The Network of Trilateral Cooperation Think-tanks (NTCT)
Conference"Japan-China-Korea Trilateral Cooperationin the Age of Power Transition"

Conference Papers

December 17, 2019
Tokyo, Japan

Co-Sponsored by
The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)
China Foreign Affairs University (CFAU)
Korean National Diplomatic Academy (KNDA)
Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS)

Supported by
The Council on East Asian Community (CEAC)

Rules of Proceedings
Presentations: 10 minutes
Allocated time for a presentation is 10 minutes.
One of the staff members will ring a bell to let you know the remaining time.
The first bell------------------1 minute remaining for your presentation

The second bell--------------The end of your presentation

Free Discussions: 2 minutes
Allocated time for a comment is 2 minutes.
One of the staff members will ring a bell to let you know the remaining time.
The first bell------------------1 minute remaining for your comment

The second bell--------------The end of your commentThank you for your cooperation.

Table of Contents

1. Program……………………………….…………………………………………..1
2. Biographies of the Panelists………….…………………………………….........2
3. Presentation Papers………….…………………………………..………….........4
AKITA Hiroyuki…………….……..………………………..…………....................5
KIM Hankwon…………..…………………...…………..…...……......……..….....6
KIM Young-Moo…………..……………………….………..…………...…….........9
KAWAI Masahiro…………..……………………….………..…………...……......10

4. Appendix: Introductions to Co-sponsoring and Supporting Organizations………..23
The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)…………………......…………......23
China Foreign Affairs University (CFAU)…………………....………………….........24
Korean National Diplomatic Academy (KNDA)…………………....…...…………......26
Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS)………………..………....…...…………......27

1. Program

日本語・中国語・韓国語同時通訳付き／ China-Korea-Japanese simultaneous interpretation will be provided

12. Biographies of the Panelists【Overseas Side】
KANG Doho

Deputy Secretary-General, TCS

Amb. KANG Doho passed Foreign Service Examination and joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) of
the ROK in 1986. He became Second Secretary at Korean Embassy in China in June 1993, First Secretary at
Korean Embassy in the Islamic Republic of Iran in July 1996, Consul at Korean Consulate General in Toronto,
Canada in July 2003, Director of Middle East Division in Middle East and African Bureau of Ministry ofForeign Affairs and Trade (MOFAT) in December 2005, Minister-Counsellor at Korean Embassy in China inJuly 2007, Deputy Secretary to the President for Protocol Affairs at the Office of the President in May 2011,
Minister at Korean Embassy in the United States of America in May 2013, and Ambassador Extraordinary andPlenipotentiary to the Sultanate of Oman in April 2016. Since September 2019, he has been serving as the
Deputy Secretary-General of Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS). Amb. KANG graduated from Seoul
National University in International Relations in February 1985. He was visiting scholar at Fairbank Centerfor Chinese Studies of Harvard University.

XUE Xiaopeng

Dean, School of International Studies,
Dalian University of Foreign Languages

Xue Xiaopeng, associate professor, is the Deputy Dean of the School of International Studies, the Deputy
Director of Northeast Asia Study Center in Dalian University of Foreign Languages, and a member of China
National Association for International Studies. She graduated from China Foreign Affairs University, and got
her Doctor of Law Degree in Asia Pacific International Relations in July, 2007. She focuses her study on
Northeast Asia Issues and Global Governance, and has published a dozen of articles both in China andoverseas.

KIM Hankwon

Associate Professor, KNDA

Dr. KIM KIM Hankwon is an assistant professor of the Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security(IFANS) and the head of the Center for China Studies, KNDA. Before joining KNDA, Prof. Kim was a
research fellow and the director of the Center for Regional Studies at the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in
Seoul, South Korea. He specializes in Chinese politics and foreign policy. Prof. Kim completed a postdoctoral
program at Tsinghua University, China and then worked as a research scholar at the School of International
Studies, Peking University, China. Dr. Kim received his B.A. (political science) and M.P.A. (Master of Public
Affairs) from the University of Connecticut at Storrs, USA. He holds a Ph.D. in International Relations from
American University, USA. He is co-author of China Complex (Asan Institute for Policy Studies: 2014) andhas published articles in several academic journals, including “Evaluating China’s Soft Power: Dimensions ofNorms and Attraction” in Assessing China’s Power Ed by Jae Ho Chung (Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); and“The Implications of the Chinese 'String of Pearls' for the U.S. Return to Asia Policy: the U.S., China, and India
in the Indian Ocean" in the Journal of Global Policy and Governance (2013).

