PORTUGUESE SHIPS ON JAPANESE NAMBAN SCREENS

A Thesisby
KOTARO YAMAFUNE

Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies ofTexas A&M University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS

August 2012

Major Subject: Anthropology

Portuguese Ships on Japanese Namban Screens
Copyright 2012 Kotaro Yamafune

PORTUGUESE SHIPS ON JAPANESE NAMBAN SCREENS

A Thesisby
KOTARO YAMAFUNE

Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies ofTexas A&M University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
MASTER OF ARTS

Approved by:
Chair of Committee,
Committee Members,
Head of Department,

Luis Filipe Vieira de Castro
Kevin J. Crisman
Molly Warsh
Cynthia WernerAugust 2012

Major Subject: Anthropology

iii

ABSTRACT

Portuguese Ships on Japanese Namban Screens. (August 2012)
Kotaro Yamafune, B.A., Hosei University
Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Luis Filipe Vieira de Castro

Namban screens are a well-known Japanese art form that was produced between
the end of the 16th century and throughout the 17th century. More than 90 of thesescreens survive today. They possess substantial historical value because they display
scenes of the first European activities in Japan. Among the subjects depicted on Namban
screens, some of the most intriguing are ships: the European ships of the Age of
Discovery.
Namban screens were created by skillful Japanese traditional painters who had
the utmost respect for detail, and yet the European ships they depicted are often
anachronistic and strangely. On maps of the Age of Discovery, the author discovered
representations of ships that are remarkably similar to the ships represented on the
Namban screens. Considering the hypothesis that ships of some of the Namban screensare copies of ships represented on contemporary European cartography, the author
realized that one particular historical event connecting Europe and Japan may be thesource of these representations. This was the first visit of the Japanese Christian embassy,
the Tensho Embassy, to Rome, in 1582. Its journey to Europe and its following visit to
the Taiko, or first effective leader of Japan, Hideyoshi Toyotomi, may have been a

iv

trigger for the production of one of the most well-known Japanese artworks, the Namban
screens.

v

DEDICATION

To my father and mother, who always trust and encourage me.
Without their support, I could not finish this research.
I hereby present this thesis to my loving parents to be apprised that they are the best
father and mother in the world.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank my committee chair, Dr. Luis Filipe Vieira de Castro, andmy committee members, Dr. Kevin J. Crisman and Dr. Molly Warsh; especially, to Dr.
Castro, who always helped me with my research and supported my efforts in College
Station. Without him, I would have never finished this research.
I also want to give my gratitude to Lindsey Thomas, Kelby Rose, Emily
McManus, Douglas Inglis, Veronica Morriss, Ralf Singh-Bischofberger and all of myfriends at the Nautical Archaeology Program, who always delivered to me new ideas,
knowledge, insights, and smiles; especially to Lindsey Thomas, who revised my thesis
and helped me with my English all the time without any complaints.
I would like to acknowledge the editors and authors of Namban Byobu Shusei:
Mitsuru Skamoto, Katsuhiro Narusawa, Mari Izumi, Kaoru Hidaka, Kazuto Sawada, andMamiko Nakano. Without this beautiful inventory book of Namban Screens, I could nothave finished this research.
In the end, I give my utmost gratitude to my parents, Shigeki Yamafune andNobuko Yamafune, who have always loved and encourage me these past 28 years. Ifthey were not my parents, I would not have had this wonderful life. They are the mostloving parents, yet I hope they know that they are the most loved parents as well.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
ABSTRACT ..............................................................................................................

iii

DEDICATION ..........................................................................................................

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS ..........................................................................................

vii

LIST OF FIGURES ...................................................................................................

x

LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................

xiv

CHAPTERIII

III

INTRODUCTION ................................................................................

1

Preface; Marco Polo and Legendary Island “Zipangu” .................
Introduction .....................................................................................

1
2

NAMBAN SCREENS..........................................................................

7

Namban Screens .............................................................................
Three Types of Scenes Depicted on the Screens ............................
Three Important Features of the Screens ........................................
The Namban Temple ..............................................................
A March of the Capitão-mor ..................................................
Namban Ships .........................................................................

7
10
11
11
13
17

HISTORY .............................................................................................

19

The Dawn of the Age of Discovery and Portuguese Adventure to
the East ...........................................................................................
A Brief History of Japan: From its Beginning to the 16th Century
Samurai World ...............................................................................
Japan and the Jesuits ......................................................................
Portuguese Monopoly of the Far Eastern Trade ............................

19
24
28
35

viii

CHAPTER
IV

V

VI

Page
SHIPS ...................................................................................................

40

Portuguese Nau .............................................................................
Nau (or Nao, Carrack, Caracca) ............................................
Galleon ...................................................................................
Caravel ...................................................................................
Sizes of the Portuguese Nau .........................................................
Possible Sizes of the Nau Sent on the China and Japan Route .....
Anchorages of Portuguese Ships ..................................................
Ships on the Namban Screens .......................................................
Type A ...................................................................................
Type B ....................................................................................
Type C ....................................................................................
Type D ...................................................................................
Type E ...................................................................................
Type F ...................................................................................
Type G ..................................................................................
Type H ..................................................................................
Type I ....................................................................................
Type J ....................................................................................
Type K ..................................................................................
Type L ...................................................................................
Type M ..................................................................................
Type N ..................................................................................
Type O ..................................................................................

40
43
43
43
44
47
49
52
54
56
57
59
60
61
63
63
64
65
66
68
68
69
70

QUESTIONS .........................................................................................

72

Authenticity of the Namban Ships on the Screens .......................
Question 1: Why are the Depictions of the Ships so Inaccurate? .
Question 2: Anachronisms ............................................................
Beginning of the Production ...................................................
Configuration of Forecastles ...................................................
Originality of the Ships on Namban Screens ..........................

72
73
75
75
76
79

HYPOTHESIS ………………………………………………………..

83

From European Maps to Namban Screens ...................................
The Origin of Namban Screens ....................................................

83
85

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CHAPTERVII

Page
CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………

93

The Sources of the Namban Screens ............................................

93

REFERENCES ..........................................................................................................

98

APPENDIX A: TYPOLOGY OF NAMBAN SHIPS ON THE NAMBANSCREENS........................................................................................

105

VITA .........................................................................................................................

134

x

LIST OF FIGURESFIGUREPage

1-1 Namban Screen: Osaka Castle Museum Version(Important Cultural Property) ....................................................................

4

1-2 Namban Screen: Version A of Kyushu National Museum(Important Cultural Property) ....................................................................

4

1-3 Namban Screen: Suntory Museum of Art Version(Important Cultural Property) ....................................................................

5

1-4 Namban Screen: Version A of Namban Bunkakan(Important Cultural Property) ....................................................................

5

1-5 Namban Screen: Private collection-K family Version(Important Cultural Property) ....................................................................

6

4-1 Illustration of a Portuguese ship attributed to Joachim Patinir(c.1480-1524) and dated to around 1527 ..................................................

44

4-2

Anchorages of Portuguese ships based on Tables 1 and 2 ........................

52

4-3

Type A Namban ship (No.1): Osaka Castle Museum Version(1596-1615) by a Kano-school artist .........................................................

4-4

Type A Namban ship (No.2): Version A of Kyushu National Museum(1601-1635) by Kano Takanobu ...............................................................

4-5

55

Type A Namban ship (No.4): Missing (Former Kasahara Familycollection Version) (1605-1624) by Kano-school artist ............................

4-6

55

56

Type B Namban ship (No.3): Version A of Kobe City Museum, Naizen
Version (Late 16th – Early 17th century) by Kano Naizen .......................

57

xi

FIGURE
4-7

Page
Type C Namban ship (No.6): Version A of Namban Bunkakan(1596-1615) by a Hasegawa-school artist ................................................

4-8

Type C Namban ship (No.7): Museum of the Imperial Collections,
Sannomaru Shozokan Version (1610s) by an unknown artist ..................

4-9

58

58

Type D Namban ship (No.5): Suntory Museum of Art Version(1600-1620) by a Kano-school artist .........................................................

59

4-10 Type D Namban ship (No.9): Private Collection-K family Version(1610s) by a Kano-school artist .................................................................

60

4-11 Type E Namban ship (No.10): Private Collection-T family Version,
Former Ungai-in collection (1610s) by a Kano-school artist .....................

61

4-12 Type E Namban Ship (No.59): Nagasaki Museum of History andCulture Version (1620s) by an unknown artist ..........................................

61

4-13 Type F Namban ship (No.11): Version A of Museum of Fine Arts,
Boston (1620s) by a Kano-school artist .....................................................

62

4-14 Type F Namban ship (No.12): Private collection–Y family Version(1620s) by a Kano-school artist ................................................................

62

4-15 Type G Namban ship (No.30): Version B of Kobe City Museum, Former
Tanzan Shrine collection (1615-1630) by a Hasegawa-school artist ........

63

4-16 Type H Namban ship (No.70) Version A of Sakai City Museum (1630s)
by an unknown artist .................................................................................

64

xii

FIGUREPage

4-17 Type I Namban ship (No.55): Peaboy Essex Museum Version(1615-1624) by a Kano-school artist .........................................................

65

4-18 Type J Namban ship (No.61): Private collection-N family Version(1630s-1640s) by an unknown artist .........................................................

66

4-19 Type J Namban ship (No.62): Rijlsmuseum, Amsterdam Version(1630s-1640s) by an unknown artist .........................................................

66

4-20 Type K Namban ship (No.76): Version B of Itsuo Art Museum(1624-1644) by an unknown artist ............................................................

67

4-21 Type K Namban ship (No.77): Former Okazaki City Library collection(1624-1644) by an unknown artist ............................................................

67

4-22 Type L Namban Ship: Saitama Prefectural Museum of History and
Folklore Version (Late 17th century) by an unknown artist .....................

68

4-23 Type M Namban ship (No.82): Version D of Kobe City Museum(Late 17th century) by a Kano-school artist ..............................................

69

4-24 Type N Namban ship (No.35): Version C of Museu Nacional de Arte
Antiga, Lisbon (the 18th or 19th centuries) by a unknown artist ..............

70

4-25 Type O Namban ship (No.89): Private collection Version(Latter half of 17th century) by an unknown artist ...................................
5-1

5-2

71

Iconography of Portuguese ship depicted in the Livro de Horas D.
Manuel c. 1517. Lisbon’s Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga .......................

77

Illustration of the Mary Rose by Anthony Anthony in 1540s ....................

78

xiii

FIGURE
5-3

Page
Anonymous painting at “Francesinhos” Church, Lisbon, Portugal,
c. 1620 ........................................................................................................

78

5-4

Van de Velde’s drawing of the Constant Reformation around 1648 .........

78

5-5

A Medittereanean merchant ship from a Frans Huys engraving after
a drawing by Breughel (c.1560) .................................................................

80

5-6

Frans Huys engraving after a drawing of a galleon by Breughel (c.1560)

81

5-7

16th century images of Mediterranean galleys ..........................................

82

6-1

Iconography of ships from 16th century’s European maps .......................

84

6-2

Taisei-Oko-Kiba-Zu (Suntory Museum of Art Version) ..........................

86

6-3

Yonkakoku-Tojo-Byobu (Kobe City Museum Version) ...........................

87

6-4

Repanto-Kaisen-Zu (Kousetsu Museum Version) .....................................

87

6-5

Sekaizu-Byobu (Kobe City Museum Version) ..........................................

87

6-6

Civitates Orbis Terrarum ...........................................................................

88

6-7

Theatrum Orbis Terrarum .........................................................................

89

xiv

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE

Page

1

Arrivals of Portuguese Ships between 1546 and 1590 ...............................

50

2

Arrivals of Portuguese Ships between 1624 and 1640 ...............................

51

3

Fifteen Types of Namban Ships on the Namban Screens and
Its Inventory Numbers from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) ....

53

1

CHAPTER IINTRODUCTION

Preface; Marco Polo and Legendary Island “Zipangu”
From The Travels of Marco Polo, Edited and with an introduction by Milton
Rugoff (1986:205-206):1
Of the Island of Zipangu and the Great Khan's Attack against It
ZIPANGU is an island in the eastern ocean about fifteen hundred
miles from the mainland, or coast of Manzi.
It is of considerable size; its inhabitants have fair complexions, arewell made, and are civilized in their manners. Their religion is the worshipof idols. They are independent of every foreign power and governed onlyby their own kings. They have gold in the greatest abundance, its sources
being inexhaustible, but as the king does not allow it to be exported, few
merchants visit the country. Nor is it frequented by much shipping fromother parts.
The extraordinary richness of the sovereign's palace, according tothose who have access to it, is a wonderful sight. The entire roof iscovered with a plating of gold, just as we cover houses, or more properly
churches, with lead. The ceilings of the halls are of the same precious
metal; many of the apartments have small tables of pure gold ofconsiderable thickness; and the windows also have golden ornaments. So
vast indeed are the riches of the palace that it is impossible to convey anidea of them.
On this island there are large quantities of pearls, pink, round, andhuge, and worth as much as if not more than, the white kind.
It is customary for one group of the inhabitants to bury their deadand for another to burn them. The former make a practice of putting one ofthese pearls into the mouth of the corpse. A number of precious stones arealso found there.
So celebrated was the wealth of this island that the Great Khan
Kublai, now reigning, conceived a desire to conquer and annex it. To dothis, he fitted out a great fleet and sent a large body of troops under thecommand of two of his principal officers, Abakan and Vonsancin. The

This thesis follows the style of Historical Archaeology.

2

expedition sailed from the ports of Zaitun and Kinsai, and crossing the sea,reached the island safely.
However, jealousy developed between the two commanders, as aresult of which one of them treated the plans of the other with contempt
and resisted his orders. Because of this they were unable to capture any
city or fortified place, with one exception which was carried by assault
when the garrison refused to surrender. Orders were given to put everyone
to the sword. As a result, the heads of all the inhabitants were cut off,
excepting eight persons who, by means of a magic charm consisting of ajewel or amulet inserted under the skin of the right arm, were renderedsafe from any weapon made of iron. When this was discovered, they were
beaten with a heavy wooden club, and soon died.
It happened after a time that a north wind began to blow with great
force, and the ships of the Tartars, which lay near the shore of the island,
were driven foul of each other. It was decided in a council of the officers
that they ought to get away from the land; and accordingly, as soon as thetroops were re-embarked, they stood out to sea. The gale, however,increased to such a degree that a number of vessels foundered. By floatingon pieces of wreckage, some men reached an island lying about four miles
from the coast of Zipangu.
The other ships, which (not being so near the land) did not sufferfrom the storm, and in which the two chiefs and all the principal officers
were, returned home to the Great Khan.
Introduction
In the early 14th century, Japan was introduced to the European world as an
Island of Gold by the Venetian Explorer Marco Polo. It is not difficult for us to imagine
the excitement of contemporary Europeans when reading the story of this most distantlegendary island. Indeed, many of explorers of the Age of Discovery dreamt of it andsome of them actually tried to reach it; Christopher Columbus, who sailed westward
from Europe, was one of those Europeans. Portuguese sailors finally reached the most
distant civilization on the earth in 1543, more than 200 years after Marco Polo’s firstpublication and the introduction of Zipangu. In the following a century, as pioneers of
the European Age of Discovery, Portuguese merchants enjoyed the lucrative Japan trade.

3

Today, we know a lot about this first interaction between the Europeans and Japanese,from both contemporary Latin and Japanese chronicles and journals; however, among all
primary sources, the most intriguing and visually-pleasing information appears on
Namban screens, a famous Japanese art form, which was produced at the end of the 16th
century and throughout the 17th century in Japan (Figures 1-1, 1-2, 1-3, 1-4, 1-5).
Namban screens are regarded as the first Japanese artworks that depicted
Europeans and their ships visiting Japan. Today, we can enjoy a considerable number ofthese screens in various museums around the world. The original goal of the author’s
Master’s thesis was to identify the Portuguese ships that voyaged to the Far East and toilluminate their nature and the details of their upper structures, based on the known care
Japanese artists took to represent what they saw as accurately as possible. However,during this research, the author recognized that the ships that were depicted on many of
the screens were implausible representations of oceangoing ships, and that some of theships represented on the screens looked very similar to the ships represented incontemporary European art. While considering these facts, the author realized that one
important historical event might be the 16th century link between Japan and Europe. In
this thesis the author will discuss the composition of Namban screens and extant
information regarding their making, the Portuguese and Japanese trade and its historicalbackground, and the implausibility of the ships on the screens.

4

FIGURE 1-1. Namban Screen: Osaka Castle Museum Version (Important Cultural Property). On the inventory thatserved as a base for this study, the word “version” indicates “each particular version of the existing Namban Screens”(Sakamoto 2008:2-5,324-325,386,396-397). Top is Right Panel and bottom is Left Panel (159.0 X 375.0 cm each).

FIGURE 1-2. Namban Screen: Version A of Kyushu National Museum (Important Cultural Property) (Sakamoto
2008:12-17,327-328,389,396-397). Top is Right Panel and bottom is Left Panel (154.5 X 363.2 cm each).

5

FIGURE 1-3. Namban Screen: Suntory Museum of Art Version (Important Cultural Property) (Sakamoto 2008:2429,328-329,386,396-397). Top is Right Panel and bottom is Left Panel (Right screen, 166.5 X 363.2 cm; Left screen,
166.4 X 358.4 cm).

