C

From Great Britain, Germany, Finland, and Italy to Russia, Kazakhstan, and China, cities areshrinking everywhere. While urban-planning debates of recent years have mainly focused on
the growth of the megalopolis, in other places zones of shrinkage were actually developing.
Enormous population losses and high unemployment contribute to this process, which isfurther accelerated by globalization and the transition to post-Socialism.
This book examines the causes and dynamics of the shrinking process for the first time on
an international level. Citing concrete examples from Manchester and Liverpool in GreatBritain, Detroit in the United States, Ivanovo in Russia, and Halle and Leipzig in Germany,
it compares living conditions and cultural change in shrinking urban regions. Artistic intercessions help sensitize the public to a global phenomenon which poses a completely new social
challenge.

With portraits of the individual locations and a Japan insert.
736 pages, 503 illustrations, 389 in color

ISBN 3-7757-1682-3

Y

CM

MY

CY CMYK

Volume 1International Research

Volume 1International ResearchContains: Global Processes of Shrinkage, Dying Cities—Redundant Spaces, Moving Cities—
Unstable Places, Panic City—The Psychogeography of Fear, Imagining the City—Cultural
Representations, Space Pioneers—The Avant-Garde of Shrinking, Everyday Survival—Do It
Yourself, Growth : Shrinkage—Dynamics of the Periphery, The Myth of Planning—
Automatic Urbanism, Deconstructed Values—Mentalities in FluxM

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Seite 2COLOPHON

Shrinking Cities, Volume 1 International Research
Volume 2 Interventions (ISBN 3-7757-1711-0; to be published in March 2006)
The German edition of this book was published in conjunction with the exhibition “Schrumpfende Städte: Internationale
Untersuchung,” held at KW Institute for Contemporary Art, Berlin, September 4–November 7, 2004.
This English edition is published in conjunction with the exhibition “Shrinking Cities,” planned for the following venues:
Zentrum für zeitgenössische Kultur, Bahnhof Halle/Neustadt, November 19, 2005–January 22, 2006; Stadtmuseum
der Landeshauptstadt Düsseldorf, Spring 2006; Urbis Manchester, Fall 2006
Edited by: Philipp Oswalt for the Kulturstiftung des Bundes; Editorial team: Philipp Oswalt with Elke Beyer; Editorialassistance: Silke Görrissen, Heike Zieher, Andrea Andersen, Doreen Mende; Copyediting (German edition): Miriam
Wiesel with Stefanie Oswalt; Copyediting (English edition): Ginger A. Diekmann; Proofreading: Niamh Warde;
Production management (English edition): Elke Beyer; Managing director: Florian Bolenius; Graphic design:
Stephan Müller and Tanja Wesse with Kolia Gruber and Michael Schultze; Reproductions: Pallino cross media GmbH,
Ostfildern-Ruit; Printing: Dr. Cantz’sche Druckerei, Ostfildern-Ruit; Binding: Kunst- und Verlagsbuchbinderei GmbH,
Leipzig; Cover illustration: Alexander Sverdlov© 2005 Philipp Oswalt; authors, photographers, artists, and their heirs© 2005 for the reproduced works by Gordon Matta-Clark and Robert Smithson: VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn
Published by Hatje Cantz Verlag, Senefelderstrasse 12, 73760 Ostfildern-Ruit, Germany, Telephone: +49 711 4405-0,
Fax +49 711 4405-220, www.hatjecantz.com
Hatje Cantz books are available internationally at selected bookstores and from the following distribution partners:
USA/North America – D.A.P., Distributed Art Publishers, New York, www.artbook.com; UK – Art Books International,
London, sales@art-bks.com; Australia - Tower Books, Frenchs Forest (Sydney), towerbks@zipworld.com.au; France –Interart, Paris, commercial@interart.fr; Belgium – Exhibitions International, Leuven, www.exhibitionsinternational.be;
Switzerland – Scheidegger, Affoltern am Albis, scheidegger@ava.ch
For Asia, Japan, South America, and Africa, as well as for general questions, please contact Hatje Cantz directly atsales@hatjecantz.de, or visit our homepage www.hatjecantz.com for further information.
Printed in Germany
ISBN 3-7757-1682-3

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Seite 3

Volume 1International Research

Edited by Philipp Oswalt for the Kulturstiftung des Bundes
Shrinking Cities is a project of the Kulturstiftung des Bundes (German Federal
Cultural Foundation) in cooperation with the Project Office Philipp Oswalt,
the Museum of Contemporary Art Leipzig, the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation,and the magazine archplus.

