Formation of the Sasanggye Group and
its Roles in Rebuilding South Korea,1953-1959

Ah-reum Kim

Introduction
This study investigates print media's role

Maoism. In this process, print media, such as

in 1950s' Korean society, focusing on the risebooks and journals, functioned as the criticalof the intellectual group that formed aroundlocus to network Chinese cultural

the general magazine Sasanggye (思想界•The

intellectuals who initiated independent

Realm of Thought, 1953-1970). Following thecultural public spaces in an attempt to

Korean War, publishing capital was

exercise cultural pluralism (Gu 1999, 427).

intertwined with the process of rebuilding

Media studies has so far tended tothe modern nation, and magazines flourishedconcentrate merely on cultural semiotic

in the 1950s playing a critical role inapproaches; consequently, it has considereddisseminating discourses on reconstruction of

the media as an ideological apparatus or athe nation.

capitalistic reproduction system (Kellner,

Sasanggye existed as a media space where

1995). Indeed, media studies has a tendency

critical academic discussions, production andto be confined to explication of texts andcirculation of knowledge took place at thecontinues to largely ignore the internal andheight of national reconstruction following

external social contexts within which mass

the war. The intellectual group that formed

media messages were produced in the past.

around Sasanggye functioned as an actual

However, as Bourdieu points out, media itself

actor that related those cultural products tois the site of actions and reactions performedsocial, historical structures. Similarly, Chinese

by the agents who react to relations of forces

cultural intellectual groups during theand to structures of social fields. Agents

Cultural Revolution in the 1980s searched for

produce meanings within specific institutions,alternative intellectual frameworks tomaterial and symbolic states and inner

Graduate School of the University of Tokyo Interdisciplinary Information Studies
キーワード：Sasanggye, Korean intellectuals, American liberal democracy, the 1950s, Nation-building.

143

struggles (Bourdieu 2005, 30-33). In thisinfluence. Therefore, considering intellectual

context, it is necessary to take intellectuals,

continuity and discontinuity with the colonial

who are actually involved in social

period is an indispensable prerequisite tocommunication and cultural reproduction,

understanding the relationship between theinto consideration in understanding themedia and cultural production in postwar

complexities of media texts; this approach

Korea.

yields the potential to explore extensive

In this vein, this study was undertakensocial process beyond the media (Garnham

through textual analysis of Sasanggye for the

1995, 361). In particular, magazine editors

period of the 1950s. Articles, prefaces, andcast a long shadow over the ideologicalresearch essays published in the magazine

direction and social network of theirwere thoroughly reviewed, while literary

publications; thus, in order to understand theworks and advertisements were excluded. In

cultural production of magazines it isan effort to understand the characteristics ofnecessary to focus on the producers of

the intellectuals from the magazine, memoirs,magazines. For instance, J. Jacobson, theautographs and articles written by them

former editor of New Politics, consistently

were closely scrutinized.

pursued his ideological conviction of theThis article illuminates the reorganization

Third Camp tradition of socialism throughof both Korean intellectual territory and thethe magazine.

media landscape in order to understand the

Furthermore, having noted thatsocial context in which Sasanggye emerged.

intellectuals, particularly scholars, often

Second, the rise of the Sasanggye groupspeak out on political and social issues incentered around the magazine and its

modern Asia, analytical studies of intellectual

characteristics will be examined. Lastly,

history can shed light on the transformation

dis cour s es on liber al dem ocr acy in t heof Asian society (Keddie 1959, 71-72). Korean

process of rebuilding the modern nationsociety of the 1950s was in a transitional

following the war are investigated as a result

period when the intellectual paradigm wasof the melding of both these forces.

shifting from Imperial Japanese to American

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１．Reorganization of Intellectual Society Following the Korean War
It is an undeniable truth that Koreanof the nation within this context. Therefore,

intellectuals were greatly affected byunderstanding the intricacies of the

anticommunism following the outbreak of theintellectual society of the early 1950s and the

Korean War, but there are limitations insocial position of its members is not only

delineating Korean intellectual society in thelimited to ideological matters but also related

