I

Studies in Asian Geolinguistics I— SUN —
(Report of ILCAA J R P 2015–2017“S  A G”)First published 2016
Edited by Mitsuaki E
Copyright © 2016 Individual Contributors
ISBN 978-4-86337-235-1(This is an electronic publication in PDF format)
Published by
Research Institute for
Languages and Cultures ofAsia and Africa (ILCAA)
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
3-11-1, Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi,
183-8534, Tokyo, JAPANTable of Contents

Mitsuaki ENDO, Goals of the Project “Studies in Asian Geolinguistics” 2015-2017 …………… 1“Sun” in Asian Languages
Ryo MATSUMOTO, “Sun” in Tungusic and Uralic ……………………………………………… 5
Yoshio SAITO, “Sun” in Mongolic and Turkic …………………………………………………… 6
Mika FUKAZAWA, “Sun” in Ainu ………………………………………………………………… 8
Takashi UEYA and Kenji YAGI, “Sun” in Sinitic languages …………………………………… 10
Yoshihisa TAGUCHI, “Sun” in Hmong-Mien …………………………………………………… 12
Satoko SHIRAI, Keita KURABE, Kazue IWASA, Hiroyuki SUZUKI, and Shiho EBIHARA,
Sun: Tibeto-Burman ………………………………………………………………………… 14
Mitsuaki ENDO, “Sun” in Tai-Kadai …………………………………………………………… 18
Mika KONDO, “Sun” in Austroasiatic ………………………………………………………… 20
Noboru YOSHIOKA, Sun: South Asia …………………………………………………………… 22
Yoichi NAGATO, The Sun: Arabic Languages …………………………………………………… 24
References ……………………………………………………………………………………… 26
ArticlesShinsuke KISHIE, Yukichi SHIMIZU, and Yukako SAKOGUCHI, Dialectal Forms Associated with
the Word Taiyō (Sun) in Japanese………………………………………………………… 37

Mika FUKAZAWA, Geographical distribution of ‘daytime’ in Ainu …………………………… 44
Rei FUKUI, The sun in Korean ………………………………………………………………… 55
Liying QIN and Hiroyuki SUZUKI, Chasing a Cat from the Mekong to the Salween: A Geolinguistic
Description of ‘Cat’ in Trung and Khams Tibetan in North-western Yunnan ……………… 61
Dawa Drolma and Hiroyuki SUZUKI, Preliminary Report on the Darmdo Minyag Linguistic Area,
with a Geolinguistic Description of Terms for ‘Sun’  ……………………………………… 72
Hiroyuki SUZUKI, A Geolinguistic Description of Terms for ‘Sun’ in Tibetic Languages of theEastern Tibetosphere ……………………………………………………………………… 79
Makoto MINEGISHI, Toshiki OSADA, Nathan BADENOCH, Masaaki SHIMIZU, Atsushi YAMADA,
and Yuma ITO, A Survey of Recent Austroasiatic Studies ………………………………… 86

Goals of the Project͆͆Studies in Asian Geolinguistics͇2015- 2017
Mitsuaki Endo
College of Economics, Aoyama Gakuin University

1

Introduction

The goal of this study is to publish The Linguistic Atlas of Asia, Vol. 1 in the academic year 2018.
It comprises 9 linguistic properties: 1) the Sun, 2) rice, 3) milk, 4) wind, 5) iron, 6) means to countnoun, 7) tonal phenomena including tone, pitch accent and stress, 8) "it rains", and 9) types of manner ofarticulation of consonant. Research meetings will be held thrice a year, 9 times in total. Each meeting
will be devoted to one theme above. It mainly deals with vocabulary, but phonology, morphology, andsyntax are also included. Regarding the density, over 1,000 locations of all language families in Asia
will be included. Furthermore, the geographical distribution will be interpreted from the viewpoint of
linguistic history, language contact, and the transmission of matters as well as the migration of humangroups.
The tool for mapping is Arc GIS online. Thanks to the great efforts by Mr. Yukichi Shimizu, an
additional set of symbols suitable for geolinguistics first designed by Ms. Yuko Okada is open to the
public with colorful symbols. Language families are distinguished by colors in order to avoid confusion
between one another.
In the following chapters, some details of the project are described.

2

Disscussion of linguistic properties

2.1

The Sun

The first item of the Linguistic Atlas of Asia is "the Sun". The reason is that is a natural phenomenon andeasy to understand. Many linguistic atlases begin with this word, including Atlas Linguarum Europae(Vol. I, fasc. 1, Assen: Van Gorcum, 1983, and following volumes) which we intend to connect with in
the future, Zhiyun Cao (ed.) Linguistic Atlas of Chinese Dialects (Beijing: the Commersial Press, 2008),
and among others, Ray Iwata (ed.) The Interpretative Maps of Chinese Dialects (Vol.1, Tokyo:
Hakuteisha, 2009; Vol. 2, Tokyo: Kobun Shuppan, 2012). The last one is especially important for us,
since this project is a follow-up and expansion of the activities on Chinese geolinguistics lead byProfessor Ray Iwata from 1989 on. Linguistic Atlas of Asia will be compiled according to this model.
An important difference is that each Asian language family is discussed in two pages, and an
overview of all of Asia is also given for each item.
Such a basic vocabulary may show no lexical varieties in a particular language, like Ainu or Korean,and so on. Still phonological differences can be traced, and even a uniform distribution is meaningful ina wider context surrounding that language.
2.2

Rice

The importance of rice in daily life is obvious in Southeast and East Asia. In North Asia, rice isn't grown,
and therefore no word exists at all in several languages. Again, this lack is also an interesting fact, andits geographical distribution deserves to be traced. The spreading of rice and its culture along with thewords which denote them should be closely related. Collaboration with the specialists of rice is also
desirable. This item is chosen as a specimen of agricultural vocabulary.



2.3

Milk

Stock raising is also a basic industry especially in Central Asia. Milk is chosen as a representative wordin this area. One and the same word is used to denote "milk" and "breast (of mother)" in some languages
like Japanese and Chinese. It is a natural semantic derivation process, similar to "the Sun" and "day".
Such a phenomenon will also be dealt with.
2.4

Wind

See Saito (2013) and Endo (2014). Although this is a basic vocabulary item, similar forms are wide
spread among languages in Eastern Asia. Further scrutiny across the whole Asia might be interesting.
2.5

Iron

Production of iron uses coal and high temperature technology; hence it was a great innovation datingaround 2 thousand years ago. Its invention contributed to the rise of production using solid machines not
only in manufacturing industry but also in agriculture.
Chang (1972) reconstructed the proto
Sino-Tibetan form for 'iron' as *qhleks. Hlek in modern Siamese is a reflection of this form, and tiĕ in
Chinese as well as tetsu in Japanese have the same origin despite the difference in appearance.
2.6

Means to Count NounClassifiers are used to count noun in Southeast and East Asian languages. For examples, "these threebooks" in Chinese is expressed as follows: zhè (this) sān (three) bĕn (classifier) shū (book). Wordorder of these items differs according to various languages in Southeast and East Asia. In other areas in
Asia, no classifiers are needed. Still, the simpleness of these languages is also significant to draw a map.
2.7

Tonal Phenomena

Tone is a shared feature among Southeast and East Asian languages. Synchronically and diachronicallyspeaking, there are abundant variations. In addition, there are pitch accent languages like Japanese andsome dialects of Korean, and stress accent languages in Altaic. A system with a fixed position stressalso occurs in a wider geographical context. This is a very complicated feature, so about double thespace for this topic is considered in the book.
2.8

It rains

In Chinese, the word order of "it rains" is VS, although the basic word order is SVO. In Tai-Kadai, SV
is dominant, but a VS type is also observed in neighbouring languages with Chinese. In the oracle-bone
inscription age in Chinese, "rain" can serve as a noun as well as a verb by itself as in English. In Nivkh,
there is no word to express "rain."
2.9

Types of manner of articulation of consonant

Voicedness and aspiration are dominant distinctions among Asian languages. Prenasalised consonants
are also important issues for many languages.

3

Covered Language Families and Languages

All language families and isolated languages in Asia should be included in this Atlas. Fortunately,
almost all branches have been covered by specialists:
Paleo-Asiatic: Tokusu Kurebito
Nivkh:
Hidetoshi Shiraishi
Ainu:
Mika Fukazawa
Uralic:Ryo Matsumoto
Tungusic:Ryo Matsumoto
Mongolic:
Yoshio SaitoTurkic:
Japanese:

Yoshio Saito
Shinsuke Kishie, Nobuko Kibe, Takuichiro Onishi, Seiichi Nakai, Yuukichi
Shimizu
Korean:Rei Fukui
Sinitic:
Ray Iwata, Takashi Ueya, Kenji Yagi
Hmong-Mien:
Yoshihisa Taguchi
Tai-Kadai:
Mitsuaki Endo
Tibeto-Burman: Satoko Shirai, Kazue Iwasa, Ikuko Matsuse, Hiroyuki Suzuki, Shiho Ebihara,
Keita Kurabe
Tibetan in China: Hiroyuki Suzuki
Austroasiatic:
Makoto Minegishi, Masaaki Shimizu, Mika Kondo
Austronesian:Atsuko Utsumi, Noa Nishimoto
Indo-Aryan:
Noboru Yoshioka
Iranian:
TBA
Dravidian:
TBA
Arabic:Yoichi Nagato
Cartography:
Chitsuko Fukushima, Sirivilai Teerarojanarat

4

Measures to Spread the Research Results to the Public

The last meeting in Feburuary or March 2018 will be held jointly as the 4th International Conference of
Asian Geolinguistics at ILCAA, TUFS. At the same time, a symposium regarding the relationship andformation processes between language distribution and cultural and natural geography will be held withgeneticists, archaologists, historians, and geographers focusing on Asia.
Nine issues of e-publication Studies in Asian Geolinguistics in English are open to the public in theworld through the web site. The contents consist of the draft version of each item to be included in the
Atlas, more detailed discussions and supplementary materials, as well as original papers by members.
A printed version including 3 issues each will be circulated annually.
Longitude and latitude data of each place, lists of source materials, and raw linguistic data will be
open to the public on the internet after the end of the project in order to promote future studies bybroader range of researchers.
Linguistic Atlas of Asia, Vol. 1 will be published hopefully by ILCAA, TUFS, if the publication
proposal is accepted. The maps will be open online through Arc GIS Online.

5

Prospective Research Results

1) Orthodox research with classic models has been started in the areas where geolinguistics are still notdeveloped. Further developments are promoted more systematically in the areas where dialect
geography has already begun.
2) Descriptions on dialects of each language family are overviewed. The last decades witnessed ahuge progress in many Asian countries, and this should be traced thoroughly. Professor Makoto
Minegishi tried to do a model survey on Austroasiatic languages this time. As a result, a lack ofmaterials was revealed, and the necessity of further descriptive studies on these dialects was clarified.
3) Comparative linguistics of each language family is also essential for geolinguistic studies;otherwise it is impossible to identify whether some forms are cognate or not. Moreover, exceptionalchanges due to folk eymology or analogy and so on can be detected only using a strict comparative
method. Philological studies are also useful to interpret geographical distribution of linguistic
properties. Reversely, linguistic maps can provide positive evidence to determine the originating area ofa linguistic feature in an old document.
4) Maps based on a super-macro perspective among languages across the whole of Asia with micro
and dense places enable us to find out changing and spreading mechanisms inside a language or alanguage family as well as facts with concrete instances caused by language contacts. Natural,easy-to-emerge or the opposite changing processes will be detected with a vast range of examples withover thousands of places, and universal patterns will be extracted empirically.

5) Linguistic facts are compared with extra-linguistic factors such as migration history, spreading
processes of things, transportation and land shapes. Interdisciplinary and synthetic studies on humangroups are expected based on geographical distribution of particular linguistic features.

6

Prospective Biproducts

1) Synergy effects are expected from the close collaboration among domestic specialists of various
languages in Asia. They will be cover all the generations in the country.
2) Closer networks will be formed and strengthened with the researchers of geolinguistics,
dialectology and historical linguistics in Asia as well as other areas in the world. We can stimulate theautonomous geolinguistic studies in the other countries in Asia. A consortium of geolinguistic studies
in Asia is also expected to be formed in the near future, or it is already in the process of formation in theform of the International Conference of Asian Geolinguistics first held in Japan in 2012.
3) Manuals and guides to draw linguistic maps using Arc GIS Online is provided to the public. It
will help spread the method of drawing linguistic maps anywhere in the world. Moreover, after
providing the longitude and latitude information of places in the Linguistic Atlas of Asia, as well as listsof source materials, it will be far easier for anyone to draw linguistic maps in Asia..
References
Chang, K. 1972. Sino-Tibetan 'iron': *qhleks. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 92:436-446.
Endo, M. 2014. The Words for "Wind" in the Eastern Asian Languages. Keizai Kenkyu (Aoyama Gakuin
University), 6:117-129. https://www.agulin.aoyama.ac.jp/opac/repository/1000/16658/?lang=0&mode=0&
opkey=R144376229510554&idx=1
Saito, Y. 2013. A Preliminary Report on the Geographical Distribution of the Words for "Wind" in the Altaic
Languages. Papers from the First Annual Meeting of the Asian Geolinguistic Society of Japan, 1:80-85.
http://agsj.jimdo.com/pagsj-1/

Acknowledgements
I appreciate Dr. Donna Erickson for checking my English.

"Sun" in Tungusic and Uralic
UralicIn Uralic there seem to be several words for sun, butphonologically it could be devided in three: the vowelof the first sillable is A) back vowel, B) front vowel,or C) the first consonant is labial. Its geographicaldistribuition is also clearly divided in three in sameway. As for the first consonant, type A and B have acommon character – velar obstruent, but the differentchange – palatalization, sibilantization – hadhappened due to the following vowel. Type A is foundin Samoyedic, where velar sound is retained. Forest
Nenets d'āłła and Selkup čēly are the exceptional form,
but these words are the cognate to “day”; ex. Tundra
Nenets jallʲa (cf. *jälä “Licht, Tag, Sonne”, *kåjå“Sonne”: Janhunen 1977). On the other hand type B isfound around the Ural Mountains, and the affectedconsonants is č, š, sʲ or x. Type C is found only in thelimitied Baltic-Finnic area. In this area the forms arevery similar each other, p-initial words possibly
appeared after the split from the other Uraliclanguages.
The exceptional forms in Uralic are found in Finnish
aurinko, and in Hungarian nap. There words’ origins
are still unclear (In Finnish päivä has the meaning“sun”, but mainly used for “day”).

Tungusic
Many minority peoples inhabit Siberia.
Tungusic languages have three words for sun: dilača,šigun and jūlten. Evenki dialects have all these threeform, while Ewen has one form jūlten, and the other
tungusic languages have one form šigun. The word
jūtlen is derived from the root jū- ~ ǰū- ~ňū- “to go out,
to appear, to rise”, and the meaning is “the place from
where the sun rises”. From the majority distribution
and the word formation, one could argue that the formšigun dates back to Proto-Tugusic.
Map 1 shows the overlapping distribution of thethree forms. Some dialects use two forms concurrently.
According to the Map 1, in the central area of Evenki(the south-west Yakutia) only dilača is found, whilešigun is located in the peripheric areas. On ther other
hand, in Evenki the form jūtlen is found only in theeast, where Evenki has contact with Ewen. From thepoint of view of the theory of language form
propagation, the form šigun could be older than theothers.
There remains the etymological problem of the word
dilača, as Kazama (2003: 46) refered to it as “a rather
unique vocabulary item”. According to Tsintsius(1975: vol.1, 206), the cognates of dilača are foundalso in Solon дел'ечá and Negidal дилача, whichmean “sun” in both. However its origin is unknown. I
propose here one possibility that they might have thesame root with dil “head” as a sequel to thepersonification of sun, as well in Baltic-Finnic: Fin.
päivä “day, sun”, pää “head”.

“sun” and “day”
As already mentioned above, sometimes in somelanguages the words for “sun” and “day” are notdistinguished clearly. Tungusic and Samojed
languages consistently have diffetent words: Evenki
dilača “sun”, inǝŋi “day” : Tundra Nenets xajerʔ
“sun”, jāllʲa “day”.
(Ryo Matsumoto)Map 2 “Sun” in Uralic(yellow) A *k + bacl vowel(Blue) B *k + front vowel(red) C labial p-initial(black) others

Map 1 “Sun” in Tungusic(red) dilača(blue) šigun
(green) jūlten.

“Sun” in Mongolic and Turkic

The form kujaš, which meant “sunny place” or“sun heat,” existed in Old Uighur. It had developed
from *kuñaš, which is preserved in modern Sakha andDolgan as kuñās “warm weather.” (Tenishev 2001: 65,
Erdal 2004: 72)
The Chuvash form xǝvel corresponds to the form
küneš, etc. in the other Turkic languages. (The key
sound correspondence is l2 : š)
The type B word is used (almost?) exclusively for“the sun” in Turkish, Crimean Tatar, and Chuvash,
while the type A form is used for both “the sun” and“day” in the other languages.
In Turkish, the word for “the sun” is güneš. The
word gün is used for “day,” and is only used in themeaning “the sun” in such fixed phrases as gün ağïlï
“halo around the sun,” güne bakan “sunflower” (bak“to face”), gün batmasï “sunset” (bat- “to sink”), gün
doğ- “(of the sun) to rise” (doğ- “to be born”), etc.
In Karaim, kujas/kujaš is used for “the sun,” while
kün is used both for “the sun” and “day.” kujas
anïklanïred’ batma “the sun has already set,” kujaš
balkuvu “sunshine,” kujaš sagatlar “sundial”; künbatïsï “sunset,” birsi kün “the day before yesterday.”In Tuvan, xün is used both for “the sun” and for“day,” and the two meanings are mainly distinguishedby context as they are in most other Turkic languages.
E.g. xün ünüp kelgen “The sun rose,” törüttüngen
xünü “birthday.” But in Tuvan there are some cases
where the two meanings, for example as in ol xün“that sun / that day,” are distinguished by difference inpitch and by the presence and absence of pause
between the two elements. (A. Syuryun, personalcommunication)
In addition to the above two types of words, there
is a word jašïk (< jašu- “bright”), which was used for“the sun” in Karakhanid in the 11th century andsurvives in only a few modern languages with its
original meaning, e.g. Turkish ïšïk “bright.”
We can interpret the modern distribution of theTurkic words as the result of a limited spread of theuse of the type B word for “the sun” from the BlackSea region.

