Proceedingsofthe Third International Workshop
on
Information Structure of Austronesian
Languages)HEUXDU\ 7KX )HEUXDU\ 6DW 
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7RN\R8QLYHUVLW\RI)RUHLJQ6WXGLHVProceedings of the ird International Workshop
on Information Structure of Austronesian Languages
18–20 February 2016,
Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
Second enlarged edition 2017
Edited by Atsuko U & Asako S
Copyright © 2016 Individual Contributors
ISBN 978-4-86337-241-2(This is an electronic publication in PDF format)
Published by
Research Institute for
Languages and Cultures ofAsia and Africa (ILCAA)
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies
3-11-1, Asahi-cho, Fuchu-shi,
183-8534, Tokyo, JAPANThe Third International Workshop
on
Information StructureofAustronesian Languages'DWHV )HEUXDU\ 7KX   )HEUXDU\ 6DW

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Contents
Information structure analysis of spoken discourse: a short introduction ............................................ 1
Arndt Riester (Institute for Natural Language Processing, University of Stuttgart)
Prosodic cues to information structure ................................................................................................... 13
Stefan Bauman (IfL Phonetik, University of Cologne)
Speech report construction in Seediq ...................................................................................................... 25
Naomi Tsukida (Aichi Prefectural University）
Complement-taking strategies in Kapampangan ................................................................................... 33
Hiroaki Kitano (Aichi University of Education)
The intonation of interrogatives and focused elements in Bantik ................................................... ……45
Atsuko Utsumi (Meisei University)
Information structure in Javanese conversational sentences ................................................................. .59
Yoshimi Miyake (Akita University)
Information structure and its morphosyntactic resources in Marori .................................................... .73
I Wayan Arka (National Australian National University/ Universitas Udayana)
Native speakers’ perception of prosodic prominence and its implications for information structure in
Papuan Malay: a preliminary report ....................................................................................................... .91
Sonja Riesberg & Janina Kalbertodt (Universität zu Köln)(iii)

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or also the brightness at the home workplace
shall
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prescribedbe
The bill will prescribe having windows in staff kitchens and alsoprescribe the brightness of the home workplace.

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there wereaccording to government statements
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and 17 others
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Guest: Andrea Nahles (Social Democrats),
German Federal Minister of Labour and Social Affairs
Date/Time: Feb 28, 2015, 6:30 p.m.
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Q0: {For which projects is Nahles accused of bureaucratisation?}> A0: [[AnotherF project for which employers are accusing you of bureaucratisation]CTis [the workplace regulation bill] F..~
> Q1: {What will the bill prescribe?}> > A1‘: [[The bill] T will prescribe [having windows in staff kitchens] F]~> > A1‘‘: and also [[the brightness of home workplaces] F]~> Q2: {What is the current status of the bill?}> > A2: Now they are saying that [[the Chancellery has stopped] F [the bill] T]~.
> > Q3: Can you confirm this?
> Q4: Have you failed there?
Nahles:> Q5: All right, first I need to say what this is all about. {= What about this bill?}
Q6: {What was the situation in earlier times and in recent years?}> Q6.1: {What was the situation in earlier times?}> > A6: [[My grandpa suffered from silicosis] F.]~
> > Q7: {Why did grandpa suffer from silicosis?}> > > Q7.1: {What did he do?}> > > > A7: [[After the war heT [was working in a slate mine] F]~] F> > > > Q8: {Where was the slate mine?}> > > > > A8: [[in Mayen] F]~.

8

> > Q9: {How was grandpa’s health condition?}> > > A9: And all I can say is that [[his condition] T [was extremely bad in the lastyears of his life] F]~.
> > > Q10: {What about him?}> > > > A10: [HeT [literally suffocated] F.]~
> Q6.2: {How has the situation developed in recent years?}> > A6.2: and [it is [due to the numerous measures in the past 40 years called
workplace protection measures and workplace regulations] CT – that’s indeed how they
are called – that, Thank God, [the numbers of deaths, injuries and accidents has
decreased massively] F.]~
> A5: And, therefore, [[the workplace bill] T is [something very valuable] F]~.
> Q11: {What is N.‘s reaction to different attitudes with regard to the bill?}> > Q11.1: {What does she do if someone is angry about minor issues?}> > > A11.1: [If someone is [getting angry because of some lockers] CT, then IT would be[the last person unwilling to discuss a compromise] F.]~
> > Q11.2: {What does she do if someone is in fundamental opposition?}> > > A11.2: But [if someone is [fundamentally opposed] CT to itT, then IT [am going to
get seriously angry] F].~% *HUPDQUDGLRQHZV UHDGVSHHFK WUDQVODWLRQEHORZDIRNDL corpus (Eckart et al. 2012)
Deutschlandfunk news
Mar 26, 2007, 12 p.m.
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Q300: {What happened?}> A300‘: After an attack by Tamil rebels on an airforce base in the Sri Lankan capital
Colombo [[the situation, according to the government, is under control again] F]~.
> A300‘‘: [[The army has strengthened security measures.] F]~> Q301: {Who said that?}> > A301: [[said [the Ministry of Defence] F]~> A300‘‘‘: [[The flights that had to be diverted because of the unrest – for instance, theones from Frankfurt am Main – are currently arriving at Colombo.]F]~> A300‘‘‘‘: [[It is the first time that Tamil rebels have attacked from the air.] F]~> Q302: {What was the result of the attack?}> > Q302.1: {How many soldiers have been killed?}> > > A302.1: According to the government, [threeF soldiers have been killedCT during[the attack] T]]~
> > Q302.2: {How many soldiers have been wounded?}> > > A302.1: and [[another 17] F have been woundedCT]]~.