FIGURE 1-4. Namban Screen: Version A of Namban Bunkakan (Important Cultural Property) (Sakamoto 2008:3035,329-330,386,396-397). Top is Right Panel and bottom is Left Panel (163.2 X 361.2 cm each).

6

FIGURE 1-5. Namban Screen: Private collection-K family Version (Important Cultural Property) (Sakamoto
2008:44-49,332-334,386,396-397). Top is Right Panel and bottom is Left Panel (Right screen, 154.4 X 363.2 cm;
Light screen, 154.4 X 362.4 cm).

Finally, the author will introduce his hypothesis and explain his supporting
evidence in order to propose a better interpretation of the dubious quality of some of theships on the Namban screens.

7

CHAPTER II
NAMBAN SCREENS

Namban ScreensNamban screens were produced by various artists from the end of 16th century
and throughout 17th century (Sakamoto 2008). Today, 90 screens are known survive,
although the inventory is still growing. They can be enjoyed at museums in Japan andaround the world. As mentioned above, depictions on the screens are historicallyimportant because they display scenes of European activity in Japan around 400 years
ago. The word “Namban” was derived from the old Chinese worldview. In ancient China,
its inhabitants considered their country to be the center of the world, and the only
civilized nation on earth. Chinese people called surrounding regions “Hokuteki”, “Toui”,“Seikai”, and “Namban”; or Northern Savages, Eastern Savages, Western Savages, andSouthern Savages (Sakamoto 2008:294). The Japanese population was called Toui, or
Eastern Savages. These terms did not describe specific countries, but designated theforeigners who lived in each direction. By the 16th century, these terms were also in use
in Japan, and the Europeans who came to Japan from the southern sea were called
Namban people. It is not clear whether at this time the term Namban had any special
negative connotation. The Portuguese and Spanish people who visited Japan at the time
were designated as Namban people, together with the Africans and Indians who camealong with the Portuguese and Spanish. According to the official record by TokugawaBakufu (1603-1867), Portugal, Spain, Italy, Goa, and Macau, were all regarded as

8Namban countries (Sakamoto 2008:294). Although Goa and Macau are located in Asia,
since they were colonized by the Portuguese, they were also identified as Namban cities.
Consequently, people and ships from those counties were indiscriminately designated as
Namban people and Namban ships. A screen is considered Namban if it represents atleast one of three special features: a Namban temple, Namban merchants andmissionaries, or Namban ships.
The Namban people first met the Japanese in 1543, when three Portuguese
merchants drifted into one of the southwestern small islands of Japan on a Chinese junk.
This event happened half century after Columbus’s discovery of the New World.
The encounter of 1543 was the first Europeans experience with the samurai
world of Japan. This event was not only historically but technologically importantbecause the three Portuguese merchants brought arquebuses, or early firearms, into the
middle of the Japanese conflict. That was the first introduction of a practical gunpowderweapon into the samurai world. Soon after the discovery of Marco Polo’s legendaryislands, European merchants and missionaries began to visit Japan an a regular bases.
This interaction with the Western World caused cultural changes far beyond theintroduction of firearms. One important realm where European influence can beobserved is that of the Japanese art. New trends in Japanese art appeared at the end of
the 16th century and throughout the 17th century (Sakamoto 2008:297-300). In addition,
many Japanese artists drew Portuguese people and ships in their paintings. Namban
screens were a part of this artistic movement.

9Specifically, Namban screens are paintings generally comprising from two to six
articulated panels, displaying European activities in Japan. They were produced by
Japanese artists who painted the images onto screens. Screens were traditional Japanesefurniture believed to have been introduced in the 7th century from China (Pint and Hino
1993:5). Screens soon became common in Japanese house. They were used to divide aroom into two parts and to prevent wind from blowing into or through a room. In otherwords, screens were used as movable walls. By the 15th century, screens often became acanvas for painting, consequently the screens themselves featured a style of Japanesepainting. Screens have various sizes and shapes. Many artistic screens are paired because
two canvases can show a continuing story. Screen size can be subdivided into three
categories. Large size is between 1.70m and 1.90m in height; Medium size is between
1.30m to 1.50m; and Small size is between 0.9m to 1.20m (Pint and Hino 1993:6-7).
These different sizes were chosen based upon intended usage and the preference ofowners. After the establishment of trading relations with Japan, screens must have been
exported to Portugal and acquired certain importance, because the general word todesignate screen in that country since that time is biombo, from byobu, the Japaneseword for screen (Pint and Hino 1993).
In the end of the 16th century, depictions of Europeans and their activities
suddenly appeared in traditional Japanese screen paintings and such works are now
called Namban screens. As mentioned above, more than 90 screens survive, produced
primarily between the end of the 16th century and throughout the 17th century. Some ofthe earliest screens were painted by well-known artists, known as the Kano-school10(Sakamoto 2008: 324-382). These screens have become an important category inJapanese art history. Moreover, they are also historical witnesses of the first interactions
between Japan and Europe. Five of the earlier Namban screens in existence areregistered as Japanese Important Cultural Property. In 2008, the most complete
inventory so far was published in a book, Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008).

Three Types of Scenes Depicted on the Screens
Most Namban screens are composed of two pieces: a right panel and a left panel.
Each panel displays different scenes. In 1932 and later, in1968, Japanese art history
scholars Ichitaro Kondo and Kayoko Harada, respectively, categorized the known
Namban screens. Their work was followed by that of Katsunori Narusawa, who
succeeded their research and completed a research on all 90 surviving screens found sofar (Sakamoto 2008:294-304). Based upon differences in the depicted scenes, the screens
were divided into three categories: Type I is a combination of scenes of China (left) andJapan (right), Type II is a combination of imagery of foreign countries and Japan, andType III shows both panels depicting scenes of Japan. Only five screens werecategorized as Type I. There are 23 screens that are Type II. The differentiation of Types
I and II is difficult, however, because both types depict Japan and a foreign country. In
Type I, the foreign country is China. We can see traditional Chinese buildings andpeople on Type I screens. On the left panel of Type II, the scenery may be of China or of
hypothetical European countries. Those places were produced by the artist’s imaginationof a European port in Asia. From history, we can assume that this place was perhaps

11

Macau, Malacca, or Goa, where the Portuguese had their trading centers (Sakamoto
2008:301-302). There are 48 screens classified as Type III. Types II and III are the mostcommon types of Namban Screens. The remaining 15 screens, which were produced
somewhat later than other screens, are devoid of two important Namban screen features,
the Namban Temple and a march of the Capitão-mor, a traditional subject that consistsof a representation of European clerics and merchants. Because of this, they were notplaced into any of the three types defined above, and are generally designated as
Namban Koeki-zu (scenes of Portuguese trade). As Narusawa and other scholars havediscussed, however, Namban screens are characterized by at least one of three importantfactors, and these screens are included in the Namban art category.

Three Important Features of the Screens
Most Namban screens, as Narusawa discussed, have three important features: theNamban Temple, Namban Ships, and a representation of the march of Capitão-mor,
including missionaries, the members of the Tensho Embassy, and Portuguese merchantswith Arabian horses (Sakamoto 2008: 298-300).
The Namban Temple
On the right panel of most of Namban screens we can see a building that bears a
Christian cross on the rooftop. This building, the Namban temple, seems to be thedestination of the march of Capitão-mor. A Namban temple existed in Kyoto, which was
the capital of Japan until 1604, when Shogun Ieyasu Tokugawa moved the capital toEdo, which is modern Tokyo. The Namban temple was constructed under the permission

12of Nobunaga Oda in 1576 (Sakamoto 2008:298-299). Nobunaga is considered to be thestrongest Sengoku-Daimyo, or feudal warlord, in Japanese history; before he could
completed his hegemony in Japan; however, Nobunaga was assassinated by his
subordinate Mitsuhide Akechi in 1582. Nobunaga loved European goods and culture,and he was very benevolent toward Christianity (Shukan Nihon no Bi wo Meguru 2002).
After his death, the Namban temple was destroyed by Taiko Hideyoshi Toyotomi.
Hideyoshi had been Nobunaga’s subordinate and became the first effective leader, Taikoof Japan after his defeat of Mitsuhide. Hideyoshi disliked Christianity and enacted the
Bateren-Tsuihou-Rei (Christians Deportation Order) in 1587. In the same year hedestroyed the Namban temple that had been the center of the European mission in Japan(Sakamoto 2008:298).
It should be noted that besides the temple, around this time there were several
Christian buildings in Kyoto, Osaka, Nagasaki, and other places in western Japan(Okamoto 1955:58-72). These buildings were used as seminaries, colleges, andchurches. Partly due to the small size of the European community, and partly forpolitical reasons, all of these buildings were constructed in the Japanese traditionalmanner. This fashion was advised by the Italian missionary Alessandro Valignano(1539-1606), who landed in Japan in 1579. He wrote guidelines for other missionaries
about how they could make proselytizing more efficient. Valignano advised (Okamoto
1955: 59-60):
When we build new buildings, we have to ask Japanese architects
and follow their advice. Since their tradition of architecture is different
from the European one; moreover, their tradition is largely derived fromhow house-owners treat visitors, and this custom is also significantly

13different. Therefore, it is impossible for us to build structures which areaccepted by Japanese customs and people. And we know this from ourexperience.
Portuguese missionaries followed a fundamental rule when constructing Christianbuildings: to build them in the style of Japanese traditional buildings, at least after theTensho Era (1573-1592). In 1612, the Jesuit missionary Francisco Pacheco left an
account that noted that all the Christian buildings in Japan were built in Japanese stylefollowing the Valignano guideline (Okamoto1955: 61-62). From these accounts weknow that there were Portuguese buildings that were seemingly Japanese traditionalbuildings but were used by European missionaries. These were probably similar to the
Namban Temple represented on the Namban screens.
A March of the Capitão-mor
The senior authority over the Portuguese East Asian Trade was known as the
Capitão-mor. The Portuguese king appointed a nobleman as Capitão-mor, thecommander of the East Indian fleet, to ensure that the lucrative Asian trade wasmonopolized by the central government (Toko 1998:60-61). The Capitão-mor had great
authority and managed all of Portugal’s East Asian trade, which included commercewith India, Indonesia, China, and Japan. On Namban screens a Capitão-mor was
typically depicted with a parasol held over his head by a servant. This march of theCapitão-mor is probably based on an actual historical event: the 1593 visit of Jesuit
missionary Alessandro Valignano, the Tensho Embassy, and Portuguese merchants, toTaiko Hideyoshi (Sakamoto 2008:299-300; Okamoto 1955:40-58). The Tensho Embassy
to the Vatican was composed of four Japanese Christians. In 1582, they were dispatched14

to Rome by the Christian Daimyo who governed the Kyushu area. The Tensho Embassy
was the first Japanese delegation to officially visited Rome and the Vatican (Wakakuwa
2008a, 2008b). This was also a significant event for Europeans, as these visitors
represented the spread of Christianity to the eastern edge of the earth. After being
welcomed in many cities in Europe, the Tensho Embassy returned to Japan in 1590. On
earlier screens, the four young Japanese Christians were depicted as short figures thatlooked to be in their early teens, and had flat noses with no mustaches. As far as theauthor knows, all scholars agree that those conspicuous children on the early screens are
the members of the Tensho Embassy, mostly because it is known that they lateraccompanied the march of the Capitão-mor, in 1593. Other than the members of themarch of the Capitão-mor, there is another important European group represented on
many of the screens. These are Jesuit missionaries, wearing their traditional black robes
and seeming to lead the march into the town.
The marchers presented themselves as ambassadors of the Viceroy; however,their actual purpose in going to Kyoto was to persuade Taiko Hideyoshi to reverse his
decision to deport all the Christians and annul the Bateren-Tsuihou-Rei (Sakamoto
2008:298-299).
Another interesting feature appearing in many of the screens are Arabian horses.
Taiko Hideyoshi was very fond of Arabian horses and historical accounts mention
several of them among the Portuguese gifts of this embassy (Sakamoto 2008:299).
Narusawa remarked that Arabian horses were bigger than Japanese horses, and thathorses were important to the status of Samurais since they stood for military power. This

15

might be the reason why Arabian horses became Hideyoshi’s favorites. All the marches
on Namban screens are colorful and extravagant, much like circuses. This is also
corroborated by historical accounts. As mentioned above, Hideyoshi disliked
Christianity. His main reason was its doctrine, which taught that everybody was equal inGod’s eyes, a dangerous idea that could jeopardize his position in his newly establishedreign. Despite this, he wanted to maintain trade relations with Portugal. His interest on
Portuguese trade is clear on the text of his Bateren-Tsuihou-Rei (Sakamoto 2008:299).
Bateren-Tsuihou-Rei in 1587
Act 1 Japan is a country of Gods (Shintoism); therefore,
missionaries from the Christian countries should be deported. (This orderforced all Christians in the country to leave Japan within 20 days)
Act 4 Merchants of Black Ships (Portuguese Ships) are theexception and are allowed to stay in Japan. They may stay as long as theywant and are encouraged to conduct their business.
Act 5 As long as Portuguese merchants do not intervene in theteaching of Buddhism and Shintoism, they are allowed to conductbusiness in Japan. However, both merchants and missionaries are from a
Christian country. Therefore, Japanese people must pay maximum
attention to their behaviors.
The primary purpose of this decree was to separate Portuguese trade from Christianity.
This was not an easy situation, as Portuguese traders were subordinated to the clergy andthe emperor did not manage to separate mercantile activity from religion. In this context,
the Bateren-Tsuihou-Rei made it difficult for Valignano and the Tensho Embassy to go
to visit Taiko Hideyoshi. The Christian local governors, or Daimyos, Yoshitaka Kuroda
and Yukinaga Konishi gave advice to Alessandro Valignano:
You have to minimize the number of Jesuit missionaries [in theembassy] and maximize the number of Portuguese merchants, so that theparade will seem to represent a Portuguese embassy for businesses, not anembassy of Jesuits. Additionally, you have to make the march as
extravagant as possible. Since the Jesuits’ ordinary appearance is16

miserable, other members of the march should wear flashy and gorgeous
clothes, to display the authority and richness of the Portuguese Empire andalso of Christianity (Wakakuwa 2008b:332-340; Sakamoto 2008:299300).
Contemporary Jesuits always wore humble black coats, and therefore the march wastoinclude many merchants in order to impress Hideyoshi. Following this advice, themarch consisted of the four people from the Japanese Tensho Embassy, their servants,
one Portuguese ambassador, 14 Portuguese merchants, the principal of the Christian
School in Nagasaki, and several missionaries (Wakakuwa 2008b:331-332). Luis Fróis(1532-1597) was a one of these missionaries. A member of the Jesuit Order, Fróis kept ajournal, Nihon-shi, which was translated into Japanese. Today, his journal is one of themost important primary sources for Japanese history of this period (Fróis et al. 2000a,
2000b, 2000c, 2000d, 2000e, 2000f, 2000g, 2000h, 2000i, 2000j 2000k, 2000l). Fróis
described this this march in his journal:
On the way to the capital, countless numbers of Japanese camefrom everywhere to see our parade. Everybody was so surprised and said
that the Portuguese seemed like incarnations of Buddha. Japanese people
usually dismissed the Portuguese, so that the parade was astonishing tothem (Wakakuwa 2008b:335-341; Fróis et al. 2000e:79-108; Sakamoto
2008:299).
Emperor Hideyoshi was informed of this parade and welcomed the Portuguese into his
castle. This may be the reason why the Portuguese marches on Namban screens areshown so flamboyant and colorful.
As mentioned above, the Namban screens that were not categorized as Type I, II,
or III did not show the Namban temple or the march of the Capitão-mor. These 15
screens display only the Portuguese as merchants and their trading activities in a

17Japanese port and market. For this reason, these screens are generally known as Namban
Koeki-zu (scenes of Portuguese trade). Nonetheless, they are still regarded as part of thefamily of Namban screens because they display Namban motives, especially ships.
Namban Ships
The third element relevant to this study that can be seen on Namban screens are
the European ships, the main subject of the present research. Depictions of these vessels
are important because they are the first representations of European vessels in Japan.
The ships on the screens represent Portuguese merchantmen; Portuguese naus andnavios – as smaller naus were referred to – were probably the most common type ofEuropean merchant ship to sail in Asia, and were employed in the China and Japan trade(Okamoto 1955:25-40; Sukeno 1960:66-69). In Portuguese, the larger ships were called
naus – literally vessels – both in Portugal and Spain (in Spain spelled nao), anddesignated as carracks in English after the Italian word caracca. Naus gradually grew insize over the course of the 16th century, especially those engaged in the lucrative Asian
trade. Most historians believe that the Portuguese used this type of ship in the trade withJapan, and thus that the ships represented in the Namban screens are Portuguese naus.
This assumption may be wrong, as we intend to discuss in chapter IV.
Of the 90 screens that survive today, most were produced between the end of the
16th century and throughout the 17th century. Besides the types and the components, it
is obvious that earlier screens are more valuable, accurate, and produced with more careand meticulous attention to detail. Many earlier screens are known to be produced byskillful artists, such as the Kano-school artists. Alternatively, toward the end of the 17th

18

century, the screens became less accurate and less meticulously rendered. Those later
screens were perhaps closer to what European would call mass-produced products,
rather than created as individual artistic pieces.