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KIM Young-Moo
KNDA

Director-General of the Department of Asian and Pacific Studies,Amb. KIM Young-Moo is a Director-General of the Department of Asian and Pacific Studies of the Korea
National Diplomatic Academy (KNDA). Prior to this appointment, he served as Ambassador and Deputy
Permanent Representative of the Republic of Korea to the United Nations Office at Geneva, handling
multilateral issues at the World Trade Organization (WTO), Conference on Disarmament (CD), the Human
Rights Council (UNHRC), etc. From 2013 to 2015, he served as Director-General for East Asia FTA of the
Ministry of Trade and Industry. From 2012 to 2013, he served as Director-General for FTA Negotiations of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade. He has participated in a number of negotiations including WTO/DDA
negotiations and Korea’s FTA negotiations. Especially, he exerted leadership as Chief Negotiator in the
Korea-China FTA (KC-FTA), China-Japan-Korea (CJK) FTA and the Regional Comprehensive Economic
Partnership (RCEP) negotiations. Decorated with the Service Merit Medal (1998) and the Order of Service
Merit, Red Stripes (2014), Ambassador KIM has held key Foreign Service posts in various countries since hejoined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1988: Tokyo, Japan (1999-2002); Phnom Penh, Cambodia (2002-2004);
Geneva, Switzerland (2007-2009); and Guangzhou, China (2009-2011); Geneva, Switzerland (2015-2018).

FENG Xingyan

Deputy Dean, School of International Economics, CFAU

Dr. Feng Xingyan is an Associate Professor and Deputy Dean of the School of International Economics at
China Foreign Affairs University. She got her Ph.D. Degree of Economics from Nankai University. Her
research interests cover Asian-Pacific economic cooperation, Economic Diplomacy, and various aspects of
Sino-ASEAN economic relations. She has been the participant of China’s working group for Network of East
Asian Think-tanks (NEAT) from 2007 to 2017.

【Japanese Side】
WATANABE Mayu

President, JFIR / President, CEAC

Graduated from Chiba University. Received M.A. in Education from the Graduate School of the University ofTokyo in 1997. Joined the Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR) in 2000 and appointed Seniorresearch fellow in 2007, during which period she specialized in global human resource development andpublic diplomacy. Appointed Executive Director in 2011 and assumed Senior Executive Director in 2017. She
has served as President since 2018. Concurrently serving as President of the Global Forum of Japan.

SUZUKI Keisuke

State Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan

Graduated from Faculty of Law, University of Tokyo and Joined Ministry of Finance in 1999. Elected to theHouse of Representatives for the first time (44th General Election) (currently serving fourth term). He served
as Director, Committee on Rules and Administration andHouse of Representatives and Deputy Chairman,

Diet Affairs Committee, Liberal Democratic Party (2014), Parliamentary Vice-Minister of Land, Infrastructure,
Transport and Tourism and Parliamentary Vice-Minister of Cabinet Office (2014), Director, Committee on
Budget, House of Representatives and Deputy Secretary-General, Liberal Democratic Party (2015), Head,Youth Division, Liberal Democratic Party (2016) and State Minister of Finance (2018).

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AKITA Hiroyuki

Commentator, Nikkei Shimbun, Japan

Hiroyuki Akita is a Commentator of Nikkei.

He regularly writes commentaries and columns, analysis

mainly on foreign & international security affairs. He joined Nikkei in 1987 and worked at Political News
Dept.(98-2002) where he covered Japanese foreign & security policies, domestic politics. He was Senior &Editorial Staff Writer (2009-17), and he also worked at “Leader Writing Team” of the Financial Times in
London (Oct-Dec, 17). He was Beijing Correspondent (94-98) and Washington Chief Correspondent (2002-06).
In Beijing, he reported major news events such as death of Deng Xiaoping, Hong Kong handover to China.
In Washington DC, he covered White House & Pentagon, State Department during Bush administration. He
graduated from Jiyu Gakuen College in 1987 and Boston University (M.A.). From 2006 to 07, he was an
associate of US-Japan Program at Harvard University, where he conducted a research on US-China-Japan
relations. In March 2019, he won the Vaughn-Ueda International Journalist Award, a prize for outstanding
reporting of international affairs. He is an author of two books in Japanese: “Anryu (Power Game of
US-China-Japan)”(2008), “Ranryu (Strategic Competition of US-Japan and China)”(2016).

