Studies in Asian
Geolinguistics
III

ILCAA Joint Research Project 2015 - 2017 “Studies in Asian Geolinguistics”
Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies

Studies in Asian Geolinguistics III— MILK —(Report of ILCAA J R P 2015–2017“S  A G”)First published 2016
Edited by Mitsuaki E
Copyright © 2016 Individual Contributors
ISBN 978-4-86337-237-5(This is an electronic publication in PDF format)
Published by
Research Institute for
Languages and Cultures ofAsia and Africa (ILCAA)
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
3-11-1, Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi,
183-8534, Tokyo, JAPANTable of Contents“Rice Plant” in Asian Languages
Hiroyuki SUZUKI, “Rice (plant)” in Asia………………………………………………………… 1

Mika FUKAZAWA, “Rice” in Ainu ……………………………………………………………… 4“Milk” in Asian Languages
Ryo MATSUMOTO, “Milk” in Tungusic and Uralic
Hidetoshi SHIRAISHI, Rice and Milk in Nivkh……………………………………………… 5………………………………………………… 7

Mika FUKAZAWA, “Milk” in Ainu ………………………………………………………………… 9
Yoshio SAITO, “Milk” in Mongolic and Turkic ………………………………………………… 10
Takashi UEYA and Kenji YAGI, “Milk”: Sinitic languages …………………………………… 12
Shiho EBIHARA, Kazue IWASA,Keita KURABE, Satoko SHIRAI, Hiroyuki SUZUKI, and Ikuko
MATSUSE, Milk: Tibeto-Burman…………………………………………………………… 14

Mitsuaki ENDO, Milk: Tai-Kadai ……………………………………………………………… 18
Makoto MINEGISHI, Milk: Austroasiatic Languages …………………………………………… 20
Atsuko UTSUMI, Milk: Austronesian Languages …………………………………………… 22
Noboru YOSHIOKA, Milk: South Asia ………………………………………………………… 24
Yoichi NAGATO, Milk: Arabic Languages ……………………………………………………… 26
ArticlesShinsuke KISHIE, Faquire Razaul KARIM, Yukichi SHIMIZU, and Yukako SAKOGUCHI,
Distribution of Dialectal Word-forms Associated with the Word Chichi (Milk) in Japanese…………………………………………………………………………………………………… 28
Hiroyuki SUZUKI, A Geolinguistic Description of Terms for‘Milk’in Tibetic Languages of theEastern Tibetosphere……………………………………………………………………… 30

Rei FUKUI, Rice and related words in Korean …………………………………………………… 36
Rei FUKUI, Milk in Korean ……………………………………………………………………… 42

Cover photo: A Tibetan woman milking a yak in Qinghai Province, China;
taken by Shiho EBIHARA on August 12, 2014.

“Rice (plant)” in Asia

This fact implies that these words date back to theirancient stratum which already classified ‘rice’ into
many subcategories. Around half of language groups
have multiple subcategories of ‘rice’.

Despite many debates, one can say that Asia
contains the homeland for domesticated rice species:
China. Because of divergence of climate conditions,rice cultivation is not pervasive there, and Asian
languages thus do not always have any word forms
concerning ‘rice’; however, those spoken in the ricecultivation region have various semantic categories
regarding the word ‘rice’ in English. ‘Rice plant’ isdescribed here.

Table 1: Main word forms for ‘rice plant’.
Languages
Word forms
Japonicine ✄mai ⡿ (< Sinitic mi ⡿)Koreanpjэ
na-rakSinitic (SN)dao に(*3)
tiuhe ⿮
gu ば(*1)
Hmong-Mien (HM)PHM *njau/*njua[t]mpleTibeto-Burman (TB)
PTB *b-ras (WrT ’bras)
PB *þan1 (WrB chan)
PTB *bu
PTB *ma-y ါ *mey
PTB *kuk(*1)
Tai-Kadai (TK)ћaukhaumV(*2)
Austroasiatic (AA)ba:Ҍcѓhmaw(*2)alэӃ³(*3)
Austronesian (AN)PAN *pajay
PAN *b.Ras (bԥras)
Ainu
amám
Tungusic
kandu(*4)
Mongolictuturkan (< Turkic tuturqan)kans(*4)
Turkicdöge
küriš (< Farsi gurinj)
pirinþ(*5) (< Farsi birinj)
Indo-Iranian (II)vrƯhi(*5)
ta۬‫ڲ‬ula
bhƗt
dhƗna
Dravidian
nell
varþi
Arabicruzz (< Greek ‫ݻ‬ȡȣȗĮ)N.B. The numbers such as (*1) and (*2) mean that theforms with the same number have a mutual
relationship.

1. Origin and expansion of ‘rice’
Oryza sativa, edible rice, has two major subspecies:
japonica and indica. Japonica varieties are usuallycultivated in dry fields, in temperate East Asia, uplandareas of Southeast Asia, and high elevations in SouthAsia, while indica varieties are mainly lowland rices,grown mostly submerged, throughout tropical Asia
(Wikipedia ‘Oryza sativa’).
There are numerous debates regarding the origin of
cultivated rice. With an analysis of a map of ricegenome variation, Huang et al. (2012) claim that thedomestication of rice occurred in the China’s Pearl
River Delta valley region, and rice was spread from
East Asia to South and Southeast Asia.
Many cultures have evidence of early ricecultivation, including China, India, and thecivilisations of Southeast Asia. However, the earliest
archaeological evidence comes from central andeastern China and dates to 7000-5000 BC(Encyclopaedia Britannica ‘Rice’). In India,
agricultural activity during the second millennium BC
included rice cultivation in the Kashmir andHarrappan regions (Smith 2000). In Korea and Japan,
rice agriculture was firstly introduced into Korea circa
850-550 BC, and then reached Japan by circa 300 BC(Crawford and Lee 2003). In South-east Asia, ricecultivation may date back over 1500 years inIndonesia, from the first to second millennium BC in
the Philippines, and to 2200 BC in Thailand.
2. Classification of word forms
Sinitic languages, spoken in rice’s homeland,possess many roots for various kinds of ‘rice’, forexample, ㋣ jing ‘non-glutinous japonica rice’, ㊬shan ‘non-glutinous indica rice’, ㌟ nuo ‘glutinous
rice’, に dao ‘rice plant’, ば gu ‘rice grain crop’, and㊣ mi ‘ready-to-cook rice’ (pronunciation in pinyin).

plant’ in some TB languages as Jinghpaw and Trung,
which have originally been spoken in the non-rice
cultivation culture. Another view regarding the originof Sinitic mi is provided by Matsumoto (2012:91),
claiming that it is a loan of Austroasian *may orAustronesian *[xu-]may.

Some examples underwent a semantic change.
1) within the ‘rice’ category
II šƗli : original Sanskrit meaning ‘grain in thehusk’. > Modern Uighur šal.
SN gu : original Chinese meaning ‘grain’ > TB Bai
kuo21 ‘rice plant’.
2) over the species of grain crops
II dhƗna : original Sanskrit meaning ‘corn grain’ >Nepali dhƗn ‘rice’.
TB *khr/*qhr-type probably corresponds to WrT
khre ‘millet’.
Some languages in Asia, especially spoken in the
non-rice-cultivation area, do not have their own wordsfor ‘rice’, such as many Arabic languages (using aloan of Greek ‫ݻ‬ȡȣȗĮ or a word with a semanticchange) and many Uralic languages (using a loan of
Russian ɪɢɫ).
3. Geographical relationship over language families
A number of word forms for ‘rice (plant)’ provided
above can make a geolinguistic description
complicated. Rather, it is very interesting to analysecommon word origins as well as loans attested in thelanguages of Asia. See SAG articles of each language
group regarding ‘rice’ for detailed explanations.

Blue: SN gu(zi) Red: TB *kuk Black: others
Map 1: Distribution of SN gu and TB *kuk in Southwestern China

3.1. Sinitic gu vs. Tibeto-Burman *kuk
Even though Sinitic and Tibeto-Burman belong to
the Sino-Tibetan macrofamily, they possess various
different roots for ‘rice’, among which they share acommon root Sinitic gu - Tibeto-Burman *kuk (see
STEDT ‘rice’). These word forms are mainly attested
in Southwest Mandarin and Loloish languages in
Yunnan. This distribution implies a mutual linguistic
relationship in that region. Another view regarding theorigin of Sinitic gu is provided by Matsumoto(2012:91), claiming that it is a loan of Austroasian*kauk.

3.3. Tai-Kadai mV vs. Austroasian mau
These two forms are mainly attested in theSoutheast Asia. Language contact is highly expected.
The origin of the form with a /m/-initial is unclear.
3.4. Austroasian alэӃ³ vs. Sinitic dao
Based on Ferlus’ (2010) claim, the Vietic formalэӃ³ is supposed to have been borrowed from the Old
Chinese dao. However, the present distribution of theSinitic word form connecting dao is mainly thenorthern area of China, not the southern area. Anylinks between these two forms are currently missing.

3.2. Ryukyuan mai vs. Sinitic mi
The mai-type attested in Ryukyuan varieties might
be a loan of Sinitic mi ‘(rice) grain’, and thisRyukyuan form denotes not only ‘rice plant’ but also
‘rice grain’. It implies that people inhabiting
Ryukyuan islands do not belong to a rice-cultivation
culture. Note that Sinitic mi, which does not denote‘rice plant’ in any varieties, is related to PTB *ma-y ါ*mey, of which derived forms are also used for ‘rice

3.5. Indo-Iranian vrƯhi vs. Turkic pirinþ
The pirinþ-type found in Turkic is distributed at
the western Turkic linguistic area. The expansion ofthis word form is from Farsi (Persian), and it was
west-oriented. In Turkic language, another word form
küriš is also borrowed from Farsi. Even in ModernUighur, šal is a Farsi loan.