19

CHAPTER III
HISTORY

The Dawn of the Age of Discovery and Portuguese Adventure to the East
Many different factors made the Age of Discovery possible, two of which were
notably important: Portugal discovered the maritime route around the African continentthat lead to rich Asian resources, while Spain explored the New World and conquered
the Aztec and Inca empires in the Americas. This period is significant in the history of
mankind. While Europeans had heard of the fabulous eastern civilizations, or the
Chinese dynasties, that world was enshrined in mysteries and fables, and few Europeans
had visited Asia or encountered Asians directly. Moreover, at the dawn of the 16th
century, no one in Europe or in Asia knew what vast continents existed beyond Europe,Asia, and Africa. The European Age of Discovery is the period in which the longisolation of peoples and cultures that began with the diaspora out of Africa perhaps 70
thousand years before, came to an end, and for the first time most of the world’s farflung civilizations became aware of each other.
The foundation of the Age of Discovery was laid in the 14th century. Marco Poloand later explorers introduced Europe to intriguing Asian cultures; the restoration ofwider trade networks during the late Middle Age gave Europe a taste for spices andAsian luxury goods, and the economic growth experienced in several maritime cities
around the Mediterranean stimulated the demand for these imports. By the late 14th

20

century, Ottoman Turks defeated the Mongol Empire and Muslim merchantsmonopolized trade between the East and the West. The Eastern markets opened toEurope through a number of maritime republics during the Renaissance. Islam
experienced a new golden age under the wise administration of the Seljuk Turks.
However, the rise of the Muslim world rekindled old animosity in Christian countries
against Muslims (Love 2006:7).
On the other hand, Arabic scholars around the Mediterranean brought ancientknowledge back to the European world. Lost Greek and Roman texts on geography,
mathematics, philosophy, medicine, astronomy, and many other subjects of the ClassicalWorld were reintroduced by Arab scholars; some of this knowledge was vital forscientific navigation during the long intercontinental voyages of the 15th century (Love
2006:7; Russell-Wood 1998:17-18).
Situated on the edge of the European continent, Portugal developed the idea of
expansion overseas and started a period of long sea navigations that is known as the Ageof Discovery. A tradition of pillaging and taxing the Iberian Muslim populationencouraged the Portuguese to expand their expeditions across the ocean, into the African
continent, once the country’s frontiers were defined, around 1250, and future Spanish
territories to the east of Portugal were placed out of range by the papacy (Love 2006:1011). Unlike Spain, Portugal completed its Reconquista – the process of invasion andoccupation of Muslim Iberia that started in the beginning of the 11th century – by 1249.
Most historians believe that the Portuguese had two main motives for this expansion,
namely religious zeal and greed. There is an unequivocal sense of crusade against Islam21

in the northern Africa expansion, helped by tax exemptions granted by the popes for thatspecific purpose. On the other hand, an avowed component of this movement was toseek access to African resources, such as wheat, fish, seals (for their blubber, meat, andhides), and later ivory, gold, slaves, and a number of spices that could be purchased in
African kingdoms (Love 2006:10-11).
Expanding the Christian faith and obtaining wealth were thus Portugal’s primary
motives for sending their ships into the unknown. This venture, which required ships,
men, and money, needed a national sponsor and strong leadership. Prince Henry (13941460), the third son of the Portuguese monarch John I (1358-1433), adopted this task
after he organized the supply of the crown’s expansion into the north of Africa. Moving
to the south of Portugal, where he enjoyed a considerable rent from large estates, Prince
Henry pushed the Portuguese exploration of the African Atlantic coast and he is known
to history as a father of the European Age of Discovery (Love 2006:11-13). After the
19th century, he is recognized by many students of history as Henry “the Navigator.” A
man of the medieval era, he possessed a crusading spirit and violent anti-Muslim
leanings. In 1420, at the age of twenty-six, he was appointed Grand Master of the Orderof Christ.
In 1441 the Portuguese exploration of the African West coast reached land southof Cape Blanco, on the Guinea coast, and the ships returned to Europe with Africanslaves. This event was the beginning of Portugal’s African slave trade. By the end of the
15th century, probably as many as 150,000 African slaves were exported to Europe
through Lisbon (Love 2006:15-16). Although one of the primary purposes of expansion

22

was the crusade against Islamic territory on the African Atlantic coast, Portuguese
involvement in western Africa was not as violent as in the Maghreb, because thePortuguese merchants of the late 15th century were less interested in conquering andoccupying land that in opening normal trade relations with the local kingdoms (Love
2006:16). It is not difficult to imagine that establishing business relations with local
Muslim slave traders was easier and more profitable than raiding local populations.
After Henry’s death in 1460, Portuguese King Afonso V (1432-1481) resumed
African South Atlantic expeditions with the help of the rich Lisbon merchantcommunity. In 1473, Portuguese ships penetrated the Gulf of Guinea, later called theGold Coast, and the first Portuguese ship crossed the equator. In 1484, under thesponsorship of John II, Afonso’s son and heir, the Portuguese captain Bartolomeu Dias
(1451-1500) reached the southern tip of the African continent and sailed around theCape of Good Hope into the Indian Ocean (Russell-Wood 1998:9).
Dias’s accomplishment completed the first phase of the Portuguese explorationin the Age of Discovery (Love 2006:21). The first phase was designed to control thecommerce of the African Atlantic shores, and it extended from Morocco to the Niger
Delta on the Gold Coast. Portuguese merchants successfully replaced Muslim Arabmerchants as the dominant agents of the slave trade in the West-African coastal region.
However, after the discovery of the southern end of the African continent, Portuguese
interests shifted to finding a route to the rich Asian markets (Love 2006:21). Vasco daGama (1460-1524) initiated the second phase of exploration with his inaugural voyage
in 1497. He sailed around the Cape of Good Hope and crossed the Indian Ocean to the23port of Calicut, India. Fortunately for the Portuguese, the path to domination ofcommerce in East Indian waters had been paved by other factors. After the seven
expeditions of Zheng He (1371-1433), an admiral of the Ming dynasty, between 1405
and 1433, China decided to cease maritime ventures in order to focus on internal affairs(Love 2006:21-22). The Arabic merchants who dominated trade in the Indian Ocean
lacked strong naval vessels power and were no match for the Portuguese ships andweapons. Therefore, Indian and Asian waters were vulnerable to anybody who first
decided to apply modern naval power. Upon arrival in India, Gama saw a wealthy
cosmopolitan society with a sophisticated taste and a market full of pepper and otherspices, precious stones, gold, silk, and other valuable Asian goods. In 1499, when Gama
returned to Portugal, the small amount of goods brought from the Indian Subcontinent
was sold at a profit of nearly 3,000 percent (Love 2006:23). Vasco da Gama proved thatthe economic potential of this newly opened sea route exceeded the best estimates of the
Crown.
Although the first expedition to India was peaceful, the purpose of the second
Portuguese voyage was to establish naval and commercial supremacy. Because theMuslim merchants who controlled commerce in the Indian markets showed open
animosity towards newly arrived Christian fleets, the Portuguese saw the need to ensure
the safety of trading centers along the Indian coast by means of naval force. Portugal
seized Goa in 1510, Malacca in 1511, and Hormuz in 1515, under the guidance of two
gifted viceroys, Francisco de Almeida (1450-1510), viceroy between 1505 and 1509,
and Afonso de Albuquerque (1453-1515), governor from 1509 to 1515, who together

24established a strong independent European authority in Southeast Asia (Love 2006:2530; Russell-Wood 1998:9). Portuguese explorers reached China in 1513 and secured
their presence in Ceylon in 1515; by 1519 they contacted the Banda and Moluccas
Islands, where rich spices were produced. In the early 1540s, Portugal reached Marco
Polo’s legendary island: Japan (Love 2006:25-30; Russell-Wood 1998:9).
It is an interesting historical and social phenomenon that a small, poor, andsparsely populated country on the western tip of Europe led the way on European
expansion around the globe. During the 16th century, Portugal became a major exporterof rich Asian goods and its wealth increased immensely. In the 40 years after Vasco daGama first sailed the Indian Ocean, Portugal created a seaborne empire and dominatedcommerce from the Cape of Good Hope to Japan.

A Brief History of Japan: From its Beginning to the 16th Century Samurai World
Some history books say that the Portuguese discovered Japan during theEuropean Age of Discovery. However, this expression is not correct. Indeed, Portugal
was the first European nation to reach Japan and start trade with the island nation.
However, Japan had a long history of active interaction with China, Korea, and other
Asian countries before the Portuguese arrived. And, of course, Japan had a long history
that is unique and independent of the eastern and western worlds. Before analyzing the
Namban screens produced at end of the 16th century and throughout 17th century, it may
be useful to briefly examine the history of Japan from its beginning to the 16th century
Sengoku-Jidai, or Warring States period.

25

Archaeological evidence confirms that there have been settlements from the
Paleolithic era onward in today’s Japan. Around that time, before the Ice Age ended,Japan was a part of Eurasian Continent (Sato et al. 2008:2-14). Then, 10,000 years ago,
when the Pleistocene ended, the sea level rose and Japan became an archipelago. The
earliest historical descriptions of Japan appeared in Chinese chronicles (Sato et al.
2008:24-29). According to these Chinese documents, there were hundreds of small
chiefdoms in Japan in the first centuries before the Common Era; by the 4th century AD,
these small nations united into several larger kingdoms. The first Tennou (Emperor ofJapan), Wakatakeru, is mentioned in a 5th century Chinese document, and in the firstJapanese chronicle, which was produced in the 8th century (Takeuchi 2010:26). The
period between the second half of the 3rd century and the 7th century is called KofunJidai (Era of Ancient Tombs). During this period, many geometrically designed tombs
were produced; emperors and nobles were carefully buried with jewelry, armament, andceramics (Sato et al. 2008:30-45). This practice of building large tombs graduallydisappeared after the 7th century due to the introduction of Buddhism. Buddhist temples
appear in this period. Buddhism was brought to Japan in the first half of the 6th century
from Kudara, a nation located in what is now the Korean Peninsula. From that period on,
Japan has embraced Shintoism (Japanese Mythology), Buddhism, and Confucianism(which also originated in China); those three philosophies were compatible and createdthe foundation of Japanese culture until today.
Earlier central governments in Japan were ruled by a Tennou (Emperor) and hisor her noble subordinates. The period when the Tennous began to rule most small

26

nations in Japan is called Yamato-Jidai and although the exact chronology is sometimes
disputed, it is normally considered to last from the 3rd to the 8th centuries. The period
following Yamato-Jidai is called Nara-Jidai and covers most of the 8th century. During
the Nara-Jidai period, Heijou-kyo, a well-organized and ritually designed capital, waslocated in today’s Nara prefecture. A well-organized bureaucratic administration,
taxation, and a currency system were organized during this period and many of theunique Japanese cultural phenomena and literature that we consider typical today began
to develop (Sato et al. 2008:73-89). In AD 794 political changes led the capital to be
moved to Heian-kyo, in Kyoto, and a new period lasting four hundred years began. It iscalled Heian-Jidai (794-1185). During this period, literature and poetry became
increasingly important in courtly life. Many noble politicians tried to arrange theirdaughters’ marriage to the Tennous in order to acquire political power. Gaining
importance through marriage into the emperor’s household was a sound strategy andseveral noble families (as the Fujiwara family, which dominated Japanese politics until
the 12th century) acquired enough power to successfully rule the administration insteadof the Tennou (Sato et al. 2008:90-117). Buddhism gained political authority during thisperiod and its temples spread through the country. More importantly, warriors called
Bushi (or Samurai) acquired important roles in the emperor’s administration. In the12th
century political and social change brought about a new period in the history of Japan,
Heian-Jidai, when the Heike family, a Buke (or Samurai family), rose to prominence
and ruled the central government. This period – Heian-Jidai – ended when Yoritomo

27

Minamoto, the leader of another Buke lineage, the Genji-family, defeated the Heike clanand started the first Shogunate of Japan.
Yoritomo became Japan’s first Shogun, or supreme general of the Tennou’s
military, and established his Shogunate in Kamakura, on the east coast of the island. For
this reason this era is called Kamakura-Jidan (1185-1333). Between the beginning of the
Kamakura Shogunate and Meiji-Ishin, the Modern Japanese Revolution in the middle ofthe 19th century, Samurais, or military leaders practically reigned in Japan, instead ofthe emperors and other noble families. The Japanese Middle Age begun with the
Kamakura-Jidai. In this Era, an important international incident occurred: Kublai
Khan’s Mongolian fleet attacked Japan twice, in 1274 and 1281, while the Kamakura
Shogunate ruled over the country (Sato et al. 2008:150-153). Both times strong storms
struck and destroyed the Mongolian fleets. Japanese people, in appreciation of their good
fortune, named those storms Kamikaze (Divine Winds). These events were mentioned in
Marco Polo’s book, and thanks to his writings, Japan was introduced to the European
world (Polo 1986:205-209). The Kamakura Shogunate did not last a long time. It fell
apart in 1333, and in 1338 another strong leader from a Samurai family, Takauji
Ashikaga, established the Muromachi Shogunate in Kyoto, which lasted approximatelyfrom 1337 to 1573.
The Muromachi Shogunate could not maintain its authority for more than acentury. Daimyos, or feudal lords, who ruled their provinces, became increasingly
stronger and independent, while peasants’ riots spread all over the country. By the end of
the 16th century, the authority of the Muromachi Shogunate reached its bottom, and28

empowered Daimyos became warlords. The motto of this period was “those who
conquered others become rulers of their land” (Takeuchi 2010:131-134). Japan fell into a
political state in some ways similar to the European feudalism, as the only purpose ofwarlords’ policies seemed to be enlarging their territories by conquering other Daimyos’lands, and eventually to rise to the sole leadership of Japan. This era was named
Sengoku-Jidai, or Era of the Warring States.
In 1543 the first Europeans arrived in Japan in the middle of this turmoil.

Japan and the Jesuits
In 1543 the Portuguese reached Japan, which Marco Polo had introduced toEurope as a mythical Island of Gold. The 1543 encounter triggered a historical turning
point for both Japan and Europe. In the 16th century Japan experienced unprecedented
chaos in its history. Warlords sought hegemony and wars occurred everywhere. Japanese
historians think that the Japanese encounter with the Portuguese accelerated theunification of Japan because the Portuguese introduced the arquebus, an earlier style offirearm. Before the introduction of the first firearm in Japan samurais were armed withswords and bows. The powerful firearms caused each battle to end faster and helped
annihilate enemies.
In Japanese, the arquebus was called tanegashima because the Portuguese whobrought the arquebus arrived in 1543 in Tanega-shima, a southern island off of themodern Kagoshima prefecture. Nonetheless, the ship that drifted to Tanega-shima was
not a Portuguese vessel but rather a Chinese cargo vessel, or a junk. Three Portuguese

29

were on board this Chinese sailing ship. Fernão Mendes Pinto, one of the three
Portuguese on the junk left a narrative of his discovery of Japan in chapters 132 to 137
of his book Peregrinação (Pinto 1614), translated by (Boxer 1951:22-23).
Fernão Mendez took part in the first discovery of Japan with twoor three Portuguese in a junk of Chinese [pirates] who had to flee from afleet which the Chinese coastguards were preparing against them….
Enduring these hardships they finally sighted the shore of Japan, andreached the port of Tanegashima on Saint John’s day [June 24] in the yearof forty-one. Here Fernão Mendez ran grave risk of being killed throughan accident for which he was blameless. For once while he was asleep, a
son of the king or lord [Tono] of the soil came and primed an arquebus ofFernão Mendez, whom he had previously seen prime it, but as he was not
yet expert in the handling thereof, the arquebus burst when he fired it, sobadly injuring his hand that he was unconscious for some time…. But the
Lord controlled them until such time as he could prove his innocence, andhe volunteered to cure the lad, as he did, thus securing friendship of theking or Tono of that realm. And this was the beginning of the trade andintercourse with the Japanese.
Japanese accounts also help us picture the first arrival of the Portuguese. The mosttrustworthy one is Teppo-ki (History of the Arquebus) probably written between 1596
and 1614, and first published in 1649. Teppo-ki was written by Gensho Bunshi, a friendof the lords of Tanega-shima (Boxer 1951:22-26; Sato et al. 2008:223). According tothis Japanese account, the arquebus had a caliber of 16mm and a length of 718mm. The
methods of production of the arquebus were soon learnt by the Japanese and mass
production of the weapon spread all over the country. To commemorate where theintroduction took place, the Samurais called the arquebus a tanegashima.
The arrival of Europeans in Japan is significant not only for Japan and Portugal,
who acquired great wealth as the principal trade partners, but also for the European
world of late Renaissance. From the viewpoint of history, the 15th and 16th centuries