SOEYA Yoshihide

Professor, Keio University

Graduated from Sophia University. Received Ph.D. from the University of Michigan in 1987. He previously
served on the Council on Security and Defense Capabilities in the New Era (Prime Minister’s Office), Council
on Defense Facilities (MOD) and the Council on Industrial Structure (METI), and was a faculty fellow of the
Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (2000-04). Most recently, He served as Director of theInstitute of East Asian Studies at Keio University (2007-2013) and Japan Scholar of the Woodrow Wilson
Center, in Washington D.C. (2013 -2014). He is currently a Council member of the Japan Association ofInternational Studies, Japan Association for Asian Studies, the International House of Japan, and the Asia
Society in New York.

KAWAI Masahiro

Distinguished Research Fellow, JFIR / Professor of University of Tokyo

Obtained a B.A. in Economics from the University of Tokyo in 1971 and a Ph.D. in Economics from Stanford
University in 1978. Served as: Research Fellow of Brookings Institution; Associate Professor, Department of
Political Economy, The Johns Hopkins University; and Professor of Economics, Institute of Social Science,
University of Tokyo. During this period, also served as: Chief Economist, East Asia and Pacific, World Bank
(1998-2001); Deputy Vice Minister for International Affairs, Japan’s Ministry of Finance (2001-03); and Dean,
Asian Development Bank Institute (2007-14). Concurrently serves as Representative Director, Economic
Research Institute for Northeast Asia and as Councilor, Bank of Japan.
(In order of appearance in the “Program”)

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3. Presentation Papers
AKITA Hiroyuki
Commentator, Nikkei Shimbun, Japan

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KIM Hankwon
Associate Professor, KNDA