REFERENCES
Blust, R. and S. Trussel (2010-ongoing) AustronesianComparative
Dictionary,
webedition.
http://www.trussel2.com/acd/
Crawford, G. W. and G.-A. Lee. (2003) Agricultural
Origins in the Korean Peninsula. Antiquity 77(295):
87-95. doi:10.1017/s0003598x00061378

3.6. Mongolic tuturkan vs. Turkic tuturqan
Mongolic tuturkan is regarded as a Turkic loan, butmodern Turkic languages do not use this word form
any more. An Old Uighur text (ca. 13th c.), however,uses the form tuturqan for ‘rice straw’ (UiO
Polyglotta). The word form in many Turkic languages
has been replaced by a Farsi word.

Encyclopaedia
Britannica.
Rice.
Online:http://www.britannica.com/plant/rice
Ferlus, M. (2010) The Austroasiatic vocabulary for
rice: Its origin and expansion. Journal of theSoutheast Asian Linguistics Society 3:2:61-76.
Huang, X., N. Kurata, X. Wei, Z. Wang, Q. Zhao, Y.
Zhao, and K. Liu (2012) A map of rice genome
variation reveals the origin of cultivated rice. Nature
490(7421):497-501.doi:10.1038/nature11532.
PMID 23034647

3.7. TB *b-ras vs. Hunza Burushaski, Domaaki bras
The form derived from PTB *b-ras for ‘rice’ ismainly found in Tibetic languages among TB. The
westernmost Tibetosphere almost contacts the
Burushaski area; however, any intense language
contact between them has not been attested. See also
Ryavec (2015) for the local geography. Their historicalbackground would help for understanding this lexicalborrowing. It is also noteworthy that the donor
language is Tibetic, which does not belong to a ricecultivating culture.

Matsumoto, K. (2012) Ine-kome no hikakugengogaku.
Rekisi Gengogaku 1:87-105.
Ryavec, K. E. (2015) A Historical Atlas of Tibet. The
University of Chicago Press.
Smith, C. W. (2000) Sorghum: Origin, History,
Technology, and Production. John Wiley and Sons.
STEDT (=The Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary
and Thesaurus). Online: http://stedt.berkeley.edu/
Wikipedia.
Oryza
sativa.
Online:https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oryza_sativa#cite_not
e-nature1-6
UiO Polyglotta. Vasubandhu: AbhidharmakoĞabhƗ‫܈‬ya.
Online:http://www2.hf.uio.no/polyglotta/index.php?page=r
ecord&vid=511&mid=965045

3.8. Note regarding PAN *b.Ras and its expansion
It is noteworthy that Ferlus (2010) claims that
Proto-Austronesian *b.Ras might be a common originof ‘rice’ in Indo-European languages. However, thepresent geolinguistic analysis does not provide any
evidence to support or protest this hypothesis. Notealso that according to Blust and Trussel(2010-ongoing) the proto-form *beRas designates‘rice between harvesting and cooking’.
3. Conclusion
We can find nearly 40 roots which designate ‘rice(plant)’ in Asian languages. Due to difficulty toprovide presice history and chronological order of all
the roots, the present article concentrated on an
explanation regarding the semantic change and theloan process of ‘rice’ in Asia based on the data
available at present.
Keywords: semantic category, semantic change, loan
(Hiroyuki Suzuki)“Rice” in Ainu

“Japanese grain.” There is no evidence for Chiri’s
suggestion; however, “rice” is certainly called tóno
amam in the Horobetsu dialect. The word tonó, which
was borrowed from Japanese tono Ẋ , means “aJapanese government official; yakunin ᙺ ே inJapanese.” In contrast, foxtail/barnyard millets arecalled áynu amam (lit. “Ainu’s grain”) in Hokkaido,
and mancuu amam (lit. “grain in Manchuria ‶ᕞ) in
Sakhalin.
In Hattori (eds.) (1964), the words for “rice”
basically use the same words as “rice plant,” siámam
and amám, but siámam has a special meaning of“unpolished rice” (lit. the very grain). The related
words for “polished rice” are represented as pírke
amám (lit. “polished grain”) and retár amám (lit.
“white grain”). The word mesí 㣤 in Japanese isborrowed in the term for “cooked rice” in a few Ainu
dialects.

1. Classification of word forms
In Ainu folklore, amám “cereal grains” were stolenby the progenitor of Ainu from the place of either
kamúy mosír “the land of gods” or sísam mosír “themain land of Japan” (Yoneda 1995). In fact, Ainu
people have gotten rice from Japanese for a long time.
At the end of the 17th century, it was the first time aJapanese man harvested rice plants in Hokkaido, c.f.,“Matsumaeshi ᯇ๓ᚿ” (1692).
Hattori (eds.) (1964) reported that there were two
types of terms for “rice plant” (ine ✄ in Japanese),
which must be the extended use of the words for“cereal grains” and “rice”:A) amámB) siámam
2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
Form A, amám, originates from the generic termfor “cereal grains,” such as foxtail millet, barnyard
millet and rice (awa ⢖, hie ⛳, kome ⡿ in Japanese,respectively). It was distributed over all dialects of
Ainu. In the Japanese works of the 17th century, ࢔࣐ࣔ, the presumable form amam, was always translated
as ⡿ “rice” (Hirayama 2013), probably because rice
was the typical grain for Japanese people and society.
The words X amám could occur for distinction
among grains, as in Table 1. For example, although
Ainu were basically hunter-gatherers, they havecultivated múnciro “foxtail millet” and piyápa“barnyard millet.” Therefore, in some dialects, thesegrains are called tóyta amám (lit. “cultivated grain”).
amám
Rice
(plant)X amám

Keywords: grain, foxtail millet, barnyard millet(Mika Fukazawa)

Original
form

siámamtonó amam̿etc.

FoxtailmilletBarnyard
milletamám

tóyta amámáynu amam
mancuu amam

múnciroMap. “Rice plant” in Ainu

piyápaA. amám
B. siámam

etc.
Table 1: The word amám

Form B, siámam, consists of the prefix sí- “real,
the very” and amám “grain.” Chiri (1976[1953])
suggested that its original form would be sísam amam“Milk” in Tungusic and Uralicproto language would reflect that the word for “milk”
was affected by their livelihood.

Northern people in Siberia have their livelihood bypasturing reindeer, hunting and fishing. Other Tungusic

2.1 Samoyedand Uralic people, who are dwelling relatively in south

Nenets have a few expressions for “milk”:

and west area, farming and agriculture.

molka, malaka, < Rus. moloko

In their culture of reindeer pasturage the use of milk is
not much common. Tugolukov (1969)1

ŋamʲandʲer (breast-G.+content), ŋamʲa iʔ (breast.N. water)

wrote that

Nenets is the unique language which uses a compound

Evenki usually milk reindeer only after the female bearfor “milk”.

calves. They drink it with tea, or they make kinds of

Other Samoyed, Nga. nimiŋ, Sel. nʲimä means “milk”

cheese, cream, butter. On the other hand Nenets inand “woman’s breast”, and the root *ńim- means “toTundra do not use reindeer milk in general 2.

suck”. It is not sure if it is borrowed from the neighbor

㻌 As fas as I researched, there is no language which

languages, the semantic metonymy is same as in

distinguishs the milk between human and animals.

Tungusic.

1. Tungusic

2.2 Permiac

Tungusic languages have a common word for “milk”

The form with *jal- is widely used, which means “sap,though there are a few different forms with several

tree juice” in original, and the cognates are used even in

suffixes.

other Uralc: Fi. jälsi.

Ev. ukumnī, ukumnmī, ukunʲǝ~u, Ew. ǝkǝn, ukunʲ,
Neg. okonʲo, Udh. kos'o, Ulc. kūn, Or. uku, Uil. kɵɵ,2.3 Volga-Finnic

Nn. kū(n) // Sol. uxun, Oro. ukun

In Mordovian lovso~lofca is used for “milk”. The
cognate form is also found in Baito-Finnic: Fin. lypsää

The root common in these word is uku-, which means“to milk”.

“to suck milk, to sip” (cf. sir- “to milk”). In somelanguages the word for “milk” also means “woman’s

2.3 Balto-Finnic

breast, a nipple”. “Milk” was made by metonymic use:

2 forms piimä (Est.) and maito (Fin., Veps, Kar.) areuku- (v.) >uku-n (n.)

found. As maito is used only in Finnish and its“to suck” >the organ which a baby suck = “breast”

surrounding area, maito newly replaced the preceding

the secretion of the organ = “milk”

word piimä3.

>(Ryo MATSUMOTO)
Other words are found only in Nanay and Sibe.
In Nanay, which lives mainly by fishing, moloko (<Rus.) is more popular in use. In China Hezhe uses mǝmǝ,which origin is unknown.???
Sibe people use sun for milk. Obviously it is likely thatit came from Mongolian suu as a borrowing.
2. Uralic
In Uralic there are 4 forms for “milk” goegraphically.
The fact that the common word is unable to go up to the
Map21䛄䝖䝘䜹䜲䛻஌䛳䛯⊁ே䛯䛱䌦໭᪉䝒䞁䜾䞊䝇Ẹ᪘ㄅ䛅䠄B.A.
䝖䜳䝂䝹䝁䝣ⴭ䠄1969䠅䚸ຍ⸨஑⚀ゎㄝ䚸ᩪ⸨ᬋ஧ヂ䚸䠍䠕䠔䠍ᖺ䚸ยỈ᭩ᡣ䠅2䛄䝖䝘䜹䜲∾␆Ẹ䛾㣗䛾ᩥ໬䞉♫఍ㄅ䛅䠄ྜྷ⏣㝣ⴭ䚸䠎䠌䠌䠏ᖺ䚸ᙬὶ♫䠅

3Distribution as to the word derivation

cf. Nilsson, T.K. 1993. “The Indo-European Etymology ofFinnish maito “milk””, Ural-Altaische Jahrbücher Band 12,
pp.58-73.



Map1

“Milk” in Tungusic and UralicRice and Milk in Nivkh
1.

Classification of word forms‘Rice’ is raq in all dialects. No other forms
are reported.
There are no native words for ‘milk’.
Some literature list molok, malak, malako(e.g. Savel’eva and Taksami 1965), which arefrom the Russian word moloko молоко ‘milk’.
This is also the form that our Nivkh
consultants give when they are asked totranslate молоко [məlʌˈko], though it should
be noted that the primary stress shifts to thefirst syllable [ ̍malak], following the default
trochaic stress pattern in Nivkh.
In this paper we have decided to use‘breast (bust, mother’s milk)’ instead since it
exhibits broader variety among words that aresemantically close to milk.