30

witnessed the transition from a conservative medieval society into modern Europe.
Three main factors triggered this change: the Renaissance, the Age of Discovery, and theReformation. The Renaissance and the Reformation unleashed the individual (self) fromthe conservative perspective of medieval Europe (Kishita et al. 2010:290; Wilcox 1987).
The Reformation aimed to reform the Roman Catholic Church, which was perceived asboth a corrupt and corrupting institution. Its unapologetic lust for power and money
shocked rural and urban communities all over Europe and triggered a revolt against thepower of the Popes. On the October 31st, 1517 Martin Luther nailed his famous NinetyFive Theses on the door of the Castle Church in Wittenberg, Germany, an event that has
been considered the start of the Reformation movement. Among many other grievances,
Protestants expressed doubts regarding the legitimacy of indulgences and the authorityof the Pope and the morality of the financial aspects relating to the election of bishops in
the Church. The reformation movement soon spread throughout Germany, Switzerland,
England, the Netherlands, and many other northern European countries. The reformers,
who called themselves Protestants, disagreed over their doctrines from the beginning,and divided themselves into new denominations, often hostile between them, such as
Lutheran, the Reformed, Puritans, and Presbyterian (Kishita et al. 2010:290-296; Wilcox
1987). Responding to the Protestant Reformation, the Roman Catholic Church initiatedan internal renovation, materialized in the Council of Trent (1545-1563) and designatedas the Counter Reformation movement; during these years, the Catholic Church
examined the complaints of corruption and delineated a strategy to stop the defections of
Catholics into Protestantism, to recover the lost sheep, to impose a serious discipline31

over Christianity and to recover the authority of the Pope. The Jesuit Order was the coreof the Counter Reformation movement (Kishita et al. 2010:295; Wilcox 1987). Jesuits
employed strict discipline and endeavored to send missions to newly discovered heathen
lands such as East Asia, including Japan. In other words, in the 16th century, when thePortuguese reached Japan, Europe was in the midst of religious turmoil. Moreover,thanks to Marco Polo, Japan was recognized as the most civilized distant nation on theearth. For the Roman Catholic Church, establishing Christianity at the edge of the known
world seemed like a good way to advance the authority of the Roman Catholic Church as
the center of Christianity. Under these circumstances, many Jesuits dreamed of reaching
Japan to teach the story of Jesus to the people they perceived to be heathens. Jesuit
missionaries came to Japan between 1549 and 1639, when the Tokugawa Shogunate
expelled all foreigners from Japan, except the Dutch and the Chinese. Prior to this,Jesuits traveled around Japan and taught the story of Jesus Christ. Historian C.R. Boxer
called this period “the Christian Century in Japan.” Missionaries sent to Japan werehighly educated and excellent observers. Together with the contemporary Japanesechroniclers who served their federal lords, these European chronicles, biased in different
ways, are tremendously important for the history of this period. For this reason, theJesuits’ periodical reports to Rome are regarded as one of the most important written
sources for the history of Japan.
The first Jesuit who visited Japan was an Aragonese priest named Francisco
Xavier (1506-1552). He was one of the founding members of the Society in 1534.
Xavier had already experienced difficulties and hardships in his missions in India, China,

32

and the Malacca, before his visit to Japan in 1449. Xavier landed in Japan on August
15th, hoping to establish a new Christian domain in far eastern Asia (Boxer 1951:37).
His letter to Rome of November 5, 1549, around 10 weeks after his arrival, describes his
impression of the “eastern heathens.”
By the experience which we have had of this land of Japan, I caninform you thereof as follows, ---Firstly the people whom we have met so
far, are the best who have as yet been discovered, and it seems to me that
we shall never find among heathens another race to equal to Japanese.
They are a people of very good manners, good in general, and not
malicious; they are men of honor to a marvel, and prize honor above all
else in the world. They are poor people in general, but their poverty
whether among the gentry or those who are not so, is not considered ashame…. Whence it can clearly be seen that they esteem honor more thanriches.
They are very courteous in their dealings one with another; theyhighly regard arms and trust much therein; always carrying sword and dirk,
both high and low alike, from the age fourteen onwards….
Those who are not of gentle birth give much honor to the gentry,
who in their turn pride themselves on faithfully serving their feudal lord towhom they are very obedient. It seems to me that they act thus morebecause they think that they would lose their honor if they acted contrarily,rather than fear of the punishment they would receive if disobedient….
There are many who can read and write, which is a great help totheir learning quickly prayers and religious matters. It is a land there are
but few thieves in some kingdoms, and this by the strict justice which is
executed against those that are, for their lives are never spared. They abhor
beyond measure this vice of theft. They are a people of very good will,very sociable, and very desirous of knowledge; they are very fond ofhearing about things of God, chiefly when they understand them (Boxer
1951:37-38).
Xavier never lost his appreciation of Japanese people, and believed that the Japanese
could be the best Christians of “all the heathens.” In 1551, after a two-year mission in
Japan, he left for India where he died at the age of 46. Today, he is known as the first
European to teach Christianity in Japan and he has remained one of the most well-known
foreigners in the history of the country.

33

Three great warlords, Nobunaga Oda (1534-1582), Hideyoshi Toyotomi (15361598), and Ieyasu Tokugawa (1543-1616), ushered in the end of Sengoku-Jidai aroundthe beginning of second half of the 16th century. A well-known explanation of the actsof those three rulers given by modern historians is that Nobunaga mixed the dough,Hideyoshi baked it, and Ieyasu ate it (Boxer 1951:56).
Nobunaga is known for his fondness for European goods; he was very congenial
towards the Jesuits missionaries. From 1568 to 1582, before Nobunaga was assassinatedby his subordinate Akechi Mitsuhide, he met Jesuit missionaries at least 31 times(Matsuda 2001:94). Among them, the Portuguese Jesuit Luis Fróis met Nobunaga morethan 18 times (Matsuda 2001:94). When Father Fróis met Nobunaga he knew who toexpect. Fróis described Nobunaga as:
He would be about thirty-seven years old, a tall man, lean, scantly
bearded, with a clear voice, greatly addicted to military exercises, hardy,
disposed to temper justice with mercy, proud, a great stickler for honor,
very secretive in his plans, most expert in the wiles of warfare, little ornothing disposed to accept reproof or advice from his subordinates, but
greatly feared and respected by everyone….
He is of good understanding and clear judgment, despising both
Shinto and Buddhist deities and other forms of idolatry and superstition.
He is a nominal adherent of the Hokke [Lotus] sect but he openly
proclaims that there are no such things as a Creator of the Universe nor
immortality of the soul, nor any life after death…. Whereas his father was
merely Lord of Owari, he, by his masterful skill, has conquered seventeen
or eighteen fiefs within the last four years; and the eight principal ones,
including Yamashiro, Kyoto, and the neighboring provinces, he subjected
within seven or eight days (Boxer 1951: 58-59).
Fróis stayed in Japan from 1563 until 1597 when he died at the age of 65. He was abrilliant observer and writer; he worked as an official correspondent of the Jesuits andthe Roman Catholic Church. His Latin reports, “History of Japan”, were translated into

34

Japanese by modern Japanese historians and is recognized as the most precise andaccurate primary source of history of Sengoku-Jidai (Fróis et al. 2000a, 2000b, 2000c,
2000d, 2000e, 2000f, 2000g, 2000h, 2000i, 2000j 2000k, 2000l).
Another important European in 16th century Japan was the Italian Jesuit
Alessandro Valignano (1539-1606). He arrived in Japan in 1579 and left in 1582 with
the Tensho Embassy. He came back to Japan in 1590 with the envoys from Rome andmet the new ruler Hideyoshi Toyotomi in 1592 at his palace in Kyoto. He left Japanagain in 1592 and stayed in Macao for six years. His last visit to Japan lasted from 1598
to 1603; Valignano died in Macao in 1606. He was a well-educated, insightful priest
who thought that it was vital to teach Christianity to the Japanese when they were young,in order to convert them (Boxer 1951:83-90; Matsuda 2001:109-118). For that reason,
he emphasized the importance of the foundation of training institutes for young Japanesepeople. Valignano established three seminaries, two for boys under eighteen, and one forthose over that age (Boxer 1951:86-87).
When Xavier left Japan in 1551, there were about a thousand Japanese people
converted to Christianity. By 1583, according to Valignano’s estimation, around 150,000
Japanese had converted to Christianity (Boxer 1951:78). The main reason for the Jesuit’s
reported success may have been the fact that by this time Kyushu’s Daimyos of Omura,
Arima, and Bungo had converted to and supported Christianity in their realms.

35

Portuguese Monopoly of the Far Eastern Trade
After Portuguese warships penetrated the Malay Archipelago and defeated the
local army at Malacca in 1511, Portugal successfully monopolized the lucrative East
Asian Trade without many difficulties for most of the 16th century (Nagazumi 2001:157). The stage was set on East Asian waters before any Europeans arrived. Chinese
Emperor Hung-wu of the Ming Dynasty began to set the stage in 1383, by banning all
incoming foreign trading vessels except those that had seals issued by the Ming Dynasty(Abu-Lughod 1991:249-373). Moreover, in 1371, Ming emperors banned Chinese
people from visiting foreign countries (Nagazumi 2001:6-8). The purpose of this law
was to separate Wakou, which translates literally to ‘Japanese pirates’, from merchantships and to enable a war aiming at preventing their destructive activities (Nagazumi
2001:6-8). The word Wakou was used around coastal areas of China for all Japanesepirates from 1350s’ onward. Some may have come from Japanese islands between themain island of Japan and the continent, such as the Tsushima, Iki, and the Matsura areas(Nagazumi 2001:20-21). Wakou’s activities became less aggressive toward the end of
the 14th century. Their activity intensified again in the beginning of the 16th century.
However, the second wave of Wakou was very different from the first. Only 10% to 20%
of 16th century Wakou were Japanese. Most were armed Chinese smugglers (Nagazumi
2001:23-25). At the same time that Chinese smugglers intensified their activity, theeconomy of the Ming Dynasty grew and its currency system consolidated. In this context,
Chinese domestic coastal traders gradually began to collaborate with Wakou (Nagazumi
2001:23). The Ming Dynasty approved of these activities and even allowed coastal

36

Chinese merchants to trade with other Asian countries, with the exception of Japan.
Thanks to the trade relations established in this period throughout South East Asia,
seaborne commerce developed significantly prior to the arrival of any European ships.
As the law that banned Chinese trade with Japan was still in place, the Portuguese founda profitable niche in becoming the middlemen between these two neighboring countries.
Sino-Japanese trade started soon after 1543, when the already-mentioned three
Portuguese sailors accidentally drifted to Japan on a Chinese ship.
The regular annual Portuguese trade with Japan started around 1550, andbecame one of the most lucrative businesses in the world. C. R. Boxer discussed thiscommerce in his book ‘The Affair of the Madre de Deus’ (1929:11-12). The cargoes ofPortuguese vessels from Lisbon to Goa consisted mainly of woolens, scarlet cloth,
crystal and glass ware, Flemish clocks, Portuguese wines, Indian chintzes and calicos,
and a wide array of European goods. On the way to Macau from Goa, some of the cargo
was exchanged for spices and precious woods at Indonesian ports. At Macau, themajority of the cargoes were exchanged for Chinese silk and gold. The vessels then left
for Japan between the end of June and the beginning of August, with the south-west
monsoon. The most important part of the cargoes consisted of silks. The voyage tookaround 14 days, at the end of which the ships arrived at Nagasaki, Japan. The ships
remained in port until October or November when the north-east monsoon began to blow.
While a Portuguese vessel was in Nagasaki, the cargo was exchanged for silver bullion
and exotic Japanese goods, including kimonos, samurai swords, wood carvings, and soforth. Sailing back to China, Portuguese merchants exchanged Japanese silver for37

Chinese gold at Macau at profitable rates (Boxer 1929:12; Oka 2010:110-111). The
exchange rate of Japanese silver against gold was very high in China. Consequently,
Portuguese East Indian vessels came back to Lisbon with gold, silk, musk, pearls, ivory
and woodcarvings, lacquered wares and porcelains from this region, for which there washigh demand in European markets (Boxer 1929: 11-12, 1951:91-136).
This profitable trade was also an important resource for Jesuit missionaries inJapan (Oka 2010:94). The Portuguese started this commerce using their own vessels, andit continued annually for 89 years, from 1550 until 1639, when, as noted previously, theShogun Iemitsu Tokugawa (1604-1651) banned all the foreign traders except the Dutch
and Chinese. In the second half of the 16th century, the power of the Portuguese
maritime empire reached its peak and monopolized East Asian Trade. Every year, theCapitão-mor’s vessels and several merchant ships came to Nagasaki and Hirado, andoccasionally to other ports around Kyushu (Kato 2009:146). In 1598 Hideyoshi died andIeyasu exterminated Hideyoshi’s lineage and took over the rule of Japan, becoming
Shogun. This began the Edo-period, which lasted 250 years. This change of rulers
appeared to be a positive opportunity for Jesuit missionaries in Japan because Ieyasu had
such a strong interest in foreign trade. However, with the beginning of the new century,
the Portuguese monopoly in Asian waters collapsed. The new monarch of Japan, Shogun
Ieyasu, started independent Japanese foreign trade with Asian countries. To manage allvessels and their trades, Ieyasu distributed seals of permission. Since this seal was redcolored, the trade was called Shu-in Trade (Shu-in means red seal). Additionally, in the
beginning of the 17th century, the Dutch penetrated the Indian and Pacific Oceans, and38

challenged the Portuguese commerce in East Asia. The Dutch established theirmercantile headquarters at Hirado in 1609; moreover, they conquered the city ofMalacca from Portugal in 1611 (Boxer 1929:16-29). As far as the author is aware, there
is no precise record of the numbers of Portuguese, Dutch, and Japanese vessels engaged
in foreign trade in the early 17th century; however, we have records of the amount ofexported silver from Japan by each nation: from 1604 to 1637, Japanese vessels exported
843,000kg, Portuguese 650,700kg, Chinese 343,860kg, and Dutch 228,996kg(Nagazumi 2001:235). According to this data, and despite the fact that Japan was thecountry that controlled exportation of Japanese silver, the Portuguese were still the firstforeign country to profit from the lucrative Japan-China Trade in the middle of thesecond quarter of the 17th century.
Shogun Ieyasu had such a strong interest in foreign trade that he overlooked theJesuit’s activities in his kingdom. Partially because of this, the population of Japanese
Christians grew rapidly during his reign. Around 1600, the number of Japanese
Christians was said to have reached 300,000 and by 1614 that number was said to haverisen to 500,000 (Nagazumi 2001:31-32). This newly-introduced religion spread among
the poor citizens and peasants first; however, it gradually spread into upper classes aswell. Even some Daimyos, or local rulers, began to adopt Christianity. As the Shogun
and ruler of the country, Ieyasu became increasingly afraid of Christianity. In 1612,
Ieyasu enacted Kinkyo-Rei (Christianity Prohibition Act) (Nagazumi 2001:33-34,238241). In 1623, the second Shogun Hidetada, Ieyasu’s son, executed 55 missionaries in
Nagasaki (Nagazumi 2001:67-77,238-241). Finally, in 1639, the third Shogun Iemitsu,

39

Ieyasu’s grandson, banned all the foreign trade with Japan, except China and theNetherlands. This is called Sakoku (national seclusion). Sakoku lasted until 1854, when
Matthew Calbraith Perry, the Commodore of a U.S. Navy squadron, came to Japan toforcefully re-open trade. During the 215 years of national seclusion Japanese foreign
trade only took place in Dejima, a small artificial island off Nagasaki, and only Chineseand Dutch ships were allowed to anchor at the island. No Japanese merchants wereallowed to leave Japan.

40

CHAPTER IV
SHIPSPortuguese Nau
We do not know all the details of the development and construction of
Portuguese India naus. The author has read several publications on 15th, 16th, and 17th
century Iberian shipbuilding, and it is clear that every scholar has different opinions on
the typology of ship types. In this research, the author has relied primarily on the
research developed by Filipe Castro, based on his interpretation of archaeological data indialogue with Portuguese, Spanish, French, Italian, and English shipbuilding texts andtreatises. In his book The Pepper Wreck: Portuguese Indiaman at the Mouth of theTagus River, Castro established a plausible model for a ship of 600 toneladas, the typicalnau engaged in the Eastern trade (Castro 2005a). The discussion below is largely basedon Castro’s research (Castro 2003,2005a,2005b,2007,2008,2009; Castro and Fonseca
2006; Castro et al. 2010; Castro et al. 2008; Monroy et al. 2007a,2007b; Santos et al
2007; Vacas et al 2010)
The Portuguese India naus developed from Mediterranean round ships, whichwere adapted to the Atlantic conditions. The influence of Italian shipbuilders in thedevelopment of the Portuguese naus is not surprising because, at least from 14th century
on, cultural and commercial relations between Portugal and Italian cities were always
intense (Castro 2005a: 32-33).