U.S.-China Strategic Competition and Its Implication for Korea
1. Understanding of U.S.-China Strategic Competition
International relations in East Asia have been significantly affected by the strategic competition between
the United States and China. The strategic competition, in fact, has already been expected by many scholars
and experts after the international community reinterpreted the definition of the ‘rise of China’ in a narrow
sense in the 1990s to a broad sense in the 21st century.
In my opinion, the strategic competition has started because the United States attempted to modify thecurrent norms and order of international relations, as they are giving China a comparative advantage, from
America’s perspective. Then, the strategic competition between the two superpowers has begun to containelements of hegemonic competition when China took the position that it will not follow the new norms andorder shaped by the United States.
1-1. Reinterpretation of the ‘Rise of China’
In the 1990s, the rise of China was interpreted in a narrow sense. The China’s rise did simply mean a rapid
economic development mainly in size, which was represented by the figures of GDP, and it was not a serious
threat to the U.S. and other members of the international community. Some scholars, including Richard
Bernstein and Ross H. Munro, began to alert the theory of China threat. However, the U.S. held the ‘China
threat’ in one hand and ‘China opportunity’ on the other in the 1990s.
However, the rise of China has been reinterpreted in a broad sense in the 21st century that China, based on
its economic power, has exerted its political, socio-cultural, and military security influence over theinternational community. Furthermore, China began to criticize against the international norms and orderthat the U.S. has established and maintained after the World War II, and then, asked for reform it.
1-2. From ‘Taoguangyanghui (韬光养晦)’ to ‘Fenfayouwei(奋发有为)’While the Trump administration put omnidirectional pressures over China, President Xi started his
second term as the General Secretary of Communist Party of China (CPC) in the wake of the 19th National
Party Congress in Oct. 2017. At the time, President Xi emphasized ‘fenfayouwei (assertive diplomacy)’ andshowed his strong wills to protect China’s sovereignty and national interests. President Xi also stated China
would not make any concession related to its national interests.
On the other hand, President Xi highlighted new foreign policy directions at his second inauguration as
the general secretary of CPC, such as ‘Major Country Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics (中国特色大国外交),’ ‘a New Type of International Relations (新型国际关系),’ ‘a Community of Shared Future for Mankind
人类命运共同体),’ etc. These new concepts of foreign policy have become the key words of Chinese foreign
policy of the second term of the Xi Jinping leadership.
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2. Future Turning Point of U.S.-China Strategic Competition
American policy toward China's core interests will be an important turning point for the relationshipbetween the U.S. and China. Washington’s approach to the issues related to China’s core interests, including
Taiwan, will significantly affect Beijing’s policy direction toward Washington in the future.
The Chinese government seems to have made efforts to recover its bilateral relationship with the U.S. at
the expense of a certain degree of concession in the trade negotiation.1 What China is concerned about is the
Trump administration continuously asking the country to make more concession on the trade negotiation,and the front of strategic competition with the U.S. expanding to other fronts. However, U.S. approaches toChina’s core interests will be a very different story. Due to domestic political reasons, the top leaders of Chinamight accept far intensified strategic competition with the U.S. or even a hegemonic competition if the U.S.
implements policies that would harm China’s core interests.
Indeed, America’s strategic approach to Taiwan has materialized since President Trump took office, andthe U.S. Congress has pointed out human rights issues in China and enacted a law to ask the U.S. government
to deal with the issues.
2-1. U.S. Strategic Approaches to Taiwan
The Trump administration's strategic and institutional approaches are taking shape in six ways. The firstone is U.S. arm sales to Taiwan. The Trump administration exported approximately USD 1.4 billion worth of
weapons, including missiles, torpedoes, parts of early-warning radar, to Taiwan in June 2017, and about USD
330 million worth of weapons, including F-16, F-5, C-130, in September 2018. In July 2019, the U.S. State
Department approved approximately USD 2.2 billion worth of weapons, including M1A2 Abrams and stinger
missiles, and asked for U.S. Congress' approval of the arms sale to Taiwan.
Second, the Taiwan Travel Act was passed by the U.S. Congress on February 28, 2018, and President Trump
signed the bill on March 16, 2018. Since the enactment of the Taiwan Travel Act, the high-level meeting
between the Unites States and Taiwan has taken place. Then, Kaohsiung Mayor Chen Chu visited the U.S. andmet acting Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Susan Thornton, From the U.S.,
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Alex Wong, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Manufacturing
Ian Steff, the Chairman of the U.S. House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee Ed Royce visited
Taiwan in March 2018, and other political leaders and officials made several visits to Taiwan.
Third, the texts of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2018 (NDAA 2018) and NDAA
2019 showed strategic and military/security cooperation. Notably, on Capitol Hill where members ofCongress deliberated on the NDAA 2018 and 2019, the U.S. Congress showed bipartisan support for the bills.
Furthermore, the trend of the U.S.-Taiwan cooperation seems to continue in the text of NDAA 2020.
The fourth one is the Taiwan Assurance Act of 2019. The bill went through the House of Representatives
unanimously in May 2019 and requests the relevant executive department and agencies to report on “theresult of the review and on the implementation of the Taiwan Travel Act.” It also states Taiwan is “animportant strategic part of U.S. strategy in the region and urges the U.S. to conduct regular transfers ofdefense articles to enhance Taiwan's self-defense capabilities.”
1"Transcript: NPR's Interview With China's Ambassador To The U.S." NPR (October 03, 2018).

<https://www.npr.org/2019/10/01/765833918/transcript-nprs-interview-with-china-s-ambassador-to-the-u-s>.

