar is a pickling jar of the kind that, in Russia,
fulfils many purposes. Soup is eaten from it in canteens; it is taken
along when buying cream, gherkins or jam.The jar also highlights alack of packaging – and the huge gap that separates Ivanovo from
Warhol’s American throw-away society.

64

Manchester/Liverpool
Manchester and Liverpool lie in England’s North West, scarcely 35
miles apart. In the early nineteenth century, they embodied the
beginning of industrialization. Manchester is one of the first industrial cities in the world. Although the first passenger train in the
United Kingdom travelled between the two cities, and in 1855 theManchester-Liverpool Canal was built, they have always been rival
cities. Manchester stood out as an international trade centre, Liverpool with its port as the logistics centre for regional textile factories. Later, each has crowed over its football team, its musicscene, its cultural institutions.
With the decline of the textile branch in the county of Lancashire, Manchester and Liverpool suffered tremendous deterioration after 1950.The container revolution pushed the transportindustry into a heavy crisis as well.Around 1930, both cities had apopulation of roughly 850,000; today, only half of that. Extreme deindustrialization and suburbanization was accompanied by therising impoverishment of the workers and a growing population
loss. In 1995, unemployment in Manchester hit 18.9 per cent, today
it is 9.1 per cent. In Liverpool, on the other hand, unemployment
in the more impoverished districts of the city such as Everton
reached 44 per cent in the mid-1990s.

65
The situation changed dramatically in the 1980s. During theera of Margaret Thatcher, as the British municipal policies weremore or less privatized, Manchester took the path of the coalition,and Liverpool the path of opposition.As a result, Manchester overcame the crisis more quickly than Liverpool, although signs ofshrinkage, such as vacancy, poverty, derelict areas, daily crime, arevery visible in both cities. Manchester and Liverpool have put theirmoney into art, culture, and services to ward off their decline andinto rebuilding certain districts. Despite the renewal of their city
centres, however, large sections of the inner city are still in decline.
The region today is marked by a heavy polarization.

Third Floor: Manchester/Liverpool

66

3.1

3.6

3.5

3.2 p. 69 Scotland Road
Imogen Stidworthy

3.2

3.3 p. 70 Conversations, The Highs and Lows
of Liverpool Life
Kath Healy

3.3
3.13

3.9

3.4 p. 71 Migrant Office
Leo Fitzmaurice, Neville Gabie

3.10
3.4

3.1

p. 68 Cotton Mills Revisited
John Davies

3.5 p. 72 Benny Profane
Ken Grant

3.7

3.6 p. 73 Home Guard: Domestic Defence in
East Manchester
Tom Jefferies, Neil Swanson,
Dominic Wilkinson

3.8

3.7 p. 74 Boot Rules
public works (Kathrin Böhm, Andreas Lang)

3.11

3.12

3.8 p. 75 Re-Imaging the City
Joshua Bolchover, Kevin Ward3.9 p. 76 Remember Tomorrow: Hulme as
Urban Myth
Newbetter/Joshua Bolchover, Shumon Basarelevator

3.10 p. 77 Tribute to the HaçiendaDavid Haslam, Aidan O’Rourke,
Lee Thompson
3.11 p. 78 Spaces of Labour
G.L.A.S3.12 p. 79 Cammell Laird Shipyard
Tom Wood
3.13 p. 80 Hold the Line for a Moment
Paul Rooney

67

68

Third Floor: Manchester/Liverpool

69

3.1

3.2

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------COTTON MILLS REVISITED (1982–2003)
John Davies--------------------------------------------------------------------------------SCOTLAND ROAD (2004)
Imogen Stidworthy

Between 1982 and 1986, John Davies photographed cotton andother textile industry mills in Northwestern England, where thesector was terminally sick. The project was a record of a once
dominant industry that, for over 100 years, had dramatically shaped
the rural and urban landscape of Lancashire and the areas surrounding Manchester. In 2004, Davies returned to these sites ofbygone industrial heydays. The same perspectives now showed
landscapes once more marked by changes. They are eloquent
images of the changes of an industrial society into a service-based
one.

Liverpool’s Scotland Road was the site of one of the densest slumsof the industrial age. Following heavy bombing in the Second
World War, it underwent extreme depopulation which accelerated between 1960 and 1980, when most of the remaining houses
and tenements were demolished and the community was scattered and relocated.While Scotland Road is all but obliterated, its
topography and structures remain vividly present in the memoriesof those who lived there; a defining, original location. The work
describes the virtual places and structures of Scotland Road, as
they exist in memory and imagination, through gesture, drawing
and voice recorded in conversations with past inhabitants. It brings
this virtual architecture and topography into relation with theactuality of Scotland Road as it exists now.