41

Another possible influence on Portuguese shipbuilding may have been the Arabworld. While we have few historical sources on Arab shipbuilding, archaeologicalevidence suggests that Arabs may have built their ships with molds and ribbands, in the
Mediterranean way, at least since the 14th century – as shown on the Culip VI shipwreck– and perhaps long before. A small number of 10th or 11th century Arab shipwrecks
found off the southern coast of France seem to have been built with flat floors, a hardchine, and flush laid planking nailed to the frames, possibly in the same way of the Serçe
Limanı shipwreck (Castro 2005a: 32-33). Under the Muslim domination of Portugal(712-1249), Arabs, Jews, and Christians enjoyed long periods of peace and there isevidence for trade between Portugal and both the Mediterranean and northern European
worlds throughout the late medieval period (Castro 2005a: 32-33). In the late Medieval
era the Iberian Peninsula was a culturally diverse region where people from different
countries, with different traditions, cultures, and religions coexisted in relative peace.
From the early 15th century on, the Portuguese crown was involved in commerce along
the African coast. Trade routes became longer and ships grew larger. In thisenvironment, ships grew and evolved to fit the needs of long-distance sea navigation thattriggered the Age of European Discovery.
Both square-rigged and lateen-rigged ships were used during the 15th century
expansion. Square-rigged ships were common in Northern Europe during the Middle
Ages and became the work horses of the Mediterranean short-distance sea commerce
after the 14th century. Shipbuilding in this region was based on a completely different
philosophy from that of the Medieval Mediterranean. Hull planks overlapped each other42

and frames were placed over the planking as reinforcement at a later stage of
construction. In the Middle Age this type of construction was developed by the
Hanseatic League for large bulk cargo carriers. Called cogs, these ships sometimes
conducted trade between Hanseatic and Mediterranean cities.
In the Mediterranean, ships were constructed skeleton-first, a different
shipbuilding method in which frames were erected first and determined the shape of thehull. In this construction tradition, hull planking was flush-laid, or carvel-built. By thelate medieval period, the traditional Mediterranean lateen-rigged vessels adopted square
sails. These square-rigging ships had carvel-built hulls and were called cocche in Italian
cities. Castro believes that these northern and Mediterranean hybrid vessels evolved tobecame the Portuguese naus (Castro 2005a: 32-33).
Lateen rigged ships, caravelas, also appeared in the Portuguese African coast
exploration and developed from small fishing vessels to become medium sized, highly
maneuverable exploration vessels, ideal for the earliest voyages of the Age of Discovery.
In the beginning of the 15th century, however, caravels were found to be too small for
travel beyond the Cape of Good Hope (Castro 2005a: 33-36). In the meantime naus
grew in size during the 16th century and were engaged on the East India route. By the
beginning of the 17th century the overall size of the East India naus was larger than ever,at about 1,100 tons of displacement, while bow and stern castles were lowered for better
sailing performance (Castro 2005a: 33-36). Over the course of the 16th century, lateen
rigged caravels also developed into four-masted vessels mounting square sails on theforemast and lateen sails on the other three masts. These vessels also had a pronounced

43

beak and low castles. A brief typology of Portuguese vessels of the Age of Discovery(based on Castro’s research) is presented below.
Nau (or Nao, Carrack, Caracca)
Naus were generally three-masted vessels with three or four decks (Figure 4-1);
their size varied from 300 to 600 tons burden; the word ‘nau’ means ‘vessel.’ Naus werecalled Nao in Spanish, Carrack in English, and Carraca in Italian. Smaller naus weregenerally called navios or navetas in Portugal and galleones in Spain, at least until the
middle of the 16th century.
GalleonFrom the second decade of the 16th century onwards, Portuguese galleons weregenerally four-masted ships, with the fore and main masts square-rigged, and the mizzen
and bonaventure masts lateen-rigged. Castles were slightly lower than those of the nau
and it is possible they were commonly two-deckers. Towards the end of the century
galleons became large warships, with different characteristics.
CaravelIn the 16th century caravels were four-masted vessels. Their main, mizzen, andbonaventure masts were lateen rigged; only the foremast mounted square sails. The stern
castles were much lower than those on naus and galleons.

44

FIGURE 4-1. . Illustration of a Portuguese ship attributed to Joachim Patinir (c. 1480-1524) and dated to around 1527
(detail from Carracks on a Rocky Coast, National Maritime Museum, UK, Wikipedia).

Portuguese ships were called Black Ships in Japan (Chinese ships were called
White Ships). Today, all of the ships that were employed in the 16th and 17th centuries
by the Portuguese and Spanish in Japanese waters are called Namban Ships.

Sizes of the Portuguese Nau
Historical documents suggest that the Portuguese ships employed in the Japan
trade route were exclusively naus. In this context, the word nau suggests a large vessel
with three masts and high castles, perhaps 30 to 40 m long, but the word does not shed
any light on the range of sizes considered. We know that small naus would be callednavetas or navios, but we have no solid indications that clarify the size of the Black
Ships of the Japanese trade. Despite their wide-ranging tonnages, all three-masted
vessels with square sails on the fore and main masts and a lateen sail on the mizzen mast

45

were called naus (Castro 2005a). The main question addressed in this section regards thesize of the Portuguese merchant ships employed in the trade with Japan; in other words,
how large were the Portuguese ships that were seen by Japanese people in the 16th and17th centuries?
From the end of the 15th century to the middle of the 16th century, thePortuguese gradually increased the size of the ships in their East India trade (Toyama
1943:240-241; Barcelos 1898-99). During the reign of King Manuel I of Portugal (r.
1495-1521), the average size of the Portuguese East India naus probably never exceeded
400 tons. However, by 1580, when Oliveira published his Portuguese treatise on
shipbuilding, the size of the India naus had increased, and the recommended size for the
India Route was a ship of 600 tons capacity, a size we know corresponds to around 1100
tons of displacement in modern terms (Toyama 1943:240-241; Barcelos 1898-99; Castro
2005a). During the 16th century several large ships were built and sent to India, but thereis evidence that the size considered most adequate for the voyage was around 600 tons
burden (Castro 2005a). The voyage between Portugal and India took six months on
average; consequently, ships needed to carry large amounts of provisions to feed sailors,
along with the trade goods that were the principal reason for the voyages.
For this reason, in 1570 King Sebastião of Portugal (1554-1578) enacted
legislation that banned the construction of new merchantmen with tonnages above 450
tons or below 300 tons (Toyama 1943: 241-242; Barcelos 1898-99). According tohistorian Luciano Senna Barcelos description, this edict was established for economic
reasons: small ships required smaller crews, their construction was less costly, and the

46

economic losses smaller in case of shipwrecking. Since this regulation only applied tothe construction of new ships, its effect was mitigated while existing ships were active.
Moreover, this edict could not restrict the construction of new large ship whose sizes
were above the regulated tonnage, as Senna Barcelos states in his publication (Toyama
1943:242).
This governmental effort to ensure the construction of small merchant ships waseither abolished or overlooked under the Hapsburg monarchs Felipe II (1527-1598),
Felipe III (1578-1621) and Felipe IV (1605-1665), a dynasty that lasted from 1580 to
1640. Under Hapsburg rule India Route naus seem to have grown in size. According to
the description left by French traveler Balthasar de Moncoys (1611-1665), who entered
Lisbon in the mid-17th century, some Indiamen reached 54.9 meters in length, 12.2
meters in width (180 feet in length, 40 feet in width), and had six decks (Toyama
1943:242-243; Moncoys 1665-1666). Also, Okamoto mentioned in his research that
Portuguese ships during rule of Felipe II commonly had four decks (Okamoto 1942:195).
In 1621, however the new king Felipe III (r. 1621- 1640) enacted a law thatbanned the construction of ships with more than three decks. These regulations not only
were the consequence of economic but also tactical reasons. In the course of the firsthalf of the 17th century, the Portuguese power in the Far East had sharply declined,
mainly due to the arrival of the Dutch East India Company. Dutch vessels frequently
appeared in Indian and Pacific waters and forced the Portuguese, often unprepared, toengage their rivals in naval battles. In these combats, smaller ships, such as the Dutch

47

merchantmen, were more agile and had a tactical advantage. In addition, if a Portuguese
ship was seized or destroyed, the cost of loss was smaller (Toyama 1943:243-244).
Summarizing, according to Usaburo Toyama’s research that is based on Senna
Barcelos’ description and other contemporary documents, in seems that during the reignof King João II of Portugal (r. 1481-1495), Portuguese Indiamen never exceeded 300
tons. However, under the reign of Manuel I (r. 1495 – 1525), merchantmen increased insize to over. This expansion in tonnage reached its pinnacle under the reign of João III (r.
1521 – 1557). At his time the tonnage of long-voyage ships sometimes exceeded 1,000
tons. Evidence suggests that the old rule enacted by King Sebastião in 1570 was largely
ignored during the Hapsburg rule, and after 1580 naus registered capacity increased
continuously until the middle 17th century in spite of the prohibition on building four
deckers.

Possible Sizes of the Naus Sent on the China and Japan RouteAs already mentioned, trade between China and Japan was immensely profitable
for the Portuguese maritime empire; however, because of the nature of the Trade Winds,
traffic on this route was restricted to an annual cycle. Because of this, both Toyama andC. R. Boxer believed that the Portuguese used one large nau on this route, in order tomaximize profit. Boxer believed that Portuguese naus on the China and Japan routes
often exceeded 1,200 tons and sometimes reached 1,600 tons capacity (Toyama
1943:245-256; Boxer 1951:121-122).

48

According to historian Koichiro Takase (2002:8-26), Portuguese trading vessels
carried 1,000-2,500 picos (1 pico = 60Kg) of silk every year, occasionally carrying as
much as 3,000 picos. Silk composed most of the cargo of the trading vessels engaged in
the commerce with China and Japan. Considering one pico equal to 60 kg, the registeredcargos of 2,000 picos corresponded to 120 tons, and of 3,000 picos to 180 tons of silkcargo. Corresponding to cargo weights, these values may have occupied an equivalent
volume in the holds of perhaps 250 to 400 m3, taking the entire space of one deck of a
600 tons nau (Castro pers. comm. 2012). It is well-known how these ships carried othertrading goods and provisions for sailors. As an example, a Portuguese merchantmen
wrecked in the Korean Peninsula in 1578 carried nearly 400 persons, along with enoughfood and water for them (Toyama 1943:296). In 1610, a report written by two Jesuits
mentioned that the Portuguese nau Nossa Senhora das Graças wrecked off the coast ofNagasaki and 3,000 picos of Chinese silk and other cargo, which was lost along with theship (Takase 2002:8 19-20). From this information we can infer that the ship’s minimum
capacity was 180 tons, plus equipment, spares, crew and victuals. It is thus possible that
this ship had a cargo capacity perhaps twice that value and a correspondent displacement
well above 700 tons, considering the weight of the hull.
The Portuguese Indiaman Nossa Senhora dos Mártires, also known as the Pepper
Wreck, was lost in a northern channel of the Tagus River, Portugal, in 1606; it had amaximum displacement around 1,200 tons, a designated tonnage of 600, and an overall
length of 39.27 m (Castro 2005a:171-174). Castro’s research notes that the Pepper
Wreck was a fairly large ship among contemporary Portuguese naus. Much larger than

49

the Basque whaling vessel believed to be the San Juan, which was wrecked in Labrador,
Canada in 1565, and had a displacement of 240 tons (Parks Canada et al. 2007). This
displacement indicates that the maximum capacity of this ship was around 120 tons.
According to the author’s reconstruction of the San Juan based on the research
conducted and published by a team from Parks Canada (Parks Canada et al. 2007), theoverall length of the ship was around 23.8 m. Extrapolating these values to the size of
the Portuguese naus employed in the Japanese trade in the late 16th and early 17th
century we obtain a minimum length overall of around 27 m.

Anchorages of Portuguese Ships
As was mentioned above, the Portuguese began lucrative trade relationships withJapan around 1550 (Oka 2010: 68-74). To clarify the scale of trade and to pinpoint theplaces where Japanese people saw the ships with their own eyes, I quote two tables from
Toyama’s book “Namban-sen Boueki-shi.”
The information in this book is also quoted in Okamoto’s and Boxer’s earlier
studies on European trade with Japan. The first table provides the years and the numberof Portuguese ships that arrived in Japan, and the names of the ports in which the ships
anchored (Toyama 1943:160-167). In this table, the number of ships indicated refers
only to European ships, or naus; Chinese ships, or junks, are not included on Table 1.
However, on Table 2, the number of ships indicated includes both Portuguese naus andthe Chinese junks that were employed by the Capitães-mores. Historical documentssuggest that Portuguese merchants from Macau employed many Chinese junks in their

50

fleets because employing junks was more cost effective than using their naus (Toyama
1943:160-167,266). In addition, Chinese junks are usually smaller than Portuguese naus,
which decreases the risk of lost cargo during wrecking events. Some scholars believethat there were only one or two Portuguese naus arriving in Japan every year, from thesecond half of the 16th century until first three decades of the 17th century (Figure 4-2).

TABLE 1
ARRIVALS OF PORTUGUESE SHIPS BETWEEN 1546 AND 1590
Year
Before 1546
1546
1548
1550
1551
1552
1553
1554
1555
1556
1557
1558
1559
1560
1561
1562
1563
1564
1565
1566
1567
1569
1570
1571
1572
1573
1574
1575
1576
1577
1578
1579
1580
1581
1582

Number of Ships
1
3
1
2
1
1
1
1
2
2
2
2
2
2
4
3
3
3
2
1
2
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1

Ports of Arrival
Oosumi, Hinata, Bungo
Bungo, Oosumi, Satsuma
Bungo
Hirado / No record
Bungo
Kagoshima
HiradoNo record
Hirado / Hirado
Funai / Hirado
Hirado / Hirado
Hirado / Bungo
Hirado / Bungo
Bungo, Satsuma / Hirado
Hirado / Hirado / Akune / Kyouhaku
Yokoseura / Yokoseura / Kyohaku
Yokoseura / Yokoseura / Yokoseura
Hirado / Hirado / Hirado
Fukuda / Fukuda
FukudaKuchinotsu / Kuchinotsu
FukudaShiki, Fukuda
NagasakiNagasakiNone (Wrecked)
NagasakiNagasaki
Kuchinitsu, Nagasaki
Nagasaki
Bizen / Nagasaki
Kuchinotsu
NagasakiNagasakiNone (Wrecked)

51

TABLE 1 Continued
Year
Number of Ships
Ports of Arrival
1583
1
Nagasaki
1584
1
Nagasaki
1585
1
Nagasaki
1586
1
Nagasaki1587
1 (Spanish)
Amakusa1588
1
Nagasaki1589
2 (1 Spanish)
Amakusa / Satsuma
1590
1
Nagasaki
Source: Okamoto (1942:505-514), Toyama (1943:160-167)

TABLE 2
ARRIVALS OF PORTUGUESE SHIPS BETWEEN 1624 AND 1640
Year
Number of Ships
Ports of Arrival
1624
10
Nagasaki
1625
5
Nagasaki
1626
1
Nagasaki
1627
5
Nagasaki
1628
2
Nagasaki
1629
1
Nagasaki
1630
3
Nagasaki
1631
4
Nagasaki
1632
4
Nagasaki
1634
1
Nagasaki
1635
3
Nagasaki
1636
4
Nagasaki
1637
6
Nagasaki
1638
2
Nagasaki
1639
2
Nagasaki
1640
1
Nagasaki
Source: Toyama (1942:170-172, 1943:168-169)

52

FIGURE 4-2. Anchorages of Portuguese ships based on Tables 1 and 2 (Map by author, 2012.)

Ships on the Namban Screens
From the 90 surviving Namban screens, we can discern several different
typologies of ships. As often happens in the art of the western world, it appears thatJapanese artists sometime drew their Namban ships based on ships that they saw onother Namban screens, rather than from seeing the actual ships (Russell 1983). An
analysis of the collection of screens suggests that through a sequence of copying older
images, the accuracy and detail of the Namban ships gradually deteriorated. Fortunately,
several scholars of Japanese Art History and connoisseurs of Japanese art have studied

53

all known Namban screens and completed brief timelines of screen production(Sakamoto 2008). The timelines are based on the screen’s historical accounts and thestyles of painting.
When analyzed in this light, most images of ships on the screens seem to be copies
of previous images, often from other screens. The author made a catalog of all 73 ship
images known, and classified them according to their quality and date of production.
Fifteen groups or families were identified, seemingly 15 strings of copies of 15 original
images (Appendix A and Table 3). Once it was completed, this catalog allowed theauthor to make a surprising statement: none of these 15 ship types seems to have been
painted directly from actual European vessels in Japanese ports. Although they seem tohave been taken from original sources, possibly from iconography on European maps, it
seems clear that none was drawn from a real model.

TABLE 315 TYPES OF NAMBAN SHIPS ON THE NAMBAN SCREENS AND ITS INVENTORY NUMBERS FROM
NAMBAN BYOBU SHUSEI (SAKAMOTO 2008)
Ship Type
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
N
O

Inventory Number of Earlier Ships
1, 2, 43
6, 7
5, 9
10, 5911, 1230
70
55
61, 6276, 77
80a
82
35
89

Inventory Number of Later Ships
72
14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27, 28
34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 53
17, 32, 33, 34, 63, 66, 67, 68, 69, 73, 74
57, 60, 71
29
90
56, 58, 75
80b84, 85

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The list and basic characteristics of the original Namban ship types is presented
below and illustrated with the images that we believe to be original. The strings ofimages copied from each one of these originals is presented in Appendix A, inchronological order. Numbers on the Namban screens correspond to the inventory
numbers of Sakamoto’s Namban Byobu Shusei.
Type A
Four Namban screens display five Type A ships. These have wide, low, and long
castles, a characteristic stern gallery, and a horn shaped beak head structure beneath thebowsprit. The beak-head structures display a unique whirl pattern. Type A fore andstern castles look more like those observed on contemporary small Mediterraneanmerchant vessels than on Portuguese large cargo vessels, also known as naus. The
originals are considered to be No.1, Osaka Castle Museum Version (1596-1615) by aKano-school artist (Figure 4-3) (Sakamoto 2008:2-5,324-325,386,396-397); and No.2,
Version A of Kyushu National Museum (1601-1635) by Kano Takanobu (Figure 4-4)
(Sakamoto 2008:6-11,325-326,389,396-397), and No. 4, whose location is unknown(Former Kasahara Family collection Version) (1605-1624) by Kano-school artist (Figure4-5) (Sakamoto 2008:18-23,328,386,396-397). The five ships represented on these four
screens are presented below.