The Mongolic and Turkic languages have been incontinuous contact with each other over long periodsof time and thus share a certain amount of vocabularysuch as tämür/tämir iron, bütün/bütün whole,entire, bajan/baj rich, and so on. But, they use
completely different words for the sun.
1. Mongolic
The word forms representing the sun in Mongolicderived from naran.
Some languages lost theword-final nasal in the [human] words in thenominative case while other languages preserved it.
In terms of this characteristic, the forms can beclassified into the following two categories:A) Forms retaining the word-final nasal in thenominative: naran, narǝn, narn, naraŋ.
E.g. Buriad, Dongxiang, Bonan, Moghol, Shira
Yughur, Kalmyk.
B) Forms without the word-final nasal in thenominative: nara, narə, nar.
E.g. Khalkha, Ordos, Dagur, Monguor.
The map shows that the forms retaining theword-final nasal appear in marginal zones of theMongolic-speaking area. This distribution suggeststhat they are older than those with no word-final nasal,
and agrees with the data from written documents.
(The Kalmyk language in the lower Volga region
should be treated separately because its speakers
migrated there from the present-day Xinjiang region in
the 17th century.)
2. Turkic
The word forms representing the sun in Turkic can
be classified into the following two types:A) kün-typeB) küneš-type, including the form kujaš, etc.
Voicing of the initial consonant has taken place in
the Southwestern group, which includes Turkish,
Azeri, Turkmen, etc., producing the forms gün andgüneš. Vowel changes have also taken place in somelanguages. (E.g. Khalaj has both kün and kin.)
The form kün, which originally meant the sun,
has extended its meaning to refer also to “day.” Thisphenomenon is “common in all periods and all
languages.” (Clauson 1972: 725)
Chulym developed a compound word kün karaɣïwith the word karak “eye.”

Keywords: day, sunny place, sun heat, warm weather,bright, eye(Yoshio Saitô)“sun” in Mongolic“sun” in Turkic

“Sun” in Ainu

recorded as a special term that older people use. In the
text of yúkar, the heroic epics in Ainu, rikóma cup is
used for “the sun” in expressions like “He has a face
like the sun.” The modifier rikóma is interpretable asrík “sky,” omá “to put O1 (in) O2,” and then rikoma
kamuy means “the god in the sky.”
The head of the noun phrases for “sun” shows thefollowing variations: a) cúp (kamúy) “(the gods of) thesun and/or the moon,” b) tónpi “the light (of the star),”and c) -p, the classifier for “thing,” which is seen in
rikómap and rikomah. A standard form is a) cúp, andthe following kamúy (y=[j]), “the god,” is optional
except for Type A. In the Ainu culture, the sun and themoon are regarded as important gods; however, unlike
the gods of the mountain, village, water etc., thesegods are not necessarily worshipped in a visible
manner (Uchiyama 2008). Their gender andrelationship differ by region: they are either a married
couple or siblings (Kitahara 2014: 14; Watanabe et al.
1992: 72–73).
The form of b) tonpi occurs in limited areas. In the
dialect of Tarantomari, Sakhalin, cup is replaced by
tonpi, which stands for “sun,” “moon” and even for“month,” “ ” in Map 1. The lexical form of tonpi
could be analyzed into tom “to sparkle; to shine” and–pi (< pe) classifier of “thing” (uncertain) (cf. Tamura
1996: 580).
Since at least the middle of the nineteenth century,
the terms tó and too, “day,” have been metonymicallyused for the meaning of “day of the month,” and cúp,
for “month,” in the same way as -ka/-nichi ᪥ stands
for “day of the month” and -gatsu ᭶, for “month” inJapanese.
Keywords: daytime, the moon, the god of the sun(Mika Fukazawa)

In Ainu, the term cúp (c=[ʣ, ʤ, ʦ, ʧ]) stands forboth “sun” and “moon.” It is distributed over threelarge dialectal groups of Hokkaido, Sakhalin andnorthern Kuriles, where “‫ ”ە‬is denoted in Map 1. The
form of cuh in Sakhalin, “ࠐ”, originates from cúp in
Hokkaido because the most of the Sakhalin dialects
have a special phonemic variant /-h/ [h], which issubstituted for the coda /-p, -t, -k, -r/ [p˺, t˺, k˺, ɾ] (cf.
Chiri 1942: 471–472; Tamura 2000: 20). Whenspecifically referring to the sun, we have to add theword for “daytime” before cup. Then, the terms for“sun” can be classified into 3 types: the A) toono type,B) sírpeker type and C) tókap type.
The lexical forms of Type A are distributed over
Sakhalin and the northernmost part of Hokkaido andthe modifier tóno/toono would be the oldest form for“daytime.” The monosyllabic forms in Type A and C,
too and tó, mean “day (24 hours)” in Ainu, since thelong vowel oo [oː] in Sakhalin is phoneticallyequivalent to the pitch accent ó in Hokkaido. The
terms tóno and toono would be interpreted as “themiddle of the day” if the following morpheme no wasrelated to the locative noun nóski “the middle of.”
In Type B, sírpeker originally means “day breaks;
it gets light,” consisting of the prefix sír- “sight; view”
and the intransitive verb pekér “to be light.” Thedialects of eastern Hokkaido and northern Kuriles
show this type. In some dialects, the final consonant/-r/ is changed to /-t/ before the consonant /c/. The
southernmost dialect of Hokkaido, Samani, uses theshort form peker.
Western Hokkaido dialects are categorized into
Type C. In C-1, the term for “daytime” tókap consistsof tó “day” and káp “skin” (uncertain). In C-2, thecoda /-p/ [p˺] of káp is changed to /-m/ [m], possibly
by analogy with the meaning of kám “meat.” Thehistory of this type is unclear. The word tókap for“daytime” is considered as a homonym for “(older
woman’s) breast” or a polyseme (for more details see
Fukazawa 2015).
In addition to the three types above, the rikóma
type is often used as a reverential form in a specificcontext. When people pray to the god of the sun, andsometimes the god of the moon, they are called rikoma
kamuy in the Shizunai dialect, and rikomá tonpi in the
Yakumo dialect. In Raichisika, one of the Sakhalin
dialects, rikomah (< rikómap, as in Biratori) is

Map 1. “sun” and “moon”

“Sun” in Ainu

A. toono type
A-1 toono cup type
A-2 toono tonpi
B. sírpeker typeB-1 sírpeker cup (kamuy) typeB-2 peker cup kamuy
C. tókap type
C-1 tókap cup (kamuy)
C-2 tókam cup (kamuy)"Sun" in Sinitic languages

in Chinese can classified into two main categories - ri
 type(Type A) and taiyang  type(Type B)-. It isestimated that the oldest form may be themonosyllabic form ri (A1). But its distribution islimited to a certain part of southeast China. The main
form of ri  type is “ri +tou (suffix)”(A2). It
includes retou  (“hot”+suffix) and yuetou (“moon”+suffix). Both of them are forms derived fromritou  . (Matsue2009:64-65)
ri  type and taiyang  type are coexistent inmany areas. As an overall tendency, ri  type is seen
throughout all of China. On the other hand, taiyang type is very rare in southern China.
Bw- type (Type C) is the form including /bw/. /bw/
is Bilabial Plosive + Rounded vowel. It tends tochange to unvoiced-aspirated consonants or unvoiced
aspirated consonants /pʰw-//pw-/ derived from voiced
consonants. Yangpo  (C1) is seen in Shanxi area.
/bw/ in Shanxi represents "old woman (Po )". Ritou
pu  (C3) and ritou pusa  (C5) aredistributed in two separate areas, Zhejiang andSichuan. In these areas /bw/ represents the "Buddhist
saint (Pusa )". In southern dialect, jinri “today” is called jinbu [ʨeŋ pu]. It may suggestthat they are related to each other somehow. The form
ritou bao  (C2) is distributed in Sichuan andGuangdong.
In type D, Ye  is the morpheme meaning thekinship term “grandfather”. ye  can be seen as theform that omitted the "sun" morpheme of  (Matshue2009). However, the first syllable of C1
has largely lost its original nasal coda -ŋ,
yangpo then the pronunciation of yang  and ye  can be
identical in these areas.
wo (type E), yan (type F), kong (G2), ke (G4) all have forms which are related with "hole",
therefore folk-etymology that looks upon "sun" as"hole in the sky" probably influenced the formation ofthese types. ritou kong  (G2) shows a scatter
distribution in Anhui, Zhejiang, Shanxi, Hebei. Ritoukong  (G1) is densely distributed in Anhui and
Zhejiang. Kong !/khong/" represents "hole". In
its neighboring areas, ritou gong   (G3) is
distributed rather broadly. Gong  means " male,grandfather ". We can hypothesize that the form ritou
kong   was derived from ritou gong  .
(/kong/#/khong/).
(Takashi Ueya, Kenji Yagi)

1. Classification of word forms
With respect to the Chinese language atlas, there are
two main previous studies, Cao2008 and Iwata2009.
These atlases both include maps of Sun-related terms.
The maps of Sun-terms contained in Iwata2009 are
made by Takashi Matsue. The distribution of the main
forms of terms for “the sun” in China has already been
explained in Matsue2009. This map was made toemphasaize the other forms of Sun-terms.
In this map, word forms representing "the sun" in
Chinese are classified into 9 categories.
A. ri  typeA1 ri [zit]A2 ritou  [ʐʅ tʰou], retou  [nieʔ tʰeu],
yuetou  [ŋue tʰeu]
B. taiyang  type
[tʰai iaŋ], taiying [tʰɛ iŋ]
C. Bw- typeC1 yangpo  [iɑŋ pʰə] [iɛ pʰɛ]C2 taiyang bao [tʰai iaŋ pau]C3 ritou pu  [ȵiɪʔ dæʏ bu] [ȵieʔ də və],taiyang fo [tʰa ji vai]
C4 pusa yeye [pʰu sɿ ie ie]
C5 ritou pusa  [ȵiɪʔ dæʏ bu sɐʔ], taiyang
pusa [tʰa ɦiaŋ bu saʔ]D. ye  ("grandfather") type[iɛ] [iɛ iɛ], laoye [lau iər], ritou ye [ər tʰou ie]
E. wo  "burrow" typeyewor [ia uɔr], yangpo wozi   [iɑŋpʰɤɯ vɤɯ ʦəʔ]F. yan  "eye" type
ritouyan  [ʐʅ tʰəu ȵiɐr], taiyang yan [tʰaioŋ ŋɑŋ], yeye yan [ia ia ȵiɐr]
G. Kw- type ("sun" + /k-/,/kʰ-/) typeG1 [kong] "male, grandfather" ritou gong  [zik tʰau koŋ] , taiyang gonggong [tʰɑɦiaŋ koŋ koŋ]G2 [khoŋ] "hole" ritou kong  [ȵiəʔ tiu kʰoŋ]G3 [ku] "cow" ritou gu  [ȵi tʰæ ku] etc.
G4 [khu] "burrow" ritou ke  [ni diɤ kʰu]
H. Taiyang di  ("emperor") typetiandi [tʰiaŋ tier], taiyang di [tʰai iaŋ ti]
I. others: nair [nɐr], nair nair  [nɐr nɐr]
2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
To put it shortly, word forms representing "the sun"“Sun” in Sinitic

“Sun” in Hmong-Mien

C: tau2 ƾN‫ܥ‬u1’
D: qa3/4/8 ha1(QࡢL4/6/8 tau2 or ni2 tau2

1. Classification of word forms
Most languages belonging to Hmong-Mien exhibit aword-form that has a root with a nasal onset. Based on
the comparative work in Hmong-Mien linguistics, thisroot goes back to a Proto-Hmong-Mien root that has avoiceless nasal onset and Tone 1. We represent all theforms cognate with this proto-form as QࡢV1, and call the
languages that have QࡢV1 as the root for “the sun” TypeA languages (the number on each word-form represent
historical tone). In these languages, the form QࡢV1 isalso used as the word-form for “day”.
The Type A languages are divided into several
subgroups. First, the most numerous subgroup A-1 uses
QࡢV1 as a monosyllabic word-form. Other languages inthis group can be divided according to the element thatis added to the root. Subgroups A-2 to A-19 are
languages where the additional element is placed
before the root, and subgroups A-20 and A-21 arelanguages where the additional element is placed after
the root.
A-1: QࡢV1 as a monosyllabic word
The element before the root in subgroups A-2 to A-19
is as follows.
A-2: pu2/ bu2/ pa2/ pԥ2/ bԥ2/ pe3
A-3: qh‫ܤ‬7/8
A-4: ‫ ݦ‬Ѻ 1/‫ݦ‬a1
A-5: ha8
A-6: ci5
A-7: khu4
A-8: TKDƾ3 “hole”
A-9: p‫ܧ‬7
A-10: qoB
A-11 po3 “father”
A-12: vei3 “wife”
A-13: a6 ‫ܧ‬Ѻ1
A-14: a2 Oࡢ D5 qa3/4 “moon” (first two syllables)
A-15: QDƾ1
A-16: la3
A-17: nui2
A-18: mwԥ1
A-19: a1/4/7
The element after the root in subgroups A-20 and A-21
is as follows.
A-20: k‫ܧ‬3
A-21: ntou2 “sky”
The remaining forms are divided into four types.
%URRWLVQDƾ6 RUQWRƾ6

2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
Type A-1, which is monosyllabic, has the widest
geographical distribution. Since this form also exhibits
the widest distribution in terms of the phylogenetic treeof the Hmong-Mien languages, it can be interpreted aspreservation of the oldest state among the A type forms.
The other forms with some additional element musthave been formed in each language/dialect. Type A-2,
which has a bilabial element before the root, isconcentrated in Guangxi and Vietnam, but this is afeature of two branches of Mienic, Iu-mien and
Kim-mun. The root of the Type A forms is considered
as a loan from some Tibeto-Burman language(Benedict 1987, Ratliff 2010:235).
The other types than Type A indicate a limited
distribution. The etymology of Type C and Type D isunclear. The forms of Type E seem to be a loan from
Chinese “ᰕཤ” or “✝ཤ”. What might attract interest
is Type B. It shows periphrastic distribution both interms of geography and phylogeny. The Type B forms(QDƾ6 and QWRƾ6) are distributed in one of the North
Hmong languages in Hunan and Jiong-nai in Guangxi(based on Rafliff 2010, the proto-form for these forms
can be reconstructed as *ndԥngC). Furthermore, thereflex of this proto-form has a meaning “sunshine” insome languages including one of the other North
Hmong (Xiang 1992) and Pa-na, both of which have aType A form for “the sun”. This fact suggests two
possible stories. Based on the assumption that the TypeA forms derive from a loanword, the Type B forms
might be the retention of the original Hmong-Mienform for “sun”. After borrowing the root of Type A, theType B forms shifted the meaning to “sunshine”
through a metonymic semantic change (or narrowed
the original meaning). The other story is that theoriginal word for “sunshine” has acquired a meaning of“sun” in the Type B languages. The issue is still to besettled.

"Sun" in Hmong-Mien
A-1: QࡢV1 as a monosyllabic word

A-QDƾ1
A-16: la3

Polysyllabic word with an element before root:

A-17: nui2

A-2: pu2/ bu2/ pa2/ pԥ2/ bԥ2/ pe3

A-18: mwԥ1

A-3: qh‫ܤ‬7/8

A-19: a1/4/7

A-4: ‫ ݦ‬Ѻ 1/‫ݦ‬a1
A-5: ha8

Polysyllabic word with an element after the root:

A-6: ci5

A-20: k‫ܧ‬3

A-7: khu4

A-21: ntou2 “sky”

A-TKDƾ3 “hole”
A-9: p‫ܧ‬7

Others

A-10: qoB

%QDƾ6 RUQWRƾ6

A-11 po3 “father”

C: tau2 ƾN‫ܥ‬u1’

A-12: vei3 “wife”

D: qa3/4/8 ha1

A-13: a6 ‫ܧ‬1Ѻ

(QࡢL4/6/8 tau2 or ni2 tau2

A-14: a2 Oࡢ D5 qa3/4 “moon”

Sun: Tibeto-Burman
2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
It is certain that Ax (N- <*nΩy type) is the oldest of
the types. It can be traced back to Proto Sino-Tibetan*nyiҌ (Coblin 1986, STEDT). From the geolinguistic
point of view, Ax is the most commonly and broadly
found type in all of the southern, western and northernparts of the whole TB area. Most of the spots are of
Burmese and Tibetan dialects, since they preserve
reflexes inherited from Written Burmese ne and Old
Tibetan (g)nyi ma (ma is a suffix), respectively.
However, the Ax type is also found in other languages:
Akha naƾ, Haka Lai nîi, Khir ࠺i55wΩ33, Nusu ࠺i35ъ55,
etc. Moreover, all of these spots are located in theneighboring or inner areas of the Burmese and Tibetan
speaking regions.