1950s by merely focusing on ideologicalto their educational backgrounds as well as

aspects. Cho (2001) argues that Korean

their everyday lives as ordinary people.

intellectual society during that period should

The reorganization of intellectual society

not be judged only in terms of left and right.

was also supported by social conditions such

That is to say, the mass exodus ofas rising levels of education, the emergence

intellectuals in the early part of the 1950s,of intellectual groups and reorganization ofincluding Marxist, traditional federalist,

the media landscape. In reality, sinceliberal bourgeois, and moderate theorists,

independence, from 1948 to 1960, the Korean

was the result of a mixture of social

government allocated 10.5 percent of theconditions and concerns about persecution at

national budget to foster higher education,

the hands of the new government rather

made elementary education compulsory, andthan being solely an ideological matter (149).

built additional educational facilities (Oh 1998,

In particular, the educational backgrounds

296). The increase of higher education wasof leading intellectuals explain the intellectual

especially conspicuous. Between 1945 andterritory of the times. Kim Ki-seok et al.

1960, the number of universities increased 3.3(1952) testified in the magazine titled Sasangtimes, from 19 to 63. Accordingly, the(The Thoughts•思想), the forerunner of

number of students also increased by more

Sasanggye, that intellectuals who graduatedthan 12 times (Yoo 2006, 463). Further, thefrom private schools tended to choose theannual growth rate of college students was

Democratic Camp having a pro-American

14.5 percent from 1952 to 1960, which was

inclination, while those who went to public

two times higher than the rate in subsequent

schools having a pro-Japanese inclination had

years from 1960 to 1970 (Park 2004, 258). As

no choice other than going to the north alonga result, in the case of Seoul, the literacy ratewith their acquaintances. Intellectuals whoreached 99.27 percent by January 1958. Thisremained in the South took the initiative infigure is notable because, when the Koreansolidifying their new position and the mission

government recaptured Seoul, the number ofFormation of the Sasanggye Group and its Roles in Rebuilding South Korea, 1953-1959

145

illiterate people was about 72,000, but, in two

enthusiasm constructed the basis for growthyears, it decreased sharply to 14,000 (Ohof the reading public, and this rise of

1998, 297). Consequently, these expanded

highbrow readers led to a flourishing of print

educational opportunities and public

media.

２．Magazine Dominance of the Media Landscape of Korea in the 1950s
After Korea was liberated from Japaneseopinion of the Rhee administration.

colonial rule, several political forces emerged

Therefore, although newspapers had a highand exploited newspapers to promote theircirculation rate, the restrictions on them

political ideas. As newspapers increased theirmade it difficult for them to meet the demand

circulation following the establishment of thefor intellectual content; that is, newspapers

South Korean government, they becameof the 1950s were suffering from the double

spokesmen either for the ruling party or for

effects of government regulations andthe opposition parties. Newspapers werepartisan positions.

partisan for several reasons; first, they had a1

On the other hand, the penetration rate of

network of certain political forces ; second,

television was still low; when the first

they attempted to attract readers bybroadcasting station, HLKZ-TV, wasfocusing on their political colors, and lastly,

established in 1956, there were only about

they were cash-strapped (Park 2007, 190-91).

300 television sets throughout the nation,

The Syngman Rhee administration constantly

thus limiting the number of televisioninfringed freedom of speech and tenaciously

viewers. The television station's management

tried to legislate controls on the press during

was also instable. It was constantly in deficit

its time in office. Eventually, theand suffered from a fire of unknown cause inadministration voted for a new regulation

1959 (Kim 2006, 444).Under thesegoverning publications in 1955; this regulation

circumstances, television sets existed only as

set a limit on who could be a publisher or

foreign-made goods beyond the reach of theeditor and on importing foreign publications.

general public (Lim 2007, 440). In the case ofThis regulation was rooted in USAMGIK

radio, although it had a higher penetration

Ordinance 88, which was about obtaining

rate than television, Rhee's administration

permissions to issue newspapers. It was

exploited its programs to inform people

actually applied to prevent Kyung-Hyang

about the government's policies while theShinmoon from expressing an unfavorable

bureau of public information set up guidelines146

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for the news media (Baek 2007, 343-47).

magazines in the 1960s was superior in

Accordingly, contents were mainly focused

number but many of them were regarded as

on entertainment. Acceding to listeners'

vulgar and accused of corruption indemands, there was a boom in producing

employing reporters (Kim 2006, 425).

radio dramas and visual shows with audience
participation (Baek 2007, 348-51).