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,QIRUPDWLRQVWUXFWXUHLQ-DYDQHVHFRQYHUVDWLRQDOVHTXHQFHV<RVKLPL0L\DNH$NLWD8QLYHUVLW\,QWURGXFWLRQ
7KLV SDSHU ZLOO H[DPLQH KRZ LQIRUPDWLRQ JLYLQJ JLYHQ LQIRUPDWLRQ DQG LWVUHVSRQVH LV UHDOL]HG LQ -DYDQHVH GLDORJXHV  %DVHG RQ GDWD IURP DGOLE VFHQHV LQ DQ
DUWLVWLF SHUIRUPDQFH FDOOHG wayang kulit shadow puppet play’ in which the puppeteer
FRQGXFWVVSRQWDQHRXVGLDORJXHVZLWKKLVDFFRPSDQ\LQJPXVLFLDQVDVZHOODVKLVDXGLHQFH,ZLOODUJXHWKDWVWUHVVRULQWRQDWLRQLVQRWVLJQLILFDQWO\UHODWHGWRWKHXQGHUVWDQGLQJRILQIRUPDWLRQVWUXFWXUHEXWSDXVHGHOD\RUKDVWHLHWKHPDQLSXODWLRQRIWLPHLVUHOHYDQWWRWKHXQGHUVWDQGLQJRILQIRUPDWLRQVWUXFWXUHRIWKH-DYDQHVHGLDORJXHV,Q ODQJXDJHV RI ZKLFK WKH FROORTXLDO VW\OHV GR QRW QHFHVVDULO\ KDYH ULJLG
JUDPPDWLFDOVWUXFWXUHVXFKDV-DYDQHVHLWVIRFXVHGLQIRUPDWLRQFDQEHMXVWXWWHUHGLQD
VHQWHQFHVHTXHQFHOLNH  
DWDwarung ‘stall’)   $

\RX
%

&

Kowe"‘You?’ (What are \RXJRLQJWRRUGHU" 
Soto ayam
VRXSFKLFNHQ‘Chicken soup. ( I am going to have chicken soup.)Aku
gudheg,JXGKHJ‘I (take) gudheg.’ (As for me, I will have gudheg

,QWKLVNLQGRIFRQYHUVDWLRQVHTXHQFHLQWRQDWLRQDQGSDXVHPD\SOD\DFUXFLDO
UROH  ,ZLOOVKRZKRZ-DYDQHVHGLDORJXHVDFWXDOO\FRQYH\WRSLFDQGIRFXVXVLQJWKLVSURVRGLFGHYLFHHVSHFLDOO\PDQDJLQJSDXVHLQWRQDWLRQDQGGHOD\HGUHVSRQVH 
Given information is “knowledge which the speaker assumes to be in the
consciousness of the addressee at the time of the utterance.” New information is “what
WKHVSHDNHUDVVXPHVVKHLVLQWURGXFLQJLQWRWKHDGGUHVVHH VFRQVFLRXVQHVVE\ZKDWVKH
says (Chafe 1976).”
Information structure is about the ‘structure’ of sentence, so in general,
LQIRUPDWLRQVWUXFWXUHRIDZULWWHQIRUPRUIRUPDOWH[WKDVEHHQVWXGLHG 
7KHQKRZFDQZHORRNDWWKHFRQYHUVDWLRQVHTXHQFHVIURPLQIRUPDWLRQVWUXFWXUH