1. Classification of word forms
In Tibeto-Burman (TB), the most common wordform of “sun” is with an initial nasal (n/࠺/ƾ). However,this type originates from two different proto-forms:
Proto Tibeto-Burman (PTB) *nΩy or *s-nΩy‘sun/day/dwell’ and *g-nam ‘sun/sky’ (Matisoff 2013,
STEDT). In the maps below, we distinguish these two
types: Ax) N- <*nΩy type and A0) N- <*g-nam type.
(Although Ax can be further classified into a numberof subtypes, they are not distinguished on the map).
Additionally, more than six other types of stem arefound: B) b/p- type, C) m- type, D) ts(h)/s/d҉/tюV[-front] type, E) g/tѺ/d҉/tюV [+front] type, F) l/lֈ - type.
Some types of stem such as F (l/lֈ -) are found only incompounds. The forms compounded with other stems
are distinguished on the maps (e.g., ne21ge21 : Ax +E). Forms are classified independently of affixes,
although some forms do contain an affix/affixes. (e.g.,
࠺i-ma : Ax type). Examples of each type follow:

Compound forms involving the Ax type, such as
Ax + E, C + Ax, Ax + C, are also commonly
found—more commonly than the other stems. They
are found in Loloish languages that are spoken in thecentral and southeastern parts of the TB area. Ax + C
and C + Ax show ABA distribution; therefore, Ax + C
is considered older than C + Ax. Ax + E is broadly
found in the eastern area of Loloish.
A0 type (N- <*g-nam) is concentrated in the
Nungic languages in the central part of the TB area,e.g., Rawang nam31, Trung nѧm53, etc. Compoundtypes such as Trung nъm31loƾ55 (A0 + F) are also
found in the same area, with some exceptions such as
gSerpo Tibetan nъ xtsa and sTau nъmtsъ (both A0 + D)
that are found in the northeastern and northerly-central
parts of the TB area. Interestingly, some Tibetan
dialects spoken in the immediate area to Trung also
have compound types with A0: e.g., Jesha Tibetan ўnэ˾lֈ a. A0 type and its compounds are apparently new,because its distribution is narrow and concentrated in
the central area.
B type (b/p-) is the second-most commonly found.
Geographically, it is found both in the southerlycentral area and the northerly-central area. In thesoutherly-central area, Northern Burmish languages
such as Lashi pêi and Zaiwa buí, have this type.
Burling (1967) provides a Proto-Burmish form
*pwei1a ‘sun’. In the northerly-central area, Qiangic
languages such as Nyagrong Minyag jbΩ24 and StauћbΩ24 have B type. Compound types involving B are
not so common.
C type (m-) is not so common as A and B but isfound in both the southern and northern areas: in

Ax. N- <*nΩy type
A-1: n- type. ne, nƯ, n΃i, nò, ning, naƾ, etc.
A-2: ࠺/ƾ- type. ࠺i-ma, ࠺Ω-ma, nyim, ࠺iã, ࠺э˾:, ࠺Ω-mõ,ngin-ma, etc.
A0. N- <*g-nam typenam31, nΩm53, nѓm31, nъm53+nΩm53, ћnΩ55.
B. b/p- typepêi, paF, jbΩ24, ћbΩ24, ѹmbћi, ўΩ22ўbΩ44, etc.
C. m- typemѧթmé, maև ѧևƾ, miэ31, ъ55-mu֍ 21-ћѧ55, etc.
D. ts(h)/s/d҉/tюV [-front] type
ъ33-tshu55, jan, kє-jam, etc.
E. g/tѺ/d҉/tюV [+front] typegi33, d҉iΩ21, tюi22, d҉i33-mo21, etc.
In addition, various types of compounds are found,such as:Ax + C typeni55mэ33, nэ55ma33, naƾ55ma33, etc.
C + Ax typemѧ21࠺i33, mΩ21࠺i33, a55-mu21࠺i33-ma33ௗ, etc.
Ax + E typene21ge21, ni44gi21-mэ33, ࠺i21nd҉i21, etc.
A0 + F type (F: l/lֈ - type)nъm31loƾ55, nam55+nam31lэƾ55, etc.
C + D typemΩsi, mesΩ, mi55tsi55, etc.
F + E type (F: l/lֈ - type)li55tюi33, lo21tѺi33-mщ33, lo21gѧ33, etc.

than Ax + E.
F type (l/lֈ -) is not found as an independent word
for “sun,” but it is found in several types ofcompound: A0 + F type (e.g., Trung nъm31loƾ55),
which is found in the central part, F + E type (e.g., Axi
Yi li55tюi33) in the southeastern part, and F + C type(e.g., Bwe lΩmu) in the southern part. One possible
origin of the F-type stem is PTB *s-la(m/p) “dry (byfire / sun)” (STEDT). The A0 + F type is also found insome Tibetan dialects spoken in the central part of the
TB area (or the southeastern end of the Tibetan area),e.g., Jesha Tibetan ўnэ˾ lֈ a. Suzuki (this volume) points
out that such compounds literally mean“heaven-deity” (Written Tibetan gnam lha). That is,F-type stems here probably do not originate from PTB*s-la(m/p) “dry (by fire / sun)” but do originate from aword that means “deity.” The etymology of the F typeis a subject for future investigation, and we tentatively
do not distinguish these possible etymologies on themaps. The distribution of the F type suggests that eachtype of compound has been newly developed in eacharea.

Karenic languages such as Hpa-an Pwo mѧթmé in thesouth, Loloish languages such as Lalu Yi
ъ55m֌ 21ћѧ55 in the southerly-center, and Qiangic
languages such as Mawo Qiang mun in the north.
Consequently, we can conclude that it is a rather old
type—at least older than D and E. Proto-Loloish *mo2
‘sun’ (Bradley 1979) is one of its origins; moreover,
STEDT provides a Proto-Karen form *mѠࢊ. Compoundtypes involving C are also found in a wide area.
However, some of the stems with initial m- in suchcompounds may have a different origin. Matisoff(2013) points out that the final syllables of the Luishforms mean “eye” (e.g., the second syllable of CakcΩmíҌ (D + C type)). It is not known whether we cantrace C type back to the common etymology with“eye” (PTB *s-mik / *s-myak; Matisoff 2003). In thiswork, we tentatively do not distinguish these possible
etymologies of the C type.
D type (ts(h)/s/d҉/tюV [-front]) is scattered in thecentral area: Southern Yi A55 tshu21, Jinghpaw jan,
etc. Compound types involving D are of the D + C
type, such as Cak cΩmíҌ, that are found in thesouthwestern area and C + D type, such as Northern
Qiang mΩsi, that are found in the central area. In the
Sal group of languages (Jinghpaw, Cak, and Kadu,etc.) this form originates from the common root *sal
(Burling 1983), and Matisoff (2013) points out that itis derived from PTB *tsyar ‘sunshine.’ Interestingly,
the compound types (D + C and C + D) and the plain
D type form an ABA distribution. This may suggestthat C type is older than D, and in the older stage D
had to be compounded with C to mean “sun”.
E type (g/tѺ/d҉/tюV [+front]) is found in the central
and southeastern areas. All the languages that haveplain E type are Loloish, e.g., Axi Yi tюi22. The
distribution is rather narrow; thus, we can conclude
that this type is newer than Ax, B, C, and D. The proto
form of E is unknown. Since Written Northern Yi hasgѧ33, we consider that the older form of this type isgV and affricate initials result from palatalization by afront vowel. E is more commonly found as a part ofthe compound type Ax + E than by itself. Ax + E typeshows more peripheral and broad distribution thanplain E. Moreover, as we mentioned above, Ax is
considered older than other types. This may suggestthat E was first used as part of a compound, and later
became an independent word meaning “sun.” Anothercompound type, F (l-) + E, is found only in thesouthern parts of the Ax + E area. F (l-) + E is newer

3. Conclusion
In the present work, we collected Tibeto-Burman
data of “sun” from 354 languages and dialects, andfound more than seven stems that mean “sun.” On themaps, we distinguished six types of plain form andseven types of compound form. We also analyzed its
geographical distribution and tentatively conclude thechronological order of plain forms as follows:[Older] >>>>>> [Newer]
Ax > B/C > D > E/A0
Interestingly, some compound types are consideredolder than plain types from the geolinguistic
viewpoint: for example, compound types with D (D +C and C + D) are apparently older than the plain D
type, while Ax + E seems older than E. This may
suggest that some stems such as D and E cannot mean“sun” by themselves at the older stage.
Keywords: Tibeto-Burman, geolinguistics, compound,chronological order, “sun” and “eye”(Satoko Shirai, K. Kurabe, K. Iwasa,
H. Suzuki and S. Ebihara)

Legend:

Map 1: “Sun” in Tibeto-Burman: The whole area

Map 2: “Sun” in Tibeto-Burman: Closeup

"Sun" in Tai-Kadai
The word forms representing "the sun" in Tai-Kadai
can be classified into A) van type, B) ta van type, C)tang ngon type, and D) others.
Logically speaking, the monosyllabic form vanmeaning "the sun" should be the oldest form. It has
the meaning "day" in many other dialects, which ismore abstract and consequently should be due to asecondary derivation "sun" > "day (time period while
the sun shines)". This type A is seen in the peripheralarea, Li language in Hainan Island, Shan languages in
Myanmar and Dehong, Yunnan, and the Surat dialect
in the southern part of Thailand. In Surat, "the sun"is tone 1 and "day" is tone 4 of the same form "wan",thus the differentiation between two meanings is madeby tone change in this dialect.
Otherwise, it was the original meaning "the sun"which developed a disyllabic form in order todistinguish with "day": ta van, or "eye" + "day",meaning "the eye of day", since an attributive isplaced after the head in Tai-Kadai. Indonesianmatahari "the sun" consists of the same word
formation mata "eye" + hari "day". Similar calquephenomena are observed as well in Austroasiatic (forexample, Aslian).
Since iambic is the dominant rhythm pattern in
Tai-Kadai, the first syllable taa is shortened in several
dialects, for example, tawan in Siamese. As a result,it became a sesquisyllabic word, and the etymologicalmeaning of first syllable faded away.

First syllables appear to be aspirated forms in thewestern part of Guangxi as well as Hainan. The
aspiration was caused by medial -r- according to Li(1977:119) who reconstructed its proto-Tai form as*traa, or *praa, taking the Saek form into
consideration. Nishida (2000:95) supposed a different
process from Austronesian *mata' > (*m-)tha > tha㹼ha. The form starting with ha is seen in Vietnam andbeyond. Doan (1996:104) drew a precise map ofthese forms in northeastern Vietnam.
On the other hand, the form ngon for "day" is a
cognate word with van, for which Li (1977:
239,240,271) reconstructed *ŋwən. In Map 1, " ‫" ܉‬
denotes the places where the onset of "day" starts fromŋ-, while "ؒ" denotes the v- type.
Map 2 shows the geographical distribution of thefirst syllable ending with a coda, " ‫" ۑ‬, while "-"without coda -ŋ (the northern part shows noinformation compared to map 1, since the data for
Buyi were available only for "day"). As seen from
Map 3, which synthesized both maps 1 and 2, the coda
-ŋ of the first syllable emerged mainly in the area
where the second syllable starts with ŋ-. The
dominant form in this area is tang ngon which means"lamp of day", as Chen (2011:170) pointed out. This isan example of paronymic attraction, where the newforms came about by folk etymology.
In Siamese, ดวงอาทิตย์ duang aathít or พระอาทิตย์ phráaathít from Sanskrit ādityā, "a solar deity", are also
used.
(Mitsuaki Endo)

Map 1. Onset of second syllableof first syllable

Map 2. Coda

Map 3. Synthesis of 1 & 2"Sun" in Tai-Kadai
A. "van" type: monosyllabic word denoting "sun" and "day"B. "ta van" type: "eye" + "day"D. Others

B-1: first syllable is long
B-2: first syllable is short
B-3: first syllable is aspirated
B-4: first syllable is "ha"B-5: first syllable is "tsha"
C. "tang ngon" type: "lamp" + "day"C-1: first syllable is unaspirated
C-2: first syllable is aspirated
C-3: first syllable is "tɕang"
C-4: first syllable is "kjang" (meaning "time")“Sun” in Austroasiatic

G-2: mat + preah (mat p'rah)
IV. Others
qehen (qə³¹hən¹³), tawe (tawe, tawuj, tawɪn:originated from ta van in Tai-Kadai), oyuŋMany compound forms have the first element
mat, meaning “eye.” A combination of “eye” + “day”
meaning “sun” can be observed in other language
families (e.g., matahari in Indonesian). Other than“day,” the second element of compound forms
beginning with mat can mean “sky” or “god.”
However, the element mat is not used independently todenote “sun.” The presence or absence of the firstelement mat is shown in Figure 2, which shows thatcompound forms including mat are used in Easternand Southern Mon–Khmer.
In Vietnamese, the form mat ʈɤ:j “eye of the sky”
is used. Besides this form, there is also the form oŋ͡m
ʈɤ:j. The first syllable of it is the honorific term
meaning “grandfather.”
Keywords: day, sky, god, eye(KONDO Mika)

Most word forms representing “sun” inAustroasiatic have other meanings, such as “day,”“sky” or “god,” or consist of elements denoting these
meanings. They can be classified as follows:
I. Word forms including an element meaning “day”A) ŋaj type
A-1: ŋaj (ŋaj, tŋaj, thŋaj, sŋi, siŋaj, cuŋɛ, hãi, təhã́ j…)
A-2: ŋaj + ŋaj (ŋaːj sŋʔiːʔ, ŋàj-ŋíʔ)A-3: mat “eye” + ŋaj (mat təŋaːj, mát ŋhã́ j, muacoŋʌj…)
A-4: Others
le:ŋ “sky” + ŋaj (lʊːɁ thŋaj), ŋaj + lə:j “sky”(ŋaːj pɣíːʔ), ŋaj + cando (siJ cando)
The forms of this type are seen most widely inAustroasiatic; therefore, it is quite likely that this is theoldest type. There are monosyllabic forms, disyllablicforms and compound forms. Most of them have theinitial consonant ŋ-, but in the northeast of Thailand
we can see the forms with initial consonants h-.
Focusing on the rhyme, -j spreads most widely, mainlyin Munda and Northern Mon–Khmer. According to
distribution drawn in this map, it is possible that theforms with rhymes -j are older than others in the ŋajtype (Figure 1).
B) nar/dar typeB-1: nar/dar (nar, naːr, dar)B-2: mat + nar/dar (madal)C) ktɔʔ type
C-1: ktɔʔ (kit ktɔʔ, kitkatɔʔ)C-2: mat + ktɔʔ (mit ktɔʔ, met-katɔk, mɛt katɔʔ)In Aslian, ktɔʔ is the word representing not only“day” but also “sky” and “time.”
D) Others
mat + ji:s (mat ɟis, mat jiːs), mat + ʔareʔ(mataʔareʔ), heŋ (heŋ, hɛŋ)
II. Word forms including an element meaning “sky,heaven”E) le:ŋ typeE-1: le:ŋ (harbaaŋ, carɔŋ…)
E-2: mat + le:ŋ (mtaŋ, mat mbaaŋ, mát khalâːŋ, matplɛŋ…)F) lə:j typemat + lə:j (mat ʈɤ:j, mᵊʌ́t pləːj, mat briıʔ…)
III. Word forms including an element meaning “god”
G) preah typeG-1: preah + athit (preak ʔatʰit, preah ʔatit)
The second syllables of these forms are related toAditya “the sun god.”