Among magazines emerging in the 1950s,
Sasanggye came to the forefront of theWithin this particular media landscape of

intellectual field. It led to the coining of thethe 1950s, intellectuals who remained in theterm 'Sasanggye Generation', which refers toSouth felt a thirst for creating their own

most intellectuals of the time who read theintellectual arena where they were allowedmagazine in their youth. Since otherto discuss the social issues confronting them.

publications were limited because of the poor

Unlike politicized television and radio,condition of publishing businesses, Sasanggye

magazines were able to deal with a relativelyfunctioned as a readily available textbook.

broad range of topics including academic,

The wide circulation of Sasanggye also

current events, literary and entertainment

proves its influence beyond a few

materials. For that reason, various types ofintellectuals; as a matter of fact, thismagazines were issued, including generalmagazine had a circulation of 40,000 in May,magazines, student-oriented magazines,

1959 and it surged to record highs above

popular magazines, women's magazines and97,000 in April, 1960 (Yoo 1995, 275). This

literary magazines. The increase of

number is considered conspicuous when, asmagazines in the 1950s was a unique socialof 1955, the circulation of Dong-Ah Ilbo wasphenomenon when compared to the situation

170,000, while Kyung-Hyang Shinmoon had aof the 1960s in Korea; the circulation of

circulation of 100,000 (Kang 1999, 267).

３．Emergence of the Sasanggye Group and its Characteristics
Korean intellectuals who longed to rebuild

communicates with others educated on publictheir new nation began to flock to Sasanggye

values, ethics, interests, science, a sense ofand Jang Jun-ha was at the center of thisaesthetics and ideology, usually throughgathering. Intellectuals centered around thisbooks and journals (Kadushin 1982, 225),

magazine formed the Sasanggye group, which

networks of social circles centered on

can be seen as a loose form of intellectual

publications, such as magazines, can becommunity. If an intellectual is a person who

considered as a form of loose intellectual

Formation of the Sasanggye Group and its Roles in Rebuilding South Korea, 1953-1959

147

community, with magazines representing theconsensus of intellectuals (Kadushin, Hover &Tichy, 1971).

knowledge.
Meanwhile, it is noteworthy that 44
percent of the editorial members of

The Sasanggye group was mainly composed

Sasanggye graduated from Japanese nationalof college professors. They subsequently laid

universities. This proportion increases

the groundwork for Korean academia byfurther if the Imperial University of

being involved with higher education andKyunsung (Keijo Imperial University), which

since most contributing writers for Sasanggye

was established by the Japanese Empire inoccupied critical positions in academia, the1924, and is the predecessor of Seoul Nationalmagazine initiated a practical way to produce

University, is included.

2

and circulate academic knowledge. In thisThe major feature of Japanese imperial

process, Sasanggye was used as an academic

universities led by Tokyo Imperial University

sphere where the intellectuals published

is to have a strong academic tradition of

their research findings, and these results

nation schools. Following the national

were republished in textbooks circulated byintention to foster outstanding individuals tothe publishers of the magazine. For example,

govern the modern nation by accepting

the field of history had lost qualified

advanced Western culture, national

historians through their defection to theuniversities did much to build and maintainNorth, resignation, and being missing or

the Emperor system (Jeong 2009, 62-63). As akilled during the war, similar to othermatter of fact, Mori Arinori, Japanese

academic fields. Against this background, theCultural Minister in 1886, searched for theremaining historians established an academic

right model for Tokyo Imperial University

association called the Historical Societyreferring to universities of Western Empires.

