Department of Linguistic Theory and Structure
National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics኱Ꮫඹྠ฼⏝ᶵ㛵ἲேே㛫ᩥ໬◊✲ᶵᵓ ᅜ❧ᅜㄒ◊✲ᡤ⌮ㄽ࣭ᵓ㐀◊✲⣔ 㡿ᇦᣦᐃᆺࣉࣟࢪ࢙ࢡࢺ

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty: Studies in
the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntaxゝㄒࡢᬑ㐢ᛶཬࡧከᵝᛶࢆྖࡿ⏕ᚓⓗไ⣙㸸᪥ᮏㄒ⋓ᚓ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃᐇド◊✲

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35()$&(This project aims for collaborative research on the adult syntax and first language
acquisition of Japanese from the perspective of Generative Grammar advanced
by Noam Chomsky. The unifying theme is the issues concerning the initial andintermediate states of grammatical knowledge. The acquisition processes ofknowledge on syntactic structures, syntactic operations and Case marking,among others, are examined to provide an explanation based on the properties of
Universal Grammar. Although the project deals with Japanese, it is comparativein orientation, as empirical evidence from the syntax and acquisition of otherlanguages is considered in the analysis.
:HDUHSOHDVHGWRSXEOLVKWKHUHSRUWRIWKHUHVHDUFKSURMHFWHQWLWOHG³Linguistic
Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty: Studies in the Acquisitionof Japanese DQG3DUDPHWULF6\QWD[´7KLV research report consists of ten papers
that members of the project wrote on the theme during the grant period. Some ofthem initially appeared in Nanzan Linguistics because we pursued our project of
NINJAL in close collaboration with the Center for Linguistics at Nanzan
University and in conjunction with its comparative syntax project. Some werereprinted from proceedings of international conferences and journals. All of thempresent research that was discussed extensively since its inception in our project
meetings. Those project meetings, which took place at NINJAL, Nanzan
University and Kobe University, served as indispensable forums to exchange
ideas, not only within the project but also with the larger research community,
and to develop our research substantially.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank the faculty and staff members at
NINAL, without whose help this project would have been impossible, inparticular, Taro Kageyama, Haruo Kubozono and Junko Yoneda. Sincere thanks
go to the researchers, Mamoru Saito, Koji Sugisaki, Hideki Kishimoto, Tomomi
Nakatani (2010-2013), Daiko Takahashi (2011-2013), Yoichi Miyamoto, Yuji
Takano, Hiroaki Tada, Tomo Fujii and Kensuke Takita (2013). I would also liketo acknowledge that the project not only provided practical training to our
graduate students but also benefitted greatly from their help.

Keiko Murasugi-i-Chapter 1: Ellipsis(๐㝖᧯స࡜ࡑࡢ⋓ᚓ)









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24
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26
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On the Unavailablity of NP-Ellipsis
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98- Case,
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114
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CASE CHECKING/VALUATION IN JAPANESE: MOVE, AGREE OR MERGE? *Mamoru Saito
Nanzan University

1. Introduction
Case marking in Japanese has been investigated within the generative framework sincethe 1960’s, and various proposals have been made, reflecting the development of syntactic
theory. Over a decade, Chomsky (2000, 2008) has been pursuing an approach to associate
Case with -feature agreement. According to this approach, nominative, for example, obtains
as in (1).

(1)

Agree
T { : __ } [ … DP {, Case: __} …]
Value

T, with unvalued -features, probes and enters into Agree relation with a DP with an unvalued
Case feature. As a result of this Agree relation, T obtains the values for its -features from the
DP and values the Case of the DP as nominative. This approach, too, has been applied toJapanese with some fruitful results in works such as Ura (1999), Hiraiwa (2001a) and
Takahashi (2010).
Particularly noteworthy in the light of this approach is the fact that PPs are Case marked
extensively in Japanese. For example, (1) is an example of a “tough-sentence” with anominative PP subject.
(2)

Koko-kara-ga
huzi-san-ni nobori-yasu-i
here-from-NOM Mt. Fuji-DAT climb-easy-Pres‘It is easy to climb Mt. Fuji from here.’

