Perempuan Berkisah: Creating an Online Safe Space
for Indonesian Women

Amalia Nur Andini1, Ghaziah Nurika Akhni2
1 Lecturer, Universitas Brawijaya
2 Lecturer, Universitas Tidar

インドネシアではCOVID-19のパンデミック中に、ロックダウンや在宅勤務の影響などで女性に対する暴力の事例が激増した。
本稿では、逃げ場のない女性たちをネット経由で支援するオンライン「駆け込み寺」の活動を紹介する。

Abstract

As a country with the fourth-biggest worldwide internet users and a more than 69% penetration rate, social media
plays an important role in the lives of millions of Indonesians. The covid-19 situation has accentuated the role ofsocial media even more, with the increasing number of businesses, schools, and public services conducting theiractivities online due to the social distancing and limitations. However, this situation also gives rise to Online
Gender-Based Violence (OGBV) and Gender-Based Violence (GBV) in general experienced by women across thecountry. A report released by the Indonesian Women’s National Commission in 2021 showed a 300% increase in
GBV-reported cases during the pandemic. As a case study, this paper then attempts to analyze Perempuan
Berkisah—an online community that actively promotes women empowerment, creating a safe online environmentfor GBV survivors and sharing educational stories to avoid GBV. As a form of digital activism, Perempuan Berkisah’s
strategies reflect the role of the internet, especially social media, in transforming the victim’s experience throughstorytelling and building solidarity to create a safe online space for Indonesian women free from victim-blaming.
Keywords

gender-based violence, social media, Indonesia, digital feminist activism

Introduction

During the covid-19 pandemic that began in late2019, there has been an increase in Gender-Based
Violence (GBV) cases in many countries as women
spend more time at home and on the internet. Reports
from 8 Asian countries, including Indonesia, stated thatthe intensification of GBV occurred right after the lockdown regulations were imposed (UN Women, 2021).
The pandemic situation has turned more women into
GBV victims. For one, social distancing and a shift towork-from-home forced women and men to spend moretime inside their houses. This situation has made womeneven more vulnerable to GBV from their intimate partners, which can be seen from the increasing number ofcalls to domestic violence careline since the pandemic
started (UN Women, n.d.). Also, there has been a

proliferation of Online Gender-Based Violence (OGBV)
with the heightened global dependence on the internet,
especially social media. A survey by Giving Compass(2021) showed that 51% of girls had experienced OGBV
while they were on the internet.
Indonesia is one of the countries where violenceagainst women has become more frequent compared tothe pre-pandemic era. Women’s National Commission’sannual report (CATAHU) 2020 showed a 300% increasein GBV cases during the pandemic, reaching 940 occurrences in total. The Women’s Association for Justice andLegal Aid (LBH-APIK) has compiled 97 cases of GBVreported between March to April 2020. The incidents
ranged from domestic violence with as many as 33 cases(the most frequent), 30 OGBV cases, 8 cases of sexual
harassment, and dating violence and rape with 7 and 3

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Amalia Nur Andini, et al.