(Yeok-sa hake) and published a historical

As a result, he took German universities asjournal. Along with this journal, thethe model because he thought they had an

association used Sasanggye as a main conduit

efficient management system and yielded afor diffusing historical knowledge (Lee 2010,high level of academic ability that functioned

344-46). Similarly, in the academic area offor the sake of 'the nation' (Ikuo 2009, 91-103).

philosophy of law, where there were only

As the influence of German academic

two official textbooks written by Koreans,

traditions increased, Japanese academia

Hwang San-deock and Lee Sung-nyeong, who

actively translated the general theory of thewere also leading authors in the magazine,

state, including public administration,

Sasanggye was used to diffuse relevant

constitutional studies, public law, and political

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diplomacy. Academics at Tokyo Imperial

This suggests the possibility of theorizing

University reached the pinnacle of German-

about a connection between Sasanggyestyle academic traditions with theintellectuals' academic experiences during

establishment of the Academy of General

the colonial period and the intellectual

Theory of the State (Han 1991, 107-08).

paradigm they produced after the war. In

However, this hardly means that Japanesefact, Korean politics in the 1950s, which had

a c a de m ia a c c e p te d G e rma n s c h o l a r s h i plittle room for the left wing to speak out, had

without question; Germany had began to

not yet diverged from historical studies andquestion their academic traditions as its civil

remained under the influence of thesociety had reached a mature state. Japaneseinstitutional, legalistic approach of Japanesesociety had not reached the same historicalpolitics (Kim et al. 2003, 376; Son 2003, 203).

stage as Germany, thus excluding liberalistic

Accordingly, the intellectuals of Sasanggye

perspectives of its academic traditions (Hanclaimed the necessity of accepting liberal

1991,109-10). Accordingly, Japanese national

democracy, though they excluded theuniversities were prone to introduce

practice of it. This will be elaborated ininstitutional aspects focusing on national

detail in the following section.

sovereignty.

４．The Process of Nation-building through the Appropriation of
Liberal Democracy
The first issue of Sasanggye was published

Sasanggye aims to discover ethical thoughts bywith economic aid from the Minister oftracing the history of our nation and revealing theEduc a t io n, Ba e k N a k - j u n , a n d f ro m th e

principles of democracy so that we can disclose all

publisher of the Korean edition of Reader'sthoughts in the world and form the basis of our life

Digest, Lee Chun-woo. In addition, from May(Sasanggye, May 1955).

1953, USIS provided printing paper for six
3months. With this support, the first issue

As mentioned in these comments, Jang

was published in the pursuit of clarifying(1955) advocated "the principles ofnational thought and defining the principles

democracy", which seems natural given thatof democracy. Jang Jun-ha, the chief editor of

intellectuals of the 1950s were only permitted

the magazine made clear this intention in theto promote ideas in keeping with official

editor's comments.

ideology to reconstruct the new modern

Formation of the Sasanggye Group and its Roles in Rebuilding South Korea, 1953-1959

149

state. Also, Jang, who inclined towards theappropriated in a historical condition where

opinion that establishment of a sole

the national division, dichotomous ideologicalgovernment in South Korea is necessary for

confrontations, and colonial experiences were

the reunification of North and South, actuallyinterwoven (Moon 2005, 201). The key here isbelieved in liberalism as a way to rebuild theto examine how and from what perspective

modern nation (Moon 2005, 201-02).

the Sasanggye group understood liberal

Liberal democracy officially became ademocracy and what kinds of rhetoric theyruling ideology of the modern nation-building

exploited to accept and apply it to postwar

project with the establishment of the South

Korean society in this context.

Korean government in 1948; it was

4.1

Colonial Continuity and Appropriation of Liberal Democracy

As stated above, the Sasanggye group wasprovides a representative example. He

under the shadow of the institutional,

claimed that democracy in Korea was notlegalistic approach of Japanese politics.

something earned but was rather

Intellectuals from Sasanggye posited a limited

transplanted from America withoutrole for intellectuals to practice this idea;

considering the distinct and traditional

they placed emphasis on institutional values

characteristics of Korean society. Accordingof liberal democracy and less concentration

to him, this was the reason why there wason popular sovereignty. This point of viewalways a gap between social reality andcould simply be considered as a form ofidealism, which led to political corruption. He

elitism. However, it needs to be explained inemphasized the role of informed citizenshiprelation to intellectuals' academic continuity

and journalism; for the purpose ofwith Japanese colonialism along with theestablishing democratic government intransitional characteristics of intellectual

Korea, he stressed the role of the people associety at the time. That is, by taking therevolutionaries as well as the press as "theJapanese academic tradition into

one supposed to beat off Bolshevism and to

consideration, it is possible to verify the way

found a democratic government" (Shin 1953).

in which intellectuals of the magazine

He seemed to believe in the force of public

appropriated the undeniable knowledge of

opinion, as indicated by his statement thatthe times, American liberal democracy.

