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Inaugural preparatory issue
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メイン
メイン コンテンツ
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メイン コンテンツ

MAIN CONTENTS
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MAIN CONTENTS❖ 論 文 ❖❖❖ 論論 文文 ❖❖❖ 論 文 ❖◆ On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha:◆◆On
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Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

世界仏教文化研究
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2016.11龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター
龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター
龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター
龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター

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Journal ofWorld Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue ～Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures,
Ryukoku University－ November 2016 －Editorial Note
Masaaki Nohnin
Director, Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures
The Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures at the Ryukoku University launched on 2015.
The Ryukoku University established on 1639 maintains the “principle of the Shin Buddhism (Jōdoshinshū)” as the founding spirit of the University, and continues to exist to this day. During thisperiod, both in name and reality, the Research Institute for Buddhist Culture (RIBC) has played an
important role as a base for distributing information of the Buddhist Studies internationally. The
Research Center receives this RIBC’s inheritance, and starts the new electronic journal in order toadapt the inheritance to contemporary society and develop it for the future.
We vividly remember that Barack Obama, forty-forth President of the U.S.A, visited Hiroshimaon May 2016, seventy-first year since the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. In his speechat the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park, President Obama referred to the “religion” by using theexpressions such as “every great religion” or “religious zeal.” Though he didn’t specifically explain
what is meant by the “great religion” that promises “love, peace, and righteousness” or the “religiouszeal” that frequently causes controversy, we can’t help thinking the relationships between his speech
and Christianity, Islam, and especially Buddhism. There might be quite a few people who listened to
Obama’s speech which requested them to reflect upon and overcome the violent struggles andpresumed that it was designed under the influences of Buddhism. Obama used the expressions suchas “interdependence as a cause” or “connection to one another as members of one human race,”
when requiring the conversion of the thought about war. These expressions accord with Buddhism
which describes the teaching of dependent arising, and also his point of view was nothing more thanthat of Buddhism in terms of finding the clue to the solution of problems within such idea.
On August 2016, I had an opportunity to participate in the academic conference on Tibetan
Studies which was organized in Beijing. It was the enormous international conference whose
hundreds of participants were not only from China but also other countries all over the world. On theother hand, it was considered to be the conference unique to China in terms of the employment ofEnglish, Chinese, and Tibetan as its official common language. The venue was filled withenthusiasm, and, when a discussion was heated, the participants also spontaneously began to use
other Asian languages such as Japanese or Mongolian. I directly saw the developmental process of
the Buddhist Studies in China. I strongly feel that a wide variety of people communicate each otherconcerning Buddhism, and that the Buddhist Studies develop globally. Such dialogue is
indispensable for the coexistence and development of multiple cultures in contemporary society iniwhich people’s values have diversified. In addition, we are also required to mutually understand one
another in order to have the conversation. The wisdom of Buddhism is also required for theattainment of this purpose.
This is the inaugural preparatory issue of the new electronic journal. We strongly hope that the
researchers both inside and outside Japan immediately obtain various information of the Buddhist
Studies through this journal, and that it becomes the source of knowledge which deepens theresearches. We swear the further improvement of the journal, and now publish it. We appreciate yoursupport.

ii

発 刊 の 辞
能仁 正顕
世界仏教文化研究センター長
2015年に世界仏教文化研究センターがスタートしました。1639年創立の龍谷大学は「浄土真宗の精神」を建学の精神として歴史を重ね、今日に至ります。その間、1961年に設立された仏教文化研究所は、名実ともに国際的な仏教文化研究の拠点の一つとして情報発信の役割を果たしてきました。我々はそのような資産を継承するとともに、時代に適応した、さらなる発展を遂げるべく、本E-Journalを刊行します。
原爆が広島・長崎に投下されて71年を迎える、2016年5月に、被爆地広島をアメリカ大統領が訪れたことは、我々の記憶に鮮明に残っています。平和記念公園での追悼スピーチの中でオバマ大統領は、“every great religion”（すべての偉大な宗教）や“religious zeal”（宗教的熱意）という表現を用いて、「宗教」に言及しています。“love”（愛）と“peace”（平和）と “righteousness”（正義）を約束する「偉大な宗教」や、時に争いを生み出す「宗教的熱意」が具体的に何を指すのかは語られていませんが、キリスト教やイスラム教はもちろん、我々は仏教との関連を考えないわけにはいきません。暴力による争いを内省し乗り越えていくべきことを要請する、このスピーチを聞いて、それ自体が仏教の影響を受けて構想されているのではないかと感じる人は少なくないでしょう。戦争に対する思考の転換を求める文脈において語られた“interdependence as a cause”（相互依存の関係）や“connection to one another as members of one human race”（同じ人類としての相互のつながり）という表現は、「縁起」を語る仏教の教えに一致するものであり、そこに問題解決の糸口を見出した点はまさに仏教の考え方にほかなりません。
また2016年8月には、北京で開催されたチベット学の国際学会に参加する機会を得ました。
中国からはもちろんのこと、世界各地から数百人の研究者が参集する大規模な学会でした。
オフィシャルな言語として英語以外にも、中国語・チベット語も認定された、中国ならではの国際会議でした。議論が白熱すると日本語やモンゴル語なども飛び出すなど、熱気につつまれており、今中国で仏教研究が盛んになりつつある状況を目の当たりにしました。
仏教をめぐって人と人がつながり、研究がグローバルに展開していることを実感します。
そのように価値観が多様化した現代社会において異なった文化が共存し発展するには対話が不可欠であり、そのためには相互理解が求められます。そこに仏教の叡智が求められているのです。
この度は創刊準備号としました。本E-Journalによって、国内外の研究者がいち早く最新の仏教研究の情報を取得し、研究を深めるための知識の源泉となることを願うとともに、皆様方の期待に応えられるよう、紙面のさらなる充実を誓ってここに刊行いたします。ご支援をよろしくお願いいたします。

iii

凡

例

1, 本誌は、英語を主言語とするが、日本語による投稿もさまたげない。したがって、目次、
巻末執筆者等は、英語と日本語を併記する。
2, 漢字表記については、翻訳を含む日本語原稿の場合、一部の人名、書名を除き、原則、
常用漢字に統一する。
3, 本誌中に使用されている図版の無断コピーは堅く禁ずる。

iv

Contents
Editorial Noteⅰ

Contentsⅴ❖

Article ❖On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha:
The Edification of Ajātaśatru and the Nirvāṇa of the Buddha〈in English〉

Masaaki Nohnin

3

Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha- Toward the Interdisciplinary Approach across the Art History and Philology〈in Japanese〉

Satomi Hiyama

25❖ Translation ❖The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions:
A Translation and Annotation (Revised Edition, 2016)

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, and Takahiko Kameyama

51❖ Book Review ❖Experimental Buddhism: Innovation and Activism in Contemporary Japan,
by John K. Nelson〈in English〉
Taisuke Karasawa

93

The Birth of Insight: Meditation, Modern Buddhism, and Burmese Monk Ledi Sayadaw,
by Erik Braun〈in Japanese〉
Yutaka Kanazawa

96

Purpose of the Journal

99

Author’s profile

102

v

目

次

発刊の辞

ⅰ

目次

ⅴ

❖ 論

文 ❖

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha:
The Edification of Ajātaśatru and the Nirvāṇa of the Buddha

壁画というテキスト

能仁 正顕

3

檜山 智美

25

クチャの仏教壁画を「読む」―美術史と文献学の領域横断的アプローチに向けて―❖ 翻訳研究 ❖The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions:
A Translation and Annotation (Revised Edition, 2016)

能仁 正顕・大西 薫・亀山 隆彦

❖ 書

51

評 ❖

Experimental Buddhism: Innovation and Activism in Contemporary Japan,
by John K. Nelson
唐澤 太輔

93

The Birth of Insight: Meditation, Modern Buddhism, and Burmese Monk Ledi Sayadaw,
by Erik Braun
金澤

豊

96

Purpose of the Journal

99

執筆者一覧

102

vi

Article❖Articles ❖On “Shakuson Eden,”a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha
The Edification of Ajātaśatru and the Nirvāṇa of the Buddha〈in English〉

Masaaki Nohnin❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

Abstract
The Shakuson Eden 釋 尊 繪 傳 (henceforth, IBSB) is a Tibetan illustrated biography ofŚākyamuni Buddha, which consists of 25 scrolls in total and contains 120 episodes. In this paper, I
focus on the 112th scene of “the eight-portion distribution of the Buddha’s relics,” which consists offour themes: (1) worship of the relics, (2) claim for the relics, (3) the story of King Ajātaśatru and (4)the eight-portion distribution of the relics. I examine the characteristics of the IBSB through 1) acomparison with the reliefs of biographies of the Buddha found in Gandhara and central Asia and 2)
an analysis of the textual sources of this work.
The result for part 1) the comparison of biographies is that no examples of the story of King
Ajātaśatru can be confirmed in Gandhara but similar scenes are painted at Kizil cave in central Asia.
As for part 2) the analysis of the texts, I have confirmed that this work is closely related to the
Sarvāstivādin tradition. I have also pointed out that the story of King Ajātaśatru is closely connectedwith the theme of the establishment of the true Dharma after the Buddha’s passing into nirvāṇa
found in the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya. Furthermore, according to previous research, the IBSB was
produced on the basis of a text of the biography of the Buddha, “Summarized Description of the Actsof the King Bhagavat Muni (henceforth, SD)” that had collected materials mainly from the
Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya and a painting manual, “Record of Paintings of Hundred Acts of the
Venerable King Śākya (henceforth, RP),” both of which were written by Tāranātha. However, thestructures of the stories are different between the SD and the RP. Taking notice of this point, I haveclarified through the examination of the structure of the IBSB that a series of episodes of theedification of Ajātaśatru play an important role in the process of a reorganization of the Buddha’s
biography. From this I propose the possibility that the IBSB was produced on the basis of the RP
which was written by reorganizing the structure of the SD.
要 旨「釈尊絵伝」は全25幅・120話から構成されるチベットの仏伝図である。本論文では、そのうちの第112話、(1)舎利供養、(2)舎利争奪戦、(3)阿闍世王故事、(4)舎利八分、という四つの主題から構成される「舎利八分」を取り上げ、1)ガンダーラや中央アジアに伝わる仏伝図との比較、および2)出典となったテキストの分析を通してその特徴を考察する。
その結果、1)について阿闍世王故事(3)はその作例をガンダーラに確認することができなかった。しかし、中央アジアのキジル石窟の壁画に同様の場面の描かれていることを確認した。また 2)について、説一切有部の伝承と密接にかかわっていることを確認すると同時に、釈迦牟尼涅槃後の正法の確立という『根本有部律』の主題と阿闍世王故事(3)が密接に結びついていることを指摘した。さらに先行研究によれば、「釈尊絵伝」は、主に『根本有部律』から仏伝の題材を収集したターラナータ作の仏伝テキスト、すなわち『牟尼御行の略説』(以下、略説)、および描画のための手引き書、すなわち『釈迦百行の作画録』(以下、作画録)にもとづいて描かれたとされる。しかし、物語の構成は『略説』と『作画録』で相違する。この点に着目して、改編に際し一連の阿闍世教化のエピソードが重要な役割を果たしていることを「釈尊絵伝」の構成の分析を通して明らかにした。そして、『略説』の構成を改編した『作画録』にもとづいて「釈尊絵伝」が描かれた可能性を指摘した。

4

Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖On “Shakuson Eden,”a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha
The Edification of Ajātaśatru and the Nirvāṇa of the Buddha

Masaaki Nohnin

Keywords: Tibetan illustrated biography of the Buddha, eight-portion distribution of the Buddha’s
relics, Ajātaśatru, Tāranātha, Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya

1. Introduction
Tohkan Tada (1890-1967) stayed as an exchange student in Lhasa from September, 1913 toJanuary, 1923, which was a promise between thirteenth Dalai Lama and Kozui Otani,
Nishi-hongwanji twentysecond Monshu. During his stay, he, as a Tibetan monk at Sera Monastery,
devoted himself to the study of Buddhism so far as to be entitled to dGe bshes. After his return home,
Tada built the foundation of Tibetan Studies and Buddhist Studies in Japan on the basis of the
Buddhist sutras, texts and paintings he brought back from Tibet.
As one of these materials, the Shakuson Eden 釋尊繪傳 (henceforth, IBSB) was sent to Tada in1937 according to the last will of the Dalai Lama. The IBSB consists of 25 scrolls in total andcontains 120 episodes. It is a biography of Śākyamuni Buddha, expressed in detailed, minutely
painted pictures. We could call it a masterpiece of illustrated biographies of the Buddha that willremain throughout history.
In this paper, I will first focus on the scene of “eight-portion distribution of the Buddha’s relics.” I
would like to elucidate the characteristics of this Tibetan illustrated biography of the Buddha,
through its comparison with 1) the reliefs of the biography of the Buddha found in Gandhara andcentral Asia and 2) the texts of other biographies of the Buddha. Secondly, I would like to shed lightupon the circumstances in which the IBSB was produced through the examination of the Buddha’s
act that involves his edification of Ajātaśatru.
2. Related texts and previous studies
Naoji Okuyama has published a general study of this illustrated biography of the Buddha(Okuyama[1996]). It has shown that the framework for the story of this work derives from a text
called “Summarized Description of the Acts of the King Bhagavat Muni (bCom ldan 'das Thub pa'i5❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

dbang po'i mdzad pa mdo tsam brjod pa(1))” (henceforth, SD) and that the pictures of this work were
produced according to a painting manual called “Record of Paintings of Hundred Acts of the
Venerable King Śākya (sTon pa Śākya'i dbang po'i mdzad pa brgya pa'i bris yig(2))” (henceforth, RP),
both of which were written by Tāranātha (1575–1638) around the 17th century A.D..(3)It is said that in Tibet the life of Śākyamuni Buddha is made into pictures on the basis of “mdzad
brgya” (Hundred Acts).(4) Since the SD was written by Tāranātha who belonged to the Jo nang
tradition and is called “Jo nang mdzad brgya” (Hundred Acts of Jo nang tradition), we can count it as
one of the traditional works of mdzad brgya.
Moreover, the dPag bsam ljon bzang written by Sumbha mkhan po (1702-74) carries the names of
125 scenes, the order and contents of which are in accordance with those of the SD, although someof the Tibetan wordings of the names are different.(5) As previous studies have also shown,(6) we canassume that, after the production of the SD, these 125 scenes set a standard for the biography of the
Buddha in Tibet. (7)Tāranātha collected the materials from the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya, to compose the biography of
the Buddha. He employs the descriptions of the Vinaya as framework of the SD and supplements itwith texts of the Śrāvakayāna. The SD is a compilation of the acts of Śākyamuni Buddha in 125
episodes, beginning with the scene of his descent from Tuṣita Heaven and ending with his nirvāṇa
and the First Council that follows. His editing policy for the Buddha’s biography is that styles of
Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna should be distinguished and not intermingled. The postscript of SD states(1)

The Collected Works of jo-naṅ rje-btsun Tāranātha, Reproduced from of prints from the Rtan-brtan(2)

op. cit., fol. 333-501.

(3)

See Okuyama[1996b: 68, 73-74].

(4)

I would like to thank Professor Emeritus Tsultrim Kelsang Khangkar (Otani University) who has kindly informed

phun-tshogs-glin blocks preserved in the library of the Stog Palace in Ladak vol.12, 1985, fol. 1-331.

me of this point. In 藏汉大辞典, we find a biography of the Buddha called “sTon pa śākya thub pa'i skyes rabs
brgya rtsa brgyad ston pa'i rnam thar/ <Shijiabaixingzhuan 釋迦百行傳>” in the entry of “mdzad brgya” (2334
left).
(5)dPag bsam ljon bzang (Rinsen Buddhist text series 5, Kyoto: Rinsen Books, 1984), pp.33.9-36.2. See(6)

See Tucci[1949: 357], Okuyama[1996b: 75].

(7)

Ekai Kawaguchi (1866-1945) once created a new text of a biography of the Buddha. He took some of the names

Kawaguchi[1999: 308-319].

of the dPag bsam ljon bzang as its chapters’ names and added some new chapters as well. He then fleshed out
these chapters based on the Lalitavistara, a Mahāyāna biography of the Buddha, Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra whichtells the second and third turnings of the wheel of Dharma, Tantras and so forth. Kawaguchi’s such method ofediting a biography of the Buddha runs counter to that of Tāranātha who thinks that Mahāyāna and Hīnayānashould be distinguished. See Kawaguchi[1999].

6

Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖as follows.(8)Biographies of the Tathāgata are told equally in Three Treasuries (of Bodhisattvayāna and ofŚrāvakayāna), but it is clear that we should distinguish between Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna. It is a
Mahāyāna style that detailed descriptions are provided before the First Sermon because, in theholy Lalitavistara, the Leader dwells in the Tuṣita Heaven. Thus, if we want to describe thefollowing part, we should integrate stories of two eminent disciples in the Ratnakeṭu of[Mahā-]saṃnipāta, a story in the Pitāputrasamāgama-sūtra of Ratnakūṭa, the great miraculous
transformations in the Xianyu jing 賢愚經, and those found in the Mahāparinirvāṇa[-sūtra] of
the several chapters on nirvāṇa, and so forth. If we complement it only with Mahāyāna sutras inthis way, it will make a very good biography.
Here one should note that, among Mahāyāna sutras that relate to Mahāyāna biographies of the
Buddha, the Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra (myang 'das chen po) that being the Mahāyāna Nirvāṇa-sūtra
which deals with the act of nirvāṇa, is given. However, the SD excluded Mahāyāna sutras in this way,
and was composed as a Śrāvakayāna biography of Śākyamuni Buddha.
The result of bibliographical analysis of the IBSB, the SD, and the RP can be found in Okuyama’s
comparative list (1996b: 80-85). It is a highly convenient list in which we can see differences ofwording, addition and omission of stories, sources, and so forth at first glance. When we compare
the structure of 125 episodes of the SD with that of the IBSB, we find some differences between
them, but the structure of the IBSB agrees with that of the RP. That is to say, we recognize thechange of order of 125 episodes between the IBSB and the SD. This means that there are differencesin terms of the order of episodes between the SD and the RP which are written by the same author
and thus have a close relation with each other. We cannot entirely rule out the possibility that thestructure of biography of the Buddha found in the IBSB already existed before the production of theSD, but the IBSB is written and painted in accordance with the order of the RP. What has brought
about the differences before and after the IBSB? For what purpose has the change of order been
made? In any case, this is a problem associated with the editorial purpose of the IBSB in the historyof Tibetan biographies of the Buddha.

(8)SD, 329.4-7: de bzhin gshegs pa'i rnam par thar pa sde snod gsum las byung mnyam yin yang / theg pa che chunggi dbye ba phyed dgos par snang ste / 'phags pa rgya che rol pa las / ston pa dga' ldan du bzhugs pa nas / chos'khor thog mar bskor ba'i bar rgyas par 'byung ba lta bu / theg chen gyi lugs yin pas de'i rjes 'thud par 'dod na /'dus pa rin po che tog las 'byung ba'i mchog zung gi lo rgyus dang / dkon mchog brtsegs pa'i nang gi yab sras
mzal ba'i mdo las 'byung ba'i lo rgyus dang / mdzangs blun nas bshad pa'i cho 'phrul chen po dang / mya ngan las'das pa'i skor rnams myang 'das chen po las 'byung sogs / mdor na theg chen gyi mdo kho na las kha bskang na
shin tu legs par 'gyur la /.

7❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

3. The eight-portion distribution of the Buddha’s relics
Let us now turn to the scene of the “eight-portion distribution of the Buddha’s relics,” IBSB[112](=episode 112 of the IBSB, which agrees with episode 120 of the SD) in the picture 12 on the left
<fig.1>. Needless to say, this scene is located in the series of topics such as nirvāṇa (IBSB[110]), thecremation of the Buddha (IBSB[111]) and the First Council (IBSB[113]).
IBSB[112] consists of four parts that are as follows.
(1) People’s worshiping in front of the urn of relics. (Worship of relics)(2) The tribes’ dispatching of their troops to Kuśinagara for the claim of the relics. (Claim ofrelics)(3) The king Ajātaśatru's fainting in great agony after knowing the nirvāṇa of the Buddha.(Storyof King Ajātaśatru)(4) The opening of the urn of relics and the relics’ distribution into eight portions.(Eight-portion
distribution of relics)(1), (2) and (4) are the episodes that form the essential parts of the “eight-portion distribution of the
Buddha’s relics.” We can find detailed descriptions of these events in the Nirvāṇa-sūtra and otherrelated texts.(9) In the IBSB, (1) and (4) are painted in the upper middle of picture 12 on the left. On
the lower right to a boundary of a river, (2) is painted and, further below part, episode (3) is painted
in detail.
After the cremation, the relics were put into a golden urn, which was brought to and enshrined at ahall in the walled city of Kuśinagara. People of Malla tribe in Kuśinagara offered various things to it
and worshiped it.
Upon hearing the nirvāṇa of Śākyamuni Buddha, seven tribes advance on the city with their troops
to claim the relics of the Buddha from whom they received benevolence, in order to build
Buddha-stūpas where the relics were to be enshrined and worshiped. Reliefs and wall paintings that
represent the “claim of relics” are found at Sanchi, Amaravati and Gandhara in India,(10) as well as at(9)

The correspondent locations of the act of “eight-portion distribution of the relics” in the Nirvāṇa-sūtra are as
follows. (1) Mahāparinibbāna-suttanta 6.23-28 (Dīgha Nikāya II, ed. by Rhys Davids and J. Estlin Carpenter,
pp.164.20-168.4), (2) Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra 49.26-51.27 (Das Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra, ed. by Ernst
Waldschmidt), (3) Youxingjing 遊行經, T1:1, 29a29-30b4, (4) Fobonihuanjing 佛般泥洹經, T5:1,175a4-24, (5)Bonihuanjing 般泥洹經, T6:1,190a18-c18, (6) Daboniepanjing 大般涅槃經, T7:1, 207a15-c10. Furthermore, wefind a description corresponding to the Sanskrit version in Genbenshuoyiqieyoubu pinaiye yaoshi 根本説一切有部毗奈耶雑事 38-39, T1451:24, 401b26-402c4 and its Tibetan translation, 'Dul ba phran tshegs kyi gshi,
D6:da297a1-301a3.

(10)

See Miyaji[1992: 178-179, fig.76]. Isao KURITA, Gandhāra Art I, A revised and enlarged edition, Tokyo:
Nigensha, 2003, pls.518,519.

8

Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖Kizil caves in central Asia.(11) We should note that the relics of the Buddha were thought to be as
precious as jewels to the extent that a battle over them nearly occured. We could say that this scene
puts the accent on the episode of the eight-portion distribution of the Buddha’s relics.

<fig.1> IBSB[112]Eight-portion distribution of the relics

As to episode (2), the description of the dispatch of troops found in SD[120] (=episode 120 of SD)
corresponds with that of the Sanskrit version of the Nirvāṇa-sūtra and of its Chinese translation.
Moreover, it agrees with the description of the MSV Kṣ. However, in the Pāli version of the sūtra,we find no word that directly mentions the dispatch of troops. The SD states as follows.(12)(11)

See Miyaji[1992: 504-506, fig.307].

(12)(2)-1, SD[120] 304.7-305.1: de'i tshe ①yul sdig pa can gyi gyad rnams kyis / ston pa 'das nas zhag bdun lon / sku
gdung zhugs la gzhen par yang thos nas dpung yan lag bzhi go bskon te / ......

9❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～(2)-1: At that time, ①Malla tribe of Pāpā, hearing that seven days had passed after the Leader’s
decease and his body was cremated, dispatched their troops that consisted of four kinds ofsoldiers. …
(2)-2: “[The Leader] entered nirvāṇa near your town. Now, we claim that you distribute his
relics to us. We will build a Buddha-stūpa to enshrine them in our country.” People [of Malla
tribe] of Kuśinagara did not accept [that claim]. “If you do not give them to us, we will takethem by force.” “You can do so, if you want.” Antagonism prevailed. Besides them, ②Bulakakṣatriya tribe of Calakalpa, ③ Kraudya kṣatriya tribe of Rāmagrāma, ④ a brāhmaṇa ofViṣṇudvīpa, ⑤Śākya tribe of Kapilavastu and ⑥Licchavi tribe of Vaiśālī also came with armsin hand. They did the same as the previous [Malla tribe of Pāpā].
…(3)… Since ⑦King [Ajātaśatru of Magadha] could not go, he dispatched Minister Varṣākāra,a brāhmaṇa, with their troops and said the same as the previous tribes(13).
As for picturing this episode of “claim for relics,” the RP gives instructions: “Inside the city, [menof] Malla tribe are clad in armor and women, young and old alike, take bows and arrows in hand,”(14)

and “Dispose horses, elephants and chariots.” (15) It tries to describe a tense situation that all the

inhabitants of Kuśinagara, taking up arms, are prepared for all-out confrontation. This situation is
also fully described in the IBSB.
The RP depicts the troops that came to Kuśinagara as follows.(16)
Outside the city, there are seven troops in seven small separate districts. Among them, twochiefs as brāhmaṇa and commanders of other troops as kṣatriyas are depicted. A situation that apair of brāhmaṇa and his attendant go to each of them, and persuade them one by one [isdepicted].
(13)(2)-2, SD[120] 305.2-4, 6-7: de khyed kyi grong gi nye skor du mya ngan las 'das te / da ni khyed kyis nged lagdung shā ri raṃ gyi skal ba byin cig/ nged kyi yul du mchod rten byas la dus ston byed do / / ces zer ba rtsa

can pa rnams kyis khas ma blangs so / / mi ster na dmag gis 'phrog go byas pas de bzhin du bya'o zhes 'khon rgyas
su gyur / gzhan yang ②yul rtog pa gyo ba na gnas pa'i rgyal rigs u lu ka dang / ③yul sgra sgrogs kyi rgyal rigs ra
ṇḍa ka dang / ④khyab 'jug gi gling gi bram ze dang / ⑤ser skya'i sha kya dang / ⑥yangs pa can gyi li tsa bi
rnams kyang dpung dang bcas pa 'ongs te snga ma bzhin no / / ...(3)... ⑦rgyal po 'gro ma thub nas bram ze dbyar
byed dmag dpung dang bcas pa btang ste / snga ma dang 'dra bar smras so / / de dag gi bar du dmag du ma 'dus pa
mthong ste /.
(14)

RP, 492.2-3: grong khyer gyi nang na gyad go mtshon thogs pa dang / bud med rgan gzhon rnams kyang mda'
gzhu dang ral gyi thogs pa.

(15)

RP, 492.3: rta dang glang po dang shing rta bshams pa.

(16)

RP, 492.3-4: grong khyer gyi phyi rol dang / yul ljongs phra mo mi 'dra tsam bdun dang / dmag tsho tshan bdun
yod pa la / gnyis kyi mgo mi bram ze yin la / gzhan dmag dpon rgyal rigs kyi rnam pa 'bri'o // de rnams re re'idrung du / bram ze 'khor dang bcas pa gcig rim kyi song nas so sor gtam smra ba'i tshul dang /.