55

1a

1b

FIGURE 4-3. Type A Namban ship (No.1): Osaka Castle Museum Version (1596-1615) by a Kano-school artist(Sakamoto 2008:2-3)

FIGURE 4-4. Type A Namban ship (No.2): Version A of Kyushu National Museum (1601-1635) by Kano Takanobu(Sakamoto 2008:6-9)

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FIGURE 4-5. Type A Namban ship (No.4): Missing (Former Kasahara Family collection Version) (1605-1624) by
Kano-school artist (Sakamoto 2008:18-19)

Type B
Thirteen Namban screens display 19 Type B ships. Most Japanese art historians
agree that the Naizen screen was one of the earliest screens produced. Many screensproduced throughout the 17th century were duplications of the Kano Naizen screen. In
these reproductions, not only the ships were copied but also people and the positions andpatterns of the buildings in the background. Type B ships display a very low forecastle, around shaped hull, sailors hanging on the rigging in implausible positions, and anchors.
Type B ship representations are similar to ship appearing on European maps of the 16th
century. The two oldest ships, both from screen No.3, Version A of Kobe City Museum,
Naizen Version (Late 16th – Early 17th century) by Kano Naizen (Figure 4-6)
(Sakamoto 2008:12-17,327-328,389,396-397), are presented below.

57

3a

3b

FIGURE 4-6. Type B Namban ship (No.3): Version A of Kobe City Museum, Naizen Version (Late 16th – Early 17th
century) by Kano Naizen (Sakamoto 2008:12-13)

Type CType C ships are among the most frequent; 17 screens display 19 ships of thistype. The rigging arrangements in these ships are notoriously inaccurate; several masts
do not have sails. Both fore and stern castles are depicted as staircase-like structures.
Stern galleries are depicted as cages with bars. Additionally, buildings and people onthese screens are depicted in a somewhat Chinese fashion. Finally, peoples’ clothes and58

building roofs are often painted with a characteristic red and green pattern that is alien to
Japanese tradition. The originals are considered to be screen No.6, Version A of Namban
Bunkakan (1596-1615) by a Hasegawa-school artist (Figure 4-7) (Sakamoto 2008:3035,329-330,386,396-397); and screen No.7, Museum of the Imperial Collections,
Sannomaru Shozokan Version (1610s) by an unknown artist (Figure 4-8) (Sakamoto
2008:36-41,330-331,386,396-397). Both are presented below.

FIGURE 4-7. Type C Namban ship (No.6): Version A of Namban Bunkakan (1596-1615) by a Hasegawa-school
artist (Sakamoto 2008:30-31)

FIGURE 4-8. Type C Namban ship (No.7): Museum of the Imperial Collections, Sannomaru Shozokan Version(1610s) by an unknown artist (Sakamoto 2008:36-37)

59Type D
Thirteen screens display 13 type D ships. These are similar to Type C ships inshape, but different in style. The forward face of the forecastles is represented in thistype with a characteristic joggled appearance, where counter timbers extend the castles
forward by a few feet at the presumed level of the pavements. These ships have a cagelike compartment hanging over the side of the hull amidships. The originals are shown
below: No.5, Suntory Museum of Art Version (1600-1620) by a Kano-school artist(Figure 4-9) (Sakamoto 2008:24-29,328-329,386,396-397); and No.9, Private
Collection-K family Version (1610s) by a Kano-school artist (Figure 4-10) (Sakamoto
2008:44-49,332-334,386,396-397).

FIGURE 4-9. Type D Namban ship (No.5): Suntory Museum of Art Version (1600-1620) by a Kano-school artist(Sakamoto 2008:24-25)

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FIGURE 4-10. Type D Namban ship (No.9): Private Collection-K family Version (1610s) by a Kano-school artist(Sakamoto 2008:44-45)

Type E
There are five depictions of Type E ships. The most noteworthy feature of thistype are the conspicuous window-like ports, used also as gun ports. Like most of theother types, these ships have high fore and stern castles, and inaccurately represented
rigging arrangements. The earliest screens of this type are No.10, Private Collection-T
family Version, Former Ungai-in collection (1610s) by a Kano-school artist (Figure 411) (Sakamoto 2008:50-55,334-335,386,396-397); and No.59, Nagasaki Museum ofHistory and Culture Version (1620s) by an unknown artist (Figure 4-12) (Sakamoto
2008:212-215,365-366,388,394-395).

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FIGURE 4-11. Type E Namban ship (No.10): Private Collection-T family Version, Former Ungai-in collection(1610s) by a Kano-school artist (Sakamoto 2008:50-51)

FIGURE 4-12. Type E Namban ship (No.59): Nagasaki Museum of History and Culture Version (1620s) by an
unknown artist (Sakamoto 2008:212-213)

Type F
Only two Namban screens display Type F ships. These ships have no runningrigging, and the standing rigging is not correct. Cannon muzzles protrude from the hull,and window-like ports are depicted on the decks above the hold. The stern castles are
low and flat, similar to those of Type A ships. Forecastles are represented as small huts.
Ladders are used to unload the ship’s cargo, a feature that also appears on Types K, N,
and F. Both are presented below: No.11, Version A of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston

62(1620s) by a Kano-school artist (Figure 4-13) (Sakamoto 2008:56-59,336,386,396-397);
and No.12, Private collection-Y family Version (1620s) by a Kano-school artist (Figure4-14) (Sakamoto 2008:60-63,337,386,396-397).

FIGURE 4-13. Type F Namban ship (No.11): Version A of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (1620s) by a Kano-school
artist (Sakamoto 2008:56-57)

FIGURE 4-14. Type F Namban ship (No.12): Private collection–Y family Version (1620s) by a Kano-school artist(Sakamoto 2008:60-61)

63Type G
Two screens display Type G ships. This type is similar to Type H, with rather
simple hulls, no gun ports, and the lines of the hull plank almost straight and runninghorizontally. Type G ships also have high fore and stern castles, integrated into the hulls,
and show a small platform or compartment, in this case without bars, hanging outside
the hull, amidships, as in Type D. The oldest of the type G ships is represented below:
No.30, Version B of Kobe City Museum, Former Tanzan Shrine collection (1615-1630)
by a Hasegawa-school artist (Figure 4-15) (Sakamoto 2008:112-115,347,387,396-397).

FIGURE 4-15. Type G Namban ship (No.30): Version B of Kobe City Museum, Former Tanzan Shrine

collection (1615-1630) by a Hasegawa-school artist (Sakamoto 2008:112-113)

Type H
Type H ships appear on two Namban screens. These ships are similar to the TypeG, with straight and horizontal hull seams, and no gun ports depicted. Small stern andside galleries are also present. The main difference between Types G and H is the64absence of a bow structure on the latter. Type H ships do not have beak heads. The
presumed original is presented below: No.70, Version A of Sakai City Museum (1630s)
by an unknown artist (Figure 4-16) (Sakamoto 2008:240-243,371,389,394-395).

FIGURE 4-16. Type H Namban ship (No.70) Version A of Sakai City Museum (1630s) by an unknown artist(Sakamoto 2008:240-241)

Type I
Four Type I ships survived. These are similar to Types E, and F. Both fore andstern castles are represented with a characteristic staircase appearance. Guns protrude
from the presumed lower deck and window-like ports are shown on the decks above(except on the ship of screen No.75). Type I ships have both stern and side galleries(with the exception of ship No. 58, which does not have side galleries). The earliest
version known is No.55, Peaboy Essex Museum Version (1615-1624), by a Kano-school
artist (Figure 4-17) (Sakamoto 2008:198-199,361-362,388,394-395).

65

FIGURE 4-17. Type I Namban ship (No.55): Peaboy Essex Museum Version (1615-1624) by a Kano-school artist(Sakamoto 2008:198-199)

Type J
Type J ships have been represented on two Namban screens. These arecharacterized by crescent shaped hulls, with large hull planks represented withpronounced sheers, reminding us of 14th century representations of European
merchantmen. Port openings are depicted in a window-like Asian fashion. Stern andside galleries are present, as in Types D, G, H, I and O. Both ships are presented below:
No.61, Private collection-N family Version (1630s-1640s) by an unknown artist (Figure4-18) (Sakamoto 2008:220-223,367-368,389,394-395); and No.62, Rijlsmuseum,
Amsterdam Version (1630s-1640s) by an unknown artist (Figure 4-19) (Sakamoto
2008:224-227,368,389,394-395).

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FIGURE 4-18. Type J Namban ship (No.61): Private collection-N family Version (1630s-1640s) by an unknown artist(Sakamoto 2008:220-221)

FIGURE 4-19. Type J Namban ship (No.62): Rijlsmuseum, Amsterdam Version (1630s-1640s) by an unknown artist(Sakamoto 2008:224-225)

Type K
Three Namban Screens display Type K ships. Like Type J, these ships remind usof the late medieval representations of European merchantmen. They show apronounced sheer, planking runs end under the castles, and the castles are small and not
fully integrated. Gun muzzles protrude from the hulls, stylized and looking like pipes,
and gun ports are absent. Running and standing rigging are not depicted. The two earlier
versions are presented below: No.76, Version B of Itsuo Art Museum (1624-1644) by an

67

unknown artist (Figure 4-20) (Sakamoto 2008:254-255,375,389,394-395); and No.77,
Former Okazaki City Library collection (1624-1644) by an unknown artist (Figure 4-21)(Sakamoto2008:256,375,398,394-395).

FIGURE 4-20. Type K Namban ship (No.76): Version B of Itsuo Art Museum (1624-1644) by an unknown artist(Sakamoto 2008:254-255)

FIGURE 4-21. Type K Namban ship (No.77): Former Okazaki City Library collection (1624-1644) by an unknown
artist (Sakamoto 2008:256)

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Type L
Only one Namban ship has been classified as Type L. The author believes thatthe sails of this ship represent lateen sails. Additionally, the ship has only a narrow stern
castle. Although the rigging and size of the ship is not accurate, the hull configurationand the presence of lateen sails may indicate that this type may represent a caravel. This
ship appears on Namban screen No.80, together with one Type K ship: No.80, Saitama
Prefectural Museum of History and folklore Version (Late 17th century) by an unknown
artist (Figure 4-22) (Sakamoto 2008: 260-263,377,389,394-395).

FIGURE 4-22. Type L Namban ship (No.80a): Saitama Prefectural Museum of History and Folklore Version (Late17th century) by an unknown artist (Sakamoto 2008:260-261)

Type M
Three Namban Screens display Type M ships. These ships display what theauthor believes to be representations of lateen sails. Type M ships probably represent a
European rowing vessel. Its size and the shape of the castles suggest that the artist

69

intended to depict a small galley, or fusta, as they appear in European iconography. The
earliest dates to the late 17th century but was produced by the Kano school. It ispresented below: No.82, Version D of Kobe City Museum (Late 17th century) by aKano-school artist (Figure 4-23) (Sakamoto 2008:266-269,378,389,394-395).

FIGURE 4-23. Type M Namban ship (No.82): Version D of Kobe City Museum (Late 17th century) by a Kano-school
artist (Sakamoto 2008:266-267)

Type N
Type N ship appears on one single screen that was produced in the 18th century.
This ship has high decorated castles. Rigging is not accurately depicted and neither yards
nor sails are shown: No.35, Version C of Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon (the18th or 19th centuries) by an unknown artist (Figure 4-24) (Sakamoto 2008:124127,349,387,396-397).

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FIGURE 4-24. Type N Namban ship (No.35): Version C of Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon (the 18th or 19th
centuries) by a unknown artist (Sakamoto 2008:124-125)

Type OThe only Type O ship is similar to Types C, H, and I. Its configuration seems tohave been derived from the earlier ship types. It has high castles and a round hull withprotruding gun muzzles. Type O also has stern and side galleries, and inaccurately
represented rigging: No.89, Private collection Version (Latter half of 17th century) by an
unknown artist (Figure 4-25) (Sakamoto 2008:286-287,381,390,394-395)

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FIGURE 4-25. Type O Namban ship (No.89): Private collection Version (Latter half of 17th century) by an unknown
artist (Sakamoto 2008:286-287)

A full list of all 82 ship images is presented in Appendix A. All corroborate theauthor’s suggestion that no Namban ship was drawn with an original ship in sight of theartist.

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CHAPTER V
QUESTIONSAuthenticity of the Namban Ships on the Screens
The original purpose of this research was to characterize the Portuguese ships
engaged in the Far East trade routes, based on the representations – purportedly accurate– of construction features of these ships in late 16th and 17th century screens. As noted
in previous chapters, trade with Japan was immensely lucrative in this period, but limited
by its many political and military risks, as well as by natural factors, such as the rhythmsof the Trade Winds. The author knew that Namban screens displayed over 80 Portuguese
vessels, a sample that promised to allow the identification of patterns and definition ofparticular construction features. Ideally, this project aimed at creating an image ofPortuguese ships and their trade activity in Japanese waters, the most distant markets
from their homeland. However, as mentioned in the previous chapter, the Portuguese
ships depicted on Japanese screens did not match what we might expect to see on imagesof the ships at anchor painted on the spot by skilled artists, with the typical attention todetail that characterizes the Japanese art of this period. Instead, some ships could hardly
be recognized as European oceangoing ships. This fact drastically changed the scope ofthe research and the author summarizes below the main research questions that arose outof the complete catalog of these ship representations.

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Question 1: Why are the Depictions of the Ships so Inaccurate?
The first and biggest question about the origin of the Namban screens pertains to
the inaccuracy of the ship representations. The most conspicuous mistakes are theimplausible widths of the hull planks, which when scaled properly sometimes reachapproximately two meters in width. No less inconspicuous are the rigging arrangements.
Although most ships display masts, yards, sometimes sails, and most times somestanding rigging supporting the masts, the quality of the rigging representations isalways bad and diminishes in time. For instance, ships represented after the 1630s rarely
display ratlines. In some cases screens show ships with backstays, but these are seldom
properly positioned, and often not accurately represented. Running rigging is rarely
represented, and in a few cases ships do not even have masts and yards.
Other interesting mistakes can be observed on the representations of gun ports.
By the 16th century, most European merchant ships were armed. They had to be armed
against pirates, ships from rival European nations, or local enemies. The primaryweapons of these vessels were heavy guns, since naval battles were shifting from handto-hand combat into bombardment battles, and indeed many of ships display cannons.
However, these are represented as simple pipes protruding from the hull planking,instead of the muzzles of cannons and gun ports represented in contemporaneous
European iconography. On some of the screens gun ports are depicted as windows anddecorated with oriental ornaments.
Similarly, galleries are represented out of scale, although these are perhaps oneof the most interesting details on these ship representations. Referred to in some

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historical accounts, such as the case of the galleon Santiago, these side galleries arenever represented elsewhere, an issue that deserves further consideration. Referring to
the galleon Santiago in 1602, Melchior Estácio do Amaral wrote (1981):...there were so many boxes and bales stacked that one could not fit aperson in. And even outside the hull, on the bulwarks and channels,
hunged bales and cabins, as it is usage on these vessels, in such a way that
one could not operate the sails, and nobody could use the capstan foreighteen days.
These are gross mistakes that are in obvious contrast with the quality of therepresentations of houses, trees, or persons, in the same screen. Namban ships seem tobe depicted with less attention to accuracy than many other features in these screens.
Most Japanese scholars explain this lack of accuracy by saying that Namban ships were
not an important portion of the screens and that artists might stylize the ships because it
did not really matter much for the end result (Okamoto 1955:38-39; Sakamoto
2008:300). However, this explanation is not acceptable because all other features on thescreens were depicted in minute detail, as we can see for instance on people’s faces,houses, trees, and even the waves of the sea. Moreover, many of the early screens were
produced by the Kano school, one of the most famous groups of artists in Japanese
history. The Kano school was composed predominantly of the master Kano’s lineage.
Their painting techniques and styles were only taught to close family members and otherrelatives (Matsuki 1994:5-8; Takeda 1995: 3-7). The Kano school appeared in the 15th
century and continued until the 19th century. During these 400 years its artists produced
many works of art that have been labeled National Treasures and Important Properties ofJapan (Yamashita 2004). Kano school masters served many Tennou, Daimyo, Taiko,

75

Shogun, and other powerful authorities in each period of Japan’s history. The fame of
the Kano school reached its peak in the Azuchi-Momoyama Era (1567-1600), when
Nobunaga Oda and Hideyoshi Toyotomi ruled Japan. The Japanese culture of this era
was named the Azuchi-Momoyama Culture, and the paintings produced by Kano school
artists represent masterpieces of Azuchi-Momoyama arts (Kano 2007).
The Kano school’s art is characterized by precision and attention to details, andprecisely for this reason it is interesting to analyze the reasons behind the poor
representations of ships on their screens.