"the public, although they looked absurd from

Shin Sang-cho, one of the chief writers of

the elites' point of view, because of their

Sasanggye, also a journalist and a professor,

popularity, they could have authority and150

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power, and therefore they have played aenlightenment, manipulation, propaganda andpositive role in social change" (Shin 1983, 30).

leadership, without which it is possible thatAs the administration of Syngman Rhee

democracy would be degraded into mobocracy (Shincommitted illegal acts such as the political

1983, 35).

upheaval in Busan in 1952 and passing theselected amendment bill to the Constitution

Shin thought that popular sovereignty wasin order to secure Rhee's reelection, Shinsomething to be exerted but believed that it

emphasized popular sovereignty as a way of

was premature. According to him, since theguaranteeing political movement andpopulace that is supposed to be the subject

organization (Shin 1953). Furthermore, underof political action is ill cultivated and lacking

the military regime, Shin asserted thatin political awareness, the leadership of thealthough representative democracy isstate needs to educate and control them forinefficient, it is better to have a government

their spiritual regeneration. This logic is notby the people rather than having a military

only founded in Shin's argument but also

regime falsely serving for the people (Shinfounded in other contributing writers'

1962).

articles. Shin Do-sung (1954) claimed that it

However, this is not to say that Shin's

somehow makes sense that Korean society

expectation for the people was high. His

hardly developed a sound democracy because

concept of popular sovereignty was

Korean people lacked material conditions asconditional, as seen in the following:

well as the spirit of democracy; therefore,
the function of political parties should go

Although public opinion is worth respecting, it isbeyond representation and concentrate on

unlikely that the populace can produce constructive

enlightening the public who cannot yet be

discourses. The populace needs constantactive political agents.

4.2

Ideological Confrontations and Appropriation of Liberal Democracy

Following the Korean War, South Korea

due to the black and white ideologicalbecame a close US ally and its domestic andconfrontations, it was only natural for theforeign policy became inextricably linked

intellectuals left in the South to adopt

with that of the US, which made theAmerican values. After the truce between

intellectual society also appear to be

the North and the South, American liberal

dominated by the US. Moreover, mostdemocracy took the ideological place of 'one

Marxist scholars defected to the North, andpeople (Il-Min)', which underlined national

Formation of the Sasanggye Group and its Roles in Rebuilding South Korea, 1953-1959

151

unity in order to fight against communism

resists modification of the regime.

(Fujii 2008, 136-42). Anticommunism becameIntellectuals from various academic fields

the most powerful ideological justification

reproduced this rhetoric repeatedly throughestablishing a foothold in reconstructing the

Sasanggye. For example, Kim Je-jun, who was

nation. In fact, with the establishment of thethe leading luminary in the Presbyterian

Syngman Rhee Administration, extreme

Church in South Korea, argued forright-wing politicians wielded authority,'ecclesiastical anticommunism', asserting thatenacting the National Security Law.

the Liberal Camp guaranteed the freedom ofConsequently, Korean intellectuals

thought and therefore individual subjectivity,internalized the idea of anticommunism bywhile the Communist Camp disregarded

not only recollecting horrific memories of theboth; furthermore, since there was nowar but also abiding by the law.

freedom of thought, the Communist CampIn line with this governmental policy, theeven barely allowed criticism of communism

intellectuals of Sasanggye exploited theitself, which meant no potential for theconcept of anticommunism in order to justify

development of the idea (Kim 1953, 118).

