Journal ofWorld Buddhist Cultures
Vol. 3

Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures,
Ryukoku University－ March 2020 －Editorial Note
Eiji HISAMATSU
Director, Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures

The Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures carried out diverse research
projects in the year of the 380th celebration of the foundation of Ryukoku University. In
addition to various talks by Japanese scholars specialized in Buddhist Studies, we held
numerous lectures by scholars invited from abroad―for example, “A Window into
Sino-Tibetan Pure Land Practices at Dunhuang” by Johnathan Silk (Professor, Leiden
University, Netherlands), “Mid-century Transnational Japanese American Buddhism”
by Scott A. Mitchell (Professor, Institute of Buddhist Studies, United States), “WhatMetaphors Mean and Do within Buddhist Philosophical Texts?: A Yogācāra
Perspective” Roy Tzohar (Associate Professor, Tel Aviv University, Israel), and“Mid-century Transnational Japanese American Buddhism” by Richard Jaffe (Professor,
Duke University, United States). Also, the awardees of the 2019 Numata Fellowship
San Tun (Prodessor, Dagon University, Myanmar) and MENG Qiuli (Associate
Researcher, China Tibetology Research Center, China) presented their works at theuniversity.
With other co-sponsors, the Humanities Korea Project at Dongguk University, theInstitue for the Study of Buddhism and Religious Theory at Renmin University of China,
and the School of Philosophy and Religious at Minzu University of China, the Centerand the Research Center for Buddhist Cultures in Asia (BARC) sponsored theinternational symposium titled “Constructing East Asian Buddhist Thoughts: Ginen,
Gyōnen, and Flower Garland Philosophy.” We also co-hosted several international
symposiums with Ryukoku University’s Center for South Asian Studies (RINDAS).
Two years ago, the Center established an official partnership with the Institute of
East Asian Studies at University of California, Berkeley; together with the Shin
Buddhist Comprehensive Research Institute at Otani University the three institutions
have been conducting a research project on the Tannishō. Two workshops are to be heldeach academic year, and this year one was held at Otani University in June, 2019 andthe other at University of California, Berkeley in March, 2020.
Furthermore, the Center frequently invited scholars from other Japanese
universities to hold lectures on diverse topics; for example, “History of Exchange
between Japan and Myanmar in Pre- and Post- War” by Takayoshi Kojima (AssociateiProfessor, Tsudajuku University) and “A View on Realities about Buddhist Exchange:
Relationship between Thailand and Japan” by Tadayoshi Murakami (Professor, Osaka
Universuty). Likewise, topics of the lectures the Center hosted included comparative
studies on Islamic chanting and Buddhist chanting, an analysis on Buddhist texts
interred in a sculpture of Prince Shōtoku preserved at the Harvard University Museum,and an examination of the significance of Buddhist statues in society. Also, as the
director at the Center, I attended Ryukoku University’s 380th Anniversary Memorial
Forum titled, “The Forum on World’s Religions: In Search of Introspective AltruisticSociety Not Yet Coming” held on November 16, 2019.
Last but certainly not least, I am pleased to announce the Center’s new
publication the Journal of World Buddhist Cultures Vol. 3 which includes four articles
by scholars from Japan and other countries. I would like to express my gratitude to thecontributors, and it would be a delight if the journal could contribute to the developmentof international networks among Buddhist scholars.

ii

発 刊 の 辞
久松 英二
世界仏教文化研究センター長

龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センターは、龍谷大学創立 380 周年にあたる今年度も様々な研究事業を展開しました。まず、講演会については、邦人研究者によるいくつかの講演会のほかに、オランダ・ライデン大学教授 Johnathan Silk 氏による A Window into
Sino-Tibetan Pure Land Practices at Dunhuang、米国仏教大学院教授の Scott A. Mitchell 氏による Mid-century Transnational Japanese American Buddhism、
テルアビブ大学准教授 Roy
Tzohar 氏による What Metaphors Mean and Do within Buddhist Philosophical Texts?: AYogācāra Perspective、米国デューク大学教授の Richard Jaffe 氏による Mid-century
Transnational Japanese American Buddhism と題する諸講演会のほかに、沼田研究奨学金
2019 年度受賞者ミャンマーのダゴン大学哲学科教授・同科長 San Tun 氏と中国の孟秋麗氏（中国蔵学研究中心副研究員）による講演会など、海外研究者による講演会も多数開催しました。
シンポジウムについては、アジア仏教文化研究センターとの共同主催のもと、韓国の東国大学校仏教文化研究院 HK 研究団および中国の中国人民大学仏教與宗教学理論研究所並びに中央人民大学哲学與宗教学学院の共催で、日中韓国際シンポジウム「東アジア仏教思想史の構築―凝然・明恵と華厳思想―」を開催したほか、南アジア研究センター主催のいくつかの国際シンポジウムを共催しました。また、2 年前に協定を結んだカ
リフォルニア大学バークレー校東アジア研究所および大谷大学真宗総合研究所との間ですでに始動した『歎異抄』に関する年 2 回のワークショップが、6 月には大谷大学で、2020 年 3 月にカリフォルニア大学バークレー校で開催されたほか、学外の専門家、たとえば、小島敬裕氏（津田塾大学准教授）による研究セミナー「戦前・戦後における日本とミャンマーの仏教交流史」や村上忠良氏（大阪大学教授）による研究セミナー「仏教交流の実相への視座――タイと日本の関係より」が開催されたほか、イスラームのズィクルと仏教の念仏の比較やハーバード大学美術館所蔵「聖徳太子像」の胎内納入文書
あるいは社会の中の仏像の意義など様々なテーマに関する他の研究会が頻繁に開催されました。そして、龍谷大学 380 周年記念事業の主要イベントとして、11 月 16 日に開催された世界宗教フォーラム「自省利他の社会を求めて」にはセンター長として参加しました。
本センターの「応用研究部門」では、2016 年度から「グリーフケア公開講座」を上智大学グリーフケア研究所と共催で開催し、さらに同研究所の協力を得て、「臨床宗教師研修」を研究面から推進し、研究成果を教育（実践真宗学研究科）と社会に還元しています。
さて、『世界仏教文化研究』第 3 号には、国内外から 4 名の研究者の論考を掲載することができました。投稿くださいました方々に御礼を申し上げますとともに、この E
ジャーナルが国内外の研究者に広く行き渡り、仏教研究の国際的ネットワークの構築に寄与することができるよう願っております。

iii

Contents
Editorial Notei

Contents

iv❖

Articles 1 ❖A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author

Jake NAGASAWA

3The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of Japan: A
Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature〈in Jpanese〉

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)33

The Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist
Botany: A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

Takuya HINO❖

61

Articles 2 (tranlation and annotation) ❖A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

Yue XIAO

101

Purpose of the Journal

135

Authors’ Profiles

138

iv

目

次

発刊の辞

i

目次

iv

❖

論

文

1

❖

A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author

Jake NAGASAWA

3日本中世における高麗「義天版教蔵」の受容と活用に関する思想的考察―華厳学文献を中心に―

玗錫（申 回貞） 33
The Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist
Botany: A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

日野 拓也

❖

論

文

61

2 （翻訳研究） ❖A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

肖 越

101

発刊の目的

135

執筆者一覧

138

v

凡

例

1, 本誌は、英語を主言語とするが、日本語による投稿もさまたげない。したがって、目次、
巻末執筆者等は、英語と日本語を併記する。
2, 漢字表記については、翻訳を含む日本語原稿の場合、一部の人名、書名を除き、原則、
常用漢字に統一する。
3, 本誌中に使用されている図版の無断コピーは固く禁ずる。

vi

Articles 1❖ Articles 1 ❖A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentaryon the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’i rgya cher ’grel pa)
attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author〈in English〉

Jake NAGASAWA
PhD Candidate, Religious Studies,
the University of California, Santa Barbara3❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

Abstract
This paper focuses on a short commentary attributed to eight-century Indian Buddhist
master Buddhagupta titled An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad
med bzhi rgya cher ’grel pa). The Four Immeasurables (catur-apramāṇa) is a set ofvirtues common to all Buddhist traditions: benevolence (maitrī), compassion (karuṇā),joy (muditā), and equanimity (upekṣā). Buddhagupta’s commentary is approximately
seven pages long and summarizes the Mahāyāna and Abhidharma traditions related to theFour Immeasurables. It is also the longest work in the Bstan ’gyur devoted entirely to thesubject. This paper will also explore the issue of the author’s name; in most Tibetan
sources, he is known as Buddhaguhya, though a minority of sources use Buddhagupta.
Buddhagupta was a prolific and influential figure during the snga dar or early spread of
Buddhist in Tibet. More than thirty texts are attributed to him preserved in the Bstan ’gyur,
ranging from practical letters of advice to the rulers, ministers, and Buddhist clergy ofTibet to lengthy commentaries on esoteric topics such as advanced tantric practices.
Despite his importance, little is known about his historicity, and many of the works
attributed to him are of uncertain provenance. The presence of two very similarnames—Buddhaguhya and Buddhagupta—across various recensions complicates mattersfurther. This paper proposes that this is the result mistranslations that took place as the
Tibetan canon was revised across the centuries, and that the correct rendering of his nameis in fact Buddhagupta.

4

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentaryon the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’i rgya cher ’grel pa)
attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author
Jake NAGASAWA
Keywords：caturapramāṇa, Four Immeasurables, Buddhagupta, Buddhaguhya

The Four Immeasurables (caturapramāṇa, tshad med bzhi) are a set of virtues
ubiquitous among Buddhist traditions: benevolence (maitrī, byams pa), compassion(karuṇā, snying rje), joy (muditā, dga’ ba), and equanimity (upekṣā, btang snyoms).
Early Buddhist sources for these include descriptions from suttas in the PāḷiCanon—where the term Divine Abodes (brahmavihārā) is preferred—such as theMettasuttas of the Saṃyutta Nikāya and the Aṅguttara Nikāya.(1) Moving toward thefifth century CE, we find extensive explainations of the meaning and practice of theFour Immeasurables in Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga ( 2 ) and Vasubandhu’s
Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam.( 3 ) In Tibet, the recitation of prayers invoking the Four
Immeasurables is sine qua non for setting the proper motivation during Buddhist
liturgies.(4) The Four Immeasurables are also mentioned in the fourth-to-fifth century(1) Leon Feer, ed., Saṃyutta-Nikāya, Part V: Mahā-vagga (London: Pali Text Society, 1898), 115

and Richard Morris, ed., Aṅguttara Nikāya, Part II Catukka Nipata (London: Pali Text Society,1888), 128-129. In Pāḷi, the Four Divine Abodes and mettā, karuṇā, muditā, and upekkhā. For astudy in Japanese on the Divine Abodes in the Pāḷi scriptures with an emphasis on theirrelationship to nirvāṇa, see NAWA Ryūken 名和隆乾, “Pāri minori ni okeru shimuryōshin noyobiteki kenkyū: shimuryōshin to nehan no kankei ni tsuite,” パーリ聖典における四無量心の予備的研究 : 四無量心と涅槃の関係につい, Shinshū bunka: Shinshū bunka kenkyūjo nenpō
真宗文化 : 真宗文化研究所年報 25 (March 2016): 1-21.
(2) C.A.F. Rhys-Davids, ed., The Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghosa (London: The Pali Text Society,1975), 295-325. In the Theravāda tradition, the Four Divine abodes are connected to the fourjhānas or levels of meditative concentration.
(3) Prahlad Pradhan, Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam of Vasubandhu (Patna: K.P. Jayaswal ResearchCenter, 1975), 452-454.
(4) For one of many examples, see fol. 3a6 Dbang phyugs rdo rje, Karma pa XI. Sgrub brgyud rin
po che’i phreng ba karma kaṃ tshang rtogs pa’i don brgyud las byung ba’i gsung dri ma med pa
rnams bkod nas ngag ’don rgyun khyer gyi ri ma pa ’phags lam bgrod pa’i shing rta, in Gdams
ngag mdzod, ed. ’Jam mgon kong sprul Blo gro mtha’ yas (Delhi: Shechen Publications, 1999).
This is a sngon ’gro or preliminary practice in the Karma or Kaṃ tshang Bka’ brgyud tradition.

5❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

Yoga Sūtras of Patañjali.(5) And in contemporary times, psychologists have developed
scales to measure the application of the Four Immeasurables in meditation, and haveeven compared the varying psychological effects of meditating on compassion versusjoy.(6) The Four Immeasurables even enjoy a cameo in the popular 1983 film Star Wars:
Episode VI—Return of the Jedi.(7)The history and importance of Four Immeasurables have already been noted in
the scholarly literature, most notably Harvey B. Aronson’s Love & Sympathy in
Theravāda Buddhism and in Mudagamuwe Maithrimurthi’s comprehensive monograph,
Wohlwollen, Mitleid, Freude und Gleichmut.( 8 ) There are also several studies inJapanese, including Masunaga Reihō’s 1936 essay “Shimuryōshin no kenkyū” andShima Yoshiatsu’s “Shimuryōshin to ekō.”(9) This essay aims to contribute to this bodyof scholarship though a study and translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four(5)

See I.33 of the text in Edwin F. Bryant, The Yoga Sutras of Patañjali: A New Edition,
Translation, and Commentary (New York: North Point Press, 2009). The verse reads:
maitrī-karuṇā-muditopekṣāṇāṁ
sukha-duḥkha-puṇyāpuṇya-viṣayāṇāṁ
bhāvanātaś
citta-prasādanam ||.
(6) Respectively, Sue Krause & Sharon Sears “Measuring the Immeasurables: Development andInitial Validation of the Self-Other Four Immeasurables (SOFI) Scale Based on Buddhist
Teachings on Loving Kindness,” Social Indicators Research 92, no. 1 (May, 2009): 169-181 andXianglong Zeng, Vivian Y. L. Chan, Xiaoliu Liu, Tian Po Oei, & Freedom Leung “The Four
Immeasurables Meditations: Differential Effects of Appreciative Joy and Compassion
Meditations on Emotions” Mindfulness 8, Issue 4 (August 2017): 949-959.
(7) The use of Tibetan language as an alien language in this film is mentioned in passing in Donald
S. Lopez Jr., Prisoners of Shangri-la: Tibetan Buddhism and West (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1998), 2. In scene 24, “An Ewok Trap,” several of the protagonists of thefilm—Luke Skywalker, Han Solo, Chewbacca, R2-D2 and C-3PO are caught in a net set up by
the teddy-bear-like Ewoks, the native species of Endor, a forested planet colonized by the
Galactic Empire. Coming to collect their prey, the Ewoks approach the protagonists who havemanaged to free themselves from the net. Upon seeing C-3PO’s golden metal exterior (he is a
droid or robot), the Ewoks take him to be a god and begin bowing. A careful listener will hearthat the Ewoks’ hymn of worship includes the first verse Four Immeasurables prayer in Tibetan:sems can thams cad bde ba dang bde ba’i rgyu dang ldan par gyur cig, “May all sentient beings
have happiness and the causes of happiness.” See Richard Marquand, dir., Star Wars: Episode VI– Return of the Jedi, DVD (Beverly Hills: 20th Century Fox Home Entertainment, 2013).
(8) Harvey B. Aronson, Love & Sympathy in Theravāda Buddhism (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass,1980) and
Mudagamuwe Maithrimurthi, Wohlwollen, Mitleid, Freude und Gleichmut: Eine
ideengeschichtliche Untersuchung der vier apramāṇas in der buddhistischen Ethik und
Spiritualität von den Anfängen bis hin zum frühen Yogācāra, vol. 50 of Alt-und Neu-IndischeStudien (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1999). Maithrimurti challenges Aronson’s assertion thatthe brahmavihārās represent an altruistic ethics that encouraged monastic social engagement.
Instead, Maithrimurti argues that monks’ and nuns’ social activities were motivated by thepossibility of increasing monastic wealth.
( 9 ) MASUNAGA Reihō 増永霊鳳, “Shimuryōshin no kenkyū” 四無量心の研究, Komazawa
daigaku jissen shūjō kenkyūkai nenpō 駒沢大学実践宗乗研究会年報 4 (March 1936):
120-132 and SHIMA Yoshiatsu 島義厚, “Shimuryōshin to ekō” 四無量心と廻向, Nippon
bukkyō gakukai nenpō 日本仏教学会年報 72 (May 2007): 43-55.

6

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖Immeasurables(10) (Tshad med bzhi’i rgya cher ’grel pa, hereafter Commentary), whichis the longest work in the Btsan ’gyur devoted entirely to the Four Immeasurables.
According to its colophon, the Commentary is attributed to Buddhagupta, afigure whose name, identity, and oevre has remained in question; it is in fact the only
canonical text whose colophon records the name Buddhagupta rendered phonetically in
Tibetan script (bu ddha gup ta). In the 812 CE Dkar chag ldan kar ma, the earliest
catalog of Buddhist texts translated under the auspices of the Tibetan imperial
government, we find three commentaries—all of which are on the kriyā, caryā, andyoga tantras—attributed to an author of the same name.(11) However, in the modern
received recensions of the Bstan ’gyur, these commentaries are ascribed to
Buddhaguhya (Sangs rgyas gsang ba). Moreover, in the Tibetan tantric manuscripts at
Dunhuang, the name Buddhagupta is mentioned in connection with the mahāyoga andDzokchen (Rdzogs chen) traditions. Yet again, however, certain recensions of the
Btsan ’gyur preserve several mahāyoga treatises attributed to Buddhaguhya. The issueof the identity—particularly the name—of this illusive figure will be discussed infurther detail below.
The first third of the Commentary consists of an explanation of the foci or focal
objects (dmigs pa) of the Four Immeasurables: immeasurable sentient beings,
immeasurable accumulations, immeasurable Dharma and immeasurable gnosis. In his
Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam, Vasubandhu writes in similar terms, noting that “They arecalled Immeasurables because they apply to immeasurable numbers of beings, drawing(10) There are two translations of this text published independently online. See Lhasey Lotsawa

Translations, “An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables,” Lhasey Lotsawa
Translation
andPublications,2011,
revised2016,
https://lhaseylotsawa.org/texts/an-extensive-commentary-on-the-four-immeasurables (accessed
September 25, 2019) and William May, trans., “Extensive Explanation of the Four
Immeasurables
by
Buddhaguhya,”Buddhist
Open
OnlineTranslation
Lab,
https://www.bootl.org/html/Buddhaguhya-caturapramanatika.htm (accessed September 25, 2019).
The former misattributes this text to Buddhaguptanātha, the sixteenth-century Indian master who
workedclosely
with
Jo
nang
pa
Tāranātha
(1575-1634).
See
https://lhaseylotsawa.org/authors/buddhagupta. A Buddhaguptanātha authorship is quite unlikely
since the text is already mentioned in, inter alia, Bu ston Rin chen grub’s (1290-1364)
well-known history of Buddhism in India and Tibet of 1322. See NISHIOKA Soshū 西岡祖秀,“‘Putun bukkyōshi’ Mokurokubusakuin 2”『プトゥン仏教史』目録部索引 II [=Index to theCatalogue Section of Bu-ston’s ‘History of Buddhism’ 2], Tōkyō daigaku bungakubu bunkakōryū kenkyū shisetsu kenkyū kiyō 東京大学文学部文化交流研究施設研究紀要 [=Annual
Report of the University of Tokyo Department of Literature’s Institute for the Study of Cultural
Exchange] 5 (1981): 62. In this case, however, our text is ascribed to Buddhaguhya. This issue
will be dealt with below.
(11) Adelheid Hermann-Pfandt, “The Lhan kar ma as a Source for the History of Tantric Buddhism”
in The Many Canons of Tibetan Buddhism (Leiden: Koninklijk Bill NV, 2000), 129.

7

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3after them immeasurable merit, and producing immeasurable [retributive] results.”(12)There seems to be, however, even greater resonance between the four foci in theCommentary and the “Four Universal Vows” (shi hongshi 四弘誓) common in Tientai
and Chan liturgies. As Robert Sharf(13) has noted, one formulation of these vows isfound in the Skillful Means of Birthlessness in Mahāyāna (Dasheng wusheng fangbianmen 大乘無生方便門) by the seventh-to-eighth century Chan master Shenxiu (神秀):Sentient beings are limitless, I vow to deliver them.
The defilements are limitless, I vow to destroy them.
The Dharma teachings are endless, I vow to learn them.
I vow to realize the unexcelled way of the buddhas(14)Sharf notes that these vows eventually found their way, albeit with different wording,into the Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch (Liuzu tanjing 六祖大師法寶壇經)(15) and
it is likely because of this, the recitation of the Four Universal Vows continues to bepracticed in contemporary Sōtō Zen liturgy.(16) A five-fold formulation of these vows isfound in the Essentials of Meditation of the Tripiṭaka Master Wuwei (Wuwei sanzan
chanyao 無畏三藏禪要), which presents itself as a record of teachings of theseventh-to-eighth century Indian master Śubhakarasiṃha. Sharf, however, concludes
that Śubhakarasiṃha’s formulation is of Chinese provenance, based perhaps on theearliest source for the four vows, the works of the Tiantai master Zhiyi (智顗,538-597).(17) In any case, it is interesting, if not somewhat perplexing, that there is such(12) Louis de la Vallée Poussin, trans. Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam of Vasubandhu, Vol 4, translated

from French by Leo M. Pruden (Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1991), 1264.
(13) Robert H. Sharf, “Buddhist Veda and the Rise of Chan” in Chinese and Tibetan Esoteric

Buddhism, edited by Yael Bentor and Meir Shahar (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 104-105, n.35.
( 14 ) 衆生無邊誓願度。煩惱無邊誓願斷。法門無盡誓願學。無上佛道誓願證

(T 2834:
85.1273b14-15). I have reproduced Sharf’s translation, with a few minor changes. A similar
formulation is found in the Dasheng bensheng xindi guan jing 大乘本生心地觀經: 衆生無邊誓願度。煩惱無邊誓願斷。法門無盡誓願學。無上佛道誓願證 (T 2834: 85.1273b14-15).
Since this text was translated by Prajña (744-ca. 810), its presence in China postdates Shenxiu bya century or so and thus may not have been a source for him. On Prajña, see Paul Copp,“Prajña,” in Esoteric Buddhist and the Tantras in East Asia, edited by Charles Orzech, Henrik H.
Sørenzen, and Richard K. Payne (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 360-362.
(15) 自心衆生無邊誓願度自心煩惱無邊誓斷。自性法門無盡誓願學。自性無上佛道誓願成。
(T 2008: 48.354a11-13.
(16) Soto Zen Text Project, Soto School Scriptures for Daily Services and Practice (Tokyo: Sotoshu
Shumucho, 2001), 74 and 134. This is an English translation with Roman transliteration of the of
the original Japanese text, Sōtōshū nikka gongyō seiten 曹洞宗日課勤行聖典.
(17) Sharf ibid points out that they appear in, inter alia, Zhiyi’s Shi chanboluomi cidi famen 釋禪波
羅蜜次第法門 (T1916:46.476b14-18): 一未度者令度。亦云衆生無邊誓願度。二未解者令8

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖similarity between Buddhagupta’s four foci and the four universal vows. If indeed An
Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables is a translation of an eighth-century
Indian text, then it may suggest that the ideas behind the four universal vows may havedrawn on some Indian source.
The remaining two-thirds of the text describes techniques for meditating uponeach of the Four Immeasurables, with the balance focusing on benevolence. The author
introduces three types of benevolence: 1) benevolence that focuses on the suffering ofsentient beings; 2) benevolence focused on phenomena, which is practiced bybodhisattvas on the first to the seventh bhūmis or bodhisattva stages; and 3)
benevolence without focus, which spontaneously arises in bodhisattvas on the eighthbhūmi and above. The Akṣayamatinirdeśa Sūtra (Blo gros mi zad pas bstan pa’i mdo)(18)
contains a similar explanation of these three types of benevolence:
Venerable Śāriputra, there are three [kinds of] benevolence: benevolence
focused on sentient beings, benevolence focused on phenomena, andbenevolence without focus. Benevolence focused on sentient beings is that of
beginner bodhisattvas; benevolence focused on phenomena is that of abodhisattva with practice experience; and benevolence without focus is that ofa bodhisattva who has attained forbearance of the non-arising of phenomena.(19)解。亦云煩惱無數誓願斷。三未安者令安。亦云法門無盡誓願知。四未得涅槃令得涅槃。
亦云無上佛道誓願成。Sharf suggests that Zhiyi “goes to some length” to trace the four
universal vows to scriptural sources such as the Lotus Sūtra, indicating a “felt need to legitimize
his liturgical innovations.” For more on the four universal vows in Japanese, see KAGAWA
Takao 香川孝雄, “Shiguseigaku no genryū” 四弘誓願の源流 [=The Origins of the “Four
Universal Vows”], Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度学仏教学研究 [=Journal of Indian andBuddhist Studies] 38, no. 1 (December 1989): 294-302.
( 18 ) The passage quoted below from Tibetan translation of the Ārya Akṣayamatinirdeśa
Mahāyānasūtra is also found in the Chinese translation of this text, 無盡意菩薩, T397:13.14-19.
With reference to the Chinese translation, Huimin Bhikshu, citing Nagao, notes that this text isthe “source of the three kinds of objects for meditation on the Four Immeasurables. See “TheFour Immeasurables in the Bodhisattvabhūmi and Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra and their
Implementation in a Measuring Scale for a Study of Brain Imaging.” Dharma Drum Journal of
Buddhist Studies 16 (2015): 40 and n.12 & 13. However, the Chinese Buddhist canon contains
more than one translation of the Akṣayamatinirdeśa Sūtra. For a discussion of these translations,
see Jens Braarvig’s introduction to Akṣayamatinirdeśasūtra, Volume II: The Tradition ofImperishability of in Buddhist Thought (Oslo: Solum Forlag, 1993), xvii-cxxxii.
(19) Ārya Akṣayamatinirdeśanāma Mahāyānasūtra, ’Phags pa blo gros mi zad pas bstan pa zhes
bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo, Sde dge bka’ ’gyur, D 174, Mdo sde ma, fol. 132a: |btsun pa sha
ra dwa ti’i bu| byams pa ni gsum po ’di dag ste| gsum gang zhe na| ’di lta ste| sems can la dmigs
pa’i byams pa dang | chos la dmigs pa’i byams pa dang | dmigs pa med pa’i byams pa’o| |de lasems can la dmigs pa'i byams pa ni sems dang po bskyed pa’i byang chub sems dpa’ rnams
kyi’o| |chos la dmigs pa’i byams pa ni spyod pa la zhugs pa’i byang chub sems dpa’ rnams kyi’o|9❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

Much of this passage is quoted in Śāntideva’s (c. seventh-to-eight-century CE) pivotal
work, Śikṣāsamuccaya.( 20 ) In contrast, the commentary on Asaṅga’s
Mahāyānasūtrālamkāra attributed to Vasubandhu extends the three types of foci(21)(trividhālambana, dmigs pa rnam pa gsum)—sentient beings, phenomena, andobjectlessness(22)—to all four Immeasurables. In his comments on chapter seventeen,verse eighteen, Vasubadhu states that
When their focus is sentient beings, they engage sentient beings who desire
happiness and those who are afflicted. Benevolence has the feature of [wishing]happiness for sentient beings; compassion has the feature of [wishing] them
freedom from suffering; joy has the feature of [wishing] they not be separated
from happiness; and equanimity has the feature of ridding sentient beings oftheir afflictive emotions regarding their experiences.
When their objects are phenomena (dharma),(23) they engage phenomena thathave manifested, that is, the states [of being] that have been taught.
When their focus is objectless, they engage suchness itself. They are objectless
because they are devoid of conceptualization.(24)|dmigs pa med pa’i byams pa ni mi skye ba’i chos la bzod pa thob pa’i byang chub sems dpa’
rnams kyi ste|.
( 20 ) P.L. Vaidya, ed., Śikṣāsamuccaya of Śāntideva (Darbhanga: The Mithila Institute of
Post-graduate Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning, 1961), 17: sattvārambaṇā matrī
prathamacittotpādikānāṃ bodhisattvānām dharmārmbaṇā caryāpratipannānāṃ bodhisattvānām
anārambaṇā matrī anutpttikadharmakṣāntipratilabdhānāṃ bodhisattvānāmiti ||. This passage
constitutes one of a few extant Sanskrit fragments of the Akṣayamatinirdeśa Sūtra. For the
Tibetan, see Śāntideva, Zhi ba lha, Śikṣāsamuccaya, Bslab pa kun las btus pa, Sde dge
bstan ’gyur, D 3940, Dbu ma khi, fol. 120a2.
(21) For more on the trividhālambana, see NAGASAKI Yōko 長崎 陽子, “Yuishiki ronsho ni
okeru san’en no shimuryōshin ni tsuite” 唯識論書における三縁の四無量心について,
Bukkyōgaku kenkyū 仏教学研究 5 (March 1999): 42-64.
( 22 ) On objectlessness applied to compassion as discussed in chapter seventeen of the
Mahāyānasūtrālamkāra, see WAKAHARA Yūshō 若原雄昭. “Muen no jihi—Daijō shōgonkeiron XVII aki wo chūshin ni” 無縁の慈悲 -- 大乗荘厳経論 XVII 章を中心に. Nihon
bukkyō gakkai nenpō 日本仏教学会年報 [=The Journal of the Japan Buddhist Research
Association] 62 (May 1996): 91-108.
(23) Lobsang Jamspal et al. note that in Vasubadhu’s commentary on the Mahāyānasūtrālamkāra“there seems to be confusion” between the two meaning of dharma as referring either to theteachings of the Buddha or phenomena. See The Universal Vehicle Discourse Literature(Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra) by Maitreyanātha/Āryāsaṅga Together with its Commentary (Bhāṣya)by Vasubadhu (New York City: The American Institute of Buddhist Studies, 2004), 229 n. 9.
(24) Sylvain Lévi, Mahāyāna-Sūtrālaṃkāra, exposé de la doctrine du Grand Véhicule selon lesystème Yogācāra, vol. 1 (Paris: Librairie Honoré Champion, 1907), 121: satvālambanāḥ

10

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖The Bodhisattvabhūmi, attributed to Asaṅga, also applies the three types of foci to theother three Immeasurables.(25)The author of the Commentary then proceeds to describe in detail how to
cultivate benevolence by gradually extending the feelings of closeness and affection one
has for loved ones first to people one likes, then to people one is indifferent toward, andfinally to people one dislikes. A similar meditation is described in both theŚikṣāsamuccaya and the Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam.( 26 ) Moving to the next
Immeasurable, the author explains that compassion means having sympathy for those
who suffer, those who do wrong, and those who have not had the opportunity to practice
Dharma. Joy entails rejoicing in the material wealth, happiness, and Dharma practice ofboth oneself and other. Finally, the author explains equanimity in terms of the eightworldly dharmas (’jig rten chos brgyad): he urges the reader to be neither happy nor
unhappy in the face of gain or loss, happiness or suffering, praise or criticism, and fameor obscurity.
This brings us to the question of the provenance and dating of the Commentary.
One possible early reference to the text is Bcom ldan rig pa’i ral gri’s (1227-1305) An
Ornamental Sunbeam for the Spread of the Teachings (Btsan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi
nyi ’od), dated by Kurtis Schaeffer and Leonard van der Kuijp to the late 1260s to theearly 1270s. This text is a history and survey of Buddhist literature in Tibet, the latter
half of which contains scripture and treatises in organized lists. Chapter 30, which lists
treatises composed by Tibetans (bod kyis byas pa’i bstan bcos) during the reign of the
Tibetan emperor Khri Ral pa can (alias Khri gtsug lde btsan, reigned 815-841) contains
a reference to a Tshad med bzhi’i rgya cher ’grel pa with no indication of an author.(27)
Schaeffer and van der Kuijp associate this text with a non-extant, anonymouscommentary of the same name in Bu ston Rin chen drub’s history of Buddhist in India
and Tibet.(28) A more stable, slightly later reference is found in the Catalog of thesukhārthini yāvat kliṣṭe satvanikāye pravartante | tathā hi maitrī satveṣu sukhasaṃyogākārā |karuṇā duḥkhaviyogākārā | muditā sukhāviyogākārā | upekṣāsu vedanāsu teṣāṃ satvānāṃ
niḥkleśatopasaṃhārākārā | dharmālambanāstaddeśite dharme | yatra te vihārā deśitāḥ |anālambanāstattathatāyāṃ | te hyavikalpatvād anālambanā ivetyanālambanāḥ |.
(25) Maithrimurti, 306-307. Maithrimurti provides a critically edited Sanskrit text and Germantranslation for the section of the Bodhisattvabhūmi that discusses the Four Immeasurables.
(26) Vaidya, 151 and Pradhan, 454.
(27) Kurtis Schaeffer and Leonard W.J. van der Kuijp, An Early Tibetan Survey of Buddhist
Literature: The Btsan pa rgyas pa rgyan gyi nyi ’od of Bcom ldam ral gri (Cambridge: The
Harvard Oriental Series, 2009), 267, text. no. 30.93.
(28) NISHIOKA Soshū 西岡祖秀, “‘Putun bukkyōshi’ Mokurokubusakuin 3”『プトゥン仏教史』目録部索引 III [=Index to the Catalogue Section of Bu-ston’s ‘History of Buddhism’ 3], Tōkyō

11❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3Narthang Tengyur (under the title Bstan bcos kyi dkar chag) by Dbus pa Blo gsal Rtsod
pa’i seng ge (ca. 1270-ca. 1355), a disciple of Bcom ldan rig pa’i ral gri, and dated to
the first quarter of the fourteenth-century. This catalog, however, records this text as “AnExtensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables by the ācārya Buddhaguhya” (tshad
med pa bzhi rgyas cher ’grel pa slaun[=slob dpon] sangs rgyas gsang ba’i mdzad pa),
returning us again to Buddhagupta/Buddhaguhya issue.(29) OCHI Junji has observed that
there is some inconsistency between the catalogs (dkar chag) and the colophons of thistext in D and Q. He notes that while colophons say the author is Buddhagupta, thecatalogues ascribe the texts to Buddhaguhya.(30) This, as I will demonstrate below, is theresult of mis-rendering and mistranslation of this figure’s name across text catalogues
from the Tibetan empire and to up to Dbus pa blo gsal’s time. That said, I propose thatthe terminus ad quem of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables is firstquarter of the fourteenth-century. Determining a definitive terminus a quo is difficult, if
not impossible, since there are no early references to the text in any of the Tibetan
imperial period catalogs, nor are the Tibetan translators of the text mentioned in thecolophon.
Translation
An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables
Benevolence, Compassion
Joy, and Equanimity—
These are the great Immeasurables that I shall explain herein
So that one may diligently meditate upon them.
The foci of these are immeasurable sentient beings, immeasurable accumulations,immeasurable Dharma and immeasurable gnosis. (31) Immeasurable sentient beings
daigaku bungakubu bunka kōryū kenkyū shisetsu kenkyū kiyō 東京大学文学部文化交流研究
施設研究紀要 [=Annual Report of the University of Tokyo Department of Literature’s Institutefor the Study of Cultural Exchange] 6 (1983): 117, text no. 3033.
(29) Dbus pa Blo gsal Rtsod pa’i seng ge, Bstan bcos kyi dkar chag (Publisher and date unknown)
BDRC W2CZ7507, fol. 54b5.
(30) OCHI Junji 越智淳仁 “Buddhagupta to Buddhaguhya ni tsuite” Buddhagupta と Buddhaguhya
について,” Nihon chibetto gakkai kaihō 日本西蔵学会々報 [=Report of the Japanese
Association for Tibetan Studies] 28 (1980): 5.
(31) Cf. Essentials of Meditation of the Tripiṭaka Master Wuwei (Wuwei sanzan chanyao 無畏三藏禪要, T917:18.943a13-16) associated with the Indian master Śubhakarasiṃha:12

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖means that one is incapable of calculating them, saying, “This is how many or few
sentient beings there are in the three realms.” As the Lord teaches in the Noble Sūtra
Teaching the Great Compassion of the Tathāgatas:
O Child of Noble Birth, the sentient beings who dwell within this very space[the size of] the hole of a mere chariot wheel that are visible to the Tathāgatas
are quite many. But the gods and humans in the world-systems of thetrichiliocosm are not like that. Indeed, the realms of imperceptible sentient
beings are immeasurable.(32)
Therefore, since the realms of sentient beings are incomprehensible, sentient beings are
said to be immeasurable. In meditating on the Immeasurables, one might ask: how thendoes one focus and meditate upon immeasurable sentient beings? In the following way:from beginningless time, all sentient beings in the three realms cycle through the higher
and lowers abodes through the power of their individual karmas; there is none among
them who I have not been close to hundreds of thousands of times. Focusing on
immeasurable sentient beings means [extending] the Four Immeasruables to all sentient
beings and dwelling in equanimity, having thought “They are my dear ones!”
Immeasurable accumulations means immeasurable accumulations of merit andgnosis. The Four Dharmas(33) are the primary cause of these, since they are the cause or
essence of immeasurable accumulations of merit and gnosis. As the Lord also teaches in

Sentient beings are limitless, I vow to deliver them.
Meritorious wisdom is limitless, I vow to amass it.
The Dharma teachings are limitless, I vow to learn them.
The Tathāgatas are limitless, I vow to serve them.
I vow to attain the unexcelled way of the buddhas.
衆生無邊誓願度。福智無邊誓願集。法門無邊誓願學。如來無邊誓願仕。無上佛道誓願
成 。Translation from Sharf, 105 n. 35.
(32) Though the meaning is similar, the passage cited here differs from the wording of the canonicalĀrya Tathāgata-mahākaruṇā-nirdeśa-nāma Mahāyāna-sūtra, ’Phags pa de bzhin gshegs pa’isnying rje chen po nges par bstan pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo, Sde dge bka’ ’gyur, D
147, Mdo sde pa, 142a1-242b7. On f. 199a2-3 we find: yang shing rta’i phang lo tsam gyis
phyogs na snang bar ma gyur pa’i sems can gang dag de bzhin gshegs pa la snang bar gyur pa
de dag ni ches mang gi |stong gsum gyi stong chen po’i ’jig rten gyi khams kyi lha dang mirnams ni de ltar ma yin te| |de ltar snang bar ma gyur pa’i sems can gyi khams ni tshad med do|.
According to its colophon, the text was translated into Tibetan by the dynastic period translator
Ye shes sde with the Indian master Śīlendrabodhi. This text is found in Chinese translation as T
398, 大哀經 and in chapters 1 & 2 of T 397, 大方等大集經.
(33) I take this term—chos bzhi po—to refer to the Four Immeasurables; this interpretation impliedin the author’s discussion of immeasurable gnosis further down in the commentary.

13

Journal of World Buddhist Cultures❖ 2020.3 ❖Vol. 3the sūtras:
O Child of Noble Birth, making offerings to someone who, not rising fromtheir seat, meditates on the samādhi of benevolence, will generate incalculable
merit.(34)
Therefore, if one can obtain so much merit just by making offerings to a person who is
meditating on benevolence and the rest of the Immeasurables, what need is there tomention one who meditates upon and practices the Immeasurables? The amount of
merit generated thereby would be so much greater! This is how an immeasurable
accumulation of merit and gnosis is generated. This becomes the cause of generating
immeasurable accumulations of dharma, which in turn causes the generation of animmeasurable accumulation of gnosis.
Immeasurable Dharma is the tremendous qualities of a buddha, such as thepowers, fearlessness, and the rest. The cause of obtaining these is abiding in the Four
Dharmas because they give rise immeasurable accumulations of merit and gnosis. And
since this in turn gives rise to and establishes the great qualities of a buddha, one should
persistently endeavor in the Four Immeasurables.
The Four Dharmas is the focal object of the Tathāgata’s immeasurable gnosis; itis also the gnosis itself that abides in the state, that is, the essence of benevolence andrest of the Four Dharmas. This is what is meant by “the essence is transformed” or“within the perceptual sphere of the object of cognition undifferentiated from cognition
itself.” (35)Now, regarding benevolence, there is a stage of aspirational practice consisting of thefour factors of ascertainment: the obtainment of appearance, the enhancement ofappearance, the partial engagement in the meaning of suchness, and unobstructedsamādhi.(36) A bodhisattva remains in those four factors of ascertainment.(37) For a(34) I have not been able to find a canonical source for this quotation. The author might simply bereferring to general Buddhist ideas rather than quoting from any particular text.
(35) I have not been able to find the source of this exact phrase.
(36) These “four factors of ascertainment” (nges par byed pa’i cha bzhi po) are referenced by Ska ba

Dpal brtsegs, the Tibetan dynastic period translator of the eight-century, and his unnamed
coauthors in Memorandum on the Enumeration of Phenomena (Chos kyi rnam grang kyi brjedbyang). See f. 265a7 of Ska ba Dpal brtsegs et al., Chos kyi rnam grangs kyi byed byang, Sdedge bstan ‘gyur, D 4362, Mdo ’grel jo, 231b6-289a5. For an English translation of this work, see
Thubten K. Rikey & Andrew Ruskin, trans., A Manual of Key Buddhist Terms: Categorization of
Buddhist Terminology with Commentary (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives,
1992). And for a brief overview of the text in Japanese, see ISHIKAWA Mie 石川美恵, “Dpal14

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖bodhisattva who dwells within the four factors of ascertainment, the gods, humans,
pretas and others, as well as the beings of the hell realm, are all within the perceptual
sphere of their supernormal faculties. Having seen the gods, humans, and others, and thebeings in the lower states of rebirth whose very nature is suffering, [a bodhisattva] gives
rise to great compassion. They understand that these beings have been cycling throughsaṃsāra from beginningless time and that all have been their friend at some point. They
thus give rise to great benevolence towards all these sentient beings, considering themas their own children. They make aspirations to liberate all sentient beings from
suffering and bring them to a state of happiness, while acting to benefit all sentient
beings through the Dharma. This is the meaning of benevolence focused on sentient
beings. (38)Bodhisattvas on the first to seventh bodhisattva bhūmis give rise to benevolence
for sentient beings by having directly realized the immanent nature of phenomena.
Although all phenomena do not have an essential nature, sentient beings do not realize
as much and, by being attached to physical objects, they circle through the three realms.
Therefore, these [bodhisattvas] give rise to benevolence for those who suffer in this way
and make aspirations to understand the true nature of phenomena, while acting tobenefit sentient beings through the Dharma. This is the meaning of benevolence focusedon phenomena. (39)The eighth bodhisattva bhūmi up to and including the attainment of buddhahood
are known as “the stage of spontaneous accomplishment without focus.” From theeighth bhūmi and onward, they give rise to benevolence for sentient beings while also
acting for their benefit through the mode of non-conceptuality and spontaneous
accomplishment. For example, they benefit sentient beings like a precious
wish-fulfilling jewel or wish-fulfilling tree. Moreover, although they are free ofconceptual thought, great benevolence for sentient beings still spontaneously arises
brtsegs no ‘chos kyi rnam grangs kyi brjed byang’ ni tsuite,” dpal brtsegs の"chos kyi rnam
grangs kyi brjed byang"について, in Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 印度學佛教學研究[=Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies] 12 (2008): 551-546.
(37) Implying that, by contrast, they remain aspirational for non-bodhisattvas.
(38) With this passage, the author begins describing the three types of benevolence. These are alsomentioned in Sūtra Teaching the Great Compassion of the Tathāgatas(Tathāgatamahākaruṇānirdeśa Sūtra), which the author quotes from in the Commentary. The
sūtra states that “Benevolence focused on sentient beings and benevolence focused on
phenomena are the roots of wisdom. Benevolence without focus is the application of wisdom”|sems can la dmigs pa dang| chos la dmig pa’i byams pa ni shes rab kyi rtsa ba’o| |dmigs med
pa’i byams pa ni shes rab kyi las so|, fol. 235a3.
(39) There seems to be some śleṣa or equivoque with the word dharma (chos), which carries themeaning of both phenomena and Dharma. On the other hand, see supra n. 23; Lobsang Jamspal
et al. point out a similar slippage in Vasubadhu’s commentary on the Mahāyānasūtrālamkāra.

15❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3through the power of their past aspirations, while acting for the benefit of sentient
beings. This is known as objectless benevolence. (40)
But how, then, do ordinary individuals who are just beginners meditate on
benevolence that is focused on sentient beings? Ordinary individuals who are justbeginners should meditate on benevolence that is focused on sentient beings in thefollowing way. There are three types of beings: 1) those one cares about, 2) those one isindifferent to, and 3) those one dislikes. Those one cares about are further divided into
three: higher, middling, and lesser. Then there are ones is indifferent to, and those one
dislikes can also be further divided into higher, middling, and lesser, for a total of sevendivisions.(41) Initially, you should meditate upon someone who you care about in a
middling way as if they were someone you care about a lot, such as your parents orothers. After you are familiar with this, you meditate upon all those one is indifferent toas if they were those you care a lot about. Then you mediate upon those you dislike only
a little as if they were someone you care about a lot. Once you are familiar with this,meditate on someone you dislike in a middling way as if they were someone you careabout very much. Then you [meditate] on some you really dislike as if they were yourown parents. In this way, you can even take as the focus of your mediation all sentient
beings without exception who, from beginningless time, have been your own parents orothers who are close to you. Moreover, as you meditate in this way, meditating initiallyonly on people from your own family, you then gradually [extend it to others]. This is
the meaning of limitless mediation. (42)
Regarding compassion, there is compassion that focuses on sentient beings who are
suffering. There are three types of suffering such as the suffering of suffering and so on,
or eight types of suffering such as birth and the rest.(43) [Focusing on] those sentient(40) Or more literally, benevolence without focus.
(41) Here, the Tibetan can easily be misread as implying that the people one is indifferent to can also

be divided into divided into higher, middling, and lesser as well. However, this would result innine groups, not seven. In his description of the meditation on benevolence from theAbhidharmakośabhāṣyam, Vasubandhu also treats the people one is indifferent to as a single
group, not dividing them into three: na cecchaknoti kleśasyodbhatavṛttitvāt sa mitrapakṣaṃ
tridhā bhittvā ’dhimātre tatsukhamadhimucyate | tato madhye mṛdau ca | teṣu cetsamāṃ
maitrīṃ labhate tata udāsīnapakṣe | tataḥ śatrūpakṣaṃ tridhā bhittvā mṛdau tat
sukhamadhimucyate | tato madhye ’dhimātre ca | tataścedadhimātra iva mitrapakṣe
sukhādhimokṣo na vyāvartate |. See Pradan, 454.
(42) Buddhagosa’s description of meditating on benevolence in the Visuddhimagga begins not with aperson one cares about in a middling way, but rather with oneself: sabbapaṭhamaṃ pana: ahaṃsukhito homi, niddukkho ti vā avero avyāpajjo anīgo sukhī atthānaṃ pariharāmi ti vā evaṃpunappunaṃ attani yeva bhāvetabhā, C.A.F. Rhys-Davids, 296.
(43) The three types of suffering are: 1) the suffering of suffering, 2) the suffering of change and 3)
the suffering of pervasive conditionality. The eight types of suffering are the suffering of: 1)

16

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖beings who suffer in these ways is known as compassion that clears away the sufferingof all. As for compassion focused on beings who do wrong, compassion that clears
away all non-virtue means [eliminating] the non-virtuous conduct of those sentient
beings, which is the root or cause of the forms of suffering mentioned above.
Compassion focused on beings who are not liberated because they lack the necessary
conditions means [focusing on] those sentient beings who have not heard the Dharma
because they lack a spiritual teacher. Moreover, as the tantras state, “Sentient beings
who do not rely upon a spiritual teacher, who have not heard the Dharma, and are notliberated, are liberated through compassion.”(44)Joy is the joy experienced by sentient beings due to possessing various types of wealth:
the wealth of material objects, the wealth of Dharma, and the wealth of happiness. Joy
focused on perfecting one’s own accumulations is the joy [that arises] from focusing on
your own great accumulations of virtue. Joy focused on the taste of the holy Dharma is
joy [that arises] though oneself and others attaining the taste of hearing, contemplating,and meditating upon the Dharma.
As for equanimity, there is equanimity of acting for the benefit of sentient being whoare either fortunate and unfortunate. Acting for the benefit of both equally means notdifferentiating between the two, thinking, “I will act for the benefit of those who are
fortunate and not for those who are unfortunate.” The phrase “eight worldly dharmas,
such as gain and loss, and the rest” includes the following: happiness and suffering,praise and criticism, and fame and obscurity. Remain in equanimity being neither happy
nor unhappy with these. The eight worldly dharmas include gain and loss and all the rest.
The eight worldly dharmas are referred to as such because theses eight things are known
and exist in the world.
How does one dwell in equanimity when faced with the eight worldly dharmas?
In the following way: if I were to gain marvelous amounts of wealth, I should neither
take joy in it nor be attached to it. And if this great wealth were diminished or lost, I

birth, 2) old age, 3) sickness, 4) death, 5) encountering that which is unpleasant, 6) separatingfrom that which is pleasant, 7) not getting what you want, and 8) perpetuating aggregates. See
Mgon po dbang rgyal, Chos kyi rnam grangs shes bya’i nor gling ’jug pa’i gru gzings (Chengdu:
Sichuan Nationalities Language Press, 1988), 37 and 255 respectively.
(44) I have not been able to identify a source for these words. My translation suggests that author is
stating that this is a general notion expressed in the tantras.

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❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3should be neither distressed nor unhappy. This is called equanimity without happinessor sorrow regarding in gain and loss. If a loving spouse were to anoint my body withperfume, sandalwood, and other [substances], caress me, serve and honor me, I should
not take joy in or be attached to [this kind of] veneration. And if an enemy were to strike,beat, and do other [acts of violence] to my body, I should not become angry. I should
accept the suffering of being struck and beaten, and not think of the pain. This is called
equanimity without happiness or sorrow regarding pleasure and pain. If a good friend
speaks well of me and praise me with sweet words, I should not take joy in them nor
should I think of myself as superior. And if an enemy were to uncover and proclaim my
faults, I should not become unhappy or discouraged. This is called equanimity withouthappiness or unhappiness regarding praise and criticism. If many people hear of andcome to know my good qualities, I should not take joy in the fame of my good qualities,
thinking, “Since many people know that I possess good qualities, my good qualities arefamous, and I will not be forgotten!” And even if many people have not heard of or
know about my good qualities, I should not become unhappy, thinking, “My goodqualities are not well known, I will fade [from memory].” This is known equanimity
without happiness or sorry regarding the fame or obscurity of one’s of good qualities.
The term accumulations was mentioned above. Equanimity focused oncompletely fulfilling the accumulations during the fortunate and unfortunate
times means not making differentiations, thinking “I will practice the fulfilment of theaccumulations of virtue at this time, but not at this time,” but rather practicing it always.
For the sake of sentient beings, I have composed this treatise
On the meaning of all the meditations
Of the Four Immeasurables, the Divine Abodes:
Through this, may all beings be freed from defilement and attain Buddhahood!
—This concludes An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables composed bythe ācārya Buddhagupta—(45)Critical Edition of Tshad med bzhi’i rgya cher ’grel pa(46)[C19a7] [D19a6] [G26a] [N19a4] [Q18b7](45) The colophon does not name any translators or revisers.
(46) The layout of the critical edition follows that of the English translation so that the Tibetan

reader can easily refer back to the Tibetan text.

18

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖|tshad med bzhi’i rgya cher ’grel pa bzhugs|(47)[G26b1]|byams pa dang ni snying rje dang ||dga’ ba dang ni btang snyoms te||de dag chen po tshad med pa||’bad pas bsgom phyir ‘dir bshad bya||’di ltar sems can tshad med pa la dmigs pa dang | tshogs tshad med pa dang | [Q19a]chos tshad med [C19b] pa dang | ye shes tshad med pa’o| |de la sems can tshad med pa
ni khams gsum pa’i sems can mang nyung de tsam zhig yod do zhes dpag par mi nus
pas nasems can tshad med pa zhes bya ste| ndi ltar bcom ldan ’das kyis ’phags pa debzhin gshegs pa’i snying rje chen po bstan pa’i mdo las ’di skad du|rigs kyi [D19b] bu phyogs ’di nyid na shing rta’i ’phang lo tsam gyi bug pa na
gnas par gyur pa’i sems can gang dag de bzhin gshegs pas gzigs par gyur pa dedag ni ches mang gi|stong gsum gyi stong chen po’i ’jig rten gyi khams kyi lha
dang mi rnams ni de lta ma yin te| de ltar snang bar ma gyur pa’i sems can gyi
khams ni tshad med do zhes gsungs te|de lta bas na sems can gyi khams tshad med pa(48) gzung bar mi nus pas na(49) sems can[N19b] tshad med pa zhes bya’o| |tshad med pa bsgoms pas(50) sems can tshad med pa laci ltar dmigs par bya zhing bsgom zhe na| ’di ltar khams gsum pa’i sems can thams cad
thog ma med pa’i dus nas| so so’i las kyi dbang gis gnas mtho dman du ’khor ba ’di dag
bdag dang lan brgya stong du mar gnyen du [G 27a] ma gyur pa med de| ’di ni bdag gi
gnyen yin no snyam nas| sems can thams cad la tshad med pa bzhi pos btang snyoms su
gnas pa ’di ni sems can tshad med pa la dmigs pa zhes bya ba’i tha tshig go||de la tshogs tshad med pa ni| bsod nams dang ye shes kyi [C20a] tshogs tshad
med pa ste| rgyur gyur pa ni chos bzhi po yin la de ni bsod nams dang ye shes kyi tshogs
tshad med pa rnam pa gnyis bskyed pa’i rgyu’am ngo bo yin te| ’di ltar bcom ldan ‘daskyis kyang mdo dag las gsungs pa|
rigs kyi bu byams pa’i ting nge ’dzin bsgom pa stan las ma langs pa la yon(47) tshad med bzhi’i rgya cher ’gral pa slob dpon buddha guptas mdzad pa’o GNQ(48) om. GNQ(49) mi nus pa GNQ(50) pa’i GNQ

19

Journal of World Buddhist Cultures❖ 2020.3 ❖Vol. 3[Q19b] ‘bul bar byed pa ni bsod nams dpag tu med pa bskyed par ’gyur ro zhes
gsungs pa lta bu ste|’di ltar byams pa la sogs pa tshad med pa bsgom pa’i mi la yon phul bas kyang bsod
nams mang po ’thob na gang tshad med pa rnams su dngos su(51) nyams su blangs tebsgom(52) pa lta smos kyang ci dgos te| bsod nams kyi phung po gong ma bas ches mangdu bskyed do| |de ltar bsod nams dang ye shes kyi tshogs tshad med skyes pa dang | rgyu
de las chos kyi tshogs tshad med pa bskyed la| rgyu de las ye shes kyi tshogs tshad med
pa bskyed pa’o||chos tshad med pa ni sangs rgyas kyi che ba’i yon tan stobs dang mi ’jigs pa lasogs pa ste| de ’thob pa’i [D20a] rgyur ’gyur ba ni chos bzhi po la gnas pa’i sgo nas
bsod nams dang ye shes kyi tshogs skyes(53) pa’i rgyus sangs rgyas kyi che ba’i yon tan
rnams skye zhing ’grub par ’gyur bas na tshad med pa bzhi la nan tan [G 27b] du bya’o||chos bzhi po de rnams de bzhin gshegs pa’i ye shes tshad med pa’i dmigs pa’i
yul du gyur pa’am| ye shes nyid byams pa la sogs chos bzhi po de dag gi ngang du ’am
ngo bor gnas te| shes bya [N20a] dang shes pa tha mi dad pa’i spyod yul du ’am| ngo
bor gyur pa’o zhes bya ba’i tha tshig go|de la byams pa ni(54) mos pas spyod pa’i sa ni nges par ’byed pa’i cha bzhi po snang ba
thob pa dang snang ba mched pa dang | de kho na nyid kyi don la phyogs gcig pa rjes su
zhugs pa dang | bar chad med pa’i ting nge ’dzin zhes bya ba nges par ’byed pa’i chabzhi la gnas pa’i byang chub sems dpa’ ste| ’di ltar nges par ’byed pa’i cha bzhi la gnas
pa’i byang chub sems dpa’i mngon par shes pa’i dbang po’i spyod yul du ni lha dang midang yi dwags la sogs pa dang sems can dmyal ba’i gnas rnams [Q20a] mngon sum dugyur te| lha dang mi la sogs pa dang ngan song gi gnas de dag na sdug bsngal ba’i rang
bzhin can gyi sems can rnams mthong nas lhag par snying rje chen po skye zhing sems
can de dag thog ma med pa nas ’khor bar ’khor ba na| bdag gi gnyen du ma gyur pa med
par khong du chud nas sems can de dag thams cad la bu gcig pa dang ’dra bar sems pa’i
byams pa chen po’i sems skyes(55) pa’i sgo nas sems can thams cad sdug bsngal las tharte bde ba la gnas par gyur cig ces smon lam ’debs shing | sems can thams cad la choskyis(56) phan ’dogs par byed pa ni sems can [G28a] la dmigs pa’i byams pa zhes bya ba’i(51) om. GNQ(52) bsgoms CD(53) skyed C(54) pa’i GNQ(55) skyed C(56) om. GNQ

20

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖tha tshig go|byang chub sems dpa’i(57) sa dang po brnyes pa nas sa(58) bdun pa’i bar gyi
byang chub [C20b] sems dpa’ rnams ni chos kyi de kho nyid mngon sum du rtogs pa’i
sgo nas sems can la byams pa skye ste| de yang ’di ltar chos thams cad rang bzhin nyid
med pa yin na| sems can rnams kyis de ltar ma shes te dngos po la mngon par zhen pas
khams gsum [D20b] du ’khor bar gyur pa re sdug pa de dag la byams pa’i sems skye
zhing ’di dag gi chos nyid rtogs par shog ces smon lam ’debs shing | sems can thams[N20b] cad la chos kyi phan ’dogs pa byed pa ni chos la dmigs pa’i byams pa zhes bya
ba’i tha tshig go|byang chub sems dpa’ sa brgyad pa brnyes pa yan chad nas sangs rgyas kyi sa
brnyes pa man chad ni lhun gyis grub pa’i sa dmigs pa med pa zhes bya ba ste| sabrgyad pa yan chad na rtog pa med pa lhun gyis grub pa’i tshul gyis sems can la byams
pa skye zhing phan ’dogs par mdzad de| dper na yid bzhin gyi nor bu rin po che [Q20b]
dang dpag bsam gyi shing bzhin du sems can la phan ’dogs te| de yang rtog mi mnga’bzhin du sngon gyi smon lam gyi dbang gis sems can la byams pa chen po yang lhungyis grub par ’byung zhing sems can gyi don mdzad pa de ni dmigs pa med pa’i byams
pa zhes bya ba’i tha tshig go|’o na so so’i skye bo las dang po pas [G28b] sems can la dmigs pa’i byams pa jiltar bsgom zhe na| ’di ltar so so’i skye bo las dang po pas sems can la dmigs pa’i byams
pa’i bsgom rim ‘di ltar bya ste| sems can snying du sdug pa dang | tha mal pa dang |snying du mi sdug pa yin pa’i rnam pa ’di gsum yod pa las| sems can snying du sdug pa
la yang gsum du dbye ste| rab ’bring tha ma gsum du’o(59)| |(60)sems can tha mal pa dang| mi sdug pa la yang gsum du dbye ste| rab ’bring tha ma ste| bdun du dbye ba byas la|thog mar ’bring tsam du sdug pa de pha ma la sogs par rab tu bsgom mo| |de goms padang tha mal pa kun rab dang ’dra bar bsgom| de nas cung zad mi sdug pa sdug pa(61)rab dang ’dra bar bsgom| de goms pa dang mi sdug pa ’bring sdug pa rab dang ’dra bar
bsgom| |de nas shin tu mi sdug pa la yang pha ma dang ’dra [C21a] bar bya ste(62)| deltar goms pa’i dmigs pa yang sems can thams cad thog ma med pa’i dus nas pha ma lasogs pa gnyen du ma gyur pa med pa dang | de ltar sgom pa yang thog mar yang khyim
gang gi mi tsam la bsgoms(63) pa nas rim gyis te| de nas ni mtha’ yas par [D21a] bsgom(57) dpa’ CD(58) om. CD(59) om. GNQ(60) dmigs pa’i add. GNQ(61) om. GNQ(62) byas te GNQ(63) bsgom GNQ21

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3mo zhes bya ba’i don bstan to(64)||de la snying rje ni [N21a] sdug bsngal ba’i sems can la dmigs pa’i snying rje ni sdug
bsngal gyi sdug bsngal la sogs pa(65) gsum mam| skye ba la sogs pa brgyad kyis(66) sdug
bsngal ba’i sems can de dag kun gyi sdug bsngal snying rjes sel [G29a] zhes(67) bya ba’itha [Q21a] tshig go| nyes pa byed pa’i sems can la dmigs pa’i snying rje ni gong gi sdug
bsngal de dag rtsa ba’am| rgyu mi dge ba la spyod pa’i sems can de dag gi mi dge ba
kun snying rjes sel zhes(68) bya ba’i don to| |rkyen dang mi ldan pas rnam par ma grolba’i sems can la dmigs pa’i snying rje ni sems can dge ba’i bshes gnyen dang mi ldan
pas chos ma thos pa ste| de yang rgyud las| dge bshes ma bsten chos ma mnyan bya ba
dang | ma grol ba’i sems can snying rjes grol bar byed zhes bya ba’i don to||de la dga’ ba ni de la sems can dag zang zing gi ’byor ba dang | chos kyi ’byor ba dang |bde ba’i ’byor ba dang ldan pas dga’ ba’o| |bdag gi tshogs yongs su rdzogs pa la dmigs
pa’i dga’ ba ni bdag nyid dge ba’i tshogs che ba la dmigs nas dga’ ba’i don to| |dam pa’ichos kyi ro la dmigs pa’i dga’ ba ni bdag dang gzhan chos thos pa’i ro dang | bsam pa
dang bsgom pa’i ro rnyed pa’i sgo nas dga’ ba’i don to||de la btang snyoms ni sems can gyi don la spyod pa dag ni skal ba yod pa dang skal ba
med pa’i btang snyoms ni| skal ba dang ldan pa’i don ni bya| skal pa dang mi ldan pa’i
don ni mi bya zhes de ltar ’byed pa med par gnyis ka’i don snyoms par bya zhes bya
ba’i tha tshig go| ’jig rten gyi chos brgyad po rnyed pa dang ma rnyed pa la sogs pa’isgras bsdus pa ’di lta ste| bde ba dang | [C21b] sdug bsngal ba dang [G29b] | bstod pa
dang | smad pa dang | grags pa dang | ma grags pa(69) la dga’ ba dang mi dga’ med par
btang snyoms su gnas pa ste| de la ’jig rten gyi chos brgyad ni rnyed pa dang ma rnyedpa la sogs pa(70) la bya ste| chos brgyad po de dag ’jig rten na [N21b] grags shing yod
pa’i phyir ’jig rten gyi chos brgyad do|[Q21b] |chos brgyad po de dag la ji ltar btang snyoms su gnas she na|’di [D21b] ltar bdag gis longs spyod phun sum tshogs pa rnyed pa na de la dga’ ba ste(64) te GNQ(65) om. CD(66) kyi GNQ(67) ces GNQ(68) ces GNQ(69) dang add. GNQ(70) om. GNQ

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Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖chags pa yang med la| longs spyod {’grib}(71) sam ma rnyed na yang de’i yid chad pa
med cing mi dga’ ba med pa ni rnyed ma rnyed la dga’ mi dga’ med pa’i btang snyoms
zhes bya’o| |bdag gi mdza’ bo byams pa zhig gis bdag gi lus la spos dang tsandan la sogs
pa’i byug pas nyug cing bsnyen bkur dang bsti stang byed na bkur sti’i bde ba la dga’zhing chags pa yang med la| dgra bo zhig gis bdag gis(72) lus la brdeg brdung la sogs pa
byed na yang de la’ang mi khro zhing brdeg brdung gi sdug bsngal dang du blang ba
dang | sdug go mi snyam(73) ste| bde sdug la dga’ mi dga’ med pa’i btang snyoms zhes
bya’o| |bdag gi mdza’ bo(74) zhig gis(75) bdag gis rigs las glengs te snyan pa’i tshig gis
bstod na de la dga’ zhing gzengs mtho bar ’gyur ba yang med la| dgra bo zhig gis bdaggi skyon brus(76) shing bsgrags na yang de la yang(77) mi dga’ zhing dpa’ zhum pa med
pa ni bstod pa dang smad pa [G30a] la dga’ ba dang | mi dga’ ba med pa’i btang
snyoms zhes bya’o| |bdag gi yon tan yod pa skye bo mang pos thos shing shes par gyur
pa na ’di snyam du bdag ni yon tan can du skye bo mang pos shes pas bdag gi yon tan
grags te ma subs so zhes yon tan grags pa la dga’ ba yang med la| bdag gi yon tan skyebo mang pos ma thos shing ma shes na yang bdag gi yon tan ma grags te| nub bo zhes
mi dga’ ba med pa ni yon tan grags pa dang ma grags pa la dga’ ba dang mi dga’ ba med
pa’i btang snyoms zhes bya ba’i don to||tshogs zhes bya ba ni gong gi tshig ste| tshogs yongs su bskang ba la dus dang
dus ma yin pa la dmigs pa’i [C22a] btang [Q22a] snyoms ni bdag nyid dge ba’i tshogs
bskang zhing spyad pa la dus ’dir ni bya| dus ’dir ni(78) mi bya zhes [N22a] ’byed pa
med par dus kun tu spyod par byed pa’o||tshad med bzhi po dag ni tshangs pa’i gnas||bsgom(79) pa’i kun gyi don du bdag gis ’di||sems can don du byas shing bsdebs(80) pa des||’gro kun sgrib bral myur du sangs rgyas shog
|tshad med pa bzhi’i rgya cher ’grel pa slob dpon buddha(81) guptas mdzad pa rdzogs so||(71) ’gribs CDGNQ(72) gi Q(73) pa add. GNQ(74) mdza’o GNQ(75) gi C(76) bru GNQ(77) om. C(78) bya| dus ’dir ni om. GNQ(79) sgom GNQ(80) bsgrebs Q(81) buddhā GNQ23

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3||[C22a2] [D21b7] [G30a6] [N22a2] [Q22a2]

Note on the Names “Buddhagupta” (Sangs rgyas sbas pa) and “Buddhaguhya”(Sangs rgyas gsang ba)
As I alluded to above, there has been much uncertainty in the scholarship around theidentityof
thisfigure(orthesefigures)?
IstheauthorofCommentary—Buddhagupta—the same as the author (Sangs rgyas sbas
pa=Buddhagupta) of IOL Tib J 549, “The Small Hidden Grain” (Sbas pa’i rgum chung),
and/or the Buddhagupta (’bu ta kug ta) who is mentioned in IOL Tib J 1774/2 and in
Gnub chen Sangs rgyas ye shes’s Lamp for the Eye in Contemplation (Bsam gtan mig
srgon) as a master of mahāyoga tantra?(82) Yet, there are no mahāyoga commentaries in
the canon ascribed to a Buddhagupta, though there are several attributed to
Buddhaguhya.(83) And is this the same Buddhaguhya(84) who has famously commented
extensively Vairocanābhisambodhi Tantra(85) other tantras of the kriyā, caryā, and yoga
classes? Determining the authorship of these expansive works requires deep
textual-historical criticism and is beyond the scope of this essay. However, I argue thattwo determinations can be made: 1) that the name Buddhaguhya and its Tibetantranslation Sangs rgyas gsang ba is a reconstruction of the early translators andcompilers of Buddhist texts in Tibet and 2) that the name of the commentator whose isnormally referred to as Buddhaguhya is in fact Buddhagupta. To be clear, the latter is arather straightforward argument and has been proposed by Matthew Kapstein andrecently advanced by Nicholas Schmidt.(86) Here, I will attempt to show how the name(82) Gnubs chen sangs rgyas ye shes, Rnyal ’byor mig gi bsam gtan (Leh: S.W. Tashigangpa, 1974),

fol. 112a1. Gnubs chen also uses the spelling ’bu ta kug ta.
(83) For example, Lam rnam par bkod pa sangs rgyas gsang ba’i man ngag. Pe cin bstan ’gyur, Q

4736, Rgyud ’grel bu, ff. 465b-506b.
(84) For a synthetic biography of this figure and a condensed discussion of some of the issues

discussed here, see Jake Nagasawa, “Buddhaguhya” in Treasury of Lives: A BiographicalEncyclopedia
ofTibet,
Inner
Asia,
and
the
Himalaya,
March
2017,
https://treasuryoflives.org/biographies/view/Buddhaguhya/10546.
(85)Mahāvairocanābhisambodhivikurvatī-adhiṣṭhānavaipulya-sūtra-indrarājā-nāma-dharmaparyāya, Rnam par snang mdzad chen po mngon par rdzogs par byang chub pa rnam par sprul ba byingyis rlob pa shin tu rgyas pa mdo sde’i dbang po rgyal po zhes bya ba’i chos kyi rnams grangs,
Sde dge bka’ ’gyur, D 494, rgyud tha, fols. 151b-260a.
(86) Matthew T. Kapstein, The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism: Conversion, Contestation, andMemory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 62-63 n. 73, and Nicholas Schmidt, “The
Jewel’s Radiance: A Translation of ‘*Ratnabhāsvara,’ an Extensive Commentary on the
Vajravidāraṇa-nāma-dhāraṇī,” MA thesis, Kathmandu University, 2018, 149-155. I am

24

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖Buddhaguhya became the name associated with this commentator by tracing its
development in early sources.
Returning to the 812 Dkar chag ldan kar ma,(87) three tantric commentators
recorded therein are clearly said to be authored by Buddhagupta (slob dpon bu ddha gu
ptas mdzad pa): the Condensed Commentary on the Vairocanābhisambodhi Tantra,(88) A
Word-by-word Commentary on the Durgatipariśodhana Tantra,(89) and the An Extensive
Explanation of the Dhyānottarapaṭalakrama.(90) The other extant imperial text register,
the Dkar chag ’phang thang ma, which dates to 842 at the earliest(91) but was added tothroughout the rest of ninth century and beyond,( 92 ) contains a reference to thecommentary on the Dhyānottarapaṭalakrama, again attributed Buddhagupta (bud dha
gupta mdzad pa). Here however, we see for the first time a reference to the nameBuddhaguhya as the author (sangs rgyas gsang ba mdzad pa) of a treatise on essence
extraction (rasāyana, bcus kyis len) or alchemy that is attributed to Buddhaguhya.(93) It
is important to note that the Sanskrit words gupta (sbas pa) and guhya (gsang ba) in thename variants Buddhaguhya and Buddahgupta have similar meanings—“concealed,”“covered,” “hidden,” or “secret.” I also draw attention to Cristina Scherrer-Schaub’s
suggestion that prior to 814, that is to say the period in which the texts found in the
Dkar chag ldan kar ma were most likely translated, the imperial period procedures forapproving and registering newly translated terms with the imperial translation board hadparticularly grateful to Nicholas Schmidt for our scholarly exchanges and for his excellent thesis,
which has helped me to completely rethink the Buddhagupta/Buddhaguhya name issue.
(87) Adelheid Herrmann-Pfandt, Die lHan kar ma: Ein früher Katalog der ins Tibetische übersetzten
buddhistischen Texte. Kritische Neuausgabe mit Einleitung und Materialien, vol. 367 of
Philosphisch-Historische Klasse Denkschriften (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichische Akademie
der Wissenschaften, 2009), 176-180, text nos. 322, 324, 328.
(88) Vairocanābhisambodhitantrapiṇḍārtha, Rnam par snang mdzad mngon par rdzogs par byangchub pa'i rgyud kyi bsdus pa'i don. Sde dge bstan ’gyur, D 2662, Rgyud nyu, 1b-65a. This
commentary is translated in Stephen Hodge, The Maha-Vairocana-Abhisambodhi Tantra with
Buddhaguhya's Commentary. London: Routledge, 2005.
(89) Ngan song sbyong ba’i don gyi ’bru ’grel, Sde dge bstan ’gyur, D 2624, rgyud cu, ff.
152b-231a.
(90) Dhyānottara-paṭalakrama, Bsam gtan gyi phyi ma rim par phye ba, Sde dge bka’ ’gyur, D 808,
rgyud wa, ff. 223a-225b.
(91) Brandon Dotson, “Emperor” Mu rug btsan and the ’Phang thang ma Catalogue,” in Journal of
the International Association of Tibetan Studies Issue 4 (December 2007): 4. Also in this article,
Dotson notes that a later date for the aforementioned Denkar Catolog may be possible, but thishas yet to be definitely proven.
(92) Halkias, Georgios. “Tibetan Buddhism Registered: A Catalogue from the Imperial Court
of ’Phang thang” The Eastern Buddhist 36, nos. 1-2 (2004), 77-79.
(93) KAWAGOE Eishin
川越 英真, dDar chag ’Phang thang ma. Sendai: (Tōhoku indo chibetto
kenkyūkai, 東北インド・チベット研究会, Tōhoku Society for Indo-Tibetan Studies, 2005),
25 & 45. Unfortunately, the alchemical text is no longer extant.

25

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

not yet been in use.(94)
The next major cataloging projects unfolded over the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries. The first was undertaken by Bcom ldan rig pa’i ral gri’s in his aforementioned
An Ornamental Sunbeam for the Spread of the Teachings. This catalog combines
elements of both the Dkar chag ldan kar ma and the Dkar chag ’phang thang ma,
containing references to the Dhyānottarapaṭalakrama (buddha gu ta pa tas mdzad) by
Buddhagupta, the alchemical text by Buddhaguhya, and several other texts also
attributed to Buddhaguhya, such as a text on Vajravidāraṇa.(95) But Dbus Blo gsal’s
Catalog of the Narthang Tengyur marks a major turning point—it is the first catalog tostandardize the translation the name of our author. In this catalog, two of the tantriccommentaries found in the Dkar chag ldan kar ma have the authorial statement“written by the ācārya Buddhaguhya” (slob dpon sangs rgays gsang bas mdzad pa). In
each instance, there is an interlinear note of uncertain origin pointing out that sangs
rgyas gsan ba means bud dha gu hya.(96)The final stage of this development is the large scale Bstan ’gyur compilation
project supervised by Bu ston Rin chen grub ay Zhwa lu Monastery and documented in
his Letter to the Editors (Yig mkhan rnams la gdams pa). As Schaeffer relates in his
study and translation of this letter, Bu ston directed his editors to correct spelling
mistakes, update remnants of old orthography, and emend texts “in accordance with his
reasoned understanding of what the text should say.” This point, combined with Dbus
blo gsal’s standardizing likely led to back translations of Snags rgays gsang ba in casessuch as phonetic spelling of Bu ddha gu hya in the D & P colophons of Condensed
Commentary on the Vairocanābhisambodhi Tantra. And since Bu ston’s catalog served
as the model for most succeeding text catalogs, the Buddhaguhya name error was
replicated, resulting in all contemporary catalogs recording the author of all of theworks mentioned above—except for the Commentary—as Buddhaguhya.

(94) Cristina Scherrer-Schaub, “Enacting Words. A Diplomatic Analysis of the Imperial Decrees(bkas bcad) and their Application in the sGra sbyor bam po gnis pa Tradition,” Journal of theInternational Association of Buddhist Studies 25, nos. 1-2 (2002): 283.
(95) Schaeffer & van der Kuijp, 180-185.
(96) Dbud pa Blo gsal, fols. 28b6 and 29a1. This catalog also introduces numerous other texts, now
attributed to Sangs rgyas gsang ba, including the text translated herein, and others such as acommentary on the Subāhuparipṛcchā Tantra, and a text on yogic instructions.

26

Jake NAGASAWA
A Study and Translation of An Extensive Commentary on the Four Immeasurables (Tshad med bzhi’irgya cher ’grel pa) attributed to Buddhagupta, with a Note About the Author❖ Articles 1 ❖Bibliography
Abbreviations, Sigla, and Signs
C

Co ne Bka’ ’gyur and Bstan ’gyurD

Sde dge Bka’ ’gyur and Bstan ’gyurG

Gser bris Bka’ ’gyur and Bstan ’gyur

N

Snar thang Bka’ ’gyur and Bstan ’gyurP

Pe cin Bka’ ’gyur and Bstan ’gyurT

大正新脩大藏經 Taishō shinshū daizōkyō

add.

Adds

fol.

Folio

n.

Note

no.

Number

om.

Omits

{ }

indicates emendation of the text

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27

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3———. Tshad med bzhi’i rgya cher ’grel pa, Dpe bsdur ma bstan ’gyur, Vol. 64 (Dbus ma ki),
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28

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32

❖ Articles 1 ❖The Adaptation and Application of
Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature〈in Japanese〉

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
Guest Researcher, Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures,
Ryukoku University

33

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

Abstract
Uicheon 義天, a high-ranking priest of the Goryeo kingdom, collected various
Buddhist commentaries 章疏 from such East Asian counties as Northern Song, Liao, andJapan in order to publish them. Since he compiled teachings of different Buddhist schools
into one collection, it is referred to as Kyochang 教蔵 in Korean. The Kyochang wasintroduced into Japan in the first year of Hōan era (保安; 1120) by Kakuju 覚樹, a priest
at Tōdaiji Temple 東大寺 who imported hundreds of Buddhist texts from Goryeo. Today,eight types of copies are preserved at a number of Japanese sites, including Tōdaiji
Temple, Kōzanji Temple 高山寺, and Shōkaiji Temple 性海寺. Some of them areconsidered to have been imported by Kakuju. They are representative of exoteric andesoteric Buddhist teachings. Two of them relate the Kegonshoshō 華厳疏鈔 (Ch.
Huayan shu chao, Kr. Hwaeomsocho) by Chōkan 澄観 (Ch. Chengguan), and four copies,
which include a considerable amount of quotation from the Kegonshoshō, are related toesoteric Buddhism of the Liao Dynasty.
Medieval Japanese Buddhism combines exoteric and esoteric teachings, and Uicheon’s
Kyochang offered primary information for interdisciplinary learning of the Kegon sect 華
厳宗 and esoteric Buddhism. Specifically, exoteric Buddhism made references to the
Kegonshoshō as well as esoteric teachings by shoshō 疏鈔 from the Liao Dynasty. To
sum, Uicheon’s Enshū-monrui 円宗文類(Kr. Wonjongmullyu) and Chōkan’s Kegonshoshō
were frequently quoted in the Kegon sect and esoteric Buddhist schools, and the
Kyochang was regarded as an independent discipline consisting of exoteric and esoteric
Buddhist teachings. Chōkan’s teaching of Kegon 華厳 (Ch. Huayan, Kr. Hwaeom)
continued to be influential throughout the Liao Dynasty and in medieval Japan. However,
the texts composed in the Liao Dynasty were later abandoned because of different
understandings about original enlightenment, although it too was based on a syncretism of
exoteric and esoteric Buddhist teachings.

34

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖日本中世における高麗「義天版教蔵」の受容と活用に関する思想的考察(1)―華厳学文献を中心に―

ウ

ソ ク

玗錫（申 回貞）

キーワード：義天、教蔵、章疏、円宗文類、華厳疏鈔、澄観
はじめに高麗の大覚国師義天（1055～1001）は、仏教の東伝以来、中国五代の戦乱により失われた古今の仏書典籍が約 200 年間流通していないことに対し、仏法の衰退を心配した(2)。
義天の護法の意志は、北宋、遼、日本など東アジア諸国を通して古今諸家の章疏を収集して刊行する事業として表出した。義天が刊行した著述と教蔵を合わせて「義天版」と通称する。目錄に掲載された文献は、その刊行以後にさっそく日本と中国など東アジア社会へ再伝播していった。このように再び東アジア社会に流通した点をみると、諸地域に共通する関心事が盛り込まれていると考えられる。
周知のように『円宗文類』と『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』の誕生によって、東アジア仏教諸宗の教学水準を具体的に把握することのできる基礎的情報が提供された。義天編纂の『円宗文類』と『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』は総合的な一大章疏群であり、一つの統合仏典データを構築しようとする意図、または東アジアの諸宗までも一つにまとめようとする試
みのように見える。明らかなことは、本書が東アジア漢文仏教文化圏の文献交流と出版史において、章疏目録の嚆矢と独自性を確保している点である。
しかし、義天の教蔵プロジェクトは単に目録および刊行のための作業ではなかったことを『文集』などの資料は伝えている。この点は『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』の構成体系だけ(1)

本稿は龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センターの公開研究会「日本中世における高麗「義天版教蔵」の受容と活用に関する思想的考察」（2019 年 10 月 02 日）において研究発表した一部を大幅に修正加筆した内容である。

(2)“［卷一○第一（〜四張缺落）］。外所傳諸家教乘。或有絶本不行者。或有魚魯混淆者。或有闕於鈔解者。兼以自五代。至今日。向二百年。諸師著述。未見流通。”
『大覚国師文集』
巻第 10（H0062v4, p.543a17-a21）。

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❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3を見ても、義天が意図した教学的立場が含まれていることが分かる(3)。何より国際社会の関心分野は「標準化された最新の情報」であるという点であったと考えられる。これは義天が章疏を募集する際、高麗国における師匠から文献の真偽と内容を諮問されてきたことから窺われる。このように義天の例を通じて中世仏教は東アジアが一つの文化圏を形成していたことがわかる。
「義天版教蔵」の日本への伝来に関する遺存史料は数多く残されており、その記録は、
主に華厳宗と真言宗の系統、僧侶によって受容と活用がなされてきた。また数次にわたる書写を経て写本が諸寺に伝来している(4)。ところで、義天が 4,700 余巻の諸宗章疏を集めたが、今日の「義天版教蔵」の原刊本は 3 種のみが現存する。すべて華厳の章疏であり、この中の 2 種類には、橫内裕人（2008）が報告する 8 種の章疏が含まれている。
このうち 2 種は、義天が最も注力した学問であり、章疏群の標準となる澄観の『華厳疏鈔』である。さらに残りの 6 種についても、遼代の密教学と関係する。つまり、8 種の特徴は当時のトレンドを反映した顕教と密教を代表する文献であったということである。これらが現存することは、日本の中世仏教において重要視されていたことが窺われる。
一方、日本中世社会の文化的特質が「顕密体制論」の特徴である「顕密融合」である
ことを踏まえると(5)、横内裕人（2008）が言及した顕密仏教が日本中世の正統宗教として認識されるに至るプロセスにおいて、この 8 種の文献がどのように関係するかが問題となる。したがって日本中世仏教の特質といえる顕密体制論を構成する共通の文化基盤に本覚思想があり、広い意味の本覚思想は再び仏教諸宗の顕密融合の教学から実体を探すことができる。
本稿では、日本中世の顕密融合の教学が対外関係の中で形成された意識として始まったという点に注目し、「義天版教蔵」に内包された「義天が意図した教学的立場」と 8
種の文献が、顕密融合の仏教とはどのように思想的に関係があるのかを考察したい。

(3) 김성수「教蔵総錄経部

分類体系의 分析」『한국문헌정보학회지』第 10 輯、1983 年 6月。
(4)「高麗続蔵経と中世日本続蔵経の輸入流通」で院政期伝来の続蔵経には書写・伝来について東大寺・性海寺・仁和寺の所属僧の奥書と識語が書かれだ。橫内裕人『日本中世の仏教と東アジア』東京：塙書房、2008年、371-377頁。
「本書の視角」によると、日本古代から中世にまで国家、宗教、政治、経済、文化、民族、(5)

社会諸分野から民衆共通の文化基盤に顕密体制論が表われる。黒田俊雄氏が「顕密体制論」を提起して以来、顕密体制論についての研究は日本中世社会を構成する諸要素の解
明に起爆剤の役割をする。そして、その形態と特徴としてどのように影響を与えたのか。
顕密体制論の形成と影響について平雅行氏、曽根原理氏、島地大等氏、丸山眞男氏さま
ざまな批判と解明があった。橫內裕人（前掲書）、3-9 頁。

36

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖1. 義天に関する研究と資料
1.1 先行研究と最近成果
大覚国師義天（1055～1101）に関する研究は、1910 年～30 年代から日本学者たちによって開始された。既存の研究をもとに大屋徳城は『高麗続蔵彫造攷』で、義天の生涯や業績、思想などを総合的に扱った。特に『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』（以下、『教蔵総錄』）の内容と構成を解明し、収録された経・律・論とそれに伴う各章疏ごとに著者と文献の書
誌事項などを簡略的に述べている。
このうち韓国では流通していない遼代の契丹本の密教章疏と著者に関する紹介がある。最も注目すべき点は、義天の生涯に関する内容の根拠と出典に『大覚国師文集』が参考になっている点である。また『円宗文類』を紹介している点も注目される。
「教蔵」文献については、記載された刊記と奧書をもとに刊行と筆写など「義天版」
文献の伝来関係が把握できる。それだけでなく、義天に関する記述が文献書誌学的側面からも典型をなしていることから、義天に関する研究においては一種の教科書のような参考書として活用されている。
一方、韓国における義天の研究は、やはり彼の最大業績である教蔵を刊行した事実を紹介し、その内容を分析する研究が主流となっている。特に『教蔵総錄』は東アジア漢文文化圏の文献の交流と出版の歴史における嚆矢であり、これを文化史・仏教史・仏典刊行史的側面から価値と意義を評価する研究もかなりのものである。このように最近
10 年間、義天が「教蔵」を刊行した背景と事実からその内容を究明するうえで、最も多くの成果を見せた研究者には「박용진」が挙げられる。
「教蔵」刊行の背景と目的を政治的次元で照らした言及も数多い。つまり、政治界と仏教界が絡み合った主導権争いで、教団の華厳宗と法相宗が葛藤と対立で華厳宗を優位に置こうとしたとする。また、教宗と禅宗の間の分裂を解消するために、天台宗の開創を通じて統廃合を実現しようとする試みのもとに行ったこととしての評価等であり、大部分が仏教界の改革と天台宗の改創のための意図であるという立場から言及している。