70

Third Floor: Manchester/Liverpool

71

3.3

3.4

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------CONVERSATIONS,THE HIGHS AND LOWS OF
LIVERPOOL LIFE (2004)
Kath Healy--------------------------------------------------------------------------------MIGRANT OFFICE (1999-2004)
Leo Fitzmaurice, Neville Gabie

Kath Healy is a retired Civil Servant, and lived in one of the three
Sheil Parks tower blocks which also housed the Further up in the
Air project office. The 22-storey towers were built in 1960, andincluded a community centre and a row of shops. The blocks
became home to many but proved very difficult to manage andmaintain. In 1991 the Government appointed a trust – the Liverpool Housing Action Trust (LHAT) – to oversee the regenerationof the area. The decision reached by the LHAT was to demolishthe three blocks and build various new dwellings on the site. KathHealy interviewed former inhabitants of the blocks about theirlives in their old and their new homes.

The Further up in the Air project office from flat 22, Linosa Close,
Sheil Park, Liverpool is reconstructed in Berlin as an archive of the
project. The archive contains press and documentation of how
25 artists have responded to a very particular local situation,
where three, largely vacant tower blocks were about to be demolished and replaced with a new estate of semi-detached houses andbungalows. Migrant Office shows the accumulated documentationof the projects: catalogues, architects plans (of new and old accommodation), funding applications and letters.

72

Third Floor: Manchester/Liverpool

73

3.5

3.6

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------BENNY PROFANE (1989-1996)
Ken Grant--------------------------------------------------------------------------------HOME GUARD: DOMESTIC DEFENCE IN EAST
MANCHESTER (2004)
Tom Jefferies, Neil Swanson, Dominic Wilkinson

Ken Grant’s documentation shows men, women, and children on
the Bidston Moss landfill site at Birkenhead, Liverpool.Their quest
is to find goods that they can re-use or sell.They work for themselves, always on the search for the ‘jackpot’ in a plastic bag or a
box.The tip is an extensive, sombre, fenced terrain high above thedocks and railway tracks that once served as a transshipment platform and interface with a lively estuary. In 1996, the tip was closed
in order to be ‘landscaped’.

The perception of crime as a threatening presence in deserted
urban space has lead to the evolution of unusual forms of definition of domestic territory, supported by a burgeoning home
security industry. Physical responses to domestic security, characterized by the authors as Conformist, Extrovert, Introvert, andSchizophrenic, are apparently randomly distributed across the
depopulated areas of urban East Manchester. Depopulation leads
to an uncertain status of public space and a loss of confidence inits predictability.The work sets out to codify and understand thepatterns of response to emptied urban space.The consistent cottage housing type of East Manchester provides a model against
which changes in attitudes towards the formation of urban space
and the relationship of individual occupants to the city can be read.

74Third Floor: Manchester/Liverpool

75

3.7

3.8

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------BOOT RULES (2004)
public works (Kathrin Böhm,Andreas Lang)--------------------------------------------------------------------------------RE-IMAGING THE CITY (2004)
Joshua Bolchover, Kevin Ward

Liverpool City Council plans to demolish the entire Boot estate in
Norris Green over the next couple of years, and intends to sell theland to private developers. But the time-schedules are delayed
already. In the meantime the current nature of the Boot estate canbe described as frighteningly neglected and in decay, caused by anumber of reasons, such as non-existing building management,
slow decision making processes, and surrounding new developments. Public works is interested in how the ‘everyday’ takes placein this environment, and how the rules and patterns of behaviour
manifest themselves there.

The work examines the strategic paradigmatic shift in the politics
of Manchester City Council from municipal socialism to entrepreneurial urbanism.The new method of local politics integrated theprivate sector into the decision making process through the formation of public-private partnerships, often working outside of
the Town Hall. This method involved a rapid transformation ofcertain areas of Manchester. Kevin Ward and Joshua Bolchoverquestion whether or not this new model of urban politics has any
disadvantages in the development of the city and in the democratic role of local government.

76

Third Floor: Manchester/Liverpool

77

3.9

3.10

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------REMEMBER TOMORROW: HULME AS URBAN MYTH
(2004)
Newbetter/Joshua Bolchover, Shumon Basar--------------------------------------------------------------------------------TRIBUTE TO THE HAÇIENDA (2004)
David Haslam,Aidan O’Rourke, Lee Thompson

During the 1980s and 1990s,everybody in Manchester knew Hulme
was a no-go area: a concrete jungle occupied by people without
hope, a community at siege by fear of crime and near inhumane
conditions; an island unto itself with its own anti-civilized rules.
However, one also used to hear about another Hulme, a Hulme
that acted as an incubator for new subcultures, for the musicians
and artists that bloomed in an energized community catalyzing the
emerging culture of New Manchester. This Hulme of contradictions was demolished in 1993 in an act of desperation and reborn
as a new model of a 'sustainable' community in 2000. In a casestudy examining over 40 years, the installation highlights Hulme’s
double tabula rasa in the 1960s and the 1990s as a standard
method of ridding oneself of social, architectural and structuralproblems. A series of fictitious magazine covers also documents
the importance of representation in the media for the identity ofplaces and their effects on urban development.