the acceptance of American liberal

Historians of Sasanggye reflected on the

democr acy. The clos ed regime and theFrench and English revolution, extracting theinfringement on personal liberty were thevalues of liberty and equality from Western

main reasons why Sasanggye criticized theexperiences, which were deemed theCommunist Camp. It defined communism as

fundamental factors of liberal democracy.

an ideology that barely admits the freedom

Min (1959) claimed that those two valuesof the individual and as an inflexible ideology,

should be achieved and be maintained firmly

which led to one party dictatorship. In

because the right-wing extremists, such as

contrast, according to the magazine,

dictators and totalitarians, advocated 'pseudo'

American liberal democracy in principle

constitutionalism.

guarantees the political, economic and social

Kim Sang-hyeop, a political scientist,

freedom of individuals and takes a flexible

asserted that the reason why communism

attitude to resolve contradictions. In thisbecame popular in Asia was because of theway, anticommunism was used as aCommunist Camp's treachery; insisting on

rhetorical device to justify the concept ofregaining the Asian colonies from theliberal democracy by defining communism as

Western Empires seemed to be for the sakea regime that barely tolerates individuals'of the sovereignty of Asian countries but itliberty, that plots dictatorship, and that

was actually for starting a worldwide

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socialist revolution. That is, by appealing toEast German Communists was dismissed as

the sentiment of national liberation, thenothing but a political tactic to solidify theCommunist Camp won Asian countries to its

power of communist parties (Kim 1958).

side. Sasanggye also refuted the Communist

In this manner, Sasanggye re-contextualizedCamp's concept of the enfranchisement of

the notion of liberal democracy to justify the

subjects by equating proletarian rule withincorporation of Korea into the Free Word in

dictatorship by a popular party. The alliancekeeping with the agenda of anticommunism

between the Chinese Communists and theand liberal democracy.

Conclusion
This research has investigated the

double effects of strict government

historical advent of the intellectual group

regulations and partisan positionality,oriented around Sasanggye and its cultural

magazines of the 1950s were relatively lessproduction throughout the 1950s. The

affected by these pressures, creating a

Sasanggye group and its cultural production

discursive space situated between an

should be understood in relation to theacademic and journalistic field. A broadtransitional nature of that time, whenrange of topics including philosophy, politics,

intellectual society and the media landscapeliterature and social issues were discussed

were being reorganized. That is, rather thanwith regard to reconstructing the nation andconsidering the 1950s as a preliminary period

especially discourses on liberal democracy

to the developmental state, this research has

were actively discussed. In this way,concentrated on the dynamics of the 1950s,

Sasanggye generated a practical route to

explaining the intellectual vitality emerging

disseminate knowledge and discourses

at the height of national reconstruction.

beyond academia.

Publishing capital enabled that vitality, of

The fact that the 1950s was a transitional

which Sasanggye was the center. Material

period when the intellectual paradigm wasand social conditions, such as the flourishing

shifting from Japanese imperialism toof magazines, the rise of education level, andAmericanization implies that historicalthe increase of the reading public, supported

continuity with the pre-war period has to be

this phenomenon.

considered to explain discourses produced by

Unlike the broadcasting system and

Sasanggye. Sasanggye intellectuals, who could

newspapers, which were suffering from thefrankly discuss ideas of governance, wereFormation of the Sasanggye Group and its Roles in Rebuilding South Korea, 1953-1959

153

still only permitted to advocate ideas inintellectual practitioners placing themselves

keeping with the official ideology of thebeyond universities in Asia; accordingly, atimes, and expected to provide theirclose relation between the social, politicalintellectual, ideological sources, wrote aand intellectual formed in the process of thenarrative of appropriating liberal democracy.

democratization movement, guaranteeing the

They contributed to a dominant paradigm oforiginality of Asian intellectual/academic

appropriating American liberal democracy,

works (Chen 2009, 179). Noticeably, along

focusing on institutional and legalistic aspects

with the historical, political and journalistic

under the shadow of the Japanese academicchanges in postwar South Korea, thetraditions.

intellectual territory was actually divided

This historical trajectory of the ties

into several domains and the magazine media

between intellectuals and the nation-building

was at the center of this phenomenon.

project by means of the media can be

Therefore, further study is necessary tointerpreted as a reflection of a generaldescribe this plurality and clarify thetendency among Asian intellectuals. As Chen

intellectual/historical/media paradigm inpoints out, there has been a tradition ofmodern Asia.