59

SRLQWRIYLHZV"  :HZLOOGLVFXVV DFHUWDLQV\QWDFWLF JUDPPDWLFDO IHDWXUHV DV ZHOODVSURVRGLF IHDWXUHV RI FRQYHUVDWLRQV  2XU GDWD FRPHV IURP VFHQHV SDUWLFXODUO\ DGOLEMRNLQJVFHQHVLQDWayang Kulit ‘lit. leather shadow puppet play’ perfRUPDQFHZKLFKZDVYLGHRWDSHG -DYDQHVHLVDPDMRUODQJXDJHRI,QGRQHVLD(YHU\GD\FRQYHUVDWLRQLVFRQGXFWHG
LQ-DYDQHVH0DQ\ORFDO79VKRZV-DYDQHVHWUDGLWLRQDOSHUIRUPDQFHDVZHOODVPRGHUQ
WDONVKRZVFRPHG\VKRZVDUHLQ-DYDQHVHWRR  2QWKHRWKHUKDQG-DYDQHVHLVWDXJKWRQO\RQFHDZHHNIRURQH\HDULQHOHPHQWDU\VFKRRO$VDUHVXOWH[FHSWIRUWKRVHZKRDUH
HQJDJHGLQWUDGLWLRQDOGUDPDVVXFKDVwayang kulitRUVFKRROWHDFKHUVRI-DYDQHVHPDQ\-DYDQHVH DUH VFDUHG RI PDNLQJ PLVWDNHV LQ VSHDNLQJ -DYDQHVH ZKLFK KDV WKUHH VSHHFKOHYHOVLHNUDPDLQJJLO OLWKLJKRUGHU NUDPD OLWRUGHU DQGQJRNR7KH\
7KHwayang kulit SOD\XVHGDVRXUGDWDIRUWKLVSDSHUZDVSHUIRUPHGRQ$XJXVWWK   DV WKH ILQDO DQG KLJKOLJKW SHUIRUPDQFH RI )HVWLYDO /LPD *XQXQJ OLW)HVWLYDORI)LYH0RXQWDLQV RQ0RXQW$QGRQJ&HQWUDO-DYD 
The story of the performance was Banyu Perwitosari ‘Lit. WKH ZDWHU RI
Perwitosari’ D GHULYDWLYH VWRU\ IURP 'HZD 5XFL IURP 0DKDEKDUDWD (SLF LQ ZKLFK:UHNGDUDD3DQGKDZDPDQH[SHULHQFHV6XILVPLQWKH,QGLDQ2FHDQ  ,WZDVSHUIRUPHGRQO\IRUKRXUV KDOIWKHQRUPDOWLPH IURPDERXWSPWKURXJKDERXWDP Dhalang
WKHSXSSHWHHU ZDV Mas1 SihD \RXQJ LQKLV HDUO\V VFKRROWHDFKHUZKRKDVEHHQSHUIRUPLQJ wayang kulit ZKHQHYHU UHTXHVWHG 7KH QDUUDWLRQ DQG WKH DFWLQJ RI DOO WKHSXSSHWV DUH FRQGXFWHG E\ WKH dhalang Dhalang LV DOVR WKH FRQGXFWRU RI WKH JDPHODQRUFKHVWUDZKLFKDFFRPSDQLHGWKH HQWLUH SHUIRUPDQFH
$W WKLV SHUIRUPDQFH WKHUH ZHUH Pesindhen IHPDOH VLQJHUV DFFRPSDQ\LQJJDPHODQ   $PRQJWKHILYH pesindhenV RQHZDV DQ $PHULFDQZRPDQQDPHG0HJDQ
0HJDQKDVEHHQDpesindhen DVZHOODVDSRSXODUPXVLFVLQJHUFRPSRVHU ZKRVLQJV LQD
FOXELQ6XUDNDUWD2QWKLVGD\VKHVDQJZLWKKHUEDQGLQ WKHDIWHUQRRQEHIRUHWKH wayang
kulit SHUIRUPDQFH,QWKH MRNLQJ VFHQHWKHSUHVFULEHGVWRU\WHOOLQJLVGLVVROYHGDQGVKLIWV WRWKHSODLQVSHHFK OHYHO LH QDWXUDO FRQYHUVDWLRQ  ,Q WKH FXUUHQW VLWXDWLRQ dhalang RIWHQ FRGHVZLWFKHVEHWZHHQ-DYDQHVHDQG,QGRQHVLDQ+HUHFORZQVHUYDQWVWDONDERXWFXUUHQWQHZVSROLWLFVDQGJRVVLS+HDOVRPDNHV OLQJXLVWLFMRNHV'XULQJWKLVSHUIRUPDQFHWKHMRNLQJVFHQHV ZHUHQRW SHUIRUPHG E\PDOHFORZQVHUYDQWV EXW E\ FRPLFDO IHPDOHFORZQ VHUYDQWV /LPEXN DQG &DQJHK 7KHVH ZHUHFRQGXFWHGLQ WZR GLIIHUHQW ZD\V %HWZHHQIHPDOHFORZQVHUYDQWVZKR VRPHWLPHVPDGH
MRNHVZLWKWKHFRUHFKDUDFWHUVVXFKDVWKHKHUR 3DQGDZDEURWKHUVDQGWKHLUULYDO.RUDZDEURWKHUV DOO RI ZKRVH UROHV DUH SOD\HG RQO\ E\ WKH dhalang. 7KH RWKHU ZD\ RI
FRQGXFWLQJWKHMRNHVFHQHVZDV0HJDQKDYLQJGLUHFWMRNHFRQYHUVDWLRQVZLWKWKHdhalang‘Mas’ (lit. older brother) is an addressing form for man.

60

KLPVHOI+RZHYHUWKH dhalang ZDVVWLOOPRYLQJWKH KDQGVRIWKHIHPDOHFORZQVHUYDQW/LPEXN DVWKRXJKKHZHUH/LPEXN KHUVHOI 7KHPDMRULW\RIWKHGLDORJXHZKLFKFDXVHGODXJKWHUZDVFRQGXFWHGE\WKHWZRLQWHUORFXWRUV  ,W VKRXOG EH QRWHG KRZHYHU WKDW PDQ\ WLPHV ERWK VSHDNHUV FRQGXFWHG FRGHVZLWFKLQJ EHWZHHQ -DYDQHVH DQG ,QGRQHVLDQ ,W ZDV REYLRXV WKDW ERWK RI WKH VSHDNHUVSUHIHU,QGRQHVLDQWR-DYDQHVHZKLFKWHQGHGWRGHILQHWKHVRFLDOVWDWXVRUSRZHUGLIIHUHQFH
EHWZHHQWKHLQWHUORFXWRUV 7KHRQO\-DYDQHVHOH[LFRQFRQVWDQWO\XVHGE\0HJDQZDVWKH
VHFRQGSHUVRQSURQRXQIRUdhalang jenenganDVKRUWIRUPIRUpanjenenganDkrama
inggil +LJK-DYDQHVH VHFRQGSHUVRQSURQRXQVKRZLQJKHUUHVSHFWIRUKHUDGGUHVVHH

6WUHVVDQGSLWFKLQ-DYDQHVH
)URPSKRQRORJLFDOSRLQWRIYLHZ -DYDQHVHKDVSHQXOWLPDWHVWUHVV2QWKHRWKHUKDQGLQWKH Wayang Kulit SHUIRUPDQFHVWUHVVDQGKLJKSLWFKLVRQWKHILQDOV\OODEOH ZLWKIHZH[FHSWLRQV $V D UHVXOWLQWHUHVWLQJSKRQRORJLFDOIHDWXUHVDUHREVHUYHGWKDWLVZKHUH
WKHWUDQVLWLYHPDUNHUVke kenDVZHOODVWKH GHILQLWHPDUNHUVXIIL[HV e ne ipun nipun
HOHPHQWVQRWVRFUXFLDOLQWHUPVRIWKHWRSLFDQGIRFXV DUHVWUHVVHG ,QWKHIROORZLQJH[DPSOH VHQWHQFH WDNHQ IURPWKH EHJLQQLQJVFHQH QRWDMRNLQJVFHQH  V\OODEOHVLQEROG
OHWWHUVZHUHVWUHVVHGDQGZKHUHKLJKSLWFKHGE\WKHVSHDNHU     9LGHR.XUDZD    
yen wistekan

wancin=e,

jejiban=eDuryudana

LI

UHDFK

WLPH '()  

VWDWXV '()'XU\XGDQD

DOUHDG\ 

NegaraNgastina

baleakeQDWLRQ1JDVWLQDUHWXUQ

marang paraWR

3/

Pandhawa.