PPs are required to have genitive Case within a projection of N, as the examples in (3) show.

* This is a shortened version of the paper presented at the GLOW in Asia Workshop for Young
Scholars, held on September 7–9, 2011 at Mie University. The material was presented also in seminars
at Keio University, University of Connecticut and University of Maryland, and in a workshop at
Nanzan University. I would like to thank the audiences at these places, especially, Hisatsugu Kitahara,
Hideki Kishimoto, Norbert Hornstein and eljko Bokovi, for helpful comments. The research
reported here was supported in part by the Nanzan University Pache Research Grant I-A (2011).
Nanzan Linguistics 8, 109–127©2012 Mamoru Saito

Linguistic Variations Nanzan
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a. Taroo-no oya-e-noizon
Taroo-GEN parents-to-GEN dependence‘Taroo’s dependence on his parents’b. ziyuu-kara-no
toohi
freedom-from-GEN escape‘escape from freedom’

As PPs, as opposed to DPs, apparently lack -features, it is not obvious how Chomsky’s
approach can be extended to them.
It should be noted that whether the Case markers on PPs are indeed Case in the usual
sense has been controversial. As (4) shows, any DP or PP in a projection of N (and D)
accompanies no whether it is an argument or an adjunct.
(4)

Hanako-no kinoo-no
kaze-de-no
kessekiHanako-GEN yesterday-GEN cold-with-GEN absence‘Hanako’s absence yesterday due to a cold’

Okutsu (1974) proposes that the no attached to PPs and adjunct DPs is the prenominal form of
the copula da as opposed to the genitive no. Watanabe (2010) assumes a similar distinction,
calling the former no a ‘linker’. On the other hand, An (2009) discusses the Koreancounterpart of no, uy, and proposes that it is a kind of a prenominal inflection in all contexts,
and consequently, that Korean does not have genitive Case in the usual sense. The basic idea
is that the uy/no on PPs and adjunct DPs should be accounted for as a prenominal marker, andonce this is done, the account should automatically extend to argument DPs as well.
In this paper, I basically follow An’s (2009) approach, although I continue to call no thegenitive Case since I think the issue is merely terminological. This is after all the traditional
analysis: Bedell (1972) presents an analysis where no is inserted after any prenominal DP and
PP. As this approach does not differentiate no on argument DPs from that on PPs, it implies
that genitive in Japanese is independent of -feature agreement. In this paper, I extend An’s
proposal and suggest that Case in Japanese is in general part of the operation, Merge, instead.
Just as Case in English is required for Agree and is valued through Agree, I suggest that Casein Japanese is required for Merge and is valued through Merge. For no, for example, I proposethat Case is required on DPs and PPs for merger with a nominal projection, and is valued as
genitive through merger with N-D.
In the following section, I briefly discuss the distribution and interpretation of
nominative objects and show that it is desirable to seek an alternative to the Agree-based
analysis for this case also. In Section 3, I introduce the Merge-based analysis and illustrate itwith some concrete examples. In Section 4, I discuss some consequences of the analysis. I
first show that the analysis allows a rather straightforward account of the distribution of

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Case Checking/Valuation
Japanese
Saito) (M. Saito)

genitive arguments in prenominal sentential modifiers. Then, I argue that it opens up a way toapply Kayne’s (1994) LCA to Japanese and derive the head-finality of its phrase structure.
Section 5 concludes the paper.
2. A Little Historical Background on the Analysis of Nominative Objects
In Japanese, the object is normally in accusative as in (5a), but carries nominative Case
when the predicate is stative. (5b) is a representative example.1(5)

a. Taroo-ga
wani-o/*-gatabe-ta (koto)
Taroo-NOM alligator-ACC/-NOM eat-Past fact‘(the fact that) Taroo ate alligator meat’b. Hanako-ni/-ga
bakudai-na syakkin-ga/*-o ar-u
(koto)
Hanako-DAT/-NOM immense debt-NOM/-ACC have-Pres fact‘(the fact that) Hanako has a huge debt’c. Taroo-ga
wani-o/-gatabe-rare-ru (koto)
Taroo-NOM alligator-ACC/-NOM eat-can-Pres fact‘(the fact that) Taroo can eat alligator meat’