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6

Acknowledgments
Project Participants
Table of Contents
Foreword | Hortensia Völckers and Alexander Farenholtz
Introduction | Philipp Oswalt

4
5
6
10
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Q GLOBAL PROCESSES OF SHRINKAGE
Global Shrinkage | Tim Rieniets
Global Geography | Klaus Müller
On the Origins of Shrinkage | Walter Prigge
Deindustrialization: Britain | Ronaldo Munck
Peripherization: Eastern Germany | Rudi Schmidt
Suburbanization: USA | Robert Fishman
Postsocialism: Russia | Elke Beyer
From Socialism to Feudalism? | Katherine Verdery

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20
35
43
49
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JAPAN
Megalopolises and Rural Peripheries | Winfried Flüchter
Shrinkage in Japan | Yasuyuki Fujii
Aging Cities | John W. Traphagan

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Demographic Aging | Herwig Birg
W DYING CITIES/REDUNDANT SPACES
Gunkanjima | Yuji Saiga
Detroit | Stan Douglas
The Last Inhabitants of Norris Green | public works/Kathrin Böhm and Andreas LangBus Odyssey | Tom Wood
Derelict: Old Towns in Eastern Germany | A Conversation with Konrad Knebel
Sold Off and Shut Down: Ivanovo Airport | Alexei Kotlyar and Vladimir Rakhmankov
Cammel Laird Shipyard | Tom Wood
Puchezh Textile Factory | Elena Samorodova and Vera Samorodova
Left Behind: Scorched Earth, Blue Sky | Susanne Hauser
From Cities to Highways
Gone: Human Capital in Eastern Germany | Ulf Matthiesen
Cable Factory Oberspree | Ulrich Wüst
Poached: Brain-Drain Cities in the USA | Blaine Harden

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Table of Contents

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E MOVING CITIES/UNSTABLE PLACES
Moving Cities | Kyong Park
House 24620 | Kyong Park and Dan Pitera
The Changing Landscape of the Detroit Metropolitan Area | John Ganis
Mobility and the American Dream | Ole O. Moen
Im-mobility Detroit | Kelly Parker and Mark Dancey
Moving Graves | Dan Pitera/DCDC and Jody Huellmantel
Detroit Bank Buildings | Andrew Zago
Cotton Mills Revisited | John Davies
After the Fabrika | Sergei Sitar and Olga Filatova

182
184
188
192
198
206
210
214
216
222

DETROIT
Chronology
Racism and Urban Decline | Thomas J. Sugrue
Detroit Suburbanization | John Gallagher

225
228
231
242

Workers’ Home No. 3 | Ines LaschCall Centers | Miriam Glucksmann
Call Center Songs | Paul Rooney

258
264
267

R PANIC CITY/THE PSYCHOGEOGRAPHY OF FEAR
Shrinkage Mentality | Jörg Dürrschmidt
Living with the Fear of Crime | Tom Jefferies and Neil Swanson
Fortification Architecture Detroit | Mitch Cope
Vandalism as a Productive Force | Michael Zinganel
Devil’s Night | Toni Moceri“Has Leipzig-Grünau Turned into a Nationally Liberated Zone?” |Anke Hagemann and Heidi Stecker
Behind the Block | Tobias Zielony

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280
288
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302

T IMAGINING THE CITY/CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONSMusic of the Wastelands | Diedrich Diederichsen
26 Record Covers | Michael Baute and Johannes Ehmann“I’m So Bad, I Party in Detroit” | Jerry Herron
Cinema of Shrinkage | Antje Ehmann, Michael Baute, and Harun Farocki
Cultures of Ruins | Kai Vöckler
Consensual City | Sergei Sitar

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332
342
348
360
368

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Seite 88Y SPACE PIONEERS/THE AVANT-GARDE OF SHRINKING
Space Pioneers | A Conversation with Ulf Matthiesen
Orbit Palace | niko.31 with Nils Emde
Tribute to the Hacienda | Dave Haslam
Music Cultures and the Appropriation of Urban Space | Robert Strachan and Sara Cohen

376
378
384
392
398

MANCHESTER/LIVERPOOL
Chronology
The Rise and Decline of Manchester | Alan Kidd
Manchester City Center Reinvented | Phil Griffin
Liverpool Between Stations | Linda Grant

401
404
407
417
421

Urban Splash | Deborah Mulhearn
Underground Resistance | Alexis Waltz
Protest, Resistance, Usurpation | Barbara Steiner
Extreme/City/Sport | Friedrich von Borries
The Heidelberg Project | Robert Arens
Eccentrics Needed! | David Weeks
Slim’s Bike | Benjamin Miguel Hernandez

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436
438
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U EVERYDAY SURVIVAL/DO IT YOURSELFDIY City Services | Stephen Vogel
Scrappers | Scott Hocking
Benny Profane | Ken Grant
Urban Agriculture | Ingo Vetter
The Dacha Phenomenon | Irina Chekhovskikh