Notes
1

For example, Dong-Ah Ilbo, which had a close relationship with the ruling party, named Han-min party, became the opposition
newspaper because of political conflicts with Syngman Rhee. Kyung-Hyang Shinmoon, which was published by Catholics, also
became an opposition newspaper since Myeon Jang, who was a devout Catholic struggling against the left wing but switching tothe opposition party after the Korean War, had a political disagreement with Syngman Rhee (Song 1990, 91; Park 2007, 189).

2

Academic backgrounds of editorial members of Sasanggye in the 1950s are as follow:
Name of School

List of Editorial Members

The University of Tokyo

Kang Bong-sik, Kim Sang-hyeop, Kim Sung-ham (Dropout),
Shin Sang-cho (Droput), Lee Man-gab

Kyoto University

Jang Kyung-hak, Lee Jong-jin, Sung Chang-hwan

Tokyo Imperial University

Han Kyo-seok, Hyun Seung-jong, Hwang San-duk(Keijo Imperial University)

3

Seoul National University

Hag Woo-geun, Jung Byung-wook, Yeo Seok-ki

Waseda University

Lee Dong-uk, An Byung-wook

Yeon Hee College (The predecessor of Yeonsei University)

Um Yo-sub, Hong Yi-sub

Regarding USIS's support for publishing Sasanggye, Hoe (2004) points out that USIS focused on this magazine in order to expand
the influence of American culture and to foster pro-American elites in postwar Korea (103). The UISI Korea was indeed a US
institution pursuing propaganda for US cultural policies. Yet as Hoe (2003) shrewdly indicates, the US' attempt was not simply to
inculcate Korea with a respect for the superiority of American civilization. Rather, the activities of USIS Korea were designed to154

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promote self-motivation among the Korean people. Providing paper to print the magazine for six months should be understoodin this vein; that is, Sasanggye was a channel for American guidance to flow throughout the nation, based upon its own
interpretation of the guidance. Therefore, considering Sasanggye as a mere reflection of the interests of Cold War propaganda is
not a sufficient approach to understand the intricacies of discourses produced in its pages.

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金娥凛（キム・アルム）［生年月］1984 年 10 月 20 日生まれ
［出身大学又は最終学歴］ソウル大学大学院言論情報学科修士課程終了［専攻領域］メディア文化研究［所属］東京大学大学院学際情報学府博士課程［所属学会］AEJMC, メディア史研究会

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東京大学大学院情報学環紀要

情報学研究

№86

Formation of the Sasanggye Group and
its Roles in Rebuilding South Korea,1953-1959

Ah-reum Kim*

Abstract
This study investigates the historical advent of the intellectual group oriented around thegeneral magazine Sasanggye (思想界•The Realm of Thought) and its cultural production
throughout the 1950s. The rise of the Sasanggye group and its discursive activities should beunderstood in the context of the reorganization of both intellectual society and the media
landscape. Within the particular media landscape of the 1950s, the Sasanggye group created an
intellectual field distributing a discursive channel at the height of national reconstruction
following the Korean War; that is, the Sasanggye group contributed to a dominant paradigm ofappropriating American liberal democracy. By examining Sasanggye intellectuals' academic
experiences during the colonial period, this study attempts to verify the way in which they
appropriated American liberal democracy given the dichotomous ideological territory. As aresult, the academic continuity with Japanese colonialism and the main ideological tide of
anticommunism were interwined, leading to emphasis being placed on institutional values ofAmerican politics and less concentration on popular sovereignty. In this manner, exploringhistorical trajectories of the Sasanggye group deepens the understanding of the close ties
between the media and formation of the intellectual paradigm in postwar Korean society.

Graduate School of the University of Tokyo Interdisciplinary Information Studies
Key Words：Sasanggye, Korean intellectuals, American liberal democracy, the 1950s, Nation-building.

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