Cowry Shell Money and Monsoon Trade:
The Maldives in Past Globalizations

Mirani Litster

Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
The Australian National University
2016

To the best of my knowledge the research presented in this thesis is my own except
where the work of others has been acknowledged. This thesis has not previously been
submitted in any form for any other degree at this or any other university.

Mirani Litster

-CONTENTS-

Contents
Abstractxv

Acknowledgements

xvi

Chapter One — Introduction and Scope1

1.1 Introduction

1

1.2 An Early Global Commodity: Cowry Shell Money4

1.2.1 Extraction in the Maldives6

1.2.2 China

8

1.2.3 India

9

1.2.4 Mainland Southeast Asia

9

1.2.5 West and East Africa

10

1.3 Previous Perspectives and Frameworks: The Indian Ocean

11

and Early Globalization
1.4 Research Aims

13

1.5 Research Background and Methodology

15

1.6 Thesis Structure

16

Chapter Two — Past Globalizations: Defining Concepts and

18

Theories
2.1 Introduction

18

2.2 Defining Globalization

19

2.3 Theories of Globalization

21

2.3.1 World Systems Theory21

2.3.2 Theories of Global Capitalism

24

2.3.3 The Network Society

25

2.3.4 Transnationality and Transnationalism

26

2.3.5 Cultural Theories of Globalization

26

2.4 Past Globalizations and Archaeology
2.4.1 Globalization in the Past: Varied Approaches

27
28

i

-CONTENTS-

2.4.2 Identifying Past Globalizations in the Archaeological

30

Record
2.5 Summary

32

Chapter Three — Periods of Indian Ocean Interaction

33

3.1 Introduction

33

3.2 Defining the Physical Parameters34

3.2.1 Geographical Parameters34

3.2.2 Weather Systems: The Monsoon and Southeast Trade 36
Winds
3.2.3 Currents, Tides and Waves
3.3 Early Exchanges (-1000 BCE)

38
38

3.4 Open Sea Voyaging and Integration of Littoral Regions: First 40
Millennium BCE interactions (1000 BCE–0)
3.4.1 The Western Indian Ocean

41

3.4.2 South and Southeast Asia

42

3.4.3 Links with the Mediterranean

44

3.5 Indian Ocean Interaction Sphere: First Millennium CE

45

Interactions and Beyond (1000CE-)
3.5.1 The Western Indian Ocean

46

3.5.2 Links with the Mediterranean

48

3.5.3 Continued South Asian Links with Southeast Asia

49

3.5.4 The Swahili and the Indian Ocean World

51

3.5.5 Austronesian Expansion

52

3.5.6 The Remote Western Islands: The Seychelles and55

Mascarenes
3.6 Conclusion and Summary

56

Chapter Four — The Research Setting: The Maldives58

4.1 Introduction

58

4.2 The Maldives: Landscape and Location

58

4.3 The Divehi: The Cultural Context

62

4.3.1 System of Kinship63ii

-CONTENTS-

4.3.2 Governance63

4.3.3 Language

64

4.3.4 Resource Use and Craft Production

64

4.3.5 Contemporary Demography

65

4.4 A History of Maldivian Archaeology

66

4.5 The Archaeological and Historical Background70

4.5.1 Initial Colonization of the Maldives71

4.5.2 The Maldives and the Indian Ocean World

72

4.5.3 Major World Religions in the Maldives75

4.5.4 Austronesian Contacts: Intercepting Long Distance78

Migration to East Africa
4.5.5 Maritime Technology

78

4.5.6 Early Subsistence Strategies

81

4.6 Summary and Conclusion

83

Chapter Five — The Sites: Surveys, Excavations and Dates

85

5.1 Introduction

85

5.2 Norwegian-Maldivian Investigations (1983-1984) and85

University of Oslo Investigations (1994-1996)
5.3 Surface Scatters and Individual Finds

88

5.4 Excavations in the Northern Maldives89

5.4.1 The Archaeology of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

89

5.4.2 Structural Features

93

5.4.3 Summary of Non-Structural Material Culture Finds

93

5.4.4 Dates

94

5.4.5 Discussion and Summary

98

5.5 Central Maldives105

5.5.1 The Archaeology of Nilandhoo Foamathi

105

5.5.2 Structural Features

108

5.5.3 Summary of Non-Structural Material Culture Finds

115

5.5.4 Dates

119

iii

-CONTENTS-

5.5.5 Discussion and Summary

120

5.6 Excavations in the Southern Maldives125

5.6.1 The Archaeology of Bodu Havitha

125

5.6.2 Structural Features

129

5.6.3 Summary of Non-Structural Material Culture Finds

129

5.6.4 Discussion and Summary

131

5.6.5 The Archaeology of Dhadimagi Havitha

132

5.6.6 Structural Features

132

5.6.7 Summary of Non-Structural Material Culture Finds

135

5.6.8 Discussion and Summary

135

5.7 Conclusion

135

Chapter Six — Ceramics

137

6.1 Introduction

137

6.2 Ceramics in the Maldives137

6.3 Ceramic Analytical Methodology

138

6.3.1 Ware Families and Type140

6.3.2 Form and Function

144

6.3.3 Sherd Attributes

145

6.3.4 Decoration and Decoration Series

147

6.3.5 Colour

147

6.3.6 Fabric Analysis

148

6.4 Results

149

6.4.1 Total Counts and Weights

149

6.4.2 Kuruhinna Tharaagadu Ceramic Assemblage

150

6.4.3 Nilandhoo Foamathi Ceramic Assemblage151

6.4.4 Bodu Havitha Ceramic Assemblage

158

6.4.5 Dhadimagi Havitha Ceramic Assemblage

159

6.4.6 Surface Scatters and Surveys

160

6.5 Summary and Conclusion

161

Chapter Seven — Faunal Remains

163

iv

-CONTENTS-

7.1 Introduction

163

7.2 Modern Fauna

164

7.3 Methods for Identification

166

7.3.1 Vertebrate Assemblage

167

7.3.2 Invertebrate Assemblage169

7.4 Vertebrate Faunal Remains: Results and Analysis

172

7.4.1 Mammal

172

7.4.2 Reptile

173

7.4.3 Bird

175

7.4.4 Fish

178

7.5 Invertebrate Faunal Remains: Results and Analysis

188

7.5.1 Molluscan Remains

188

7.5.2 Crustacean and Urchin

191

7.6 Summary

195

Chapter Eight — Non-Ceramic Material Culture and Glass

197

8.1 Introduction

197

8.2 Personal Ornaments

198

8.2.1 Beads and Small Ornaments

198

8.2.2 Finger Rings

204

8.2.3 Bracelets

205

8.3 Glass Fragments

207

8.4 Metal Fragments

210

8.5 Metal Bowl

211

8.6 Coins211

8.7 Stone Artefacts

213

8.8 Carved Stone215

8.8.1 Votive Stupas and Chatravali

216

8.8.2 Structural Masonry with Features

223

8.8.3 Other Sculptures

228

8.9 Summary

230v

-CONTENTS-

Chapter Nine — The Maldives, Interaction and a Global

232

Culture9.1 Introduction

232

9.2 Surging Interaction in the Indian Ocean

232

9.3 Formation of a Global Culture

235

9.3.1 Hallmark One: Time-Space Compression

235

9.3.2 Hallmark Two: Deterritorialization

238

9.3.3 Hallmark Three: Standardization

239

9.3.4 Hallmark Four: Unevenness

240

9.3.5 Hallmark Five: Cultural Homogenization242

9.3.6 Hallmark Six: Cultural Heterogeneity243

9.3.7 Hallmark Seven: Re-embedding of Local Culture244

9.3.8 Hallmark Eight: Vulnerability

245

9.4 Summary

245

Chapter Ten — Conclusions and Future Directions247

10.1 Introduction247

10.2 When did Maldivian Colonization Occur and from Where?

247

10.2.1 Initial Colonization248

10.2.2 Major World Religions in the Archipelago249

10.2.3 Trade and Exchange

250

10.2.4 Subsistence Strategies

252

10.2.5 Export of Cowry Shell Money253

10.2.6 Summary

254

10.3 How does Remote Island Use Reflect Globalization?

255

10.4 How does Globalization Impact Ethnogenesis in Remote257

Island Communities?
10.5 Implication of the Study and Future Directions

258

References

260

vi

List of Figures and Tables
FiguresFigure 1.1

Location of the Maldives3

Figure 1.2

Habitat of Monetaria moneta

5

Figure 1.3

A summary of the use of cowry shell money

7(Monetaria moneta) in different contexts
Figure 2.1

Globalization as a modern phenomenon (adapted

20

from Jennings 2011:9)
Figure 2.2

Globalization as a long-term process (adapted

29

from Jennings 2011:9)
Figure 2.3

Multiple globalizations in the past (adapted from30

Jennings 2011:9)
Figure 3.1

The Indian Ocean. Indicating currents and37

counter-currents and limits of the reliablemonsoon (after Boivin et al. 2013)
Figure 4.1

The Maldives60

Figure 5.1

Locations investigated during the NMI and UOI

87Figure 5.2

Location of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

90(Tharaagandu), Kaafu Atoll
Figure 5.3

Northern portion of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

91(Mikkelsen 2000:11)
Figure 5.4

Kuruhinna Tharaagadu Site Plan (1996-1998).

92

Modified from (Mikkelsen 2000)
Figure 5.5

Charcoal Dates from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu,

96

Kaashidhoo Island, Kaafu Atoll
Figure 5.6

Shell Dates from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu,

100

Kaashidhoo Island, Kaafu Atoll
Figure 5.7

Large deposit of Monetaria moneta shells(Mikkelsen 2000:12)

103

-FIGURES AND TABLES-

Figure 5.8

Nilandhoo Foamathi, Nilandhoo Island, Faafu

105

Atoll (Kon-Tiki Museum)
Figure 5.9

Location of Nilandhoo Foamathi, Faafu Atoll

106

Figure 5.10

Nilandhoo Foamathi, Partially Excavated (Kon-107

Tiki Museum)
Figure 5.11

Site Plan for Nilandhoo Foamathi (after

109

Skjølsvold 1991)
Figure 5.12

Nilandhoo Foamathi, trenches across Feature 1

110(KTM-1983)
Figure 5.13

Nilandhoo Foamathi, plan showing Features 1, 2

111

and 3 (after Skjølsvold 1991)
Figure 5.14

Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 1 profile (after

112

Skjølsvold 1991)
Figure 5.15

Nilandhoo Foamathi, wall profiles (after

114

Skjølsvold 1991)
Figure 5.16

Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 4 plan and section

114

drawing (after Skjølsvold 1991)
Figure 5.17

Nilandhoo Foamathi, bath (Feature 5) (after

115

Skjølsvold 1991)
Figure 5.18

Charcoal dates from Nilandhoo Foamathi,

123

Nilandhoo Island, Faafu Atoll
Figure 5.19

Shell dates from Nilandhoo Foamathi,

124

Nilandhoo Island, Faafu Atoll
Figure 5.20

Location of Bodu Havitha and Vadhoo Island,

126

Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll
Figure 5.21

Bodu Havitha, Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll (Southeastern 127
clearance during 1983)

Figure 5.22

Bodu Havitha, Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll (during

127

excavation)
Figure 5.23

Site plan and profiles, Bodu Havitha (after

128

Skjølsvold 1991)
Figure 5.24

Dhadimagi Havitha, Gnaviyani Atoll

133
viii

-FIGURES AND TABLES-

Figure 5.25

Dhadimagi Havitha, Gnaviyani Atoll

133

Figure 5.26

West of Dhadimagi Havitha, site plan,

134

Gnaviyani Atoll (after Skjølsvold 1991)
Figure 5.27

Adjacent to Dhadimagi Havitha

134

Figure 6.1

Examples of ceramic ware types present in the143

Maldives
Figure 6.2

Pot form and features (Rice 2005:213)

146

Figure 6.3

Longquan Celadon, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

151

Figure 6.4

Late-Qing, export ware. Manufactured for the155

Straits of China Markets, Nilandhoo Foamathi,
Surface Find
Figure 6.5

Sasanian-Islamic Ware. Nilandhoo Foamathi,

156

surface findFigure 6.6

Sprinkler Water Jars, Indian Red-Polished Ware,

156

Nilandhoo Foamathi, surface finds
Figure 6.7

East Asian Glazed Ware, possibly 12th-13th

160

century
Figure 6.8

Western Asian Plate. Tadhoo Island

161

Figure 7.1

Anatomy of a teleost head, including the five168

paired jaw bones
Figure 7.2

Gastropod

171

Figure 7.3

Monetaria moneta

171

Figure 7.4

Bivalve

172

Figure 7.5

Rat mandibles

174

Figure 7.6

Left rat femur

174

Figure 7.7

Human skeletal remains. Kuruhinna Tharaagadu.

174

Grave feature (Mikkelsen 2000)
Figure 7.8

Bird left humerus shaft cf. chicken

176

Figure 7.9

Distal coracoid cf. juvenile seabird

176

Figure 7.10

Painting a dhoni with shark liver oil (Anderson

179

and Ahmed 2003:18)

ix

-FIGURES AND TABLES-

Figure 7.11

Cut Mark, Fish sp. Nilandhoo Foamathi

184

Figure 7.12

Rat Gnawing, Fish sp. Nilandhoo Foamathi

184

Figure 7.13

Drilled Elasmobranchii vertebra bead

184

Figure 7.14

Frequency (MNI) of fish taxa (stacked),

186

Nilandhoo Foamathi
Figure 7.15

Absolute frequency (MNI) of molluscan

194

remains, Nilandhoo Foamathi
Figure 8.1

Beads from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

199

archaeological site
Figure 8.2

Beads from Vadhoo Island archaeological200

surveysFigure 8.3

Finger rings from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

204

Figure 8.4

Bracelets, Dhadimagi Havitha and Kuruhinna

206

Tharaagadu
Figure 8.5

British Museum (AN1360559001)

206

Figure 8.6

British Museum (As1939,02.15.a)206

Figure 8.7

Metal bowl, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

211

Figure 8.8

Coins from Maldivian archaeological sites

212

Figure 8.9

Grindstones from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

214

Figure 8.10

Quartz Artefact from Bodu Havitha

215

Figure 8.11

Stupa structure

217

Figure 8.12

Examples of Chatravali and dome votive stupas

218

recovered in the field
Figure 8.13

Box plot of the diameter at base (cm) votive

222

stupas and chatravali
Figure 8.14

Box plot of the height (cm) votive stupas and222

chatravali
Figure 8.15

Examples of structural masonry types from223

Maldivian archaeological sites
Figure 8.16

Structural masonry stones from Nilandhoo

224

Foamathix

-FIGURES AND TABLES-

Figure 8.17

Structural masonry stones from Bodu Havitha

225

Figure 8.18

Structural masonry stones from Vadhoo Island

226

Figure 8.19

Maximum dimensions (cm) of structural

227

masonry stones
Figure 8.20

Sculptures located at the National Museum,

229

Male’
Figure 9.1

Increases in interaction (schematic)

234

Figure 10.1

Summary diagram: the early human occupation

251

in the Maldives

TablesTable 2.1

Interpretations of the timing of globalization

28

Table 4.1

Timeline of Divehi culture-history

62

Table 5.1

Likely function of structure types at Kuruhinna

93

Tharaagadu
Table 5.2

Charcoal dates for Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

95

Table 5.3

Shell dates for Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

99

Table 5.4

Bone dates for Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

101

Table 5.5

Phases of construction at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

102

Table 5.6

Stratigraphy of excavated areas, Feature 1,

110

Nilandhoo Foamathi (After Skjølsvold 1991)
Table 5.7

Feature 4, Nilandhoo Foamathi, Faafu Atoll,118

Maldives, Stratigraphic Units (Details from
Skjølsvold 1991)
Table 5.8

Charcoal dates for Nilandhoo Foamathi

122

Table 5.9

Shell dates for Nilandhoo Foamathi

124

Table 5.10

Soil descriptions of adjacent trenches. Bodu

130

Havitha (Details from Skjølsvold 1991)
Table 6.1

Ware families from Maldivian assemblages

140(Adapted from Kennet 2004; Reddy 2013;
Sanders 2013)

xi

-FIGURES AND TABLES-

Table 6.2

Identified ware types present in Maldivian

141

assemblages (Adapted from Kennet 2004; Reddy
2013; Saunders 2013)
Table 6.3

Inferred function (Rice 2005:238)

144

Table 6.4

Rim profile classifications (Bedford 2006:77)

147

Table 6.5

Fired colour and firing conditions (Rice148

2005:345)
Table 6.6

Non-plastic inclusion classifications, based on

149

preliminary classification under low-powered
magnification
Table 6.7

Absolute quantities of ceramic sherds from149

Maldivian assemblages (counts and weights)
Table 6.8

Ceramic sherds, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (sample) 150

Table 6.9

Ware families, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (sample)

150

Table 6.10

Absolute sherd quantities at Nilandhoo Fomaathi

152

and corresponding dates
Table 6.11

Absolute quantities of sherd type across contexts

153

Table 6.12

Absolute quantities of ware families across154

contexts
Table 6.13

Decoration types, South Asian Wares

158

Table 6.14

Absolute sherd quantities at Bodu Havitha and158

corresponding dates
Table 6.15

Absolute quantities of ware families at Bodu

159

Havitha across contexts
Table 6.16

Absolute sherd quantities at Dhadimagi Havitha

159

and corresponding dates
Table 6.17

Absolute quantities of ware families, Dhadimagi

159

HavithaTable 7.1

Fish skeletal elements identified to taxonomic

168

level (class, family or species)xii

-FIGURES AND TABLES-

Table 7.2

NRE (shell body part) used per identified

170

shellfish taxa in the Maldivian assemblages
Table 7.3

Presence of vertebrate taxa at Maldivian

173

archaeological sites
Table 7.4

Non-fish remains, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Kaafu

177

Atoll
Table 7.5

Non-fish remains, Nilandhoo Foamathi, Faafu

177

Atoll
Table 7.6

Non-fish remains, Bodu Havitha, Ghaafu Dhaalu

177

Atoll
Table 7.7

Non-fish remains, Dhadimagi Havitha,

177

Gnaviyani Atoll
Table 7.8

Absolute and relative frequency (NISP) of fish180

taxa from Maldivian sites
Table 7.9

Absolute and relative frequency (MNI) of fish

181

taxa from Maldivian sites
Table 7.10

Fish remains, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Kaafu

182

Atoll
Table 7.11

Fish remains, Nilandhoo Foamathi, Kaafu Atoll

185

Table 7.12

Fish remains, Bodu Havitha, Ghaafu Dhaalu

188

Atoll
Table 7.13

Fish remains, Dhadimagi Havitha, Gnaviyani

188

Atoll
Table 7.14

Absolute frequency of molluscan remains

189(MNI), Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (data from
Mikkelsen 2000)
Table 7.15

Absolute frequency of molluscan remains

192(NISP) Nilandhoo Foamathi, Faafu Atoll
Table 8.1

Beads from Maldivian archaeological sites

201

Table 8.2

Finger rings from Maldivian archaeological sites

204

Table 8.3

Bracelets from Maldivian archaeological sites

205

xiii

-FIGURES AND TABLES-

Table 8.4

Glass fragments from Maldivian archaeological

208

sites
Table 8.5

Metal fragments from Maldivian archaeological

210

sites
Table 8.6

Metal bowl from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

211

Table 8.7

Coins from archaeological sites in the Maldives212

Table 8.8

Stone artefacts from Maldivian archaeological

214

sites
Table 8.9

Votive stupas and chatravali recovered from219

Maldivian archaeological sites
Table 8.10

Sculptures from Maldivian archaeological sites

229

xiv

-ABSTRACT -Abstract
This thesis addresses remote island occupation during past globalizations, through an
examination of the Maldivian archaeological record. The research is underpinned bythree connected research objectives: (1) establishing from where and when Maldivian
colonization occurred; (2) examining how globalization is reflected in remote islanduse; and, (3) exploring the impacts of globalization on ethnogenesis in remote island
communities. The Maldives are situated on the Chagos-Laccadives ridge beneath Sri
Lanka and India in the Indian Ocean and were thought to first be occupied during a
Buddhist expansion in the centuries around the BCE/CE transition. The Maldives havebeen the subject of limited archaeological research and have been exempt frominvestigations of Indian Ocean globalization and world systems despite their export ofone of the earliest global commodities—cowry shell money (Monetaria moneta).

The research aims are addressed through the study of Buddhist archaeological sites
situated in the north-central, central and southern regions of the Maldives. A detailed
assessment of the recovered ceramic material culture, faunal remains and non-ceramicmaterial culture including beads, glasses, metals and carved stones, enables an
exploration of a global culture present in the Maldives during the early Buddhist
occupation period and also the subsequent Islamic phase post-1153 CE.

This research presents new radiocarbon dates and a revised settlement chronology forthe islands, and offers evidence for human presence in the Maldives by ~300
CE. Material culture remains support long-standing trade connections to South Asia
(India and Sri Lanka). The thesis concludes that the Maldives were settled from South
Asia during an expansion of Buddhism. It also suggests that globalization might be
the impetus behind some remote island use and colonization in prehistory, in addition
to stimulating ethnogenesis in islander societies. Thus, globalization which is often
associated with cultural homogenization is better conceived as also having thecapacity to generate significant cultural diversity, especially by implanting highly
selected human groups into marginal environments such as remote oceanic islands.

xv

-ACKNOWLEDGMENTS-

Acknowledgements
I am indebted to many people who provided support throughout the process of this
doctoral research. Most importantly my supervisory panel—Geoff Clark, AthollAnderson, Simon Haberle and Sue O’Connor. I am especially grateful to my chair ofpanel Geoff, for the many hours of mentoring and guidance he provided towards my
PhD progress. The conversations were both challenging and rewarding and I am very
grateful to have had the opportunity to learn from him. Atholl welcomed me into theproject and offered financial support throughout. I also need to acknowledge Simon
Haberle, who first introduced me to the Australian National University and Sue
O’Connor for her personal and intellectual support.

During this process there were many individuals who assisted with the collections
recording. I offer my many thanks to Reidar Solsvik, the curator of the Kon-Tiki
Museum, for his friendship and hospitality in Oslo and Egil Mikkelsen of the
University of Oslo, for allowing me to study his collection and for discussing the earlyexcavations with me.

Nils Munch-Petersen kindly advised me on all aspects of Maldivian history and culture
and I thank him for his hospitality and guidance in Bornholm during the project.
Likewise, Xavier Romero Frías also fielded many questions about the Maldives overthe course of this project.

Closer to home, I had support from Ann Proctor and Charlotte Galloway who bothassisted me with any queries I had about Buddhist art and sculpture. Stuart Hawkins
and Mark Oxenham helped identify vertebrate fauna. Amy Tabrett spent time
discussing research design and Christian Reepmeyer and Mathieu Leclerc assistedwith pXRF and LA-ICPMS analysis. Baoping Li, Leonard Cox, Heidrun Schenk,
Adria LaViolette, James Flexner and Aedeen Cremin kindly took the time to advise
on ceramic ware types. Fiona Petchey from the Waikato Radiocarbon Laboratory
undertook radiocarbon analysis on samples from Nilandhoo Foamathi and Greger
Larson conducted the aDNA analysis on the bone samples from Kaashidhoo Island.

xvi

-ACKNOWLEDGMENTS-

A number of people provided invaluable advice on chapter drafts. I offer my manythanks to Stuart Bedford who endured the early draft chapters. Also, Daryl Wesley,
Rose Whitau, Stuart Hawkins, Alice Gorman, Mevlana Adil, Michelle C. Langley,
Ben Shaw, Prue Gaffey, Ella Ussher and Judith Cameron all provided muchappreciated feedback on draft chapters.

Finally, I need to thank my friends Justin Lewis, Tim Maloney, Sally Brockwell,
Megan Berry, Feli Hopf, Sandy Blair, Sally K. May, Olaf Winter, Noel Hidalgo-Tan,
Katherine Seikel, Jonathan O’Neill, Iona Flett, Lynley Wallis, Tristen Jones, Jean
Kennedy and Duncan Wright, alongside my family Jemma Litster, Graeme Litster and
Ann Kraehenbuhl for their support throughout the process.

xvii

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

1Introduction and Scope

1.1

Introduction

Discussions of early globalization typically centre on complex societies associatedwith continental landmasses, such as the Roman Empire or Mesopotamian Uruk, toinvestigate the movement of people and commodities over large areas. Consequently,
there is a dearth of research into the role of islands and oceans in early globalization
events, despite modern examples demonstrating that islands were strategic andimportant locations during globally significant expansions, like those of thePortuguese, Dutch, Spanish, English, and French empires in the second millennium
CE. It is apparent that remote islands—which are defined here as those located ~250
km from continental landmasses—often have specialized geo-political and economic
functions in historical globalizations. For instance, Diego Garcia in the British Indian
Ocean Territory currently acts as a US Naval communications and deployment centre
echoing the use of 'strategic' islands such as Malta in the past. Islands have also acted
as trade entrepôts during periods of heavy interaction, as evidenced by the examplesof Zanzibar, Hong Kong and Sumatra. Highly selected populations are also often
present on islands during expansions, such as the historical penal colonies of Bagne
de Cayenne off the coast of French Guiana and the Christian monks present on Skellig
Michael, near the Iveragh Peninsula in the Atlantic Ocean (Anderson 2006). Islands
can also be the subject of intensive resource extraction as with the mining of phosphate
on Nauru in the Pacific and the sugar crop plantations of the Caribbean islands. It canbe proposed, then, that two of the essential markers used to identify pastglobalizations—the development of long-distance transport systems and large-scalecultural expansions—should be especially visible in the archaeological record ofremote islands and are therefore amenable to detailed historical analysis (Jennings
1

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

2011). This will enable us to better understand the impetus behind colonization andthe subsequent cultural transformations to island societies. Additionally, while
globalization is generally associated with cultural homogenization, the specialized
function of many remote islands as a result of globalization has, paradoxically, led to
the formation of human communities and lifeways that are highly distinct and whichhave diverged significantly from parent societies. This divergence is likely the resultof cultural resistance to the centripetal tendencies of globalization and the distinctive
demographic, economic, political, and societal forces experienced by insular societies
occupying circumscribed environments (Goodenough 1957; Mead 1957; Vayda andRappaport 1963; Anderson and White 1991; Irwin 1992; Anderson and O’Reagan
2000; Fitzpatrick 2004; Weisler 2004; Rainbird 2007; Fitzpatrick and Anderson2008).

As mentioned above, few studies have attempted to investigate globalization from thearchaeological record of insular landmasses. This thesis redresses this issue by
examining globalization and the attendant processes in the Maldivian archipelago, agroup of islands situated ~900 km from continental regions in South Asia (see Fig. 1.1
for location). The Indian Ocean has been a ‘commercial nexus’ for millennia andtherefore provides an appropriate regional context to explore the topic(Hoogervorst 2013). Historians and archaeologists alike have established the presenceof a monsoon-driven trade in connecting people from Southeast Asia, South Asia, East
Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. The deeply-embedded translocal lifestyles ofcontemporary communities around the Indian Ocean, such as the East African Swahili,
further supports the notion of an early cosmopolitanism, underlining the idea thatmany systems of livelihood in the region were contingent on externally tradedresources. In November 2013, a conference was hosted by Oxford and the Sealinks
project, Proto-Globalization in the Indian Ocean, which aimed to examine the degree
to which the Indian Ocean represented a globalized space in the pre-1000 CE period.
A review of this conference suggested that globalization needed to be better articulatedby archaeologists, and that multi-site, aqua-centric approaches are the mostappropriate for answering questions of globalization in the Indian Oceanarchaeological record (Walz and Gupta 2012–13).

2

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

Figure 1.1 Location of the MaldivesCredit: Carto-GIS, Australian National University

On current evidence, the Maldivian archipelago was occupied during an expansion of
Buddhism. Buddhism grew out of the teachings of Siddharta Guatama, who lived in
the sixth century BCE in north-eastern India. It initially spread from the heartland of
Nepal in the sixth century BCE, southwards into India and Sri Lanka and northwards
into the higher latitude regions of China (Barnes 1995), incorporating an oceanic
expansion that reached the Maldives, likely coincident with the initial colonization of
the archipelago. Thus the timing of human arrival in the Maldives, and the source ofthe founding population can be used as a baseline to examine globalization and thereason for remote colony emplacement. Secondly, the transformations experienced by
Maldivian society over almost two millennia illustrate the tensions between the3

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

emergence of local and global forces on an island society that specialized in the
production of a preciosity—cowry shell money—that was widely exported and used
as currency, likely from the first millennium BCE to ~1850 CE. A momentous event
was the arrival of Islam in the archipelago in 1153 CE, which rapidly supplanted
Buddhism and integrated the Maldives into the powerful and extensive Islamic world.
As Islam also dispersed through other parts of the Indian Ocean, it is probable thatpre-existing Maldivian trade links with South Asia, were the conduit through which
Islamic influence expanded into the archipelago. This example highlights the role thatthese islands had as specialized regions in globalization and expansions, with cowryshell extraction a component of both Buddhist and Islamic occupation phases.

This thesis agrees with Mikkelsen’s (2000) proposition that it was the presence ofMonetaria moneta (money cowry), in conjunction with the fortuitous monsoon
conditions, which provided the impetus for human settlement of a remote island groupby a global culture (Buddhism). It will also argue that on current evidence these islands
were some of the first to be settled in the Indian Ocean. These results impact ourknowledge of Indian Ocean prehistory and also of remote island use in general, in thatthe occupation history is distinct from the Pacific, where globalization was not awidespread feature during initial colonization and is associated with the expansion ofEuropean powers in the second millennium CE.

1.2

An Early Global Commodity: Cowry Shell Money

Shells of molluscs have long been utilized as a medium of exchange in many contexts,
but none more widely than the cowry shell. Cowry shell money mainly refers to thespecies Monetaria moneta (money cowry), but also to Monetaria annulus (ring cowry,
see Fig 1.2). The Maldives became the major exporter of money cowry until thecollapse of the industry in the nineteenth century.

Monetaria moneta is one of ~200 species of gastropod from the family Cypraeidae(collectively also referred to as ‘cowry’). These molluscs inhabit tropical and subtropical intertidal areas, mainly on coral-reefs, and are abundant across theirdistribution range throughout the entire tropical Indian and Pacific Oceans (see Fig.
1.2). Cowry are largely carnivorous and feed on sponges, except for the herbivorous
4

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

grazers Monetaria moneta and Monetaria annulus, which feed on algae. They cangrow to a length of 44 mm, although typically only reach 20 mm. The shell of
Monetaria moneta is heavily margined, with a yellowish-green dorsum (see Fig. 1.2).

Figure 1.2 Habitat of Monetaria moneta (shaded);(a) Monetaria moneta (Linnaeus, 1758); and,(b) Monetaria annulus (Linnaeus, 1758).
Credit: Mirani Litster

The cultural use of cowry has considerable time-depth, and the molluscs weregenerally not consumed, with many references to the meat having a ‘bad taste’. The
earliest records of the shells serving a cultural function have been associated with
Upper Palaeolithic sites in France, Italy and Slovakia, with early suggestions that thesymbolic importance was associated with its likeness to a female vulva, a half-closed
human eye or to a serpent’s head (Kovács 2008). The shells have been found in preDynastic contexts in Egypt, with finds from Central Asia dating to ~6000–7000 BCE
and cowries in Chinese contexts dating to the Neolithic from 3300 BCE onwards (Pengand Zhu 1995). Money cowry has also been used in India, Mainland Southeast Asia
(MSEA) and Africa. Cowries were used in Europe for both decorative and ritual
purposes, potentially becoming incorporated into early amber exchange networks(Hogendorn and Johnson 1986; Mikkelsen 2000) and they have also been used in the
Pacific for both ornamentation and as tools (Kirch 1997; Szabó 2004). However, themost conspicuous use was as a widely dispersed currency. The shell readily lends itself
to this purpose, for it is physically robust, retains a high lustre for several centuries ofcirculation and it is also difficult to counterfeit (Chaudhuri 1985; Hogendorn andJohnson 1986; Kovács 2008).

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-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

1.2.1 Extraction in the MaldivesWhilst Monetaria moneta is found in a variety of locations (there are six major
biogeographical regions or ‘cowry provinces’ where wide ranges of species from thefamily exist) (Moretzsohn 2014), there were several advantages to it being processedin the Maldives. Monetaria moneta was abundant and the species could be collectedfrom high-density aggregations in the atolls, unlike East Africa, where it was relatively
scarce and the Seychelles, where it was associated with Monetaria annulus, which had
to be removed by labour intensive sorting. Furthemore, in the major West African
markets Monetaria moneta were known as ‘small Maldives’. The value of cowry
money is contained in the shell unit; hence, smaller shells were more readily sought,as larger quantities were able to be carried and exchanged (Hogendorn and Johnson
1986).

Most information about the extraction and export of money cowry in the Maldives isfrom historical records. The oldest dates to 851 CE and was composed by the Persian
merchant Sulamain who highlighted that ‘the wealth of the people is constituted bycowries; their Queen amasses large quantities of these cowries in the royal depots’(Renandot 1718). Sulamain described the processing of cowry, which included thecollection of the gastropods that had aggregated on coconut fronds placed in reef
shallows. The Monetaria moneta were then left to dry and the flesh to desiccate.
Another mechanism by which the shells were processed involved their burial in sand,a method which was corroborated by Al Masudi’s tenth century account. Arab traders
would buy cowries very cheaply from the Maldives, and resell them at a much inflated
price in Africa. Soon French and English traders became involved in the lucrative
business, exchanging cowry shell for slaves, which were then resold. Pyrard de Lavalwrote in the seventeenth century:
They called them (cowries) ‘Boly’ and export to all parts an infinite
quantity, in such wise that in one year I have seen 30 or 40 whole ships
loaded with them without other cargo. All go to Bengal for only is there ademand for a large quantity at high prices. The people of Bengal use themfor ordinary money although they have gold and silver and plenty of othermetals; and what is more strange kings and great lords have houses built
expressly to store these shells and treat them as part of their treasure. (deLaval 1619:251)

6

Figure 1.3 A summary of the use of cowry shell money (Monetaria moneta) in different contexts
Credit: Mirani Litster

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

However, by the nineteenth century the trade in cowry was threatened by inflation andeventually destabilized (Hogendorn and Johnson 1986). The Maldivian Sultanate also
introduced the Borah into Male’, who were Gujerati Muslim merchants concernedwith establishing warehouses and shops. Borah monopoly over foreign trade wasachieved by 1887, before their ousting from the Maldives in 1950. By this stage theMaldives began to rely on other exports to sustain the local economy, which was
subsequently replaced by the marine resource industry and the later introduction of
tourism in the twentieth century (Chaudhuri 1985; Hogendorn and Johnson 1986;
Maloney 2013).

Despite, the significant export cowry and its use as a currency from China through to
Africa, little archaeological research has been conducted in the Maldives to better
elucidate the timing and nature of the processing of cowry shell and its export. Did
humans colonize the Maldives and only later start to exploit the cowry, or as
Mikkelsen (2000) has suggested, was colonization intended to exploit the wealth ofcowry from the very start? The difference is crucial for understanding remote island
use and the impact of globalization on isolated environments. Mikkelsen (2000)
reported direct dates on cowry shells deposited in large caches at the Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu monastery ~50 BCE (radiocarbon chronologies are discussed in Chapter
Five) suggesting that cowry shells were exploited near the start of the Maldivessequence.

1.2.2 China
In China, the cowry symbolized power, prestige and wealth, which is exemplified by
the large quantities of Monetaria moneta found in Shang dynasty (mid-second
millennium BCE) tombs in the Yellow River region and its association with precious
items such as bronze and jade (Yang 2011). The earliest evidence for the shells being
used as money comes from this region, which is further supported by the adoption ofa bronze skeuomorph (tongbei). These cowry copies acted as one of the earliest formsof metal money in Chinese history and date to the Shang period (Yang 2011). The
source of early cowry shells in China has been speculated to be the South China Sea,
although Yang (2011) disputes this suggesting that an Indian Ocean source is more
likely. This, is more likely, as the earliest recorded dates of human presence in the8

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

Maldives are considerably later than the second millennium BCE. Furthermore, theearly Chinese dates for cowry predate the earliest possible occupation of the Maldivian
archipelago (Kench et al. 2009), and therefore a South China Sea or other source forearly Monetaria moneta in China is likely, with Maldivian shells probably becoming
incorporated in an intermediate period of their exchange.

1.2.3 India
The use of cowry shell money in India is well documented. The shells were exchanged
for rice and cloth from Maldivian traders, with early historical records dating to thefifth century CE. Not all cowries were resold but remained in India. Whilst Kovács(2008) suggests that they were used only in Southern India, where they occupied thelowest ‘niche’ of currency, Deyell (1999) reports that large cowry hoards have been
recovered in Northern India. Heimann (1980) highlights that India was subdivided into
local market economies based on cowry exchange and transmarket economies basedon metal currencies. Cowry shell in India formed part of the state tax system and also
acted as a form of donation to monasteries, where the shells would form part of a ritualfunction or as a component of a hoard (Yang 2011).

1.2.4 Mainland Southeast Asia
Owing to the long-standing connection between India and Southeast Asia, Thailand
began to similarly use cowry shell as a form of money, utilizing the shells as small
money and for religious dedications (Yang 2011). The introduction of shell money
occurred later than in India and in China, and it appears that the cowry was sourced
from multiple regions—either from Borneo or the Maldives. Tomés Pires, the first
Portuguese ambassador to China remarked on cowries in Thailand during the fifteenth
century:‘Cowries come from the Maldives (Diva), where they make large
quantities of towels, and they also come from the islands of Bangaga
and of Borneo (Burney) and they bring them from Malacca and fromthere they go to Pegu…cowries, like those current in Pegu, are current
throughout the country of small money, and gold and silver for thelarger coins.’ (Cortesão 1944:100)
Cowry shell money was surprisingly not used in the adjacent regions of Cambodia or
Vietnam or in Island Southeast Asia (ISEA), despite its use in Thailand.

9

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

1.2.5 West and East Africa
Radiocarbon dates from West and East African archaeological contexts (excluding
Egypt) confirm the presence of Monetaria moneta at sites during the second
millennium CE. Monod (1969) recovered the remains of a caravan from a twelfth
century site in Ma'din Ijafin, in current day northern Mauritania. This discovery
included several baskets of cowry shell, numbering in the thousands, and 2,000 copperand brass rods, likely intentionally buried to protect it from theft. Cowry has been
recovered minimally from African sites in slightly earlier contexts, such as those from
Esouk (c. 950–1200CE) (Nixon 2008). These shells were not sourced from West
Africa and would have probably been imported from the Maldives. Cowry shell
deposits in early African archaeological contexts were mainly Monetaria annulus,
suggesting an import of Maldivian cowry into West Africa subsequent to a period
when the locally sourced ring cowries dominated.

When Europeans entered West Africa, they began to participate by combining the
cowry trade with the Atlantic slave trade. The Portuguese initiated use of the cowries
as ballast by stocking up on the shells in Sri Lanka and India. In 1680 European slave
traders exchanged 10,000 shells for one slave; however, by the 1770s, 150,000 cowries
could be exchanged for one slave (Scales 2015). The Dutch controlled the industry
until the 1750s and the British controlled the trade until 1807. The ‘small articles
functioned as a lubricant for the European colonial machine’ (Yang 2011:20).

The faltering of the industry relates to the introduction of a competing version that
resulted in the collapse. In the case of Monetaria moneta, this was the golden ringer
or ring cowry—Monetara annulus (see Fig 1.1). In 1845, a German trader was denied
the purchase of cowries from the Maldivian king, causing him to seek the shells from
Zanzibar. It was here he noted an abundance of Monetaria annulus, which heharvested extensively from the East African coast and imported into West Africa. This
stand-in was welcomed as a cheaper alternative to the Maldivian money cowry,
resulting in hyperinflation and the collapse of the industry, with some shells crushed
into limestone and others buried as hoards (Scales 2015). An estimated 30 billion
Maldivian cowry shells were fed into international markets before the collapse of theindustry.

10

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

1.3

Previous Perspectives and Frameworks: The Indian Ocean and Early

Globalization
Early Indian Ocean studies were concerned mainly with numismatics, which involved
the cataloguing and recording of Roman and Chinese coins recovered in India during
the British colonial period. Toponymy also informed archaeological discussions in thenineteenth century, with Western travellers connecting place names to those inclassical studies (Seland 2014). However, these numismatic and toponymic studies
were soon overturned and it was ‘the sunset of [this] colonial archaeology[which]…became the wellspring of the archaeology of Indian Ocean trade’ (Ray2003). The first major excavation was of the port site of Arikamedu, located incontemporary Pondicherry, directed by Wheeler in 1945 and attached to theArchaeological Survey of India (ASI). Arikamedu was subsequently excavated in
1989 and 1990 by Begley (Begley et al. 1996). Seland (2014) remarked that the
excavations of Arikamedu became the ‘blueprint’ for archaeological researchthroughout the Indian Ocean. The next major port site to be excavated was the Omanisite of Khor Rori (Sumhuram) in contemporary Dhofar, which was excavated by
Wendell Phillips and the American Foundation for the Study of Man in 1952 and later
again in 1996 as part of an Italian investigation (Office of the Advisor to His Majesty
the Sultan for Cultural Affairs 2008). During the excavations at Arikamedu and Khor
Rori, numerous material culture correlates suggesting links to other parts of the Indian
Ocean were recovered, and the archaeology of Indian Ocean trade became a nascentdiscipline. In the post-colonial era, Indian Ocean archaeological research tended tofocus on national sub-disciplines (Seland 2014:4). Hence, it adhered largely toparticularistic micro-regional approaches, otherwise known as ‘culture-history’. Thissituation resulted in limited engagement with alternative frameworks to explaininteractions at a translocal scale.

Early historical research coincided with the first excavations of major port sites. In the
1950s the pioneering research of Villiers (1952) promoted a history focussed on the
remote islands in the region—the Mascarenes, the Seychelles, and Chagos. However,until recently the Indian Ocean has remained relatively understudied compared to the
Atlantic and Pacific (Vink 2007). It was when attempts to deal with the conceptual
challenges presented by the historical study of the Indian Ocean, involving an apparent

11

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE‘hundred frontiers’ and a ‘globalized, interregional … seascape’, that a theoreticalframework known as the New Thalassology was developed in the 1980s (Vink 2007).
The new school represented a hybridization of both Braudelian Annales based research
and world systems theory (WST), emphasizing the need to study process and torecognize unity in the Indian Ocean region (Wallerstein 1974; Vink 2007);
consequently, Indian Ocean historians developed an appreciation of both long-term
histories (la longue durée) and the cosmopolitanism of the space. The New
Thalassology was also characterized by a search for ‘meaningful units of analysis’,such as ‘parallel Mediterraneans’ (Vink 2007:43).

Vink (2007) lists three major proponents of the school, including Chaudhuri (1993),
Pearson (2003) and McPherson (2003). The first author borrowed from Braudel’s(1949) seminal Mediterranean research by accentuating a regional unity ‘cutting
across geographical and cultural watersheds’, which was considered a consequence ofthe capitalist, long-distance trade in luxury goods and bulk commodities (Chaudhuri1993). Chaudhuri also discussed flexible scales of analysis, suggesting that the Indian
Ocean should be treated as a single unit; however, this was neither always beneficial
nor relevant in other cases (Vink 2007:44). The discussion also highlighted four major‘expansionary forces’ which included the rise of Islam in the seventh century CE, theChinese presence and political power, and the periodic migration of Central Asian
nomadic people in the first millennium CE, and the more recent European maritime
expansion (Vink 2007). Michael Pearson also adopted a similar Braudelian
perspective, by presenting similarities and la longue durée. He argued that the physicalfactors, or the invariant ‘deep structure’ elements, provided cohesion in the region(Pearson 2003). He discussed further common cultural factors including, ‘port-cities,
shops and seafarers, long-distance trade in both luxuries and bulk commodities,
religious activities among some communities; the dissemination of the lingua franca;
and, in the early modern period, the politico-military presence of the Portuguese andtheir string of coastal forts’ (Pearson 2003:3-5). McPherson (1993:15) argued that
cultural practices were often connected by trade that shared ‘certain culturalcommonalities which set them apart from the peoples of the contiguous worlds’.

12

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

Conversely, as Vink (2007) highlights, the New Thalassology has been criticized for
an apparent ‘false concept of unity’ (Chaunu and Bertram 1979). For example, Horden
and Purcell (2000) considered that the region was negotiated through the individual
movements of agents, concerned with their associated political states. Outside of thesemajor works, many historical studies exist which further debate this argument inaddition to presenting large syntheses of the area, including those by Borsa (1990),
Bose (2006), Chandra (1987), Chaudhuri (1985), Dasgupta (1982) and Mukherjee andSubramanian (1998).

Larger archaeological research programmes have been recently developed to mirror
the larger historical studies, which examine the entire region and elucidate theprocesses associated with pervasive interaction in the region. Many discussions haveborrowed from both disciplines, with archaeologists referring to the New Thalassology
and also WST (e.g. Pearson 2003; Ray 2003; Beaujard 2005; Fuller et al. 2011; Boivin
et al. 2013; Hoogervorst 2013; Walz and Gupta 2012–2013; Seland 2014). This thesis
research introduces an alternative frame of analysis—Jennings’ (2011) model of a
global culture, which enables an exploration of the cultural dimensions ofglobalization previously unrecognized in the New Thalassology and WST models,
whilst also addressing the possibility for the existence of multiple past periods ofglobalization.

1.4 Research Aims
This thesis is structured around three broad research aims that are central tounderstanding the human history of the Maldives and the role of islands inglobalizations:

1) When did Maldivian colonization occur and from where?
This aim is fundamental to the historical study of remote islands and was
examined from the analysis of archaeological materials from four excavatedsites: Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Nilandhoo Foamathi, Bodu Havitha andDhadimagi Havitha, and a surface scatter on Vadhoo Island. New radiocarbon
dates and a revised settlement chronology for Kuruhinna Tharaagadu andNilandhoo Foamathi provide solid evidence of human occupation in the13

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

Maldives by ~300 CE. Material culture remains and architectural similarities
also support a South Asian origin and long-standing trade connections with
South India.

2) How does remote island settlement reflect globalization?
The motivation for prehistoric migrations is difficult to discern and is
especially perplexing in the case of remote island colonization as theselandmasses are often resource poor and vulnerable environments for humanoccupation. The Maldives are low-lying carbonate islands with scarceterrestrial sources, including limited arable land and access to freshwater. This
thesis argues that the Maldives were settled relatively early and participated inIndian Ocean maritime networks, largely through their contribution of cowryshell money. This hypothesis provides insight as to why several other remoteisland groups such as the Seychelles, Chagos, Christmas Island and CocosKeeling were left uninhabited until the later European maritime expansions.
The pattern of human settlement in the Indian Ocean is very different from the
Pacific where almost all remote islands were settled by 3000–700 cal. BP, andthis thesis contends that different processes are responsible for these patterns—
migration in the Pacific and globalization in the Indian Ocean.

3) How does globalization contribute to ethnogenesis in remote islands?
The third question relates to ethnogenesis in remote islands during
globalizations. The Maldives experienced the introduction of two global
cultures—the expansion of Buddhism and then of Islam—yet the island culture
remained distinctly Maldivian. A larger debate exists concerning the reticulate(horizontal) and phylogenetic (vertical) transmission of culture, and whether
cultural, linguistic and biological diversity stems predominately from anancestral package in different environments (phylogenetic transmission) or if
it develops through long-term dynamic interaction among communities overlarge areas (reticulate transmission). The colonization of islands during pastglobalizations has seen the implanting of select populations of people, which
includes people of particular social and religious positions and beliefs(Anderson 2006). The founding population and culture of the Maldives, here

14

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

argued to have been Buddhists of South Asian ancestry, was challenged by thearrival of Islam in 1153 CE, which caused rapid cultural turnover. The
Maldivian example illustrates that ethnogenesis in a globalized environment
can result in extremely rapid and profound transformations to islander society,and neither phylogenetic nor reticulate models fully account for the scale andspeed of cultural change. Over the course of two millennia a distinct Maldivian
culture emerged, illustrating that globalizations have shaped human cultural
diversity.

1.5

Research Background and Methodology

This thesis developed out of a larger Australian Research Council (ARC) Discovery
Grant (DP0986991) ‘Crossing the Green Sea: maritime mobility, trans-oceanicinteraction and remote island colonization in the tropical Indian Ocean’. The ARC
project aimed to examine Madagascar, the Seychelles, Chagos and the Maldives (the‘Green Sea’ voyaging corridor), for evidence of prehistoric human presence and the‘timing, nature and origins of trans-oceanic movement’, through archaeological andpalaeoenvironmental investigations (Anderson et al. 2009). This ARC Discovery was
also a partner of the Sealinks project based at the University of Oxford, which aimed
to examine early Indian Ocean maritime connections and globalization, through multidisciplinary collaborations.

In order to address the research aims outlined in Section 1.4, previously excavatedmaterials from Maldivian archaeological sites were analyzed. These collections werehoused at two Norwegian institutions—the Kon-Tiki Museum and the University ofOslo—and contained material from four excavated sites. These sites were excavatedduring the 1980s and the 1990s (see Chapter Five for more detail concerning the
excavations and sites). Preliminary analysis of these collections had been previously
undertaken in the 1980s and 1990s, which included counts of each cultural material
class type (i.e. bone and ceramics); however, no detailed or comparative analyses had
been undertaken on the material.

The analysis presented in this thesis was conducted by the author (Mirani Litster),unless otherwise indicated (i.e. specialist analyses, such as aDNA and radiocarbon).
The new analysis presented here contributes significantly to our understanding of the15

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

early occupation period of the Maldives, which also benefits from the application of
new analytical techniques, as over twenty years have elapsed since their initial
excavation.

1.6

Thesis Structure

The thesis is composed of ten separate chapters. Chapter Two establishes thetheoretical framework, defines globalization and presents a discussion of globalization
theory and its application to archaeology. The chapter closes with an outline of themodel used in this research.

Chapter Three presents the Indian Ocean context by establishing the physicalparameters that limit interaction in the region, including invariant elements such as
wind, topography, currents, tides and waves. This outline is followed by a review of
the archaeological evidence for interaction, from early maritime initiatives through tothe more recent occupation of the Mascarenes in the remote Western Indian Ocean.

Chapter Four outlines the research setting—the Maldives. This chapter reviews thephysical setting, the cultural context and closes with an overview of the archaeologicaland historical background.

Chapter Five presents the sites discussed in this research. It overviews the excavation
methods, major structural features, non-structural material culture finds and dates.
These sections are followed by a discussion which outlines site occupation andformation.

Chapters Six, Seven and Eight present the analytical methodology and results for eachmaterial culture class returned from Maldivian investigations. Chapter Six outlines theanalytical methodology and results for the ceramics. Chapter Seven presents themethods and results for the excavated faunal remains and Chapter Eight describes theanalytical methodology and results for the non-ceramic materials recovered from theMaldivian investigations.

16

-CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION AND SCOPE-

Chapter Nine discusses these results within the globalization framework presented in
Chapter Two and Chapter Ten concludes the thesis by readdressing the initial researchaims outlined in this chapter.