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Fifth, the U.S. House of Representatives passed H.Res.273-Reaffirming the U.S. commitment to Taiwan andto the implementation of the Taiwan Relations Act on May 07, 2019 along with the Taiwan Assurance Act of
2019. The resolution “encourages increasing engagement between the U.S. and Taiwan.” It also says that U.S.
president should “conduct regular transfers of defense articles to Taiwan.”
The sixth one is the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act (ARIA). The bill was passed by the U.S. Senate on
December 19, 2019, and President Trump signed it on December 31, 2018. The ARIA generally deals with the“strategies for promoting U.S. security and economic interests and values in the Indo-Pacific region” and also“affirms the U.S.’ commitment to its partnerships with various countries, as well as Taiwan.”
2-2. Possibility of the U.S. taking Strategic Approaches to Xinjiang and Tibet
I would like to carefully comment on the possibility of the U.S. taking strategic approaches to Xinjiang andTibet. It seems increasingly likely that the U.S. will do so, as the Trump administration is continuously
pointing out that China has some human-rights issues. The U.S. Congress passed the Uyghur Human Rights
Policy Act of 2018 on November 14th, 2018. The act “directs various U.S. government bodies to prepare
reports on China's treatment of the Uyghurs.” Particularly, the bill asks President to response for the humanrights conditions in Xinjiang, China and to “call on Chinese President Xi Jinping to recognize” the issues. It
also requests the U.S. government to do something for immediately closing the “political reeducation” camps.
Moreover, the U.S. House of Representatives also passed ‘S.178 – Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act of 2019’
on December 3rd, 2019. It has, of course, brought about the Chinese government’s strong criticism against “theU.S. interference.”
As abovementioned, the ARIA authorizes about 210 million USD each fiscal year 2019-2023 in order for
promoting “democracy, strengthen civil society, human rights, rule of law, and accountability in the region.”
Moreover, the bill states that “appropriated funds shall be made available for efforts to promote democracy
and human rights in China and to support cultural preservation and development activities in Tibet.”
If the U.S. points out human right issues in Xinjiang and Hong Kong, and if these issues will connect withpresidential election in January 2020 in Taiwan, Beijing, in order to protect its own core interests, will have toaccept far intensified strategic competition without back down with Washington.
3. Implication of U.S.-China Strategic Competition for Korea
The U.S.-China strategic competition has created an uncomfortable situation to countries in Northeast Asia.
President Moon Jae-in has emphasized peaceful talks and negotiation with the North to pave the way
denuclearization and permanent peace settlement of the Korea Peninsula since his inauguration in May 2017.
South Korea, as an ally of the U.S., needs China’s cooperation to achieve denuclearization and bring peace tothe peninsula. Therefore, the fierce strategic competition between the U.S. and China has pressured overSeoul. Furthermore, those kinds of pressures from the two superpowers often entailed intense disputes
between conservative and progressive groups in the South Korean domestic politics.

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KIM Young-Moo
Director-General of the Department of Asian and Pacific Studies, KNDA
□ Three levels of Trilateral Cooperation

1. Trilateral levelo Accelerating the on-going CJK-FTA negotiationso Strengthening the Civil/Private Sector Cooperationo Developing/Expanding the CTS Projects

2. Regional levelo Accelerating the on-going RCEP negotiationso Participating the CPTPP by Korea and Chinao Policy Coordinations on Regional Cooperations (APEC, ASEAN etc)

3. Global levelo Strengthening the Rules-based Multilatral Trading Systemo Leading the 4th Industrial Revolution and Global Value Chaino Developing the CJK+α Projects (3rd Country Cooperation)

9KAWAI Masahiro
Distinguished Research Fellow, JFIR /Professor of University of Tokyo

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4. Introductions to Co-sponsoring Organizations(1) The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)The Japan Forum on International Relations, Inc. (JFIR or The Forum) is a private, non-profit, independent, and non-partisanorganization dedicated to improved understanding of Japanese foreign policy and international relations. The Forum takes no
institutional position on issues of foreign policy, though its members are encouraged not only to analyze but also to propose
alternatives on matters of foreign policy. Though the Forum helps its members to formulate policy recommendations on mattersof public policy, the views expressed in such recommendations represent in no way those of the Forum as an institution and the
responsibility for the contents of the recommendations is that of those members of the Forum who sign them alone.
The Forum was founded on March 12, 1987 in Tokyo on the private initiative of Dr. OKITA Saburo, Mr. HATTORI Ichiro, Prof.
ITO Kenichi, and 60 other independent citizens from business, academic, political, and media circles of Japan, recognizing that apolicy-oriented research institution in the field of international affairs independent from the government was most urgently
needed in Japan. On April 1, 2011, JFIR was reincorporated as a “public interest foundation” with the authorization granted by
the Prime Minister in recognition of its achievements.
JFIR is a membership organization with four categories of membership, namely, (1) corporate, (2) associate corporate, and (3)individual. As for the organizational structure of JFIR, the “Board of Trustees” is the highest decision making body, which is incharge of electing the “Directors” and of supervising overall activities of JFIR, while the “Board of Directors” is an executive
body, which is in charge of the management of day-to-day operations of JFIR.
■Board of Trustees■Board of Directors