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462
470
478
484
494

IVANOVO
Chronology
Ivanovo: The Faces of Crisis | Wolfgang Kil
In the Margins of Central Russia | Isolde Brade and Andrei Treivish
Subsisting in Yuzha | Sergei Miturich

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500
502
511
521

Survival Manual | Sergei Miturich and Boris SpiridonovHomemade Utility Objects | Vladimir Arkhipov

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536

I GROWTH : SHRINKAGE/DYNAMICS OF THE PERIPHERY
Polarization and Peripherization | Hans-Joachim Bürkner
Inner-City Suburbia | Ingo Vetter

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552

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Table of Contents

The Problem of England | A Conversation with Patrick Keiller
Power Plant Schwarze Pumpe | Christoph Petras
Off-Shoring | Jürgen Hoffmann
Gerichshain/Leipzig | Hans-Christian Schink
Post-Fordist Production of Space | Regina Bittner
Meeting Point: Gas Station | Jan Wenzel and Tobias Zielony
Village Fig. 7/+– Guided Tours | Sofie Thorsen
The Ones Who Stayed | Nikolaus Brade

9

554
560
562
570
572
582
588
592

O THE MYTH OF PLANNING/AUTOMATIC URBANISM
Re-imaging Manchester | Kevin Ward
Demolition Hulme | Newbetter/Joshua Bolchover and Shumon Basar
Illuminated Meadows | Rochus Wiedemer
Five Points about the City of Yuzha | Alexander Sverdlov

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608
618
622

HALLE/LEIPZIG
Chronology
The Rise and Fall of an Industrial Region | Dieter Rink
Greener Pastures | Peter Richter

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632
643

After Planning | Bas Princen
Demolition Program East | Matthias Bernt
Why Demolition? | Rochus Wiedemer
Subsidy Culture | A Conversation with Ulrich Pfeiffer
P DECONSTRUCTED VALUES/MENTALITIES IN FLUXThe Ongoing Crisis of Capitalism | Klaus Ronneberger
The Growth Imperative | A Conversation with Walter Oswalt
Property | Wolfgang Kantzow and Philipp Oswalt
Crisis of Masculinity | Sarah Ashwin
The End of Homogeneous Space | Robert KaltenbrunnerArchitects, Demolish! | Thomas A. P. van Leeuwen
Some Cities | Eleanor Bond
Notes on Contributors
List of Illustrations
Exhibition Contributions

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678
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704
712
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729

Chapters related to one of the project’s four research sites are typeset as follows: Detroit (New Century Schoolbook),
Halle/Leipzig (Neue Helvetica), Ivanovo (Italian Old Style), Manchester/Liverpool (Gill Sans).