10

Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖It thus gives instruction that two of the commanders of the seven troops should be depicted as
brāhmaṇa.
As for the tribes that came to Kuśinagara to claim the relics with their troops, the SD clearly statesthat tribes ② and ③ are kṣatriya and tribe ④ is brāhmaṇa. However, the representative of
Maghada was Ajātaśatru, but it was Minister Varṣākāra, a brāhmaṇa, who actually came. This meansthat two brāhmaṇas came to the city, which the Sanskrit version of the sūtra also tells us. In thisconnection, the Pāli version of the sūtra does not refer to troops, but it says that the number of thetribes are seven in total, and that five of them call themselves kṣatriya, one of them brāhmaṇa, andthe last of them Śākya tribe, which is a relative of the Buddha.
As RP instructs, brāhmaṇas who came with troops are not one but two in number. The reason isthat King Ajātaśatru of Magadha dispatched Minister Varṣākāra, a brāhmaṇa. In the IBSB, we findtwo persons who, stripped to the waist, are likely to be brāhmaṇa, possibly commanders of their
troops. This shows the policy of the IBSB that scenes should be depicted faithfully to the text.
Nonetheless, besides the four persons who are wearing robes and hoods, and likely to be kings, we
also find another person, who are wearing a hood and stripped to the waist, and likely to be bothking and brāhmaṇa, which differs from the RP. Who is intended by this person is not clear.
Why, then, could King Ajātaśatru not go to Kuśinagara? We omitted this part in the above
quotation, but the SD says as follows,(17) after its mention to Licchavi tribe ⑥ and before theaccount ⑦ of King Ajātaśatru’s dispatch of troops.:(3): King Ajātaśatru awoke from his faint and slightly recovered himself thanks to Varṣākāra, abrāhmaṇa, who dealt with the situation just as he was beforehand instructed by Mahākāśyapa.
Being informed that other people had gone there to claim the relics, the king said “I am also
going there.” He then deployed his troops and was about to leave, but remembering the
Bhagavat [Śākyamuni], he again fainted and fell down. When he awoke again, tried to go byriding a horse, but, again, he did the same.
This scene, which derives from the MSV Kṣ,(18) is found neither in the Chinese version of the(17)(3), SD[120] 305.4-6: rgyal po ma skyes dgra ni / sngar 'od srungs chen pos bstan pa bzhin du bram ze dbyar byedkyis kyang byas pas brgyal ba sangs shing cung zad bde bar gnas pa na / sku gdung gi skal ba len par gzhan dedag song zhes thos te / nga yang 'gro'o gsung nas dpung rnams bshams / glang po che la zhon nas 'gro bar brtsams
pa na / bcom ldan 'das dran te yang brgyal zhing bog go // yang de sangs pa na / rta la bskyon nas 'gro bar brtsams
kyang de bzhin du gyur to //.

(18)

MSV Kṣ, D6:da298a2: rgyal po ma skyes dgra yang glang po che la zhon pa dang / des bcom ldan 'das kyi yon
tan rjes su dran pas brgyal bar gyur to / de nas glang po che las phab ste / rta la bskyon pa dang / der yang brgyal
bar gyur te /.

T1451:24(38), 401c23-26:時未生怨王遂乘大象欲往佛所。纔昇象上念佛恩深。心便悶絶從象墜墮宛轉于地。良久乃酥便乘馬去。念佛恩故不能抑止。還墮于地久酥息已。

11❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

Nirvāṇa-sūtra nor in its Pāli version.(19) It is a unique scene in that neither is it found in the illustrated
biographies of the Buddha of Gandhara. Ajātaśatru, who killed his father and ascended the throne,
later changed his mind and deeply respected Śākyamuni Buddha. The SD tells us that, when the
Buddha passed into nirvāṇa, King Ajātaśatru held him in particular reverence. He should have gonein haste to obtain the relics, but he could not go. We here find Ajātaśatru engulfed by grief and agonythat is deeper than those caused by his father’s death.
How, then, did Varṣākāra deal with Ajātaśatru in such a situation? The RP tells us as follows(20):There is a temple near the city of Rājagṛha. Position a brāhmaṇa at the temple, and [depict] apainter who is painting. Illustrating pictures of the Buddha’s “birth,” “subduing demon,”“turning the wheel of Dharma,” “miraculous acts,” “descent from the heaven,” and “nirvāṇa,”he explains them twice. Depicted are minute pictures with thin layers of paint. Position seven
vessels filled with yogurt and a vessel filled with sandalwood perfume. There, King Ajātaśatru
arrives. The brāhmaṇa who illustrates [what happened] by pictures [is depicted]. The scene of
the king’s fainting after hearing that, only to be resuscitated by being laid down in yogurt andsandalwood perfume is depicted.
Mahākāśyapa thought that Ajātaśatru, who held the Buddha in reverence, would die of astonishment
and sorrow if he was informed of his decease without preparation. Mahākāśyapa thus ordered
Minister Varṣākāra to deal with the situation in advance. First, Varṣākāra ordered to paint the life of
the Buddha and, then he illustrated it to Ajātaśatru by means of the pictures to let him know thenirvāṇa of the Buddha. Since Ajātaśatru would faint even if this is done, Varṣākāra ordered toprepare vessels filled with yogurt, sandalwood and perfume for resuscitation. Ajātaśatru who, having
known the nirvāṇa of the Buddha, fainted in agony actually escaped death at Mahākāśyapa’s
direction to prepare the prescription in advance. This is followed by the above quote (3). We can saythat the nirvāṇa of the Buddha is the problem of Ajātaśatru’s own life and death, which is a matterthat awaits spiritual solution.
A difference of pictures between the RP and the IBSB can be noticed in the illustrated biographyof the Buddha which a painter depicts in the IBSB. SD[120] mentions six phases, which are four(19)

Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra 50.14. This part of the Sanskrit manuscript is not collected.

(20)

RP, 493.4-494.1: grong khyer rgyal po'i pho brang dang bcas pa'i 'khris na skyed mos tshal gcig dang / skyed mostshal der bram ze gcig gi bkod pa byas nas / ri mo mkhan gyi ri mo 'bri ba'i tshul / de yang sku bltams pa dang /bdud brtul ba dang / chos 'khor bskor ba dang / cho 'phrul dang / lha babs dang / myang 'das kyi bar du bris pa
mtshon byed gnyis ri mo phra mo hang tshon du bri / gzhong pa mar khus bkang ba bdun dang / tsandan gyi lde
gus bkang ba gcig bshams / der rgyal po ma skyes dgra yang byon zhing / bram ze des ri mo la rten bshad byedba'i tshal bya / de nas rgyal po de 'gyel ba dang / mar khu'i nang du lus bcug pa dang / tsandan gyi lde gu'i nangdu bcug pas sos pa'i tshul 'bri /.

Cf. MSV Kṣ, D6:da290a5-291b2;

12

T1451:24(38), 399b15-c23.

Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖phases and miraculous transformation and descent from heaven. The four phases are birth, subduing
Māra, preaching the Dharma and nirvāṇa. The RP usually follows the description of the SD, butwhat is actually depicted in the IBSB is these four phases. There is a vacant space in the lower partof the wall of the temple, where something more can be painted, but, since the scene of the nirvāṇa isfinished, we assume that the four phases were completed in the way as they are. It is reported that asimilar relief was found at Kizil cave in central Asia. At cave 205, in particular, the four phases ofbirth, subduing Māra, preaching the Dharma and nirvāṇa are painted on the entire surface of asheet.(21) But, Ajātaśatru who is surprised to see them is depicted in a pot. Several other characteristic
descriptions can be pointed out, but, we should note here, Kucha kingdom in which Kizil cave
existed was under the influence of Sarvāstivādin, as Xuanzang reports in his Datangxiyuji 大唐西域記 (22). I only briefly point out that there existed a Saṅgha which had kept the
Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya at Kizil. This fact serves as the background of production of illustrated
biographies of the Buddha that share a scene of “eight-portion distribution of the relics” that iscommon to Tibet and Kizil.
Through the good offices of a brāhmaṇa, the war for the relics was avoided. The Buddha’s relics
were thus distributed to eight tribes. The Nirvāṇa-sūtra completes its teaching with “building of
Buddha-stūpa.” The MSV Kṣ further moves on to the theme of the “First Council” to tell the“establishment of the true Dharma.”(23) It develops in the form of the edification of Ajātaśatru who
has lost the Buddha, which is incorporated in the “eight-portion distribution of the Buddha’s relics.”
The IBSB is painted, and edited, in accord with this theme. Additionally, this description cannot befound in any other vinayas.
4. The Edification of Ajātaśatru
Among 120 episodes of the IBSB, Ajātaśatru appears in twelve of them. They are [67]:SD[70](Jyotiṣka becomes a monk), [70]: SD[77](Devadatta’s supernatural power is accomplished),[72]: SD[79](Rebellion of Ajātaśatru), [73]: SD[80](Rebellion of Devadatta), [74]: SD[81](Tamingof a mad elephant), [78]: SD[90](Protecting Ajātaśatru from fear), [79]: SD[91](Making Ajātaśatru
abide in faith), [82]: SD[94](Talk on the way to Vaiśālī), [100]: SD[109](Telling conditions on whichthings do not decline), [110]: SD[118](Manifesting nirvāṇa), [112]: SD[120](Distributing the relics
in eight portions) and [113]: SD[121](Chapter on the First Council).

(21)

See Miyaji[1992: 508-510, fig.313].

(22)

T2087:51, 870a24-26: 伽藍百餘所僧徒五千餘人。習學小乘教説一切有部。經教律儀取則印度。其習讀者(23)

See Miyaji[1992: 512]. It points out that pictures of the “eight-portion distribution of relics” and the “First

即本文矣。
Council” represent the last and ultimate foundations left for Buddhists after the Buddha’s decease, his “relics” and“Dharma.”13

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

The act of the edification of Ajātaśatru consists of these episodes as a set. In the following, I will
introduce some of the main scenes.
IBSB[72](=SD[79], 208.6-) Ajātaśatru is instigated by Devadatta to kill his father, King Bimbisāra,with a spear, who is riding on a carriage to visit the Buddha and offer him a meal. But he does not
succeed <fig.2, MSV S(24)>.
Next, he confines his father in prison and tries to starve him to death, but his mother, Vaidehī,
visits him and secretly provids him with food. He then prohibits his mother from visiting him, but
his father continues to be alive because he has the “staff of life,” that is, the joy he gains fromlooking up to the Buddha on the Mt. Gṛdhrakūṭa from the window of the prison. He further closes
the window and cut the king’s feet so that he cannot stand. But the Buddha dispatches
Maudgalyāyana who has command of supernatural power and let Bimbisāra know that he is now
having the result of his own karma. Meanwhile, Ajātaśatru is told by his mother that he received his
father’s deep love in his childhood. Upon hearing it, he intends to free his father in haste but hehappens to kill him against his will <fig.3, MSV S(25)>.

<fig.2> IBSB[72]Ajātaśatru throwing his spear, intended to kill his father<fig.3> IBSB[72]Bimbisāra inprisoned in the castle

IBSB[74](=SD[81], 216.4-) This is the episode of “taming of a mad elephant.” Ajātaśatru is told
Devadatta’s scheme to kill the Buddha by setting a mad elephant on him, and he agrees to it <fig.4,
MSV S(26)>.
(24)

MSV S, D1:nga211b2-;

T1450:24(16), 184c19-185b08.

(25)

MSV S, D1:nga214a7-;

T1450:24(17-18), 187c20-191b26. Cf. Tucci[1949: 486, pl.114].

(26)

MSV S, D1:nga238a2-;

T1450:24(19), 197b28-198b10. Cf. Tucci[1949: 472, pl.110].

14

Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖<fig.4> IBSB[74]Upper left, (1) in the palace, Devadatta instigates Ajātaśatru to a scheme tomake a mad elephant attack the Buddha. On its right, (2) the two, Devadatta
and Ajātaśatru, who see from roof floor how the mad elephant attacks the
Buddha. (3) represents the Buddha taming the mad elephant.

IBSB[78](=SD[90], 234.3-) Neighboring kings make a charge against Ajātaśatru who ascended thethrone by killing his father, a king who was following the true Dharma, and they dispatch troops to
Magadha. The Dragon King damages crops by hailstone. Natural drought makes ponds dried up and15❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

the kings throw poison into rivers. Plagues become prevalent at Rājagṛha causing heavy casualties.
The king is put in a predicament. Ajātaśatru, who has lost all protections from his surroundings,
becomes utterly exhausted, body and soul knackered, and his face reveals a look of distress. His
mother who cannot bear to see his distress advises him that this situation is caused by your nothaving attached due importance to the Buddha. She thus suggests that he should confess his sins to
the Buddha and beg his pardon. Taking this opportunity, Ajātaśatru invites Śākyamuni Buddha, whois staying at Śrāvastī, to Rājagṛha. Śākyamuni Buddha observes that a good opportunity for his
edification has come ('dul ba'i dus su). He accepts his invitation and goes to Rājagṛha to finallyreceive his offerings <fig.5, MSV Bh(27)>.

<fig.5> IBSB[78]The Buddha who sets out to edify Ajātaśatru in agony.

The intension of the Buddha who, knowing that this is the opportunity of Ajātaśatru’s edification,agreed to go to Rājagṛha is assumed to be that he should make him to have “faith with no root (gzhi
med pa'i dad).”(28)
IBSB[79](=SD[91], 235.6-) At a night with a bright moon in the clear sky, he talks with the queen
and ministers on what he should do. Having neglected ministers’ advice to give offerings to six
non-Buddhist teachers, he accepts Jīvaka’s opinion that he should give offering to the Buddha. He(27)

MSV Bh, D1:kha13a6-17a5; T1448:24(5), 19c20-20c19.

(28)

MSV Bh, D1:kha13b3-4;

T1448:24(5), 19c14-15: 此未生怨太子作無量罪. 我當令此住無根信.

16Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖comes to visit the Buddha who is staying at Āmra garden for the summer retreat. Ajātaśatru, who has
heard the teaching of the fruit of śramaṇa, confesses his sin of killing his father to the Buddha. His
confession is accepted by the Buddha and the faith with no root arises in him. The workings of thefaith with no root is depicted by scenes in which Ajātaśatru, entrusting himself to the Buddha, jumps
from a high tower or from an elephant onto him, who receives him <fig.6, MSV S(29)>.

<fig.6> IBSB[79]Lower left, the figure of Ajātaśatru who has repented, listened to the teachingof the Buddha and aroused the faith with no root.

According to a traditional interpretation,(30) faith is a pure mind, which acknowledges that the four
truths, three treasures, wholesome and unwholesome karmas and their fruits really exist. The “faithwith no root” means that it arises without depending on truths such as three treasures. We could saythat Ajātaśatru’s faith with no root is the faith that is aroused in those who earnestly implore theBuddha’s compassion on the ground of the Buddha’s supernatural powers.(31)(29)

MSV S, D1:nga286a3-;(30)

Abhidharmakośa-bhāṣya, Pradhan second ed., p.55.6-7: tatra śraddhā cetasaḥ prasāsaḥ /T1450:24(20, 10), 205a9-b24, 147c6-23.

satyaratnakarmaphalābhisaṃpratyaya ity apare /.
(31)

SD, 238.3-4: gang gi tshe rgyal po ma skyes dgra de gzhi med pa'i dad pa la bkod pa de phyin chad rang nyidkhang steng ngam / glang po che'i steng la songs pa gang na yod kyang / ston pa mthong na de ma thag tsham
tshom med par mchongs nas 'gro'o ston pas kyang rdzu 'phrul gyis bar snang nas blangs te sa la 'jog par mdzad do/.

Since that King Ajātaśatru aroused the faith with no root, as soon as he sees the Buddha, he jumps onto him

17❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

IBSB[112](=SD[120], 304.8-)～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

King Ajātaśatru who is going to Kuśinagara, uponremembering the Bhagavat (bcom ldan 'das dran te), faints away and falls from the elephant (see<fig.1 (3)>). This situation makes us presume that Ajātaśatru’s faith with no root is impaired. It
depicts the state, I assume, that Ajātaśatru has lost the ground for his faith since he lost the object ofremembrance due to the Buddha’s nirvāṇa < MSV Kṣ(32)>.
IBSB[113](=SD[121], 307.4-)

Many Arhats entered nirvāṇa following the Buddha’s nirvāṇa,which makes gods feel a sense of crisis that the true Dharma (saddharma, dam pa'i chos) will be lost.
Mahākāśyapa thus decides to hold a council. King Ajātaśatru sees Mahākāśyapa who came to
Magadha to hold a council and, remembering the Buddha (sangs rgyas dran te), the king jumps fromhis elephant onto Mahākāśyapa, who receives him with his supernatural power and puts him downon the ground. This, I assume, represents Ajātaśatru’s faith with no root which has arisen again.
What is the difference from the preceding episode? In IBSB[112], Ajātaśatru only saw a picture
image of the Buddha that was portrayed by a painter and was explained by Varṣākāra, although
Mahākāśyapa had so prescribed. There was a figure of the Buddha, but the working of true Dharma
was lacking.(32) On the other hand, there is no figure of the Buddha in IBSB[113] but Ajātaśatru sees
Mahākāśyapa who came with his determination for the establishment of the true Dharma. Here,Ajātaśatru who remembers the Buddha sees the true Dharma working behind the visible figure of
Mahākāśyapa.
Śākyamuni Buddha attained the dharmakāya (chos kyi sku) under the bodhi-tree in Magadha.(33)
The act of teaching of Śākyamuni Buddha who attained the dharmakāya, we could say, is amanifestation of the truth of his awakening for sentient beings. This episode shows that, according to
Mahākāśyapa’s proposal, the First Council was held at this historic place, Magadha, and the true
Dharma he has taught was established in the Saṅgha. At the same time, it tells us that the true
Dharma has the meaning of dharmakāya that never stops working even after the Buddha’s enteringnirvāṇa, in which agonized Ajātaśatru took a refuge <MSV Kṣ(34)>.

without hesitation, wherever he is, that is, by himself, on a house or on an elephant. The Master receives him in
the air with his supernatural power and set him down on the ground.
(32)
(32)

MSV Kṣ, D6:da297a3-301a3;

T1451:24(38-39), 401c1-402c4.

Cf. Vakkali 22.87, Saṃyutta Nikāya III, p.120.27-31: yo kho ... dhammaṃ passati so maṃ passati / yo maṃ
passati so dhammaṃ passati //.

Who sees the Dharma indeed sees me (the Buddha), who sees me (the Buddha)

sees the Dharma.
(33)

SD, 310.2-3: 'od srungs kyis smras pa rgyal po chen po ma ga dhar ston pas chos kyi sku brnyes pa yin pas / dge'dun rnams kyang lam du zhugs te 'ong gi chos kyi tshul bgro bar 'tshal lo //. Mahākāśyapa said, “Great king! In[this place of] Magadha, the Master attained the Dharmakāya. Thus, I would like the Saṅgha to enter [this] place
and to hold a council of the Dharma.

(34)

MSV Kṣ, D6:da301a4-; T1451:24(39-40), 402c9-408b23.

18

Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖5. Significance of the exposition of the retribution of karma
The order of twelve episodes about Ajātaśatru in the IBSB is the same as that of the SD. We
should notice, however, that episodes before and after the twelve episodes have been exchanged.
That is to say, SD[106] becomes IBSB[77] and SD[85]-[89] is to IBSB[94]-[98]. It is SD[106], an
episode on the “exposition of the retribution of karma,” I think, is the key for the revision of thestory. The examination of how this episode is placed in the structure of the story will lead us to anunderstanding of the circumstances in which the IBSB is produced.
According to SD[106], the “exposition of the retribution of karma” is one of ten works that shouldbe performed by the Buddha upon appearing in this world. The ten works are as follows(35).
(1) To predict [the appearance of a] Buddha(2) To arouse the mind of awakening in many sentient beings(3) To edify all of those who should be edified(4) To point out a pair of the best [śrāvakas](5) To establish restricted areas for practice(6) To abandon one fifth of one’s lifetime(7) To show great miraculous transformations [at Śrāvastī](8) To show the descendant from heaven [at Sāṃkāśya](9) To make his parents abide in the truth(10) To expound the retribution of karma to the śrāvaka Saṅgha
The seventh work is told in IBSB[58] and the eighth in IBSB[59]. The tenth work is is performed
with śrāvakas at the Lake Anavatapta at the request of monks. Beginning with the competition ofsupernatural powers between two eminent disciples, Śāriputra and Maudgalyāyana, the Buddha tells
their causal situation stories in their past lives. Next, following Mahākāśyapa, other disciples tell,
one after another, their karmas and their retributions in their past lives. Finally, Śākyamuni Buddha
himself tells his karma in his past lives, revealing why he had to practice asceticism for six years.
The idea of cause and result that depends on karma forms the basis of the Śrāvakayāna doctrine.
In this connection, Tucci has once presented a thang ka on which the “retribution of karma” is(35)

SD, 275.1-4: (1) 'ga' zhig sangs rgyas su lung stan pa dang / (2) mang po dag byang chub tu sems bskyed pa dang /(3) gdul bya thams cad btul ba dang / (4) mchog zung gcig bstan pa dang / (5) mtshams bcad pa dang / (6) sku
tshe'i lnga cha btang ba dang / (7) cho 'phrul chen po bstan pa dang / (8) lha las babs pa dang / (9) yab yum bden
pa la bkod pa dang / (10) nyan thos kyi dge 'dun rnams las kyi rgyu ba lung ston tu 'jug par mdzad pa rnams so //.
Cf. MSV Bh (Vaidya ed., Buddhist Sanskrit Texts 16), p.90.9-15, 'Dul ba gzhi, D1:kha 281b2-4; T1448:24(16),76c4-11; Divyāvadāna, 12 Prātihāryasūtra (Bagchi ed., Buddhist Sanskrit Texts 20), p.93.5-12.

19

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

depicted.(36) We find in both works an almost same picture of a lotus flower in Lake Anavatapta andŚākyamuni sitting on it, which is a symbolic scene of this episode. Tucci introduces the episodes often unwholesome karmas Śākyamuni Buddha committed in the past and their retributions, one ofwhich is that he suffered from headaches when the Śākya family was about to fall. The SD connects
such “exposition of the retribution of karma” (SD[106]) with the “edification of the Śākya family”(SD[107]) which was going out of existence. The SD has the structure of the story that, with theiredification, the Buddha completes his act of teaching and goes to Kuśinagara to enter nirvāṇa.
The IBSB, on the other hand, relates the “exposition of the retribution of karma”(IBSB[77]) to theedification of evil persons such as Aṅgulimāla (IBSB[76]) who killed 999 people to make a necklace
with their fingers and even tried to kill his own mother, Ajātaśatru (IBSB[78][79]) who killed his
father, and Devadatta (IBSB[80]) who injured the Buddha’s body and caused a schism of Buddhist
order. We should here recognize a difference between the SD and the IBSB, which, I point out,
serves as a unique character of the IBSB. Aṅgulimāla attains the awakening of Arhat in this world
and Devadatta is given an assurance that he will become a pratyekabuddha after one lifetime in hell,
but nothing is done for Ajātaśatru. The IBSB thematizes the edification of Ajātaśatru that is not yet
completed in order to present the establishment and workings of the true Dharma after the nirvāṇa ofthe Buddha.
6. Conclusion
Our examination leads us to the conclusion that the IBSB is a biography that, focusing on
Ajātaśatru, integrates more than 120 episodes of the edification by Śākyamuni Buddha. WhenŚākyamuni Buddha was still in this world, only the faith with no root was told and the edification of
Ajātaśatru was not completed. The Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya tells us the “establishment of the true
Dharma” in the Saṅgha after the Buddha’s passing into nirvāṇa, which is closely related to theedification of Ajātaśatru. Succeeding the theme of the “establishment of the true Dharma,” I argue
that the IBSB was produced under this theme with a visual appeal.
We cannot deny a possibility that there was an illustrated biography of the Buddha which had astructure of the same kind as that of the IBSB before it was written. However, since we think that the
IBSB was produced with an intention to thematize Ajātaśatru, it is more natural to suppose that the
IBSB was made on the premise of the structure of the SD than vice versa. I would thus propose that
the IBSB was constructed based on the RP which was written upon taking the true essence ofŚākyamuni’s life preachings as the edification of Ajātaśatru as revealed in the SD, a biography of the
Buddha based on gatherings from the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya. Tāranātha, who was well-versed inbiographies of the Buddha, would be a figure who is in the position closest to its production.

(36)

See Tucci [1949: 489-492, pl.115].

20

Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha❖

Articles ❖Tibet, where Saṅgha was maintained under the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya, was also a region where
Mahāyāna Buddhism had been believed and practiced. The Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra was rendered
into Tibetan, including a re-translation from its Chinese translation. The gist of this Mahāyāna
nirvāṇa-sūtra is in the doctrines that “dharmakāya is everlasting” and that “all sentient beings
possess Buddha-nature.” Particularly in the sūtra that discloses the teaching of Buddha-nature,
Ajātaśatru was indispensable for Buddha’s edificatory purpose. Indeed, the IBSB is a Śrāvakayānabiography of the Buddha that excludes Mahāyāna sutras. However, the relationship between the“establishment of the true Dharma” after the Buddha’s passing into nirvāṇa and the “edification of
Ajātaśatru” make us anticipate its development towards Mahāyana. In this sense, we could regard it
as a biography of Śākyamuni Buddha that implies “Mahāyāna.”An additional noteThis article is a revised and expanded version of a manuscript which I presented at the seminar ofInternational Tibetan Studies held in Beijing in August, 2016. I would like to thank Mr. Akira Miyaji(Senior Fellow Professor, Ryukoku University), Mr. Kensuke Okamoto (Associate Professor,
Ryukoku University), and Ms. Tomoko Iwata (Instructor, Ryukoku Museum) for their helpfulcomments and generous assistance. All of them are the members of a research project group of the
Research Institute for Buddhist Culture, Ryukoku University. The title of the project is “Research for
the Study of Tibetan Buddhist Culture in Japan: Tohkan Tada’s collection.” I also thank Mr. Kaoru
Onishi for translating this article into English.

AbbreviationsDIBSB
MSV BhMSV Kṣ
MSV S
RP
SD

T

sDe dge edition of Tibetan Tripiṭaka
Illustrated Biography of Śākyamuni Buddha 釈迦牟尼世尊絵伝, in Hanamaki
City Museum 花巻市博物館
Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya-vastu Bhaiṣajyavastu; 'Dul ba gzhi, D1; 根本說一切有部毗奈耶藥事, T1448.
Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya-vastu Kṣudrakavastu; 'Dul ba phran tshegs kyi gshi,
D6; 根本說一切有部毗奈耶雜事, T1451.
Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya-vastu Saṅghabhedavastu; 'Dul ba gzhi, D1; 根本說
一切有部毗奈耶破僧事, T1450.
sTon pa Śākya'i dbang po'i mdzad pa brgya pa'i bris yig (Record of Paintings ofHundred Acts of the Venerable King Śākya).
bCom ldan 'das Thub pa'i dbang po'i mdzad pa mdo tsam brjod pa mthong bas
don ldan rab tu dag' ba dang bcas pas dad pa'i nyin byed phyogs brgyar 'charba zhes bya ba (Summarized Description of the Acts of the King BhagavatMuni).
Taisho shinshu daizokyo 大正新脩大蔵経.