3DQGKDZD

7KHDERYHPHDQV‘When WKH WLPHFRPHV, Duryudaya’s status DVWKHNLQJRI1JDVWLQD ZLOOUHWXUQWR WKH
NLQJ RI WKHPandhawa (brothers).’,QWKLVVWXG\,WUHDWWKLVFRGHVZLWFKLQJDVVRPHWKLQJTXLWHFRPPRQVRFRGHVZLWFKLQJLVQRWFRQVLGHUHGDVDVLJQLILFDQWO\LQIOXHQWLDOHOHPHQWIRUWKHLQIRUPDWLRQVWUXFWXUHRIWKHFRQYHUVDWLRQVHTXHQFHKHUH

61

$VVKRZQDERYHWKH IRFXVSRLQWDQGQHZLQIRUPDWLRQLVHTXDOO\VWUHVVHG  ,W
VHHPVWKDWVWUHVV RUKLJKSLWFK GRHVQRWSOD\DFUXFLDOUROHLQWKHLQIRUPDWLRQVWUXFWXUH
LQ -DYDQHVHGLDORJXHVHTXHQFHV  ,QVWHDG EDVHGRQ %LUQHU DQG:DUG  &KDIH 
/DPEUHFKW  ,DUJXHWKDW WKHIROORZLQJVHQWHQFHVWUXFWXUHVSOD\VLJQLILFDQWUROHV  ,ZLOOH[SODLQHDFKRQHRIWKHVHYHQIHDWXUHVE\JLYLQJH[DPSOHVIURPWKHGDWD,QIRUPDWLRQVWUXFWXUHDQGVHQWHQFH

&OHIW

  )URQWLQJ,QYHUVLRQ    'LVORFDWLRQ
3DVVLYH    'LVFRXUVHPDUNHU      $GYHUELDOFODXVHSKUDVH

6HQWHQFHVWUXFWXUHDQGIRFXV&OHIW&OHIW sing (ngoko) RU ingkang krama LV SURPLQHQWLQVKLIWLQJEHWZHHQROGLQIRUPDWLRQDQGQHZLQIRUPDWLRQ  )RUH[DPSOHLQWKHEHJLQQLQJRI WKH QDUUDWLYHWKH FORZQFRXUWPDLGV LQWURGXFH WKRVH ZKRDSSHDULQWKHSHUIRUPDQFHRQHE\RQH,QWKLVH[DPSOHWKH
IRFXVRIWKH TXHVWLRQHULVLQWKH FOHIWIRUP&RXUWPDLG 
sing para sowan sapa?
WKDW 3/  FRPHWRVHH '()(5 ZKR
‘Who are those who came?’&RXUWPDLG   

nyi
iki
abdi,
ODG\
WKLV
VHUYDQW ‘This lady is a courtmaid.’&0

nyi sing pojok kono-

ODG\  ZKRFRUQHUWKHUH
‘The lady who is at the corner (is)nyi Rul0V5XO

Ruliyah‘(Her FRPSOHWHQDPHLV 5XOL\DK

62

&0
 



sing sebelah=e
ZKR  VLGH'()‘One on her side (is)nyi Darti
0V'DUWL

Sudarti

6XGDUWL 
(……)




saka
IURP
(…….)
Grabak, Magelang.
*UDEDN0DJHODQJ‘7KHRQHVLWWLQJQH[WWR0V 5XOLV0V 'DUWL6XGDUWLIURP(…)
Grabak, Magelang.’



sing
WKDW

nyi
0V

Ruliyah mau
5XOL\DKEHIRUH

saka Australi
IURP$XVWUDOLD‘That (previously LQWURGXFHG 0V.Ruliyah is from Australia.’ )URQWLQJ,Q  DSKUDVHwong kene ‘people here’, is fronted.
 '

wong kene,
SHRSOH KHUH

kuku=neQDLO '()%\IURQWLQJWKHVSHDNHU

di=tekekikabeh.
3$66,9( SROLVKDOO‘People here, their nails are all polished.’&RPSDUHZLWKWKHIROORZLQJQRQIURQWLQJVHQWHQFH
kukunewong

kene

di-tekeki

63

kabehQDLO'()SHRSOH KHUH

3$66,9(SROLVK

DOO

‘7KHQDLORISHRSOHKHUHDUHDOOSROLVKHG’  ,QYHUVLRQ,Q   WKHYHUELVIURQWHG  6XEMHFWYHUELVUHYHUVHGLQ  DQG    
 &6 bayangke
LPDJLQ,03

kuwi.
WKLV

‘Imagine this.’larangH[SHQVLYH

pangan.
IRRG‘Food is expensive.’

kekeringan
ngarepnandur.
GULHGXS      ZLOOSODQW‘(The soil is) too dry to plant LQ.’'LVORFDWLRQ,QWKHIROORZLQJVHQWHQFH  DVXEMHFWSKUDVHwong kene DQGDYHUESKUDVHnggak pernahmandi DUHUHYHUVHG %HLQJDVNHGLIWKHUHVLGHQWVLQWKHYLOODJHWDNHKRWRUFROGVKRZHUVO,nggak pernah mandi,wong kene.
RK1(*  HYHU
WDNHVKRZHUVSHRSOH KHUH
‘Oh, (WKH\ QHYHUWDNHVKRZHUVSHRSOHKHUH.’
3DVVLYH,QWKHH[DPSOH  WKHIRFXVLVIURQWHG\LHOGLQJSDVVLYHIRUPV
7KHYHJHWDEOHVWKDWVHOODWWKHSULFHWKH\DUHZLOOLQJWRSD\DUHDOOVROGRXW VRWKH\KDYH
ORWVRIPRQH\WREX\DQ\WKLQJWKH\ZDQW    




wes
apa-apa
dituku
DOUHDG\ ZKHWHYHU
3$66,9(EX\‘Everything is already bought’.

gelang, rentengan,
EUDFHOHWQHFNODFH(.. )nanging karet
EXW

kabeh

UXEEHU DOO‘Bracelet, necklaces, (..) but they are all made of rubber’.