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Seite 5PROJECT PARTICIPANTS

Shrinking Cities is a project of the Kulturstiftung des Bundes (German Federal Cultural Foundation) in cooperation with
the Project Office Philipp Oswalt, the Museum of Contemporary Art, Leipzig, the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation, andthe magazine archplus.
Chief curator: Philipp Oswalt (architect/writer, Berlin)
Curatorial team: Nikolaus Kuhnert (archplus magazine, Berlin), Kyong Park (International Center for Urban Ecology,
Detroit), Walter Prigge (Stiftung Bauhaus Dessau), Barbara Steiner (Galerie für Zeitgenössische Kunst Leipzig)
Local curators: DETROIT: Mitch Cope (artist/curator, Detroit), Kyong Park (artist/curator, New York), with DCDC/
Dan Pitera (architect, Detroit); IVANOVO: Sergei Sitar (architect/writer, Moscow), Alexander Sverdlov (architect,
Moscow/Rotterdam); MANCHESTER/LIVERPOOL: Joshua Bolchover (architect, Manchester), Paul Domela(curator, Liverpool), Philipp Misselwitz (architect, Berlin/Tel Aviv)
Collaborators of project participants for the first project phase: Project Office Philipp Oswalt, Berlin – managing director:
Florian Bolenius (starting mid-2003), Veronika Brugger (until mid-2003); research associates: Elke Beyer, Anke
Hagemann, Tim Rieniets; sponsoring: Nicole Minten; public relations: Astrid Herbold; catalog: Ginger A. Diekmann(English edition), Miriam Wiesel with Stefanie Oswalt (German edition); further collaborators: Doreen Mende,
Nora Müller, Stefan Rethfeld, Christoph Schaffelder, Gabriele Seidel, Rudolf Stegers, Ulrike Steglich; interns:
Andrea Andersen, Barbara Ascher, Johanna Bornkamm, Caroline von Brück, Silke Görrissen, Katrin Hass,
Sebastian Holtmann, Thomas Radtke, Heike Zieher; Web site: e27, Berlin, www.e27.com; EDP system administration:
Johann Dinges, Hendrik Gackstatter; tax consultancy and accounting: Eckhard Stranghöner with Regina Marks;
Galerie für Zeitgenössische Kunst Leipzig: Heidi Stecker; Stiftung Bauhaus Dessau: Friedrich von Borries; archplus
magazine: Susanne Schindler
Expert advisors: Stefano Boeri (architecture theorist, Istituto Universitario di Architettura di Venezia, Venice), Christine
Hannemann (sociologist, Humboldt-Universität, Berlin), Wolfgang Kil (architecture critic, Berlin), Joachim Krausse(cultural scientist, Fachhochschule Sachsen-Anhalt, Dessau), Ulf Matthiesen (city and regional researcher, Institut
für Regionalentwicklung und Strukturplanung, Erkner), Ulrich Pfeiffer (urban economist, empirica, Berlin/Bonn)
Exhibition design: Meyer Voggenreiter Projekte, Cologne, with Sebastian Hauser and Claudia Hoffmann
Visitor service: Arthur Berlin, Anne Krause, Tanja Schomaker
Collaborators KW Institute for Contemporary Art: project manager: Katrin Lewinsky; insurance and transportation:
Monika Grzymislawska; marketing: Friederike Klapp, Vera von Lehsten; public relations: Maike Cruse; security
coordination: Udo Klink; exhibition installment and art handling: Kartenrecht family; coordination: Matten Vogel,with Lutz Bertram, Jörg Gimmler, Henning Kappenberg, Markus Krieger (media technology), Oliver Lehmann,
Bela Letto, Ralph Müller, Thomas Ravens, Martin Städeli
Translation of exhibition texts: English–German: Peter Friedrich, Elisabeth Wellershaus, Annette Wiethüchter, Ursula
Wulfekamp; German–English: Jill Denton, Nancy Joyce, Brian Poole, David Skogley; Russian–English: Brian Poole;
Russian–German: Mariana Kurella, Martina Mrochen, Dorothea Trottenberg
Graphic design (corporate design, exhibition signage, working papers, catalog): Stephan Müller, Tanja Wesse
Graphic design (chronology, global study, statistics): 1kilo/Hansjakob Fehr, Dorothee Wettstein
Collaborating institutions: GERMANY: Art Forum Berlin; Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, Berlin/Bonn; Club
Tresor, Berlin; Club WMF, Berlin; Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Berlin/Bonn; Internationale Bauausstellung Stadtumbau
Sachsen-Anhalt 2010; Kunstherbst Berlin 04; KW Institute for Contemporary Art, Berlin; Leibniz-Institut für Länderkunde, Leipzig; Schaubühne Lindenfels, Leipzig; Stadt Halle (Saale); Stadtmuseum der Landeshauptstadt Düsseldorf; Umweltforschungszentrum Leipzig (UFZ); Zeughauskino, Deutsches Historisches Museum, Berlin; Zwischenpalastnutzung, Berlin. GREAT BRITAIN: British Council, Berlin; Centre for the Understanding of the Built
Environment (CUBE), Manchester; Centre for Urban and Regional Studies (CURS), Birmingham; Goethe Institute,
Manchester; Liverpool Biennial; Liverpool University; Manchester University; North West Arts Council, Manchester;
Spike Island, Bristol; Static Gallery, Liverpool; Urbis, Manchester. RUSSIA: Goethe Institute, Moscow; Project
Russia magazine, Moscow; Russian Cultural Foundation, Ivanovo branch; Schusev State Museum of Architecture,
Moscow. USA: University of Detroit Mercy; Wayne State University, Detroit.

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10FOREWORD

Cities play a central role in the development of societies. They serve as a crystallization point
and a motor for social and cultural transformation. In the international context two opposite
trends in urban development have become particularly apparent: on the one hand are thecities in Asia and South America which are growing exponentially, and on the other are the“shrinking cities” characterized by a decreasing population—both possibly heralding the mostimportant forms of urban transformation since the beginning of the industrial revolution.
These two types of cities have led to significant changes in our understanding of cities andurban development.
The above-mentioned transformations in our cities present us not only with economic,
social, and planning challenges, but above all with a cultural challenge. For this reason the“Kunst und Stadt” (Art and the City) program was initiated by the Kulturstiftung des Bundes(German Federal Cultural Foundation) with the aim of broadening our cultural perspective
and the kinds of questions we ask as we grapple with the meaning of urban transformation
for modern societies. We hope to thereby close a gap in debates that have thus far been
carried out primarily from the perspective of economics and sociology. Right before our door
here in eastern Germany, the problem of shrinking cities has presented itself with particulargravity. We decided it would therefore be appropriate to begin the Art and the City program,which comprises six different projects, with the Shrinking Cities project. It explores thecauses, effects, and cultural perspectives for cities that are shrinking by taking four different
urban regions as examples: Detroit, Halle/Leipzig, Ivanovo, and Manchester/Liverpool.
Planned to extend over the course of three years, the project allows an international teamof curators, architects, artists, cultural anthropologists, city geographers, and cultural
scholars, in collaboration with local experts, to study the cultural dimensions of shrinking
cities and to present its results to the public. It was particularly important to us, however,to go beyond a mere presentation of the cultural backdrop and field studies in order to develop
productive, or perhaps even controversial, approaches and innovative models, or even visions,as tools for understanding the phenomenon of shrinking cities. The expectation we had forthe first exhibition and corresponding publication was that it would be possible to confront
the stereotyped image of the shrinking city as a cultural and social wasteland with examplesof the civic and cultural potential of these cities.
Through the Shrinking Cities exhibition and publication, the topic has already reacheda wide audience. This is also demonstrated by the many national and international cooperation
partners supporting the project, including the following, to name just a few: Bundeszentrale
für politische Bildung (German Federal Agency for Civic Education); IBA Stadtumbau
Sachsen-Anhalt in Germany; the Liverpool Biennial, the Arts Council England, and the Centre
for Urban and Regional Studies, Birmingham, in Great Britain; the administration of theSC_Kat_Kap00_def