ARIMA Tatsuo

ITO Kenichi

Chairman

HAKAMADA Shigeki

WATANABE Mayu

President

HIRONO Ryokichi

HANDA Haruhisa

Director

ISHIGAKI Yasuji

ITO GoDirector

KUROYANAGI Nobuo

ITO Masanori

Director

OHYA Eiko

KAMIYA Matake

Director

SAKAMOTO Masahiro

KIKUCHI Yona

Director

SATO Ken

MORIMOTO Satoshi

Director

WATANABE Hirotaka

TAKUBO Tadae

Director

WATANABE Toshio

YANO Takuya

Director

YAMAGUCHI Norio■Auditors
NAITOH Masahisa
WATANABE Kenichi

The Forum’s activities are composed of such pillars as “Policy Recommendations,” “e-Forum” “Research Programs,”“International Dialogues & Exchanges,” “Participation in International Frameworks,” “Information Gathering,” and “PR and
Enlightenment.” Of these pillars of activities, one important pillar is the “e-Forum: Hyakka-Seiho” which means “Hundred
Flowers in Full Bloom” (http://www.jfir.or.jp/cgi/m-bbs/). The “e-Forum,” which started on April 12, 2006, is open to the public,
functioning as an interactive forum for discussions on foreign policy and international affairs. All articles posted on the e-Forumare sent through the bimonthly e-mail magazine “Meru-maga Nihon Kokusai Foramu” in Japanese to about 10,000 readers inJapan. Furthermore, articles worth attention for foreigners are translated into English and posted on the English website of JFIR
(http://www.jfir.or.jp/e/index.htm) as “JFIR Commentary.” They are also introduced in the e-mail magazine “JFIR E-Letter” inEnglish. “JFIR E-Letter” is delivered bimonthly to about 10,000 readers worldwide.
Contact
Address: 2-17-12-1301, Akasaka, Minato-ku, Tokyo, 107-0052, Japan
TEL: +81-3-3584-2190 FAX: +81-3-3589-5120 E-mail: jfir@jfir.or.jp URL: http://www.jfir.or.jp/j/23

(2) China Foreign Affairs University (CFAU)
Since its founding in 1955, China Foreign Affairs University (CFAU) has been dedicated to grooming China’s most promising
young minds with global vision and great learning to work for China’s foreign services and for world peace and prosperity.
Directly affiliated with China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and co-built by the Ministry of Education, CFAU offers a uniqueeducational experience that prides itself in intellectual integrity and academic excellence.
CFAU adheres to the philosophy that CFAU education should pride itself in diplomatic and international studies withhigh-level proficiency in foreign languages. CFAU trains its students with “true patriotism and global vision; professional
expertise and great proficiency in foreign languages; and high quality and interdisciplinary knowledge”.
CFAU has a 2,000 student population composed of Ph.D., MA, BA, double-degree students and more than 150 international
students. The University has eight departments and one specialized institute focusing on education & research, including
Department of Diplomacy & Foreign Affairs Administration, Department of English & International Studies, Department of
Foreign Languages, Department of International Law, Department of Basic Education, Department of Graduate Studies, Schoolof International Economics, School of International

Education, and Instituteof International Relations. Additionally, CFAU

has more than twenty research institutes and centers, including the Institute of Asian Studies, the Institute of International Law,
and the Chinese Foreign Policy Studies Center. Students are able to specialize in subjects such as diplomatic studies, English,
Translation & Interpreting, French, Japanese, Spanish, International Law, International Economics & Trade, Finance,
International Relations and World Politics, etc.
CFAU was the first Chinese university to offer Diplomatic Studies as a major at the undergraduate level, and was also amongst
the first group to confer Ph.D. and Master Degrees in International Relations and Diplomatic Studies. CFAU has twonation-level key disciplines: Diplomatic Studies and International Relations, two municipality-level key disciplines: Politics andEnglish Language & Literature and one post-doctoral research station. English studies is a nation-level and municipality-level
model program. China National Association for International Studies and Chinese Society of International Law, two nation-level
academic organizations, have their secretariats on CFAU campus. The Research Centre for Beijing International Exchanges andForeign Affairs Administration under the auspice of the Beijing municipality, is also based at CFAU. As an important foreign
policy think-tank, CFAU is China's focal point for the NEAT (Network of East Asian Think-tanks) ， NACT (Network of
ASEAN-China Think-tanks) and NTCT (Network of Trilateral Cooperation Think-tanks). Foreign Affairs Review—Journal of
China Foreign Affairs University has been rated as a “National Excellent Journal for Social Sciences” and a “National Core
Journal for Humanities and Social Sciences”.
The CFAU Board of Trustees was set up in May 1995. The Board’s first honorary chairman was the former Vice Premier Qian
Qichen. Over the past decades, the chairman has been the successive Foreign Ministers. The fourth Board of Trustees wasformed in January 2014, and Qian Qichen was again named honorary Chairman of the Board. The current Chairman of theBoard of Trustees is Foreign Minister Wang Yi.
With the deepening of China’s reform and opening to the outside world, CFAU has been expanding its connections with othercountries through cultural and academic exchanges and has established ties with institutes for diplomatic studies, universities,
and research institutes based in the US, the UK, France, Russia, Canada, Australia, Japan, Korea, etc. In January 2013, CFAU
signed an agreement co-establishing the Confucius Institute with the University