21

Journal of World Buddhist Cultures❖ 2016.11 ❖～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

Bibliography
Kawaguchi, Ekai 河口慧海,
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Saizoden indo bukkyo rekisi 西蔵伝印度仏教歴史(上), Kawaguchi Ekai Chosakushu
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Miyaji, Akira 宮治昭,
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Miroku to nehan no zuzogaku 弥勒と涅槃の図像学, Tokyo: Yoshikawakobunkan.

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Ajase no subete: akunin jobutsu no shisoshi 阿闍世のすべて：悪人成仏の思想史,
Kyoto: Hozokan.

Nakamura, Hajime, and the others 中村元ほか,
1996

Shakuson eden 釈尊絵伝 :Reproduction of illustrated biography of the Buddha in
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Nohnin, Masaaki 能仁正顕,
2014Shakuson eden to Tada Tohkan 釈尊絵伝と多田等観, The World of Tibetan Buddhism
チベットの仏教世界, Kyoto: Ryukoku University.

Okuyama, Naoji 奥山直司,
1991

Tada Tohkan shorai butsuden zu tanka ni tsuite 多田等観請来仏伝図タンカについて,
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1996aShakuson eden [Zukai] 釈尊絵伝[図解], Tokyo: Gakushukenkyusha.

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Tada Tohkan shorai Shakuson eden ni tsuite 多田等観請来「釈尊絵伝」について,
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Raidch, Michel,2011

How Ajatasatru Was Reformed: The Domestication of "Ajase" and Stories in Buddhist
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The World of Tibetan Buddhism チベットの仏教世界, Kyoto: Ryukoku University.

Sadakata, Akira 定方晟,
1984

Ajase no sukui: bukkyo ni okeru tsumi to kyusai 阿闍世のすくい: 仏教における罪と救済, Kyoto: Jimbunshoin.

Shimoda, Masahiro 下田正弘,
1997

Nehangyo no kenkyu 涅槃経の研究, Tokyo: Shunjusha.

Tada, Akiko and Yamaguchi, Zuiho 多田明子・山口瑞鳳,
2005

Tada Tohkan: Chibetto daizokyo ni kaketa shogai 多田等観：チベット大蔵経にかけた生涯, Tokyo: Shunjusha.

Tsukinowa, Kenryu 月輪賢隆,

22Masaaki Nohnin

On “Shakuson Eden,” a Tibetan Illustrated Biography of the Buddha
1963❖

Articles ❖Chibetto shoden Shakuson nyumetsu no zuso チ ベ ッ ト 所 伝 釈 尊 入 滅 の 図 相 ,Saiikibunka kenkyu 西域文化研究 6 歴史と美術の諸問題, Kyoto: Hozokan, pp:77-91.

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1949

Tibetan Painted Scrolls I, II & Plates, Thailand: SDI Publications, 1999.

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Tada tokan shorai chibetto butsuzo, butsuga zuroku 多田等観請来チベット仏像, 仏
画図録, Hanamaki: Zoshukan.

23

❖

Articles ❖Mural as a Text:“Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha- Toward the Interdisciplinary Approach acrossthe Art History and Philology〈in Japanese〉

Satomi Hiyama❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

Abstract
This paper attempts to introduce a basic methodology to read the Buddhist mural paintings of theKucha Kingdom. There has been a growing interest in Kuchean mural paintings in recent years,
which are increasingly cited and studied by scholars in diverse fields of Eurasian cultural studies allover the world. There is a critical problem, however, since there lacks a common line of theunderstanding about the Kuchean visual language, which can lead a risk of an arbitrary interpretationof the representations for selective discussion.
In order to deal with this problem, this small paper illustrates the visual syntax of the Kuchean
Buddhist paintings by comparing it to the structure of a language. An individual icon can becompared to vocabulary of a language, which is composed of a certain pictorial grammar into asensible order onto the two-dimensional field for representing the whole sequence of a narrative
story.
To demonstrate how this visual language system works, this paper first introduces some of thebasic icons representing 1) personages, 2) location, 3) time frame, and 4) weather condition. Then,the compositional principles of Kuchean paintings are demonstrated by featuring three of the“Buddha’s sermon scenes,” the most popular pictorial topic of Kuchean Buddhist paintings. In these
sermon scenes, multiple events in the present tense, passive tense, and narrative tense can be
represented next to each other to visualize a “single sermon” of the Buddha, which typically consistsof multiple episodes or parables. This representation mode is comparable to Wickhoff’s“komplettierende Darstellungsweise;” though the Kuchean mode is optimized for picturing theunique narrative topos of the Buddhist literature.
要 旨
かつてシルクロード交通の要であった西域北道において、仏教文化の一大中心地であった亀茲王国では、多くの仏教石窟寺院が開鑿された。これらの石窟寺院の壁面を彩っていた壁画が、当地の仏教文化に関する多くの情報を伝えてくれる貴重な史料であるという認
識は、美術史・考古学以外の分野においては十分に共有されていないのが現状である。そのひとつの原因として、言語を用いて書かれたテキストに対し、絵画という表現媒体は、より厳密さに欠けるという観念が先行していることが挙げられよう。しかし、クチャの仏
教絵画の表現世界には、確立された図像語彙があり、個々の語彙と語彙を繋ぐ絵画的文法
システムがあり、一種の視覚言語と呼び得る確固たる体系が成立している。この視覚言語の基本さえ理解していれば、クチャの仏教絵画を一種のテキストとして「読む」ことが可能である。
本稿では、クチャの仏教絵画の構造を言語の構造に例え、まずはその基本的な絵画的語
彙として、人物、場所、時間、そして天候のアイコンを紹介する。次に、ひとつひとつの語彙を意味のある順序で配置し、長く複雑な仏教説話の物語の流れを一枚の絵画というメ
ディアに翻訳するための文法を、三点の仏説法図の作例を挙げて解説する。

26

Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha

壁画というテキスト❖

Articles ❖クチャの仏教壁画を「読む」―美術史と文献学の領域横断的アプローチに向けて―

檜山 智美

キーワード：仏教図像学、シルクロードの仏教壁画、クチャ（亀茲）、石窟寺院、（根本）説一切有部

Ⅰ

はじめに
本稿は、西域北道にかつて栄えた仏教国である亀茲国において制作された仏教壁画を読み解くための方法論の提唱を主旨とするものであるが、具体的な論旨に入る前に、まずは以下の短い記述から思い浮かぶ光景を想像して頂きたい。

大海原を進む船は、まもなく宝渚へと辿り着いた。隊商主の命により、商人たちは金貨や宝石を船に積めるだけ積み込み、帰路へ着いた。しかし、帰路にて假宿を取った
際、隊商は夜半に暴風雨に見舞われてしまう。隊商主は、気付けば只一人取り残されていた。(1)(1)

図１は、キジル石窟第二一二窟（航海者窟）に描かれた「シュローナコーティカルナ・アヴァダーナ（Śroṇakoṭikarṇa-Avadāna）」図の一部であり、上述の文章は、壁画の内容と最も近似することが指摘されている『十誦律』卷第二十五第四誦之五「七法中皮革法第五」の内容を一部抜粋し、現代語調で書き改めたものである。原文の該当箇所は「是薩薄福徳威力。是舡疾到寶渚。勅語諸商客言。取諸寶物載使滿舡。莫令大重。取寶物竟得伊勒風。是時舡去疾勝于箭。還閻浮提。向王薩薄聚落。有二道水道陸道。
沙門億耳語諸商人。何道去。諸人言陸道去。時有空澤。 是中夜住。語諸商人。我曾聞賊來劫。諸商客。
若前殺薩薄。則諸商客無所成辦。若不殺薩薄。則以錢物力。若自身力若以他力。必能得賊。我當餘處宿去。時當喚我。諸人言爾。億耳驅驢別處宿。是諸商客夜半發去。人人相覺。竟不喚億耳。後夜大風雨墮。億耳覺喚諸商客。商客無人應者」（T1435（大正藏第二十三巻）: 179a5-17）である。本壁画と対応
テキストの比較研究については Waldschmidt 1952: 135-143 及び井ノ口 1961: 333-335 を参照されたい。

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❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

図 1 キジル第 212 窟 シュローナコーティカルナ・アヴァダーナの一部

上述の文章を絵画化したものが図 1 の壁画であると聞いた時に、絵画上の表現と、上記の文章によって与えられた情報が、直ちに頭の中で一致するという読者の方が稀有であろう。確かに船らしきものは描かれているが、その背景に描かれている楕円形のものがどうして海だと言えるのか。暴風雨の情景は一体どこに描かれているというのか。そのような疑問が、脳裡をよぎるかもしれない。
図 1 は、現在の中国新疆ウイグル自治区のクチャ地域にかつて存在した、亀茲王国の仏
教石窟寺院の壁面を彩る壁画の一例である。紀元一千年紀の間、亀茲国は中央アジアにおける一大仏教文化センターであり、近隣諸国の王侯子女の仏教留学の対象地ともなっていた(2)。亀茲国の仏教僧院では、梵語を用いた仏教の修学が行われていたほか、仏教経典以外にも、薬学に関する梵語文献や梵語戯曲文学などが伝えられ、インドの当時最新の知識体系を受け継いだ、西域における古典文芸の中心地の様相を呈していた。
七世紀中葉に唐の政治的影響下に参入されるまで、亀茲国の仏教文化は、インドや中央
アジアで大きな勢力を誇っていた（根本）説一切有部(3)の主導下にあった。この現存しない
部派の仏教文化の様相については、クチャ地域を含む中央アジア諸地域で発見された（根本）説一切有部帰属の梵語写本や、漢語や蔵語、トカラ語の対応テキストを手掛かりに、多くの文献学的研究が行われてきた。
しかし、亀茲国の仏教石窟寺院やその内部を彩っていた壁画も、（根本）説一切有部の仏(2)『出三蔵記集』「比丘尼戒本所出本末序第十」には「右三寺比丘尼統依舌彌受法戒。比丘尼外國法不得獨立也。此三寺尼。多是葱嶺以東王侯婦女。爲道遠集斯寺。用法自整大有檢制」とある（T2145（大正藏第五十五巻）: 79c18-21）。

(3)

説一切有部と根本説一切有部の定義と相関関係は、現在なお結論が出されていない仏教学上の難問である。本稿では、亀茲国の僧団が属していた仏教部派を広義の説一切有部として、Hartmann （2004）の用いる(Mūla-)Sarvāstivādins すなわち（根本）説一切有部という呼称を踏襲する。説一切有部と根本説
一切有部の問題に関する研究史と分析については Enomoto 2000 を参照されたい。

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Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖教文化に関する多くの情報を伝えてくれる貴重な史料であるという認識は、美術史・考古学以外の分野においては十分に共有されていないのが現状である。そのひとつの原因として、言語を用いて書かれたテキストに対し、絵画という表現媒体は、画家の自由、または
恣意的な解釈などが入る余地が多く、より厳密さに欠けるという観念が先行していることが挙げられよう。
同じ宗教美術といえども、時代と地域、社会的文脈によっては、聖典の忠実な視覚化よりも、パトロンの政治的意図や、画家の創造性などが重視される比重がより大きい事例も実際にあろう。しかし、クチャの仏教絵画に関しては、絵画の表現世界と経典の伝承との間の距離は、かなり近いと言える。さらに、その表現世界には確立された図像語彙があり、個々の語彙と語彙を繋ぐ絵画的文法システムがあり、それらの統語論（シンタックス）を用いて二次元平面上に展開された説話世界が、石窟の三次元的な空間の中に展開されるという、一種の視覚言語としての確固たる体系が成立している。言い換えれば、これらの視覚的な語彙と文法規則さえ理解していれば、クチャの仏教絵画を一種のテキストとして捉えることが可能なのである。
本稿は、クチャの壁画の題材の新比定を提示するものでもなければ、壁画の歴史背景に関する何らかの新知見を提供するというような性質のものでもない。本稿の意図するとこ
ろはむしろ、クチャの仏教説話図像に対するこれまでの先行研究が実証してきた成果を、筆者なりに咀嚼することにより得られた、クチャの仏教壁画をテキストとして「読む」方法を紹介することにある。同時にそれが、クチャの仏教壁画という研究素材が提供し得る
情報量の多さや、諸隣接分野への応用可能性を喚起することに繋がればと考えている。
さて、壁画を「読む」とはどういうことなのか。以下に、クチャの視覚言語を一般の言語の構造に例え、まずはその絵画的語彙の解説を行い、次に、ひとつひとつの語彙を意味のある順序に並べ結びつける絵画的文法を、実例を挙げて紹介してゆきたい。

II．絵画的語彙
クチャの仏教絵画に用いられた視覚言語は、特定の意味内容に呼応するアイコンが、特定の位置に配置されることにより、ひとつの説話内容を表すという構造により成り立っている。この仕組みは、まさに特定の概念に呼応するひとつひとつの単語を、一定の文法的規則によって連結することにより、ひとつの文章が構成されるという、言語の仕組みと比較し得るだろう。ここでは、クチャの仏教絵画の最小構成単位である個別のアイコンを仮に絵画的語彙と呼び、そのうち代表的なものを以下に紹介したい。
クチャの絵画的語彙は、大きく分けて、人物・動物を表すアイコン、場所（人工・自然）を示すアイコン、時間を示すアイコン、そして天候を表すアイコンというカテゴリー別に整理することが出来るだろう。

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❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

中でも、説話図に描かれた個別の登場人物の種族や性別、老若、社会的身分などを正しく判別することは、クチャの仏教説話図の内容理解の基礎となる。説話図中には様々な人型のアイコンが登場するが、そのアイデンティティは、特定の外見的特徴やアトリビュー
ト（持物）などによって明示されている。なお、クチャの仏教美術には肌色の白い人間と黒い人間が登場するが、これらの肌色は、経典に肌色に関する記述があるいくつかの例外的なケースを除き、基本的に社会的身分とは無関係である。あくまで、画面中に様々な肌色の人物を配置することにより、平面空間に色彩のリズミカルな抑揚をもたらすことを意図していたと考えられる。
ここではあくまで説話の表象世界の図像を扱うため、現実世界に属する寄進者の肖像は取り上げない。
：仏陀、僧と尼僧
1 人物のアイコン（1）
仏教説話を表した絵画において中心人物となるのは、言
うまでもなく仏陀及び仏陀率いる僧団である。説一切有部の教義を視覚化したクチャの仏教絵画において描かれる仏
陀とは、大乗の超越的存在としての仏陀ではなく、歴史的人物としての仏陀（その過去生を含む）であり、その事績や説法を題材とした絵画において、仏陀は常に画面中央部に、その他の人物よりも一回り大きく描かれる（図 2）。経
典には、仏陀に三十二相八十
種好が備わることが説かれているが、クチャの絵画におい図２ キジル第 206 窟 仏説法図
（プラセナジットの訪仏）ては、そのうちの頂髻相（uṣṇīṣa）、白毫相（ūrṇa）、手

足指縵網相（jālāvabaddga-hasta-pāda）、そして長い耳朶（pīnāyatakarṇa）が視覚化されている。これらの身体的特徴と、幾重にも連なる頭光と身光により、仏陀とそれ以外の僧は容易に区別可能である。

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Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖仏陀以外の僧は、剃髪した頭に、通肩または偏袒右肩の僧衣を纏った姿で描かれる。僧衣には様々な色や模様を持つものがある(4)。小さな長方形の布きれを縫い合わせた糞僧衣を纏った姿で表される老僧は大迦葉である（図 3）(5)。大迦葉を始め、老齢の僧は多くの皺を持つ顔をもって描かれるため、年齢の若い僧との区別は容易である。なお例外的に、仏陀と同じ釈迦族の出自である阿難のみ、仏陀と同じ頂髻相を持つ姿で描かれるが、これは説一切有部系の伝承に基づくことがジンによって指摘されている（図 3）(6)。
図 3 キジル第 224 窟仏荼毘図（中央が大迦葉、後方は阿難）僧の僧衣で覆われていない部分の胸部が、濃い色の肌着で覆われている場合、尼僧である（図 4）。シムシム第 48 窟の三道宝階降下図に描かれた尼僧ウトパラヴァルナー（Utpalavarṇā）も、やはり胸部が肌着で覆われた僧衣を纏っている (7)。俗人の場合は強調される男女の身体差の表現は、尼僧の場合は全く見られず、その外見は、肌着の有無以外は男性の仏僧と相違ない。
仏陀以外の僧は、光背を伴って描かれることはない。
なお、クチャの壁画において、仏陀及び禅定僧がしばしば焔肩を持つ姿で描かれることがあるが（図６、10、11、12）、クチャの図像体系の場合、焔肩は禅定によって得られる超人的な力を表している(8)。

(4)図 4 キジル第 205 窟
仏荼毘図の一部

クチャの仏教説話図に登場する僧たちの中には、幾何学文様の織り込まれた、華美とすら言える染織を用いて仕立てられた僧衣を纏うものが存在する。筆者はこれらの特殊な僧衣描写が、当時の西域において特定の時期に流通していた染織を反映したものであり、壁画制作の年代や歴史的背景を示す重要な手掛かりになると考えている。詳しくは Hiyama 2016 を参照されたい。

(5)

糞僧衣を纏った老僧が大迦葉であることは、様々な説話図において証明し得るが、中でも代表的な作例として、王舎城を訪れた仏陀がビンビサーラ王と会見した際、大迦葉が空中で神変を行った後に仏陀の足元にて跪き、仏陀が自身の師であることを宣言したという場面を描いた一連の仏説法図が挙げられる（Waldschmidt 1930; 森 2001）。

(6)

Zin 2003.

(7)『库车库木吐拉石窟』図 179。

(8)

このことを如実に表す作例が、キジル第 76 窟（孔雀窟）及び第 207 窟（画家窟）に描かれている。いずれの石窟の壁画においても、成道前の釈尊は焔肩を伴わない姿で描かれるのに対し、成道後は焔肩を伴う姿で描かれるのである（第 76 窟に関しては Grünwedel 1920: Tafel III-IV, Fig. 2 左右の仏伝図を比較参照）。詳細は筆者の博士論文（Hiyama 2014: 第 IV 章 147 頁）を参照されたい。

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❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

2 人物のアイコン（2）：俗人（男女、身分、職業）
クチャの仏教説話図において仏陀及び僧団メンバーの次に頻繁に表されるのが、様々な身分の俗人である。仏陀が様々な状況において、多種多様な身分の人々に対して行った説法を主題とする
仏説法図においては殊に、仏陀の周囲を取り囲む俗人たちの身分を正しく解釈することが内容比定の鍵となる。
まずは社会的身分に関わらず識別可能な要素として、男女の性差が挙げられる。クチャの絵画的伝統において、
女性は乳房と臀部

図 5 キジル第 207 窟 仏説法図（アームラパーリーの寄進、
画面向かって右下の人物が遊女アームラパーリー）の丸みを極端に強調した姿で描かれる。クチャの絵画に登場する男性俗人は、しばしば三曲法をもって、一見すると女性的にも見える身体のなだらかな曲線を伴って描かれているが、明らかな乳房の丸みを欠いていれば、それは男性である。
男女の性差は、衣装によっても描き分けられている。通常、裸体の胸部を曝け出しているのは男性で、胸部の丸みを覆い隠す衣服を着ているのは女性である（図 5）。但し、宮廷の侍従官や梵天などは、男性であるが例外的に胸元を覆い隠す衣裳を着ているほか、最も身分の高い女性（女王など）は、半透明の、恐らくは高価な絹織物で作られた衣裳を着ているため、乳房部が露出していることがある(9)。
人物像の貴賤の差も明確に描き分けられている。貴人は髪飾りや瓔珞、耳飾りなどにより華やかに身体を装飾しているのに対し、農民は装飾品を身に着けておらず、短い腰布のみを纏った姿で描かれる。貴人の中でも、冠を被り、光背を持つ者は王もしくは女王である。なお、王に関しては、外見のみでは天人と区別がつかないが、一般に天人は画面後方に配置されるのに対し、王は説話中において主要な役割を果たすことが多いため、通常は仏陀のすぐ傍に描かれている（図２）。たとえ経典に説かれていなくとも、王は妃を伴った姿で描かれるのがクチャの仏教絵画の慣習である。なお、女王が説話の主人公である場合、王を伴った姿で描かれる例は管見の限り見当たらない。
一般の貴人形の他に、特定の職業を示すアイコンも存在する。例えば、王の傍に控え、(9)

例えば仏伝図中のマーヤー夫人は、身体が透けて見える衣装を纏った姿で描かれる。キジル第 76 窟（孔雀窟）の例は Grünwedel 1920: Tafel I-II, Fig. 2 を、キジル第 110 窟（階梯窟）の例は『中国石窟・キジ
ル石窟』第 2 巻、図 110 を参照。

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Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖王の儀飾品を手に持つ従者は宮廷道化師ないし侍従官(10)、農具を持ち、短い腰布のみを身に纏った簡素な姿で表される者は農民、矢を構える者は狩人、鎧と武具により武装した者
は兵士、白い山高帽子を被り、中央アジア風のカフタン（前開きの袖と丈の長い衣服）を着て、荷を積んだ駱駝などと共に表されるのは、実際にシルクロード交易に携わっていたソグド人たちの姿を反映した商人(11)、などである。
3 人物のアイコン（3）： 異教徒（婆羅門、ジャイナ教徒、アージーヴィカ教徒）
クチャの仏教説話図の最もポピュラ
ーな主題の一つが、仏陀による異教徒の調伏譚である。そのため必然的に、クチャの仏教絵画にも、仏典に登場する様々な異教徒が特徴的な外見をもって描き込まれている。
仏典においても絵画中においても、最も頻出する異教徒は婆羅門である。
仏陀の教えには、従来インドで支配的だった婆羅門教の教義及び社会的階層への批判精神が含まれていたため、仏陀はしばしば著名な婆羅門の師たちと

図 6 キジル第 207 窟 仏説法図（サートヤキの調伏、
画面右下にはニガンタと婆羅門が並んで座す）

論争を交わしており、その様子は絵画中にも視覚化されている。婆羅門は、しばしば経典
においても螺髻梵志（jaṭila）と呼ばれるように、長い髪を後頭部にまとめて結わえた髪型をしており、かつ鹿皮の衣を身に着けた姿で表される（図 6）。
婆羅門に次ぐ頻度で、経典中において仏陀と議論を繰り広げるのは、ジャイナ教の前身にあたるニガンタ派の行者たちである。クチャの絵画において、ニガンタたちは、頭部は剃髪、太鼓腹の裸形に腰布を身に着け、かつ胸部に細い布を交差するように掛けるという独特な姿で描かれる（図 6）(12)。この独特な外見は、仏教経典に見られる、ニガンタ派の行(10)

クチャの壁画には、王族に関わる説話図であれば、個別の説話の枠を超えて繰り返し登場する二人組の従者の表現が見られる。この二人組は、梵語やトカラ語の戯曲文学の典型的な登場人物である、宮廷道化師ヴィドゥーシャカと侍従官カンチュキンとして比定することが可能である。詳しい作例の分析とインド美術との比較に関しては Arlt / Hiyama 2016; 檜山／アールト 2016 を参照されたい。

(11)

クチャの石窟壁画中に描かれた商人のソグド人としての比定は Rong 2005 及び Kageyama 2005: 364-365
を参照。

(12)

この特定の外見を持つ異教徒のニガンタとしての比定については、筆者の博士論文（Hiyama 2014:
Chapter IV-1-2-①）及び拙稿（2016a）を参照。

33

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～者たちが「裸形だが、一切れの布で前部のみ覆っている」という記述 (13)を、ニガンタ派の行者たちを実見したことのなかったクチャの画家たちが独自に解釈した結果として生まれたものだと考えられる。なお、禁欲を信条とする婆羅門やニガンタたちが、クチャの壁画においてしばしば豪華な宝飾品を身に纏った姿で描かれることも、クチャの画家たちが婆羅門やニガンタたちを実見する機会がなかったことを示していると言えるだろう。
一方、キジル石窟第 110 窟（階梯窟）の仏伝図中の、成道直後の仏陀とアージーヴィカ教
徒・ウパガの出会いの場面には、完全に裸体で、かつ性器にリングを着けた姿の男性行者
が仏陀の前に立つ様子が描かれていることから、それがクチャの図像伝統ではアージーヴ
ィカ教徒を意図していたことが分かる(14)。
：神々（天人、帝釈天、梵天、龍王、鬼神、ヴァジュラパーニ）
4 人物のアイコン（4）
仏教説話に登場する様々な神格も、クチャの仏教絵画において、やはり特定の図像的特徴をもって描き分けられている。
絵画中に最も頻繁に登場するのは天人であろう。経典中には様々な名を持つ天人（もしくは天子、devaputra）も存在するが、クチャの説話図に描き込まれた天人たちは、通常、特定の天人ではなく、仏陀を讃嘆し、また奏楽や散華などをする存在として複数登場する。
天人は、その外見のみでは、人間の王と区別するのが難しい。なぜならいずれも、華やかな瓔珞や冠で身を飾り、光背を持つ男性として描かれるためである。しかし、仏教説話の中で具体的な役割を果たす王たちとは異なり、天人は通常、画面後方に配置され、仏陀に対して散華したり、奏楽したり、口笛を吹くなど、画面中に描かれた説話のプロットとは直接関係のない讃嘆行動を行っている（図 2、図 8 後方にて楽器を手に持つ人物たちは天人
である）
。

(13)

『ダンマパダ・アッタカター』では、ジャイナ教徒の中でもニガンタ派の行者たちは前部を布切れで隠していること、そしてその理由に関する議論が言及されている。Cf. Burlingame 1921 (vol. 3): 196-7(Book 22, Story 8 "Degrees of Nakedness"). この前部を覆う布切れに関しては、ジャイナ経典と仏典において異なる解釈が与えられている（Cf. Jaini 1995: 480-9）。

(14)

Le Coq 1924: 35, Tafel 7-36; 中川原 1994: 24, 33. 本図の上方に書き込まれたトカラ語の銘文も、該当の物語内容に言及していることから（Cf. SCHMIDT 2010: 853-4）、この図像比定は確実である。

34

Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖仏教経典に登場する神々の中でも殊に重要な役割を果たすのが、帝釈天と梵天である。この二大神
は、基本的にはインドの古い図像伝統を受け継いだ姿で描かれる(15)。すなわち帝釈天は、円筒状の冠を被り額に第三の目を持つ姿で、そして婆羅門たちにとっての最高神である梵天は、婆羅門と同じく髪を高く結い上げた髪型を持

図 7 キジル第 77 窟 仏陀を礼拝する梵天・帝釈天

ち、白いローブを纏い、片肩のみ露出した姿である。帝釈天と梵天
は、クチャの壁画では一対の仏法の護法神として描かれることが多いが（図 7）、いずれも単体で説話図に登場することもある。
龍王ナーガは、蛇身で表される
こともあれば、人型で表現されることもある。人型の龍王の外見は、
服装も、また龍妃を伴った姿で描かれるという点においても、基本的に人間の王と共通だが、龍王・龍妃共にその頭上の龍蓋によって識別可能である（図 8）。龍蓋は、龍王の背から伸びた数匹の蛇が頭

図 8 キジル第 206 窟 仏説法図（エーラパトラ龍王の帰仏）をもたげたものがその基本形であり、さらに蛇の背後に雲のような円形の物体が描かれている例もある。なお、龍王は蛇身形であっても人型であっても、池や海など、水辺に佇む姿で表現されるが、これは蛇（ナーガ）と水を結びつける古来インドの表象世界の系譜を受け継いだものである(16)。
人々に様々な危害を与え、仏陀の神通力により成敗される鬼神も、しばしば絵画に描き込まれている。クチャの絵画中の鬼神は、逆立った髪と、牙を剥き出した悪相を持ち、短(15)

インドからガンダーラにおける帝釈天・梵天図像の展開に関しては宮治 1992: 第 II 部第一章を参照。

(16)

古代インドの世界観において、ナーガは水または雨と密接な関わりを持つと見なされていた。これは、モンスーンの時期が近づくと、蛇が水気を避けるために人間の集落へと現れるという習性が、蛇が来れば恵みの雨がもたらされるのだと逆説的に理解されたことに起因すると思われる。 Cf. Winternitz
1888: 25-52, 250-264; Zin 2009: 16.