As the predicate in (5c) consists of the non-stative tabe ‘eat’ and the stative verbal suffix(rar)e ‘can’, the object can be in either accusative or nominative. The distribution andinterpretation of nominative objects as in (5b–c) have been a central topic of research inJapanese syntax, especially in the past twenty years. In this section, I first discuss the
movement analysis of Tada (1992) and Koizumi (1999), and then go over Ura’s (1999)
Agree-based analysis. Both approaches have provided much insight into the phenomenon, but
I argue that neither of them is satisfactory.
2.1. Tada and Koizumi’s Overt Movement Analysis
Tada’s (1992) discussion of the contrast in (6), originally observed in Sano (1985), has
renewed interest in Japanese nominative objects among syntacticians.
(6)

a. Kiyomi-wa migime-dake-otumur-e-ru (can > only)
Kiyomi-TOP right.eye-only-ACC close-can-Pres‘Kiyomi can wink with her right eye.’1

Some predicates allow the subject to be in dative when the object is in nominative. Ar ‘be, have’ in(5b) is one of them.

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b. Kiyomi-wa migime-dake-ga
tumur-e-ru (only > can)Kiyomi-TOP right.eye-only-NOM close-can-Pres‘It is only her right eye that Kiyomi can close.’
It had been assumed that Case on the object has little effect, if any, on interpretation, but theseexamples indicate that nominative objects take wider scope than accusative objects. The
accusative object in (6a) scopes under the higher predicate e ‘can’ but the nominative object
in (6b) scopes over it.2 Tada proposed that this is because accusative is checked within the
projection of the verb tumur ‘close’ while the nominative is licensed within the projection of
the stative verbal affix e ‘can’. According to his analysis, the nominative object in (6b) moves
as in (7) and hence, takes wide scope over e ‘can’.3(7)[TP Kiyomi-wa [T’ [VP [V’ [VP right.eye-only-NOM close]-can]]-Pres.]]

Koizumi (1998), on the other hand, observes that nominative objects take yet higher
scope than predicted by Tada’s analysis. He shows that nominative objects even scope overnegation as in (8).
(8)

Kiyomi-ga
migime-dake-ga
tumur-e-na-i(koto) (only > not > can)Kiyomi-NOM right-eye-only-NOM close-can-Neg-Pres fact‘(the fact that) it is only her right eye that Kiyomi cannot close’

He then proposes that nominative objects are licensed within the projection of T as in (9).
(9)[TP Kiyomi-wa [T’ [T’ [NegP [VP [VP right.eye-only-NOM close]-can]-Neg]-Pres.]]]Koizumi’s analysis is attractive as it implies that nominative is licensed uniformly by T
whether it is on the subject or on the object. However, it shares a problem with Tada’s
analysis, to which I now turn.
The problem is that the movement operation illustrated in (7) and (9) does not observe
the locality expected of NP-movement.4 Let us first consider the example of causative in (10)because the point can be best illustrated with this construction.
2

Nomura (2005) presents some examples in which nominative objects seem to scope under e ‘can’and questions the Sano-Tada generalization. However, as the pattern in (6) is observed quite generally,
I believe it reflects a hierarchical relation in phrase structure as Tada proposed. See Takahashi (2010)
for an analysis based on the assumption that nominative objects can take narrow scope.
3

Tada (1992) assumes the AGR-based Case theory and proposes that the nominative object moves to
the Spec position of AGR projected over e ‘can’. I present a simplified version of his analysis here.

4

For a more detailed discussion on this point, see Saito (1982) and the references cited there.