cases, respectively (Jatmiko, Syukron, & Mekarsari,2020).
Despite the prevalence of violence against women in
the country, Indonesia has yet to have adequate instruments to deliver justice to GBV victims. The implementation of several laws and government regulations usedin handling GBV are often ambiguous and perceptive to
multiple interpretations. Law no. 35 of 2014 on childprotection, Law no. 44 of 2008 on pornography, andLaw no. 11 of 2008 on Information and Electronic
Transaction (UU ITE), for instance, are heavily criticized for the lack of gender perspectives in protecting
the victims of GBV (Catherine, Adi & Wahyu, 2022).
Additionally, the sexual violence eradication bill (RUU
PKS) draft aimed to accommodate justice for GBV victims was removed from the House of Representatives’
priority agenda in 2020. In 2022, after protest fromwomen’s rights advocacy groups and a presidential
directive urging to speed up the bill’s ratification (namehas been changed to RUU TPKS, emphasizing ‘sexual
violence crimes’), the House finally started processing
the draft. However, there has been neither developmentof the bill nor any sign of it being passed soon (Kompas,2022). Hence, it is apparent that the government has
failed to see the urgency of this issue. (Update: as ofApril 12, 2022, the draft has been officially passed as asexual crimes law with only four out of previously ninesexual violence categories covered).
Internet users in Indonesia reached 204.7 million in
January 2022, and around 69% of the total population
are active social media users (Kemp, 2022). Despite theadvancement of internet usage, the digital divide basedon gender remains persistent, which is proven throughthe disparity in terms of digital literacy between men
and women. 51,43% of internet users in Indonesia aredominated by male, and female users are only 48.57%(APJII, 2017 in Marini, Hanum, & Sulistyo, 2020) as thesecond lowest among 20 countries in global world(Accenture, 2016 in Marini, Hanum, & Sulistyo, 2020)
Digital literacy does not limit its scope only to skills
to operate and to use the information on technology
devices but also includes individual ability to “... “read”
and “understand” the contents of the information

204

presented as well as the process of “writing” and “giving
birth” to a new knowledge” (Marini, Hanum, & Sulistyo,2020). The gap, moreover, has provided context to theemergence of gender-based violence in today’s digitalage. Marini, Hanum, and Sulistyo (2020), citing
Wahyuningtyas and Adi, mention that limitations invarious aspects, such as mobility, education level, time,
economy, and patriarchal culture, further enforce
unequal access to the internet for men and women inIndonesia. With this situation in mind, the shift in women’s activism on digital platforms might be necessary toprovide a safe space for women.
With more Indonesians going online, women advocacy groups also strengthen their online presence toreach wider audiences and create a more significant
impact. While the government is seemingly reluctant,feminist digital activism has flourished in the country.
Women advocacy groups and independent organizations have increasingly utilized social media platforms,
such as Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube, toexpress concerns about gender-related issues, equality
campaigns, and so on. The situation can be seen fromresearch conducted by Parahita (2019) on the rise of digital feminist activism in Indonesia and the gender equality campaign of the New Men’s Alliance on Instagram(Maryani, J, & Rahmawan, 2018).
This study aims to analyze the role of social media increating an online safe space for GBV survivors andIndonesian women, in general, using a case study. We
investigate an online-based women’s community called
Perempuan Berkisah (English translation: Women
Telling Stories) on its unique approach to digital feminist activism utilizing social media platforms to share
women’s stories and experiences on GBV. We emphasize the community’s Instagram account because it is
the major platform used for their digital activism.
Perempuan Berkisah, or PB (abbreviation will be
used from this point onwards), is unique in the way thatit helps create an online safe space for Indonesian
women through a community-based safe space concept.
It means women’s GBV stories are sent, curated, anddistributed to other women, transforming their experience as victims into survivors while educating and6th AFC Best Papers (2022)

inspiring other women who follow the account. By
paying attention to PB’s Instagram posts and commentsfrom its female followers, this paper shows that social
media is a powerful means to transform GBV victims’
storytelling into a political act that benefits them andother women.