17

-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONS-

2
Past Globalizations: Defining Concepts and Theories

2.1 Introduction
As the previous chapter outlined, archaeologists have increasingly focused on
conceptualizing the Indian Ocean as a place of early globalization. The topic ofincipient globalization has been broached predominately through proxy evidence
provided by human-mediated crop transfers and other biological translocations (Fuller
et al. 2011; Boivin et al. 2014). For the first millennium BCE and first millennium
CE, material-culture connections have been examined in the region, with suggestions
that the wide-ranging presence of certain artefact types outside of their production
locale, is associated with a degree of intensified and complex interaction (i.e. thedistribution of Indo-Pacific beads, Sasanian-Islamic glazed ware, Indian rouletted
ware and the later dispersal of Chinese porcelain). However, despite thearchaeological discipline’s acceptance of the region as an arena of intenseinterregional interaction, these connections have been ill-defined outside of theapplication of world systems theory (Beaujard 2005, 2007, 2011, 2012) and a
discussion of global capitalism (Croucher 2015). What is left wanting from theseprevious models, is both a detailed exploration of the cultural dimensions ofglobalization, and also a mechanism which enables the examination of plural
globalizations in the past, so that comparable trends across multiple temporal contexts
might be explored. As such, the use of a global cultures framework, as conceptualized
by Justin Jennings (2011) has been adopted.

This chapter begins by examining previous definitions of globalization andestablishing a useable definition for use in this thesis. A review of major globalization
theories follows, including: world systems theory, global capitalism, the network
society, transnationality and transnationalism and cultural theories of globalization.
18

-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONS-This review is followed by a discussion of how globalization can be isolated andexamined in the past. The chapter closes by identifying an appropriate model for
application to the archaeological record for use in the Maldivian context in Chapter
Nine.

2.2 Defining Globalization
The term ‘globalization’ connotes the present and is typically depicted as synonymouswith western cultural imperialism. It is often associated with both negative andpositive social impacts—mainly the destruction of local identity (Tomlinson 1999).
However, how the process is defined relates much to the theoretical or disciplinary
perspective adopted, or as Nederveen Pieterse (2004:46) comments ‘in the social
sciences there are as many conceptualizations of globalization as there are disciplines’.

Early specifications of globalization outlined that it is something which extends overa long distance, and this has often been the case in Indian Ocean studies, where thewide-spread dispersal of particular material culture objects, such as Roman coins orChinese celadon, have often been considered representative of the phenomenon.
However, these interpretations preclude a focus on the process of globalization in thedefinition, which has been rectified in more recent specifications. Robinson (2008)
suggested that it constitutes ‘intensified interconnections and interdependencies on aplanetary scale and consciousness of them’ and Tomlinson (1999:2) defined
globalization as a state of ‘complex connectivity’. These recent versions appropriately
advance our understanding of globalization in that they shift the focus from space toprocess, addressing the range of triggers which can alter the social, political andeconomic composition of the recipient context. This emphasis on process isincorporated into this thesis research.

Robinson (2008) has also identified major domain questions which feature acrossdifferent theoretical perspectives and those relevant to the research aims of this thesis
include:

When does globalization begin?

What are the causal determination(s) in globalization?

What is the relationship between globalization and the State?

19

-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONS-

Multiple approaches to the first question exist; with some scholars arguing for a 5,000–
10,000-year time frame, which correlates to the ‘long-term’ approach adopted in thisresearch and is further outlined in the forthcoming section on ‘Past Globalizations andArchaeology’. Other approaches have a smaller 500-year context which iscoterminous with the expansion of capitalism and modernity. The final considers
globalization as much more recent and suggests that it occurs in the 30–40 years postindustrialization (see Fig. 2.1).

Figure 2.1 Globalization as a modern phenomenon
Credit: Adapted from Jennings (2011:9)

This domain question is outlined in further detail in Table 2.1. The second major
domain topic with which this thesis is concerned, is associated with the major cause/sof globalization episodes. Robinson (2008) outlines that there may be multiple
determinations and that different theoretical perspectives will emphasize distinct
causative factors. This thesis highlights a case for multiple causes in the Indian Ocean,
including economic, political and cultural reasons but also suggests environmental
factors were present which were supportive or inhibitive of globalization processes.
Finally, this thesis also examines the relationship between globalization and individual

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territories, by investigating the manner in which the relationship between social
structure and territoriality is redefined by the phenomenon.

2.3 Theories of Globalization
Globalization studies are transdisciplinary and include approaches founded in cultural
studies, international relations and post-colonial studies and consequently they fallunder several larger theoretical paradigms i.e. functionalism and postmodernism(Robinson 2008). Globalization research emerged as a subfield from the 1970s
onwards and it involved the study of a globalized economy with new and particularsystems of production, finance and consumption (Robinson 2008). Other
particularities came to be studied including transnational and global patterns.
International institutions such as the International Criminal Court (ICC) and theUnited Nations (UN) were also discussed, feeding into discussions concerning global
political processes. Migration and the international movement of people were alsostudied, in addition to the shifting power relations developed during the globalization
process (Appelbaum and Robinson 2005). This sub-section outlines and evaluatesmajor globalization theories that emerged from these studies including: world systems
theory, theories of global capitalism, network theory, transnationality andtransnationalism and cultural theories, and how and if they have been applied to Indian
Ocean research.

2.3.1 World Systems Theory
World systems theory has been the most extensively used 'globalization' theory inIndian Ocean studies (e.g. Beaujard 2005, 2007, 2011, 2012). WST was initiallyconceptualized as a reaction to functionalist theories in the social sciences bysociologist and historical social scientist Immanuel Wallerstein (1974) to better
understand capitalist economies within larger systems (Shannon 1996). Wallersteindeveloped the theory out of the prior work of dependency theorists (Amin 1975) and
was also influenced by the Annalistes, including the aforementioned work of Braudel(1949). The theory underlines that the development of one society is contingent on
economic processes, commodity exchanges, labour division and geo-political
relationships that operate at a larger scale (Klak 2004:121). WST challenged previous
notions that the unit of analysis should not just be a state/society—rather it should be
the larger integrated system (Robinson 2008:128). It has been broadly defined as that21

-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONS‘which examines ‘macro scale culture-historical phenomena that, in essence havethree denominators’ (Robinson 2008:128). These factors include a rejection of sociohistorical groups being self-contained units, an emphasis on establishing therelationship between such groups in spatio-temporal examinations and anunderstanding of the systemic processes that illuminate the ‘nature of these
relationships’ (Peregrine 1996).

Some researchers view WST as preceding globalization studies; however, Wallersteinconceived of globalization within the original theory as something which could beequated to the spread of world capitalism at approximately 1500 CE. Wallerstein’s(1993) temporal boundary of the recent five centuries has been ignored byarchaeologists and historians who have engaged the model to apply to the longer-term
record (Hall et al. 2011). Proponents of the archaeological approach implore that theaccumulation of capital as abstract wealth is both a contemporary and ancientphenomenon and generally reject the idea of Homo economicus (Ekholm andFriedman 1982).

One of the central themes of WST is the differentiation between core-periphery power
relations. The world system is divided into three areas—cores and peripheries, with asemi-periphery existing between the two (Stein 2002). The core is economically andpolitically developed, with centralized authorities directly supporting exchange
relationships within the world system, in addition to facilitating accumulation andinvestment of surplus. The cores have diversified economies which specialize in the
production of complex products of high-value for use both in the core and the
periphery. Staple goods have also been more recently incorporated into world systems
models as exports emanating from the core (Blanton and Feinman 1984). The core‘creates’ the periphery through this exchange relationship, thereby pulling it into its
control (Stein 2002:224). The periphery is often considered ‘less-developed’ than thecore and exists spatially at the edges of a particular world system. It is usuallyconsidered to be controlled either by colonial administration or by weaker local rulers
who depend on the core-exchange relationship. Peripheries tend to focus on
monoculture and the provision of raw materials to the core (Stein 2002). The role ofthe periphery in the world system becomes limited to the export of raw materials to
the core, thus further engendering the dependency relationship and the core’s control
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over the exchange system, including their role in manufacturing finished products.
This relationship eventuates in power of local elites on the periphery, which can result
in complex societies existing in underdeveloped peripheral areas (Stein 2002:224).
The semi-periphery exists geographically and organizationally between the two
extremities of the world system—the core and the periphery. The political system isoften less complex than that of the core, but is more centralized and hierarchical thantypical peripheral polities. Stein (2002) further suggests that the semi-periphery also
falls between the core and periphery in terms of labour control, and it acts as a bufferzone between the two poles—thereby stabilizing the whole system (Stein 2002:224).

Hall et al. (2011) and Wallerstein (2004) have defined the boundaries of a world
system as ‘a spatial/temporal zone which cuts across many political and cultural units,
one that represents an integrated zone of activity and institutions which obey certain
systemic rules’ (Wallerstein 2004:17). The ‘external area’ exists beyond theboundaries of the world system under study (Stein 2002). This external area could also
consist over other world systems, for example Stein (2002:224) cites twocontemporaneous world systems operating in the first millennium CE—Han China
and the Roman Empire.

Since the initial formulation of world systems theory by Wallerstein in 1974, several
refinements and elaborations have resulted in the refined comparative world systems
analysis (Hall et al. 2011:237). World systems analysis (CWSA) introducescomparative analyses into the discussion of such models, involving empiricalquestions to ‘transform assumptions in early formulations’ and it has been described
as a ‘general approach that encompasses several competing theories, all of whichemphasize interaction as central to cultural and social change’ (Denemark et al. 2002).
Hall et al. (2011) defend Wallerstein’s original approach as being an initial phase oftheory construction and suggest contemporary criticisms of WST typically ignore 40
years of development. They argue that it should be considered a ‘perspective’ and nota ‘theory’, and it exists as a ‘collection of approaches that share key aspects of theearly versions’. Hall et al. (2011:239–240) more generally suggest that world systems‘are forms of human organization that are larger than societies or states, and there is adialectic between the World System and its constituent parts … [e]ach shaped theother’.
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2.3.2 Theories of Global Capitalism
Capitalism concerns private ownership over the means of production and global
capitalism refers to this on a larger scale. As such, the school of global capitalism,
much like WST, is a macro social theory; however, it positions globalization as a‘novel stage in the evolving system of world capitalism … [or] global capitalism’(Robinson 2008:130). Essentially, globalization was responsible for the propagationof global capitalism. Major proponents of the theory include Robinson (2008) andSklair (2002). Hardt and Negri (2000) adopt a postmodern take on the phenomenon.
As highlighted by Robinson (2008:131), other variations of the theory have also been
discussed by McMichael (2000), Ross and Trachte (1990) and Went (2002).

Global capitalism is thought to succeed previous national forms of capitalism, and isalso considered to be composed of new transnational systems of production andfinance which were not present in the prior form. In theories of global capitalism,
globalization is responsible for integrating ‘national circuits’ into new global circuitsof production and accumulation. Sklair’s (2002) ‘theory of a global system’ present
the transnational practices (TNPs) as operational categories which are founded by nonstate actors outside of conventional geopolitical boundaries. Three levels of TNPs
exist in the ‘global-system’ model, including the transnational capital (economic), thetransnational capitalist class (TCC) (political) and the cultural elites (cultural
ideological). Robinson (2008) also developed a model which involved threetransnational facets, including production, capitalists and a state. Sklair and Robinson
differ in their approaches to the political component of the theory (TCC) in that
Robinson (2008) adopts a national-global duality approach, by suggesting that thetransnational state (TNS) is loosely comprised of ‘supernational political andeconomic institutions’ together with national counterparts which have been
‘penetrated and transformed’ by transnational forces. However, Sklair’s (2002)
configuration suggests no role of the TNS in the formation of the new global system.

Whilst trade has existed throughout most of the human history of the Indian Ocean,by no means was it consistently apparent as a form of capitalism. Global capitalism
and capitalism more generally require the technological means able to produce on anindustrial scale, which didn't occur extensively until the modern era. As such, thedirect relevance to Indian Ocean archaeology is temporally narrow, with applications
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-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONS-

currently only seen in studies of nineteenth-century clove plantations on Zanzibar(Croucher 2015). These models conceptualize globalization as a stepping stone in theemergence of a defined period of global capitalism.

2.3.3 The Network Society
Castells' concept of the network society is defined by an emphasis on technology:‘Technology does not determine society: it is society’ (Castells 2005:3). Castells’
theory suggests that globalization occurred during the ‘Age of Information’, or the
more recent information technology era. This ‘technologistic’ approach is presented
in Rise of the Network Society (1996), where technology is considered the instigatorfor globalization. Technology is also a requisite for the emergence of new modes ofsocial organization founded on networking (Castells 2005). Castells suggests that thisinvolves a novel global economy with altered modes of development that is knowledge
based, global and networked. He considers that ‘the networked enterprise makes
material the culture of the informational, global economy: it transforms signals into
commodities by processing knowledge’ (1996:188). Network society proponents are
more positive about the tangible implications of globalization than WST and global
capitalism theorists (Robinson 2008); however, similarities with WST are evident.
These similarities being the core-periphery relationships that are established based onaccess to technology i.e. those ‘switched on to the new technological system and thoseswitched off or marginalized, giving rise to the oft-cited digital divide’ (Robinson
2008:133).
Despite Castells’ initial assertions that the concept of the Network Society is a modern
phenomenon, like many proponents of WST, it has been presented as a framework foruse in understanding prior interactions (LaBianca and Scham 2006). Castells’
approach was examined in Connectivity in Antiquity (2006), whereby it was raised that
network connections were important in earlier periods: ‘Those of us who work [inarchaeology] can hasten to assure Castells that, while his theoretical framework iswholly innovative, the trends he explicates are quite typical of cultures and societies
from previous millennia’ (LaBianca and Scham 2006:2). This framework has yet tobe adopted in Indian Ocean archaeology, however its relevance is apparent in termsof the region being a ‘nexus’ or a system of trade network.

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2.3.4 Transnationality and Transnationalism
When dealing with globalization, immigration studies have focused on theories oftransnationality and transnationalism; however, they also appear in dialogues
associated with ethnic group formation. Transnationalism is the condition of increased
interaction across geopolitical boundaries. Transnationality as a term is defined as‘the rise of new communities and the formation of new social identities and relations
that cannot be defined through the traditional reference points of nation states’(Robinson 2008:137). It is generally referred to as a concept that includes a variety ofprocesses that takes place concomitantly at the local and global levels. Immigration
studies define transnationality as the activities of immigrants to ‘forge and sustain
multi-strand social relations that link their societies of origin and settlement as a single
unified field of social action’ (Basch et al. 1994). Transportation and communication
networks have connected origin and settlement locales, forging new ‘transnational
spaces’. Theorists have challenged these polarized categories, and see theseconnections as both forging and fueling globalization. The agents involved are both‘subjects and objects [of globalization]’ (Robinson 2008:137).

Theories oftransnationality have had a minimal impact on archaeology although have informedsome studies, especially to those of more contemporary diasporas, such as the Irish
Diaspora to the United States (e.g. Brighton 2009).

2.3.5 Cultural Theories of Globalization
Cultural theories concerning globalization include a range of approaches that address
the local or subjective dimensions. These have also been denoted broadly as theories
of a ‘global culture’ and differ from the aforementioned approaches where discussionsof economic and political components are pronounced. Cultural theories ofglobalization tend to belong to one of three positions: homogenization, heterogeneityor hybridization and both universalism and particularism are themes found across each
(Robinson 2008). Homogenization theories view global cultural convergence, andhighlight universal objects and behaviours and cosmopolitanism. The more recent
term ‘McDonaldization’, refers to this and is founded in this particular approach(Ritzer 2002; Nederveen Pieterse 2004). Heterogeneity approaches see a resistance tothis homogenization, for example, fundamentalism is seen as a rejection of uniformity(Robinson 2008). Appadurai (1990:140–141) further discusses this juxtaposition andestablishes it as the ‘central problem of today’s global interaction … the tension
26

-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONSbetween cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization’. Additionally, clashes(warfare) and polarization are also seen as problems associated with globalization.
Hybridity approaches stress a merging of culture and identities as a product oftransnational processes. These three different approaches present very broadly thedifferent manners in which global cultures may be interpreted. The strength of cultural
theories of globalization is that they examine multiple social, political and economic
processes. It is for this reason that a global cultures model has been employed in thisresearch, and the model used in this thesis borrows from all three arms:
homogenization, heterogeneity and hybridity.

2.4 Past Globalizations and Archaeology
It was in the 1980s that archaeology as a discipline began to stress that understanding
a site within the context of the surrounding region was vital to understanding local
changes. Effectively, no archaeological site can be understood in isolation, nor can
local changes be attributed to the external arena—the interplay between both must be
examined to understand these developments (Hall and Chase-Dunn 1993; Hall et al.
2011). Prior to this a neo-evolutionary paradigm persisted, which had emphasizedenvironmental factors as the reagent for social complexity. Such dialogues typically
excluded interaction as motivating internal changes within a society (Trigger 1984).
In these early approaches varied techniques were used to examine interactions
including rank-size distributions, catchment analysis, central-place models and spatial
statistics (Salisbury 2009). It was also at this stage that Fried’s ‘pristine social
formation’—a model which considered changes occurring in isolation—waschallenged and largely rejected (see Sabloff and Lamberg-Karlosvky 1975). Early
perspectives include interaction spheres (Caldwell 1964), trade studies (Adams et al.
1974), world systems theory (Wallerstein 1974), cluster interaction (Price 1977), andpeer-polity models (Renfrew 1986).

Stein (1998:903) highlighted that the archaeological interest in interaction and culturecontact was paralleled by an increasing focus on globalization, transnationalism andcolonialism in anthropology. Different theoretical frameworks and a variety of models
emerged. These various models acknowledge the diversity of contact relationships,
including the variability between the ‘degree of negotiation, acceptance, resistance,
and tolerance between social systems’ (Dillehay et al. 2006:249). Schortman and27

-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONS-

Urban (1987) and Stein (2002) relate the varied nature of these processes to the local
degree of political complexity, geography, cost of transport/distance, military and theobjectives of the society involved in the contact i.e. agency.

The above section highlighted globalization theories more generally; however, it dealt
mainly with contemporary transdisciplinary applications of these frameworks.
LaBianca and Scham (2006) were the first archaeologists to explicitly engage withand discuss the social dimensions of globalization with globalization theorists (i.e. theapplication of ‘The Network Society’ to archaeological contexts). Investigating
globalization in the past in the archaeological record requires shifting the lens beyond
contemporary contexts. How then can archaeologists incorporate the aforementioned
theoretical frameworks into their disciplinary research? This section aims to address
this, by examining how past globalizations will be examined in this thesis.

2.4.1 Globalization in the Past: Varied Approaches
This section deals with the timing of globalization and how this is addressed acrossdisciplines and paradigms. The more conventional approach to understanding thephenomenon treats globalization as the corollary of the modern era. As such, it closely
resembles prior Marxist approaches which suggest that the process is contingent onanother i.e. the spread of the world-market. Counter-arguments to the paradigm
suggest that the approach centres on capitalism, thus being Eurocentric and ultimately
a theory of ‘Westernization’ (Nederveen Pieterse 1994). This section outlines twomore recent approaches to understanding the process, which bring past globalizations
into the ambit of the discourse. These include: (1) ‘long-term’ approaches and (2)WST based approaches (Jennings 2011).

Table 2.1. Interpretations of the timing of globalization (after Jennings 2011;
Nederveen Pieterse 1995:47).
Author
Beginning
Theme / Paradigm
McNeilControl of Fire
Nederveen Pieterse
Origins of Agriculture
Marx
1500s
Modern capitalism
Wallerstein
1500s
Modern world-system
Robertson
1500s, 1870s-1920s
Multidimensional
Giddens
1800s
Modernity
Tomlinson
1900s
Cultural planetarization

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-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONS-

Figure 2.2 Globalization as a long-term process
Credit: Adapted from Jennings (2011:9)

The first considers the phenomenon as a long-term process, with an intensification ofinteraction in the more recent period. This ‘long-term’ approach became establishedpost-2000 and was a reaction to globalization histories by scholars who considered
prior research insufficient, because older events had been excluded from the dialogue.
Divergent interpretations exist pertaining to the time-depth at which globalization
begins (see Table 2.1). Nederveen Pieterse (1994) considers this to be associated withthe development of agriculture. A theory relating it to the initial dispersal of humans
is presented by Clark (1997) and Chanda (2007) and McNeil argues the origins emerge
from the control of fire and describes it as ‘an age-old process expanding the humanniche in the Earth’s ecosystem’ (2008:8). Despite a lack of consensus over the stage
at which globalization began, all adherents of the ‘long-term’ approach agree that it
involves an intensification of earlier actions and processes. The second approachviews past globalization as episodes or as ‘discrete bursts of interaction’. Although,WST does not explicitly refer to globalization, this is the approach to which most WST
based approaches adhere.

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2.4.2 Identifying past globalizations in the archaeological record‘If we want to explore the possibility of globalizing moments in the pastthat had similar cultural consequences to those that we are experiencing
today [and] then we need to look for globalizations in the plural.’(Jennings 2011:13)
This thesis combines both the ‘long-term’ and WST based approaches in order to gain
useful insight into globalization. The long term approach identifies past globalizations
and the WST approach identifies individual episodes. This hybrid approach developedby Jennings (2011), enables us to examine past globalizations and also the associatedprocesses by identifying multiple episodes that might then be compared.

Figure 2.3 Multiple globalizations in the past
Credit: Adapted from Jennings (2011:9)

It is important then to ascertain how past globalization periods can be identified. Thiscannot be discerned from just identifying increasing interaction, but can be establishedthrough examining the impact on the recipient culture. Therefore, past globalizing
moments involve:

30

-CHAPTER TWO: PAST GLOBALIZATIONS-(1) an increase in interregional interaction; and,(2) the creation of a ‘global culture’.
The first criteria can be plotted according to recognized upsurges in interaction
through time (Tomlinson 1999). For example, it is clear that in the recent period,
interaction has increased in scale, density and distance owing to technologicaladvancements. For the purposes of this thesis earlier increases of interaction must be
considered and phases of interaction in the Indian Ocean are discussed based on thearchaeological and historical record in the following chapter—Chapter Three.
The second criteria—the creation of a ‘global culture’ is defined here after Jennings(2011). Firstly, what constitutes a culture, can be seen as a product of daily interactions
with the immediate family and community, therefore, by increasing interactions with
far-reaching cultures—such as in globalization—an impact on the ‘number, depth andvariety of connections between people across regions’ will result in changes witness
in the local social context (Jennings 2011:11). These changes result in what has beentermed a ‘global culture’.

There are eight hallmarks which Jennings specifies as integral to defining a global
culture. These include:
1. Time-Space Compression
2. Deterritorialization
3. Standardization
4. Unevenness
5. Cultural Homogenization
6. Cultural Heterogeneity
7. Re-embedding of Local Culture
8. Vulnerability

Whilst, not all these criteria will be evident in all contexts, as ‘we should expect thatpast global cultures were as inherently fractured, messy, and contingent as the one welive in today’ (Jennings 2011:123). These are defined as follows, although will befurther detailed in Chapter Nine and discussed in terms of the early occupation period
31

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of the Maldives. The first is time-space compression and it involves social andeconomic processes which speed up transport or provide the faster receipt of goods.
Deterritorialization happens when the local culture becomes ‘abstracted’ from a timeand space—or a geographical location (Appadurai 1990). The local and global merge
owing to the cultural fusion from a varied range of foreign inputs. Standardization isthe consequence of multiple people operating outside of fixed locales and facilitatestranslation between the two. The fourth hallmark is Unevenness. This involves a power
dynamic as similarly described in WST and the network society. Essentially not allplaces share the same level of connectedness and not all locations are visible on theworld stage, which can also be related to the physical isolation of regions with limited
resources and scattered populations. Cultural homogenization constitutes the fifthcharacteristic. This has been previously described as ‘McDonaldization’, where awidespread distribution of objects and people, are adopted by other people. Thisentails a ‘diffusion of a way of being, from musical forms, architecture, and modes ofdress to eating habits, languages, philosophical ideas and cultural values anddispositions’ (Inda and Rosaldo 2008). This is counterbalanced by cultural
heterogeneity, which involves new modes of living arriving through globalization
processes (Gupta and Ferguson 2002). The re-embedding of local culture is a reaction
to the new influences associated with globalization or the ‘deliberate choice to turninward’. The final hallmark is vulnerability which is associated with locations
becoming increasingly dependent on actions which occur in other places around theworld.

2.5 Summary
This chapter outlined a useable definition for globalization in this thesis, which
follows recent definitions that focus on process. A review of WST, global-capitalism,
the network society, transnationalism and transnationality and also cultural theories ofglobalization followed. The manner in which globalization frameworks might beapplied to archaeological research was then discussed, and Jennings’ (2011) hybrid
model of a global culture was deemed the most profitable. The global culture model
will be explored in Chapter Nine, through the use of the archaeological and historical
data presented in Chapters Three–Eight of this thesis to explore past globalization
episodes in the Indian Ocean.

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-CHAPTER THREE: PERIODS OF INDIAN OCEAN INTERACTION-

3
Periods of Indian Ocean Interaction

3.1 Introduction
The history of the Indian Ocean documents widespread exchanges between people
from India, Sri Lanka, East Africa, China, the Gulf, the Red Sea, the Mediterraneanand Southeast Asia. It was the movement of commodities and their associated agents,
which transformed it into a cosmopolitan space, most famously through the trade inspices from the first millennium BCE onwards—although ‘more ink has been spilt on
this than it objectively deserves’ for it was just one component of the larger corpus of
traded items exchanged throughout the Indian Ocean (Pearson 2003:153). Evidence
for interaction has been documented in the archaeological record, with early examples
including the movement of Ubaid pottery, from Mesopotamia onto sites in the Gulf,
as far back as the sixth millennium BCE (Boivin and Fuller 2009). Interactions as
recent as the import of slaves into the Mascarenes in the latter part of the last
millennium have also been documented by archaeologists (Appelby et al. 2012; Seetah
2010; Seetah et al. 2011).

The previous chapter outlined and evaluated theoretical frameworks able to examine
early globalization in the region, this chapter aims to contextualize this study bypresenting an established timeline of cross-cultural exchanges and biologicaltranslocations during relevant temporal periods. An exhaustive review is well beyond
the scope of this research; see Fuller et al. (2011), Boivin and Fuller (2009), Pearson(2003), Ray (2003), Sidebotham (2011), Tomber (2008), Seland (2014), Reade (1996),
Chaudhuri (1985) and Hoogervorst (2013) for more in-depth examinations ofinteraction during the time periods discussed. This background chapter has benefitted

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significantly from these syntheses and represents an evaluation of phases based on theliterature.

3.2 Defining the Physical Parameters
Indian Ocean interaction was shaped by two principle factors: physical limits andsocial dynamics (Beaujard 2005:411). These parameters comprise the major invariant
matters that constrain or facilitate human movement (Lee 1965). Pearson (2003:1)
refers to these as ‘deep structure’ elements, a concept borrowed from Braudel andmethodological structuralism, suggesting that any interaction exists only on basestructures. Whilst Pearson also identifies several non-physical parameters as invariant
factors guiding maritime initiatives throughout the Indian Ocean i.e. piracy (Gupta
2007), this section is concerned only with the physical elements.

3.2.1 Geographical Parameters
The geological processes responsible for the contemporary Indian Ocean and its
littoral regions began in the early Paleozoic (c. 540 million years BP). By the Miocene
period (25–12 million years BP) the Indian Ocean was approaching its current
dimensions, when the Red Sea opened and the Afro-Arabian continent separated(Reddy 2013). Today, the Indian Ocean covers 27% of the Earth’s maritime space andis the third largest ocean behind the Pacific and Atlantic (Pearson 2003:14). Pearson
provides a definition of the boundaries, which was built on that initially establishedby the International Hydrographic Organization (IHO) (1953:22). These limits extend
from Cape Agulhas in South Africa (20˚E to 110˚E) around the East African coast to
the Gulf to include the Red Sea. The northern limit extends beyond South Asia andthe Bay of Bengal, which meets the eastern limit—the Sunda Deep. The eastern edge
involves a bathymetric boundary dividing the Southeast Asian and Indian Ocean
maritime regions, beyond this area the monsoons shift and a later formation of thesouth-west monsoon occurs (Pearson 2003:2; Gupta 2004). The western limit stretches
southwards along coastal Western Australia to Cape Leeuwin (Pearson 2003);
although the IHO (1953) consider these boundaries extend further east to Tasmania
and down to Antarctica. There are several smaller seas, gulfs, bays and straits
considered a part of the Indian Ocean region, which include: The Red Sea, the Persian
Gulf, the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea.

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-CHAPTER THREE: PERIODS OF INDIAN OCEAN INTERACTION-

Although it is impossible to outline all physical structures which impacted movementin the region, some select examples highlight the diversity of the area. The presenceof impeding geographical entities backing coastal fronts complicated inland exchange
in some areas. Examples provided by Pearson (2003) include the southern region ofKerala, which is fringed by the Western Ghats and likewise, the Swahili coast, which
is backed by the nyika, a ‘barren hinterland’ (Sheriff 1986:8). Maritime ‘choke points’
are also very relevant, and their presence prohibits ease of interaction; examples
include the straits of Melaka near Singapore or Hormuz in the Gulf (Pearson 2003).
Historical sources also highlight some of the dangers present, for example Al Masudi,
the Arab historian and geographer, and the anonymous author of the first century CE
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, both write of the hazards of the Red Sea. The latterdescribes it as ‘dangerous, without harbours and with bad anchorages’ (Casson 1989)
and Al Masudi suggests it is the ‘most dangerous of the seas and gulfs ... sterile shores
and depths of the sea ... (where) ships sail only by day ... (for) its darkness and thefear it inspires (Al Masudi 2007:61–62). Furthermore, reef areas surrounding coral
atolls, such as the Maldives, also proved problematic for providing safe anchorage andharbour. Contra to this, several factors facilitated movement, for example the fertile
Hadramawt coastal area (Southern Arabia), was strategically located, enabling
resupply for southwards voyaging to Eastern Africa or west towards South Asia
(Pearson 2003).

Islands in the Indian Ocean include Madagascar, Sri Lanka, Socotra, the Seychelles,
Mauritius, Reunion, Comoros and coral atolls such as Cocos Keeling and the Maldives(Pearson 2003:16). A point raised by Anderson et al. (2009) was that Indian Ocean
seafarers took a relatively long time, with lower success to find fewer islands, than thecolonizers of the Pacific. Additionally, with the exception of Madagascar, a large
island (587,000km2), the remote islands have a mean size of one-third of that of remotetropical Pacific islands (total land area of 7800km2 compared to 166,000km2). The
small size of most of these islands could account for their later occupation, despite theIndian Ocean’s earlier human use and navigation; however, Anderson et al. (2009)
suggest the reason for their later occupation still remains somewhat of a ‘conundrum’,
especially in light of the extensively developed continental coastal areas.

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3.2.2 Weather Systems: The Monsoon and Southeast Trade Winds
Several weather systems are relevant to this research and include the monsoon and thesoutheast trade winds (see Fig 3.1). The first is the most definitive of Indian Ocean
trade and the English name ‘monsoon’ is derived from the Arabic mawsim—a term
originally employed to signal the fixed period of time required for Arabic dhows to
sail between ports (Chaudhuri 1985; Chaudhuri 1993; Reade 1996; Pearson 2003;
Gupta 2004; Boivin et al. 2013). The monsoon has predictable patterns that reverse
seasonally compared to the ‘year-long prevailing winds’ witnessed in other areas suchas the Atlantic (Pearson 2003). The South Asian Monsoon, is one of Earth’s mostintense annual climatic elements, and is integral to the livelihood of many
communities around the Indian Ocean—it supplies moisture to the land, and the windregime assists ocean voyaging (Betzler et al. 2016). Chaudhuri remarked that it was‘the predictability of a homeward wind [that] made the Indian Ocean the most benign
environment in the world for long-range voyaging’ (1993:1). These ‘sea-lanes’ wereaugmented by the northern caravan routes, which contained ‘two-humped camels,
horses and mules as transport’ (Chaudhuri 1985:39).
In very basic terms, as Pearson (2003:19) outlines, the monsoon’s formation is aconsequence of the Earth’s rotation and climate—during the summer months, heatwarms the continental land mass, causing hot air to rise and the formation of a low
pressure area over the Earth’s surface; moisture from the ocean moves into the zone,
rises, and results in cloud formation and heavy rain. In winter this pattern is reversed,
with wind moving away from the land owing to the slower cooling of the ocean.
Monsoon winds have not altered significantly since the time period underinvestigation, and therefore current navigational charts can be used in concert withhistorical descriptions to reconstruct seasonal sailing patterns (Seland 2011; Seland2014). In addition to obvious impacts on navigation, the monsoon also brought
precipitation to the connected land masses including the Ethiopian and Yemeni
highlands, South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia (Gupta 2004:134).

The division between the south-west monsoon from May to September and the northeast monsoon present during November to March, divided the year into two halves,forming the old Indian Ocean solar calendar. The north-east monsoon was the ‘major
player’ as it blows consistently and essentially never reduces to a flat calm. This36

-CHAPTER THREE: PERIODS OF INDIAN OCEAN INTERACTION-

monsoon would deliver ships from the Red Sea and Arabian Gulf to India and south
to East Africa (Reddy 2013). The Greeks discovered the Indian Ocean monsoon in thethird century BCE and called it the hippalus. This discovery resulted in the florescenceof western commercial interests in the Indian Ocean (Gupta 2004:124). The southwest monsoon was less stable, with stronger winds and heavy rainstorms present. It
was as possible though substantially more dangerous to cross the Indian Ocean outsideof monsoon seasons (Seland 2011).

Figure 3.1 The Indian Ocean. Indicating locations discussed in the text, currents
and counter-currents and limits of reliable monsoon (after Boivin et al. 2013).
Credit: Carto GIS, Australian National University and Mirani Litster

Between June and August the winds were so strong that the west and east coasts ofIndia were unable to be reached (Agius 2008). The further south travelled, the weaker37

-CHAPTER THREE: PERIODS OF INDIAN OCEAN INTERACTION-

the monsoons. Additionally, the southeast trade winds, which are driven partly by thesouth-equatorial current, are present at 15˚S to 30˚S and it is through this belt and notwithin the monsoon system, that the likely movement from Island Southeast Asia to
Madagascar would have occurred (Pearson 2003:23).

3.2.3 Currents, Tides and Waves
The presence of particular currents that limited or facilitated maritime travel have beenoutlined by Boivin et al. (2013), which follows Pearson (2003) and are reiterated here.
The currents in the Indian Ocean which ‘were more of a problem or an opportunity’
were situated along the East African coast and include: the Somali Current,
Mozambique Current and the intense Agulhas Current. The South-Equatorial Current(SEC) and the Equatorial Counter-Current (ECC) are situated centrally; the latter isthe most relevant to the Maldives, as can be seen in Fig 3.1 (Pearson 2003; Boivin etal. 2013). Furthermore, tides were especially hazardous in narrow waterways, such as
those in the Red Sea and the Gulf. Pearson (2003:25) describes the effects of tides
being felt 160km up the Shatt al Arab and into the Tigris. Waves potentially inhibitedsafe anchorage along coastal areas, as was the case along the west coast of India andMalaya. Wave action was less of a problem for maritime voyaging along East Africa.

3.3 Early Exchanges (Pre-1000 BCE)
Early examples of interaction in the region can be seen during the sixth millennium
BCE, with exotic material culture present in archaeological sites in the Persian
Gulf/Gulf of Oman region. The most ‘striking’ is the presence of Ubaid pottery from
Mesopotamia found in over 60 Neolithic sites of the Arabian Bifacial tradition (Carter
2006; Boivin and Fuller 2009). Radiocarbon dates for the presence of this pottery spanfrom the second half of the sixth millennium BCE through to the fifth millennium
BCE (Boivin and Fuller 2009:123). Early interpretations suggested that the vector forthis movement were the Persian Gulf inhabitants; however, recent interpretations
suggest an Arabian agency, which is plausible owing to the Ubaid pottery being‘intrusive’ elements present in sites otherwise dominated by Arabian Neolithic
materials (Lawler 2002; Carter 2006; Boivin and Fuller 2009:123). During this period
other traded materials were present in the area, such as obsidian recovered in Yemen,with preliminary source studies suggesting an Ethiopian provenance, pointing to
movements across the Red Sea (Khalidi 2010).
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During the Bronze Age Period from 3500 BCE to 2000 BCE, an intensification ofmaritime interactions was apparent, building on those networks established by theearlier ‘small scale maritime societies operating in a pre- or proto-urbanized setting’occurred (Boivin and Fuller 2009). This period as defined by Boivin and Fuller (2009)
correlates to that which Gupta defines more broadly as ‘the beginnings of exchange’
involving near-shore watercraft utilizing ‘nucleated communities’ during the fourth to
third millennium BCE (Gupta 2004). Incense such as frankincense (Boswellia sacra)
and myrrh (Commiphora sp.) grew in the ‘aromatic rich’ monsoon belt region between
the Wadi Hadramawt, Dhofar and northeastern Africa and were traded throughnetworks to Egypt from the fourth millennium BCE (Peacock and Peacock 2006;
Boivin and Fuller 2009). In the latter part of the third millennium BCE, as pointed out
by Boivin and Fuller (2009), it was apparent that coastal Omanis were heavily
involved in trade, with abundant evidence of exchange with Harappa—carnelian,
combs, metal, seals, Indus black slipped ware and weights were all present in eastern
Arabia (Cleuziou and Tosi 1994; Possehl 1996; Potts 1993; Vogt 1996). Additionally,
one of the earliest exotic pieces of wood found in the area, Indian Rosewood(Dalbergia sissoo), potentially has an Indo-Iranian provenance although the reliabilityof the wood identification is not secure (Tengberg 2002). Nonetheless, theoverwhelming presence of other Harappan material supports the occurrence of
exchanges between these two regions (Boivin and Fuller 2009).
From 2000 BCE, the trading sphere of the Red Sea was brought into ‘the remit of an
extended India-Gulf trading network’ (Fuller et al. 2011:546). Fuller et al. (2011)attribute this to the activity of coastal societies of Southern Arabia or the movementsof Gujarati seafarers and also mention an ‘undetermined source in Africa’. Five
African crops reached South Asia by the closing of the second millennium BCE;
however, the manner in which these were moved remains unknown (Boivin et al.
2014). Movement in the opposite direction from east to west c. 2000 BCE is supportedby the appearance of the broomcorn millet (Panicum miliaceum) in Pakistan, Yemen
and Nubia by approximately 1700 BCE, with an original cultivation area of Northern
China (Fuller et al. 2011). Zebu cattle, contemporarily referred to as Brahman cattle,
were also likely moved from India to Yemen and East Africa during this period (Fuller
et al. 2011). At the end of the second millennium BCE, the recovery of black
39

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peppercorns from the nostrils of Pharaoh Ramses II burial at approximately 1200
BCE, suggests a spice trade between South Asia and the Red Sea area as pepper (Pipernigrum) is a spice endemic to southern India (Plu 1985; Fuller et al. 2011). Thisconsiderable evidence supports a case for intensified interaction in the Red Sea-GulfIndian region during this period.

The eastern portion of the Indian Ocean saw other translocations and exchanges taking
place in a westward direction prior to the first millennium BCE. This includes
evidence for Southeast Asian arboriculture species in India with wood charcoal
specimens of probable mango and citrus found in sediments dated to 1300–1400 BCE.
Despite these being contextual dates, the additional translocation of Sandalwood(Santalum album) from Indonesia to India at approximately 1300 BCE, provides
further evidence for pre-first millennium BCE mobility in the region (Asouti et al.
2008; Hoogervorst 2013). Hoogervorst (2013:13) highlights that those responsible
would have been insular Southeast Asians who acquired the sandalwood from Nusa
Tenggara. This coincides with the initial settlement of Remote Oceania by MalayoPolynesians, indicating that they had the seafaring capacity to undertake such a voyage
in an equivalent westerly direction.

3.4 Open Sea Voyaging: First Millennium BCE interactions (1000 BCE–0)
Proxy evidence of widespread transfers between Southeast Asia, India and the Red
Sea suggest that the first millennium BCE period involved open sea voyaging andtherefore required navigational knowledge of the monsoon and currents. We know that
the Greeks understood the monsoon system by at least the third century BCE, andreferred to it as the hippalus. It was this integration of the littoral regions, which
resulted in an extensive and ‘flourishing’ Indian Ocean trade by the two centuries prior
to the BCE/CE transition (Magee 2010; Walz and Gupta 2013:45). Major interactions
will be reviewed here as defining examples of Indian Ocean exchanges during thisperiod. These are covered in Western Indian Ocean, South Asian and Southeast Asiancategories. Finally, links to the Mediterranean are explored mainly through evidence
recovered from Gulf and South Asian contexts.

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3.4.1 The Western Indian Ocean
Both Fuller et al. (2011) and Gupta (2005) highlight several intentional transfers i.e.
banana, cinnamon and chickens, and other non-intentional transfers i.e. commensal
plants and animals, as significant to our understanding of inter-regional interaction
during this period and these are summarized here.

Phytolith research suggests banana (Musa spp.) was cultivated in the Malesian region,
with an arrival on the African continent prior to the colonization of Madagascar c.500
BCE, as documented in the archaeological record of Cameroun (Mbida et al. 2000;
Kennedy 2009); however, less veracious claims of earlier Musa spp. in Uganda exist(Lejju et al. 2006). There was also demand for the Sri Lankan spice—cinnamon—in
the Western Indian Ocean from the early first millennium BCE (Gupta 2005). Fuller
et al. (2011) also discuss the use of chicken as a staple in African villages. The redjunglefowl (Gallus gallus) originated from the expanse of North India, Southeast andEast Asia. Historical linguistic data points to three separate introductions to Africawith only one from the Indian Ocean; however, contextual archaeological information
for these introductions is still lacking and although ‘chickens appear to be deeply
culturally embedded in West and Central African subsistence, suggesting considerable
time-depth to their presence’ (Williamson 2000; Fuller et al. 2011). Further
archaeozoological investigations, especially studies on aDNA, need to be conductedin order to substantiate claims of an early or first millennium BCE introduction ofchicken to Africa.

Fuller et al. (2011) also highlight non-intentional transfers which shed light on the
movement of people during this first millennium BCE context. This involves evidence
for the presence of commensal organisms, or those which live in close association withother organisms for the purpose of deriving benefit. Horse purslane (Trianthema
portulacastrum) has been frequently recovered at Harappan sites in Gujarat (Weber
1991) and in South Indian contexts from Early Historic Period sites (300 BCE) andhas subsequently also been recovered in Southeast Asian and African contexts,
although no dates for this lateral dispersal exist (Fuller et al. 2011). Evidence for the
movement of commensal animals also exists, including the movement of the house
mouse (Mus musculus) during the first millennium BCE, which was introduced to
Madagascar via Yemen from India (Duplantier et al. 2002; Fuller et al. 2011). The
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Asian house shrew (Suncus murinus) was also introduced to East Africa and theArabian Peninsula from South and Southeast Asia during this time period (Boivin and
Fuller 2009). As with the above mentioned study of chicken, aDNA investigations into
the movement of the commensals such as Suncus murinus and Mus musculus are
essential to provide confirmation for these movements, and therefore valuable insight
into the movement of people who were integral to their translocation.

3.4.2 South and Southeast Asia
Whilst interaction between South and Southeast Asia tends to be discussed in a firstmillennium CE context, evidence for exchange exists during this earlier period. These
discussions have also tended to focus on a west to east direction, with less evidence
for the movement of Southeast Asian material in a westerly direction (Hoogervorst2013). The majority of studies discuss the timing and incorporation of Indian religious,
political and artistic features into MSEA and ISEA (Bellina 2003; Bellina 2004;
Manguin and Indradaja 2011; Manguin et al. 2011). Additionally, recent
interpretations of what has been previously seen as foreign South Asian introductions
to Southeast Asia have been revised to suggest that these were indigenous phenomena,such as semi-urbanization and metallurgy (Glover et al. 1996:130).

However, evidence for contact between South and Southeast Asia during the mid-firstmillennium BCE is undeniable—Indian objects and technologies such as beads andiron and glass working appeared in mainland Southeast Asia at this time. The widely
accepted earliest evidence for economic exchanges between the two areas is presented
by Glover and Bellina (2011) with South Asian finds from Ban Don Ta Phet and Khao
Sam Kaeo in Thailand dating to approximately 200 BCE–400 CE. It was this
discovery that resulted in the beginnings of an archaeology of ‘proto-historical’ and‘historical’ Southeast Asia (Bellina 2003; Glover and Bellina 2011; Manguin 2011).
Manguin terms particular objects during this phase as ‘markers of exchange activity’(2011:xix). These include Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW) from the Gangetic
Valley in India, dated between 800 BCE to the BCE/CE transition and Rouletted Ware
(RW) which has been recorded from the eastern seaboard of the subcontinent down to
Sri Lanka with associated dates of between 300 BCE–300 CE (Gupta 2005). Gupta(2005:24) reasonably posits that the distribution of NBPW and RW at sites in
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Southeast Asia suggests an intensification of activity throughout the Bay of Bengal in
the latter half of the first millennium BCE. Stone and glass beads of an Indian origin
are also present at sites throughout Southeast Asia, from the later first millennium
BCE, although research has been conducted to investigate local material sourcing andtransmission of technology ( Theunissen et al. 2000; Glover and Bellina 2011). Further
investigations into local materials and technological advances will likely resolve thisissue further. Pottery recovered at Khao Sam Kaeo, with a borrowed Indian slip
technique, suggests that Indian craftsmen were probably on the Thai peninsula during
the same period (Bouvet 2011). Phu Khao Thong on the Andaman Coast of Thailand
has also returned pre-first millennium CE dates associated with foreign exchanges,
including rouletted wares from the second century BCE—a period similar to thoserecovered at Arikamedu (Chaisuwan 2011).
All of this evidence, considered to be ‘markers of exchange activity’, reasonably
establish an intensification of interaction in this region. However, the presence ofSouth Asian material culture in MSEA and ISEA does not indicate direct exchange,
as it may well have been traded down-the-line. Moreover, unlike carnelian beadstudies, limited research into the chemical characterization of Indian ceramics in
MSEA and ISEA have been conducted to confirm their Indian origin, which would
serve to scaffold their purported South Asian provenance.

A more concrete line of evidence indicating direct Indian and Southeast Asianinteraction during this period, includes the presence of a likely trader of ‘Indian’extraction at Pacung III, Bali during the late first millennium BCE (Lansing et al.
2004). A human tooth was recovered from these excavations, and aDNA analysis of
the material revealed it to be of a likely Indian ‘extraction’ (although the reliability ofthe study has been questioned). Recent excavations at Pacung and Sembiran havestrengthened the arguments for these late first millennium BCE dates for Indian-ISEA
contacts, based on a series of new dates, and further comparative analytical evidence.
RW has been recovered in newly dated contexts at Pacung (200 BCE), which iscontemporary to that previously recovered at Batujaya in Java (Manguin and Indradaja
2011; Calo et al. 2015).

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Hoogervorst (2013) highlights that substantiation for Southeast Asian interaction with
South Asia in a westwards direction during this period is largely related to the presenceof carved paddle-impressed pottery at sites in India and Sri Lanka (Solheim and
Deraniyagala 1972; Selvakumar 2011). Selvakumar (2011:207) argues that thetechnology has a Southeast Asian origin where it appeared in contexts prior to thosein South Asia. The impressed pottery is apparent at sites from the Late Iron Age in thelater centuries of the first millennium BCE at Pattanam, India. The initial contexts
were associated with the Indian ‘megalithic’ period, however it was more common incoastal areas of South India in the Early Historic context (Selvakumar 2011:207;
Hoogervorst 2013). Bellwood (1997) suggests a potential Indian origin for thispottery. Solheim and Deraniyagala (1972) proposed that the ware in Sri Lanka was ofSoutheast Asian origin. This pottery also occurs in Western Indian Ocean sites,
including Egypt, the Maldives, West Africa and Yemen (Begley and De Puma 1991;
Selvakumar 2011; Skjølsvold 1991; Tomber 2008). Because of the ubiquity of its
presence throughout the Indian Ocean—and the simple method of manufacture—
caution needs to be exercised when ascribing cultural diffusion as a vector for its
extensive distribution.

Furthermore, as Hoogervorst (2013) points out, Solheim and Deraniyagala (1972)
argued for a potential Southeast Asian introduction of the Sri Lankan urn burial
tradition, which involved a secondary urn or jar burial. Gupta (2005:22) supports thisnotion, suggesting that this burial tradition, which has a beginning of the late second
millennium BCE, may have been associated with Southeast Asian voyaging across the
Bay of Bengal. These burials have a wide distribution across the ‘Indo-Pacific arc’,although are not the same ‘at every point of distribution’, with a presence in ISEA,MSEA (Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Thailand), East Asia (Japan) and also in South
Asia (northern Sri Lanka and the urn fields of the deep southeast of India) (Gupta
2005). However, this tradition was widespread, with a considerable time-depth inSouth Asia, therefore this introduction should, as with the presence of paddleimpressed ware, be accepted with caution (Hoogervorst 2013).

3.4.3 Links with the Mediterranean
Early Greek captains were present in the Indian Ocean during this period, including
the first Greek captain in the Arabian Sea, Scylax of Caryanda c. 510 BCE, and44

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Nearchus of Crete in the Gulf c. 326–325 BCE, with the latter providing an earlyaccount of pearl fishing (Pearson 2003:52). Several major ports were operational in
the Red Sea including Berenike (300 BCE–600 CE) and Myos Hormos, both of which
had connections with the Mediterranean and transferred goods to India and Barygaza
in the Gulf of Cambay (Blue 2002; Blue 2007; Peacock 2011; Sidebotham 2011).
Although their establishment predated the Roman period these two locations would
later become major centres through which ‘Indo-Roman’ exchange would take placethroughout the first millennium CE.

Material culture finds undeniably support early Mediterranean connections andinclude the recovery of Roman artefacts mainly from sites in the Red Sea, the Gulf
and India; however, further evidence exists in Afghanistan and China among otherplaces during this period (Pearson 2003; Ray 2003; Magee 2010). In India the links to
the Mediterranean closely predate the BCE/CE transition and are demonstrated by thepresence of Roman amphorae with an ‘uninterrupted … sequence’ from the mid-first
century BCE to the late second century CE (Gupta 2005:26). Important to note, thematerial found in Indian contexts suggests trade with the Indo-Roman ports in the Red
Sea and not a direct link to the Mediterranean. Furthermore, Terra sigillata has beenfound on the South Indian coast, Roman coins have been recovered throughout South
India and Mediterranean lead was recovered from the Satavahana coinage of thecentral and eastern Deccan (Bellina 2004). A type example includes finds recoveredfrom the South Indian site of Pattanam (identified recently as the urban centre andlarge port of Muziris), which included the recovery of Mediterranean glass, Roman
terra sigillata pottery and amphorae found in contexts from the first century BCE
onwards (Cherian et al. 2007; Seland 2014).