Figure 1. Rhymes of the ŋaj type forms: -j, : -ie~e~ɛ,: -aj/-j,: -ɛj, : -aj, : -ik, :-wa

Figure 2. Presence or Absence of First Element mat: presence, : absence“Sun” in Austroasiatic

I. Word forms including an element meaning

II. Word forms including an element meaning

“day”

“sky”

A) ŋaj typeE) le:ŋ type

A-1: ŋaj

E-1: le:ŋ

A-2: ŋaj + ŋaj

E-2: mat + le:ŋA-3: mat + ŋajF) lə:j type

A-4: Others

mat + lə:jB) nar/dar type

III. Word forms including an element meaning

B-1: nar/dar“god”

B-2: mat + nar/darC) ktɔʔ typeG) preah type

C-1: ktɔʔ

G-1: preah + athit

C-2: mat + ktɔʔG-2: mat + preahD) OthersSun: South Asia (IE (Indic, Iranian, Nuristani),Āftāb forms are located in the western Islamic area.
The forms of this type are derived from the Persian
word āftāb ‫‘ آﻓﺘﺎب‬the sun, sunshine’.
The next divākara type can be seen in middle-northIndia and Sri Lanka. It is certain that this type of form
is derived from the original form divasakāla and its
meaning is ‘daytime’ (divasá ‘heaven, day’ + kālá‘time’).
The Ravi type is observed in peripheral areas.
Assamese languages are located in the north-east endof South Asia, Kashmiri in the north-west end,
Konkani facing onto the Arabian Sea, and Oriya
fronting the Bay of Bengal. Sanskrit also has the word
ravi र व ‘sun, mountain’. The difference in meaning
between sūrya and ravi is uncertain there.
Miθra is the name of a god, who originally presided
over promises, but later assimilated the characteristicsof the sun god. In
I Pahlavi (Middle Persian), the form
was mihr
meaning ‘sun’. This type is mainly
seen in Iranian languages, whereas Bengali also has
the form mihir.
Ṇēsara originally meant ‘sun’ in Prakrit but theforms of this group are widely distributed just among
Dravidian languages, including the Brahui spoken in
Pakistan and Afghanistan. I was unable to find any
Aryan languages employing a ṇēsara form.
Vēlā वेला means ‘sun’ in Sanskrit. This type is also
employed by Dravidian languages, but not by Aryan.
Porutu seems to have meant ‘time’ originally. This
type is only observed in Dravidian languages.
Hiru type forms are distributed in the southern
islands, i.e. Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The originalform and meaning of this type are not clear. The
Wakhi form yir may be classified into this type, but it
is geographically the most separate from the otherforms.
Nepali (Aryan) ghām, Pashto (Iranian) γarma, andNihali (language isolate) gōmōej are clearly derived
from Sanskrit gharma घम ‘hot’.
Gujari and Hindko in the northwest part of Indiaand in Northern Pakistan employ dĩ and deõ,respectively. These forms may be cognate with theword din ‘daytime’ in Hindi-Urdu.
Three Pashto forms nmar, nwar, and lmar and xorof the Persian word xoršīd are cognate
ogna with the
Pahlavi (Middle Persian) word xwar
‘sun’.
Nēra originally meant ‘time’. This type can only beobserved in Southern Dravidian languages.
(YOSHIOKA Noboru)

Dravidian, Andamanese, Nihali, Burushaski)
1. Classification of word forms
In this map, there are eight major categories of word
form: sūrya, āftāb, divākara, ravi, miθra, ṇēsara, vēlā,and porutu, and five minor categories.
A. sūrya: sūrya, sūryu, sūryo, sūri, suurí, súuri, sṻrĕ,sirĕ, sūr, šūr, sūrô, sūrjya, sūraja, sūraj, šūrj,sūrzô, suj, su, sūryan, sūran, cūriyan̠ , suryya,
suryyaya, sūryuḍu
B. āftāb: āftāb, āftābu, oftob
C. divākara: divākara, dabākara, ditakara, dinayara
D. ravi: ravi, rav, rabi, rôbi
E. miθra: mihir, mehr, mier, mira, mer
F. ṇēsara: nēsar̠ (u), ñāyir̠ u, ñö·r̠ , dē
G. vēlā: vēla, vēle, vēṛa, vēḍa, verra, bēru, bīṛīH. porutu: por̤ utu, por̤ tu, poṛt, portu, poṛd, podd,
poddu, proddu, pod
I. hiru: hiru, iru, ira, yir, irapojja
J. garm: ghām, γarma, gōmōej
K. din: dĩ, deõL. xwar: xoršīd, nwar, nmar, lmar
M. nēra: ne·ra, nēram
N. others: ṭóo, yoór, roč, sa, bódó-da, pute, díe, díu,éké, pi·s̠ , dūmbu, ḍevta
2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
The lexical forms representing the sun can beclassified into A) sūrya type, B) āftāb, C) divākara, D)
ravi, E) miθra, F) ṇēsara, G) vēlā, H) porutu, I) hiru,J) garm, K) din, L) xwar, M) nēra, and N) others.
The most major type is sūrya, which can be verified
even in Ardha-Māgadhī, a kind of Prakrits, sūr सूर,sūria सू रअ, sūriya सू रय, and in Sanskrit sūrya सूय‘sun’. Forms of this type are observed throughout
South Asia, from the northern part of Pakistan to Sri
Lanka, from Aryan languages, to Nuristani and even
Dravidian languages, but not in Iranian languages.
Some of the forms include /d͡ ʑ/, /d͡ ʒ/, /ɟ/, or /z/ sounds,
which have been regularly changed from y /j/.



Map 1. ‘Sun’ in South Asia

The Sun: Arabic languages
1. Classification of word forms
In this map, word forms are classified as 5 large
categories according to the root: ʃ-m-s, ʃ-m-ʃ, s-m-s,
s-m-ʃ, and others. Many of the words of Semitic
languages consist of three consonants, and vowels areallocated to the root on a different level.
A. ʃ-m-s root type (‫)ە( )ﺷﻤﺲ‬ʃams, ʃəms, ʃims in the singular form.
ʃamsa, ʃimeːse in the singular form with the feminine
ending (-a or -e ‫)ـﺔ‬.
ʃimuːs, ʃumuːs in the plural form.
hams.
B. ʃ-m-ʃ root type (‫)ۑ( )ﺷﻤﺶ‬ʃamʃ, ʃəmʃ, ʃemʃ, ʃimʃ.
C. s-m-s root type (‫( )ﺳﻤﺲ‬㸩)
sams, səms, sims, sémsi.
D. s-m-ʃ root type (‫)( )ﺳﻤﺶ‬səmʃ.
E. othersḥarraːya [ħaraːja], harraːy [haraːj], har(r)á [haɾa~hara]nahaːṛ [nɑhɑːᵳ]2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
A. The oldest form of “the sun” in Arabic is ʃams andthe root of it is ʃ-m-s. This form is used in ClassicalArabic and is widely distributed throughout theArabic-speaking areas. ʃams is used also in the lessinvestigated areas. And even in the areas where otherforms are dominant, the prestigious form ʃams isfrequently used in forml speech.
hams is used by some tribes in South-west Saudi
Arabia. These dialects have undergone a phonologicalchange *ʃ > h, for example *ʃarib > harb. This change
is exceptional in Arabic dialects (Behnstedt 2011: 403)ࠋ
B. The root ʃ-m-ʃ is a result of assimilation of thethird radical s to the first radical ʃ. In Malta ʃemʃ
(orthographically ‘xemx”) is the form of the official
language, Maltese. Thus the root is dominant in
Morocco while in the other areas such as Sudan anda part of west Yemen and the Upper Egypt both ʃ-m-ʃ
and ʃ-m-s forms are used.
C. The root s-m-s is a result of assimilation of thefirst radical ʃ to the third radical s. This form is foundin a wide area of North Africa including Egypt,
Mauritania and Mali, and some parts of Yemen but

only sporadically in dominantly ʃ-m-s areas.
D. The s-m-ʃ is a result of metathesis of the firstradical and the third radical of the original ʃ-m-s. This
form is found in Algeria and Tunisia but only
sporadically and there is no s-m-ʃ dominant area.
E. There are other words for “the sun”. The words
found in Tchad and Nigeria are ḥarrāya, harrāy,har(r)á with the common root of ḥārr “hot” ofClassical Arabic. nahaːṛ used in Anatolia originallymeant “day” in Classical Arabic.
The vowel pattern added to the roots depends on therule of each dialect. ʃəms, ʃəmʃ, səmʃ can be found in
Maghreb dialects (the North Africa except Egypt)as there are only two short vowels ə (< *a and *i) andu in these dialects. The vowel i in ʃims (Oman, Ḏ̣afār),ʃimʃ (Dakhla, Kharǧa oasis) and sims is chosenprobably because of non-emphatic environment.
Maltese e in ʃemʃ (orthographically ‘xemx’) was
originally *a in Arabic. The Arabic *a was divided
into a and e: in the neighbourhood of an emphatic
consonants (*ṭ, *ḍ, *ṣ, *ð̣) or pharyngeal consonants(*ʕ, *ħ) an open vowel a was retained, and in otherenvironments the vowel was changed to e. Some
dialects, such as Baghdad (ʃamis), Babylon (ʃemes),
Irbid Jordan (ʃames), have an epenthetic vowel
between m and s.
The final vowels in Anatolian ʃamse “Morning sun”
and Uzbekistan ʃamsa are the feminine endings.
Diminutive form (*ʃumaysa) are also found: ʃmeːse(Palestinian) and simeːsa (Baḥriyya). The plural formʃumuːs is also found in Yemen. ʃimuːs is a variant of it.
The roots ʃ-m-ʃ or s-m-s as results of assimilation areinteresting because of the fact that, in Semitic
laguages, a general principle in root-formation statesthat the first and the third radicals may not be identicalin principle. In Morocco, besides ʃəmʃ, there is also aroot word *zawj ‘a pair’ > ʒuʒ ‘two’. Thus Moroccan
dialects seem to have a weak constraint against theidentical radical rule.
However, in a number of Semitic languages the rootsof “the sun” are the first- third radical identical root:
ʃ-m-ʃ (e.g. ʃemeʃ in Hebrew, ʃimʃa in Syriac, ʃamʃu in
Akkadian, ʃapʃu (< ʃ-m-ʃ) in Ugaritic. This is result of
the merger of *θ into *š [ʃ] of Proto-Semitic. Only a
few Semitic languages have the first-third not identicalroot: Arabic ʃ-m-s and South Arabian languages suchas Sabaean ś-m-ʃ.
Keywords: assimilation, merger, root
(Youichi Nagato)ʃ-m-s root
ʃ-m-ʃ root

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

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Zhongyangminyuan Yizu Lishi Wenxian Bianyishi, Zhongyangminyuan Yizu Lishiwenxianban [୰ኸẸ㝔ᙤ᪘Ṗྐᩥ⊩⦅㆞ᐊ㸪୰ኸẸ㝔ᙤ᪘Ṗྐᩥ⊩⌜]. 1984. ⁜ᕝ㯯᱇ ᙤ₎ᇶᮏモ༂ᑞ
↷モ඾. (Mimeographed version [Ἔ༳ᮏ]. (Yi orthography)
Zhou mao cao [࿘ẟⲡ]. 2003. A Study on rMachu Tibetan [⍨᭤⸝ㄒ◊✲]. Beijing: Minzu
Chubanshe [Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫]. (Tibetan (TB))

Dialectal Forms Associated with the Word Taiyō (Sun) in Japanese
Shinsuke Kishie1

Yukichi Shimizu1
Yukako Sakoguchi1

Keywords: Japanese Dialect, Ryukyuan dialects, Geographical Distribution, Chinese Origin,
Honorific.
1. Introduction
There is a variety of dialectal word-forms associated with the term Taiyō (sun) in Japanese.
They can roughly be classified into four groups: word-forms of Japanese origin, word-forms ofChinese origin, indigenous word-forms of Ryukyu dialect as well as the word-forms of sun withaffixation of honorific formatives. As for Ryukyu dialect, we discuss whether or not this hasconnection with the word form in southern language.
We herewith will put forward a geographical distribution of the dialectal word-forms
associated with the word Taiyō (sun) along with a description of their constituents followed by adiscussion.
2. Distribution of Dialectal Word-forms Associated with the term Taiyō (sun) inJapanese
We know about the distribution of dialectal forms associated with the word Taiyō (sun) inJapanese from the studies including Nihon-Gengo-Chizu (Language Atlas of Japanese) (1974)
Vol. 6㸦LAJ Vol.6㸧compiled by the National Institute of Japanese Language and Linguistics,
Gendai- Nihongo-Hogen-Daijiten (Contemporary Japanese Dialect Dictionary) (1992) compiled
by Hirayama Teruo et al. and Nihon-Hogen-Daijiten (Japanese Dialect Dictionary) (1989)
compiled by Tokugawa Munemasa Shougaku-tosho. Similarly we also know about distributionof word-forms of Ryukyu dialect from the work of Nakamoto (1981).
The outcome of LAJ has been published as a simplified dialect map in the Shougaku-tosho(1991) and compiled version of it by Sato (2002) as well as the Nihon-Hogen-Daijiten(Japanese Dialect Dictionary). Dialect map-1 depicts a dialect distribution based on the result
published in the Gendai-Nihongo-Hogen-Daijiten. Though this dialect map has been drawn
based on the data from very few locations, it significantly coincides with the result presented in
the dialect map 251 of LAJ Vol. 6.
According to dialect map-1, the dialectal forms representing the word Taiyō (sun) can begrouped into several lineages such as hī [çi:]㸪hidon [çidoN]㸪ohīsama [oçiːsama]㸭ohīsan[oçiːsaN]㸪otentōsama [otentoːsama]㸭otentōsan [otentoːsaN]㸪kon'nichisan [konnitʃisaN]㸪
nichirinsama [nitʃirinsama]㸪nittensama [nittensama] and tida [tida].
These dialectal forms can be characterized with four following features: abundance ofword-forms of Japanese origin, abundance of word-forms of Chinese origin, idiosyncratic
word-forms in Ryukyuan dialect of Okinawa and abundance of dialectal forms with the
honorific affixes.

1

The Tokushima UniversityDialect map1. “Sun” in Japanese
Source:HIRAYAMA Teruo, et al. eds.(1992-1994) Dictionary of Japanese Dialects (Gendai Nihongo
Hōgen Daijiten), Meijishoin Tokyo
Firstly the word-forms having Japanese origin are realized with the dialectal forms, all ofwhich are constituted of formative hi [çiː], for example ohīsama [oçiːsama], ohīsan [oçiːsaN]
and hidon [çidoN] etc. Except these word-forms, all other are the word-forms of Chinese origin
which includes shared word form taiyō [taijoː]. Accordingly this is now evident that otentōsama
[otentoːsama]㸪nichirinsan [nitʃirinsaN], nittensan [nittensaN] and kon'nichisan [konnitʃisaN]
have respectively derived from the words of tentō [tentoː], nichirin [nitʃiriN], nitten [nitteN]㸪
konnichi [konnitʃi], which are of Chinese origin.
In highlighting the countrywide geographic distribution of this dialect map, Sato (2002)
along with some other dialectologists have pointed out that otentōsama [otentoːsama] /otentōsan [otentoːsaN] and ohīsama [oçiːsama] / ohīsan [oçiːsaN] are respectively distributed
mostly in the center and the periphery of the Archipelago. From this distribution of dialectal
forms, it is can now be inferred that the word-forms of ohīsama [oçiːsama] / ohīsan [oçiːsaN] of
Japanese origin are older than the words-forms of otentōsama [otentoːsama] / otentōsan[otentoːsaN] of Chinese origin. In connection with this inference, we can now fervently expect
the studies on the dialectal distribution of word-forms derived from the word Taiyō (sun) of
Chinese origin in other Asian languages.
2. On Etymology of the Word-form tida
Tida [tida] is a word-form that only can be found in the Ryukyuan dialect. There areseveral theories in connection with etymology of word-form tida [tida] including the theory ofsouthern language lineage. The affiliation with the southern languages was first postulated by
Izuru Shinmura in the early year of Showa era. Shinmura (1927) hypothesized that tida [tida] is
a word-form of Amis language of Taiwan which is associated with chidaru [tsidar] that
represent meaning of Taiyō. This is the first hypothesis to associate the tida [tida] with theory ofsouthern language lineage. Subsequently Ando (1935) showed etymological connection ofchidaru [tsidar] of Amis language as hypothesized by Shinmura (1927) with word-forms todaru[todaru] and chidaru [tʃidaru] that appeared in the Kojiki as well as the word-form sinar [sinar]that is used to mean light in Malay language. Tida [tida] being a word-form of archaic Yamato
language is considered to share the origin with southern language. Thus he hypothesized thattida [tida] holds etymological connection both with archaic Yamato language and southernlanguages. According to Mamiya (2014), Yoshitada Nakahara is the first to mention theconnection of tida with teru. Nakahara in his thesis Omoro Shinyaku (1957) demonstrated thattida has derived from teru with the analogy that teriya became tera which changed to teda dueto the confusion between the sound of syllable of ra-row to that of da-row.

Sun in Ryukyu Dialects
NAKAMOTO Masachie(1981).
Zusetsu Ryukyugo Jiten, Kinkeisha

Dialect map- 2-1 Nakamoto(1981)



Sun in Ryukyu Dialects
NAKAMOTO Masachie(1981).
Zusetsu Ryukyugo Jiten, Kinkeisha

Dialect map- 2-2 Nakamoto(1981)
On the other hand Kamei (1973), Uemura (1963) and Mamiya (2014) have demonstrated
that tida [tida] has derived from the word tendō [tendoː] of Chinese origin. If tida [tida] is taken
to be derived from the word-form of the tendō [tendoː], then it can be regarded to share theorigin with word otentōsama [otentoːsama] of mainland dialect. According to Mamiya (2014) if
tida [tida] is taken to be word-form derived from tendō [tendoː], then both Yamato language and
Ryukyuan language essentially share not only the word-forms having origin in hi[çiː] and tendō[tendoː] of Japanese language, but also the suffixational honorific formatives like ohisama[oçiːsama] and otentoːsama [otentoːsama].
Though there have been several hypotheses with regard to the etymological origin of theword-form tida, Nakamoto (1981), Hokama (1981) and Mamiya (2014) demonstrated that noneof them is decisive. Of these hypotheses, the hypothesis of showing connection of tida [tida]with tendo [tendoː] is considered to be irrefutable at this time. This hypothesis endorsed inparticular by a number of dialectologists in Japan.
Nakamoto (1981), as shown in dialect map-2, presented a distribution of dialectal
word-forms for the sun in Ryukyuan language showing its etymological connection in thefollowing 6 probable lineages. These word-forms: tidan [tidaN], tida[tida], tiida [tiːda], tira[tira], chida [tʃida] and shira [ʃira]. shira [ʃira] (or shina [ʃina]), as described in the above, isthought to have connection with Amis language and Malay language, while Nakamoto (1981)
hypothesized to have derived they from tida [tida] through morphological change, both ofwhich contrast Murayama`s (1976) claim, for which it cannot directly be connected with thesouthern languages. Though distribution of dialects in the dialect map-2 shows that shira [ʃira]and shina [ʃina] are seen in some locations of Main Island in Okinawa and Hateruma, it cannot
be concluded that they bear etymological origin to the word-form tida [tida]. One of the reason
for endorsing this hypothesis lies with presence of extensive word-forms having lineage to theword tida [tida] distributed throughout the Ryukyu Island for which derivation of shira [ʃira]and shina㹙ʃina㹛etc. can be described as change analogous to change from [t] to [ʃ] and that from[d] to [ r].
According to Mamiya (2014) it is alarming to show connection of tida [tida] excessively
with chidar (sun) of Amis language and sinar (sunshine) of Malay language. Though theseresemble with the word-form and meaning of southern languages such comparison should be
avoided for not having evidence in favor of the familial relationship between Japanese and thesesouthern languages.
3. On the Dialectal Forms and Suffixational Titles Associated with Word Taiyō (sun)In Japan, the sun, like God or Buddha, has been worshiped and embraced for its reverence
since ancient time. This custom has not been focused only on the sun, but on other similar
things. Therefore the moon and the lightning as well as large trees, large stones and natural
materials had also been object of worship. There are several dialectal forms for the Taiyō (sun),which include word-forms with the prefixation of `o (go)` representing respect and thesuffixation of “san (sama)” representing courtesy title as well as the word-forms with thesuffixation of formative don derived from dono (tono) in the dialect of southern Kyushu region.
These dialectal forms are distributed throughout the whole region of Honshu. There are also
word-forms such as o-tentou-sama [otentoːsama] and o-hī-san [oçiːsaN] which carry both ofprefix and suffix. Yet there is a small number of word-forms as to taiyō which carry honorificaffixes, for example taio-sama [taijoːsama] and taio-san [taijoːsaN]. Still there is a word-form
like tidaganashi [tidaganaʃi] that carries a courtesy title ganashi [ganaʃi] for the sun in theseveral Ryukyuan dialects, hence shares a common characteristic with the Mainland dialect thatboth of them carry formative of courtesy title.
The word-forms containing the honorific formatives show an idiosyncratic geographicaldistribution. Firstly the word-forms carrying an honorific formative, e.g. Nichirin-san[nitʃiɾinsaN], Nitten-san [nittensaN] and Kon'nichi-san [konnitʃisaN] are widely distributed inwestern Japan contrary to Eastern Japan where it is scarcely distributed.
Distribution maps which have been created focusing on the regional differences withregard to honorific suffixes with the data from Teruo Hirayama et al. (1992) and LAJ Vol.6 areshown in the dialect maps 3-1 and 3-2. Although there remains a difference in the number oflocations surveyed, the two dialect maps show the identical results in comparison. However it
can be noted that the distributions of sama and san show contrast along the line of east-west
opposition. While sama is distributed in Eastern Japan, san is distributed in western Japan
representing an opposition between these two linguistic situations. In strict sense, however, thedistribution of Sama-San opposition can said to be an A-B-A type arrangement rather than an
arrangement of East-West opposition, since sama is heavily concentrated in the regions likewestern Midland and southern Shikoku as well as Kyushu showing a distribution of old
word-form in the periphery. Though san cannot be said to derive from sama by change, thedialect map 3-2 shows a dialect situation that san is distributed from central Kansai district
towards the different regions of western Japan. This change, however, can be said to reflect
prompted by custom of deep affection as well as respect towards the sun in the Kansai region.
Therefore it would be interesting to know if there is any language or dialect in Asia, like
Japanese, which contains the honorific word-forms for the sun, the moon and the thunder forhaving custom of worshipping, and faith and reverence towards the sun, the moon and thethunder.