Gender and Gender-Based Violence

Gender has been widely understood as a cultural andsocial construct that categorizes men and women andassigns them to different roles and responsibilities.
Gender is distinguishable from sex, in which the latter isdetermined when one is born based on their biology.
Russo and Pirlott (2006) describe gender as “...a packageof many interconnected elements— including gendered
traits, emotions, values, expectations, norms, roles, environments, and institutions—that change and evolve
within and across cultures and over time.” Gender categorization entails a hierarchy of power in which feminine
attributes associated with femaleness are valued less thanmasculinities linked to men (Shepherd, 2009). This power
relation confers women in subordinate positions overmen in most contexts. Gender inequality positions womenas submissive and powerless objects, making them prone
to Gender-Based Violence.
Gender-based Violence (GBV) is defined as “harmful
acts directed at individual based on their gender”(UNHCR, n.d.). According to the Committee on the
Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW),
GBV could affect women’s ability to enjoy rights andfreedoms that are equal to men (Makinde et al., 2016).
Specifically, violence against women includes verbal andphysical attacks, coercion or life-threatening deprivation,
physiological harm, humiliation, and deprivation of one’s
liberty (Heise, Ellsberg, & Gottemoeller, 2002).
Gender-Based Violence is one of the most widespread human rights violations that happen to womenand girls across the globe. The UN Women (2022)
reported that around 30% (or one in three) of women
aged 15 and older had been exposed to physical and or
sexual violence. GBV could happen anywhere, from thepublic to the private sphere. As stereotyped-gender roles
and status heavily shape GBV, the term ‘gender-based’is then used to differentiate the types of violence thatbelong to this category from the common threat tohumankind, such as murder, robbery, etc. Diverse factors have helped preserve violence against women, suchas gender roles and expectations, male privilege, sexual
objectification, and diversity in power and status (Russo&Pirlott, 2006).
With the existence of rape culture, it becomes difficult for women to speak up about their GBV experiences
or seek out justice because of society’s common perception that women deserve such treatment as it has been“…tolerated and normalized” (Powell in Mendes,
Ringrose, & Keller, 2019).
In many countries, including Indonesia, GBV victims are also prone to victim-blaming and revictimization when they speak out about their experiences. Thisissue was also pointed out by the Minister of Women
Empowerment and Child Protection (PPPA). Womenare often blamed for GBV by their parents, society, andauthorities such as the police, medical professionals, andlawyers who are supposed to help them (Wulandari &Krisnani, 2020). This situation makes them afraid toreport their story and could potentially impact theirmental health.
Focusing on the GBV issues, we contextualize PB’s
activism on social media as one of many ways to combat
the GBV and how it provides a safe space free from victim-blaming and revictimization for the GBV
survivors.

Digital Feminist Activism

A number of feminist scholars agree that we areliving in the 4th wave of feminism characterized by its
dependence on digital technology (Munro, 2013). Social
media platforms are seen as providing a space where
those who lack the power to speak up can have their
voices heard and challenge the dominant discourse(Mitra in Antunovic, 2018). Feminists’ use of social
media is a form of social movement, where della Porta
and Diani (cited in Cammaerts, 2015) explain it as“.... a social process through which collective
actors articulate their interests, voice grievancesand critiques, and proposed solutions to identified

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Amalia Nur Andini, et al.

problems by engaging in a variety of collective
actions.” (Cammaerts, 2015, p.2)
Social media has transformed the ways in whichsocial movements are conducted. Murthy (2018) mentions that women constitute the majority of social media
users; thus, their involvement may significantly impact
some of the social movements that are genderedstructurally.
Feminist activists have used hashtag campaigns tomobilize the public on social media, and over the years,
they have been proven to be impactful in putting thewomen’s struggle under the spotlight. Some examples ofwell-known hashtag campaigns include #EverydaySexism
created in 2012 to document sexism experiences in public(Eagle, 2015), #CroptopDay which symbolized protests
against policing women’s clothing in Canada (Keller,2018), and the #Metoo Movement campaign to raiseawareness on sexual assault experienced by women
worldwide (Battacharyya, 2018).
However, the rife use of social media also poses achallenge for feminist activists. For one, the internet is aspace where women are more exposed to cyber assaults(Antunovic, 2018). The reality of the real world that collides with the reality of virtual networks has elevatedthe pre-existing gender system, stereotypes, and discrimination that place women and other gender minorities susceptible to online GBV (OGBV). In this digitalage, violence does not just happen on the ground but
also on the web. They include internet trolling, misuseof female pictures, sexual harassment, and other misogynistic content/comments that have worsened during
the pandemic. Sexist and often violent treatments
addressed to women in the digital space show the persistence of online misogyny (Jane, 2016; 2017).
Mendes, Ringrose, and Keller in their book “DigitalFeminist Activism: Girls and Women Fight Back against
Rape Culture” (2019) argue that the digital feminist
activism—feminists’ engagement with digital technology, especially social media—has proved that: 1) social
media is able to transform lives of the participants,
through solidarity, connections, empowerment and soon, 2) social media activism is multifaceted, and eachcampaign, project, or community has their way of206