The club Haçienda was opened in 1982 by the local record label
Factory Records and their most successful band, New Order, in aderelict part of what was then a very rundown city. During themid-80s the club played host to dozens of a variety of significant
events and gigs – including appearances by William Burroughs,
Madonna, the Smiths, and the Stone Roses – but evolved into agroundbreaking dance club in the late 80s, where clubbers arrived
from all parts of the country to hear unique DJ sets and experience the intense ecstasy-fuelled atmosphere.The Haçienda in thisperiod became the focal point for the Madchester generation, andthe prestige the club brought to the city encouraged other activity
and investment in the creative industries.The Haçienda thus kickstarted the regeneration of the city.To some consternation fromthe club regulars, since its demise 1997, property developers
Crosby Homes appropriated the name 'The Haçienda' for apartments built on the site, revealing how easily regeneration canbecome corporatisation.

78

Third Floor: Manchester/Liverpool

79

3.11

3.12

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------SPACES OF LABOR (2003/2004)
G.L.A.S.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------CAMMELL LAIRD SHIPYARD (1993–1996)
Tom Wood

One obvious consequence of the restructuring of the British
Economy over the last twenty-five years has been a transformation in the architecture of the workplace. Amidst the coal, steel,and dockyard ruins of heavy industry emerged the light industry
shed and speculative office block.The former was devoted to themore flexible small batch production and the distribution of commodities. The latter housed the management and processing of
information, the backbone of the rapidly expanding service sector.
For a special issue of glaspaper, G.L.A.S. spent time in Liverpool
and Glasgow documenting the buildings that describe this process– mills, factories, docks, office buildings and call centres.

Tom Wood’s photography shows work places in a ship repair yard
in Birkenhead/Liverpool shortly before it was closed down after along period of industrial use. The most important shipbuilder in
the UK, Cammell Laird opened in 1828. Laird pioneered the useof iron instead of wood for shipbuilding; it's iron boats were thefirst to operate in American waters. In the twentieth century,
Cammell Laird was famous for its fighting ships and submarines
built for two world wars. In 1993, the last submarine was being
built in the yard.After this only repair work was being undertaken
and workers were laid off on a weekly basis over a two-year
period. No other single factor had contributed so much to thegrowth of the town Birkenhead as the success of the shipyard.
Now the opposite is taking place. The shipyard’s disappearance
marks the vanishing of a typically male working environment of theindustrial age.

80
3.13

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------HOLD THE LINE FOR A MOMENT (2004)
Paul RooneyPaul Rooney focuses on the new ‘voice service’ industries thathave located themselves in vacated areas previously dominated bymanufacturing or trade. Call-centre work often involves a fracturing of any sense of solidarity in the workplace, as workers are
employed on short-term or temporary contracts and work staggered shifts. Paul Rooney rang some help-line numbers that heuses regularly (power supplier, bank, directory enquiries) but
instead of asking the usual kind of query he asked a different
question of the advisors: ‘Who or what gives you a sense of
belonging?’ Their answers are sung by various singers on thesoundtracks of nine video shots of empty call centre desks.

82

Halle/Leipzig
Forty kilometres separate the cities of Halle (Saale) and Leipzig.
Halle lies in the federal state of Saxony-Anhalt and has a population of 247,000. It has been a predominantly industrial city
since the late nineteenth century. Leipzig, in the federal state of
Saxony, has a population of 493,000, and has long been a trade
fair and commercial centre. Both cities are part of a region
shaped by brown coal extraction and huge chemical works fornearly one-and-a-half centuries.
For the people of East Germany, a great transformation followed in the wake of the German reunification in 1990. The privatization of the ‘state-owned companies’ frequently ended
with their closure. They said the future belongs to service. Whatthey failed to realize is that value-adding, company-oriented
services require an industrial base. Today, the East German
economy has not yet reached the average growth of the European Union. Instead, in the region of Halle/Leipzig, the restructuring of the economy has left behind an unemployment rate ofover 20 per cent.
Today, Halle has 70,000, Leipzig 100,000 fewer inhabitants
than in 1989. If, in the first half of the 1990s, the migration fromnew to old federal states or abroad was primarily responsible
for this development, in the second half of the 1990s, it ismostly suburbanization and a birth rate cut in half. The tax
write-offs for investors, subsidies for buying homes, theappearance of shopping centres and larger companies have83
lead to a construction boom that is consuming vast surfaces of
the green meadows. Here shrinkage and growth go hand in
hand, the de-densification of the cities corresponds to thedevelopment of the surrounding area.
In Halle, 20 per cent of the buildings are vacant. For the next
few years, massive demolitions are planned, particularly of prefabricated slab buildings built in the 1970s. The smaller monoindustrial towns of the region such as Bitterfeld or Wolfen havebeen even more heavily affected by the decline. Despite a highpercentage of vacancy in Leipzig, the city has profited from theunification. It has been able to hold on to its role as a tradeshow city.