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Case Checking/Valuation
Japanese
Saito) (M. Saito)(10)

Hanakoi-ga [vP Tarooj-ni [VP zibuni,j-no wani-otabe]]-sase-ta (koto)
Hanako-NOM Taroo-DAT self-GEN alligator-ACC eat-make-Past fact‘(the fact that) Hanako made Taroo eat her/his (pet) alligator’

It has been known since Kuroda (1965) that the causative morpheme sase takes a clausal
complement. (10) confirms this. The causee Taroo can be the antecedent of the subjectoriented reflexive zibun, and hence, it should be the subject of the embedded clause. I assume
that the clausal complement is a vP, following Murasugi and Hashimoto (2004). The
hypothesis is further confirmed by the fact that the object cannot be passivized out of acausative complement as shown in (11).
(11) * wani-gai
Hanako-niyotte [vP Tarooj-ni [VP ti tabe]]-sase-rare-ta(koto)
alligator-NOM Hanako-by
Taroo-DAT
eat-make-Passive-Past fact
‘Lit. (the fact that) the alligator was made by Hanako to be eaten by Taroo’
This is expected as the movement crosses the embedded subject Taroo in violation ofminimality.
Let us return to nominative objects with this background. As shown in (12), the object in
the causative construction can be in nominative when the potential suffix (rar)e ‘can’ isattached to the causative verb.
(12)tabe]]-sase-rare-ru (koto)
Hanako-ga[vP Taroo-ni [VP wani-o/-ga
Hanako-NOM Taroo-DAT alligator-ACC/-NOM eat-make-can-Past fact‘(the fact that) Hanako can make Taroo eat alligator meat’

This is totally unexpected under the movement analysis of nominative objects. According toKoizumi’s (1998) analysis, for example, the nominative object in (12) must move to the innerSpec of T to have its Case licensed. But then, the movement should violate minimality exactly
as in the case of (11). The same problem arises with Tada’s analysis because the nominative
object must move across the embedded subject in order to land within the projection of (rar)e‘can’.
Koizumi (1998), as noted above, demonstrated that nominative objects take scope overnegation and argued that this is because their Case is licensed by T. The discussion above,
however, indicates that they do not move to a Spec position of T. These considerations
naturally lead to the hypothesis that T values nominative through the operation Agree. In thenext subsection, I consider Ura’s (1999) Agree-based analysis.
2.2. Ura’s Analysis with Covert Feature Movement/Agree
To my knowledge, Ura (1999) is one of the first works that propose an analysis of

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nominative objects in terms of Agree.5 He first argues against Koizumi’s (1998) movement
analysis based on examples of the following kind:(13)

Hanakoi-ni/-ga
Tarooj-ga zibuni,*j-no ie-desikar-e-ru(koto)
Hanako-DAT/-NOM Taroo-NOM self-GEN house-at scold-can-Pres fact‘(the fact that) Hanako can scold Taroo at her/*his house’

This example shows that a nominative object does not qualify as the antecedent for the
subject-oriented zibun ‘self’. However, Koizumi’s analysis predicts that it should if subject isdefined as a phrase in TP Spec. Ura concludes then that nominative objects do not move to a
position within the projection of T.6
Ura, then, goes on to propose that T checks the Case feature of nominative objects
through Agree. This predicts that nominative objects stay in situ, and hence, readily accountsfor (12), where a nominative object appears in the complement of a causative verb. But a
problem remains with the scope property of nominative objects. Koizumi’s crucial example in(8) is repeated below as (14).
(14)

Kiyomi-ga
migime-dake-ga
tumur-e-na-i(koto) (only > not > can)Kiyomi-NOM right-eye-only-NOM close-can-Neg-Pres fact‘(the fact that) it is only her right eye that Kiyomi cannot close’

For this, Ura suggests that the Agree relation yields the wide scope of the object. As T
licenses the nominative Case on the object, the object takes scope at T.
However, it is shown in Lasnik and Saito (1991) that Agree relation does not affectscope. The examples in (15) demonstrate this.
(15)

a. Fewer than five knightsi [VP appeared ti at the gate] every day(fewer than five > every, every > fewer than five)b. There [VP appeared fewer than five knights at the gate] every day(every > fewer than five)In (15a), fewer than five knights moves from the object position to TP Spec. Thus, theexample exhibits a scope ambiguity between this DP and every day. In (15b), on the other
hand, T enters into Agree relation with the DP, but the DP stays in situ. In this case, it cannot
scope over every day. This shows that Agree does not suffice to account for the wide scope
5

His analysis appeals to covert feature movement. But it is equivalent to Agree as covert feature
movement was in effect reanalyzed as Agree in Chomsky (2000).