2.

Geographicaldistribution
andinterpretation
There are six forms for ‘breast’. We
classify them into two types.
Type A
Place & Source
1.

moʧ

2.

moʧk

3.

mɨʧik

Kal’ma (Savel’eva and Taksami
1965)
Khuzi (Shiraishi and Tangiku
2014)Kol’-Nikol’sk 1 (Shiraishi andTangiku 2015)
Novo-Troitskoe (Shiraishi andTangiku 2015)
Ten’gi (Shiraishi and Lok 2002)

Type B

Place & Source

4.

mɨzx

5.

mɨɲX

6.

mɨŋk

Poronaisk (Yamaguchi and Izutsu
2004)
Tygmyc (Tangiku, Tanzina andNitkuk 2008)
Tyk (Nakagawa, Sato and Saito
1993)

Type A is presumably related to the verb
momo- ‘to suck’ or/and to mot- ‘to kiss’. The
final -k is a nominalizer. Related words aremomos ‘soother’ (-s: nominalizer) and moʧ
soX ‘mother’s milk’ (Savel’eva and Taksami1970). The vocalic correspondence o:ɨ isunheard of, but the consonantism (m-ʧ-k)provides evidence for moʧk and mɨʧik being
related forms.
Type B has either mɨz- or mɨN- as roots. It
remains to be seen whether these forms areassociable to the verb ‘to suck’, since thisverb is momo- in these dialects as well. If that
could be the case, the transparency withmomo- should have been lost at some time inthe course of history.
The geographic distribution of Type A and
B follows the classic taxonomy of Nivkh
dialects which dates back to Shternberg(1900) and Kreinovich (1934): the Amur
dialect, spoken in the lower reaches of theAmur River and the west coast of northern
Sakhalin, and the Sakhalin dialect spoken on
the rest of Sakhalin. 2 The geographic
distribution of Type A and B forms agrees
with this taxonomy: Type A – the Amur
dialect and Type B – the Sakhalin dialect.
Among the forms in Type A, mɨʧik(Ten’gi) resembles the forms in Type B themost. This is expected since in ourinvestigation Ten’gi is the only Amur dialect
speaking spot located on Sakhalin. Thusmɨʧik could be an intermediary form between
a proto-type A form moʧ and a proto-type B
form mɨXX. This could be investigated bycomparing similar parallels between anintermediary form in Ten’gi and those forms
reported in other dialects.
Keywords: Nivkh, breast, Amur dialect,
Sakhalin dialect(Hidetoshi Shiraishi)

1 This speaker might be a speaker of the Kal’ma

2dialect, as she has left Kol’-Nikol’sk for Kal’ma at theage of five.

Kreinovich (1934) reported the number of speakers to
be 3,200 for the Amur dialect and 850 for Sakhalin.

‘breast’ in Nivkh“Milk” in Ainu
1. Geographical distribution and interpretation
Ainu has only one form, pekótope (lit. “cow’smilk”), for “milk,” reported by Tamura (1996) andSunazawa (1983). The word pekó originates from theword beko ࡭ࡇ, which means “cows” in the northern
Japanese dialects. There were no dairy cattle in
Hokkaido until the 19th century. In 1857, Elisha E.
Rice, the first American consul at Hakodate, tried
milking in private. This is said to have triggered theintroduction to dairying in Hokkaido (c.f. Hokkido
1970: 747). In “Ezogo shuroku ⼎ዀㄒ㞟㘓” (1864),“࣋ࢥ,” the presumable form pekó, was reported as an
Ainu word.
The word tópe means “milk” and is composed oftó, “breast,” and pe “juice, liquid, or dew.” The
Sakhalin dialect of Raichishka includes the word
toope, which uses the long vowel oo [o䁴]. We can see
similar compound nouns with pe in the words nú-pe(lit. “eye liquid”) for “tear,” etú-pe (lit. “nose liquid”)
for “snivel,” and mún-pe (lit. “grass liquid”) for “dewon the grass.” In the Japanese-Ainu vocabularies in the
19th century, the word tópe often was contained andtranslated as “chichi-jiru ஙỒ”in Japanese. Tamura(1996: 725) suggested that the word tópen, meaning“sweet,” might be derived from tópe, “milk,” and un,“to belong (there).”Sunazawa (1983: 58–60) wrote her memoir of herlife in the 20th century in the Ainu language. She
describes one of her stories about milk as follows:
after my mother went to work, my little sister began
crying because she craved milk. I went to the Japanese
man raising cattle and explained this circumstance.
Then he gave me a lot of cow milk and I gave it to mylittle sister (“pekótope porónno én=kore. pón turési
ku=kúre”).
Keywords: cow, breast, sweet(Mika Fukazawa)

Map. “Breast milk” in Ainu
A tópe type
A-1 tópe
A-2 toope“Milk” in Mongolic and Turkic

forms are in an ABA-type distribution. A geolinguistic
interpretation of the distribution pattern is that the type
B word-forms are a later development, though Poppe2
says that they are older.
In terms of the presence and absence of theword-final nasal, it is possible to say from thegeographic distribution that the forms with the final
nasal are older.

1. Mongolic
The word forms representing “milk” in Mongolic canbe divided into the following three types:A) sün-type
The word for “milk” was sün in PreclassicalMongolian, and some modern languages retain theform with little change.
Monguor, Shera Yughur1 and Moghol have sun.
Buriad has undergone the sound change s > h, so the
Khori dialect has the form hʉŋ.
Some languages have lost the word-final nasal andhave such forms as sū (Dagur), sʉ̄ (Mongol: Khakha,
Chakhar, etc.). Old Bargu has xʉ̄ as a result of thesound change s > x.
B) üsən-type
Oirad in Xinjiang and its modern offshoot in thelower Volga region, Kalmyk, have üsən. The Alar
dialect of the Buryad language has ʉheŋ with thesound change s > h.
Some Mongol dialects have lost the word-final
nasal: üs (Alxā), ʉsʉ (Ordos).
C) naidzï-type
Some languages in Gansu Province use a Chinese
loanword (< nǎizi  ): naidzï (Dongxiang), nidzï
(Bonan).

2. Turkic
The word forms representing “milk” in Turkic fall into
the following two groups:A) süt-type
Old Turkic had süt, and most modern languages
have basically the same form: süt∼süd (Azeri), süjt
(Turkmen), sut (Uzbek), süt (Uighur), sǖt (Khalaj), sĕt(Chuvash), etc.
Bashkir has undergone the sound change s > h, andhas the form höt.
B) ǖt-type
Sakha and Dolgan in northeastern Siberia have aform without the initial consonant, i.e. ǖt.
These two types of words are in a simple AB-type
distribution.
The Mongolic and Turkic words for “milk” aresimilar in form, and are usually considered to becognates.

If we leave out of consideration the languages with
the Chinese loanword (Dongxiang, Bonan) and thelanguages of the modern emigrants (Kalmyk in
Europe and Dagur in Xinjiang), the type A and type B

Keyword:milk(Yoshio Saitô)“Milk” in Mongolic (word-initial sound)2
1

Nicholas Poppe, Introduction to Mongolian Comparative Studies.
MSFOu 110, Helsinki, 1955.

Shera Yughur has the form ʁomo in addition to sun.

“Milk” in Mongolic (word-final nasal)“Milk” in Turkic

Milk : Sinitic languages

Table 2 :The case of Modern Standard Chinese

1. Classification of word forms
The common theme of today's conference is animal
milk, however the map we have created indicates
distribution of words for the generic term, "milk."
Because most of the survey reports revealed that there
was no clear distinction between animal milk andhuman milk.
In this map, word forms are classified as 5 large
categories: nai + type, nintype, mama ,, type, tsa
E type and the others.
A. nai + type
A-1 nai + typenai + [nɛ] [lɛ], nainai++[nei nei] [nie nie]
A-2 naishui  typemilk+water(squeeze) [nai suei]
A-3 naipo  [la bu]nursing motherA-4 niuniu AA[niəu niəu]77[nie nie]: cow etc.
B. nintype:B-1 nin [nin] [lin][ndin]
B-2 nen [nen][len][nden][niɛn][nɛŋ]
C. mama,, type: "mother" typeC-1 mama ,,[ma ma]: motherC-2 mimi &&[mi mi]
C-3 manman DD[me][mei][mo]D. tsaE type: "suck" typeD-1 za E[ʦa(r)]EE[ʦa ʦa]D-2 zhi[ʦɐp][ʦi][ ʧi][ʧɛ]E. pe type[pɛ]
F. others[kɤ kɤ], [ɐm] , [tou tour]

milkbreast+=nai(zhi)+ naiinformal

= ruzhi

4 rufang

formalHistorically, there is another chinese character
denoting Milk. @ dong(MC:*duŋ). Xu Shiyi 2007
stated that @ was a colloquial term in use during theEastern-Han Dynasty(25-220), it originated as aforeign loan-word. He believes that the term
originated in the North, and was brought to south.
People from Jiangnan  are recorded as having
used dong @ to indicate milk in the historical
documents.
?"%@Yupian BF
But it is no longer found in modern dialects.
B type (nin  type and B-2 nen  type) is
distributed in Guangdong(0) and Guangxi(0J).
In breast" map(Cao2008), it spread to Fujian and alimited area of Jiangxi.This type is believed to havebeen derived from Tai-Kadai (ne:n) . The change inpronounciation mirrors that of the change inpronounciation of the Chinese character /that has
taken place in Cantonese./ne:n >niɛn>ni:n C. mama ,, type is distributed in the central
China. In Breast" map(Cao2008), nai + type and,, mama type form an ABA distribution, suggestingthat nai is the older term. Meanwhile, in "Milk" map,
it is used togather with Type A nai + at almost all of
the observation points. This means that they arepreserving A Type while coexisting with Type C inthis area.
 D-1 tsa E type is distributed in the North-Easternarea. According to a survey report, this type is oldterm compared to Type A +.
 E. pe   type is distributed in Guangxi( 0 J ).
Much like the B-type pronunciation, this expression isfound in Tai-Kadai.
Please note the map of
Tai-Kadai.