(6)(6) 최병헌の論文は、義天が収集・刊行するようになった背景と目的が何なのかについて、

高麗史、仏教史、政治史的立場から調べたものである。それだけでなく、講説と講学で天台学を重視した内容についても言及している。要するに、教団の宗派間の葛藤と政治的混乱による新しい宗派、すなわち天台宗を創宗するためのもの。新たに天台宗を改創することにより、教団・宗派間の理解と対立を解消する意図から天台宗の開創が求められたと、政治史的側面から検討している。
최병헌「大覚国師義天의 天台宗創立과 宋의 天台宗」
『인문논총』第 47 輯、2002 年 8 월、
29−57 頁。

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❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

最近の研究動向の成果について紹介したい。この研究は、（社）高麗大蔵研究所が、この時代に必要な電算化された「教蔵」文献として「教蔵」を再び集めるという趣旨で高麗教蔵プロジェクト（2012.03～2017.02）を実施した(7)。実施した学術報告会の主要日程とテーマを簡単に整理すると次のようになる。
2014 년 4 월 25 일 오전 10 시: 영주（부석사）
テーマ：<제종교장과 화엄경 장소>등2015 년 4 월 4 일 오후 1 시: 서울 종로 조계종 전법회관 3 층 회의실
テーマ：<고려대각국사의천의『신편제종교장총록（新編諸宗教蔵総錄）』과 법화・천태 장소（章疏）>
2017 년 1 월 13 일(금) 오전 10 시: 서울 종로 안국동에 위치한 월드컬처오픈 W 스테이지テーマ：<東아시아 佛教章疏와 大覚国師 義天의 諸宗教蔵>
2018 년 2 월 2 일 오전 10 시: 서울 한국불교역사문화기념관 국제회의장
-한일공동 고려교장(속장경)국제학술대회テ ー マ ： <일본 일련종 총본산인 구온지 및 일련종 종립대학인 미노부산대학 도서관소장 교장문헌>

上記のテーマに当てはまる詳細な発表内容は、<学術報告会結集資料集>に掲載されている。この中で論文として掲載されたものと資料集のみ所在する場合があり、内容を参考にするには制限がある。しかし、上記の主題は従来先行した研究とは異なり、華厳・法華など大乘諸宗派の章疏の内容と目録をより具体的に検討発表している。
高麗時代に盛んに流通していた高麗興王寺の教蔵都監の原刊本や、朝鮮時代の刊経都監の重刊本も戦乱などで多く消失し、今日韓国内に伝存する量は少ない。しかし、教蔵
本が中国と日本などに伝えられており、日本の場合、国内未伝の原刊本と筆写本または版本などが多く残っている。だからこそ、韓日の共同調査は国内未伝の本を把握する上で大きな意味がある。この教蔵文献の資料調査は 2015 年東京大学テキスト文献研究会、2016 年名古屋大学、2017 年身延山大学との日本所蔵の註釈書を検討する研究を行った。
このような教蔵が諸宗の教僧を集めただけに、韓国を代表する新羅の元曉、義相、太賢の註釈書をはじめとするその特徴と現況を把握している。
特に文献資料の調査は本文の内容も重要であるが、刊記及び奧書、著述のように資料(7) 最近の研究動向について総合的な成果は（社）高麗大蔵研究所で、2012 年から 2017 年まで「高麗教蔵」に関する 5 年間のプロジェクトである。
상기（1959）、조명기（1964）、이영자（1982）、김성수（1983）、최병헌（1989）、천혜봉
（1990）、허흥식（1991）、남권희（1997）、박용진（2006）など、様々な研究成果が発表
された。

38

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖に記された内容の把握は、各文献の歴史とストーリーを知る上で重要な情報となりうる。
このように教蔵をデジタル化によって集成しようとするものは開始初期に 150 種あまりであったが、現在までに調査された文献は 550 種 3000 余り、調査と研究・撮影を通じた DB 構築は 300 巻あまりに上る。いわば『教蔵総錄』の内容を実証的に確認できるようなデータになったのである(8)。しかし、残念ながら「義天版教蔵」の白眉とも言える澄観（738～839）の『華厳経疏鈔』は簡単な書誌事項が確認されるだけで、その全体を見ることはできない。しかし、大屋徳城『高麗続蔵彫造攷』を参考にした『大覚国師文・外集』を同じく「디지털아카이브서비스시스템（デジタルアーカイブサービスシ
ステム）」にて原文とハングル訳が統合されている。以下では、『大覚国師文集』などを活用して、義天の生涯の中で形成された教学思想を検討し、これが教蔵収集と刊行にどのような影響を及ぼしたのかを述べることにする。
1.2 義天の生涯と教学形成
義天の生涯を記録した主な資料は、『大覚国師文集・外集』である。これは義天の死後に門徒によって編纂され、文の特徴と形式によって序、辭、表、狀、論、書、疏文、祭文、詩で構成されている。『大覚国師外集』は宋と日本、遼の僧・俗から受けた書翰と、記詩碑銘など 13 巻で構成されている(9)。これもまた義天の死後に門徒によって編纂された。
義天が教蔵や著述活動をするようになった理念と思想的基盤について、先に生涯を記録した「靈通寺大覚国師碑文」(10)（1125 年）に基づき、内容を整理しながら見てみよう。

(8) これらの研究の基盤は、過去の（社）高麗大蔵経研究所が高麗大蔵経知識ベース（http://kb.sutra.re.kr）サイトを通じて高麗大蔵経の初雕と再雕、そして敦煌本の実物確認と原文校勘に必要な原本写真と印経本など、様々な情報を提供したが現在は閉鎖されている。
し か し 、 こ こ に 蓄 積 さ れ た デ ー タ は 、 <불교기록문화유산아카이브 서비스시스템>（http://kabc.dongguk.edu）に移管され、新たな体系化で運用されている。これは電子仏典専門サイトで、大蔵経と韓国仏教伝統文化遺産として残した多様な記録物の集成と訳注などが統合された運営体系で簡単に検索できる。
(9) 現行本は慧観が書した「內集」20 巻と「外集」13 巻で体裁を備えた版本である。一方、異板があり、23 巻の「文」集と判断したこと。異板は「文集」と「外集」を分けず、23
巻以上に偏差し、ある本にまとめた版である。これで慧観が書した文集と外集の合集本、慧観が書した文集と「外集」が区分された別冊本など 2 種の板本そして김부식が言及した本に、義天の「文集」はすべて 3 種の板本が伝えられた。＜불교기록문화유산아카이브
서비스시스템（ABC）>は全体 23 巻で検索された。
(10)「靈通寺大覚国師碑文」『大覚国師外集』巻第 12（H0063v4, p.590c03）。

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❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 31055 年、義天は高麗文宗王の四番目の息子で生まれた。字は「義天」で、俗性は「王」
氏、名は「釈煦」あるいは「煦」である。しかし、「煦」は宋の王である哲宗との避諱によって本名を呼べず、代わりに「字」を呼び、出家以降にも義天が法名となった。また、号は「祐世」であり、「大覚国師」と呼ばれるが、これもやはり彼が入寂した後に王が下した「号」である。義天は父親文宗の意によって、11 歳 1065（文宗 19）年、母方の伯父な景德国師、爛円（999～1066）の門下に出家以後三蔵と華厳学を本格的に学ぶ。出家した後も学問を止めず、すでに成人の境地に至った。その頃、夢の中である人が澄観法師の文を伝えたが、それにより慧解が発展したという。靈通寺に滞在し、同じ年（1065）の 10 月、佛日寺で具足戒を受けた。13 歳の 1067（文宗 21）年、国王から「廣智開宗弘眞祐世僧統」という法號を受けて僧統に上がった。そして、16～17 歳頃
から西方聖人の教に從事した。この時期は主に講学活動をしたものとみられる(11)。19
歳の 1073（文宗 27）年、「教蔵」結集をするという發願の（「代世子集教蔵發願鈔」）疏
文を引き上げた後、17 年が過ぎた。彼から義天 31 歳 1085（宣宗 2）年 4 月、本格的に教蔵收集を向けた活動に入るが、すぐに直接宋に向けて 去るという要旨の「入宋求法表」文を王に捧げ入宋する(12)。そして、翌年 32 歳 1086 年 6 月に帰国して、そのとき各地で探し集めた経書や章疏 3 千巻を持ってきた後、すぐ本作業のために興王寺に教蔵都監を設置する。
義天は興王寺の主旨として働きながら、講説と収集した章のリストを作り、刊行する仕事を兼ねたものと見られる。これは当時までの東アジア諸国に散在していた章疏を網羅したもので、多くは 4,000 巻あまりにわたる分量を刊行することである。義天が宋に止まったのは 1 年あまりの短い期間だったが、彼が持ってきた章疏の量を見るとき、長い間集めて準備したことを端的に知ることができる。
34～36 歳（1088～1090 年）の間、華厳宗学研究と関係する主要文献の要文を内容別に抜粋した『円宗文類』22 巻を編纂、そして取集一章疏を整理して目錄化した『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』3 巻を編纂する。したがって、『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』に載った教蔵雕印
『円宗文類』を刊行した後、『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』を編纂する準備期間に刊行したものとみなす(13)。
義天は 23 歳（1077 年）に講義と講論を始め、46 歳になる末（1100、肅宗 5）年まで(11) “賴以宿因。自十六七歲已来。從事于西方聖人之教。二十載于玆矣。”「與內侍文冠書」『大覚国師文集』巻第 13（H0062v4, p.550c01-b24）。
(12)「請入大宋求法表」“城問友善財。垂範於務師。矧當像教之。”ように‘一百城を尋ねながら知識（善友）に法を訊ねした善財は師匠を求めにあたって模範を示した’に於いて、義天は求法をために宋へ行く自分を善財に喩えている。
『大覚国師文集』巻第 5（H0062v4,
p.533c01）。
(13) 朴鎔辰『義天:그의 생애와 사상』、서울:혜안、2011 年、78 頁。

40

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖講說を廃しているのを知らずに続けた。こうした研究には『貞元新訳華厳経』と「澄観の疏」そして元曉の撰述書が主に參照されている。
このような佛教中興と正法守護に向けて努力した義天は享年 47 歳、僧臘 36 歳
（1101、肅宗 6）の同年 10 月 5 日に短い一期で涅槃する。義天の短い生涯から分かるように、彼は師匠から早くから「華厳経」と「華厳教観」を学んだことを基盤に、入宋前後で華厳師匠との交流が多い中でも、有誠法師と晋水淨源との関係に注目できる。さらに、入宋した当初に有誠を尋ねており、その対話が賢首と天台教判の同異に関する質疑問答である。義天は帰国前の約 6 ヵ月間（1086 年 2 月まで）、晋水（淨源）門下で華厳教観に関する談論と法を認可して受け取るなど、最も集中した学問が華厳教学であった。義天が入宋前後から諸宗の師匠 50 人余りを尋ねて華厳、天台、律宗派などの多様な学問を渉猟したことは、まるで善財童子の求法巡禮を連想させる(14)。
2.「教蔵」刊行の趣旨と教学思想
2.1 著述の趣旨と教学の特徴
上述のように義天の教学の中心には華厳学がある。以下では義天の著述を通して、その内容を具体的に見てみよう。以下は欠落によって題目が不明であるが、ある法師に義天を救うために急遽送った手紙文の一部内容である。
［卷一○第一（〜四張缺落）］。外所傳諸家教乘。或有絶本不行者。或有魚魯混淆者。
或有闕於鈔解者。兼以自五代。至今日。向二百年。諸師著述。未見流通。所以發憤忘遐。特来求法。今被本国王。催来之僉。還鄒在卽。伏望大法師。流通爲急。凡有
古今諸家章疏出目示之。貴得還鄕之日。聚集古今諸宗教乘。摠爲一蔵。垂於萬世。
導無窮機。返本還源。是其本願也(15)。
上の文章は、義天が「教蔵」を作る理由を明らかにしている。「古今の諸家の章疏」
がまともに流通していないこと、つまり仏法が全く伝わってこないこと、諸宗の教乘を結んで「教蔵」を作ることが、すなわち仏法を受け継いで伝えることであることを述べている。ここから、義天が単に章疏だけを集めるのではなく、原本がない場合や鈔解が抜けていることを正すことを目的としていることがわかる。
このように、義天が「教蔵」集成を発願した理由と、諸宗の教乘を通じて得ようとしたものが具体的に何なのか、義天の教学的立場をより具体的に見てみる必要がある。そ(14) “城之善友。俻尋眞教。全賴聖威。以至慈恩賢首之宗。台嶺南山之旨。濫傳爐拂。謬箕裘。”『大覚国師文集』巻第8（H0062v4, p.540c01-c03）。
(15)『大覚国師文集』巻第 10（H0062v4, p.543a17-a25）。

41

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3のために一次資料である『文・外集』に収録された義天が作成した主要な文章で、内容を検討したい。下記は便宜上番号をつけて文の著作順を表示した。
①｢代世子集教蔵發願疏｣(16)（1073）
右弟子虔心歸命。…漢庭肇迎。…四依閒出。製疏以發揚。三蔵挻生。伸鈔以輔翼。
遺文蕃衍。擧世奉行。實可謂一代之能事畢矣。…顧玆桑木之區。素仰竺乾之化。雖
経論卷一四第九張而具矣。然疏鈔以闕如。欲以于古于今。大遼大宋。凡有百家之科教。集爲一蔵以流通。俾夫佛日增光。邪網解紐。重興像法。普利国家。共沙界之群生。播金剛之善種。僉学普賢之道。長遊盧舍之鄕
卷一四第一〇張。
ここでは、当時不足した疏鈔を収集し、学習し、流通させることで大蔵経を補完しようという意志が強く示されており、疏鈔の重要性を明確に強調している。当時、高麗に伝存するか、新羅以来の著述されたものはもちろんのこと、宋と日本、遼などに散在している東アジア地域全体の章節を一蔵に結集することを発願している。この仕事の目標
は「皆で共に」という大乗的な理念に基づいた衆生教化と成仏にある。また方便として、疏鈔を通した教学の伝承と発展のために努力しているのである。さらに義天の文には、盧舎那仏の世界と普賢の道を学ぶという表現が繰り返される。これは盧舎那仏法身境界と普賢行の実践を強調するもので、自分の教学思想と華厳信仰が結合したキーワードになる。
②「新集円宗文類序」(17)
大□(18)厳之爲教也。…杜順□者…法界之経也。…著法界観門。以授高弟智儼尊者。
儼師得之変之爲五教。演之爲十玄。及乎賢首卷一第一張祖述於前。淸凉。憲章於後。
始可謂能事畢矣。故講大経者。咸以儼蔵淸凉三家義疏。永爲標準。而旁用諸家補焉。
自我海東浮石尊者。求法之後。円頓之教。…而諸宗義学。未始不以論議爲先容也。
但以至理幽微群言汗漫。問答之際。援引頗難。…精於教観者。豈不爲之大息矣…□□□王上知其然。乃集義学。俾議纂修。略彼廣卷一第二張文。爲玆要覽。以類鳩集。
離爲二十二□。施於新学。可以者功。苟或因要略。以通疏鈔。以得経旨。因経旨。

(16)「代世子集教蔵發願疏年十九作」『大覚国師文集』巻第 14（H0062v4, p.552b22）。
(17)『大覚国師文集』巻第１（H0062v4, p.528a11-b23）。
(18) 引用文にある「□」あるいは「□□」の表記は、『文集』の内容で缺落又は字が疑われるものを校正又は脚注処理していることである。本稿では校勘を省略して「…」で表示。

42

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖以證理性。則孰..孰爲略乎。…□□奏上。特賜名。曰円宗文類。仍命下□。爲之序
引。…
この文には、この本を編纂する理由と目的を明確に叙述する中で、義天の教学的立場が明確であることが分かる。『円宗文類』は、義天が「教蔵」を聚集した後、最初に編纂刊行した著述である。
「円宗」とは華厳宗のことであり、『円宗文類』は華厳の義理を把握するため諸宗の広文を種類別に要約した 22 巻で構成されたテキストである。構成
の最も中心に華厳学が位置している。華厳教学は杜順、至相智儼、賢首法蔵、淸凉澄観など中国華厳宗の祖師の研究が基盤となっている。何よりも強調している教学方法論は、
智儼と賢首と清涼三家の教義をテキストの標準とすることと、また諸家の解説を参考・補足することである。『円宗文類』は初心の学者の勉学のために作ったものだが、この
要覽を見て、疏鈔に通達するためのものであり、疏鈔を参考にすることは、経旨を理解して理性を証得しようとするものである。
③｢新編諸宗教蔵総錄序｣(19)（1090）
功□□□甞竊謂経論雖俻。而章疏或廢。則流無由矣。輙效昇公護法之志。搜訪教迹□爲己任。孜孜不捨。僅二十載于玆矣。□□□得新舊製撰諸宗義章。不敢私秘。叙而出之。後有所獲。亦欲隨而錄之。脫或將。□□次凾帙。與三蔵正文。垂之無窮。
則吾願矣。時後高麗十三葉。在宥之八年。□□□午八月初八日。海東傳華厳大教沙門某(20) 叙。
この序文の内容のように、仏法の過去と現在をつなぎながら広く流通させるには章疏の役割が重要であることを強調している。そして、疏鈔は当代最新の教学情報を伴っていること、義天が「教蔵」の結集においてこのような教跡を探索することが義天自身の發願であり、所任だという。また「教蔵」結集の理由は護法と伝承にある。最も主要なキーワードは教乘の伝承である。
④｢代宣王諸宗教蔵彫印疏｣(21)
右伏以。…且夫佛之說経。経由論顯。論待疏通。疏摠義章。義由師述。…故得智者
立言於天台。遠公垂訓於淨影。慈恩安国。該衆說於三時。賢首淸凉。會異端於五教。

(19)『大覚国師文集』巻第 1（H0062v4, p.529a01-a06）。
(20)「某」『T』巻 55 所載。
『新編教蔵総錄序』作「義天」。
(21)『大覚国師文集』巻第 15（H0062v4, p.553b-c10）。

43❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3…竊念国家。自從元聖。迄至眇躬。敦衆善以保邦。…正文雖布於邇遐。章疏或幾乎
墜失。苟存弘護。寔在…（卷一五第七張缺落）…(22)
ここでは疏鈔を活用して義学を把握することを強調している。教学的な見方は賢主法蔵の五教、つまり教判論を基準とすることを提示している。元聖（元暁）と賢首と淸涼の教学について「會通」することが重要であるとする。師によって義が伝えられ、悟りを与えることができるとし、義天は自分の使命は法師であり外護にあるとする。
⑤「刊定成唯識論單科序」(23)…以傳燈爲己任。因住興王寺。講演雜華。周於十編。…以謂起信唯識二論是性相兩宗之樞要。…但於唯識未盡其功。…迷其要義於是尋硏本記。斟酌舊科。刊而定之勒
爲三卷。儻同志者。持科玩論。先熟正文。後冶疏鈔。則唯識之旨。…或曰。賢首五教中。判唯識瑜伽。爲大乘始教。而云固非究□□之□。法師克荷於華厳。何必橫攻□□□□□□ 窮五教。故兼学也。盖華□□□□□□□一代枝末。從此而卷一第七張出故也。故慈恩疏。引例六経。而以華厳。冠之最初。又云経爲根本。隨法相以宣揚。論是末宗。禀佛言而成理。…況淸凉有言。性之與相。若天之日月。易之乾坤学兼兩轍。…是知不学俱舍不知小乘之說。不学唯識。寧見始教之宗。不学起信。豈明終頓之旨。不学花厳。難入円融之門。…近世学佛者。自謂頓悟。蔑視權小。及談性相。往往取笑於人者。皆由不能兼学之過也。…。
高麗国。傳華厳大教廣智開宗弘［卷一第九張～（一四張缺落）］。
上の引用文には、義天が力を注ぐ華厳の理解のために必須として兼学すべき科目［テキスト］が詳しく書かれてある。これによると『起信論』と『成唯識論』は法性と法相の両宗の教学理解に基本的な主要テキストであり、同時に『俱舍論』などの諸教学科の兼学が重要であることを強調している。なぜなら、「華厳は根本の教説であり一代の枝
末は華厳から始まるから」である。兼学は華厳・円教に入る過程の学問として重要である。諸宗の章疏［疏鈔］が重視される理由も五教の理解と志を同じくすることである。
このように、義天の教学と思想には華厳が基盤にある。ここに義天の教学的立場が明確に表出されていると言える。
2.2 著述編著の構成体系と思想
義天の代表的な著述編著は、刊行年順で『円宗文類』、『新編諸宗教蔵総録』、『釈苑詞(22)김성수（2014）で、오윤희『일꾼의천』서울:불광출판사、2012 年、274-275 頁参照。
(23)『大覚国師文集』巻第１（H0062v4, p.529a08-c04）。

44

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖林』などがある(24)。現存するものは『円宗文類』22 巻中 3 巻と『教蔵録』3 巻、そして『釈苑詞林』僧侶らの碑文などを集めたもの（250 巻中に 5 巻未完）である。これらは義天の死後に門徒によって編纂された。『円宗文類』は円宗つまり華厳宗学と関係する
多くの典籍の中核となる内容だけをかいつまんで集めた 22 巻の要覽である。しかし、現存は巻 1、巻 14、巻 22 の 3 巻だけである。義天が 20 年余り章疏を収集した中で一番先に內容を選別して編輯したものであり、ここから義天の経典に対する理解、すなわち義学（教義）理解をうかがうことができる。
ただし遺存本が 3 巻のみであることから、それ以外の巻の内容は不明である。しかし、
14 巻には『探玄記』を要約した内容が載っている。その要約の形式は『探玄記』本文の構成体系である四門分別である 1.釈名、2.来意、3.宗趣、4.釈文。1.2.3.の次の 4 の釈文に該当する内容が本文となっている。このような点だけを見ても、義天が要覧を作った趣旨は、教義中心の宗学研究のための新しい形態のテキストの作成にあったと言える。
次に、収録された「教蔵」が刊行された現状については『新編諸宗教蔵総録』によって確認することができる。
周知のように「教蔵」とは大蔵経など仏典に関する註釈書及び戒律を含み、また諸宗撰の章疏、史伝・事彙類のなどを綜合整理した叢書という槪念付けを持つ(25)。その内容
は『新編諸宗教蔵総録』3 巻にその大半が確認されている。そのため、「海東有本見行録」または「義天録」、「高麗教蔵」、「教蔵録」と、これは当時の高麗に現行する本などを収録するという意味である。そのため『教蔵録』は、性格上大蔵経目録につながるのではなく、「経律論」に対する章疏だけを別々にまとめたものであるため、続蔵目録と表現するのが適切でないという韓国研究者たちの考えもある。
收錄されている章疏つまり疏鈔の配列順序を見ると、まず、巻一に経部の疏鈔、巻二に律部の疏鈔、巻三に論部の疏鈔を収め、当時流行している疏鈔を網羅するものとなっている(26)。この経部には『華厳経』の章疏が 177 部 1,242 巻に達し、律部は『梵網経』、『遺教経』などの順序、論部には『大乘起信論』34 部 85 巻、『成唯識論』29 部 265 巻、(24)『大覚国師文集』
巻第 1 に“新集円宗文類序、新編諸宗教蔵摠錄序、刊定成唯識論單科序、

八師経後序、消災経直釈詳定記”がある。以外に『三家義疏』
・『華厳経』3 本などがある。
“二紀孜孜務講宣錦翻三百貫花詮憔勞愧乏傳燈力祇合匡廬種社蓮”『大覚国師文集』巻第20。
(25) “今奉勑賜聖考御容。并諸佛舍利。五十五知識像。花厳大不思議論等。諸宗教蔵。三千餘卷。於今月十二日。離明州。十九日放洋。已到国境。”義天は自分が中国から収集して持ってきた新旧の章疏を「教蔵」と名づけた。
『大覚国師文集』巻第 8（H0062v4, p.540c05-c08）。
박용진｢교장의 성립과 역사적 변천」『서지학연구』第 69 輯、2017 年参考。
(26) 大屋德城『高麗続蔵彫造攷』京都:

便利堂、1936 年、36 頁。

45❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

天台関係章疏は 39 部 140 巻になる(27)
経部に排列された体系の順序では、最も上位 A グループに般若部経典ではなく大華厳経系が配列され、③毘盧神変経などが属している。そこには、義天が繰り返し言及する「毘盧遮那の理想世界と普賢行道の実践」を重視する態度が反映されていることがわかる。
それより以下の B 楞経界の経典は、『起信論』の一心思想との関係で「心性本浄説」が盛り込まれた唯心思論:般若（中観）思想の経典がある。つまり、三界唯心・心性本
浄・如来蔵想の内容が重要であることが分かる。「教蔵」の構成体系には義天の教学思想が盛り込まれたものであり、「義天錄」という新しい形態のブランドと見なければならないだろう。
(A)大華厳経： ［円教］ →

①華厳経

②涅槃経

③毘盧神変経④法華経⑤無量

義経（唯心思想）(B)楞伽経：

［終教］→

⑥楞伽経

⑦首楞厳経

［頓教］→

⑧円覚経

⑨維摩経

⑩金光明経（楞伽経：起信論一心思

想）(C)般若部：［空始教］→⑪仁王経⑫金剛般若経⑬般若理趣分経

⑭大品般若

経
⑮般若心経
(D)金剛三昧経：［終教］→⑯六波羅密経（般若（中観）思想）⑰金剛三昧経⑱勝鬘経㉑般若（舟）三昧経⑲不增不減経

㉒注思益経

(E)：

［相始教］→㉓解深密経（唯識思想）( F )：［其他群］→

㉕大宝積経

(G)：

［其他群］→

文殊說般若経（文殊淨土思想）(H)：［彌陀信仰］→ 観無量寿経⑳諸法無行経㉔無上依経（如来蔵）㉖本生心地観経㉙大無量寿経㉚小阿彌陀経㉛稱讚淨土経（阿彌陀淨土思）( I )：㉜彌勒上生経( J )：

㉟藥師経

㊱灌頂経

(K)：

㊲方廣経

㊳四十二章経

㊷無常経

㊸天請問経

㊹請観音経

㊺消災経

(L)：

㉝彌勒下生経㉞彌勒成佛経‘彌勒経’（彌勒淨土思想）

㊴溫室経

㊵盂蘭盆経

㊻八大菩薩曼陀羅経(27) 朴鎔辰「高麗義天撰『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』과

㊶報恩奉盆経㊼ (28)（密教思想）동아시아의華厳章疏」『한국학논총』第42 輯、2014 年、132 頁。
(28) 김성수前掲書の場合は、‘彌勒経’を欠落していて、したがって㊼にならなければならない。

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Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖この「目錄」体系の特徵(29)は、華厳学関係の文献が 177 部 1,247 巻で最も多く入蔵されている点である。これについて박용진は、『教蔵録』に見える企画、編集の意図からみて、「諸家の教乘」という別途の基準を定めており、これは義天が定義した諸宗「教蔵」の最も重要な点だとしている。また華厳宗の立場で集録し、華厳宗を中心に教相判釈を行ったものだという。また、配列の体系は義天が開宝蔵（971～983）雕成の根幹になった『開元釈教錄』の撰者智昇の護法の意志を見習い、「教えの教迹を訪れることを自分の任務にして最善を尽くしてきてから 20 年に達した(30)」と述べているにもかかわらず、その内容は『開元錄』に基づかない体系だという。従来の目録と異なる経典章疏
観という側面から義天の教学観が反映された体系であると捉えるべきであろう。
それでは義天の教学観が反映された文を簡略にみよう。
学徒示教観本末云。至相得之。演之爲十玄。変之爲五教。其言不誣也。其有義学君子。同志一乘。同修萬行。大心不変。弘誓在躬。掌握普賢之乘。優遊盧舍之境者。
莫若先以三観五教。硏窮法義。用爲入道之眼目也。良由離此普法。更無異路。得成佛故(31)。
これは義天が自分の門下に新たに入ってきた弟子に教学研究に関する教示をした一部分である。文によると、分類体系の最大の基準は三観と五教判に依拠した入道の眼目を持つことである。これはつまり義天自分の教学観と思想に基づくものであることが言える。
3.「義天版教蔵」の日本への伝来と受容
3.1 中世仏教の特徴と「義天版」華厳章疏
中世の漢文仏教文化圏における「義天版教蔵」の流通関係を見ると、東アジアは一つの文化圏を形成していたといえる。現在「義天版教蔵」の伝来と流通において遺存する資料はたくさん残っているが、初版本（原刊本）は 3 種のみ現存している。そしてこの3 種は、すべて『華厳経』の註釈である。
澄観の「華厳経疏鈔」は平安時代にすでに伝えられていたが、新たに浮上したのはむ
しろ「義天版教蔵」が受容されて以降といえる。義天の教学方式と思想を検討する過程
において、『円宗文類』をはじめとする澄観の「華厳経疏鈔」など華厳学の文献が最も(29) 김성수前掲書を参照。
(30) “昇公護法之志、搜訪教迹以爲己任、孜孜不捨、僅二十載于玆矣。”「新編諸宗教蔵総錄

序」（H0066v4, p.679b16-b18）。
(31)『□□□□文集卷』巻第 16（H0062v4, p.556a01）。

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重要視されていただけに、日本の中世仏教でどれほどその影響を受けているのか、8 種の「遺存本」から分かる。
一方、橫内裕人（2008）は、日本中世社会と仏教を構成する様々な要素の解明の起爆剤の役割に「顕密体制論」があり、やはり教義的特徴も顕密融合を基盤とすると指摘する。したがって、顕密仏教が日本中世の正統宗教と認識される過程にあって、この 8 種の文献がどのような関係があるのか考えてみなければならない。さらに、中世仏教諸宗の顕密融合の教学形態が、対外関係の中で形成された意識から始まったことは、「義天版教蔵」を例にみることで説得力を持つことができる。この「義天版教蔵」も対外関係の中で形成された認識の結果とみることができ、義天が意図した教学的な立場と思想が教蔵の日本への伝来ではどのように受け止められ活用されたのかが特に「遺存本」華厳学の文献を中心に見ていく必要がある。したがって、日本の中世仏教の特質とも言える「顕密体制論」を構成する様々な要素の共通基盤の一形態に「本覚思想」があり、広い意味の本覚思想は再び諸宗の顕教と密教が融合した教学体系にその実体を見出すことになる。以下に「遺存本」華厳学の文献を中心に、日本中世諸宗の顕密融合の教学体制との思想的関係を究明したい。
3.2.「教蔵」受容において 8 種類の「遺存本」諸宗の章疏は、北宋・遼・高麗・日本における華厳・天台・律等諸宗の交流を事実レベルで支え、また、義天は入宋の前後に日本の僧侶とも“善友緣”を通じて章疏を依頼しており、宋と遼の僧侶らと書信で交信しながら教学の内容を諮問した。義天が諸宗の章疏を募集して「教蔵」を刊行するにおいては国際社会があたかも公認されたように、だから「義天版教蔵」が日本への伝来も当然の傾向だったはずだ。
「義天版教蔵」の伝来については、保安元年（1120）、東大寺僧覚樹（1084～1139）
が高麗より輸入した聖教は「数百余巻」であったといい、その全てが教蔵ではなかったにしても、大量の教蔵が日本に請来されたと推測される。しかし『教蔵総録』所載の合計 1 千余部 4 千余巻におよぶ章疏の内、日本に現存する教蔵は原本・書写本合せても僅か六部にとどまり、何らかの形で意識的に取捨選択されたと思わざるを得ない(32)。これに伴う、日本に現存する一部の遺品を中心に「義天版教蔵」の開版年代と「義天版教蔵」の伝来を考えて見られる(33)。現行の元録版の例のように安元 2 年（1176）と寛永 21 年、(32)橫内裕人前掲書、377-378 頁。

(33)「義天版教蔵」の遺傳を知ることができる基準の情報は『大正新脩大蔵経』の（T.55、No.2184）は 2 種類のテキスト校堪した校正テキストを収録している。原本は元錄 6 年（1693）の刊本で、甲本は安元 2 年（1176）の寫本となっている。この版記は刊行された時期の遼の年号であり、日本で「義天教蔵」または「義天版続蔵」の遺傳と活用の流れを把握するためには、この略記が詳しく見られる。

48

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖元禄 6 年に開版する取旨の刊記がある。安元 2 年に高山寺系の明空が写した『新編諸宗教蔵総録』3 巻が伝えられている。ここに巻 2 の奥書によってその伝来を分かる。
以後、寛永 21 年（1644）、運敞がそれを栂尾から得て元禄 6 年に開版したように、結局、高麗でどの時に仁和寺華厳院景雅に伝達したのがお互いに貸借して書写したのである(34)。
この中で現在、以下の 8 種類の原本・写本が東大寺や高山寺・石山寺などに所蔵されている(35)。
①唐・慈恩窺基『阿弥陀経通賛疏』大安 5 年（1089）刊行②唐・澄観『大方広仏華厳経随疏演義鈔』大安 10 年（1094）～寿昌 2 年（1096）刊行③唐・澄観『貞元新訳華厳経疏』寿昌元年（1095）刊行④遼・覚苑『毘盧遮那神変経義釈演密鈔』寿昌元年（1095）刊行⑤遼・道{殿}『顕密円通成仏心要集』寿昌 3 年（1097）刊行⑥遼・法悟『釈摩訶衍論賛玄疏』寿昌 5 年（1098）刊行⑦遼・志福『釈摩訶衍論通玄鈔』寿昌 5 年（1098）刊行⑧唐・慧祥『弘賛法華傳』天慶 5 年（1115）刊行
文献の特徵は、おおよそ三種に分類される。まず①の浄土教文献。次に②・③は澄観の華厳経の疏鈔。現存しないが、東大寺尊勝院にあったという『大疏玄談』を合せてみても、すべて澄観の著述であることも注目される。さらに④・⑤・⑥・⑦の密教関係の章疏類は全て遼僧著述の章疏である。⑧『弘賛法華傳』は東晉から唐に至るまで法華経を購入して霊験を得た人々が因緣によって救われる記録たち、法華功徳の靈驗性を明らかにするもので、法華信仰に無知な人々を引導しようとする意志が反映されている。以上、文献の思像的特徴については下記で詳しく見てみよう。
①の慈恩は前述した義天の文に 2 ヵ所で言及されている。慈恩の場合も法相宗の始祖だが「梵本華厳経」を調査したという記錄のように華厳を研究した兼学した人物として、ここに義天も法相宗の三時教判と『起信論』と『唯識論』の法性と法相、兩宗の樞

(36)(34) 大屋德城、｢義天続蔵の日本傳来に就いて｣、『朝鮮』100、1923。
(35)

橫内裕人（2008）、p.371 頁。

(36)『華厳経内章門等雜孔目章』巻 4 によると、「第八會説入法界法。若依大慈恩寺梵本增

第九會。佛遊於樹下及普光堂處。説如来功德境界。上境界入品。」（T45, p.587c16-18）。
そして『華厳経探玄記』巻 1、「六略本者。即此土所傳六十卷本。是彼十萬頌中前分三萬六千頌要略所出也。近於大慈恩寺塔上見梵本華厳有三部。略勘竝與此漢本大同。頌數亦
相似。」（T35, p.122b21-25）。

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要を兼学する必要性を強調している(37)。①『通賛疏』は(38)、『阿弥陀経疏』よりもはる
かに基の思想の影響を受けている浄土教文献である。西方浄土の教主で「憶念想見如来」という表現を八十華厳から根拠としている(39)。なお、『阿弥陀経疏』衆生が西方浄土に往生するために専ら念仏を兼行する修行を强調している。
しかし基は『義林章』仏土章において、西方浄土唯報説の根拠の一つとして「准撮大乗等。西方乃是他受用土。観経自言阿卑抜致不退菩薩方得生故。非以少善根因縁而得生故。（略）」と述べ、『通賛疏』は少善によっては往生できないとする経文に対して、十念即時往生とこの経文との整合性について問いを立て、十念往生を懈怠の衆生のための説とし、『阿弥陀経』に説かれる七日間の念仏など多善の因縁は精進する衆生のための説と解釈している。十念往生を懈怠の衆生のための説とみなす姿勢は、基と『通賛疏』に共通しており、道綽や善導らの流れとは異なる立場で『通賛疏』の作者が立っていることだ。また、『通賛疏』の作者は法相教学に対して深い理解を示している。たとえば、浄土の有漏無漏について、『通賛疏』では仏の本質であれば無漏、往生する有情や菩薩の第八識が現しだした浄土は有漏であると答えている。同じ問題について、基は『述記』において第八識に限れば、十地の菩薩や二乗凡夫所変の浄土は有漏であると説かれている。よって、『通賛疏』の見解は正しいことになる。一方、『通賛疏』では凡夫の浄土を高める記述はなく、より法相教学に忠実である(40)。
②と③は原刊本の 3 種のうち、2 種が澄観の『華厳疏鈔』である。そもそも澄観の文献については「弘法大師御請来目錄」には「疏論章等華厳経疏一部卅卷、澄観法師撰」とあるため、空海により傳来されたことは明らかであるが、『演義鈔』については大部であり、また著されてから日が淺いため、充分に整理されるに到らないかつたと考えられる。
『演義鈔』が請来目錄に表れる初見は、智證大師請来目錄に『大方廣佛花厳経疏』(37)“以謂起信唯識二論、
是性相兩宗之樞要。”『大覚国師文集』巻第 1（H0062v4, p.529a22-a23）。
(38)『基疏』の日本への伝来については、円行（799～852）の『霊厳寺和尚請来法

門道具等目録』（839年成立）と円珍（814～891）の『智證大師将来目録』に記載がある。中国法相宗の初祖である基の著作として、『阿弥陀経疏』と『阿弥陀経通賛疏』という二本の『阿弥陀経』注釈書が現存している。この両疏は古来その撰者については真偽が疑われている。特に、『通賛疏』は智顗（538～598）に仮託された『浄土十疑論』や、懐感（生没年未詳・七世紀頃か）の『釈浄土群疑論』を引用していることなどから、偽撰と判断された。林香奈「基撰とされる『阿弥陀経』注釈書について」、『印度学佛教学硏究第』55巻
第1号、平成18年2月。
(39)『阿彌陀経通賛疏』巻 3、「又《華厳》云：將欲沒者令其憶念想見如来，命終得生淨土。

見有臨命欲終，勸念佛名，又示尊像，令其瞻敬，令生善念即得往生。」（T37, pp.343c28-344a2）。
(40) 林香奈前掲書参照。

50

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖20 巻（識語、観公）それに『大方廣佛花厳経隨疏演義鈔』四十（識語、観公）と唐の大中 12（857）年には四十巻として存在し、天安 3（859）年には円珍により日本に請来されたのである。このことは東大寺円超の華厳宗章疏目錄（延禧四十年）の中に記録されている(41)。しかし、この澄観『華厳経疏鈔』は、すでに日本に流入しているが、平安期の華厳宗においてその影響力は必ず高くなかったと思う。中世に「義天版」の伝来によってともなって注目され本格的に研究され始めたと考えられる。
④⑤⑥⑦は皆な日本にとっては未伝の章疏であり、とりわけ遼僧撰述「疏鈔」最新の文献が伝わったことは日本中世仏教では注目すべき事柄である。「義天版教蔵」が伝来した時期の中世仏教界の特質については、顕密体制仏教であると考えられている(42)。九世紀初頭、最澄による天台宗、空海による真言密教の伝来という 2 つの新潮流が日本に移植された。のちに顕密仏教を構成する宗派的枠組みはここからすでに存在してきた(43)。
⑥⑦『釈摩訶衍論』関係は『大乗起信論』の注釈書であり。『釈摩訶衍論』は『大乗起信論』の思想と密接に関連している。奈良時代を代表する華厳文献として、智憬『大乗起信論同異略集』や寿霊『華厳五教章指事』が注目されるが、やはり『法華経』や『起信論』が重視になってきた(44)。
『釈摩訶衍論』と『大乗起信論』との関連は、『釈摩訶衍論』の思想的特徴の中で述べられている。また、『大乗起信論』は本覚思想あるいは如来蔵思想を説く論書で奈良時代から華厳学と兼学されている。何よりも①〜⑦の文献すべてにおいて共通している思想は成仏に関すること“疾得現前”であり、これに関する顕教の教理と密教の修行法が融合して一緒に磨く方法について説明している。
若諸菩薩能與如是観行相應，於諸法中不生二解，一切佛法疾得現前，初發心時即得(41) 平岡定海『「東大寺宗性上人之研究並史料下-九、宗性の華厳教学硏究とその影響について「東大寺蔵高麗版華厳経随疏演義鈔』とその影響について」』東京:日本学術振興会刊、
昭和 35 年（1988（12 月））。
(42) この部分は、橫內裕人の「本書の視角」で平雅行氏、曽根原理氏、島地大等氏、丸山眞

男氏の参考にして、民衆、民俗、社会、文化、宗教など社会諸分野の基盤に敷かれている共通の形状を合わせて「顕密体制」といった、顕密体制論の形成と影響について仏教界にも想定したものである。
(43) 奈良時代代、南都六宗を修多羅衆、「宗」の字を「衆」と呼んだ。今のところ、ある目的の下、「必ず集まった集団」にすぎず、組織の段階まで進んでいないことを意味する。ところが、一方ではそれぞれが予算を計上する権利を持っていたことは、後代の宗派と非常に似ている。まだ宗派という形は成っていないが、後代宗派の原形をすでに備えていた。宗派というよりも学派の概念とよほど類似したものである。石田茂作「『写経より見たる奈良朝仏教の研究』-第二編、寫経より見たる奈良朝の各宗」1930、65頁。
(44) 金天鶴『平安期華厳思想の研究:東アジア華厳思想の視座より』2015。