6Note that examples like (10) indicate that the antecedent of zibun is not limited to phrases in TP Spec.
Hence, it is necessary to reexamine what constitutes “subjects” in the relevant sense to see if thisargument goes through. See Saito (2011) for relevant discussion.

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Case Checking/Valuationin Japanese: in
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Agree(M.
or Merge?
Case Checking/Valuation
Japanese
Saito) (M. Saito)

property of Japanese nominative objects.
3. A Preliminary Merge-Based Analysis of Japanese Case
It was argued in the preceding section that neither movement nor Agree successfully
captures the distribution and interpretation of nominative objects. In this section, I suggest analternative Merge-based analysis. In Section 3.1, I motivate the general approach. Then, in
Section 3.2, I present the details of the analysis with some concrete examples.
3.1. What is Japanese Case for?
Chomsky (2000) proposes that Case is a reflex of -feature agreement. Case is required
on a DP to participate in agreement and is checked through the agreement. This is embedded
in a system with feature-inheritance in Chomsky (2008). It is proposed there that phase heads
are the locus of unvalued/uninterpretable features. Thus, C, for example, carries -features
and the EPP, and transmits them to T as illustrated in (16).
(16)[ C{, EPP} [TP DP [ T [vP DP{Case} ….

T, then, probes a DP with unvalued Case feature and enters into Agree relation with the DP.
The -features on T are valued by the DP and the Case feature on the DP is valued asnominative by T through this Agree relation. Finally, the EPP on T raises the DP to its Spec.
Thus, Case is required for -feature agreement and is valued through -feature agreement.
However, as noted at the outset of this paper, Case is observed on PPs extensively inJapanese. The relevant examples in (2) and (3a) are repeated below as (17a–b).
(17)

a. Koko-kara-ga
huzi-san-ni nobori-yasu-i
here-from-NOM Mt. Fuji-DAT climb-easy-Pres‘It is easy to climb Mt. Fuji from here.’b. Taroo-no oya-e-noizon
Taroo-GEN parents-to-GEN dependence‘Taroo’s dependence on his parents’

The nominative Case in (17a) and the genitive Case on PP in (17b) cannot be a reflex of feature agreement as PPs do not carry -features. Then, what is Japanese Case for if it is notpart of -feature agreement?
Since the only operations in Minimalist syntax are Agree and Merge, Merge is a
plausible candidate. That is, if Case is not a precondition for a phrase to participate in Agree,
it is likely to be required of a phrase to participate in Merge. For genitive Case, this is in fact a
restatement of An’s (2009) idea noted above that genitive is a kind of prenominal inflection.

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The initial hypothesis can be stated as in (18).
(18)

a. Case is required on DPs and PPs for merger with N and D.
b. Case is required on argument DPs for merger with V and A.
c. Case is required on argument DPs and PPs for merger with v.

(18b–c) stipulate that an argument PP must have a Case in a sentence only when it is a subject
as in (17a).
If Case in Japanese is required for Merge, it seems equally plausible that it is valued bythis operation. Let us then hypothesize that Case is valued through Merge as in (19).
(19)

a. Case is valued as nominative by merger with T-C.
b. Case is valued as accusative by merger with (transitive) V-v.
c. Case is valued as genitive by merger with N-D.