2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
Let me note that words referring to milk in Chineseare strongly related to or synonymous with words for"breast". With respect to terms for the breast in China,
there is a previous study (Cao2008). Distribution of"milk" roughly corresponds to that of "breast".
A. nai + type is widely distributed in whole of
China, except for the coastal area in southeast China.
In Standard Chinese, there are two Chinesecharacters which refer to milk or breasts. Nai + andru . Nai + is primarily a spoken term, ru  is usedprimarily in writing, and is rarely used among otherdialects of Chinese.

Xu Shiyi(2:)2007, @+$15C
 <G".I*-8-M-6  
Cao Zhiyun( ; 3 H )2009, > L 9 K ) ( N(Linguistic atlas of Chinese dialects), '!#O
Keywords: ABA distribution(Takashi Ueya, Kenji Yagi)





PAT-type: PLB etymon *pat (CHEST)bəɹ21 bəɹ55
DUT-type: IA etymon *du-t (MILK / BREAST)
duru, dudu
S-type: The etymon is not clear.
sa
M-type: The PTB etymon *mam (BREAST)
M-types appear only in compounds.
PI-type: PTB etymon *(p/b)i (ROUNDED PART /NIPPLE / FOREHEAD / SHOULDER)
PI-types appear only in compounds.

Milk: Tibeto-Burman
1. Classification of word forms
The classification of “milk” in Tibeto-Burman (TB) isbased on 533 languages and dialects. From the data,
we found thirteen stems (word roots) to denote “milk.”
Many of them are etyma of the proto-level forms suchas Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB; see STEDT),
Proto-Qiangic (PQ; see STEDT),
Proto-Lolo-Burmese (PLB; see STEDT), Indo-Aryan(IA), Proto-Loloish (PL; see Bradley 1979),
Proto-Kuki-Chin (PKC; see VanBik 2009),
Proto-Karen (PK; see Solnit 2013), and Written
Tibetan (WrT) and Written Burmese (WrB). A list of
stems follows:
N-typeN1: PTB etymon *s-nəw (BREAST / MILK / SUCK),
incl. reflexes of WrT nu ma (BREAST)
nau35, no., nu2, ʌ33 nɯ33, nɯ55nɯ31, nɯ mɜ. nɯ ma,
nəma, etc.
N2: PTB etymon *s-nya-n (BREAST / MILK /SUCK)a44 ne33, ȵi55ȵi33, etc.
TS-typeTS1: PTB etymon *tsyuk ါ *dzyuk (SUCK / KISS /BREAST / MILK) or *m-ts(y)(u/i)p (SUCK / KISS
/ BREAST / MILK)
a55 tʂɿ33, a55 dʐi33, tsu35 ɣɯ31, tsəp, cúʔ, etc.
TS2: PTB etymon *dzy(ə/o)w (SUCK / KISS /BREAST / MILK)
tsəu55, a31 tɕhu55, tɕhø55, etc.
O-type: WrT etymon ’o ma (MILK)
ʔɑ̃:, ɦɔ̃:, wɑ̃:, oma, ʔo ma, oma3, ɦo ma, ʔo wɑ̃,ɦ
ɣo: mɜ, ʁo ma, wo ma, ɦa po, etc.
L-type: The PQ etymon *s-lu (MILK) can be divided
into three types: i) voiced l-initial (incl. rGyalrongic
words beginning with prefix tV-) lɤ35, lə35, lú, tə'lu,'təlo, 'tə'loʔ, etc., ii) voiceless l-initial (incl.
rGyalrongic words beginning with prefix tV-) ɬa55,
ɬə, ɬhə55, ɕhə53, ʃə, ʁjə, ta'ɬə, ta'ɬə, etc., and iii) LC
la3chi5, la'cho, etc.
ZH-type: WrT etymon zho (YOGURT) or bzho
(SQUEEZE [for milk]), which might belong to the
L-type in the PTB levelʂo, ɕɔ, ʂu
PA-type: PTB etymon *pa (BREAST / NIPPLE /MILK)
pa42, pa55, ɑ55bu, ɑ55 pɑ21, pɑpə, m4poʔ4ʔɯ6, pɑ55
mu2, etc.

The PTB etyma mentioned above contain several
meanings in addition to “milk”: PTB *s-nəw(BREAST / MILK / SUCK); PTB *s-nya-n (BREAST/ MILK / SUCK); PTB *tsyuk ါ *dzyuk (SUCK /KISS / BREAST / MILK); PTB *m-ts(y)(u/i)p (SUCK/ KISS / BREAST / MILK); PTB *dzy(ə/o)w (SUCK /KISS / BREAST / MILK); PTB etymon *pa(BREAST / NIPPLE / MILK); PTB *mam
(BREAST); PTB *(p/b)i (ROUNDED PART /NIPPLE / FOREHEAD / SHOULDER); and PLB*pat (CHEST) (see STEDT). The WrT etyma are numa (BREAST); zho (YOGURT), or bzho (SQUEEZE[for milk]).
In addition to the above-mentioned forms, most ofwhich are monosyllabic (with an affix), we also foundten types of compound forms (excluding examples
with an affix). A list of compound forms follows:
N1 + typeN1 + L: ne ne loʔ
PA + N1: βɛ35niɛ35
N1 + water: na tɕhɯ, ɳɯ21 ʑi33
cow + N1: ni11 ʌ33 nɤ33 (cow + N1)
nuŋ31ŋua53nuŋ55 (N1 + cow + N1?)
N2 + typeN2 + PI: a33 ne21 pi44
N2 + water: a55 nu21 ʑi21
cow + N2: kə3rgu3wu3ȵu5, khi'noŋ
TS1 + type
PA + TS1: bɑ33dʒɿ33, bɯ33 dʐi33 ʑi33
TS1 + N1: dʐæ33ȵʉ53
cow + TS1: ɑ55 n̩ 21 ɑ55 tʂɿ33, nu53 tɕu35 ɣɤ31
TS1 + fruit: sauʔshi, souʔɕiTS2 + typeTS2 + water: tsɒ13 ʑi21
cow + TS2: ȵi21 tɕhu33
O + type
O + water: wo ʈʂhɯO + raw: ordʑen
L + type
cow + L: rgu'xjə, kərgu'wuloʔPA + type
PA + water: a55 pa21 ʑi21
PAT + type
PAT + water: bɛ21 bɛ55 ʑi21
PI + type
PI + water: ɚ51 bi51 ʐi33
M + type
M + PA: mɛ42 njo44 mɛ44 po42
M + water: mi55 mi55 ʑe33, mɛ44 ji33

The L-type is distributed in the eastern most area of
Sichuan and found in non-Tibetic languages such as
Minyag, Geshitsa, sTau, and rGyalrong. L + type is
distributed in the center of the distribution of the plain
type (L-type), which indicates the compound form isnewer than the plain form.
The ZH-type is found in four Tibetic languages(Rongbrag, Sogpho, sProsnang, and Yotsa) spoken in
the eastern part of the rGyalrong area.
The PA-type is found in Loloish, Bai, Lisu, andQiangic languages. PA is surrounded by TS1 and TS2,
which suggests that PA is newer than TS1 and TS2.
The PAT-type is only found in Yi Eastern (Loloish),which is spoken in the southeast of the TB area.
The DUT-type is the loan from Indo-Aryan, andonly found in Newar. This is a result of the language
contact between the Newar and the Indo-Aryan
languages.
The S-type is found only in dGudzong Tibetan. The
etymology of this root is not clear but might havesome relation with the TS1-type, which includes
reflexes with an s-initial.
The M-type appears only in compounds, which isfound in Loloish (Polo and Jinuo) and spoken in thesoutheast of the TB area.
The PI-type also appears only in compounds, which
is found in Sanni (Loloish).

We found compounds of different roots for “milk,”
compounds of roots for “milk,” and other roots(“water,” “cow,” “fruit,” and “raw”).
2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
The N-type is the oldest type because this form
widely disperses from a geographic location and isfound in broader language groups. This type is divided
into two groups, one of which is N1, a cognate of the
Old Chinese *ńi̯ u, for “breast” (see STEDT). This typeis widely dispersed in the Lolo-Burmese (WrB nui1),
Karenic, Kuki-Chin, Nungic, Tibetic, and Qiangic
languages. N2 is a cognate of Old Chinese *niə
‘mother; breasts, milk’ (see STEDT), which is foundin the Loloish, Situ, Aiangic, and Tibetic languages.
Compound forms (N1+ and N2+) are located closer tothe center of distributions of N1 and N2, whichindicates that compound forms are newer than plain
forms (N1, N2).
The TS-type is divided into two groups, one ofwhich is TS1, as found in Loloish andJingpho-Asakian. According to STEDT, TS1 in
Jingpaw is derived from PTB *tsyuk ါ *dzyuk, andone in Loloish is from *m-ts(y)(u/i)p. Another group is
TS2, which is only found in Loloish. TS1 issurrounded by TS2, which suggests that TS2 isrelatively older than TS1.
The O-type is the most widely distributed in termsof geography, however, it cannot be considered older
than N1 since it is mainly found in Tibetic languages.
Most of the Tibetic languages share it, and present
extremely variegated phonetic forms. It is worth
mentioning that most of the O-types appear with asuffix. Several non-Tibetic languages such as nDrapa(Qiangic) also share this type, which is regarded as a
Tibetan loan.

3. Conclusion
In this study, we collected data from classificationsof “milk” from 533 Tibeto-Burman (TB) languages
and dialects and found thirteen stems. On the maps,
we distinguished eleven plain forms and ten
compound forms. We also described and analyzed its
geographical distribution and tentatively conclude that
two relative chronological orders of the stems for“milk” are as follows:i) The N-type is older than the O- and L-type, andii) The TS-type is older than the PA-type. In the
TS-type, TS2 is older than TS1.
We can see the interesting semantic changes withthe roots for “milk,” which originally referred to bodyparts such as “breast,” “rounded part,” “chest,” etc., or
actions such as “suck,” “squeeze (for milk),” etc.
Keywords: Tibeto-Burman, milk, breast, semanticchange, compound.
(Shiho Ebihara, K. Iwasa, K. Kurabe, S. Shirai, H.
Suzuki, I. Matsuse)Map 1: ‘Milk’ in Tibeto-Burman: The whole area.
N.B. The mark ‘+’ in the legend means an existence of other morphemes.