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阿耨多羅三藐三菩提，知一切法即心自性，成就慧身，不由他悟。(45)
このように澄観の『華厳疏鈔』を引用して参考にしている。
4. 日本中世仏教における「遺存本」の思想
4.1 澄観の『華厳経演義鈔』と遼代文献の関係「義天版華厳疏鈔」本は遼刊本の覆刻で、中国・高麗・日本で数多く刊刻あるいは伝写され、ひろく読まれることになる『演義鈔』は、最初に遼で開版され、それが高麗で覆刻されて中国や日本に流伝したのである。当時の遼の文化は東アジア文化圏の中で決して孤立した存在ではなく、むしろ一つの中心でさえであった。
『大方広仏華厳経随疏演義鈔』の東大寺本は、保安元年（1120）ころ、東大寺東南院
覚樹によって舶載されたものと推定されている(46)。
「義天版教蔵」の請来は四度にわたる請来があったらしい。特に澄観の『大疏玄談』と『大方広仏華厳経随疏演義鈔』（以下『演義鈔』という）に注目したい。
『演義鈔』の場合を見ると二度目の康和五年（1103）
より、性海寺僧らが原本をもとに『演義鈔』を書写する。後にこの性海寺から東大寺尊勝院へと伝来した(47)。四度目は東大寺覚樹により、⑦覚苑『演密鈔』、⑧慧祥『弘賛法華傳』が同時に請来された。
このような教学テキストを請来による流通を参考にするとき、中世においては真言宗の僧侶が華厳学を研究し、また華厳宗において密教が修学されるなど兼学の傾向が顕著である点に注目した。特に、華厳宗において密教が修学されるなど兼学の傾向が顕著である。高山寺の明恵が密教文献である『演密鈔』によって華厳と真言を融合し、新たな実践形態を創案したのがこうした例である。
しかし澄観の『華厳経疏』、『華厳経隨疏演義鈔』がすでに将来しているにもかかわらず、再び浮上するきっかけの一つが「義天版華厳疏鈔」を中心とした国際的なトレンドだったと思われる。トレンドの中で求められたものが日本中世仏教とどのような思想的影響関係があるのだろうか。
「義天版教蔵」の日本への伝来において澄観の『疏鈔』が中世の諸宗教学に与えた思想的影響は大きいにもかかわらず、その背景については十分に明らかにされてこなかった。中世華厳宗・真言宗の教学形成に影響を与えた華厳厳密教の兼学で密教文献に見ら(45)「梵行品」『華厳経』巻 17、（T10, pp.88c29-89a3）。
(46) 橫内裕人前掲書、竺沙雅章「遼代華厳宗の一考察：主に、新出華厳宗典籍の文献学的研究」『宋元仏教文化史研究』、東京:石圾叡志、2000 年、99 頁。
(47) 平岡定海「東大寺蔵高麗版『華厳経随疏演義鈔』とその影響について」、大和文化研究4(2)、1-29、1956 年 4 月。

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Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖れる澄観の華厳との関係性を具体的に把握しなければならない必要があるだろう。
澄観の『疏鈔』と遼代文献の関係には④⑤⑥⑦の遼代文献により明らかにする(48)。遼代
仏教は、華厳を中心としつつ、法相・密教・浄土・禅・律・『釈摩訶衍論』（『釈論』と略称）など幅広く行われていたことが知られているが、最も盛んであったのは華厳宗であった(49)。
ところで、遼代には密教も盛んであったが、その密教の形成に影響を与えたのは法蔵の華厳思想でも、宗密の『円覚経』の哲学でもなく、澄観の華厳学であったという(50)。
鎌田茂雄は『演密鈔』について、遼代密教を特徴づける典籍の一つとして言及している。
鎌田は「華厳的密教」に影響を与えたのが澄観の華厳である点を新たに指摘し、「華厳と融合した遼代密教」といえば高度な哲学的佛教を考えるが、遼代密教は決してそんな事だけではなかった」いう。
それについては、華厳宗は「有教無観」ともように、精緻な教理体系を有しながら、その教理に基づく独自の実践を用意に備えていないことに比べて、『大日経義釈演密鈔』に新たに密教の実践を持ち込むことで、従来の華厳教学に対して新機軸を打ち出すことだ。
澄観以後の密教と華厳の間の動向を窺うことに両者の関係を示す文献としては『大日経義釈演密鈔』『顯密円通成佛心要集』がある。覚苑の『大日経義釈演密鈔』には華厳の関係性の具体的把握に澄観の『疏鈔』が用いられている。
『大日経疏』（『義釈』）では、主要テーマの教理的根拠として、『大日経』を基盤として澄観の教理理解を全般的に反映し、華厳と密教の関係性を考察して、円教としての密教の位置を説明する。ここに相当に華厳教学が導入されている。『演密鈔』では『大日経』こそや円密を標示するものと位置づけている。ここでは澄観の五教判に基づき円教を示しているのであるが、『大日経』がまさしくこの円教に相当するものと判ぜられている(51)。文中に「但顯密爲異耳」とあるように、円教には顕と密の相違が有るのであり、この区分を円教の中に認め(52)(48) 志福：（釈摩訶衍論）「通玄鈔」4巻（道宗の序文）、「通玄科」3巻、「大科」1。守臻：（釈摩訶衍論）「通賛疏」10巻、「通賛科」3巻大科1巻。法悟：（釈摩訶衍論）賛玄疏5巻、「賛玄科」3巻「大科」1巻。
『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』巻3、（T55, p.1175b6-12）。
(49) 応県木塔から、澄観の『華厳経疏』含む『六十華厳』巻第四十七と『八十華厳』巻第二十四、二十六、五十一とが出ている。竺沙雅章（2000）、123 頁。
(50) 鎌田茂雄著、『中国華厳思想史の研究』東京：大学出版會、1965年、605頁。
(51)『大日経義釈演密鈔』巻1：「辨教攝者古来分教総有多岐且依清涼教類有五」（X23,p.524

c16-17）。
(52)「円融具德頓詮此理故名為頓五円教明一位即一切位一切位即一位十信滿心即攝五位成正

覚等依普賢法界帝網重重主伴具足故名円教廣如彼疏今神変経典與此大同但顯密為異耳是故」（X23, p.525a1-22）。

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るからこそ「是故此教、五教之中円教所攝。」ということになるのである。つまり、円密とは「円教の内でも密なるもの」を意味するものと解される。
⑤『顕密円通成仏心要集』でも同じように、賢首と清涼の五教で顯教を判釈する(53)。
両文献では澄観の『疏』註釈を借用する方式で解釈されている。
教理の字句の解説については『演義鈔』の教義を借用しながら、澄観が「毘盧遮那佛」
を説く、仏自内証を法身卽「大方廣佛」を説くのは経題の中心となるのは仏が仏を説くことだ。経名の解釈を通し、法と、譬喩、二部分に分けて、説明する玄談方式を借用して説明する(54)。
④と⑤でも、同様に多様な澄観の密教修法の一部、特に阿字観や月輪観などの行法についても澄観の玄談方式を借用する基本的な傾向がある。そのため、顯・密の教相については一経に顕と密の両側面を認めて、顕は諸経論を統括する一乘、密は字輪観行陀羅
尼門であるとする。密は『大日経』、顯は『華厳経』にして、顯密の差異を認めながらも兩者は円教として共通すると判断している。以外の⑥『賛玄疏』⑦『通玄鈔』は『大乗起信論』の注釈書であり、『大乗起信論』は如来蔵思想を中心にしている、本覚思想
あるいは如来蔵思想を説く論書である。『釈摩訶衍論』の「本覚論」は『大乗起信論』とは相違し、華厳の十玄などを多く引用している。また、義門は「華厳宗趣」を成ずることだという(55)。ただし華厳と密教を融合したではなく寧ろ「雙修」である。「融合」と言う場合、華厳と密教が溶け合い一体化した状態を指すものことだが、覚苑の華厳援用の状況はきわめて恣意的であり、且つ断片的であるため、密教に融合させたというレ(53)『顯密円通成佛心要集』巻 1、「謂賢首清涼。共判如来一代時教而有五種。一小乘教。謂阿含等六百餘卷経。婆沙等六百餘卷論。說一切法從因緣生。明三界不安。了人空真理。
修自利之行。忻小乘之果。二大乘始教有二。一法相宗。謂深密佛地等數十本経。瑜伽唯識等數百卷論。說一切法皆是唯識。了二空真理。修六度萬行。趣大乘佛果。於中多談法相之義。二無相宗。謂諸部般若等千餘卷経。中百門等數本論文。說一切法本来是空無始
迷情妄認為有。欲證菩提以為所得。修習萬行。於中多談無相空義。斯之兩宗。皆是大乘初門。故名曰始。始者初也。三一乘終教。謂法華涅槃等四十餘部経。宝性佛性等十餘部論。說一切眾生皆有佛性。從本已来靈明不昧。了了常知。無始迷倒不自覚悟。欲成佛果
須先了悟自家佛性。後方稱性修習本有無量妙行。多談法性是大乘盡理之教。故名曰終。
終者盡也。四一乘頓教。謂楞伽思益経文。達磨所傳禪宗。說一切妄相本空真心本淨。元無煩惱本是菩提。唯談真性不依位次成佛。故名曰頓。五不思議乘円教。謂華厳一経。十地一論。全說毘盧法界普賢行海。
」（T46, pp.989c25-990a18）。
(54)『大毘盧遮那成佛経疏』巻 9：「復次阿是諸法本不生義。即是法界体性。娑是諦義。迷是三昧義。麼是自證大空亦是我義。世尊證此三昧時。諦観一一眾生心力普門漫荼羅皆等於我。
」（T39, p.675a6-9）。
(55) 鎌田茂雄著、『中国華厳思想史の研究』東京：大学出版會、1965 年、606-607 頁。

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Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖ベルの問題として扱うべきではない(56)。同じ理由か不明だが。実範『大経要義鈔』では覚苑の『演密鈔』がかなり批判的に研究引用されている(57)。
4.2 『円宗文類』及び澄観の華厳と顕密融合の思想
義天が 20 年余り章疏を収集した中で一番の最初に編纂したものが『円宗文類』である。初めから華厳宗の立場、すなわち円宗の教学研究を行うことを目的に企画された出版であったと考えられる。高麗中期に流行した多様な華厳文類を総合整理した点に意義がある。
義天は『円宗文類』を編纂しながら中国の華厳祖師の章疏を参考にし、援用している。
そのなかには智儼、法蔵、澄観などの著述が主に引用されている。これらの撰述書を通して華厳教学を整理したのである。義天の華厳思想は、初期には澄観の華厳教学の影響を受けている。また入宋求法以後には法蔵の系統にある華厳宗僧侶である浄源から法を受けて継承した。義天の華厳教学に対する理解の範囲が、法蔵などの影響を受けて拡がったが、すぐに『円宗文類』を通じて当代の華厳学を整理したことと判断される(58)。
この要覽を作った理由は経典の義学（教義）理解にある。疏に通達して経旨を理解させるものであり、境地を理解して理性を証明することを目標としている。疏鈔とは智儼と法蔵と淸凉の三家の義疏を標準としながら諸家の解説を参考に補っているのである。
『文類』は、全 22 巻中の多くが失われ、現在 3 巻が残っている。その巻 1 の奧書によると、朝鮮初期の重修本（1457～1463）である。その他、残りの巻 14 と 22 には奧書がない。日本では『円宗文類』と関係する書写処は主に東大寺・高山寺・仁和寺・称名寺に属している。
内容構成は巻第 1 に｢諸部發願類｣21 編、巻第 14 に｢諸文行位類上｣21 編、巻第 22 に｢讚頌雜文類｣50 編の文が収録されている。特に第 14 編には法蔵の『探玄記』第 1 巻で第20 編までの叢論と要旨などが収録され、智儼の『搜玄記』第 1 巻の要文、『孔目章』第2 巻と第 3 巻の要旨、至相との問答が収録されている。この文献が 1088 年頃に編纂なった後、正確にいつ日本に伝わったか分からないだが、『東域傳燈目錄』に書名が確認されるために少なくとも 1094 年以前には伝われて、活用されたことを確認することができる。
高山寺系の景雅（1103～1185）を師として仁和寺にて華厳を学び、東大寺尊勝院に常住した聖詮は、『華厳五教章深意鈔』において『円宗文類』巻 20 に収録された『遺忘集』を援用している。この文献は湛睿が書寫している。湛睿は「寄海東義湘師書」を援用したことがある。これは『教蔵総錄』の『自防遺忘集』十巻に該当する。1176（安元 2）(56) 前の遠藤純一郎氏論文で三崎良周氏説を参考にした。
(57) 橫内裕人前掲書 389 頁。
(58) 朴鎔辰、｢義天の『円宗文類』編纂とその意義｣『사학연구』제 82 호、2006 年、参考。

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Vol. 3年、高山寺の明空が仁和寺花厳院景雅の所持本を書写したものである。また、13～14
世紀 1250 年靈典が『高山寺聖教目錄』で書名を記録、1295 年凝然が『華厳法界義境』と『華厳宗経論章疏目錄』で『円宗文類』の書名をあげた。順高『起信論本疏聴集記』「集釈記（元朗）」、「新華厳経疏第 1 上（法銑）」、「華厳経疏第 1 上（智正）」、「無性釈攝論疏 1（智儼）演奧抄」、「起信論隨疏記卷上（傳奧）」、「華厳経疏第 1 上（神秀）」など、『集釈記』は『教蔵総錄』には『集釈鈔』6 巻、『隨疏記』は『教蔵総錄』にそれぞれ‘演奧鈔十卷、科二卷延後述、隨疏記六卷傳奧述’と收錄されている。このような引用の事例は 18 世紀まで続いている。日本仏教における『円宗文類』の伝承では高山寺系の明空と東大寺系の僧たちが華厳学研究に資料として活用する。今後、東大寺図書館に所蔵されている宗性の『探玄記』註釈書における『円宗文類』の引用関係を検討する必要がある。
前述のように『円宗文類』は逸失されて 22 巻中に 3 巻だけが伝えられている。ところでその註釈書な廓心の『円宗文類集解』（以下『集解』(59)）があって少しでも内容がわかる。このように義天が円宗［華厳］の教理が深くて援引しにくい点を解決するために膨大な経籍から広文を要約し、その教義を内容種類別に収集して要覧を作ったのである
が、一方で、なぜまた註釈書が必要だったのか疑問が出来だ。『円宗文類集解』は義天の法孫である廓心（？～1173～1181～？）が著述したものである。賢首と澄観の華厳学説のみならず慧遠と慧苑および元曉まで、古来らの華厳諸家の様々な說を集めた上で、
廓心自身の解釈を加えている。
『円宗文類』の場合は編纂後すぐに刊行され、宋と日本の平安朝に流入されて流用された反面、『集解』は韓国と日本ではあまり知られていないようである。しかし、この
文献の現存唯一本が天理大学今西文庫に所蔵されている。『円宗文類』と同じようにすぐ流入した可能性もある。それで日本では存在したのに記録がないが、伝来した可能性も排除できない。『集解』の内容構成は「類」を中心に構成された『円宗文類』に比べて「集解」は「義」という表現を使っている。
［集解］①宗要義②初會理智義③国土海義④宗趣義下の『円宗文類』巻 14 で『集解』巻中の註釈の對象になる原文の始まり「宗要義探玄記」(60)、内容上の第九（第六會）「十地品」‘宗要義’から始まっている。探玄記（第九）(61)」中で「十地品（宗要義）」内容
を明かしている。「十地品」で、初地→四,釈文→後,釈文→六,請分。中の釈文の内容を(59)『円宗文類集解』巻中（H0291v12, p.1b02）。
(60)『円宗文類集解』巻中（H0291v12, p.1b05）。
(61) ‘CBETA’では巻 10 の「說分」中で“此十地中宗要有六。”確認される。

『華厳経探玄記』巻 10「說大令其眾人得聞在今故云敬信也。頌中有十三頌半分二。初七頌
半明義大。後六頌明說大。
」（T35, p.295b14-16）

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Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖解釈している。因果二分について解釈としてこの二分の義は円宗の網要がなる(62)。
『円宗文類』巻 14 本文中の『探玄記』部分
探玄記（第九）第六會: 他化自在天宮會『円宗文類集解』巻中

四釈文＊内容始まり
十迴向（四門）十地品（第二十二之一）（四門同前） 『探玄記』：「十地品」宗要:来意、釈文（加分本分）義。-此十地中宗要有六。

上には十地品<初地>からの初,釈名→二,来意、三,宗趣、四釈文。四釈文で①先料簡②後釈文から義大（初七頌半）と說大（後六頌）の釈文まで註釈している。
『円宗文類』は『探玄記』を抄録した部分が多く、本文から「云云」に省略する方である。しかし、この部分の『集解』を見ると、省略せずにそのまま収録する傾向がある。
ここで『円宗文類』と「集解」が日本中世仏教の宗学研究にどのような内容が参考活用されたのか簡略に見てみよう。
第一に、顕教と密教の宗派学で顕密融合の理論的体系を完成するために、兼学のテキストが必要だった。この点は遼代の密教文献では十分に満たされなかったと考えられる。
第二に『円宗文類』は当代最新の「疏鈔」中心の教学情報を整理したものであり、また智儼と法蔵と淸凉三家の義疏をテキストの標準としているためである。第三に顕密融合
における理解と教理の根幹として諸家の解説を参考・補足して、異説については法蔵と淸凉の華厳学を中心として統合および融合している。特に、ここで「集解」の特徴は第三での淸凉澄観の説であり、遼代文献で把握されるものは、すべての教理と教義・行法などが‘疾得現前と疾得成仏(63)’又は、毗盧遮那の果分（=佛果）の面で説明され、普賢の性海も因分の（十地）證智について説明しているため、仏だけとなり、衆生がなくなる(64)。そのため因分と果分では因分の緣起的立場が十分ではないと考える。言い換え
れば澄観の「十地品」の因分については、果分としての（十地）證智、因分としての方便寄法等である。これは「緣を基準に反顯し、その果の体を明らかにする」「本覚」の(62) “此二分義。円宗網要。”『円宗文類集解』巻中（H0291v12, p.3a24-b01）。
(63)『演義鈔』「一切佛法疾得現前。初發心時。即得阿耨多羅三藐三菩提。知一切法即心自性。

成就慧身不由他悟。
」、『通玄鈔』巻4、「一切佛法疾得現前初發心時即得菩提等二是円教寄同終教亦說初住即得成佛故」。『通玄鈔』巻4、「初發心時即得阿耨菩提知一切法即心自性
成就慧身不由他悟（此即頓悟）彼経復說三賢十聖歷位脩行（此即漸脩）。」、『談玄抉擇』
巻3、「言疾得現前者。現在速證也。問何時現前初發心時。問何法現前即得阿耨多羅三藐
三菩提也。
」
。
(64) “然法唯一味。本無能所。然以義分。有其二種。一法自尒門。卽所證法界。本具三大。染

淨斯融者是也。二人成就門於中分二。一者染分。謂彼法界由無明緣擧体動成九相六染者
是也。二者淨分。曲分爲二。一者果分。二者因分。”『円宗文類集解』巻中（H0291v12,
p.3b02-b08）。

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Vol. 3

主体（能）と對象（所）に衆生とその緣起の方便寄する本有と修生法の理解にあると言えよう(65)。したがって澄観の緣起的方便の説として諸説融合の立場があると考えられる。
おわりに以上、義天の「義天版教蔵」における教蔵の収集と刊行及び流通による受容と活用事
例を検討してきた。現在、日本で遺存する約 8 種の文献を対象とし、また最も多くの引用と活用が見られる『円宗文類』と「集解」も同時に検討した。義天の立場は華厳学にあり、そこから大乗諸宗の教学を捉えていたことが明らかとなった。
澄観の『華厳疏鈔』は東アジア諸宗の教学研究における「標準」のテキストとして、宗派の宗学研究における教理体系と思想の構築に重要な情報を提供してきたと考えられる。特に淸凉の『華厳経演義鈔』は高山寺の明空と東大寺の宗性によって、『円宗文類』と同じように兼学された(66)。これは本中世仏教の特質といえる黒田氏の顕密体制論を構築するにあたって着目した本覚思想の「諸宗通有なる日本的特徵」ということの性格に付いて把握されたものと考えられる。
結びとして、義天の発願には「共々に普賢菩薩の道を学んで盧舍那佛の理想鄕で遊ぶ」と述べているが、これは「本有の自覚と実践」を意味するだろう。日本中世仏教においては、これらの衆生への理解が深化した緣起的側面からの本覚の理解が受容され、その教学体系に澄観の思想が受容されたと考えられる。

参考文献［一次文献］『大覚国師文集』巻第 1（H0062v4, p.528a01）～巻第 23（H0062v4, p.566c13）。
『大覚国師外集』巻第 1（H0063v4, p.567b02）～巻第 13（H0063v4, p.594c02）。
『円宗文類集解』巻中（H0291v0, p.1-b02)。

(65) “問。此中所論融三世間身之與土。爲卽皆是自体果之身土耶。爲是其中有自体果有隨緣果之身土耶。此何所疑。若如前者。何故。淸凉。將此十身。配三身云。衆生国土業報。聲
聞緣覚菩薩等。唯是化身耶。若如後者。十身皆是三種熏習等萬行所感。何非報身自体果耶。答。有二說。一云。如前開說。何者。例如終教如来蔵中。大智定等相大功德。待了因現名爲報身。此教亦尒。旣以三世間斯融一味十玄之相。以爲法界本具相大。何以此相
待修而現非報身耶。由是言之。將此融三世間十身本有之義。名爲法身。修現之義。謂之報身。應機之義。名爲應身。是故。十身皆通自体隨緣二果。是實義也。而淸凉以衆生身
等配化身者。以衆生等報相隱而化相現故。”『円宗文類集解』巻中（H0291v12, p.12b21-c15）。
(66) 平岡定海（1988）。

58

Wooseok (SHIN Hoijung)
The Adaptation and Application of Uicheon’s Kyochang in Medieval Buddhism of JapanA Philosophical View Based on the Kegon literature❖ Articles 1 ❖［二次文献］
大屋德城『高麗続蔵彫造攷』、京都：便利堂、1936 年。
平岡定海「東大寺蔵高麗版『華厳経随疏演義鈔』とその影響について」、大和文化研究 4(2)、1-29、1956 年 4 月。
平岡定海『東大寺宗性上人之研究並史料下』、東京：本学術振興会刊、昭和 35 年（1988（12月））-九、宗性の華厳教学研究とその影響について。
竺沙雅章「遼代華厳宗の一考察：主に、新出華厳宗典籍の文献学的研究」『宋元仏教文化史研究』、東京:石圾叡志、2000 年。
橫內裕人『日本中世の仏教と東アジア』、東京:塙書房、2008 年。
朴鎔辰『義天:그의 생애와 사상』、서울:혜안、2011 年。
趙明基『高麗 大覚国師와 天台思想』、서울:東国文化社、1964 年。
［論文］
이영자｢義天의 新編諸宗教蔵総錄의 独自性｣『佛教学報』第 19 輯、1982 年。
김성수「教蔵総錄 経部 分類体系의 分析」、『한국문헌정보학회지』圖書館学第 10 輯、1983
年 6 月。
許興植｢義天의 円宗文類와 廓心의 集解｣、『서지학보』第 5 輯、1991 年 9 月。
柴崎照和［共同研究］｢廓心『円宗文類集解』巻中の研究（一）廓心と『円宗文類集解』成立の背景について」『印度学佛教学研究』43-2、日本印度学仏教学会、1994 年。
吉津宜英［共同研究］｢廓心『円宗文類集解』巻中の研究（二）『円宗文類集解』巻中の教学の特色について」『印度学佛教学研究』第 43-2、日本印度学仏教学会、1994 年。
柴崎照和、｢義天『円宗文類』の研究 四明如吉と高麗義天｣『印度学佛教学硏究』44 巻 2 號（通巻 88）日本印度学佛教学會、1996 年 3 月。
남권희「13 세기 天台宗 관련 高麗佛経 3 종의 書誌的 考察-円覚類解,弘賛法華傳, 法華文
句幷記節要-」『서지학보』第 19 輯、1997 年 1 月。
吉津宜英・柴崎照和、［共同研究］「義天編纂『円宗文類』巻第一（解題と翻刻）」駒澤大学
仏教学部研究紀要 56,1998-03。
宇都宮啓吾「十二世紀における義天版の書写とその伝持について―訓点資料を手懸かりとした諸宗交流の問題―」『南都佛教』81 号、2002 年。
박용진「『大覚国師文集』의 편찬과 그 정치사회적 배경」『정신문화연구』2007（여름호제30 권）제 2 호（통권 107 호）。
최은영｢『신편제종교장총록(新編諸宗教蔵総錄)』에 대한 재고찰- 일본 장소목록（章疏目錄）과의 비교를 중심으로｣『불교학보』제 57 집、2011 年 4 月。
김성수｢의천, 제종교장의 수집 배경 및 간행 영향에 관한 연구｣、『서지학연구』제 58 집、2014 年。
朴鎔辰｢의천의『円宗文類』 編纂과 그 의의｣、『사학연구』제 82 호、2006 年 6 月。

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❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3朴鎔辰「高麗義天撰『円宗文類』の日本伝承と交流史的意義」、『印度学佛教学研究』第 63巻、2014 年 12 月。
橫內裕人｢日本における聖教の伝来と保存―東大寺を例に｣『불교학리뷰』9、2011 年。
朴鎔辰「高麗 義天撰『新編諸宗教蔵総錄』과 동아시아의 華厳 章疏」『한국학논총』Vol42、국민대학교한국학연구소、2014 年。
박용진「고려전기 義天撰 『円宗文類』所收불교문헌의 현황과 전승」、 『한국학논총』47、 국민대학교 한국학연구소、2017 年。
박보람｢『원종문류집해（円宗文類集解）』의 기초 연구｣ 、『동아시아불교문화』제 35 집、2018 年、9 月。
［その他］（社）高麗大蔵研究所の高麗教蔵プロジェクト（2012.03～2017.02）を実施した<学術報告
会結集資料集>。

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❖ Articles 1 ❖The Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor(ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki
〈in English〉

Takuya HINO
Adjunct Lecturer, Department of English, Faculty of Arts and Sciences,
Komazawa University61

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

Abstract
Kissa Yōjōki (喫茶養生記, A Record of Drinking Tea for Good Health; hereafter
Yōjōki) is a medieval Japanese esoteric (or Daoist) Buddhist manual that describes
tea-drinking rituals, provides information about tea, and explains various methods for
consuming the beverage. Its intended audience is the Japanese aristocracy, including
Buddhist monks. Written by the monk Yōsai (alternately Eisai 栄西; 1141-1215), Yōjōki
is one of the oldest Japanese records about tea and its uses, particularly for the purpose ofachieving good health. While Yōjōki’s immediate focus is tea itself, the work reveals
Yōsai to be a Vinaya and esoteric Buddhist monk who sought both to teach aristocrats andother monks how to use tea and to reform the existing tea-drinking culture in Japan.
Yōjōki is best known for its celebration of the various health benefits of tea consumption,
including perfect health and longevity. In addition, it asserts that refining one’s sense of
taste so that one can distinguish between different tastes – bitter (nigami, 苦味) and salty(shiokarami, 鹹味), for example – and knowing the various types of tea would help
people improve on their unhealthy dietary habits. Furthermore, while many scholars haveparticipated in the discourse about Japanese tea culture, Yōjōki includes discussions ofimperial court rituals and Buddhist knowledge about the medical properties of plants. As
such, this text can be read for a variety of purposes; it exerted influence well beyond thenarrow concerns for individual health.

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖The Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor(ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki(1)Takuya HINO
Keywords：Kissa yōjōki, ichimiwagō, Buddhist botany, Medieval Japanese Buddhism,

Philology
Introduction
Drinking tea was a religious custom popularized during the Tang dynasty, one aspect ofChinese culture (among many) that was imported to Japan. Tea was not simply a dietary
matter; preparing a bowl of good tea was also part of a process of obtaining worldly
merits through the worship of buddhas and local deities. Early descriptions of
tea-drinking culture in Japanese literature and poetry show that drinking tea wasassociated with a contemplative state of mind.(2) Japanese poems portrayed tea drinking
as an act that led one to gain depth as a human being and had the practical benefit ofproviding positive mental effects. The Heian literatus Sugawara no Michizane (菅原道真; 845-903) remarked on the physical effects of tea drinking, effects that were notassociated with arts such as flower-arranging and incense appreciation and identification,
which also flourished during this same period of monarchic government.(3) Daily tea
also came to be associated with a quasi-ascetic lifestyle in which one eschewed luxuries
and cultivated satisfaction with one’s circumstances. The emphasis on spirituality within
tea-drinking culture led to profound changes in Japanese eating habits later on.
Aristocrats regarded drinking tea as a way to restore health. Indications of theconsumption of tea as medicine are found in the Shōyūki (小右記, the diary of Fujiwara
no Sanesuke 藤原実資; 957-1046). For instance, the diary entry for the eleventh day of(1) This article is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Donald Keene.
(2) The Bunkashōreishū (文華秀麗集, “Collection of Japanese Poetry written in Chinese”) entry for

depicts the fact that one drinks tea while consulting (Bunkashōreishū. Nihon koten bungaku teikei
69: 246).
(3) The description of the tea drinking culture appearing in Japanese literature depicts the fact that
Sugawara no Michizane (菅原道真; 845-903) tried to refresh his feeling of discontentment bydrinking tea (Sugakegoshū. Nihon koten bungaku teikei 72: 514-516).

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❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3the fifth month of the fifth year of Chōwa (長和; 1016) reads:
Sesshō (摂政, [Fujiwara no Michinaga 藤原道長; 966-1028]) said, “Since thethird month [of the fifth year of Chōwa 長和], I have been constantly drinking
rice water. Recently I have been drinking it excessively, particularly during day
and night times My throat is dry, and my arm feels numb and weak. However, I
eat my meals regularly. Because physicians say that it might be a fever, frompast years, I have continually taken a medicated paste of cinnabar, as well assoybean juice, soybean decoction, condensed milk with honey (somitsusen 蘇密煎), and myrobalan (karirokugan 呵梨勒丸).” [Michinaga] drinks tea fromtoday. As he drinks tea, he goes behind a reed screen, two or three times. He
seems to drink water. He said, “Although I have limited [myself] to drinking
water today, I do not have an ounce of strength.”(4)This passage suggests that Michinaga may have suffered from diabetes and drank tea
because he thought it to be effective. However, drinking tea was not efficacious fordiabetes. He appeared worn-out and it seems that his condition had taken a turn for theworse. Thus, drinking tea was believed to bring essential vitality in one’s body and mind
and to prevent against gastroenteritis, asthma, and sleepiness.(5) A daily dose of tea hadcome to be associated with avoiding luxuries and being satisfied with one’s
circumstances. This emphasis within tea drinking culture on spirituality rather than tea’spractical benefits led to great changes in Japanese eating habits later on.
The Yōjōki’s most significant feature is its distinction between tea’s use as areligious and luxury product on the one hand, and as a medicine of sorts on the other.
This made tea-drinking culture popular among not only the aristocracy and Buddhist
clergy but also among the warrior class.(6) The influence of Buddhist Vinaya and(4) Shōyūki. Zōho shiryō taisei bekkan 2: 97-98.
(5) Sen Sōshitsu, ed., Sadō koten zenshū dai ni kan (Kyoto: Tankōsha, 1977), pp. 110–113.
(6) There are many descriptions of the tea culture in medieval aristocrat diaries. For example, thesereferences can be found in the Taiki entries for: 1) the sixteenth day of the tenth month of thesecond year of Hōen (保延; 1136) (Taiki 1. Zōho shiryō taisei 23: 7), 2) the thirteenth day of thetenth month of the second year of Kōji (康治; 1143) (Taiki 1. Zōho shiryō taisei 23: 100), 3) the
eleventh day of the eleventh month of the first year of Ninpyō (仁平; 1151) (Taiki bekki 5. Zōho
shiryō taisei 25: 75), and 4) the twenty-seventh day of the first month of the second year of
Ninpyō (仁平; 1152) (Taiki 2. Zōho shiryō taisei 24: 93). In addition, the Fusō ryakki entry for the
ninth day of the sixth month of the ninth year of Tenryaku (天暦; 955) depicts the fact that
Dai-Sōzu Zenki (大僧都禅喜; 874-955) carved a Buddhist image of his mother and made tea
offerings to the statue when his mother passed away (Fusō ryakki 25. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei
12: 229-230). Sōshitsu, ed., Sadō koten zenshū dai ni kan, pp. 74–75.

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖esoteric teachings made management of personal health important. By this time,
cultivating tea had become an essential part of a monks’ daily life.(7) Among monks whopracticed according to the four-part Vinaya-piṭaka, taking solid food after noon anddrinking alcohol were not permitted. Monks cultivated and harvested tea to drink before
meditation and while studying sutras.
In addition, tea was used as an offering to buddhas and local deities. For
example, the Kakuzenshō (覚禅抄, “Collection of Kakuzen’s Studies on Esoteric
Buddhist Rituals and Iconography”) notes that one needs to make a tea offering to thestar mansion (constellation) in order to perform the prayers for the hoshiku (星供, thespirit star) as part of the hokutohō (北斗法, Seven Stars of the Northern Dipper
Ritual).(8) The tea offering to the spirit star was the same as the religious ceremony
performed to pay homage to one’s natal star and the seven stars of the Northern Dipper.
Tea, which was sometimes offered as a calling present by visitors and pilgrims,
was also given by monks to the imperial court when receiving imperial patronage.(9)Japanese tea drinking left both a lasting tableware culture, for example, the ceramic
bowls and tools used for preparing and drinking tea, and the tōcha (闘茶, tea
gathering),(10) a game in which players taste different teas and try to guess the teas’places of origin. Tea-drinking culture thus encompassed material, cultural, andintellectual elements and bound these together.
I The Kissa Yōjōki
Scholars generally agree that the original manuscript of the Yōjōki has been lost and thatthe two extant versions were both based on manuscripts copied during the early
Kamakura period (1185-1333).(11) One version of the Yōjōki, entitled “the first in theform” (hereafter shochihon, 初治本), was copied on the third day of the first month of
the fifth year of Jōgen (承元; 1211), the year of junior metal-goat (kanoto-hitsuji, 辛未).
Two early manuscripts of the shochihon exist: one is held at Jufukuji 寿福寺 and the(7) Sōshitsu, ed., Sadō koten zenshū dai ni kan, pp. 76.
(8) Kakuzenshō. Dai nihon bukkyō zensho 56: 285-294.
(9) Sōshitsu, ed., Sadō koten zenshū dai ni kan, pp. 76.
(10) Tōcha is the game which identifies the different types of tea among players. The descriptions of

the tōcha appear in the seventh poetry of the Jūmon saihishō (十問最秘抄, “Selection of Most
Secret of Ten Inquiries”) (Jūmon saihishō. Nihon koten bungaku taikei 66: 114). The rule of thegame is very simple: players attempt to guess the Toganoo’s 栂尾 tea (honcho, 本茶) from otherkinds (hicha, 非茶). Later, Uji’s 宇治 tea treated as the honcha which was equal to the
Toganoo’s tea.
(11) Hada, Satoshi. “Chūsei no jiin to cha tono kakawari” in in Kamakura jidai no kissa bunka, Sadōshiryōkan eds, (Kyoto: Sadō Shiryōkan, 2008), 107-109.

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Vol. 3other at Tawabunko 多和文庫.(12) The first, the tawabunkohon, was discovered after
the jufukujihon, and its discovery has allowed scholars to correct many of thetypographical errors of the jufukujihon and better understand the “first in the form”
version.(13) Another version of the Yōjōki, entitled “the second in the form” (hereafter
saichihon, 再治本), was copied in the first month of the second year of Kenpō (建保;1214), the year of shell-dog (kinoe-inu, 甲戌). While the shochihon is said to have been
written in or before the ninth year of Kenkyū (建久; 1198) and was made as an offeringto the retired emperor Gotoba (後鳥羽上皇; 1180-1239; r. 1183-1198),(14) the saichihon
is believed to have been copied and offered to the third Shogunate of the Kamakura
bakufu, Minamoto Sanetomo (源実朝; 1192-1219).(15) Manuscripts of the saichihonversion are currently held by Kenninji 建仁寺 and the Hōzōbunko 法蔵文庫.(16)Yōsai, the head of Jufukuji, was the Gon-Risshi (権律師, supernumerary masterof discipline) at that time.(17) He visited the imperial court and requested to be granted
the title of Daishi-gō (大師号, “great teacher”) on the second day of the sixth month of
the first year of Kenpō.(18) However, he was only promoted to the rank of Gon-Sōjō (権僧正, provisional highest position in the hierarchy of Buddhist monks) in the sixth
month of the first year of Kenpō.(19) These events have been established only throughindirect clues linking the retired Emperor Gotoba to Yōsai, but they suggests two things:
1) Yōsai had close connections with the imperial court, especially retired Emperor of
Gotoba, and 2) Yōsai’s attempt to receive a higher rank might indicate that Zen was
flourishing at this time. On the basis of these concerns, it is generally accepted that theshochihon was transcribed in the fifth year of Jōgen, though it is not clear whether or
not Yōsai offered the Yōjōki to the retired Emperor of Gotoba during his visit.
An entry in the Azuma kagami (吾妻鏡, “Mirror of the East”), dated the fourth
day of the second month of the second year of Kenpō, notes that Yōjō[bō] Sōjō (葉上[房]僧正, Yōsai) performed incarnations and prayers for Sanetomo when he had a(12) Taga Munehaya. Yōsai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1965), 177.
(13) Hayashi, Samae and Yasui Kōzan. Chakyō・Kissa yōjōki (Tokyo: Meitoku Shuppan, 1975), 17(14) Hayashi and Yasui. Chakyō・Kissa yōjōki, 15-16. Hattori Toshirō also points out the same time ofcompliment as Hayashi and Yasui argues. Hattori Toshirō. Nihon igakushi kenkyū yowa (Tokyo:
Kagaku Shoin, 1981), 324.
(15) Hayashi and Yasui. Chakyō・Kissa yōjōki, 16.
(16) Taga Yōsai, 177.
(17) It refers to as the Azuma kagami entry for the fourth day of the sixth month of the first year of
Kenpō Azuma kagami 21. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei azuma kagami 2: 695.
(18) It refers to as the Azuma kagami entry for the second day of the sixth month of the first year of
Kenpō. Azuma kagami 21. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei azuma kagami 2: 695.
(19) It refers to as the Azuma kagami entries for the second day, third day, and fourth day of the sixth
month of the first year of Kenpō. Azuma kagami 21. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei azuma kagami 2:
695.

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖hangover, and that he offered a cup of tea delivered from the main temple and a single
volume of writings describing the values of tea that he had written out by hand while
practicing Zen meditation the month before the offering was made.(20) Yōsai became thegon-sōjō in the first year of Kenpō and was promoted to the rank of Sōjō next year.
In esoteric Buddhist texts such as the Asabashō (阿娑縛抄, “Compendium of
Tendai Esoteric Buddhist Teachings and Practice”) and the “twenty-two secret doctrine
matters” in the Keiranshūyōshū(21) (渓嵐拾葉集, “Collection of Leaves Gathered in a
Stormy Ravine”), the transcription of the saichihon is said to date to between the second
year of Kenpō and the fifth tear of Shōwa (正和, 1316). However, it remains unclear
why the composition of the two versions of the Yōjōki corresponds to theaforementioned two historical events, given that the Yōjōki does not contain any
information about these events. There are various theories as to why these two texts
were compiled so close to each other, but none of these theories is conclusive.
The shochihon and saichihon are comprised of two volumes each, with an
introduction to many examples of tea-drinking culture from Chinese documents, inparticular the Taipingyulan (太平御覧, J. taiheigyoran), a Song-period work (eighthyear of Taipingxingguo 太平興国, 983) of one thousand volumes with contents divided
into fifty-five categories. A few references to the Taipingyulan survive in medieval
Japanese literary sources. An entry in the Taiki 台記 (the diary of Fujiwara no
Yorinaga 藤原頼長; 1120-1156) for the twenty-ninth day of the ninth month of thesecond year of Kōji ( 康治 ; 1143) says that Fujiwara no Yorinaga ( 藤原頼長;
1120-1156) had finished reading up to 138 volumes of the Taipingyulan.(22) An entry in
the Sankaiki (山槐記, the diary of Nakayama Tadachika 中山忠親; 1132-1195) for thethirteen day of the second month of the third year of Jishō (治承; 1179) reports that, in
accordance with Taira no Kiyomori’s (平清盛; 1118-1181) wishes, 260 volumes of theTaipingyulan should be offered to the imperial court.(23) The Fusō ryakki (扶桑略記,“Abbreviated History of Japan”) and the Sankaiki entries for the sixteenth day of thetwelfth month of the third year of the Jishō note that 300 volumes of the Song-period
Taipingyulan, originally given to Taira no Kiyomori, were offered to the imperial
court.(24) Some of the passages in the Yōjōki were quotations within quotations fromearlier Chinese encyclopedias, such as the Classic of Tea and the Record of Herbal
Medicine. Considering the fact that similar passages appeared in medieval Japanese(20) Azuma kagami 22. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei azuma kagami 2: 709-710.
(21) Keiranshūyōshū 22. T2410_.76.0571a1-T2410_.76.0576a21.
(22) Taiki 1. Zōho shiryō taisei 23: 98-100.
(23) Sankaiki 2. Zōho shiryō taisei 27: 225.
(24) Sankaiki 2. Zōho shiryō taisei 27: 328. Fusō ryakki 8. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei 12: 99.