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Hortensia Völckers, Alexander Farenholtz | Foreword

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Ivanovo region and the city of Yuzha, as well as the Russian magazine Project Russia; andthe University of Detroit Mercy and Wayne State University in the United States. The considerable interest demonstrated by the public and the broad national and international press
coverage are further evidence of the importance and timeliness of this issue.
The exhibition and the publication complement each other: in the exhibition, four urban
regions and their particularities are addressed in detail and compared; the publication delves
further into the questions raised in the exhibition, putting them into a thematic framework.
The cultural history of growth and shrinkage serves as the context for examining the following
subjects: the cultural effects of labor migration (“Moving Cities – Unstable Places” and“Growth : Shrinkage – Dynamics of the Periphery”); new forms of everyday and economic
utilization (“Everyday Survival – Do It Yourself”); myths, identities, and utopias in the marketingof shrinking cities (“Imaging the City – Cultural Representations”); and the role of artistic production and new lifestyles (“Space Pioneers – The Avant-Garde of Shrinking”). These are only
a few of the central issues. The concluding chapter outlines the remaining work to be done
within the project, including the necessity of rethinking the social, cultural, and urban
planning structures, values, and models used to address the phenomenon of shrinking cities(“Deconstructed Values – Mentalities in Flux”).
We are very pleased to present this English edition of the project’s findings, which will bringour work to an international audience. We hope this will generate new impulses in the European
and international debates on shrinking cities. Because shrinking cities are a global phenomenon
that will continue to present a social challenge for some time to come, we feel that a dialogue isneeded now more than ever. This publication is an important contribution to these debates.
We would like to thank the chief curator Philipp Oswalt and his team, as well as cocurators
Nikolaus Kuhnert (archplus magazine, Berlin), Kyong Park (International Center for Urban
Ecology, Detroit), Walter Prigge (Stiftung Bauhaus Dessau), and Barbara Steiner (Galerie fürZeitgenössische Kunst Leipzig), for their outstanding work, and we wish them much successwith the second phase of the project. Stefano Boeri (architecture theorist, Istituto Universitario
di Architettura di Venezia, Venice), Christine Hannemann (sociologist, Humboldt-Universität,
Berlin), Wolfgang Kil (architecture critic, Berlin), Joachim Krausse (cultural scientist, Fachhochschule Sachsen-Anhalt, Dessau), Ulf Matthiesen (city and regional researcher, Institut für
Regionalentwicklung und Strukturplanung, Erkner), and Ulrich Pfeiffer (urban economist,
empirica, Berlin/Bonn) have supported the project as advisors and offered productive guidance.
We would like to thank them wholeheartedly.
We hope you find these readings inspiring and insightful.

Hortensia Völckers, Artistic Director/Executive Board, Kulturstiftung des Bundes
Alexander Farenholtz, Administrative Director/Executive Board, Kulturstiftung des Bundes