If the locus of nominative is C and it is inherited by T, this yields a more or less standard
derivation for examples like (20a).
(20)

a. Taroo-ga
hasir-uTaroo-NOM run-Pres‘Taroo runs.’b. [CP [TP Taroo-Casei [T’ [vP ti [[VP hasir ] v]] T]] C]As Taroo carries Case, it can be merged at vP Spec for thematic interpretation. The Case,however, is not valued at this position. The DP then must move and merge at TP Spec for theCase to be valued nominative.
If this mechanism is assumed as is, it leads to a notational variant of Koizumi’s (1998)
analysis for nominative objects. They must carry Case to be merged at the object position forthematic interpretation. If the V-v in the relevant cases lacks the ability to value accusative,
they must move to TP Spec to have their Case valued as nominative. But it was shown in thepreceding section that they do not move to TP Spec. It seems then that we have a paradox.
Nominative objects must be merged with T but they do not move to TP Spec. In the following
section, I suggest a way out of this problem, developing Shimada (2007) and Tonoike’s(2009) hypothesis on phrase structure building.
3.2. Phrase Structure Building with Excorporation
Shimada (2007) and Tonoike (2009) propose an original way to derive phrase structure.
For clauses, they assume that the derivation starts with a complex of heads, C-T-v-V. If theverb is transitive, the object merges with this complex as in the first step of (21).

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or Merge?
Case Checking/Valuation
Japanese
Saito) (M. Saito)(21)

C-T-v-V {C-T-v-V, DP1} {C-T-v, {V, DP1}} {DP2, {C-T-v, {V, DP1}}}
 {C-T, {DP2, {v, {V, DP1}}}} {DP2, {C-T, {DP2, {v, {V, DP1}}}}} {C, {DP2, {C-T, {DP2, {v, {V, DP1}}}}}}
Then, C-T-v excorporates as in step 2, creating a vP. This vP merges with the subject DP instep 3, and C-T exporporates in step 4 to create a TP. The subject is internally merged withthis TP in step 5. The final product after the excorporation of C in step 6 is the CP structure.
Both Shimada and Tonoike propose this derivation to maintain the extension condition in
the strict form. Shimada argues that it allows head movement to observe the condition.
Tonoike, on the other hand, points out that the derivation of Chomsky (2008) illustrated in(16) forces a counter-cyclic movement of the subject to TP Spec. This problem does not arisein the derivation in (21).
The Shimada–Tonoike proposal is of particular interest in the present context because it
allows a nominative object to merge with T without moving to TP Spec. Recall the problem
noted in the preceding subsection: nominative is valued through merger with T but
nominative objects do not raise to TP Spec. In step 1 of (21), the object is directly mergedwith a complex that includes T as well as V. In the remainder of this section, I adapt theirmain idea and suggest a way to account for the distributions of Cases in Japanese.
First, I suggest that a head complex is formed initially because a derivation starts with aphase head and proceeds to satisfy selectional requirements. Let us take (22) to illustrate how
this works.
(22)

Hanako-ga
Taroo-osikat-ta
Hanako-NOM Taroo-ACC scold-Past‘Hanako scolded Taroo.’

As vP is the smallest phase in the example, the derivation starts with v. It first merges with V
as in (23a) because it selects for a V.
(23)

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.

{V, v} (accusative){DP1-ACC, {V, v}}{{DP1-ACC, V}, v}{DP2-Case, {{DP1-ACC, V}, v}}{T, C} (nominative){{DP2-Case, {{DP1-ACC, V}, v}}, {T, C}}{DP2-NOM, {{DP2-Case, {{DP1-ACC, V}, v}}, {T, C}}}{{DP2-NOM, {{DP2-Case, {{DP1-ACC, V}, v}}, T}}, C}