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Vol. 3sources, and that Yōsai made two trips to China in the third year of Nin-an 仁安(1168) and in the third year of Bunji 文治 (1187), we can deduce that Yōsai probably
knew of and perhaps even consulted the Taipingyulan, just as had other Japanesearistocrats during the medieval period.
The first volume of the Kissa Yōjōki, entitled the “Gate of the Five Viscera that
Harmoniously Combine” (gozōwagōmon 五臓和合門), discusses plant varieties andvarious flavors of tea as they relate to the positive effects of drinking tea within thecontext of Japanese esoteric Buddhism and Daoism. It clarifies tea’s nutritional andtonic value and emphasizes the “five phases” (gogyō shisō 五行思想), a Chinesesystem used to describe relationships between phenomena. The second volume, entitledthe “Gate of Seduction that Wards Off Unrighteous Divine Spirits” (kenjokimimon 遣除鬼魅門), explains the value of mulberry trees for a number of different remedies. This
volume’s focus on mulberry indicates that there was a shortage of tea in Japan,
particularly during the Kamakura period. The saichihon’s description of the value of
drinking tea is similar to that of the shochihon, though much shorter, despite its brevity
it is more descriptive and explanatory.
The Yōjōki and tea ritual have been of great importance in the study of Japanesereligion and culture, despite the field’s relative silence on the history of tea consumption.
Previous studies of the Yōjōki were concerned primarily with this text as a medical
work.(25) It is important to also understand this work in the context of Vinaya-esoteric(25) Kimiya Yasuhiko describes the Yōjōki as the oldest tea text of medicine that contains vinaya and

Zen teachings in Tendai esoteric Buddhist tradition. Kimiya, Yasuhiko. Nihon kissashi (Tokyo:
Tomiyamabō, 1940), 25-36. Yasui Kōzan focuses on developing a critique of what significant is
the Yōjōki. He translates the Yōjōki into modern translation and focuses heavily upon assertions
that Yōsai describes the Yōjōki as not giving manners and preparation for drinking tea but asmedical effects of tea. Hayashi and Yasui, Chakyō・Kissa yōjōki, 15-19. Hattori Toshirō broadens
Yasui’s critique of the Yōjōki as a book on a folk remedy by focusing on Yōsai’s interactions withthe retired Emperor of Gotoba and the Kamakura Shogunate Minamoto no Sanetomo. Noting thewidely spread of Zen teachings in collaboration with the tea-drinking culture in Kantō area,
especially during the Kamakura period, he defines the Yōjōki as one of aspects to support the
spread of Zen teachings and the tea-drinking culture. Hattori. Nihon igakushi kenkyū yowa,
323-325. Moreover, Taga Munehaya defines Yōsai as one of medieval Buddhist monks who
heavily had an emphasis on vinaya and esoteric Buddhism in Tendai principle and that thedrinking tea was a significant part of manners that were considered appropriate for Buddhists.
Taga, Yōsai, 175-193. The tendency of these previous scholarships has tended to focus on thegrowing popularity of esoterically Daoist rituals in medieval Japan in relation to so-called
Kamakura new-Buddhist movements and to the relationships between Tendai teachings (including
esoteric Buddhism and Zen teachings) and local popular beliefs. Mori Shikazō explains thesignificance that Yōsai cited references to his tea knowledge in twenty-two texts from theTaipingyulan in support of his theory. He then concludes that the texts Yōsai saw could be acomplete set of volumes in the Northern Song Dynasty. Mori Shikazō. “Kissa Yōjōki kaidai” in
Sadō koten zenshū dai ni kan, Sen Sōshitsu eds., (Kyoto: Tankōsha, 1967), 143-147. Other current
scholarship was characterized by similar tendencies. Enomoto Wataru realizes the significance of68

Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖Buddhist and Daoist thinking and practice.
II The Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合)
Ichimiwagō (一味和合), the “harmonizing of the multiple into a single flavor,” is amedieval Japanese Buddhist concept derived from tea-drinking rituals. Individual rank
and status are leveled as everyone participating in the ritual partakes in the single flavorof the tea. Tea-drinking rituals generally include four steps: all participants gather
together in one place, chant a sutra, promote solidarity, and share in drinking tea tomake vows to buddhas and kami. As an imperial court ritual, drinking tea represented away in which a group of people declare or pledge to be united in two ways: (1) forming
bonds between humans and the buddhas and kami, and (2) bringing people together
through contact with the buddhas and kami. Just as in a Buddhist community (sangha),
the imperial court and aristocracy must maintain social order and cohesion in a dignified
the tea drinking culture, a sub-lineage of the principle Sung Dynasty culture that was introducedby the trade between Japan and the Sung Dynasty and begun to rise in its popularity during thethirteenth century. He believes that the Yōjōki proclaims an epoch-making way of the Sung
Dynasty style in which a tea leaf is powdered with a mortar used to grind tea for servings and that
Yōsai was not treated as the founder of medieval Japanese tea drinking culture but ones who
introduced the tea drinking culture early in medieval Japan. Enomoto, Wataru. “Kissa Yōjōki no
jidai ni okeru chūgoku no bunbutsu・bunka” in Kamakura jidai no kissa bunka, Sadō shiryōkan
eds., (Kyoto: Sadō Shiryōkan, 2008), 90-92. Hada Satoru argues for a view of the Yōjōki as apharmaceutical text that places a great emphasis on a powdered tea belonging to “sour taste” asthe effect of a medicine to maintain one’s heart healthy. He insists that Yōsai’s credit for his majorachievement is to write the Yōjōki in combination with Japanese and Chinese texts and to explain
explicitly as to why drinking tea as a medicine is important. Hada. Chūsei no jiin to cha tono
kakawari” in in Kamakura jidai no kissa bunka, 109. Nagai Susumu describes the Yōjōki as amanuscript that offers a counterargument against a commonly accepted theory of a government
post held by a physician under the Imperial Court. He has a high evaluation that looks at Yōsai’s
pioneering achievements on the tea drinking culture beneficial for Kamakura. Nagai, Susumu.
“Sōron buke no miyako kamakura no cha” in Buke no miyako kamakura no cha, Kanagawa
kenritsu kanazawa bunko eds., (Kanagawa: Kanazawa Bunko, 2010), 7. Furthermore, Takahashi
Shūei examines in details a number of medieval Japanese Buddhist manuscripts in the Kanazawa
Bunko archives that relates to a variety of religious virtues and uses for tea (and tea leaves). He
claims that Yōsai becomes deeply interested about longevity and strives to gain enoughknowledge of drinking tea in five categories: medicine for good health, medicine for shaking off
one’s sleepiness, medicine for the promotion of health, offerings to the rituals of esoteric
Buddhism, and offerings to deities and ancestors in (esoteric) Buddhist framework. Takahashi
Shūei. “Kanazawa bunko bunsho ni miru cha no kōnō to yōto” in Cha to Kanazawa Sadaaki,
Kanagawa kenritus kanazawa bunko eds., (Kanagawa: Kanazawa Bunko, 2005), 5-13. Recently,
the aforementioned characterizations were developed critically by Western scholars to study the
Yōjōki. Edward Drott examines traditional Chinese medical thoughts which focus on the Five
Phases and explains that the Yōjōki is a manuscript based on esoteric (or tantric) Buddhist sutras,
not the Yellow Emperor tradition in the framework of Daoist tradition. He points out thesignificance that medical knowledge and sources available for Buddhist monks were limited;
medieval esotericism was well functioned only for aristocrats and patrons. Edward Drott “Gods,
Buddhas, and Organs: Buddhist Physicians and Theories of Longevity in Early Medieval Japan”
in Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 37/2 (2010): 264.

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Vol. 3manner, under the protection of the true dharma.
The Japanese court and tea culture have shared a long, close relationship. An
entry in the Nihon kōki (日本後記, “Postscript of Japan”) for the twenty-second day of
the fourth month of the sixth year of the Kōnin (弘仁; 816) contains perhaps the firstreference to this relationship. It notes that the Dai-Sōzu (大僧都; major prelate) Eichū(永忠; 743-816) made ceremonial tea and served it to Emperor Saga (嵯峨天皇,
786-842; r. 809-823) at Bonshakuji 梵釈寺.(26) Another description in the Nihon kōkientry for the third day of the sixth month of the sixth year of the Kōnin records that thekinai 畿内 region(27) and Ōmi 近江, Tamba 丹波, and Harima 播磨 provinces wereordered to plant tea trees, suggesting that there were official tea plantations in theregions close to the capital.(28) Furthermore, the imperial court began the practice of
dispatching officials on the first day of the third month of every year to manage workers
at tea plantations.(29) Descriptions of tea plantations also appear in the Gonki 権記 (thediary of Fujiwara no Yukinari 藤原行成; 972-1028).(30) Under the curator of the palacebureau (kuraryō 内蔵寮), there was an official tea plantation where tea manufactures
played an active role in producing tea.
The kinomidokyō (季御読経, seasonal sutra-reciting ceremony) was one of themost important medieval Japanese Buddhist assemblies for ensuring the prosperity of
the imperial court, protection of the country, and prevention of celestial calamities andmisfortunes. The Gōkeshidai (江家次第, “Ritual Protocol of Ōe Famil”; 1111), whichcontained the most valuable court practices, gives detailed instructions on this rite: thekinomidokyō should be held both at the daigokuden (大極殿, the main hall), wheretwenty out of one hundred monks recite the full sentences of the Ninnōgyō (仁王経;Humane Kings Sutra), and at the shishinden (紫宸殿, alternatively naden 南殿;“southern hall”), where the remaining eighty monks recite the Daihannya haramittakyō(大般若波羅蜜多経; Sk. Mahaprajnaparamita Sutra).(31) Although the kinomidokyō
began as a series of seasonal ceremonies during the Jōgan era (貞観; 859-877)(32), it
became two seasonal ceremonies from the time of Gangyō (元慶; 877-885). Other
descriptions of the kinomidokyō appear in such thirteenth-century texts as the(26) Nihon kōki 24. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei 3: 132.
(27) The kinai region consists of Yamashiro, Yamato, Settsu, Kawachi, and Izumi provinces.
(28) Nihon kōki 24. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei 3: 133.
(29) Saikyūki 1. Shintei zōho kojitsu sōsho 6: 85.
(30) These descriptions can be found in: 1) the entry for tenth day of the tenth month of the first yearof Chōtoku (長徳; 995) (Gonki 1. Shiryō henshū 57: 28-29) and 2) the entry for the sixteenth dayof the tenth month of the first year of Chōtoku (995) (Gonki 1. Shiryō henshū 57: 28-29).
(31) Gōkeshidai. Shinto taikei chōgi saishi 4: 306-310.
(32) It refers to as the Sandai jitsuroku entry for the twenty-seventh day of the seventh month of theseventh year of Jōgan (貞観; 865) (Sandai jitsuroku 11. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei 5: 161).

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A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖Nenjūgyōjihishō(33) (年中行事秘抄, “Secret Notes of Annual Imperial Affairs”) and the
Nenjūgyōjisho(34) (年中行事抄, “Notes of Annual Imperial Affairs”), both of whichhave explanations of a monthly note about annual imperial affairs. These references
demonstrate that the kinomidokyō was normally held only for four days, and the rite wassaid to originate with the imperial order for officials to work at tea plantations on thefirst day of the third month of every year. Thus, the annual frequency of thekinomidokyō was reduced from four times a year to biannually.
The most important tea-related court rite was the incha (引茶, alternately
hikicha) ceremony, in which courtiers gave tea to monks during the kinomidokyō
ceremony. In the thirteenth-century record the Moromitsu nenjūgyōji (師光年中行事,“Moromitsu’s Note of Annual Imperial Affairs”), Nakahara Moromitsu (中原師光;
1206?-1265) writes that the incha ceremony took place on the second day of thekinomidokyō.(35) Twelfth-century manuscripts of imperial customs and practices, theUnzushō(36) (雲図抄, “Manuals of Clouds and Pictures”) and the Hōraishō(37) (蓬莱抄,“Manuals of Mt. Penglai”), note that the incha ceremony was held at the morning andevening assemblies only in the spring season. Descriptions from other aristocrat diaries
indicate that the date of the incha ceremony was held at the other Buddhist
assemblies.(38) It is possible, then, that the date of the incha ceremony was fixed and hadcome to be part of Buddhist assemblies for reciting sutras.
The earliest description of the incha ceremony at the kinomidokyō appears in the
Nobuchikakyōki (信親卿記, the diary of Taira no Nobuchika 平信親; 946-1017). The
Nobuchikakyōki entry for the twentieth day of the eighth month of the third year of
Tenroku (天禄; 972) says that the incha ceremony was held at every evening assembly
while the kinomidokyō was held for three days in the spring season.(39) A similar(33) Nenjūgyōjihishō. Gunsho ruiju 6: 495.
(34) Nenjūgyōjishō. Zoku gunsho ruiju 10 jō: 283.
(35) Monomitsu nenjūgyōji. Zoku gunsho ruiju 10 jō: 343. These descriptions can be found in the

Honchō seiki entries for: 1) the nineteenth day of the seventh month of the third year of Kyūan (久安; 1147) (Honchō seiki 23. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei 9: 559) and 2) the fourteenth day of thefifth month of the fifth year of Kyūan (1149) (Honchō seiki 25. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei 9:654).
(36) Unzushō Gunsho ruiju 6: 298, 321-322.
(37) Hōraishō Gunsho ruiju 7: 463.
(38) The Ten-en ninenki entry for the sixteenth day of the twelfth month of the second year of theTen-en (974) depicts the fact that there was the incha ceremony (Ten-en ninenki. Zoku gunsho
ruiju 29 ge: 322-323). The Gonki entry for the tenth day of the tenth month of the first year of
Chōtoku (995) depicts the fact that there was the incha ceremony at the Chūgūmidokyō (中宮御読経, Buddhist ceremony of reciting sutra for Fujiwara no Teishi (藤原定子; 976-1000) (Gonki 1.
Shiryō henshū 57: 28-29).
(39) Nobuchikakyōki. Dai nihon shiryō dai ippen no jūyon 38-41.

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Vol. 3

description appears in the tenth-century Ten-en ninenki (天延二年記, “Records of thesecond year of Ten-en”).(40) Furthermore, this record notes that: (1) courtiers provided
tea to monks at the main hall of the imperial court and (2) assistant officials made tea atthe southern hall of the imperial court. At the incha ceremony, they made brink tea, a
non-powdered tea made by steaming tea leaves and forming them into a dumpling-likeshape that was then dehydrated; this is sencha 煎茶. There were three flavors of tea: (1)sweet tea (amazurasen 甘葛煎), (2) magnolia obovate tea (kōboku 厚朴), and (3)ginger tea (shōga 生薑).
It is important to note that the initial period of the incha ceremony was threedays; this included the first and last day of the kinomidokyō. An entry in the Heihanki(兵範記, the diary of Taira no Nobunori 平信範; 1112-1187) for the twenty-third dayof the third month of the first year of Kaō (嘉応; 1169) gives a description of the roles
to be performed by five officials in the ceremony: one pours water into a pot of some
sort; one puts the pot on a multi-square-shaped hinoki tray and carries it; one places the
pot before a monk; and the remaining two carry two teapots—one with tea, and theother sweet tea—and they pour one of these two kinds of tea into the pot according to
the monk’s preference. The participants then examine the tea utensils. The incha
ceremony held at the southern hall of the imperial court is the same as that held at themain hall of the imperial court.(41)
Another similar incha ceremony was held only on the second day of thekinomidokyō, and lasted for four days. This ritual may have started at the end of
eleventh century under the retired Emperor Shirakawa (白河天皇, 1053-1129; r.
1072-1086), who had authority over bureaucratic personnel matters and who revised
many imperial manners and practices. Descriptions of these differing schedule appear in
the Chūyūki (中右記, the diary of Fujiwara no Munetada 藤原宗忠; 1062-1141).(42) A(40) Ten-en ninenki. Zoku gunsho ruiju 29 ge: 303-304.
(41) Heihanki 4. Zōho shiryō taisei 21:359(42) These descriptions can be found in the Chūyūki entries for: 1) the seventeenth day of the eighth

month of the first year of Kahō (嘉保; 1094) (Chūyūki 1 Zōho shiryō taisei 9: 174), 2) thetwenty-sixth day of the third month of the first year of Eichō (永長; 1096) (Chūyūki 1 Zōho shiryō
taisei 9: 343), 3) the twenty-sixth day of the eighth month of the first year of Shōtoku (承徳;1097) (Chūyūki 2 Zōho shiryō taisei 10: 54), 4) the twenty-first day of the third month of the firstyear of Chōji (長治; 1104) (Chūyūki 2 Zōho shiryō taisei 10: 342), 5) the twenty-first day of thefifth month of the first year of Kashō (嘉承; 1106) (Chūyūki 3 Zōho shiryō taisei 11: 121), 6) thetwenty-ninth day of the sixth month of the second year of Gen-ei (元永; 1119) (Chūyūki 3 Zōho
shiryō taisei 11: 148), 6) the twenty-eighth day of the fifth month of the first year of Hōan (保安;1120) (Chūyūki 3 Zōho shiryō taisei 11: 232), 7) the twenty-third day of the third month of the
fourth year of Taiji (大治; 1129) (Chūyūki 6 Zōho shiryō taisei 14: 33-34), 8) the eighteenth dayof the fifth month of the second year of Chōshō (長承; 1133) (Chūyūki 7 Zōho shiryō taisei 15:72

Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖similar description of the incha ceremony held on the second day of the four-day
kinomidokyō appears in the Tamefusakyōki (為房卿記, the diary of Fujiwara no
Tamefusa 藤原為房; 1049-1115),(43) the Denryaku (殿暦, the diary of Fujiwara no
Tadazane 藤原忠実; 1078-1162),(44) the Heihanki,(45) the Kitsuki (吉記, the diary of
Yoshida Tsunefusa 吉田経房; 1142-1200)(46), the Gyokuyō (玉葉, the diary of Kujō
Kanezane 九条兼実; 1149-1207),(47) and the Inokumakanpakuki (猪隈関白記, thediary of Konoe Iezane 近衛家実, 1179-1243).(48) It was thus established that the incha
ceremony was to be performed on the second day of the kinomidokyō.
If for some reason the incha ceremony was not carried out as scheduled, itwould be postponed to the next day, according to precedent. An entry in the Shōyūki forthe twenty-seventh day of the third month of the fifth year of Tengen (天元; 982) relates
that the incha ceremony was held at the Southern hall of the imperial court on the third
day of the kinomidokyō due to coinciding with a period of mourning.(49) In addition, an
entry in the Gyokuyō for the twenty-sixth day of the second month of the second year of
Kenkyū (建久; 1191) notes that because monks were required to participate in thecelestial festivals called the dokōsai 土公祭 and onikisai 鬼気祭 three days from thewriting of the entry, the incha ceremony had been postponed until the third day of the43), and 9) the twentieth day of the sixth month of the third year of Chōshō (1134) (Chūyūki 7
Zōho shiryō taisei 15: 107).
(43) These descriptions can be found in the Tamefusakyōki entries for: 1) the twenty-second day of theseventh month of the first year of Kanji (寛治; 1087) (Tamefusakyōki Dai nihon shiryō dai sanhen no ichi: 163) and 2) the twenty-ninth day of the sixth month of the fourth year of Kanji (寛治;1090) (Tamefusakyōki Dai nihon shiryō dai san hen no ichi: 869).
(44) These descriptions can be found in the Denryaku entries for: 1) the sixteenth day of the fifthmonth of the second year of Tennin (天仁; 1109) (Denryaku 3 Dai nihon kokiroku: 24), 2) the
fifteenth day of the intercalary seventh month of the first year of Ten-ei (天永; 1110) (Denryaku 3
Dai nihon kokiroku: 101), and 3) the eleventh day of the fifth month of the third year of Ten-ei (天永; 1112) (Denryaku 3 Dai nihon kokiroku 228).
(45) These descriptions can be found in the Heihanki entries for: 1) the ninth day of the third month of
the second year of Hōgen (保元; 1157) (Heihanki 2. Zōho shiryō taisei 19:180), 2) thetwenty-fifth day of the seventh month of the second year of Nin-an (仁安; 1167) (Heihanki 3.
Zōho shiryō taisei 20:291), and 3) the eleventh day of the fifth month of the third year of Nin-an(仁安; 1168) (Heihanki 4. Zōho shiryō taisei 21:195).
(46) It refers to as the Kikki entry for the twenty-eighth day of the fifth month of the first year of
Yōwa (養和; 1181) (Kikki 1. Zōho shiryō taisei 29: 201).
(47) It refers to as the Gyokuyō entry for the twenty-seventh day of the seventh month of the second
year of Bunji (文治; 1186) (Gyokuyō Toshoryōsōkan kujōkebon gyokuyō 10: 109).
(48) These descriptions can be found in the Inokumakanpakuki entries for: 1) the twenty-third day ofthe sixth month of the second year of Kennin (建仁; 1202) (Inokumakanpakuki 3 Dai nihon
kokiroku: 164) and 2) the twenty-sixth day of the fifth month of the third year of Shōgen (承元;1209) (Inokumakanpakuki 6 Dai nihon kokiroku: 72).
(49) Shōyūki. Zōho shiryō taisei bekkan 1: 19.

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kinomidokyō.(50) Moreover, an entry in the Honchō seiki (本朝世紀, “Chronicle ofImperial Reigns”) for the fifteenth day of the fifth month of the fourth year of Kyūan(1148) notes that although the kinomidokyō at the imperial court had begun just before
the day, the fourth rank of officials was absent on the day the entry was written, and theincha ceremony would thus be postponed until the following day.(51) Moreover, theGyokuyō entry for the twenty-third day of the third month of the third year of Bunji (文治; 1187) says that the incha ceremony was postponed until the third day of thekinomidokyō, due to the late arrival of Yoshida Tunefusa (吉田経房; 1142-1200), whoparticipated in a thirty-one-syllable Japanese poem ceremony.(52) This possibly accounts
for the fact that participates were allowed a delay by following the precedent for thesame incident on the twenty-fifth day of the third month of the fifth year of Tengen (天元; 982).
In contrast, an entry in the Heihanki for the nineteenth day of the eighth monthof the second year of Ninpei (仁平; 1152) says that Taira no Nobunori (平信範;
1112-1187) had doubts about why the incha ceremony was not held at the southern hallof the imperial court on the second day of the kinomidokyō.(53) The same description
appears in the Sankaiki entry for the twenty-second day of the eighth month of thesecond year of Ninpei and says that although the incha ceremony had been scheduled tobe held in the southern hall of the imperial court, there was a shortage of tea.(54) These
two entries highlight the significance of the incha ceremony at the imperial court: ashortage of tea would not result in cancellation of the ceremony, rather officials would
be expected to find the necessary supplies and carry out the incha ceremony at a laterday.
The serving of tea highlights the courteous nature of the event. The Sankaiki
describes the formal wear for the occasion as tea-dyed, loose-legged, pleatedtrousers.(55) Accounts of the popularity of such clothing among bureaucrats appear in the
Kitsuki.(56) Moreover, complementary accounts of bureaucrats’ recognition of tea-dyed(50) Gyokuyō (Gyokuyō Toshoryōsōkan kujōkebon gyokuyō 12: 306)
(51) Honchō seiki 24. Shintei zōho kokushi taikei 9: 619(52) Gyokuyō (Gyokuyō Toshoryōsōkan kujōkebon gyokuyō 10: 321)(53) Heihanki 1. Zōho shiryō taisei 18:138.
(54) Sankaiki 1. Zōho shiryō taisei 26:11.
(55) These descriptions can be found in the Sankaiki entries for: 1) the twenty-fifth day of the fourth

month of the first year of Ōhō (応保; 1161) (Sankaiki 1 Zōho shiryō taisei 26:189) and 2) thetwenty-first day of the tenth month of the fourth year of Jishō (治承; 1180) (Sankaiki 3 Zōho
shiryō taisei 28:129).
(56) These descriptions can be found in the Kikki entries for: 1) the twenty-seventh day of the fourth
month of the second year of Angen (安元; 1176) (Kikki 1 Zōho shiryō taisei 29:82), 2) the firstday of the fifth month of the second year of Angen (1176) (Kikki 1 Zōho shiryō taisei 29:84), 3)74

Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖clothing appear in the Heihanki.(57) This suggests that those wearing such clothes were
bureaucrats in court service who were engaged in routine tasks, especially the incha
ceremony. It is possible, though, that wearing tea-dyed clothing was something they did
identify themselves as bureaucrats. This was possibly part of a larger coordination
between rank, occupation, and clothing type, and color. In any case, the wearing of
tea-dyed clothing seems to indicate the close relationship between tea and court rites, orit was part of the ritual enactment of ichimiwagō to harmonize or level the status of
bureaucrats and aristocrats.
III Buddhist Botany
In Mahāyāna Buddhism botanical descriptions (e.g., of seeds) were often used as
metaphors for Buddhist teachings and practices. The use of metaphors drawn frombotanical and natural world sources was bolstered by the idea that the buddhanature
resides in every living being, just like a seed that can sprout given the right conditions.
According to the Vimalakīrti Sutra, the metaphor of the lotus, a flowering plant thatgrows in marshy places from roots deep in the ground or mud, is likened to a buddha(bodhisattva) who dwells in the principle of absolute reality and has single-mindedly
practiced Buddhist teachings in a world stained by defilement, without any loss ofvirtue.(58) The lotus is also likened to the figure of a buddha (bodhisattva) who takes onneither good nor bad. When a bodhisattva cultivates and practices the aspiration for
attaining enlightenment (bodhicitta) in order to understand and alleviate other’s
suffering, he or she realizes that the dharmakāya (dharma-body buddha) presents eighttypes of manifestations. A bodhisattva who possess firm resolve for complete faithappears as the lotus (the Buddha) and preaches the accumulation of virtue to all sentient
beings. The bodhisattva manifests as the Buddha in one part of the bodhisattva practice
to attain Buddhahood, and also manifests in the turning of the wheel of the Dharma andin the entry into nirvana that leads suffering sentient beings to attain buddhahood. Entry
into nirvana in particular indicates that all sentient beings accumulate virtue throughthe eighteenth day of the eleventh month of the fourth year of Jishō (治承; 1180) (Kikki 1 Zōho
shiryō taisei 29:143), and 4) the eleventh day of the eleventh month of the first year of Genryaku(元暦; 1184) (Kikki 2 Zōho shiryō taisei 30:108).
(57) These descriptions can be found in the Heihanki entries for: 1) the thirtieth day of the first monthof the first year of Kyūju (久寿; 1154) (Heihanki 1 Zōho shiryō taisei 18: 231), 2) the second dayof the second month of the first year of Kyūju (Heihanki 1 Zōho shiryō taisei 18: 239), 3) twelfth
day of the first month of the second year of Hōgen (保元; 1157) (Heihanki 2 Zōho shiryō taisei
19: 165), and 4) the nineteenth day of the tenth month of the third year of Hōgen (1158) (Heihanki
3 Zōho shiryō taisei 20: 104).
(58) T0475_.14.0549b06-T0475_.14.0549b11.

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Vol. 3cremating the Buddha’s body and performing rituals for the Buddha’s relics(ashes/remains). Although this is the means by which the Buddha enters nirvana, it isalso explained as the manifestation of the bodhisattva. Thus, the interpretation of thelotus as the bodhisattva is a distinct position from which to understand the Buddhist
teachings. Detailed knowledge of Buddhist theories about certain plants and fruits
allows one to grasp the deep significance of attaining buddhahood. As the practitioner’s
learning deepens and he or she develops the aspiration for enlightenment through theperfection of faith, there is a concurrent realization of the equality of the “subject” whoseeks enlightenment and the “goal” of enlightenment that transcends the scheme of
the bodhisattva “stages” itself.
The numerous descriptions of food plants and fruits appearing in the Yōjōki
indicate the important role of the study of plants in the history of Buddhism, which has
yet to be fully appreciated. In the transmission of Buddhism from Northern India to East
Asia, Buddhist botany became widely accepted. The Yōjōki makes reference to various
kinds of tea plants produced in India, China, and Japan, and discusses the varying
shapes and sizes of tea trees, flowers, and leaves; for example, the leaves of the “sweet”
tea plant resemble hydrangeas and this type of tea is used for pouring over status of the
Buddha in Buddhist assemblies celebrating the Buddha’s birth. Sweet nectar tea is also
an offering for memorial services on the death anniversaries of the founders of certain
Buddhist sects. In addition, the leaves of the mulberry tree, which are considered sacred,
can be used as a substitute for tea leaves, especially for medicinal use.(59) Thus, tea
varieties are selected according to a particular use.
Another example is areca nuts (檳榔子, J. binrōji), a juicy edible fruit thought tobe effective for aiding digestion and alleviating migraines. A type of galenica that isvery tough, has a bitter taste, and is used to make red dye is also used by adults. Garlic(蒜, J. hiru) is defined as one of five pungent tastes, along with Chinese chives (hira韮), spring onion (negi 葱), shallot (rakkyō 薤), and ginger (hajikami 薑). All of thesearomatic plants omit a strong smell. It was believed that evil disease is always repelledby raw-smelling vegetables, so someone who eats garlic is forgiven for his or her(59) These descriptions of mulberry trees can be found in the entries of the Keiranshūyōshū. One

entry entitled ‘the twenty-two secret doctrine matters’ of the Keiranshūyōshū depicts the tradition
that one has used a mulberry tree as a crane for one year and won’t get sick (Keiranshūyōshū 22.
T2410_.76.0573a5-T2410_.76.0573a7). One entry entitled ‘the twenty-two secret doctrine
matters’ of the Keiranshūyōshū demonstrates that mulberry tree sap must be served as a substitutefor cow’s milk used in rituals of Shingo and Tendai esoteric Buddhism (Keiranshūyōshū 22.
T2410_.76.0572c7-T2410_.76.0572c14). One entry entitled ‘the twenty-two secret doctrine
matters’ of the Keiranshūyōshū notes the widespread belief that a mulberry tree is a sacred tree
represented as wind of the West in the five elements (Keiranshūyōshū 22.
T2410_.76.0573a12-T2410_.76.0573a17).

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖mistakes and garlic is allowed to be used when one is ill. Agalloch (jinkō 沈香), as thename implies, grows submerged in water and gives off a strong fragrance. This plant isseen as a tree that produces an image of the Buddha land because it is believed to help
one be born in a buddha land when it is burned or rubbed (as a powder) onto the skin. In
this way, fragrant plants are believed to purify one of stench of death and bad odors.
Accordingly, agalloch has been used as protection from various calamities anddisasters.
Conclusion
Rather than simply looking at the Yōjōki as a text about tea, in this article, I have looked
at it in relation to Vinaya-esoteric and Daoist theories, imperial court rituals, andBuddhist botanical theories that influenced both annual political-religious events andpeople’s daily lives. Seasonal and customary court rites associated with plants andflowers in particularly the incha ceremony, indicate the importance of the visualcomponent of court ritual. Such scheduled rites also reinforced a certain etiquette and,along with this, social roles and court hierarchy. The emphasis on etiquette and social
harmony was later seen in poetry festivals and the tea ceremony as they developed
during the Muromachi period.
Plants and fruits appearing in the Buddhist canon refer to, or symbolize, four
different things: the botanical Buddhist principle, plant as food, botanical herbal incense,and plant as medicine. The link between Buddhism and botany goes far back in the
tradition: Śākyamuni is said to have been born under the Asoka tree, to have meditatedand attained enlightenment under the Bodhi tree, and to have entered nirvana under the
Sal trees, and the other named six buddhas of the past are likewise associated with trees.
In Mahayana Buddhism, the bodhisattva’s compassion manifests in the designatedshape of tree, flowers, and leaves.

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Appendix

Kissa Yōjōki(60)(喫茶養生記, A Record of Drinking Tea for Good Health)
The First Volume, A Record of Drinking Tea for Good Health
Written by Yōsai, a pilgrim in Tang, Vinaya monk
As for tea, it is an elixir [made of powdered tea leaf] for everlasting good health and thesecret of the duties of a human being and extending one’s life. Peaks and valleys that
produce this [tea] are then in the divine spirit of that place. If one gathers this [tea] forthe duties of a human being, that person will live a long life. [People who dwell in]
India and China also greatly value this [tea]. My realm, Japan, was very keen on this[tea]. Since ancient times, my realm and other realms have set a high value on this [tea].
It is hardly necessary to mention that [I, Yōsai,] make use of this [tea that is effective for
one’s humanity and longevity]. Tea is a good medicine for everlasting good health, andthe fact that it is effective for one’s humanity, and longevity makes it even more so.
It is said that in the beginning of this world, the robust health of the human body,which consists of four major elements (earth is flesh and bone; water is blood; fire isbody heat; wind is the power of movement), is the same as that of various deities.
People in a degenerate age experience their flesh and bone becoming weakened, like arotting tree. Even when they are given moxibustion and acupuncture, they feel only pain.
Taking a hot spring cure has no good effect on them. When one engages their interest in
taking treatment, they gradually grow weak and decay after a while. Is this not to befeared?
I, [Yōsai,] wish to think respectfully that in creating all things in the universe,
the worlds of [Buddhist] devas think highly of making a human being. In order that aperson may live out a long lifetime, it would be well advised to put great value on hislife. The essential basis of living for a long time, in other words, is to take care of one’s
health. A key to the preservation of one’s health is maintaining the good functions of thefive viscera—liver, lung, heart, spleen, and kidneys (which correspond to the system of
allocation to the Five Phases). It is said that the heart of the five viscera is very valuable.
The most effective method to keep one’s heart healthy is none other than drinking tea.
(60) The Kissa Yōjōki (A Record of Drinking Tea for Good Health), referred to as the shochihon, isrevised and annotated in two works, previously cited: Sōshitsu, eds., Sadō koten zenshū dai ni kan,
pp. 4–23, and Hayashi and Yasui, Chakyō—Kissa yōjōki. I have also consulted the contemporary
Japanese translation by Sōshitsu, eds., Sadō koten zenshū dai ni kan, pp. 42–149.

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖Not thinking of [the function of] the heart is to lose the vitality of the five viscera.
Losing [sight of] the five viscera will prove fatal to one’s life and body.
Incidentally, it has been about two thousand years since an old man, [a skilled
doctor,] in India (Jīvaka-Komarabhṛtya) passed away. Who should we ask about thesecret of this treatment in a degenerate age? It has been about three thousand years old
since the Emperor of the Five Grains (神農, shinnō), the founder of herbal medicine,
was concealed. How should we understand the nutrition of herbal medicine? Therefore,
just as no one asks precisely about the condition of a human being, people fall ill in vain
and cease to exist one after the other for no purpose. The method of treatment that istaught is incorrect, and ineffective moxa treatments harm [one’s body] to no avail. I am
somewhat acquainted with medicine in the present time because taking herbal medicine
means that one feels worse, so it is not the most effective medicine for illness. Because
the strong irritation of moxa treatment is directly conveyed to the pulse, one dies at an
early age by receiving this treatment.
[In regard to the methods of treatment,] it is best [for me] to examine those of
the Great Country (China) and indicate what the appropriate treatment in the present
time should be. Furthermore, I establish two gates, [the gozōwagōmon 五臓和合門
and the kenjokimimon 遣除鬼魅門], showing the human condition in a degenerate age,in order to transmit the tradition to posterity, and I am delighted to have been of service
to all communities.
In spring, on the first day of the first month of the fifth year of Jōgen [承元,1211], the year of junior metal-goat (辛未, kanoto-hitsuji), I respectfully wrote [thispreface to the record].
The first [gate] is the gate of the five viscera, which mingles together as one.
The second [gate] is the gate of seduction, which wards off unrighteous divine spirits.
The first, the gate of the five viscera, which mingles together as one, is that
according to the Sonshō darani hajigoku giki hishō (尊勝陀羅尼破地獄儀軌秘鈔,“Secret Notes on Ritual Procedures for the Supreme Dhāraṇī and Hell-conquering”),“One is the liver, which prefers a sour taste; two is the lung, which prefers a pungent
taste; three is the heart, which prefers a bitter taste; four is the spleen, which prefers asweet flavor; five is the kidney, which prefers a saline taste.” The five viscera
correspond to the Five Phases [of wood, fire, earth, metal, and water], and then the Five
Cardinal Points, [the north, east, south, west, and center directions].
The liver is said to be the east, spring, the phase of wood, the color blue, the soul,and the eyes. The lung is said to be the west, autumn, the phase of metal, the color white,vigor, and the nose. The heart is said to be the south, summer, the phase of fire, the color

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red, the spirit, and the tongue. The spleen is said to be the center, the end of the four
seasons, the phase of the earth, the color yellow, the Yellow [Emperor], and the mouth.
The kidney is said to be the north, winter, the phase of water, the color black,contemplation, the marrow, and the ears.
Each organ of the five viscera has its own taste. If one organ has a lot of adesired taste, that organ only becomes stronger and is superior to the other organs. This
results in making people ill. There are always four different tastes, the pungent taste, thesour taste, the sweet taste, and the saline taste, so that [one organ] has these [fourdifferent tastes]. There is not always the bitter taste, so [an organ] may not have this[bitter taste]. That is to say, the four major organs are always strong but the heart isalways weak. Therefore, [the heart] becomes ill; [this so-called illness is called shinjo心助]. If the heart becomes ill, all five tastes are different. Eating is precisely to spit up
one’s taste. It no longer means eating anything. For the moment, tea used [for thisoccasion] prevents the disease [of the heart] and makes the heart stronger. When one hasa serious heart disease, one’s complexion and skintone are bad, and one’s fate is said tobe reduced by this. In regard to the taste of food for cooking, there is no difference
between our country and other countries. All countries lack the bitter taste, don’t they?
Although [people] in the Great Country (China) drink tea, [people] in mycountry do not drink tea. People in the Great Country do not have heart disease and live
for a long time. It may be that they do not suffer from prolonged illness and lose theirflesh. [On the other hand,] it may be that there are a great number of people in mycountry, who have heart disease, suffer from prolonged illness, and lose their flesh. Thisis probably the reason that they do not drink tea. If one’s five viscera are in poor
condition, or if one is of feeble mind, one should drink tea. [Drinking tea] makes one’s
heart well and removes [the risk of] all kinds of disease. Even if other organs have a
disease, if one’s heart is in good condition its condition won’t worsen. At the same time,
the Gozō mandara gikishō (五臓曼荼羅儀軌鈔, “Secret Notes on Ritual Procedures for
the Five-Organ Mandala”) says that the mandala cures disease [as follows]:
The liver is said to be the immovable buddha (Akṣobhya), the east, the healing
buddha, and is located in the Diamond Realm [of the perfected body assemblyof the Diamond Mandala]. By making the single-pronged vajra mudrā 獨古印with the fingers, reciting the seed syllable A 阿, and performing incantations
and prayers, the liver will remain in good health for a long time.
The heart is said to be the five meditation buddhas, the south, the “boundlessspace treasury” [bodhisattva] (Ākāśagarbha), and is located in the Jewel Realm

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖[of the perfected body assembly of the Diamond Mandala]. By making thejewel mudrā 宝形印 with the fingers, reciting the syllable Traḥ 怛羅, andperforming incantations and prayers, the heart will remain in good health for along time.
The lung is said to be the buddha of immeasurable life and light (Amitābha),
the east, the “perceiving the sounds of the world” [bodhisattva](Avalokiteśvara), and is located in the Lotus Realm 蓮華 [of the perfectedbody assembly of the Diamond Mandala]. By making the eight-petaled lotusmudrā 八 葉 印 with the fingers, reciting the syllable Hrīḥ 乞 里 , andperforming incantations and prayers, the lung will remain in good health for along time.
The kidney is said to be the buddha [Śākyamuni], the north, the future buddha[Maitreya], and is located in the premises of the Performance Realm 羯磨 [ofthe perfected body assembly of the Diamond Mandala]. By making the action
mudrā 羯磨印 with the fingers, reciting the syllable Aḥ 悪, and performing
incantations and prayers, the kidney will remain in good health for a long time.
The spleen is said to be the bliss body of the historical Gautama Buddha[Mahāvairocana], the center, the wisdom [bodhisattva] 般 若 菩 薩(Prajñāpāramitā), and is located in the Buddha Realm 仏 [of the perfectedbody assembly of the Diamond Mandala]. By making the five-pronged vajra
mudrā 五古印 with the fingers, reciting the syllable Vaṃ 鎫, and performing
incantations and prayers, the spleen will remain in good health for a long time.
These five realms of performing incantations and prayers are the methods of treatment
for the internals. Five tastes for good health are the cure for the externals. The
cooperation [for good health between the methods of both treatments] for the internals
and externals is to be able to maintain one’s body and mind in health. The five tastes are
as follows:
The sour taste is orange, mandarin orange, citron, and vinegar.
The pungent taste is ginger, pepper, and ginger root from Gaoliang (高良薑,kōryōkyō).
The sweet taste is sugar.
The bitter taste is tea and aristolochia root (青木香; shōmokukō).
The saline taste is salt.

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Vol. 3The heart corresponds to a virtuous person of the five viscera. Tea is the highest rank in
the classification of taste. The bitter taste is the most highly ranked of all tastes. For thisreason, the heart prefers the [bitter] taste. Keeping this organ healthy through taking the[bitter] taste [of tea] maintains the safety of the other organs.
If one has an eye affliction, it indicates liver malfunction. The “sour” medicine
will cure the disease. If one has an ear affliction, it indicates kidney malfunction. The“saline” medicine will cure the disease. If one has an affliction of the nose, it indicateslung malfunction. The “pungent” medicine will cure the disease. If one has a tongue
affliction, it indicates heart malfunction. The “bitter” medicine will cure the disease. If
one has an affliction of the mouth, it indicates spleen malfunction. The “sweet”
medicine will cure the disease. If one has a weak constitution and falls into despondency,
this also indicates heart malfunction. Drinking tea frequently precisely enhances thevitality and spirit.
Six articles describing [the remarkable pharmacological] effects of tea and the[proper] season for collecting and preparation follow.
The first is the chapter on clarifying the name [of tea].
The Erya(61) (爾雅; jiga, “Literary Expositor”) says: Jia (檟; ka, “shrub”) is a
bitter tea. One is named mao (茆; bou). One is alternately named ming (茗; mei,“second picking of tea”). The one that is picked early is [green] tea (茶; cha). The latepicked one is [coarse] tea (茗; mei). People of Western Shu 西蜀 shall be designated asbitter tea.
[Western Shu] claims to be the provincial capital of Chengdu 成都府. This is aplace that is about five thousand li to the west of the capital of the Tang dynasty. Things
made here are all superior. The tea is certainly of superior quality.
The Record of Guangzhou(62) (廣州記; kōshūki) says, “Gaolu (皐盧; kōro)(63) is(61) The Erya is an ancient Chinese encyclopedia consisting of nineteen sections in four volumes,

including illustrations of plants, animals, and insects. It is still unknown when and by whom thiswork was composed. Guopu (郭璞, 276–324) annotated the extant text. An entry in the fourteenth
section of the third volume of the Erya says, “The [tea] tree is small and bears some resemblance
to the tree of gardenia jasminoides. The leaves are out in winter and can be boiled to make tea asa broth. Now, it makes a clear distinction that the early picked one is [green] tea (茶, cha), the latepicked one is [coarse] tea (茗, ming). One is named mao. Another name is ming. People of Shu aredesignated as bitter tea”; Erya gekan mae (Geigakuken, 1801), p. 40.
(62) The Record of Guangzhou must be an “apocryphal” text that explains the natural features of the
Guangzhou region. It is unknown when and by whom it was written. The name appears in thetwenty-fifth section in the eight hundred and sixty-seventh volume of the Taipingyulan(Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3845. The depictions of the aforementioned entry that appear in theShennongbencaojing 神農本草經 refers to entries in the Erya, Shennongbencaojing 1 (Taipei:
Yiwenyinshuguan, 1968), p. 50.