Fourth Floor: Halle/Leipzig

84

4.1

4.4

p. 86 Landscape in Berlin-Friedrichsfelde
Billboard at Ostbahnhof
Konrad Knebel

4.2 p. 87 Demolition of Pre-fabricated Buildings
Nikolaus Brade

4.6

4.3 p. 88 Silberhöhe
Clemens von Wedemeyer

4.7

4.3

85

4.5

4.5 p. 90 Wolfen-Nord. Part 1: I’m staying here,
I know my way around, Part 2: I’d rather
commute than go on welfare
Laura Horelli, Kathrin Wildner

4.9

4.2

4.4 p. 89 Orbit Palast – Indications for Typesand Spaces of Released Timeniko.31 mit Nils Emde

4.1
4.8

4.6 p. 91 Why Demolition? Urban Restructuring
in Wolfen-Nord
Rochus Wiedemer4.7 p. 92 Behind the Block
Tobias Zielony

4.11
elevator

4.8 p. 93 Halle-Silberhöhe or: The Silence of
Alice Schmidt is UnderestimatedAxel Doßmann, Anne König, Jan Wenzel

4.10

4.9 p. 94 Illuminated Meadows
Rochus Wiedemer mit Sabine Horlitz
4.10 p. 95 Leipzig Disputes Kirschberghaus
Heidi Stecker, Anke Hagemann4.11 p. 96 Village fig.7/ +– Guided Tours
Sofie Thorsen

86
4.1
----------------------------------------------------------------------LANDSCHAFT IN BERLIN-FRIEDRICHSFELDE(LANDSCAPE IN BERLIN-FRIEDRICHSFELDE) (1981),
PLAKATWAND AM OSTBAHNHOF (BILLBOARD AT
OSTBAHNHOF) (1992–1995)
Konrad Knebel

Konrad Knebel has been preoccupied for thirty years withurban decay. Unoccupied buildings and demolition are featuresof his painting. He took a critical stance toward the GDR’sbuilding policy and was committed to the preservation ofhistorically and architecturally valuable structures. His oeuvre
shows that non-occupancy and clearance were not phenomena that entered the eastern parts of Germany only after thechanges in 1989. While buildings dating from the early twentieth-century decayed and were demolished from the 1960s
into the 1980s, prefabricated housing was erected which is
being demolished in turn today.

Fourth Floor: Halle/Leipzig

87

4.2
----------------------------------------------------------------------PLATTENBAUABRISS (DEMOLITION OF PRE-FABRICATEDBUILDINGS) (2001/2002)
Nikolaus Brade

Nikolaus Brade’s photographs, Kleingarten (‘allotment’) and thevista, Blick über das Mansfelder Land, seem to be surreal, butthey show reality in a different light. He illuminates what is otherwise gloomy and so records the individuality of tenants in the
prefab estate of Halle-Silberhöhe. It is a precinct where one
third is unoccupied and it is gradually disappearing as the
inhabitants look on. In 2001, the Frohe Zukunft (‘Happy Future’)
housing corporation at Silberhöhe was the first enterprise in thecity of Halle to begin successively demolishing its prefabricatedhousing. In return, there are plans under way to develop Silberhöhe as a garden city and so to preserve the district. The gutting or demolition of panel blocks is currently part of the inhabitants’ day-to-day life. Even so, many of them feel at home.

88
4.3
----------------------------------------------------------------------SILBERHÖHE (2003)
Clemens von Wedemeyer

For the final minutes of his 1962 film, L´Eclisse, Michelangelo
Antonioni abandons his cast and lets places and things play thestar parts. That sequence inspired Clemens von Wedemeyer
for his own film, Silberhöhe, which documents the last momentsof empty prefab buildings before their demolition, in cool, suggestive images. As the camera moves through the prefab blockhousing estate of Halle Silberhöhe, cuts pursue an invisible
story. But nothing happens and nobody makes an appearance.
A house is demolished; rubble rolls. A suspended atmosphereprevails.

Fourth Floor: Halle/Leipzig

89

4.4
----------------------------------------------------------------------ORBIT PALAST – INDIZIEN FÜR TYPEN UND RÄUME
FREIGESETZTER ZEIT (ORBIT PALACE – INDICATIONSFOR TYPES AND SPACES OF RELEASED TIME) (2003)
niko.31 with Nils Emde

Orbit Palast investigates urban spaces with an eye on two freedoms, leisure time and free space. How do people in areas
marked both by de-industrialisation and unoccupied buildings
spend their time? How do those whose days are no longer
determined by a rigid timetable of Fordian production arrange
their day-to-day life? What spaces and rooms do they use – orcreate – for their activities? How does the interpretation of theterms ‘work’ and ‘leisure’ change when work turns into a luxury
and leisure into a flaw? Orbit Palast analyses seven activity
profiles from the Club Maker to the Spontaneous Angler in afield between time working and time off.