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❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

い腰布だけを身に着けるが、その肌はしばしば青や赤など、不自然な色で塗られている。
なお、一種の鬼神ではあるが、仏教説話世界において特殊な役割を担うのがヴァジュラ
パーニ（執金剛神、Vajrapāṇi）である。ガンダーラ美術と同様、クチャの壁画において、ヴァジュラパーニの外見は一定しておらず、時には天人の姿で、また時には中央アジア風のチュニックを纏い、甲冑で武装している時もあれば、牙を逆立てた鬼神のような姿で描かれることもある。このように姿の一定しないヴァジュラパーニを見分ける唯一の手段は、その手に執る金剛杵（vajra）である（図 5、6、8、11）。ヴァジュラパーニが金剛杵を床に立てかけ、仏陀を見上げて讃嘆する様子を見せているとき、彼はその画面に描かれた説話の中で積極的な役割を果たさないが、金剛杵を高く振り上げ、眉根を寄せて攻撃的な態度を見せているとき（図 6）は、仏陀と対峙する異教徒に対して調伏を行おうとしているサインである(17)。
以上、クチャの仏教絵画に登場する代表的な人物像を簡潔に紹介したが、以下に特定の空間や時間、気候条件を表すアイコンについても手短に述べよう。
説話の背景となっている場所が何処であるのかは、特定の空間を表象するアイコンによって示されている。場所を示すアイコンは、大きくわけて人工建造物を表すグループと、自然景を表すグループに二分することが出来る。
5 場所のアイコン（1）：人工建造物
人工建造物を背景とする説話図の場合、煌びや
かな天井や欄干が独自の透視図法を通して描かれた宮殿や、丸屋根が屋根の上に並列する僧院、馬蹄形の入り口を持つ祠などが、人物像の背後や頭上に描かれる。入り口に緩やかなスロープを伴う城門のアイコン（図 9）が描かれる時は、物語の舞台空間がひとつの街から屋外へ、ないしは逆方向に移ったことが表されており、空間と共に場
面の時間的な移り変わりも示した興味深い例であると言えるだろう(18)。

(17)

図 9 キジル第 212 窟 マイトラ
カニヤカ・アヴァダーナの一部

この図像伝統は、ガンダーラとクチャで共通である。ガンダーラ美術に見られるヴァジュラパーニの姿勢の分析は Zin 2007: 75 を、クチャの作例の分析については筆者の博士論文（Hiyama 2014: Chapter
IV-1-2-①）及び檜山 2016a を参照。

(18)

城門のアイコンが用いられた画面の例として、仏陀の涅槃の告知をするために、アーナンダがマッラ族の集落を訪れた場面（キジル第 207 窟、Cf. Ebert 1985: 246, fn. 1347）、商主マイトラカニヤカが母親の制止を振り切って家を出て、海原の船旅へと向かう場面（キジル第 212 窟、Grünwedel 1920: Tafel
XIX-XX、図９）などが挙げられる。

36

Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖6 場所のアイコン（2）：自然景
自然景の基本構成単位は、山岳と水景である。クチャの絵画的慣習においては、指先のような、やや細長い半円形を並列されることによって表現される山岳景によって、説話の舞台が屋外であることが示される（図 5）。山岳景の中に木々や動物が挿入されることも多いが、同じ屋外でも天上世界の光景が描かれている場合は、水中から育つ、葉を持たず果実しかもたない超自然的な木が描かれ、俗世間とは一線を画した風景を形成している。

図 10 キジル第 207 窟

仏説法図（劫末の光景）

池、川、海などの水面は、小さな渦巻き模様が並列された薄緑色の平面として表される。
周囲を砂漠に囲まれたオアシス都市であったためか、亀茲国の画家たちの水景の描き方は独特である。渦巻き模様を伴う緑色の平面が、まるで現代の漫画の吹き出しのような形状の灰色の枠に縁取られたアイコンは、池を意味する（図 5、画面中央下部）。また、海から
遠く隔たれた内陸に位置する亀茲国の画家たちは、恐らく海を一生のうちに一度も目にする機会がなかったであろうにも関わらず、クチャの仏教絵画には海が多く描かれている。
このことは、仏教説話、特に本生譚や因縁譚の舞台として海が頻繁に登場することも関係するであろうが、それ以上に、仏教説話を通して伝えられた海というトポスが、亀茲国の人々の憧憬をかきたてたのであろう。クチャの仏教絵画に描かれた海は、山岳に囲まれた、楕円形の水面として表されることが多い。冒頭に紹介した図 1 の画面左方に描かれた、内部に薄緑色の渦巻き模様を伴う楕円形は、クチャの絵画伝統における海の表象の一例である。海面上にはしばしば、様々な種類の動物が合成されたような空想的海獣や、人型の龍王、焔を放つ摩尼宝珠などが姿を現しており、海が様々な怪奇と神秘に満ちた場所として理解されていたことが見て取れる。
なお、自然景の中でも最もスケールの大きなアイコンとして、「世界」そのものを示した
須弥山の図像もしばしば説話図に挿入されている。須弥山はＸ字型をしており、その中腹部には蛇身のナンダ・ウパナンダ龍王が絡みついていることもある(19)。須弥山のアイコンが挿入される説話図には、世界全体の在り方が取り上げられるような説話図、すなわち仏(19)

キジル第 118 窟の壁画に描かれた須弥山図像の分析は檜山 2010: 366-367 及び Hiyama 2013: 148-149 を参照。

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❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

陀によって世界の創生や終焉にまつわる説法が語られている説法図（図 10、後述）や、須弥山上に位置する三十三天という仏教的地理軸自体が物語において重要な役割を示す説話
図(20)などがある。
7 時間のアイコン
説話図に描き出された場面が夜半の情景を表している場合、画面上方に月のアイコンが挿入されることによって、夜空が表現されている場合がある。
月は、複数の小さな球体に囲まれた円
盤状のアイコン（星月を表す）をもって表される場合と、表面に兎の描かれた天体として表される場合がある（図11）(21)。逆に背景に月が示されていない説話図は、夜明けから日没までに起きた出来事を扱っていると言える。なお、月や太陽（星を伴わない円盤状のアイコンで表される）は、中心柱窟の天頂部を彩る天象図にも描かれているが、天象図の場合、天空にまつわるモ
チーフが並列されているため、いずれも特に時間の概念を表象しているわけではない。

図 11 キジル第 63 窟 仏説法図（沙門果経、仏陀の頭上後方に兎のいる月が表現されている）

8 天候条件のアイコン
最後に、説話図の情景が置かれた気象条件も、特定のアイコンによって表され得ることを紹介しておきたい。中心柱窟の天頂部に描かれる天象図には、月や太陽と共に、風神及び雨雲のアイコンも並んでいるが、これらのアイコンが説話中に挿入された場合、それぞれ暴風と雨を表象する。風神は、風を孕んだショールを手にして飛行する神の上半身をも(20)

後者の一例として、地上から須弥山を翔け上がり、三十三天へと到達して帝釈天の王座を奪いに来た(21)

例えば、濱田 2003 によって「沙門果経」を図示したものとして比定された一連の仏説法図には、画面

マンダータル王に関する説話図が挙げられる。Cf. 檜山 2010; Hiyama 2013.
上方に兎のいる天体が描き込まれているほか、阿闍世王の従者であるジーヴァカが松明を持った姿で表されており、画面中の出来事が夜半に起きたことが図示されている（図 11）。

38

Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖って表されるのに対し、雨雲は、多頭の蛇が雲の中から鎌首をもたげた姿のアイコンによって表現される(22)。やはり蛇（ナーガ）が、雨を将来するものであるという観念がここにも反映されている。
冒頭で紹介したキジル第 212 窟の壁画（図 1、右側上部）では、風神と多頭の蛇を載せた雲が同時に描かれることにより、商主シュローナコーティカルナが船旅からの帰途にて遭遇した暴風雨が表現されているのである。

III．絵画的文法
読者の皆様には、自身が現在修行中のクチャの画家であると想像してみて頂きたい。今、基本となる一通りの絵画的語彙の習得を終えたばかりである。しかし、それだけではまだ絵描きとして一人前になったとは言えない。長く複雑な仏教説話の物語の流れを、一枚の絵画という視覚メディアに翻訳するためには、個別の語彙を平面空間に無作為に配置するだけでは成り立たず、正しい配置によって構成してゆかねばならない。それは言語において、単語を並べただけでは文章が成り立たず、個々の単語の意味を正しく連結するために統語論が必要となるのと同様である。ここでは、個々の絵画的語彙を絵画空間上に意味のある順序に並べてゆくための規則を、仮に絵画的文法と呼び、以下に解説したい。
クチャのインド・イラン様式絵画の大多数に用いられる絵画的文法を最も分かりやすく示しているのは、仏説法図と呼ばれるタイプの図像であろう。仏説法図は、クチャの仏教絵画に最も頻繁に描かれている主題の一つであり、その画面中には、仏陀が様々な状況において多様な社会的身分の人々に対して行なった説法の様子が図示されている。その基本
構成はシンプルで、仏陀は常に画面中心部に周囲の人物よりも一回り大きなサイズで描かれ、仏陀の周囲には、ある説話の核心的な出来事を表す人物や事物が配置される。そのため、説話内容と絵画の「読み方」さえ心得ていれば、説話内容を判別するのは容易である。
なお、同一の説話主題を扱った同一構図の仏説法図は、複数の石窟に繰り返し描かれることが多いため、ある主題を図示した仏説法図の図像学的特徴を一度見極めさえすれば、類例を探すのは難しくない(23)。
仏説法図の絵画構成の特徴は、二つもしくは三つの異なる時間軸が、ひとつの画面の中に同時に描かれ得るということである。この異時同図的な表現手法は、西洋美術史家ヴィックホフの提唱した説話美術の表現手法の三分類の中でも、「完結図法（die komplettierende
Darstellungsweise）」と呼ばれる手法に該当する。すなわち、物語の主役となる人物は画面に一度しか描かれない一方で、物語中の異なる時間軸において起こった複数の出来事が同一(22)

天象図に描かれる個別の図像の詳細な分析に関しては井上 2016 を参照。

(23)

このような仏説法図の比定の仕方に関しては、ジン 2016 にて具体的を挙げて分かりやすく解説され
ている。

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❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

画面内に描き込まれるため、必然的に主役以外の人物は複数回表現され得るというものである(24)。シュリングロフは、この「完結図法」を含むヴィックホフによる説話美術の三分類が、古代オリエントやインド美術にも見られることを分析した(25)。
確かにクチャの仏説法図の表現法は、キリスト像を中心に、彼の生涯にまつわる様々な出来事を周囲に配置した西洋中世のイコンなどとよく似ているほか、インド本土やガンダーラの仏教美術にも多くの比肩しうる作例が見られる(26)。しかし、クチャの仏説法図は、
仏教説話文学のユニークな説話ロジックを二次元的な絵画というフォーマットに翻訳することに特化し、最適化された表現形態となっている。その独特さは、ひとつの仏説法図に描き込まれる複数の出来事が、単純にある出来事の前後の時間的経過を示すだけでなく、何劫も隔たれた過去の出来事や比喩譚ですら有り得るという点にある。
仏説法図中に描き込まれる説話場面の表現は、三種の異なる時間軸に大別することが出来よう。ここでは便宜上、これらを現在時制、過去時制、そして物語の時制と名付け、以下に具体例を挙げよう。
現在時制の説話表現とは、仏陀が特定の機会に説法を行うに至ったその直接的な過程や、説法のすぐ前後に起こった事件などが描かれた場合を指すものである。この現在時制のみを用いて描かれた典型的な仏説法図の例として、「プラセーナジット王の礼仏」を主題とした一連の作例が挙げられる（図 2、12）(27)。
本図には、仏陀を取り囲む人物たちの中に、花蔓の絡められた華やかな瓔珞を身に着けた男性が三度登場する。このよ
うに、何らかの特定の外見的特徴を持つ人物が複数回描かれるとき、その人物は
図 12 図 2 の絵画的構造（現在時制）

物語の進行上のキーパーソンであり、本図の場合はプラセーナジット王が該当する。本図では向かって右から順に、仏陀を訪問するために、慣習に則って王の儀飾品（冠）を外し従者に預ける王（Ａ）、仏前に跪き仏足を頂礼する王（Ｂ）、そして仏陀の前に改めて坐し、その説法を拝聴する王の様子（Ｃ）が描かれている。これはすなわち、プラセーナジット王が、仏陀を礼拝する前後の短い時間の(24)

Cf. von Hartel / Wickhoff 1895: 14-17.

(25)

Cf. Schlongloff 1981: 88-108.

(26)

Ibid.102-106.

(27)

本主題の説法図の比定と典拠テキストの分析に関しては Arlt / Hiyama 2013 を参照。

40

Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖枠内で行った三種の異なる行動が示されているのである。
同様の手法で、仏陀が特定の説法を行う
きっかけとなった、遥か過去の出来事が画面中に示されることもある。すなわち、過去時制の説話表現である。過去時制の出来事は、現在時制の出来事と組み合わせて画面中に配置されることにより、現在の時間軸で起こった一連の出来事と、それをもたらした過去の因縁を、ひとつの画面内で同時に表すことが可能となる。ここでは「エーラパトラ龍王の帰仏」を主題とした仏説法図を、このタイプの作例として挙げよう（図 8、13）(28)。
まずは画面向かって左下部分に注目さ

図 13 図 8 の絵画的構造（現在時制と過去時制）

れたい。仏陀と視線を交わしながら合掌をする男女は、前項にて紹介した絵画的語彙の法則に従えば、龍蓋を持つため、龍王夫妻ということになる。さらによく観察すると、龍王夫妻の足元の円形の池から、一匹の蛇状の生き物が仏陀の方向に頭をもたげており、その頭上には一本の樹木が描かれている。ジンの比定によれば、本図は『根本説一切有部毘奈耶薬事』版の「エーラパトラ龍王の帰仏」説話と一致するものである。すなわち、人間の姿に化けて仏陀を訪ねた龍王は（Ａ）、仏陀にその真の姿を現すように促され（Ｂ）、その頭上に生えたエーラ樹によってもたらされる
激しい苦痛は、龍王が過去世において仏僧であったとき、怒りにまかせてエーラ樹の葉を引きちぎった因縁（Ｃ）からもたらされることを、仏陀によって諭されたのだった。したがって、画面向かって右上に表された右腕を高く上げて樹に手を伸ばす僧は、エーラパト
ラ龍王の前世の姿である。本作例で示されるように、クチャの仏説法図には、何劫もの時を隔てた出来事が、ひとつの画面の中に共に表され得るのである。
最後に紹介する物語の時制とは、やはり遠い時間軸や地理軸において展開された出来事
が、ひとつの画面の中に描かれるという点においては前者のケースと同様であるが、その内容が仏陀によって語られた比喩譚や説法の内容そのものを表すという点では異なる。例
として、キジル石窟第 207 窟に描かれた、仏陀の劫末に関する説法を主題とした仏説法図を挙げよう（図 10、14）。
本図は、『七日経（Saptasūryodayasūtra）』の内容を視覚化したもので、その内容は、仏陀が仏弟子たちに対し、劫末に七つの太陽によって焼き尽くされる須弥山世界の様子につい(28)

本主題の説法図の比定と典拠テキストの分析に関しては Zin 2011 を参照。

41

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～て説くというものである(29)。本説法図の描写は、時間軸という観点において二部構成になっている。すなわち、画面中央部に座し説法を行う仏陀、そしてその周囲に座し、説法に耳を傾ける僧たちとヴァジュラパーニは、現在形の時制に属している。その一方で、画面向かって左半分に描き出された、七つの太陽の出現によって燃え盛る須弥山と、その光景を天界から見下ろす光音天の天人たちは、仏陀によって語られた物語の時制に属しているのである。

図 14 図 10 の絵画的構造（現在時制と物語の時制）

ここでは美術史上、極めて興味深い現象が観察される。すなわち、クチャの絵画伝統においては、物語の語り手及び聞き手と、語られた物語の内容が、ひとつの画面中に隣り合って表され得るのである。これは、仏教説話に特徴的な、物語の中で更に新たな物語が展開されるというメタ構造を視覚化する巧みな仕掛けであると言えよう。同様の画面構成により、ひとつの説話の中で実際に起きた出来事と、説話の中で語られる比喩譚や、登場人
物が見た夢、記憶の内容なども、ひとつの説話画面の中に共存し得るのである。
クチャの説話図に見られるこれらの特殊な表現手法は、仏教経典の説話構造を、絵画というメディアに変換する上で生じたものであろう。仏教経典において語られる「ひとつの」物語とは、現代における物語に対する一般的な理解とは少し異なっている。第一に、これらの説話は、基本的に「仏説」すなわち仏陀の口から語られた説法の内容である。さらに「ひとつの」物語には、しばしば遠く離れた過去の出来事や比喩譚など、複数の個別の物
語が織り込まれ、仏陀がその説法を行うに至った経緯や、物語中の現時点で発生している
何らかの特定の状況を生じさせた因果律などが解き明かされるという仕組みである。
経典や律文献において語られる仏教説話は、様々な時間軸において発生した複数の物語の集成によって構成されているが、これらの物語はいずれも、仏陀が特定の教戒を説くという目的のために有機的に結びつけられている。このような仏教経典の構造を鑑みれば、仏説法図において、仏陀が必ずしも主題となる説話において中心的な役割を果たすわけでなくとも、常に中心に大きく配置されていることは理に適っている。なぜなら、仏陀の説法こそが、過去と現在に起こった様々な個別の出来事を結びつけ、かつ一貫した意味を与える糸なのである。クチャの仏説法図は、このような仏教経典の説話トポスを絵画化する(29)

本図の詳しい比定と典拠テキストの分析に関しては Hiyama 2014 (Chapter IV-1-2-②)及び檜山 2016 を参照されたい。なお、梵語『七日経（Saptasūryodayasūtra）』及び蔵訳及び漢訳に見られるその対照テキストの分析に関しては Dietz 2007 を参照。

42

Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖ために亀茲の画家によって編み出された、画期的な視覚装置であると言えよう。
なお、ここで紹介した仏説法図の絵画的文法は、基本的に、クチャのインド・イラン様式の壁画に描かれたその他のジャンルの説話図（ジャータカ・アヴァダーナ図、仏伝図など）を読み解く際にも応用可能である(30)。

IV．結びにかえて
本稿では、クチャの仏教壁画の読み解き方を「語彙」と「文法」という言語の構造にな
ぞらえて解説する試みを行った。
無論、クチャの仏教壁画には、未比定のものも含め、今回紹介することの出来なかった
莫大な数の図像が存在するため、より図像比定の研究が進展すれば、本稿で提唱した方法論から逸脱する作例も出てくることであろう。その時々の最新の研究状況に合わせてのアップデートが必要となることは言うまでもない。
しかし、それでも敢えて、これまでの研究蓄積から導き出し得る方法論を現段階で紹介するという蛮勇を振るったのは、各国所蔵のクチャの壁画片の出版やデジタル化が進み、研究対象としてのクチャの仏教壁画への関心が益々高まっている昨今において、未だにクチャの仏教図像の体系的な概説書が存在しないことへの危機感に駆られてのことである。
研究対象としてのクチャの仏教文化が、ちょうど学問的に印度学と中国学の狭間に位置していることや、先行研究が多言語・多分野に渡っていることもあり、一部の美術史研究者
サークルの中では一世紀も前から前提となっているような図像や画面構成に関する基本的な理解が、各隣接領域の研究者はもちろん、各国の美術史研究者の間においても共有されていないというのが現状である。冒頭でも述べたように、本稿は何ら新しい研究成果をもたらすものでないが、むしろこれまで各国で蓄積されてきたクチャの壁画図像研究の優れた成果を一旦見直し、そこから見えてくる地平を、極力一般化したレベルで書き著してみることにより、今後のクチャの仏教壁画を対象とした研究の役に少しでも立つことを願いつつ、筆を擱きたい。
以上

(30)

但し少数ではあるが、ヴィックホフの分類では「連続図法（die kontinuierende Darstellungsweise）に該当する手法で、ひとつひとつの出来事を個別の場面に描き、それを時系列順に並べるという表現方式の絵画もクチャに存在する（例えばキジル第 110 窟の仏伝図など）。また、インドの説話美術に特徴的な手法で、時系列ではなく地理的な順序に従って場面を配置し、背景となる場所が同じ場面であれば、
たとえ時系列的には連続しないものでもまとめて配置されるという表現形式に近い作例が、例外的にキジル第 81 窟の壁画に観察される。中川原 2011 を参照。

43

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

後 記
本稿は 2016 年 6 月 2 日に龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター及び同学仏教文化研究所の共催によって行われた、2016 年度第 2 回学術講演会「亀茲国の仏教石窟壁画の図像学」の際に紹介した内容を、新たに改訂して書き改めたものである。なお現在、本稿の方法論をより詳しく解説した章を含む、クチャの仏教美術の英文概説書（仮題は Reading the Murals:
Buddhist Art in Kucha in the Transregional Context of the Silk Road in the 5-7th Century）を、マッ
クスプランク美術史研究所（フィレンツェ）及びベルリン国立博物館の共同出版となるConnecting Art Histories in the Museum シリーズにて近年刊行するべく執筆中である。
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Satomi Hiyama
Mural as a Text: “Reading” the Buddhist Paintings of Kucha❖

Articles ❖森美智代「クチャの説法図に関する一考察」『早稲田大学大学院文学研究科紀要 第三分冊』
第 47 巻、2001 年、149-164 頁。
『新疆石窟：库车『库车库木吐拉石窟』＝新疆维吾尔自治区博物馆／新疆人民出版社（編）库木吐拉石窟』乌鲁木齐／上海：新疆人民出版社、上海人民美术出版社。

図 版 典 拠図1

Grünwedel 1920: Tafel XV-XVI fig. 1

図2

Grünwedel 1920: Tafel XXX-XXXI, fig. 2

図3

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst, III 8861 © Jürgen Liepe

図4

Grünwedel 1920: Tafel XXXXIV-XXXXV

図5

Grünwedel 1912: fig. 341

図6

Grünwedel 1912: fig. 344

図7『キジル石窟』第二巻、図 19

図8

Grünwedel 1920: Tafel XXVIII-XXIX fig. 1

図9

Grünwedel 1920: Tafel XIX-XX

図 10

Grünwedel 1920: fig. 343

図 11

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Museum für Asiatische Kunst, B 1642

図 12

図 2 をもとに筆者が作成

図 13

図 8 をもとに筆者が作成

図 14

図 10 をもとに筆者が作成

47

Translation❖Translation❖

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of
A Description of the Eight Traditions
A Translation and Annotation(Revised Edition, 2016)

Masaaki Nohnin
Kaoru Onishi
Takahiko Kameyama(The Ryukoku University Translation Center)❖ 2016.11 ❖The Journal of the World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of
A Description of the Eight Traditions
A Translation and Annotation(Revised Edition, 2016)
Masaaki Nohnin
Kaoru Onishi
Takahiko Kameyama（The Ryukoku University Translation Center）
Introduction
A Description of the Eight Traditions 八宗綱要 (Jpn. hasshūkōyō, hereafter Hasshūkōyō; in avariant title, A Selective Description of the Eight Traditions 八宗綱要鈔 Jpn. hasshūkōyōshō) is a
guide to the essentials of Buddhism written by Gyōnen (1240-1324), a scholar-monk of the Kegontradition 華嚴宗. The eight traditions are the Sanron tradition 三論宗, the Jōjitsu tradition 成實宗,the Hossō tradition 法相宗, the Kusha tradition 倶舍宗, the Kegon tradition 華嚴宗, the Ritsu
tradition 律宗, the Tendai tradition 天台宗 and the Shingon tradition 眞言宗. It is these eight
traditions that were considered to be the orthodox Buddhism in Japan, and it is their doctrines thatthe scholar-monks of the time should study.
Of the eight traditions, the Kusha tradition is the first to be described. As the fact that, in Japan,
the Kusha tradition was regarded as a tradition attached to the Hossō tradition suggests, it was not a“tradition” with performing rites but a so-called “school” as an academic discipline as well as an
assemblage of scholars specialized in Vasubandhu’s Kusharon. The Kusharon has been one of thebasic texts for Buddhists of all ages and countries. It has been studied widely in various traditions,and numerous commentaries have been produced.
We have found in the process of translation that, when describing the Kusha tradition, Gyōnen
employed A Commentary on the Verses of the Kusharon (倶舍論頌疏 Jpn. kusharonjusho, hereafter
Kusharonjusho) of Enki 圓暉 as a groundwork for his text. The Hasshūkōyō is written in the formof questions and answers, and Gyōnen answers the questions by excerpting and reconstructing thedescriptions of the Kusharonjusho. For a detailed collation of the two texts, we would like readers to
see the appendix.
The following translation is based on the Chinese text edited in Kōhon hasshūkōyōshō 講本八宗
綱要鈔 (Kyoto: Ryukoku University, 1967). We offer the Japanese reading of the text in romanletters, but we do not always follow the reading attached to the original Chinese text. Only
significant differences of the reading are noted. We divide the text into sections and paragraphs,
which are also slightly different from the original.
(Masaaki Nohnin)52

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

Table of Contents

I.

The Name of the TraditionV.

The Structure of the KusharonII.

The Origin of the Kusharon

VI.

Five Groups and Seventy-five Dharmas

III.

The Translation of the Kusharon andVII.

The Cause and Fruit of the Three

Its Transmission
IV.

VehiclesThe Doctrine of the Kusharon

I.

VIII.

Self-emptiness and Dharma-existence

The Name of the Tradition

問。何故名倶舍宗乎。

Tou: Nani yue ni Kushashū to nazukuru ya.

答。倶舍者是本論名。

Kotau: Kusha wa kore honron no na nari.

具言之、即論題云阿毘Tsubusani kore wo iwa ba, sunawachi ron no dai

達磨倶舍論。論之一字

wo Abidatsumakusharon to iu. Ron no ichi ji wa

是漢語、餘之六字竝梵

kore kango ni shite, yo no roku ji wa nabete bongo語。阿毘此云對、達磨

nari. Abi wa koko ni tai to ii, datsuma wa koko ni

此云法、倶舍此云藏。

hō to ii, kusha wa koko ni zō to iu. Iwaku

謂對法藏論也。

Taihōzōron nari.