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A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖tea. One is named ming.” Guangzhou is a place that is about five thousand li to thesouth of the Song dynasty. It is near [foreign countries such as] Kunlun 崐崘 and India.
[People] can acquire some of India’s valuable things there. [This place] is rich in farm
products. The tea is of superior quality as well. This province is in a region with a mild
climate and has no snow and frost most of the time. In winter [people] wear cotton
clothes. Because of this, the tea is good to the taste. Precisely, people have thewonderful name of tea, gaolu. This province is a place of febrile disease. People fromthe north die of this nine times out of ten. Because all things from there are delicious
people eat to excess. Before a meal one willingly takes areca nuts (檳榔子; binrōji) andinsists that his guests also eat this [areca nut]. After a meal one drinks tea and insiststhat his guests drink [tea] whenever someone is visiting. This is due to precautionary
measures not to lose one’s health and harm one’s mind. That is to say, tea and areca nuts
are invaluable.
The Record of Nanyue(64) (南越志; nan-etsushi) says, “Guoluo (過羅; kara) is
tea. One is named ming.”
The Classic of Tea (茶経; chakyō),(65) written by Lu Yu 陸羽, says, “Tea has
five kinds of names; the first is cha, the second is jia, the third is she (蔎;setsu), thefourth is ming, and the fifth is chuan (荈; sen.) Adding mao to the list is the sixth.”
The Record of Flowers and Trees (花木志; kabokushi),(66) written by the King ofWei 魏王 says, “[Tea] is ming.”
The second is the chapter on clarifying the shapes of the [tea] tree, flowers, and leaves.
The annotation of the Erya says, “The [tea] tree is small and bears someresemblance to the tree gardenia jasminoides.”(63) Gaolu is often called “Tang tea” and originates from the plant species of the great tea plantationsof Yunnan.
(64) The Record of Nanyue is an “apocryphal” text that explains the natural features of the Nanyue

region; it is unknown when and by whom it was written. The name appears in the twenty-fifth
section in the eight hundred sixty-seventh volume of the Taipingyulan (Gakukaidō, 1892), p.
3845.
(65) The Classic of Tea is the first well-known manuscript of tea culture; it was compiled by Lu Yu(733-804) during the Tang dynasty. It consists of three volumes and ten chapters and provides
instructions about tea drinking. The entry referred to is from the Erya, Chakyō jō (Kyoto:
Tsujimoto Nihei, 1844), p. 1.
(66) The Record of Flowers and Trees of the King of Wei is another “apocryphal” text; it explains the
species of flowers and trees in the period of the Wei kingdom. Its date of origin and composer are
unknown. The name appears in the twenty-fifth section in the eight hundred sixty-seventh volumeof the Taipingyulan (Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3845.

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Vol. 3The Record of Tongjun (桐君録; dōkunroku)(67) says, “The shape of the tea
flower is like the flower of gardenia jasminoides. The color [of the flower] is white.”
The Classic of Tea says, “[Tea] leaf is similar to the leaf of gardenia jasminoides.
The white flower [of the tea tree] is like a rose.”
The third is the chapter on clarifying the virtues [of the tea tree].
The Record of Wuxing (呉興記; gokōki)(68) says, “There is a warm mountain in
the west of Wucheng County where imperial mao is grown.” This is an offering to theimperial family (供御, gongyu; kyōgyo). All things offered to the emperor are named
kyōgyo. How valuable tea is!
The Record of Song (宋録; sōroku)(69) says, “This [tea] is nectar. Why does
anyone say [this tea] is bitter tea?”
The Guangya (廣雅; kōga)(70) says, “Drinking tea helps to sober up and stayawake.” Drowsiness may be the beginning of all kinds of illnesses. Good health is not
sleep-inducing.
The Record of Buwu (博物志; hakubutsushi)(71 ) says, “Drinking fresh tea
reduces drowsiness.” Sleepiness is the dulling of one’s awareness. By drinking tea, [theamount of time] one needs to sleep is reduced.
The Classic of Shennongsi (神農食經; shinnōshokukyō)( 72 ) says, “[When]drinking bitter tea one should spend as much time with the tea as possible. This brings
joy to one’s spirits.”(67) The Record of Tongjun is an “apocryphal” text; its origin date and composer are unknown. The

name appears in the twenty-fifth section in the eight hundred and sixty-seventh volume of theTaipingyulan (Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3845.
(68) The Record of Wuxing is no longer extant but the name appears in two texts: (1) the twenty-fifth
section in the eight hundred sixty-seventh volume of the Taipingyulan (Gakukaidō, 1892), p.
3845; and (2) the second volume of the Suishujingjizhi (隋書經籍志, zuishokeisekishi) (Chengdu:
Yufengying, 1882), p. 34.
(69) The Record of Song is another “apocryphal text” of unknown origins and authorship. The nameappears in the twenty-fifth section in the eight hundred sixty-seventh volume of the Taipingyulan(Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3843.
(70) The Guangya, compiled by Zhang Yi 張揖 during the time of Three Kingdoms, is a Chinese
dictionary that appeared after the Erya. The Guangya does not have the entry that appears in the
Yōjōki; the misattribution is probably due to annotation mistakes.
(71) The Bowuzhi, compiled by Zhang Hua (張華; 232–300) during the Western Jin dynasty (西晋;265–316) is a collection of legendary accounts about immortals, animals, and plants, which wastaught to generations of Chinese youth. The term “awareness” that appears in the Bowuzhi ispossibly described as the six sense perceptions of the eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body, and mind.
(72) The Classic of Shennongsi is another “apocryphal” text of unknown origins. The name appears in
the twenty-fifth section of the eight hundred and sixty-seventh volume of the Taipingyulan(Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3844.

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A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖The Record of Herbal Medicine (本草; honzō)(73) says: A tea that tastes bitter andsweet is not a poison in itself but [possibly] cools down [the human body]. Having [tea]removes abscesses and rashes. [The virtue of having tea is that it] accelerates the effects
of diuretics, reduces one’s [need for] sleep, prevents infection and thirst, and promotes
digestion.
All [the root of diseases that] can be seen are those caused by food that remains[in the stomach, undigested]. (If digestion [is improved], [one suffers] no disease [andbecomes healthy]. Indigestion is [a condition in which] food remains [in the stomach]from three to five days.)
The Commentary on Food (食論; shokuron),(74) written by Hua Tuo 華佗, says,“Having tea for a long time develops one’s mind.” (It may be understood that thedevelopment of the mind is due to a perfect state of health, mentally and physically.)
The Dietary Contraindication (食忌; shokuki),(75) written by Lujishi 壺居士,
says, “One who partakes of tea for a long time is said to be one who grows wings [andascends to Heaven]. Having tea with allium tuberosum makes one feel slow on theirfeet.” Allium tuberosum herbs are a kind of Chinese chives that does not grow in thiscountry.
The New Record (新録; shinroku),(76) written by Tao Hongjing 陶弘景, says,“Drinking tea makes one feel that a load has been taken off their mind and one eludes
the suffering of bone [problems].” Beriberi is said to be a bone disease. Tea is nothingcompared to a good medicine for beriberi.
The Record of Tongjun says, “Making tea by boiling and then drinking it allows
one not to fall asleep.” Not sleeping is taken as illness.
The Verse of Tea (荈赋; senpu),(77) written by Du Yu 杜育, says, “Tea is to takehold of oneself and maintain the harmony of the internals, recovering from exhaustion.”(73) The New Record of Herbal Medicine, produced a reprint with additions and emendations during

the Tang dynasty, says, “A tea (ming) that tastes bitter and sweet is not a poison in itself but cools
down [the human body]. [The virtue of having a tea is that it] accelerates the effect of diuretics,
promotes digestion, prevents infection and thirst, and reduces one’ [need for] sleep. The tea [canbe] harvested in autumn.” Xinxiubencao 新修本草, in Toshoryōsōkan 圖書寮叢刊 (Tokyo:
Kunaichō Shoryōbu, 1983), p. 42.
(74) The Commentary on Food by Hua Tuo is an “apocryphal” text of unknown origins. The entry
appears in the twenty-fifth section in the eight hundred and sixty-seventh volume of theTaipingyulan (Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3844.
(75) The Dietary Contraindication by Lujishi is another “apocryphal” text of unknown origins. The
entry appears in the twenty-fifth section in the eight hundred and sixty-seventh volume of theTaipingyulan (Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3844.
(76) The New Record by Tao Hongjing is an “apocryphal text” of unknown origins. The name appears
in the twenty-fifth section in the eight hundred and sixty-seventh volume of the Taipingyulan(Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3844.
(77) The Verse of Tea is the first collection of poems in praise of tea.

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Vol. 3(“Internals” is another name for the five viscera. Tea is the best way to adjust
disharmony between the five viscera. The internals are said to be the five internals.)
The Poetry of Ascending to Chengdu Tower 成都楼, composed by Zhang
Mengyang 張孟陽, says: A sweet-scented tea is the premium taste of six drinks.(78) The
brimming taste is spread widely to nine divisions. If it is true that one’s life is even in
the slightest degree comfortable, this earth is a place of pleasure.
The “six lucid sense organs” are said to be the six purifications. The “nine divisions” aresaid to be the nine provinces of the place of the Han. (The country of the Han is divided
into nine parts and has established [nine] provinces. In the present time it consists ofthirty-six districts and three hundred and sixty-eight provinces.) “One’s life even in theslightest degree” is said to be a condition in which with the help of fresh vegetables
one’s body is made comfortable and one maintains good health. The “slightest degree”
means the vegetables one consumes. The pleasure one experiences is to recreate oneself.
The Collection of Herbal Medicine (本草拾遺; honzōshūi)(79) says: Gaolu is
bitter tasting and satisfying. Drinking [tea] slakes one’s thirst, removes [the risk of]pestilence, shakes off drowsiness, promotes urination, and one becomes wide awake.
[Tea] grows in the mountains of the southern sea, and the people of the south find it
quite valuable.
There is an isolated island in the sea of Guangzhou 廣州, called Hainan 海南
or Guangnan 廣南; there are many coastal areas near [the island]; all these areas arecalled Nan 南. The people who live there are called the people of the south. Guangzhou
is a place of febrile diseases. (Fever is said to be a disease of the “red bug” [赤虫;akamushi](80) in this country.) People of the capital of Tang China know the district byname and visit there. Nine out of ten do not return to the north. Because the food isdelicious people suffer from indigestion. Therefore, one eats too many areca nuts anddrinks too much tea. Overeating [areca nuts] without drinking [tea] causes bodily andorgan trouble, with the result that many residents of that place [come] to this calamity.
Furthermore, no one makes a pilgrimage to Mt. Kumano, located in the south, in thesummer, due to it being a place of febrile diseases. Fever is also another name for(78) This line from a poem appears in the twenty-fifth section in the eight hundred sixty-seventhvolume of the Taipingyulan (Gakukaidō, 1892), p. 3845. It may be that the “six drinks” are as
follows: water, rice water, (shō, 漿), a sweet drink made from fermented rice (rei, 醴), highly
purified sake, soy sauce, and a sweet drink made from millet.
(79) The Bencaoshiyi is a collection of medical herbs compiled by Chen Cangqi 陳藏器, who says,“According to the Record of Nanyue, gaolu is tea. One is named gualu. The tea leaves look
similar to ming. One is named guoluo. Another name is wulu. These names are referred to as[coming from] primitive languages.”(80) This may refer to scrub typhus, a form of typhus caused by an intracellular parasite.

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A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖“warm disease.”
The Record of Tiantaishan (天台山記; tendaisanki)(81) says, “One who has tea
for a long time is said to be one who grows feathers and wings.” It is said that one
moves one’s body lightly and is capable of flying.
The tea section in the Six Volumes of Bai Juyi (白氏六帖; hakushirikujō)(82) says,“[Tea] is an offering to the emperor.” (Farmers and lower-class people do not know[even] a little about [tea]. That is why [tea] is valuable.)
A poem in the Collection of Bai Juyi (白氏文集; hakushimonjū)(83) says, “Tea at
the time of horse(84) is capable of sweeping away one’s drowsiness.”(85) The time ofhorse is at mealtimes. Tea drinking after meals is said to be tea in the time of horse.
The poem entitled “Early Summer” composed by Bai Juyi, says, “Perhaps one
drinks one teacup of ming.”(86) Teacup is a good name for the teabowl, with a shape thathas a wide rim and a narrow bottom. It is a small teabowl with a deep, narrow bottom
for keeping the water hot for hot tea. Drinking tea with a teabowl that has a shallow
bottom is not preferable. In addition, it says, “Suffering from eye trouble is to know thevirtue of tea.”(87) Drinking tea, one does not suffer from bodily troubles even if one does
not sleep through the night. Furthermore, it says, “The thirst of sake is one cup of deeptea in spring.”(88) Drinking sake means to be thirsty and yield to the desire to drink. At
that moment, even if one is only capable of drinking tea, do not drink any other hot
water drink because that may produce various diseases.
The fourth is the chapter on clarifying the season for harvesting tea.
The Classic of Tea says, “[The season of] tea picking is the period between thesecond, third, and fourth months.”
The Record of Song says: Newly picked tea is a gift presented [to the emperor( 81 )The entry does not appear in the Record of Tiantaishan (Tiantaishanji) (Taipei:
Yiwenyinshuguan, 1965).
(82) The Six Volumes of Bai Juyi is an encyclopedia compiled by Bai Juyi (白居易, 772–846)
consisting of thirty volumes. The entry appears in the fifth section of the Six Volumes of Bai Juyi,
Baishiliutie 5 (Tokyo: Kyūkoshoin, 2008), p. 197.
(83) The Poetry collection of Bai Juyi is a collection of poetry selected by Bai Juyi in of seventy-one
volumes. Yōsai quotes four phases from this work.
(84) The time of horse is the four-hour period two hours before and after noon.
(85) The entry referred to is a poem entitled “Sixteen Syllable Rhymes,” in the Hakushimonjū dai jūkan (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 2014), p. 209.
(86) The entry entitled “Early Summer” referred to is a poem entitled “Enjoying a Breathing Space in
Early Summer,” in the Hakushimonjū dai ni kan jō (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 2007), p. 141.
(87) The entry referred to is a poem entitled “A Poem Given to the King of the Great Dali Kingdom,”“in the Hakushimonjū dai kyū kan (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 2005), p. 494.
(88) The entry referred to is a poem entitled “Taking an Elixir called Unmosan in Early Morning,” inthe Hakushimonjū dai jūichi kan (Tokyo: Meiji Shoin, 2015), p. 253.

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Vol. 3from the regions of] Wu 呉 and Shu 蜀 in the first month of the seventh year of Daihe(大和, 833). All tea is picked for this [offering] in accordance with the rules of etiquetteduring the winter season. An imperial ordinance says, “Newly picked tea offered to me(the Emperor) should be harvested at a certain time after the first day of spring.”
The intention is that harvesting tea during winter is troublesome. Since thisdecree, all [freshly picked tea that is to be presented to the emperor] is harvested andoffered after the first day of spring.
The History of Tang (唐史; tōshi)(89) says, “Tea was first taxed in the spring of
the ninth year of Zhenyuan 貞元 (793).” A good name for tea is “early spring.” In
addition, it has [another name,] “tender green shoots,” [derived from] a seasonal [teapicking] ceremony. The rules of etiquette to harvest tea during the Song dynasty are as
follows. There is a tea plantation at the rear of the imperial palace. During the first threedays of the New Year lower-class people gather in the tea plantation and walk up anddown, [calling out in] loud voices all day [on the first day of the New Year]. The nextday, when one or two out of ten long, tender, green shoots begin to appear, they pickthese [tender, green shoots] with a pair of silver tweezers and then make tea [from them].
[One spoonful of this tea is worth a thousand kan 貫.(90)
The fifth is the chapter on clarifying the act of harvesting tea.
According to the Classic of Tea, do not pick tea when it is raining. Do notharvest, roast, or steam tea when it is cloudy, even if it is not raining. The tea’s
efficacious vigor would be weakened.
The sixth is the chapter on clarifying the preparation [of tea].
The way of roasting tea during the Song dynasty is that one harvests tea in themorning and steams and roasts it while it is very fresh. Someone who cannot see
anything through or who is neglectful is not suitable for this work. One spreads paper
on a shelf and roasts the tea, exercising ingenuity by using a low cooking fire so as tonot scorch the tea. Even without having to stay up all night, one finishes roasting the tea
during the night, neither sooner nor later. [The just-fully roasted tea] is put in a finebottle and then tightly sealed with bamboo leaves. This way the tea will not be damaged
even after many years. When there is a great opportunity to pick tea, preparing enoughlaborers and food as well charcoal and firewood is required. With that in mind, one(89) The entry of the ninth year of Zhenyuan

貞元 is referred to as both the Old Book of Tang and

the New Book of Tang.
(90) One kan is equal to 3.75 kg.

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A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖should proceed to harvest the [tea].
As stated above, this provides an account of records about methods for[maintaining] good health in a degenerate age. Because those who participate in the actof healing do not know the way of picking tea, this [practice] is not used. On thecontrary, they may express criticism that [tea] is not a medicine. This is because they do
not know the virtue of tea. In the days when I, [Yōsai,] was in Tang China, I
encountered many people who found tea valuable. Although there are many stories[about the value of tea], providing an explanation [in this record] is impossible. The
emperor who has a loyal retainer always gives them tea. Tea is granted to a monk who
preaches the Dharma to the Emperor. This is the same now as it was back then. Only theway of tea remains. Not drinking tea is due to the effects of various medicines. It isbecause the heart is weak. All people of the upper, middle, and lower classes forgenerations to come should know this. Now I am ordered to complete this book. The actof subsequently correcting or revising this work is prohibited.
[End of] The First Volume of A Record of Drinking Tea for Good Health

The Second Volume of A Record of Drinking Tea for Good Health
Written by Yōsai, a pilgrim in Tang, Vinaya monk
The second, the gate of seduction, wards off unrighteous divine spirits (遣除鬼魅門,
kenjokimimon). According to the Daigensui taishō gikihishō (大元帥大将儀軌秘鈔,“Secret Notes on the Ritual Procedure for the Great Commander-in-Chief”):(91)In a degenerate age, when one’s lifetime is one hundred years, the four
assemblies(92) often violate religious precepts; when the teaching of the Buddha
is disobeyed the country is desolated and devastated. When increasing numbersof people are dying, [humans and animals] morph into evil spirits that throw
the country into chaos and harass people. When various calamites and diseases
arise [in the country] there is no relief. Doctors clearly do not have a clue as toan effective medicine and the appropriate means to help [people] suffering(91) This text is assumed to be an “apocryphal” text; it describes the cult of the commander-in-chiefon the fortune of the directions in the divination system based on the Daoist theory of the Five
Phases.
(92) The “four assemblies” are ordained monks and nuns (bhikṣus and bhikṣuṇīs), and male andfemale lay devotees (upāsakas and upāsikās).

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Vol. 3from a long illness who have become extremely fatigued. In such a case,chanting the dhāraṇī of the commander-in-chief will exorcise evil spirits andimmediately cure their illness. A practitioner who resides at depth of this gateof seduction and pursues this practice certainly removes disease by adding
some virtuous deeds. In addition, [people who] contract disease yet possess noreligious efficacy in offering a prayer for the Three Treasures of Buddhism arethose who make light of the teaching of Buddhism and have distrust. In such acase, by returning to the commander-in-chief and invoking the original vow,
one calls upon the religious efficacy of the Buddhist teachings and is set freefrom disease, with the result that the teachings of Buddhism again arise.
Especially, adding spiritual efficacy is precisely to attain enlightenment.
Considering the above, the aspects of disease these past few years are just like this.
Therefore, there is only one dhāraṇī that appears in the text [entitled Daigensui taishō
gikihishō]. By always following this implication, Yōsai purses this [practice] and thenexperiences great religious efficacy [from the Buddhist teachings]. The aspect [ofdisease in recent years] is neither cold, nor heat, nor groundwater, nor fire-wind.
Accordingly, those pursuing the way of medicine in recent years make many diagnostic
errors.
The first is a disease of drinking water. This disease is caused by strongly
flavored [food and drink]. [Having food and drink of] salty taste is dangerous [to thehuman body]. If one [who suffers from the disease of drinking water] takes mulberry
rice porridge, the efficacy [of the treatment] [begins to] manifest within three to fivedays. Do not avoid eating Chinese chives (薤, ōmira), garlic (蒜, hiru), and spring onion( 葱 , ki) for a long time. I hear that evil diseases always dislike raw-smelling[vegetables].
The second is a disease of the spirit in which one loses the use of one’s limbs
from paralysis. This disease is caused by a feeling of chillness and humidity.
Acupuncture, moxibustion, and hot spring treatment are dangerous [for one who
contracts this disease]. If one [who suffers from this disease] does not go near fire, takes
a bath, exposes himself to the wind, or eats food, he is gradually restored to health.
Taking mulberry rice porridge and mulberry hot water is also [a good cure]. If one
wishes to take a bath, heat mulberry hot water and then have a tub bath with one to two
pails [of the mulberry hot water]. It is necessary to take a tub bath every three to fivedays. When taking a tub bath, if no sweat drips [from the body] this is the way to cure[the disease]. If one’s body gives off steam, that person certainly has little appetite.

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A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖The third is a disease of fasting. This disease is caused by a feeling of being
chilled. Being around fire and bathing is dangerous [if one contracts this disease].
During the summer and winter seasons, keeping the body refreshed during summer andwinter seasons is a good cure. In addition, taking mulberry rice porridge and mulberry
hot water is gradually effective [and helps one regain their health]. If one is in a rush [towarm oneself], there may be needed to take moxibustion and hot spring treatment, so
this person has no chance of recovering [from the disease].
As stated above, all of these three kinds of diseases are caused by a feeling ofchillness. In addition, in this degenerate age evil spirits [cause disease]. The mulberrytreatment is absolutely effective. There is no room to doubt [what I have said].
The fourth is a disease of a swelling. This disease is caused by [a swelling that
contains] liquid and chillness. However, it is not a malignant tumor such as
subcutaneous swellings, which are called carbuncles and boils on the skin. People do
not know [about the cause of this swelling] and many of them are mistaken about it.
Because [swelling] is caused by a feeling of chillness, large and small swellings are notsusceptible to fire. Therefore, people are foolish enough to believe that [these swellings]
are malignant tumors. These days burning moxa on the skin, regardless of the size of theswollen area, causes more swelling. [In such a case,] there is no cure because scorchingpoison is not capable of treatment. Cooling [this disease] with water and stones involves
some risk. How can one who has the result of karma that they are doomed to die be
cured by moxa treatment? Does one who still does not know whether they have theresult of karma that they are doomed to death die without moxa treatment? Although
there are [many diseases] that abate without moxa treatment, there are a few thatdisappear with moxa treatment. Consider [the reasons] very carefully. If a swelling
appears, regardless of whether it is hard or soft, without knowing whether it is right orwrong, one grinds up the roots of achyranthes and squeezes [the moisture out of boiled
achyranthes]. [Then] they put the sap on the swelling, and when it dries up, they reapply
the sap to the swollen area. [If they do this] the surrounding areas [of the swelling] do
not become swollen. The swelling only festers and pus flows out [when the skincovering the infection is broken]. It will not become a big problem. In such a case, [oneshould] take mulberry rice porridge and mulberry hot water as well as tea blended withfive incenses.
The fifth is the disease of beriberi. This disease is caused by being satiated withthe evening meal. Eating and drinking at night are accompanied by danger. In such acase, [one can] take mulberry rice porridge and mulberry hot water. In addition, taking
the root of Gaoliang ginger and tea is good. A new book of medicine says that one who

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suffers from beriberi has a full stomach in the morning and does not eat heartily in theafternoon. For this reason, one who avoids eating and drinking too much and considers
their mealtimes carefully does not get beriberi.
As stated above, these five kinds of disease are said to be caused by evil spirits
in a degenerate age. These [five diseases] are cured with mulberry; namely the mulberry
tree is a sacred tree under which all past buddhas completed the path to buddhahood byattaining enlightenment. When small pieces of mulberry wood—firewood whichcontains plenty of the “milk-sap” of mulberry—are burned on an altar to invoke
spiritual help, the evil spirits disperse immediately. In addition, mulberry trees areappropriate to pray to for good health and longevity. Evil spirits do not come close tomulberry trees. For this reason, this tree is a medicine for all kinds of diseases. If one
uses the wood of this tree for a Buddhist rosary, a walking stick, or a pillow, that person
is not at risk from evil spirits [of the six realms of desire who try to prevent people fromdoing good deeds]. Moreover, other cruel and evil spirits will not approach them.
Yōsai cures all kinds of diseases with this tree, and there is nothing that does not
respond to treatment. All disease these days is caused by a feeling of chillness.
Therefore, mulberry trees are the best treatment [for these diseases]. Many people who
do not know this die at an early age. Pretending that a swelling is a malignant tumor orother various diseases such as beriberi is foolish. Giving an exaggerated name to adisease for which a method of treatment is unknown is a regrettable condition. Because
there is no medicine that can be used on a malignant tumor and no treatment is used for
beriberi, it is said that it is foolish and hardly worth discussing. [It has been said forsome time that] there is no treatment for beriberi. These days foot pain is caused by afeeling of chillness. No appropriate treatment for a feeling of chillness is capable ofcuring beriberi for any length of time. [It has been said for some time that] there is notreatment for malignant tumors. These days there are no malignant tumors. If anything,[the disease] is due to the feeling of chillness and heat combined. Now, pretending that[a swelling] is a malignant tumor actually indicates that there is no treatment. Named[as a disease], [the swelling] becomes stronger and more powerful. This [disease] can be
cured with mulberry trees; the virtue [of mulberry trees] is gradually efficacious. The
methods of using mulberry trees [for medicine] are as follows.
The method of mulberry rice porridge: a handful of a black soybean, cut finely
into many pieces the size of one sun 一寸, the cut end of a branch of a mulberry tree
measuring three sun 三寸(93) (if it were applied to the measurement of the little finger),and beans are put [into a pot] and boiled with three shō 三升 of water. When the beans(93) Three sun is approximately equal to 9 cm.

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖and [pieces of the branch of] mulberry tree are boiled, the [mulberry] is removed [fromthe pot] and a handful of a rice is added [to the pot]. Using the amount of water as one
wishes boils the rice into a thin gruel. On a winter night, [begin boiling the mulberry
rice porridge from] the time of the cock’s crow.(94) On a summer night, [begin boilingmulberry rice porridge starting in] the middle of night and finish boiling before
daybreak.
While fasting, and without adding salt, one eats some [of the mulberry rice
porridge] and later on eats an accompanying dish. Do not neglect to take [mulberry rice
porridge] every morning. [Mulberry rice porridge] that has been boiled a long time
serves as a medicine. [Mulberry rice porridge] that has been boiled quickly does notserve as a medicine. If [the medicine] has no effect, one knows that [the mulberry rice
porridge] was not boiled long enough. In the morning one eats the [mulberry rice
porridge] and during that day one does not feel thirsty or get drunk. [Therefore,] one is
at ease mentally and cultivates good health. [This cure] will certainly be effective if one
has faith. A tough [mulberry] rice porridge is ineffective; the only thing [thatdistinguishes it] is that it looks different from the rest. (A fresh branch of mulberry treethat has grown this year is best for making and boiling rice porridge. If not, a sprout
may be used.)
The method of boiling mulberry rice porridge: cut a branch of mulberry tree into
small cubes the size of of sugoroku and grill it. Char the slightly burned surface of apiece of wood with a sharpened end and split it into two. [Then] separate it into threeshō 三升 of bags and five shō 五升 of bags. Allowing it to sit for a long time is good.
When the time is ripe, add one shō of water to half a gō(95) of the splintered wood andboil it. [Then] take this [as medicine]. It is possible to boil [a branch of mulberry tree]
without holding it over the fire. “Fresh wood” is sufficiently not bitter [to taste]. All
diseases such as dropsy, beriberi, malignant tumors, and paralysis can be cured [withthis treatment].
The method of harvesting mulberry trees: when mulberry trees are cut with asaw, gather the sawdust by hand. [Then] put [the sawdust] into a good sake and drink it.
This treatment is also capable of relieving menstrual pain. It is effective for all diseasesof the inner body and the abdomen. It must be believed that there is a similar method in
Daoist practice.
The method of chewing mulberry trees [in the mouth]: whittle a piece ofmulberry tree into a toothpick and always put this in the mouth. [As a result,] one will
(94) The time of the cock’s crow is approximately at 2:00 A.M.
(95) One gō is approximately equal to .3306 m2.

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Vol. 3have no mouth diseases or loose teeth. [The mulberry toothpick causes] good smells in
the mouth, and evil does not come close. Medicine in a degenerate age is excellent likethis. Much more, making a toothpick from the root [of a mulberry tree] is good. [Amulberry tree root that is found] three shaku 三尺(96) beneath topsoil is particularly good.
[It is obvious that the root of the mulberry tree] taken from the ground is poisonous, but[a mulberry tree root collected from] beneath topsoil has no poison. All disease related
to the mouth and eyes are cured. All people of this world know this.
The method of making a mulberry tree pillow: [form mulberry wood into] a box
shape and use it as a pillow. When one uses mulberry as a pillow, it removes headaches,
one does not have nightmares, evil spirits do not come close, and one’s eyes becomebrighter. [A mulberry tree pillow] is very effective beyond description.
The method of harvesting mulberry leaves: at the beginning of the fourth monthpick mulberry leaves and dry them in a shady place. In the ninth month of autumn,
when two-thirds of the mulberry leaves have fallen, take one-third of the best branches[of the mulberry tree] and dry them in a shady place. Grind them into powder and takeone [cup of tea], following the rules of tea etiquette. One will have no abdominal
diseases and will feel refreshed. Divide the mulberry leaves picked in the fourth monthand in the ninth month into equal parts and measure them on a scale.
The method of harvesting a mulberry: when the mulberry is ripe, pick it and dry
it in the sun. Grind it into powder and make it into a ball the length of a paulownia withhoney. While fasting, consume thirty balls with sake. Continuing to take this daily
brings ease to the body and removes illness.
The method of taking the ginger root of Gaoliang: this medicine is ginger root
from Gaoling County in the Great Song country. It is greatly valued in the GreatCountry (China), Khitan 契丹, and Goryeo 高麗 as well. It is a good medicine that
only exists in a degenerate age because it cures all kinds of disease in these times. Grind
it into a fine powder and add a large spoonful, measuring about one-hundredth of a yen,of fine powder into some sake. [Then] drink this. Those who do not drink[alcohol] cantake it with hot water. In addition, it can be infused by boiling and one drinks this.
However, with this method of preparation its efficacy is weakened. The best way for all
to take [this medicine] is added to cooked rice. As for the amount, many or few, and thetime, fast and slow, these can be arbitrarily adjusted in consideration of the response on
all such occasions.
The method of drinking tea: extremely hot water (it is simply said to be boiled
water) is used to make tea and one drinks it. [Adding] two or three spoonfuls, each(96) One shaku is approximately equal to 30.3 cm.

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖measuring about one-hundredth of a yen, of powder [is preferable but] one may add theamount of powder as one wishes. However, reducing the amount of hot water ispreferred, though this is also as one wishes. Very rarely, strong tea tastes delicious.
Drinking tea promotes digestion after eating food and drinking sake. When feelingthirsty, one always should drink tea, not other hot water. If one becomes thirsty, one
contracts various diseases due to not drinking mulberry hot water and tea. The efficacyof tea is as stated above.
This tea is very attractive to various deities. When making an offering to various
deities, tea is [always] used. If one does not offer tea [to various deities] one does notaccomplish the rules [of etiquette]. A song composed in the Song dynasty says, “Evilspirits of plagues abandon their vehicles and show great respect and admiration to a tea
tree.” The Collection of Herbal Medicine (the title of a book) says, “[Tea] prevents aparched throat and removes plague.” How precious tea is! [Tea is used] from the head,
which is well informed about the boundary of spirits and various deities, down to thebottom, which is to give help to people living in what is called a satiation period. It issaid that other medicines are efficacious for only one kind of disease. Tea is a medicine
for all kinds of diseases.
The method of taking tea blended with five incenses: the first is aristolochia root,
one ryō 両.(97) It tastes bitter and pungent. The second is agalloch (沈香; jinkō), one fun
分.(98) It tastes bitter and pungent. The third is cloves (丁子; chōji), two fun. It tastes
bitter and pungent. The fourth is pistacia lentiscus resin (薰陸香; kunrokukō), one fun.
It tastes bitter and pungent. The fifth is musk (麝香; jakō), just a little, not a large
amount, due to its great heat. It tastes bitter and pungent.
The five kinds of incenses described above are mixed together and then groundinto powder. Every day one takes [tea made with this powder]. Heat a spoonful of watermeasuring one-hundredth of a yen and make tea with the water. It is possible that when
one drinks the tea made [of the five kinds of incenses, the result is that] the efficacy [ofthe tea] is weakened (it is not powdered and one gets a taste of the tea itself). The aim ofblending the five kinds of incenses [in tea] is to take the aristolochia root. Perhaps, theaim of taking aristolochia root is to cure heart disease.
Once when Yōsai was in Tang, I arrived at Mingzhou 明州 from Tiantai-shan
天台山 on the tenth day of sixth month. The weather was extremely hot and everyone
was close to collapsing. A shopkeeper took a sake holder and put eight fun(99) of cloves(97) One ryō is approximately equal to 41–42 g.
(98) One fun is approximately equal to .375g.
(99) Eight fun is approximately equal to 3 g.

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into it. He filled it with water and boiled tea for a good long while. I did not know forwhat this would be helpful. After making the tea, he brought a big teabowl filled withthe clove tea and gave it to Yōsai. He said, “You are a learned Buddhist monk. In thistime when the weather is hot, you (Yōsai) traveled so far. You sweated profusely andwere afraid of an unpleasant feeling. Therefore, I (the shopkeeper) now give you thistea.” In the case that the amount of cloves to be boiled is equal to one shō 升,(100) theamount of water should be about one and a half shō. [The amount of clove tea] I took
was about two gō 合. After drinking the [clove tea] I felt cool and refreshed. From [thisexperience] I learned that clove tea is capable of making one cool in times of intense
heat, and it is also capable of making one warm in times of great coldness. One should
know that each of these five kinds of incenses has such a virtue. The same may be saidof [the virtue of tea] as the winter season approaches. The virtue of tea blended withfive kinds of incenses is the same as that of tea itself. Therefore, one should drink this[tea]. In the situation that these five kinds of incenses are not all available, taking [teamade with] one kind of incense is possible.
As stated above, with Buddha’s protection the record [of drinking tea] for good
health in a degenerate age has been discussed at length. This was [written through my]free conception, due to a secret method transmitted by word of mouth from the GreatCountry (China). The method of curing various diseases is as follows ([it is probably]
safe to think in this way): the mulberry tree is an elixir. [The characteristics of]immortals are twofold: one is the immortals of mortifying the flesh; the other is theimmortals of taking medicine. The immortals of mortifying the flesh means abstaining
from delicious food and maintaining a long life only through eating grains of rice andmillet. The immortals of taking medicine is to take various kinds of medicine andmaintain a long life. Among the latter, the immortals of taking mulberry trees is capableof maintaining longevity. As stated above, the treatment made with mulberry trees is far
superior to other treatments because it is an elixir.
The Record of Herbal Medicine says: Taking the powdered branch of mulberrytrees is a cure for dropsy, lung diseases, beriberi, tumors and swells, and cold; taking it
daily cures intense itchiness and dry skin over one’s body; taking it cures dizziness andcoughing; taking it has an effect on digestion and diuresis; taking it brings ease of
bodily movement; taking it one hears well and has good sight; taking it makes a brightcomplexion; taking it cures dry mouth.
The Classic of Immortals says, “One does not take any elixir without powderedmulberry.” First, take powdered mulberry. After that, take various elixirs. For this(100) One shō is approximately equal to 1.8 liters.

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Takuya HINOThe Harmonizing of the Multiple into a Single Flavor (ichimiwagō 一味和合) and Buddhist Botany
A Translation of the Kissa Yōjōki

❖ Articles 1 ❖reason, mulberry is an elixir of the highest excellence. Thinking to take tea made withmulberry, the great value of these teas is not arranged in grades. Both are the ultimate
elixir of elixirs. This is an ingenious method for good health. These records are allquoted from descriptions that have been preserved to today in the Great Country [formany generations]. If one has doubts, then travel across the Great Country and inquire
about the [efficacy of tea]. One becomes aware [of the efficacy of drinking tea]. Now I,[Yōsai,] am ordered to complete this book. The act of subsequently correcting orrevising this work is prohibited.
[End of] The Second Volume, A Record of Drinking Tea for Good Health
The third day of the first month of the fifth year of Jōgen [承元, 1211], the year of
junior metal-goat (Jpn. kanoto-hitsuji 辛未), I, [Yōsai,] respectfully wrote this manuscript
for the record myself when I did the ascetic practice of silence.
Fifteenth rank: Gon-Risshi 権律師 (lit., “Supernumerary Master of Discipline”),
Hokkyō Shōnin 法橋上人 (the third highest rank for Buddhist priests), Yōsai.

Bibliography
Drott, Edward. “Gods, Buddhas, and Organs: Buddhist Physicians and Theories ofLongevity in Early Medieval Japan.” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 37/2
(2010): 247-273.
Hattori Toshirō. Nihon igakushi kenkyū yowa. Tokyo: Kagaku Shoin, 1981.
Hayashi, Samae and Yasui Kōzan. Chakyō・Kissa yōjōki. Tokyo: Meitoku Shuppan,
1975.
Kanagawa kenritsu kanazawa bunko eds. Buke no miyako kamakura no cha. Kanagawa:Kanazawa Bunko, 2010.
Kanazawa kenritsu kanazawa bunko eds. Cha to Kanazawa Sadaaki. Kanagawa:Kanazawa Bunko, 2005.
Kimiya, Yasuhiko. Nihon kissashi. Tokyo: Tomiyamabō, 1940.
Sadō Shiryōkan eds. Kamakura jidai no kissa bunka. Kyoto: Sadō Shiryōkan, 2008.
Sen Sōshitsu, eds. Sadō koten zenshū dai ni kan. Kyoto: Tankōsha, 1977.
Taga Munehaya. Yōsai. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 1965.

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Articles 2translation and annotation
翻訳研究❖ Articles 2 ❖A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge
in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing〈in English〉

Yue XIAO
Researcher,
Research Institute of Bukkyo University101❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3

Abstract
This paper is the first annotated English translation of two verses, the Tōhō-ge and the
Ruzū-ge, in the Pingdengjue jing, which had been translated into Chinese in the third
century. In light of my recent research on the formation of the two earliest versions of theLarger Sukhāvatīvyūha, I conclude that (i) these two verses in the Pingdengjue jingcorrespond more closely to the Sanskrit version than any of the other Chinese translations;and (ii) the original Indian text of the Pingdengjue jing might be quite similar to the extant
manuscript of the Sanskrit version, the earliest manuscript of which has been recognized todate from the middle of the twelfth century. Accordingly, the Pingdengjue jing is not aversion which was simply reedited by the translator, but rather it provides a window bywhich we can approach the original Indian text. Thus, it plays a significant role in researchon the formation of early Pure Land Buddhism. Without the Pingdengjue jing, we would
not be able to determine the formation of the Da Amituo jing. This paper offers a bridge
between the third century and the twelfth century. In addition to the translation, this paper
will also discuss some significant concepts appearing in the two verses of the Pingdengjue
jing, such as (i) the origin of the Buddha’s name, Wuliang qingjing and the connection
between this term and the term Jingtu; (ii) the diverse names of Amitābha’s land, such as
須阿（摩）提, 浄処, 厳浄国, 安楽国, 無量光明国土; (iii) 無量, 無際, 無量, 寿無極,
清浄.