Map 2: ‘Milk’ in Tibeto-Burman: An enlarged version.
N.B. The mark ‘+’ in the legend means an existence of other morphemes.

Milk: Tai-Kadaiof C-1 type. Hence this type is newer than C-1 type.
As for the sound shape, C-2 ne type can be caused by
the drop of the final consonant of C-1. ne:n type.
C-3. ne:u type is located in the center of this district,in the inner side of C-2 and the outer side of D-1 andD-2. So it is newer than C-2 type and older than D-1
and D-2 types. This form can emmerge by adding -u
ending to type C-2.
D-2 is located in the inside of D-1, so it presumably
the newest form. The meanings of D-1 word tsi andD-2 word ɕi are unknown, however, form the phonetic
point of view, D-2 can be derived from D-1 bypalatalization and the change from an affricate to africative.
In sum, the chronological order of the types in thiszone can be postulated as follows: C-1 > C-2 > C-3 >
D-1 > D-2.
It is noteworthy that C-1 ne:n type is similar to a
Sinitic word nin which is dominant in Min, Yue, andKejia dialects (Cao 2008, Vocaburaly volume, 76 andUeya 2016). They probably have the common origin.
Since there is no Chinese characer for nin in Sinitic, it
is even probable that the origin came from Tai-Kadai.
Furthermore, it is a striking fact that similar forms
with C-3. ne:u type and pe6, one form of E. type arefound in Sinitic dialects spoken in the vicinity of theZhuang language. They can have common origins.
Wu (2002: 316) presumed that A. nom type has acommon origin with Burmese no1 um2.
Liang and Zhang (1996: 288) reconstructed theinitial consonant for C-2. ne type as *ml- consideringmi3 as its cognate, since there are 9 other parallel
examples. On the other hand, it is possible that C-2.
ne type is an old borrowed word from Sinitic nǎi ྦ.
Some materials describes word forms to distinguish"milk" and "mammae", as seen in Siamese นํานม "namC2 water + nom A2"
and เต้านม "tau C1
breast + nom A2".
Such word forms arefound in the places
denoted by 㸨(formertype) and ‫( ۔‬latertype).

1. Classification of word forms
In the majority of Tai-Kadai languages, "milk" and"mammae" are expressed by the same word. Amongthem, 5 large types can be divided as follows:
A. nom type
4
2
2
2
,ນ
nom A1ົ ມ, nom , num , nəm , nɯm
B. u typeʔu1, ʔu3, ʔu4, ʔo2 ʔo2,
C. n- typeC-1. ne:n typenɛƼn3, neƼn3, nen5C-2. ne typene1, ne4, ne5, ʔne5, ne6, ni5C-3. ne:u typenaƼu5, neƼu1, neƼu5
D.tsi typeD-1. tsi typetsi3, tsi4
D-2. ɕi typeɕi3, ɕia3
E. Others (not shown in the maps)
mɒ1, mi3, nu3, nou4, njo4, tsu3, tju4, tɕəu35, co22,
ʔɛm55, ʔɛƼm2, pe6

นม

2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
As seen in Map 1, the whole area is clearly cut into
3 zones: in the southern zone, A type is distributed; inthe northwestern zone, mainly in Yunnan, B type is
distributed; and the rest, in the northeastern zone,
types C-1, C-2, C3, D1, and D-2 consist a fivefold
peripheral distribution which will be examined later.
Miscellaneous forms collected under the category E
are scattered in the whole area.
Map 2 shows the geographical distribution of theforms denoting "mammae". It is observed clearly
that the distribution is essentially the same as that of"milk". It is also true for details as seen from theenlarged views of Maps 3 and 4. Since Map 4
contains more data especially in Hainan island, weinterpret the chronological order basing on Map 4.
C-1. ne:n type is located the most peripheral places
in isolated districts, for examples the easternmost, thewesternmost, and the southernmost of this zone, as
well as the southernmost of Hainan island. Therefore,
this form should be the oldest form in this area.
C-2. ne type is located in the northernmost andalmost southernmost of this zone, but in the inner part

Keywords: borrowing accross language families,
peripheral distribution(Mitsuaki Endo)Map 1 Milk in Tai-Kadai

Map 2

Mammae in Tai-Kadai

Map 3 Enlarged view of thenortheastern part of Map 1

Map 4 Enlarged view of thenortheastern part of Map 2Milk: Austroasiatic languages

Vietnam, toh in Tampuan, Bahnaric in Northeastern
Cambodia, tah in Monic Middle Mon in Southern
Myanmar, t‫ܭ‬h in Nicobaric Car in Andaman Sea.
Subtype A-2 toah is in Nicobaric Nancowry inAndman Sea, and toa is in Mundari and Santali, both
Munda group in Eastern India. Subtype A-3: dэh in
Khmer is a variant of A-1, since the historical changeof *t into d is common in Mainland Southeast Asia.
Type B has nasal m at the syllable final position. B-1,
mѓӃPin Semnam, mΩm in Jahai, m҄m in Semay, all of
Aslian group, are found in Northern Malaysia.
Subtype B-2, Ҍѓm in Jahai and Ҍam in Kensiu in Aslian,
may be related to B-1 considering the distribution andgenetic relations. If it is the case, change from *m to Ҍ
might be more plausible than *Ҍ to m. Although allthese words are of Aslian group in Malay Peninsula,
the rest ҌѠm of subtype B-2 in Khmuic Khsing-Mul inNorthern Vietnam seems to be isolated.
Type C bu in Danaw and Palaung, and buҌ in
Riang, both Palaungic, are found in Central andNorthern Myanmar respectively. booҌ in Mlabri,
Khmuic is in northern Thailand. These words may becognate considering their geographic distribution.
Type D, having a nasal consonant at the syllable
initial position, Ѫin, in Mangic Bolyu in Yunnan,
Southern China. nin in Palaungic Riang in Central
Myanmar, and nam in Aslian Tonga in Northern
Malaysia, seem to have no relation with each othersince they are far from one another. The rest Ѫo of type
D is isolated in Nancowry Island in Andaman Sea.
Words grouped in Type E, having miscellaneous
forms with different consonants and rhymes, seem tobe not related to one another. Regarding geographic
distribution, WKRӃF, Lamet, Palaungic is in northern
Thailad, SKDQ֓Ӄ, Tavung, Vietic in Laos near
Vietnamese border, jэk, Chong, Pearic in Cambodia
near Laos, bot, Temiar, Aslian in Malay, and s͹a, Vietin Vietnamese are far from one another.
Type F, loans from Hindi in Khasi is found in
Meghalaya State of Northeast India, and in Kharia, ofMunda in East india. Loans from Thai (in Kuy), andMalay (in Semnam and Jahai) are in in Thailand near
Cambodian border, and in Malay Peninsula,respectively. All are in the inland areas surrounded bymajor languages.
Keywords: breast, mother’s milk
(Makoto Minegishi)

1.

Classification of word forms
Word forms for ‘breast’ or ‘milk’ in Austroasiatic
languages are classified into six types, Type A to TypeF, with or without subtypes.
Type A
A-1: tэKWRKW‫ܚ‬Ktah, tѓhA-2: toa, toah
A-3: dэhType B
B-1: mѓӃPPΩm, m҄m
B-2: Ҍѓm, Ҍam, ҌѠm
Type C: bu, buҌ, booҌType D: Ѫin, nin, nam, ѪoType E: WKRӃFSKDQ֓Ӄjэk, bot, s͹aType F
F-1: susuҌVXVXӃҌ, susuh (from Malay)
F-2: dudh, GXӃWGXW, tuӃt (from Hindi)
F-3: nom (from Thai)
2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
The Austroasiatic language family comprises the
Mon-Khmer languages in Southern China andmainland Southeast Asia, the Munda languages inIndia, and the Nicobarese languages in the Andaman
Sea. Cow’s milk or other dairy products have not been
played a key role in these regions. “Milk is no part of
the Munda's diet in any form”, according to Hoffman
et al. (1930-50:4427), even in India where use of
butter or ghee overwhelms.
The word forms treated here, therefore, except
loanwords denoting ‘milk’, mean ‘breast’, or‘mother’s milk’, unless explicitly indicated otherwise.
In case of specifying ‘cow’s milk’, use ofcompounding such as <<water+breast>+cow> iscommonly found, as is found in Khmer.
Our main resources for examination are extracted
from the SEAlang online Mon-Khmer Etymological
Dictionary provided by SEALANG projects, which
comprises only Mon-Khmer and Nicobarese
languages. We therefore supplemented data of theMunda languages from Hoffman (1930-50) andBodding (1929-36).
Type A shows broad distribution from Southeast
Asia, Andaman Sea to India, thus regarded as theoldest form. Looking from east to west, subtype A-1
tэh is found in Bru, Katuic in Northern Vietnam,
Bahnaric in Southern Vietnam, and Monic Old Mon inSouthern Myanmar, W‫ܚ‬K in Pacoh, Katuic in CentralMap: Milk in Austroasiatic Languages
Type A

Type B

Type C

Those with initial t or d
A-1: tэKWRKW‫ܚ‬KWDKWѓhType D

Those with initial nasal

A-2: toa, toah
A-3: dэhThose with syllable final mType E

D: nin, Ѫin, nam, ѪoMiscellaneous forms
E: WKRӃFSKDQ֓ӃMэk, bot, s͹aType F

B-1: mѓӃPPΩm, m҄m
B-2: Ҍѓm, Ҍam, ҌѠm
Those with initial b
C: bu, buҌ, booҌ

URLs for data extraction
http://sealang.net/monkhmer/dictionary/
http://www.ling.hawaii.edu/austroasiatic/



Loanwords
F-1: susuҌVXVXӃҌ, susuh (from Malay)
F-2: GXӃWGXWWXӃt (from Hindi)
F-3: nom (from Thai)Milk: Austronesian languages

languages in the Philippines adopt the Type C form:
gatas and other similar forms.
2-3. Indonesian languages: Most languages inIndonesia use the same form for “milk” and “breast”;
largely type A and one instance of type B was found in
this data. Type A has susu or similar forms that adopt
alveolar consonants as onsets, such as tutu in
Gorontalo (Sulawesi) or shortened form such as uhu inSika (Nusa Tenggara). The phonemes /s/, /t/, and /r/frequently correspond to one another.
2-4. Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands:
Type A is also prevalent in Papua New Guinea and insome parts of the Solomon Islands. One can find not
only the form similar to susu but also themonosyllabic shortened form (sur in Nyindrou or tui
in Mbula) or forms that adopt consonants /t/ or /r/instead of /s/ (ex. ratu in Motu). Instances of loan
forms from English “milk” can also be found, forexample, milika in Mekeu. “Water of breast”
expression is also found as in Tolai (polo na-ū).
2-5. Oceanic languages and Madagascar: Various
types are found in Oceanic languages, including Type
A, D, E, and F. Type A is found in Fiji (suðu), Type D
in North Tanna (nahi-nah), Type E in Nengone (mimi),
and Type F in Cémuhî (dûhi-tí).