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INTRODUCTION
Philipp Oswalt“Shrinking cities”—a problematic term. It seems at first to simply point to a phenomenon:
the decline of the urban population and economic activity in certain cities. But behind thisterm are hidden various causes, processes, and effects that the words themselves do notreveal. There is also growth in the process of shrinkage: it results in excess spaces, buildings,
and obsolete properties. Despite their diminished utilization, shrinking cities continue tosprawl beyond their borders and thereby undergo a twofold thinning out: less activity is spreadout over a greater space. Often that which is shrinking is embedded in a larger processof growth: not only the society as a whole may still be growing overall, but shrinking cities—
for example in the rust belt in America’s Northeast—are often located within agglomerations
that continue to grow (see the chapters “Moving Cities” and “Growth : Shrinkage”).
And yet the term “shrinkage” does refer to an essential change: the epoch of growth hascome to an end. Since the beginning of industrialization around two hundred years ago, thepopulation, economy, prosperity, and cities of industrial countries have all grown steadily, andusually at a rapid rate. Growth has become an expectation. The epoch of modernity wascharacterized by comprehensive growth, and this growth is at the heart of modern ideas,
concepts, theories, laws, and practices. Thus, colonization, the founding of cities, permits forbuilding construction zones, new development areas, expansion, building booms, urban
growth, and density became key concepts in modern urban development. For the past two
hundred years, city planning has been almost exclusively focused on the process of growth.
The same is true for the economy, which is why there is a theory of growth in economics, but
no theory of shrinkage. This historical epoch is approaching its demise. The populations in
the old industrial countries such as Italy, Germany, Japan, and Russia are beginning to get
smaller, the process of urbanization has reached its zenith and is declining, and, though
the economy is still growing minimally, employment rates have been falling for some time.
Polarization is taking place spatially as well as socially: not everyone profits from growth, andsocieties are increasingly being divided into winners and losers. Shrinkage in one place feeds
growth in another. The process of shrinkage we are seeing more and more of is not simply
a reversal of growth. Rather, the growth is replaced by a sideward drift of societies, whereby
the opposite trends of growth and shrinkage can run parallel.
Like growth, shrinkage implies a transformation process that is temporally limited. Somecities will disappear, others will lose substance over the course of several decades andstabilize at a lower level or perhaps grow again. Just as growth was not always experienced
as a positive process—think of housing shortages, the crises following unification of theGerman Empire, the pollution of early industrialization, and the slums in today’s megalopolises—shrinkage will not always be experienced as a negative trend in the long run.

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It will lead—as growth did—to fundamental transformations that will bring about new guid–ing principles, models of action, and practices, ultimately resulting in a new orientation forsociety.
What is otherwise only experienced on an individual basis or garnered from statistics
becomes readily apparent in cities. Social processes manifest themselves in the spatialconstellations of the city. Thus cities have always been read as an expression of social
situations and are important for our understanding of ourselves, for our self-reflection. This
raises certain questions: What do shrinking cities express culturally? What social forces
are behind them? What kind of mentalities, ideas, and practices are responsible for creatingthem? Only this type of self-reflection can yield an adequate approach to dealing withthese issues.
Shrinking cities are not a new phenomenon. In the development of modern metropolises,
the phenomenon appeared around fifty years ago and was initially interpreted as a singularaberration limited to a particular place. Up until today the approach has been to avoid thisnew challenge, and a whole arsenal of euphemisms has sprung up in order to disguise the coreof the issue. We speak of “city redevelopment” rather than “de-urbanization,” or use the phrase“areas in great need of restructuring” to indicate blocks marked for demolition. Even thephrase “shrinkage as a new potential” has been coined. The term “shrinking cities” was longfrowned upon and has only recently entered into public debate.
Shrinkage as a New Potential?
The motto “shrinkage as a new potential,” hailed by politicians, journalists, and city planners
in Germany, usually implies the idea that the shrinking results in a new urban core,a compact city representing the ideal of European urban development. It is hoped that theundesirable phenomenon of suburban sprawl will finally be put to an end. But in reality what
is happening is just the opposite—and it is being promoted by large state subsidies. The vacantbuildings in eastern Germany are countered largely with new construction sites. With
populations and economic activity declining, cities are spreading out horizontally and thus
thinning out even further. In the city centers, buildings and whole blocks are increasingly
abandoned, whereas in the outskirts business parks, shopping malls, and new residential
neighborhoods with single-unit houses are being developed. It is a development similar to thatin Detroit since the 1950s, where 80% of the population lives in suburban areas outside thecity limits, while large segments of the inner city have become overgrown with grass, evolving
into quasi-idyllic pastoral scenes.
The idea of shrinkage as a new potential can be understood as cynicism. Shrinkage isinitially a negative development for the majority of the population, which manifests itself mostimmediately in their flight. It is the active population, the younger and more mobile, thatmoves away because it sees better prospects elsewhere. At the same time, shrinking cities andthe excess space they generate are seen by other social groups as a form of potential.