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Yue XIAO
A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge And the Ruzū-ge
in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

❖ Articles 2 ❖A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge And the Ruzū-ge
in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jingYue XIAO
Keywords：the Tōhō-ge, the Ruzū-ge, the Pingdengjue jing, Wuliang qingjing, Jingtu

Introduction
This paper presents a study of the Chinese translation of the Tōhō-ge 東方偈(1) and the
Ruzū-ge 流通偈 in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra with an annotated English translation,
focusing on the version contained in the Foshuo Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing 佛
説無量清淨平等覺經 (T12, no.361, hereafter the Pingdenjue jing, or siglum: 清淨),
the second oldest version of this sūtra. With the exception of the Da Amituo jing,(2) the
Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge appear in all versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra. In
terms of contents, the Tōhō-ge in the Pingdengjue jing and the Tibetan translation parallel
the Sanskrit version.(3) Regarding the Tōhō-ge in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra, very
few scholars in this field have studied it, especially the version in the Pingdengjue jing.(4)This article is dedicated with respect and admiration to Professor Emeritus INAGAKI Hisao 稲垣久
雄. I would like to express my appreciation to an anonymous reviewer for providing his/her insightand helpful comments on the first draft. I have a special debt of gratitude to Mr. Petros
THEODORIDES for the editorial assistance. Remaining errors are, of course, my responsibility.
(1) This verse is also labelled as Ōgon-ge 往覲偈, as well as Sanjū-ge 讃重偈 by Japanese Jōdo shū.
(2) It is the earliest version of this sūtra, the Foshuo Amituo sanyesanfo salou[fo]tan guodurendao jing
佛説阿彌陀三耶三佛薩樓[佛]檀過度人道經 (T12, no.362, hereafter the Da Amiuto jing, or
siglum:大阿). Although there is no verse found in the Da Amituo jing, it does not mean that theoriginal Indian text of the Da Amituo jing did not contain a verse since there is also the possibility
that the translator of the Da Amituo jing intentionally omitted it. According to FUJITA, it is possible
to figure out that the verse might have been omitted by the translator of the Da Amituo jing, see
FUJITA 2007, 88. Even though FUJITA’s suggestion just concerns the Tanbutsu-ge 歎佛偈 in the Da
Amituo jing, this possibility also applies to this issue. Regarding the Tanbutsu-ge in the Pingdengjue
jing, see XIAO 2019b.
(3) Although the Tōhō-ge appears in all versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra except for the Da
Amituo jing, only the versions contained in the Pingdengjue jing and the Tibetan translation hold
21 stanzas (in the Wuliangshou jing version it consists of 20 stanzas). For example, in the Rulai hui
version it consists of only 12.5 stanzas, while in the version of Zhuanyan jing there are only 10
stanzas. In this case the versions of the Tōhō-ge both in the Rulai hui and the Zhuangyan jing do
not exactly parallel their counterpart in the Sanskrit version (see below).
(4) For a Japanese translation of these verses in the Sanskrit version, see FUJITA 1975 (reedited in 2015,
126-133; 166-169). For an English translation of these two verses in the Sanskrit version, see103❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3This paper aims to make some progress towards this goal, focusing on the version
contained in the Pingdengjue jing from the perspective of the formation of this sūtra inthat the Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge in the Pingdengjue jing are the earliest among allversions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra and these verses touch many significant
concepts in Pure Land Buddhism, such as the names of the Buddha and His land, twoconcepts connected with the His Land.
As I have repeatedly highlighted, the Pingdengjue jing plays a significant role in
the research of the formation of the earliest version of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra in
that: (i) its translation period was very close to that of the Da Amituo jing(5) and eventhough the vows in both the Da Amituo jing and the Pingdengjue jing are twenty-four,
their contents and order present marked differences;(6) (ii) the Da Amituo jing and the
Pingdengjue jing share a close relationship.(7 ) Meanwhile, the Pingdengjue jing also
shares a close relationship with the two Chinese versions containing forty-eightvows.(8)Although there are a couple of comparative studies regarding all the different
versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra, unfortunately, it is very likely that there is
no research on the formation of the Pingdengjue jing. Accordingly, no one can understandthe relationship between this version, which was translated into Chinese in the third
century, and the Sanskrit version, whose earliest extant manuscript is regarded as written
in the middle of the twelfth century. Without the Pingdengjue jing we may not be able todetermine that the Da Amituo jing does not represent the earliest form of devotion toAmitābha that formed in India.(9) Without an objective understanding of the formation ofGÓMEZ 1996, 93-96; 108-110. In addition, for a discussion on the Tōhō-ge in the Sanskrit version,see FUKUI 1995, 1999, and 2001. According to FUKUI, the versions of the Tōhō-ge in the
Pingdengjue jing and the Tibetan translation are more corresponding in meaning to the those in the
Sanskrit version than those in other Chinese translations (FUKUI 1995, 1).
(5) According to FUJITA, the authorship of the Da Amituo jing is attributed to Zhi Qian 支謙 and is
supposed to have been translated between 222/223-228/253; the Pingdengjue jing is attributed toBoyan 帛延 or BaiYan 白延 and is supposed to have been translated in 258 (see FUJITA 1970; and2011, xvi). Accordingly, the translation period of the two versions was no more than forty years.
For different suggestions, see (i) YIN SHUN 1980, 759-774; (ii) KAGAWA 1984, 17-24; andHARRISON 1998, 556-557.
(6) Regarding the annotated English translation of the two versions of the twenty-four vows in the Da
Amituo jing and the Pingdengjue jing, see XIAO 2018a, and 2018d. For a comprehensive study ofthis crucial issue, see forthcoming.
(7) In fact, almost all of the prose passages in the Pingdengjue jing are simply copies, with some slightrevising, of their counterparts found in the Da Amituo jing.
(8) These two versions are (i) the Foshuo Wuliangshou jing 佛說無量壽經 (T12, no.360, hereafter
the Wuliangshou jing, or siglum: 無量) and (ii) the Wuliangshou rulai hui 無量壽如來會 (T12,
no.310.5, hereafter the Rulai hui, or siglum: 如來).
(9) That is to say, two hypotheses which have been commonly believed in the field are incorrect. These
two hypotheses are: (i) the formation of the vows in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra evolved fromthe first twenty-four vows in the Da Amituo jing, to the second twenty-four vows in the Pingdengjue

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A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge And the Ruzū-ge
in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

❖ Articles 2 ❖the Pingdengjue jing, it is hard to believe that the conclusions on the formation of the Da
Amituo jing are objective, and credible in that the Pingdengjue jing is the most integral
text with its formation period being close to that of the Da Amituo jing and the later
Chinese translations and the Sanskrit version.(10) In comparison with the Da Amituo jing,
there are at least three significant differences, which are regarded as the most significant
issues in this version, and need more attention: (1) the first one concerns the origin of theDharmākara narrative of this version and its relationship with the extant Sanskrit version;(2) the second one concerns the formation of the twenty-four vows in this version;(11) (3)and the third one concerns the three verses found in this version.(12) This paper will discuss
the Chinese translations of the Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge, focusing on their versions in the
Pingdengjue jing so that we can recognize the characteristics of the translator, which canhelp us determine what the original form of the Pingdengjue jing was. I will also explore
its influence on the later Chinese translations, including those in the Wuliangshou jing,
the Rulai hui and the Wuliangshou zhuanyan jing 無量壽莊嚴經 (T12, no.363, hereafter
the Zhuangyan jing, or siglum: 莊 嚴 ), a version with thirty-six vows which wastranslated into Chinese during the Song dynasty.
1. The characteristics of the Tōhō-ge in the Pingdengjue jing
There are six verses in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra: (i) the Kikyō-ge 帰敬偈, (ii) the
Tanbutsu-ge, (iii) the Jusei-ge 重誓偈, (iv) the Monshin-ge 聞信偈, (v) the Tōhō-ge, and(vi) the Ruzū-ge. In addition to the fact that the number of the stanzas of the Tōhō-ge in
the Rulai hui (12.5) and the Zhuanyan jing (10) are nearly half the number of stanzas in
the Sanskrit version (21) and the Pingdengjue jing (21),(13) there is another characteristic
which may be related to the issue of the formation of the Pingdengjue jing and shouldhave been noted more. The structure of the two verses, the Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge, in
the Pingdengjue jing and the Wuliangshou jing is continuous, for there is no prose
separating the two verses in these versions. By contrast, over ten paragraphs of prose arejing and then to the forty-eight vows system in the later versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha(XIAO 2018a; and forthcoming), and: (ii) the vows of Amitābha in the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka were
derived from the system of the forty-eight vows in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha (see XIAO 2014a; and2016c, 998).. However, no evidence can support these two assumptions at all.
(10) For example, the twenty-four vows of the Pingdengjue jing are parallel with the first part of those
forty-eight vows in the Wuliangshou jing and the Rulaihui respectively, as well as the first part ofthose vows in the Sanskrit version and the Tibetan translation.
(11) For the annotated English translations of the two versions of the twenty-four vows of the Da Amituo
jing and the Pingdengjue jing, see XIAO 2018a, and 2018d.
(12) In addition to the Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge discussed below, the first verse is the Tanbutsu-ge,
which I have discussed in my recent research see XIAO 2019a.
(13) For a table regarding the numbers of the stanzas in each verse in the different versions, see FUKUI1998, 1-2.

105

Journal of World Buddhist Cultures❖ 2020.3 ❖Vol. 3found between the two verses in the Sanskrit version and the Tibetan translation. The key
question is whether this difference comes from the original Indian texts of thePingdengjue jing and the Wuliangshou jing or the translators of the two versions
intentionally edited them. The following discussion will be undertaken with a focus on
this issue. According to the translation by GÓMEZ, (14) (i) the Tōhō-ge in the Sanskrit
version can be divided into three parts based on the meaning. The first seven stanzas, thefirst to the seventh, concern “Worship;” the next three stanzas, the eighth to the tenth,regard “Great Gain;” and the next six stanzas, the eleventh to the sixteenth, concern“Smiles and Prophecy;” and the last five stanzas, the seventeenth to the twenty-first,
concern “The Vow” and (ii) the Ruzū-ge in the Sanskrit version can be divided into thefollowing four parts: The first three stanza labelled as “Who Can Hear The Dharma;” thenext five stanzas, the fourth to the eighth, titled as “Only Buddhas Understand;” the ninth
stanza concerns “Rare And Precious Things;” the last stanza, the tenth, regards“Companions in the Path.”
2. The prose regarding offerings to the Buddha by the bodhisattvas from the ten
quarters
There is a long paragraph in prose regarding offerings to the Buddha Wuliang qingjing
無量清淨,“Measureless Purity,”(15) by the bodhisattvas from the measureless Buddhalands of the ten quarters. Even though the counterpart of this passage appears respectively
in all versions of this sūtra, the physical length of the one in the Pingdengjue jin is at least
two times greater than the one in the other versions.(16) The paragraph in the Pingdengjue
jing is distinctly a detailed version of its counterpart in the Da Amituo jing. In addition,
this paragraph might touch the following two significant issues; (i) whether there was averse in the original text of the Da Amituo jing but was omitted by its Chinese translator;and (ii) the relationship between the Larger and the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra.(17) This
paragraph reads as follows.
【清淨 2.1】則東方無央數佛國不可復(18)計：如恒水邊流沙，(19)一沙一佛，其數如
是——諸佛各遣諸菩薩無央數不可復計，皆飛到無量清淨佛所，則為無量清淨佛作(14) See GÓMEZ 1996, 93-96; 109-110.
(15) Regarding the origin of the Buddha’s name, Wuliang qingjing, and the connection of this term withthe term Jingtu 淨土“Pure Land, ”see XIAO 2012b.
(16) For a comparison of the text of this paragraph in the different versions, see KAGAWA 1984, 254-

255, and ŌTA 2004, 188-189.
(17) I would like to discuss this issue in a separate paper instead of here.
(18) For the term

可復 kefu, “possible, able”, see KARASHIMA 2001, 417, and HD:3, 37.
恒水邊流沙 which is equivalent to gaṇgānadī-vālukā, see KARASHIMA 2004, 81.

(19) For the phrase

106Yue XIAO
A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge And the Ruzū-ge
in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

❖ Articles 2 ❖禮，以頭面著佛足，悉却坐一面聽經。(20)聽經竟，諸菩薩皆大歡喜，悉起為無量清淨佛作禮而去。(21) (T12, 287c18-23)
In the eastern quarter, there are innumerable Buddha-lands, which are impossible to count,many as the sands by the side of River Ganges. Should one grain of sand represent one
Buddha, the number [of the Buddhas] would be as high. [All those numerous Buddhas]
respectively dispatch their innumerable bodhisattvas to fly to the land of MeasurelessPurity Buddha for offering their reverence and worship by kneeling with their faces to the
Buddha’s feet, and sit back listening to the sūtra. After hearing the sūtra, all thosebodhisattvas experience great joy, and stand up offering their reverence and worship to
the Measureless Purity Buddha, and then leave.
【清淨 2.2】則西方無央數諸佛國——復如恒水邊流沙，一沙一佛，其數如是——諸佛各復遣諸菩薩無央數都不可復計，皆飛到無量清淨佛所，則前為無量清淨佛作
禮，以頭面著佛足，悉却坐一面聽經。聽經竟，諸菩薩皆大歡喜，起為無量清淨佛作禮而去。(T12, 287c23-29)
In the western quarter, there are innumerable Buddha-lands, as many as the sands by theside of River Ganges. Suppose one grain of sand is equal to one Buddha, the number [ofthe Buddhas] would be as high. [All those numerous Buddhas] respectively dispatch theirinnumerable bodhisattvas to fly to the land of the Measureless Purity Buddha for offering
their reverence and worship by kneeling with their faces to the Buddha’s feet, and sit backlistening to the sūtra. After hearing the sūtra, all those bodhisattvas experience great joy,and stand up offering their reverence and worship to the Measureless Purity Buddha, andthen leave.
【清淨 2.3】則北方無央數諸佛國——復如恒水邊流沙，一沙一佛，其數如是——諸佛各復遣諸菩薩無央數都不可復計，皆飛到無量清淨佛所，則前為無量清淨佛作
禮，以頭面著佛足，悉却坐一面聽經。聽經竟，諸菩薩皆大歡喜，起為無量清淨佛(20) Regarding the character jing

經, see XIAO 2018a, 121. Cf, KARASHIMA 1999, 137.

(21) The first part of this paragraph is just a duplication of its counterpart in the Da Amituo jing, whichreads:【大阿】即東方無央數佛國，其數不可復計；如恒水邊流沙，一沙一佛其數如是。諸佛各遣諸菩薩無央數，不可復計，皆飛到阿彌陀佛所，作禮聽經，皆大歡喜，悉起為作禮如去(T12, 307b09-13).【宋】=而去. It is of interest that the last sentence of the Da Amituo jing in
the version edited in the Song dynasty was changed to 作禮而去 from 作禮如去, despite the factthat all of the times it was used, 6 overall, in the counterpart of the Pingdengjue jing, it was written
as 作禮而去. That is to say, the phrase 作禮而去 appears as early as the time of the Pingdengjue
jing which was translated in the third century. Thus, the editor of the Da Amituo jing of the Songversion modified it to 作 禮 而 去 referring to its counterpart in the Pingdengjue jing, or inaccordance with the language habits of Song dynasty. Additionally, this line corresponds to the firststanza of the Tōhō-ge discussed below.

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作禮而去。(T12, 287c29-288a5)
In the northern quarter, there are innumerable Buddha-lands, as many as the sands by theside of River Ganges. Suppose one grain of sand is equal to one Buddha, the number [ofthe Buddhas] would be as high. [All those numerous Buddhas] respectively dispatch theirinnumerable bodhisattvas to fly to the land of the Measureless Purity Buddha for offering
their reverence and worship by kneeling with their faces to the Buddha’s feet, and sit backlistening to the sūtra. After hearing the sūtra, all those bodhisattvas experience great joy,and stand up offering their reverence and worship to the Measureless Purity Buddha, andthen leave.
【清淨 2.4】南方無央數諸佛國——復如恒水邊流沙，一沙一佛，其數如是——諸
佛各復遣諸菩薩無央數都不可復計，皆飛到無量清淨佛所，則前為無量清淨佛作禮
[?](22)而去。（T12, 288a5-9）
In the southern quarter, there are innumerable Buddha-lands, as many as the sands by theside of River Ganges. Suppose one grain of sand is equal to one Buddha, the number [ofthe Buddhas] would be as high. [All those numerous Buddhas] respectively dispatch theirinnumerable bodhisattvas to fly to the land of the Measureless Purity Buddha for offering
their reverence and worship, and then leave.
【清淨 2.5】則復四角無央數諸佛國——各復如恒水邊流沙，一沙一佛，其數各如
是——諸佛各復遣諸菩薩無央數都不可復計，皆飛到無量清淨佛所，前為無量清淨
佛作禮已，頭面著佛足，悉却坐一面聽經。聽經竟，諸菩薩皆大歡喜，起為無量清淨佛作禮而去。(23) (T12, 288a9-14)
Likewise in [each of] the four intermediate quarter, there are innumerable Buddha-lands,
as many as the sands by the side of River Ganges. Suppose one grain of sand is equal toone Buddha, the number [of the Buddhas] would be as high. [All those numerous
Buddhas] respectively dispatch their innumerable bodhisattvas to fly to the land of the
Measureless Purity Buddha for offering their reverence and worship by kneeling with作禮 was missed. According to the context, this line
should be reverted to the following 32 characters: 以頭面著佛足悉却坐一面聽經聽經竟諸菩薩
皆大歡喜起為無量清淨佛作禮. In general, each line of an ancient manuscript roughly consists of
16 or 17 characters, 32 characters are simply two lines, and the line preceding these 32 characterssimilarly contain the words 為無量清淨佛作禮. Accordingly, this interesting phenomenon should
be derived from the negligence of the translator of the Pingdengjue jing while duplicating the lines
above. This random characteristic of the translator can be found in the text below (2.6-2.8).
(23) The counterpart of the Da Amiuto jing reads:【大阿】西方、北方、南方、四角諸佛，其數各
如恒水邊流沙，各遣諸菩薩無央數，飛到阿彌陀佛所，作禮、聽經亦復如是 (T12, 307b1316).
(22) It seems that a line following the words

108

Yue XIAO
A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge And the Ruzū-ge
in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

❖ Articles 2 ❖their faces to the Buddha’s feet, and sit back listening to the sūtra. After hearing the sūtra,all those bodhisattvas experience great joy, and stand up offering their reverence andworship to the Measureless Purity Buddha, and then leave.
【清淨 2.6】佛言：“八方、上、下諸無央數佛，更遣諸菩薩飛到無量清淨佛所，
聽經供養，轉更相(24)開避。(T12, 288a15-17)
The Buddha said: “there are measureless Buddhas in the eight quarters, above and below,
who respectively dispatch their bodhisattvas to fly to the land of the Measureless Purity
Buddha for listening to the sūtra and making offerings, [in an orderly way to avoid]
impeding each other.
【清淨 2.7】如是，則下面[諸八方](25)無央數佛國——一方者各復如恒水邊流沙，
一沙一佛，其數復如是——諸佛各遣諸菩薩無央數都不可復計，皆飛到無量清淨佛所，前為阿彌陀佛作禮，以頭面著佛足，悉却坐聽經。聽經竟，諸菩薩皆大歡喜，
起為無量清淨佛作禮而去。(T12, 288a17-22)
Likewise, below, there are measureless Buddha-lands, as many as the sands by the sideof River Ganges. Suppose one grain of sand is equal to one Buddha, the number [of the
Buddhas] would be as high. [All those numerous Buddhas] respectively dispatch theircountless bodhisattvas to fly to the land of the Measureless Purity Buddha for offering
their reverence and worship by kneeling with their faces to the Buddha’s feet, and sit backlistening to the sūtra. After hearing the sūtra, all those bodhisattvas experience great joy,and stand up offering their reverence and worship to the Measureless Purity Buddha, andthen leave.
【清淨 2.8】上方諸佛更(26)遣諸菩薩飛到無量清淨佛所，聽經供養。相開避，(27)前來者則去避後來者，後來者供養亦復如是，終無(28)休絕極時。(T12, 288a22-25)
The Buddhas from above, respectively dispatched their countless bodhisattvas to fly tothe land of the Measureless Purity Buddha for hearing the sūtra and making offerings.
They arrive [in an orderly way to avoid] impeding each other. Those bodhisattvas in thefront row leave to avoid impeding the ones in the back, and the bodhisattvas in the backalso make offerings to the Buddha in the same way, [making offerings in this way] without(24) The term gengxiang 更相 means “one after another, in succession, each other.” Cf. KARASHIMA

2004:81, n.20.
諸八方 is probably a superfluous phrase and should be deleted.
(26) The character gen 更 is a continuation word, which means “moreover, also.”(27)【宋】【元】【明】=更+相.
(28) The term zhongwu 終無 means “never end.”(25) The words109❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3end.
3. The Tōhō-ge in the Pingdengjue jing
3.1 Worship1) 譬若如恒沙剎，

東方佛國如是，(29)

各各遣諸菩薩，(30)稽首禮無量覺；(31)For example, there are Buddha-lands as numerous as the grains of the sand of River
Ganges.
Likewise, the Buddha-lands in the eastern quarter;
Those bodhisattvas are respectively dispatched from [those numerous Buddhas Lands],[In order to] offer their reverence and worship by falling on their knees with their faces[to the ground in front of] the Immeasurably Enlightened One.

(29) The counterpart in the Sanskrit version reads: yathaiva gaṅgāya nadīya vālikā | buddhāna kṣetrā

purimeṇa tāttakāḥ | yato hi te āgami buddha vandituṃ | saṃbodhisattvā amitāyu nāyakaṃ |1|(FUJITA 2011, 50). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 44. For an English
translation of these Sanskrit lines, see GÓMEZ 1996, 93-94. The counterpart of this verse in the
Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】東方諸佛國，其數如恒沙，彼土諸菩薩，往覲無量覺 (T12,272c12-18). For an English translation regarding this stanza, see INAGAKI 1995: 32, and GÓMEZ
1996:189. This stanza is more corresponding to the Sanskrit version than the one in the Pingdengjue
jing as the character qian 遣 is deleted. The counterpart in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】東方諸佛剎,數如恒河沙,如是佛土中,恒沙菩薩眾,皆現神通來,禮無量壽佛 (T11, no.310.5:98a24-25).
This stanza consists of six praises. A tentative translation of these lines is as follows. “There are
Buddha-lands as numerous as the grains of sand of River Ganges in the eastern quarter; likewise,bodhisattvas as numerous as the grains of sand of River Ganges in those numerous Buddha-lands.
They all demonstrate their supernatural powers in order to offer their reverence to the Immeasurable
Life Buddha.” The counterpart in the Zhuanyan jng reads:【莊嚴】東方世界恒河沙，一一剎中
無數量，菩薩聲聞發勝心，各以香花寶蓋等，持至莊嚴佛剎中，供養如來無量壽 (T12,323c27-29). This stanza is parallel with the first four stanzas of the Pingdengjue jing with the
exception of the third and fourth stanzas (underlined), which parallel the third stanza of thePingdengjue jing below.
(30) This stanza corresponds to the prose 【清淨 2.1】above. From this sentence, we can determine
one of the characteristics of the translator, in addition to corresponding to the Sanskrit version, thetranslator also refers to the prose above, according to the character qian 遣 “dispatch.”
Additionally, according to the prose 【清淨 2.1】 above, the subject gege 各各 should indicate
the Buddhas in the measureless lands.
(31) It is noteworthy noting that the origin of “Amitāyu” is the Buddhist Sanskrit form of “Amitāyus”
that only appears in the verses. The parallel of this word in the first stanza of the Tibetan translation
is ’Od dpag med (=Amitābha) (see FUJITA 2015: 238). Regarding why the term wuliangshou 無量
壽 “measureless life” did not appear in the verses of the Pingdengjue jing, we should not overlookthat each stanza is composed of four praises, and each praise consists of six characters. Accordingly,
the character “壽”might have been omitted in order to conform with the restricted number ofcharacters reserved for each praise.

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A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge And the Ruzū-ge
in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

❖ Articles 2 ❖2) 西、南、北面皆爾，
如是恒沙數土，是諸佛遣菩薩，稽首禮無量覺。(32) (T12, 288a26-29)
Likewise, in the South, West, and North,
There are Buddha-lands as numerous as the grains of sand of River Ganges.
All the Buddhas respectively assigned their bodhisattvas,
To offer their reverence and worship by falling on their knees with their faces [to theground in front of] the Immeasurably Enlightened One.
3) 此十方菩薩飛，皆以衣裓(33)諸華，
天拘蠶種種具，往供養無量覺。(34)(32) The translator of the Pingdengjue jing appears to have reversed the order of the second and thethird stanzas with the third and the second stanzas in the Sanskrit version. That is to say that thesecond stanza in the Pingdengjue jing is parallel with the third stanza in the Sanskrit version. And
this error also affects the translators of later Chinese translations, such as the Wuliangshou jing, theRulai hui and the Zhuang yan jing. It is not clear whether it was intentionally adjusted to follow
certain literature rules or if it is a scribal error. In this case, this stanza should correspond to the third
in the Sanskrit version. The counterpart in the Sanskrit version, the third stanza, reads: tathadakṣiṇāpaścima-uttarāsu buddhāna kṣetrā diśatāsu tāttakāḥ | yato yato āgami buddha vandituṃ
saṃbodhisattvā amitāyu nāyakaṃ |3| (FUJITA 2011, 51). A standard Japanese translation of thisstanza see FUJITA 2015, 127. For an English translation of this stanza, see GÓMEZ 1996, 94. The
counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量 2】南、西、北四維，上、下亦
復 然 。 彼 土 菩 薩 眾 ， 往 覲 無 量 覺 (T12, 272c19-20). Obviously, the translator of the
Wuliangshou jing follows the second stanza of the Pingdengjue jing with some minor modifications,such as the fact that each praise is modified to contain five characters instead for six characters as
in the Pingdengjue jing. The third praise of this stanza, 彼土菩薩, is more equivalent with the
Sanskrit version than the one in the Pingdengjue jing. For an English translation, see INAGAKI 1995,
33 and GÓMEZ 1996, 189. The counterpart of this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來 2】三方諸聖眾，禮覲亦同歸. The next stanza has not a counterpart in the other version. It reads: 【如來 3】
彼於沙界中,道光諸辯論;住深禪定樂,四無所畏心. In addition, this stanza also corresponds to theprose【清淨 2.2-2.5】above.
(33) The term 衣裓 is equivalent with the Sanskrit puṭa “container,” which means a container with legs
for offering flowers in front of the Buddha. See Daiji rin 大辞林. This term also appears in the
Foshuo Amituo jing 佛說阿彌陀經 (T12, no.366), and the Zheng fahua jing 正法華經 attributed
to Zhu Fahua 竺法護 “Dharmarakṣa” (see KARASHIMA 2007, 453, and FUJITA 2015, 238). It isnoteworthy that this term can be considered one of Dharmarakṣa’s translating characteristics.
(34) This stanza parallels the second stanza in the Sanskrit version, which reads: bahupuṣpapuṭām
gṛhītva te nānavarṇa surabhī manoramān | okiranti naranāyakottamaṃ amita-āyu naradevapūjitaṃ |2 | (FUJITA 2011, 50). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 127. For an English
translation of the Sanskrit stanza, see GÓMEZ 1996, 94. This stanza is a variant version of stanza(4), from which it differs by only one word. It is not clear whether it was intentionally introduced
as a refrain of sorts or if it is a scribal error (see GÓMEZ 1996, 238). According to FUKUI, this stanza
follows the rhythm vaitālīya, and the fourth stanza follows aparāntikā. These kinds of rhythm are
different to those of the remaining stanzas in the Tōḥō-ge (see FUKUI 1995, 2). Regarding theBuddha’s name, due to the rhythm, it is separately written as Amita-āyu. It is noteworthy that thecounterpart of the second stanza in the Tibetan translation is Tshe dpag med pa (=Amitāyus), but
the fourth stanza in the Tibetan translation changes to ’Od dpag med pa, the same with the first111

❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

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These bodhisattvas flying from the ten quarters [of the Buddha-lands],
All bring a variety of offerings,[Such as] exquisite heavenly flowers and offering wares (substances),
And go to make offerings to the Immeasurably Enlightened One.
4) 諸菩薩皆大集，
稽首禮無際光，(35)遶三匝叉手住，歎國尊無量覺。(36)The bodhisattvas assemble together,
Offering their reverence and worship by falling on their knees with their faces [to theground in front of] the Immeasurable Light [Buddha],
And walking around him three times, and joining their palms in worship,
And praising the World Honored, the Immeasurably Enlightened One.
5) 皆持華散佛上，心清淨稱無量，(37)stanza. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】一切諸菩薩，各齎天妙華，寶香無價衣，供養無量覺 (T12, 272c21-22). For an English translation of these lines,
see INAGAKI 1995, 33; and GÓMEZ 1996, 189. There is no counterpart in the Rulai hui and theZhuangyan jing.
(35) The counterpart of the term 無際光 is Amitaprabha and also appears later in the twentieth stanza.
Its counterpart in the Tibetan translation is dPag med ’od (Cf. FUJITA 2015, 239). The first two
praises of this stanza do not have a counterpart in any other Chinese translation.
(36) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version is the fifth stanza which reads: pūjitva cā tebahubodhisattvā, vanditva pādām amitaprabhasya | pradakṣinīkṛtya vadanti caivaṃ aho 'dbhutaṃ
śobhati buddhakṣetraṃ |5| (FUJITA 2011, 51). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015,
128. For an English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 94. The counterpart of this stanza in the
Wulianghshou jing reads:【無量】恭敬遶三匝,稽首無上尊。見彼嚴淨土，微妙難思議 (T12,272c28-29). It is noteworthy that the constitution of this stanza is not very regular, these four praisesin the Wuliangshou jing are in combination with the second part of the sixth stanza and the first halfof the seventh stanza. The sentences between the end of the third stanza and the first half of the sixth
stanza in the Wuliangshou jing are unique and do not have a counterpart in any other versions. The
texts read:【無量】咸然奏天樂，暢發和雅音，歌歎最勝尊，供養無量覺。究達神通慧，遊入
深法門，具足功德藏，妙智無等倫。慧日照世間，消除生死雲 (T12, 272c23-27).
( 37 ) Undoubtedly, this praise is not parallel with that of the sixth stanza in the Sanskrit version(underlined of no. 38 below), but was rather created by the translator. It is noteworthy that the term
qingjing 清淨 must be a creation by the translator. As I have repeatedly highlighted, the Buddha’s
name, Wuliang qingjing 無量清淨 “Measureless Purity”, was created intentionally and does notconstitute a genuine translation, by the translator of the Pingdeng jue jing.This term plays a pivotal
role in Chinese early Pure Land Buddhism. According to KARASHIMA, by contrast, the origin of the
Wuliang qingjing must be derived from a misunderstanding of the term Amitābha-vyūha by thetranslator of the Pingdengjue jing, Zhi Qian. The following two prerequisites, however, must be
synchronized based on KARASHIMA’s suggestions: (i) the original Indian text of the Pingdengjue
jing is the Amitābha-vyūha; (ii) the translator of the Pingdengjue jing is Zhi Qian. Unfortunately,
both of them cannot be correct simultaneously, given that more and more evidence shows that there
are many translated features found in the Da Amituo jing. One of the vivid examples is that those112

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A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge And the Ruzū-ge
in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

於佛前住自說：❖ Articles 2 ❖願使我剎如此。(38)

All of them shower the Buddha with their handfuls of flowers,
To Praise the Immeasurably Enlightened One with their pure mind.
And they aspire [to take a vow] before the Buddha,
Wishing to fulfill [the creation of] a land like His.
6) 所散華止虛空，
合成蓋百由旬，其柄妙嚴飾好，悉遍覆衆會上。(39)Those flowers were scattered and floated in mid-air,Forming a canopy of a hundred yojanas,
Whose pole is beautifully adorned with a splendid color.
It could cover all the body [of the Buddha] in the assembly.
3.2 The Great Gain
7) 諸菩薩都往至，諸尊剎難得值，如是人聞佛名，快安隱得大利。(40)
All those bodhisattvas go to Buddha-lands,
Where they are extremely hard to encounter.
Those people who have heard the names of the Buddhas,
paragraphs on the Five Evils, the so called Goakudan 五悪段, present typical characteristics of Zhi
Qian's style.
In addition, the character cheng 稱 should be the abbreviation of the term chengzhan 稱讚“praise.”(38) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: te puṣpapūṭehi puno kiranti udagracittā
atulāya prītiye | vācaṃ prabhāṣanti purasta nāyake asmāpi kṣetraṃ siya evarūpaṃ |6| (FUJITA 2011,52). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 128. For an English translation of thisstanza, see GÓMEZ 1996, 94. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】
因發無量心，願我國亦然 (T12, 273a01). The counterpart of this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】願速成菩提，淨界如安樂 (T11, 981b09). The counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing reads:【莊嚴】各各俱發菩提心，願出塵勞登彼岸 (T12, 324a17).
(39) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit (7) version reads: taiḥ puṣpapūṭā iti kṣipta tatra
cchatraṃ tadā saṃsthihi yojanāśataṃ | svalaṃkṛtaṃ śobhati citradaṇḍaṃ chādeti buddhasyasamantakāyaṃ |7| (FUJITA 2011, 52). For a standard Japanese translation of this stanza, see FUJITA
2015, 128-129. For an English translation of this stanza, see GÓMEZ 1996, 94. According to GÓMEZ
(1996, 238), the idea of a one-hundred-league parasol covering the whole body of the Buddha may
also imply that the Buddha’s body was of superhuman size, a common hyperbolic or mythic
attribute in scriptural descriptions of buddhas. There is no counterpart in the Wuliangshou jing andthe Rulai hui. But the counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing reads:【莊嚴經】復以天花供養佛,花散虛空為傘蓋，縱廣量等百由旬，色相莊嚴無有比(T12, 324a6-7).
(40) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: te bodhisattvās tatha satkaritvā kathā
kathentī iti tatra tuṣṭaḥ | sulabdha lābhāḥ khalu tehi sattvaiḥ yehī śrutaṃ nāma narottamasya |8|(FUJITA 2011, 52). For a standard Japanese translation of this stanza, see FUJITA 2015, 129. For an
English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 94. There is no counterpart found in the Wruliangshou jing.

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Vol. 3

Promptly attain the great benefits of serenity.
8) 吾等類得是德，

諸此剎獲所好，計本國若如夢，無數劫淨此土 (41)
Our assembly attains this great merit;
And [we] can attain benefits from the [Buddha]-lands,
Imaging [the merit] of this dreamlike land which He [the Buddha] manifested, the land
which He purified through innumerable kalpas.
9) 見菩薩遶世尊，

威神猛壽無極，(42)國覺衆甚清淨，(43)無數劫難思議。(44)
Behold, the World-Honored One surrounded by the bodhisattvas,
Possesses dignified and brave merit, and his life is endless.
The bodhisattvas in that land are also of extreme purity,[and the amount of their merit] is inconceivable even if [we] ponder it for innumerable
kalpas.

(41) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: asmehi pī lābha sulabdha pūrvā | yadāgatā smā ima buddhakṣetraṃ paśyātha svapnopama kṣetra kīdṛśaṃ yat kalpitaṃ kalpasahasraśāstunā |9| (FUJITA 2011, 52-53). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 129. For an
English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 94. There is no counterpart found in the Wuliangshou jing,
the Rulai hui, and the Zhuangyan jing.
In addition, the phrase 淨此土, “purified the land,” is equivalent with “cultivating the bodhisattva
path to perfection.” That is to say, there are two kinds of Jingtu 淨土 simultaneously found in the
Pingdengjue jing; one is a verb, “purified the land;” the other is the origin of the term Jingtu as an
adjective in “Pure Land.”(42) It is of interest that the phrase 壽無極 is an abbreviation of the term shouming 壽命 “life-span”.
無極 “life-span is endless” is equivalent with “measureless life” found in the second and thirdpraises of this stanza. This might be the only one clearly referring to ‘measureless life’ in the twoearliest Chinese translations of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra. The term wuji 無極 “endless” isa typical Daoist term which frequently appears in the Da Amituo jing and the Pingdengjue jing, Cf.
XIAO 2018a, 122.
(43) The term qingjing “purity” must be an intentional creation by the translator, rather than a genuine
translation from the original Indian text of the Pingdengjue jing. Obviously, this term is not amisunderstanding of the Sanskrit vyūha, but provides us with concrete evidence that the translatorof the Pingdengjue jing had a strong willingness to use the term qingjing as a characteristic of the
Buddha, the bodhisattvas, and Amituo’s land etc.
(44) The counterpart of this stanza found in the Sanskrit version reads: paśyātha buddho varapuṇyarāśiḥ
parīvṛtaḥ śobhati bodhisattvaiḥ| amitāsya ābhā amitaṃ ca tejaḥ amitā ca āyūr amitaś ca saṃghaḥ
|10| (FUJITA 2011, 53). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 129. For an English
translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 94-95. There is no counterpart found in the Wuliangshou jing.

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in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing10) 時無量(45)世尊笑，此數光從口出，❖ Articles 2 ❖三十六億那術，(46)遍炤諸無數剎。(47)At that time, the Immeasurably Enlightened One smiled,
And thirty-six hundred millions nayutas of rays came out from His mouth,
Illuminating thoroughly the innumerable lands.
3.3 Smiles and Prophecy11) 則迴光還遶佛，
三匝已從頂入，色霍然不復現，天亦人皆歡喜。(48)These rays of light returned, encircling the Buddha three times,
And entered his body through the crown of his head.
Then, these rays disappeared without trace,
And all devas and humans were filled with joy.

(45) Regarding the name of the Buddha in this stanza, in the Sanskrit version, it is labelled as amitāyu,

while in the Wuliangshou jing, the name was revised as 無量尊，with one character having been
deleted. It is of interest that the term 無量尊 in the counterpart of the Wuliangshou jing has beentranslated in diverse ways. It has been translated as Amitayus by INAGAKI; but as “Measureless, theWorthy One” by GÓMEZ (190); and was translated as “the Immeasurable One” by MACK. In theoriginal Indian text of the Pingdengjue jing, it is probably, almost certainly, amitāyu, but thetranslator appears to avoid using “無量壽” here in order to avoid contradiction with Wuliang
qingjing which is used in the rest of the sūtra, especially in the proses【清淨 2.1~2.8】above.
Meanwhile, the translator seems to avoid using Wuliang qingjing here so that the name will notdiverge significantly from the original text.
(46)
It looks like this term is a typical characteristic frequently found in the translations attributed to
Zhu Fahua 竺法護 “Dharmarakṣa.” For example, (i) Foshuo deguang taizi jing 佛說德光太子
經 (T3, no.170); (ii) Puyao jing 普曜經 (T3，no.186); (iii) the Zheng fahua jing 正法華經 (T9,no.263); etc.
(47) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: smitaṃ karontī amitāyu nāthaḥ
ṣaṭtriṃśakoṭīnayutāni arciṣāṃ | ye niścaritvā mukhamaṇḍalātaḥ sphuranti kṣetrāṇi sahasrakoṭīḥ |11|
(FUJITA 2011, 53). For a standard of this Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 129-130. For an
English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jingreads:【無量】應時無量尊，動容發欣笑，口出無數光，遍照十方國 (T12, 273a1-2). For an
English translation, see INAGAKI 15995; and GÓMEZ 1996, 190. This Chinese version seems to havebeen reedited by its translator in that there is no counterpart of the second praise of Pingdengjue
jing appearing here. It appears that there is no text exactly paralleling this stanza in the Rulai hui.
By contrast, the counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing reads:【莊嚴】三十六億那由他，照俱胝千佛剎（T12, 324a14）.
(48) The stanza well corresponds to the counterpart of the Sanskrit version, which reads: tāḥ sarva arcīḥ
punar etya tatra mūrdhne ca astaṃgami nāyakasya |devā manuṣyā janayanti prītiṃ arcis tadāastamitā viditvā |12| (FUJITA 2011, 54). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 130.
For an English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou
jing reads:【無量】迴光圍遶身，三匝從頂入，一切天、人衆，踊躍皆歡喜 (T12, 273a4-5). For
an English translation, see INAGAKI 1995; and GÓMEZ 1996, 190.

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Vol. 312) 廅樓亘(49)從坐起，正衣服稽首問，白佛言：何緣笑？
唯世尊說是意。(50)
Avalokiteśvara stood up from his seat,
To Rearrange his robes, and then prostrated himself on the ground to ask [a question].
Then he said to the Buddha: “Why are you smiling?
I only beseech the World-Honored One to explain the cause and condition [of the smile].
13) 願授我本空(51)莂，
慈護成百福(52)相。
聞是諸音聲者，
一切人踊躍喜。(53)Wishing to teach the original emptiness,

日：莂➡別日：是諸➡是語

He compassionately blesses [all beings].
All people who have heard the sound of the [Dharma],
Will rejoice so greatly that they would feel like dancing.

is Avalokiteśvara who is the most famous bodhisattva in
Eastern Buddhism. This term is written as Gài lóu gèn 蓋樓亘 in the Da Amituo jing. It isnoteworthy that although the bodhisattva Mahāsthāmaprapta is also found both in the Da Amituo
jing and the Pingdengjue jing, it is hard to determine whether the Buddhist Three Saints of the West
西方三聖 originated directly from the original Indian text of the earliest version of the Larger
Sukhāvatīvyūha, the Da Amituo jing, because the term 廅樓亘 appears only three times in the Da
Amituo jing, and at least one of these texts might have been added intentionally by the translator of
the Da Amituo jing. Accordingly, the concept of the Three Saints of the West in the Larger
Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra is not as important as people believed, unlike in the Guan wuliangshou jing.
For some comments regarding the passages containing the term 廅樓亘 in the Da Amituo jing, see
XIAO 2016a. For a brief discussion regarding this bodhisattva by HARRISON (2000, 172, n.24), see
below. Cf. NATTIER 2007b197-205 (cf. no. 94 of this paper below).
( 50 ) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: uttiṣṭhate buddhasuto mahāyaśā
nāmnātha so hī avalokiteśvaraḥ | ko hetur atrā bhagavan ka pratyayaḥ yena smitaṃ kurvasi
lokanātha |13| (FUJITA 2011, 54). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 130. For an
English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jingreads:【無量】大士觀世音，整服稽首問，白佛：“何緣笑？唯然願說意。” (T12, 273a6-7). For
an English translation, see INAGAKI 1995; and Gómez 1996, 190. There is no counterpart found in
the Rulaihui and the Zhuangyan jing.
(51) The term benkong 本空 might originate from paramārtha-kovid , which also appears in the Ruzūge (6) below. This term is frequently used in the group of the prajña sūtras. This term was translated
as ‘fundamental emptiness of all things’ by GÓMEZ, and ‘original emptiness’ by INAGAKI; and ‘thebasis of emptiness’ by Karen.
(52) The term baifu 百福 is a traditional Chinese term, meaning “happiness,” “blessing.” An example
in the Shijing 詩經 reads: 千祿百福，子孫千億.
(53) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version (14) reads: taṃ vyākarohī paramārthakovidā
hitānukampī bahusattvamocakaḥ | śrutvā ti vācaṃ paramāṃ manoramāṃ udagracittā bhaviṣyanti
sattvāḥ|14| (FUJITA 2011, 54-55). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 130. For an
English translation of this stanza, see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. There is no counterpart of this stanza in the
Wuliangshou jing, the Rulai hui and the Zhuangyan jing.
(49) The origin of the term È lóu gèn 廅樓亘

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in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

❖ Articles 2 ❖14) 梵之音及雷霆，
八種音(54)深重聲。
佛授廅樓亘(55)決：今吾說，仁諦聽。(56)The Buddha’s voice [is] just like the sound of thunder,
Solemn and far-reaching, [manifesting] the eight qualities of sound.
The Buddha is about to give predictions to Avalokiteśvara,
I now explain to you. Listen to me with care.
15) 衆世界諸菩薩，
到須阿提(57)禮佛，聞歡喜、廣奉行，疾得至得清淨處。(58)【宋、元、明】➡清淨處(54) The term bayin 八(種)音“eight qualities of sounds” is a general name for musical instruments andmusic in ancient Chinese, which is made of eight different materials, such as 金(metal), 石(rock);絲(thread); 竹(bambuseae); 匏(calabash); 土(soil); 革(leather); 木(tree), similar to symphony inmodern society. An example in the Baopu zi 抱朴子 reads: 故離朱剖秋毫於百步，而不能辯八
音之雅俗 (Cf. HD2, 15). Also, an example in the Yaodian 堯典 reads: 三載，四海遏密八音“Within the four seas all the eight kinds of instruments of music were stopped and hushed.” (seehttps://ctext.org/).
The character 種 was purposely inserted since each praise must consist of six characters.
Regarding the eight sounds, there are several interesting explanations. For example, (i) according
to GÓMEZ, the “eight good qualities” refer to a traditional Chinese list of forensic [rhetoric? revised
by XIAO] virtues: pleasant speech, intelligible speech, comforting or soothing speech, soft speech,
inerrant speech, imposing speech, and speech in a voice with good projection (Gómez1996, 251);and (ii) according to KAREN, the eight qualities of voice are (1) beautiful, (2) distinct, (3) supple,(4) harmonious, (5) venerable, (6) unerring, (7) exquisite, (8) not effeminate (i.e. manly) (KAREN
2014, 148). On the other hand, this term also frequently appears in early Chinese Buddhist
translations. An example in the Fan moyu jing 梵摩渝經 (T1, no.766), which attributed to Zhi Qianreads: 阿難整服稽首而問，即大說法，聲有八種：最好聲、易了聲、濡軟聲、和調聲、尊慧聲、不誤聲、深妙聲、不女聲（T1, 884b23-25, also see JDJT）. In addition, some usages frequently
appear in Zhu Fahu’s translations, such as the Xianjie jing 賢劫經 (T14, no.415).
(55) Although this great bodhisattva repeatedly appears in the Tōhō-ge, it does not mean that (i) theseusages originated from the original Indian text of the Pingdengjue jing; (ii) the concept of the ThreeSaints of the West had been formed in the original Indian text of the Pingdengjue jing. The factbodhisattva Mahāsthāmaprapta does not appear in the Tōhō-ge exactly means that the Chinesetranslator of the Pingdengjue jing was willing to highlight Avalokiteśvara once again here. It is hard
to believe that it is a genuine translation from the original Indian text of this version.
(56) There is no counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version. The counterpart of this stanza in the
Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】梵聲猶雷震，八音暢妙響,當授菩薩記，今說仁諦聽 (T12,273a8-9). For an English translation of this stanza, see Inagaki 1995; and Gómez 1996. There is nocounterpart in in the Rulai hui or the Zhuangyan jing.
(57) The origin of the term 須阿提 is sukhāvatī, which is the formal name of Amitābha’s land, whichis also labelled as (Qing)jing chu 清淨處 “pure abode (Pure Land)” in the last praise of this stanza.
In addition, in the last stanza of this Tōhō-ge (21) in the Pingdengjue jing, Amitābha’s land is also
written as 須摩提.
(58 ) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: ye bodhisattvā bahulokadhātuṣu
sukhāvatīṃ prasthita buddha paśyanā te śrutva prītiṃ vipulāṃ janetvā | kṣipraṃ imaṃ kṣetra
vilokayeyuḥ |15| (FUJITA 2011, 55). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 130-131.
For an English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 95.