Question 2: Anachronisms
Beginning of the Production
Another relevant question that arose during the analysis of the Namban screensconcerns the period of their production. Specialists believe that one of the earliest pieces
may have been produced as early as the 1590s. Nonetheless, the Portuguese had begun
their Japanese trade in the 1550s, and there are good documental sources that suggestthat they used Portuguese-built ships. In the later part of 16th century, the Portuguese
visited Nagasaki and Hirado annually, sometimes even other ports around Kyushu(Figure 4-2, Table 1, 2). Japanese people, including artists, had many opportunities tosee actual Portuguese vessels. Nobody knows why there are no contemporary depictionsof European ships by Japanese artists until the Namban screens appeared. Moreover,most of the surviving Namban screens were actually produced between the 1620s andthe 1640s. By this time more than half of foreign trading vessels had been replaced by

76

Japanese Shu-in Ships, and Chinese cargo carriers. Both Japanese and Chinesemerchants used junk-type vessels on this trade (Nagazumi 2001:58-70). Junks weredeveloped in the 13th century, during the Ming Dynasty in China, and became the main
workhorse in East Asian waters until the 19th century. The conception, structure, andconfiguration of the junks were very different from those of European vessels (Greenand Kim 1989; Green and Burningham 1998). Moreover, when Ieyasu opened his
country to foreign trade, he concentrated it in Nagasaki and Hirado, in order to manage
all the incoming and outgoing vessels. This fact certainly limited the number of people
who actually saw European ships at anchor with their own eyes, even though large
numbers of Namban screens were produced during this period. Several more screens
were painted after the third Shogun Iemitsu prohibited all foreign trade, except that with
Dutch and Chinese merchants at Dejima.
Configuration of Forecastles
The configuration of the forecastles of Namban ships on the screens is aninteresting subject. Because the superstructures of these ships do not typically survive on
shipwreck sites, the author has looked at a large number of ship images from Medieval
and Renaissance Europe. The bottom and lower portions of a hull side tend to survive far
better and more often than the upper structures of a hull, and therefore the study of ships
contemporary to the ones represented on the screens has to be largely based on
iconography, which does not differentiate clearly between the ships of the Portuguese,the Spanish, or the English.

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Throughout the Middle Ages, European ships, both from the north and south,
developed superstructures known as stern and fore castles, mainly for military reasons.
A high superstructure provided an advantageous fighting position when ships were closein hand-to-hand combat. By the late 15th and early 16th centuries, large ships featured
substantial fore and stern castles (Figure 5-1, 5-2). However, over the course of the 16th
century, the tactics of naval warfare shifted from hand-to-hand combat to artillery
bombardment. As gun platforms, high fore and stern castles were a liability because theweight of artillery tended to make ships unstable. Additionally lower castles allowed
better sailing ability, especially at angles closer to the wind on long sea voyages. By theearly 17th century, naval power became essential to the economic prosperity andpolitical influence of European nations, and fighting ships were increasingly regarded as
gun platforms (Figure 5-3, 5-4). At this stage in the evolution of naval architecture,carrying as much firepower as possible became the main concern of shipwrights. Partial
weather decks were replaced by full length gun decks, and the height of those decks was
lowered to gain a better center of gravity for the stability of the ship.

FIGURE 5-1. Iconography of Portuguese ship depicted in the Livro de Horas D. Manuel c. 1517. Lisbon’s Museu
Nacional de Arte Antiga.

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FIGURE 5-2. Illustration of the Mary Rose by Anthony Anthony in 1540s (after Lavery 2010:94)

FIGURE 5-3. Anonymous painting at “Francesinhos” Church, Lisbon, Portugal, c. 1620 (Photo: courtesy Filipe
Castro).

FIGURE 5-4. Van de Velde’s drawing of the Constant Reformation around 1648 (after Gardiner and Lavery 1992:11)

79

However, the ships on the Namban screens do not conform to this trend in hull
design. In fact, the development of the castles on the screens follows the opposite
direction of the development of contemporary European shipbuilding. Type A andType B depictions have lower castles than the rest, and these screens were produced
during the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th centuries (Sakamoto 2008:386-390).
Later Types C to H, produced during the first four decades of the 17th century, display
higher forecastles. It is interesting to observe how fore and stern castles in Namban
screens display a backward development when compared to European iconography ofthe same period.

Originality of the Ships on Namban ScreensDuring the analysis of the ships represented in the screens the trend ofdeterioration over time in the quality of ship representations referred in the previous
chapter became obvious. The general appearance of Type A ships (Figures 4-3, 4-4 and4-5) is similar to mid-16th century European merchant ships, such as those engraved
around 1560 by Frans Huys, based on Breughel’s drawings (Figure 5-5, 5-6). They havelower and longer stern castles and less integrated forecastles than the other types. As
already mentioned, we do not have much published archaeological evidence of thesuperstructures of 16th century Mediterranean vessels, but we have a large body of what
appear to be reliable images from this period. It is widely known that Portuguese andSpanish monarchs regularly sent both merchant and war ships to Asia throughout the
16th century. With the arrival of Dutch ships in 1595, Asian waters quickly became a

80

war theater for European nations, and we know that the Portuguese consequently sent
fewer ships to Asia. There were exceptions, such as the defense of Malacca in 1606
against a Dutch attack. To reinforce security the Portuguese sent 16 warships, perhaps
all built in Portugal (Boxer 1929:23-29). These 16 ships are referred both as galleons andnaus, like most of the Portuguese built ships that sailed to China and Japan regularly.
However, given the difficulty of the voyage from Portugal to India, the Portuguese
regularly built ships in several Indian harbors from the beginning of the 16th century
onwards, and used countless local types of boats and ships in their commercial routes(Pissarra 2001). It is likely that the number of Portuguese-built ships sailing to East Asia
diminished proportionally with the distances sailed, and that an important percentage of
the Portuguese ships sailing in the Pacific Ocean routes were local types. This would
make European ships a rare sight in Japanese waters, and may explain why ships on
screens were copies of ship images, rather than original drawings (Garcia and Rodrigues
2008).

FIGURE 5-5. A Medittereanean merchant ship from a Frans Huys engraving after a drawing by Breughel(c.1560) (after Gunn-Graham 1998)

81

FIGURE 5-6. Frans Huys engraving after a drawing of a galleon by Breughel (c.1560) (after GunnGraham 1998)

Ship Type M (No.82) is also interesting (Figure 4-23). We know it is not a
Chinese ship: another ship represented on the same screen, next to it, is Chinese and was
depicted with a distinctive transom bow, which is a typical feature of Chinese vessels inthis period. Ship No. 82 has one mast with an inclined spar – both typical of European
ships – that seems to represent a lateen yard with a sails furled. Portuguese merchants
are depicted on board. The author believes that the Type I ship is a depiction of a fusta,
or small galley. There are several surviving European images of galleys withconfigurations similar to the one represented here (Figure 5-7). We know that thePortuguese made extensive use of rowing vessels in Asian waters (Cortesão and Mota
1960). Additionally, a Japanese primary source suggested that at least one Europeanbuilt fusta existed in Japan, owned and operated by the Jesuit Order (Fróis 2000d:191200; Matsuda 2001:134) . Taiko Hideyoshi saw and visited the Jesuit Fusta once,
according to his chronicler, during an excursion to Hakata. However, this visit took
place in 1587, while the screen that displays the Type M ship was produced in the late82

17th century. Since the record of the fusta and the production of the screen where it isrepresented are separated by around one century, and the inaccuracy of therepresentation of this purported fusta is evident, it is likely that European galleys were arare sight in Japan.

FIGURE 5-7. 16th century images of Mediterranean galleys (Castro and Costa 1939)

All evidence suggests that the ships represented a Namban screens were notdrawn from the real ships, but copied from illustration of ships. The later representations
seem to have been largely copied from earlier, similar screens, but the origin of theearlier depictions, represented on the screens produced by the Kano school in the late
16th and early 17th centuries, are harder to pinpoint. For the reasons exposed above, it
seems likely that Portuguese ships, either naus, galleons, or rowing vessels, were a raresight in Japanese harbors most of the time. By the time they were first painted, thesewere largely unknown in Japan. The author has seen, however, vessels similar to those
represented on the Namban screens on other contemporary images: European maps of
the Age of Discovery. The question remaining is now to understand how these maps
were available to the masters of the Kano school.

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CHAPTER VI
HYPOTHESISFrom European Maps to Namban Screens
The author has studied world maps produced in Europe during the 16th and early
17th centuries, and found vessels similar to each one of the types shown on the screens
as depictions of Namban ships (Figure 6-1). The similarities between these drawings areoften worth notice, sometimes striking, and it appears likely that all European vessels
represented on Namban screens were copied from the decorative ships shown on late
16th century European maps.
In the 16th century cartography encompassed a number of disciplines that aimed
at the production of accurate maps, and many of these disciplines were scientific in theirnature. In this period maps were updated regularly, every time explorers returned fromtheir voyages with news of discoveries. But knowledge of the world was incomplete andthe blank spaces were often illustrated with appropriated drawings, depicting the floraand fauna, or the peoples inhabiting the lands represented, and often the seas wereembellished with representations of the ships of their time (Unger 2010:11). The trend of
depicting ships on maps became fashionable in the middle of 16th century, and the
fashion reached its zenith in the work of the competent French cartographers of theDieppe school. From this period onwards, the oceans of most of the world maps werefilled with small ships and imaginary creatures (Swift 2006; Wigal 2007). This fashion

84

continued well into the 17th century, when the greater amount of geographic information
available produced a style shift into precise depictions of the interior of continents.

B

A

D

E

G

J

C

F

H

K

I

L

FIGURE 6-1. Iconography of ships from 16th century’s European maps (Swift 2006). (A) From Ortelius’s 1595 mapof Japan (Swift 2006:102). (B. (C) From Hondius’s map of the islands of the East Indies (Swift 2006: 94). (D) From
Ortelius’s Americae Sive Novi Orvis, Nova Descriptio (Swift 2006:88). (E) From John Goghe’s map of Ireland, 1567
(Swift 2006:86). (F) From Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1595 (Swift 2006:104). (G) From Pierre Desceliers’s(Cartographer of the Dieppe-school) map of the world, 1550 (Swift 2006:72-73). (H) From John Goghe’s map of
Ireland, 1567 (Swift 2006:86). (I) Diego Homen’s map of the Indian Ocean, 1558 (Swift 2006:81). (J) From Ortelius’s
1595 map of Japan (Swift 2006:102). (K) From Pierre Desceliers’s (Cartographer of the Dieppe-school) map of theworld, 1550 (Swift 2006:73). (L) Johannes and Martin’s map of Americas, 1520 (Swift 2006:64).

85

The evidence mentioned above suggests that the inaccuracy of the ship
representations on Namban screens stems from lack of original models. European artists
drew good and bad images of ships on the maps being made in their time. Sometimes thequality of the ships represented on 16th century maps is excellent, other times ships
maps are simplified and stylized, often for lack of space. The rigging was especiallysimplified due to the small scale at which it was sometimes represented. It is almost
certain that Japanese artists copied these images, often without ever having seen theactual ships, let alone understanding the complex arrangement of the rigging, theplacement of the guns and the nature of the equipment necessary to maneuver of thesecomplex machines. This fact explains the mistakes on Namban screen paintings
described in previous sections of this work, especially in the rigging of the Namban
ships.

The Origin of Namban Screens
We know that many European art works were brought to Japan once trade with
Portuguese merchants began (Nishimura 1958:1-15). The primary purpose of this influxof European artworks was to spread Christianity. Missionaries brought European
religious paintings and non-religious paintings to Japan and some taught European art
techniques to Japanese artists, in order to help the Japanese paint religious figures
themselves. In 1583, the Jesuit missionary Giovanni Niccolo came to Japan and openeda European Art School (Nishimura 1958:14). As a result, Japanese Christian paintersdeveloped a particular style and imitating European painting became an art form

86

between 1592 and 1615 (Nishimura 1958:14-15). Some of the pieces of art produced inthis period survive today. Well known examples are: Taisei-Oko-Kiba-Zu (drawing of
the western kings on horses), Yonkakoku-Tojo-Byobu (screen with pictures of four
capitals), Rebanto-Kaisen-Zu (screen with the battle of Levant), or Sekaizu-Byobu(World map screen) (Figures 6-2, 6-3, 6-4, 6-5). It is likely that a large number ofEuropean paintings and prints came to Japan around the period in which the Namban
screens were produced. Moreover, Japanese painters also produced world maps aroundthis time. Today, 20 of those world map screens survive in Japan (Kirishitan Bunka
Kenkyukai 1964:1-273), and three or four display small ships. Since Japan did not havethe knowledge to produce original world maps based on the sea voyages or its own
mariners, it is certain that these maps were copies of European world maps. According
to Taku Nakamura (Kirishitan Bunka Kenkyukai 1964:1-161), a scholar who carefully
studied Namban world map screens, they were all produced from the late 16th century
and throughout the 17th century.

FIGURE 6-2. Taisei-Oko-Kiba-Zu (Suntory Museum of Art Version) (Miyoshi and Onoda 1999:30-31)

87

FIGURE 6-3. Yonkakoku-Tojo-Byobu (Kobe City Museum Version) (Miyoshi and Onoda 1999:34-35)

FIGURE 6-4. Repanto-Kaisen-Zu (Kousetsu Museum Version) (Miyoshi and Onoda 1999:20-21)

FIGURE 6-5. Sekaizu-Byobu (Kobe City Museum Version) (Miyoshi and Onoda 1999:32-33)

88

Nishimura believes that this influx of European artworks was largely a result of
the Tensho Embassy (1958: 65-66). The Tensho Embassy was welcomed by Pope
Gregory XIII and by many Italian city states, because their arrival in Rome meant that
Christianity had reached the edge of the known world (Wakakuwa 2008b:13-102). On
the way back to Lisbon from Rome, the Embassy visited Padua. While there, a nobleman
presented four expensive books to them. Two of these books were Civitates Orbis
Terrarum and Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Nishimura 1958:65-66; Fróis et al. 1941). The
author has had the fortunate opportunity to use these books for previous research.
Civitates Orbis Terrarum (Cities of the World) is a book that compiles drawings of cities,
maps of several regions of the world, and its people (Braun et al. 2008) (Figure 6-6).
Theatrum Orbis Terrarum is the so-called first world atlas (Broecke 1996) (Figure 6-7).
Both books have hundreds of depictions of small ships, most very accurate andseemingly typical of each region.

A
FIGURE 6-6. Civitates Orbis Terrarum (Braun et al. 2008). (A) Lisbon. (B) Venice. (C) Rome. (D) Constantinople.

89

B

C

D
FIGURE 6-6.Continued..

A

B

FIGURE 6-7. Theatrum Orbis Terrarum (Broecke 1996). (A) World Map, 1570. (B) World Map, 1586. (C) Americas,
1570. (D) Italy, 1570. (E) Northern Europe, 1570. (F) Asia, 1567 and 1570.

90

C

D

E

F

FIGURE 6-7. Continued.

The Tensho Embassy returned to Japan in 1590. However, they had to stay inNagasaki for three years before Hideyoshi permitted them to visit the capital in 1593.
While they were staying in Nagasaki, many Daimyos and merchants visited them to hearstories of the travels to Rome. Fróis said that the visitors enjoyed the European maps andglobes (Wakakuwa 2008b). Finally, in 1593, they were allowed to visit Hideyoshi’spalace. This visit was the march of Capitão-mor mentioned earlier in this paper and thescene that is depicted on many Namban Screens. The author also hypothesizes that the
costumes of the Portuguese people represented on the Namban screens are similar to the91clothes seen in the Civitates Orbis Terrarum. This would mean that the artists that madethe Namban screens did not have to witness or have any access to drawings or sketches
made in the presence of the march of the Capitão-mor.
An interesting additional fact is that Naizen Kano, who drew one of the earliest
Namban Screens, served as Hideyoshi’s painter (Yamashita 2004:62-63; Kano
2007:108-109). Perhaps he witnessed the reception of the returning Tensho Embassy?
Or perhaps Taiko Hideyoshi asked him to paint the original screen? These are merely
the author’s hypotheses, but they would tie these important events and artwork together
in a simple way.
Not all the Namban ships were necessarily based on ships from Civitates Orbis
Terrarum and Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. We don’t know what other European sourceswere available in Japan at the time. The members of the Tensho Embassy were invited tomany Italian cities, for instance, Florence, before Rome, and after that other cities,
including Milano, Venice, Padua (where they received the books already mentioned).
There were many printed books and images in Italy at the time. As mentioned above,
maps with drawings of cities and ships were common as a result of the flourishing of theDieppe-school decades earlier. It is likely that the four Japanese members of the Tensho
Embassy purchased or were given maps and paintings for their Christian fellows inJapan and for Japanese rulers, like Hideyoshi. And it is likely that other European
missionaries and merchants also brought maps and paintings to Japan. Historical records
tell us that the members of the Tensho Embassy brought maps and globes to Nagasaki,
Japan, although there are no historical accounts describing the members of the Tensho

92

Embassy presenting maps to Hideyoshi. The records say that ‘among the gifts,
Hideyoshi liked an Arabian horse.” But it is almost certain that he received maps andartwork, perhaps also globes, from his visitors. And it is a fact that it was after this visit
that Hideyoshi’s personal artist and his school produced the first Namban screens. All of
the earliest screens display this march and the members of the Tensho Embassy. It is
likely that Hideyoshi’s artists saw the march themselves and may have taken notes ormade sketches. Whether or not this is true, the Namban screens are still rightly
considered Japanese Important Cultural Property and records of the first interactions
between Europe and Japan, between West and Eastern Christians, and represent aninteresting symbiosis between Renaissance European and Japanese traditional arts.