1. Classification of word forms
The word form for “milk” can be categorized into
four main groups: Type A consists of susu and othersimilar word forms, including forms containing an
alveolar consonant such as tutu, ruru, or nunu/ňoňo.
All of these forms denote “breast (of the women).”Type B has a form dadiǝh, which also means “breast.”
Although it is found in only one language in this data,
it is assumed that more languages employ a similar
form. Type C consists of gatas or similar forms. This
also means “breast” in some languages; it primarilymeans “coconut milk.” Word forms that belong toType D have two morphemes: one denoting “water”
and the other denoting “breast.” The forms belonging
to this group have a glide or a high vowel /w, y, i, e/ ora fricative /ɸ, h/ as the onset of the first syllable,
followed by similar forms that are found in Type A.
Languages that belong to Type E are loan forms fromEnglish “milk,” whereas those belonging to Type F
adopt the French word “du lait”.
A. “susu” type
A-1. disyllabic form with fricative consonants: susu,
sūsu, suðu, uhu, xuxuʔ
A-2. monosyllabic form that takes a part of A-1: su,
sur, ū
A-3. disyllabic form with non-fricative alveolar
consonants: tutu, ruru, rata, nunu, ňoňoB. “dadiǝh” type
C. “gatas” type: gatas, gātas, gɔtɔs

3. Word Forms for “milk”
In areas where Austronesian languages are spoken,
pasturage and dairy products are seldom found. Cattle,
buffalos, and goats are sometimes found but their milk
is usually unused. Many languages use the same form
for “breast (or ‘breast of a woman’)” and “milk.”
Forms belonging to types A and B mostly have theabove two meanings. Because of the similarity incolor and texture, many Philippine languages use thesame form for “coconut milk” and “dairy milk” (TypeC). Some languages use the expression “breast water(or ‘water of/from breast’),” which is categorized in
type D. Due to the lack of utilizing livestock’s milk as
diet in these areas, loan forms from English or French(languages of the former suzerain states) are adopted
in some languages, mostly in the Pacific islands.

D. “Breast water” type (two morphemes)
D-1. The first consonant is a glide or a high vowel:iǝ tɛʔ, yeh ňoňo, ere susu, wa-yu, etc.
D-2. The first consonant is a fricative: vae čuču,ɸola kwasir, huʔakau etc.
D-3. Others with two morphemes: na-süs, nahui-nah,kapa oe, polo-na-ū, etc.
E. Loan forms from English “milk”: meleke, milika,
mimi
F. Loan froms from French “du lait”: dadiəh, dile,dȗhi-tí2. Geographical distribution
2-1. Formosan languages show two different types:
Type A and Type D-3. Both of these adopt the form for“breast.” Type D-3 forms mean “water of (from)breasts.”
2-2. Philippine languages and North Kalimantan: Most

Keywords: forms for “milk”: “breast” type, “coconutmilk” type, “breast water” type, loan word type.
References: Tryon, Darrell T. (eds.) 1995.
Comparative Austronesian Dictionary. Berlin and New
York: Mouton de Gruyter.
(Atsuko Utsumi)susu, sūsu, suðu, uhu, xuxuʔ
su, sur, ūtutu, ruru, rata, nunu, ňoňodadiǝhgatas, gātas, gɔtɔsiǝ tɛʔ, yeh ňoňo, ere susu, wa-yu etc.
vae čuču, ɸola kwasir, huʔakau etc.
na-süs, nahui-nah, kapa oe, polo-na-ū,
etc.
meleke, milika, mimi
dadiəh, dile, dȗhi-tí

Map 1: Taiwan and North Kalimantan and North Sulwesi

Map 2: Papua New Guinea and Oceanic languages

Map 3: Papua New Guinea and PacificMilk: South Asia (IE (Aryan, Iranian,Nuristani), Dravidian,
Burushaski)Andamanese,

the Assamese dudh ‫׭׿׬‬, and the westernmost is the
Sindhi ɗudhu .
Forms of the latter kṣīram type are observed aroundthe area of the dugdha type, i.e. on the geographic
periphery of India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, and in most
Iranian languages (see Map 3). The forms of this typeare derived from the Sanskrit word kṣīrám ीरम ् ‘milk,
thickened milk’. Forms of this type vary quite widely.
It changed into khīra in Pali, while westwards becamexšīra in Old Persian and then šīr in Pahlavi. Modern
languages in central and southern India retain the onset
consonant cluster kṣ (but the actual sound is /kš/, not/kʂ/): Tamil kṣīram ᾀܳ‫ܨ‬Ά, whereas farther south andeast th claster changed into /kh/ or /k/: Assamese gakhir‫( ؚ׾ל׼ם‬compounding with ga ‫‘ ׼ם‬cow’) and Dhivehiު ‫ކ‬.
kiru ‫ރ‬ި In the west, the consonant cluster changed
into some fricatives, that is /ʂ/, /š/, /x̌ / or /x/: e.g. Tajikšir шир and Laghman Pashayi x̌ īr. In the north, theclaster became affricates such as /ʈʂʰ/, /ʈʂ/, or /č/: e.g.
Domaaki c ̣hīr and Palula čɪr. Two Pamir languages atthe border between north-eastern Afghanistan andnorth-western Pakistan include a consonant claster xš
inherited from Old Persian: the Munji xširɑ and theYidgha xʌširɑ.
The third major type, pāl, contains many variants,
but they can be seen only in Dravidian languages. The
forms certainly originate in the Proto-Dravidian word*pāl ‘milk’. Even today, there are eight languages thatkeep the exact form pāl (two of them are recorded as
pa·l for perhaps the same pronunciation).
The paya type is observed in the Marathi paya पय,
the Maithili pai, the Oriya payṭhah নઌદই, the Sinhala(amongpaya පය and pā පා, and the Pashto pǝi
others). This minor type comes from Sanskrit páyasपयस ् ‘any fluid (especially, milk)’. The Pali paya ‘milk,
juice’, the Prakrit ‘milk, water’, and Sinhala forms,
which also mean ‘water’, keep somewhat wider
semantic ranges.
Pāčči is a minor type in Dravidian. The word
originally means ‘milk’ as a nursery word. Sometimes
a word of this type is used for ‘mother’s milk’ specially.
Kam réis and kam rás-da are Andamanese words
from Áka Bójihiáb and Áka Bía-da, respectively. Thesewords certainly mean ‘broth of breasts’: Áka Bójihiáb
ír kám-da ‘breasts’ + réis-da ‘broth’. These types are
employed by Aryan languages.
The mama type is not an etymological group. The
Parji (Dravidian) mama is a nursery word that means‘milk, food’. Three Burushaski dialects commonly have

Nihali,

1. Classification of word forms
In this map, there are four major categories of wordforms: dugdhá, kṣīrám, pāl, and paya, and three minor
categories. Additionally, there is also an ostensible
category, mama.
A. dugdha: dugdha, dugdh, dūdh, dudha, dudhwā,dudh, ɗudhu, dúdd, dūd, dūdā, duːde, dud, dʊd, dʊt,dŏd, dudu, dude, dudi, ḍuḍ, didom, dedum
B. kṣīram: kṣīram, kṣīramu, kṣīr, kṣir, kṣīra, khīru,
khira, kiri, kiru, xširɑ, xʌširɑ, c ̣hīr, c ̣hir, c ̣īr, c ̣ir, c ̣ir,̃
čir, čɪr, c ̣i, ṣīr, šīr, šir, šīdē, šuʌ, x̌ īr, xīr; gakhir; šipi(compounding with *pi in D. paya group); kiritana(with stanya in H. others?)C. pāl: pāl, pa·l, pa·lï, pālu, pālū, pālatō, pālh, hālu,pāḍu, pā ḍ̃ i, pēl, pēru̥ , po·s̱
D. paya: paya, pai, pəi, pā, pey, pe, payṭhah
E. pāčči: pāčči, pāči
F. kam réis: kam réis, kam rás-da
G. mama: mama, mamú, ír máma tí óné, ír mamát tíjöné
H. others: samundar, stanya, žarž, zu, amuθam, kaṟ
2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
The lexical forms representing the word ‘milk’ canbe classified into A) dugdha type, B) kṣīram, C) pāl, D)
paya, E) pāčči, F) kam réis, G) mama, and H) others.
The most major types are dugdha and kṣīram.
The former can be verified in Sanskrit dugdhá द ु ध‘milk’, derived from the verbal root √dúh द ु ‘to milk’.
Forms of this type are located all over the Indian
subcontinent, within Indo-Aryan and Dravidian
languages, and even in the Nihali language (see Map 2).
Historically the form became duddha in Pali. Later
some languages, most of them located in northern partof the Indo-Aryan distribution, lost the aspiration of thelatter consonant /dh/ to /d/. Nonetheless, the variationsof this type retain the fundamental form. Examples are
distributed over the map in all four cardinal directions:the northernmost example is the Naltar Gujari dʊd, thesouthernmost is the Sinhala dudu , the easternmost isthe inherent word mamú ‘milk’. I cannot understand theoriginal meaning of the Áka Kédé ír máma tí óné andthe Áka Cháriár ír mamát tí jöné. The last part of thesephrases (or compounds?) might be something related to‘food’, ÁK te jó and ÁCh áka jéo. I think they are
unconnected but similar to each other because of theuniversal pattern of language acquisition.
(YOSHIOKA Noboru)