mobilizing the web, 3) there are barriers that limit participation in digital feminist activism that come frominternal and external factors, and 4) digital feminist
activism is time-consuming and often requires moreresources and energy to mobilize.
In this paper, we focus the discussion on the first andsecond arguments highlighting how social media has atransformative power and that digital feminist activisms
vary in strategies depending on their objectives. We pay
attention to PB’s approach on their Instagram posts toillustrate that what happens on social media does not
only show the “fantasy of changes” but an actual transformation that affects women’s daily—offline—lives
regarding gender-based violence (Mendes, Ringrose, &Keller, 2019).

Perempuan Berkisah (Women Telling
Stories)

Perempuan Berkisah, or PB, is an online, non-profit
community for women that described itself as“Empowerment media, a catalyst for change, and a safe
space based on feminist ethics.” (Perempuan berkisah,n.d). Its website provides a range of information about thecommunity, including About Us, Opinion, Education,
Stories, Tips, Photograph, People, Community,
Information, Send Writing, and Donation for GBV victims. The website is only available in the Indonesian language. On the About Us page, visitors can accessinformation about the community. It includes organizational structure, history, vision and mission, values, community principles, community-based safe space concept,
funding source, national and regional-level programs andactivities, and the list of PB’s social media accounts on
Instagram, YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter pages.
PB states that its vision is to become “a women
empowerment media and a safe space to share and learn
based on feminist ethics.” PB’s missions include developing media as a place for empowerment, sharing
knowledge and inspiring stories for women, creating asafe space for women based on a feminist approach, andencouraging transformative critical awareness based on
women’s experiences.
PB’s organizational structure is shaped like a6th AFC Best Papers (2022)

network, in which it consists of the Chief, Local
Community leaders, Knowledge and Management
Communication, Counselor Team, Psychologist, andmembers. The network is best represented by its
sub-communities spread across six regions in Indonesia,
namely Jabodetabek (Jakarta Metropolitan Areas),
Central Java-Jogjakarta, East Java, West Java, Sumatera,and East Indonesia. Each area is led by one local community leader coordinating members in their respective
domicile. The community has 414 members distributed
across Indonesia, making it one of the most influential
online-based women’s communities in the country(Perempuan Berkisah, 2021).
Based on their interview that appeared in the popularIndonesian news portal Kumparan.com (Syamsiyah,2020), PB’s core team is an all-women team. The community was initiated in 2015 by Alimah Fauzan, a feminist activist who formerly created the website
perempuanberkisah.com to share inspiring stories andempower women and marginalized groups. The current
PB took shape in 2019 when they repurposed their
Instagram account as a place to share stories and encouragement among their female followers. The account has
started accepting stories from its followers to be sharedpublicly on PB’s feed to let other women know about
their experiences.
As an online-based community, PB’s activities are primarily conducted via the internet. According to Fauzan(Syamsiah, 2020), the community frequently gathers foronline discussions through WhatsApp groups, self-healing practices, and capacity buildings. Since the pandemic, they have had more online activities using theirsocial media platforms. PB is not affected by the pandemic; it thrives as more women in Indonesia spend moretime scrolling their social media feeds. The community
has two levels of activities: nationwide and regional. Bothnationwide and regional activities cover capacity building, GBV assistance, donation for GBV victims, and economic empowerment. PB’s visions, missions, andactivities are primarily concerned with GBV and creatinga safe space for Indonesian women. Also, the GBV priority is explicitly stated in their online activism strategy:
the community-based safe space concept.