3.5 Indian Ocean Interaction Sphere: First Millennium CE Interactions andBeyondThe first millennium CE is aptly defined by Gupta (2004) as the ‘Indian Ocean
Interaction Sphere’, when a trans-regional knowledge of the monsoon was evident,
open sea voyaging was well established and ports with wharves, warehouses andcrafting centres were established; additionally, this period was accompanied bydetailed historical records documenting the exchanges and interactions occurring
during this period, namely the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, which describes trade45

-CHAPTER THREE: PERIODS OF INDIAN OCEAN INTERACTIONat the start of this period (Casson 1989) and Ptolemy’s Geography. This section
presents an overview of interactions in the Western Indian Ocean, continued links with
the Mediterranean, continued South Asian Links with Southeast Asia, the Swahili andthe Indian Ocean World, Austronesian Expansion and the Occupation of the Remote
Western Islands.

3.5.1. The Western Indian Ocean
Several transformative events in the Western Indian Ocean occurred during the firstmillennium CE. Indian Ocean trade was substantially altered by the rise of the
Sassanian Empire in Persia during the early centuries and historical documents
highlight a flourishing trade which existed between Iran, Mesopotamia, Eastern
Arabia and the Arabian Sea (Whitehouse 2006). The rule of Ardashir I (180–242 CE)
promoted state sanctioned trade and merchants from Persia dominated the Gulf during
this period, using Sri Lanka as a trans-shipment point to meet traders from China.
Another definitive moment in the western region was the rise of Islam in the Hijaz inthe early seventh century CE (Pearson 2003). The impact on the Indian Ocean was
pronounced in many ways—soon afterwards most populations along the littoral zones
and island areas became Islamic, in addition to adherents of the ideology operatinglarge portions of Indian Ocean trade. Therefore ‘the strong cultural and religious ties
that had existed between Southeast Asia, India and Ceylon all through the Buddhist
and Hindu periods were modified and enlarged when Islamic influence spreadeastwards across the Indian Ocean’ (Chaudhuri 1985:38–39).

The Hadramawt area (South Arabia) was also significant during this period, with acontinued export of aromatic resins such as frankincense and myrrh to other places in
the Indian Ocean (Avanzini and Orazi 2001). Singer (2007) suggests that the heightof the aromatics trade was between 200 BCE–200 CE; owing to the Mediterraneandemand for the resins. The Periplus documents the history of the island of Socotra, anoffshore island near the coast of modern Yemen, which was ruled by the kings of the
Hadramawt (Casson 1989). Aloe, dragon’s blood (Dracaena cinnibari), and several
species of Boswellia are all present on Socotra (Cheung and DeVantier 2006). The
island is ill-suited to anchorage, and rather counter-intuitively, ceramics found during
survey indicate that it was well-connected to the larger Indian Ocean World, including
material dated from the fourth century CE from: Southern Arabia, the Persian/Arabian46

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Gulf with some also likely from India and the Mediterranean. This assemblage
parallels that recovered at the South Arabian mainland site of Qana (Naumkin andSedov 1993:229–244). Additionally c. 250 drawings have been found in scripts ofSouth Arabian, Indian Brahmi, Ethiopic Ge’ez, Palmyrene Aramaic and Greek written
in various methods and mediums onto face of Hoq cave at some stage near the
BCE/CE transition, highlighting the cosmopolitanism apparent during this period(Dridi 2002; Seland 2011; Strauch 2012).

As the Socotra example illustrates, material culture parallels support the history ofintensive interaction in the region. Major connections established through thesematerial culture proxies in the Western Indian Ocean include links between the
Arabian Gulf and Red Sea areas, connections to the Mediterranean (to be discussed in
the forthcoming sub-section), in addition to the longer-distance exchanges with South
Asia. An example of the first is the recovery of South Arabian basalt ballast from theport sites of Myos Hormos and Berenike, with a likely introduction from Qana andAden (Peacock 2011). Proxies illustrating the Indian-Arabic-Red Sea connections arewell represented. An oft-cited example includes the presence of Indian Red-PolishedWare (RPW), a fine paste ceramic likely manufactured in Western India during the
Early Historic Period, at first century contexts onwards in the Arabian region i.e.
Suhar in Oman (Kervan 1996; Schenk 2014). Pepper (Piper nigrum) continued to beexported from Southern India, with 7.55 kg recovered at the Red Sea port of Berenike,in addition to Indian textiles, including cottons woven from a Z-spun yarn (Cappers
2006; Wild and Wild 2001). Additionally, further Indian ware finds were recovered
inland at Mleiha in the contemporary United Arab Emirates (UAE), a locale connected
to an extensive Indian Ocean network (Mouton et al. 2008; Reddy 2013). Finds from
Ed-Dur in the contemporary UAE offer further evidence and include: glass, ceramics
and coins from both funerary and residential first and second century CE contexts(Haerinck 1998; Mouton et al. 2008). Additionally, the regionally distinctive IndoArab style of stone anchor has also been studied to highlight movement in the area,
although limited quantities have been recovered and have not yet been found in dated
contexts (Vosmer 1999:250; Tripati 2005). Further research into the geochemistry ofthese anchors will assist with solidly confirming a provenance for their manufacture.
Evidence for the reverse of this trade is also present, as West Asian glazed pottery has

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also been recovered from South Asian contexts including Sassanian pottery at
Tissimaharama, Sri Lanka (Schenk 2007; Tomber 2008).

3.5.2 Links with the Mediterranean
As previously mentioned, the Roman period in the Indian Ocean begins from the first
century BCE and spans through to the seventh century CE, a phase which has been
described by Hoogervorst (2013) as a ‘second boost in Indian Ocean trade’. Thissection does not aim to provide a detailed overview (e.g. Tomber 2008; Reddy 2013);
however, intends to present major examples for context. Roman trade with the Indian
Ocean was primarily conducted through the Red Sea and Seland (2014:382) remarksthat the two ports, Addulis in contemporary Eritrea and Egyptian Berenike provide a‘fairly robust impression of Roman Period Red Sea and Indian Ocean trade seen froman Egyptian perspective’. Seland (2014) presents examples of the extensive
archaeological evidence for these contacts, such as at Addulis, with Mediterranean
ceramics, marble and glass recovered during excavation (Blue 2002; Blue 2007;
Peacock 2011). Egyptian Berenike, provided further evidence for these connections asbuildings exhibited reuse of Mediterranean style ship timbers, which had been
constructed of Indian teak in addition to the presence of sails woven in a
Mediterranean style (Wild and Wild 2001). Furthermore, ship fittings from the site of
Myos Hormos indicate that the vessels of the area were of a style common to that in
the Mediterranean (Blue 2007).

Roman finds at Arabian sites include ceramics excavated at Khor Rori (Sumhuram) incontemporary Dhofar, Southern Arabia (Albright 1982). During this period, the site
was a well-protected city with a natural harbour, where frankincense was exported(Avanzini 2011). Imported ceramics such as transport amphorae and amphorae
carrying garum (fish sauce) and wine were also recovered from excavations at Qana
(Seland 2014). Qana in present-day Yemen, was an important location for thearomatics trade, and represented a major node in the Egypt-India maritime trade route(Singer 2007). Additionally, Greek and Roman coins have been recovered in theregion although the mechanism through which they arrived is unknown (Potts 1994).

However, the most well-known arm of Roman trade is that which has been defined as‘Indo-Roman’. By the writing of the Periplus in the first century CE direct exchange
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between Roman Egypt, India and Sri Lanka was established (Casson 1989).
Nonetheless, the agents responsible for such exchanges cannot be discerned from thearchaeology alone—a scenario may have existed which involved the Aksumites orSouthern Arabians acting as ‘non-Roman middle-men’ (Sidebotham 2002:230).
Tomber (2008) has conducted the most extensive research on Roman material in Indiaand states that this period of contact generally falls into the Early Historic period ofSouth Asia. In Southern India this period marks the transition from the megalithic tourbanized societies and closes by 500 CE (Champakalakshmi 1996); whereas, inNorthern India it terminated earlier c. 300–500 CE during the Gupta Empire(Selvakumar and Darshana 2008). Roman material culture has also been recoveredfrom contexts into the early medieval phase c. 500–600 CE. Examples of Roman finds
from South Asian archaeological contexts during this period are plentiful and include:
ceramics, coins, glass and beads (Seland 2014). Evidence of commercial contacts with
the Red Sea has been recorded from 36 sites from the coasts of Gujarat, Maharastra,South India, Sri Lanka and Andhra Pradesh in the form of Roman and late Roman
amphorae and Mesopotamian torpedo jars (Tomber 2007). Additionally, earlyinterpretations of the material at Arikamedu suggested that rouletted ware was inspiredby Roman designs, although recent investigations indicate it is more locally construed(Begley 1988; Magee 2010; Ray 1994). Investigations in Sri Lanka also evidence
Indo-Roman exchanges, with finds of late Roman bronze and copper coins andceramics found at Mantai and Anuradhapura (Begley and De Puma 1991; Coningham
2002; Magee 2010).

3.5.3. Continued South Asian links with Southeast Asia
During this phase longer-distance exchange connected South Asia with the Far East
via two possible routes: one overland across the Isthmus of Kra in Southern Thailand
or another across the straights of Melaka (Pearson 2003). Pearson (2003) commentsthat the land route was preferred to the sea route throughout the first century CE until
two centuries later when the development of larger ships made the sea route more
economical. Gupta (2005:27) argues for a process of reciprocal exchange across the
Bay of Bengal rather than a process ‘set in motion by Indian trading groups aroundthe mid-1st millennium AD’. These connections between South Asia and Southeast
Asia have been the subject of considerable scrutiny and debate (Manguin 2013:xvi);
and as detailed here and in the previous section far less secure evidence for exchange
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in a westwards direction has been found. Bellina (2004) comments that it was the elitegroups in Southeast Asia (except some areas in mainland Southeast Asia, Eastern
Indonesia and the Philippines) who adopted Hindu and Buddhist practice, political
ideologies and ‘ritual languages’. Pearson (2003) supports this and writes that
Buddhism and Hinduism were adopted within Southeast Asian contexts as a direct
incentive to adopt South Indian ideas of kingship and ritual and they were not ‘passive
recipients of a higher culture’.

Buddhist pilgrims travelled from east-to-west and then returned, with many of theseexchanges documented in Fa Hsien’s travelogues. Buddhist nuns from Sri Lanka
travelled to China by sea c. 420 CE and Chinese traders were present in Sri Lanka(Pearson 2003). Additionally, throughout this period India maintained politicalplurality with three major entities present in the north including: the Mauryas,
Kushanas and Guptas. The Satavahannas were present in the Deccan and the Cheras,
Cholas and the Pandyas in South India (Bellina 2004:72).

Another turning point was the rise of the thallasocrassy of Srivijiaya which regionallycontrolled ISEA from the sixth to the eleventh century CE. This consolidated the‘diffuse trade’ of several competing ISEA centres and was succeeded by the rise of
Majapahit in the second millennium CE. Srivijiaya was situated in contemporary
Sumatra and records of the maritime state can be found in Chinese texts (Junker 1999).
This was an important locale for the movement of material across the Indian Ocean in
the first millennium CE period (Pearson 2003).

Alongside these historically documented occurrences several reliable archaeologicalcorrelates have been recovered from Southeast Asian contexts which support anintensification of these trade networks during the first millennium CE (Ardika andBellwood 1991). Arikamedu Pottery continued to be exported to ISEA (Ardika et al.
1994; Manguin and Indradjaya 2011; Calo et al. 2015). Spindle whorls containing
traces of iron spindles were recovered from the Thai site of Thae Kae in contexts dated
earlier than the previously thought Dvaravati period (sixth to thirteenth century CE),
indicating connections with India (Cameron 2011). A proliferation of Indo-Pacificbeads throughout the Indian Ocean was witnessed. Indo-Pacific beads were originallyproduced at Arikamedu (Pondicherry) in the first few centuries prior to the BCE/CE
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transition; with a use range from third century BCE to the fourteenth century CE(Katsuhiko and Gupta 2000). A notable increase in their presence was witnessed inSoutheast Asia during the first millennium CE, which has often been attributed toincreasing trade and the formation of local secondary production centres in Southeast
Asia (Katsuhiko and Gupta 2000). Additionally, as previously mentioned carnelian
objects have also been studied to better understand this exchange (Theunissen et al.
2000). The presence of these traded materials has been said to represent a ‘vast
network of trade stretching from the Mediterranean basin and the Red Sea to South
China’ (Glover and Bellina 2011).

3.5.4 The Swahili and the Indian Ocean WorldThe Swahili have inhabited the East African coast as a mercantile society controllingtrade with the Indian Ocean and interior Africa since approximately the seventh
century CE (Kusimba 1999; Horton and Middleton 2001; LaViolette 2004). Swahili
society can be defined as Islamic and speaking varied dialects of Kiswahili, a language
which shares commonalities with the Mijikenda and Pokomo languages of theimmediate coastal hinterland (Horton and Middleton 2001). East Africa’s pre-Swahili
connection to the Indian Ocean World has been hinted at in the Periplus (Casson
1989); however, very little information concerning the region’s coastal and maritime
connections is known prior to the establishment of the urbanized Swahili coast sites(Boivin et al. 2013). Additionally, assemblages from the earlier period remain largely
unanalyzed hindering interpretations.

Commerce was the driving force behind Swahili traders who acted as middle-men
exchanging raw materials (i.e. ivory and gold) between the Indian Ocean World andthe African interior. The apogee of the Swahili was the sixteenth century when theyoccupied a region from Somalia (Mogadishu) to southern Mozambique and theoffshore islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, Mafia, the Comoros and Madagascar (Hortonand Middleton 2001). Horton and Middleton (2001) suggest that the Swahili representa ‘specialist coastal adaptation’ to widespread farming practices. The presence ofIslamic architecture in East Africa at a later date than the attendant ceramics also
confused initial interpretations. This can be explained by more recent scholarshipwhich rejects previously held ideas suggesting the substantial input by Arabian and
Persian colonists into the formation of the Swahili culture, as recent studies into the51

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ceramic sequences from major Swahili sites including: Shanga, Manda, Kilwa,
Kisimani Mafia and Ungwana, parallel those of the coastal hinterland, a linguistic area
which shares commonalities with Swahili (Boivin et al. 2013).

3.5.5 Austronesian Expansion
The seminal linguistic work by Dahl (1951) established links between Malagasy, thelanguage of Madagascar, and Maanjan a Southeast Barito language of Kalimantan in
Borneo, which stimulated research into a western Austronesian migration. Studies into
the movement of Austronesian speaking people between Southeast Asia and East
Africa during the first millennium CE have focused on evidence recovered in
Madagascar and the Comoros (Dahl 1951; Adelaar 1989; Dewar and Wright 1993).
The timing of these contacts has been contentious, for example the previously
mentioned banana phytolith research has suggested a first millennium BCE transfer,
although some have argued that this relates to visitation as opposed to colonization,
which occurred in the later first millennium CE (Beaujard 2011). Madagascar islocated east of Africa and the Comoros island group consists of four major islands,
these include Ngazida, Mwali, Ndzuwani and Maore (Mayotte). Wright (1984)
proposed that the Comoros acted as a trans-shipment locality between Madagascar andEast Africa. No historical records of early migration exist (Boivin et al. 2013),
although oral histories include references to people travelling from South Asian andSoutheast Asian contexts (Ingrams 1967; Walsh 2010) and there is the fourteenth
century historical account by the Arab historian Ibn al-Wardi describing the Waqwaq
islands—otherwise known as Sumatra (Mauny 1965).

Blench (2010) hypothesized a timeline for culture-contact between the two regions.
He suggested that there were Austronesian interactions with East Africa slightly prior
to the BCE/CE transition and not related to the settlement of Madagascar. He argued
that these were direct voyages utilizing the outrigger, bringing spices and taking backMediterranean commodities along the Equatorial Counter-Current. This argument isreasonably countered by Manguin (2011) who proposes that Southeast Asian traders
would have needed larger vessels, as opposed to outrigger canoes, owing to the
distances travelled. Moreover, no Southeast Asian material culture appears in the East
African archaeological record, which seems unlikely, if these return voyages
incorporating trade were undertaken. Blench’s (2010:246) proposed timeline closes
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with a later Malay speaking group instigating voyages, resulting in the transport ofBarito- and Sabaki- speaking people from Borneo to Madagascar, with a ‘trading andraiding culture’ existing from between the sixth and twelfth centuries. Blench’s
evidence for this hypothesis is associated with cultural diffusion, such as the presenceof the stick zither and leaf-funnel clarinet in Madagascar, which he suggests would
likely be a Southeast Asian introduction (Blench 2006). Blench (2010) also argues thatthe ‘Zenj’ or East Africans, moved the xylophone from East Africa to Asia. However,this concept of a ‘trading and raiding culture’ remains somewhat unresolved owing toa lack of definitive evidence (such as material culture).

Another line of evidence presented to suggest Austronesian movement, refers to thepresence of elephantiasis in East Africa, which was thought to be transmitted fromSoutheast Asia (Laurence 1968). It is a disease transmitted by mosquitoes infectedwith parasitic worms, resulting in the enlargement of the skin and underlying tissue;
however, this is unlikely and as Hoogervorst (2013) counters it was also present in
Egypt in the late third millennium BCE, which confuses the point of introduction.
Moreover, as Hoogervorst (2013) highlights, additional research indicates thatelephantiasis can only be spread through large numbers of infected humans, which
would suggest a transmission via a small group of Southeast Asian mariners lessplausible (Dean et al. 2011).

Ethnographic evidence has also been used to infer potential connections, for example
the contemporary diet of the Dembeni population (Comoros) also correlates to Indian
Ocean participation—subsisting on rice, possibly indicating Southeast Asian cultural
input. Additionally, Allibert (2008) presented Malagasy cultural affiliations with
Southeast Asia such as: the role of the maternal uncle in rites of passage, secondaryand canoe burials and the significance of the number eight to the concept of death.
Hoogervorst (2013) also discusses a turtle catching method, involving a sucking-fishor remora (Echeneidae sp.) that is present in both East Africa, parts of the Pacific and
the Torres Strait (Hornell 1950). The Malagasy term for this appears to be related to
the Malayo-Polynesian (Blust 2002); however, other East African terms for thepractice are Indigenous. Hoogervorst (2013) also suggests that the bat-eating
witnessed on Pemba, which is also practiced in the Comoros, Madagascar and Island
Southeast Asia, represents another Southeast Asian introduction, as it is taboo in
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neighbouring East African communities (Walsh 2007). Nonetheless, this may becoincidental.

Material culture evidence has also been used to attest to this movement, althoughdefinitively ‘Austronesian’ material from East Africa is lacking (Boivin et al. 2013).
As pointed out by Boivin et al. (2013), Chinese Dusun ware is present in East Africanarchaeological contexts from the late eighth to ninth century CE, although this material
has also been recovered in Gulf sites, which highlights a potential northern
introduction (Wilson and Omar 1997). Moreover, as with Indo-Roman trade, it islikely that middlemen or other traders were also responsible for its dispersal andtherefore its use as a proxy is limited. Shell impressed pottery was also found on the
East African coast and in Madagascar and this has been loosely and unconvincingly
linked to Southeast Asian design influences (Allibert 2008:10). Pottery recoveredfrom the Comoros also included a shell impressed type which Wright (1984) linked tosimilar types in Madagascar. Most ceramics from Dembeni phase sites in the Comoros
were imported from the Gulf region, which included Sasanian-Islamic wares (Wright
1984; Allibert 2008). Other locally produced pottery in Madagascar was similar in
type to that of Chibuene and Manda in northern Kenya.

Convincing evidence for Austronesian movement relates to the genetic evidence from
Madagascar, based on Y-chromosomal and mitochondrial genetic variation, which has
confirmed the partly Southeast Asian origins of the population (Hules et al. 2005).
Genetic research on the Comorian population suggests a ‘genetic mosaic’, related tothe ‘tripartite gene flow from Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia’ (Msaidie etal. 2011).

The human-mediated movement of particular plants also supports the case for westerly
Austronesian migration. One includes a recent study into coconut genetics, whichindicates an admixture between Pacific and Indo-Atlantic types in the Western Indian
Ocean (Gunn et al. 2011). Because of the predominance of admixture in the Western
Indian Ocean, ‘it is likely that humans played a prominent role in the establishment
and propagation of coconuts in that region’. Three current African tubers have origins
in ISEA, including taro (Colocasia esculenta) and yam (Dioscorea alata andDioscorea esculenta) (Murdock 1959). Hoogervorst (2013) examines the linguistics
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associated with these crop movements with several East African languages (although
not all) incorporating Southeast Asian acquisitions into their lexical corpus. Recently,
Crowther et al. (2016:6637–6638) presented new archaeobotanical findings,
suggesting ‘the overwhelming dominance of Asian crops in the earliest records of theComoros and Madagascar is consistent with patterns observed when crops movethrough human colonization’.

However, the most convincing evidence for the movement of Austronesians, aside
from the genetic, recent archaeobotanical and linguistic information, is the wayfaring
potential established by modeller Callaghan and archaeologist Fitzpatrick, which lends
credibility to the plausibility of this migration (Fitzpatrick and Callaghan 2008). The
results indicate that the Maldives, and to a lesser degree Chagos, would have been
important waypoints through the Indian Ocean voyage when models were applied to
Sumatra or Sri Lanka/India.

3.5.6 The Remote Western Islands: The Seychelles and the Mascarenes
Here the Seychelles and Mascarene island groups are reviewed: both are positioned
east of Madagascar. East African near-shore islands such as Pemba, Zanzibar and
Mafia Island are included in the Swahili review section whilst Madagascar and theComoros were considered in the previous section ‘Austronesian Expansion’. These
western islands are often under-reported on in both the historical record andarchaeological syntheses of the western Indian Ocean, likely owing to their latercolonization dates and a dearth of archaeological research.

Archaeology in the Seychelles has been limited to the recovery of a mid-sixteenth
century Portuguese shipwreck off the coast (Blake and Green 1986), and preliminary
investigations undertaken by Atholl Anderson, Geoffrey Clark and Simon Haberle in2010 (Geoff Clark pers. comm. 2010). Most cultural information is derived from thehistorical record, which suggests an initial settlement by the French in 1770, with apopulation of Europeans, Indians and Africans. British occupation succeeded French
occupation in 1813, until it was declared a republic later in 1976.

The Mascarenes consist of Rodrigues, Mauritius and Réunion. Alongside theSeychelles, this island group was occupied later than other islands in the Indian Ocean,
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with most colonized during the late second millennium CE. Previous visitations by
Arab traders were recorded by Al Idrisi, an Islamic geographer. Mauritius has been
the subject of the most archaeological research; despite this, the historical record has
provided the main narrative with archaeology ‘lagging behind’ (cf. Seetah 2010;
Seetah et al. 2011; Appleby et al. 2012; Teelock 2012). A cemetery in Le Morne
dating to 1830 was examined, which contained the burials of freed slaves or ‘freed
Madagascans’ in addition to investigations of barracks dating to the latter half of thenineteenth century (Albright 1982; Appelby et al. 2012; Calaon et al. 2012). Further
archaeozoological work involved the recovery of Dodo remains (Hume et al. 2014).
Réunion has not been the subject of archaeological research, although Arab sourcessuggest potential early, first millennium CE knowledge of the islands, in addition topotential Swahili or Malay visitations. French colonization occurred in 1655 by the
French East India Company. In the later seventeenth to nineteenth century, themigration of Africans, Chinese and Indians supplemented French immigration (Littrell2012). Similarly, Rodrigues Island has received no attention by archaeologists. It was
first colonized from 1691 by a group of protestant refugees. The eighteenth century
saw French occupation resulting in African slaves being brought over from mainland
Africa and British troops took possession in 1809.

3.6 Conclusion and Summary
The aim of this chapter was to present a timeline of major interactions in the Indian
Ocean and the associated evidence, in order to contextualize this research, and to also
identify major phases of change in the larger region. What is apparent, is that most of
the evidence for interaction is based on material culture, which is attributed toparticular types, or classes, based on style. Although chemical characterization ofcarnelian and glass has been conducted, this has not commonly been the case withceramics. Further geochemical provenancing will assist with firming up thesearguments. Until recently (e.g. Fuller et al. 2011; Crowther et al. 2016), evidence
concerning human mediated crop and animal introductions has not always been basedon aDNA studies or rigorous archaeozoological and archaeobotanical studies, but on
ethnographic and linguistic estimations. Chronologies have also often been foundedon contextual and an uncritical use of radiocarbon dates.

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In summary, early examples of exchange in the region includes the movement of
Ubaid pottery as far back as the sixth millennium BCE (Boivin and Fuller 2009). Other
well-known early examples include the trade in frankincense (Boswellia sacra) andmyrrh (Commiphora sp.) from the incense region of Southern Arabia and the
movement of pepper from South India to Egypt c. 1200 BCE (Plu 1985). By the firstmillennium BCE deep sea voyaging was underway which was facilitated byknowledge of the monsoon. During this period, Indian material culture was traded into
MSEA and ISEA (Glover et al. 1996; Manguin and Indradaja 2011; Manguin et al.
2011; Calo et al. 2015). The time of ‘flourishing exchange’ occurred in the following
period—the first millennium CE, where cosmopolitanism was ‘rendered ordinary for
the wider ocean and not just India and the proximal areas … and specialized merchants
and travellers appear on the scene’ (Walz and Gupta 2011). The toponomy highlights
this as the English name for the region is linked to the Arabic phrase for the ‘Indian
waters’—al bahr al Hindi (Pearson 2003:14). Trade and movement was widespreadas was the transfer of Buddhism and Hinduism into Southeast Asia, which was
subsequently followed by the dispersal of Islam across the Indian Ocean after theeighth century CE (Ray 2003). Evidence for Austronesian movement across the Indian
Ocean from Southeast Asia to East Africa has been found mainly in first millennium
CE contexts (Adelaar 1989; Dewar and Wright 1993; Beaujard 2005; Hoogervorst2013). The Swahili mercantile centres of the East African coastline traded into thelarger Indian Ocean World in the later part of the first millennium CE (Horton andMiddleton 2009). Later colonization of the Seychelles and the Mascarenes occurredin the recent part of the last millennium. The archaeology of these island groups isextremely sparse; but produces an archaeo-historical record of slavery in the region(Seetah 2010; Seetah et al. 2011; Appelby et al. 2012). Further investigations in theWestern Indian Ocean will clarify the early occupation histories of the island groups.
All of these regional events contextualize Maldivian engagements with the Indian
Ocean World, which will be presented in the next chapter.

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4The Research Setting: The Maldives

4.1 Introduction
The previous chapter outlined phases of interaction in the Indian Ocean that
contextualize this research. This chapter introduces the research setting by establishing
the physical setting, which includes: the geology, relevant sea-level history, climate
and vegetation of the Maldives. The cultural context follows, which is based on major
ethnographic works concerning the Divehi population. Here the generally accepted
Maldivian culture-history timeline, language, local resource exploitation, craft
production, systems of kinship and socio-political development are discussed. The
archaeological and historical background follows, which includes a review of major
research. This section begins with a history of archaeology in the Maldives, followedby more focused thematic discussions, the first discusses initial colonization; thesecond outlines the relationship between the Maldives and the larger Indian Ocean
World. A subsequent section on major world religions in the Maldives reviews theevidence for and timing of Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam in the archipelago. The
potential for Austronesian contact occurring in the archipelago is presented, before an
overview of maritime technologies and early subsistence strategies closes the chapter.

4.2 The Maldives: The Landscape and Location
The Maldives are located in the centre of the Northern Indian Ocean, south-west ofIndia and Sri Lanka; see Figs 1.1 and 4.1 (Lüdmann et al. 2013:237). The island chain
is an isolated carbonate platform, located midway on the Chagos-Laccadives Ridge,
and consists of a double row of atolls extending from Addu (Seenu) Atoll in the south
to Ihavandhippolhu (Haa) Atoll in the north, from 0°34′ S to 6°57′ N (Risk and Sluka
2000:328; Naseer and Hatcher 2004). The Maldives were formed on the Chagos58

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Laccadives submarine ridge, and are ~850 km long and ~125 km wide, constituting
the largest chain of atolls in the world (Kench et al. 2009; Lüdmann et al. 2013:327).
The archipelago consists of over 1,200 individual mid-to-late Holocene reef islands,
with ~20 atolls (Woodroffe 2005:127; Kench and Brander 2006:4). The coral islands
have extremely low elevations and surface areas, with an average ground surface
elevation of 1.4 m and the average surface area of many inhabited islands being lessthan 1 km2 (Bailey et al. 2014).

The long-term geologic history of the Maldives has been reconstructed from seismic
data and industrial wells (Aubert and Droxler 1992; Purdy and Bertram 1993). The
atolls are situated on up to 3km of limestone, on a 55–57myr old subsiding volcanic
plateau, which was dissected during the early Eocene (Kench et al. 2009; Betzler et
al. 2013). The Inner Sea formed during the Miocene and was enclosed by two northto south facing atolls, lined by reef margins facing the Indian Ocean. In the middle
Miocene partial drowning separated the atolls by forming passages (Betzler et al.
2013).

During the Holocene, sea-level rise resulted in a newer physiography,

involving shallow reef accumulation on top of the older Pleistocene karst horizon(Risk and Sluka 2000:237). Risk and Sluka (2000:328) remark that there isconsiderable physical variation between the northern and southern atolls; in the north
there are broader banks, smaller peripheral islands and large numbers of farus (ringreefs). In the south, the lagoons are deeper, farus are not as numerous and in someinstances absent, and the atoll rim is more cemented.

The Holocene sea-level history of the Maldives has been the subject of debate
throughout the last century (Woodroffe 2005; Gischler et al. 2008). Gardiner (1904)
was the first to engage in these discussions and did so with remarkable ‘prescience’by hypothesizing a high stand at approximately 4000 years BP, owing to the presenceof fossils in conglomerate rocks (Woodroffe 2005). Gardiner’s hypothesis was later
dismissed by other researchers and these deposits were said to be associated with storm
action (Curray et al. 1970).

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Figure 4.1 The MaldivesCredit: CartoGIS, Australian National University

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Mörner et al. (2004) suggested a high stand in the Holocene between 1–1.2m above
present at 3,900 years BP, although this has been contended owing to the material
dated and poor elevation control (Kench et al. 2005). Gischler et al. (2008) found noclear indication of a higher than present sea-level in their studies in the central
Maldives. Recent investigations by Kench et al. (2009:445) indicate a late Holocene
high stand between 4–2,000 years BP, with a sea-level increase of +0.50m (+/- 0.1m)
above present levels. These results fill a gap in regional patterns of sea level change,
by confirming that that the central region agrees with island records in the Eastern
Indian Ocean, and not the Western.

The climate of the Maldives is defined by the two monsoon periods, characterized byreversals in wind direction (Kench and Brander 2006). The Maldives experience thesouth-west monsoon (wet season) from April to November (with a mean wind speedof 5.0m/s); the north-east monsoon (dry season) persists from November to Marchwith a mean wind speed of 4.8m/s (Department of Meteorology 1995). Humidity ishigh and the temperature varies little, ranging between 24°C and 30°C. Historically,
the relatively thin freshwater lens, which is affected by seasonal changes in rainfall
patterns, was the source of potable water for Maldivians (Bailey et al. 2014).

The modern vegetation is typical of Indo-Pacific coral island flora; the plants have nosignificant endemism, and most are pantropical in distribution, with inputs from Sri
Lanka (44%), Africa (28%) and Malaysia (25%) (Rao and Ellis 1995). On islands
lacking humus soil only salt and drought resistant bushes and Cyperaceae species
persist (Maloney 2013). This meant poor opportunities for the development oftraditional crops and agriculture found elsewhere in the Indian Ocean and ISEA.
Additionally, very little of the native ecosystem has been retained and most has been
replaced by coconut plantations and other crops with scattered evidence for theoriginal vegetation present on some islands (Saldanha 1989). For example, Pisonia
grandis (‘Ilhos in Divehi) is almost extinct (Romero-Frías pers. comm. September2015). However, Chagos is less disturbed than both the Lakshadweep and theMaldives (UNEP 1998).

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4.3 The Divehi: The Cultural Context
The ethnic group inhabiting the Maldives are the Divehi, which locally means‘islander’. The language is also known as Divehi and the country is known as Divehi
Rajje meaning ‘Island Kingdom’ (Maloney 2013:1). The culture has been describedas somewhat ‘homogeneous’, by Munch-Petersen (1982), which he attributes to theadherence to a single religion and the widespread use of a single language. The current
title the ‘Maldives’ is derived from Male’ dvīpa, or the ‘islands under the rule of Male’(Romero-Frías 1999).

The contemporary population adheres to Islam; however, prior to the introduction ofIslam in 1153, a Buddhist tradition was present. Table 4.1 outlines the generally
accepted culture-history of the Maldives. This is conventionally partitioned into either
the early pre-Islamic or Buddhist phase and the Islamic period post-1153, with somemention of other various occupations post-1500 (Maloney 2013). This culture-history
is not always adhered to by contemporary Maldivian scholars, as there is somereticence to acknowledge a Buddhist period prior to the introduction of Islam. Thishas manifested problems across social science disciplines, particularly anthropologicalworks and studies of early period material culture (Proctor 2013; Romero-Frías 2015).
Many Buddhist material culture items have been destroyed before appropriate
recovery and protection (Forbes 1984); however, the most deleterious outcome was
the recent complete destruction of the early period collections at the National Museumin Male’ in 2012, with virtually all sculptures being destroyed by an opportunistic
extremist group (Bajaj 2012:A4; Proctor 2013).

Table 4.1 Timeline of Divehi culture-history (After Bell 1940; Forbes 1987;
Mohamed 2005b; Ragupathy 1994; Romero-Frías 1999; Maloney 2013)
Date
1600s–1965

1558–1573
1153–current
Pre-1153
Unknown
First millennium CE

Culture-History
Dutch protectorate and later British
protectorate until 1965 when considereda sultanate outside the Commonwealth
Portuguese occupation
Islam introduced
Buddhist occupation?Hinduism present
Austronesian contacts

62

-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT-The Maldives have been the subject of a handful of anthropological and linguistic
works, which have documented contemporary and historical observations ofMaldivian culture, including that by Munch-Petersen (1982), Maloney in 1980, witha recent second edition (2013). Romero-Frías (1999) produced the most extensive
anthropological work on the islanders in The Maldive Islanders: A study of the popular
culture of an ancient ocean kingdom, and more recently Folk Tales of the Maldives(2012). Vitharana (1997) discussed the Maldivian-Sri Lankan Cultural Affinities.
Colton (1995) also described the elite of the Maldives. These studies document several
major topics, some of which are briefly outlined below, including: system of kinship,
governance, language, resource use and craft production and contemporary
demography.

4.3.1 System of Kinship
Several observations about Maldivian kinship have been presented in different
anthropological works and some are presented here. According to Maloney (2013)
the Maldivian system derives from Dravidian (South, Central and Eastern India),
Northern Indian and Arab systems. He suggests that Dravidian systems of kinshipsuggest that cross-cousins (children of a sister and a brother) may marry, whereas
parallel-cousins (children of a brother and a brother) may not, and this is considered
incestuous in the Northern Indian system, which according to Maloney (2013) prefers
exogamy. He also highlights that Arab systems do not consider parallel-cousin andcross-cousin marriage incestuous, which is consistent with the Maldivian system.
Maloney (2013) suggested the Maldives were once matrilineal, although it is now
patriarchal, which is similar to Arab and Northern Indian systems. However, MunchPetersen (1982) notes a bilateral kinship system—involving equal interaction withboth maternal and paternal kin—and one that is also ambilocal (Romero-Frías 2015).
Munch-Petersen (1982) also observed a system of open marriage (and a high degreeof sexual independence).

4.3.2 Governance
The establishment of the Maldivian State was a consequence of Arab trade in the
middle to late first millennium CE (800–900 CE) (Munch-Petersen 1982). Politicalcentralization was fast—trade was centralized, alongside trade profits, market
information and political control, resulting in a Maldivian trade economy. Little is63

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known of the ruling lineage during the Buddhist period; however, the first King afterconversion was known as the Sultan. In Male’ political hierarchy was formed with a
Sultan, sometimes a Sultana, as head of state and the monarch was the main trader.
There have been 93 Sultans from 1153 through to 1968 when presidency was adopted
during the Second Republic in 1968 (Maloney 2013:188).

All land belongs to the State (Munch-Petersen 1982:92). Maloney (2013) argues thatthree major levels of governance have persisted: the island (village), atoll (district) andthe national government. He highlights that the individual is integrated into thepolitical system at island (ra) level. Separate administrative districts exist, which are
known as madulu, this name derives from the Sanskrit mandala (Romero-Frías 1999).
For administrative reasons the atoll chain is broken up into both geographic andadministrative divisions ranging from north-to-south. Maloney (2013) suggests thatisland and atoll chiefs were traditionally ecclesiastical positions, and subsequently
became secular positions. State-imposed punishment involves a system of exile orbanishment. Individuals were deported to an ‘uninhabited island’ which was adopted
as a more humane approach to imprisonment (Maloney 2013). Maloney attributes thisto a Sinhalese tradition, but further suggests the practice was also employed to takeadvantage of the physical limits provided by unoccupied islands.

4.3.3 Language
The Maldivian language is known as Divehi and linguistic studies have examined thepotential origin of this language. De Silva (2009) argued for a simultaneous separationof Sinhalese and Maldivian from a Prakrit language, which was supported by events
detailed in the Mahavmsa and Dravidian influences apparent in place names in theMaldives. Although many dialects exist, it is clear that Divehi is of Indo-Aryan origin
and contains other older Indic elements. Geiger (1996) initially compared Maldivian
or Divehi (of the northern atoll’s mahl dialect) to Sinhalese and he concluded that
Maldivian emerged from Sinhalese no earlier than the tenth century (cf. Vitharana
1997; Reynolds 2003).

4.3.4 Resource Use and Craft Production
Maritime trade was and is essential to the Divehi, as Maldivians are highly reliant on
a limited set of natural resources (Romero-Frías 1999). Munch-Petersen (1982)
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elaborated on the importance of marine resource use in the Maldives, in that not only
was cowry (Monetaria moneta) exploited extensively, but a variety of other shells
served various functions: Nautilus sp. was used to produce spoons, conch shells(Strombus sp.) as trumpets to signal sunset during fasting periods and tiger cowries(Cypraea tigris) as counterweights. The skin of sharks and rays were used as
drumskins on the local Bodu beru drums and for sanding the Maldivian dhoni during
construction (Munch-Petersen 1982:90). Ethnographic collections housed at the
British Museum support this extensive use of marine resources, with examples of shellused to make ornaments and tools. Additionally, the widespread use of coral-stone asa construction material throughout the islands has considerable time-depth as apractice (see Chapter Eight for further detail). Extra to marine resources, the coconut
tree is of extreme importance. It has been categorized separately as divehi ru’ (coconut
palms), whereas all other plants are classified as gae hae (plants), highlighting thesignificance to Maldivians: the palm juice, fruit and sugar are consumed, leaves areused for roofing, the coconut bast for coir rope and twine, the shells are fashioned into
containers and the timber for boat construction and housing materials (Romero-Frías
1999; Maloney 2013).

Craft production is generally practiced to supplement primary income and MunchPetersen (1982) remarked that in previous periods each island had a stonemason andcarving was a highly developed craft—the extensive stonemasonry throughout theislands attests this. Stonemasonry has declined in more recent times with MunchPetersen (1982) reporting that there were only two men on Firubadu Island who
continued the tradition in 1980. Cotton weaving is traditionally a male craft and reedweaving a female craft. Moreover, there are carpenters on most islands and smiths onlarger ones and individual islands often developed specialized craft traditions (MunchPetersen 1982), for example the islands of Ribudu and Hulhudeli specialize in goldand silver smithing, Gaddu Island concentrates on grafting patterned sedge mats andTuladu Island specializes in lacquerware (Ottovar and Munch-Petersen 1980).

4.3.5 Contemporary Demography
The contemporary demography of the Maldives involves a population exceeding
317,932 (Shaljan 2004), with a large proportion of the total living in the capital Male’(n=74,069). Almost one-half of the population of the Maldives lives in high density
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-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXTconditions, for example Male’ has a population density of 325 persons per ha2, andothers such as North Maalhosmadulu Atoll (Raa Atoll) has a concentration of 629
persons per ha2. Large quantities of the inhabitants of Male’ have migrated from otherislands and the current population distribution throughout the archipelago tends to beconcentrated on the larger islands near good fishing waters or channels. In the 1970s
only 204 of the islands were inhabited and it appears that the settlement pattern wasdetermined by island size and ecological constraints.

The Maldives currently faces several challenges, owing to the small amounts ofavailable land, the wide dispersal of the population and a dearth of land-based
resources, both of economic and subsistence value. The Maldives contain no rivers or
freshwater bodies, except two large freshwater lakes on Fuvahmulah Atoll (Gnaviyani
Atoll), and limited arable land as the local soils are hypercalcic and exclude use for all
but basic agricultural products. All of these factors ‘translate directly into severe
diseconomies of scale in production, transport and the provision of essential
infrastructure and services’ (Shaljan 2004). Despite this, the Maldives has performed
well economically through the growth of the marine resource and tourism industries,
although this narrow economic base promotes vulnerability, which is furthered by areliance on imports.

4.4 A History of Maldivian Archaeology
The mid-1800s marked the beginnings of Maldivian archaeology. These early
investigations were consistent with the style of archaeology present throughout the
Indian Ocean, which involved episodes of antiquarianism and were micro-regional inapproach (Seland 2014). The Maldivian research emphasized the recovery andidentification of potential Buddhist monuments and other associated ‘markers’ of theearly period. In 1836, the Indian Navy’s Lieutenants Young and Christopher presented
a case for a prior Buddhist period. This involved several observations including: a Sri
Lankan Buddhist priest’s acknowledgement of extant religious monuments in theMaldives and also the presence of a large Bodhi tree (Ficus religiosa) in Male’ (Bell1940:140). Bodhi trees were often considered sacred and found in close proximity to
Buddhist monasteries. In the mid-1800s, structures which had been intentionallycovered at the arrival of Islam were excavated in order to further substantiate theseclaims. The first of these investigations was conducted by local Maldivians in 1848
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on Landhoo Island in Southern Miladhunmadulhu Atoll (Noonu Atoll) and involved
the excavation of an earth-covered havitha (the term for the remains of a stupa in theSouthern Maldives) known as ‘Maabadhige Haiy Haitha’ (or the alternative name‘Hatka’). It was subsequently visited by John Stanley Gardiner, a Professor of Zoology
at Cambridge, in 1900 during a much larger survey and by Ceylon Civil Service
commissioner Harry Charles Purvis Bell (HCP Bell) later in 1922 (Waheed 2003:43).
The artefacts recovered from the havitha included an unknown number of copper
and/or gold discs, which were retrieved from the coral-stone reliquary (a container
housing Buddhist relics found within a stupa); however, the coins were destroyed
immediately post-excavation (Forbes 1987:282).

Research gained momentum in the latter half of the 1800s with the further discovery
of Buddhist monuments and an interest in toponymic research into place names
associated with Buddhist traditions. The major works included that of antiquarian C.W
Rosset in 1886 (Rosset 1886), Stanley Gardiner in 1900 (Gardiner 1904) and HCP
Bell in 1879, 1920 and 1922 (Bell 1940). It was Gardiner’s more extensive researchwhich documented several covered Buddhist monuments in the southern atolls andseveral structures reminiscent of stupas at the significant Buddhist site ofAnuradhapura in Sri Lanka, which motivated a more substantial phase of research in
the 1920s. However, despite Gardiner’s cynicism over the merits of his own research,
it was well received by others, with Bell (1940:110) commenting that Gardiner’s
contribution ‘[built] better than he knew’.

Bell’s archaeological research in the Maldives was completed in 1879, 1920 and 1922
and it aimed to consolidate and confirm previous observations. Bell visited the island
chain twice when he produced two seminal volumes on the archipelago: The Maldive
Islands: An Account of the Physical Features, History, Inhabitants, Productions andTrade (1940) and The Maldive Islands: Monograph on the History, Archaeology, andEpigraphy (1940). These presented Bell’s investigations, including surveys of
Buddhist sites in the south, which involved his survey of a small vihara (a Buddhist
monastery site) on Gan Island in the southernmost atoll, Addu (Seenu) Atoll and aruined stupa on Fuvahmulah in Gnaviyani Atoll. Furthermore, he investigated a stupa
locally known as ‘Budu-ge’ on Mundoo Island in Haddhunmathi Atoll, as well as alarger Buddhist monastery complex on Gan Island, which had been previously
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-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXTidentified by Stanley Gardiner in 1900 (Forbes 1987:283). The Dhambidu Lōamafānu,
Isdu Lōamafānu and Gamu Lōamafānu, an early Maldivian set of inscriptions
composed at the transition to Islam in the twelfth century, described the destruction of
the Gan temple compound. They document the beheading of Buddhist monks at thesite, the destruction of coral-stone statues and the burning of scriptures of pandanus
leaves (Romero-Frías 1999:27). The excavation on Gan in Haddhunmathi supported
the documentary account of the site being a major centre of Buddhism. Bell (1940)
also noted parallels between the Gan structures and other Buddhist monument types
in Sri Lanka (Bell 1940).

Four archaeological investigations were undertaken during the 1940–1950s. These
were all conducted by local Maldivians, the first by Adam Nasir Maniku and the final
three by Muhammad Ismail Didi and all involved the excavation of havitha andgafuuni (northern term for the remains of a stupa) structures. The first excavation wasundertaken in 1948 on Fuvahmulah Island (Fuvahmulah Atoll) and two in 1958 on
Toddhoo and Kinbidu Islands. The final investigation was undertaken in AriadhooIsland in 1959 (Forbes 1987). Varied types of material culture resulted from the
excavations including coral-stone reliquary caskets and Buddha statues. The relics
found within the Toddhoo stupa included a Roman denarius of a Republican date c.
90 BCE, which was photographed before being misappropriated in Male’ (Forbes
1984: 53). The final excavation in Ariadhoo recovered an alleged coral Hindu siva
linga—these are generally associated with siva worship; although the statue itself was
not retained, and was likely a votive stupa (Gippert 2004; Romero-Frías pers. comm.
September 2015).

While no archaeological research took place in the 1960s, a significant find came tolight during this period. This was the accidental discovery of four carved coral heads
depicting aggressive fanged faces in Male’, which were unearthed during constructionin 1962. Two of these were deposited in the National Museum and survived there until
their destruction by extremists in 2012 (Forbes 1987:286; Bajaj 2012). Two of thecoral heads were also reported to be four-sided siva linga and there was also someindication that symbols associated with Siva are depicted on one of the coral stones(Forbes 1987:286). This further contributed to the argument of pre-Islamic Hindu

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influences present in the archipelago. However, these likely represent Buddhist
guardian figures (Romero-Frías 1999; Gippert 2014).

The 1970s witnessed a re-instigation of research, although it was restricted mostly tosurveys by Nils Finn Munch-Petersen and Jon Carswell. Munch-Petersen, a Danishsocial scientist and botanist, carried out research in the southern atolls of the Maldivesin 1974 and 1977–1981. It was from these investigations that he proposed a ‘rather
sketchy’ picture of the pre-Islamic period, which resulted in the development of ahypothesis that the early Buddhist period involved taro cultivation (Munch-Petersen1982). Other research in the 1970s was conducted by archaeologist Jon Carswell, who
was then attached to the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. He conducted the firstresearch on traded materials and investigated the presence of Chinese and Islamic
ceramics in the Maldives and contextualized their presence into a broader Indian
Ocean context. During these surveys he found an abundance of Chinese sherds in
Male’ during both surveys and test excavations, although the exact amount remains
unpublished. These were collected and are now held at the Ashmolean in Oxford(Carswell 1976:144).

The 1980–1990s marked a more scientific approach. A series of excavations wereconducted jointly by the Kon-Tiki museum, the University of Oslo and the Maldivian
Government from 1981–1984 (Skjølsvold 1991:1). The South Asian Association for
Regional Cooperation Technical Assistance Programme (SAARC) conducted anotherin 1986–1987, which was followed in the consecutive decade with the first major
excavation by Egil Mikkelsen of the Museum of Culture-History at the University ofOslo from 1996–1998 (Mikkelsen 2000). All three investigations documented early
period Buddhist sites throughout the archipelago and focused not just on themonuments and reliquaries but also faunal remains, burials, ceramics and otherassociated material culture. The series of investigations headed by the Kon-Tiki
museum were the first to return any radiocarbon dates from any sites in the Maldives,with three dates obtained from the Nilandhoo Foamathi (Nilandhoo Island in Faafu
Atoll) and Gamu Havitha (Gan Island in Huvadhu Atoll) sites. Nilandhoo Foamathi
had an early date of 660–740 CE and the samples from Gamu Havitha were rejectedowing to issues related to insubstantial bone collagen. Mikkelsen built on thisfoundational chronology by obtaining 20 dates from the Kuruhinna Tharaagadu site
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-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT-(Kaashidhoo Island in Malé/Kaafu Atoll), which ranged between 40 BCE–115 CE (T13183) and 1260–1340 CE (T-13667). During this period, UNESCO had also planned
to excavate covered Buddhist structures in 1983–1984; however, research was
redirected to focus on the conservation of mosques, which was deemed politicallyappropriate at the time (Silva 1985).

As the above historical outline highlights the initial period of inquiry was marked byepisodes of theft, vandalism and antiquarianism, with the major modus operandi being
to compile economically valuable items of material culture, often recovered fromcoral-stone reliquaries contained within havitha or gafuuni and other items of value orinterest, such as carved coral-stone slabs and statues. A consequence of theuncontrolled nature of the early excavations is the lack of contextual information
concerning associated material culture. Additionally, these problems are further
exaggerated by incomplete or missing excavation records from early excavations.
Whilst antiquarian approaches have since been replaced by archaeologicalinvestigations, theft and vandalism are still problematic today, as exemplified by thecomplete destruction of Buddhist statues at the National Museum in Male’ in 2012
(Bajaj 2012). The investigations of the 1970–1990s were essential in establishingbaseline chronologies and a culture-history of the archipelago, building on the seminal
work of HCP Bell in 1922. These later investigations have also refocusedarchaeological research in a direction of more controlled methods of excavations andsurvey and supported the recovery and documentation of non-valuable items such as
ceramics, beads, faunal remains and burials.

4.5 The Archaeological and Historical Background
This section presents an archaeological and historical background to the Maldives.
This includes a discussion of major themes including initial colonization, the Maldivesand the Indian Ocean World, world religions in the Maldives, Austronesian contact,
maritime technologies and early subsistence strategies. As outlined above,archaeological research has been conducted in the Maldives from 1848 through to themost recent investigations in 1998 by Egil Mikkelsen (University of Oslo). Except forearlier reviews by Forbes (1987) a complete and current overview has not been
forthcoming, and this sub-section attempts to redress this.