-sama or -sanHirayama Teruo et al.䠄1992䠅.
Contemporary Japanese Dialect Dictionary(Gendai Nihongo Hogen Daijiten) , Meijishoin

Figure3-1. Sama/San in Japanese-sama or -sanNational Institutefor Japanese Language and Linguistics(1974).
Linguistic Atlas of Japan Vol.6, Okura sho Insatsu kyoku

Figure3-2. Sama/San in Japanese4. Conclusion
Though there are dialectal word-forms of Japanese origin hi and numerous dialectal
word-forms of Chinese origin representing the Taiyō (sun) in Japanese, it can be recognized
form the dialectal situation of geographical distribution that the dialectal forms associated withhi is the oldest of all in the Japanese archipelago. In addition there are numerous dialectal-formsof Chinese origin including the tentō, they tend to be distributed towards western Japan.
Though the dialectal word-forms associated with tida and tida distributed in different
regions of Ryukyu had been hypothesized to be connected with Austronesian languages byconducting comparative study in the early period of Showa era, there are some dialectologists
who think tendou to bear connection with the Inland dialect. Therefore it would be premature toconclude on the forms of two different languages having no phylogenetic relationship to sharesame lineage with the analogy that they match in meaning and forms.
It is remarkable to see that word-forms associated with taiyō (sun) in Japan
characteristically bear abundant honorific formative in the dialects distributed throughout thecountry. The distribution of word-form sama and that of san show difference by regions giventhat san has changed to sama which likely dispersed from central Japan toward the peripheral
regions.
We therefore expect the study aimed to reveal the phenomena with regard word-forms
denoting the sun in other languages of Asia as we revealed the phenomena of dispersion of
dialectal forms originated from word of Chinese origin and that of presence of word-forms
affixed by honorific formatives for the sun being object of reverence in Japanese.
Acknowledgements:
We would like to give special thanks to Mr.Yasuo Kumagai and Mr.Takuichiro Onishi for giving
us a chance to use Linguistic Atlas of Japan Database.

Reference:
Shinmura Izuru(1927) : Nihonjin to Nanyo, Toho Gengoshi Ronso, Iwanami Shoten.
Ando Masatsugu(1935) : Koten to Kogo, Sanseido.
Kamei Takashi(1973) : Tida no Gogen, Nihongo Keitoron heno Michi, Yoshikawakoubunkan.
National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics㸦1974㸧: Japan Linguistic Atlas Vol.6,
Ookurashou Insatsukyoku.
Murayama Shichiro(1979) : Nihongo no Tanjo, Chikuma Shobo.
TOKUGAWA Munemasa, supervisor. Shōgaku Tosho (1991): Comprehensive Dictionary ofJapanese Dialects, (Nihon Hōgen Daijiten).
Nakamoto Masachie(1981): Zusetsu Ryukyugo JIten, Kinkeisha.
Kamimura Takaji (1963) : Ryōkyu Hōgen no Taiyō wo Imisuru Go ni tuite: Kagoshimadaigaku
Bunka Hōkoku.
Hokama Shuzen (1981): Taiyō wo Imisuru Okinawa Kogo :Nihongo no Sekai, 9:Okinawa no
Kotoba, Chuōkōronsha.
Teruo Hirayama (1992) : Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten, Meijishoten.
Satō Ryōichi (2002): Hōgen no Chizuchō : Okuni Kotoba o Shiru, Shōgakukan.
Mamiya Kōji (2014): Okinawa Kogo no Shinso ,Shinwasha.

Geographical distribution of ‘daytime’ in Ainu
Mika Fukazawa
Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Chiba University

Abstract
This paper attempts to describe the geographical distribution of ‘daytime’ in Ainu. To
demonstrate the origin and history of the words for ‘daytime,’ we researched the compoundnouns for ‘the sun’ and the expressions for time divisions of the day: ‘morning,’ ‘noon,’‘afternoon,’ ‘evening’ and so on. As a result, we classified the words for ‘daytime’ into three
types, and suggested that the first toono type, which has the root tó/too‘day (24 hours),’ would
be older than the other two. The second sírpeker type etymologically comes from the meaning of‘day breaks; it gets light,’ and is distributed over the eastern Hokkaido and Kuril Islands. The
third tókap type shows the different meanings of ‘(older woman’s) breast’ and ‘daytime’ and it isuncertain how the homonymy or polysemy occurred. However, the term tókap for ‘breast’ seems
to limit the use and meaning to avoid the homonymic clash. If the sense of ‘daytime’ was derived
from ‘breast,’ the semantic shift would be related to some “sociocultural change” in Ainu.

1

Introduction

This article describes the geographical distribution of ‘daytime’ in Ainu and sheds light on the historical
process of it. The Ainu language1 is one of the indigenous languages in Japan, spoken throughout
Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the Kuril Islands. Its genetic relationship with Japanese and any otherlanguages has not been demonstrated, namely, it is a language isolate. It has five vowels /i, e, a, o, u/ andeleven consonants /p, t, k, c, s, m, n, r, w, y, h, (‘)/.
The first, in the next section, is to show the words for ‘night’ and ‘daytime,’ and the compoundnouns ‘the moon’ and ‘the sun.’ After the classification of these words, we will survey the words thatseem to share the same root as the words for ‘daytime,’ and the expressions for the time divisions of the
day with the focus on the time of ‘noon.’ Finally, we will suggest the origin and history of the words for‘daytime,’ through the geographical distributions and the etymological analysis of them.

2Large bright stars in the daytime and the night

In this section, we will see the distributions of the words for ‘daytime’ and ‘night,’ and the compoundnouns for ‘the sun’ and ‘the moon.’ In Ainu, the term cup stands for both ‘the sun’ and ‘the moon.’
When we distinguish them individually, the former is expressed as “the daytime cup” and the latter, as“the night cup.” It should be noted that the words for ‘the sun’ show dialectal variation.

2.1 ‘Night’ and ‘the moon’
Before we will introduce the geographical distributions of ‘night’ and ‘the moon,’ we have to note that
the Sakhalin and Hokkaido dialects show the typical differences in the phonological and/or phonetic
structures (see Chiri 1942, Tamura 2000 etc.), as follows:(a) Accent: the majority of Hokkaido dialects have a pitch accent, and instead, in the Sakhalin
dialects, vowel length is distinctive. A few dialects in Hokkaido have no accent.

1 The

language is a polysynthetic SV/AOV, basically head-marking type and allows ‘pro-drop,’ which iscompensated with verbal agreement (singular/plural forms and personal affixes/clitics).

(b) Phonetic correspondence: the codas /-p, -t, -k/ in Hokkaido have historically changed to /-h/ inmost Sakhalin dialects, and /-r/ has changed to /-h/ or /-rV/ in Sakhalin.
The words for ‘night’ are kúnne in Hokkaido and kunne in Sakhalin2 (Hattori and Chiri 1960). In
northern Kuriles, Krascheninnikov’s “Vocabularium Latino-Curilice3” takes the form sirkunne ‘night,’
consisting of sir- ‘view’ and kunne ‘to be dark/black.’ Hattori (1999 [1959]: 152) suggested that kunne
originated from √kur + the copula ne, and the following words were based on the root: kur ‘shadow,’
niskur ‘cloud’ and ekurok ‘to be dark.’ If so, the other terms in the Kuril dialects could also beconstructed with √kur: sirikuruko (Krascheninnikov) for ‘to be dark,’ sirkurka (Dybowski 1892) andsirekorak (Torii 1903) for ‘night.’ The words for ‘the moon’ show a similar distribution to the ones for‘night.’ Along the rules of (a) and (b) above, the terms for ‘the moon’ are kúnne cup or kunne cup in the
Hokkaido dialects, and have turned into kunne cuh in most Sakhalin dialects.

2.2‘Daytime’ and ‘the sun’The distributions of the words for ‘daytime’ and ‘the sun’ are different from the ones for ‘night’ and ‘themoon.’ The lexical forms are classified into three types, as in Table 1, and plotted out on three dialectal
areas respectively: A) Sakhalin, B) eastern Hokkaido and northern Kuriles, C) western Hokkaido. This
distributional pattern is not reported in Nakagawa (1996), though it can be realized if “Eastern-Western
Type” and “Sakhalin Type” are merged into one type.
A) toono typeA-1
B) sírpeker type
B-1
B-2
C) tókap type
C-1
C-2
C-3

‘daytime’‘the sun’toono

toono cup typesírpeker/sirpeker̿sírpeker cup (kamuy) typepeker cup kamuy

tókap/tokap
tókap cup (kamuy)
tókam
tókam cup (kamuy)
tóykapne̿
Table 1: ‘daytime’ and ‘the sun’A) toono typeType A is observed in Sakhalin and the northernmost part of Hokkaido, Sooya. The long vowel oo [o䁴] in Sakhalin is phonetically equivalent to a pitch accent ó in Hokkaido. The monosyllabic form toomeans ‘day,’ although it is uncertain what the following morpheme no is. I will discuss how it might berelated to the locative noun nóski ‘the middle of,’ and how this type is older than Type B and C, in
section 3.
B) sírpeker typeThe basic term sírpeker means ‘day breaks; it gets light,’ which consists of the prefix sír- ‘sight;
view’ and the intransitive verb pekér ‘to be light.’ In the Hokkaido dialects of Obihiro and Bihoro, thefinal consonant /r/ [ɾ] is changed to /t/ [t] before the consonant /c/ [ʣ, ʤ, ʦ, ʧ]. Since this type is foundalso in the Kuril Islands, it may be older than Type C.

2 In addition to this, Hattori and Chiri (1960) recorded the word for ‘the moon’ as kuɴne cuh in Ochiho, Sakhalin.
Sometimes, maybe idiolectally, [ɴ] is pronounced as /n/, but not [n] in Ainu.
3 The year of completion is unknown.

C) tókap typeThis type has three subtypes: tókap/tokap, tókam and tóykapne. In most Hokkaido Ainu, “[i]f the firstsyllable is open, the accentual nucleus is on the second syllable” (Tamura 2000: 21), but “[f]orcompound nouns and derived words, because the first element’s accent takes priority, exceptions may
arise,” i.e., rékor ‘to have a name’ from re ‘name’ + kor ‘to have’ (ibid.: 23). Sato (2015: 2) reexamined
the accentuation rules of compounds and exhibited the strong tendency in the case that the former
element is CV. This would be the reason why the words of type C have exceptional accents on the firstsyllables.
In C-1, the former CV element, tó, of tókap represents ‘day (24 hours)’ and/or ‘breast,’ and thefollowing káp may come from ‘skin.’ See a more detailed discussion in section 3. In C-2, the coda /m/ ofkám would be changed from /p/ of káp in C-1, which may be phonetically attracted by analogy with themeaning of kám ‘meat.’ The word tóykapne of C-3, uncertainly from tóykap ‘daytime’ + the copula né,
is in Sooya near the Sakhalin Island. The element tóy of tóykap could be affected by a long vowel, i.e.,
too [to䁴] ‘day’ in the Sakhalin dialects.

Map 1: ‘daytime’Type A/toono: Raichisika

Type B/sírpekersirpeker: Obihiro, Nayoro, Hombetsu: BihoroType C/

tókap
tokap
tókam
tóykapne: Yakumo, Horobetsu, Biratori, Chitose, Mukawa: Sizunai: Asahikawa, Nayoro: SooyaMap 2: ‘the sun’Type A/

toono cuhtóno cup
toono tonpi: Ochiho, Maoka, Shiraura, Raichishika, Nairo: Sooya: Tarantomari

Type B/sírpeker cup (kamuy)
sirpeker cup (kamuy)
siripekeri cup
sírpeket cup (kamuy)
sirpeket cup
peker cup kamuy: Sooya, Hombetsu,: Kushiro, Shizunai: Shumshu: Obihiro: Bihoro: SamaniType C/

tókap cup (kamuy): Yakumo, Oshamanbe, Horobetsu, Biratori, Nukibetsu,
Niikappu, Chitose, Mukawa: Asahikawa, Nayoro

tókam cup (kamuy)

3

The origin and history of the words for ‘daytime’

This section aims to demonstrate the history of the words for ‘daytime’ through seeing the distributionsof the related words.

3.1. ‘Noon’
Map 3 shows the distributions of the words for ‘noon’ in Ainu. The terms tónonoski and tónanoski areolder than any other lexical forms. The word tónonoski can be decomposed into tóno ‘daytime’ andnóski ‘the middle of.’ The element tóno would be the same origin as the word for ‘daytime,’ toono, in
Sakhalin. The word tónoski can also be decomposed into tó ‘day’ and nóski ‘the middle of,’ but it could
be simply interpreted as the contracted form of tónonoski. The dialects of Yakumo and Horobetsu haveboth types of the words, tónonoski and tónoski.

Map 3: ‘noon’ and ‘lunch’
Type: tónonoski
tónonoskitónonoskeipetónonnoski
tónanoski
tónanoskeipe
tonanoski
tonanoskiipeto nān /tonan/
Type: tónoski
tónosikitónoskitónoskiipe
toonoske; toonoski
toonoskiipe‘noon’ : Yakumo, Sooya‘lunch’ : Sooya‘noon’ : Biratori‘noon’‘lunch’‘noon’‘lunch’: Nayoro: Nayoro: Bihoro: Bihoro: Shumshu4‘noon’‘noon’‘lunch’‘noon’‘lunch’: Yakumo: Horobetsu, Biratori, Asahikawa, Mukawa: Biratori: Raichishika: Raichishika

The words for ‘noon’ include a complicated problem̿What time is ‘noon’? For example, the word
tókes means ‘noon’ in the south-eastern dialects of Hokkaido, while it means ‘afternoon’ and/or‘evening’ in the other regions.
In Obihiro (Sawai and Tamura 2005: 339; Hattori (ed.) 1964:92, 252):
tókes pákno‘morning’ (lit. before the noon)
tókes‘noon’
4 In

northern Kuriles, the other lexical forms for ‘noon’ are also reported: toanonoschki /toanonoski/ anddohnonōskȳ /tononoski/ (Torii 1903; Krascheninnikov’s Vocabularium Latino-Curilice; Klaproth 1823).

tókes’ipé
tókes oráno; tókes wanooúman

‘lunch’ (lit. a noon meal)‘afternoon’ (lit. from the noon)‘evening’

In Shizunai (Watanabe et al. 1984: 100-101):
tokap etok
‘morning’ (lit. before the noon)(unknown)‘noon’
tokap’ipe‘lunch’ (lit. a noon meal)
tokes‘afternoon’
onuman‘evening’
In Asahikawa (Watanabe et al. 1982: 91; Hattori (ed.) 1964: 92, 252; Oota (ed.) 2005:218):(unknown)‘morning’tókam; tónoski‘noon’
tókam’ipé; tónoski’ipé‘lunch’ (lit. a noon meal)
tókes; onúman‘afternoon; evening; about 3:00p.m. - 6:00 p.m.’
In Bihoro (Watanabe et al. 1986: 104; Hattori (eds.) 1964: 92, 252):
tonanoski etok
‘morning’(lit. before the noon)
tonanoski‘noon’
tonanoski’ipe‘lunch’(lit. a noon meal)
tonanoski ipe okaketa‘afternoon’(lit. after the lunch)tonanoski wano‘afternoon’(lit. from the noon)
tokes; onuman‘evening’
In Raichishika, Sakhalin (Hattori (eds.) 1964: 252):(unknown)‘morning’
toonoske; toonoski‘noon’
toonoski’ipe‘lunch’(lit. a noon meal)
Map 4: What time of ‘noon’?
tookes‘afternoon; about 4:00 p.m. - 5:00 p.m.’
onuuman‘evening; after the time of tookes’
In the 19th centuries, some written materials are made by a translator between Japanese and Ainu, sothat the time expressions in the Japanese-Ainu glossaries are along “unequal hour5,” which Japan has
used until the Edo period.
In Notoya (1868)’s the Japanese-Ainu glossary:sirpeker㸦ࢩࣜ࣋ࢣࣞ㸧㎮ࣀ᫬㸭ᮅ஬ࢶ {about 7:00 a.m. - 9:00 a.m.}tókap’etoko㸦ࢺ࢘࢝ࣇ࢖ࢺࢥ㸧 ᕭࣀ᫬㸭᫨ᅄࢶ {about 9:00 a.m. - 11:00 a.m.}tókap㸦ࢺ࢘࢞ࣇ㸧༗ࣀ᫬㸭᫨஑ࢶ {noon; about 11:00 a.m. - 1:00 p.m.}tókes㸦
㸦ࢺ࢘ࢣࢩ㸧
ᮍࣀ᫬㸭᫨ඵࢶ {about 1:00 p.m. - 3:00 p.m.}onuma(n)㸦ࣤࢾ࣐㸧⏦ࣀ᫬㸭᫨୐ࢶ {evening; about 3:00 p.m. - 5:00 p.m.}
5 It is the twelfth period of the daytime (from sunrise to sunset), and the night (from sunset to sunrise). The hours

are “unequal” because the length of daytime and night varies according to the seasons and the geographicallatitude.