90

Fourth Floor: Halle/Leipzig

91

4.5
----------------------------------------------------------------------WOLFEN-NORD. PART 1: I’M STAYING HERE, I KNOW MY
WAY AROUND, PART 2: I’D RATHER COMMUTE THAN GO
ON WELFARE (2003/2004)
Laura Horelli, Kathrin Wildner4.6----------------------------------------------------------------------WIESO WIRD DENN ABGERISSEN? STADTUMBAU IN
WOLFEN-NORD (WHY DEMOLITION? URBAN RESTRUCTURING IN WOLFEN-NORD) (2004)
Rochus Wiedemer

The prefab panel housing estate of Wolfen-Nord was built fromthe 1960s on, for workers in the chemical industry around Wolfen
in the Bitterfeld region. Since 1989, the district of Wolfen-Nord
has been afflicted by rising unemployment (approximately 30 percent) and out-migration (in some blocks, up to 60 per cent of flats
are abandoned). Today, the population comprises an aboveaverage number of people in retirement and weekly commuters
employed through temp agencies. Is Wolfen-Nord turning intoa haven for retirement or is it a city in its death-throes? And
what does ‘at home’ mean to the job-commuters in their stateof transit?

Stadtumbau in Wolfen is a critical analysis of the Federal
German Government’s financial support scheme for urban
improvement in the former GDR, Stadtumbau Ost. The scheme
provides for the demolition of 350,000 unoccupied flats inEastern Germany by the year 2010. In picture-story form,
Rochus Wiedemer highlights the complicated interaction of the
housing market, local authorities, inherited debts from the
GDR’s housing construction policy, the developments in unoccupied buildings, alternative planning projects as well asbackgrounds and the effects of the demolition programmes todate. In the process, the motives and logic of the participants
are revealed – as is the questionability of the outcomes.

92
4.7
----------------------------------------------------------------------BEHIND THE BLOCK (2002/2003)
Tobias Zielony

Tobias Zielony portrays the daily routine of young people in
Bristol, Newport, Marseilles and the Halle district of Neustadt.
He accompanies the teenagers, frequently for weeks andmonths at a time, and so obtains insights into their search for
identity in places of progressive social marginalization. With
their refusal to partake in social structures and institutions, they
defy the adults’ communication by withdrawal – with the initialeffect of denying themselves language. This they graduallycompensate with by using codes and symbols of their own. The
search for one’s own identity no longer takes place at school orwithin the family, but on the street or behind the block.

Fourth Floor: Halle/Leipzig

93

4.8
----------------------------------------------------------------------HALLE-SILBERHÖHE ODER: DAS SCHWEIGEN VONALICE SCHMIDT WIRD UNTERBEWERTET (HALLESILBERHÖHE OR: THE SILENCE OF ALICE SCHMIDTIS UNDERESTIMATED) (2004)
Axel Doßmann, Anne König, Jan Wenzel

The installation concerns the re-crystallising of urban structures as seen in the example of the Halle-Silberhöhe prefabhousing estate erected between 1979 and 1989 within sight of
the Buna chemicals combine. The piece shows the upheavals
in working and domestic life from the apogee of socialist production at the State Owned Chemical Works Buna in the 1960s,
to the bulk dismantling of the early 1990s, and then the plant’s
integration into the global Dow Chemical enterprise in 1995. At
the same time, the large-scale Silberhöhe Estate was transformed.

94Fourth Floor: Halle/Leipzig

95

4.9
----------------------------------------------------------------------BELEUCHTETE WIESEN (ILLUMINATED MEADOWS)(2003)
Rochus Wiedemer with Sabine Horlitz

4.10----------------------------------------------------------------------LEIPZIG STREITET UM DAS KIRSCHBERGHAUS (LEIPZIGDISPUTES KIRSCHBERGHAUS) (2003/2004)
Heidi Stecker, Anke Hagemann

Beleuchtete Wiesen is an expression ironically applied to newly
prepared but empty industrial estates or areas. These are thesobering, soured versions of the Blühenden Landschaften, the‘blossoming landscapes’ promised by former Chancellor Helmut
Kohl. In the Halle/Leipzig region, lit meadows testify on the one
hand to a failed state aid policy, but also to mistaken growthforecasts and property speculation in the first half of the 1990s.
The greater part of the investment is not in evidence in situ. An
illuminated meadow is a slice of pure infrastructure without
the buildings. It appears as an absurd constellation of streets,
filtration or sewage plants and mains, cables, and pipelines –leading nowhere.

The Kirschberghaus is a youth centre in the prefabricatedpanel-housing estate of Grünau in Leipzig. In the late 1990s,
there was a pilot project in youth work based on the approachthat in order to reach right-wing teenagers at all, youth workers
should accept their political expression to some extent. However, it enabled extreme-right structures to gain a footholdthere. Ignored by those with the relevant responsibilities in thecity authority, youth culture became increasingly dominated by
the right. Only when leftist groups became active in order todraw the attention of the general public and the media to thesituation was Leipzig’s City Council prodded into action. The
project records the social process as manifested by various
protagonists and perspectives and scans right-wing extremism
as a phenomenon with physically and spatially tangible effects.