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4.5.1 Initial Colonization of the MaldivesCompeting ideas surrounding early colonization exist and these have not beenreconciled largely owing to a lack of detailed investigations. However, most models
suggest either an Indian or Sri Lankan origin. The close proximity to neighbouring
South Asian regions and the intersection of the Maldives with several trade routes
would also suggest that many individual contacts potentially occurred during the earlyoccupation of the islands. The earliest references to the Maldives in historical
documents are too vague to support one particular colonization model. The islands
have been suggested to be known at least at the writing of the Buddhist Jatakas c. 400
BCE (Vitharana 1997:140). Additionally, further reference to the Maldives has also
been made in the Pali chronicles the Dipavamsa and Mahavmsa, which werecomposed between the end of the fourth century CE and the fifth century in Sri Lanka(Coningham 1995; Vitharana 1997). The Mahavamsa documents a simultaneous
Indo-Aryan migratory event from India to Sri Lanka and the Maldives in the
Mahavamsa, although the date is not known (Vitharana 1997).

As previously outlined, linguistic studies have examined the potential origin of theMaldivian language, known as Divehi, and could provide insight into colonization
events. All point to a South Asian origin, as Divehi is of Indo-Aryan origin andcontains other older Indic elements. Several different theories as to when Maldivian
emerged from Sinhalese have been posited including a separation in the tenth century(Geiger 1996) and the twelfth century (Reynolds 2003). The idea of a simultaneous
separation of Sinhalese and Divehi from a Prakrit language was put forward by De
Silva (2009), although the timing is not known.

Maloney (2005) also argued that the islands were first colonized from Sri Lanka
although the southernmost atolls retained stronger affiliations with the Sinhalese as hesuggests a Tamil-Malayam colonization event likely occurred in the northern atolls,
and he argues for a Malayalam ‘sub-stratum’ in the language, which remains present
in ‘place names, kin terms, poetry, dance and religious beliefs’ (Maloney 2005).
Additionally, Maloney argues that as a component of the northern colonization—the
Lakshadweep (Laccadives)—located directly above the Maldives, were also firstoccupied by Tamil settlers. He argued that it was the retention of the Sinhalese

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influence in the south that enabled the Divehi language and Buddhism to prevail
throughout the entire archipelago.

4.5.2 The Maldives and the Indian Ocean World
The previous chapter detailed broader phases of interaction within the Indian Ocean.
This subsection aims to examine exchange between the Maldives and the larger Indian
Ocean. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea documents the export of tortoise-shell fromthe islands (called ‘Limiruke’) in the first century CE (Casson 1989). Ptolemy wrote
of a large number of islands (c. 1378) in front of ‘Taprobane’ (Sri Lanka) in 127–141
CE. Ammianus Marcellinus wrote of emissaries sent from the Maldives to Rome in
362 CE: ‘as far as the Divi and Serendivi vied with one another in sending their leading
men with gifts ahead of time’. Cosmas Indikopleustes (535–550 CE) wrote of a ‘greatemporium’ of islands with large quantities of coconut and fresh water. Abu Zayd’s
work of 916 CE indicated that Indian traders sold water sourced from the Maldives toboats. Al Idrisi wrote an account contemporary to the introduction of Islam (c. 1099–
1168). He mentioned the export of sea turtle, the extraction of cowry and the burningof sandalwood in the home (Maloney 2013). European documents cover the more
recent periods including the work of Marco Polo, The Rehla of Ibn Battuta in the
fourteenth century and the compendious writings of the shipwrecked French traveller
François Pyrard de Laval, whose account of the islands (c. 1602–1607) is widely
acknowledged to be the first ethnographic resource for the islands (Maloney 2013).

The undisputed link that connected the Maldives with the larger Indian Ocean was theexport of cowry shell for use as money. The ‘money cowry’ as it relates to theMaldives has been detailed in Chapter One of this thesis. Owing to the depauperate
nature of the islands, significant quantities of material had to be imported from otherIndian Ocean regions. These included ceramics, metals, stone and glass in addition toother consumables not available in the islands. It is apparent that the majority wastraded into the islands from South Asia (although trade links with other regions wereapparent). It is important to note here that it is difficult to untangle the mechanism of
exchange, particularly when trying to distinguish between direct and indirect
exchange. The historical record has assisted in discerning between the two in someinstances, but in the absence of such documents, it becomes a problematic exercise.

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Very little material from the Western Indian Ocean has been located in the archipelago
from early period sites or during surface surveys. The only cited example includes
Sasanian-Islamic glazed ware found in undated contexts in the Maldives during the1970s (Carswell 1976). Carswell argued that this low quantity of western material isindicative of one-way east to west traffic, which he claims is supported by a large
quantity of Chinese sherds recovered in Male’ (Carswell 1976:505). Several Arabic
sources refer to the Maldives, including Sulaiman (900 CE), Abul Hassan (1026 CE),Al Biruni (1039 CE) and Al Idrisi (c. 1100 CE). All of these accounts document tradewith the Maldives, mentioning the exploitation of cowry (Monetaria moneta) and theexport of coir rope and tortoiseshell to other Indian Ocean regions. Later historical
records c. 1500 CE suggest that the Maldives were utilized by ships travelling fromthe west, from: Quish, Hormuz, Mogadishu, Somalia, Zanzibar and Abyssinia (Van
Mehren 1866). Mohamed (2003:2) supported the concept of direct contact from thewest by suggesting that the Maldives were used as a waypoint by traders travellingfrom Arabia and East Africa, utilizing the monsoon to reach the Maldives en route to
the spice islands in Southeast Asia (Mohamed 2002). Moreover, Al Masudi (916 CE)
mentions exchange of materials between the Maldives and Oman and Siraf. One
further suggested link can be seen in the tongue-and-groove method of mosque
construction. The style of porite coral blocks present in the archipelago, which werebonded with mud, with a white plaster face, was a tradition introduced to the Lamuregion in Kenya from a Red Sea/Yemeni origin prior to its appearance in the Maldivesduring the twelfth century (Waheed 2003).

Mikkelsen (2000) reported South Asian ceramic material has been recovered from
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu. The main South Asian types include impressed or plain
earthenware referred to in the literature as ‘red ware’. The Archaeological Survey ofIndia (ASI) noted that this ‘red ware’, which was devoid of slip, was often found in
the forms of carinated bowls, handis (a wide mouthed Indian cooking vessel) and lids
(Bopardikar 1992). Several other objects with a likely South Asian provenance include
a bronze lamp of the Chola period style (ninth to eleventh century CE), silver and goldring foils, a terracotta ram figure from India and varied bead types including thosemanufactured from clay, glass, shell, coral, carnelian, agate and quartz ( Skjolsvold
1991; Bopardikar 1992; Mikkelsen 2000).

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Additionally, other traded wares not directly originating in South Asia are likely tohave been imported to the Maldives through South Asia. These include Roman andByzantine coins. As previously mentioned, a Roman denarius c. 90 BCE was found in
the Maldives, in the Thoddhoo stupa in 1959 (Forbes 1984). A small cache of gold
Byzantine coins were located in 1986 on the island of Gan in Haddummathi Atoll andthe coins were all minted between the fifth and sixth centuries CE and were recovered
in a stupa reliquary (Mohamed 2005a).

Imports from East and Southeast Asia are not well represented in the archaeologicalrecord. China, Sumatra and the Moluccas were places known to Maldivians by 1500
CE and early Chinese sources dating back to the seventh century CE refer to theMaldives (Ptak 1987; Mohamed 2005a). The Maldivian copperplate the Isdu
Lōamafānu mentioned the use of Chinese silk by wealthy Maldivian families c. 1153
CE (Mohamed 2005a). Ptak (1987:675) argued that trade from China to Arabia andAfrica intersected the Maldives as it was a convenient stopover for those who ‘rounded
the Dondra Head (Sri Lanka) and Cape Comorin (South India)’. Material from China
and Southeast Asia would likely have been exported through Southeast Asian
entrepôts or from South Asia.

Chinese porcelain has been recovered from almost all of the larger archaeologicalexcavations in the Maldives. Carswell (1976) attempted to position the presence ofsuch wares in the Maldives within broader dialogues concerning the trade of Chinese
porcelain throughout the Indian Ocean. Copious quantities of sherds were present on
the islands: ‘the streets and lanes [of Male’] are surfaced with finely packed coralsand, and from the moment of our arrival we became aware of the fact that the sandwas studded with sherds of porcelain. During the month we stayed on Male’, collecting
sherds on the streets became a major activity, and each monsoon shower revealed afresh crop’ (Carswell 1976:144). In 1976 surveys and excavations were conducted in
the capital which resulted in the recovery of more East Asian wares; his investigations
fortuitously coincided with a government land reclamation project and this involved
the removal of topsoil from cemeteries to a depth of approximately 35 cm. Carswell
utilized this opportunity to recover ceramics from a greater depth. In addition to thesesurface scatters and the cemetery topsoil recovery, two test trenches were dug near theconfines of the garden of the old Sultan’s Palace, where several sherds were recovered.
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Carswell purchased further chinaware from local markets—approximately nine dishes
and celadon plates. He also issued an appeal on Maldivian radio for the donation ofChinese porcelain to the project. This resulted in the appropriation of one celadon cup(Carswell 1976). All sherds from the project are now catalogued at the Ashmolean
Museum, Oxford. Unfortunately, none were retrieved from dated contexts. Limited
material from Southeast Asia has been recovered in the Maldives. The most prominent
example being a statue of potential Southeast Asian origin located on the Royal Island
tourist resort (Mohamed and Tholal 2010). This has been tentatively identified as abodhisattva of the Mon Dvaravati style and dated to between the ninth or tenthcenturies (Ann Proctor pers. comm. 2013).

Interaction between the Maldives and the neighbouring island groups has only been
documented in the anthropological work of Romero-Frías (1999). In the Maldives,
Chagos and other island groups such as the Seychelles and the Mascarenes are knownas ‘Hollhavai’ in the south and ‘Folovahi’ in the north. Oral histories suggest that
Maldivians are largely uninterested in other islands for they held no trade potential
and the travel required to reach the islands involved no safe anchorage. Romero-Frías
suggests the origin of the name ‘Hollhavai’ derives from the Maldivian term for frigate
birds (Hura/Hora) which nest in the south and originate in Chagos (Romero-Frías
pers. comm. February 2014). An oral history was recorded that documented the lossof trading boats ‘being driven away by the wind and currents … ending up lost in thewide limitless ocean’ (Romero-Frías 1999:19). A particular story indicated a group of
Maldivians from the southern atoll of Fuvahmulah (Gnaviyani Atoll) ‘languished’ in
Chagos after sailing off course and then utilized the frigate birds to send messages
back to the Maldives. The origin of the word ‘Folovahi’ has been suggested to be
associated with the period of time taken to reach Chagos without any intervening place
to anchor and rest (Romero-Frías pers. comm. February 2014).

4.5.3 Major World Religions in the Maldives
The spread of major world religions, including Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam, acrossthe Indian Ocean has been the focus of most of the archaeological research in theMaldives. These investigations are reviewed here. To date, no extensive
archaeological or material culture evidence attributed definitively to Hinduism has
been located in the archipelago—although there have been a small number of finds
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-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXTthat have been classified as ‘Hindu’. The first such item includes the reported siva
linga, recovered at Ariadhoo Atoll in 1959 (Forbes 1987). However, as previously
mentioned this object was soon destroyed after recovery which precludes it from being
conclusively identified. The second item was a bronze apsara statue recovered in
Haddhunmathi Atoll, which can be seen in Hindu and Buddhist mythology and isdefined by Barnes (1995:183) as: ‘a flying deity prominent in Buddhist mural
paintings’. A small makara—a crocodile-like sculpture—found in both Buddhism and
Hinduism was gifted to Heyerdahl in 1983 by a local Maldivian (Skjølsvold 1991).
Furthermore, the National Museum recorded and held a limestone carving of amonkey, which has been interpreted as potentially representing Hanuman the Hindu
monkey-god. Hanuman is typically found during the period of Ramayana in the firstmillennium CE; however, it was common to have the Ramayana, a Hindu epic withgeneral non-specific playful Hindu figures, present in Buddhist religious iconography(Mohamed and Tholal 2010). No available information provides any further details
about its context; however, inscriptions on both front and back of the frieze are in theoldest form of Divehi script—the eveyla akuru—‘eveyla’ literally translates to ancient,and therefore means ‘ancient letters’ (Mohamed 2005a: 2). However, attributing thesecarvings to a Hindu period is problematic as they are fairly ambiguous—they havebeen observed in both Hindu and in Buddhist traditions elsewhere.

Evidence in support of an early Buddhist period has been more extensive, aided by it
being the focus of archaeological research in the Maldives. Only two Buddhist sites
have been dated, and these include Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, with an early date of 40
BCE–115 CE (T-13183) and Nilandhoo Foamathi with an early date of 660–40 CE.
New dates from Nilandhoo Foamathi and a revision of previous radiocarbon dates
from the Maldives are presented in Chapter Five. The earliest available epigraphic
record also provides insight into the early Buddhist period. An inscription discoveredin Landhoo in South Miladhunmadulu Atoll is considered to be the oldest inscription
located in the Maldives and appears to be a version of a southern Brahmi script of the
Pallava period (third and ninth centuries CE), which is dated to approximately thesixth century CE. The inscription detailed a mantra of Vajrayana Buddhism(Mohamed 2005a:3). Additionally, the majority of sites excavated in the Maldiveshave been havitha or gafuuni structures constructed of locally sourced coral-stone,
either from veliga (soft coral stone) or hiriga (hard coral stone). Many ritual artefacts
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have been located, including coral stone votive stupas and other engraved slabs ofcoral stone (Bell 1940; Skjølsvold 1991; Mikkelsen 2000).

Although the historical record for this period is extensive, the emphasis on early
Buddhist period archaeology has resulted in a lesser focus on the later Islamic period(post-1153). Yosef’s Mosque, adjacent to a havitha in Fuvamulah, Gnaviyani Atoll,
was excavated in 1983–1984 (Skjølsvold 1991). The excavation was conducted withlimited stratigraphic recording. As a consequence, contextual integrity is poor. One
mihrab (a semicircular niche found inside mosques) was also found directly south ofMajeedi Magu in Male’ in Machchangoli Ba Miskit. Forbes (1987:288) suggested that
it was of the style of marble carving from Gujarat dating to the late thirteenth to thefifteenth century. Lambourn (2004) detailed the distribution of this type of marble
carving from Khambat. The spread of artefacts of this type made from Gujarati marble
range from Kilwa in Africa, Dhofar in Arabia through to Indonesia. Lambourn also
noted that in the Maldives, the only identified Khambat engravings were gravestones.
Therefore, this mihrab adds to this inventory and represents a unique find.

The conservation of mosques has been more of a focus than the archaeology of theIslamic period. UNESCO conducted research in the Maldives with the goal being to‘identify a suitable archaeological site in need of excavation and conservation’ (Silva
1985); however, subsequent to consultation with both authorities and locals about thescope of the project, the research was redirected to focus on the conservation of eightmosques. This attempt was followed by a nomination to the World Heritage List of
six coral-stone mosques, which resulted in their tentative listing (Waheed 2003). The
listing included: Ihavandhoo Friday Mosque, Meedhoo Friday Mosque, Male’ Friday
Mosque, Male’ Eid Mosque, Fenfushi Friday Mosque and the Isdhoo Old Mosque.
This tentative listing of mosque sites draws attention to coral-stone carving techniquesin the Maldives. Owing to the limited amounts of construction materials present in theMaldives, live reef coral boulders or porite corals were extracted from the seabed andcarved into stone blocks and then air-dried. Such coral stone construction methods
were alleged to have existed as early as the Buddhist period, and continued until the
introduction of stone-masonry in the later 1700s. Waheed (2003) suggested thatmosque construction was refined during the Islamic period and that East African stone77

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building and stone carving techniques influenced the already established carving
practice present during the Buddhist period.

4.5.4 Austronesian Contacts: Intercepting Long Distance Migration to East Africa
There have been some discussions surrounding the potential for Austronesian
speaking people to establish contact in the Maldives en route to Madagascar and theComoros (Maloney 2005, 2013). Fitzpatrick and Callaghan (2008) highlighted thisvoyaging potential by modelling several variables, including currents and wind. A
strategy of downwind sailing would imply that the Maldives and potentially Chagos
could well have been important waypoints on the voyage to Madagascar from either
India/Sri Lanka or Sumatra. Conversely, downwind sailing from the west through tothe east is not possible at any stage of the year, but other strategies for return throughthe Maldives are possible. In either scenario ‘it seems likely the Maldives, in such acentral position, would have been relied on for resupplying and waiting for favourable
conditions to continue the voyage. It might be expected that evidence of thesestopovers will be found archaeologically in the Maldives, particularly if these voyages
were repeated over time’ (Fitzpatrick and Callaghan 2008:56). Whilst there has been
no clear linguistic link from Austronesian languages to Maldivian, Fuller et al. (2011)
have highlighted a few potential loan-words, largely related to nautical terminology.
There is also further support for this contact apparent in the Southeast Asian traditionof the dhoni, which is the traditional Maldivian fishing vessel (Green 2001:69;
Manguin 2010). Additionally, there have been ethnographic parallels made toSoutheast Asian practices, including the presence of a typically Southeast Asian postpartum bed-roasting ritual, found in the Southern Maldives (Maloney 2005).

4.5.5 Maritime Technology
The recovery of shipwrecks in the Indian Ocean has been somewhat limited becauseof the low survival rate of timber in warm Indian Ocean conditions (Ray 2003:80–81).
As such, maritime technologies have been addressed through contemporary
ethnographic studies of shipbuilding techniques, historical records, a discussion of
nautical terms and the recovery of stone anchors. This review outlines relevant
maritime technologies which have been discussed. Major studies into shipbuilding
techniques include ethnographic research by Maniku (1998), Manguin (2001) andGreen (2001).
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-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT-

According to Maniku (1998), the Maldivian construction of maritime craft is the
product of inter-generational knowledge, with very few historical records
documenting the tradition. Nonetheless, early records suggest that they were initiallyconstructed from the local coconut timber. Coconut, which is a monocotyledon anddoes not produce secondary xylem, or ‘true’ wood, is not typically an easy timber toutilize in shipbuilding, hence the recent practice of importing Indian teak (Maniku
1998; Green 2001:69). Maloney (2013:154) commented that shipbuilding consistedof ‘sewn boats’, which is a consistent design found throughout the Indian Ocean. Thisis known as the ‘lashed-lug technique’ and involves planks being fastened together
with coir rope. This was particularly effective in areas where reefs were located, as theships were more elastic (Green 2001).

Maniku established a typology to document contemporary vessels, and presented anargument for their evolutionary development. He noted 16 different types of similar
construction (1998:15). He has divided the boat types into three major categories,
including smaller 2 m long row boats (Bakkura), fishing boats (Mas Dhoni) and larger
passenger-cargo boats up to 22 m in length (Odi). The typical fishing craft, or mas
dhoni, are completely open and are of variable lengths. Smaller varieties of dhoni
designed for in-shore fishing exist and also for travelling between islands, which havebeen mechanized (Sathari Dhoni) after the advent of tourism in 1974 (Maniku
1998:15). There are inter-atoll trading boats and ocean-going craft called odi, which
are lateen-rigged ketches, often referred to as schooners. Maloney (2013:151) noted
the presence of a dug-out canoe in the Maldives (oruvai), but suggested that this one
example had drifted over from Kerala in India; furthermore, they never came to beconstructed locally, more than likely associated with the small girth of the abundantcoconut timber (owing to the lack of secondary xylem, which increases girth).

Inter-archipelagic differences are considered by both Maniku (1998) and Maloney(2013). Both identified the presence of the lateen rig (kati riya) in the north and asquare sail in the southern atolls. Maloney (2013:156) suggested that the rectangularcanvas sails utilized in the southern atolls were covered with red ochre, as they werein Bengal; however, the lateen rig present elsewhere is likely to also have been
introduced via India, where it was originally introduced from Arabia. Maloney (2013)
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-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT-

made further observations about the differentiation between the southern and northernatolls and indicated that rowing was prevalent in the south and that the dhoni were also
consequently smaller to accommodate the more labour-intensive process.

There is no consensus about the origins of the contemporary ships seen in theMaldives. Maniku (2013:13) examined what he considered to be construction similar
to that in Southeast Asia and East Africa. Maniku also suggested that the Maldivian
dhoni resembled in shape and style the reed bundle ships of Egypt, Mesopotamia andthe Indus Valley. He deduced from the form that this was the origin of the design; hefurther noted that they have much more in common with the Phoenician ships built
from wooden planks. Munch-Petersen considered the dhoni to be similar to Omani
dhow. Maloney suggested a Sri Lankan affinity and more recent observations havebeen put forward by Green (2001) and Manguin (2001). Green (2001) argued for asimilar construction design between the dhoni in the Maldives and ships in Southeast
Asia—the shell is built first, and the strakes were constructed with a ‘series of paired
carved lugs that were then used to locate a complex frame and beam system’ (Green
2001:69). Ray (2003:104) further elaborated on the technique of construction,
indicating that the use of dowels had parallels in Malaysia and Sumatra, and continued
in both South Sulawesi and the Maldives. Fuller et al. (2011:552-553) examined the
linguistics associated with maritime technology, Baraa (outrigger) and riyau (sail)indicated a similarity to the Malay barat (crossbeam) and Proto-Austronesian layar(sail). However, Maloney (2013:155) considered riyau (sail) derived from Sinhalese.
The time at which these words were introduced to Divehi is unknown.

The only direct material culture evidence for early maritime technologies is thepresence of stone anchors. In the previous chapter the study of anchors in examining
exchange throughout the Indian Ocean was mentioned, as associated with the IndoArab style of anchor (Ray 2003:80–81). However, the type found in the Maldives is
the ring-stone anchor, locally known as fanaa. They were approximately 40–50 cm indiameter, constructed of local coral-stone, and formed a concave disc. The wooden
stock was inserted into a central hole measuring approximately 6–10 cm in width. The
fanaa were used during the course of bait-fishing in coral reef areas (Tripati 2009).
These ring stone anchors have been recovered off the Indian and Omani coasts (Ray80

-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT-

2003:81). Unfortunately, none have been recovered in dated contexts. These anchors
were used until the 1900s, when they were replaced by iron anchors.

4.5.6 Early Subsistence Strategies
This section reviews previous research into early subsistence strategies in theMaldives. Because no archaeobotanical research has been conducted in the islands andvery little faunal material has been returned from excavations throughout thearchipelago, the majority of the information gleaned about these practices derives fromthe historical and ethnographic records. These records provide insight into cultivation
practices, earlier crop and plant introductions and hunting.

Maloney (2013) conducted a survey of the entire archipelago and discussed particular
cultivation practices in his ethnography, although he did not draw any conclusions
about early strategies based on his observations. He differentiated between thepractices in different regions, indicating an intensification and larger scale ofcultivation in the south. However, he mentioned a more managed farming practice ispresent in the north which was completely absent from the south. He highlighted that
this was likely derived from Kerala, whereas the southern home-garden practiceprobably arrived from Sri Lanka (Maloney 1980:288–289). Maloney (2013:303)
further discussed the practice of coconut cultivation, which involved the Raveri, acaste responsible for tending to coconuts on uninhabited islands. He noted that an
island’s net worth is designated on a per-coconut tree basis.

The introduction of particular plant species has not been addressed outside of theethno-historical literature. Fuller et al. (2011:553–554) discussed the earlytranslocation of major Asian taxa to Africa including the greater yam (Dioscorea
alata) and taro (Colocasia esculenta). Fuller et al. (2010) indicate that the likelihoodof a coastal transfer is countered by an absence of these taxa from Northern India andArabia, instead ‘pointing to a central Indian Ocean corridor’ (Fuller et al. 2011:553–554), which could indicate movement via the Maldives. Nonetheless, owing to a lackof contextual archaeobotanical records, nothing can be conclusively said about suchlines of evidence.

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-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT-

The presence of yams (Dioscorea sp.), millet and wheat (of unspecified types) inhistorical periods has been noted in a Portuguese document by Valentim Fernandes in1599. He described the islands and mentions Maldivians ‘eating millet which grows
in small quantities on the islands’. Fernandes further suggested that local Maldivians
have no awareness of yams and wheat, excepting those who had travelled outside of
the islands (De Silva 2009: 364–370). Contra to this, in 1604–1607 the French traveller
Pyrard de Laval was shipwrecked in the northern part of the archipelago. He observed
the presence of locally grown millet, two yam varieties, in addition to fruits such as
banana, cucumber, melon, figs and plums. Wheat and rice were imported at this stage
from India and Sri Lanka (de Laval 1887:78). Differing information in these sources
concerning the presence of yam in the Maldives highlights the reliability of using earlyrecords to establish these introductions.

The presence of taro was documented by Munch-Petersen who carried out a series ofsurveys in the southern atolls, the first in 1974 and a continuation during 1977—1981.
There is a modern presence of Colocasia esculenta in the Southern Maldives, which
is locally referred to as ala. There is also Alocasia, which is called kahan ala and is
not grown in wet fields (Munch-Petersen pers. comm. November 2013). From thesesurveys of known and recently uncovered Buddhist monuments, toponymy, pedology,
a botanical survey and a cursory survey of remains of gastropods and marine faunafrom pits associated with recently constructed wells and irrigation channels, heestablished a preliminary picture of the early period. Munch-Petersen noted thatspecific plants and humus rich soils were consistently found associated with the
Buddhist structures. From this he drew a tentative conclusion that taro cultivation was
introduced during the early phases of Buddhist colonization, owing to the presence of‘humus rich soil well-suited to taro growing’ found in association with suchmonuments.

Evidence of early hunting practices is minimal, but ethnographic and historicalresearch provide some insight (Munch-Petersen 1982; Romero-Frías 1999; Maloney2013). This will be covered in greater detail in Chapter Seven. Owing to the lack ofarable land, no large domesticates were kept in the Maldives, in addition to the limited
terrestrial fauna. Consequently, Divehi largely relied on marine fauna. Maloney(2013:17) discussed fishing practices and the favouring of the scombrid fish—tuna
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-CHAPTER FOUR: THE RESEARCH CONTEXT-

and bonito. He indicated that these were caught in the open ocean with the small
baitfish that had been previously captured in the reefs and shallows. Reef-fish, turtles,
molluscs, crustaceans and octopodes are generally eaten when tuna is not available(Munch-Petersen 1982:75).

Munch-Petersen (1982) also observed the remains of the gastropods Gibberulus
gibbosus, Lambis lambis and the bivalve Atactodea striata, in uncovered pits
associated with the modern construction of wells in the Southern Maldives. He
hypothesized that protein requirements could have been partially met by theacquisition of these shellfish.

Ethnographic material concerning use and consumption of marine turtle suggests themeat was not consumed locally without adherence to strict preparation methods, likely
because of the potential for chelonitoxism. Pyrard de Laval described an incidence of
poisoning during the early seventeenth century (de Laval 1602–1607). MunchPetersen (1980:77) suggests that they are consumed, when other animals are not able
to be obtained. Nonetheless, the export and use of the turtle shell is well documented
within the historical records, including reference to Hawksbill turtle shell in the
Periplus of the Erythraean Sea.

Bird and bird eggs were also consumed (Munch-Petersen 1982:75).

The

aforementioned reports of the consumption of larger frigate birds (Fregatidae) in thesouthern atolls has also been documented in local Maldivian oral histories. It wassuggested that they flew seasonally from Chagos to the Maldives, where they were
often hunted and eaten along with their eggs (Romero-Frías 1999:19). Ethnographic
collections collected in the late 19th century, contain ‘bird traps’ consisting of wooden
stickswithstringsofgut

attached(BritishMuseumItem

Number:

As1893.1123.155.9).

4.6 Summary and conclusion
This chapter presented the Maldivian context. It provided an outline of the physicalsetting, the cultural context, and an archaeological and historical background. Thislatter section emphasized that initial colonization has not yet been addressed througharchaeology, but historical and linguistic evidence suggest either an Indian or Sri
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Lankan origin. Information surrounding the major export of cowry (Monetaria
moneta) has been sourced largely from the historical record, although deposits ofcowry have been found in archaeological contexts. Non-locally made ceramics, beads
and coins have been found in Maldivian archaeological sites and therefore somediscussion of trade has been engaged. It is clear that during the early phase ofoccupation, the majority of non-local material arrived via South Asia, with thesematerials present at all archaeological sites (with minimal materials from the Western
Indian Ocean). Additionally, Chinese and Southeast Asian material has been foundthroughout the Maldives, of types attributed to the ninth to nineteenth century.

Additional structures and artefacts associated with Hinduism, Buddhism and Islam
have been recovered from investigations. Evidence for potential Hindu influences
present in the Maldives is confused with much associated material culture also
potentially belonging to Buddhist traditions. The earliest dates from a Buddhist
structure in the Maldives were obtained from the north central site of Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu and suggest that Buddhism was present in the Maldives near the BCE/CE
transition, with a later early date from Nilandhoo Foamathi at 660–740 CE. These
dates and this chronology are revised in the upcoming Chapter Five.

Discussions surrounding maritime technologies point to a variety of influences,
particularly to those of Southeast Asia and South Asia, the former being supported bylinguistic terms found in the Maldives, originally appropriated from Austronesiancontexts. Evidence concerning early subsistence has been largely based on
ethnographic and historical accounts, which suggests an intensification of cultivationin the southern atolls and a major reliance on fishing in lieu of other domesticatesavailable and a depauperate fauna.

The next chapter, Chapter Five, will present an overview of the excavated andsurveyed sites included in this research: Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Nilandhoo Foamathi,
Bodu Havitha and Dhadimagi Havitha, alongside other surface scatters and finds. The
excavations and surveys will be detailed in addition to a discussion of the reliabilityof associated radiocarbon dates, the addition of new dates and a revision of thecurrently accepted chronology and site formation models.

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5The Sites: Surveys, Excavations and Dates

5.1 Introduction
The archaeological collections analyzed in this thesis were from previously excavatedMaldivian sites—this chapter outlines and describes these sites. The site investigations
were undertaken during two larger scale projects:

joint Norwegian-Maldivian

Investigations during 1983–1984, directed by Arne Skjølsvold and Thor Heyerdahl(hereafter the NMI) and University of Oslo investigations from 1996–1998, directedby Professor Egil Mikkelsen (hereafter the UOI). First an overview of these two
projects is presented, followed by a very brief discussion of surface scatters andindividual finds recovered during the NMI. Detailed sections on the excavated sites
from the NMI and UOI follow: Kuruhinna Tharaagadu was excavated in the northcentral region, Nilandhoo Foamathi in the central atolls and Bodu Havitha andDhadimagi Havitha in the southern atolls. The excavation history for each site ispresented alongside the associated methods, stratigraphy, structural features, material
culture finds, associated chronology and a discussion, which outlines the site
occupation and formation. The artefactual finds will be documented in greater detailin the upcoming chapters (see Chapters Six, Seven and Eight). Updated andcontemporary terminology is used in this thesis, including the term ‘excavation unit’(XU) and ‘feature’ instead of ‘ruin’. The radiocarbon chronology is reconsidered,
employing current calibration curves and methods in addition to the presentation of
new dates (Reimer et al. 2013). Additionally, occupation and site formation models
are revised. As such, previous research is consolidated, updated and reinterpreted inthis chapter.

5.2 Norwegian-Maldivian Investigations (1983–1984) and the University of Oslo
Investigations (1994–1996)
The Norwegian-Maldivian Investigations of 1983–1984 lasted approximately six
weeks, for three weeks of each year during January/February. They were instigated at85

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

the request of the then President, Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, whose interest in the earlyoccupation period was fostered by Thor Heyerdahl’s initial visit to the Maldives in1982 (Skjølsvold 1991:5). All internal costs were funded by the Maldivian
government, including between twenty and forty local Maldivian field assistants andtransport on a government ship. The external costs were sponsored by the Kon-Tiki
Museum, which included archaeological equipment and external transport to theMaldives (Skjølsvold 1991:5). Personnel from Norway included: Thor Heyerdahl,
Martin Mehren, Bjorn Bye and archaeologists Arne Skjølsvold and Oystein Johansen;from Sweden, Bengt Jonson and Ake Karlson from Sebra Film and from the Maldives,
Mohamed Ibrahim Loutfi, then director of the National Centre for Linguistic andHistorical Research, Kela Ali Ibrahim Maniku and Abdul Waheed as interpreters andKela Ali Ibrahim Maniku from Atoll Administration. In 1984 the team was the same,with a few additions and minus the film crew. Those from Norway included Thor
Heyerdahl and archaeologists Arne Skjølsvold, Oystein Johansen and Egil Mikkelsen
from the University of Oslo and Loutfi returned from the Maldivian National Centre
for Linguistic and Historical Research; however, Ibrahim Maniku Don Maniku joinedfrom Atoll Administration (Skjølsvold 1991:5–6).

During both field seasons, the itinerary covered the central and southern Maldives.
The major locations visited can be seen in Fig. 5.1. In 1983, the crew left Male’ andtravelled south. The first year involved mainly reconnaissance, focussing on islands
with archaeological potential (Skjølsvold 1991:11). The initial visit was to AriadhooIsland in Ari Atholhu Dhekunuburi (Alifu Dhaalu Atoll), where a havitha, circularbath, mosque and other evidence of habitation were recorded. In Nilandhe Atholu
Uthuruburi (Faafu Atoll), Nilandhoo Foamathi on Nilandhoo Island was excavatedand ‘Maadeli’ or Temple Island was sighted, where Loutfi claimed a large number of
Buddhist structures existed; however, no formal visit or survey was conducted. Next,
the team visited Us Gandu, a 22 m diameter mound on Kudahuvadhoo Island in
Dhaalu Atoll, also located near the earlier recovery of an animal sculpture and a
Buddha head. The sculpture was returned to Male’; however, the Buddha head was
reburied. The southern atolls were also covered in the itinerary and included Isdhoo
Island in Haddhunmathi Atoll (Laamu Atoll), where a large dome-like havitha could
be seen on the shore—allegedly the largest of these structures in the Maldives(Skjølsvold 1991:12).
86

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

1.

AriadhooIsland2.

Nilandhoo
Island3.

KudahuvadhooIsland4.

Isdhoo Island

5.

Gan Island

6.

Gadhoo Island

7.

Hithadhoo
Island8.

Kondey Island

9.

Gan Island

10. Vadhoo Island
11. Fuvamulah/

Fua Mulaku
Island
12. Kaashidhoo

IslandFigure 5.1 Locations investigated during the NMI and UOICredit: CartoGIS, Australian National University

87

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

The team visited Gan Island in the same atoll, and re-examined the site associated with
Bell’s major investigations (Bell 1940). Further visits were conducted to the smaller
havitha, the ‘Mumbaru Stupa’, in the district of Kuruhinna in the south of the sameisland (Bell 1940). Investigations of three havitha in poor condition were undertaken
on Gadhoo Island and the discovery of a 25 m diameter x 2.5 m high havitha was madeon Hithadhoo Island (Skjølsvold 1991).

The team examined two havitha on Kondey Island in Huvadhu Atholu Uthuruburi(Gaafu Alifu Atoll) and visited two islands in the neighbouring Huvadhu Atholu
Dhekunuburi (Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll); Bodu Havitha was excavated on Gan Island over
3–4 days and several limestone and coral-stone slabs were investigated on VaadhooIsland. Fuvahmulah Island in the administrative division of Gnaviyani Atoll(Fuvahmulah Atoll) within the equatorial channel was the last island to be subjected
to archaeological investigation—here a havitha and the adjacent mosque wereexcavated. In 1984, the itinerary did not involve reconnaissance, but further survey
and excavation of the sites Nilandhoo Foamathi on Nilandhoo Island, Bodu Havitha
on Gan Island and Dhadimagi Havitha on Fuvahmulah Island occurred.

The University of Oslo conducted fieldwork over three field seasons, from 1996–
1998, and the UOI investigations were directed by Professor Egil Mikkelsen, who hadparticipated in the NMI investigations. These excavations were conducted jointly with
the National Centre for Linguistic and Historical Research in Male’. A monastery
structure (vihara), Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, was the subject of these excavations on
Kaashidhoo Island in Kaafu Atoll (Malé Atholhu). The site is situated just outside theouter limit of the village on Kaashidhoo and within a plantation of coconut, papaya
and banana trees. During three field seasons 1,880 m2 was excavated and 64 separate
features were investigated and excavated (Mikkelsen 2000).

5.3 Surface Scatters and Individual Finds
This section briefly describes the surface finds of material culture located during the
NMI from 1983 to 1984. No surface scatters or individual finds were recovered during
the UOI. Several artefacts were recovered on Vadhoo Island in Huvadhu Atholu
Dhekunuburi during reconstruction work, including limestone slabs and beads made88

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-of carnelian and quartz (n=31) (see Fig. 5.20 for location of Vadhoo Island).
Additionally, assemblages previously located and collected by local Maldivians were
gifted to the NMI during their investigations in the Maldives. This includes a small
assemblage of ceramic material collected by Mr Adigin, also on Vadhoo Island (n=4).
A small collection of earthenware ceramics was recovered in topsoil by Ivar Hameed
in Male’, south of Villingilli Magu (n=4). Additionally, a makara statue (associatedwith Buddhist and Hindu traditions) was gifted to the NMI by Maldivians on Kondey
Island in Huvadhu Atholu Dhekunuburi, where two havithas were also sighted by thesurvey team (Skjølsvold 1991).

5.4 Excavations in the Northern MaldivesDuring the investigations from 1996–1998, one site was excavated in the northernatolls of the Maldives—the monastery (vihara) site, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, on
Kaashidhoo Island by Egil Mikkelsen and the University of Oslo.

5.4.1 The Archaeology of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (or Tharagandu) was known as a ‘house of worship’ andaccording to Maniku (1983), the location of the longest surviving Buddhist traditionin the Maldives. The vihara (monastery) site is situated on the island of Kaashidhoo,
which can be found between Lhaviyani and Kaafu Atoll (or Male’ Atoll), and is
attached administratively to Kaafu Atoll; see Fig. 5.2 for location. Kaashidhoo islocated at a longitude of 73.459609 and latitude 4.956995, is 276.49 ha2 and has alength of 2825 m and a width of 1025 m (Water Solutions Pty Ltd 2008:31).
Kaashidhoo is currently an agricultural area and has a highly diverse marine andterrestrial fauna. It hosts the only population of land tortoises in the Maldives (Isles:
Kaashidhoo n.d.). The littoral vegetation includes Pandanus, Ficus benghalensis(Indian Banyan) and the invasive Adenanthera pavonina (red-bead tree) (Thupalli
2009:7).

The excavated site was situated outside of Kaashidhoo Village in a coconut, papaya
and banana tree plantation. Prior to excavation in 1996, there were slight elevations
approximately 1.5 m high, with coral stones visible on the surface. The site underwent
major conservation measures in 2010–2013, with plans to establish a cultural centre
at the site (Isles: Kaashidhoo n.d.).
89

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.2 Location of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (Tharaagandu), Kaafu Atoll.
(Credit: CartoGIS, Australian National University)

90

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

During three field seasons, 1,800 m2 was excavated; the site plan from the first two
field seasons can be seen in Fig. 5.4. The excavation was extended on the northern
section in 1997, where several more features were uncovered, including an area wherea thick layer of light grey sand had been intentionally deposited. When excavated to adepth of 60–70 cm, several dark ‘oblong’ shapes measuring 1.8–1.85 m and 0.35–0.5
m wide became apparent, revealing four human burials. Throughout the UOI,
Mikkelsen located 64 ruins and four burials, which shall all be referred to as ‘features’
hereafter. The extent of the original monastery remains unknown, as Mikkelsen
excavated only a portion of the complex (Mikkelsen 2000).

Figure 5.3 Northern Portion of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Credit: Egil Mikkelsen (Mikkelsen 2000:11)

91

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.4 Kuruhinna Tharaagadu. Site Plan (1996-1998)
Credit: Modified from Mikkelsen (2000),
CartoGIS, Australian National University

92

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

5.4.2 Structural Features
The majority of features are the bases of probable wooden or perishable structures andonly 30–40 cm (height) of these bases survive (see Fig. 5.3; Mikkelsen 2000). Somemay have alternatively been the platforms of coral-stone statues and stupas that havesince been removed or destroyed. These coral-stone bases have been infilled withcoral-stone rubble and sand subsequent to the introduction of Islam in 1153 CE. Where
excavation of structures occurred, the fill was removed from the structures as one unit
and was not excavated by spit. As such, each feature at this site, except the grave, hasonly one associated excavation unit.

The structure types vary in size and shape. Table 5.1 broadly outlines the typologicalvariation and infers a likely function, based on size, shape and context. Shapes
included square, circular (some with ancillary features, i.e. steps), rectangular and 16sided shapes and sizes range from 1–11.5 m.

Table 5.1 Likely function of structure types at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu(Mirani Litster)
Shape
Relative Size
Likely function(inferred from context)
SquareSmall
NA
SquareMediumstupa
SquareLarge
Residence
Circular
Smallstupa or well
Circular
Mediumstupa
Circular
Large
stupa
Rectangular
Small
NA
RectangularMedium
NA
Rectangular
Large
Prayer Hall
16-sided structure
Large
stupa
5.4.3 Summary of Non-Structural Material Culture Finds
Considerable quantities of faunal remains were present at the site mainly as deposits
of money-shell located between the structures and slightly adjacent to the monastery.
Tridacna sp. deposits were also located at the complex, and found buried near thebases of structures. Additional tortoise, turtle and potential giant tortoise(?Aldabrachelys gigantea) remains were also found at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, and theplacement of the tortoise and turtle on the platform of a feature (Feature 62) would
suggest it was of some significance (Mikkelsen 2000). Relatively large amounts ofceramics were recovered at the site, including earthenware, stoneware and porcelain.
93

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Other finds included small quantities of glass, coral and clay beads, metal fragments
and a bronze Chinese cash coin. Excavation of the burial complex at the northern edgeof the site revealed four human burials. These were found at a depth of 60–70 cm andeach interment was oriented in a north-south direction, with the body positioned on
the right side and the hands covering the pelvis. Burial goods included ceramics andmetal rings (Mikkelsen 2000).

5.4.4 Dates
The dates obtained from the excavations have been derived from charcoal, shell, andbone samples. The samples were all processed through the Laboratoriet forRadiologisk Datering (Radiocarbon Dating Facility) in Trondheim from 1996 to 1998
and 1999 (Laboratoriet for Radiologisk Datering DF-2778). The RC dates for
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Kaashidhoo Island, Kaafu Atoll are presented in Tables 5.2,
5.3 and 5.4 The results from these dates have been separated by sample type, and areaccompanied by their corresponding probability plot (Figs 5.5 and 5.6).

Four charcoal dates were obtained on wood charcoal and have been calibrated here
using OxCal4.2 and the IntCal13 Calibration Curve, for the Northern Hemisphere(Reimer et al. 2013). The charcoal has not been identified to type, as such, a caveat
concerning potential inbuilt age must be considered. The likely source of timber on
the island is coconut palm, although no ethnographic sources associated withhearth/oven or firing behaviour further informs the discussion.

However, therestricted age range returned from charcoal samples from four different features
supports the argument that a long inbuilt age is not a problem. If this were the case,clustering would be unlikely and an outlier would be expected (see Fig. 5.5).

Six of the shell dates were obtained on Monetaria moneta and five on Tridacna sp.
(Laboratoriet for Radiologisk Datering DF-2778). All shell dates have been calibrated
with the Marine13 curve in OxCal4.2 (Reimer et al. 2013). Plants and animals which
receive carbon from a marine source yield an ‘apparent age’. The surface ocean or‘mixed layer’ (down to 200m) has a 14C age that is on average 400 years older thanthat of the terrestrial or atmospheric reservoir. This is a consequence of the exchange
between the atmosphere and the radiocarbon depleted deep ocean and is known as the‘marine reservoir effect’ (Southon et al. 2002; Petchey 2011).
94

Table 5.2 Charcoal Dates for Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Cal Ages (BCE/CE)
Sample#Feature

δ13C

F14C%

14CageTUa 1444

Pit West of
Feature 11

-26.1

NA

1555 + / 65

TUa 1883

Post-hole 1,
Feature 18

-25.5

NA

TUa1884

Post-hole 2,
Feature 18-26.3

TUa2198

Well, Feature
52,

-26.4

To

Probability

426

677

95.4

1580 + / 60

425

645

95.4

NA

1505 + / 60

345

604

95.4

NA

1415 + / 70

385

639

95.4

From

SampleType
Unidentified
Charcoal
SampleUnidentified
Charcoal
SampleUnidentified
Charcoal
SampleUnidentified
Charcoal
SampleXU
Unit

Comments andReferenceδ13C estimated*

1
*
1
*
1
Charcoal fill at base*
1

Int Cal 13 atmospheric curve (Reimer et al. 2013)* (Mikkelsen 2000)

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.5 Charcoal Dates from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu,
Kaashidhoo Island, Kaafu AtollInt Cal. 13 atmospheric curve (Reimer et al. 2013) OxCal4.2
The modelled marine 14C calibration curve (i.e. Marine13) automatically corrects forthe reservoir effect, which averages the global surface ocean through time. However,further regional deviations from this global average must be considered and a local
correction value, or a ΔR, needs to be applied. This can be calculated fromcharcoal/shell pairs (contemporaneous terrestrial/marine archaeological samples) orfrom samples collected prior to 1950 with a known age from different regions (Dye1994; Druffel et al. 2001).
Presently, there are only a limited number of ΔR values reported for the Indian Oceanarea, with few from the northern, western and eastern regions and none for the central(Dutta et al. 2001). A review of the available data highlights that 14C levels in the
Indian Ocean surface waters are substantially lower than the global surface water ofthe modelled reservoir age, which agrees with known oceanographic data (Stuiver etal. 1983). This is a consequence of a large amount of deep-sea water contribution to
the surface layer. Several factors promote this throughout the Arabian Sea, theWestern Indian Ocean and nearby regions. The complex northern and equatorial
Indian Ocean circulation, discussed in Chapter Three (see Fig. 3.1), involves large
seasonal variations such as reversals of major current systems, attributed to shifts inthe monsoon. The SEC is present during the northern summer as a return flow southof the equator in a westwards direction (Tchernia 1980). The Arabian Sea gyre isclosed by a northwards flow from the African and Arabian coastal areas and it is herethat the most intense upwelling occurs. Further intense monsoon-related upwelling is
96

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-a feature of the Somali, Southern Arabian, Pakistani and Indian coasts (Wyrtki 1973;
Swallow 1984; Toole and Warren 1993; Ganauchaud and Wunsch 2000). As aconsequence, this region has relatively high ΔR values, including those found on thewestern side of Sri Lanka, which are consistent with the southeast transport of 14Cdepleted Arabian Sea water (Southon et al. 2002). The southeast flow of the Arabian
Sea extends as far east as 80–100°E south of the equator and reaches Cocos-Keeling(Tchernia 1980; Toggweiler et al. 1991; You 1997). Therefore, it would be reasonable
to consider that the surface ocean associated with the Maldives would be similarly
14

C-depleted.

An exception to this exists north of the Maldives—ΔR values in the Bay of Bengal areaberrant from other Indian Ocean values and consistently lower. This can be attributed
to the large influx of freshwater from the north as seven major rivers feed this basin,
which reduces the vertical mixing rate and therefore prevents the advection of the
deeper, more 14C depleted water. Similarly, low values can be seen in the Palk Bay
Area, which is facing the Bay of Bengal. This is because this area has a shallow depthof <100m, with a corresponding mean ΔR of 32 +/- 20 yrs (Milliman and Meade
1983).

Therefore, the regional correction value applied in this research to archaeological shellsamples from Maldivian sites was determined from the closest value, which is also
associated with the Arabian Sea flow—the Malabar region in Kerala (and not from theTamil Nadu sites, which face the Bay of Bengal and the shallow Palk Bay area).
Therefore, all shell dates have been corrected with a ΔR of 138 +/- 64 yrs, which was
determined from a Paratapes textile shell (CAMS-3927+39) (Southon et al. 2002).

To further complicate the calibration of shell dates, recent studies have illustrated thatvariation is probably more reflective of species, habitat and diet than regionalvariability (Petchey and Clark 2011; Petchey et al. 2013). However, very limited
research has been conducted on the taxa present at Maldivian archaeological sites,
which includes the herbivorous Monetaria moneta and Tridacna sp. (Petchey pers.
comm. April 2014); therefore, what can be said for this is minimal. Consequently,
until further research is conducted into these particular mollusc types, the local habitat

97

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

and also a more local Maldivian correction value, these shell dates are presented as
plausible, but also with caution.

Radiocarbon dates from bone were also processed through the Trondheim radiocarbon
dating facility. These were obtained from tortoise and human bone (from four separate
individuals). The success of 14C determination from bone is contingent on thepreservation of the bone (i.e. insubstantial contamination and degradation) and the pretreatment process in place to isolate bone protein (Petchey and Green 2005). Bonedecay can be exaggerated in tropical environments, such as the Maldives.
Additionally, corrections to the apparent age must be applied for different diets as 14C
is incorporated into the collagen from varied reservoirs. This involves thedetermination of the δ34S, δ15N and δ13C isotopes; however, because no access to theoriginal bone samples from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu was possible, the radiocarbon
determinations (and calibrations) initially reported by the Trondheim Radiocarbon
Facility are presented again in Table 5.4 (Mikkelsen 2000). The spread of dates
returned from the burials, like the charcoal samples, are also relatively tightly clusteredand also fall within the mean age of the shell dates.

5.4.5 Discussion and Summary
The above calibration of charcoal, shell and bone radiocarbon dates from Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu illustrate an occupation of the site from 345–604 calCE (95.4%) throughto 1024–1224 calCE (95.4%). Despite the implicit issues outlined concerning thedifferent materials dated, the calibration plots highlight that all separate dated features
fall within a fairly restricted range, with the exception of two outliers, which are cowryshell deposits. Mikkelsen (2000) proposed a model for the occupation sequence at thesite, which included several different stages of construction.