Undoubtedly, the original meaning of the word tókes must be ‘afternoon’ and/or ‘evening’ because it
can be analysed into tó ‘day’ and the locative noun kés ‘the end of.’ The meaning of ‘noon’ by semantic
shift occurred in the limited geographical area, as shown in Map 5.
Also in English (c.f. OED 1989: 508), the word noon meant “[t]he ninth hour of the day, reckoned
from sunrise according to the Roman method, or about three o’clock in the afternoon,” coming from theLatin word of nona (hora). It was the name of the time to pray and prayers. By the 14th century, thesense has been shifted to ‘twelve o’clock in the day’ and fixed, because the time for praying (and eatinga meal)6 has been changed from 3. p.m. to 12 p.m..

Map 5: ‘noon’ and ‘lunch’tókapnoski
tókap'ipe
tokap'ipetókamnoski
tókam
tókam'ipe‘noon’‘lunch’‘lunch’‘noon’‘noon’‘lunch’: Biratori, Chitose, Mukawa: Yakumo, Horobetsu, Biratori, Mukawa: Shizunai: Nayoro: Asahikawa: Aasahikawa

tókes
tokes
tókes'ipe‘noon’‘noon’‘lunch’: Obihiro: Samani: Nayoro, Obihiro, Hombetsu

According to the report of Obihiro, where the word for ‘noon’ is tókes, the native speaker said “I donot call the sun tókes cup” (Sawai and Tamura 2005: 272). In contrast, the words tókapnoski for ‘noon’and tókap’ipé for ‘lunch’ are used in the same place there is tókap for ‘daytime’ (see also Map 1).

6 One of the semantic shifts due to “sociocultural change” (Blank 1999) is the names for meals in European
languages (Blank 1999, González 1993) and Jamaica (Hock 1986). For example, in French, “the binary system of
the Middle Ages thus developed through a ternary to a fourpartite structure shifting the words along the temporalcontiguity of meals”; until the 16th century, people used to have a lighter meal, souper, in the afternoon, but souper
now serves to designate a late-evening meal in the 19th/20th century (Blank 1999:73-74).

3.2. ‘Breast’̿̿The same lexical form as ‘daytime’Here, let us consider the words for ‘breast’ on Map 6, which take the same lexical forms as the ones for‘daytime.’ The monosyllabic forms tó/to and too must be oldest for ‘breast,’ and the words tótto/totto are
the reduplicated form of it. The type of tókap, coming from the compound tó ‘breast’ + káp ‘skin,’ isdistributed over Hokkaido. In Asahikawa, Nayoro, and Horobetsu, where some lexical forms areoverlapped with each other, there are various forms with different meanings and uses: tó means ‘breast,’
tótto is used in baby talk, and tókap stands for ‘older woman’s breast,’ vis-a-vis tókap/tókam for‘daytime.’
Then, why are the words for ‘breast’ and ‘daytime’ taking the same form? There is no answer for
now; however, the sense of ‘breast’ seems to have been not used or limited to the meaning of ‘older
woman’s breast,’ and sometimes the form itself was shortened as káp/kap (lit. skin). It may be caused bya “homonymic clash.” Otherwise, the semantic shift from ‘breast’ to ‘daytime’ would be motivated by
the metonymy, i.e., the custom of breast-feeding for lunch, and some kinds of “sociocultural change” aswe saw in section 3.1. above7.

Map 6: ‘breast’
to, -hotoo, -ho: Horobetsu, Nayoro, Asahikawa: Raichishika

tótto, (-ho)
totto: Yakumo, Horobesu, Biratori, Asahikawa, Nayoro, Sooya, Chitose: Samani, Shizunai

tókap: Yakumo, Horobetsu, Obihiro, Asahikawa, Nayoro, (Hombetsu)

7 In the 1st meeting, academic year 2015 of Studies in Asian Geolinguistics at AA Institute (October, 3rd, 2015),

Prof. Chitsuko Fukushima and Prof. Kazue Iwasa told me how to consider the homonymic clash and semanticchange. I still could not have a clear answer, but their suggestions inspired me to reconsider the history of
tókap/tókam.



4

káp & tókap
kap, -u & tokap: Hombetsu: Bihorononāka /nonaka/: Shumshu

Conclusion
The following table summarizes the types of the lexical forms for ‘daytime,’ ‘sun’ and ‘noon.’‘daytime’‘the sun’A) the toono type
A-1
toono
toono cup typeA-2̿̿B) the sírpeker typeB-1
sírpeker/sirpeker sírpeker cup (kamuy) typeB-2
peker cup kamuy̿C) the tókap type (related to ‘breast’?)C-1
tókap/tokap
tókap cup (kamuy)
C-2
tókam
tókam cup (kamuy)
C-3
tóykapne̿D) the tókes type (originating from ‘afternoon’)D-1̿̿
Table 2: ‘daytime,’ ‘sun’ and ‘noon’‘noon’
tónonoski typetónoski type̿̿
tókapnoski
tókamnoski
̿
tókes/tokes

The noun root tó/too means ‘day (24 hours)’ in Type A, C and D. We suggested the derived noun
tóno/toono would be the oldest form for ‘daytime,’ and the words for ‘noon,’ i.e., tónonoski and tónoski,
are constructed with it and the locative noun nóski ‘the middle of.’ These words are widespread, and thisis the evidence that A) the toono type is oldest. B) the sírpeker type is not used for ‘noon,’ but must be
older than the types of tókap and tókes. The word sírpeker originally has the meaning of “day breaks; itgets light,” and this type can be also seen in northern Kuriles.
The words for ‘breast’ also have tó as the noun root, and might be the source of C) tókap type. They
are distributed over Hokkaido, and the places using the term tókap for ‘breast’ and ‘daytime’ areoverlapped with each other. However, the term tókap for ‘breast’ appears to be limited for use andmeaning due to homonymic clash. Among the lexical forms for ‘noon,’ D) the tókes type is newest, as aresult of the semantic shift from ‘afternoon.’

Appendix
List of Used Data:
Dialects
Yakumo/ Horobetsu/ Nayoro/ Sooya/
Raichishika
Oshamambe/ Nukibetsu/ Niikappu/
Kushiro/ Ochiho/ Tarantomari/ Maoka/
Shiraura/ Nairo (Sakhalin)
Biratori, Fukumitsu
Samani
ObihiroBihoroMaterials
Hattori and Chiri (1960) and Hattori (ed.)(1964)
Hattori and Chiri (1960)
Hattori and Chiri (1960), Hattori (ed.) (1964)
and Tamura (1996)
Hattori and Chiri (1960) and Watanabe et al.
(1985)
Hattori and Chiri (1960) and Sawai & Tamura(2005)
Hattori and Chiri (1960), Hattori (ed.) (1964)

Asahikawa
ChitoseShizunai
MukawaHombetsu
Shumushu (Northern Kuril)and Watanabe et al. (1986)
Hattori and Chiri (1960), Hattori (ed.) (1964),
Oota (ed.) (2005) and Watanabe et al. (1982)
Nakagawa (1995) and Watanabe et al. (1994)
Okuda (1999) and Watanabe et al. (1984)
Nakagawa (ed.) (2014)
Sawai (2006) and Watanabe et al. (1987)
Torii (1903) and Murayama (1971)

The Atlas of Ainu Dialects
Hokkaido:
1. Yakumo, 2. Oshamambe, 3. Horobetsu, 4. Biratori, Fukumitsu, 5. Nukibetsu, 6. Niikappu, 7. Samani,
8. Obihiro, 9. Kushiro, 10. Bihoro, 11. Asahikawa, 12. Nayoro, 13. Sooya, 14. Chitose, 15. Shizunai,
16. Hombetsu, 17. Mukawa, 18. Nemuro
Sakhalin:
19. Ochiho, 20. Tarantomari, 21. Maoka, 22. Shiraura, 23. Raichishika, 24. Nairo
Kuril Islands:
25. Shumshu
References
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1973[1993]. Tokyo: Heibonsha.
Dybowski, B. S. 1982. Słownik narzecza Ainów, zamieszkują wyspę Szumszu w łańcuchu Kurylskim przyKamczatce. Kitachishima Ainugo [Northern Kuril Ainu], 134–244, Murayama, S., 1971. Tokyo: Yoshikawa
Kobunkan.
González, F. R. 1993. The naming of meals, English Today, 36(9)/4: 45–52. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Hattori, S. 1999[1959]. Nihongo no Keitoo [The genealogy of the Japanese language]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.

Hattori, S. (ed.). 1964. Ainugo hoogen jiten [Ainu dialect dictionary]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.
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the Ainu dialects]. Minzokugaku kenkyuu [The Japanese Journal of Ethnology], 24(4): 31–66.
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Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan.
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11-20, Murayama, S., 1971. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan.
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Sofukan.
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Mukawa Dialect]. http://cas-chiba.net/Ainu-archives/. Chiba: Chiba University.
Notoya, E. 1868. Bannin Enkichi ezoki. Published in Ainugo shiryoo soosho bannin Enkichi ezoki. Narita
Shuuichi (ed.) 1972. Tokyo: Kokusho Kankokai.
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lexicon in context (with CD-ROM)]. Ebetsu: Sapporo Gakuin University.
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kenkyuujo.
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Hokkaido Ainu Culture Research Center.
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vocabulary of Haru Hirono recorded by Suzuko Tamura [in Japanese]. Ebetsu: Sapporo Gakuin University.
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Oxford University Press.
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Hokkaido Board of Education, Hokkaido Government Office.

The sun in Korean
Rei Fukui
Department of Korean Studies,
Graduate School of Humanities and Sociology, The University of Tokyo

Abstract
This paper discusses dialectal and derivational variation, history and etymology for words
meaning the ‘sun’ in Korean. Native and Sino-Korean words are taken into consideration. Also
the native word for the sun has a polysemic relationship with the temporal meaning ‘year’, whichis peculiar to this language.

1

Introduction

In modern standard Korean two words are used to refer to the sun: one is the native word /hɛ/ (䟊) andthe other a Sino-Korean word /thɛjaŋ/ (䌲㟧, ኴ㝧). Dialectal variation, history and etymology for thesewords will be discussed in this paper.

2

Vhɛ/

This native word for the sun shows virtually no dialectal variation. In some dialects the vowel /ɛ/ ispronounced slightly different from the standard [ɛ], but aside from such minor phonetic details we havevirtually no dialectal variation. Therefore drawing a map for this lexical item is almost of no use so far as
the Korean Peninsula alone is concerned.
In Ogura (1944, 1st vol.: 3) the description for this item is as simple as the following:᪥ (1) [hɛ] ୍⯡ࠋ(2) [pit-tʃ‘i] ࠝဒ༡ࠞ⏥ᒣ㸦ᒣேཧ᥇ྲྀᴗ⪅ࡢ㞃ㄒ㸧(The sun: (1) [hɛ] in general. (2) [pit-tʃ‘i]ࠝHamNamࠞKapsan (slang used by wild Ginseng hunters.) )Here ‘in general’ means that the form in (1) is generally used throughout the Korean Peninsula. The
only exception to this is the form shown in (2), which is apparently derived from the word /pich/ (‘light’)
by adding the suffix /-i/. But as noted above this is a kind of slang used by wild Ginseng hunters often
referred as ‘Simmani’,1 so that this form is by no means a normal variety of this word used in everyday
life in certain fixed locations.
As to the quality of the vowel /ɛ/, two kinds of additional explanation is necessary. First, somedialects, typically the Kyeongsangdo dialects, are known to have lost the distinction between the vowel/ɛ/ and /e/, and the vowel in question is pronounced somewhere between the two vowels.
Secondly, Ogura Shinpei gives a slightly different description of this vowel for Cheju dialects(Ogura (1931a, 1931b, 1944: 2nd vol.)).
The origin of the vowel /ɛ/ in standard Korean goes back to one of the two diphthongs /ai/ and /ʌi/ in
Middle Korean (abbreviated as MK hereafter). The Cheju dialects are the only ones that are (or, hadbeen) preserving the distinction of these two diphthongs in the forms of two different monophthongs,
1 In some cases they are known to use borrowings from Tungusic langauges but this case clearly shows a Korean

origin.

while in other dialects the distinction is completely lost and both have merged into /ɛ/. What follows is
his description of the vowel corresponding to the MK diphthong /ʌi/ ( ) in this dialect (Ogura (1931b:146).
 ୍⯡࡟ࡣ㞶࡜ྠ㡢࡛࠶ࡿᨾ࡟㸪ɛ ࢆ௨ࡗ࡚⾲ࡣࡍࠋణࡋ㸪῭ᕞᓥ᪉ゝ࡟࠶ࡾ࡚ࡣ㸪ࡣ୧၁ࡢ෇ࡳࢆᖏࡧࡓ㡢࡛࠶ࡿᨾ࡟㸪㞶ࡢዴࡃ඲↛㛤ཱྀ㡢࡜ࡣ࡞ࡽࡎ㸪㣎㸦඼ࡢ᮲ཧ↷㸧✀ࡢ㡢࡜࡞ࡾ㸪၏㣎ࡼࡾࡶ⛮ࠎ㛤ཱྀࡢᙧࢆྲྀࡿࠋ⚾ࡣஅ࡟ᑐࡋ࡚ ö ࡢグྕࢆ୚࠼ࡿࠋ῭ᕞᓥேࡀ㞶࡜ ࡜ࢆ᫂ࡽ࠿࡟༊ูࡋ࡚Ⓨ㡢ࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ㸪㝣ᆅேࡢወ␗࡟ឤࡎࡿ⛬࡛࠶ࡿࠋ౛
࠼ࡤ㝣ᆅ᪉㠃࡛ࡣ╖㸦➉㸧࣭ 㸦ᑐ㸧࡜ࡶఱࢀࡶ tɛ: ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡍࡿࡀ㸪῭ᕞᓥேࡣ๓⪅ࢆ tɛ:㸪ᚋ⪅ࢆ tö ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡋ㸪ཪ㝣ᆅ᪉㠃࡛ࡣ䟊㸦ᐖ㸧࣭ 㸦᪥㸧࡜ࡶఱࢀࡶ hɛ: ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡍࡿࡀ㸪ᓥேࡣ๓⪅ࢆ hɛ:, ᚋ⪅ࢆ hö ࡜Ⓨ㡢ࡋ࡚༊ูࡍࡿࠋ
His transcription of the vowel ö (umlaut italic o) is somewhat unusual (using italic is essential here
but easy to be overlooked). In the framework of the current IPA system the vowel symbol that comesmost closely to such a vowel would be [œ], front, half-open, rounded vowel.
Similar explanation is also found in Ogura (1931a: 32-33, also 1944: 2nd vol.).
࡜㞚࡜ࡢ㛫࡟᫂࠿࡟Ⓨ㡢ୖࡢ༊ูࡢᏑࡍࡿࡇ࡜ࡣ㸪௨ୖࡢ౛࡟ࡼࡗ࡚▱ࡽࢀࡼ࠺࡜ᛮࡩ
ࡀ㸪඼ࡢᛶ㉁ࡣ⊂ࡾ༢ẕ㡢ࡢሙྜ࡟᪊࡚ࡢࡳ࡞ࡽࡎ㸪Ṉ➼ࡀ௚ࡢẕ㡢࡜⤖ྜࡋࡓሙྜ࡟᪊
࡚ࡶⓎ㡢ୖ࡟༊ูࡀ⌧ࡣࢀ࡚᮶ࡿࠋ༶ࡕ ࡜㞶࡜ࡢ㛫࡟ࡶ᫂ⓑ࡞ࡿ༊ูࡀ༊ูࡀ⾜ࢃࢀࡿࡢ࡛࠶ࡿ㸦ẕ㡢ᅗཧ↷㸧ࠋ౛࠼ࡤ㸪  ͐͐㸦୰␎㸧͐͐  䟊㸦ᐖ㸧ࠋ㸦᪥㸧ࠋࡢዴࡁࡣྛᆅ࡜ࡶ᭱ࡶ᫂ࡽ࠿࡟Ⓨ㡢ୖࡢ༊ูࢆಖᏑࡍࡿࠋ
͐͐㸦ᚋ␎㸧͐͐As we have seen above, he gives us no further description than ‘[ɛ] in general’ in Ogura (1944: 1st
vol.: 3). It may be the case that minor phonetic details are neglected in this expression.
ġ Now let us turn our attention to the works on dialect survey made in Korea. Unfortunately, however,
the word for the ‘sun’ is not included in the dialect dictionary compiled by Choi (1978) and in the
linguistic atlas compiled by Lee et al. (2008). A large-scale dialect survey had been done in Korean in
the 1980s and the results of which have been published in Han’guk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏn’guwŏn (ed.)(1987-1995) in 9 vols., but the item for the ‘sun’ is not included either. The lack of this entry in theseworks seems to be the result of the fact that there is very little variety for this word in Korean.
There is however another native word which can be used instead of /hɛ/ (䟊). It is formed byattaching the honorific suffix ‘–nim’ to it: /hɛnim/ (䟊┮) or /hɛnnim/ (䟝┮)2. This formation is quite
similar to that of the Japanese word ‘Ohisama’ formed by attaching the honorific suffix ‘–sama’ and aprefix ‘o-’ to ‘hi’. But again we don’t have any data for these words in order to draw a linguistic map and,
if any, it would be difficult to do so because in most cases /hɛ/ and /hɛ(n)nim/ can be used by the same
speaker and are in a kind of stylistic variation, not a regional one.
Finally I would like to point out a cross-linguistically interesting question. The word /hɛ/ has ahomonym with the meaning of ‘year’. Synchronically it is possible to treat them as homonyms but there
is a clear semantic relationship so that it is also possible to treat them as a single lexical item having two
different meanings. As to the relationship between the sun and temporal notions, it is interesting to note
2 Although we find two forms for this item in modern Korean dictionaries, the actual pronunciation is invariably

the latter /hɛnnim/ in my experience.