96
4.11
----------------------------------------------------------------------VILLAGE FIG.7/ + – GUIDED TOURS (2004)
Sofie Thorsen

On the edge of the city, parallel processes of shrinkage andexpansion are taking place. Villages are transformed into suburban areas, loosing some and gaining other functions. The
voice over the panoramic views of a village on the outskirts ofLeipzig speaks about the changes that have taken place in thevillage within a timeframe that is obviously the recent past, yet
not clearly defined. It is telling about the appearance anddisappearance of things, of public and commercial structures,
buildings, institutions, objects in public space. The village isunspecific, it is not definitely named and sited but could belocated in many places.

98
NAME INDEX
Andersen, Robert 28/29, 35
Archipov, Vladimir 50/51, 60
Basar, Shumon 66/67, 76
Baute, Michael 6/7, 8/9, 17, 22, 24
Begalskaya, Viktoria 50/51, 63
Beyer, Elke 8/9, 13, 19
Böhm, Kathrin 66/67, 74
Böttger, Matthias 23
Bolchover, Joshua 66/67, 75, 76
Bond, Eleanor 6/7, 12
von Borries, Friedrich 23
Brade, Nikolaus 84/85, 87
Bratkov, Sergei 50/51, 63
Butzmann, Manfred 23
Cope, Mitch 28/29, 43, 44
Davies, John 66/67, 68
Doßmann, Axel 84/85, 93
Dosunmu, Andrew 28/29, 37
Ehmann, Antje 6/7, 8/9, 17, 22, 24
Ehmann, Johannes 6/7, 22
Emde, Nils 84/85, 89
Evans, Tammy Lynn 28/29, 36
Farocki, Harun 6/7, 8/9, 17, 24
Filatova, Olga 50/51, 57
Fitzmaurice, Leo 66/67, 71
Gabie, Neville 66/67, 71
Ganis, John 28/29, 41
G.L.A.S. 66/67, 78
Grant, Ken 66/67, 72
Guyton, Tyree 28/29, 36
Hagemann, Anke 8/9, 14, 15, 84/85, 95
Haslam, David 66/67, 77
Healy, Kath 66/67, 70
Hernandez, Benjamin Miguel 28/29, 38
Hocking, Scott 28/29, 32
Horelli, Laura 84/85, 90
Horlitz, Sabine 84/85, 94
Huellmantel, Jody 28/29, 44

iCUE 28/29, 45, 46
Jefferies, Tom 66/67, 73
Karolski, Jeff 28/29, 30
Knebel, Konrad 84/85, 86
König, Anne 84/85, 93
Kononenko, Alexei 50/51, 58
Lang, Andreas 66/67, 74
Lanzinger, Pia 23
Lasch, Ines 50/51, 58
Lee, Christopher 28/29, 44
Leiderman, Yuri 50/51, 56
Mende, Doreen 8/9, 16
McNamara, Christopher 28/29, 42
Miturich, Savva 50/51, 61
Miturich, Sergei 50/51, 61
Moceri, Toni 28/29, 34
Netzwerk Südost e.V. 23
Newbetter 66/67, 76
niko.31 84/85, 89
O’Rourke, Aidan 66/67, 77
Park, Kyong 28/29, 45, 46
Parker, Kelly 28/29, 34
Pitera, Dan 28/29, 44
Princen, Bas 50/51, 52
Project Office Oswalt 8/9, 13, 14, 15,
16, 18, 19
public works 66/67, 74
raumtaktik 23
Rieniets, Tim 8/9, 18
Rooney, Paul 66/67, 80
Samorodova, Elena 50/51, 59, 62
Samorodova, Vera 50/51, 58, 59, 62
Schäfer, Albrecht 6/7, 11
Schäfer, Christoph 6/7, 21
Schuck, Nicole 50/51, 53
Sitar, Sergei 50/51, 54, 55, 57
Snider, Clinton 28/29, 40
Spiridonov, Boris 50/51, 61
Stadtbüro Hunger 23
Stecker, Heidi 84/85, 95

99
Stidworthy, Imogen 66/67, 69
Sverdlov, Alexander 50/51, 54, 55, 61
Swanson, Neil 66/67, 73
Thimmel, Stefan 8/9, 19
Thompson, Lee 66/67, 77
Thorsen, Sofie 84/85, 96
Turner, Chris 28/29, 38
Vetter, Ingo 6/7, 8/9, 10, 20, 28/29, 33
Ward, Kevin 66/67, 75
Wedemeyer von, Clemens 84/85, 88
Weisser, Annette 6/7, 8/9, 10, 20
Wenzel, Jan 84/85, 93
Wiedemer, Rochus 84/85, 91, 94
Wildner, Kathrin 84/85, 90
Wilkinson, Dominic 66/67, 73
Williams, Peter 28/29, 31
Wood, Tom 66/67, 79
Zago, Andrew 28/29, 39
Zielony, Tobias 84/85, 92

Photo: Shrinking Cities, Project Office Philipp Oswalt

102
PROJECT PARTNERS
Shrinking Cities is a project of the Kulturstiftung des Bundes (German Federal
Cultural Foundation) in cooperation with the Museum of Contemporary Art
Leipzig, the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation and the Magazine archplus.