98

Table 5.3 Shell dates for Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Cal Ages (BCE/CE)
Comments
andReference
Cowry
1690 +/Monetaria
T-12495
Feature 2
3
NA
700
990
95.4
1
shell
65
moneta(62,000)*
Cowry
1680 +/Monetaria
T-13180
East of Feature 17
2.3
NA
740
965
95.4
1
shell
40
moneta(106)*
Cowry
745 +/Monetaria
T-13181x96.0/y93.7
2.5
NA
1530
…
95.4
1
shell
75
moneta(109)*
Cowry
660 +/Monetaria 1 (10T-13667
x91.3/ y 95.0
2.6
NA
1685
…
95.4
shell
65
moneta15cm)(218)*
1430 +/Monetaria
Cowry
T-13666
Inside Feature 63B
2.2
NA
1024
1223
95.4
1
45
monetashell (17)*1360 +/Monetaria
Cowry
T-13665
Inside Feature 51
2.5
NA
1042
1297
95.4
1
70
monetashell (8)*Tridacna1685 +/TridacnaT- 13669
X118/y 135
2.1
NA
729
968
95.4
1
shell
45
sp.
deposit*
1585 +/Tridacna
TridacnaT- 13182
Feature 20/21
2.4
NA
833
1048
95.4
1
45
sp.
shell *
1530 +/Tridacna
TridacnaT- 13668
Feature 62 x100.5/y131.5
2.2
NA
871
1165
95.4
1
60
sp.
shell *
1500 +/Tridacna
TridacnaT- 12496
North of Feature 10
2
NA
904
1185
95.4
1
60
sp.
shell*
1880 +/Tridacna
TridacnaT - 13183
Feature 18
2.1
NA
506
787
95.4
1
65
sp.
shell*
ΔR = 138. Derived from correction values for the Indian Ocean. Paphia textile (Southon et al. 2002). Marine13 Marine Curve in OxCal4.2(Reimer et al.
2013) * Mikkelsen 2000
Sample#Associated Feature

δ13C

F14C%

14C age

From

To

Probability

Sample
Type

XU
Unit

Figure 5.6 Shell Dates from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Kaashidhoo Island, Kaafu AtollMarine 13 marine curve (Reimer et al. 2013) OxCal4.2

Table 5.4 Bone dates for Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Cal Ages(BCE/CE)
Sample#Featureδ13C

Weight(g)

T-13578

Grave 3

-15.2

5.4

T-13679

Grave 4

-15.7

12.8

T-13680

Structure
62

-12.6

30.7

Grave 1

-14

Grave 2-14.8

Tua2227
Tua2228

From

To

Sample Type

XU
Unit

Reference

885

1015

Human bone

1

*

890

1020

Human bone

1

*

725

885

? Aldabrachelys
gigantea

1*955 +/- 65

1015

1170

Human bone1*1015 +/65

985

1040

Human bone1*

14C age1100 +/70
1080 +/75
1220 +/55*(Mikkelsen 2000)

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-He suggested that the structures were established on different levels, which involved
the covering of old structures with white coral-sand in order to build newer structures.
He suggests that the monastery began construction in the beginning of the third century
CE and proposed that the main building phase took place c. 600 CE, corresponding to
the first monastic period of the site. The use of several miniature stupas and offerings(such as cowry shell and ?Aldabrachelys gigantea) continued during the seventh andninth centuries CE, which was followed by the final occupation period where acemetery was introduced and positioned to the north of the monastery until the late
twelfth century (Mikkelsen 2000). The application of a correction value, as detailed
above, requires a revision of this model. As such, temporal phases are presented tofacilitate a discussion of site construction and occupation (see Table 5.5).

Table 5.5 Phases of Construction at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (Mirani Litster after
Mikkelsen 2000)
Phase

Corresponding Date Range (CE)

Phase One

345–677

Phase Two

700–832

Phase Three

833–1023

Phase Four1024–

An initial Phase One period encompasses the first construction phase. The recent
calibration of previously accepted dates shifts this initial building period forward to
345–677 CE. The dates from the phase were obtained from wood charcoal samples
and one from Tridacna sp. The earliest radiocarbon dates were recovered from two
post-holes near Feature 18, which is supported by an early date derived from Tridacna
sp. situated close to the same feature. These three dates imply this rectangular structure
was present during the early occupation phase. Further early radiocarbon dates derived
from wood charcoal were obtained from the base of Feature 52 (hereafter referred toas the ‘well’). The well was built into a plastered floor, which covered the northernpart of excavation (Feature 40). Therefore, it is reasonable to associate the plasteredfloor with this first phase of construction. Mikkelsen (2000) likewise asserted that thiswas a ‘living floor’, utilized during the early construction and occupation of themonastery. Additionally, this floor was recovered underneath other structures, which
102

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

were separated by a dividing layer of light coral-sand and coral-stones. Feature 11 wasalso dated to Phase One and is rectangular in shape and located in the south-easternarea of the excavations. Except for the well, no circular features (stupas) or money
shell deposits were dated to this early phase.

Phase Two of the monastery covers the period from 700–832 CE. Three dated features
fall into this period, including a very substantial deposit of c.62,000 cowry shells northof Feature 2 (The Prayer Hall or vihara), see Fig. 5.7. Mikkelsen (2000) reasonably
proposed this was some form of ‘sacrificial’ or other ‘intentional deposit’. One
alternative possible use in light of its Buddhist context is that it represents donation
offered by the laity (in this case, the local Divehi) to the sangha (monks) present in
the monastery. Additionally, another relatively large cowry shell deposit east of Figure
17 (106), and a Tridacna sp. deposit between Ruin 10 and Ruin 14 also corresponds
to this phase.

Figure 5.7 Large deposit of Monetaria moneta shells (Mikkelsen 2000:12)

Phase Three represents the period from 833–1023 CE and includes three dated
Tridacna sp. shell deposits. One is from the area north of the complex at x188/y131.5;
the second from between Features 20 (a square structure) and 21 (stupa) and the thirdis located north of Feature 10 (stupa). Additionally, the date returned from the103

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-?Aldabrachelys gigantea bone also falls into Phase Three. These bones of?Aldabrachelys gigantea were recovered atop a platform (Feature 62), indicating
potential significance. Large quantities of land tortoise and marine turtle were also
found at the site. Kaashidhoo is one of the only islands in the Maldives with acontemporary population of land tortoise (Isles: Kaashidhoo n.d.). Tridacna sp.
deposits were recovered consistently in the foundations of features as they were placed
prior to construction; therefore, owing to the majority of dated Tridacna sp. deposits
corresponding to this phase, it likely represents another building phase.

Phase Four corresponds to the latest occupation of the site and includes the transition
to Islam. All of these later dates are retrieved slightly outside of the complex or in thenorthern section of the monastery. This phase consists of dates from 1024 CE onwards
and includes four cowry shell deposits and all of the directly dated human burials. Twosmaller cowry deposits are located on the northern sector of the monastery, and two
relatively large deposits (n=109 and 218) were found buried outside the western edgeof the complex. The latter two were dated post the introduction of Islam; however,both fall within the historically acknowledged cowry processing era in the Maldives.
Owing to their later dates, they are likely not associated with the monastery and might
represent cowry processing/desiccating locations.

From the above outline, several phases of construction and activity at the site can bediscerned. An initial building phase took place from 345–677 CE, followed by an
occupation period during which large deposits of money shells were deposited. The
third phase from 833–1023 CE indicates a second building period based on the dates
of foundation deposits of Tridacna sp. The evidence of the ritual use of turtle at thesite also corresponds to this period. The dates from the northern section of the
excavations—beyond the plastered older floor—are younger, suggesting a northward
extension of the monastery. This northern extension of the Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
complex included the burial area, where all human remains have been directly dated
to between 885–1170 CE, suggesting interment of these individuals occurred during
the later phase of occupation (see Table 5.4). Cowry shell was found at the site in large
deposits from Phase Two through to Phase Four, including a date close to when cowry
was historically no longer considered valid as a currency.
104

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

5.5 Central Maldives
One site has been excavated in the central atolls of the Maldives, which is Nilandhoo
Foamathi located on Nilandhoo Island (see Fig. 5.8) and was excavated as acomponent of the NMI from 1983–1984. This section outlines the archaeology, thestructural features, non-structural material culture and chronology of the site.

5.5.1 The Archaeology of Nilandhoo Foamathi
Nilandhoo Foamathi (also referred to as Nilandhoo Foavvalhi) is located on Nilandhoo
Island in Faafu Atoll, which is the name of both the administrative and geographic
atoll (Waheed 2003:51). It is centrally located in the Maldivian archipelago and theexact location in Faafu Atoll can be seen in Figure 5.9. Faafu Atoll is a complex-atoll,consisting of approximately 2.2 km2 of available land (Naseer et al. 2004:165).

Figure 5.8 Nilandhoo Foamathi, Nilandhoo Island, Faafu Atoll.
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

105

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.9 Location of Nilandhoo Foamathi (Nilandhoo), Faafu Atoll.
Credit: CartoGIS, Australian National University

106

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.10 Nilandhoo Foamathi Partially Excavated, 1984
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

Three historical sites exist on the atoll and Nilandhoo Island is of considerable cultural
significance, as it was the location of the first mosque construction outside of Male’—
Asaari Miskiiy (Water Solutions Pty Ltd 2008:40).

Remains of the Buddhist site are located to the east of the island and measure 44.5 m
in circumference and 1.2 m in height, and the name is derived from the Divehi word
for penis (Muhammad, pers. comm. May 2013), as an alleged siva linga was found at
the site prior to the NMI investigations—this was likely a votive stupa. The coralstone from the Buddhist site was reused to construct parts of the newer mosque andlocal houses on the island (Bopardikar 1992:176). At the time of investigation in
1983–1984, the dominant vegetation on the island was coconut (Cocos nucifera),
Areca palms (Areca catechu) and breadfruit (Artocarpus altilis) (see Fig. 5.8).

Previous finds at the site, included two coral-stone votive stupas and three reliquaries,
with one containing a gold rooster statue (Skjølsvold 1991:16). Investigations at
Nilandhoo Foamathi took place over the course of two field seasons in 1983–1984 and107

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

initially consisted of vegetation clearance and excavation of the havitha mound. A
major aim of this investigation was to obtain material for dating purposes, as noradiocarbon dating had been conducted prior to these investigations. These
excavations focussed on four major features (see Fig 5.11). Each field season,
approximately 20 Maldivians were hired to assist in the project and the oral history of
the local islanders was also recorded.

5.5.2 Structural Features
The major structural finds consisted of two wall features (Features Three and Four), a
havitha mound (Feature One), a partially excavated structure (Feature Two) and acircular bath (Feature Five). The focus of the investigation was Feature One, Feature
Four and the partial excavation of Feature Two. The complex can be seen in Fig 5.11.
A more recent mosque is located to the west of the complex and an old bath ispositioned adjacent to this feature, and likely belonged to the earlier Buddhist complex(see Figs 5.11 and 5.17).

Feature One was excavated during 1983 and 1984. Two trenches were excavatedacross the interior of the havitha mound (see Fig 5.12). The trench from 1983 ran northto south (A–B); however, only the central square was completely excavated to theculturally sterile base layer. The adjacent trench excavated in 1984 (K–I) also ran from
north to south; however, the full extent of the structure was not excavated; both
trenches can be seen in Figs 5.13 and 5.14. The trench from 1983 was approximately
2 m in diameter, whereas that excavated in 1984 was 1 m in diameter. The stratigraphy
from both trenches was similar and can be seen in the section plans in Fig 5.14. The
soil descriptions are as in Table 5.6 and were arbitrarily defined. Unfortunately, nosoil samples were available from these excavations to determine Munsell colours.

108

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.11 Site Plan for Nilandhoo Foamathi
Credit: After Skjøsvold (1991)

109

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.12 Trenches across Feature 1, Nilandhoo Foamathi
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

Table 5.6 Stratigraphy of excavated areas, Feature 1, Nilandhoo Foamathi (details
from Skjølsvold 1991, adapted by Mirani Litster)
Layer

Description

Layer One

Topsoil, reached an average depth ofapproximately 15–20 cm. Greyish brownin colour.
Greyish sandy fill. A maximum depth of
20 cm–1.25 m at the centre of the trench
A–B.
1.25m–1.4 m. A thick stratum of sandmixed with humus. Greyish-brown.
1.4m–1.65/1.7 m. Sand and scatteredstones.
1.7m–1.8/1.85 m. Thick layer of finesand, beach sand.
1.85m–2 m. Culturally sterile. Whitesand.

Layer Two

Layer Three
Layer Four
Layer Five
Layer Six110

Figure 5.13 Plan showing Features 1, 2 and 3, Nilandhoo Foamathi
Credit: After Skjøsvold (1991)

Figure 5.14 Feature 1 Profile, Nilandhoo Foamathi
Credit: After Skjøsvold (1991)

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-The northern section of Trench A–B revealed moulded stones, which were the wall of
the structure. This was composed of seven blocks of greyish limestone, forming a
stepped projection. The upper limit was located just below Layer One. The profile forthe excavated wall can be seen in Fig. 5.15. The northern section was first exposed,
followed by the southern. The southern was similar to the northern, except moredamaged. Once both north and south walls were exposed it became clear that thestructure was square, with a length of 10.30 m. The western side revealed the remainsof an old staircase, measuring approximately 2.6 m in width and projected 1.3 m
outwards. The southern wall was excavated over both seasons; additionally, a stonelined pathway extended four metres from the western face. Skjølsvold (1991)
suggested that the remains of the built feature represent the base of a structure which
had no internal rooms.

Feature Two was initially a 20 m mound and was partially excavated. It was situated
10–15 m west of the havitha structure; additionally, two votive stupas had beenpreviously located here. In 1983 a 1 m wide trench was laid out across the mound in a
N–S direction. The south-east section of the trench was extended by 2 m. Throughout
this trench, several non-structural finds were located, which are to be detailed in theforthcoming section. However, between field seasons unsanctioned excavation of thearea uncovered parts of a stone structure (seen in Fig 5.13). One small find was
returned to Male’ and the rest were ‘thrown in a heap’ and buried (Skjølsvold 1991
37). In 1984 the NMI cleaned the area subsequent to the vandalism but they did not,however, excavate further.

Feature Three was first discovered during the excavation of Feature One. A wall
structure was located when a trench approximately 12 m long and 1 m wide was
excavated, at a depth of approximately 25–30 cm. Skjølsvold (1991:40) suggested thatthese stones have been reused from another structure as they are not uniform in size,
and appear similar to those found on the wall of the havitha (Feature One).

113

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES--

Figure 5.15 Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 1 wall-profiles
Credit: After Skjøsvold (1991)

Figure 5.16 Feature 4 plan and section drawing, Nilandhoo Foamathi
Credit: After Skjøsvold (1991)

114

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES--

Figure 5.17 Bath (Feature 5), Nilandhoo Foamathi
Credit: After Skjøsvold (1991)

This is supported by the presence of two separate walls found in a trench across thenorthern section of the complex, revealing Feature Four at the northern section. In thistrench, evidence for an older and younger wall became apparent (see Fig 5.16). In
addition to these four features, a bath was located adjacent to the newer mosque areain the south-western portion of the complex. This bath (Feature Five) was only
partially uncovered, but was circular and ‘well preserved’ (see Fig 5.17).

5.5.3 Summary of Non-Structural Material Culture Finds
This section aims to summarize non-structural material culture finds from the
Nilandhoo site complex. Few small finds were recovered from Feature One; the 1984
excavations found two cowries and another shell (Strombus sp.), small pieces of115

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

undecorated earthenware, a small piece of bird bone and two profiled stones. During
the excavation of the foundation walls, a cylindrically shaped disc in addition to a
profiled masonry stone (with triglyphs and metopes) were recovered and a
fragmentary stone was found, in addition to five pieces of undecorated earthenware.

Non-structural material culture finds from the excavations adjacent to Feature Two
consisted of limestone votive stupas (n=13) and a small amount of undecorated
earthenware (n=2). In the centre of the trench, at a depth of approximately 30 cm, fivevotive stupas were located, along with two pieces of undecorated earthenware. These
included what Skjølsvold (1991:33–34) has classified as ‘miniature tower stupas’ and‘dome-shaped’ votive stupas. One was of the miniature tower stupa variety and fourof the ‘dome-shaped’ variety. Additionally, it is necessary to mention that the ‘tower’stupas may either be the top of a reliquary or a finial or spire intended for a miniature
stupa, and discussed in Chapter Eight. The maximum diameter of the dome-shaped
stupas was between 38–35 cm. All were made of limestone. The eastern extension of
the southern portion of the trench contained miniature limestone stupas (n=8). One
was a ‘tower’ stupa and the rest dome-shaped; four additional disc-shaped specimens
were also located. Closer to the structure, one dome-like stupa of limestone was
uncovered, in addition to six miniature fragmentary stupas. These miniature stupa
finds totalled n=20, with local Maldivians contributing a further eleven stupas
recovered prior to the excavations. As such, a total of 31 miniature stupas and twopieces of earthenware were recovered in proximity to Feature Two, albeit with noassociated context.

Feature Three was discovered during the excavation of Feature One (havitha), andappeared to be a wall construction composed of a ‘haphazard’ collection of stones that
may have been initially sourced from one of the internal structures. No non-structural
finds were located here; however, organic material was obtained in order to date thefeature.

Feature Four was located along the northern section of the excavated area and has been
preliminarily detailed by Mikkelsen (Skjølsvold 1999:185). The trench uncovered arefuse area, which also became the first stratigraphically documented artefact
sequence in the Maldives. This following section outlines the stratigraphy in addition
116

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

to the small finds in their context. The location of the excavation can be seen in Fig.
5.10; however, the plan and profile of Feature 4 and the excavation can be seen in Fig.
5.16. The stratigraphy can be seen in Table 5.7.

The upper layer (XU1–XU4) consisted of a dark humic soil mixed with coral-sand.
This layer varied in depth along the trench, from 20–50 cm. At about 3.5 m north of
the southern end of the trench, the top of the ‘new’ wall was located. This wall wasapproximately 1.3 m wide, and constructed of reused stones, possibly from thehavitha. The construction methods of Feature Four were similar to that of Feature Two(Skjølsvold 1999:186). The base of the wall was reached at 60 cm below the surface.
In between the wall was coral sand with coral-stone filling. The majority of vertebrate
faunal remains from this trench came from XU1–4, with a notable decrease in the
excavation units below. Shells were also recovered from this upper layer, in addition
to 5.5 g of charcoal. In the more recent layers, pottery was found on the northern sideof the trench—mostly undecorated potsherds. Additional items were found, which
included glass sherds of green, transparent, light green and yellow-brown varieties.
One bone bead was found, in addition to a thin piece of hammered copper.

The stratigraphy of the southern section of the wall included a layer of light grey coralsand (XU5 and 6, between 40–60 cm deep), with a lens of dark coral-sand fill, which
was interrupted by the new wall. XU6 was a complete intermixed layer of dark coralsand below the light-grey coral-sand. XU7 and 8 (60–80 cm deep) was a coral-sandlayer with coral-stone inclusions. It was on the southern section of the new wall where
the most pottery was found in the lower layers, primarily between the two walls, inaddition to a mosaic bead of blue, red and yellow glass.

Faunal material was less prevalent than in the layers above, however molluscs andvertebrate fauna were still present. The older wall was found at the base of XU8. On
the southern side of this older wall was a light grey coral sand (XU9 and 11, 80–110
cm deep). The sediment on the northern side of the old wall was a dark coral sand,also with coral stones. Culturally sterile was reached at 1.10m.

117

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Table 5.7 Feature 4, Nilandhoo Foamathi, Maldives, Stratigraphic Units (Details
from Skjøsvold 1991)
Excavation
Unit (XU)
1

Description

Between Old
and New WallNA

N of New
Wall
NA

S of New Wall

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

NA

Light grey towhite coral
sandLight grey towhite coral
sand
Grey-greyish
brown coralsand

Dark coral sandfill

5

Dark humic
soil mixed
with coralsand
Dark humic
soil mixed
with coralsand
Dark humic
soil mixed
with coralsand
Dark humic
soil mixed
with coral
sand
NA

6

NA

NA

7

NA

NA

8

NA

Dark coralsand mixed
with humic soil
and several
limestone
fragments with
branchimpressions.

Grey-greyish
brown coral
sand

9

NA

Light brown
coral sandwith a few
coral stones

White coralsand withirregular coralstones in upper
portion10

NA

Greyish-brown
coral sandWhite coral
sand

11

NA

Dark coralsand mixed
with humic soil
and several
limestone
fragments with
branchimpressions.
Greyish brownsand, withsome humic
soil
Greyish brownsand

Greyish-brown
coral sandWhite coral
sand

2

3

4

Comments

NA

Dark coral sandfill
Grey-greyish
brown coralsand with large
coral blocks
Grey-greyish
brown coralsandwith large coral
blocks* old wall
uncovered at
a depth of
72 cm on thesouthernside of thewall, base ofwall at about
100 cm.
*limestone
fragments
with branch
impressions,part of an
old floor*culturally
sterile wasreached at
110 cm118

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

It was between this old and new wall where four pieces of glass were found, in addition
to a sherd of glass from a perfume bottle. Layer 11 produced one shell fragment withfour intentionally carved parallel lines. Faunal remains were found between the walls,
but these were mostly molluscs.

The sediments from the northern side of the new wall included light grey coral sandat XU5 (40–50 cm). XU6 (50–60 cm) was a dark coral sand filling, which was
followed by a coral sand with coral-stone layer in XU7–8. Light grey coral sand wasfound in XU9–11, until culturally sterile was reached at 1.10 m. Faunal material waspresent north of the new wall, including both vertebrate and invertebrate marine fauna.
Ceramic material was found, although in lesser quantities than the southern side. Very
few non-ceramic material culture items were found on this side of the trench. One
piece of light green glass and one tubular piece of copper were found in Layer Five.

5.5.4 Dates
The dates obtained from the excavations have derived from charcoal and shellsamples. The results from these dates have been separated here by sample type, andare accompanied by their corresponding probability plot (Figs 5.18–5.19).

An initial series of dates were obtained in 1984—these samples were processed
through the Laboratoriet for Radiologisk Datering in Trondheim (Laboratoriet forRadiologisk Datering DF-2778) and the results are included in this section. However,
because a major aim of this research was to refine previous interpretations of the early
Maldivian occupation period, further dating samples were sought. As outlined in thesection dedicated to Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, major issues concerning a lack of known
wood charcoal samples and reservoir correction values complicate the reliability ofpreviously accepted dates. Therefore, further dating samples were obtained by theauthor (Mirani Litster) and where possible, the short-lived Cocos nucifera nut shell
was sourced (n=5); however, some unidentified charcoal was processed (n=2), where
Cocos nucifera nut shell was unavailable. Seven charcoal dates were obtained from
Feature Four and have been calibrated using OxCal4.2 and the IntCal13 Calibration
Curve (Reimer et al. 2013). The new charcoal samples from Nilandhoo were
processed through the Waikato Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory in 2011 (Wk 30389–
30394).
119

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

All marine shell dates have been calibrated with the Marine13 curve in OxCal4.2(Reimer et al. 2013). Two shell dates were obtained (Strombus sp. and Lambis lambis)
and processed by the Laboratoriet for Radiologisk Datering (DF-2778). All dates havebeen corrected with a ΔR of 138. Issues surrounding the regional ΔR value have beenoutlined in greater detail in the previous section on Kuruhinna Tharaagadu.
Furthermore, Strombus sp. and Lambis have not been widely studied in terms of 14C
dating, and therefore a similar caveat to that offered in Section 5.3 is offered here
concerning shell dates.

The dates returned from Nilandhoo Foamathi range across the site, from 249–393
calCE (95.4%) (Feature Four) through to 1170–1423 calCE (95.4%) (Feature One).
The earlier dates derived from the charcoal located in Feature Four, and the mostrecent from the marine shell samples from Features One and Two (see Tables 5.8 and5.9).

5.5.5 Discussion and Summary
The earliest dates from Nilandhoo Foamathi are associated with the refuse deposit(Feature Four) at the northern limits of the complex. Dates from Features One andTwo post-date the historically acknowledged introduction of Islam. Skjølsvold (1991)
had proposed a model for the site formation, which included an early construction of
the old wall (Feature Four) followed by the construction of Feature One (the havitha).
However, recent recalibrations as mentioned above returned a date from the fill of
Feature One that was contemporaneous to the introduction of Islam, highlighting thatthe shell sample was probably associated with the deliberate covering of the Buddhist
monument. Feature Two was also surrounded by an excess of 30 votive stupas (domeand tower-type) grouped in clusters, indicating that they may have been dumped andcovered during the same period.

Feature Four provides good insight into overall site usage through time, owing to thecontrolled excavation methods with a larger number of dates obtained. The earliest
dates were associated with a Cocos nucifera sample from Layer 11 (100–110 cm),
dating to a period of 249–393 calCE (95.4%) (Wk-30394). This is earlier than a datefrom the same layer but located on the northern section of the trench on unspecified
charcoal from a period of 389–866 calCE (95.4%) (T-5577). There is an inversion120

CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

throughout the sequence, where an older date was returned from Layer Two on Cocos
nucifera, 775–968 calCE (95.4%) (Wk-30389), and is followed by a more recent datefrom XU4 from an unknown charcoal sample dating from 1601 calCE (95.3%) (Wk30391). This is suggestive of post-depositional movement of charcoal between XU1–XU4. This inversion supports the case for more intensive dating regimes at sites in theMaldives as not only had it not been previously identified, but large disturbances andthe attendant taphonomic issues will be expected at early period sites, owing to thesignificant volume of material used to intentionally cover the sites and the damage
associated with vegetation growth (see Figs. 5.8 and 5.12).

Cultural material from the refuse deposit reveals a prevalence of shellfish use and fishconsumption during the Buddhist occupation of the site. The deposit found between
XU1 and XU4 contained rat and chicken. Fragmentary bird bone was also found inassociation with the fill of the havitha during the Islamic phase. Ceramic material was
associated with all layers; however, in the earlier layers greater proportions were foundon the southern side of the excavation trench. Glass was found throughout, althoughmainly in the most recent excavation units. A mosaic bead, a modified cowry shelland a perfume bottle were found in the lower layers associated with the Buddhist
period.

An Elasmobranchii vertebra bead was found in the first layer. Charcoal was found in
all layers and the ceramic material recovered from XU11 appeared to be abraded,indicating water rolling during this early phase of deposition (Skibo and Schiffer
1989:91).

121

Table 5.8 Charcoal Dates for Nilandhoo Foamathi
Cal Ages (BCE/CE)
Sample#Feature

d13C

F14C%

14CageWk30389

Trench 4-23.7 +/0.2

86.6 +/- 0.3

1156+/- 30BP

Wk30390

Trench 4-28.6 +/0.2

97.9 +/- 0.4

171 +/30 BP

Wk30391

Trench 4-24.3 +/0.2

87.8 +/- 0.3

Wk30392

Trench 4-24.2 +/0.2

86.7 +/- 0.3

Wk30393

Trench 4-24.0 +/0.2

83.4 +/- 0.3

Wk30394

Trench 4-25.2 +/0.2

80.8 +/- 0.3

T-5577

Trench 4*Trondheim*Trondheim

1048+/- 30BP
1145+/- 31
BP1462+/- 30BP
1717+/- 30BP
1430+/- 110BPTo

Probability

Sample
Type

XU
Unit

775

968

95.4

Cocos
nucifera

XU 2

New Data

1660

...

95.3

Unknown
charcoalsampleXU 4

New Data

900

1028

95.4

Cocos
nucifera

XU 6

New Data

776

975

95.4

Cocos
nucifera

XU 8

New Data

552

647

95.4

Cocos
nucifera

XU 9

New Data

249

393

95.4

Cocos
nucifera

XU
11

New Data

95.4

Unknown
charcoalsample

XU
11,
North
of
Wall

Skjølsvold (1991)

From

389

866

Reference

Int Cal 13 atmospheric curve (Reimer et al. 2013)

Figure 5.18 Charcoal Dates from Nilandhoo Foamathi, Nilandhoo Island, Faafu AtollInt Cal 13 atmospheric curve (Reimer et al. 2013) OxCal4.2

Table 5.9 Shell Dates for Nilandhoo Foamathi

Cal Ages (BCE/CE)
Sample#Featured13CT-5575

Feature 1

2.1

T- 5576

Feature 2

2.1

F14C%

14Cage1230 +/70
1340 +/40

To

Probability

SampleType

XU Unit

Reference

1170

1423

95.4

Shell

NA

*

1096

1289

95.4

Shell

NA

*

From

ΔR = 138. Derived from correction values for the Indian Ocean. Paphia textile (Southon et al. 2002). Marine13 Marine
Curve in OxCal4.2(Reimer et al. 2013)* (Skjølsvold 1991)

Figure 5.19 Shell Dates from Nilandhoo Foamathi, Nilandhoo Island, Faafu AtollMarine 13 marine curve (Reimer et al. 2013) OxCal4.2

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

5.6 Excavations in the Southern Maldives
Two excavations have taken place in the Southern Maldives, although not on the same
scale or with the same resolution as those conducted in the north and centre.
Additionally, only one radiocarbon date was obtained for these sites, but was rejected.
These sites include Bodu Havitha on Gan Island in Huvadhuatholu Dhekunuburi and
Dhadimagi Havitha in Fuvamulah.

5.6.1 The Archaeology of Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha (‘the big mound’, alternatively known as ‘Vadamaga Havitha’[Skjølsvold 1991:43]) is located on Gan Island in Ghaafu Dhaalu Atoll (see Fig. 5.20).
Gan Island is no longer inhabited as an unspecified epidemic at the end of theeighteenth century resulted in rapid depopulation; however, local mythology relates
this abandonment to an invasion of large cats (Romero-Frías 1999). Cultivated fieldsof yam, manioc and coconut trees on the islands are harvested by Maldivians fromneighbouring Gaddhoo Island. Several large havitha mounds are present, one of which
is Gamu Havitha, in the centre of the island. The western and south-western shores
contain two mounds. There is another mound on the south-eastern shore, and Bodu
Havitha is located on the north-western portion of the island, adjacent to another large
mound (Skjølsvold 1991; Waheed 2003).

Archaeological work on Gan included three days in 1983 and six days in 1984, bothduring February and March. The research focussed on Bodu Havitha and involved ateam of local workers (approximately 30–40) and researchers from the Kon-Tiki
Museum in Norway. In 1983 the vegetation was cleared from the topsoil in order toestablish the limits of the structure. The height of the mound was approximately 9 m
and had a maximum dimension of 9 m (Skjølsvold 1991). In the 1984 field season, theremaining outer walls of the structure were excavated but owing to time constraints
and the difficulties associated with penetrating the havitha, the decision to open four
adjacent trenches was made in an attempt to obtain cultural material and organic
material for 14C dating. For the final plan of the havitha and associated excavations,
see Fig. 5.23.

125

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.20 Location of Bodu Havitha/Haviththa and Vaadhoo Island,
Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll
Credit: CartoGIS, Australian National University

126

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.21 Bodu Havitha, Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll(Southeastern clearance during 1983)
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

Figure 5.22 Bodu Havitha, Gaafu Dhaalu Atoll(During excavation)
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

127

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.23 Site Plan and Profiles, Bodu Havitha.
Credit: After Skjølsvold 1991

128

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

5.6.2 Structural Features
The structural features include the four-sided havitha, which is square in shape, withfour ramps located in the centre of each of the sides, and an outer enclosing wall (seeFig. 5.23). The fill of the havitha consisted of coral debris and blocks commingledwith humus soil. Excavation was divided into eight sections and began on the easternedge of the southern ramp (Section One), followed by the clearance of the wall. From
this clearance the edges of the ramps were delineated and shown to be lined withlimestone walls. The wall itself was badly damaged, owing to the pressure of the coral
rubble and intentional destruction likely occurring at the introduction of Islam. The
eastern wall (Section Two) was almost completely destroyed; however, the wall near
the ramp was well preserved (Skjølsvold 1991:49). A coating of plaster covered thewall, in addition to there being a stone block with a depression for inserting a
projection of some description. During this phase of excavation, 62 decorated andmoulded stone fragments were discovered, originating from the structure itself. During
1984, Sections Three to Eight were uncovered. Section Three contained nothing ‘ofnote’ (Skjølsvold 1991). The wall of Section Four was cracked, which was likely the
result of the collapse of the relic chamber (where the reliquary is traditionally located).
The walls in Sections Five to Seven were badly damaged, whilst Section Eight was
relatively well preserved.

The remains of an external wall were revealed in Trench Four, at XU2 (approximately
20cm deep), constructed of cut limestone blocks approximately 30 cm wide. The
eastern edge was covered in plaster. The wall did not run parallel to the main havitha,
and its location can be seen in Fig 5.23.

5.6.3 Summary of Non-Structural Material Culture Finds
Section One contained no non-structural material culture finds; however, Section Twocontained many decorated and moulded stone fragments (n=65), likely belonging tothe original havitha and a number of these (n=26) derived from the same decorativepiece. An additional potential votive stupa was recovered, hypothesized to be made of
topaz (Skjølsvold 1991:51). Section Three returned no finds. Section Four returned
dentilated ornamentation and the excavation of Section Five recovered lion figures(n=2), one well-preserved and the other partially-preserved. A dome-shaped miniature
stupa made of limestone was found in Section Six, in addition to a limestone block
129

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-(Skjølsvold 1991). The excavation of Section Seven resulted in several finds,
including a probable railing stone, in addition to a rectangular stone slab displaying an
ox figure. Additional limestone blocks decorated with circle motifs were recovered(n=2). A pedestal piece, likely belonging to a miniature stupa or the finial or spire ofa relic and a ‘flattened ball’ with slightly asymmetrically placed spheres at two
opposite sides, part of a bent knee and the sole of the foot of a ‘naturalistic’ Buddha
figure and a semi-circular flagstone were recovered (Skjølsvold 1991). Near the ramp
a square-based stone was recovered (approximately 35 cm long). The excavation ofSection Eight revealed several limestone slabs with concentric circle decorations(n=2), including one with a copper spike insertion. A miniature ‘tower’ stupa and stupa
finial were also recovered.

Table 5.10 Soil descriptions of adjacent trenches (details from Skjølsvold 1991)
Excavation Unit (XU)
Layer 1 (0-20cm)

Trench 1
Coral sandmixed withhumus (greydark grey)

Trench 2
Coral sandmixed withhumus (greydark grey)

Trench 3
Coral sandmixed withhumus (greydark grey)

Layer 2 (20-30cm)

Dark coralsand mixed
with humus
and coral
debrisGreyish brown
coral sandmixed withhumus andcharcoal

Dark coralsand mixed
with humus
and coral
debrisDark grey
coral sandmixed withhumus,
culturally
sterile at 40cm.

Dark coralsand mixed
with humus
and coral
debrisDark grey
coral sandmixed withhumus,
culturally
sterile at
40cm.

Layer 3 (30-40cm)

Layer 4 (40-50cm)

Trench 4
Coral sand mixed
with humus (greydark grey) andsome coral rubble
in the middle ofthe trench
Dark coral sandmixed with humus
and coral debris

Dark grey coralsand mixed withhumus, culturally
sterile at 35 cm

Lighter coralsand andculturally
sterile at 50cm

The four trenches were excavated in 10 cm units and small quantities of material
culture were recovered. The soil colour descriptors are not assigned by Munsell colour,and no samples exist to standardize this. Table 5.10 details the stratigraphy, and Fig.
5.23 indicates the trench location in relation to the havitha structure.

The material culture from Trench One included small undecorated earthenwares, acoral bead and a fishbone from XU2. Excavation of Trench Two resulted in the130

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITESrecovery of ‘human’ remains in XU2 and XU3 (to be discussed in Chapter Seven);
Trench Three returned fish bone from XU2. Ceramics were recovered in XU1 of
Trench Four in addition to coral-stone rubble. XU2 revealed a wall of cut limestone
blocks approximately 30cm wide, of which some sections were covered in plaster.

5.6.4 Discussion and Summary
One date was obtained from Bodu Havitha. This was derived from a bone sample
recovered from Trench Two, which returned a calibrated date of 540–660 calCE (T5577). However, issues associated with insubstantial bone collagen resulted in therejection of the date (Skjølsvold 1991:64). Owing to the nature of the investigations
and the lack of dates obtained, the proposed model for construction and occupation isbased on relative phases. The nearby excavated cultural deposits are attributed to site
occupation. The stratigraphy was uniform across all four excavated trenches (seeTable 5.10) and the majority of the cultural material excavated was recovered fromthe lower excavation units. Faunal remains were found mainly in XU2–4.
Additionally, ceramic material and beads were only recovered in the top two
excavation units. The ceramic found during excavation at the site consists mainly ofsimilar earthenware types abundant at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and Nilandhoo
Foamathi (quartz sand tempered earthenware). The only ceramic material definitively
linked to the Islamic period was recovered from the surface (see Chapter Six).

The presence of an exterior wall awkwardly positioned adjacent to the havitha,
recovered during the excavation of Trench Four, suggests that it was notcontemporaneous with the main structure. However, as Skjølsvold (1991:64) posited,
this may be a consequence of post-depositional disturbance and/or associated with thecovering of the structures at the arrival of Islam. Subsequent growth of coconut trees
would have significantly impacted on the integrity of the internal structure. Thisdamage can be seen on the exterior walls discussed in the ‘structural features’ section.

It is therefore proposed that the havitha was constructed during the Buddhist phase,
which was followed by a probable second building phase as evidenced by the recoveryof the adjacent wall feature recovered in XU 2 of Trench Four. These were bothconstructed prior to the covering of the site during the Islamic period. The artefacts
and bone from the excavated trenches are likely associated with the site occupation as
131

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

most were recovered from XU2–XU4, unless post-depositional factors resulted intheir vertical movement throughout the profile. However, the low quantities ofdefinitive materials manufactured during the more recent Islamic period support theirassociation with the earlier Buddhist occupation.

5.6.5 The Archaeology of Dhadimagi Havitha
Dhadimagi Havitha was initially investigated by Bell in 1922 and by Maniku in 1946,
who recovered three coral stone caskets (Bell 1940:110,126; Waheed 2003:54).
Several adjacent features were also investigated, including the Buddhist period
ceremonial bath. The site is located on Fuvamulah Island (see Fig 5.24). Fuvamulah
contains the only freshwater lakes in the Maldives, Dhadimagi (Dhandimagu) Kilhi
and Bandaara Kilhi (Water Solutions Pty Ltd 2008). The site is located on the northeastern side of the island, on the periphery approximately 136 m from the shoreline.
The site was covered with debris and vegetation, and a short survey and clearing of
the havitha was undertaken during the NMI in 1983, which subsequently resulted in a
one-day investigation in 1984. In addition to the clearance of this havitha, thewestward side of the area was excavated, to further investigate the extent and natureof the construction (see Fig. 5.26 for Site Plan and Fig. 5.27 for site photo; Skjølsvold1991). These adjacent excavations were conducted in 10 cm spits, and were excavatedto a total depth of 30 cm. The adjacent bath was excavated as one unit. It is from theadjacent excavation trench that most cultural material was recovered from theseinvestigations.

5.6.6 Structural Features
The obvious structural feature, includes the uncovered havitha (see Fig. 5.25). Thebase circumference of the havitha was 70.1 m, and the height approximately 18.2 m.
Clearance of the vegetation revealed limestone blocks, however none of these blocks
were decorated or dentilated and they were previously plastered. Beach boulders acted
as a ‘crude stairway’ (Skjølsvold 1991). The remains of four previously terraced walls
were associated with the havitha. A bath structure was also recovered (see Fig 5.25
and 5.26).

132

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.24 Dhadimagi Havitha/Haviththa, Gnaviyani Atoll
Credit: After Skjølsvold 1991

Figure 5.25 Dhadimagi Havitha
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

133

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

Figure 5.26 West of Dhadimagi Havitha, Site Plan, Gnaviyani Atoll
Credit: After Skjølsvold 1991

Figure 5.27 Adjacent to Dhadimagi Havitha
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

134

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

5.6.7 Summary of Non-Structural Material Culture Finds
The artefactual finds from the very limited excavations at the site on Fuvamulah Island
are largely derived from the features adjacent to the havitha. These included material
that can be linked to the more recent Islamic period (i.e. a copper bracelet andparticular tradewares manufactured during this period). Faunal material was also
recovered from the excavation trench; however, was constrained to the first excavation
unit. This material consisted of fish, with a relatively large proportion of the
cartilaginous fish types—sharks and rays. Interestingly the vertebrae elements weresignificantly larger than those recovered from excavations in the north and central
sites. Ceramics of the type present at all other sites mentioned above (i.e. quartz-sandtempered earthenwares) were also present throughout the excavation trench.

5.6.8 Discussion and Summary
No radiocarbon dates were returned from the excavation of Dhadimagi Havitha andtherefore what can be said for these investigations is limited to relative chronologies.
The havitha was constructed during the Buddhist period and was likely covered at thearrival of Islam during the twelfth century. The adjacent bath can also be assigned tothis phase (being of the type associated with Buddhist structures in the Maldives, suchas that found at Nilandhoo Foamathi). However, when the cultural materials
associated with the excavation trench were deposited is unknown. The excavation
lacks material that can be clearly linked to this earlier ‘Buddhist’ phase; however,definitively ‘Islamic period’ material was also recovered from the uppermost spits.
The faunal remains were also found in the uppermost spits, in association with thesemore recent materials. They consisted mainly of larger sharks and/or rays (see Chapter
Seven for a detailed analysis of the faunal remains).
5.7 Conclusion
This chapter detailed the two larger Norwegian investigations (the NMI and UOI)
which were conducted in 1983–1984 and 1995–1997 and are analyzed in this research.
The sites were described and detailed and a refined chronology and new site formation
models were outlined.

All excavated sites correspond with the known early Buddhist occupation period, withhavitha structures targeted for investigation. The excavated sites illustrated multiple
135

-CHAPTER FIVE: THE SITES-

building phases in addition to later use during the Islamic period. The presence ofmaterial culture definitively linked to this later period (owing to known historicalmanufacture dates) highlights multiple phases of site use. The use of havitha coralstones in later Islamic structures on Nilandhoo Island, illustrates a tangible reuse.

The earliest dates obtained from a Maldivian site were from the refuse deposit (Feature
Four) at Nilandhoo Foamathi. This date was derived from a Cocos nucifera charcoal
sample and ranged from 249–393calCE (95.4%) (Wk-30394). The fill from thehavitha (Feature One) was dated to the historically known Islamic period, providing
good insight as to when this site was covered: 1170–1496 calCE (95.4%) (T-5575).
This date is very close to the historically known introduction of Islam (1153AD). The
earliest date from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu was 345–604 calCE (95.4%) and wasderived from an unidentified charcoal sample. This sample was obtained from a posthole associated with Feature 18 (TUa-1884). The two southern sites were not dated,and consequently relative phases have been established to discuss the site formationand occupation.

Faunal material was present at all sites. The majority of material returned included fishbone, which supports known ethnographic information concerning subsistence
practices amongst the Divehi. These remains were recovered from the Buddhist andIslamic periods, although chicken and rat were also recovered. Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
and Nilandhoo Foamathi also saw the ritual and practical use of faunal remains.
Caches of cowry at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and Nilandhoo Foamathi suggest bothprocessing and hoarding, from the Buddhist period through to the end of the known
cowry processing period. Modified shell was recovered from early layers at Nilandhoo
Foamathi in addition to modified Elasmobranchii vertebrae. Quantities of land
tortoise, marine turtle and ?Aldabrachelys gigantea bones were also recovered from
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu in significant locations. A ubiquitous presence of quartz-sandtempered earthenware, described as ‘red ware’ in previous investigations is clear (seeChapter Six). Additional later period Chinese trade wares were present at the sites, inaddition to pottery manufactured during the historically accepted Islamic period.
These later types tended to be confined to the more recent layers; however, the next
chapter outlines in detail the ceramic material recovered from these sites and includes
the analytical methodology and results.
136

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

6
Ceramics

6.1 Introduction
Studies of ceramic assemblages from the Western Indian Ocean are integral to anunderstanding of early trade in the region and are often used to supplement early
literary accounts. Likewise, the aim of the ceramic analysis in this research is tounderstand interaction networks between the Maldives and other Indian Ocean
communities from the start of human settlement into the period post-1153 CE.
Understanding the timing and extent of trade, migration and transportsystems/networks is crucial for establishing early globalizations and to do so it isnecessary to examine exogenous material culture from dated contexts. In this case,ceramic material culture is an especially fruitful line of evidence to interrogate as theMaldives are exclusively coralline and do not contain clay sources suitable for pottery
manufacture—as such all ceramics present at sites were imported to the islands fromexternal sources. An analysis of ceramic material culture will not just provide insight
into trade networks and systems, but also into the use of the ceramics in their new
Maldivian context.

This chapter describes the ceramic finds from excavated sites and surface scatterspresented in the previous chapter. To date, no detailed analyses of ceramic
assemblages from archaeological sites in the Maldives have been forthcoming. The
ceramics in this study were analyzed at varied intensities, with the entire assemblage
recorded from Nilandhoo Foamathi, Bodu Havitha, Dhadimagi Havitha and the NMI
surface assemblages; however only a sample from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu wasanalyzed due to limited access to the collection.

6.2 Ceramics in the Maldives
Chapter Four outlined the limited ceramic finds in the Maldives and identified
previous studies including Carswell’s (1976) assessment of ceramics from undated
contexts in Male’ and Mikkelsen’s preliminary sequence of the ceramics from Feature
137

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Four, Nilandhoo Foamathi (Skjølsvold 1991). Mikkelsen (2000) also provided apreliminary description of the ceramics from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and theArchaeological Survey of India (ASI) reported on the presence of similar earthenware
and Chinese porcelains recovered during other investigations (Bopardikar 1992).

The ceramics represented in the Maldives and the Lakshadweep include earthenwares,that are particularly friable and prone to breakage and are of a likely Indian
provenance—these have been termed ‘red-wares’ in studies of the Lakshadweep andthe surveys conducted by the ASI throughout the Maldives during the 1980s(Bopardikar 1992; Tripati 1999). Northern Black Polished Ware has also beenreported from Androth Island in the adjacent Lakshadweep (Rao et al. 1995). Chinese
ceramics have been reported in previous analyses, including at Nilandhoo Foamathiin more recent layers from Feature Four (Skjølsvold 1991). Excavations at Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu recovered larger quantities, mainly consistent of Longquan Celadon(Mikkelsen 2000). The surveys in Male’ by Carswell (1976) and the surveys by the
ASI during 1986–1987 also found Longquan Celadon and Chinese Porcelain fromLandhoo Island, North Male’ Atoll (Bopardikar 1992:176). Carswell documented
Sasanian-Islamic Ware in Male’, from an undated context (Carswell 1976).

6.3 Ceramic Analytical Methodology
The ceramic analytical methodology employed in this thesis, was borrowed from thoseused to study Western Indian Ocean assemblages by Kennet (2004), Reddy (2013) and
Saunders (2013). All studies emphasize the need to identify (i.e. provenance and date)samples and attribute the sherds to standardized ‘ware families’ and ‘wares types’.
These are assigned per an assessment of morphology and fabric and then are classified
into larger ceramic traditions, such as Sasanian-Islamic Ware, Indian Red PolishedWare and Northern Black Polished Ware. Kennet (2004:33) describes a ‘ware class’
as a ‘group of pottery with consistently similar characteristics’. Fine-wares from India
and China tend to be more easily identified to type as they have been well-studied andhave distinctive morphologies (Begley and Tomber 1999). However, the Indiancoarse-wares have not been extensively classified into particular ware classes andfamilies, as they are utilitarian vessels, which are not as well studied as the decorative
prestige vessels from the fine-ware traditions of India and China.

The Indiancoarsewares are also present for a particularly long period—through to the present—
138

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

and are widely distributed throughout the Indian Ocean, having been reported from
Arabia to Southeast Asia (Tomber 2008).

Identifying wares types in this research made this study consistent with other Indian
Ocean research. Although a major issue with Western and Central Indian Ocean
ceramic analyses is a lack of detailed attribute recording i.e. rim diameter, bodythickness and sherd weight (Saunders 2013). To remedy this a number of attributes
were recorded to better characterize the assemblage, this followed Rice (2005) andincluded: ceramic form and function (where possible), sherd traits, decoration series,
colour and a preliminary fabric analysis. These results aren’t quantified in this chapter,but discussed where relevant.

The material was first excavated and cleaned in the Maldives. The ceramics recoveredfrom the UOI were transported to the Culture-History Museum at the University ofOslo in Norway. Pottery from the NMI was transported back to the Kon-Tiki Museumin Oslo, Norway. As aforementioned, an initial preliminary analysis of the sherds from
Nilandhoo Foamathi was conducted by Mikkelsen in the 1990s, when he provided
counts of sherds per excavation unit (Skjølsvold 1991). Mikkelsen also provided asummary of the sherds recovered from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu during the UOI in the
1990s (Mikkelsen 2000).

The results presented in this thesis, were recorded in Norway in 2010 by Mirani
Litster. Ware identification was completed at the Australian National University by
Mirani Litster and further assistance in identifying ware types was provided by Aedeen
Cremin (University of Canberra), Baoping Li (Sothebys London, University ofSydney), Heidrun Schenk (German Archaeological Institute), Adria LaViolette(University of Virginia) and Leonard Cox (University of Sydney). Samples of theceramic assemblages were taken from the Norwegian repositories for further analysis
at the Australian National University by Mirani Litster. Litster conduced a preliminary
fabric analysis in the Department of Archaeology and Natural History’s ceramiclaboratory. All drawings in this thesis have been completed at the Australian National
University from photographs taken in Oslo, Norway, unless otherwise indicated.

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

6.3.1 Ware Families and TypeThe overarching classification used was the ‘ware family’. The sherds were classified
into these larger groups initially. They include: Far Eastern Wares (FE), South Asian
Wares (SA), Western Asian Wares (WA), and Unknown (UNK) (after Kennet 2004;
Reddy 2013 and Saunders 2013). See Table 6.1. The ceramics were then separated
into ‘ware types’ where recognized and were assigned a specific code, mostly derived
from Kennet (2004). For a full list of identified wares recovered during the NMI andUOI see Table 6.2 for ware, corresponding code (adapted from Kennet 2004, whorefers to them as ‘class’), and description.

Table 6.1 Ware Families from Maldivian Assemblages (Adapted from Kennet 2004;
Reddy 2013; Saunders 2013)
Ware Family
Far Eastern

Code
FE

South AsianSA

Western AsianWA

Unknown

UNK

Description
Far Eastern (FE) includes
all Chinese ceramics;
during the first and second
millennium CE. These
have a distribution rangeof the entire Indian Ocean
region (Saunders 2013).
South Asian (SA) as a warefamily,includesearthenware and fineware(Kennet 2004; Reddy2013). This includes
ceramics from both India
and Sri Lanka. SA wares
have been recovered fromcontexts throughout the
Indian Ocean (Saunders
2013).
Western Asian (WA)includes all ceramics fromthe Gulf and the Red Sea
areas.
Any unknown ceramics
fall under this category.

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Table 6.2 Identified Ware Types present in Maldivian Assemblages (After Kennet
2004; Reddy 2013; Saunders 2013)
Ware
Family
EA

Ware
Type
Longquan
CeladonCode

Description

Source and Distribution

LQC

LQC was made in China (Krahl1986). This was widely exported
to the Western Indian Ocean, the
Near
East
and
to
the
Mediterranean among otherregions (Kennet 2004:64).

SA

PaddleImpressed
Ware

PIW

Longquan Celadon
is defined as havinga ‘good quality,
light grey stonewarebody covered in a
thick green glazethat often crazes
very finely’ (Kennet
2004).
Paddle Impressed
ware,
includesearthenware vessels
decoratedbygrooved paddles.

Northern
Black
Polished
Ware

NBPW

Northern
Black
Polished Ware waspotted on a wheel,and made of a fine,well-levigated clay,withlittletempering. It has a
glossysurface(Haque et al. 2001).

IndianRed
Polished
Ware

IRPW

Indian Red
Polished Ware ‘hasa fine, welllevigated, brick-red
body covered bythin orange-red
slip, which is often
burnished. This
fracture is smooth,with no visible
inclusions. Mica isvisible on thesurface’ (Kennet
2004:88)

Paddle impressed pottery is
known to occur in South India
during the early historic period(Selvakumar 2011:202; Pavan
and Shenk 2012:197). It is still atechnique used in Southern India
today, particularly in the area
near Arikamedu, from wherethese vessels were originallyshipped.
Northern Black Polished Ware istypically thought to have been
manufactured in the Ganges
region of northern India during
the latter half of the firstmillennium BCE through to the
BCE/CE transition. These wares
have been found distributed
through Bangladesh, India,
Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka,
Arabia, Southeast Asia and theLakshadweep (Sharmin andOkoda 2011).
The archaeological distributionof Indian Red Polished Ware in
India covers central andnorthern India, with a likely
production area of Gujarat (nearthe region of Amreli) (Pinto
Orton 1991). The earliest dates
for Indian Red Polished Ware
(IRWP), date to the first century
AD (Kennet 2004:88).