64



singn
ZKR

gangg jilbab
papat dianggo
kabeh
ZHDU  KHDGFRYHUIRXU 3$66,9(ZHDU DOO‘Those who are wearing head cover, all of four (head covers) arebeing worn.’

denkul bareng
dianggoni
jilbab
.QHH   WRJHWKHU   3$66,9(ZHDU

0XVOLPKHDGFRYHU

‘Knees are also covered with headcover.''LVFRXUVHPDUNHU'LVFRXUVHSDUWLFOHViya DQGinggih XVHGDVSXQFWXDWLRQPDUNHUV, OLQNWRSLFZLWKIRFXVDVVKRZQLQH[DPSOH    
karo

dumugi adhem bunyi-ne

iya

beda.

ZLWK
XSWR FROG
VRXQG '()
'0‘With coldness, its sound will be different.’

GLIIHU

nekpanas, iya creng
ZKHQ hot,‘creng’. ‘‘When it is hot, its sound is ‘creng.’

nek adhem,
ZKHQFROG.

iya ‘ngeb’,,\D LWVRXQGV QJHEZKHQFROG  OLNHWKDW
(…)



ngono
WKDWZD\‘When it is cold, its sound is ngeb’ 3$86( like that.’  $GYHUELDOSKUDVHRU FODXVH,Q WKH MRNLQJ VFHQHV DGYHUELDO SKUDVHV RU FODXVHV XWWHUHG DW WKH HQG RI HDFK RI WKHGLDORJXHV SOD\VLJQLILFDQW UROHVVROLFLWLQJODXJKWHU
'
boten saged sowan
QRW   FDQ   FRPHWRPHHW+80%/(   ‘(She) cannot meet.’65  amargi
sampun ompong
EHFDXVH  DOUHDG\   ROG
‘ 3$86( Because (she already) has no more teeth as she is old.’
 


sing

nyi Ruliyah mau
0V5XOL\DKEHIRUH



WKDW

saka
IURP

$XVWUDOLD

Australi(…....)
  bagian angong

sapi.

GLYLVLRQ
WDNHFDUH
FRZ‘That Ms. Ruliyah is (PAUSE IURP$XVWUDOLD 3$86( IURPWKHGLYLVLRQRIKHUGLQJFRZV.’,QWKHIROORZLQJGLDORJXHWKHDGYHUELDOFODXVHSURYLGHVDQRWKHUFRQGLWLRQ
7DONLQJDERXWsega-jagoFRUQPHDODFRXQWU\IRRG0HJDQDVNHG    
 
0



' 





jenengan<RX '()(5‘Do you like (that)?’suka--OLNH

suka?
OLNH

㸦
kalau matengLI

FRRNHG‘I like it, (3$86() if it is cooked.’,QWKHQH[WGLDORJXHWRRWKHDGGHGDGYHUELDOSKUDVH   seminggu sekali ‘once a week’
FKDQJHV WKH FRQGLWLRQ RI LWV DQVZHU FDXVLQJ ODXJKWHU DPRQJ DXGLHQFH 'RLQJ mandi‘taking showers’ morning and evening, is one of Javanese/Indonesian’s everyday life style,VRZKHQWKHdhalang VDLGWKDWKHWDNHVVKRZHUVRQO\RQFHDZHHNLVIXQQ\ %HLQJDVNHGLIWKHdhalang GRHVQRWWDNHVKRZHUVDWDOOHLWKHU
 ' 

saya,

bukan orangsini.
1(* SHUVRQLQFOXGHG KHUH
‘I do not belong here.’

66



saya
,

harus
must

mandi
take showers…

‘I have to take showers,’
seminggu

sekali.

DZHHN RQHWLPH‘(3$86() once a week.’,QWKHSUHFHGLQJVHFWLRQV,KDYHVKRZQWKDWLQ-DYDQHVHFRQYHUVDWLRQVHTXHQFHVWRSLFDQGIRFXVDVZHOODVQHZDQGROGLQIRUPDWLRQPDQLIHVWWKHPVHOYHVLQFOHIWIURQWLQJ
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89

Native speakers’ perception of prosodic prominence
and its implications for information structure in Papuan Malay- a preliminary report Sonja Riesberg & Janina Kalbertodt
Universität zu Köln
This paper reports preliminary results of a prosodic perception experimentwith speakers of Papuan Malay, the lingua franca of Indonesian Papua. The
procedure followed the Rapid Prosody Transcription (RPT) method as
sketched in Cole et al. 2010. Inter-rater agreement between the participantsof the experiment could be shown to be much lower than between raters ofsimilar experiments on English and German. Our results thus confirm fromthe perception point of view what has been claimed from a production view
point for other varieties of Malay, namely that Papuan Malay, like otherlocal varieties of Malay, lacks post-lexical stress.