Map 1. ‘Milk’ in South Asia

Map 2. dugdhá type

Map 3. kṣīram type

Milk in Arabic2

Milk: Arabic languages

2016/10/23(leben), Libya (lben)- “lait écrémé”: Marāzīg Tunisia (lᵉbán)- “Sauermilch”: Maghniyya (lben), Palestine (läbän),
Yemen (laban)- “yoghurt”: Mekka Saudi Arabia (laban), Tripoli
Lebanon (laban), Soukhne (laban), Emirate (laban),
Iraq (laban), Khuzistan (ləban), Anatolia (laban)- “curds” Palestine (laban)- “sorte de lait caillé” Syria (laban)-“butter-milk” Bahrain (laban), Kinderib in Anatolia(laban), Urfa beduin (liban)

1. Classification of word forms
The word forms of “milk” are classified as 2
categories: laban and ħaliːb.
A. laban type (‫)ۍ()ﻟﺒﻦ‬laban, labanu, labán,liban, lban, lbejn, lben, lbǟn, leben, libán,
B. ħaliːb type (‫)○()ﺣﻠﯿﺐ‬B-1. ħaliːb, haliːpB-2. ħiliːb, ħliːb, xlip

B. ħaliːb type ( ‫) ﺣﻠﯿﺐ‬B-1. ħaliːb. The form ħaliːb is widely distributed.
Fezzan Libya, Tripoli Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Oman
(Ristāq, Khābūra, Bahla, Āl Wahība)
Peripheral dialects : Khorasan/Iran, Qašqa Daryaā/Uzbekistan, Bukhara/Uzbekistan
B-2. ħiliːb, ħliːb, xlip
In Maghreb a in ħa became i (ħiliːb in Bou Saada
Algeria) as a resuslt of assimilation to iː, or droped(ħliːb such as in Morokko, Takrouna, Tripoli Libya.
This assimilation is found in some other areas too:ħiliːb in Negev Palestine, ħliːb in Taṣāwīr Saudi.
haliːp is in Maltese. In Maltese a does not drop andħ changed to h historicaly, and voiced consonantsdevoice at the end of words. Note that in Maltese avowel on which the accent falls is long and there is nophonological distinction between short and long . So
phonological /halíp/ (in orthography ħalib) is realizedas [halíːp]. In Cyprus xlip as the result of the mergerof ħ and χ.

2. Geographical distribution and interpretation
Although in Persian gulf area camel milk is sold insupermarket but usually cow milk is drunk. ħaliːbdenotes “fresh milk”, and laban is mainly denote“yoghurt” or “sour milk” in the urban dialects.
A. laban type (‫)ﻟﺒﻦ‬In Egypt laban denotes “fresh milk”. ħaliːb is added
to laban to clearify “fresh”.
laban ħaliːb “fresh milk”
laban ɾaːjib “curdled milk”
ħaliːb is found in some points such as Awlād ʽAli in
Saidi. In North-Sinai both laban and ħaliːb are found.
ħaliːb is used by Biyyāḍiy, Axrasiy, Dwēġriy, ʽGēliy,Smēʽniy, and laban is used by Balawiy, Rmēliy,Swērkiy.
In Sudan both laban and ħaliːb are found.
laban type : Obeid Sudan (laban), Chad and Nigeria(laban), Juba (leben), Ki-Nubi (lében).
ħaliːb : Khartum, Šukriyya “gemolkene Milch”,
Darfur (Sudan), Shuwa in Bornu “fresh” (Nigeria),
Nigeria.
In other areas laban type is found in some spots.
leben Rwala Saudi Arabia
liban Ḥarb Ḥiǧāz, Ḏụ fār Oman, Abu Ḍabi, Qatarlben, lben ħaliːb MauritanialbanḤassaniya Arabic in Mali
And in some particular contexts laban is used as“fresh milk”: ʃaːhi lah liban “Tee mit Milch” in North
Yemen.

The consonat root of ħaliːb is ħ-l-b. This is sharedwith other Semitic languages: ħālāb (‫ )חלב‬in Hebrew(modern pronunciation [χalav]), ħalbā (¾ÂàÏ) in
Syriac, ħaliːb (ሐሊብ፡) in Geʽez, ħ-l-b ( ) in Ugaritic.
But šizbu ( ) in A kka dia n.
The form ħalibːb is a form of passive participle(CaCiːC) of the verb ħalaba “to milk”. Its meaning is“(a thing) be milked”.
The words with the consonant root of laban (l-b-n)
have meaning of “white” in other semitic languages:
lābān (‫ )לבן‬in Hebrew (modern pronunciation [lavan]),labanu ( ) in Ugaritic.
(Youichi Nagato)laban mailnly denote “sour milk”, or “curdled milk”.
- “petit-lait”: Morocco (lbən), Cherchell (lben),
Libya (leban),- “lait aigre”: Algier (leben, lbən), East Chad





Distribution of Dialectal Word-forms Associated with the Word
Chichi (Milk) in Japanese
express both milk and blood as the word-form chi doesin Japanese.
Hence the distribution of dialectal word- forms
associated with word chichi (milk) has been as shown inthe dialect map-1. It has been drawn on the basis of thedialectal-forms for the word bonyuu (breast milk) foundin the Gendai nihongo hōgen dai jiten. The dialectmap-1 depicts that the word chichi [tʃitʃi] is distributedin the centre of archipelago, while the dialecta -forms
having lineage to chi [tʃi] are collectively distributed in
the Ryukyu Islands.
In addition, the dialectal-forms having lineage to theword chi 㹙tʃi㹛are distributed in the regions of Aomori
as well as a part of northern Tohoku and Kumamoto
prefecture of Kyushu island. According to the dictionary
like Nihon Hōgen Dai jiten, the distribution of dialectal
forms having lineage to the word chi [tʃi] further covers
the region Hachijo Island and Saga prefecture. Taken
together these facts into consideration, chi [tʃi] is foundto be distributed around the archipelago. This findingreflects that dialectal forms for chi [tʃi] are distributed inaccordance with the dialect radiation theory. That is, inJapanese, the change of the form chi [tʃi] to the formchichi [tʃitʃi] has occurred having aroused at the centreof the archipelago leading to the current distribution of
dialectal forms of it.
It should be noted that, according to Nakamoto(1985), the ancient pronunciation of the Japanese wordchichi (milk) was ti [ti], which has become titi [titi] by
the process of syllable repletion.

1. Prologue
The word-form chichi [tʃitʃi] bears the meaning of bothmilk and breast not only in the standard Japanese but
also in its dialects pervaded whole country. Moreoverchichi refers not only to the breast milk but also to othermilks like cow-milk, the dialectal trend of this kind canbe found in the dialects pervaded whole country in the
study of, for example, Hirayama et al. (1992). In
addition, the word chichi (milk) has likely a connotation
with the word chi [tʃi] (blood). Both being fluids ofhuman body, chi (blood) has likely been older thanchichi (milk) on the literature. This hypothesis can be
confirmed with the dialect distribution pervaded wholecountry.
The dialectal variation reflects that there is almost no
dialectal forms associated with the word chichi [tʃitʃi] inJapanese. The reason for this scarcity of the dialectal
forms probably lie with the late development of milk
drinking practice as a mass culture in the early modern
era or after the Meiji era.
We will reveal the characteristics of theabove-mentioned projected distribution of dialectal
words for chichi by investigating the dialects of wholecountry.
2. Distribution of Dialectal Words Representing theChichi in Japanese In the dialects of Japanese, both chichi (milk) andmune (nyubou) (breast) are usually represented with thesame word-form. As like as the practice ofrepresentation of both milk and breast with the sameword-form in Japanese is also found in the various
dialects of Eurasian countries. Accordingly an
investigation is required to know the detail distributionof these dialectal forms. As we have already mentionedthat chi [tʃi] has been older than chichi [tʃitʃi] on theliterature. We find such examples include, ‘tʃinomigo’ achild at the breast and ‘tʃikjodai’ foster brother. Hencechi [tʃi] is considered to be connoted with blood. In thisway, we can formulate a hypothesis whether there are
dialects of languages bearing the word-form for milk to

Keyword: milk, breast, blood, dialect radiation theory(Hogen Shukenron)(Kishie Shinsuke, Faquire Razaul Karim, Shimizu
Yukichi, Sakoguchi Yukako)Map 1: Hirayama (1992)et al: Contemporary Japanese dialects Dictionary(Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten)A Geolinguistic Description of Terms for ‘Milk’ in Tibetic
Languages of the Eastern TibetosphereaHiroyuki Suzukia

IKOS, University of Oslo / National Museum of Ethnology

Abstract
This article attempts to describe a dialectal difference of the word ‘milk’ attested in around 220
dialects of the eastern Tibetic languages. The word ‘milk’ generally corresponds to Written
Tibetan (WrT) ’o ma or nu ma. The former form has several phonetic differences, such as thenumber of syllables and the initial consonant. Other than them, there are also compound forms
with a morpheme ‘water’ (corresponding to WrT chu), which are distributed in a small area.

1

Introduction

This article provides a detailed description of the geolinguistic analysis of the word forms for ‘rice’ inthe Tibetic languages spoken in the eastern Tibetosphere, which Ebihara et al. (this volume) did notdescribe in detail due to their focus on the whole of the Tibeto-Burman linguistic area. The geographicalscope of the eastern Tibetosphere follows the definition of Suzuki (2015).
The data used to create the linguistics maps at the end of this paper only includes first-hand materials
collected by the author from 2003 to 2015. Because of this, as well as because of time constraints on thepart of the author, the data points are not equally distributed within this area, and the points on the map
only reflect the current research situation. The present map contains 223 points.
The linguistic maps reflect so-called ‘regiolects’, i.e. dialects with regional differences. Sociolects,
which certainly exist in the given area, are not dealt with in this article.