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The trouble with many previous concepts related to this issue is that they are concerned
merely with the superficial symptoms of urban development—for example, vacant buildings—
and do not probe the breadth and depth of the problem. This is particularly true of thevery necessary but inadequate German state subsidy program Stadtumbau Ost (Urban
Restructuring in Eastern Germany), in which the essence of the proposed action is nothing
more than a blueprint for demolition.
CausesThe phenomenon of shrinking cities is the result of various transformation processes. With
regard to the development of eastern Germany, these include above all deindustrialization,
suburbanization, postsocialist transformation, and demographic aging (see the chapter“Global Processes of Shrinkage”). Thus, for our international comparison we have focused oncase studies of urban regions in which one of these phenomena is particularly manifest (seethe case-study inserts). The region Manchester/Liverpool is compared on the basis of deindustrialization. This region—comparable in size with the former East Germany—is part ofthe old industrial belt of northern England, which has many other shrinking cities. The region
encompassing these two cities is characterized by an extreme polarization between zones thatare recovering and those that continue to decline. After decades of crisis, new plans of action
were finally developed which were at least in part successful.
The Detroit metropolitan area serves as an example of shrinkage due to suburbanization.
The city of Detroit has lost around one million inhabitants—about half its total population—over the last fifty years, although the region itself has grown considerably in this period.
The city is still shrinking today and represents one of the most extreme examples in theAmerican rust belt.
Ivanovo lies 300 kilometers northeast of Moscow in European Russia and is exemplary of
postsocialist transformation. Despite the collapse of the textile industry concentrated in theregion, as well as poverty and demographic decline, the area in fact shows less pronounced
signs of shrinkage than many other cities in Russia in the High North, the Russian Far East,or Siberia. With its relatively moderate climate and—for Russia—a rather early urbanizationand industrialization starting in the late nineteenth century, the region is particularly well
suited for a comparison with eastern Germany. It represents a rather unspectacular exampleof the many postsocialist cities and areas that have shrunk since the dissolution of theEastern Bloc.
Because of its low birthrate and a high life expectancy, Japan is the fastest-aging andthereby also the fastest-shrinking society in the world. In the context of this catalog it thus
serves as an example illustrating demographic changes.
All four of the development tendencies described in our international comparisons canbe found in modified forms in eastern Germany. The case study of the region Halle/Leipzig
demonstrates developments in different directions, including rapid shrinkage (e.g., in Bitterfeld/

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Wolfen and Weissenfels), relative consolidation (e.g., in Leipzig), and growth (e.g., the peripheryalong the A9 expressway).
This comparison serves many purposes. We can learn from the ways in which othersocieties have dealt with the problem, and we may come to understand our own situation not
as an exception but as part of a more general trend, thereby putting the issue into a newperspective and yielding new insights. In such a comparison not only do similarities andparallels become apparent, but fundamental differences are also revealed. This is true evenfor analogous phenomena that may be caused by completely different circumstances. Whereas
urban farming has arisen in Russia as a result of the basic need to survive, in the United States
it represents a living social utopia of small, dedicated groups and in eastern Germany a statemeasure to beautify fallow lots.
The Cultures of Shrinking Cities
Specific to shrinking cities is dramatic transformation brought about without local intervention through construction. The utilization and programming of urban space undergo fundamental change, yet without initial physical changes taking place. Our conventional ideas andconcepts of how to respond fail here, but some surprising indigenous developments havesprung up. This becomes most apparent with urban subcultures. It is striking to note how
many new directions in music have emerged from shrinking cities: techno was invented
in Detroit, and much of British punk, techno, and house music came out of Manchester
and Sheffield starting in the late 1970s. This has left its mark on urban development. The revitalization of Manchester’s inner city would have been unthinkable without the music scene
there, which was able to transform the downtown area’s image from a dilapidated industrial
center into a metropolitan cultural oasis (see the chapter “Space Pioneers”).
Among the practices that arise in shrinking cities are many that have to do with everyday
life, such as the above-mentioned urban farming, the plundering, stripping, scrapping, andvandalizing of vacant buildings, and the reorganization of public space, for example due toa retreat into private spaces or the rise of parking-lot and gas-station urbanism. Western
Europe is now also increasingly faced with phenomena such as informal economies,
unplanned development of spaces, and “low-standard spaces” otherwise associated withthreshold or developing countries (see the chapter “Everyday Survival”).
Can Planning Even Help?
The shrinking of cities is an unintentional phenomenon. It is an unplanned side effect, theindirect result of political and economic decisions, circumstances, and processes that lie
beyond the spheres of architecture and urban planning. Previous attempts to shape theprocess of shrinkage have been inadequate and have often failed because the conventional
means and tools of city planning and urban development, if they are at all available, are notable to tackle the problem (see the chapter “The Myth of Planning”).