1. Introduction
Papuan Malay is a local variety of Indonesian/Malay, spoken in the two eastern mostprovinces of Indonesia – Papua Barat and Papua – by approximately 1.200.000
speakers (Kluge 2014). It is mostly spoken in the coastal areas and less so in themountainous inland. However, this area, with its more than 270 indigenous languages,
is linguistically highly diverse, and most speakers are at least bilingual, speaking
Papuan Malay in addition to one or more local languages.
This paper reports on a perception experiment that investigates how native speakers ofPapuan Malay perceive prosodic prominences in natural spoken speech. It thus stands
in line with a growing number of recent papers that discuss (the absence of) prosodic
features in different varieties of Indonesian, including a study by Goedemans and vanZanten (2007) on Javanese and Toba Batak Indonesian, and most recently by MaskikitEssed and Gussenhoven (to appear) on Ambonese Malay.
For a long time, the standard assumption has been that (standard) Indonesian displays
lexical stress on the penultimate syllable, unless this syllable contains a schwa, inwhich case stress falls on the final syllable (cf. Alieva et. al 1991; Cohn 1989).
Secondary stress has been claimed to fall on the first syllable and every odd syllable
thereafter, but never on the one adjacent to the syllable that carries the main stress(Cohn & McCarthy 1994). Other authors, however, have pointed out that schwa can be
stressed just as well as any other vowel (Halim 1974; Laksman 1994).
For Papuan Malay, Kluge (2014) recorded 1072 words in two different carrier
sentences, one in which the target word occurs clause finally, one in which it appears in
the middle of the phrase. 1 She used the program Phonology Assistant to analyse herdata and she concludes that 964 (90%) of all words have penultimate stress and only
108 (10%) show stress on the final syllable. Of these latter 108 words that displayed
ultimate stress, 105 (97%) contained the front open-near vowel /‫ܭ‬/ (the equivalent toIndonesian schwa) in the penultimate syllable. Yet, Kluge notes that /‫ܭ‬/ does notcondition ultimate stress, as for 65 of those words with penultimate stress, the stressed
1

The two carrier sentences Kluge used are: Sa blum taw ko pu kata itu, kata xxx. ‘I don’t yet know thatword of yours, the word xxx’ and ‘Ko pu kata xxx itu, sa blum taw. ‘Your word xxx, I don’t know yet.’91

syllable contained a /‫ܭ‬/. Also, three words with ultimate stress did not contain /‫ܭ‬/ butrather front /i/ and back /u/ in the penultimate syllable (Kluge 2014: 89).
Yet, in a growing number of works, the claim that Indonesian displays lexical stress on
the penultimate syllable has been challenged. While some authors found that there is apreference for stress to occur on the penultimate syllable, but free variation – especiallyin longer words – is possible (cf. van Zanten 1994; van Zanten & van Heuven 2004),
other authors came to the conclusion that there is no lexical stress at all (Zubkova 1966;
Odé 1994). Especially in more recent publications it has been pointed out that theabove mentioned disagreement as to whether or not Indonesian possesses lexical stressis probably due to the fact that “Indonesian” as a reasonably homogeneous language
does not exist. There are 701 indigenous languages spoken in the Republic of Indonesia(Ethnologue 2015), the great majority of people are at least bilingual, speaking a local
language in addition to Indonesian. Often, Indonesian is learned as a second language,
usually from the age of six or seven, when children enter primary school and are
exposed to Indonesian as the language of education. Furthermore, in addition to
standard Indonesian and the indigenous languages, local varieties of Malay are spoken
in many regions of Indonesia (e.g. Ambonese Malay, Jambi Malay, Kupang Malay,
Manado Malay, Papuan Malay, etc.). Often, these local varieties of Malay take theplace of standard Indonesian and are the major means of everyday communication. It isthus very likely that different studies on stress in “Indonesian” are based on data fromspeakers with different substrate dialects and languages, and it is likely that different
prosodic properties of these substrates have had their impact on the contradictory
results of earlier studies on lexical stress in “Indonesian”. More recent studies therefore
carefully control for the linguistic background of the participants of their studies.
Goedemans and Van Zanten (2007), for example, conducted a carefully designed
perception experiment with two groups of participants with different linguistic profiles:
one group consisted of speakers of Indonesian with Javanese as their substrate
language, the other group consisted of speakers of Indonesian that were also native
speakers of Toba Batak. These two languages were chosen, because Toba Batak
supposedly exhibits clearly defined stress while Javanese is said to possess only weak
stress, the location of which is not agreed on in the literature (Geodemans & vanZanten 2007: 40). As stimuli, the authors recorded material from one Toba Batak
Indonesian speaker and one Javanese Indonesian speaker. This material was
manipulated such that the prominence lending cues would occur on different syllables.
It was then judged for acceptability by listeners of the two different groups. The
Javanese listeners did not show any preference for stress on either the penultimate nor
the ultimate syllable for both the Javanese Indonesian and the Toba Batak Indonesianstimuli. The Toba Batak listeners, on the other hand, clearly preferred penultimate
stress in the Toba Batak speech data, but showed no clear preferences for the Javanesedata. Goedemans and van Zanten interpret these results as evidence that there is no
lexical stress in Javanese Indonesian. Though their experiment was explicitly notdesigned to investigate stress above the word level, they do observe that phrasal stressalways occurs close to the boundary and they come to conclude that ‘the distinction
between accent lending and boundary marking intonation movements is very difficult
to make’ (Goedemans & van Zanten 2007: 57).
One of the few studies that address the issue of phrasal accent in more detail is thework by Maskikit-Essed and Gussenhoven (to appear) on Ambonese Malay (but see
also Himmelmann 2010 and Clynes & Deterding 2011). Maskikit-Essed andGussenhoven conducted a production experiment with four native speakers of92

Ambonese Malay. They recorded 80 mini-dialogs consisting of read question-answer
pairs, which contained 8 target nouns in different positions (phrase and IP final andmedial) and were controlled for different focus conditions. In these 8 target words, noevidence for lexical stress in the putative stressed syllables (ultimate or penultimate,depending on the word) was found. Furthermore, the phrase final pitch movement
which is a typical feature of declarative mood in many languages in the area
(Himmelmann 2010: 67) is not tied to the final syllable. Rather, it is sensitive to theavailable space and tends to be timed earlier when the word is longer. Finally,
Maskikit-Essed and Gussenhoven tested two focus conditions, one in which the phrase
final target word was in focus, and one in which it occurred in post-focal position, i.e. a
focal element preceded the phrase final target word. In the latter condition, the authors
could not find any signs of reduction of the post-focal target words, neither in duration,
nor in pitch height. Furthermore, the pitch contours were similar, not only in the targetwords but also over the whole sentences (Maskikit-Essed & Gussenhoven to appear:28). Taken these results together, Maskikit-Essed and Gussenhoven come to theconclusion that information focus in Ambonese Malay is not expressed by means of
prosody.