93

CHAPTER VII
CONCLUSIONThe Sources of the Namban ScreensThroughout the 16th century, Europe experienced a cultural transformation, fromthe medieval paradigm to the modern period. Princes, kings, and emperors consolidated
power and hired scholars to collect, translate and interpret ancient texts. Old
philosophies were revived, the edge of the known world expanded, and the authority of
the Roman Catholic Church was greatly reduced. Portugal had developed its
shipbuilding and seafaring activities during the 14th and 15th centuries, and by 1488 its
ships had mapped most of the eastern coast of the African continent, and passed into theIndian Ocean. In 1543, Portuguese merchants finally landed on Marco Polo’s legendaryisland of gold, “Zipangu.” Soon after the first European arrival in Japan, the Portuguese
established a profitable silver trade; soon this lucrative commerce became indispensable
to the Portuguese maritime empire. Along with the Portuguese merchant ships, aconsiderable number of Jesuit missionaries arrived annually in Japan. The Reformation
movement, started by Martin Luther in 1517, triggered a movement of reaction – theCounter Reformation – to combat Protestantism and try to regain the authority of the
Roman Catholic Church. The conversion of pagan peoples throughout the expanding
world was perceived as a priority in Rome.
Among the many consequences of the contact between Portuguese and Japanesepeoples, one seems to stand out for the immediate changes it triggered: the introduction

94of the arquebus to the samurai world. This new weapon drastically changed the power
structure and the tactics of warfare during the second half of the 16th century, andplunged Japan into unprecedented chaos. With this new weapon, samurai warlords
pursued hegemony over their neighbors and war destroyed the country. This era isnamed Sengoku-Jidai, or the Era of War Nations. The introduction of the arquebus
nevertheless accelerated the unification of Japan. During the second half of the 16th
century three warlords rose to prominence and ended the turmoil: Nobunaga Oda,
Hideyoshi Toyotomi, and Ieyasu Tokugawa. Jesuit missionaries interacted closely withthe three warlords in charge of most of the country and generated substantial journals
and letters to the Vatican. Among these we have already mentioned Luis Fróis’s
chronicles “Nihon-shi” as some of the most reliable primary sources about the history ofthis period.
Preaching to Japanese people was a difficult challenge because of the language
barrier. As already mentioned, Alessandro Valignano believed that it was essential toteach Christianity to the Japanese while they were young, and founded educational
institutions for young students, where they probably had contact with European
iconography. Moreover, the Jesuits also founded a European Art School, mainly to teachthe story of Jesus through images, trying to circumvent the language problem, and tosatisfy an increasing demand for religious icons and paintings among Japanese
Christians. Many students received an education in these institutions that encompassed
the history and doctrine of Christianity, and European science and art.

95

In 1582, Valignano chose four talented young Japanese Christians and dispatchedthem to Europe. They were the Tensho Embassy. In 1585, they arrived in Rome as thefirst official Japanese embassy. This event was perceived as tremendously important in
the Roman Catholic organization; the arrival of embassy was tangible evidence that
Christianity and the Roman Catholic Church had reached the most distant nation known
to Europeans.
In 1590 the Tensho Embassy came back to Japan and found the situation of themissionaries rather changed. The emperor Hideyoshi had passed his Bateren-Tuihou-Rei,or anti-Christian decree, in 1587, soon after their departure. Valignano, Fróis, and thefour members of the Tensho Embassy visited Kyoto in the company of Portuguese
merchants in 1593, and tried to persuade Hideyoshi to nullify Bateren-Tuihou-Rei.
Hideyoshi’s chronicler noted that both Jesuits missionaries and merchants brought many
European items and arts as gifts to the warlord, although there are no detailed accountsof the gifts. The author believes that among the gifts were maps and books and perhaps
also globes with images of peoples and ships. It is possible that the Civitates Orbis
Terrarum and the Theatrum Orbis Terrarum were included in these gifts.
These sources were perhaps available to Hideyoshi’s personal painter, Naizen
Kano, a competent artist trained in the most influential school of Japanese art. Amongthe many scenes of Hideyoshi’s official events and ceremonies, Naizen produced aNamban screen in the last decade of the 16th century or the first decade of the 17th
century. After the obvious success of this first screen, other Kano school artists began toproduce Namban screens. The ships in this first series of screen are already rather

96

inaccurate, suggesting that neither Naizen nor the other Kano school artists had seen theactual Portuguese ships with their own eyes. In all likelihood they copied, scaled up, andadapted the images of ships contained in the maps and books brought from Europe andpossibly presented to Hideyoshi.
Namban screens became a popular style of Japanese art over the course of the
17th century. Even though most of the screens were obvious copies from previous ones,
some artists depicted new types of ships. The inaccuracy and anachronisms in these
subsequent copies reinforce this scenario, suggesting that the new types of ships werealso copied from images, probably European, as in the 16th and 17th centuries European
maps were very popular among the Japanese educated classes.
Today, Japanese scholars consider the Namban screens the epitome of Japanese
Art in that period, produced by the best artists of their time, and the amazing details
included in them, and mixed with the poor representations of ships, make these scenes
both mysterious and clear, and unique windows into a tremendously interesting historic
period. The present work pertains solely to the ship representations and aims at solving
the questions related with their accuracy. But the wealth of reliable information
contained in these 90 scenes calls for a much deeper and thorough study, aiming atreconstructing the landscape and the peoples that lived in the second half of the 16th
century, both in Japan and in the Portuguese Asian World.
When the author started this study, his objective was to describe the ships of thePortuguese that plowed the trading routes of the Far East in the period under analysis.
The result was something much different. On one hand, a rather small embassy, with

97

only four Japanese Christians, bound to Rome, on the other side of the World, butconcerned with the Christianization of the most remote region of the known world, at thetime one of the most important political problems of its time. On the other the social andpolitical frame in which this embassy was prepared and carried out, in a country set on
fire by the introduction of firearms and a handful of missionaries trying to force a new
religion onto its population against the opposition of the political leaders. In the middleof these two realities stands a common phenomenon in the history of painting: most of
the time artists prefer to copy other works of art that trying to reproduce nature (Russell1983). The conclusion of this investigation is that with all probability none of the artists
that painted the Namban screens saw a Portuguese ship at anchor. The inaccuracies
underlined by this study and the similarities with contemporary ship representations
illustrated in this work suggest that all the ships are largely artistic creations, inspired bycontemporary or older ship illustrations. And this fact makes the screen under analysis
perhaps more interesting than we thought, representing two worlds side by side, one
largely unknown and misunderstood, and the other drafted with marvelous detail.

98

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1998 The Portuguese Empire, 1415-1808 a World on the Move. The Johns
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SATO, MAKOTO., GOMI, FUMIHIKO., TAKANO TOSHIHIKO., AND TORIUMI.,YASUSHI.
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105

APPENDIX A
TYPOLOGY OF NAMBAN SHIPS ON THE NAMBAN SCREENS
Ship Type A
Four Namban screens display five Type A ships.
Earlier Type A Namban Ships on the Screens

1a1bLocation of the Screen: Osaka Castle Museum
Date of the Production: 1596-1615
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.1 (1a and 1b).
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 2-3
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-3

106

Location of the Screen: Kyushu National Museum
Date of the Production: 1601-1635
Painter: Kano Takanobu
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.2
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 6-7
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-4

Location of the Screen: Missing (Former Kasahara Family collection)
Date of the Production: 1605-1624
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.4
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page18-19
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-5

107Later Type A Namban Ship on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Matsuoka Museum of Art
Date of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei(Sakamoto 2008): No.72
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 246-247

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Ship Type B
Thirteen Namban screens display 19 Type B ships.
Earlier Type B Namban Ships on the Screens

3a3bLocation of the Screen: Kobe City Museum
Date of the Production: Late 16th – Early 17th century
Painter: Kano Naizen
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.3
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 12-13
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-6

109Later Type B Namban Ships on the Screens

14a

14b

Location of the Screen: Unknown (Former Kawanishi
Family collection)
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.14
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page: 66-67
Location of the Screen: Agency of Cultural Affair
Date of the Production: First Half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.15
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page: 70-71

16a

16b

Location of the Screen: Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga,
LisbonDate of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.16
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page: 72-75
Location of the Screen: Private collection
Date of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.18
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page: 78-79

Location of the Screen: National Museum of Japanese
History (Former Harada Family collection)
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.19
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 80-81

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Location of the Screen: Private collection
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.20
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 82-83
20a

21a

22a

20b

21b

Location of the Screen: Namban Bunkakan
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.21
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 88-91

22b

Location of the Screen: Sairen-ji Temple, Aichi Pref
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.22
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 92-93

Location of the Screen: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Date of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.24
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page: 102

Location of the Screen: Daian-aen-ji Temple, Fukui Pref
Date of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.28
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page: 106-107

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Location of the Screen: Toshodai-ji Temple, Nara Pref
Date of the Production: Latter half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.23
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 98-99

Location of the Screen: Unknown (Former Sansei
collection)
Date of the Production: 19th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.27
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page: 105

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Ship Type C
Type C ships are one of the most frequent; seventeen screens display this ship
type 19 times.
Earlier Type C Namban Ships on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Namban Bunkakan
Date of the Production: 1596-1615
Painter: Hasegawa-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.6
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 30-31
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-7

Location of the Screen: Sannomaru Shozokan (Museum of the Imperial Collections)
Date of the Production: 1610s
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.7
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 36-37
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-8

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Later Type C Namban Ships on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.34
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 122-123

Location of the Screen: Asian Art Museum, San
Francisco
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.36
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 128-129

Location of the Screen: Mary and Jackson Burke
Foundation, New York
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.37
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 134-135

Location of the Screen: Freer Gallery of Art / Arthur M.
Sackler Gallery
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.38
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 140-145

Location of the Screen: Kanagawa Prefectural Museumof Cultural History (Former Higashi-Hongan-ji Temple
Ohtsu Branch collection)
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.39
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 146-151

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Location of the Screen: Victoria and Albert Museum
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.40
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 152-153

Location of the Screen: MOA Museum of Art
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.41
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 154-155

Location of the Screen: Cleveland Museum Art
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.49
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 172-177

Location of the Screen: Tenri Central Library
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.50
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 178-183

Location of the Screen: Missing
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.53
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 191

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Location of the Screen: Honsen-ji Temple, Ishikawa Pref
Date of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.51
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 184-185

Location of the Screen: National Museum of Japanese
History
Date of the Production: Latter half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.48
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 169-169

Location of the Screen: Portland Museum of Art
Date of the Production: Unknown
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.45
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 162-163

Location of the Screen: Missing
Date of the Production: Unknown
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.46
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 166

Location of the Screen: Missing (Former YamanakaShokai collection)
Date of the Production: Unknown
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.47
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 167

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Ship Type D
Thirteen screens display type D ships.
Earlier Type D Namban Ships on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Suntory Museum of Art
Date of the Production: 1600-1620
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.5
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 24-25
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-9

Location of the Screen: Private Collection-K family
Date of the Production: 1610s
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.9
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 44-45
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-10

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Later Type D Namban Ships on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Fundacao Orient, Lisbon
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.17
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 76-77

Location of the Screen: Northern Culture Museum
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.54
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 192-193

Location of the Screen: Private collection (S family)
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.63
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 228-229

Location of the Screen: Private collection
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.66
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 233

Location of the Screen: Musee National des Arts
Asiatiques-Guimet
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.67
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 234-235

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Location of the Screen: Missing (Former Ikenaga
Family collection)
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.68
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 236-237

Location of the Screen: Dayton Art Institute
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.69
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 238-239

Location of the Screen: Itsuo Art Museum
Date of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.73
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 248-249

Location of the Screen: Kawamura Memorial Museumof ArtDate of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.32
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 118-119

119

Location of the Screen: Mitsui Memorial Museum
Date of the Production: 18th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.33
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 120-121

Location of the Screen: Missing
Date of the Production: Unknown
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.74
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 251

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Ship Type E
There are five depictions of Type E ships.
Earlier Type E Namban Ships on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Private Collection-T family (Former Ungai-in collection)
Date of the Production: 1610s
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.10
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 50-51
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-11

Location of the Screen: Nagasaki Museum of History and Culture
Date of the Production: 1620s
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.59
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 212-213
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-12

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Later Type E Namban Ships on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Idemitsu Museum of Arts
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.60
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 216-217

Location of the Screen: Muro-ji Temple, Nara Pref
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.71
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 244-245

Location of the Screen: Art Institute of Chicago
Date of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.57
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 204-205

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Ship Type F
Only two Namban screens display Type F ships.
Type F Namban Ships on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Date of the Production: 1620s
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.11
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 56-57
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-13

Location of the Screen: Private collection (Y family)
Date of the Production: 1620s
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.12
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 60-61
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-14

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Ship Type G
Two screens display Type G ships.
Earlier Type G Namban Ship on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Kobe City Museum (Former Tanzan Shrine collection)
Date of the Production: 1615-1630
Painter: Hasegawa-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.30
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 112-113
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-15

Later Type G Namban Ship on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Tokyo National Museum
Date of the Production: Latter half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.29
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 108-109

124

Ship Type H
Type H ships appear on two Namban screens.
Earlier Type H Namban Ship on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Sakai City Museum
Date of the Production: 1630s
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.70
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 240-241
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-16

Later Type H Namban Ship on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Missing (Former Sansei
collection)
Date of the Production: Latter half of 18th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.90
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 288-289

125

Ship Type I
Four Type I ships survived.
Earlier Type I Namban Ship on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Peabody Essex Museum
Date of the Production: 1615-1624
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.55
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 198-199
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-17

Later Type I Namban Ships on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Museu Nacional de Soares dos
Reis
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.56
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 200-201

126

Location of the Screen: Kyushu National Museum
Date of the Production: First half of 17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.58
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 208-209

Location of the Screen: Private collection
Date of the Production: Mid-17th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.75
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 252-253

127

Ship Type J
Type J ships have been represented on two Namban screens.
Type J Namban Ships on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Private collection (N family)
Date of the Production: 1630s-1640s
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.61
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 220-221
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-18

Location of the Screen: Rijlsmuseum, Amsterdam
Date of the Production: 1630s-1640s
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.62
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 224-225
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-19

128

Ship Type K
Three Namban Screens display Type K ships.
Earlier Type K Namban Ships on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Itsuo Art Museum
Date of the Production: 1624-1644
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.76
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 254-255
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-20

Location of the Screen: Former Okazaki City Library collection
Date of the Production: 1624-1644
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.77
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 256
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-21

129

Later Type K Namban Ship on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Saitama Prefectural Museum ofHistory and Folklore
Date of the Production: First Half of the 17th century(after 1636)
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.80
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 260-263

130

Ship Type L
Only one Namban ship has been classified as Type L.
Type L Namban Ship on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Saitama Prefectural Museum of History and Folklore
Date of the Production: First Half of the 17th century (probably after 1636)
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.80
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 260-261
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-22

131

Ship Type M
Three Namban Screens display Type M ships.
Earlier Type M Namban Ship on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Kobe City Museum
Date of the Production: Latter half of 17th century
Painter: Kano-school artist
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.82
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 266-267
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-23

Later Type M Namban Ships on the Screens
Location of the Screen: Missing
Date of the Production: End of the 17th to beginning of
the 18th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.84
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 272-273

Location of the Screen: Sakai City Museum
Date of the Production: 18th century
Inventory Number in Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto
2008): No.85
Images from Namban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008)
page 274-275

132

Ship Type N
Type N ship appears on one single screen that was produced in the 18th century.
Type N Namban Ship on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga (Lisbon)
Date of the Production: 18th or 19th centuries
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): No.35
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 124-125
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-24

133

Ship Type O
Only one screen bears a Type O ship.
Type O Namban Ship on the Screens

Location of the Screen: Private collection
Date of the Production: Latter half of 17th century
Painter: Unknown
Inventory Number in Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008): 89
Images from Nanban Byobu Shusei (Sakamoto 2008) page 286-287
Figure Number in the Thesis: Figure 4-25

134

VITA

Kotaro Yamafune received his Bachelor of Arts degree in history from Hosei
University in Tokyo in 2006. He entered the Nautical Archaeology Program in the
Anthropology Department at Texas A&M University in September 2009 and received
his Master of Arts degree in August 2012. His research interests include shipbuilding ofMedieval Europe and the European Age of Discovery. He plans to publish a book onthese topics, focusing on Japanese representations of European ships of the Age of
Discovery.
Mr. Yamafune may be reached at Anthropology Department at Texas A&M
University, MS 4352 TAMU, College Station, TX 77843-4352. His email iskoutarou_yamafune_0321@yahoo.co.jp.