Figure 1. PB’s community-based safe space concept(source: https://www.perempuanberkisah.id/konsep-ruang-amanberbasis-komunitas-perempuan-berkisah/)

The concept is drawn as a triangle with volunteerism, empathic, gender analysis, and counseling based on
feminist ethics placed in the center. With these elements,
they are hoping to create an online safe space forIndonesian women as a way of ending GBV. At thebottom of the triangle, there are “senders” (victims who
send their stories) and “survivors” connected by “critical transformation.” The triangle’s left and right sides
are “perspective of taking side with the victims” and“feminist analysis.” From there, we see how PB conceptualizes its strategies in digital feminist activism concerning GBV cases in Indonesia. PB’s conceptemphasizes a transformative process from victimhood
to survivor. At the same time, it also places importanceon stories told from women’s points of view for other
women. It is also stated by the founder (translated fromIndonesian):“I named it Women Telling Stories because thewomen are the ones who tell their own subjective
experiences about various problems, challenges,
and strategies so that they can get out of their problems, both related to reproductive, domestic, public,
and community roles,”(Syamsiah, 2020, p.7).
As mentioned before, PB is present on four social
media platforms, namely Instagram, YouTube,
Facebook, and Twitter. However, from our investigation, PB uses mainly Instagram as its storytelling
account. Thus, the following subchapter will explore
how this community-based safe space concept is imple-

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Amalia Nur Andini, et al.

mented on their Instagram posts.

Perempuan Berkisah’s Instagram:
Stories that Transform

PB’s Instagram account is @perempuanberkisah,and up to this day has 90.8 thousand followers, 1,551
posts, and 2,875 followings. PB utilizes Instagram features such as putting a link on its bio, posting on feeds,
stories, and reels, as well as highlighting FAQs and tips
on its profile to help its new followers. We will focus on
PB’s Instagram feed posts to show its strategy against
GBV.
PB’s feed is dominated by carousel posts, where it isused to tell stories from GBV victims, posting educational content on self-love and women’s issues. PB’s
posts are characterized by colorful images and illustrations showing figures of women in various settings andexpressions.
Stories from GBV victims hashtagged as #Kisah are
the center of PB’s Instagram account and have the mostengagements (number of likes and comments). Thesestories and how they are retold also represent PB’s community-based safe space concept.
The #Kisah posts account for real stories sent by
their followers who have become victims of GBV. The
steps of getting their stories featured include 1) Clicking
the link on PB’s bio, 2) filling in the informed consent
form where senders also need to disclose their identities,
and 3) finally attaching their stories as a file. Althoughvictims must disclose their personal data, the teamensures that their stories will be anonymous. Later, theeditorial team will check the stories and change theminto more digestible Instagram carousel posts before
posting them on PB’s Instagram feeds. Once posted, thestories are public, and followers will interact with themthrough comments, likes, shares, or saved.
We take one example from PB’s recent Instagram
post (March 15, 2022) to illustrate how social media,
through real account stories, can transform victims into
survivors, build collective solidarity, and improve the
GBV situation in the country.

208

Figure 2. PB’s Instagram post 1(source: https://www.instagram.com/p/CbHTcSxvYYI/?utm_medium=
copy_link)

This post is sent by a GBV victim who was abandoned by her husband while pregnant. While not treating her properly, the husband is also having sexual
relationships with various women. She filed a divorce
paper but just figured out that she was pregnant. She has
run away from home but, at the same living in a difficult
situation because she could not find a job and only survives on a bit of money that her husband leaves her.
PB writes the caption for the post by addressing thesender while encouraging her to be strong, offering support, and inviting the followers to do the same by leaving a comment. The post got 192 comments, and most ofthem were from women sending prayers and giving suggestions/solutions for the sender of the story. It is worth
noting that other than sympathies for the victim, PB also
informs the followers that they can give donations to thesenders by visiting the link it provides. This use of linkto-donate shows how PB’s post does not only act as a
medium for online storytelling and gathering sympathy,
but it also invites their followers to make a real change
by donating.