2. THE EXPERIMENT: METHODS AND PARTICIPANTS
Given the growing evidence in the literature that different varieties of Malay exhibit
neither lexical nor post-lexical stress, we wanted to address the question how native
speakers of one of these varieties – Papuan Malay – perceive prosodic prominences.
We therefore conducted a perception experiment using the Rapid Prosody
Transcription (RPT) method, as introduced in different papers by Jennifer Cole andcolleagues (cf. Mo, Cole & Lee 2008; Cole, Mo & Hasegawa-Johnson 2010a; Cole,
Mo, Baek 2010b). In the RPT method ordinary listeners that are naïve with respect toprosodic analysis listen to excerpts of audio recordings. They are given minimal
instructions and are allowed to play the audio recordings only twice. On a printed
transcript of the recording excerpts, in which punctuation and capitalization were
removed, the participants were then asked to underline those words which they
perceived as prominent.
The raters of our perception experiment were 16 native speakers of Papuan Malay (10female, 6 male), 9 of which were monolingual. The other 7 participants were bilingual
in Papuan Malay and another local language. However, all of them stated that Papuan
Malay was (one of) their first language(es). 2 All 16 participants were students at the
Universitas Papua (UNIPA) in Manokwari, aged between 18 and 27 years old. Papuan
Malay is their first language of communication at university, with friends and at home.
None of them had any experience in prosodic analysis.
The material the participants annotated for prosodic prominence were 56 excerpts ofaudio recordings of different length, ranging from 1 to 15 seconds. All were taken froma corpus of natural spoken speech, including 28 different native speakers of Papuan
Malay (17 female, 11 male). They consisted of speakers re-telling Chafe’s Pear Movie(Chafe 1980) and playing the Tangram Task. The latter is an elicitation tool that2

4 further participants that also took part in the experiment were not included in the results because they
had learned Papuan Malay only at a later age when they entered primary school. They were therefore notconsidered native speakers, even if they have lived for several years in Manokwari and their dominantlanguage was now Papuan Malay.

93

involves two speakers that negotiate whether the picture that speaker one describes is
the same as the one that speaker two has in front of her. The audio material in our
experiment thus included both, excerpts of a monologue (the pear movie recordings)
and of a dialogue (the tangram recordings).
The instructions for the participants, as stated above, were minimal. They only included
the written instruction in (1a) (English translation in (1b)). They were also shown how
to underline words in the printed transcript, and, if necessary, how to correct theirchoice. It was explicitly stated that underlying more than one word per excerpt wasallowed. No audio examples were given.
(1) a.Tugas Anda adalah menggarisbawahi semua kata yang nadanya Anda anggap
lebih menonjol (mis. lebih tinggi) dibandingkan dengan kata-kata lain padasetiap rekaman kalimat yang Anda dengarkan.
b. Your task is to underline all words which you perceive to be sticking out(e.g. because they are higher/louder 3) in comparison with the other words for all
the recorded sentences that you will hear.
The data in (2)a. and b. show an example of one of the excerpts and how it waspresented to the participants of the experiment. (2)c. shows the choices made by one ofthe participants (RW, female, 23 years).
(2) a. Yang
RELtiga orang ini pegang topi satu.
three person DEM carry hat one‘The three people are carrying a hat.’b. yang tiga orang ini pegang topi satu
c. yang tiga orang ini pegang topi satu

3. RESULTS
3.1 Multi-rater/inter-rater agreement
To evaluate the RPT-data, we used both Fleiss’ kappa coefficient (plus its z-normalised
score) and Cohen’s kappa. 4 Fleiss’ kappa provides a single coefficient as a measure ofagreement across all sixteen raters. Cohen’s kappa calculates agreement between
individual pairs of raters. We compared the Papuan Malay scores with those of two
comparable studies on American English (Mo, Cole & Lee 2008; Cole, Mo &Hasegawa-Johnson 2010) and German (Baumann & Winter in prep.) The study byCole and colleagues used spontaneous, conversational speech from the Buckeye corpus.
This corpus consists of interviews with adult speakers of American English from
Columbus (Pitt et al., 2007). Baumann and Winter’s study, on the other hand, used readsentences that displayed different focus structures and information status categories.
The Fleiss’ kappa scores for all three studies are summarized in Table 1, which clearlyshows that inter-rater agreement is much lower among speakers of Papuan Malay than
34Note that the word tinggi in Indonesian is ambiguous in this context and can mean both ‘loud’ and ‘high’.
We are grateful to Jan Strunk for helping with the statistical analysis.

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it is between German and American English speakers. The slightly higher agreement ofGerman raters compared to English raters is probably due to the different data types
used in the respective experiments, i.e. spontaneous conversational data versus readspeech. Considering that the naturalness of the stimuli might have an effect on how
much raters agree in their perception of prominences, the Papuan Malay results are best
to be compared with the English data. Yet, also the difference between English raters,with a Fleiss’ kappa score of 0.42, and Papuan Malay, with a kappa score of only 0.08
is more than striking.