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Ware
Family
WA

Ware
Type
SasanianIslamic

Code

Description

Source and Distribution

TURQ

Sasanian Islamic
Ware is covered
with an alkaline
glaze that varies incolours ranging
from yellow togreen to turquoise.
The clay varies, isgrainy and isusually of the
Munsell colour 2.5
Y 8/4 (Kennet
2004:36).

Sasanian Islamic Ware is thought
to be manufactured near Basra inSouthern Iraq, although it islikely that other potential
production areas existed (Kennet
2004:36).

Vessels are
typically small,such as bowls
although can
include large jars
(Kennet 2004:36).

The ware is present on sites in the
Indian Ocean ranging from theGulf, East Africa, South Asia andJapan (Kennet 2004:36).
Sasanian-Islamic Ware wasproduced by at least the third
century BCE in the Gulf, butearlier in Mesopotamia (Kennet
2004:36).

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

PIW: Paddle Impressed Ware
(Kuruhinna Tharaagadu)

IRPW: Indian Red-Polished Ware
(Nilandhoo Foamathi, Surface)

NBPW: Northern Black Polished
Ware(Nilandhoo Foamathi, Surface)

TURQ: Sassanian-Islamic Ware
(Bodu Havitha, Surface)

LC: Longquan Celadon(Kuruhinna Tharaagadu)
Figure 6.1 Examples of Ceramic Ware Types in the MaldivesCredit: Mirani Litster and Michelle C. Langley143

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

6.3.2. Form and Function
Form and function were classified and recorded where possible. It was essential togroup the vessels into categories that were compatible with the ceramic morphologies
used previously in Indian Ocean research (Reddy 2013). Therefore, the terminology
includes the terms handis, bowls, lids, jars and lamps. These were not broken down
into further sub-forms, as the nature of the assemblage proved too fragmentary and theoverall vessel shape or ‘form’ was unable to be ascertained in many instances.

Table 6.3 Inferred Function (from Rice 2005:238)
Functional
Category

ShapeMaterial

Storage
Vessel (S)Restricted
forms,
orificemodified for
pouring or
closure.
Appendages
for tippingor
movement
Rounded,conical,globular,unrestricted,
generallylacking
anglesUnrestricted
form, simple
shapesVariable(oftenconcern for
low-porosity)

Unrestricted
for easy
access; often
withhandles; flatbases orsupports forstability
Convenient
for stacking;handles;lightweight;
restrictedorifice

Cooking
pots (C)Food
preparation(without
heat)(FP)
Serving (S)Transport(T)

Surface
Treatment
andDecoration
Variable;
slip or glaze
apparent to
reducepermeability

Frequency

Clues

Low (low
replacement);
may be reuseof broken or
old vessel

Residues ofstoredmaterials

Coarse andporous,thermalshock
resistant

Little tonone;
surfaceroughening
for handling
ease

High
(frequentreplacement)

Exterior
sooting or
blackening;burnedcontents

Mechanicallystrong; dense

Variable,
generallylow

VariableInternal
wear;
abrasion or
pitting

May be fine

Generally
high

High
(frequent use
andreplacement)

Sizes
correspondtoindividual
servings orgroup size

Emphasis on
mechanicalstrength,dense, hard

Variable,
generally
low; slip or
glaze toreducepermeability

Variable

Uniform
size ormultipleunits ofsize;
residues ofcontents

144

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Suggested ceramic function was also recorded, as it has been noted in many studies ofIndian Ocean ceramics (Kennet 2004; Saunders 2013). The following categories wereassigned after Rice (2005), including: (S) Storage, (C) Cooking, (FP) Food
Preparation, (S) Serving and (T) Transport (see Table 6.3).

The form/function relationship has been long discussed in pottery analysis, and often
relies on ambiguous categories, but can be more broadly termed as ‘interactions
between morphology, or structural characteristics, and functional roles’ (Rice2005:211). Here these functional categories are based on the following criteria,
although are considered to only be an inferred function.

6.3.3 Sherd Attributes
Sherd type was recorded. This included sherds from the orifice, body and base. See
Fig 6.2 for outline of different parts of the vessel from where sherd types have derived,
which include: (R) Rim, (B) Body, (Sh) Shoulder, (N) Neck, (C) Collar, (T) Throat,(L) Lid, (H) Handle, (U) Undiagnostic, (Ba) Base; and (C) Complete (after Rice 2005;
Saunders 2013).

Additional attributes included: the weight of each individual sherd—this was recorded
and measured to the closest 0.1 g. Sherd thickness was recorded. On rim pieces thismeasurement was taken from two places, Measurement A was recorded on the rim,
whereas Measurement B was on the body immediately below. Sherd thickness frombody sherds involved one measurement.

A focus on rim form was included in the recording phase having been shown to be a‘significant tool in regional ceramic analysis’ in Western Indian Ocean studies owing
to distinctive rim forms present (Saunders 2013).

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Figure 6.2 Pot form and features
Credit: from Rice 2005:213

The following rim and lip measurements were recorded (from Bedford 2006):
1) Rim-direction: This recording is determined from a ‘perpendicular central
axis running down the centre of the original pot, which is combined with theplacing of a horizontal surface on the lip which enables finer calibration of
the rim angle in relation to the central axis’ (Shephard 1963:256). The
different categories included; (a) direct (b) incurving (3) inverted (4)outcurving and (5) everted.
2) Rim Profile: This is the ‘relationship between the inner and outer walls of
the rim as they proceed to the lip’.

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

3) Lip Profile: The lip is the very top edge of the vessel and is classified as (a)plain or rounded—convex profile, b) pointed—sharp point (c) flat—straightor (d) flat horizontal—same as ‘flat’ but the lip surface lies on a horizontal
plane.
4) Rim Radius: A radius template was used to record the original radius on all
rim sherds with a lip; however, for this measurement to be considered
reliable, the rim sherd needed to measure approximately 4–5 cm.
5) Rim Profiles:
Table 6.4 Rim profile classifications (from Bedford 2006:77)
Rim Profile Classification

Definition

ParallelLittle perceptible change in rim
profile towards the lip
Rim profile thins towards the lip
Rim profile thickens towards thelip

Convergent
Divergent

6.3.4 Decoration and Decoration Series
Several attributes concerning decoration were also recorded (after Orton andHughes 2013) and included:1) Decoration location was sub-divided into the categories: (R) Rim, (B) Body,(Sh) Shoulder, (N) Neck, (C) Collar, (T) Throat, (L) Lid, (H) Handle, (U)Undiagnostic and (Ba) Base.
2) Surface modification was also recorded for earthenware and was modified
from Orton and Hughes (2013:89) and Bedford (2006) and included thefollowing categories: (C) Combing, (I) Impressed, (G) Grooving, (I)Incision, (B) Burnishing, (A) Applied and (R) Rouletting.
3) Surface applications included (G) glazed or (S) slipped.

A decoration series was also established for Indian Wares (SA). These were
established in an ‘unstructured’ manner, where each additional type was added as it
appeared in the analysis, until all decoration types were established across all the
Maldivian assemblages.

6.3.5 Colour
Colour was another category recorded and Munsell numbers were used to standardize
this recording. Colour measurements were recorded for both the surface and the core.
147

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICSAny glazes or decoration were recorded as an additional sub-category. Rice’s(2005:345) classification of colour types and original firing conditions were also used,although refiring would be recommended as a further avenue of research to confirm
these tentative classifications.

Table 6.5. Fired Colour and Firing Conditions (from Rice 2005:345)
Colour
SurfaceCore

Probable Firing

Comment

Clear colours; identicalacross both sections

Relatively welloxidized

Brown

Brown

Clear orLight Grey
Light grey

Light toDark Grey
Light grey

Dark grey or
black
Dark grey or
black

Dark greyor black
Light grey

Incomplete torelatively welloxidized
Incomplete
oxidation
Incomplete
oxidation or
reduction
Reduced or
smudgedSmudgedNo evidence of original stateof clay with respect to thecarbon content; colour
development due to ironMay be lightly smoked or
smudged paste. Refiring inoxidation will clear colours.

White

White

Uncertain

May be highly carbonaceous
clay or heavily smudged
Carbon deposited on surface
during end of firing; lightercore indicates it was not an
organic clay. Refiring may
clarify colours.
May be clay lacking in bothiron and organics. Refire inoxidation to note any colour
development.

6.3.6 Fabric Analysis
Litster conducted a preliminary fabric analysis, which involved sectioning sample
sherds with a gem saw and examining them under low-power magnification. Nonplastic and plastic components were classified. Light coloured inclusions were tested
with 10% HCl to determine if they were calcareous. Temper type (non-plastic) wasclassified and a description of the plastic inclusion was provided. These were assigned
a relevant code, see Table 6.6.

148

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Table 6.6. Non-plastic inclusion classifications, based on preliminary classification
under low-powered magnification (Mirani Litster)Non-Plastic Inclusion CodeQ
GCM

Description
Quartz Inclusion
Grog
Calcareous Inclusion
Micaceous Temper

6.4 Results
The major results collected by Litster are presented here. Initial total counts andweights are presented which is followed by more detailed individual sections on
surface finds and then on the assemblages obtained from the excavation of Kuruhinna
Tharagaadu, Nilandhoo Foamathi, Bodu Havitha and Dhadimagi Havitha. These
include, total sherd counts and weights, both by context and across temporal phases.
This is followed by detailed breakdowns of ware families and types per site acrosscontexts and phases.

6.4.1 Total counts and weights
The total sherd count and weights for pottery assemblages throughout the Maldives,
can be seen in Table 6.7.

Table 6.7. Absolute Quantities of Ceramic Sherds from Maldivian Assemblages(Counts and Weights) (Mirani Litster)
Site

Total Sherd Count (n=)

Total Sherd Weight (g)Kuruhinna Tharaagadu

18

737.9

Nilandhoo Foamathi

1180

7742.3

Bodu Havitha

40

389.8

Dhadimagi Havitha

423

3474.3

Surface Finds from Surveys

8

279.0

The largest quantity of ceramics returned from any archaeological investigation in theMaldives to date, has been from Mikkelsen’s excavations at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu(estimated at more than 30 kg), although only a minimal sample could be used in thisanalysis (n=18, wt=737.92 g). The remaining assemblages were not sampled but
recorded in total. Nilandhoo Foamathi contained the second largest assemblage
149

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-(n=1180, wt=8994.34 g). Dhadimagi Havitha in Gnaviyani Atoll was the third largest(n=425, wt=3476.24 g), Bodu Havitha followed with smaller amounts (n=40,
wt=389.76 g). Surface finds were also recorded from surveys, including those foundat Taddhoo Island, Vadhoo Island and Baa Atoll (n=8, wt=279 g).

6.4.2 Kuruhinna Tharaagadu Ceramic Assemblage
The largest proportion of ceramic material was excavated from the north-central siteof Kuruhinna Tharaagadu; however, only a sample was recorded in this researchowing to time constraints and access to the collection. The quantities of this sample
are outlined in Table 6.8 and 6.9. The East Asian Wares formed the largest portion of
the sample (n=3) with manufacture dates suggested to range from the twelfth toseventeenth century (Baoping Li pers. comm. July 2015)

Table 6.8 Sample of Ceramic Sherds, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (Mirani Litster)Context
X90/y100XU
1Sherds (n=)
1Weight (g=)
21

X85/y120

1

1

44

X110/y125

1

2

76.12

X80/y115

1

1

32

Feature 12

1

6

112.4

Feature 10

1

2

113.4

Feature 15

1

3

119.0

Feature 17

1

2

220.0

18

737.92TOTAL

Table 6.9 Ware Families of Ceramic Sample from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (by count)(Mirani Litster)Context
X90/y100

XU
Surface

East Asian0South Asian1

X85/y120

Surface01

X110/y125

Surface02

X80/y115

Surface01

Feature 12

1

6

0

Feature 10

1

2

0

Feature 15

1

3

0

Feature 17

1

2

0

13

5

TOTAL

150

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

The East Asian wares were all serving vessels, with several dishes present (see Fig.
6.3). Five sherds of PIW were sampled from the surface of the site (see Table 6.9), alldecoration was IND2 (see Table 6.13).

Figure 6.3 Longquan Celadon, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Credit: Mirani Litster

6.4.3 Nilandhoo Foamathi Ceramic Assemblage
The excavation of Nilandhoo Foamathi involved the identification of several different
features and surface materials. The descriptive results from Nilandhoo Foamathi canbe seen below. The count from different excavation units and contexts can be seen in
Table 6.10.

The sherds returned from the excavations at Nilandhoo Foamathi totalled 1180
individual sherds with a collective weight of 7742.3 g. The majority of these sherds
were recovered from the excavation of Feature 4. Feature 1 returned one sherd, whilst
the surface scatter consisted of 150 sherds; however, it corresponded to the highest
weight of sherds (4953.84 g). Feature 4 had the largest sherd count (n=1029), with alower weight than the surface scatter (2744.5 g). See Table 6.10.

The different sherd types by context can be seen in Table 6.11. This was dominatedby those falling into the undiagnostic category. Followed by rim sherds, body sherds,
bases, throats and shoulders.

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Table 6.10 Absolute Sherd Quantities at Nilandhoo Foamathi and Corresponding
Dates (Mirani Litster)
Sherds (n)Weight (g)Corresponding
Dates

Surface1504953.8Post–1153 AD

Feature 1

Surface1

44

Post–1153 AD

Feature 4

1

17

355

2

64

167

3

35

38

4

14

4.5

5

0

0

Context

XU

Surface

TOTAL

Section775–968 cal AD

1660–modern

6

C

16

56

7

A

259

751

7

C

61

108

8

A

63

296

8

C

76

255

9

A

5

8

9

B

194

312

9

C

14

26

10

A

8

4

10

B

152

224

10

C

9

14

11

B

39

124

249–393 cal AD

11

C

3

2

389–866 cal AD

1180

7742.3776–975 cal AD

552–647 cal AD

152

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Table 6.11 Absolute Quantities of Sherd Type Across Contexts (Mirani Litster)Context

Rim

Body

ShoulderThroatBase

Undiagnostic

Total
(n=)

81

26

1

5

4

33

150

FeatureXU

SectionSurface

Surface

Surface1

Surface

4

1

5

3

9

17

3

2

3

3

58

64

3

2

1

31

35

12

14

15

16

19

237

259

1

60

61

62

63

72

76

5

5

191

194

1

4

TOTAL

1

1

2

6

C

1

7

A

3

7

C

8

A

1

8

C

1

9

A

9

B

9

C

14

14

10

A

8

8

10

B

147

152

10

C

9

9

11

B

36

39

11

C

3

3

1002

1180

3

3

5

2

99

1

68

2

5

4

153

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Table 6.12 Absolute Quantities of Ware Families Across Contexts (Mirani Litster)Context

Far
Eastern

Western
Asian

South
Asian

Glazed
Wares

Total

5

2

138

5

150

FeatureXU

SectionSurface

Surface

Surface1

Surface

1

1

4

1

17

17

3

2

62

2

64

33

1

35

3

1

4

TOTAL

14

14

6

C

16

16

7

A

259

259

7

C

61

61

8

A

63

63

8

C

76

76

9

A

5

5

9

B

194

194

9

C

14

14

10

A

8

8

10

B

152

152

10

C

9

9

11

B

39

39

11

C

3

3

6

2

1164

8

1180

154

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

The surface context returned the greatest diversity of ware families, with four
represented including: South Asian Wares, East Asian Wares, Western Asian Wares
and Glazed Wares. Layers Two and Three of Feature Four also contained a larger
diversity of ware families; however, all other features excavated returned only South
Asian Wares.

The bulk of Far Eastern Wares were recovered from the surface scatter, with five
sherds constituting 0.42% of the total sample. Three of the five sherds were ware types
from the early-mid Qing to late Qing periods (1600s–1900s), with a manufacture
period that correlates to their more recent context at the site (post-1153), with one
surface find likely belonging to the earlier Song period (Schenk pers. comm. July2015). One vessel was manufactured intended for export (see Fig. 6.4), and all forms
represented either bowls or plates, with a serving or decorative function.

Figure 6.4 Late-Qing. Export Ware, for the Straits of China Markets
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Surface Find
Credit: Mirani Litster
The Western Asian wares were minimal in the sample, constituting only 0.16% of thetotal assemblage, with two sherds recovered from the surface scatter and therefore
deposited after 1153 CE. The first was a buff sherd with a green glaze of likely
Sasanian-Islamic origin (see Fig 6.5). The second was a white glazed rim fragment of
a bowl, with a blue and gold glazed dotted design (Leonard Cox pers. comm. May2014). The white glazed piece formed the rim of a bowl, whereas the Sasanian-Islamic
sherd potential belonged to either a dish or a bowl, owing to the internal and external
glaze present on the fragment (Heidrun Schenk pers. comm. July 2015).

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

A small proportion (0.68%) of the sherds from excavations at Nilandhoo Foamathi fell
into the glazed category, with the majority of these being a black glazed earthenware.
These sherds could belong to the Far Eastern Ware class, with a tentative manufacture
date of between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries (Baoping Li pers. comm. July2015). A British sherd of approximately nineteenth to twentieth century manufacture
was recovered from the XU 3 of Feature 4, highlighting the taphonomic issues present
in the uppermost layers and discussed in the previous chapter.

The largest proportion of wares across all contexts and units at Nilandhoo Foamathi
belonged to the South Asian Ware family. Several ware types were identified,including the ‘fine wares’ of NBPW and IRPW and earthenwares including PIW andother decorated sherds not identified to type. Only one identified piece of NBPW wasrecovered from Nilandhoo Foamathi, from the surface context, belonging to a globularpot, with a narrowed neck, decorated on the shoulder (Heidrun Schenk pers. comm.
July 2015). Five sherds of Indian Red Polished Ware were recovered from the site also
from the surface context, with a variety of forms represented including lamps andsprinkler water jars, the former being used for religious purposes (see Fig. 6.6).

The earthenwares formed the larger proportion of the South Asian Wares, with almost
all taking the form of handi or large storage vessels. The majority were tempered withquartz sand, with little evidence for calcareous inclusions, furthermore only two pots
had been tempered with grog. The rim-types present suggest a large proportion ofhandi. Their storage and cooking role is further supported by the vessels’ highporosity, and sooting on the exterior of the pots. The large quantities of these sherds
in the assemblage, indicates a high turnover of this vessel type, further supporting theiruse in cooking. Moreover, the decoration styles were classified into only two types,
which were present across temporal and spatial contexts at the sites (see Table 6.13).
IND 2 is indicative of the PIW found in Southern India and was distributed forconsiderable time, from the first millennium CE, through to the contemporary period.

156

-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

Figure 6.5 Sasanian-Islamic Ware
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Surface Find
Credit: Mirani Litster

Fig 6.6 Sprinkler Water Jars. Indian Red-Polished Ware.
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Surface Finds.
Credit: Mirani Litster

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Table 6.13 Decoration Types, South Asian Wares (Mirani Litster)
Decorative Type

Description

IND 1

Cord Impressed

IND 2

Paddle Impressed

Illustration

6.4.4 Ceramic Assemblage from Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha returned a small sample of diagnostic ceramics, representing three warefamilies. All were body sherds, and were not recovered in dated contexts. A total of
40 sherds with a corresponding weight of 389.76 g were recovered and the majority
were excavated from the lower layers of Trench 3 and 4, with five sherds located on
the surface.

One example of both the West Asian and Glazed Ware families were present in theassemblage, the former being of Sasanian-Islamic origin. The remainder were
undecorated earthenwares of likely South Asian provenance.

Table 6.14 Absolute sherd quantities at Bodu Havitha and corresponding dates(Mirani Litster)Context

XU

Havitha

Section

Sherds (n=)

Weight (g=)

Corresponding
Dates

7

5

104.76

Post-1153 AD

Trench 3

3

17

256

NA

Trench 4

3

18

29

NA

40

389.76TOTAL

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Table 6.15 Absolute Quantities of Ware Families Across Contexts (Mirani Litster)Context

XU

Havitha

SectionSouth Asian
Wares

West Asian
Wares

7

4

1

Trench 3

3

16Trench 4

3

18

TOTAL

Glazed Wares

1

38

1

1

6.4.5 Ceramic Assemblage from Dhadimagi Havitha
The pottery from Dhadimagi Havitha has a total sherd count of 423, with a weight of3476.25 g. The pottery was found in undated contexts although was recovered acrossthe site as detailed below in Table 6.16.

Table 6.16 Absolute sherd quantities at Dhadimagi Havitha and corresponding dates(Mirani Litster)Context

XU

Sherds (n=)

Weight (g=)

Miskik Maga

1

8

116

Bath

NA

13

NA

Excavation Trench

11421643.5

Excavation Trench

2179

1288.7

Excavation Trench

3

81

426

423

3474.2TOTAL

Table 6.17 Absolute Quantities of Ware Families, Dhadimagi Havitha (Mirani Litster)Context
MiskikMagaBathExcavation
TrenchExcavation
TrenchExcavation
Trench
TOTAL

XU

East
Asian

Western
Asian

GlazedWaresSouth Asian

Total

1

0

0

0

8

8

NA

1

1

0

11

13

1

0

0

1

141

142

2

0

0

0

179

179

3

0

0

0

81

81

1

1

1

420

423

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-CHAPTER SIX: CERAMICS-

The sample consisted largely of South Asian ceramics, with very minimal quantities
of East Asian, Western Asian and Glazed Wares. The one sample of glazed warethought to be East Asian was tentatively attributed to the 12–13th century AD (See Fig.
6.7; Baoping Li Pers. Comm. July 2015). One example of Sasanian-Islamic Ware
(TURQ) was located in the same context, and was identical to that recovered at Bodu
Havitha (See Fig. 6.5).

Figure 6.7 East Asian Glazed Ware. Possibly 12-13th Century.
Credit: Mirani Litster

The majority of the ceramic material excavated from Dhadimagi Havitha, and fromall features at the site, were quartz tempered handis with no decoration—only one rim
sherd was decorated with incised lines. The largest proportion of sherds were rims andbodies, with few shoulders.

6.4.6 Surface Scatters and Surveys
The surface scatters and surveys consisted of very minimal ceramic finds, which will
be outlined briefly here.

Four sherds were returned from Taddhoo Island, andconsisted of a stepped rim sherd, two cord impressed South Asian Wares, and one
West Asian ceramic of a likely recent manufacture date (see Fig. 6.8). The surface
scatters collected from Vadhoo Island (alongside an assemblage of beads to be
discussed in Chapter Eight) included likely South Asian cord impressed quartz
tempered pottery.

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Fig. 6.8 Western Asian plate, Taddhoo Island
Credit: Mirani Litster

6.5 Summary and Conclusion
The descriptive results discussed here illustrate several patterns concerning ceramic
use and discard in the Maldives. A presence of South Asian ceramic at all investigatedsites during all occupation phases was revealed, with the majority being quartz
tempered PIW and cord impressed types. The decorated types designated to two
categories of cord and paddle impressed wares were found in the northern and central
sites; however, the assemblages from the southern sites contained less decorated
ceramic material. The form of these earthenwares was typically handi, with sootevident on a large proportion of the vessels, confirming their use in cooking. Other
South Asian material included NBPW and IRPW in more decorative forms, including
sprinklers and lamps, the latter typically are found in ritual contexts in Sri Lanka,
which agrees with their Maldivian context in Buddhist monasteries.

Chinese material was also evident at all sites in the more recent phases, interestingly
larger volumes of celadon was present at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, where no otherglazed or Western Asian material was found. Material belonging to the early-mid Qing
and late-Qing periods was recovered from Nilandhoo Foamathi. This included wares
specifically designed for export across the Indian Ocean. The southern and central
sites returned Western Asian material in more recent contexts, including glazed
Sasanian Islamic pottery, and other glazed ceramics not definitely attributed to aparticular region.

In summary the ceramic analysis reveals a long standing import of South Asianearthenwares for use in storage and cooking, with the inclusion of finer wares such as
161

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Indian Red-Polished Ware, Northern Black Polished Ware and Sasanian-Islamic Warefor serving, decorative or ritual purposes. Later import of Chinese wares is evident at
all sites, but especially Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and Nilandhoo Foamathi. The
implications of the ceramic analysis for the Maldives is explored in Chapter Nine withthe main points summarized below:

1. The use of handis in Maldivian contexts mirror that of the adjacent mainland,
providing evidence for the homogenization of cultural behaviours in theregion—a hallmark of globalization; and,2. The diversity of ceramic materials from a variety of regions increases in thelater Islamic period, highlighting increasing connections to a range of networks
and providing evidence for heterogeneity—another hallmark of globalization.

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7
Faunal Remains

7.1 Introduction
As outlined in Chapter Four, knowledge of early hunting and use of marine andterrestrial taxa in the Maldives is currently limited to insights gleaned from historical
documents and inferences made from the ethnographic record. Both records highlighta resourceful use of marine stocks for consumption and other purposes, owing to theconstraints imposed by a depauperate terrestrial environment (Munch-Petersen 1982;
Romero Frías 1999; Maloney 2013).

The analysis of faunal remains is relevant to the research aims in that the timing andintroduction of foreign taxa to the island group will assist with establishing earlycolonization events. The limited use of foreign or introduced species for consumption
also can be suggestive of local development processes, such as ethnogenesis. This is
illustrated by the contemporary Maldivian diet, which involves a preference for
Skipjack tuna in lieu of other readily available fish types or introduced animals. The
invertebrate faunal assemblage is also integral to the research aims of this thesis as it
involves the analysis of large and small deposits of shell money—Monetaria moneta.
These results address key questions concerning the timing and extent of the cowryshell industry in the Maldives and Indian Ocean area more generally.

This chapter presents the methods and results garnered from the analysis of excavatedfaunal remains from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Nilandhoo Foamathi, Bodu Havitha andDhadimagi Havitha. It is partitioned into vertebrate (non-fish and fish) andinvertebrate fauna. The assemblages were analyzed at varying levels of intensity,
which was related to the availability and access to assemblages—a sample of the total
was analyzed from the Kuruhinna Tharaagadu site, and the total assemblages from
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Bodu Havitha and Dhadimagi Havitha were analyzed.
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7.2 Modern Fauna
This section provides a brief introduction to the modern Maldivian fauna.
Contemporary accounts of species present in the Maldives, highlight the low levels ofendemism in the islands, and built upon the very early regional accounts by Gardiner(1901) and Aggasiz (1903).

The terrestrial fauna of the Maldives is restricted and relatively understudied.
Terrestrial vertebrates in the Maldives consist mainly of fruit bats, birds, reptiles andcommensals and domesticates (Munch-Petersen 1982; Webb 1988). Two sub-speciesof fruit bat are endemic to the islands, which includes the large Indian Flying Fox
Pteropus giganteus ariel and the Small Flying Fox Pteropus hypomelanus maris, thelatter being endangered and recorded as restricted to the Southern Maldives (Holmes
1993; O'Brien 2011). Terrestrial reptiles have been listed as consisting ofapproximately two gecko species, two agamid lizards, including the common-garden
lizard (Calotes versicolor) and snake skink (Lygosoma albopunctata). Two
snake species have also been recorded—Lycodon aulicus and Typhlops braminus.
Avifauna is largely limited to seabirds and shorebirds (waders), with approximately
180 different species recorded in the Maldives, the majority being seasonal visitors(Phillips 1958, 1963; Factor and Shafeega 2010). Small quantities of amphibians havebeen recorded including one frog species—Rana breviceps, and a toad species
Bufo melanostictus (Phillips 1958, 1963; Webb 1988).

The only domesticates found in the islands include cats, rabbit, goat, and large
quantities of chicken. No pigs or dogs are present in the Maldives in accordance with
Islamic state law (Munch-Petersen 1980:75; Vitharana 1997:2). Rabbits were likely
introduced by the Portuguese or the Dutch from the sixteenth or seventeenth century,
from India (Niethammer 1963). Cats are also referred to by Pyrard de Laval ‘there are
great stores of cats, foines and ferrets’ (de Laval 1887:524). Chickens are very
common among the islands.

Commensal animals, such as rats and the Indian Musk-shrew (Suncus murinus) arealso present in the Maldives. Rats (species unknown) were present in theMaldives prior to 1900, probably transported by trade-ships (or from shipwrecks)
travelling between Sri Lanka and Male' (Bentley and Bathard 1959; Harper and164

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Bunbury 2015). In the Indian Ocean, Black Rats or Ship Rats (Rattus rattus) were
present from the ninth century, dispersed by Arab traders throughout theregion (Cheke 2010). Norway Rats Rattus norvegicus were recorded in the Western
Indian Ocean region later, with an invasion apparent in the Seychelles by the late1970–1980s(Cheke 2010).

The

IndianMusk-shrewisanefficientandrapid colonizer of the Soricidae family, having spread from its initial Indian origin to
the Western Indian Ocean islands, and is now present in the Maldives and other remoteisland (Varnham et al. 2002). Currently Rattus rattus and Pteropus giganteus ariel
depredate coconuts and fruits such as almonds, guava and mangoes resulting in a
reduction of crop-yield by at least 40% (Dolbeer 1988; Fiedler 1984).

In contrast to the limited terrestrial fauna, the Maldives host an abundant and richmarine fauna. In excess of 1,000 different fishes, including cartilaginous types such asrays and sharks are present. The total known shore and epipelagic fish fauna of theMaldives sits at 1007 species, and a total known demersal and epipelagic fish fauna at
1090 (Shiham et al. 1997; Anderson et al. 1998). Fishbase, an online database updated
by ichthyologists, lists 1113 species in the area. These counts include approximately
40 species of shark and 16 ray species. Marine mammals such as dolphins, whales anddugong (Dugon dugon) are present throughout the archipelago, in addition to fivespecies of endangered turtles including loggerhead, green, hawksbill, olive ridley, andleatherback turtles (Frazier and Frazier 1987).

The tropical environment of the Maldives supports a rich invertebrate fauna, including
centipedes, millipedes, scorpions, molluscs and 57 species of spider. Many of the latterare similar to those found on the southwestern coast of the Indian mainland and Sri
Lanka, illustrating a ‘chance assemblage’ arriving from neighbouring land (Pocock
1904; Sunil 2012). Some terrestrial land crabs are also present in the islands. The low
habitat diversity engenders relatively low faunal species diversity, for example only afew species of spider are endemic to the islands (Sunil 2012).

Marine invertebrates include crustaceans such as lobsters, crabs and shrimp. Molluscs
are numerous, falling into bivalve, scaphopod, cephalopod, and gastropod categories.
They exist in quantities and of a species range too numerous to outline in the region—

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the most well-known include Tridacna gigas and Monetaria moneta, the latter becauseof its use as shell money.

7.3 Methods for Identification
Faunal material was identified by several researchers at different institutions. Initially,
the assemblages were transported from excavation locations in the Maldives to Osloin Norway, from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu to the University of Oslo and the NMI to the
Kon-Tiki Museum.

The assemblage acquired from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu by

Mikkelsen, was partially identified by Leiff Jonsson (University of Gothenburg) in
Sweden (Mikkelsen 2000), although not published, and remains from Nilandhoo
Foamathi were counted (NISP) by Mikkelsen (see Skjolsvold 1999); however, notrefined to taxa. The other assemblages from Bodu Havitha and Dhadimagi Havitha
were not analyzed in any manner.

The vertebrate bones from the NMI were transported to the Australian National
University in 2010 for identification by Mirani Litster. The mammal, reptile and birdbone was identified to broad taxa and the fish bone was identified using thecomparative faunal reference collection in the Department of Archaeology and Natural
History. Mark Oxenham assisted in determining the potential human origin of bonefrom Bodu Havitha. Subsequently, reptile bone from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu was
subjected to DNA analysis by Greger Larson (University of Oxford) and isotope
information (δ13C) from original dating reports (Trondheim Dating Facility) was
sourced to discern characteristics of the Chelonian diet.

The molluscan remains were analyzed during July–August 2010 in Oslo by Mirani
Litster. Further to this high-resolution photographs of the shells and bones were taken
in Oslo in 2010. This enabled further confirmation of molluscan remains at theAustralian National University, through the use of the comparative faunal referencecollection and the World Register of Marine Species Database (WORMS).

Sections 7.3.1 and 7.3.2 outline the more detailed methodology for the vertebrate andinvertebrate assemblages.

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7.3.1 Vertebrate Assemblage
The non-fish assemblage was identified to broader taxa groups, such as rat, bird andturtle. Identifications to family, genus or species were not achieved and NISP was
calculated for each taxon and tabulated in Section 7.4. Each fragment was recordedwith a unique identification number, site details (including associated feature and XU
details), taxa, class, element, portion, side and number. Further taphonomic details
were recorded where relevant, and are detailed below.

The fish bone, however, was less fragmentary and formed the largest portion of thesample and both the NISP and MNI were recorded. Zooarchaeological researchers in
the tropical Pacific recommend a detailed methodology for identification in thelaboratory (Anderson 1973, 1979; Leach and Davidson 1977; Dye and Longenecker
2004; Vogel 2005; Ono and Intoh 2011). This involves discerning diagnostic skeletal
elements with morphological landmarks that enable family or above family levels ofidentification. This has been loosely called 'the five-paired jaw bone system' andincludes the dentary, premaxilla, articular, maxilla and quadrate and several other'special' fish-bones unique to particular fish taxa (see Figure 7.1). However, issues
associated with different identification and quantification methods have been raised as
influencing sample size, taxonomic diversity, taxonomic relative abundance andskeletal element representation (Vogel 2005). To ameliorate some of these issues awider range of elements have been used in identifications. Consequently, where
possible, attempts were made to go beyond the five-paired jaw bone system to include‘special bones’ (see Table 7.1 for elements). The bones were determined to family
where possible, with one species identifiable in the assemblage—Monotaxis
grandoculis. Each fragment was recorded with a unique identification number, sitedetails (including associated feature and XU details), class, family, species, element,
portion, side and number of identified specimens (NISP). Further taphonomic details
were made where relevant, and followed Piper (2003) and Campos (2009) including:
1) Abrasion: wearing resulting in a loss of surface morphology;2) Burning: charred black or a calcined bluish-white/grey;3) Pitting: obvious indentations to the bone surface generally caused bytrampling;4) Weathering: prolonged exposure to surface weathering, appears as finelongitudinal splitting;167

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

5) Anthropogenic marks: which are diverse and include potential modification
into tools, cut marks, chop marks and scrape marks per Potts and Shipman(1981); and,
6) Post-excavation marks: marks occurring during excavation or processing.

Table 7.1 Fish skeletal elements identified to taxonomic (class, family or species)
level (Mirani Litster)Premaxilla

Quadrate

Vertebrae(Elasmobranchii and
Scombridae only)

Maxilla1st dorsal spine(Balistidae andHolocentridae)
Dermal spines(Diodontidae only)

Superior Pharangyeal
Cluster (Scaridae andLabridae only)
Inferior Pharangyeal
Cluster (Scaridae andLabridae only)

Articular

Dentary

Dermal Plate(Ostraciidae only)

Figure 7.1. Anatomy of a teleost head, including the five-paired jaw bones
Credit: Creative Commons and modified by Mirani Litster

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7.3.2 Invertebrate Assemblage
Invertebrate fauna formed the largest portion of the sample, the majority being
shellfish otherwise referred to as molluscs. Small quantities of crab (Decapoda) andsea urchin (Echinoidea) were also found. The latter were quantified by weight andtotal count, and not determined to species or family. The shellfish were subjected to afiner resolution of identification and quantification than the other invertebrates.
Common protocols were followed to classify shells into species per unit based on shellmorphology, or if this was not possible genus or family were identified (Claassen
1998; Mason et al. 1998).

In order to establish relative proportions of various mollusc taxa within theassemblages, it was necessary to follow a systematic manner of quantification (Lyman
1994; Reitz and Wing 1999). The relative merits and weaknesses between different
palaeozoological quantification methods have long been debated by zooarchaeologists(Grayson 1984; Lyman 2008). Here two counting units, NISP (number of individual
specimens) and MNI (or minimum number of individuals), were discerned pershellfish taxon. NISP provides the count of all shell fragment of each species in theassemblage; however, multiple fragments associated with the same individual shell
specimen can be included in the count, and it is less useful in determining the numberof shellfish in the deposit. Differential fragmentation between species and the overall
fragmentation of assemblages results in a questionable validity where higher
fragmentation rates inflate total counts and also result in an underrepresentation ofrobust shells. Therefore, it is important to use the MNI together with this count. The
MNI is a conservative count as it estimates the fewest individuals. Here the MNI was
calculated by consistently choosing a non-repetitive element (NRE) that occurred mostfrequently (to eliminate issues associated with choice of the NRE prior to analysis)
according to the taxa. In gastropods this typically refers to the spire and in bivalves,
umbos and hinges. The NRE chosen per taxon is indicated in the relevant table. It is
worth noting that choosing only one NRE to quantify MNI impacts upon richness anddiversity measures and other molluscan NREs can be incorporated into the count toovercome this issue (Harris et al. 2015). The extremely limited fragmentation of theassemblage; however, did not require an alternative to the 'traditional MNI' count,where only one NRE was chosen (White 1953).

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Table 7.2 NRE (shell body part) used per identified shellfish taxa in the Maldivian
assemblages to obtain MNI counts (Mirani Litster)Identified Taxa

NRE

Monetaria moneta

Aperture

Cypraea tigris

Aperture

Monetaria annulus

Aperture

Ovatipsa chinensis

Aperture

Palmadusta asellus asellus

Aperture

Monetaria caputserpentis

Aperture

Cypraeidae

Aperture

Tridacna sp.

Left umbo

Tridacna maxima

Left umbo

Strombus sp.

Apex

Lambis lambis

Left umbo

Lentigo lentiginosus

Apex

Turbo sp.

Spire

Turbo sp. opercula

Whorl

Turbo mamoratus

Spire

Conus barthelemyi

Apex

Trochus maculatis

Spire

Bivalvia

Left umbo

Periglypta puerpera

Left umbo

Unidentified

NA

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-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Figure 7.2 Gastropod
Credit: Creative Commons and modified by Mirani Litster

Figure 7.3 Monetaria moneta

A - Aperture, B - Outer Lip, C - Fossula
D - Posterior Canal, E - Spire, F - Anterior Canal
Credit: Creative Commons and modified by Mirani Litster

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-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Figure 7.4 Bivalve
Credit: Creative Commons and modified by Mirani Litster

7.4 Vertebrate Faunal Remains: Results and Analysis
The total NISP of excavated vertebrate faunal remains from Maldivian sites numbers
1831.1 The non-fish assemblage totals 871 bones, with a large proportion being humanskeletal remains recovered from the graves at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu. The fish
remains total a NISP of 960. Table 7.3 outlines the presence of particular taxa at
Maldivian archaeological sites.

Table 7.3 Presence of Vertebrate Taxa at Maldivian Archaeological Sites (Shading= Present) (Mirani Litster)
Taxon
Bird
Rat
TurtleTortoise
Human
Fish

Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu

Nilandhoo
Foamathi

Bodu
Havitha

Dhadimagi
Havitha

7.4.1 Mammal
Mammal remains recovered from sites in the Maldives include human and small
quantities of rat (Muridae) at the sites Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Nilandhoo Foamathi,
1

The figures reported from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu represent a sample of the total excavatedassemblage, whereas all other reported figures from Maldivian sites, represent the total excavatedassemblage.

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-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Bodu Havitha and Dhadimagi Havitha. Four complete articulated human skeletonswere recovered from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (NISP = 824) by Mikkelsen and havebeen dated to the Buddhist period (see Fig. 7.7; see Chapter Five for associatedradiocarbon dates; Mikkelsen 2000). Moreover, several pieces of bone excavated at
Bodu Havitha had initially been identified as human crania fragments (cf. Skjølsvold1991); however, subsequent analysis by Litster at the Australian National University
confirmed their identification as fragments of turtle carapace/plastron.

Rat remains were minimal, but were present at all sites except the far southern
Dhadimagi Havitha site. The rat bone has not been identified to species, although islikely Rattus rattus, because of their earlier dispersal throughout the Indian Ocean.
One rat femur was recovered from Nilandhoo Foamathi from recent layers associatedwith the post-Buddhist period (see Fig 7.6), in addition to a rat tooth from XU6. Two
rat mandibles (one highly fragmented) were also recovered from one of the lower
layers of a trench excavated adjacent to Bodu Havitha (see Fig 7.5). These remains arelikely associated with the earlier Buddhist period (as discussed in Chapter Five). Two
additional rat bones were identified in the sample obtained from Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu, including two un-fused tibia and one rat incisor.

7.4.2 Reptile
Remains of reptile were recovered from all sites except Nilandhoo Foamathi, andconsisted mainly of turtle plastrons or carapaces. These identifications are presented
in Table 7.4–7.7. The largest amounts of turtle bone were recovered from Bodu
Havitha and the Kuruhinna Tharaagadu sample. Bodu Havitha returned seven turtle
bones, and Dhadimagi Havitha 2 bones. Samples from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
included ten turtle carapace/plastron fragments.

Additionally, remains of ?Aldabrachelys gigantea (which were originally identified at
the University of Gothenburg by Leif Jonsson in 2000) were associated with Feature
42 of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and returned a date of 725–885 CE (T-13680). This
would be the first recovered and only example of this species in the Maldives. The
only contemporary population of giant tortoise is present on the island of Aldabra in
the Seychelles; however, they once inhabited other Western Indian Ocean islands.

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Figure 7.5. Rat Mandibles(bottom: right complete mandible, top left: left ramus; top right: fragments)
Bodu Havitha, Trench 1, XU 3
Credit: Mirani Litster

Figure 7.6. Left Rat Femur (diaphysis anterior view)
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 4, XU 2
Credit: Mirani Litster

Figure 7.7. Human skeletal remains
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Grave Feature
Credit: Egil Mikkelsen (Mikkelsen 2000)

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-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Geneticists have posited a Malagasy tortoise ancestor for the source of giant tortoisecolonization to Western Indian Ocean islands (Palkovacs et al. 2002). Their
distribution has also been argued to involve independent dispersal along the strong
Indian Ocean currents, with no human intervention involved (Gerlach 2006).

The possibility that the ?Aldabrachelys gigantea specimen was misidentified needs tobe considered. To investigate this a bone sample was sent to Durham University for
DNA analysis to confirm the initial species ID. Unfortunately, no endogenous DNA
could be extracted from the bone (Larson pers. comm. February 2012). Further
isotopic information was sourced from the original dating reports to establish if theanimal was consuming a marine or terrestrial diet. The δ13C results were –12.6 (T13680) indicating that the animal was subsisting off a marine diet, which contravenes
the anticipated results if it were a ?Aldabrachelys gigantea specimen or it indicatesthat it was consuming C4 plants. The modern vegetation available on the island
includes breadfruit and pandanus which are C3 and CAM plants respectively. The
available modern vegetation on the island (C3 and CAM plants) in relation to the δ13C
results suggest the animal was consuming a marine based diet, as such it isrecommended that the initial identification be regarded as tentative (Kinaston pers.
comm. February 2014).

7.4.3 Bird
Very few bird remains were recovered during the excavations in the Maldives (NISP= 11). The results of which are presented in Table 7.4–7.7. Bird bone is also only
present at one site—Nilandhoo Foamathi—and was associated with two features(Features 1 and 4). In Feature 4 (XU2 and XU3), all recovered bird bone was from
more recent layers. The bird bone recovered from Feature 1 was in the fill associatedwith the more recent Islamic period. Potential chicken (Gallus gallus) bone has beenfound (see Fig 7.8) in addition to a potential juvenile seabird (see Fig 7.9).

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Figure 7.8 Bird Left Humerus Shaft, cf. chicken (Gallus gallus).
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 4, XU2
Credit: Mirani Litster

Figure 7.9 Distal Coracoid, cf. juvenile seabird.
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 4, XU2
Credit: Mirani Litster

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-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Table 7.4 Non-Fish Remains, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (Sample of Total)(Mirani Litster)

Taxon
Homo sapien
Chelonii?Aldabrachelys
gigantea
Muridae
Undiagnostic
NISP

XU 1
0
0

Grave
Complex
XU 1
824
0

TOTAL NISP
824
10

0

1

0

1

3
7
20

0
0
1

0
0
824

3
7
845

Feature 2

Feature 42

XU 1
0
10

Table 7.5 Non-Fish Remains, Nilandhoo Foamathi (Mirani Litster)Feature
1
XU1
1
0
1

Taxon
Bird
Muridae
NISP

Feature 4
XU 2
6
0
6

XU 3
4
1
5

XU6
0
1
1

TOTAL NISP
11
2
13

Table 7.6 Non-Fish Remains, Bodu Havitha (Mirani Litster)
HavithaTrench 1

Trench4

Taxon

C

Section 4

Section 8

XU 3

XU4

XU3

Muridae
Turtle
NISP

0
1
1

0
2
2

0
2
2

4
0
4

0
2
2

0
0
0

TOTAL
NISP
4
7
11

Table 7.7 Non-Fish Remains, Dhadimagi Havitha (Mirani Litster)
HavithaTaxon
Turtle
NISP

XU1
2
2

TOTAL
NISP
2
2

177

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

7.4.4. Fish
Fish remains were excavated from all Maldivian sites and outnumber all other faunal
remains. This aligns with known ethnographic evidence suggesting a high reliance on
marine fauna especially fish in lieu of available terrestrial resources (Romero-Frías
1999). Tables 7.8 and 7.9 overview the absolute and relative frequencies (NISP and
MNI respectively) of fish taxa identified in the Maldivian archaeofaunal assemblages.

The fish remains from the sample analyzed from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu had a total
NISP of 16, with 8 specimens identified to family or sub-class and an MNI of 3 (seeTable 7.9 and 7.10). The total sample was obtained from the excavated unit from
Feature 2, which was a residential section of the site (see Chapter Five).
Elasmobranchii (Sharks/Rays), Carangidae (Jacks, Mackerels) and Lethrinidae(Emperors) were identified in equal relative proportions of 33% each (MNI).

Carnivorous reef taxa include the Lethrinids and Carangids, which are typically
captured by Maldivians using baited hooks on handlines (Anderson et al. 1992). Fourof the five Lethrinidae elements were able to be determined to species—Monotaxis
grandoculis—locally referred to as Dhongu (Humpnose-Big Eyed Bream). Dhongu
can be seen around coral reefs to a depth of between 3–60 m. These are not frequently
caught by Maldivians for commercial consumption, unlike the fast-moving rovers, theCarangids, which are commonly seen at the fish markets (Food and Agriculture
Organization 2015).

Elasmobranchii vertebrae were also identified. These are one of two subclasses ofcartilaginous fish within the larger class Chondrichthye, and include both shark(Selachimorpha) and ray (Batoidea) superorders. There is currently little local demandfor Elasmobranchii products in the Maldives, except for shark liver oil and skin to use
in the polishing and sanding of wooden boats—the Maldivian dhoni need to be
dragged ashore once every two weeks to be oiled (Anderson and Hafiz 2002; see Fig.
7.10). The traditional shark fishing industry was called maakeyolhu kan (big-line
fishing), where large hooks were used to target species with large livers e.g. tiger andwhale sharks (Anderson and Ahmed 1993). This industry collapsed by the 1960s with
the introduction of long-lining and is now banned (Food and Agriculture Organization
2015).
178

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Figure 7.10 Painting a dhoni with shark liver oil
Credit: Anderson and Ahmed 2003:18

179

Table 7.8 Absolute and relative frequency (NISP) of fish taxa from Maldivian sites (Mirani Litster)
Taxon

Elasmobranchii

Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
%
NISP
NISP
1
6.25

Nilandhoo Foamathi
%
NISP
NISP
10
1.01

Bodu Havitha

1

%
NISP
14.28

NISP

Dhadimagi Havitha
%
NISP
NISP
7
43.75

All Sites

19

%
NISP
1.85

NISP

Serranidae

0

0

4

0.4

0

0

0

0

4

0.39

Acanthuridae

0

0

3

0.3

0

0

0

0

3

0.29

Holocentridae

0

0

1

0.1

0

0

0

0

1

0.1

Carangidae

1

6.25

3

0.3

0

0

0

0

4

0.39

Lutjanidae

0

0

10

1.01

0

0

0

0

10

0.97

Lethrinidae

6

37.5

11

1.11

0

0

0

0

17

1.66

Scaridae

0

0

22

2.2

0

0

0

0

22

2.14

Sphyraenidae

0

0

1

0.1

0

0

0

0

1

0.1

Balistidae

0

0

3

0.3

0

0

0

0

3

0.29

Diodontidae

0

0

0

0

1

14.28

0

0

1

0.1

Ostraciidae

0

0

1

0.1

0

0

0

0

1

0.1

Scombridae

0

0

109

11

0

0

0

0

109

10.61

Fish sp.

8

50

810

81.98

5

71.43

9

56.25

832

81.02

NISP

16

100

988

100

7

100

16

100

1027

100

Table 7.9 Absolute and relative frequency (MNI) of fish taxa from Maldivian sites (Mirani Litster)
Taxon

Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu

Nilandhoo Foamathi

Bodu Havitha

Dhadimagi Havitha

All Sites

MNI

%
MNI

MNI

%
MNI

MNI

%
MNI

MNI

%
MNI

MNI

%
MNI

Elasmombranchii

1

33

5

20

1

50

1

100

8

19

Serranidae

0

0

2

8

0

0

0

0

2

4.8

Acanthuridae

0

0

1

4

0

0

0

0

1

2.4

Holocentridae

0

0

1

4

0

0

0

0

1

2.4

Carangidae

1

33

3

12

0

0

0

0

3

12

Lutjanidae

0

0

6

24

0

0

0

0

6

14.3

Lethrinidae

1

33

6

24

0

0

0

0

7

17.4

Scaridae

0

0

4

16

0

0

0

0

4

9.5

Sphyraenidae

0

0

1

4

0

0

0

0

1

2.4

Balistidae

0

0

2

8

0

0

0

0

2

4.8

Diodontidae

0

0

0

0

1

50

0

0

1

2.4

Ostraciidae

0

0

1

4

0

0

0

0

1

2.5

Scombridae

0

0

5

20

0

0

0

0

5

12

MNI

3

100

25

100

2

100

1

100

42

100

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Table 7.10 Fish Remains, Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (Mirani Litster)Feature 2
Taxon
Elasmobranchii
Carangidae
Lethrinidae
Fish sp.
TOTAL

NISP
1
1
6
8
16

MNI
1
1
1
NA
3

Nilandhoo Foamathi contained the largest quantity of fish bone and the greatest
species diversity from all sites, with 12 taxa identified, reaching a NISP of 988 and an
MNI of 25 (see Table 7.11 and Fig. 7.14). This higher diversity is likely associatedwith quantity of fish bone in the assemblage, when compared to the very minimal
amounts recovered from the three other sites. The most frequently observed taxa
(based upon MNI) were the Lutjanids (Snappers) and Lethrinids (including Monotaxis
grandoculis). This was followed by Elasmobranchii and Scombrids (Tunas) with an
MNI of five observed for each taxa. Scaridae (Parrotfishes) followed with an MNI offour and Carangidae with an MNI of three. Balistidae (Triggerfishes) and Serranidae(Sea Basses and Groupers) were represented by two individuals, and one MNI wasrecorded for the following four taxa: Acanthuridae (Surgeonfishes, Tangs, andUnicornfishes), Holocentridae (Squirrelfishes), Sphyraenidae (Barracudas) andOstracidae (Boxfishes). Diodontidae (Porcupinefishes) was the only family not
represented in the Nilandhoo Foamathi assemblage, which had been recorded at other
Maldivian sites.