2

Classification of semantic categories and word forms

This section provides a classification of word forms of ‘milk’ based on Written Tibetan (WrT) forms
and their various phonetic realisations. There are three principal types:(A) WrT ’o ma-type.
(B) WrT nu ma-type.
(C) WrT zho-type.
The A-type is attested more widely than the B-type. In addition, the A-type and the B-type can beclassified into different subcategories based on its phonetic realisations. The C-type is rarely found,however, the word form zho can be connected with the /l/-form of ‘milk’ attested in rGyalrongic
languages, for instance, in an aspect of historical linguistics (see Section 2; Ebihara et al. this volume).
Examples are as follows:1
A-typeA1: disyllabic form: /CV mV/[ܸo ma], [‫ݓ‬o ma], [ܵo ma], [ܸܵo: m‫]ܮ‬, [wo ma], [ܸu m‫ܤ‬Ѻ], etc.
A2: disyllabic form: /ܸV wৼ/[ܸo wã], [ܸo w‫ܤ‬Ѻ], [ܸo w‫ܤ‬Ѻ:], etc.
A3: monosyllabic form: /wৼ/[wã:].
1 A suprasegmental description is uniformly omitted.

A4: disyllabic form: /‫ݦ‬V mV/, /‫ݦ‬V wV/[‫ݦ‬o mã], [‫ݦ‬o w‫ܤ‬Ѻ], etc.
A5: monosyllabic form: /‫ৼݦ‬/[‫ܤݦ‬Ѻ:], [‫ܧݦ‬Ѻ:]A+: WrT ’o ma + WrT chu ‘water’[ܸo ma ‫ݔݚ‬h݁], [w‫ܤ‬Ѻ: ‫ݔݚ‬h݁], [wo ‫ݔݚ‬h݁]
B-typeB1: disyllabic form: /nV mV/[n݁ ma], [n݁ m‫]ܮ‬, [n݁ ܸma], etc.
B2: monosyllabic form: /nV/[n݇:], [n݁:].
B+: monosyllabic form /nV/ + WrT chu ‘water’[na t‫ܨ‬h݁], [ne: cçhu], [ne: t‫ܨ‬h݁].
C-type[‫ݔ‬o], [‫]ܧܨ‬, [‫ݔ‬u].
M-type (miscellaneous; neither classification nor discussion provided)[sa], [ƾ݇: ‫ݔݚ‬h‫]ݛ‬, [ܸa po]Note that the difference within the A-type and B-type belongs to the phonological process of
coalescence, and similar examples should be considered if we treat it in the aspect of phonologicaldevelopment. The chronological order should be: A1 > A2 > A3; A4 > A5; B1 > B2. The compoundtype is mentioned as “A+” and “B+2”. The second element of a compound is generally a morpheme‘water’ (WrT chu).

3

Geographical distribution and interpretation

I present two linguistic maps (see the end of the article). Map 1 displays an overall distribution of theword forms for ‘milk’, reflecting the classification provided in Section 1. Map 2 is an enlarged versionof the southeastern Khams area, respectively. The linguistic maps here were designed with ArcGIS
online.
First of all, the minority of examples is to be explained: the C-type (WrT zho). It is only attested in
Rongbrag Khams, spoken in Danba (Rongbrag) County, the easternmost area of Khams around thecentre of Map 1. The word form of WrT zho originally denotes ‘yogurt’, not ‘milk’. However, the same
usage is also found in Chocha-ngachakha (Tsamang), spoken in eastern Bhutan (Tournadre and Karma
Rigzin 2015). Furthermore, the WrT zho might be related to Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB) initial *ly-, asthere are some parallel examples between WrT zh and PTB *ly-: WrT bzhi and PTB *b(ԥ)-lyi, and WrTzhing and PTB *lying.2 This means that WrT zho is possibly related to the L-type of ‘milk’ (Ebihara et al.
2016), attested in many rGyalrongic languages. Rongbrag Khams and rGyalrongic languages are justneighbour with each other, however, this vicinity of distribution should be considered as an accident
because of the phonetic realisation corresponding to WrT zh, not to /l/. The sound development inTibetic languages from PTB *l > WrT zh might have completed in an earlier stage of the Tibetic
languages called Proto-Tibetic (Tournadre and Suzuki forthcoming).
Secondly, the overal distribution of the A-type and the B-type is discussed. It is obvious that theA-type is dominant in the eastern Tibetosphere, whereas the B-type is geographically marginal, which is
distributed at the both directions of north and south of this region (see Map 1). This distribution reminds
us of an ABA-distribution, which means that the marginal type (the B-type here) is more archaic thanthe other. If we take the whole Tibetic languages in this region as a language derived from one single
root, this hypothesis is comprehensive. Contrary to the general understanding that the dialects spoken in
Sichuan-Gansu border are related to those in Khams, several results of Tibetan dialectology such as

2 This sound law has been dubbed ‘Benedict’s law’ by Hill (2011:445). See also Hill (2013) for a relative

chronology of Tibetan sound laws including Benedict’s law.



Suzuki (2016) do not positively support the hypothesis, hence the ABA-like distribution attested in Map
1 may not represent a historical development following the theory of the geolinguistics.
Thirdly, the order of sound change (A1 > A2 > A3; A4 > A5; B1 > B2) and its distribution are
discussed. This case is mainly applicable to the south-eastern Khams area (see map 2). The first type isthe order A1 > A2 > A3. The A1 form is a straightforward sound correspondence with the WrT form ’oma, and the A3 form is a coalescent form of these two syllables. Looking at the distribution of the A3
form, we see that the easternmost part of the south-eastern Khams (Muli, Daocheng, Xiangcheng,
Xianggelila) and a part of Deqin County (from Shengping to Yanmen) dominantly have this type, and asmall number of places have the A1 and A2 forms in these areas. This distribution implies that the sameprocess of sound change occurred in these two areas differently; the order A3 > A1 is unimaginable evenif we consider that there is an ABA distribution in Yunnan. The second type, A4 > A5, is found in
Zhuoni County, Gansu. Based on the present data, it is difficult to explain how this change occurred,however, this type is regarded as a regional feature attested in Zhuoni. The third type, B1 > B2, is also
attested in Yunnan, however, the distribution is scattered. Interestingly, the B1 form (a dissyllabic form)
is found in the places close to the A1 form (a dissyllabic form), whereas the B2 form (a monosyllabicform) is found in the places close to the A3 form (a monosyllabic form). This situation suggests that thephonetic realisation is related in a given region even though the word stems are different.
Finally, the compound forms (A+ and B+) are discussed. They accidentally use the same morpheme
as a part of compound: WrT chu ‘water’. In many Asian languages, ‘milk’ is related to ‘breast’, and it
implies ‘liquid produced from the breast’; hence, the use of the morpheme ‘water’ for ‘milk’ isreasonable to make a compound. Another possibility in the Tibetic languages is a borrowing from a
Chinese expression nai-zhi ‘milk/breast-juice’. As for the geographical distribution of the compound
forms, they are attested in Yunnan, however, scattered. The forms attested in Gongshan County (B+)
may be related to that attested in one place alongside Lancangjiang, because there is a migration
relationship between these two areas (Suzuki 2014). It is still complicated to give a geolinguistic
explanation regarding the forms attested in Xianggelila Municipality (A+), for the distribution isscattered.

4

Conclusion

The word form of ‘milk’ in the eastern Tibetic languages mainly corresponds to WrT ’o ma and nu ma,
and their geographical distribution covers most parts of the eastern Tibetosphere. The lexical variationof morphemes is therefore not rich; there are a few other forms: WrT zho (the original meaning is‘yogurt’), [sa], [ƾ݇: ‫ݔݚ‬h‫]ݛ‬, and [ܸa po]. They are used in isolation or in a limited geographical area.

Acknowledgements
I should like to express my gratitude to my Tibetan friends who helped me and taught me their mothertongue. Field research was funded by four Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research from the Japan Society
for the Promotion of Science [JSPS]: “Linguistic Substratum in Tibet” (headed by Yasuhiko Nagano,No. 16102001), “Dialectological Study of the Tibetan Minority Languages in the Tibetan Cultural Areain West Sichuan” (headed by the present author), “International Field Survey of the rGyalrongic
Languages” (headed by Yasuhiko Nagano, No. 21251007), and “Study on the Dialectal Development ofTibetan Spoken in Yunnan, China, through a Description of the Linguistic Diversity” (headed by thepresent author, No. 25770167), as well as and a private financial support of Tibetan Studies Committeeof Yunnan Ethnology Association headed by Xu Jianhua.
References
Ebihara, S., S. Shirai, K. Kurabe, K. Iwasa, H. Suzuki, and I. Matsuse. 2016. Milk: Tibeto-Burman. Studies in
Asian Geolinguistics 3 (this volume)
Hill, N. W. 2011. An inventory of Tibetan sound laws. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 3.21.4:441-457.
Hill, N. W. 2013. Relative ordering of Tibetan sound changes affecting laterals. Language and Linguistics
14.1:193-209.

Suzuki, H. 2014. Kamu-Tibettogo Bingzhongluo [Bodgrong] hoogen no onsei bunseki. Asian and African
Languages and Linguistics (AALL) 9:153-193.
Suzuki, H. 2015. A geolinguistic description of terms for ‘sun’ in Tibetic languages in the eastern Tibetosphere.
Studies in Asian Geolinguistics 1:79-85.
Suzuki, H. 2016. Zangyu fangyanxue yanjiu yu yuyan ditu: Ruhe kandai Kang fangyan. Minzu Xuekan 2: 1-13.
Tournadre, N. and Karma Rigzin. 2015. Outlines of Chocha-ngachakha: An undocumented language of Bhutan
related to Dzongkha. Himalayan Linguistics 14.2:49-87. Online: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/76g8736c,
accessed 15 March 2015.
Tournadre, N. and H. Suzuki. forthcoming. The Tibetic Languages: An Introduction to the Family of Languages
Derived from Old Tibetan (with collaboration of Konchok Gyatsho and X. Becker)



Maps

LegendMap 1: Overall distribution of word forms for ‘milk’.

LegendMap 2: Distribution of word forms in the southeastern Khams region.

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