GermanEnglishPapuan Malay

Fleiss’ Kappa

0.53

0.42

0.08

z

244

20.4

25

Table 1: Fleiss’ kappa scores and z-normalized scores
To guarantee that the low score of the Papuan Malay rater was not just due to a very low
agreement between some participants, we calculated Cohen’s kappa scores for every
single rater pair. The highest score achieved between two raters amounted to 0.50, while
the lowest one was -0.06. Among German inter-rater pairs, on the other hand, thehighest achieved score was 0.72, the lowest one 0.28. Tables 2 and 3 summarize theCohen’s kappa scores of Papuan Malay (PM) and German inter-rater pairs respectively,
using the labels ‘none’, ‘slight’, ‘fair’, ‘moderate’, ‘substantial’ and ‘(almost) perfect’ as
defined by the agreement scale by Landis and Koch (1977). The difference, again, isstriking: While the majority of Papuan Malay rater pairs show only slight or fairagreement (41,67% and 36,67% respectively), the vast majority of German rater pairs
showed at least moderate agreement. More than 25% even agreed substantially. Notethat the minimal and maximal Cohen’s kappa scores in in the study by Cole and hercolleagues (-0.03 and 0.644 respectively) are not that different from those calculated for
Papuan Malay. Yet the mean for the English data lies by approximately 0.58, which
would be labelled as ‘moderate’ in the agreement scale by Landis and Koch (1977).

Table 2: Summary of Cohen’s kappa PM
GermanTable 3: Summary of Cohen’s kappa

3.2 Possible factors determining perceived prominence
For data analysis, the prominence-score (p-score) was calculated in a first step, which
serves as a relative measure, representing the ratio of subjects that underlined a word, i.e.
that perceived a word as prominent, with respect to the total number of participants. As

95already indicated by the low kappa values above, we observed a high degree ofvariability in the listeners’ judgements, leading to a majority of low p-scores. In fact, themodal value in our data was a p-score of 19 %, as shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1: Distribution of p-scores in the Papuan Malay data.
In a second step we correlated the p-score with several linguistic and phonetic factors inorder to evaluate which factors might have influenced the raters’ perception ofprominence. On the one hand we examined lexical word length (i.e. the number oflexically underlying syllables) as well as information structural cues such as part ofspeech, i.e. whether the underlined word was a content or a function word, and also lastargument. Both information structural factors were chosen from a European point ofview, since West-Germanic Languages such as German or English are known to differ
with respect to these parameters: part of speech is important as function words areusually less prominent than content words (Büring 2012:31), while the last verbal
argument is of importance when it comes to focus projection, i.e. in the default
intonation of a broad focus sentence, the last verbal argument receives the nuclear
accent (Uhmann 1988:66).
On the other hand, we examined phonetic cues such as word duration (in ms), phonetic
word length (i.e. the number of post-lexically articulated syllables), the absolute pitch
range (in semitones), maximum pitch (in Hz), the presence of tonal movement, and thepresence of a prosodic boundary following the word. All phonetic measures operated on
the word level.
For all these factors the so-called Pearson’s r was calculated, which gives a correlation
coefficient between –1 (perfect negative correlation) and 1 (perfect positive correlation),with values around 0 indicating no correlation. As there was much variability in theparticipants’ judgements, we received in general quite small correlation coefficients forour parameters, indicating that there was no or only very slight influence on theperception of prominence. For seven out of the examined nine parameters thecorrelation coefficients calculated ranged from about 0.2 to 0.3, suggesting no
considerable effect of lexical word length (r = 0.20), last argument (r = 0.17), phonetic

96

word length (r = 0.29), pitch range (r = 0.26), maximum pitch (r = 0.05; exemplarily
displayed in Figure 2), tonal movement (r = 0.31) or prosodic boundary (r = 0.35). The
most promising results were gained for the parameters of part of speech (r = 0.42) andword duration (r = 0.49; see Figure 3), although these coefficients still indicate only amediocre effect.

Figure 2: Correlation of maximum pitch (in Hz) within a word and its p-score. The solidline displays the regression line, the shaded area its confidence interval.

Figure 3: Correlation of word duration (in ms) and the p-score. The solid line displays
the regression line, the shaded area its confidence interval.
Note, however, that the multi-rater agreement is generally too weak to draw any further
conclusions on the correlation of possible factors and the perception of prominence inPapuan listeners. Rather, the vast variability in the scores points towards the assumptionthat Papuan Malay lacks word stress and consequently post-lexical stress. In fact, it

97

seems that prominence in Papuan Malay is only associated with prosodic boundaries,
since content words that were produced in phrase final position received the highest
scores (see Figure 4). Also, these content words showed longer durations than theirphrase medial and phrase initial counterparts (Figure 5).

Figure 4: P-score for phrase final and phrase medial/initial content and function words.

Figure 5: Word duration for phrase final and phrase medial/initial content and function
words.
These tentative results suggest an interplay of part of speech, word duration andperceived prominence, i.e. an interaction of information structure and prosody.

98

4. SUMMARY
The experiment reported on in this paper is the first study that investigates listeners’
perception of prosodic prominences in one of the many varieties of Malay. Yet, it joins
the ranks of a growing number of papers on lexical and post-lexical stress in Indonesianand its local varieties, and it confirms the general picture that many languages ofIndonesia as well as many of the local varieties of Malay do neither possess word stressnor post-lexical stress.
The extremely low inter-rater agreement scores showed that prosodic prominences arenot (uniformly) perceived by Papuan Malay listeners. This suggests that Papuan Malay
lacks post-lexical stress, which, in turn, suggests that prosodic prominence is not used to
encode information structural categories in Papuan Malay. These findings are in linewith the Ambonese Malay production data discussed in Maskikit-Essed andGussenhoven (forthcoming).
Our data suggests no correlation between the listeners’ perception of prominence (i.e.
the p-score) and various linguistic and phonetic factors, such as lexical and phonetic
word length, pitch range, maximum pitch and tonal movement. Neither did it have aneffect whether or not a given word was the last argument of the predicate. Highest
effects could be seen for the factors part of speech, word duration and prosodic
boundary, with longer content words in phrase-final position being judged as mostprominent. This pattern suggests a possible interaction of semantics and prosody, whichis rather a means of marking prosodic boundaries than of marking post-lexical stress.

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