Chief Curator: Philipp Oswalt (Architect/Writer, Berlin)
Curatorial team: Nikolaus Kuhnert (Journal archplus, Berlin), Kyong Park
(International Center for Urban Ecology, Detroit), Walter Prigge (Bauhaus
Dessau Foundation), Barbara Steiner (Museum of Contemporary Art Leipzig)
Local Curators: Detroit: Mitch Cope (Artist/Curator, Detroit), Kyong Park
(Artist/Curator, New York) with DCDC/Dan Pitera (Architect, Detroit); Ivanovo:
Sergei Sitar (Architect/Writer, Moscow), Alexander Sverdlov (Architect, Moscow/
Rotterdam); Manchester/Liverpool: Joshua Bolchover (Architect, Manchester),Paul Domela (Curator, Liverpool), Philipp Misselwitz (Architect, Berlin/Tel Aviv)
Collaborators for the First Project Phase: Project Office Philipp Oswalt, Berlin– Management Director: Florian Bolenius (from mid-2003), Veronika Brugger(until mid-2003); Researchers: Elke Beyer, Anke Hagemann, Tim Rieniets;
Sponsoring: Nicole Minten; Public Relations: Astrid Herbold; Catalogue:
Miriam Wiesel with Stefanie Oswalt; Further collaborators: Doreen Mende,
Nora Müller, Stefan Rethfeld, Christof Schaffelder, Gabriele Seidel, Rudolf
Stegers, Ulrike Steglich; Interns: Andrea Andersen, Barbara Elisabeth Ascher,
Johanna Bornkamm, Caroline von Brück, Silke Görrissen, Katrin Hass, SebastianHoltmann, Thomas Radtke, Heike Zieher; Website: e27, Berlin, System Administrator: Johann Dinges, Hendrik Gackstatter; Tax consultant and accountancy:
Eckhard Stranghöner with Regina Marks; Museum for Contemporary Art
Leipzig: Heidi Stecker; Bauhaus Dessau Foundation: Friedrich von Borries;
Zeitschrift archplus: Susanne Schindler
Advisors: Stefano Boeri (Architectural Theorist, Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia), Christine Hannemann (Sociologist, Humboldt-Universität,
Berlin), Wolfgang Kil (Architectural Critic, Berlin), Joachim Krausse (Cultural
Scientist, Hochschule Sachsen-Anhalt, FH Dessau), Ulf Matthiesen (Urban andRegional Researcher, Institut für Regionalentwicklung und Strukturplanung,Erkner), Ulrich Pfeiffer (Urban Economist, Empirica, Berlin/Bonn)
Exhibition Design: Meyer Voggenreiter Projekte, Cologne, with Sebastian
Hauser and Claudia Hoffmann

103
Graphic Design (Corporate Design, Exhibition, Working Papers and Catalogue):
Stephan Müller and Tanja Wesse
Graphic Design (Chronologies, Global Study, Statistics): 1kilo/Hansjakob Fehrand Dorothee Wettstein
Translation Exhibition Texts: English-German: Peter Friedrich, Elisabeth
Wellershaus, Annette Wiethüchter, Ursula Wulfekamp; German-English: Jill
Denton, Nancy Joyce, Brian Poole, David Skogley; Russian-English: Brian Poole;
Russian-German: Dorothea Trottenberg, Mariana Kurella, Martina Mrochen
Visitor service: Arthur Berlin, Anne Krause and Tanja Schomaker
KW Staff: Project Management: Katrin Lewinsky; Insurance and transportation: Monika Grzymislawska; Marketing: Vera v. Lehsten, Friederike Klapp;
Public Relations: Maike Cruse; Co-ordination guards: Udo Klink; Exhibition
Installment and Art Handling: Familie Kartenrecht; Matten Vogel (Co-ordination) with Lutz Bertram, Jörg Gimmler, Henning Kappenberg, Markus Krieger(Media Technology), Oliver Lehmann, Bela Letto, Ralph Müller, Thomas Ravens,
Martin Städeli