Question: Why is it named the Kusha tradition?
Answer: Kusha is the name of the main discourse. Stated in detail, the title of this discourse is
Abidatsumakusharon.(1) The character ron is Chinese, and the other six characters are all Sanskrit.(2)Here abi signifies “facing,” datsuma signifies “dharma,” and kusha signifies “storehouse.” It means
the Discourse on the Storehouse of Facing the Dharma.
謂無漏慧等、名之爲對

Iwaku muroe tō, kore wo nazuke te taihō to法。對有二義。一者對

nasu. Tai ni ni gi ari. Ichi ni wa nehan ni taikō向涅槃故、二者對觀四

suru ga yue, ni ni wa shitai wo taikan suru ga yue

諦故。法有二義。一勝

nari. Hō ni ni gi ari. Ichi ni shōgih ō, iwaku kore

義法、謂是涅槃也。二nehan nari. Ni ni hossōhō, shishōtai ni tsūzu.

法相法、通四聖諦。謂Iwaku muroe, nehan to shitai to ni taikō shi taikan

無漏慧、對向對觀涅槃suru ga yue nari.

四諦故。

53

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

This undefiled wisdom and others are given the name of “facing the dharma.” “Facing” has twomeanings. One is approaching nirvana, and the other contemplating the four truths. “The dharma”
has two meanings. One is the dharma as ultimate reality, namely nirvana. The other is the dharma as
characteristics of the existence, which refers to the four noble truths. Thus, the undefiled wisdom is[given the name of facing the dharma], because it approaches nirvana and contemplates the four
truths.
藏有二義。一者包含、

Zō ni ni gi ari. Ichi ni wa hōgon, ni ni wa

二者所依。包含義者、

shoe nari. Hōgon no gi to wa, kono ron Hotchiron

此論包含發智論等諸勝

tō, sho no shōgi no gon wo hōgon su. Yue ni

義言。故名爲藏。對法

nazuke te zō to nasu. Taihō no zō eshushaku nari.

之藏、依主釋也。所依義者、此論依彼發智論Shoe no gi to wa, kono ron kano Hotchiron tō ni等而造故爾。全取本論

yori te tsukuru ga yue ni shikari. Mattaku honron

對法藏名。有對法藏。

no taihōzō no na wo toru. Taihōzō wo yūsu . Yue ni

故 名 對 法 藏。此 有 財 釋 。

taihōzo to nazuku. Kore uzaishaku nari.

“Storehouse” here has two meanings. One is “inclusion” and the other “dependence.”“Inclusion”(3) here means that this discourse includes the true words of the Hotchiron and others.
Therefore, it is given the name of “storehouse.” The “storehouse of facing the dharma” is aninterpretation of a tatpuruṣa compound. “Dependence”(4) here means that, because this discourse
was composed depending on the Hotchiron and others, it is [surely] so. [This discourse] hascompletely taken the name of its original discourse of the storehouse of facing the dharma. It is thatwhich has the storehouse of facing the dharma [in it]. Therefore, it is [also] given the name of“storehouse of facing the dharma.” This is an interpretation of a bahuvrīhi compound.
論具題名、其義如此。

Ron no tsubusanaru daimyō, sono gi kaku no

今此倶舍以爲宗。故名gotoshi. Ima kono kusha wo motte shū to nasu.

倶舍宗也。

Yue ni Kushashū to nazuku nari.

The meaning of the detailed name of the discourse is as above. Here this kusha is made thetradition, therefore it is named the Kusha tradition.

54

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

II. The Origin of the Kusharon
II-1.
問。此論如來滅後經幾
許年、誰人造乎。
答。此論如來滅後九百年時、世親菩薩之所造也。二十部中是薩婆多

Tou: Kono ron wa Nyorai no metsu go
ikubaku no toshi wo hete, tarebito ga tukuru ya.
Kotau: Kono ron wa Nyorai no metsu go
kuhyaku nen no toki, Seshin bosatsu no shozōnari. Nijūbu no naka ni wa kore Satsubata bu nari.
Moto

Basha

yori

ide

te

ikioi

shokyō

wo部也。源出婆沙勢挿諸sashihasamu nari. Basha wa kore Hotchi rokusoku教。婆 沙 是 本 發 智 六 足。

wo moto to nasu.

Question: How many years had elapsed after the Tathāgata’s passing when this discourse wascomposed? And who composed it?
Answer: In the nine hundredth year after the Tathāgata’s passing, this discourse was composed by
Bodhisattva Vasubandhu.(5) Of the twenty schools,(6) this belongs to the Sarvāstivāda school.
Originally coming from the Basha[ron],(7) it assimilated various teachings on the development of the
tradition. The Basha[ron] is based on the Hotchi[ron] and the “six legs.”(8)II-2 .
如來滅後四百年初、迦

Nyorai no metsu go shihyaku nen no hajime,濕彌羅國有國王、名迦Kashimirakoku ni kokuō ari. Kanishika to nazuku.

膩色迦。其王敬信尊重

Sono ō bukkyō wo kyōshin shi sonjū su.

佛經。
In the early part of the four hundredth year after the Tathāgata’s passing, there was a king in
Kashmir named Kaniṣka.(9) This king reverently believed and respected the Buddhist teachings.
有日請僧入宮供養。王Aru hi sō wo shōji gū ni ire te kuyō su. Ō

因問道、僧説不同。王yorite dō wo tou ni, sō no setsu onajikara zu. Ō

甚怪焉。問脇尊者曰、

hanahada ayashimu. Kyō sonja ni tou te iwaku,

佛教同源、理無異趣、

bukkyō wa moto wo onajikushi, ri ishu nakaran ni,

諸徳宣唱、奚有異乎。

shotoku no senshō nanzo i ari ya to.

55

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

One day, he invited some monks to the palace and made an offering, and at that time, the kingasked about the Way. The monks gave different explanations. The king became greatly uncertain. He
asked the Venerable Pārśva and said: “Buddha’s teachings come from a single source, so in principle,
different courses should not exist. Why are there differences in the statements of eminent ones?”
尊者答曰、何説皆正。
隨 修 得 果 也 。 佛 既 懸記、如折金杖。

Sonja kotae te iwaku, “Izure no setsu momina tadashi. Shusuru ni shitagai te ka wo uru
nari. Butsu sudeni kenki su, konj ō wo oru ga
gotoshi,” to.

The Venerable One replied: “All of these statements are valid. According to [any of] thesepractices, one gains the result. Depending on what one practices, result is gained. The Buddha has
already prophesied it: that is like fracturing a gold staff.”(10)
王聞此語、因爲問曰、
諸部立範、孰最善乎。
我欲修行。願尊者説。

Ō kono go wo kiki te, yorite toi wo nashi teiwaku, “Shobu han wo tatsuru mo, izure ka
mottomo zen nari ya. Ware shugyō sen to hossu.
Negawaku wa Sonja toki tamae,” to .

Upon hearing these words, the king put forth a question: “Each school has its own standard. Whatis the best? I wish to practice myself. I beseech you, Venerable One, tell it to me!”
尊者答曰、諸部之中、莫越有宗。王欲修行、宜遵此矣。王即歡喜、
令結此部三藏法門。

Sonja kotae te iwaku, “Shobu n o naka, Ushūni koetaru wa nashi. Ō shugyō sen to hosse ba,
yoroshiku kore ni shitagau beshi,” to. Ōsunawachi kangi shi te kono bu no sanzō nohōmon wo kesse shimu.

The Venerable One replied: “Among all schools, no one is superior to the Sarvāstivāda school. If
Your Majesty wishes to practice yourself, you should follow it.” The king rejoiced at hearing it, andordered compilation of this school’s teachings of three treasuries.
有徳諸僧、四方雲集。

Utoku no shosō, shihō yori unjū su. Bon shō

凡聖極多、不可煩亂、

kiwamete ōku, bonran su bekara zu, tsuini bonsō

遂簡凡僧、唯留聖僧。

wo erabi te, tada shōsō wo todomu. Shōsō nao

聖僧尚繁。簡去有學、

shigeshi. Ugaku wo kenko shi te, tada mugaku wo

唯留無學。無學復多、

todomu. Mugaku mata ōku, sōju su bekara zu.

不可總集。於無學内、Mugaku no uchi ni oite jō manji te rokutsū ari, chi56

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

定滿六通、智圓四辯、

madokani shite shiben ari, uchi ni sanz ō ni nare,

内閑三藏、外達五明、

soto ni gomyō ni tassuru wa masani ketsujū ni

方堪結集。

tayu.

Eminent monks gathered like clouds from the four directions. [However,] the ordinary and theholy were too numerous. To avoid confusion and disorder, [the king] rejected the ordinary monks
and retained only the holy monks. Still then, the holy [ones] were still too numerous. He eliminatedthe learners (śaikṣa) and retained only the thoroughly learned ones (aśaikṣa). Even then, thethoroughly learned ones were too numerous to be assembled. [Hence,] of the thoroughly learned
ones, those who had perfected their meditation and attained the six transcendental powers, who had
perfected wisdom and attained the four kinds of eloquence, and who were well-versed in the
Buddhist three treasuries and skilled in the non-Buddhist five learnings [outside of Buddhism], were
the ones capable of compiling [the three storehouses].
所留徳聖、唯有四百九

Todomuru tokoro no tokushō tada shihyaku

十九人。遂以世友尊者

kujūku nin ari. Tsuini Seu sonja wo motte tashi te

足成五百人矣。即以世

gohyaku nin wo jōzu. Sunawachi Seu sonja wo

友尊者推爲上座。

motte oshi te jōza to nasu.

Those eminent holy monks who remained were only four hundred ninety-nine in number.
Finally, together with the Venerable Vasumitra, the number of five hundred was fulfilled. Then, theVenerable Vasumitra was elected to preside over the council.
於是五百聖衆、初集十Kokoni oite gohyaku no shōju, hajime ni

萬頌釋咀怛覽藏、次造

jūman ju wo atsume te sotaranzō wo shaku shi,

十萬頌釋毘奈耶藏、後tsuide jūman ju wo tsukuri te binayazō wo shaku

造 十 萬 頌 釋 阿 毘 達 磨shi, nochi ni jūman ju wo tsukuri te abidatsumazō

藏、即大毘婆沙是也。

wo shaku su, sunawachi Daibibasha kore nari.

Then, the five hundred holy ones first collected a hundred thousand verses which interpreted thesūtra treasury. Second, they composed a hundred thousand verses which interpreted the vinaya
treasury. Lastly, they composed a hundred thousand verses which interpreted the abhidharma
treasury, the Daibibasha[ron].

57❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

五百羅漢既結集已、刻
石立誓唯聽自國不許外國。方勅夜叉神、守護
城門、不令散出。

～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

Gohyaku no rakan sudeni ketsuj ū shi owari
te, ishi ni kizami te, chikai wo tate, tada jikoku ni
yurushi te, gekoku ni yurusa zu. Masani yashajin
ni chokushi te jōmon wo shugo shi, sanshutsu
seshime zu.

After the five hundred arhats completed the compilation, [the king ordered that the texts] beinscribed on stone and pledged that they only be permitted [to be studied] within his country and not
be allowed [to be taken] to other countries. Thus, he commanded yakṣa deities to guard the castle
gate so that they would not be scattered about.
II-3 .
然世親尊者舊習有宗、
後學經部將爲當理。於有宗義懷取捨心、欲定
是非濳名重往。時經四
歳。屢以自宗頻破他

Shikashite Seshin sonja wa moto Ush ū wo
narai, nochi Kyōbu wo manabi te masani ri ni
ataru to nasu. Ushū no gi ni o ite shusha no kokoro
wo idaki, ze hi wo sadamen to hosshi na wo
hisome kasane te yuku. Toki shi sai wo he tari.
Shibashiba mizukara no shū wo motte shikirini
tabu wo hasu.

部。
Now, the Venerable Vasubandhu, having initially studied the Sarvāstivāda doctrines and later
studied the Sautrāntika [doctrines], regarded the latter as being in accord with reason. Regarding the
Sarvāstivāda doctrines, he had thoughts of adopting [some Sarvāstivāda doctrines] and rejecting[others]. Desiring to distinguish right from wrong, he concealed his identity and went to [Kashmir]again. Four years elapsed. By resorting to his own understanding often, he vigorously defeated theother school.(11)
悟入尊者被詰莫通。尊者入定知是世親、私告
之曰、此部衆中未離欲者、知長老破、必相致
害。長 老 可 速 歸 還 本 國 。

Gonyū sonja kitsu se rare te tsūzur u nashi.
Sonja jō ni iri te kore Seshin nari to shiri, hisokani
kore ni tsuge te iwaku, kono bu no shuchū
miriyoku no mono, chōrō no hasuru wo shira ba,
kanarazu gai wo ai itasan. Chōrō sumiyakani
hongoku ni kikan su beshi to.

The Venerable Skandhila(12) was pressured [for an answer] and could not find a way. The
Venerable [Skandhila], upon entering a meditative state, learned that this was Vasubandhu. He
privately said to him: “Of this school, those who have not yet abandoned their desires will do you

58

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

harm if they learn that you, the Elder, refuted [the Sarvāstivāda doctrines]. You, the Elder, should
return immediately to your own country(13)!”
于時世親至本國已、講Toki ni Seshin hongoku ni itari owari te,

毘婆沙。若一日講便造

Bibasha wo kōzu. Moshiwa ichinichi kōji te,一偈。攝一日中所講之sunawachi ichi ge wo tsukuru. Ichinichi chū no

義 、 刻 赤 銅 葉 書 寫 此

kōzuru tokoro no gi wo sesshi te, shakudōyō ni偈 。 如 此 次 第 成 六 百koku shi kono ge wo shosha su. Kaku no gotoku

頌、攝大毘婆沙其義周

shidai shi te roppyaku ju wo jō ji, Daibibasha wo盡。

sesshi te sono gi amaneku tsukusu.

Vasubandhu thereupon returned to his own country, and lectured on the Bibasha[ron]. Each day helectured, he would compose a verse. Grasping the essence of what had been lectured on that day, herecorded the verse by inscribing it on a copper leaf. In this fashion, he one after another made six
hundred verses, comprehending the essence of the Daibibasha[ron] completely.
標頌香象撃鼓宣令、誰
能破者、吾當謝之。竟
無一人破斯偈頌。將此
偈頌、使人齎往迦濕彌羅國。

Ju wo kōzō ni shirushi, tsuzumi wo uchi tesenrei suraku, “Tare ka yoku hasuru mono ara ba,
ware masani kore wo shasu beshi” to. Tsuini hitori
to shite kono geju wo hasuru nashi. Kono geju wo
mochi te hito wo shite Kashimirakoku ni
mochiyuka shimu.

Displaying the verses on a fragrant elephant(14) and beating a drum, he proclaimed: “If there
should be anyone who could refute [these verses], then I would acknowledge my fault.” Ultimately
no one refuted these verses. He then ordered someone to take these verses to the country of Kashmir.
時彼國王及諸僧衆、聞Toki ni ka no kuni no ō oyobi moromoro no

皆歡喜謂弘己宗。悟入

sōshu, kiki te mina kangi su, omoeraku ono ga

知非、告怪諸人。遂請造釋。世親論主即應王
請 、 爲釋 本文 凡八千

mune wo hiromu to. Gonyū hi wo shiri te, ke woshonin ni tsugu. Tsuini shaku wo tsukuru wo kou.
Seshin ronju sunawachi ō no shō ni ōji te, tameni
honmon wo shakusu ni oyoso hassen ju ari. Nochi

頌。後見彼釋、果如悟

ni kano shaku wo miru ni, hatashite Gonyū rakan

入羅漢所言。

no iu tokoro no gotoshi.

59❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

At this time, the king and the monks in the country, upon hearing this, all rejoiced, thinking that[these verses] would propagate their own doctrine. Skandhila, realizing that they would not, warned
them that the verses were suspicious. Thereupon [the king] requested [Vasubandhu] to produce acommentary. Complying to the king’s request, Vasubandhu, the composer of the discourse,commentated on the original texts, totaling eight thousand verses [in length].(15) When [they] laterviewed the commentary, in the end, it was as the Arhat Skandhila had said.
II-4 .
于時悟入尊者弟子衆賢Tokini Gonyū sonja no deshi Shugen ronji,

論師、造論破倶舍、名ron wo tsukuri te Kusha wo hashi, Kushabaku ron

倶舍雹論。令世親見、

to nazuku. Seshin wo shite mise shimuru ni,

世親即讚、改名即爲順Seshin正理論。

sunawachi Junshoriron to nasu.

sunawachi

sanji,

nawoaratameteThen, Treatise Master Saṅghabhadra, a disciple of Venerable Skandhila, composed a discourse torefute the Kusha[ron], and titled it Kushabakuron.( 16 ) He showed it to Vasubandhu. Then,
Vasubandhu praised it and changed its title to Junshōriron.
彼 衆 賢 論 師 亦 造 顯 宗

Kano

Shugenronji mataKenshūron

wo論。譯成四十卷。順正tsukuru. Yakushi te shijikkan wo jōzu. Junshōri理譯成八十卷。

wa yakushi te hachijikkan wo jōzu.

The Treatise Master Saṅghabhadra further composed the Kenshūron, of which translation consistsof forty scrolls, [while] the Junshōri[ron] consists of eighty scrolls in translation.
故知、此倶舍論源出婆
沙論。

Yue

ni

shiru,

kono

KusharonBasharon yori izuru koto wo.

Thus, it should be known that the Kusharon originates from the Basharon.

III. The Translation of the Kusharon and Its Transmission

60

wa

moto

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

代。初 陳 朝 眞 諦 三 藏、譯

Tou: Kono ron no kōki wa, sudeni kuhyaku
nen no toki nari. Sono Tōka ni tsutawari shi wa
kore izure no toki naru ya.
Kotau: Kono ron no honji ni sunawachi nidaiari. Hajime Chinchō no Shindai sanzō, yakushi te

成 二 十 卷。即 自 作 疏 有 五nijikkan wo jōzu. Sunawachi mizukara sho wo

十 卷、亡 逸 不 傳。後 唐 朝

tsukuri te gojikkan ari, mōitsu shi te tsutawara zu.

玄 奘 三 藏、永 徽 年 中、於Nochi Tōchō no Genjō sanzō, Eiki nenchū ni,

慈 恩 寺、譯 成 三 十 卷。今Jionji ni oite, yakushi te sanjikkan wo j ōzu. Ima

即此本也。

wa sunawachi kono hon nari.

問。此 論 興 起、既 九 百 年時。其 傳 東 夏 是 何 時 耶 。
答 。 此 論 翻 時 即 有 二

Question: It was already nine hundred years [after the Tathāgata’s passing] when this discourse
appeared. When was it transmitted to China(17)?
Answer: There are two eras in which this discourse was translated. First, during the Chen Dynasty,
Three Treasuries Master Paramārtha(18) translated it in twenty scrolls. Thereupon, he himself wrote acommentary on it in fifty scrolls, which is lost and no longer transmitted. Later, during the years of
Yonghui of the Tang dynasty, Three Treasuries Master Xuanzang(19) translated it in thirty scrolls at
Ciensi Temple. This is the text that is now [employed in Kusha tradition].
然則此論既世親論主所

Shikareba sunawachi kono ron sudeni Seshin

造故、以世親菩薩爲本

ronju no tsukuru tokoro naru ga yue ni, Seshin

祖師。

bosatsu wo motte honsoshi to nasu nari.

Then, as this discourse was originally composed by Vasubandhu, the composer of the discourse,
Bodhisattva Vasubandhu is made the founding master [of the tradition].
大唐國中、遍學三藏妙Daitōkoku chū Hengaku sanzō taeni kore wo

翻傳之、門人普光法師

honden shi, monjin Fukō hosshi to Hō hosshi,

寶法師、各作疏釋之。

onoono sho wo tsukuri te kore wo shakusu. Oyobi

及餘諸師莫不皆翫。乃yo

至傳于日本于今不絶。

Sunawachi Nihon ni tsutawari imani itaru mo tae

相承繼跡諸寺競學。

zu. Sōjō shi te ato wo tsugi, shoji kisoi te manabu.

noshoshimina

moteasoba

zaru

nashi.

Three Treasuries Master Bian xue(20) (Xuanzang) in the Great Tang translated it ingeniously. Hisdisciples, Dharma Master Puguang and Dharma Master Bao, each wrote a commentary to interpret it.
Then, of all the other Masters, there were none who did not appreciate it. Furthermore, it was61❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

transmitted to Japan, and even now it has never become extinct. It has been succeeded fromgeneration to generation and eagerly studied at all the temples.

IV. The Doctrine of the Kusharon
IV-1 .
問。此宗唯述有宗歟、頗有兼餘乎。

Tou: Kono shū tada ushū wo noburu ya,
sukoburu yo wo kanuru koto ari ya.

答。此論正述有宗。故Kotau: Kono ron masashiku ushū wo nobu.

所立義本薩婆多而製造

Yue ni tatsuru tokoro no gi S atsubata wo moto to之 。 然 時 朋 彼 經 部 之

shi te kore wo seizō su. Shikaredomo toki ni ka no

義。故論文云、迦濕彌Kyōbu no gi wo tomonau. Yue ni ronmon ni iwaku,

羅義理成、我多依彼釋“Kashimira no gi ri jōzu, ware ōku kare ni yori te對法 已上。又云、經部

Taihō wo shakusu” to, ijō. Mata iwaku, “Kyōbu no

所 説 不 違 理 故 已 上。取shosetsu wa ri ni tagawa zaru ga yue ni” to, ijō.

捨二宗顯密意趣、依此Nishū wo shusha suru ni kenmitsu no ishu ari,

等文其義可知。

korera no mon ni yori te sono gi shiru beshi.

Question: Does this tradition only speak about the Sarvāstivāda doctrines, or does it also speak
about other [doctrines] even a little(21)?
Answer: This discourse primarily speaks about the Sarvāstivāda doctrines. For this reason, inestablishing his thought, [Vasubandhu] set the Sarvāstivāda [doctrines] at the core [of his thought]
and composed this [discourse]. However, he, on occasion, aligns himself with the doctrines of
Sautrāntika school. Accordingly, it is stated in the discourse: “The doctrine and logic of Kashmir[Sarvāstivāda] is coherent, and depending mostly on this, I interpret Facing the Dharma.”(22) It is also
stated: “It is because the [doctrine] expounded in the Sautrāntika school is not illogical.”(23) For
adopting and rejecting ideas from among the two doctrines, there are explicit and implicit
intentions,(24) the meaning of which should be understood from these [two] quotations.
IV-2 .
問。此論以何爲其宗旨。
答。既述有宗。故説一Tou: Kono ron nani wo motte sono sh ūshi tonasu ya.
Kotau: Sudeni Ushū wo nobu. Yue ni issai

62Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

切 諸 法 實 有、以 爲 其 宗 。

shohō wa jitsu u nari to toki, motte sono shū to

若 密 言 之、非 無 經 部 義 。

nasu. Moshi mitsu ni kore wo iwa ba, Kyōbu n o gi

今 約 顯 意、唯 是 有 宗。三naki ni ara zu. Ima ken’i ni yakusure ba, tada kore

世 實 有、法 體 恒 有、總 是
此宗所説義也。

Ushū nomi. Sanze jitsuu hottai gōu, sōjite kore
kono shū no shosetsu no gi nari.

Question: What is the essence of doctrine of this discourse?
Answer: [As is] already [stated], [this discourse primarily] speaks about the Sarvāstivāda
doctrines. Therefore, [the discourse] asserts that all dharmas really exist, which is its [essence of]doctrine. With reference to the implicit [intention], it is not without the doctrine of the Sautrāntika
school. As far as the explicit intention is concerned, it is solely [based on] the Sarvāstivāda doctrines:[Dharmas of] the three times really exist, and the essence of a dharma always exists.(25) In general,
this is the doctrine expounded in this tradition.
然説三世實有、諸説不同。即有四説。
一法救尊者云、由類不同三世有異。
二妙音尊者云、由相不同三世有異。
三世友尊者云、由位不同三世有異。
四覚天尊者云、由待不同三世有異。
今世親論主、竝評此四家、世 友 尊 者 以 爲 最 善 。

Shikaruni sanze jitsuu wo toku ni, shosetsu
onajikara zu. Sunawachi shi setsu ari.
Ichi ni Hokku sonja iwaku, “Rui no fudō niyori te sanze ni i ari” to.
Ni ni Myōon sonja iwaku, “Sō no fudō ni yori
te sanze ni i ari” to.
San ni Seu sonja iwaku, “I no fudō ni yori tesanze ni i ari” to.
Shi ni Kakuten sonja iwaku, “Tai no fudō niyori te sanze ni i ari” to.
Ima Seshin ronju, nabete kono shi ke wohyōshi, Seu sonja wo motte saizen to nasu.

However, in affirming that [dharmas of] the three times really exist, there are different views,
namely four views:
1) The Venerable Dharmatrāta states: “Through difference in modes,(26) [dharmas of] the three times
are different.”
2) The Venerable Ghoṣaka states: “Through difference in features,(27) [dharmas of] the three times
are different.”3) The Venerable Vasumitra states: “Through difference in stages,(28) [dharmas of] the three times aredifferent.”63❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～4) The Venerable Buddhadeva states: “Through difference in mutual relationships,(29) [dharmas of]
the three times are different.”
Now, Vasubandhu, the composer of the discourse, judging all these four proponents, decided theVenerable Vasumitra to be the best.
Moshi Kyōbushū nara ba, ka mi wa mutai ni

若經部宗、過未無體、

shi te, tada gen nomi kore u nari.

唯現是有。

With reference to the Sautrāntika doctrines, the essence [of a dharma] does not exist in the pastand future; only [dharmas of] the present exist.
Kono Kusharon wa sudeni kore taihō nari.

此倶舍論既是對法。故Yue ni kono ron zō nari.

此論藏。

This Kusharon is, [as is] already [discussed,] facing the dharma. That is, this discourse is the[abhidharma] treasury (piṭaka).(30)

V. The Structure of the Kusharon

To u : Ko n o ro n s ōjite n an ra n o g i wo ak asu

問。此論總明何等義乎。
答。此論三十卷總有九品。一界品二根品三世
間品四業品五隨眠品六賢聖品七智品八定品九破我品。略頌云、界二根五世間五、業六隨三ya.
K o ta u : Ko n o ro n san j ik k an s ōjite k u h o n
a ri. Ich i n i Ka ih o n , n i n i Ko n b o n , san n i
S ek en b o n , sh i n i G ōh o n , g o n i Zu i min b o n , ro k u
n i G en j ōh o n , sh ich i n i C h ih o n , h ach i n i J ōh on ,k u n i H ag ah o n n ari. Ryak u ju n i iw ak u , “k ai n i,
k o n g o , sek en g o , g ō ro k u , zu i san , g en j ō s h i,
chi

n i,

jō

n i,

h ag aich i,

k o rewo

Ku s h a

賢聖四、智二定二破我

san jik k an to n azu k u ” to . S o n o H ag ah o n wa

一、是名倶舍三十卷。

b etsu n o sh ōju n ak u , k yō c h ū n o k ad a wo

其破我品無別正頌、聚

a tsu mu ru n o mi.