The Lethrinids were detailed above in the section on Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, and wereranked equally here with remains of another carnivorous species—Lutjanidae. These
are the snappers, which are frequently seen at the Male' fish markets. The species ofLutjanidae present in the Maldives tend to inhabit the reef area, with some inhabiting'rocky bottom' areas. Elasmobranchii were also observed in relatively large quantities
in the assemblage, equal to that of the Scombrids. All Scombridae species present in
the Maldives are epipelagic or pelagic carnivores. Katsuwonis pelamis (skipjack tuna)
is preferred to all other species, with other fish types caught only when tuna was notabundant. Skipjack tuna is a commercially significant species in the Maldives,
182

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

accounting for two thirds of the total recorded fish catch, captured almost always in
the pole-and-line fishery (Adam 1999). Maldivian pole-and-line fishing has a long
tradition, witnessed in the historic and contemporary period. This involves the use oflive bait and a barbless hook. The poles are now constructed of fibre-glass althoughwere traditionally composed of timber, e.g. bamboo.

Despite recent economic

diversification, tuna fishing and export remains the main economic activity in outerislands (Adam 1999).

Scaridae or parrotfishes were also found at Nilandhoo Foamathi. These are a familyof herbivorous grazing fish that have a distinctive pharyngeal mill enabling them torasp or bite algae from corals. Parrotfishes are commonly found in shallow reef areas,
and grind up relatively large amounts of coral rock, sand and shell fragments,
contributing to bio-erosion. It is important to note that the premaxilla, dentary andpharyngeal plates of the parrotfishes are robust and likely to survive in thearchaeological record. Despite their presence in the assemblage, they are uncommon
at the modern fish-markets of the Male', unlike the Carangids which are frequently
caught and sold in Male', and were found in equal quantities at the site—both with an
MNI of 3.

The omnivorous Balistidae (triggerfishes) and carnivorous Serranidae (sea basses andgroupers) were reported with an MNI of 2 each. Both are inshore reef taxa; Serranids,
unlike Balistids are commonly caught and sold in the Maldives (Anderson et al. 1992).

Acanthuridae, Holocentridae, Sphyraenidae and Ostracidae all were the lowest ranked
taxa at the site, with an MNI of 1 each. Sphyraenids are carnivorous and tend to befound in reef areas and are very commonly caught in the Maldives today. Acanthuridae
are omnivorous grazers and occupy a range of habitats (Gerking 2012). Holocentridae
are mainly carnivorous, and inhabit coral-reef and shallow areas and are typicallynocturnal. Ostraciidae are solitary omnivores, belonging to the Tetraodontiformes, andare closely related to the pufferfish. These are rare in the Maldives, with only tworecorded species including: Ostracion cubicus and Lactoria fornasini, with nomention of their capture or sale in the fish markets. These occur in the shallows and askin toxin is produced when alarmed.
183

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Figure 7.11 Cut Mark. Fish sp.
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 4, XU 3 (2.5X)
Credit: Mirani Litster

Figure 7.12 Rat Gnawing. Fish sp.
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 4, XU 3 (2.5X)
Credit: Mirani Litster

Figure 7.13 Drilled Elasmobranchii Vertebra Bead
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Feature 4, XU3
Credit: Mirani Litster
184

Table 7.11 Fish Remains, Nilandhoo Foamathi (Mirani Litster)Feature 1
Taxon

XU1

Feature 4
XU 1

NISP

MNI

Elasmobranchii

0Serranidae

XU 2

XU 3

XU 4

XU 6

XU 7

XU 9

XU 10

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

NISP

MNI

0

0

0

2

1

4

1

2

1

0

0

0

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

0

0

0

0

2

1

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Acanthuridae

0

0

0

0

0

0

3

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Holocentridae

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

1

0

0

0

0

Carangidae

0

0

0

0

1

1

2

2

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Lutjanidae

0

0

0

0

8

2

2

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Lethrinidae

0

0

1

1

5

1

2

1

0

0

1

1

0

0

1

1

1

1

Scaridae

0

0

0

0

4

1

16

2

0

0

0

0

1

1

0

0

1

0

Sphyraenidae

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Balistidae

0

0

0

0

2

1

0

0

1

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Ostraciidae

0

0

0

0

1

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Scombridae

0

0

0

0

57

1

43

1

6

1

0

0

2

1

0

0

1

1

Fish sp.

1

NA

0

NA

365

NA

323†

NA

89

NA

7

NA

5

NA

0

NA

20

NA

TOTAL

2

1

1

1

445

9

398

11

99

3

8

1

9

3

2

2
24
3
† cut marks (n=1), rat
gnawing (n=1) and drilled
Elasmobranchii bead (n=1)

12

10

8

6

4

2

0
XU 1

XU 2

XU 3

XU 4

XU 5

XU 6

XU 7

XU 8

Figure 7.14 Frequency (MNI) of Fish Taxa (Stacked)
Credit: Mirani Litster

XU 9

XU 10

XU 11

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

The assemblage from Nilandhoo Foamathi also contained specimens with taphonomic
modifications. This included two unidentified fish bones from XU3: one with an
incision made by an instrument suggesting processing and the second had been rat
gnawed (see Figs 7.11 and 7.12 respectively). Additionally, an Elasmobranchii
vertebra was drilled into a bead and also recovered from XU3 (see Fig 7.13).

Feature 4 of Nilandhoo Foamathi was also well dated, which affords a discussion ofchanges in the presence of particular fish taxa captured through time. Figure 7.14,
illustrates a greater taxonomic abundance and diversity present in the more recent
Islamic Period, compared to the earlier and deeper Buddhist layers, which saw only
three different taxa and in smaller quantities—Lutjanidae, Scombridae andLethrinidae. Differential preservation of the organic fraction over longer time frames
would be expected as the material has been subjected to tropical conditions for longer,
nonetheless the presence of these families in the lower layers infers that fishing ofthese taxa occurred throughout both periods—tuna has been captured for considerable
time. Moreover, evidence of the fishing of both reef and epipelagic taxa is present,
although in the absence of associated fishing apparatus how this occurred cannot be
confirmed.

Unlike Nilandhoo Foamathi, the fish remains from Bodu Havitha were minimal, with
only two taxa identified, and a total NISP of seven with only two identifiable to family
or sub-class. These included an Elasmobranchii vertebra, indicating the capture ofshark or ray. A Diodont (porcupinefish) pharyngeal plate was recovered from Trench
4 (XU3), see Table 7.12. These omnivorous species tend to be nocturnal and are
relatively rare in the Maldives, with only four species currently present in thearchipelago (Kuiter and Godfrey 2014).

Additionally, four fragments of Fish sp. were carbonized indicating they had been
subjected to fire at a low temperature, probably for consumption.

187

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Table 7.12 Fish Remains, Bodu Havitha (Mirani Litster)Trench 1
XU 4

Taxon
NISP
1
0
5†
6

Elasmobranchii
Diodontidae
Fish sp.
TOTAL

Trench 4
XU 3
NISP
MNI
0
0
1
1
0
NA
1
1
† charred black (n=4)

MNI
1
0
NA
1

Similar to the quantities returned from Bodu Havitha, the fish remains at Dhadimagi
Havitha were minimal (see Table 7.13), with only 16 bones recovered, and most not
identifiable beyond ‘fish’. Seven vertebrae belonged to Elasmobranchii (NISP=7,
MNI=1), indicating the capture of sharks/rays. These Elasmobranchii vertebrae
present in Dhadimagi Havitha were noticeably larger than the vertebrae from thenorthern sites.

Table 7.13 Fish Remains, Dhadimagi Havitha (Mirani Litster)
XU 1
Taxon
Elasmobranchii
Fish sp.
TOTAL

NISP
7
9
16

MNI
7
9
16

7.5 Invertebrate Faunal Remains: Results and Analysis
Invertebrate remains were recovered from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and Nilandhoo
Foamathi; however, not from southern sites of Bodu Havitha or Dhadimagi Havitha.
The invertebrate remains include molluscs and small amounts of urchins andcrustaceans.

7.5.1 Molluscan remains
Shellfish recovered from either Kuruhinna Tharaagadu or Nilandhoo Foamathi was
likely unrelated to consumption but to shell money. Large quantities were returned
from the sample obtained from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and the Nilandhoo Foamathi
assemblage and the results are reported here.
188

Table 7.14 Absolute frequency of molluscan remains (MNI), Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (data from Mikkelsen 2000)

FeatureX-Y-Coordinate

Taxon

2

10

17

18 C/B

20/21

26

42

x91.3/y95.0

x118/ y135

MNI

Monetaria moneta

62,000

0

106

0

0

1

1

218

0

62435

Tridacna maxima

0

17

1

1

1

0

0

0

1

21

Unidentified

0

2

0

0

0

2

0

0

0

4

MNI

62,000

19

107

1

1

3

1

218

1

62,460

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

Table 7.14 reports the results of the molluscan analysis from the monastery site ofKuruhinna Tharaagadu. Only two species were identified in the sample, from thefamilies Cypraeidae and Cardiidae. The total number of shells equalled an MNI of
62,460.

Kuruhinna Tharaagadu housed both large and small deposits of cowry shellthroughout the complex—specifically Monetaria moneta, with the largest deposit
numbering 62,000 individual shells by MNI. This was clearly an intentional deposit
and could represent a variety of purposes which have been discussed in the previous
Chapter Five (e.g., ‘donation’ to the monastery or the collection of funds). Direct shelldates have been retrieved from six cowry shell deposits and are discussed in Chapter
Five. These range from 700CE–1297CE (95.4%), although as mentioned previously acaveat about the need for a local correction value is needed. Additional further deposits
of Monetaria moneta, recovered from the western portion of the complex post-datethe introduction of Islam, and as such would not be associated with the occupation of
the Buddhist monastery, and could potentially be cowry processing sites in the area.
These are also dated (1530 CE onwards), which is closer to the collapse of the shellmoney industry (1800s). The total number of Monetaria moneta returned from thesample obtained from the excavations of the site equalled an MNI of 62,435.

Tridacna maxima deposits were also recovered from the base fill of many of thefeatures of the monastery and as mentioned previously Mikkelsen (2000) suggests this
supports their ritual useage during construction phases.

The shellfish assemblage recovered from Nilandhoo Foamathi was dominated by
gastropods and had a greater species diversity than the sample from Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu (NISP=15).

Most gastropods were from the Cypraeidae family(MNI=357) and included: Monetaria moneta, Cypraea tigris, Monetaria annulus,
Ovatipsa chinensis, Palmadusta asellus assellus and Monetaria caputserpentis
caputserpentis. Monetaria moneta was the most dominant (MNI=279 or 78.1%), withtwo particularly large amounts recovered from XU 7 and 10 of Feature 4. Owing to
the lack of burning or fractures in the Cypraeidae specimens from this site, and theirhigh lustre and small size, these shells would likely have served as shell money. One
190

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

larger cowry shell (Ovatipsa chinensis) from XU 11 was intentionally marked withfour distinct lines, suggesting some unknown significance.

Other shellfish present include Tridacna maxima (MNI=3). Molluscs from theStrombidae family, included Strombus sp., Lambis lambis and Lentigo lentiginosus(MNI=2). Turbinidae was present, with Turbo sp., Turbo sp. opercula, and Turbomamoratus (MNI=3) represented. Conidae was also represented with a singularjuvenile Conus barthelemyi (MNI=1). Bivalves were sparse when compared togastropods, with Bivalvia sp. (MNI=5) and Periglypta puerpera present (MNI=1).

All shells were associated with the reef-intertidal zone, the exception being extremely
small quantities from the sand-intertidal zone (Conus barthelemyi and Periglypta
puerpera), suggesting most shells were foraged from reef zones. The absolute
frequency of molluscan remains seen in Fig. 7.14 illustrates that Monetaria moneta
was the most frequently occurring taxa, and tended to be deposited indisproportionately large quantities. This was more pronounced in the earlier Buddhist
period, with larger deposits seen in XUs 7 and 10.

7.5.2 Crustacean and Urchin
Very small quantities of crustacean and urchin were recovered from sites in theMaldives. Minimal crustacean was recovered from the assemblages, except for one
claw piece from XU 2, Feature 4, at Nilandhoo Foamathi. A small deposit of urchin
was also recovered at Nilandhoo Foamathi (n=28) also from XU2 of Feature 4.

191

Table 7. 15 Absolute frequency of molluscan remains (NISP) Nilandhoo Foamathi (Mirani Litster)Feature1

Feature 4 (XU)

XU1

1

2

3

4

5A

5C

6A

6C

7A

7C

8A

8C

9A

9B

9C

10A

10B

10C

11A

11B

11C

MNI

Monetaria
moneta

20

0

0

8

3

10

2

35

1

100

1

15

3

1

1

3

60

8

6

0

2

0

279

Cypraea tigris

3

0

0

1

0

0

1

0

0

2

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

9

Monetaria
annulus

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

Ovatipsachinensis

0

1

3

1

3

5

0

0

0

2

0

2

1

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

1

20

Palmadusta
asellusaseullus

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

3

Monetaria
caputserpentis
caputserpentis

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

Table 7. 15 Absolute frequency of molluscan remains (MNI) Nilandhoo Foamathi cont. (Mirani Litster)Feature1

Feature 4 (XU)

XU1

1

2

3

4

5A

5C

6A

6C

7A

7C

8A

8C

9A

9B

9C

10A

10B

10C

11A

11B

11C

MNI

Tridacnamaxima

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

1

<1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

3

Strombus sp.

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

<1

0

0

0

0

<1

0

0

0

0

0

0

Lambislambis

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

2

Turbo sp.

0

0

<1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Turbo sp.
opercula

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

2

0

0

0

2

Turbo
mamoratus

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

Conus
barthelemyi

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

Bivalvia sp.

0

0

3

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

0

0

5

Periglypta
puerpera

0

0

1

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

Unidentified

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

<1

<1

0

0

0

0

MNI

26

2

10

10

6

15

3

36

1

105

3

19

5

1

1

3

60

9

8

2

2

1

328

Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI)

120
100
80
60
40
20
0
XU 1

XU 2

XU 3

XU 4

XU 5

XU 6

XU 7

XU 8

XU 9

XU 10

Excavation Unit
Monetaria moneta

Cypraea tigris

Ovatipsa chinensis

Palmadusta asellus aseullus

Monetaria caputserpentis caputserpentis

Tridacna maxima

Strombus sp

Lambis lambis

Turbo sp.

Turbo sp. opercula

Turbo mamoratus

Conus barthelemyi

Bivalvia sp.

Periglypta puerpera

Figure 7. 14 Absolute frequency (MNI) of molluscan remains Feature 4, Nilandhoo Foamathi
Credit: Mirani Litster

XU 11

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS-

7.6 Summary
In summary, the results presented in this chapter provide a better understanding of themarine and terrestrial faunal resources exploited in the Maldives. The presence of rat
bone in deposits at Nilandhoo Foamathi dated to 775–968 CE (95.4%) provides aterminus post quem for rat in the Maldives—this predates the only known historicalreference to rat in the archipelago dated to c. 1900 and suggests introduction by at least
968 CE. Likely chicken bone found in recent layers at Nilandhoo Foamathi isassociated with the more recent Islamic period. Turtle remains were recovered acrossMaldivian sites ranging from the Buddhist to Islamic period. The initial identificationof ?Aldabracheyls gigantea at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (Mikkelsen 2000) was
discussed and further research needs be conducted to confirm the presence of thisspecies in the Maldives during the early human occupation phase. In terms of fishing,
Maldivians historically have relied on pelagic resources; however, reef fishing occurs
when this is not possible. The presence of reef and pelagic taxa were found throughout
all occupation phases, with a greater diversity and number of reef taxa in the more
recent period.

Molluscs recovered from Maldivian excavations were not associated with
consumption, but shell money. The earliest date from a large cowry deposit was 700–
990 CE (95.4%) at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, with a range of direct dates on similar
deposits at the site. Feature 4 of Nilandhoo Foamathi returned deposits of Monetaria
moneta, during Buddhist period contexts. Tridacna sp. was found in a ritual context
associated with the bases of construction at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu. This ritual use ofmolluscs is potentially illustrated further by the find of a single cowry shell with four
intentional incisions from the lowermost layer of Feature 4 at Nilandhoo Foamathi.
The implications of the faunal analysis for the Maldives is further examined in Chapter
Nine, with the main points including:

1. Large quantities of Monetaria moneta were recovered from dated contexts, which
provide early dates for their distribution;
2. Large quantities of Monetaria moneta were found in the Buddhist period, with likely
processing sites identified in the later Islamic period (at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu);
195

-CHAPTER SEVEN: FAUNAL REMAINS3. A long-standing preference for tuna in lieu of inshore reef taxa or introduced faunasuch as chicken is evident which could be indicative of ‘re-embedding the local’ ahallmark of globalization; and,4. Introduced taxa is mainly associated with the period of Arab trade, potentiallyindicating increasing interaction during this period.

The next chapter, Chapter Eight, presents the methods and results of the analysis of
the diverse non-ceramic material culture classes recovered from the Maldivian sites.
This includes: beads, glasses, metals, stone artefacts, and coral stone carvings.

196

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

8
Non-Ceramic Material Culture and Glass
8.1 Introduction
A diversity of non-ceramic artefact classes were recovered although mostly in small
quantities from the sites excavated and surveyed, including: personal ornaments, glassfragments, metal fragments, metal artefacts, coins, stone artefacts and carved stone
was the most abundant class of artefact represented in Maldivian assemblages. This
category does not include the structural features, but the moveable objects such as
decorative masonry stones, votive stupas and statues. All classes were present at allsites, except for stone artefacts which were only present at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu.

The analysis of this diverse set of artefacts contributes to an understanding of both theearly occupation period and the use of the Maldives during early globalization
episodes. As with the ceramic material culture, all glasses, metals and lithics had to beimported to the Maldives and represent useful exogenous material culture classes toanalyze. The presence of these objects in dated contexts presents an opportunity to not
only examine early trade networks, but also how these items were used by the Divehi
population. The examination of the carved stone is especially useful in terms of
exploring the second research aim, in that it provides insight into the use of locallysourced material to construct and interpret a global culture’s artistic traditions for the
local Maldivian Buddhist population.

All artefacts are detailed below by type. Each artefact section contains methods used
to classify each artefact and generate the descriptive results per class. A summary of
all artefacts recovered and general observations concludes the chapter.

197

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS8.2 Personal Ornaments
Personal ornaments have been recovered from all sites included in this research. This
includes beads manufactured from a variety of materials, metal finger rings and metalbracelets.

8.2.1 Beads and small ornaments
Beads and small ornaments have been recovered from all Maldivian archaeologicalsites except the southern Dhadimagi Havitha. A wide diversity and profusion of beads
have been recovered from archaeological sites throughout the Indian Ocean from theearlier periods through to the second millennium CE including: carnelian, Indo-Pacificbeads, glass beads and shell beads (Wood 2012). Typically, these items have beenused in discussions, similar to the manner in which pottery has been used—as a proxy
to better understand connectivity and trade in the Indian Ocean (Seland 2014). Thesearguments tend to be based on the morphological characteristics alongside the resultsof chemical characterization (cf. Wood 2012).

Beads were excavated or collected during surveys conducted in the Maldives andreturned to Oslo, Norway. The beads from Nilandhoo Foamathi, Bodu Havitha andVadhoo Island were returned to the Kon-Tiki Museum, whilst the beads from
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu were returned to the University of Oslo. The beads from
Nilandhoo Foamathi and Bodu Havitha were analyzed at the Kon-Tiki Museum in2010 by Mirani Litster. The beads from Vadhoo Island were loaned to the Australian
National University in 2011 for further analysis by Mirani Litster. The beads from
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu were analyzed at the University of Oslo in 2010 by Mirani
Litster. Beads from Vadhoo Island were subjected to analysis by pXRF in the
Department of Archaeology and Natural History, Australian National University by
Christian Reepmeyer. Usewear analysis was also conducted on the carnelian andquartz beads from Vadhoo Island by Catherine Frieman of the School of Archaeology
and Anthropology, Australian National University. The carnelian was also subjected
to preliminary LA-ICP-MS by Mathieu Leclerc (School of Archaeology andAnthropology, Australian National University).

198

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASSThe beads were assessed by attributes, where the morphological characteristics of thebeads were recorded. This system was tailored from Wood (2011:68), which built
upon foundation studies such as Beck (1928), Karklins (1985) and Kidd and Kidd
(1970). These early studies were originally established to simplify bead cataloguing
and to record monochrome glass beads. The application of this classification system
to the beads recovered from the Maldives enables an assessment of diversity among
the assemblage but also the ability to contextualize the descriptive results in broader
Indian Ocean bead studies. This system of recording was also tailored to incorporate
beads constructed of different raw material types. Each bead was given an artefact ID,
followed by recording the: context, colour (derived from Munsell colour), number offragments, manufacture method (MM), structure, shape, size and length designation,end treatment, diaphaneity and lustre. The results are presented in Table 8.1.

Figure 8.1 Beads from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu Archaeological Site(a) coral stone bead, Feature 7; (b) and (c) clay beads, Feature 49; (d) and (e) glass
beads, Feature 47 and (f) black coral bead, Feature 26.
Credit: Mirani Litster

199

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

Figure 8.2. Beads and small ornaments from Vadhoo Island Archaeological Surveys(a) carnelian bead (b) quartz bead (c) lead glass gourd object (d) and (e) shellbeads
Credit: Mirani Litster

200

Table 8.1. Beads and small ornaments from Maldivian archaeological sites (Mirani Litster)
Key: KT=Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, NF= Nilandhoo Foamathi, VI= Vadhoo Island, BH= Bodu Havitha, MM = manufacture method, D =diapheniety, ET = end treatment # = number of fragments, Sm = Small, Med=medium, Lrg = Large, VL = Very large
ID #Context

Raw
Material

ColourMunsell#

MM

Structure

Shape

Size

LengthET

D

LustrePatination

1

KT, Feature 7

Coral Stone

YellowWhite

5 YR 9/2

1

CarvedSimpleBarrel

VL

Long

NA

Opaque

NA

NA

2

KT,
Feature 49

Clay

ModerateRed

2.5R 4/8

1

Moulded

SimpleOblate

Med

Short

NA

OpaqueNA

NA

3KT, Feature
49

Clay

ModerateRed

2.5R 4/8

1

Moulded

SimpleOblate

Med

Short

NA

OpaqueNANA

4KT, Feature
47

Glass

BrilliantGreenishBlue

5B 7/81

Drawn

SimpleOblate

Sm

Short

Hot
TumbledTranslucent-Opaque

Dull

Moderate

5KT, Feature
47

Glass

BrilliantGreenishBlue

5B 7/81

Drawn

SimpleOblate

Sm

Short

Hot
TumbledTranslucent-Opaque

Dull

Moderate

6

KT,
Feature 26

Coral

Black

NA

1

CarvedSimpleSphereMed

Standard

NA

Opaque

NA

NA

7

VI

Carnelian

YellowOrange

5YR 6/12

1

Pecked,DiamondDrill

SimpleOblateVL

Short

PolishingTranslucent-Opaque

Moderate

NA

8

VI

Quartz

Clear

NA

1

Pecked,DiamondDrill

SimpleSphereVL

Short

PolishingTransparent

Moderate

NA

9

VI

Lead Glass

Very PaleBlue

5B 3/2

1

MouldedComplex

Other

VL

Long

NA

Translucent-Opaque

High

NA

10

VI

?Cypraeidae

YellowWhite

5 YR 9/2

1

Carved,Drilled

SimpleBarrelLrg

Long

Abrading

Opaque

NA

NA

11

VI

?Cypraeidae

YellowWhite

5 YR 9/2

1

Carved,Drilled

SimpleBarrelLrg

Long

Abrading

OpaqueNANA

12

NF, Feature 2,
XU2

Elasmobranchii vertebra

YellowWhite

5 YR 9/2

1

Carved,Drilled

Simple

Disc

Lrg

Short

NA

OpaqueNA

NA

13

BH, Trench 1,
XU2

Coral

ModerateRed

2.5R 4/8

1

CarvedSimpleOblate

Sm

Short

NA

OpaqueNA

NA

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

As illustrated in Table 8.1 a very diverse assemblage of beads and small ornaments
were recovered from the four Maldivian sites and surveys. This included the
excavations at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, Nilandhoo Foamathi, Bodu Havitha and thesurveys of Vadhoo Island. The excavations of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu returned six
beads (see Fig. 8.1), including coral-stone, clay, glass and coral beads. The VadhooIsland surveys resulted in the recovery of four beads (see Fig. 8.2), including a peckedand drilled carnelian bead, a pecked and drilled quartz bead, two abraded ?Cypraeidae
beads, and a lead glass gourd shaped ornament. Nilandhoo Foamathi returned a drilled
Elasmobranchii bead (see Fig. 7.13), as discussed in the previous faunal remains
chapter. Furthermore, a mosaic glass bead has been misplaced from the assemblage.
It was initially excavated from Feature Four of Nilandhoo Foamathi from one of theearliest layers. The excavations at Bodu Havitha returned one red coral bead from XU
2 in Trench 1.

The pXRF analysis on the assemblage from Vadhoo was undertaken by Christian
Reepmeyer to identify the raw material based on geochemical element analysis. The
quartz bead had been initially identified as topaz (Skjølsvold 1991). Topaz has achemical formula of Al2SiO4(F,OH)2 and quartz a formula of SiO2. No aluminium waspresent in the sample, although silicates were present, indicating it was not topaz andis a form of quartz. The gourd shaped artefact was initially identified as chalcedony;however, the pXRF results found high quantities of lead, indicating it was a lead glass,suggesting a likely Chinese manufacture (Brill 1995). This is confirmed by the gourd
shape, which is often found in Chinese archaeological contexts (Braghin and Olschki2002). The usewear analysis conducted on the two beads from Vadhoo (Artefact ID#7 and #8), indicates that they were both worn and strung as necklaces. Polish isapparent on both faces of the carnelian bead, in addition to the quartz bead.

All beads recovered from Maldivian sites are associated with the earlier Buddhist
period, with the exception of those recovered at Vadhoo which can't be assigned to aparticular period owing to a lack of stratigraphic context; however, the high diversityof bead types in the assemblage would indicate a large influx of varied beads types
were apparent during the early occupation period.

203

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

8.2.2 Finger Rings
Several metal personal ornaments were recovered from the sites, these included finger
rings and bracelets, with both classes recovered from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu andDhadimagi Havitha. All finger rings were recovered from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (seeFig. 8.3). The methods used to generate the descriptive results of the finger rings inTable 8.2, included the recording of the artefact ID, context, style (complex or simple),the width of the segment, raw material type and weight. See Table 8.2 for descriptive
results.

Table 8.2 Finger Rings from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (Mirani Litster)Artefact ID

Context

Style

Raw
MaterialType
BronzeWeight(g)

SimpleWidth of
Segment(mm)
51

X95/y1252

Feature 46

Simple14.7

Bronze2.0

3Feature 2

Complex16.9

Silver2.16

4

X100/y115
10cm underfloor
Grave 4

Simple7.7

Bronze0.77

Complex7.5

Silver

0.22

5

0.29

The finger ring recovered from the grave complex was composed of silver and of amore complex type when compared to the rings recovered throughout the rest of themonastery. See (c) and (e) in Fig. 8.3. No further rings were recovered in other
Maldivian excavations.

Figure 8.3 Finger rings from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Credit: Mirani Litster

204

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

8.2.3 Bracelets
Two bracelet fragments were recovered from the Maldivian archaeological sites,
including one from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and one from Dhadimagi Havitha. The
methods used to generate the descriptive results of the bracelets, included recording
the: artefact ID, context, style (complex or simple), width of the segment (mm), rawmaterial type and weight. See Table 8.4 for descriptive results.

Table 8.3 Bracelets from Maldivian Archaeological Sites (Mirani Litster)Artefact ID

Context

Style

Weight(g)ComplexWidthof Raw
Segment
Material
(mm)
Type
12
Bronze

1

DH

2

KT,
X100,
113,0

Complex

4.78

3.20

Bronze16

5/yArtefact #1 which can be seen in Fig. 8.4 (a) is half of a metal bracelet made of bronze.
It was recovered from the undated Layer 1 at the trench excavated at Dhadimagi
Havitha. Comparative material can be seen in British Museum ethnographic
collections sourced from the Maldives, such as Figs 8.5–8.6. Zoe Bell collected thebracelet pictured in Fig 8.6 in 1939. It is very similar in design to that recovered at
Dhadimagi Havitha. The ornaments from the British museum are described as ‘female
bracelets’. Francois Pyrard de Laval describes the use of bracelets by Maldivian
women:

Their arms are charged with heavy bracelets of silver, sometimes from the wrist up to theelbow; some of them have them mixed with tin, chiefly the poor, while the rest have the fineand massive silver, in such sort that some of them carry as much as three or four pounds ofsilver on their arms. (de Laval 1887:163).

205

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

Figure 8.4 Bracelets, Dhadimagi Havitha and Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Credit: Mirani Litster

Figure 8.5 British Museum (AN1360559001)

Figure 8.6 British Museum (As1939,02.15.a)206

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

8.3 Glass Fragments
Twenty fragments of glass were recovered from the Nilandhoo Foamathi site, all from
Feature Four. The descriptive results are presented here (see Table 8.4). The methods
employed to produce the descriptive results involved recording the thickness, weightand Munsell colour of each sherd, in addition to several further attributes—
diaphaneity and patination.

The more recent layers returned olive and brown glass, except for one very lightgreenish blue sherd. The earlier layers returned different glass colours to those foundin contexts that post-date the introduction of Islam. This included light greenish-blue(n=3) types. An additional two brown body sherds decorated with a ‘wavy pattern’,were missing from the collection, from Spits 9 and 10. Skjølsvold (1991) speculated
these to belong to a perfume bottle. Most glass fragments belonged to bottes, with the
majority being from the body of the vessel, with only two fragments from the neck of
a bottle.

Additionally, no patination was evident in the glass assemblage, with most diaphaneity
recordings closer to ‘transparent’ and no opaque fragments were recorded in theassemblage. Chemical characterization is recommended as a further avenue ofinvestigation to source and date the glass assemblage from Nilandhoo Foamathi.

207

Table 8.4 Glass Fragments from Nilandhoo Foamathi (Mirani Litster)
ID NumberContext

Thickness (mm)Weight (g)Munsell Colour

Diaphaneity

Patination

Vessel Part

1

NF, Feature 4, XU 2

3.12

6

Olive (5Y 4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

2

NF, Feature 4, XU 2

3.92

0.4

Clear (NA)

Transparent

None

Body

3

NF, Feature 4, XU 3

4.32

30

Very lightgreenish blue (5B
3/6)

Transparent

None

Neck

4

NF, Feature 4, XU 3

5.2

14

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Neck

5

NF, Feature 4, XU 3

5.2

12

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

6

NF, Feature 4, XU 3

5.2

20

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

7

NF, Feature 4, XU 3

5.2

17

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

8

NF, Feature 4, XU 4

5.2

14

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

9

NF, Feature 4, XU 4

5.2

12

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

10

NF, Feature 4, XU 4

5.2

11

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

11

NF, Feature 4, XU 4

5.2

10

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

12

NF, Feature 4, XU 4

5.2

9

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

13

NF, Feature 4, XU 4

5.2

12

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

14

NF, Feature 4, XU 4

5.2

4

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

15

NF, Feature 4, XU 4

5.2

0.7

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

16

NF, Feature 4, XU 9

4.1

12

Light greenish
blue (5B 7/5)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

17

NF, Feature 4, XU 9

2.0

7

Light greenish
blue (5B 7/5)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

18

NF, Feature 4, XU 9

1.8

8.5

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

19

NF, Feature 4, XU
10

1.8

3

Brown (2.5YR
4/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

20

NF, Feature 4, XU
10

2.8

12

Light greenishblue (5B 7/4)

Transparent-Translucent

None

Body

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS8.4 Metal Fragments
Several metal fragments have been recovered throughout the Maldives, from both
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and Nilandhoo Foamathi. The descriptive results weregenerated by recording the counts and weights of fragments per unit. Most fragments
came from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (n=29), with two fragments from Nilandhoo
Foamathi. All fragments from Nilandhoo Foamathi were copper, whilst those from
Kuruhinna Tharaagadu consisted of metal slag, bronze fragments, and fragments ofbronze bowl—potentially related to the bronze bowl, in section 8.5 (see Fig. 8.7). The
metal slag suggests that kilns, associated with metal-work, were being fired in the area.
Table 8.5 Metal Fragments from Maldivian Archaeological Sites (Mirani Litster)
ID NumberContext

1

Nilandhoo
Foamathi,Feature 4,
XU2
Nilandhoo
Foamathi,Feature 4,
XU 5,
Section C
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
Feature 30
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
Feature 12
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
x85/y110
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
x108/y123
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
Feature 42
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
x90/y125
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
Feature 42(chamber)
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
Feature 36

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

TOTAL

Raw
Material
CopperCount (n=)

Weight (g)Comments1

0.2

Thin andHammered

Copper1

1.8

TubularBronze1

1.3

Bronze1

1.0Bronze1

0.8

Metal Slag1

6.7

Bronze

14

30.2

Iron

1

5.7

Iron

9

6.8

Bronze

1

4.8

31

59.2

Fragmentsfrom abronze bowl

Fragmentsfrom ofbronze bowl

210

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS8.5 Metal Bowl
One large metal bowl was recovered from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu. Table 8.6 details
the results. ID Number, Context, Thickness, Rim Diameter, Raw Material and Weight
were recorded (See Fig. 8.7)

Table 8.6 Metal Bowl from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu (Mirani Litster)ID
Context
Thickness
Rim
Raw
Number(mm)
DiameterMaterial(mm)

Weight(g)

1

21

Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu

9.89

174.21

BronzeFig 8.7 Metal Bowl. Kuruhinna Tharaagadu.
Credit: Mirani Litster
8.6 Coins
Foreign coins have previously been recovered in small quantities throughout theMaldives, and have often served a secondary function owing to their new economic
context (Kemmers and Myrberg 2011). Most of these artefacts have been found inside
stupa reliquaries, such as the Roman Denarius located inside the reliquary of theThoddoo Havitha, alongside another coin, a tubular piece of metal and a human bone
in 1958 (Forbes 1984). A punch-hole marked the Roman Denarius indicating it had
likely been used as a pendant. It was minted with a picture of Caius Vibius Pansa, ineither 90 or 89 BC. Another coin was recovered from Gan in Haddhunmathi Atoll,

211

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASSalso from a Buddhist reliquary. This was a Byzantine coin known to have been incirculation from the fifth and sixth centuries CE (Mohamed 2005:12).

Two coins were recovered during investigations of the Maldivian archaeological sites
included in this research. Several attributes were recorded including the: artefact ID,
weight, raw material, provenance, primary function, secondary function and tertiary
context.

Table 8.7 Coins from Archaeological Sites in the Maldives
ID
Weight Raw
Provenance
Number (g)Material1
3.65
BronzeNorthernSong
Dynasty
EmperorT’ai Tsung
AD 990-94,
China
2
4
NA
NA

Primary Secondary Tertiary
Function Function
Context
Currency NA
Kuruhinna
Coin
Tharaagadu,
x112, y115

Currency
Coin

NA

Nilandhoo
Foamathi,Surface
Find

Figure 8.8 Coins from Maldivian archaeological sites(Credit: Mirani Litster)212

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASSThe first artefact was found at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu, and is a Chinese coin,belonging to the Northern Song Dynasty, Emperor T’ai Tsung 990–94 CE (Mikkelsen2000). The second was a surface find from Nilandhoo Foamathi, with such severe
weathering, no text or images could be discerned (see (b) in Fig. 8.8).

8.7 Stone Artefacts
Stone artefacts have been recovered in small quantities at Maldivian archaeologicalsites. The stone assemblage analyzed in this research consists of two grindstones andone unknown stone object. No flaked artefacts are present in the archaeologicalassemblages and this is very likely to be attributed to a lack of local sources of stone
raw materials. A need for imported stone was necessary for processing of local
materials. Other materials such as metals for cutting tools and wooden pestles for theprocessing of local commodities i.e. coconut oil were also imported to the islands.
Wooden pestles and metal cutting tools are present in the ethnographic collectionsacquired in the Maldives in the late 1900s (cf. British Museum Item Numbers
As1893.1123.53. a-b; As1893,1123.68).

In order to generate the descriptive results, the artefact ID was recorded, in addition tocontext, type, raw material, weight, maximum dimension and munsell colour. Artefact#3 was also subjected to pXRF analysis by Christian Reepmeyer in 2011.

Initially the grindstones from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu were recorded as being
composed of volcanic material, with Artefact #2 (a) in Fig. 8.9, listed as pumice. It is
unlikely that pumice would be used for heavy grinding, although pumice grindstones
have been found in Sana’a, Yemen in 1979, serving a less robust function—a bathingscrubber (British Museum Item Number: As 1979, 01.174). Historical records
document the availability of pumice in the Maldives and the Laccadives after 1883,
having washed up onshore subsequent to a large volcanic eruption (Gardiner in Ellis
1924:9); however, visual inspection of this artefact would suggest it is basalt.

A final stone artefact (#3) was recovered from Bodu Havitha from a surface context
and Skjølsvold (1991) argued that the item was a topaz votive stupa. This may havebeen the function; however, it may have also acted as a composite element of another213

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASSobject. The p-XRF analysis confirmed it is not topaz (owing to the lack of aluminium
present in the sample) and visual inspection suggests that it is quartz.

Table 8.8 Stone Artefacts from Maldivian Archaeological Sites (Mirani Litster)ID
NumberContext

Artefact
Type

Raw
Material

Weight(g)

1

Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
x100,9/y133
East Side Ruin
42
Kuruhinna
Tharaagadu,
x85/y110
Bodu Havitha,
Surface

Grindstone

BasaltGrindstone

NA

2

3

Munsell
Colour132

Max
Dimension
(mm)
53.02

Basalt

98

53.22

Grey
(2.5 Y 5/0)

Quartz58

37.09

YellowWhite(5 YR 9/2)

Grey
(2.5 Y 6/0)

Figure 8.9 Grindstones from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
Credit: Mirani Litster

214

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

Figure 8.10 Quartz Artefact from Bodu Havitha
Credit: Mirani Litster

8.8 Carved Stone
As outlined in Chapter Four, Divehi stone masonry is a long-established craft working
tradition and coral (mainly Porites sp.) has been extensively mined for use inconstruction—it is one of the only building resources, aside from timber, available in
the Maldives and many extant historical buildings have been constructed of this fabric(Waheed 2003; Jameel 2012). Population increase and the associated demand on thisresource have significantly impacted on coral stocks, especially near the current
capital of Male’, resulting in the banning of coral mining, which coincided with theintroduction of cement in the nineteenth century (Kenchington 1985; Brown andDunne 1986, 1989; Brown et al. 1990; Preu and Engelbrecht 1991; Shepherd 1992;
Naseer 1993).

Three types of previous coral stone construction are evident in historical structuresand carved stone objects. These include the Hirigaa construction, common in thebuilding of mosques and other structures, this technique involves the use ofinterlocking Porite sp. coral blocks, more common between the sixteenth andeighteenth century. The second type of construction involved coarsely shaped blocks
of coral stone with a high quartz content, locally referred to as Veligaa. The coarsenessof the raw material did not lend itself readily to decorative carving as they could noteasily be dressed. The final type of construction combined coral rubble with lime
mortar, a practice introduced during the nineteenth century (Jameel 2012).
215

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASSStone carvings from earlier periods have been recovered from the earliest antiquarian
and archaeological expeditions during the 1800s, from a range of early
period/Buddhist sites (with associated later Islamic period carvings), and the artefact
types reported range from votive stupas, coral stone reliquaries, structural masonry,
other sculptures and epigraphic records, including a block carved with the earliest
known script recovered in the Maldives in Landhoo Island, South Miladhunmadulu(Bell 1940; Mohamed and Tholal 2010:27, 36–38, 42–43; Gippert 2015).

The sites included in this research returned a quantity of carved stone artefacts. These
included votive stupas and chatravali, both directly associated with the havitha andare described in detail below in section 8.8.2. Large quantities of masonry stones wererecovered in addition to smaller quantities of carved stones belonging to the ‘othersculpture’ class as discussed in 8.8.3. This included artefacts not falling into the othercategories, such as statues, Buddha footprints and other non-structural carvings not
associated with the stupa itself. The methods and descriptive results for each category
are presented here.
8.8.1 Votive Stupas and Chatravali
Buddhist monastic environments typically contained large quantities of carved stonesin the form of stupas and votive stupas, as do the assemblages in this research(Coningham 2001; Fogelin 2006). Votive stupas typically surround the larger stupa—
or havitha—and are recovered from many Buddhist sites (Fogelin 2013). Theirprevalence can also be attributed to the survivability of the stone used to typicallyconstruct such objects. Votive stupas exist to commemorate visits to the larger stupa
and the earliest votive stupas have been dated stylistically to the first century BCE
from Orissa in India (Chauley 2013). They also share features in common with themain stupa, but vary in size and style, and until recently have not featured inarchaeological discourse. This artefact type was often disregarded, for example at the
excavation of the significant Buddhist site of Bodh Gaya, where they were cleared
from the surrounding area (Mitra 1981; Fogelin 2013).

The structure of votive stupas can be seen in Figure 8.11. The larger stupa architecture,
informs the smaller votive, and has been previously compared to the different phasesof life. A very brief outline begins with the intern of the reliquary, which represents216

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASSconception and birth. The covering of the reliquary represents infancy and the raisingof the structure suggests childhood (medhi), the oval shape represents adolescence(anda) and the rise of the tower (chatravali) represents coronation and guarding ofyouth (Chauley 2013).

Figure 8.11 Stupa architecture
Credit: Chauley 2013

Votive stupas were recovered from two sites in the Maldives, Nilandhoo Foamathi and
Bodu Havitha. The objects were initially excavated and collected at Maldivian sites
during the 1983–1984 expeditions. All objects were catalogued in the field andreturned to Male’. All votive stupas recovered in the Maldives have been previously
separated into ‘tower’ or ‘dome’ shaped stupas (Skjølsvold 1991). The ‘dome’ stupa
recovered at Nilandhoo Foamathi was initially confused as a phallus statue (a Hindu
linga), which is unsurprising owing to their regular reuse as linga in other South Asian
contexts (Skjølsvold 1991; Chauley 2013). The photographic catalogue was kept at
the Kon-Tiki Museum, which enabled classification and recording in Oslo in 2010 by
Mirani Litster to reassess the initial analysis, with descriptive results presented inTable 8.9. The following details were recorded: artefact ID, site, feature, context, rawmaterial, classification, height (where available) and diameter of base (whereavailable).

The results indicated that the votive stupas were all constructed of coral stone (n=35).
Stylistic and descriptive results are presented in Table 8.9. Most of the votive stupas
and chatravali would be termed ‘monolithic’ stupas if recovered from Indian contexts.
It is apparent that the sample of votive stupas presented here are far simpler in structureand style than those recovered on the subcontinent (cf. Chauley 2013). What has beenpreviously classified as the ‘tower type’ by Skjølsvold (1991) are classified here as a217

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASScomposite chatravali element of a votive stupa, or of the larger stupa itself—being thetower or umbrella which rests on the dome of the structure (see Fig. 8.11).

The largest quantity of votive stupa were recovered at Nilandhoo Foamathi where they
were found in highest frequencies near Feature 2. It was apparent that the votive stupa
were haphazardly deposited there during the destruction of site, likely when Islam wasintroduced during the twelfth century.

Although a very minimal sample of available measurements could be extracted fromthe field recordings, if this sample is representative of the whole, the domes had awider range of base sizes than the chatravali (see Fig. 8.13). Figure 8.14 illustrates
that the heights of the domes and the chatravali were similar.

Fig 8.12 Examples of Chatravali and dome votive stupas recovered in the field(Left) Dome votive stupa (Right) Chatravali
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

218

Table 8.9 Votive stupas and chatravali recovered from Maldivian archaeological sites (Mirani Litster)Artefact
ID

Site

Feature/Section

1

NF

2

2

NF

2

3

NF

2

4

NF

2

5

NF

2

6

NF

2

7

NF

2

8

NF

2

9

NF

2

10

NF

2

11

NF

2

12

NF

2

Context
Central part of trench,
30 cm below surface
Central part of trench,
30 cm below surface
Central part of trench,
30 cm below surface
Central part of trench,
30 cm below surface
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench

Raw
Material

Classification

Diameter of Base
Height (cm)
(cm)

CS

Chatravali

NA

33

CS

Dome

38-45

NA

CS

Dome

38-45

NA

CS

Dome

38-45

NA

CS

Dome

38-45

NA

CS

Chatravali

NA

23

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

13

NF

2

14

NF

2

15

NF

2

16

NF

2

17

NF

2

18

NF

2

19

NF

2

20

NF

2

21

NF

2

22

NF

2

23

NF

2

24

NF

2

25

NF

2

26

NF

2

Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trench
Eastern extension of
trench, east of trenchWestern wall ofsouthern chamberWestern wall ofsouthern chamber

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Chatravali

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

NA

CS

Dome

NA

21

CS

Chatravali

NANAWestern wall ofCSsouthern chamberWestern wall of
28
NF
2
CS
southern chamberWestern wall of
29
NF
2
CS
southern chamberWestern wall of
30
NF
2
CS
southern chamberWestern wall of
31
NF
2
CS
southern chamber
Fill in front of32
BH
SE WallCSsoutheastern wall
33
BH
Section 4
Section 4
CS
34
BH
Section 6
Section 6
CS
35
BH
Section 8
Section 8
CS(NF = Nilandhoo Foamathi, BH = Bodu Havitha and CS = Coral Stone).
27

NF

2

Chatravali

NA

NA

Chatravali

NA

NA

Chatravali

NA

NA

Chatravali

NA

NA

Chatravali

NA

NA

Dome

24

27

Chatravali
Dome
Chatravali

14
31
12

20
18
33

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

Figure 8.13 Box plot of the diameter at base (cm) votive stupas and chatravali(A) Dome (B) Chatravali

Credit: Mirani Litster

Figure 8.14 Box plot of the height (cm) votive stupas and chatravali(A) Dome (B) Chatravali

Credit: Mirani Litster

222

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS8.8.2 Structural Masonry with Features
Survey and excavation during the NMI identified 149 structural masonry stones in theMaldives including stones from Bodu Havitha, Nilandhoo Foamathi and VadhooIsland. These types of stone carvings comprised the largest quantity of carved stones
recovered during the excavations included in this research. Masonry stones from othersites have also been recovered throughout the Maldives, and some have been returnedto the museum in Male’, although not included in this research (Mohamed and Tholal
2010:39–41).

The methods used to record the attributes in this research of the structural masonrystones from the NMI involved the following: an artefact ID was assigned, with site
and feature recorded. For purposes of classification these pieces of structural masonry
have been separated into ‘dentilated’, ‘circular’ and ‘decorated’ categories (see Fig.
8.15 for classification). Some stones have been recovered with no decoration and these
are classified ‘undecorated’. Raw material was recorded, in addition to context,
maximum size (cm), height (cm) and thickness (cm).

Figure 8.15 Examples of structural masonry types from Maldivian archaeologicalsites(top left) dentilated (top right) circular and (bottom) decorated
Credit: Kon-Tiki Museum

223

10
9
8

Number (n=)

7
6
5
4
3
2
1
0
Feature 1

Feature 2

Feature 3

Feature 4

FeatureFigure 8.16 Structural Masonry Stones from Nilandhoo Foamathi
Credit: Mirani Litster

NA

30

Number (n=)

25

20
15
10
5
0
SE corner of NW corner ofHaviththa
Haviththa

Section 1

Section 2

Section 4

Section 5

Section 6

FeatureFigure 8.17 Structural Masonry Stones from Bodu Havitha
Credit: Mirani Litster

Section 7

Section 8

25

20

15

10

5

0

Figure 8.18 Structural Masonry Stones from Vadhoo Island
Credit: Mirani Litster

Figure 8.19 Maximum Dimensions of Structural Masonry Stones (cm)(A) Nilandhoo Foamathi, (B) Bodu Havitha and (C) Vadhoo
Credit: Mirani Litster

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASSThere is a lack standardization in design across the sites. Decorated types were themost frequent and represented a diverse category. Nilandhoo Foamathi returned 19
structural masonry stones, Bodu Havitha 97 stones and Vadhoo Island 31 stones. The
majority of those from Nilandhoo Foamathi were classified as ‘decorated’ (n=10) or‘dentilated’ (n=8), with one undecorated. No stones with ‘circular’ decorations wererecovered. Bodu Havitha returned ‘decorated’ (n=63) types most frequently, followedby ‘circular’ (n=17) and ‘dentilated’ (n=12) and undecorated (n=5). On Vadhoo island‘decorated’ types were present (n=20), followed by ‘undecorated’ (n=3) and ‘circular’(n=1). Dentilated types were not found at Vadhoo, but was recovered from Nilandhoo
Foamathi and Bodu Havitha in relatively large numbers. ‘Circular’ designs were foundat Bodu Havitha and Vadhoo, but not at Nilandhoo Foamathi.

Additionally, very little contextual information concerning these stones is available,
beyond associated features. Only one specimen was recovered in a dated context (#19
Nilandhoo Foamathi). This was associated with the burial of Feature 1, an event which
occurred 1170–1423 calCE.

8.8.3 Other Sculptures
Sculptures not related to the stupa or structural masonry have been recovered frommany Buddhist sites throughout the geographical extent of the religion. Figures often
have specific meanings, such as lion statues which are often present to guard the areasurrounding the havitha—they can also represent manhood (Chauley 2013). In theMaldives, these conspicuous objects have often been subjected to destruction, forexample the National Museum in Male’, housed many, prior to the vandal attack in2012 (Gippert 2015). Fig. 8.20 illustrates two prominent examples, which have been
destroyed.

Seventeen sculptures were present at Bodu Havitha, and Vadhoo Island. These figures
are detailed in Table 8.10. There are several types of sculpture present including Lion
Figures, Buddha Figures, Buddha Footprints, Lotus and Leaf Shapes and are all typicalfeatures found in Buddhist art.