of French Polynesia. CFAU is a member of theInternational Forum on Diplomatic Training (IFDT), a yearly world meeting of Deans and Directors of Diplomatic Academies
and Institutes of International Relations, and attends the Forum to discuss relevant academic issues, and exchange information24

and experiences regarding matters of school management and development. Each year CFAU has the honor to hostworld-renowned statesmen, diplomats and scholars on campus either for visits or giving lectures at the University.
Over the past 60 years, approximately 20,000 students have graduated. Amongst CFAU’s alumni, more than 30 have been
charged with official ministerial duties, about 500 have served as ambassadors to foreign countries, and more than 1,000 have
served as counselors in Chinese embassies abroad, directors of governmental departments and agencies other than the Foreign
Ministry, or professors and scholars with senior professional titles. It’s no exaggeration to say that wherever China’s red five-starnational flag is raised, there are alumni of CFAU present, making CFAU truly worthy of the name, “The Cradle of Chinese
Diplomats”.
During the 1950s and 1960s, CFAU trained more than 100 international students from the USSR, Eastern European countries,
DPRK, Vietnam, etc., some of whom have been placed into senior positions in their respective countries or sent back to China asambassadors. In recent years, CFAU has organized training programs for diplomats from Asia, Africa, Latin America, Eastern
Europe, Central Asia, and ASEAN countries or regions. So far, more than 3,000 diplomats from more than 150 countries haveparticipated in the programs.
With growing overall national strength, China needs more and more exceptional people to work in the fields of diplomacy andforeign services. In response to this increasing national need, CFAU has built a second campus in the Shahe University Area
under the guidance and support of the Party Central Committee, the State Council, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. With a
total floor space of more than 800,000 square meters and gross building area of 28.8 hectares, the first phase of the construction
project was completed and put into use in September 2012. The Shahe campus provides students with a pleasant and spacious
learning and living environment with modern facilities and equipment, reflecting CFAU’s distinct educational philosophy ofinclusiveness, rationality, and humanity.
On January 3, 2014, the Agreement of Co-Building China Foreign Affairs University between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs andthe Ministry of Education was signed at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse. According to this agreement, the two ministries will
establish a coordination mechanism and increase efforts to support the University in terms of policy, financing, disciplinedevelopment, academic research, talent cultivation, personnel training, and faculty development.
The Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Finance and the National Development and Reform Commission jointly released a
selected list of the country’s construction plan of world-class universities and first-class disciplines known as the "Double
First-Class" initiative on September 21, 2017. CFAU ranks among the top 95 disciplines in the country according to the list.
The Party and the State have entrusted the university with an honorable mission to build itself into a university withworld-class disciplines. CFAU will forge ahead in constructing the first-class disciplines of International Relations andDiplomacy with Chinese characteristics and continue to seek new ways to prepare students to meet the needs of themultidimensional aspects of diplomacy and foreign services, further develop disciplines, deepen pedagogical reforms, andadvance teaching quality. With the efforts of all faculty, staff and student community, CFAU in this new era will be further
developed into an incubator for China’s diplomats, the forefront of theoretical studies and innovation of China’s diplomacy, anda vital force in international exchanges and cooperation.