經中伽陀而已。
Question: In general, what doctrines does this discourse clarify?
64

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

Answer: This discourse of thirty scrolls has in all nine chapters. First is the Element Chapter,second is the Organ Chapter, third is the World Chapter, fourth is the Karma Chapter, fifth is the
Latent Defilement Chapter, sixth is the Wise and Holy Chapter, seventh is the Wisdom Chapter,eighth is the Meditation Chapter, and ninth is the Refutation of Self Chapter. The abridged verse
states:The Element [is in] two [scrolls], the Organ five, the Worlds five
The Karma six, the Latent Defilement three, the Wise and Holy four
The Wisdom two, the Meditation two, and the Refutation of Self one
This is named, “Kusha of thirty scrolls.”
The Refutation of Self Chapter does not have any proper verses; it only gathers gāthā (verses) fromsutras.
此九品中、初之二品、Ko n o k u h o n n o n ak a, h aji me n o n i h o n wa

總明有漏無漏。後之六

sōjite u ro to mu ro to wo ak asu . N o ch i n o ro k u

品、別明有漏無漏。

h o n wa b essh ite u ro to mu ro to wo ak asu .

In these nine chapters, the first two chapters generally clarify defiled and undefiled [dharmas], andthe latter six chapters specifically clarify defiled and undefiled [dharmas].
就總明中、初界品明諸法 體、次 根 品 明 諸 法 用 。

S ōjite ak asu n ak a n i t su ite wa , h aji me n o
Ka ih o n wa sh o h ō n o tai wo ak ash i, tsu g i n o
Ko n b o n wa sh o h ō n o yū wo ak asu .

Of the generally clarifying [chapters], the first, Element Chapter, clarifies the essences of all
dharmas, and the second, Organ Chapter, clarifies the functions of all dharmas.
別 明 六 中、初 之 三 品 別 明
有 漏、後 三 品 別 明 無 漏 。

B essh ite ro k u wo ak asu n ak a, h ajime n osan b o n wa b essh ite u r o wo ak ash i, n o ch i n o s an
b o n wa b essh ite mu ro wo ak asu .

Of the six specifically clarifying [chapters], the first three chapters specifically clarify defiled[dharmas], and the last three chapters specifically clarify undefiled [dharmas].
明有漏中、世品明果、業 品 明 因、隨 眠 品 明 縁 。

U ro wo ak asu n ak a, S eh o n wa k a wo
a k ash i, G ōh o n wa in w o ak ash i, Zu i min b o n w ae n wo ak asu .

65

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

In [the chapters] clarifying defiled [dharmas], the World Chapter clarifies results, the Karma
Chapter clarifies causes, and the Latent Defilement Chapter clarifies conditions.
明 無 漏 中、賢 聖 品 明 果 、
智 品 明 因、定 品 明 縁。其破我品明無我理。

Mu ro wo ak asu n ak a, G en j ōh o n wa k a wo
a k ash i, C h ih o n wa in wo ak ash i, J ōh o n wa en
wo ak asu . S o n o H ag ah o n wa mu g a n o ri wo
a k asu .

In [the chapters] clarifying undefiled [dharmas], the Wise and Holy Chapter clarifies results, theWisdom Chapter clarifies causes, and the Meditation Chapter clarifies conditions. The Refutation of
Self Chapter clarifies the logic of no-self.
Ich ib u san jik k an , k u h o n n o s h ijū ak asu

一 部 三 十 卷、九 品 始 終 、所明義理分斉如此。

to k o ro n o g i r i b u n zai wa k ak u n o g o to sh i.

This is the classification of the doctrine and logic clarified from the first to the last of the nine
chapters of this thirty-scroll single work.

VI. Five Groups and Seventy-five Dharmas

問。此宗幾種攝諸法乎。

ya.

Tou: Kono shū ikushu ni shohō wo sessuru
Kotau: Shichijūgohō ni shohō wo sesshi

答 。 七 十 五 法 攝 諸 法

tsukusu. Shichijūgohō to wa, ichi ni wa shikiho,

盡。七十五法者、一者

kore ni jūichi ari, gokon to gokyō to oyobi

色法、此有十一、五根muhyōshiki to nari.

五境及無表色。
Question: In how many kinds does this tradition comprehend all things?
Answer: It comprehends all things in the seventy-five dharmas. The seventy-five dharmas are [asfollows]. The first [group] is the dharmas of matter, which are eleven [kinds]. They are five senseorgans, five objects and the unmanifest matter.
二 者 心 法、此 唯 一 也、六Ni ni wa shinpō, kore wa tada ichi nari,

66

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions

識心王總爲一故。

❖Translation❖rokushiki shinnō sōjite ichi to nasu ga yue ni.

The second [group] is the dharma of mind, which is only one, because six consciousnesses are all
together one as the “mind-king.”
三者心所有法、有四十

San

ni

wa

六。分爲六位。大地法Wakachi

te

rokui

to

十、大善地法十、大煩daizenjihōnodaibonnōjihō

惱地法六、大不善地法
二、小煩惱地法十、不shinshouhō,
jū

nasu.

shijūrokuari.

Daijihō

jū

no

no

roku,

daifuzenjihō no ni,shōbonnōjihō no jū fujōjih ō no

定 地 法 八 。 合 有 四 十hachi to nari. Gasshi te shijū roku ari. Rokui no六。名六位心所。

shinjo to nazuku.

The third [group] is the dharmas belonging to the mind[-king], which are forty-six [kinds]. They
are divided into six classes: the dharmas of large field which number ten; the dharmas of large
wholesome field ten; the dharmas of large field of defilement six; the dharmas of large unwholesome
field two; the dharmas of small field of defilement ten; the dharmas of indeterminate field eight.
They are forty-six in all. They are named the [dharmas] belonging to the mind[-king] of six classes.
大 地 法 十 者 、 倶 舍 頌
云、受想思觸欲、慧念與作意、勝解三摩地、遍於一切心 已上。

Daijihō no jū to wa, Kusha no ju ni iwaku,“ju sō shi soku yoku, e nen sai to, shōge sanmaji
ni shite, issai no shin ni amaneshi” to, ijō .

On “the dharmas of large field which number ten,” a verse of the Kusharon says, “Sensation,ideation, volition, contact, desire, discernment, remembrance, attention, determination and samādhi(concentration) coexist in every [moment of] mind.” (II-24)
大善地法十者、又同頌

Daizenjihō no jū to wa, mata onajiku ju ni

云、信及不放逸、軽安

iwaku, “shin oyobi fuhōitsu, kyōan sha zan ki,

捨慚愧、二根及不害、

nikon oyobi fugai, gon ni shi te tada zenshin ni

勤唯遍善心 已上。

amaneshi” to, ijō.

On “the dharmas of large wholesome field [which number] ten,” a verse of the same [discourse]
says, “Faith, non-negligence, restful lightness, equanimity, conscience, shame, two roots,
non-harming, and diligence coexist only in wholesome mind.” (II-25)

67❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

大煩惱地法六者、同頌

Daibonnōjihō no roku to wa, onaji ju ni

云、癡逸怠不信、惛掉iwaku, “chi itsu ta i fushin, kon jō ni shi te tsune ni

恒唯染 已上。

tada zen nari” to, ijō.

On “the dharmas of large field of defilement [which number] six,” a verse of the same [discourse]
says, “Stupidity, negligence, indolence, disbelief, depression, and agitation always [exist] only in
defiled [mind].” (II-26a-c)
大 不 善 地 法 二 者 、 頌

Daifuzenjihō no ni to wa, ju ni iwaku, “tada云、唯遍不善心、無慚fuzenshin ni amaneku, muzan oyobi mugi nari” to,及無愧 已上。

ijō.

On “the dharmas of large unwholesome field [which number] two,” a verse says, “The absence of
conscience and of shame coexist only in unwholesome mind.” (II-26c-d)
小 煩 惱 地 法 十 者 、 頌

Shōbonnōjihō no jū to wa, ju ni iwaku, “fun云、忿覆慳嫉惱害恨諂fuku ken shitsu nō gai kon ten ō kyō ni shite, kaku

誑憍、如是類名爲小煩

no gotoki no tagui wo nazuke te shōbonnōjihō to惱地法 已上。

nasu” to, ijō.

On “the dharmas of small field of defilement [which number] ten,” a verse says, “Hatred,
concealment, stinginess, jealousy, affliction, harming, enmity, deceit, fraudulence, vanity--such are
named the dharmas of small field of defilement.” (II-27)
不 定 地 法 八 者 、 略 頌云、尋伺及悔眠、貪瞋與慢疑。

Fujōjihō no hachi to wa, ryakuju ni iwaku,“jin shi oyobi ke min, ton shin to man gi nari” to.

On “the dharmas of indeterminate field [which number] eight,” a summary verse(31) says,“Reflection, investigation, remorse, torpor, greed, anger, conceit, and doubt.”
四者不相應行、此有十

Shi ni wa fusōōgyō, kore ni jūshi ari. Kusha

四。倶 舍 頌 云、心 不 相 應

no ju ni iwaku,“shinfusōōgyō wa, toku hitoku

行、得 非 得 同 分、無 想 二

dōbun, musō nijō myō, sō myōshin nado no tagui

68Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions

定命、相名身等類

已❖Translation❖nari” to, ijō.

上。
The fourth [group] is the conditioned [dharmas] not associated [with the mind], which are
fourteen [kinds]. A verse of the Kusharon says, “The conditioned [dharmas] not associated with themind are acquisition, non-acquisition, [class-]similarity, non-consciousness, the two [kinds of]absorption, life, [four] characteristics, the body of names and [the other two bodies] of this type.”(II-35-36a)
五者無爲、此有三種。

Go ni wa mui, kore ni san shu ari. Ichi ni

一擇滅無爲、二非擇滅

chakumetsu mui, ni ni hichakumetsu mui, san ni

無爲、三虚空無爲。

kokū mui nari.

The fifth [group] is the unconditioned [dharmas], which are three kinds. The first is theunconditioned [dharma] of the extinction due to discernment, the second is the unconditioned[dharma] of the extinction not due to discernment, and the third is the unconditioned [dharma] of
space.
此名七十五法。七十五Kore wo shichijūgohō to nazuku. Shichijūgo

中 、 前 七 十 二 竝 是 有

no naka, saki no shichijūni wa nabete kore ui, ato

爲、後三是無爲。一切no san wa kore mui nari. Issai shohō kono ni wo

諸法不過此二。有爲法sugi zu. Uihō no naka uro to muro to ari, mui wa

中有漏無漏、無爲是無kore muro nari. Yue ni kono shū no naka,

漏。故此宗中、建七十shichijūgo wo tate shohō wo sesshi te, gū jin se

五 攝 於 諸 法、莫 不 窮 盡 。

zaru nashi.

These are named the seventy-five dharmas. Of the seventy-five, the first seventy-two are allconditioned [dharmas] and the last three are unconditioned [dharmas]. All the dharmas do not exceed
these two [: the conditioned and the unconditioned]. Of the conditioned dharmas, there are thedefiled and the undefiled. The unconditioned [dharmas] are undefiled. Thus, in this tradition they
establish the seventy-five [dharmas] and comprehend all the dharmas; they exhaustively comprehend
everything.

VII. The Cause and Fruit of the Three Vehicles
69❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures

問。此宗之中、三乘因果、云何建立乎。
答。於 三 乘 中、聲 聞 經 三
生 六 十 劫、修 行 得 果。方
便有七階、果即四級。

～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

Tou: Kono shū no naka, sanjō no inga ikanga
konryū suru ya.
Kotau: Sanjō no naka ni oite, shōmon wa
sanshō rokujikkō wo he te, gyō wo shushi ka wo u.
Hōben ni shichi kai ari, ka wa sunawachi shi kyū
nari.

Question: In this tradition how is [the doctrine on] the cause and fruit of the three vehicles
established?
Answer: Of the three vehicles, Voice-hearers perform the practices and attain the fruits during
their third lifetime [at the earliest] or after sixty kalpas [at the latest]. As for the means,(32) there areseven steps; the fruits are the four grades.(33)縁覺經四生百劫、修因證果。因行積集、直登無學。無有多階、唯一向Engaku wa shishō hyakkō wo he te, in wo
shushi ka wo shōsu. Ingyō shakujū shi te, tadachi
ni mugaku ni noboru. Takai aru koto naku, tadaitsu no kōka nomi.

果。
Those Awakened [by contemplations on] Dependent [arising] perform [the practice as] the cause
and manifest the fruit during their fourth lifetime [at the earliest] or after a hundred kalpas [at thelatest]. Accumulating [the merit of] the practice as the cause, they directly ascend to the [stage of]no-learning. Without many steps, they have only one approach-and-fruit.(34)菩 薩 經 三 阿 僧 祇 劫、修 諸

Bosatsu wa san asōgi kō wo he te, sho

波 羅 蜜、百 劫 之 中 植 相 好haramitsu wo shushi, hyakkō no uchi ni sōgō no

業、最 後 身 中 於 金 剛 座 斷

gō wo ue, saigoshin no uchi ni kongōza n i oite

結 成 佛。化 縁 已 盡 入 無 餘ketsu wo danji te jōbutsu su. Keen sudeni tsuki te涅槃。

muyonehan ni iru.

Bodhisattvas perform [the practices of] pāramitā for three asaṅkhyeya kalpas, plant the karma forphysical characteristics for a hundred kalpas. At the time of their last body, they cut their bonds away
and achieve buddhahood on the adamantine seat. With the conditions for [buddhas’] transforming
acts(35) at an end, they enter the nirvana without residue.

70Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions

斯 迺 聲 聞 觀 四 諦、縁 覺 觀
十 二 因 縁、菩 薩 修 六 度 。

❖Translation❖

Kore sunawachi shōmon wa shitai wo kanji,
engaku wa jūniinnen wo kanji, bosatsu wa rokudo
wo shusuru nari.

That is to say, Voice-hearers contemplate on the four truths, those Awakened [by contemplationson] Dependent [arising] contemplate on the twelve links of causation, and Bodhisattvas perform thesix [practices of] crossing-over.(36)

VIII. The Emptiness of Self and the Existence of Dharma

問。此宗明幾空乎。
答。唯明生空、不談法

Tou: Kono shū wa ikubaku no kū wo akasu
ya.

空。言 生 空 者 即 遣 我 執 。

Kotau: Tada shōkū wo akashi te, hokkū wodanze zu. Shōkū to iu wa sunawachi gashū wo五蘊之中、無有人我。

yaru nari. Goun no naka, ninga aru koto nashi.

唯是五蘊和合聚成、假Tada kore goun no wagō shi ju jōzuru wo, kari ni

名爲人。無有實人。如nazuke te nin to nasu. Jitsunin aru koto nashi.

此觀故證我空理。然其Kaku no gotoku kanzuru ga yue ni gakū no ri wo

法體三世實有。由此義shōsuru nari. Shikaruni sono hottai wa sanze ni

故、他宗名爲我空法有

jitsu u nari. Kono gi ni yoru ga yue ni, tashū wa

宗也。

nazuke te gakūhōushū to nasu nari.

Question: How many [ideas of] emptiness does this tradition clarify?
Answer: It clarifies only the emptiness of sentient beings; it does not discuss the emptiness ofdharmas. The emptiness of sentient beings means to discard the attachment to “self.” Among the fiveaggregates, there is no “self”(37) of person. It is simply that the five aggregates unite and build up acomplex, which is provisionally termed as a person. There is no real person. Such observation leads
to the manifestation of the truth that “self” is empty, whereas the essence of dharmas of these [fiveaggregates] really exist in the three times. Because of this doctrine, [people in] other traditions nameit the “self-emptiness and dharma-existence” tradition.

Translation Note

71

Journal of World Buddhist Cultures❖ 2016.11 ❖～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

Nohnin first translated the Chinese text into Japanese and Onishi translated it into English. Thistranslation then was thoroughly reviewed at weekly meetings of the Ryukoku University Translation
Center (Ryusei Takeda, chairman 2005-2009, and Dennis Hirota, chairman 2009-present). Ourtranslation and annotation here reflect the discussions with the translation committee’s members in
the meetings.
(Masaaki Nohnin, December, 2009)This translation and annotation was once published on 2009 in the Bulletin of Research Institutefor Buddhist Culture Ryukoku University, no.48. We revised it, and produced the “revised edition”
for the inaugural preparatory issue of the Journal of World Buddhist Cultures on 2016. In the processof revision, we first corrected typographical errors remaining in the old edition, and changed thelayout: we also reconsidered the interpretation and terminology. In addition, Takahiko Kameyama,
visiting researcher of the Research Institute for Buddhist Culture of the Ryukoku University, helped
our work of revision.
(Masaaki Nohnin, September, 2016)
References
Kuroda, Shintō 黒田真洞. Hyōchū hasshūkōyō 標註八宗綱要, Kyoto: Nishimura Kuroemon,
1888.
Oda, Tokunō 織田得能. Hasshūkōyō kōgi 八宗綱要講義, Tokyo: Koyukan, 1897.
Tomii, Ryūshin 富井隆信. Hasshūkōyō kōgi 八宗綱要講義, Kyoto: Kōkyō shoin, 1924.
Hirakawa, Akira 平川彰. Hasshūkōyō 八宗綱要, Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 1980.
Kamata, Shigeo 鎌田茂雄. Hasshūkōyō 八宗綱要, Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1981.
Pruden, Leo M. The Essentials of the Eight Traditions by Gyōnen, Berkeley, Calif.: Numata Center
for Buddhist Translation and Research, 1994.

(1)

Abidatsumakusharon 阿毘達磨倶舍論 (Skt. abhidharmakośabhāṣya; Jpn. abidatsumakusharon).
There are two Chinese translations. One is 阿毘達磨倶舍論 (T1558 玄奘譯); the other is 阿毘達磨倶舍釋論 (T1559 眞諦譯, Jpn. abitatsumakushashakuron). There is a French translation of theformer by de la Vallée Poussin: L'Abhidharmakośa de Vasubandhu, traduit et annoté par Louis de laValléePoussin,

Paris:Paul

Geuthner,

1923-1926.

Itistranslated

into

English:Abhidharmakośabhāṣyam by Louis de la Vallée Poussin, English translation by Leo M. Pruden,
Berkeley, Calif.: Asian Humanities Press, 1988-1990. The Sanskrit text of this work is also published:72

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

Abhidharma-koshabhāṣya of Vasubandhu, edited by P. Pradhan, Patna: K. P. Jayaswal ResearchInstitute, 1967.
(2)

Gyōnen’s following interpretation of the word, abi datsuma kusha ron, is based on 倶舍論頌疏 (Jpn.
kusharonjusho, T1823:41, 815c8-816a1). See the Appendix 1. (p.79-85)(3)inclusion 包含 (Jpn. hōgon).
In this case, “facing the dharma” 對法 (Jpn. taihō) means the Hotchiron 發智論 and the six
discourses (Cf. II-1, 1). The Kusharon is considered to be a storehouse 藏 (Jpn. zō) that includes
the essence of these discourses as “facing the dharma.” Since “facing the dharma” and “storehouse”
have genitive case relationship, the word “storehouse of facing the dharma” 對法藏 (Jpn. taihōzō,
Skt. abhidharmakośa) is regarded as a tatpuruṣa compound (依主釋 Jpn. eshushaku), namely acase-determined compound.

(4)

dependence 所依 (Jpn. shoe).
In this case, too, “facing the dharma” 對法 (Jpn. taihō) means the Hotchiron 發智論 and the six
discourses (Cf. II-1, 1). However, these discourses are considered to be a storehouse 藏(Jpn. zō) in
the sense that the Kusharon is dependent on them. These discourses are “facing the dharma” as well as“storehouse.” The Kusharon is that which is dependent on them; namely, it is that which possesses
these discourses as the “storehouse of facing the dharma.” Thus, the word “storehouse of facing thedharma” 對法藏 (Jpn. taihōzō, Skt. abhidharmakośa) is regarded as a bahuvrīhi compound (有財釋 Jpn. uzaishaku), namely a possessive compound, which, as an adjective, refers to something thatpossesses what is denoted by the first and second components of the compound.

(5)

Vasubandhu 世親 (Jpn. seshin).
The years of his birth and death have been much debated. We can only assume that he was active
sometime in the fourth or fifth century CE. Cf. Index to the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, Part One, Tokyo:Daizō shuppan, 1973, pp. II-X.

(6)twenty schools 二十部 (Jpn. nijūbu).
According to 異部宗輪論 (Jpn. ibushūrinron, T2031:49, 15a17-15b24), the Buddhist order was first
split into Mahāsaṅghika 大衆部 (Jpn. daishubu) and Sthaviravāda 上座部 (Jpn. jōzabu). The
Mahāsaṅghika was further split into nine schools (including the Mahāsaṅghika) and the Sthaviravāda
into eleven schools (not including the Sthaviravāda). The “twenty schools” refer to the sum of thenine and eleven schools. In the chapter on Buddhist history of Hasshūkōyō, we find “twenty schools.”
In the chapter on the Ritsu tradition, however, we find both “twenty schools” and “eighteen schools.”
The Sarvāstivāda 説一切有部 (Jpn. setsuissaiubu) is one of the schools originated from the
Sthaviravāda. The Sautrāntika 經量部 (Jpn. kyōryōbu) is split from the Sarvāstivāda. Cf. Akira
Hirakawa, Indobukkyōshi インド仏教史, vol.1, Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1974, pp. 150-153.

73

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

For the recent discussions on the schisms of Buddhist order, see Shizuka Sasaki, Indobukkyō hen’iron
インド仏教変移論, Tokyo: Daizō shuppan, 2000 .
(7)

Basha 婆沙 (Jpn. basha).
An abbreviation of 阿 毘 達 磨 大 毘 婆 沙 論(Skt. *Abhidharmamahāvibhāṣā-śāstra, Jpn.

abidatsumadaibibasharon, T1545).
(8)

Hotchi[ron] and the “six legs” 發智六足 (Jpn. hotchi rokusoku).
A traditional way of calling a group of seven discourses of Sarvāstivāda: 阿毘達磨發智論 (Skt.
*Abhidharmajñānaprasthāna-śāstra, Jpn. abidatstumahotchiron, T1544) and the discourses of the“six legs,” namely, 阿 毘 達 磨 集 異 門 足 論 (Skt. *Abhidharmasaṅgītiparyāyapāda-śāstra, Jpn.
abidatsumajūimonsokuron,

T1536),

阿

毘

達

磨

法

蘊

足

論

(Skt.

*Abhidharmadharmaskandhapāda-śāstra, Jpn. abidatsumahōunsokuron, T1537), 施 設 論 (Skt.
*Prajñapti-śāstra,

Jpn.

sesetsuron,

T1538),阿 毘 達 磨 識 身 足 論(Skt.

*Abhidharmavijñānakāyapāda-śāstra, Jpn. abidatsumashikishinsokuron, T1539), 阿毘達磨界身足論 (Skt. *Abhidharmadhātukāyapāda-śāstra, Jpn. abidatsumakaishinsokuron, T1540), 阿毘達磨品
類足論 (Skt. *Abhidharmaprakaraṇapāda-śāstra, Jpn. abidatsumahonruisokuron, T1542).
(9)

The following description, from page 55 to page 60 (II-2, 3), is also based on 倶舍論頌疏 (Jpn.
kusharonjusho). See the Appendix 1 (pp.79-81). For the description up to page 58 (II-2), we findsimilar accounts in 大唐西域記 (Jpn. daitōsaiikiki, T2087:51, 886b22-887a15) and in 大慈恩寺法師傳 (Jpn. daijionjihosshiden, T2053:50, 231b-c).

(10)

For the simile of “fracturing a gold staff,” see 南海寄帰内法傳 (Jpn. nankaikikinaihōden, T2125:54,
205c6-8).

(11)other school 他部 (Jpn. tabu).
It refers to the Sarvāstivāda school.

(12)

Skandhila 悟入 (Jpn. gonyū).
Skandhila is a standard restored Sanskrit form of 悟入, but we think that this restoration is notconvincing enough. We suggest that it should be restored to skandila derived from the verb “skand”
which means “drop” or “fall down.” In the Kusharon, the Sanskrit phrase na praskandati is translated
into 不悟入 (Jpn. gonyū se zu). The verb “praskand” means “leap forth or out or up or down,” “fallinto” or “fall upon.”(13)

own country 本國 (Jpn. hongoku).
We think that it means Puruṣapura of Gandhāra since the word 本國 usually refers to one’s birthplace.
Both 婆藪槃豆法師傳 (Jpn. basobanzuhosshiden) and 大唐西域記 (Jpn. daitōsaiikiki) say that
Vasubandhu was born in Puruṣapura of Northern India (北天竺富婁沙富羅國 Jpn. hokutenjiku
furushafurakoku) or Puruṣapura of Gandhāra ( 健 馱 邏 國 … 布 路 沙 布 邏 Jpn. kendarakoku
furoshafura). 婆藪槃豆法師傳, however, says that he composed the Kusharon in Ayodhyā (阿緰闍74Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

國 Jpn. ayujakoku), while 大唐西域記 says that he composed it also in Puruṣapura of Gandhāra. Cf.
婆藪槃豆法師傳 (T2049:50, 189b24-190a1), 大唐西域記 (T2087:51, 879b23-24).
(14)

fragrant elephant 香象 (Skt. gandhahastin, Jpn. kōzō).
In the Kusharon, it refers to an elephant in the mating season, which has fragrant secretion on thetemple. In this case, however, we consider it as an elephant which is beautifully ornamented, andperhaps perfumed, so that it attracts people’s attention, just as an elephant in the mating season attracts
other elephants’ attention.

(15)

eight thousand verses 八千頌 (Jpn. hassen ju).
In Sanskrit prosody, a standard verse (śloka) consists of four quarters, each of which has eightsyllables; namely, a verse has thirty-two syllables. Although commentaries are usually written not inverse but in prose, the commentary is here said to be “eight thousand verses” in order to indicate its
length. Namely, the length of this commentary is equivalent to eight thousand verses, or two hundredand fifty-six thousand syllables.

(16)

Kushabakuron 倶舍雹論 (Jpn. kushabakuron).
This title means a discourse that refutes the Kusharon. 雹 (Jpn. baku) means a hailstone. Metaphor
is that, just as hailstones break plants, this discourse breaks the Kusharon. Cf. 三論玄疏文義要 (Jpn.
sanrongenshomongiyō, T2299:70, 223a4-5).

(17)

China 東夏 (Jpn. tōka).
The character 夏 means “vigorous,” “powerful,” and “great,” and it was used by the Chinese people
to refer to their own country. Cf. 大乘起信論 (Jpn. daijōkishinron, T1666:32, 575a6-b5).