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16This means two things. First, the factors in a given society which cause or significantly
influence the process of shrinkage must be examined. The discussion thus moves away fromthe discourse of urban planning and toward a dialogue on values and political questions, which
can lead to other ways of approaching the issues (see the chapter “Deconstructed Values”).
What do we make of property laws that hinder desirable urban development? What do we
make of immigration laws that substantially exacerbate the problem of demographic aging?
What do we make of subsidies for mobility and suburban development when this kindof funding allows existing resources to waste away and cities to become fragmented? What
do we make of employment policy measures that silence and disempower people insteadof empowering them?
Weak Planning
Faced with the phenomenon of shrinkage, urban planning is merely reactive because—unlikewith growth—it has little influence on the main forces at hand: deindustrialization,
demographic change, or even suburbanization. Instead of heroically failing or passively
capitulating, we must search for new ways to intervene in urban planning. It is toward this end
that the Shrinking Cities project has endeavored an extensive analysis. We must first try
to understand the specific, unique development of these cities in order to be able to intervene
in appropriate ways. If we accept this as the starting point, our plan of action must be basedon the idea of “weak planning.” This weak planning will increasingly use “soft tools” because
often cultural development, forms of communication, and the rise of social networks andprocesses shape urban development more than construction itself does. City planning will thus
not become obsolete, but will be based on different presuppositions and use different means.
Urban developers are used to “developing” a city by undertaking construction—of infrastructures, districts, buildings. But shrinkage is a form of urban transformation that occurs ina radical manner without any initial changes in the local physical space in which
it takes place. This raises the question, on the one hand, of whether the relationship between
space and utilization should be rethought and/or whether the ideas of space and utilization
themselves should be rethought. On the other hand, the question arises as to whether or notthere may be other forms of intervention in addition to the classic mode of development
through construction which can influence the way in which a city develops.
A fundamental shift in emphasis from the physical conditions to the social configurations
and to questions of use is gradually being perceived and accepted by various actors. An
example of this can be seen in a statement made by a banker during a workshop in
the context of the Shrinking Cities project: “When granting loans, I am not interested in apile of stones, but rather in the people who are behind them.” Contemporary city marketing,which arose as a way of tackling the crises of deindustrialized U.S. cities in the 1980s, also
has responded to the relevance of mental images for urban development. The city-planningdebates in Germany have also recently seen a shift from “hard tools” to “soft tools”—

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for example in the initiation of a program called Soziale Stadt (Social City)—even though thishas until now usually taken the form of social work as a means of crisis intervention in
conflict-ridden districts rather than the form of a real instrument for future-oriented urban
development. In the context of shrinking cities it will be necessary to understand the“soft tools” as an essential and integral part of city planning.
Moving from Crisis to Innovation
The debates about the crisis of shrinking cities will serve as an impulse to develop newconcepts and models. The situation was similar at the start of classical modernity. The search
for alternatives to the shocking living conditions of workers led to innovative solutions at the
beginning of the twentieth century, which inspired new developments in architecture internationally. It is interesting to note that the development of a new architectural language andof new typologies for the construction of buildings and cities was not the only result of theseendeavors. Equally important was the formation of new actors, such as cooperatives serving
as property developers; new legal, planning, and financial instruments; and a radical newunderstanding of municipal tasks—and ultimately a new model of society.
The Shrinking Cities project understands itself as contributing to a broad debate that willcontinue in the coming years and decades. The project pursues different approaches thatsometimes run counter to each other, focusing on cultural themes and international correlations. The goal is to pose new questions, enable new perspectives, and formulate new
approaches. Expectations that the project will produce ready-made answers or even “the greatsolution” are in our opinion misguided, because they are based on the classical myth of planning. A productive approach to urban shrinkage can only be successful if it is part of a longprocess, one that utilizes heterogeneous means and forges new paths. In November 2005 theproject will present the results of its second phase of work—devoted to developing relevantplans of action—by publishing a second volume and organizing an exhibition in Leipzig.

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From Great Britain, Germany, Finland, and Italy to Russia, Kazakhstan, and China, cities areshrinking everywhere. While urban-planning debates of recent years have mainly focused on
the growth of the megalopolis, in other places zones of shrinkage were actually developing.
Enormous population losses and high unemployment contribute to this process, which isfurther accelerated by globalization and the transition to post-Socialism.
This book examines the causes and dynamics of the shrinking process for the first time on
an international level. Citing concrete examples from Manchester and Liverpool in GreatBritain, Detroit in the United States, Ivanovo in Russia, and Halle and Leipzig in Germany,
it compares living conditions and cultural change in shrinking urban regions. Artistic intercessions help sensitize the public to a global phenomenon which poses a completely new social
challenge.

With portraits of the individual locations and a Japan insert.
736 pages, 503 illustrations, 389 in color

ISBN 3-7757-1682-3

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Volume 1International Research

Volume 1International ResearchContains: Global Processes of Shrinkage, Dying Cities—Redundant Spaces, Moving Cities—
Unstable Places, Panic City—The Psychogeography of Fear, Imagining the City—Cultural
Representations, Space Pioneers—The Avant-Garde of Shrinking, Everyday Survival—Do It
Yourself, Growth : Shrinkage—Dynamics of the Periphery, The Myth of Planning—
Automatic Urbanism, Deconstructed Values—Mentalities in Flux

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