that in many languages including Japanese and Chinese, it is related to ‘day’, but in Korean it is ‘year’. I
have no knowledge of other languages of the latter type, but this poses cross-linguistically an interestingquestion. As compared to the sun, the moon seem to be more closely related to the temporal notion‘month’ in much wider range of languages including Korean.
2.1

The history of the word /hɛ/In Middle Korean the word corresponding to the modern /hɛ/ was /hʌi/ ( ) with a high tone
(abbreviated as H below). This word too had another meaning ‘year’ in MK, and the forms
corresponding to these two meanings are completely homophonous including the tone. A few examples
containing this word are shown below:
ᬗ⤗௣G ╟G ሟ ሻG <1447 Yongbi ŏch’ŏn ka (㱟㣕ᚚኳḷ) 50> hʌi-n mɨcikei hʌi-yǝi pskǝi-ni-ŋi-ta“a white rainbow is penetrating the sun.”
GGG槡 ⒛ ᭏ሟG G歬႗൫G⛋∳᧋G⒛ ᭏╻GG<1459 Wŏrin sŏkpo (᭶༳㔚㆕) 2:50a>
᪦-ʌn achʌm-i-ni hʌi ᮾ nyǝk-ɨi isi-myǝn achʌm-i-o“(the character)‘᪦’ means morning, if the sun is in the east, it is morning ...”
If we go back to the times before the Hangul script was invented, we have two documents containing
the Korean word for the sun. One is the Cháoxiānguăn yìyŭ (ᮅ㩭㤋ヂㄒ), compiled in the beginning of
the 15th century, in which the item sun (᪥) is recorded as follows:᪥ᐖᚸ㸦cf. MK

hʌi

zil㸧

The Korean part of this item consists of two characters, of which the first character ‘ᐖ’ corresponds
to the native Korean word and second character ‘ᚸ’ the Sino-Korean reading of the character ‘᪥’. The
sound of the character ‘ᐖ’ is quite similar to the MK form of the word3.
Another document is the Jīlín lèishì (㭼ᯘ㢮஦), recorded in the early 12th century, in which thedescription for this item is complicated and apparently some kind of errors must be included.
᪉ゝኳ᭣₎ᮌዉ
᪥᭣ጳ ᭶᭣ዎࠝ㯮㝼ษࠞ 㞼᭣ᒅᯘ 㢼᭣Ꮣ⧾ ͐͐ 
 (cf. ጳ héng ⬌Ⓩษ㸪ጏ dá ᙜ๭ษዎ qì ワィษ㸪⚚ xì ⬌ィษ)
(Right: a part of the text Jīlín lèishì (㭼ᯘ㢮஦)
included in the Shùnzhì (㡰἞)㸲(1647) edition of
the Shuofu (ㄝ㒁), vol. 55)

3 The reason for selecting this character may have something to do with the fact the this character has the qusheng(⍣⢘) and the tone of the word ‘(hʌi)’ is H.

The item ‘sun (᪥)’ appears as the second entry of the list, followed by the third entry ‘moon (᭶)’.
But the two entries seem to be wrongly interchanged. Chin T’aeha (㝞Ὀኟ, 1974: 250-251) explains
this as follows:ࠕ͐❦␲ࠕጳࠖ
㸪ࠕዎࠖ஧Ꮠㄗ᫆ࠋ
ࠕዎࠖⅭࠕ⚚ࠖஅ┬㸪ㄞࠕ⬌ィษࠖ㸪๎⯅㩭ึㄒஅㄞ [hɐi] ⪅┦ྜ㸹ࠕጳࠖⅭࠕጏࠖஅㄗ㸪⯅㩭ึㄒஅㄞ [tɐl] ⪅┦ྜࠋ͐㸦୰␎㸧͐⏤Ṉྍ▱ࠕ㯮㝼ษࠖᐇⅭ [hɐi] அᑐ㡢㸪ᛂᅾࠕ᪥ࠖᏐᲄୗࠋࠖ
(The two characters ‘ጳ’ and ‘ዎ’ seem to have been wrongly interchanged. If we take ‘ዎ’ as ‘⚚’ partof it being omitted, then fanqie of this character being ‘⬌ィ’, its reading matches well with MK[hɐi]. And if we take ‘ጳ’ as a miswritten ‘ጏ’, then its reading matches well with MK [tɐl]. ......
Accordingly we can assume that the note ‘㯮㝼ษ’ in fact represent the sound for [hɐi] and musthave been placed under the entry for ‘᪥ (the sun)’. Translation mine.)
It is very complicated but this interpretation is a plausible one and many others seem to agree withthis (for example, Kang, Sinhang (1980) ). Therefore it can be concluded that this word must have hadalmost the same phonetic shape as the Mk form in the 12th century.
 If we go back further to the Silla period we don’t have any example of this word used in the sense of
the sun in Hyanga (㒓ḷ), although we have an example used in the sense of ‘year’ in ‘ះ➉᪨㑻ḷ’ butin this case the lexical meaning was expressed using the Sino-Korean ‘ᖺ’ so that its pronunciation is
unknown.
To sum up, the word shape of this word was /hʌi/ with a high tone in MK, and it must have soundedvery similar to that in the 12th century, but we don’t have data older than that.
 
2.2

Etymology of /hɛ/As to the etymology of this word, there have been several theories advanced among which the following
one, found in an etymological dictionary, calls for attention.
G
G Kim, Minsu (ed.) (1997) Korean Etymological Dictionary (☇ᤃᤧ躙犋鎙啳).
㓋GO᧜PG〳ⓨUG┋☧G
T穸UGᰗ㖫G☀ୗ ^aXPe㓋Gh(hɛ (the sun) (n.) t ɛjaŋ. [Etymology: √ hʌi- [white]. Change: hʌi (Yongka 7:1) > hɛ]) As is shown here, one form of the adjective with the meaning of ‘white’ was ‘hʌi-’ in MK, but it had
an alternate form ‘hɨi-’ so that I am not sure about this etymology.

3

Sino-Korean word /thɛjaŋ/ (⣒⣒春)

This Sino-Korean word must have been known for hundreds of years before the Hangul script was invented
in the 15th century. Its usage can be attested in many kinds of Hanmun (₎ᩥ) documents. But they are a kindof Koreanized Chinese writings so that it is difficult to judge how much this particular word was used as partof the daily vocabulary at the time.
Aside from documents written in Hanmun, its usage in native Korean sentences written in the Hangul
script is very scanty until late 19th century. The following example is the oldest one so far I have found and isa unique example from 15 through 16 centuries.
⟚షG┋ᐳ☇ᬛGꋌ㚨欃 ⚛G⟚షGG<1461 浙媯膎軵跞 3:96a>
GG ష 崥〳驸pʌrk-om-ʌn thaijaŋ-ʌr cos-ko etɨ’um-ɨn hɨkŋwerʔ-ɨr cos-ko G“The brightness follows the sun and the darkness follows the black moon”But this usage of ‘ኴ㝧’ is a translation of a passage from sutra written in Chinese (“᫂ᚑኴ㝧ᬯ㝶㯮᭶”), so that it is difficult to decide whether or not this word was used in daily life in the 15th century.
Although other sporadic usages are found from 17 through 18 centuries (but less than 5 examples in total), it
is as late as the late 19th century that we see plenty of examples of this word, many of the early examples
being from documents on Christianity like the following:
GG╟ⅯG┓ి┧G౨ ᭳ ⓓG〳ⓨG∳షGG<1865 ୺ᖺ▚⚰ᘅ┈ 9b>hh
G jeisu erkor-ei kwaŋc ʌi parhʌ-ja t aijaŋ kʌthʌ-si-ko“Jesus’s face shone like the sun ...”GGᶛ♷⸿቗Gே☏⛋G〳ⓨ⚯Gᶮ ᭾⚓᤻G〳ⓨ⚯Gホ▗Gᶮ⶯G࿯〗࿯GG<1883 ┿ᩍษせ 26b>
piju-khentai ke’ur-i thaijaŋ-ɨi pich-ʌr pat-ɨmai thaijaŋ-ɨi thjei-wa pich-i nathana “it is as if a mirror reflects the sun and the sun’s body and the light appear ...”
Therefore it is likely that although this Sino-Korean word have been known for many centuries but it wasin the late 19th century that this word began to be used as part of the daily vocabulary probably under the
influence of the introduction of western culture.

4

Conclusion

The native Korean word for the sun has very little dialectal variation and has been steadily used at leastfrom the 12th century. This word is also used with the meaning of ‘year’, contrary to many otherlanguages in which this word has closer relationship with the temporal meaning ‘day’. So far I know ofno other language which has a semantic relationship between the sun and year, so that the existence ofsuch a language poses a cross-linguistically interesting question. Also a personified honorific variety ofthis word can be made by attaching the suffix /-nim/, and this too can be cross-linguistically interesting,since similar phenomena are found in other languages such as Japanese and Chinese. The etymology ofthis word is unclear but it might be related to color terms.
Another Sino-Korean word /thɛjaŋ/ seems to have been known for a long time but it is until the lateth
19 century that this word began to be used in the daily life.
Based on these observations I would like to propose the following list of cross-linguistic questions:(1) Existence of personified varieties.
(2) Existence of a temporal meaning (day, year).
(3) Relationship with color terms (white, yellow, red, etc.)

Acknowledgements
I would like tothank Professor Mitsuaki Endo for inviting me to this conference. Otherwise I could nothave noticed the rarity and importance of the relationship between the ‘sun’ and ‘year’ found in thislanguage.
References
Choi, Hakkŭn (1978) Han’guk pangŏn sajŏn. (A Dictionary of Korean dialects) Seoul: Hyeonmunsa.
Han’guk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏn’guwŏn (ed.) (1987—1995) Han’guk Pangŏn Charyochip (Materials in Koreandialects). 9 vols. Han’guk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏn’guwŏn.
Chin T’aeha (1974) Kerim Yusa yŏngu. (A research on Jīlín lèishì) Seoul: Tower press.
Kang, Sinhang (1980) Kerim Yusa Koryŏ pang’ŏn yŏngu. (A research on the Korean dialect in Jīlín lèishì) Seoul:
The University of Sŏnggyungwan press.
Kim, Minsu (ed.) (1997) Korean Etymological Dictionary (㤆ⰂⰦㄒ※㎡඾). Seoul: T’aehaksa.

Lee, Iksop et al. (2008) Han’guk pangŏn sajŏn (Linguistic atlas of Korea). Seoul: T’aehaksa.
Ogura, Shinpei (1931a) Saishūtō hogen. (The Chejudo dialect) Seikyū gakusō (㟷ୣᏛྀ) 5: 26-70. Seoul: Seikyū
gakkai. (reprinted in Ogura (1944, 2nd vol.: 453-500)
Ogura, Shinpei (1931b) On the phonetic notation of Korean vowel. Study of Sounds. 4: 139-148. Phonetic societyof Japan.
Ogura, Shinpei (1944) Chōsengo hogen no kenkyū (Studies in the Korean dialects). 2 vols. Tokyo: Iwanami
Shoten.

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A Survey of Recent Austroasiatic Studies
Makoto MINEGISHI (ILCAA, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies)
Toshiki OSADA (Research Institute for Humanity and Nature)
Nathan BADENOCH (Kyoto University)
Masaaki SHIMIZU (Osaka University)
Atsushi YAMADA (Japan Health Care College)
Yuma ITO (Kyoto University)

1. Introduction
This paper surveys studies in Austroasiatic languages (hereafter abbreviated as AAL) in order to identify
the data used in the Asian geolinguistics project. First, we will focus on the data published after around1990. Second, we will introduce some of the studies on AAL done by the scholars in Japan. Since thenumber of Japanese AAL researchers is very limited, we will refer not only recent works, but also some
important ones done in 1960’s and 70’s, such as those by Sakamoto. Third, authors of the present paper
currently working in different branches of AAL will appraise works by offering relevant bibliographies,
and commenting on recent progress made in their subgroups of interest.
Given the broad geographic distribution and sheer number of languages in the Austroasiatic phylum,
this review is necessarily selective. From the rich body of literature that continues to emerge, we havechosen the most fundamental and relevant work to this project. Needless to say, an exhaustive review of
AAL would be a much more significant work of research, and the authors designed the present survey
with the objectives and scope of the project in mind.

2. Typological Characteristics of AAL
AAL is comprised of the Mon-Khmer languages in Southern China and mainland Southeast Asia, theMunda languages in India, and the Nicobarese languages in the Andaman Sea. Most AAL in Southeast
Asia are spoken in ethnic minority communities except Khmer (Cambodian) and Vietnamese, the official
languages of Cambodia and Vietnam respectively. Although some languages in India have large
populations, such as Santali at 6.5 million, Mundari 1.5 at million, Ho 1 at million, and Khasi 1 at million
according to Osada & Onishi (eds) (2012), others are mostly spoken by minorities, and some of them areendangered.
The notion of an Austroasiatic language family was advocated by Rev. Wilhelm Schmidt (1868-1954),
SVD (Societas Verbi Divini) in the beginning of twentieth century. He proposed the idea of theAustroasiatic language family comprising the Mon-Khmer languages and Munda languages, and further
put forward the idea of the Austric superfamily including Austroasiatic and Austronesian languages. It
should be noted, however, that the term ‘Austric’ is commonly understood in India as equivalent toAustroasiatic.
Typologically, verb-medial (Subject-Verb-Object) Mon-Khmer languages in the east contrast withverb-final (Subject-Object-Verb) Munda languages in the west. In between are verb-initial(Verb-Object-Subject) Nicobarese languages in Andaman Sea. Morphologically, while languages inSoutheast Asia are basically isolating, those in South Asia have complex derivations with prefix, infix, andsuffix. Lexically, not many words in AAL are attested as cognates.