(18)

Paramārtha 眞諦 (Jpn. shindai, 499-569).
He came from Ujjayinī in the Avanti region of Western India. He is said to be one of the “four greattranslators” in Chinese Buddhist history. After traveling throughout India, he had been staying inFunan 扶南國 (Jpn. funankoku, present day Cambodia). In 546, in response to the invitation of theemperor Wu of Liang 梁武帝 (Jpn. ryō no butei) of the southern court, he came to Jiankang 建康(Jpn. kenkō). Cf. Digital Dictionary of Buddhism (http://www.buddhism-dict.net/ddb/), q.v.
For more detailed accounts of his life, see 續高僧傳 (Jpn. zokukōsōden, T2060:50, 429c6 ff.). In 續
高僧傳, however, we find no reference to his translation of the Kusharon, for which one should see
the introduction 序 (Jpn. jo) of 阿毘達磨倶舍釋論 (Jpn. abidatsumakushashakuron, T1558:29,
161a4 ff.).

(19)

Xuangzang

玄奘 (Jpn. genjō,. 602-664).

He had doubts as to the understanding of Vijñānavāda’s doctrines by Shōron school 攝論宗, which
was grounded on Paramārtha’s translations and interpretations of the Vijñānavāda’s texts. He went to
India to resolve these doubts. According to 開元釋教録 (Jpn. kaigenshakkyōroku, T2154), hebrought back and translated seventy-five works in one thousand and three hundred and thirty-fivescrolls, which cover both Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna texts. He translated the Kusharon from the second75❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

through the fifth year of Yonghui 永徽 (Jpn. eiki, 650-655) and this translation of the Kusharon
became the authoritative text of the Kusha tradition. On the other hand, his translation of the
Vijñānavāda’s texts later formed the Hossō tradition. Standard materials of the life of Xuanzang are as
follows:
1『大唐大慈恩寺三藏法師傳』(Jpn. daitōdaijionjisanzōhosshiden) T2053
2『續高僧傳』(Jpn. zokukōsōden) T2060:50, 446c-458c.
3『開元釋教録』(Jpn. kaigenshakkyōroku) T2154:55, 555b-561c.
4『大唐故三藏玄奘法師行状』(Jpn. daitōkosanzōgenjōhosshigyōjō) T2052(20)

Bian xue 遍學 (Jpn. hengaku).
Xuanzang’s title given by Gaozong of Tang 唐高宗 (Jpn. tō no kōsō). Source unidentified. Cf.
Hirakawa, Hasshūkoyō, p. 155.

(21)

even a little 頗 (Jpn. sukoburu).
This character is traditionally read as “moshiwa,” but we read it as “sukoburu” to take the character tomean “even a little.” The reason is that, first, we do not find the reading “moshiwa” in 日本国語大辞
典 (Jpn. nihonkokugodaijiten) and, second, the context here suggests the meaning “even a little,”rather than “or,” a standard meaning of “moshiwa.”(22)

The doctrine and logic of Kashmir [Sarvāstivāda] is coherent, and depending mostly on this, I interpret
Facing the Dharma. 迦濕彌羅義理成、我多依彼釋對法 (Jpn. Kashimira no gi ri jōzu, ware ōkukare ni yori te Taihō wo shakusu).
This is a direct quotation of the first half of the fortieth verse of the eighth chapter of the Kusharon(T1558:29, 152b11).

(23)

It is because the [doctrine] expounded in the Sautrāntika school is not illogical. 經部所説不違理故(Jpn. Kyōbu no shosetsu wa ri ni tagawa zaru ga yue ni).
This is not a direct quotation from the Kusharon. But we find many similar expressions in it, such as
如經部師所説爲善 (Jpn. kyōbushi no toku tokoro no gotoki wa yoshi to nasu, T1558:29, 23c2). The
exactly same expression is found in 倶舍論頌疏 (T1823:41, 815b16). See the Appendix 1 (p.82).

(24)

explicit and implicit intentions 顯密意趣 (Jpn. kenmitsu no ishu).
While Vasubandhu expounds the Sarvāstivāda doctrines in the verses of the Kusharon, he expresses
critical views of them from the Sautrāntika position in his commentary on the verses. This
Vasubandhu’s position consisting of different doctrines of the two schools is interpreted here as having“explicit and implicit intentions.”(25)[Dharmas of] the three times really exist, and the essence of a dharma always exists. 三世實有、法體
恒有 (Jpn. sanze jitsuu, hottai gōu).
Gyōnen is probably the first scholar-monk who summarized the doctrine of the Kusharon in these twophrases with eight characters. Cf. Katō Hiromichi, “Sanze jitsuu hottai gōu no koshō no okori 三世実

76Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

有法体恒有の呼称のおこり,” Indogakubukkyōgakukenkyū 印度學佛教學研究, 43(22-1) (1973),
pp.343-346.
(26)

modes 類 (Jpn. rui).
“Mode” means the mode of things (Skt. bhāva). For example, when one melts a gold vessel andmakes something else, such as a buddha statue, both the vessel and the statue are made of gold but themodes of things, being a vessel or a statue, are different. In the same way, Dharmatrāta says, dharmasof the three times are different. Cf. 阿毘達磨倶舍論 (T1558:29, 104c2-8)(27)

features 相 (Jpn. sō).
“Feature” means the feature of things (Skt. lakṣaṇa). For examle, when a man with many wives isinclined to one of them, his mind is not separated from the other wives. In the same way, Ghoṣaka
says, a dharma of the present has the feature of the present but it is not separated from the features ofpast and future. Cf. 阿毘達磨倶舍論 (T1558:29, 104c8-13)(28)stages 位 (Skt. avasthā, Jpn. i).
For example, when a stick for counting is put in the position of one, it signifies one. When it is in thatof ten, it signifies ten. In the same way, Vasumitra says, when a dharma is put in the stage of present, it
is a dharma of the present. When it is in that of past, it is a dharma of the past. Cf. 阿毘達磨倶舍論.
(T1558:29, 104c13-17)(29)

mutual relationships 待 (Skt. apekṣā, Jpn. tai).
For example, a woman is a daughter in her relationship to her mother, but she is a mother in her
relationship to her daughter. In the same way, Buddhadeva says, a dharma is a dharma of the present
in its relationship to a dharma of the past, but it is a dharma of the past in its relationship to a dharmaof the future. Cf. 阿毘達磨倶舍論. (T1558:29, 104c17-19)(30)

This Kusharon is, [as is] already [discussed], facing the dharma. That is, this discourse is the[abhidharma] treasury (piṭaka). 此倶舍論既是對法。故此論藏。(Jpn. Kono kusharon wa sudeni koretaihō nari. Yue ni kono ron zō nari.)
Separated from the preceding sentences, the last two sentences seem odd in this context. If weconsider the structure of this chapter in reference to that of 倶舍論頌疏 (Jpn. kusharonjusho),however, it is clear that in these sentences Gyōnen states that the Kusharon is included in theabhidharma treasury. See the Appendix 1. (p.82-83)(31)

summary verse 略頌 (Jpn. ryakuju).
The Kusharon does not enumerate the eight dharmas of indeterminate field. (Cf. T1558:29, 20a21-22:
復有此餘不定心所。惡作睡眠尋伺等法。 ) It is Puguang that lists in his 倶舍論記 (Jpn.
kusharongi) the same eight dharmas as those in Hasshūkōyō 八宗綱要. (Cf. T1821:41, 78b13-16:
如是已説至尋伺等法者。此即總結顯餘不定。不入五地名爲不定。不定所依名不定地。不定地
家法名不定地法等者等取貪瞋慢疑。) Yaśomitra also mentions, as Vasumitra’s view, the same eight77❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

dharmas. Cf. Sphuṭārthā abhidharmakośa-vyākyyā by Yaśomitra, edited by Unrai Wogihara, Tokyo:
Sankibo Buddhist Book Store, 1971, p. 132.
We find exactly the same verse in 秘密曼荼羅十住心論 (Jpn. himitsumandarajūjūshinron) of 空海(Jpn. kūkai), which Gyōnen may have consulted. (Cf. T2425:77, 330b26 ff.) But it is more probablethat both Kūkai and Gyōnen had quoted this verse from the same source that we cannot yet identified.
Cf. Hirakawa, Hasshūkōyō, p. 178.
(32)

means 方便 (Jpn. hōben).
“Means” refers to a set of preliminary practices for entering the stages of the holy, which is divided
into seven stages. The seven stages consist of the three worthies (三賢 Jpn. sangen) and the four
good roots (四善根 Jpn. shizengon). Cf. Index to the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, Part One, Tokyo:Daizō shuppan, 1973, pp. XXXIX-XXXX.

(33)

four grades 四級 (Jpn. shikyū).
They mean the four fruits, which are coupled with the four approaches, of the Voice-hearers path: thefruit of stream-enterer (預流果 Jpn. yoruka), that of once-returner (一來果 Jpn. ichiraika), that of
non-returner (不還果 Jpn. fugenka) and that of arhat (阿羅漢果 Jpn. arakanka).

(34)

one approach-and-fruit 一向果 (Jpn. ikkōka).
This means the approach and fruit of arhat.

(35)

conditions for [buddhas’] transforming acts 化縁 (Jpn. keen).
This term means the condition that there are sentient beings as the target of buddhas’ transforming
acts.

(36)

Voice-hearers contemplate on the four truths, those Awakened [by contemplations on] Dependent[arising] contemplate on the twelve links of causation, and Bodhisattvas perform the six practices ofcrossing-over. 聲聞觀四諦、縁覺觀十二因縁、菩薩修六度。(Jpn. shōmon wa shitai wo kanji,
engaku wa jūniinnen wo kanji, bosatsu wa rokudo wo shusuru nari.)
Neither the Basharon nor the Kusharon refers to the idea that “those Awakened [by contemplationson] Dependent [arising] contemplate on the twelve links of causation.” But we find it, with the set ofpractices of Voice-hearers and of Bodhisattvas, in 妙法蓮華經 (Skt. saddharmapuṇḍarīka-sūtra, Jpn.
myōhōrengekyō). Cf. T262:9, 50c3 ff.

(37)

self 我 (Jpn. ga).
In Buddhism, no-self theory is established, which denies the existence of the self that continues toexist eternally, exists independent of any other things, possesses other things as the subject, andcontrols all other things. Cf. Bukkyōgakujiten 佛教學辞典, Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1970, q.v.

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Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

Appendix 1

A Collation of the Kusharonjusho and
the Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of the Hasshūkōyō(A Description of the Eight Traditions)『倶舍論頌疏』『八宗綱要』「倶舍宗」

六門分別
第一明論縁起。二釋論宗旨。三明藏所
攝。
四翻譯不同。五略解品題。六廣釋文義I.
初明論縁起者有二。一明本縁起。二明別
造意。
I. 1.
本縁起者。自迦葉遁形於鷄足。末田乞地
於龍宮。雖大義少乖。而微言尚有。洎乎
尊者鞠多。道不繼於三聖。摩訶提婆。亂
眞言於五縁。二部分宗。諍興於摩掲提國。五百羅漢。飛來於迦濕彌羅。一切有宗興茲國矣。

II-2.

佛涅槃後。四百年初。健馱羅國。有王名

如來滅後四百年初、迦濕彌羅國有國王、迦膩色迦。其王敬信尊重佛經。味道忘

名迦膩色迦。其王敬信尊重佛經。

疲。傳燈是務。
有日請僧入宮供養。王因問道。僧説莫有日請僧入宮供養。王因問道、僧説不同。王甚怪焉問脇尊者曰。佛教同源。理同。王甚怪焉。問脇尊者曰、佛教同源、無異趣。諸徳宣唱。奚有異乎。

理無異趣、諸徳宣唱、奚有異乎。

尊者答曰。自五夢不祥。雙林現滅。百有尊者答曰、何説皆正。隨修得果也。佛既餘載。諸部肇興。雖復萬途。津梁一揆。

懸記、如折金杖。

是故大聖。喩折金杖。況以爭衣。爭衣則
衣終不破。斫金則金體無殊。是故依之修行。無不皆成聖果王聞此語。因爲問

王聞此語、因爲問曰、諸部立範、孰最善

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曰。諸部立範孰最善乎。我欲修行。願尊乎。我欲修行。願尊者説。尊者答曰、諸者説。尊者答曰。諸部懿典。莫越有宗。

部之中、莫越有宗。王欲修行、宜遵此矣。

王欲修行。宜遵此矣 王曰。向承嘉旨。

王即歓喜、令結此部三藏法門。有徳諸僧、示以有宗。此部三藏。今應結集。須召有

四方雲集。

徳。共詳議之。於是萬里星馳。四方雲集。
英賢
畢萃。凡聖極衆。既多煩亂。不可總集爲

凡聖極多、不可煩亂、遂簡凡僧、唯留聖

遂簡凡僧。唯留聖衆。聖衆尚繁。簡去有僧。聖僧尚繁。簡去有學、唯留無學。無學。唯留無學。無學復多。不可總集。於學復多、不可總集。於無學内、定滿六通、無學内。定滿六通。智圓四辯。内閑三藏。

智圓四辯、内閑三藏、外達五明、方堪結

外達五明。方堪結集。故以簡留。所簡聖集。所留徳聖、唯有四百九十九人。

衆。四百九十有九。王曰。此國暑濕。不堪結集。應往王舍城中。迦葉結集之處。
不亦宜乎。脇尊者曰。王舍城中。多諸外道。酬答無暇。何功造論。迦濕彌羅國。
林木欝茂。泉石清閑。聖賢所居。靈仙遊
止。復山有四面。
(…)
四生攸頼。一何爲此小縁。而欲捨斯大事。
於是聖衆。聞此空言。頂禮世友。推爲上

遂以世友尊者足成五百人矣。即以世友尊座。

者推爲上座。

於是五百聖衆。初集十萬頌。釋素怛纜

於是五百聖衆、初集十萬頌釋咀怛覽藏、

藏。次造十萬頌。釋毘奈耶藏。後造十萬

次造十萬頌釋毘奈耶藏、後造十萬頌釋阿頌。釋阿毘達磨藏。即大毘婆沙是也。

毘達磨藏、即大毘婆沙是也。

世友商確。馬鳴採翰。備釋三藏。懸諸千古。法雲重。布於遐方。佛日再暉於沙界。
傳燈之盛。斯之謂焉。五百羅漢。既結集五百羅漢既結集已、刻石立誓唯聽自國不已。刻石立誓。唯聽自國。不許外方。勅許外國。方勅夜叉神、守護城門、不令散藥叉神。守護城門。不令散出。

出。
II-3.

然世親尊者。舊習有宗。後學經部。將爲

然世親尊者舊習有宗、後學經部將爲當當理。於有宗義。懷取捨心。欲定是非。

理。於有宗義懷取捨心、欲定是非濳名重

恐畏彼師情懷忌憚。潜名重往。時經四

往。時經四歳。屢以自宗頻破他部。

載。屡以自宗。頻破他部。

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Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

時有羅漢。被詰莫通。即衆賢師。悟入是

悟入尊者被詰莫通。尊者入定知是世親、也。悟入怪異。遂入定觀知是世親。私告私告之曰、此部衆中未離欲者、知長老之曰。此部衆中。未離欲者。知長老破。

破、必相致害。長老可速歸還本國。

必相致害。長老可速歸還本國。
于時世親至本國已。講毘婆沙。若一日講

于時世親至本國已、講毘婆沙。若一日講

便造一偈。攝一日中所講之義。刻赤銅

便造一偈。攝一日中所講之義、刻赤銅葉葉。書寫此偈。如是次第。成六百頌。攝

書寫此偈。如此次第成六百頌、攝大毘婆大婆沙。其義周盡。

沙其義周盡。

標頌香象。撃鼓宣令云。誰能破者。吾當標頌香象撃鼓宣令、誰能破者、吾當謝謝之。竟無一人能破斯偈。將此偈頌。使之。竟無一人破斯偈頌。將此偈頌、使人人齎往迦濕彌羅。

齎往迦濕彌羅國。

時彼國王。及諸僧衆。聞皆歡喜。嚴幢幢

時彼國王及諸僧衆、聞皆歡喜謂弘己宗。

蓋。出境來迎。標頌香象。至國尋讀。謂悟入知非、告怪諸人。遂請造釋。世親論弘己宗。悟入知非。告衆人曰。此頌非是主即應王請、爲釋本文凡八千頌。後見彼

專弘我宗。頌置傳説之言。似相調耳。如釋、果如悟入羅漢所言。

其不信。請釋即知

於是國王。及諸僧衆。發使往請。奉百斤金。以申敬請。論
主受請。爲釋本文。凡八千頌。寄往果如
悟入所言。此是第一明本縁起也。
I. 2.

(no collation)

II.

IV-2.

第二明論宗旨者。自教迹區分。部成十問。此論以何爲其宗旨。

八。所立宗旨。固非一家。如一説部大衆答。既述有宗。故説一切諸法實有、以爲

部･鷄胤部･説出世部。此四奉宗。一切諸其宗。若密言之、非無經部義。今約顯意、法。無非是假。但有言説 若經部宗。立唯是有宗。三世實有、法體恒有、總是此

一切法。少分實有。多分是假 若薩婆多

宗所説義也。然説三世實有、諸説不同。

宗。一切有法。爲所奉宗。計有不同。總

即有四説。

有四説。一類。二相。三位。四待。言類者。
尊者法救。作如是説。由類不同。三世有一法救尊者云、由類不同三世有異。

異。謂從未來。至現在時。捨未來類。得81

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現在類。若從現在。流至過去。捨現在類。
得過去類。但類不同。非體有異。如破金
器作餘物時。形雖有殊金色無異。言相者。
尊者妙音。説相不同。三世有異。謂法在

二妙音尊者云、由相不同三世有異。

過去。正與過去相。合而不名爲離現未相。以過去相顯但名過去也。現在正與現在相。合而不名爲離過未相。未來正與未來相。合而不名爲離過現相。隨顯得名。
准過去説。言位者。尊者世友。説位不同。

三世友尊者云、由位不同三世有異。

三世有異。未作用位。名爲未來。正作用位。名爲現在。作用謝位。名爲過去。至位位中。作異異説。如運一籌置在一位名一。置百位名百。置千位名千。歴位有別。
籌體無異。言待者。尊者覺天説待不同。

四覚天尊者云、由待不同三世有異。

三世有異。待謂觀待。前觀於後。名爲過去。後觀於前。名爲未來。觀待前後。名爲現在。如一女人。名女名母。觀母名女。
觀女名母。論主評云。法救執法有轉變故。應置數論外道朋中。以數論宗。執法有轉變故也。妙音所立。世相雜亂。三世
皆有三世相故。覺天所立。世還雜亂。一世法中。應有三世。謂過去世。有多刹那。
前後刹那。應名去來。中名現在。未來現在。類亦應然。故此四中。第三世友。立

今世親論主、竝評此四家、世友尊者以爲

世最善。依經部宗。過未無體。唯現世有。

最善。若經部宗、過未無體、唯現是有。
IV-1.

今詳世親著論宗旨。有其兩種。一者顯

問。此宗唯述有宗歟、頗有兼餘乎。

宗。即一切有。故下文云迦濕彌羅議理答。此論正述有宗。故所立義本薩婆多而成。我多依彼釋對法。既言依彼釋對法製造之。然時朋彼經部之義。故論文云、藏。故知此論。有部爲宗。二者密宗。所迦濕彌羅義理成、我多依彼釋對法已上。

謂經部。故下文云。經部所説。不違理故。

又云、經部所説不違理故此一部論。多將經部。破薩婆多。故知世

宗顯密意趣、依此等文其義可知。

親。密意所許。經部爲宗。此上不同。第二明宗旨竟。

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The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions

III.

IV-2.

第三明藏所攝者。藏有三種。一素怛纜此倶舍論既是對法。故此論藏。

❖Translation❖

藏。此翻爲綖。或名爲經。正詮於定。二毘奈耶藏。此稱調伏。正詮於戒。三阿毘達磨藏。此言對法。正詮於慧。於此三中。
此論即是阿毘達磨藏攝問爲唯一藏攝。亦通餘二。答順正理第一云。諸有素怛覽。及毘奈耶所有窮理問答。皆是此中
阿毘達磨藏攝。
IV.

III.

第四明翻譯不同者。此論翻譯。總有兩問。此論興起、既九百年時。其傳東夏是時。初即陳朝。後居唐代。陳朝三藏眞諦

何時耶。

法師有於嶺南。譯成二十二卷。大唐三答。此論翻時即有二代。初陳朝眞諦三藏。永徽年中。於慈恩寺。譯成三十卷。

藏、譯成二十卷。即自作疏有五十卷、亡翻譯不同。非無所以。由前譯主未善方

逸不傳。後唐朝玄奘三藏、永徽年中、於言。致使論文義在差舛。至如無爲是因

慈恩寺、譯成三十卷。今即此本也。

果。前譯言非。現法無非得。昔翻云有。
大唐三藏音善兩方。譯義無差。綴文不謬。由使懷疑之客。得白玉於青山。佇決
之賓。獲玄珠於赤水。由是此論。譯有兩
時。
V.

I.

第五略釋品題者。阿毘此云對。達磨此云

阿毘此云對、逹磨此云法、倶舍此云藏。

法。倶舍此云藏。謂無漏慧。名之爲對。

謂對法藏論也。

對有二義。一者對向。謂對向涅槃。二者

謂無漏慧等、名之爲對法。對有二義。一對觀。謂對觀四諦。法有二種。一勝義法。

者對向涅槃故、二者對觀四諦故。法有二謂是涅槃。二法相法。通四聖諦。釋法名

義。一勝義法、謂是涅槃也。二法相法、者。一則軌生物解。二乃能持自性。故名通四聖諦。謂無漏慧、對向對觀涅槃四諦爲法 言對法者。謂無漏慧。名之爲對。

故。

四諦涅槃。名之爲法。此無漏慧。名對法者。法之對故。名爲對法。是依主釋。依光法師對與法倶通能所。下文當釋 藏有藏有二義。一者包含、二者所依。包含義

二義。一者包含。二者所依。言包含者。

者、此論包含發智論等諸勝義言。故名爲

83❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures猶如籄篋。此論包含發智論等諸勝義言。

～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

藏。對法之藏、依主釋也。

故名爲藏。發智論等名爲對法。倶舍名
藏。而非對法。然今此論。名對法藏者。
對法之藏故。名對法藏。依主釋也

言所依所依義者、此論依彼發智論等而造故爾。

者。正理釋云。藏或所依。猶如刀藏。引
彼義言。造此論故。以對法藏。名對法藏。
光法師釋云。鞘名刀藏。刀所依故。言刀名藏。取鞘藏名。以有藏故。名爲刀藏 彼發智等。是此所依。所以然者。謂引彼義言。造此論故 彼發智等。名爲對法。此論所依故。亦即是藏 今倶舍論。名對法藏者。全取本論對法藏名。有對法藏故。

全取本論對法藏名。有對法藏。故名對法名對法藏。是有財釋。寶法師云。藏或所藏。此有財釋。

依。猶如刀藏。此正理文。但釋藏義。未辨有財。正理下文。以對法藏故名對法藏。此文方釋有財。光法師説刀名藏。作有財釋。謬之甚矣。釋對法藏中。無持業釋者。謂世親論主。不欲自取其功。推能
於本故也。
VI.
第六廣釋文義者。就中有二。一別釋品
名。二依文正解

就別釋品名。復分爲二。一正釋品名。二明品先後。
VI. 1.
VI. 1. 1.
言正釋品名者。
族義持義性義名界。此品廣明。故名分別。問此品亦明蘊處。何故以界標名。答此品廣。以二十二門。分別十八界故。以界標名。蘊處不爾。故不標也。
VI. 1. 2.

V.

二明品先後者。

問。此論總明何等義乎。

此頌上下。總有八品。一界品。二根品。

答。此論三十卷總有九品。一界品二根品

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Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions❖Translation❖

三世間品。四業品。五隨眠品。六賢聖品。

三世間品四業品五隨眠品六賢聖品七智七智品。八定品。破我一品。無別正頌。

品八定品九破我品。略頌云、界二根五世

故此不論。

間五、業六隨三賢聖四、智二定二破我
一、是名倶舍三十卷。其破我品無別正頌、聚経中伽陀而已。

初二品總明有漏無漏。後六品別明有漏無此九品中、初之二品、總明有漏無漏。後漏。總是其本。所以先説。依總釋別。所之六品、別明有漏無漏。

以後説。就總明中。初界品。明諸法體。

就總明中、初界品明諸法體、次根品明諸

根品明諸法用。體是其本。所以先説。依法用、別明六中、初之三品別明有漏、後體起用。故次明根。就別明六品中。初三三品別明無漏。

品別明有漏。後三品別明無漏。有漏可厭。所以先説。厭已令欣無漏。所以後説。
就別明有漏中。世品明果。業品明因。隨

明有漏中、世品明果、業品明因、隨眠品

眠品明縁。果麁易厭。所以先明。果不孤明縁。

起。必藉於因。故次明業。因不孤起。必待於縁所以後明隨眠。
就別明無漏中。賢聖品明果。智品明因。

明無漏中、賢聖品明果、智品明因、定品

定品明縁。果相易欣。所以先説。果必藉明縁。其破我品明無我理。

因。故次明智。智必待縁。故後明定從此

一部三十卷、九品始終、所明義理分斉如

第二。

此。

（T1823: 42, 813c1-816b1）

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Journal of World Buddhist Cultures❖ 2016.11 ❖～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

Appendix 2

五位七五法（Five Groups and Seventy-five Dharmas）用語
漢語・英譯・梵語対照
Eng.

八宗綱要

Sk t.