104
THANKS GOES TO
Cooperation Partners: ART FORUM BERLIN; Bundeszentrale für politische
Bildung, Berlin/Bonn; Club WMF, Berlin; CUBE – Centre for the Understandingof the Built Environment, Manchester; CURS – Centre for Urban and Regional
Studies, Birmingham; Ev. Kirchengemeinde Sophien, Berlin; Friedrich-EbertFoundation, Berlin/Bonn; Goethe-Institute, Manchester; Goethe-Institute,
Moscow; Internationale Bauausstellung Stadtumbau Sachsen-Anhalt 2010;
internationales literaturfestival berlin 2004; KUNSTHERBST BERLIN 04;
KW Institute for Contemporary Art, Berlin; Leibniz-Institute for Regional
Studies, Leipzig; Liverpool Biennial; Liverpool University; Manchester University; Russian Culture Foundation, Ivanovo Branch; Schaubühne Lindenfels,
Leipzig; Shusev State Museum of Architecture, Moscow; Spike Island, Bristol;
Stadtmuseum der Landeshauptstadt Düsseldorf; Static Gallery, Liverpool;
Umweltforschungszentrum Leipzig (UFZ); University of Detroit Mercy; Volkspalast/Zwischenpalastnutzung, Berlin; Wayne State University, Detroit; Journal
Project Russia, Moskau; Zeughauskino, Deutsches Historisches Museum, Berlin
Supporting Embassies and Cultural Institutions: Arts Council England, North
West, Manchester; U.S. Embassy, Berlin; Canadian Embassy, Berlin; British
Council, Berlin; The Danish Arts Council - The Visual Arts Centre, KopenhagenSponsors In Kind: alameda berlin; Berliner Fenster; BCA-Hotels, Berlin; bitoag, Berlin; Caparol; Farben Lacke Bautenschutz GmbH, Berlin; Deutsche
Wurlitzer GmbH, Stemwede; Dietrich-Bonhoeffer-Haus, Berlin; East Side City
Hotel, Berlin; Film and Video Subtitles Gerhard Lehmann AG, Potsdam-Babelsberg; Dr. Daniel Fischer, Berlin; GEL Express Logistik für Berlin/Brandenburg
GmbH; Gigant-Foto GmbH, Berlin; Hotel Berlin Plaza; Hotel Kolumbus, Berlin;
Hotel Pension Seifert, Berlin; kubix gmbh, Berlin; Sorat Hotel Spree-Bogen,
Berlin; Upstalsboom Hotel Friedrichshain, Berlin; VVR-Berek GmbH, Berlin
Media Partners: DeutschlandRadio Berlin; Le Monde diplomatique, Berlin; taz– die tageszeitung, Berlin

105
Cooperation Partners:-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Supporting Embassies and Cultural Institutions:-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Sponsors In Kind:-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Media Partners:-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

106

107

VISITOR SERVICE
Overview tours: Sat/Sun, 3 p.m., price: 4 Euro per person.
Group tours (max. 15 persons) in German or English are available on request.
Standard tour (general overview, 1 hour) 60 Euro; discount 50 Euro.
Contact: Arthur Berlin, Tel. +49 (0)30 81 79 87 40, Fax +49 (0)30 81 79 87 41,
visit@shrinkingcities.com

EVENT PROGRAMME
Shrinking Cities Music (Palast der Republik, September 23-25, 2004)
Shrinking Cities Film (Zeughauskino, October 14-17, 2004)
Shrinking Cities Literature (Volksbühne, Roter Salon, September 28, 2004)
Late Night Movies (Palast der Republik, every Tuesday 11 p.m.)
Talks with the Artists (KW, every Wednesday 8 p.m.)
Talks with Project Partners (KW, every Friday 4-7 p.m.)
Public Panel Discussions (October 5, October 29, November 5, 2004)
Colophon
For more detailed information about these events, please refer to our Event
Programme Flyer or our Website (www.shrinkingcities.com).

CATALOGUE
A catalogue-book is published accompanying the exhibition: SchrumpfendeStädte, Band 1. Internationale Untersuchung, Editor: Philipp Oswalt on behalfof Kulturstiftung des Bundes, Hatje Cantz Publishers, Ostfildern-Ruit 2004,
ISBN 3-7757-1481-2, 736 pages, more than 400 colour images, German Edition
on sale for 22 Euro in the exhibition, 32 Euro at regular bookstores. English
edition in preparation.
Research and materials on exhibition contributions will also be published in theseries Working Papers of the project Shrinking Cities. See www.shrinkingcities.com

The exhibition guide is published accompanying the exhibition Shrinking Cities
September 4, to November 7, 2004
KW Institute for Contemporary Art, Auguststraße 69, D–10117 Berlin
Shrinking Cities is a project of the Kulturstiftung des Bundes (German Federal
Cultural Foundation) in cooperation with the Museum of Contemporary Art
Leipzig, the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation and the magazine archplus.
Project Duration: September 2002 – December 2005
Edited by: Shrinking Cities, Project Office Philipp Oswalt, Eisenacher Straße 74,
D–10823 Berlin, mail@shrinkingcities.com, www.shrinkingcities.com; Editing:
Claudia Gliemann; Postediting: Rodney LaTourelle; Translation German – English:
Stephen Reader, Nancy Joyce; Graphic Design: Stephan Müller and Tanja Wesse,
Berlin; Print: MercedesDruck GmbH, Berlin; Binding: Stein + Lehmann GmbH,
Berlin