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(3) Korean National Diplomatic Academy (KNDA)
The Institute of Foreign Affairs and National Security (IFANS) of the Korea National Diplomatic Academy (KNDA)
has its roots in the Research Institute of Foreign Affairs (RIFA) established in 1965, and has ranked as Korea’s top foreign policy
and security think tank for the last nine years. IFANS conducts a wide variety of activities, such as the following:
Research on and Development of Foreign Policy & Policy Consulting:
IFANS develops mid to long-term foreign policies, conducts analysis of and research on current policy issues, and provides
policy recommendations for the government.
-

Research on and analysis of current issues in international politics-

Development of mid to long-term policies-

Policy reports on pending diplomatic issues

Academic Exchange with Domestic and Overseas Think Tanks:
IFANS engages in active intellectual exchanges and communications with think tanks in Korea and abroad, and in building
extensive academic networks with them.
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Regular bilateral and trilateral meetings with major policy research institutes in the United States, China, Japan, Russia,
other countries in Asia, and the Middle East-

Hosting of its annual signature program, IFANS Conference on Global Affairs-

Frequent meetings with experts on the Korea-U.S. alliance, North Korea and Northeast Asia-

Cooperation and exchanges with universities and research institutes at home and abroad

Public Diplomacy
IFANS endeavors to promote understanding of our diplomatic issues and foreign policy.
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IFANS Talks-

IFANS Debate-

Meetings with the foreign diplomatic corps in Korea and the press

Publication of Research Results
IFANS produces various publications of research both online and offline.
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International Issues and Prospects (Weekly)-

IFANS FORECAST (KOR/ENG) (Yearly)-

Series of Policy Studies (Yearly)-

IFANS FOCUS (KOR/ENG) (Frequently)-

China Report (Yearly)-

Center for Diplomatic History Studies’ oral history series (Frequently)■ Organization
5 Research Departments

5 Research Centers

Department of National Security and Unification Studies

Center for Chinese Studies

Department of Asia-Pacific Studies

Center for Diplomatic History Studies

Department of American Studies

Center for International Law

Department of European and African Studies

Center for Japanese Studies

Department of International Economy and Trade Studies

Center for ASEAN-Indian Studies

Address: 2572 Nambusunhwan-ro, Seocho-gu, Seoul, 06750, Seoul, Korea.
TEL: (82-2)-3497-7633 FAX: (82-2)-571-1019 E-mail: jfir@jfir.or.jp URL: http://www.jfir.or.jp/j/26

(4) Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS)The Trilateral Cooperation Secretariat (TCS) is an international organization established with a vision to promote
peace and common prosperity among Japan, the People’s Republic of China (China), and the Republic of Korea(ROK). Upon the agreement signed and ratified by each of the three governments, the TCS was officiallyinaugurated in Seoul, September 2011. On the basis of equal participation, each government shares 1/3 of total
operational budget.
The TCS aims to serve as a cooperation hub for trilateral cooperation that encompasses the broad spectrum ofsectors and actors. With a view to solidifying the cooperative ties among the three countries, the TCS will strive toensure that trilateral cooperation remains dynamic and future-oriented.
1. The 4th Consultative Board (2019.9.1-2021.8.31)
Secretary-General: MICHIGAMI Hisashi (Japan)
Deputy Secretary-General: CAO Jing (China)
Deputy Secretary-General: KANG Doho (ROK)
2. Functions and Activities
1) Supporting Trilateral Consultative Mechanisms- Trilateral Summit/ Trilateral Ministers’Meeting, etc.
2) Conducting Cooperative Projects- Trilateral Table Top Exercise (TTX) on Disaster Management/ CJK FTA Seminar, etc.
3) Promoting Trilateral Cooperation- International Forum for Trilateral Cooperation/ Young Ambassador Program (YAP), etc.
4) Collaboration with Other Organizations- ASEAN/ EU/ APEC/ UNESCAP, etc.
5) Research & Database- Progress Report of the Trilateral Cooperation/ TCS Website, etc.
3. Organization
The TCS consists of a Consultative Board and four Departments. The Consultative Board, the executive
decision-making body of the organization, is comprised of a Secretary-General and two Deputy Secretary-Generals.
The Secretary-General is appointed on two-year rotational basis in the order of the ROK, Japan, and China. Eachcountry other than the one of the Secretary-General nominates a Deputy Secretary-General respectively. Under theConsultative Board, there are Department of Political Affairs, Department of Economic Affairs, Department ofSocial and Cultural Affairs, and Department of Management and Coordination. The four Departments arecomposed of Professional Staff seconded by the three countries, and General Services Staff recruited through open
competition from the three countries.

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The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)
17-12-1301, Akasaka 2-chome Minato-ku, Tokyo, 107-0052, Japan[Tel] +81-3-3584-2190 [Fax] +81-3-3589-5120[E-mail] jfir@jfir.or.jp[URL] http://www.jfir.or.jp/