3. Recent Researches in AAL
Since Schmidt’s propagation of AAL, comparative studies of the phylum did not show much progressuntil the beginning of the twenty-first century. The high level of language diversity and broad geographic
distribution of AAL, especially minority languages in dispersed areas, caused difficulties for linguists
working in one language in extending their interest to another one. Knowledge in Khmer, for example,

would not help linguists study Mon since these two languages differ both in grammatically and in lexically.
Most linguists in the area therefore have focused on a few languages in a subgroup or two trying tocomplete their descriptive studies. Dictionaries and grammars were thus published concerning major
languages, such as Khmer, Vietnamese, Mon, and Santali.
Another obstacle for development in research was the lack of communication among linguists. Those
working in Southeast Asia or China have not had frequent contact with those working in South Asia.
Situation has drastically changed, however, with resumption of the International Conference ofAustroasiatic Linguistics (ICAAL). The third ICAAL was held in 2007 at Deccan College, Pune, after along interim – the first was held in 1973, and the second in 1978. Now ICAAL is held almost regularly:
sixth in 2015, and seventh to be held in the next two years.
A major output from ICAAL is Jenny & Sidwell (eds) (2015), the Handbook of Austroasiatic
Languages. It is the first reference work of AAL, which is now regarded as an essential andcomprehensive guide for AAL studies. Part I of the book comprises a typological overview, geneticclassification, comparative reconstruction. Part 2 provides grammatical sketches of subgroups Aslian,
Monic, Pearic, Khmeric, Bahnaric, Katuic, Vietic, Khmuic, Mangic, Palaungic, Khasian, and Nicobarese.
Thai researchers, primarily at Mahidol University, have been conducting research on the Khmu andPalaung languages. These studies, importantly, have been regional projects, not limited to varieties spoken
in Thailand. Work on Khmu included a multi-country survey of dialects, producing not only lexical
resources, but a descriptive grammar, extensive treatment of tonogenesis, and conversational materials.
These materials complement the body of works by Svantesson, Lindell and Kam Raw, covering linguistic
and folklore studies of the 1970s and 1980s. With regards to Palaung, researchers at Mahidol haverecently completed a project to document the diversity of the Palaung languages, covering varieties
spoken in Myanmar, China and Thailand. The Journal of Language and Culture, published by Mahidol,issued a special volume on Palaung in 2009. The depth of Palaung linguistic diversity has only started to
be understood, but these recent materials move forward the important historical work of Ostapirat (2009)and earlier linguists, such as Mitani’s 1977 reconstruction of Proto-Palaung.
In terms of cross-cutting typological issues, researchers of AAL have been engaged in exploration anddiscussion of the processes of tonogenesis and registrogenesis. The influence of these suprasegmental
dynamics on the trajectories of change that are seen in the AAL family is significant. The well-known
cases of register in Khmer and Mon have been followed by a growing body of research in Katuic,
Bahnaric and Pearic. While the process of devoicing and register and in some cases tone development has
been observed widely across the family, other mechanisms of tonogenesis have been described by
Svantesson for the Angkuic branch of Palaungic languages. The question of register in the history of the
AAL phylum is yet to be resolved.
4. Resources for AAL Geolinguistics
4.1
Online resources
In what follows, we will review the sources of data to be used in the study of AAL geolinguistics.
First of all, information provided by SEALANG projects on the following web site will provide a
critical resource for the Asian geolinguistics project.
http://sealang.net/
The site provides information of Southeast Asian languages with the following online library collecting
materials, including dictionaries.
http://sealang.net/library/
Among the services provided by SEALANG project, the most convenient resource for our research istheir “Etymological Dictionary, built to support work in comparative and historical linguistics, and acompanion Languages Database devoted to preservation and sharing of language and lexical resources.
[cited from the site] ”
http://sealang.net/monkhmer/dictionary/The site above provides a database based on published material, where we can retrieve words withbibliographical information about the original first-hand data.
Some other web sites provide online dictionaries. For example, the following site at ILCAA provides
word search in the Santal Dictionary by P.O. Bodding (1868-1936). This is part of the collaboratively
work on Santali by M. Minegishi, Jun Takashima at ILCAA, Tokyo, and Ganesh Murmu at Ranchi
University, India. 1
http://www.aa.tufs.ac.jp/~mmine/india/Bodding2k/index.html
Concerning languages in South Asia, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel (Kiel University)
provides information on “seldom studied and endangered South Asian languages”.
http://www.isfas.uni-kiel.de/de/linguistik/forschung/projekte/southasiabibliography/bibliography/austroasi
atic/austroasiatic
4.2
Dictionaries
Since the online dictionaries and materials available on the web sites above are digital reprint versions ofpaper publications, it is recommended to refer to the original dictionaries and grammar books if at all
possible.
Although dictionaries on major languages such as Khmer, Vietnamese, and Santali are available, thoseof minority languages are not numerous. Among such dictionaries, the following have appeared only
recently:
Peiros, Ilia. 1996. Katuic comparative dictionary. Canberra, Pacific Linguistics C-132.
Jacq, P & Sidwell, P 2000. A Comparative West Bahnaric Dictionary. Lincom Europa, Munich.
Premsrirat, Suwilai. 2002. Thesaurus of Khmu Dialects in Southeast Asia. Bangkok, Mahidol University.
Shorto, Harry L. 2006. A Mon-Khmer Comparative Dictionary. Canberra, Pacific Linguistics.
Smith, Kenneth. 2012. Sedang Dictionary with English, Vietnamese and French Glossaries. SIL
International.
Watkins, Justin 2013. Dictionary of Wa (2 vols). Leiden: Brill.
Svantesson, Jan-Olof, Kam Raw, Kristina Lindell, Hakan Lundstrom. 2014. Dictionary of Kammu Yuan
Language and Culture. Copenhagen: NIAS Press.
Moreover, linguists in Vietnam have been steadily producing a valuable collection of dictionaries of Vietic,
Katuic and Bahnaric language spoken in that country, all of which are glossed in Vietnamese and are
difficult to obtain outside of Vietnam.

5. AAL Education and Studies in Japan
Among AAL, Vietnamese is taught and researched in several universities in Japan, such as Osaka
University, Kanda University of International Studies, and Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (TUFS).
Khmer is taught in TUFS only. These universities have regular staff teaching undergraduate and graduate
students. Among them are Prof. Kenji Tomita (grammar) and Masaaki Shimizu (phonology and syntax) at
Osaka University and Atsushi Kasuga (phonetics and syntax) at Kanda University concerning Vietnamese.
Hiromi Ueda and Tomoko Okada at TUFS work on Khmer syntax.

1

Based on the examination of headwords of the Santal dictionary, Minegishi et al. (2010), (2011) claim that
Bodding’s distinction between narrow and open vowels, i.e.,“e” vs. “e”, and “o” vs. “o” is not a phonemic one, thus,
the Santali vowel system has only six vowels, rather than eight that Bodding claimed.



5.1
Prof. Sakamoto’s works on Khmer and Mon
Yasuyuki Sakamoto㸦ᆏᮏᜤ❶㸧, Prof. Emeritus of TUFS, is one of the linguists who initiated the study of
Khmer and Mon languages in Japan. He made some important studies on phonologies of modern standard
Khmer [ᆏᮏ (1968)] and old Khmer (for example Sakamoto (1970), (1971), (1974)).
He was the first professor in Khmer studies at Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, to offer a regularcourse in Cambodian since 1992. He published grammar and dictionaries of Khmer, and dictionaries of
Mon as follows:ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1989. ࠗ࢝ࣥ࣎ࢪ࢔ㄒධ㛛࠘. ᮾி㸸኱Ꮫ᭩ᯘ. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 1989. Introduction
to Cambodian. Tokyo: Daigaku Shorin.]ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1988. ࠗ࢝ࣥ࣎ࢪ࢔ㄒ㎡඾࠘. ᮾி㸸኱Ꮫ᭩ᯘ. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 1988. Cambodian
Dictionary. Tokyo: Daigaku Shorin.]ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 2001. ࠗ࢝ࣥ࣎ࢪ࢔ㄒ㎡඾࠘඲㸱ᕳ. ᮾி㸸࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲ᡤ.
[Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 2001. Cambodian Dictionary. 3 vols. Tokyo: ILCAA.]He also published the following Mon dictionaries based on his field work done in Bangkok:ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1994.ࠗࣔࣥㄒ㎡඾࠘. ᮾி㸸࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲ᡤ. [Sakamoto, Yasuyuki 1994.
Mon Dictionary. Tokyo: ILCAA.]ᆏᮏᜤ❶ 1996. ࠗ᪥ᮏㄒ㸫ࣔࣥㄒ㎡඾࠘. ᮾி㸸࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ゝㄒᩥ໬◊✲ᡤ. [Sakamoto,
Yasuyuki 1996. Japanese-Mon Dictionary. Tokyo: ILCAA.]
5.2.
Khmer phonology in Japan
Along with his phonetic description and phonological analysis of modern Khmer based on his fieldwork in
Phnom Penh, Sakamoto made phonemic analysis of old Khmer based on inscriptions. From his analysis of
distribution of vowel symbols in the inscriptions, he induced the original vowel system. Sakamoto (1974),
for example, distinguishes three ways in usage of vowel symbols <a>, <aa>, or <o>. The first is to write avowel in a word with either <a> or <aa>, but never with <o>. The second is to write a vowel with either<a> or <o>, but never with <aa>. The third is to write a vowel always with <a>. By examining the modern
pronunciation of the words written in these three types, he reconstructs two phonemes: vowel /*A/ written
as <a> or <aa>, and vowel /*O/, written as <a> or <o>. The one always written with <a> can be identified
as either /*A/ or /*O/. See Sakamoto (1970), (1971) for the case of other vowels.
Following Sakamoto’s phonemic description of modern standard Khmer, ᓠᓊ [Minegishi] (1985)
showed that there are dialectal differences in phonemic system in Khmer, especially in vowels. Minegishi(1986) gives the phonemic system of the local dialect in Takeo province near Phnom Penh, which differs
significantly from that of standard Khmer.
5.3
Work on Palaungic languages [reviewed by Badenoch]Yasuyuki Mitani㸦୕㇂ᜤஅ㸧 made early contributions to the study of the Waic languages in the 1960s
and 70s, particularly with analysis of the Lawa and Khamet languages spoken in Thailand. Moreover,Mitani’s reconstruction of Palaungic is still respected as the most solid scholarship on the topic. In
addition to the analytical material presented by Mitani that drew on his own field research, an important
contribution of his was to bridge back to the earlier days of field surveying conducted by scholars such as
Luce. Very recently, Cheeseman et al. (2015) have published “Palaungic Linguistic Bibliography with
Selected Annotations”, now probably to be considered to reflect the state of the art of Palaungic literature.
5.4
Current AAL investigators
In addition to the linguists given above, the following are some of the active linguists in Japaninvestigating AAL.
Naomitsu Mikami at the Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, Keio University works on
Vietnamese, Thai, and other languages in mainland Southeast Asia. Toshiki OSADA has conducted fieldwork on Munda languages in Bihar and Jharkhand states in India. He is specialized in Mundari language
and has published Mundari grammars, textbooks and academic papers. Atsushi Yamada works on Waic in
China. Yuma Ito has conducted fieldwork on Mlabri, endangered language in Thailand.

6. State of the art of AAL studies
In what follows, the authors of the present paper currently working in different fields, offer the
bibliographies, and comment on the recent progress in the area of their concern. We will hereafter refer tothe materials written in English, Japanese or Chinese only.
6.1.
Comparative Studies [by Osada]࠙General Commentsࠚ
Along with the recent steady progress in descriptive studies of AAL, reconstruction of the language family
has made great progress. Paul Sidwell works most actively in this area.
࠙Recent publicationsࠚ
Peiros, Ilia. 1998. Comparative Linguistics in Southeast Asia. Pacific Linguistics Series C-142. Canberra,
Australian National University.
Sidwell, P. & Jacq, P. 2003, A Handbook of Comparative Bahnaric: volume 1 - West Bahnaric, Pacific
Linguistics, Canberra.
Sidwell, P. 2005. The Katuic Languages: Classification, Reconstruction and Comparative Lexicon.
Lincom Europa, Muenchen, Germany
Sidwell, P. 2009. Classifying the Austroasiatic languages: History and state of the art, Lincom Europa,
Munich Germany
Sidwell, Paul. 2011. Comparative Mon-Khmer Linguistics in the 20th Century: where from, where to? in
K.S. Nagaraja (ed), Austro-Asiatic Linguistics: In memory of R. Elangaiyan. (Proceedings of the 3rdInternational Conference on Austroasiatic Languages). Mysore: Central Institute of Indian
Languages. pp.38-104
Sidwell, P. 2015. The Austroasiatic language phylum: a typology of phonological restructuring, in Claire
Bowern and Bethwyn Evans (eds), The Routledge Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Abingdon,
UK and New York, USA: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. pp. 675-703.
Sidwell, P. & Rau, F. 2015. Austroasiatic Comparative-Historical Reconstruction: An Overview, in
Mathias Jenny & Paul Sidwell (eds), The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages. Leiden: Brill. pp.
221-363.
6.2.
Paleontology [by Osada]AAL paleontology has only very recently started to open new perspectives on the field:
Diffloth, Gérard. 2005. The contribution of linguistic palaeontology to the homeland of Austro-asiatic. In:
Sagart, Laurent, Roger Blench and Alicia Sanchez-Mazas (eds). The Peopling of East Asia: Putting
Together Archaeology, Linguistics and Genetics. Routledge/Curzon. pp.79-82.
van Driem, George. 2007. Austroasiatic phylogeny and the Austroasiatic homeland in light of recent
population genetic studies. Mon–Khmer Studies, 37: 1–14.
Sidwell, P & Blench, R. 2011. The Austroasiatic Urheimat: the Southeastern Riverine Hypothesis. in
Enfield, N. J. (ed.), Dynamics of human diversity : the case of mainland Southeast Asia, Pacific
Linguistics, Canberra Australia, pp. 315-343.

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6.3.
Studies in China [by Yamada]࠙Recent publicationsࠚThe following are publications concerning languages of Mon-Khmer subgroups in China.
[Austroasiatic in China]ีᒾ㸦2006㸧ࠗᏗ㧗Ფ宕ኌ宫◊✲࠘୰ኸẸ᪘኱Ꮫฟ∧♫.
桄඼㤶࣭࿘᳜ᚿ㸦1995㸧
ࠗ୰ᅜᏗ㧗Ფ宕᪘宕ゝ୚༡Ṃ宕⣔࠘ ୰ኸẸ᪘኱Ꮫฟ∧♫.
[Waic]⋤ᩗ働࣭ᕐ໬呿࣭⫝̸⋢ⰷ 㕆㸦1994㸧ࠗా䈝◊✲࠘ப༡Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫.
⋤ᩗ働 ⦅㸦1992㸧
ࠗా䈝⇍䈝≷䟺࠘ப༡Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫.
Watkins, Justin㸦1998㸧The Phonetics of Wa, Ph.D dissertation, SOAS, University of London.
㸦 2002 㸧 The Phonetics of Wa. Experimental Phonetics, Phonology, Orthography andSociolinguistics. Pacific Linguistics, Canberra: Australian National University.
㸦2013㸧Dictionary of Wa. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill.
ᒣ⏣ᩔኈ㸦2005㸧
ࠕ࣡ㄒࣃࣛ࢘ࢡ᪉ゝ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ௦ྡモ࡜ྡモࡢ㐃⥆ࠖࠗᮾ࢔ࢪ࢔ゝㄒ◊✲࠘
8 ྕ, 22-36.
㸦2006㸧
ࠕా䈝ᕮ㔅ඞ᪉ゝⓗከࣘ䇽㔃ᯊ㸸௨୩୭ពីࣘ䇽ᯊᡂⓗᙧᘧѪ୺ࠖࠗᮾ࣮ࣘࣛࢩ࢔
ゝㄒ◊✲࠘ዲᩥฟ∧, 222-233.
㸦2007㸧
ࠕࣃࣛ࢘ࢡ࣭࣡ㄒࠖ୰ᒣಇ⚽࣭ᒣ㉺ᗣ⿱⦅ࠗᩥἲࢆᥥࡃ㸸ࣇ࢕࣮ࣝࢻ࣮࣡ࢡ࡟ᇶ࡙
ࡃㅖゝㄒࡢᩥἲࢫࢣࢵࢳ࠘➨ 2 ྕ, 259-284.
㸦2010㸧
ࠕࣃࣛ࢘ࢡ࣭࣡ㄒ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ㢮ఝ୪ิ⾲⌧ࡢᵓ㐀ࠖࠗ࢔ࢪ࢔࣭࢔ࣇࣜ࢝ࡢゝㄒ࡜ゝㄒ
Ꮫ࠘5 ྕ, 3-16.
㸦2012㸧
ࠕ࣡ㄒ᪉ゝ࠿ࡽࡳࡓṇ᭩ἲࠖࠗ໭ᾏ㐨Ẹ᪘Ꮫ࠘8 ྕ㸪27-34.
YAMADA, Atsushi
㸦2007㸧Parauk Wa Folktales㸸ా᪘㸦ᕮ㔅ඞ㸧ⓗẸ䰤ᨾ஦, ILCAA.
㸦2013㸧“Phonological Outline of the Vo Dialect” The Journal of Burma Studies, 17(1), 61-79.
࿘᳜ᚿ࣭仌඼㤶࣭䱸ᅜᒶ㸦2004㸧ࠗా䈝᪉ゝ◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫.
[Angkuic]䱸ᅜᒶ㸦2005㸧ࠗඞ⶜䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫.
[Bit–Khang]ย⌱㸦2007㸧ࠗᕸⰢ䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫㧗Ọወ㸦2004㸧ࠗᕸ‫ޤ‬䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫[Khmuic]䱸ᅜᒶ㸦2002㸧
ࠗඞᮌ䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫[Pakanic]㧗Ọወ㸦2003㸧
ࠗⳝ䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫ᮤ᪫㓳㸦1999㸧ࠗ‫؛‬䈝◊✲࠘୰ኸẸ᪘኱Ꮫฟ∧♫ᮤபර㸦2005㸧ࠗᕸ䎃䈝◊✲࠘Ẹ᪘ฟ∧♫
࠙General Commentsࠚ
Elucidation of little known languages, such as those of the Palaungic and Khmuic branches shows
progress. Among them investigation of Waic languages has progressed in terms of both quality andquantity. Investigators focus on historical studies such as historical phonology and comparative studies.
Studies in typology and sociolinguistics are expected to increase.

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6.4.
Studies in Munda languages
As mentioned above, Osada has made a significant contribution to the study of the Munda languages,
including multiple articles in the important book The Munda Languages, edited by Anderson and released
in 2008. Among these are “Mundari”, as a single author chapter, and the co-authored “Ho and Kherwarian
languages” with Anderson and Harrison. Moreover, Kobayashi co-authored a chapter on Kera Mundari. A
language learning text, Lessons in Mundari, has been released in pre-publication form, authored by Osadaet al.
6.5.
Studies in Khmuic languages [summarized by Ito]
࠙Recent publicationsࠚ
Rischel, Jørgen. 2007. Mlabri and Mon-Khmer. Historisk-filosofiske Meddelelser 99, Copenhagen: The
Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters
Sidwell, Paul. 2014. Khmuic Classification and Homeland. Mon-Khmer Studies 43(1): 47-56.
࠙General Commentsࠚ
Comparative studies have shown noticeable progress. Some minor languages in the group have been
investigated, such as Mlabri (by Ito), and Bit, Ksingmul and Phong (by Badenoch). Description of othermembers of this branch is necessary.
6.6 AAL in the Japanese grey literature [summarized by Badenoch]Over the past two decades, Japanese field-based projects have produced a number of short, but valuable
word lists for languages that remain largely undescribed. For example, publications from ILCAA haveintroduced data on Then (Khmuic), Khabit (Khmuic-Palaungic?) and Khmu (Khmuic), all presented by
Kosaka (2001, 1999, 1999). Additionally, a Khang wordlist from Vietnam was produced by Ueda ed(2003), as well as Mlabri by Sakamoto ed (2005), both as part of the Endangered Language of the Pacific
Rim project. Moreover, Palaungic wordlists have been released through ILCAA: The Palaung Language(Shintani 2008) and the Riang Language (Shintani 2014).

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