228

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

Figure 8.20 Sculptures located at the National Museum, Male’. Destroyed in 2012(source: maldivesculture.com)

Table 8.10 Sculptures from Maldivian archaeological sites (Mirani Litster from
Skjølsvold 1991).
Site
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Bodu Havitha
Vadhoo Island

Context
Section 5
Section 5
Section 7
Section 7
Section 8
Section 8
Section 1
Section 4
Section 7
Section 8
Section 8
NA

Vadhoo Island

NA

Vadhoo Island

NA

Vadhoo Island

NA

Vadhoo Island

NA

Vadhoo Island

NA

Sculpture and Description
Lion Figure
Fragment of Lion’s Head
Pedestal Like Object
Buddha Figure
Pedestal Like Object
Lion Figure with Head
Fragment of Disc Like Stone
Floor
Lotus Bud
Rounded Disc
Rounded Disc
Fragment of Buddha
Footprint
Fragment of Buddha
Footprint
Fragment of Buddha
Footprint
Fragment of Buddha
Footprint
Fragment of Buddha
Footprint
Leaf Shaped Ornamentation

229

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-

8.9 Summary
The artefact classes covered in this chapter present a diverse range of both internallyand externally sourced cultural materials which can be used in discussions about
interaction and globalization. Personal ornaments were present at all sites. The
carnelian bead likely had a Gujarati origin; however, use of local materials such as the
Elasmobranchii vertebra and carved coral beads (n=4) indicate local production of
decorative materials. Glass fragments were recovered from the central site of
Nilandhoo Foamathi from dated contexts, with the earlier layers revealing a blue-green
glass, compared to the more frequent yellow-brown glass in the recent layers. Metals
were recovered from all sites, except Bodu Havitha. Decorative metals were also
found—rings were found in burials at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu and a metal bracelet wasrecovered from the southern site of Dhadimagi Havitha. Iron, bronze and copper
fragments and bowls were found at Nilandhoo Foamathi and Kuruhinna Tharaagadu.
Stone Artefacts were present at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu in the form of grindstones. An
additional quartz artefact was recovered from Bodu Havitha, either a votive stupa or apotential composite artefact. Carved stone was found at all sites, with structural
masonry the most frequent, with most falling into the ‘decorated’ category. Votive
stupas were common at Nilandhoo Foamathi and Bodu Havitha, with the mostfrequent being the ‘dome’ type (at both sites). Further sculptures were present, all with
Buddhist iconography such as a Buddha Footprint slab from Vadhoo and a lion statue
from Bodu Havitha.

The implications of the analysis of the non-ceramic artefacts for the Maldives is further
examined in Chapter 9, with the main points including:

1. An increased diversity of exogenous material culture of all artefact types waspresent in the later Islamic period, which indicates heterogeneity, a hallmark ofglobalization;
2. The use of votive stupa and chatravali as on the mainland in India and Sri Lanka is
another indicator of globalization—cultural homogenization;
3. The use of lions in Maldivian sculptures, being a completely exotic animal, accords
with mainland Buddhist practices—also indicating cultural homogenization; and,230

-CHAPTER EIGHT: NON-CERAMIC MATERIAL CULTURE AND GLASS-The next chapter, Chapter Nine, discusses the results generated in the preceding
chapters within a global cultures framework.

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9The Maldives, Interaction and a Global Culture

9.1 Introduction
Approaches to studying contemporary globalization such as world systems theory,
global-capitalism, the network society, transnationality and their limitations were
outlined in Chapter Two. The study of past globalizations requires an approachcapable of understanding the inherently variable nature of the phenomenon by
examining it from multiple perspectives and one which recognizes that globalization
is an ongoing process that in many instances connects the prehistory and history of
island societies (see. Fig. 2.3). To identify a period of globalization it is necessary that
two main criteria be fulfilled. The first is that a surge in interregional interaction has
occurred—this has often been used by archaeologists as a marker of globalization, but
the model employed here, adopted from Jennings (2011) also requires the subsequent
formation of a ‘global culture’ to be identified. A global culture can be identified byexamining eight hallmarks that have been used by scholars to discuss contemporary
globalizations and therefore can be viewed as convincing markers of globalization in
antiquity. These indicators were outlined in Chapter Two, and will be explored in moredetail below (see Section 3) by synthesizing results generated in previous chapters.
These attributes include: time-space compression, deterritorialization, standardization,
unevenness, cultural homogenization, cultural heterogeneity, re-embedding of local
culture and vulnerability.

9.2 Surging Interaction in the Indian Ocean
As noted in Chapter Three, the period between the first millennium BCE and firstmillennium CE in the Indian Ocean was defined by an increasing demand for
preciosities such as frankincense, spices and beads, which resulted in the proliferation
232

-CHAPTER NINE: THE MALDIVES, INTERACTION AND A GLOBAL CULTURE-of trade entrepôts, such as Arikamedu and Mantai in South Asia, the centres ofSoutheast Asia and ports in the Gulf, East Africa and the Red Sea. The developmentof Indo-Roman trade and extensive trading links between South and Southeast Asia,
in addition to Buddhist pilgrimages from east to west and vice versa, the rise of Islamin the Hijaz in the seventh century CE, alongside the Swahili trade centre development
and Austronesian expansion meant that the Indian Ocean, a mare liberum, had becomea truly interregional space and it was the export of cowry shell that best defines
Maldivian interaction with other Indian Ocean societies during this period.

The archaeological results from the Maldivian sites of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu,
Nilandhoo Foamathi, Bodu Havitha, Dhadimagi Havitha and Vadhoo Island indicate
changes in interaction that are outlined in a schematic diagram (see Fig. 9.1). Several
different data sets have been used to pinpoint increases in interaction: ceramic sourceand style diversity, cowry shell money deposits and faunal assemblages.

A noticeable influx of foreign ceramics occurs in the post-Islamic period, when an
increasing quantity and stylistically diverse assemblage consisting of East Asian (e.g.
Longquan Celadon and other high fired trade wares) and West Asian (e.g. SasanianIslamic) ceramics is found in Maldivian sites. For example, in archaeological sites ofthe early Buddhist period no East Asian ceramics have been recovered. The increasing
diversity of ceramics present in the more recent period occurs in all sites suggesting
increasing trade connections with a variety of foreign locations. Although thepossibility that all this material was being exported from a single South Asian tradecentre is hypothetically possible, the presence of ceramics from many locations
nonetheless illustrates cosmopolitan trade in the region.

The collection of cowry shell money deposits at Maldivian archaeological sites
suggests the stocking of the shells for the purposes of trade, whether locally orinternationally. Cowry shell money deposits in Maldivian sites are found in greater
quantities in the early occupation period, with the largest deposits at Nilandhoo
Foamathi and Kuruhinna Tharaagadu. Radiocarbon dates at Nilandhoo Foamathi
associated with the largest deposits include 393–552 CE and an age closer to thetransition to Islam at 975–1028 CE. The cowry deposits from Kuruhinna Tharaagadu
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-CHAPTER NINE: THE MALDIVES, INTERACTION AND A GLOBAL CULTURE-

range from the early period through to the early introduction of Islam, with the largest
deposits similarly associated with the early Buddhist occupation. The historical recordof cowry shell export also illustrates an increasing importance during the period of theTransatlantic Slave Trade (post 1400s), when Monetaria moneta was in high demandin the West African region. These results suggest that interaction in the region wasincreasing during the early Buddhist phase with another later increase during theIslamic period, coincident with the establishment of the Transatlantic Slave Trade.

Figure 9.1 Increases in interaction (schematic).
Grey line indicates ceramic diversity (style and provenance) and black line indicatesproduction and processing of cowry shell money in the Maldives based onarchaeological results presented in this thesis
Credit: Mirani Litster
The final data set is the non-fish vertebrate faunal assemblage. Introduced taxa wasminimal in quantity and type and included small quantities of rat and chicken. Whilst
rat bone has been found in Buddhist period contexts, chicken was only found in thelater Islamic period deposits. The arrival of chicken in the later period could indicate
increased interaction in the region, especially when contrasted with the absence of234

-CHAPTER NINE: THE MALDIVES, INTERACTION AND A GLOBAL CULTURE-

domesticates in the earlier periods, although this could be in an issue associated withsample size.

These results in conjunction with the interaction data presented in Chapter Three,indicate that there perhaps were two surges of interaction in the region which
manifested, first, during the dispersal of Buddhism, and second, with the dispersal ofIslam throughout the Indian Ocean and in the Maldivian archipelago specifically (seeFig. 9.1).
9.3 Formation of a Global Culture
This section overviews each of the hallmarks identified by Jennings (2011) as
characteristic of early global cultures. Not all 'hallmarks' are present in thearchaeological record and therefore this section also draws on the historical andethnographic information presented in Chapters Three–Eight. Increasing interaction
identified during the first millennium CE should result in the development of hybrid
identities or a 'global culture' if the Maldives were in fact involved in an early
globalization. The hallmarks will be discussed below regarding the two hypothesizedinteraction surges detailed above. Global cultures are ‘complex, overlapping, dynamic
and often contradictory. Surging interregional interactions force people to adjust to
new realities, and these adjustments are often radically different from one person to
the next’ (Jennings 2011:122). A discussion of these eight characteristics also provides
us with a mechanism to explore different interaction processes during the firstmillennium

CE

that

include:time-spacecompression,

deterritorialization,

standardization, unevenness, homogenization, heterogeneity, re-embedding andvulnerability.

9.3.1 Hallmark One: Time-space compression
The first trait is 'time-space compression' which refers to the alteration of time taken
to travel or to transfer goods or information. The geographer Harvey (1989)
established the term, referring to the manner in which humans have conquered time,for example since the eighteenth century, the impacts of technological innovations
such as railroads, steamships and bicycles significantly reduced the time taken to
travel, thereby resulting in time-space compression (Warf 2011b).

Time-spacecompression is defined by the level of connectedness and refers to how 'societies are
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-CHAPTER NINE: THE MALDIVES, INTERACTION AND A GLOBAL CULTURE-

stretched across time and space [and] how different relational geographies have been
constructed and how they change over time, and what these changes mean for thepeople who make these processes unfold' (Warf 2011a). The causes are multiple, as
are the consequences, such as the spread and uptake of technological change (Warf2010).

Time-space compression is most frequently discussed in terms of the modern era,
including its use in archaeology where it is considered the domain of social
archaeology (Walsh 1995; Preucel and Meskell 2007; Harrison and Schofield 2012).
Exceptions exist such as Laurence and Trifilio (2015) and Jennings (2011) who both
highlight that time-space compression did exist in antiquity, although they argue thatit did not take on the speed witnessed in the contemporary era. For example, during
the expansion of the Roman Empire, communication infrastructure, such as roads andmajor milestones, increased the speed, volume and frequency of interaction, as did theintroduction of the donkey in Mesopotamia (Jennings 2011).

A striking feature of the human history of the Indian Ocean is that the advent ofwidespread trade occurred earlier than in other regions. The deep structure elements
outlined in Chapter Three, such as the monsoon and currents, likely promoted thisalongside shipping technology which gave rise to the efficient transport of people andgoods across the region. The pervasive interaction demonstrated during the firstmillennium CE, was most likely enabled and facilitated by the rapid expansion ofmaritime commerce involving increased cargo capacity and improved vessel
technology such as the Arabic dhow (Stopford 2009). Therefore, in the Indian Ocean
time-space compression would have been contingent on two key variables: knowledgeof the Asian monsoon wind reversals (and how to benefit from them), in addition toadvances in maritime technology (boats and navigation) to promote oceanic
movement.

The first mention of the monsoon can be traced to the Greek writings of Hippalus (45–47CE), and other historical records pertaining to maritime travel that existed during
the first millennium CE (Tripati and Raut 2006). Many documents contain vague orindirect references, but overall it was clear that during the first millennium CE Indian
Ocean mariners were aware that seasonal weather patterns assisted long-distance236

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ocean passages (Tripati and Raut 2006). Technological advances in boat design andconstruction also enabled and facilitated such trade, and whilst there were various shiptypes throughout the Indian Ocean, the lashed-lug technique was uniform across theregion and was present in localities from Arabia through to Southeast Asia (from thefirst millennium CE). This construction method facilitated the ability to make a safe
passage across the Indian Ocean, in that the ships were more flexible if running into
reef areas.

Chapter Four highlighted the efficacious Maldivian method of ship construction,
which is locally referred to as dhoni banun ('tying'), and Al Biruni (1030AD) discussed
the use of coir rope to fasten planks together (Green 2001; Maniku 2004). Ibn Battuta,
who visited the Maldives in 1343, noted that coir lashing was also practiced in India
and Yemen and that it was particularly effective when travelling over reefs, as theships were more 'elastic'. The origins of the dhoni have been extensively discussed
among scholars, although a ‘clear Southeast Asian’ design is accepted in current
scholarship (Green 2001).

A later period of innovation coincided with the development of astrolabes, quadrants
and wooden sextants (Mohamed 2004), which were incorporated into Indian Ocean
voyaging, including the Maldives. James Tennant recorded the use of Indigenous
charts in the pre-modern era in 1860 and Captain Moresby witnessed Divehi repairing
navigation tools likely introduced in the Portuguese period, such as astrolabes,
quadrants and wooden sextants in the nineteenth century (Mohamed 2004). The
historical record highlights the rapid uptake of these new navigational tools. In theMaldives, the importance of skilled seafaring is also evident with the earliest schools
established during the historical period being navigation oriented (Mohamed 2004).

In summary, time-space compression occurred with the selection of a distinctive
vessel construction technology that was appropriate for the region (lashed lug), usedin effective vessel types (predominately with lateen sails) in conjunction with a deeply
embedded navigational knowledge tied to the monsoon winds. A second phase oftechnological innovation can be seen in the distribution of navigational tools such as
astrolabes, quadrants and wooden sextants.

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9.3.2 Hallmark Two: Deterritorialization
The second indicator of a global culture is related to time-space compression andinvolves a culture becoming 'increasingly abstracted from a local, geographically
fixed, context' resulting in deterritorialization (Jennings 2011:125). The concept was
initially introduced by Deleuze and Gauttari (1979) where borders are imposed toclassify groups and populations. Deterritorialization occurs as a result of increasing
interaction between groups of people from distant regions. The 'local becomes global'
and supports a 'proliferation of translocal cultural experiences’ (Hernàndez 2002).
Several scholars contest this idea with Brenner (1999) arguing that territoriality isreconfigured or rescaled rather than uniformly eroded, and permeability is highly
differentiated (see Section 9.3.4). Furthermore, Cox (2004) highlights that becausesovereignty is an ideal it cannot be completely eroded—but it can be superseded.

The most obvious example of deterritorialization in the Indian Ocean during the firstmillennium CE, aside from the transnational nature of the ocean itself, includes thepresence of entrepôts. These early entrepôts can be compared to modern hyperspaces
such as airports (Kearney 1991, 2004) and are symptomatic of long-distanceexchange, acting as transhipment locales for commercial goods. It is anticipated thatthe physical limits of island spaces could inhibit the process of deterritorialization;
however, this was not the case in the Indian Ocean or the Maldives where the islandof Male' acted as an entrepôt for both the archipelago and the wider Indian Ocean,
especially during the Islamic period (Colton 1995).

A further example of deterritorialization in the Indian Ocean that occurred during theearly phase of Maldivian occupation is strikingly exemplified by the expansion of
Buddhism throughout a large region ranging from West to East Asia. But is also
witnessed in ceramic assemblages—in the South Asian wares that were recovered at
all archaeological sites detailed in Chapter Six. Earthenware handis were not only
acquired from the mainland but they were utilized in the same fashion as they were on
the continent. Likewise, as detailed in Chapter Seven, Buddhist reliquaries and votive
stupas were also used in the Maldives as they were in Sri Lanka and in India, althoughthese objects were made locally. Furthermore, carved lion sculptures were found at
early occupation sites (see Chapter Eight), which represent exotic animals,
highlighting the absorption of cultural traditions across geographical boundaries.
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Another example of deterritorialization occurred during the second peak in interaction,
after the seventh century CE when Islam was distributed from Arabia through to East
Africa, India and Southeast Asia. The material correlates of this can be seen in thecoral-stone mosques in the Maldives, which are stylistically similar to those foundalong the East African coastline, as outlined in Chapter Four.

These cultural expansions alongside the presence of entrepôts and the material culture
evidence, suggests that the ill-defined cultural boundaries indicative of
deterritorialization were present during the two peaks of interaction identified in thisthesis.

9.3.3 Hallmark Three: Standardization
Standardization is a feature of a global culture and primarily serves the function oftranslation, enabling exchange to occur from one society to another. A good exampleof this is a lingua franca or a common currency. In anthropological literature,
standardization of material culture represents specialized craft production, which isoften considered a key variable of a complex society (Longacre 1999).

Standardization typically results in a high degree of similarity in attributes, although
is not synonymous with uniformity. Uniformity in the archaeological record can be
defined as objects or practices that will resemble each other in both appearance andbehaviour (Brunsson and Jacobsson 2002). Standardization and uniformity are often
treated as synonymous, whilst standardization causes uniformity, so do otherprocesses such as diffusion, innovation and imitation. The manner in which uniformity
is achieved through standardization is contingent on several factors: the information
available, presence of standards, the number of actors, the relevance (identity andsituation of the actor), interpretation, implementation and importantly a lack ofcompetition (Brunsson and Jacobsson 2002).

Many standardized material culture items and practices can be found in the firstmillennium Indian Ocean, but of particular relevance is the export of Monetaria
moneta, which was used as a currency across regions, although with slight inflectionsin the way its value was conceived. Evidence for the earliest use of cowry shell money
can be seen in the archaeological record of China, with dates ranging from the second
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millennium BCE. Chapter One outlined the historical record relevant to the trade in
cowries, which was the first medium of exchange in the Maldives. It was traded to
India, where the shells were exchanged for rice and cloth. Some cowry shells were notresold but remained in India, and used as a 'hard currency' for ferry-tax across rivercrossings. A similar use was documented in Thailand (Yang 2011). The Maldivian
money cowry was dispersed from the major markets in Bengal into West Africa by
Arab traders, where the gastropod was not local (Scales 2015). The Portuguese began
to purchase cowries in Sri Lanka and India, which they then used as ballast and soldinto the West African networks.

As outlined in Chapter One, the faltering of the cowry money industry was the resultof the introduction of a competing shell currency that resulted in collapse. In the caseof Monetaria moneta, this was the golden ringer or ring cowry—Monetaria annulus.
This resulted in hyperinflation and the collapse of the industry, with some shells
crushed and used as lime and others stored as hoards (Scales 2015). As previously
outlined, an estimated 30 billion Maldivian cowry shells were fed into international
markets before the collapse of the industry, but an example of the mentioned inflation
can be seen in changing price of slaves. In 1680, European slave traders exchanged
10,000 shells for one slave; however, by the 1770s 150,000 cowries could beexchanged for one slave (Scales 2015).

9.3.4 Hallmark Four: Unevenness
The relative distribution of power is central to an understanding of globalization,
which can also be described as 'a means through which new manifestations of power
are exercised' (Kay 2004). Globalization as a phenomenon includes interdependent
forces that act 'unevenly across space and time … this unevenness is critical to ourunderstanding of who are the winners and losers in a globalising world' (Kay 2004).
One way to discern 'power' in the archaeological record has been to identify evidence
for a transfer of surplus, although many other aspects of power are considered withininteraction studies, such as political and ideological dominance. Moreover, studies ofpower relations in world systems (and in other models) gravitate towards
transdisciplinary approaches, as they require an examination of complicatedrelationships: economic, political and religious in addition to develop anunderstanding technological innovations, climatic change and demographic trends.
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The power geometry present during the first millennium CE has been plottedthroughout the Indian Ocean through the lens of world systems analysis, with the
major proponent being Phillipe Beaujard (2005, 2007, 2011, 2012). Beaujard posits
the emergence of an African and Eurasian World-System. He defines this as 'thearticulation of the Indian Ocean with the China Sea and the Mediterranean, and theinterconnections between maritime and terrestrial routes' (Beaujard 2007). His model
is descriptive and includes between three to four cores: China, India, West Asia andEgypt with inequalities emerging from demographic and geographic factors in
addition to mechanisms of production and exchange. Additionally, four economic
cycles defined the expansion of the system.

It is notable that the Maldives—and several other Indian Ocean islands—remain
entirely absent from all Indian Ocean world systems discussions (e.g., Beaujard 2005,
Beaujard 2005, Beaujard 2011, Beaujard 2012). The Maldives would never have been
conceived as a 'core' within descriptive models of the Eurasian and African world
systems and would likely be considered a semi-periphery, articulated similarly to the
Swahili coast. Evidence of surplus and specialized trade goods during the early period
is marked by the extensive processing of cowry shell. The distribution of the cowry
industry was also managed by the Divehi, which would not have been the case if theMaldives were considered a periphery. The cowry eventually became a medium
through which to control the periphery, as it was sold to core areas like India and laterto Europeans to be filtered into the periphery of West Africa to purchase slaves. People
on the periphery tend to not benefit from the process of globalization, especially ifthey have little trade potential. This provides one major explanation as to why the
Maldives became a part of the globalized Indian Ocean, whereas other islands such as
Chagos and the Seychelles did not until European forces later entered the Indian
Ocean.

Semi-peripheries also act as 'pivots' or nodal entities between distant locations andcores. At the turn of the first millennium CE the Maldives intersected a major maritime
trade route, in addition to being centrally located between the cores of West Asia andChina. Fitzpatrick and Callaghan (2008) highlight the probability of an intersection
with the Maldives in movements across the Indian Ocean. Many historical documents

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written by travellers confirm this usage, by referring to the islands as places to restockand resupply during long distance voyages across the Indian Ocean (see Chapter Four).

Furthermore, unevenness is demonstrated, in that the Maldives did not have asignificant cultural impact outside the archipelago while, aspects of South Asian andWest Asian cultures became embedded in the Maldives. This can be seen in the
adoption of particular ideologies and cultural practices discussed in Chapters Four–
Eight, such as in the conversion to Islam in 1153 CE. Additionally, the Maldives weredependent upon trade with exterior regions owing to environmental limitations—aspower is defined by the control of resources (social, political or economic),
environmental constraints inevitably played a role in power structures in the region(Beaujard 2005).

9.3.5 Hallmark Five: Cultural homogenization
Discussions of globalization incorporate cultural homogenization, which represents
the fifth hallmark of a global culture and is often referred to as 'McDonaldization'(Ritzer 1993, 2002). Cultural homogenization does not represent total cultural
uniformity although it does illustrate how people 'come into contact with widely
shared ideas and make them their own' (Jennings 2011).

In the Indian Ocean an example of cultural homogenization is the process of'Southernization' (Shaffer 1994). This refers to a variable process beginning inSouthern Asia, spreading around the globe and analogous to contemporary'Westernization'. It incorporated the development of mathematics, the production andselling of spices, new trade routes, dispersal of ideology, cultivation and processing,the marketing of crops and related technologies. Southernization was under way inSouth Asia in the fifth century CE, during the reign of the Gupta's (320–535CE) andspread into China. By the 8th century CE its influence had spread into the Gulf ofArabia. However, Westernization soon succeeded with the British takeover of Bengal.

The most obvious examples of homogenization in the Maldives, can be linked to‘deterritorialization’ during the presence and adoption of religious ideologies during
interaction peaks. Buddhism was present in the Maldives from at least the third
century CE and it appears to have been practiced similarly to the mainland. On current
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evidence the first occupants were adherents to this religion. The later dispersal of Islam
represents another episode of homogenization, also occurring in the adjacent Indian
area beforehand from the seventh century CE. A final example is the Maldivian use ofceramic handis, which were used in cooking, mirroring the use on the South Asian
mainland, suggesting uniformity in the region.

9.3.6 Hallmark Six: Cultural heterogeneity
The sixth indicator of a global culture seemingly contrasts with the above position bysuggesting that a degree of variation will also be present i.e. a 'mélange' of elements(Jennings 2011). Appadurai (1996) emphasizes this facet of globalization by arguingthat globalizing and localizing processes reinforce each other and are not exclusive.
The heterogeneity perspective proposes the continuous reinvention of local cultures asrecipients of global forces (Appadurai 1996). Beaujard (2005) refers to this mélange
as typical of syncretic 'fringe cultures’.

Heterogeneity is especially apparent in the archaeological record of the Maldivesacross a variety of material culture classes, particularly in the ceramics assemblages.
The bead assemblage at Vadhoo, which likely coincided with the Buddhist period, forinstance, highlights this trend with a carnelian bead from India found in association
with a lead glass gourd shaped object of East Asian provenance. The archaeologicalassemblages were dominated by South Asian earthenwares, but in the more recent
phases included a range of Far Eastern tradewares, alongside Western Asian pieces(see Chapter Six). The frequency and diversity of East and West Asian ceramics
clearly increased during the second peak of interaction which occurred during theIslamic period.

Sahlins extended the discussion of heterogeneity with the concept of the'Indigenization of modernity' i.e. making McDonald's burgers relevant to non-US
cultures. Buddhist reliquaries recovered from Maldivian sites involved the use of
cowry shell in place of normative materials, such as semi-precious stones and precious
metals in Sri Lanka and India. This provides some indication as to the local value ofthe shell within a Maldivian context. This has also been seen in Shang period China,
where cowries were manufactured into bronze skeumorphs (tongbei). Furthermore,
several carved stone marine animals were found associated with Buddhist sites in the243

-CHAPTER NINE: THE MALDIVES, INTERACTION AND A GLOBAL CULTUREMaldives (previously located at the National Museum in Male’), which indicates amodification of expected Buddhist symbols to reflect the new island context.

9.3.7 Hallmark Seven: Re-embedding of local culture
Re-embedding of local culture is closely related to cultural heterogeneity. It occurs as
a reaction to the ‘centripetal tendencies of globalization’ when people resist
globalizing processes, as increasing interaction 'throws one’s life into sharper relief’(Jennings 2011:4). The result is a strengthening or persistence of local and domestic
traditions that can be difficult to discern archaeologically.

However, the historical and ethnographic record of the Maldives documents aprominent example, in the long-standing practice of the local Fanditha magic.
Fanditha magic is typically employed for positive purposes, for example a father may
write a Thavid or prayer on paper (originally palm leaf) which he then fastens to hischild’s arm or waist (Colton 1995). Pyrard de Laval (1887:176) also recorded
Fanditha in the seventeenth century, watching Divehi present offerings to the ‘Kingof the Winds’:
Those who have escaped from danger come to make offering daily of littleboats and ships fashioned on purpose, and filled with perfumes, gums, flowers
and odiferous woods. The perfumes are set on fire. The little boats cast upon
the sea, and they float until they are burned...this they say is so the King of theWinds may accept them.
The time-depth of this practice appears to predate the introduction of Islam, but does
not appear linked to other places or cultures. The continued reinforcement of Fanditha,
especially alongside the major World Religions that were introduced to thearchipelago, indicates the re-embedding of local culture. Another local subsistence
behaviour involves a clear preference for tuna fishing, which is evident in thearchaeological record (see Chapter Seven). The dominance of tuna in all periods,
despite the availability of inshore reef fish highlights a deliberate and continued
practice perhaps linked to the presence of ocean-going boats or cultural preference fortuna. An emphasis on tuna fishing is present today and the traditional Maldivian
method of fishing by pole-and-line sinking is still used to support sustainable fishingpractices.

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9.3.8 Hallmark Eight: Vulnerability
Societal vulnerability is a marker of globalization and it is thought to increase as aconsequence of increasingly dependent relationships on foreign areas. This is evident
in the Maldives, which were, and are still, exceptionally reliant on trade. It must be
noted that small islands are vulnerable environments, owing to small population size,
limited natural resources and often specialized economies involving a small numberof resources/goods (Lockhard et al. 1993; Conway 1998; Slade 1999).

The

vulnerability of the Maldives during the early occupation phase can be seen in theconversion to Islam in the twelfth century. Historical records suggest that this involved
the rapid collapse of the Buddhist tradition throughout the islands, and the conversionof the local population by a small number of non-locals. The Buddhist havitha
structures were intentionally buried during this phase, the evidence for which has been
described in Chapter Five.

Another indicator of vulnerability is evident in the collapse of the cowry shell industry.
Chapter One outlined that this occurred in the late nineteenth century. Maldivians had
to rely on alternative natural resources as a source of wealth, which was problematicowing to the limitations of the atoll environment. Whilst this period is outside of thescope of this research, it underlines Maldivian dependency on foreign economies. For
example, today cultural tourism has overtaken as the main industry upon which the
population is reliant. The economy has again become vulnerable with a recent spateof extremist attacks on cultural institutions in the Maldives and ongoing politicalturmoil, which has destabilized the cultural tourism industry.

9.4 Summary
In summary, two phases of increasing interaction in the Maldives were identified
during the first millennium CE, during which global cultures were present. Time-spacecompression was evident in the early Buddhist phase in terms of knowledge of themonsoon and also the use of the lashed-lug technique of ship manufacture withinmainly lateen sailed ships. A second technological innovation occurred with thedevelopment of navigational tools such as the astrolabe and quadrant during thePortuguese expansion. Deterritorialization was also evident throughout the wider
Indian Ocean with the proliferation of the trading entrepôt or trading locale. Thesetransnational spaces supported and promoted interaction between people from distant245

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regions, one of which was located centrally in the Maldivian archipelago on the islandof Male'. Other evidence included the use of ceramics such as handi, and also thearrival of Buddhism and Islam. Standardization can also be seen in the region fromthe use of a common currency—the cowry shell, which was exported from theMaldives in incredible quantities and used in West Africa and Bengal until
competition resulted in the collapse of the industry. Prior to collapse, the Maldivians
controlled the trade of this major commodity. Cultural homogenization can be seen in
the Maldives in the incorporation of Buddhism and Islam into local practice. Cultural
heterogeneity is also apparent in the archaeological record and was particularly
associated with the Islamic period. This involved a diversity of imported materials
from the Eastern, Western and Southern Indian Ocean regions recovered fromarchaeological sites in the Maldives. There is little archaeological evidence indicatinga resistance to globalization, however the documentation of fanditha magic provides
one example, in addition to the long-standing preference for tuna fishing. The final
hallmark discussed—vulnerability—is best illustrated by the collapse of the Buddhism
in the Maldives during the twelfth century, when Islam expanded throughout the
Indian Ocean.

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10Conclusions and Future Directions

10.1 Introduction
This chapter presents thesis outcomes in relation to the research aims given in Chapter
One. As previously outlined, there are many contemporary examples which highlightthe use of islands in historically significant expansions; however, despite theseidentified geo-political and economic functions, the impact of past globalizations on
remote islands has not been studied from an archaeological perspective. To address
this, several aims guided the study. The first was concerned with the early Maldivian
occupation phase, the second raised the question of how globalization might bereflected in remote island colonization and the third examined how globalization
shaped ethnogenesis in remote islands, specifically, how did an emerging and distinct
Maldivian identity develop from surging interactions and international expansions?

10.2 Where did Maldivian colonization occur from and when?
Early models of Maldivian colonization and occupation are largely based on
observations drawn from studies of material culture, historical linguistics andethnography. Previous chapters established a revised occupation chronology and madenew analyses of material culture from excavated and surveyed sites in the Maldives.
These results are discussed in relation to the major research themes identified in
Chapter Four that include: initial colonization, the arrival and impact of Buddhism andIslam in the archipelago, trade and exchange patterns, subsistence strategies and theexport of cowry shell in order to propose a model of early human occupation.

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10.2.1 Initial Colonization
Maldivian colonization has been inferred from linguistics and textual sources, withrecent insights based on genetic research on the modern human population. All
disciplinary evidence points to a South Asian connection/origin, with genetic data
supporting multiple colonization events from South Asia. This is a reasonableproposition considering the close proximity to the continental region, which also, as
documented in Chapter Three, witnessed large volumes of maritime traffic. The date
at which Divehi diverged from a Prakrit language is more contentious, although
historical linguistics highlight an Indo-Aryan origin. Nonetheless, the antiquity ofhuman arrival in the Maldives is still a source of speculation, largely owing to thesmall number of sites and questionable reliability of radiocarbon dates from early
investigations.

In Chapter Five, major issues with the existing radiocarbon corpus were discussed,
especially a reliance on determinations made on unidentified charcoal specimens andmarine shell dates which have not been calibrated with a regional correction value.
My research resulted in a new chronology that incorporated 14C dates on short-lived
wood species (carbonized Cocos nucifera nut shell) and an explicit shell calibrationthat used a ΔR of 138 +/- 64 yrs (Southon et al. 2002). The earliest reliable age wasobtained from Nilandhoo Foamathi in the lowest excavated layer from Trench 4(XU11), dating to 249–393cal CE (95.4%) (Wk-30394). This represents the oldest
record of human occupation in the Maldives, therefore providing a new terminus post
quem for human colonization of the islands.
The early 14C result from a central site—Nilandhoo Foamathi—was older than results
obtained from the north-central site of Kuruhinna Tharaagadu. The islands formed
earlier than the dates obtained (e.g., Kench et al. 2009), so colonization may well haveoccurred earlier (as outlined in Chapter Four). It is also likely that the northern atolls
closest to the continental region were colonized first. This proposition needs to betested archaeologically and emphasizes the need for further excavations and betterradiocarbon dating of sites in the Maldives. This is especially the case for the northernatolls above the Maldives in the Lakshadweep (or the southern atolls of the Maldives)
where

no

detailedarchaeological

work

has

been

conducted.

Further,248

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palaeoenvironmental data would be useful in refining the timing of human arrival(Kirch and Ellison 1994; Stevenson et al. 2001; Anderson 2002).

10.2.2 Major World Religions in the archipelago
The dispersal of major world religions throughout the Indian Ocean and the Maldives
was discussed in both Chapters Three and Four. However, this research contributes
further insight through new 14C dates and analysis of material culture. The refinedradiocarbon chronology not only provides the oldest reliable date yet obtained from
the Maldives, but it also relates to the early presence of Buddhism in the archipelago.

Radiocarbon dates for Buddhism in the Maldives are expected to occur later than thosefor Buddhism in adjacent continental regions. For example, the birthplace of Buddha
at Lumbini in Nepal is dated to the 6th century BCE (Coningham et al. 2013);
however, the earliest dispersal of brick and stone structures throughout the South
Asian region is usually attributed to the later period of Emperor Asoka (274–232 BC)(Coningham et al. 2013). It has been stipulated in textual sources that the expansion
of Buddhism to the Maldives occurred during the period of Asoka; however, no dated
Buddhist sites in the islands yet correlate to this period.

This research documented four Buddhist sites where ritual aspects have been
discerned, including the use of stupas, and reliquaries within stupas in addition to thepresence of baths and the use of tortoise bone on a platform at Kuruhinna Tharaagadu(Mikkelsen 2000). These practices all conform to known Buddhist traditions on themainland. Furthermore, caches of money cowry at Buddhist period sites potentiallyrepresent an offering to the monastery, which agrees with the widespread South Asianpractice of donation (Fogelin 2006). Interestingly, many of the early Maldivian coralstone carvings depict ‘crude’ Buddhist symbols and images, when compared to thoseon the mainland suggesting that they have been manufactured by novice-carvers or theislanders were not attempting to replicate the intricate architecture present on themainland during the start of the cowry extraction phase. The presence of simple dome
votive stupa shapes at all sites indicates limited investment in carving during the early
period (see Chapter Eight). This contrasts with the intricate coral-stone carvings
present in the Maldives subsequent to the arrival of Islam, which is evidence forgreater artisanal investment in religious carving.
249

-CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSIONS-No Islamic sites have been radiocarbon dated (i.e. mosques), nor were they
investigated in this research. However, the date when Buddhist havitha sites wereintentionally covered is a marker of Islamization at particular locales. Radiocarbon
dating of the fill of Feature 1 at Nilandhoo Foamathi returned a date of 1170–1423 cal
CE (95.4%) (T-5575). This is slightly later than the date provided by the epigraphic
Isdhoo Loamafanu (1153 CE), indicating that the transition from Buddhism to Islam
may not have been synchronous across all parts of the Maldives, this is confirmed inhistorical sources.

Although Hinduism is often cited as an early religion in the Maldives there is noconclusive evidence for it in the form of religious scripts or linga statues (RomeroFrías 1999; Gippert 2015). The absence of Hinduism noted by other researchers is
supported by the lack of Hindu artefacts at all sites investigated in this research.

10.2.3 Trade and exchange
Previous studies on Maldivian trade have relied heavily on textual sources particularly
those related to the export of cowry shell and coir rope. Much of the material culture
analyzed from the excavated and surveyed sites was traded into the Maldives and theprovenance of this imported material provided new insight into trade between theMaldives and surrounding areas.

The most conspicuous is the ubiquitous presence of Indian earthenwares (i.e. PIW) at
all sites in both Buddhist and Islamic period contexts. Many of the vessels showed
evidence of sooting and were cooking pots (handis). There were also a large numberof storage jars. The volume of these earthenwares at Maldivian archaeological sites
indicates that these vessels were frequently used and replaced suggesting that they
were a regular trade item. Other materials present at Maldivian sites were also
manufactured in India, such as beads, glass, metals and stone artefacts. All finewares
or higher status ceramics were present in smaller quantities and most were
manufactured in regions further afield such as China and Western Asia.

250

Figure 10.1 Summary Diagram: The Early Human Occupation of the MaldivesCredit: Mirani Litster

-CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSIONS-

Such evidence of trade and exchange provides us with information about the sourceof material culture but does not necessarily identify which groups were responsible fortrade nor the process (e.g. direct importation or the collection of cargo from entrepôts).
The large volumes of South Indian PIW at archaeological sites supports a major South
Indian export locality, which agrees with the historical record where cowry shellexchange into the Southern Indian markets is documented. This data also supports
longstanding trade with India with the inclusion of high-status objects from East Asia
and West Asia forming a small proportion of the ceramic assemblage. These highstatus ceramics may have been imported as a product of direct or down-the-line trade,
although the historical record suggests that Maldivians were not partial to foreign
traders in the atolls and preferred to travel to India and select the items required(Romero-Frías 1999).

Travelogues also document the presence of Arab traders in the Maldives in the postBuddhist era. The recovery of Rattus rattus remains at archaeological sites in theregion has been linked to the presence of Arab traders, who were thought to be theprimary movers of the commensal. Rat bone (likely Rattus rattus) was recovered from
Maldivian archaeological sites mainly in the post-Islamic period, providing a very
tentative archaeological link to their contact with the archipelago.

10.2.4 Subsistence strategies
The faunal remains analyzed in Chapter Seven provide insight into early subsistence
strategies that have previously only been identified from ethnographic and historicalsources. Faunal data indicates a reliance on fishing, with only small quantities of othervertebrate fauna. The major fish taxon represented in the analysis belonged to the
Scombridae family, which was associated with both the Buddhist and Islamic periods
and agrees with ethnographic data, suggesting a continued practice related to apreference for tuna and/or bonito. In the Islamic period a more diverse range of fish
were taken, including species from the reef area particularly Scaridae, Lethrinidae andLutjanidae. Evidence for the processing and consumption of fish was also recoveredfrom Nilandhoo Foamathi. Minimal quantities of bird bone were found, with one
likely chicken bone recovered from the recent Islamic period at Nilandhoo Foamathi.

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Unusually, for a remote island group there was no evidence for the consumption ofmarine molluscs at any of the investigated sites with the majority of shells fromarchaeological deposits from Monetaria moneta used for commercial and religious
transactions. Shell middens have been recorded in the Maldives and it would be of
benefit to study these sites further to gain insight into the consumption of molluscs.
Evidence for other types of foraging or hunting is similarly limited. Furthermore, alack of archaeobotanical studies in the region inhibits our understanding of early
agriculture in the Maldives, with unsubstantiated inferences drawn from theethnographic record, such as the model of early taro consumption proposed by MunchPetersen (1982) and discussed in Chapter Four. Problems in using historical references
to infer the presence and type of early agriculture in the Maldives were highlighted in
Chapter Four, and new archaeobotanical research is needed to resolve this issue.

10.2.5 Export of cowry shell money
Finds of Monetaria moneta outside of the Maldives date from the second millennium
BCE in North China and to younger periods in mainland Southeast Asia, West Africa
and India (Ray 2003). However, not all of these shells have necessarily derived from
the Maldives, especially those recovered in China, which may well have been sourced
from adjacent areas where the species also exist.

Mikkelsen's (2000) model of Maldivian occupation posits that the islands were
initially colonized to facilitate the Buddhist exploitation of cowry shell.

This

proposition is very reasonable owing to the inhospitable nature of the islands,
especially when compared to adjacent regions (i.e. Sri Lanka and India) and also, as
can be seen in Fig. 10.1, on current evidence the export of cowry was coincident withthe early colonization period. The Buddhist sites examined in this research contain
substantial deposits of cowry shell money, supporting an association between
Buddhist occupants and shell money. Also, the intentional marking of a cowry shellin the earliest cultural layer at Nilandhoo Foamathi suggests that the cowry shell wasof significance to early Maldivians, as this can be considered a decorative or ritual
action. The Islamicization which occurred later, may have been a passive outcome ofincreased trade in the region, or it might have been directly related to control the cowry
resource in the island chain, a subject that requires further investigation.
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The direct and indirect dating of cowry shell deposits in this research is especiallysignificant in that it provides a new terminus post quem for the processing of cowryshell money in the Maldives. The earliest historical records for shell money export
occur during the ninth century and were composed by Arab traders—thearchaeological evidence presented in Chapters Five and Seven predates this period
substantially. Context dates for cowry shell money deposits are older than direct shellages, and were obtained from Nilandhoo Foamathi (XU 10, Feature 4). These shell
deposits were located between layers dated to 249–393 cal CE and 552–647 cal CE.
These results confirm that Maldivians were processing and exporting cowry shell fromthe early Buddhist period and were likely exporting cowry into India initially for local
distribution. The African archaeological record supports a later distribution of
Maldivian cowry from India into Africa, where it was prized in lieu of the local ring
cowry when it became known as ‘small Maldives’. It is also possible that Maldivian
cowry was exported to China in an intermediate phase of shell money use in East Asia,with a more local initial source.

10.2.6 Summary
As shown in Figure 10.1 radiocarbon dates indicate that the Maldives have been
occupied from at least the third century CE, although it is reasonable to assume, given
the relatively small amount of archaeological and palaeoenvironmental work, thatolder sites exist. The earliest dates also coincide with the first evidence for Buddhism
in the archipelago and the archaeological record highlights that Maldivian Buddhism
was heavily influenced by Sri Lankan and Indian practice. Islam was introduced in thetwelfth century CE although the radiocarbon dates from Nilandhoo Foamathi support
the historical record in that they indicate that this process did not occur synchronously
throughout the archipelago. Early subsistence strategies included a reliance on fishing,with the archaeological record reinforcing the ethnographic record and finally, it is
proposed here that shell money was exported from the Maldives prior to the period
documented in the historical record (i.e. the ninth century), with evidence ofprocessing and local circulation dating from between 249–393 cal CE and 552–647
cal CE, where it has been found in Buddhist site contexts.

254

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10.3 How does remote island use reflect globalization?
What motivates island colonization is often difficult to discern and is especiallydifficult to understand in prehistory (Anderson 2006). Remote islands are inherently
difficult environments to negotiate as they are distant from major landmasses and canbe devoid of many natural resources found in continental settings. Human populations
colonizing islands confront considerable challenges, including new and often
threatening environments, requiring niche shifts—the founding population have tosurvive a ‘stochastic risk of extinction’ to survive (Keegan and Diamond 1987). The
natural boundaries presented by islands have also resulted in the study of islands ascultural and biological laboratories (MacArthur and Wilson 1967; Terrell 1977;
Keegan and Diamond 1987). Keegan and Diamond (1987) suggest that:

If nothing were known about the actual history of island colonization bypeople, it might logically be assumed to have preceded as follows:
1. Close islands were colonized before distant islands;
2. Big islands were colonized before small islands;
3. Islands were colonized by peoples closest to them, or at least by thepeoples with easiest

access, taking winds and currents into account;and,
4. Technologically more advanced peoples reached islands earlier, or
reached more distant islands, than technologically less advanced
peoples.

This hypothetical model can be challenged as the historical occupation of many islands
does not follow the logical sequence proposed. For example, Samoa in the Pacific wassettled around 1,500 years prior to the much larger and less-remote island ofMadagascar in the Indian Ocean (Dahl 1951). As Keegan and Diamond (1987) point
out, why were Hawaii and Easter Island settled by people with origins in distantSoutheast Asia, and not the Americas to which they are closer? The known humanhistory of island settlement has long put pay to deductive ‘too-neat’ models that focus
only on physical variables, suggesting it is necessary to also look at alternatives, suchas the cultural processes that might impel large population movements, particularly
those involved in globalization.
255

-CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSIONS-

Despite studies such as Guebourg’s (2006) Petit iles et archipels de l’Ocean Indien,
remote island colonization and history is understudied in Indian Ocean research. The
number of islands or island groups identified in the Indian Ocean exceeds 64, withmany of these considered ‘remote’ and dependent territories. This is particularly so in
the Western Indian Ocean, where the legacy of the seventeenth century French
expansion remains in Mayotte, Kerguelen Islands, Bassas da India, Europa Island,
Glorioso Islands, Juan de Novo, Réunion and Banc du Geyser, among others.

The Maldives are currently a Republic although historically they have not been
divorced from the effects of imperialism. As described in Chapter Four, there was abrief period of Portuguese rule during the sixteenth century. The Dutch supplanted thePortuguese in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in the mid-seventeenth century and consequently
gained control over the adjacent Maldivian archipelago. The British soon took powerin Ceylon, also resulting in the control in the Maldives; however, internal
administration of the Maldivian islands was regulated by Islamic state law.

As seen in Chapter Nine, a surge of interaction in the Indian Ocean coincided with theearly phase of Maldivian occupation and the presence of a global culture in thearchipelago. This was detailed in Chapter Nine but is most apparent through thepresence of Buddhism. A subsequent phase of surging interaction occurred during theIslamic period, which involved Arab trade expansion, but also coincided with theTransatlantic Slave Trade from the fifteenth century onwards. The colonization of theislands established in Section 10.2, highlights that on current evidence the Maldiveswere one of the first island groups to be occupied in the Indian Ocean with an initialsource population from South Asia and were occupied by Buddhists to exploit the
supplies of Monetaria moneta—a valuable commodity. It was also discussed in
Chapter Nine, that the dearth of valuable resources among other island groups (suchas Chagos, the Seychelles and Réunion) explains their later occupation.

In summary, it is argued here that remote islands are often occupied for specificpurposes during large expansion events. It has also been identified that thearchaeological signature for past globalizations will differ between island and256

-CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSIONScontinental environments—there will be no initial ‘build up’ phase in island contexts,
which is illustrated in the schematic in Chapter Nine (see Fig. 9.1). This model differsfrom what would be anticipated in continental contexts (see Fig. 2.3).

10.4 How does globalization impact ethnogenesis in remote island communities?
Ethnogenesis concerns ‘the processes, transformations, causes and politics of social
identity making’ (Weik 2014:292). Ethnic identity has been defined by Weber(1978:389) as a ‘belief in group affinity that is based on subjective beliefs or sharedcommon ancestry drawn from similarities of physical type or of customs of both … orof memories of colonization and migration’, with the genesis being a process of‘ethnomorphosis’. The colonization of islands is a phenomenon which results inpopulations adapting to new environmental conditions under which preconditioned
social behaviours and patterns are no longer relevant. Thus resulting in the formationof new identities (Voss 2008). The previous chapter established interaction surges andthe presence of global cultures in addition to defining several features concerning
ethnic identity as they relate to globalization.

It is apparent that Maldivian identity is very much tied to the local environment, forexample the term Divehi means ‘islander’ and the Fanditha custom associated with the‘King of the Winds’ exemplifies this. The significance of resources such as coconut
palms and tuna fishing is clear. If cultural transmission were thought to occur throughphylogenetic processes it would be anticipated that the majority of customs and ethnic
ties could be traced to India and Sri Lanka. However, if transmission occurredhorizontally, that is via reticulate processes, influences and customs from interactions
with East Africa, Arabia, India, Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia would be equallypresent. Neither of these scenarios explain Maldivian ethnogenesis.

The global cultures model outlined several aspects of Divehi identity. For example,
most customs are associated with the adjacent mainland, which includes the adoptionof particular cooking vessels (handi), and also the widespread dispersal of Buddhism
and its associated objects of material culture, such as reliquaries, stupas (havithas) andstone-carvings. However, other customs are associated with Arabia (Islamicization in
the twelfth century, modification of language), East Africa (carved stone mosques)
257

-CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSIONS-

and East Asia—the lacquer designs on handicrafts in the atolls is thought to be inspiredby Chinese porcelain designs (Munch-Petersen 1982).

Therefore, neither reticulate nor phylogenetic models fully explain the developmentof Maldivian culture. It is argued here that the process of globalization can account forthese transformations, through the exposure to a wide variety of influences, which
directed Maldivian practices away from a singularly South Asian manner of custom.
Distinctly Maldivian customs were also formed during the early colonization phase,with most of these apparently related to the island environment. Moreover, thecircumscribed environment resulted in rapid cultural uptake, such as the conversion to
Islam during the twelfth century, which was modified from international contexts tosuit the Maldivian archipelago.

10.5 Implications of the study and future directions
Previously, the Maldives have been sidelined in discussions of both Indian Ocean
world systems and globalization, which is a conspicuous absence owing to the large
scale export of one of the first global-commodities—cowry shell money. This study
has explored the Maldivian involvement in a larger system and also suggests that
remote island occupancy will often be motivated by resource extraction. As outlined
in Chapter One, cowry shell money has been used in a variety of contexts and its use
has a considerable time-depth. Because the occupation history of the Maldives is more
recent than early cowry shell money use in China, Maldivian cowries may havebecome integrated into pre-existing monetary systems. Here it is suggested, inagreement with Mikkelsen (2000), that Buddhist practitioners, who had alreadyexpanded to the higher latitude regions of China, settled the islands in order to exploit
the cowry for use in its intermediate phase of distribution.

This hypothesis also highlights why other remote islands in the Indian Ocean were notoccupied until recently—as they offered very little to Indian Ocean trading
communities. The settlement of remote islands during expansions in prehistory also
supports the idea that empires and other complex social formations expand throughremote nodes, and use these for diverse reasons such as penal colonies, strategic
outposts or to acquire materials not available in local contexts; extraversion is a258

-CHAPTER TEN: CONCLUSIONS-

consistent behaviour of empires. This can be seen in the Mediterranean, with the
Phoenician settlement of Malta during the first millennium BCE, which was colonized
for strategic purposes (Toynbee 1973).

The link between remote island occupation and the expansion of complex societies
would benefit from the study of other remote islands in the Indian Ocean. Firstly, thearchaeological sample needs to be increased to better explore this relationship, andalso to examine early surges of interaction. The research here presented a refined
chronology for Maldivian occupation, although higher resolution dating regimes need
to be put into practice. Moreover, sites in the northern and southern atolls need to be
included in the discussion to start filling archaeological gaps related to Maldivian
colonization. The model adopted here is qualitative and engages a flexible approachto a very variable set of conditions and it would also be beneficial to study the impactsof globalization during the same expansion events on the mainland—India—to better
establish the effects of insularity on globalization processes.

In conclusion, this thesis finds that the Maldives were settled because of the abundanceof natural resources—Monetaria moneta. The established tradition of shell money use
in East Asian contexts likely provided impetus for Indian Ocean communities toextract the resource elsewhere, which may have been a primary driver for thecolonization of the Maldives by a Buddhist founding population. During the twomillennia after colonization, the isolated environmental conditions acting in concert
with the forces of globalization resulted in a unique Maldivian society in the Indian
Ocean.

259

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