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Vol. 3All the bodhisattvas from the various worlds,
Go to Sukhāvatī to respectfully revere and worship the Buddha.
They rejoice while hearing [the Buddha’s voice], and intensively pursue [the Dharma].
They instantly come in the pure abode [Pure Land].
16) 已到此嚴淨國，(59)便速得神足俱，(60)
眼洞視、耳徹聽，(61)亦還得知宿命。(62)And, upon arriving in the majestic and pure country,
They instantly possess the divine feet;
The Divine eye which enables them to see thoroughly and the divine ear so that they can
The character de 得 might be a superfluous letter and these words should be revised as 清淨處. It
is noteworthy that no Sanskrit term corresponding to the term (Qing)jing chu 清淨處 can be foundin the Sanskrit version, even though the first three praises of the 15th stanza above are quite
corresponding to those of the Pingdengjue jing. Especially, considering the fact that the Buddha’s
name has been revised as Wuliang qingjing 無量清淨 “measureless purity,” and the Buddha’s land
is labelled – based on his name - as Wuliang qingjing (fo) guotu 無量清淨佛國土, it is quitepossible that the term (清)淨處 was intentionally chosen by the translator of the Pingdengjue
jing. Also, it is of interest that a similar term, qingjing yechu 清淨業處 “the abode of pure karma”
appears in the Guan wuliangshou fo jing 觀無量壽佛經 (T12, no.365, the Guan-jing). Regarding
a preliminary study of the connection between the nine-grade rebirth system in the Guan-jing andthe three-grade rebirth system in the Da Amituo jing, see XIAO 2017c.
In addition, although GÓMEZ categorized that the 17th~21th stanzas concern Amitābha’s vows, thisstanza and the next stanza (17th) are actually connected to the vows in the Pingdengjue jing. That is
to say that this stanza corresponds to the fourth vow of the Da Amtiuo jing (T12, 301b8-13), andthe latter part of the seventeenth vow of the Pingdengjue jing, which reads: 諸天人民蠕動之類聞
我名字，皆悉踴躍來生我國。不爾者我不作我 (T12, 281b27-c1). For an annotated English
translation of these two vows, see XIAO 2018a, 129; and 2018d, 185. For a comprehensive study ofthe two versions of the twenty-four vows, see XIAO (forthcoming). Moreover, this stanza also
corresponds to the 43rd vow of the Sanskrit version, and the 44th vow in the Wuliangshou jing andthe Rulai hui.
(59) The term yanjing guo 嚴淨國 “a majestic and pure country” represents the translator’s main
designation for Amitābha’s land. Undoubtedly, the translator has a strong willingness to express“high, lofty, exalted (udāram)” using the terms 莊嚴和清淨 “majesty and purity.” Cf. n. 43 above.
For the origin of the term Jingtu 淨土, see XIAO 2012b.
(60) This praise corresponds to the eighth vow of the Pingdengjue jing , the fifth vow in the Sanskrit
version, and the ninth vow in both the Wuliangshou jing and the Rulaihui.
(61) This praise corresponds to the sixth and the ninth vows in the Pingdengjue jing, and the seventhand the eighth vows of the Sanskrit version.
(62) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version (16) reads: āgatya ca kṣetram idaṃ udāraṃ
ṛddhībalaṃ prāpuṇi kṣipram eva| divyaṃ ca cakṣus, tatha śrotra divyaṃ jātismarāḥ paramatakovidāś
ca|16| (FUJITA 2011, 55). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 131. For an English
translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads: 【無量】至彼嚴淨土，便速得神通(T12, 273a20-21). It appears that there is no counterpart in the Rulai
hui and the Zhuangyan jing.
In addition, the counterpart of this praise corresponds to the fifth vow in the Pingdengjue jing, andthe sixth vow in the Sanskrit version.

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❖ Articles 2 ❖hear thoroughly,
As well as the psychic power to know the destinies of their past lives.
3.4 The Vows17) 無量覺授其決，
我前世有本願，一切人聞說法，皆疾來生我國。(63)Then the Immeasurably Enlightened One explains:
It is due to the original vow in a past life.
All people who have heard the Dharma,
Will be born instantly in my land.
18) 吾所願皆具足，從眾國來生者，
皆悉來到此間，一生得不退轉。(64)All of my aspirations have been fulfilled,
And the beings who [aspire to] be reborn in my land from other counties,
Will all come to my land,
And will attain the stage of non-retrogression within one lifetime.
19) 若菩薩更興願，
亦念度一切人，欲使國如我剎，令各願達十方。(65)(63) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: amitāyu buddhas tada vyākaroti mama

hy ayaṃ praṇidhir abhūṣi pūrva | kathaṃ pi sattvāḥ śruṇiyāna nāmaṃ vrajeyu kṣetraṃ mama nityam
eva |17| (FUJITA 2011, 55-56). For a standard Japanese translation, see 2015, 131-131. For an
English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jingreads:【無量】必於無量尊，受記成等覺。其佛本願力，聞名欲往生 (T12, 273a21-22). For an
English translation, see Inagaki1995, and Gómez. There is no counterpart in the in Rulai hui and
the Zhuangyan jing.
(64) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: sa me ayaṃ praṇidhi prapūrṇa śobhanāsattvāś ca entī bahulokadhātutaḥ | āgatya kṣipraṃ mama te ’ntikasmin avivartikā bhontiha ekajātiyā
|18| (FUJITA 2011, 56). For a standard Japanese translation, see 2015, 132. For an English translation,
see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】皆悉
到彼國，自致不退轉 (T12, 273a23).
It is noteworthy that the term butuizhuan 不退轉 is a significant concept both in Pure Land
Buddhism and in early Mahāyāna Buddhism. The 46th vow of the Sanskrit version concerns this
doctrine. This term is translated as 阿惟越致 (Skt. avivartika, or avivartya) in the 18th vow in the
Pingdengjue jing, which refers to its counterpart, the 7th vow in the Da Amituo jing. For somecomments regarding the seventh vow of the Da amituo jing and the 18th vow in the Pingdengjue
jing, see XIAO 2018a, 133, and 2018d, 185. In addition, for some comments regarding the Sanskrit
term ekajātiyā Cf. FUKUI 1999, and FUJITA 2015, 240.
(65) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: tasmād ya icchātiha bodhisattvaḥ
mamāpi kṣetraṃ siya evarūpaṃ | ahaṃ pi sattvā bahu mocayeyaṃ nāmena ghoṣena 'tha darśanena|19| (FUJITA 2011, 56). For a standard Japanese translation, see 2015, 132. For an English translation,119❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

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Some bodhisattvas might aspire to take further vows;
May their lands be like my land.
Also, keeping their mind to constantly deliver all people [out of all suffering],
May all of their vows reach the ten quarters.
20) 速疾超便可到，安樂國之世界，(66)至無量光明土，(67)供養於無數佛。(68)They will be able to instantly arrive
To this Peaceful World,
The Land of the Immeasurable Light,
And, make offerings to countless Buddhas.
21) 其奉事億萬佛，
飛變化遍諸國，恭敬已歡喜去，
便還於須摩提。(69)
After making offerings to myriads of billions of Buddhas,
They will fly over all the lands,
To express their reverence and then leave full of joy,
And return back to Sukhavati [Jingtu].
4. The Ruzū-ge in the Pingdengjue jing
4.1 Who Can Hear the Dharma1) 非有是功德人，
不得聞是經名；see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】菩薩
興志願，願己國無異，普念度一切，名顯達十方 (T12, 273a24-25). The counterpart of this stanza
in the Ruai hui reads: 恒發誓莊嚴，當成微妙土，菩薩以願力，修勝菩提行 (T12, 98b13-14).
There is no counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing.
(66) For the term anle 安樂，see XIAO 2009b.
(67) The origin of this phrase 無量光明土 is “amitaprabha,” and its Tibetan counterpart reads: 'Oddpag med.” For some comments regarding this phrase, see FUJITA 2015, 240.
(68) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: sa śīghraśīghraṃ tvaramāṇarūpaḥ
sukhāvatīṃ gacchatu lokadhātuṃ | gatvā ca pūrvaṃ amitaprabhasya pūjetu buddhāna sahasrakoṭī
|20| (FUJITA 2011, 56). For a standard Japanese translation, see 2015, 132. For an English translation,
see GÓMEZ 1996, 95. There is no counterpart in other Chinese translations.
(69 ) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: buddhāna koṭīṃ bahu pūjayitvāṛddhībalenā bahu kṣetra gatvā | kṛtvāna pūjāṃ sugatāna santike bhaktāgram eṣyanti sukhāvatī ta iti|21| For a standard Japanese translation, see 2015, 132-133. For an English translation, see GÓMEZ
1996, 95. The origin of the term Xumoti 須摩提 should be sukhāvatī, and this term appears twotimes in the Pingdengjue jing. Also Cf. Xuati 須阿提. The counterpart of this stanza in the
Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】奉事億如來，飛化遍諸剎，恭敬歡喜去，還到安養國(T12,273a26-27).

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❖ Articles 2 ❖唯有清淨戒者，(70)
乃逮聞此正法。(71)
If people have not cultivated enough good merit,
It will not be possible for them to hear the title of this sūtra;Only someone abiding completely by the precepts,
Will be able to hear this right Dharma.
2) 曾更見世尊雄，
則得信於是事，
謙恭敬、聞奉行，
便踊躍大歡喜。(72)
Only people who have encountered the Sovereign of World-Honored One in a past life,
Can believe in this,Only those who are modest, and respect [the Dharma] can pursue the Dharma upon(70) In general, this stanza is not different from the corresponding stanzas in other versions, except forthe prerequisite of hearing the Dharma. In the Sanskrit version, it is “heroes who have attained thegoal” (Cf. the text underlined below), to which the counterpart in the Rulai hui corresponds well.
However, in the Pingdengjue jing and the Wuliangshou jing, the prerequisite becomes “someone
abiding completely by the precepts.” Regarding the phrase 清淨戒, it is a combination of the term
清淨 and the character jie 戒. Obviously, the phrase was purposely edited by the translator becausezhaijie qingjing 齋戒清淨 is a significant prerequisite for rebirth in Amitābha’s land , which has
been purposely highlighted in both the Da Amito jing and fully inherited by the translator of thePingdengjue jing. For the term zhaijie qingjing, see XIAO 2011. For the connection between zhaijie
qingjing, Wuliang qingjing 無量清淨 and the term Jingtu 淨土, see XIAO 2012b.
In addition, it is of interest that this prerequisite has been revised as 已曾供養諸如來 “those whohave made offerings to the measureless number of tathagatas” in the Zhuangyan jing .
(71) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: neme akṛtapuṇyānāṃ śravā bheṣyantiīdṛśāḥ | ye tu te śūra siddhārthāḥ te śroṣyanti imāṃ girāṃ |1| (FUJITA 2011, 75). For a standard
Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 166-167. For an English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 109.
【無量】若人無善本，不得聞此經；清淨有戒者，乃獲聞正法 (T12, 273a28-29). For an
English translation of this stanza, see INAGAKI 1995, 35; and GÓMEZ 1996, 191. Likewise, eachpraise of the Ruzū-ge in the Wuliangshou jing consists of five characters. This stanza in the
Wuliangshou jing might have referred to the counterpart of the one in the Pingdengjue jing. The
counterpart of this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】若於福德初未修，終不聞斯微妙法；
勇猛能成諸善利，當聞如是甚深經 (T11, 101b11-12). The stanza in the Rulai hui is morecorresponding to the one in the Sanskrit version than the one in the Pingdengjue jing and the
Wuliangshou jing. The counterpart of this stanza in the Zhuanyang jing reads: 【莊嚴】若不往昔
修福慧，於此正法不能聞；已曾供養諸如來，是故汝等聞斯義 (T12, 326b4-5).
(72) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: dṛṣṭo yaiś ca hi saṃbuddho lokanātha
prabhaṃaraḥ | sagauravaiḥ śruto dharmaḥ prītiṃ prāpsyanti te parāṃ |2| (FUJITA 2011, 76). For astandard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 167. For an English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996,
109. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】曾更見世尊，則能信
此事，謙敬聞奉行，踊躍大歡喜 (T12, 273b1-2). Likewise, this stanza should be the one
referring to its counterpart in the Pingdengjue jing. For the English translation, see INAGAKI 1995,
35, and GÓMEZ 1996, 191. The counterpart of the stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】彼人曾見
諸 世 尊 ， 能 作 大 光 拯 濁 世 , 多 聞 總 持 如 巨 海 ， 彼 獲 聖 賢 喜 愛 心 (T11, 101b13-14).The
counterpart of this stanza in the Zhangyan jing reads:【莊嚴】聞已受持及書寫，讀誦、讚演并
供養，如是一心求淨方，決定往生極樂國 (T12, 326b6-7).

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And will rejoice so greatly that they will want to dance.
3) 惡驕慢、弊懈怠，
難以信於此法；
宿世時見佛者，
樂聽聞世尊教。(73)For people whose spirit is full of evils: arrogance; and corruption: slackness,
It is hard to believe in this Dharma.
Only people who have encountered [and made offerings to] Buddhas in their past lives,
Will rejoice in hearing the teaching by the World-Honored One.
4.2 Only Buddhas Understand4) 譬從生盲冥者，
欲得行開導人，
聲聞悉或(74)大乘，
何況於俗凡諸？(75)Just like people born blind,
Who wish to know how to show the way to other people,
Even śrāvakas are still all bewildered by Mahāyāna thought,
How could normal people not?

(73) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: na śakya hīnebhi kuśīdadṛṣṭibhiḥ

buddhāna dharmeṣu prasāda vindituṃ| ye pūrvabuddheṣu akārṣu pūjāṃ te lokanāthāṃ caryāsuśikṣiṣu |3| (FUJITA 2011, 76). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 167. The
counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】憍慢弊懈怠，難以信此法；宿世見諸佛，樂聽如是教（T12, 273b3-4）. For the English translation, see INAGAKI 1995, 35; andGÓMEZ 1996, 191-192. The counterpart of this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】懈怠邪見下
劣人，不信如來斯正法，若曾於佛殖眾善，救世之行彼能修 (T11,101b15-16). By contrast,
the latter part of this stanza in the Rulai hui has been revised as “[only] one who has planted theseeds of vast good merit in front of the Buddhas would like to cultivate the Dharma leading tosalvation (Cf. the praise underlined above). There is no counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing.
(74) The character huo 或 is a synonym of 惑 “be bewildered.” An example in the Mengzi 孟子 reads:
孟子曰：無或乎王之不智也 “Mencius said, ‘It is not to be wondered at that the king is not wise!.’”(see https://ctext.org/).
(75) The counterpart in the Sanskrit version (4) reads: yathāndhakāre puruṣo hy acakṣuḥ mārgaṃ najāne kutu saṃprakāśayet | sarve tathā śrāvaka buddhajñāne ajānakāḥ kiṃ punar anya sattvāḥ |4|(FUJITA 2011, 76). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 166. For an English
translation of this stanza, see GÓMEZ 1996, 109. The counterpart in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】聲聞或菩薩，莫能究聖心，譬如從生盲，欲行開導人 (T12, 273b5-6). For an English
translation of these Chinese lines, see INAGAKI 1995,35; and GÓMEZ 1996. The counterpart of thisstanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】譬如盲人恒處闇，不能開導於他路，聲聞於佛智亦然，況 餘 有 情 而 悟 解 (T11, 101b17-18). There is no counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing. It isnoteworthy that the order of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing is reversed compared to the order
followed in the Pingdengjue jing and the Sanskrit version (the first two and the last two praises).
This case might reflect the translator's intentions.

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❖ Articles 2 ❖5) 天中天(76)相知意，
聲聞不了佛行，辟支佛亦如是，獨正覺乃知此。(77)
Only the Gods of Gods (Buddhas) can understand the profound teachings of each other.
Neither śrāvakas can fully understand the cultivation of the Buddhas,
Nor pratyekabuddhas.
Only the Fully Enlightened One can know this.
6) 使一切悉作佛，(78)
復過此億萬劫，其淨慧智本空，(79)
計佛智無能及。(80)The term tian zhong tian 天中天 “god of gods” is one of the typical terms frequently found inearly Chinese Buddhist texts. For instance, (i) the Da Mingdu jing 大 明 度 經 (T8, no.225)
considered to have been translated by Zhi Qian, (ii) the Daoxing Banruo jing 道行般若經 (T8,
no.224) which is attributed to Zhi Loujiachen 支婁迦讖 “Lokakṣema;” and (iii) the Puyao jing 普曜經 (T3, no.186), and the Shengjing 生經 (T2, no. 152), which are both attributed to Zhu Fahui竺法護 “Dharmarakṣa.” The phrase “buddho hi buddhasya guṇā prajānate,” frequently appears in
the Mahāyāna sūtras, for instance in the Chinese translation of the Lotus sūtra,Saddharmapuṇḍarīka Sūtra, which reads: 唯佛與佛乃能究盡諸法實相 (T9, 5c, Cf. FUJITA 2015,251). In addition, for some comments regarding this term from a different perspective, see
IWAMATSU 1985.
(77) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: buddho hi buddhasya guṇā prajānate
na devanāgāsurayakṣaśrāvakāḥ |pratyekabuddhāna pi ko gatīpatho buddhasya jñāne hi
prakāśyamāne |5| (FUJITA 2011, 77). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 167-168.
For an English translation see GÓMEZ 1996, 110. The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit
version reads:【無量】如來智慧海，深廣無崖底，二乘非所測，唯佛獨明了(T12, 273b7-8).
For an English translation of these Chinese lines, see INAGAKI 1995,35; and GÓMEZ 1996, 192. The
counterpart of this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】如來功德佛自知，唯有世尊能開示，
天龍夜叉所不及，二乘自絕於名言（T11,101b19-20). The counterpart of this stanza in the
Zhuangyan jing (4) reads:【莊嚴】假使長壽諸有情，命住無數俱胝劫，稱讚如來功德身，盡
其形壽讚無盡（T12, 36212-13）It is noteworthy that the counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing concerns“praising the merits of the Buddhas” ( 稱 讚 如 來 ), a significant element in the Smaller
Sukhāvatvyūha sūtra.
(78) The Sanskrit sugata “going well,” which is one of Buddha’s ten names, was translated into “佛” inthe Pingdengjue jing. The term zuofo 作佛 appears over 70 times. Obviously, most of them follow
their counterparts in the Da Amituo jing in that this term appears about 100 time in the Da Amituo
jing. It is noteworthy that in the beginning of each vow, it has been revised to 我作佛時 from 設
我得佛 in the Da Amituo jing. For a further discussion on the phrase 我作佛時 in the vows of thePingdengjue jing, see forthcoming.
(79) The term benkong 本空 originates from “paramārtha-kovida.” Cf, note 51 above.
(80) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: yadi sarvasattvāḥ sugatā bhaveyuḥ
viśuddhajñānā paramārthakovidā |te kalpakoṭīr atha vāpi uttare ekasya buddhasya guṇāṃ katheyuḥ.
|6| (FUJITA 2015, 77). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 168. For an English
translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 110. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wulaingshou jing reads:【無量】假使一切人，具足皆得道，淨慧如本空，億劫思佛智 (T12, 273b9-10). For an English
translation of these Chinese lines, see INAGAKI 1995, 36; and GÓMEZ 1996, 192. The counterpartof this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】若諸有情當作佛,行超普賢登彼岸;敷演一佛之功德,時逾多劫不思議 (T12, 101b21-22). It is noteworthy that the first two praises underlined, which
(76)

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Even if all beings become Buddhas,
And obtain pure wisdom knowing original emptiness,
They will not be able to calculate the depth of the Buddha’s wisdom, despite the passingof myriads of billions of kalpas.
7) 講議說無數劫，盡壽命猶不知，佛之慧無邊幅，如是行清淨致。(81)
Even if they expound for immeasurable kalpas,
They will still not be able to grasp [the profundity of the Buddha's wisdom], despite
exhausting their lifespan,
The width of the Buddha's wisdom is thus boundless,And can be fulfilled by pure cultivation.
8) 奉我教乃信是，
唯此人能解了，
佛所說皆能受，是則為第一證。(82)
Only people who pursue my teaching can believe in it,
Only such people can fully comprehend it,
And desire to adopt the Dharma which the Buddha(s) expounded.
They will be the first to witness its profound meaning.
4.3 Rare and Precious Things

probably refer to the last chapter of the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, do not have a counterpart in any otherversions. There is no counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing.
(81) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: atrāntare nirvṛta te bhaveyuḥ
prakāśamānā bahukalpakoṭīḥ | na ca buddhajñānasya pramāṇu labhyate tathā hi jñānāścariyaṃ
jinānāṃ |7| (FUJITA 2011, 77). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 168. For an
English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 110. A counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jingreads: 【無量】窮力極講說，盡壽猶不知。佛慧無邊際，如是致清淨 (T12, 273b11-12). For
an English translation of these Chinese lines, see INAGAKI 1995, 36; and GÓMEZ 1996, 192. The
counterpart of this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】於是中間身滅度，佛之勝慧莫能量，
是故具足於信聞，及諸善友之攝受 (T11, 101b23-24). There is no counterpart in the Zhuangyan
jing.
(82) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: tasmān naraḥ paṇḍita vijñajātiyaḥ yomahya vākyaṃ abhiśraddhadheyuḥ | kṛtsnāṃ sa sākṣī jinajñānarāśiṃ buddha prajānā ti girāmudīrayet | 8| (FUJITA 2011, 77-78). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 168. For
an English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 110. There is no counterpart in the Wuliangshou jing. The
following stanza in the Rulai hui appears to correspond partly to this stanza, and reads:【如來】得聞如是深妙法，當獲 愛重諸聖尊，如來勝智 遍虛空，所說義言唯佛 悟 (T11, 101b2526).There is no counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing. A similar praise can be found in the Tanbutsuge (9) in the Pingdengjue jing, which it reads: 幸佛見信明，是我第一證 (T12, 280c8-9).

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in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing9) 人之命(83)希(84)可得，❖ Articles 2 ❖佛在世甚難值，有信慧不可致，若聞見精進求。(85)The human life is a rare thing and hard to get.
Encountering the period when the Buddha is living in the world is extremely rare,
It is impossible [for people] to manifest only by believing and wisdom,
You should diligently pursue [the Dharma] upon hearing the Dharma or encountering theBuddha.
4.4 Companions in the Path10) 聞是法而不忘，便見敬得大慶，
則我之善親厚，(86)以是故發道意。(87)
Never forget the Dharma after hearing it.
Respect to the Buddha and let great joy arise upon hearing it.
Such people are my friends from previous lives.
For this reason, you should awaken the aspiration for Enlightenment.
人之命, see Cf. FUJITA 2015, 251-252. The term 人之命 is the abbreviation of
人之壽命，which is equivalent with 人身, “human body.”(84) Xi 希=xi 稀 “rare.” An example appears in Chinese traditional texts, such as Laozi 老子; andLunyu 論語. An example found in the Laozi reads: 不言之教，無為之益，天下希及之“There
are few in the world who attain to the teaching without words, and the advantage arising from nonaction.” In addition, an example found in the Lunyu reads: 子曰:“伯夷、叔齊不念舊惡，怨是用
希.”“The Master said,‘Bo Yi and Shu Qi did not keep the former wickednesses of men in mind,
and hence the resentments directed towards them were few.’” Cf. https://ctext.org/(85) The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: kadāci labhyāti manuṣyalābhaḥ
kadāci buddhāna pi prādurbhāvaḥ | śraddhātha prajñā sucireṇa lapsyate tasyārthaprāptyai janayātha
vīryaṃ |9| (FUJITA 2011, 78). For a standard Japanese translation, see FUJITA 2015, 169. For an
English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 110. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jingreads:【無量】壽命甚難得，佛世亦難值;人有信慧難，若聞精進求 (T12,273b13-14). The
counterpart of this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】人趣之身得甚難，如來出世遇亦難，
信慧多時方乃獲，是故修者應精進 (T11, 101b28-29). There is no counterpart in the Zhuangyan
jing.
(86) The origin of the term shanqinhou 善親厚 is mitra“friend.”(87) For the phrase fadao yi 發道意, there are two other similar phrases appearing in the Pigndengjue
jing. (i) 發菩薩意，(ii) 發意欲求無上正真道最正覺 (for a discussion on the phrase 發菩薩意,
see XIAO 2014b and 2015). The counterpart of this stanza in the Sanskrit version reads: ya īdṛśāṃ
dharma śruṇitva śreṣṭhāṃ labhyanti prītiṃ sugataṃ smarantaḥ | te mitram asmākam atītam adhvani
ye buddhabodhāya janenti cchandam iti |10| (FUJITA 2011, 78). For a standard Japanesetranslation, see FUJITA 2015, 169. For an English translation, see GÓMEZ 1996, 110. The counterpartof this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】聞法能不忘，見敬得大慶，則我善親友，
是故當發意 (T12, 273b15-16). The counterpart of this stanza in the Rulai hui reads:【如來】如是妙法已聽聞，常念諸佛而生喜，彼人往昔真吾友，善能樂欲佛菩提 (T11, 101c1-2). The
counterpart in the Zhuangyan jing reads (6): 【莊嚴】大聖法王所說法，利益一切諸群生；若有受持恭敬者，佛說此人真善友 (T12, 326b14-15).
(83) For the term125❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

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4.5 The Importance of This Sūtra
11) 設令滿世界火。
過此中得聞法，
會當作世尊將，度一切生、老、死。(88)Even if the whole world is on fire,
Be sure to surpass it to hear the Dharma.
You will surely become the general of the World-Honored One,And deliver all beings from reincarnation and the pains of birth, old age and death.
Conclusion
In light of the annotated English translation above, the following conclusions can bereached:The Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge in the Pingdengjue jing are more corresponding to
the Sanskrit version than any other Chinese translation.(89) But the structure of the twoverses, the Tōhō-ge and the Ruzū-ge, in the Pingdengjue jing and the Wuliangshou jing iscontinuous, for there is no prose separating them in these versions. By contrast, over ten
paragraphs of prose are found between the two verses in the Sanskrit version and the
Tibetan translation, as well as the Rulai hui and the Zhuangyan jing. It is hard to believethat this difference comes from the original Indian text of the Pingdengjue jing and the
Wuliangshou jing, but was rather an innovation by the translator who wanted the Ruzūge next to the Tōhō-ge, and this feature was later followed by the translator of the
Wuliangshou jing.(90)
Moreover, in light of my recent series of research on the formation of the twoearliest versions of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha,(91 ) I would like to point out that the(88) A similar praise to the last one can be found in the Tanbutsu-ge (4), which reads:【清淨】過度於生死，無不解脫者 (T12, 280b15-18). Cf. a short paragraph in the Da Amituo jing: 【大阿】其曇摩迦菩薩至其然後，自致得作佛，名阿彌陀佛，最尊、智慧勇猛、光明無比，今現在所
居國土甚快善。在他方異佛國，教授八方、上下諸無央數天人民及蜎飛蠕動之類，莫不得
過度解脫憂苦 (T12, 301a16-20).
This stanza has no counterpart in the Sanskrit version, but it was followed by all later Chinesetranslations. The counterpart of this stanza in the Wuliangshou jing reads:【無量】設滿世界火，必過要聞法，會當成佛道，廣濟生死流 (T12, 273b18-19). There is no counterpart of this stanza
in the Rulai hui. The counterpart of this stanza in the Zhuangyan jing reads (3):【莊嚴】假使大火
滿三千，及彼莊嚴諸牢獄；如是諸難悉能超，皆是如來威德力（T12, 326b8-9）.
(89) Owing to space constrains, the two verses in the Tibetan translations can not be considered here,
even though I hope to do so in a subsequent paper.
(90) It is noteworthy that these two versions contain the paragraphs on the Five Evils (Go-akudan 五惡段). For the formation of the paragraphs on the Five Evils, see XIAO 2012b.
(91) For the vows in the Pingdengjue jjing, see XIAO 2018d; for the Dharmākara narrative in the
Pingdengjue jing, see2019b. For the two versions of the twenty-four vows in the sūtra, see
forthcoming.

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in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

❖ Articles 2 ❖original Indian text of the Pingdengjue jing, which was translated into Chinese in the 3rd
century, might be quite similar to the extant earliest manuscript of the Sanskrit version,
which has been recognized as written in the middle of the twelfth century.(92) This research
serves as a bridge between the third century and the twelfth century so that we can present
a further study of the formation of the Da Amituo jing. We also reached additional
conclusions which are the following:Firstly, the Pingdengjue jing is not merely a “modified version” as suggested by
KARASHIMA (2009, 123). Without the Pingdengjue jing, we would not be able todetermine the formation of the Da Amituo jing. Accordingly, the Pingdengjue jing plays
a significant role in the research of the formation of early Pure Land Buddhism.
Secondly, regarding the term qingjing 清淨, this term appears in the 5th, 9th, 15th
stanzas of the Tōhō-ge and the first stanza of the Ruzū-ge. All these examples have nocounterpart in the Sanskrit version. Accordingly, we understand that the translator of thePingdengjue jing strongly wished to describe the Land of Amitābha using the term
qingjing. Therefore, it is hard to believe what Nattier (2007) and KARASHIMA (2009)
suggested about the origin of Wuliang qingjing being a result of Zhi Qian’s
misunderstanding.
Thirdly, regarding the name of Amitābha’s land, it has been described in diverse
ways. For example, we can find the following terms in the Tōhō-ge: 須阿提(15), (清)浄処(15), 厳浄国(16), 安楽国(20), 無量光明国土(20), 須摩提(21). Accordingly, we
can clearly understand that the translator of the Pingdengjue jing has the willingness tostress the feature of “purity” of the Buddha's Land.
Moreover, the name of the Buddha is also expressed in diverse ways, such as 無量覚(1, 2, 4, 17), 無際光(4), 無量(5), 寿無極(9), 清浄(9: for the bodhisattvas). It is
hard to deny that “amitāyu” has appeared in the original Indian text of the Pingdengjue
jing. As I pointed out above (note 32),the reason why the term wuliangshou 無量壽“measureless life” did not appear in the verses of the Pingdengjue jing is that the character“壽”may have been omitted in order to conform with the restricted number of charactersreserved for each praise. On the other hand, wuliang 無量 is a neutral term which ismore corresponding to the term Wuliang qingjing 無量清淨.
Furthermore, there are two kinds of concepts regarding the Buddha’s land in the
Pingdengjue jing. There is a verb, purified the land, such as 淨此土 found in the 8th
stanza of the Tōhō-ge. The second is an adjective, pure land, such as anle 安樂 found in
the 20th stanza, and (清)浄処 found in the 15th stanza. The first corresponds to the phrase
zuo pusa dao 作菩薩道 “cultivation of the bodhisattva path to perfection” which is one(92) See FUJITA 1984; and KARASHIMA 1999.

127❖ 2020.3 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

Vol. 3of the significant features of the Da Amituo jing. The second corresponds to the phrase
wuliang qingjing fo guo tu 無量清淨佛國土.The term Jingtu must be the abbreviationof the phrase 無量清淨佛國土➡淨土.(93)Finally, regarding the term È lóu gèn 廅樓亘, as I pointed out (note 49 above), theconcept of the Three Saints of the West in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra is not asimportant as people thought, unlike in the Guan Wuliangshou jing 觀無量壽佛經. It is
hard to determine whether the image of the Three Saints of the West originates in theoriginal Indian text of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra. Undoubtedly, the combination of
iconography 圖像學 and philology 文獻學 is a very valuable methodology whichshould be considered more from now on. But there is a prerequisite: accuracy in bothparts of this methodology. Unfortunately, scholars who currently try to approach this issue
are far from meeting this requirement,(94) at least in the study of the philology of the Da
Amituo jing and the Pingdengjue jing.

(93)【大阿】齋戒清淨➡【清淨】齋戒清淨、無量清淨、安樂、無量清淨佛國土、（清）浄処、

厳浄国➡淨土.
(94) In fact, HARRISON does not believe that the second passage containing the bodhisattva Guan-yin

觀音 in the Da Amituo jing (T12, 290a26-28) was a genuine translation from the original Indian
text of the Da Amituo jing, but was rather a creation of the Chinese translator (see NATTIER 2007b,
197-205, cf. n. 49 of this paper above). However, HARRISON’s suggestion was merely based on thephrases 世間人民……一急恐怖遭縣官事 (see HARRISON 2000, 172, n.24). Even though I agreewith HARRISON’s suggestion at this point (for a discussion on the bodhisattva Guan-yin in the Da
Amituo jing in detail, see XIAO 2016a), HARRISON appears to not realize that (i) this suggestion
contradicts his main idea on the formation of the Da Amituo ing that the Da Amituo jing represents
the earliest form of Indian Pure Land Buddhism; and (ii) it is hard to believe that the translator of
the Da Amituo jing only inserted one paragraph. There must be other evidence that has been
overlooked by HARRISON. In fact, the syntax and the morphology of the first paragraph mentioningthat bodhisattva (T12, 308b15-19) corresponds to those 129 special characters found in the
Dharmākara narrative of the Da Amituo jing, which has been purposely compiled by the translatorof the Da Amituo jing based on his own notions (for a discussion regarding those terms, see XIAO
2016a, 9-13); and (iii) HARRISON does not discuss the vows, the paragraphs on the Five-Evils, andthe bodhisattva thought found in the Da Amituo jing (for the formation of the paragraphs on theFive-Evils, see XIAO 2012; for the formation of the Dharmākara narrative in the Da Amituo jing
and the Pingdengjue jing, see XIAO 2012a; 2016b; 2018a; 2019b). A completely different
conclusion on the formation of the Da Amituo jing may be reached if these clues can be taken into
account together.
In addition, it is hard to believe that there is any information related to the bodhisattva
Avalokiteśvara (Guanyin) containing the title of the Da Amituo jing. KARASHIMA referred to Chen
Jinhua’s suggestion that sàlóu{fó}tán 薩樓{佛}檀 is a corruption of hélóugèn 廅樓亘, which isan incomplete transliteration of Avalokitasvara (see KARASHIMA 2009, 125). Obviously, this issimply KARASHIMA’s hypothesis and it seems to be a little bit hasty, I think, because bodhisattva
Avalokiteśvara merely appears three times in the Da Amituo jing, unlike Amitābha and theimportance of the cultivation of the bodhisattva path to perfection which are purposely highlighted
throughout the entire sūtra.

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in the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing

❖ Articles 2 ❖Abbreviation
HD＝Hanyu dacidian 漢語大詞典, 13 vols. Shanghai: Hanyu dacidian chubanshe 漢語大辭典
出版社, 1989–1994.
JDJT＝Shinsan Jōdoshū daijiten 新纂浄土宗大辞典. Ed. Jōdoshū daijiten henshū iinkai 浄土
宗大辞典編集委員会. Kyoto: Jōdoshū, 2016.
日＝Data of the Japanese ancient manuscripts preserved at Kongō-ji 金剛寺, preserved at the
Research Institute for Old Japanese Manuscript of Buddhist Scriptures, the International
College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies.

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A Critical Translation of the Tōhō-ge And the Ruzū-ge
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Journal ofWorld Buddhist Cultures

Purpose of the Journal
The Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures at the Ryukoku University was established with theaim of forming an international research institute for Buddhism, which could respond to serious
problems of modern world. It is the important mission of the Center to accomplish a wide variety ofacademic projects on Buddhism and thereby contribute to this increasingly globalized society. All
knowledge is expected to be transformed into information in such globalized society. Thus, since being
established last year, the Center also has aspired to publish an electronic journal and disseminate theresearch results widely in order to attain its main purpose. They seem the indispensable devices for theCenter to mutually interact with researchers, Buddhists, and adherents of other religious traditions
outside Japan, or to cooperate with foreign universities and research institutes.
In order not to miss the global trends of internationalization and informatization, the ResearchCenter for World Buddhist Cultures starts a new electronic journal, Journal of World Buddhist
Cultures. In its long history, the Ryukoku University has gradually accumulated the broad knowledge
and characteristics concerning Buddhism. The Center hopes to develop further and disseminate them
actively all over the world by means of this electronic journal, through which the Center will also
attempt to encourage international intellectual exchange even more and seek the solution to various
problems of the people who live in contemporary society.
In contemporary society, a sense of values is significantly diversified and complicated, and we are
hardly able to recognize what is “true” indeed. Journal of World Buddhist Cultures will include not
only scholarly articles on Buddhism but also those which respond, as a kind of guide, to various
urgent problems that arise in every part of the world. Buddhism has been circulated all over the world
over a long period of time more than 2500 years. The Center will widely invite the papers in which
this universal religion is discussed from a “global point of view.”
In addition, Journal of World Buddhist Culture will also include the reviews of books on Buddhism,
records of lectures organized by the Center, and a wide variety of translation works. It especiallywelcomes a paper written in English. Through this electronic journal, the Center strongly hopes toform the international platform for Buddhist Studies and contribute to their further development.

135

Objective of
the Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures,
Ryukoku University
1. Comprehensive Academic Research of Buddhism.
Our objective is to contribute to the advancement of academic research on Buddhist philosophy,
history, and culture and other relevant fields while searching for ways to respond to the problems
facing our modern world. By using effective and appropriate research methodology, we aim to
explore Buddhist topics that meet the needs and concerns of our modern world.

2. Interdisciplinary Research that Combines the Three Fields of “Humanity,
Science, and Religion”and the Creation of a New Wisdom.
By combining the three fields of “humanity, science, and religion” we will explore the prospectsof creating a new wisdom for the 21st century. We will aim at becoming a global research hub
where scholars both from Japan and abroad can converse and interact in order to provide guidelinesthat can help address social issues and global crises from the standpoint of Buddhism.

3. Building a Global Platform for Buddhist Studies.
By collaborating with universities and research institutions in Asia, America, and Europe, wewill carryout projects with overseas scholars, Buddhist priests, and academics of religion. We willthen publish our research results through our website and publications and provide them in English
and other languages. Also, by using the Information and Communication Technology (ICT), we
will connect ourselves with overseas universities and research institutions in real time in both thegraduate and undergraduate programs. In addition, we will build a system that can quickly respondto requests from overseas research institutions who may ask for information about local historicalsites by employing various views from across the university.

4. Benefitting the Undergraduate and Graduate Schools’Education with
the Research Results.
By collaborating with the curriculum for each academic area, we will aim at building an
integrated program that spans across the departments. We will also promote participation in
educational collaboration programs not only within our university but with other educational
institutions as well. We will recruit limited-term research fellows from the graduate andpost-graduate programs in and outside of our university, providing research grants(scholarships) and publishing their findings online or on print.

136

Significance of the Publication of Journal of World Buddhist Culturesin the Center

The

ResearchCenterforWorld

Buddhist Cultures consists of following
three research divisions: Basic Research
Division, Applied Research Division, andInternational Research Division. Amongthem, the International Research Division
plays a central role for the publication ofthis electronic journal.

International Research DivisionThis division will be responsible for sharing information about the overall activities of the center
to the international community while continuing the project of translating and publishing Buddhist
canons and texts that were originally carried out by the Research Institute for Buddhist Culture. In
addition to the publication of E-journal and website management, the division will promoteexchanges with overseas scholars, other Buddhists, and religious specialists through theInformation and Communication Technology (ICT). The division will encourage collaboration with
universities and research institutes in different parts of the world and engage in the sponsorship ofinternational symposiums that will invite scholars from overseas.
As religion becomes more global and multi-dimensional in contemporary society, there has beena growing awareness of the need for inter-religious dialogue. The division will encourage theseconversations and interactions by collaborating with various religious research institutions abroad.
With the theme of “inter-faith education” the division will carryout research at institutions of higher
education.
In the international context of inter-religious dialogue this division will explore how Japanese
Buddhist ideology is viewed in the eyes of the outside world as well as what Japanese Buddhism
can further contribute to inter-religious education. Through these activities, the division will work
as its core focus to not only develop young scholars to understand the importance of having aninternational mindset but also to promote global interactions of scholars.

137

Authors’ Profiles

Jake NAGASAWA

PhD Candidate, Religious Studies,
the University of California, Santa Barbara

Buddhism in early and medieval
Tibet

Wooseok(SHIN Hoijung)

Guest Researcher, Research Center for World
Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University

Kegon Studies in the East Asian
Buddhism

Takuya HINO

Adjunct Lecturer, Department of English,
Faculty of Arts and Sciences,
Komazawa University

Buddhist Studies, Religious
Studies, Historical Studies,
Translation Studies

Yue XIAO

Researcher, Research Institute of Bukkyo
University

Buddhist Studies, Pure Land
Buddhism, Sociology, Chinese
Philology

執 筆 者 一 覧
Jake NAGASAWA

カリフォルニア大学サンタバーバラ校
宗教学専攻博士課程

古代・中世チベット仏教

玗錫（申 回貞）

龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター
嘱託研究員

東アジア仏教華厳学

日野 拓也

駒澤大学総合教育研究部外国語第一部門
非常勤講師

仏教学、宗教学、史学、翻訳

佛教大学総合研究所
特別研究員

仏教学、浄土教、社会学、中国
哲学

肖 越

138

Editorial Board

Editorial Committee Member
Eiji HISAMATSU（Editor-in-Chief）

Masahiro ASADA

Syōryū KATSURA

Chisui SATŌSinryō TAKADA

Masaaki NOHNIN

Mitsuya DAKE

Eishō NASU

Dennis HIROTA

Akira MIYAJI

Yūshō WAKAHARA

Ichido KIKUKAWA

久松 英二（編集長）

淺田 正博

桂

佐藤 智水

高田 信良

能仁 正顕

嵩

満也

那須 英勝

廣田 デニス

宮治

昭

若原 雄昭

菊川 一道

Manning LI

Chihiro SAKA

編 集 委 員紹隆

Assistant Editor
Ichido KIKUKAWA

編集スタッフ
菊川 一道

李

曼寧

139

坂

知尋

ONLINE ISSN 2435-3019

PRINT ISSN 2435-5259

Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University

Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

世界仏教文化研究~ Vol. 3 ~March 15, 2020
EditorResearch Center for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University Editorial Committee

Publisher

Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University
125-1 Daiku-chō, Shichijō-dōri Ōmiya
Higashi-iru, Shimogyō-ku, Kyoto 600-8268
Hakuakan (Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures)
Phone Number

domestic： 075-343-3812

international：+81-75-343-3812
E-mail: rcwbc-ejournal@ad.ryukoku.ac.jp
URL: http://rcwbc.ryukoku.ac.jp

Printer

Kawakita Printing Co., Ltd.
© 2020 by Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University, JapanAll rights reserved.