I. 有 爲 法 7 2

the conditioned dharmas

I . 1 . 色 法 11

the dharmas of matterN o te s

根 (5)sense organ

indriya

眼, 耳, 鼻, 舌, 身境 (5)objectartha

色, 聲, 香, 味, 觸; 塵［眞諦］

無表色

unmanifest matter

avijñapti

無教色［眞諦］

citta

心I.2. 心 法 1
心王

the dharma of mind
mind-kingI.3. 心 所 有 法 46

the dharmas belonging to the mind

I.3.1. 大 地 法 (10)the dharmas of large field

受

Sensation

vedanā

想

ideationsaṃjñā

思

volition

cetanā

觸

contactsparśa欲desirechanda慧

discernment

prajñā

念

remembrance

smṛti

作意

attention

manasikāra

思惟［眞諦］

勝解

determination

adhimokṣa

相了［眞諦］

三摩地

concentration

samādhi

定［眞諦］

86

作意［眞諦］

般若［眞諦］

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions
I.3.2.大善地法(10)❖Translation❖

the dharmas of large wholesome fieldfaithśraddhā不放逸

non-negligenceapramāda

軽安

restful lightnesspraśrabdhi

捨equanimityupekṣā

慚

conscience

hrī

羞［眞諦］

愧

shame

apatrāpya

慚［眞諦］

二根

two roots

1) alobha
2) adveṣa

無貪［玄奘］, 無貪善根［眞諦］
無瞋［玄奘］, 無瞋善根［眞諦］

不害

non-harming

avihiṃsā

非逼惱［眞諦］

勤

diligencevīrya

精進［眞諦］

信

I.3.3.大煩惱地法(6)安［眞諦］

the dharmas of large field of defilement癡stupiditymoha

愚癡［玄奘］; avidyā 無明

逸negligencepramāda放逸

怠indolencekausīdya懈怠不信disbeliefāśraddhya

無信［眞諦］

惛depression

styāna惛沈［玄奘］, 無安［眞諦］

掉agitation

auddhatya掉擧［玄奘］

I.3.4.大不善地法(2)the dharmas of large unwholesome field

無慚

absence of conscienceāhrīkya無羞［眞諦］

無愧absence of shameanapatrāpya

無慚［眞諦］

I.3.5.小煩惱地法(10)the dharmas of small field of defilement忿hatredkrodha忿恨［眞諦］

覆

concealmentmrakṣa覆藏［眞諦］

慳stinginessmātsarya慳悋［眞諦］

嫉

jealousyīrṣyā嫉妬［眞諦］

惱affliction

pradāśa

不捨［眞諦］

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Journal of World Buddhist Cultures❖ 2016.11 ❖害

harmingvihiṃsā逼惱［眞諦］

恨

enmityupanāha結過［眞諦］

諂

deceitśāṭhya諂曲［眞諦］

誑

fraudulence

māyā

憍

vanitymada

I.3.6.不定地法(8)醉［眞諦］

the dharmas of indeterminate field尋

reflection

vitarka覺［眞諦］

伺investigation

vicāra觀［眞諦］

悔remorsekaukṛtya惡作眠torpormiddha

睡［眞諦］

貪

greed

rāga

欲［眞諦］

瞋

anger

pratigha慢

conceit

māna

疑

doubt

vicikitsāI.4. 不相應行法 14～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

猶豫[玄奘], 疑惑[眞諦]the conditioned dharmas not associated with the mind得acquisition

prāpti

至［眞諦］

非得

non-acquisition

aprāpti

非至［眞諦］

同分[class-]similarity

sabhāgatā

無想

non-consciousnessāsaṃjñika

無想有［眞諦］

二定

the two [kinds of ]absorption1) asaṃjñisamāpatti2) nirodhasamāpatti

1) 無想定2) 滅盡定［玄奘］, 滅心定［眞諦］

命

life

jīvitendriya命根相characteristic

1) jāti2) sthiti3) jarā4) anityatā

1) 生
2) 住
3) 異［玄奘］, 老［眞諦］
4) 滅［玄奘］, 無常［眞諦］

名身body of names

1) nāmakāya2) vyañjanakāya
3) padakāya1) 名聚［眞諦］
2) 句身［玄奘］, 句聚［眞諦］
3) 文身［玄奘］, 字聚［眞諦］

88

Masaaki Nohnin, Kaoru Onishi, Takahiko Kameyama

The Chapter on the Kusha Tradition of A Description of the Eight Traditions

II.無爲法 3❖Translation❖

the unconditioned dharmas

擇滅

extinction due todiscernment

pratisaṃkhyānirodha

非擇滅

extinction not due todiscernment

apratisaṃkhyānirodha

虚空

space

ākāśa

空［眞諦］

＊ 本文中に五位七十五法によって示されたアビダルマの体系を整理すると同時に、そのアビダルマの用語に対応する、Abhidharmakośabhāṣya の原語を対照して示した。また notes には、七十五法の漢訳語の見出し語と『阿毘逹磨倶舍論』の訳語が一致しない場合に［玄奘］あるいは［眞諦］の表記を付した漢訳語をあげた。ただし両者に共通する場合はその表記も付さなかった。

89Book Review

❖Book Review❖

Experimental Buddhism:
Innovation and Activism in Contemporary Japan,
by John K. Nelson
University of Hawaii Press (November 30, 2013)
Taisuke Karasawa（Postdoctoral Fellow, Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures）“Experimental Buddhism: Innovation and Activism in Contemporary Japan” won the 2014
Toshihide Numata Book Prize in Buddhism, one of the most prestigious awards given to the books
about Buddhism. The author Dr. John K. Nelson is a professor of the University of San Francisco,
whose areas of specialization are East Asian and Japanese religions, contemporary Buddhism,
cultural anthropology, globalization, secularism, and Asian studies. (See the final page of the book,“About the Author”.)
In this book, Dr. Nelson tries to clarify the complex relationships between the long-standing
traditions of Buddhism and the modern society in Japan. He also tries to present the new possibilities
of Buddhist monks’ activities. This book has two unique points: first, the author has carefully
investigated Japanese society in detail; second, he focuses on some unique attempts by contemporary
Japanese Buddhist monks.
In the chapter 1, the author gives us the overview of the huge impact of modern Japanese society
upon Buddhism. In Japan, the globalization and individualization have proceeded extremely rapidly
since the beginning of the modern era. And, needless to say, the society and religion are not able tobe separated. In this chapter, Dr. Nelson points out that “the Experimental Buddhism” in Japanemphasizes the importance of the interface between Buddhist traditions and modernity. Suchargument is very important in this book, and also considered to be its thoroughbass.
In the chapter 2, first, the history of Buddhism since the ancient time period in which Buddhism
was first introduced into Japan is well summarized. Second, the conflicts between Japanese
Buddhism and the movement and policy such as the “abolition of Buddhism and destruction of
Shakyamuni” and the “ordinance of distinguishing Shinto and Buddhism” are explained. And third,
the relationships between modern Buddhist temples, monks, and common people are discussed.
According to the author, today, 85% of all income of Japanese Buddhist temples are occupied by theceremonial occasions, mainly the funeral services. His research reveals that some Japanese people
seem to think that the future of Japanese Buddhism will not be bright. For example, in a certain
symposium, audience members said “Priests have little awareness of social problems” (p.47). On theother hand, a lot of Japanese Buddhist monks face various personal or professional problems. For
example, they frequently say “How can we teach children about the meaning of funerals?” (p.50) As

93

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

mentioned above, numerous concrete and vivid opinions of both ordinary people and monks makethis book really persuasive. At the end of the chapter, the author expresses his own opinions asfollows.
1, Public perceptions that temples are little more than places for funeral Buddhism (葬式仏教)
and that priests are aloof and money hungry should be countered more aggressively (p.67).
2, Leadership of national denominations should figure out how to get more people through thedoors of a temple (p.68).
3, Buddhist denominations should explore how to capitalize upon a very real public pride inJapan’s cultural heritage and the contributions Buddhism has made to society over the centuries(p.68).
4, People of all should know about Japan’s long Buddhist history and heritage can become morethan artifacts and stories of golden age never to return (p.69).
These opinions are correct. We should consider how ordinary people who are not a Buddhist
monk participate in the temple activities as well as how Buddhist monks engage in the public
activities.
In the chapter 3, Dr. Nelson introduce that some welfare activities which Japanese
Buddhist monks engage in. These activities are known as the “Engaged Buddhism”
recently. Originally, in Japan, Buddhist monks have played an important role in welfare
and charitable activities from the old days. Against these historical backgrounds, heintroduces the charitable work of the Buddhist NGO, Sōtō Volunteer Association (SVA), in the
Hanshin Awaji earthquake happened in 1995. Dr. Nelson also introduces the activity which themonks conduct in cooperation with NPO in order to tackle the serious suicide problem. Today, thesuicide rate has surpassed about 30,000 people each year in Japan. Thus, the above-mentioned
activity is worthy of special mention. In addition, Café de Monk also where the monks listen
carefully to the Higashi Nihon earthquake victims is introduced (p.101).
In the chapter 4, the author focuses on four Japanese Buddhist monks and attempts to explain “theExperimental Buddhism” more specifically. Rev. Akita Mitsuhiko (Ōtenin temple) works together
with NPOs in order to organize numerous symposia, concerts, performances, and lectures every year.
Thus, Ōtenin temple is called “event temple” (p.118). Rev. Takahashi Takushi (Matsumoto Jingūji
temple), the author of Tera yo! Kaware! (2009), conducts a lot of welfare activities and volunteers
not only in Japan, but also in foreign countries. For example, he works in New Guinea, Thailand,
and Chernobyl (pp.121-122). Rev. Hashimoto Junshin (Jūrin-in temple) opened “Everyone’s
Temple” in Nara in which there are no barriers of time, culture, or space, therefore people are able tohave direct conversation with priests (p.126). Rev. Kiyoshi Fumihiko (Zuikōji temple) opened“Vows Bar” (“vow” has some alliteration with the Japanese word bōzu which means a “monk”)

94Taisuke Karasawa

Experimental Buddhism: Innovation and Activism in Contemporary Japan❖Book Review❖

where everyone can talk freely and drink alcohol with monks (p.136). These four person’s activities
are greatly experimental, innovative, and practical, and they successfully correspond with thecomplex conditions of Japanese modern society. Each activity improves our common knowledge of
Buddhist monks and temples, and seems to cause a kind of paradigm shift for Japanese Buddhism(p.138).
In the chapter 5, the author attempts to answer the following question: how do Japanese economic
and technological progress and the globalization change the usual Buddhism or Buddhist services?
And new interments, memorial services for ancestors' souls, and pet memorials are introduced. In
addition, the temples which produce a wide variety of performances and those which expand theiroutreach activities in order to attract people are also introduced. Among them, the case of petmemorial is especially interesting, because we can know the attitudes toward the animals incontemporary Japanese Buddhism through it (pp.160-164).
In the chapter 6, continuing from the chapter 4, the activities of two monks are introduced. The
first is Rev. Miura Akari’s activities (Myōshinji temple). She sings a song and plays an acoustic
guitar in her sermon. Second, Rev. Kawakami Takafumi’s activities (Shunkōin temple) areintroduced. He attempts to connect yoga, meditation, and Rinzai Zen each other. After introducing
these activities, Dr. Nelson concludes this book as follows. “We do know, however, that despite ashrinking institutional presence for Buddhism in Japan, we can look forward to new types ofpractices and beliefs that engage rather than withdraw from the expansive complexities of thetwenty-first century and beyond (p.216).”
In addition to detailed hearing surveys, the author also researches the web sites of monks who are
introduced in this book. Therefore, Experimental Buddhism contains rich beneficial information not
only for western people but also for Japanese. He introduces some monks and their activities thateven Japanese people have never known. This book teaches us again that the recent activities ofJapanese monks are exceedingly innovative.
How will Japanese Buddhism change in the future? Of course, we shouldn’t consider it
optimistically. However, I expect for the front runners’ attempts which appropriately lead Japanese
Buddhism and society in the future.
Bibliographic information
Format: xxiv, 292 pages
Publisher: University of Hawaii Press
Publication Date: November 30, 2013
Language: English
ISBN-10: 082483898X
ISBN-13: 978-0824838980

95

❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

The Birth of Insight:
Meditation, Modern Buddhism & The Burmese Monk LEDI SAYADAW
by Erik Braun
The University of Chicago Press 2013
金澤 豊（Yutaka Kanazawa）
龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター 博士研究員（Postdoctoral Fellow, Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures）
エリック・ブラウン博士（オクラホマ大学教授）による The Birth of Insight（邦題『洞察の誕生：瞑想・現代仏教・ビルマ僧レーディ・サヤドー』）は、チベット仏教学者として高名なドナルド・ロペス博士（ミシガン大学教授）監修による「仏教と現代（Buddhism andModernity）」叢書の一冊として 2013 年に出版された。
ブラウン氏は、主に 20 世紀初頭にビルマで大衆の修行として発展した洞察の瞑想（Insight
Meditation, vipassanā）を研究対象としている。2014 年に沼田智秀仏教書籍最優秀賞を受賞
し 2015 年来日。東京と京都で講演し、洞察の瞑想がビルマだけでなく瞑想を実践する世界
中の人々の生き方に影響を与えつつあることを語った。（『世界仏教文化研究センター2015
年活動報告書』p.69）
瞑想自体は、仏教における重要な行法である。近年、テーラワーダ仏教を中心として一般の人々が瞑想に注目し、アメリカでは曹洞禅やチベット仏教のトレンドを巻き込んでマ
インドフルネス瞑想の運動へと展開している。2014 年に雑誌『TIME』で特集が組まれたことは、その顕著な例と言えるだろう。（2014 年 2 月 3 日号「The Mindful Revolution」）
さて、本書は 20 世紀のビルマにおいてアビダンマ文献（仏の教えを註釈整理した聖典）が大衆化したことを理解するために、19 世紀から 20 世紀にかけて活躍した仏教僧レーディ・
サヤドー（1846-1923）の人生を追って考察し、彼の功績をまとめている。また、今日のテーラワーダ仏教において重要な位置を占める「洞察の瞑想」が、ビルマを超えて西洋世界に広がっていくきっかけになった人物としてレーディ・サヤドーを位置づけるものである。
巻末には、詳細な註釈、先行研究、インデックスとともに、パーリ語とビルマ語の語彙集も収録されており理解の助けになる。
第 1 章は、19 世紀前半のビルマの状況とレーディの半生を記す章である。1846 年にマンダレーから約 100 キロの場所にあるモンユワ地区に生まれたレーディは、10 歳から近所の寺で学び始め 15 歳で出家、20 歳で正式な比丘となる。アビダンマの研究に優れた才能を発揮し、後にアビダンマの学びと大衆の瞑想とを結びつけることを可能にする素地が出来上がった。当時のコンバウン王朝のミンドン王が、仏教教学の振興を図っていたことは、彼にとっても幸運であった。ミンドン王は、1871 年に首都マンダレーで第五結集を実施した

96

Yutaka Kanazawa

The Birth of Insight: Meditation, Modern Buddhism & The Burmese Monk LEDI SAYADAW ❖Book Review❖
ことで名高い。レーディはその歴史的結集に参加し、Kathāvatthu の合誦を担当した。仏教を保護したミンドン王が 1878 年に失脚したのち、ビルマは 1886 年からイギリスの植民地となりインド領に併合される。時代の潮目においてレーディは、活発に執筆活動を行った。
特にアビダンマを出家僧侶だけではなく、一般大衆に向けて解説し、日常文語を用いて瞑想マニュアルを執筆した。また、イギリス文化の流入に争う形で、牛を保護することを訴える書物を出版し、活動の中心地をマンダレーから故郷モンユワへと移していく。このように「洞察の瞑想」が誕生する歴史的背景を伺い知ることができる章である。
第 2 章は「注釈書大戦（The Great War of the Commentaries）」と名付けられ、レーディが1897 年に出版したアビダンマ注釈書（Pramatthadīpanī：Manual on the Ultimates）が引き起こ
ふんしょした論争について描かれている。出版後、レーディの著作は焚書され、抗議デモ、批難す
る報道に晒された。さらには反論の書が相次いで出版されたという。しかし、レーディ自身は批判に対してオーソドックスな教義理解に基づいた反論をし事態は収束する。当時、イギリス植民地下におけるビルマ仏教界は、アビダンマの権威そのものが「最前線の砦（front-line fortress）」でもあった。したがって、レーディのアビダンマに対する新たな理解という誤解が、論争の火種になったのだ。結果、この論争はアビダンマに対する大衆の関心を高め、在家の人々がアビダンマを学ぶ重要な契機になったと著者は述べている。
第 3 章では、仏教を保護する方法としてレーディが取った手段、ビルマで広く布教を展開した様子が描かれる。一般大衆にもわかりやすい言葉で話をするレーディに対し、前章で述べられた容赦ない批判が展開されていたが、結果としてレーディを支持する多くの仏教徒が生まれることになる。それは、エリート僧侶にのみ理解されてきたアビダンマが「雨が降り注ぐ」ように大衆に広がっていったことを意味する。レーディの説いた内容は、基礎的なアビダンマを中心としたものであり、モンユワのレーディ寺院には、彼の法話を石に刻みつけたものが今も残されている。
第 4 章には、植民地期のビルマにおいて、レーディが「最も有名な僧侶」「著名な作家」
として位置付けられるようになった経緯が示されている。特に、アビダンマの根本原理概説（Paramattha saṃ khip’：Summary of the Ultimates）が大衆に広がったことについて偈頌を中心に説明する。偈頌の形式で書かれたこの書物は、一般の人々が生活する上で瞑想に関する学びを深めることができるものである。瞑想の実践段階を設定し、実用的なものとして受け入れられた。一般大衆も涅槃に到達できることを主訴としており、アビダンマは人々が悟りに至るために学ばれることになった。
第 5 章において著者ブラウン氏が強調するのは、レーディがアビダンマの学びに基づき僧侶が長期にわたる修行をする方法とは別の瞑想方法を提示する事である。もちろん、それは『清浄道論』（Visuddhimagga）など権威あるパーリ聖典に明示されるものであり、オリジナルの方法ではない。具体的な方法として瞑想の初期段階において sukkhavipassanā（乾観:dry-visioned）を選択し、完全ではないにしても心を鎮める止の行（samatha）を省略できるとしたのだ。単純明解に示された瞑想法は多くの人を洞察の瞑想に入らしめ、そのレー

97❖ 2016.11 ❖Journal of World Buddhist Cultures～ Inaugural preparatory issue～

ディの努力を多くの瞑想者が支持した。こうしてレーディは仏教に於ける瞑想修行の最前線の人物となり、これまで以上に「悟り」の門戸を広げ、人々に実践可能な選択肢を増やしたと言える。
最後にブラウン氏は、レーディの示した道が、洞察の瞑想実践（修行）と学び（学問）の両方が必要であることを強調したことに功績があったと述べている。1923 年のレーディ亡き後も、サヤーテッジー、ウバキン、ミングンサヤドー、マハーシサヤドーといったビ
ルマの偉大な修行者に大きな影響を与えたことはもちろん、インドやスリランカ、彼らを慕うアメリカ人たちによって、ビルマ国外へと洞察の瞑想は広がっていった。それは結果的に、学ぶこと（アビダンマの理解）を抜きにして瞑想だけが受け入れられた過程でもあったとも著者は講演会で述べている。
（『世界仏教文化研究センター2015 年活動報告書』p.80）
こうしてブラウン氏はレーディ・サヤドーの功績を抽出し、その活躍の背景となるビルマ
仏教の抱えてきた問題にも巻末に挙げられる多大な参考資料に基づき言及した。ただし、複雑に入り組んでいる政治と宗教の問題を分かりやすく示したせいで、読者はそれらを理解できた気になるかもしれない。そうすると、背後にあるビルマ仏教の問題の厚みを見逃すことになるだろう。言うまでもないが、そのことが本書の価値を落とすことにはならない。本書に記された 20 世紀前半のビルマ仏教は、これまで知られてきたものに加えられるべき新たな視座と言える。
日本でも 2000 年代から顕著なテーラワーダ仏教の流行は、決して一過性のものではない。
おそらく、本書が明らかにしたようにテーラワーダで重要視される洞察の瞑想（ヴィパッ
サナー）自体が流行に左右されるものではなく、レーディ・サヤドーが開展した伝統なのである。レーディが重視したアビダンマの伝統に光を当てた本書の登場によって、一層、
テーラワーダ仏教のアビダンマ理解が多くの人に広まることが望まれる。寡聞にして情報は得ていないが、本書の邦訳出版が待ち遠しい。
本書評を執筆するにあたり天野和公氏（みんなの寺記して感謝申し上げます。

Bibliographic information
Format: 280 pages
Publisher: University Of Chicago Press; Reprint edition
Publication Date: November 19, 2013
Language: English
ISBN-10: 022641857X
ISBN-13: 978-022641857598坊守）よりアドバイスを頂戴した。

Journal ofWorld Buddhist Cultures

Purpose of the Journal
The Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures at the Ryukoku University was established withthe aim of forming an international research institute for Buddhism, which could respond to serious
problems of modern world. It is the important mission of the Center to accomplish a wide variety ofacademic projects on Buddhism and thereby contribute to this increasingly globalized society. All
knowledge is expected to be transformed into information in such globalized society. Thus, since
being established last year, the Center also has aspired to publish an electronic journal anddisseminate the research results widely in order to attain its main purpose. They seem theindispensable devices for the Center to mutually interact with researchers, Buddhists, and adherentsof other religious traditions outside Japan, or to cooperate with foreign universities and research
institutes.
In order not to miss the global trends of internationalization and informatization, the ResearchCenter for World Buddhist Cultures starts a new electronic journal, Journal of World Buddhist
Cultures. In its long history, the Ryukoku University has gradually accumulated the broad
knowledge and characteristics concerning Buddhism. The Center hopes to develop further anddisseminate them actively all over the world by means of this electronic journal, through which theCenter will also attempt to encourage international intellectual exchange even more and seek thesolution to various problems of the people who live in contemporary society.
In contemporary society, a sense of values is significantly diversified and complicated, and we are
hardly able to recognize what is “true” indeed. Journal of World Buddhist Cultures will include not
only scholarly articles on Buddhism but also those which respond, as a kind of guide, to various
urgent problems that arise in every part of the world. Buddhism has been circulated all over theworld over a long period of time more than 2500 years. The Center will widely invite the papers inwhich this universal religion is discussed from a “global point of view.”
In addition, Journal of World Buddhist Culture will also include the reviews of books on
Buddhism, records of lectures organized by the Center, and a wide variety of translation works. It
especially welcomes a paper written in English. Through this electronic journal, the Center strongly
hopes to form the international platform for Buddhist Studies and contribute to their further
development.

Masaaki Nohnin
Ryukoku University, Professor,
Journal of World Buddhist Cultures, Editor-in-Chief
July 1, 201699

Objective of
the Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures,
Ryukoku University

1. Comprehensive Academic Research of Buddhism.
Our objective is to contribute to the advancement of academic research on Buddhist philosophy,
history, and culture and other relevant fields while searching for ways to respond to the problems
facing our modern world. By using effective and appropriate research methodology, we aim to
explore Buddhist topics that meet the needs and concerns of our modern world.

2. Interdisciplinary Research that Combines the Three Fields of “Humanity,
Science, and Religion”and the Creation of a New Wisdom.
By combining the three fields of “humanity, science, and religion” we will explore the prospectsof creating a new wisdom for the 21st century. We will aim at becoming a global research hub wherescholars both from Japan and abroad can converse and interact in order to provide guidelines that
can help address social issues and global crises from the standpoint of Buddhism.

3. Building a Global Platform for Buddhist Studies.
By collaborating with universities and research institutions in Asia, America, and Europe, we will
carryout projects with overseas scholars, Buddhist priests, and academics of religion. We will thenpublish our research results through our website and publications and provide them in English andother languages. Also, by using the Information and Communication Technology (ICT), we willconnect ourselves with overseas universities and research institutions in real time in both thegraduate and undergraduate programs. In addition, we will build a system that can quickly respondto requests from overseas research institutions who may ask for information about local historicalsites by employing various views from across the university.

4. Benefitting the Undergraduate and Graduate Schools’Education with the
Research Results.
By collaborating with the curriculum for each academic area, we will aim at building an integrated
program that spans across the departments. We will also promote participation in educational
collaboration programs not only within our university but with other educational institutions as well.
We will recruit limited-term research fellows from the graduate and post-graduate programs in andoutside of our university, providing research grants (scholarships) and publishing their findings
online or on print.

100Significance of the Publication of Journal of World Buddhist Cultures in the Center

The

ResearchCenterforWorld

Buddhist Cultures consists of following
three research divisions: Basic Research
Division, Applied Research Division, andInternational Research Division. Amongthem, the International Research Division
plays a central role for the publication ofthis electronic journal.

International Research DivisionThis division will be responsible for sharing information about the overall activities of the center
to the international community while continuing the project of translating and publishing Buddhist
canons and texts that were originally carried out by the Research Institute for Buddhist Culture. In
addition to the publication of E-journal and website management, the division will promoteexchanges with overseas scholars, other Buddhists, and religious specialists through the Information
and Communication Technology (ICT). The division will encourage collaboration with universities
and research institutes in different parts of the world and engage in the sponsorship of international
symposiums that will invite scholars from overseas.
As religion becomes more global and multi-dimensional in contemporary society, there has been agrowing awareness of the need for inter-religious dialogue. The division will encourage theseconversations and interactions by collaborating with various religious research institutions abroad.
With the theme of “inter-faith education” the division will carryout research at institutions of higher
education.
In the international context of inter-religious dialogue this division will explore how Japanese
Buddhist ideology is viewed in the eyes of the outside world as well as what Japanese Buddhism canfurther contribute to inter-religious education. Through these activities, the division will work as itscore focus to not only develop young scholars to understand the importance of having aninternational mindset but also to promote global interactions of scholars.

101

Author’s profile
Masaaki Nohnin

Professor, Ryukoku University, Faculty of
Letters

Buddhist Studies,
Development of Mahayana
Buddhism in India

Satomi Hiyama

Super Post Doctor, Japan Society for
the Promotion of Science /Visiting Scholar, Research Institute for
Buddhist Culture, Ryukoku University

Buddhist Art History ofCentral Asia

Kaoru Onishi

Adjunct Lecturer, Ryukoku University

Buddhist Studies,
Indian Mahayana Buddhism

Takahiko Kameyama Visiting Researcher, Research Institutefor Buddhist Culture, Ryukoku
University /Research Asistant, Research Center for
World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku
University

Esoteric Buddhism,
History of Japanese Religion

Taisuke Karasawa

Postdoctoral Fellow, Research Center
for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku
University

Philosophy, Ethics,
Thought of Minakata Kumagusu

Yutaka Kanazawa

Postdoctoral Fellow, Research Center
for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku
University

Mahayana Buddhism,
Madhamaka thought,
Pastoral Care

執 筆 者 一 覧
能仁 正顕

龍谷大学文学部教授

仏教学、インドにおける大乗仏教
の成立問題

檜山 智美

日本学術振興会 SPD 研究員・
龍谷大学仏教文化研究所客員研究員

中央アジア仏教美術史

大西龍谷大学非常勤講師

仏教学、インド大乗仏教

亀山 隆彦

龍谷大学仏教文化研究所客員研究員・龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センターリサ
ーチ・アシスタント

密教学、日本宗教史

唐澤 太輔

龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター博士
研究員

哲学・倫理学、南方熊楠の思想研
究金澤

龍谷大学世界仏教文化研究センター博士
研究員

大乗仏教、中観思想、宗教者によ
るケア

薫

豊

102

Editorial Board

Editorial Committee Member
Masaaki Nohnin（Editor-in-Chief）

Masahiro Asada

Syōryū Katsura

Chisui SatōSinryō Takada

Mitsuya Dake

Eishō Nasu

Denis Hirota

Akira Miyaji

Yūshō Wakahara

Taisuke Karasawa

編 集 委 員能仁 正顕（編集長）

淺田 正博

桂

紹隆

佐藤 智水

高田 信良

嵩

満也

那須 英勝

廣田 デニス

宮治

昭

若原 雄昭

唐澤 太輔

Assistant Editor
Taisuke Karasawa

Takahiko Kameyama

Yutaka Kanazawa

Ayako Ōsawa

Li Manning

編集スタッフ
唐澤 太輔

亀山 隆彦

金澤

大澤 絢子

豊

103

李 曼寧

Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University

Journal of World Buddhist Cultures~ Inaugural preparatory issue ~November 30, 2016
EditorResearch Center for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University Editorial Committee

Publisher

Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University
125-1 Daiku-chō, Shichijō-dōri Ōmiya
Higashi-iru, Shimōgyō-ku, Kyoto 600-8268
Hakuakan (Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures)
Phone Number

domestic： 075-343-3808

international：+81-75-343-3808
E-mail: rcwbc-ejournal@ad.ryukoku.ac.jp
URL: http://rcwbc.ryukoku.ac.jp© 2016 by Research Center for World Buddhist Cultures, Ryukoku University, JapanAll rights reserved.