6th AFC Best Papers (2022)

Figure 3. PB’s Instagram post 2(source: https://www.instagram.com/p/CbNNzhbPs1l/)

Another example is PB’s post posted on March 17,2022. It tells a story of an Indonesian woman who lives
in a foreign country and is physically and sexually
abused by her ex-husband. She is depressed because her
ex-husband gets custody of her children. While the post
does not invite followers to donate, it encourages themto share their strength and empathy without judging thesender. At the same time, PB tells the audience that its
people are doing their best to provide counseling for thesender and has suggested contacting support groups inthe country where she lives.
The post got 64 comments from PBs followers who
sympathize with the sender even though they live far
away. The comments are primarily prayers and words ofencouragement without any negative response.

Creating Online Safe Space without
Victim-Blaming

Through the way PB shares the sender’s stories andthe positive comments they get from the audience, PB
has managed to create a safe space for Indonesian
women to talk about their GBV experience. PB’s accounthas become a virtual space where victims of GBV do
not have to fear people judging, blaming, or even discriminating them for sharing their stories. Intimate stories that show vulnerability also build solidarity amongst
audiences and senders, uniting them as Indonesian
women. Additionally, the senders’ identity is kept anonymous, so they do not have to fear people finding out

about their identity.
PB’s strategy in storytelling also transforms senders’victimhood into stories of survival. Because by sharing
their experiences, they are no longer passive victims butable to take action and have their own agency. Their stories can also inspire other women in similar situations to
try and get help. They also serve as life lessons andreminders for other women to avoid toxic and unhealthy
relationships. Commenting and interacting with thepost-build solidarity and donation can also help those
who require economic assistance. From here, we can seethat PB has successfully created an online safe spacethat transcends to offline space for Indonesian women.
PB’s success in creating an online safe space for
GBV victims can also be seen in their Instagram stories
highlights. The admin posts screenshots from senders
who have gotten their stories featured. All of the
responses are positive and appreciative such as:“Thank you so much for @perempuanberkisah.
Because of this account, I could tell my private stories and make a decision from others who support
me and give me advice. I hope whatever I decided
would be the best for my life. I hope @perempuanberkisah becomes an inspiration for all women.”
Senders’ positive appreciation for PB also encourages other GBV victims to report and share their stories.
The reports implied that PB had received more sexual
harassment stories from women trying to communicate
their experiences.

Conclusion

Due to the global pandemic, social distancing has
increased our interdependence on digital technology.
With the rise of GBV cases experienced by women
worldwide, feminist activists have their own way of utilizing the digital space, especially social media, tochange the situation.
This article mainly examined Perempuan Berkisah(Women Telling Stories) as a case study for successful
digital feminist activism in tackling GBV issues inIndonesia through their Instagram account. With
increasing dependence on digital technology and social
media, especially during the pandemic, we see how

209Amalia Nur Andini, et al.

digital media is still as impactful for the feminist social
movement as ever. PB’s use of social media has enabled
them to make a difference and help GBV victims. Theircommunity-based safe space concept is proven to be aneffective tool to organize against GBV issues.
Unlike most feminist activism conducted through#hashtag activism, PB uses a storytelling approach fromthe victim’s point of view to build solidarity, gather
donations, or simply invite the audience to sympathize.
All PB activism is centered on its posts, which always
contain the call for action through the comment section.
Through these strategies employed by PB, feminist
activism in digital media has proven that it could transform the lives of the participants, create solidarity andempowerment, and conduct various campaigns to mobilize audiences.
Finally, studying PB’s unique approach to community-based online safe space free from victim-blaming
can enrich the scholarship on digital feminist activism
beyond hashtag feminism. Future research might consider exploring strategies and approaches used by feminist activists on other social media platforms, on TikTok,for instance, to give more insight into the topic of digital
feminist activism.

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