The object DP is merged in (23b) to satisfy the selectional requirement of V. As the merger isto V-v, the Case on the DP is valued as accusative. Then, v excorporates in (23c) to create a
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satisfies the selectional requirement of v in (23d).
The derivation moves on to the next phase in (23e). The phase head C selects T, andhence the T-C complex is formed. vP is merged with this complex in (23f) because of theselectional property of T. At this stage, the Case on the subject is still unvalued. So the subject
DP internally merges with {vP, {T, C}} as in (23g) so that the Case is valued as nominative.
The assumption here is that the Case on XP is valued if XP is merged with a syntactic object
that contains the value assigner. In the case of (23g), this in effect means that T-C values
nominative on XP in its Spec. Finally, C excorporates to complete the derivation in (23h).
The in-situ property of nominative objects follows with one additional assumption: I
assume, following Takahashi (2010), that v is a phase head if and only if it values accusative.
Let us consider (24) for illustration.
(24)

Hanako-ga
rosiago-ga
wakar-u(koto)
Hanako-NOM Russian-NOM understand-Pres fact‘(the fact that) Hanako understands Russian’As v in this example does not value accusative, it is not a phase head by assumption. Then,the derivation starts with the only phase head C as in (25a).
(25)

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.

{T, C} (nominative){v, {T, C}}{V, {v, {T, C}}}
{DP1-NOM, {V, {v, {T, C}}}}{{DP1-NOM, V}, {v, {T, C}}}
{DP2-NOM, {{DP1-NOM, V}, {v, {T, C}}}}{{DP2-NOM, {{DP1-NOM, V}, v}}, {T, C}}{DP2-NOM, {{DP2-NOM, {{DP1-NOM, V}, v}}, {T, C}}}{{DP2-NOM, {{DP2-NOM, {{DP1-NOM, V}, v}}, T}}, C}

The derivation proceeds as in (25b) and (25c) as T and v select v and V respectively. In (25d),the object is merged with this complex and the Case is valued as nominative simultaneously
because the complex contains T-C. Then, v-T-C excorporates in (25e) to yield a vP. The
external argument is merged with this vP in (25f), and its Case is valued as nominative. T-C
excorporates in (25g), and I assume here that the subject is raised to TP Spec as in (25h) tosatisfy the EPP requirement of T-C.7 Finally, C excorporates to complete the derivation in(25i). Note that the object is merged at the thematic position and its Case is valued asnominative at this position by T-C. Thus, this analysis allows nominative objects to have theirCases valued by T-C without moving to TP Spec, a desirable result.

7

Whether this EPP-triggered raising applies is not important for the proposal made here. See Saito(2011) and the references cited there for discussion on EPP in Japanese.

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The analysis readily extends to genitives. I use (26) to demonstrate this.
(26)

Taroo-no yooroppa-e-no ryokoo
Taroo-GEN Europe-to-GEN trip
‘Taroo’s trip to Europe’

The only phase head, I assume, is D. The derivation in (27) starts out with the merger of N
and D as in (27a).
(27)

a.
b.
c.
d.

{N, D} (genitive){PP-GEN, {N, D}}{DP-GEN, {PP-GEN, {N, D}}}{{DP-GEN, {PP-GEN, N}}, D}

Then, the PP and the subject DP are merged as in (27b) and (27c) respectively. Recall thatboth must have Case to be merged in this context as specified in (18a). And their Cases areboth valued as genitive because of the presence of N-D in the syntactic objects they merge
with. The derivation is completed with the excorporation of D in (27d).
The illustrations so far, I believe, made it clear how the proposed Merge-based analysis
works. Instead of going over more examples to demonstrate its empirical coverage, I discuss acouple of consequences of the analysis in the next section.
4. Some Consequences of the Merge-Based Analysis
I first consider the nominative/genitive alternation in prenominal sentential modifiers in
Section 4.1 and demonstrate that the Merge-based analysis allows a straightforward analysis.
Then, in Section 4.2, I return to the wide scope property of nominative objects and show thatits Merge-based analysis opens up a new way to apply Kayne’s (1994) LCA to Japanese.
4.1. The Nominative/Genitive Alternation
An alternation between nominative and genitive is observed in Japanese prenominal
sentential modifiers as in (28).
(28)

kik-e-rubasyoTaroo-ga/-no
ongaku-ga/-no
Taroo-NOM/-GEN music-NOM/-GEN listen-can-Pres place‘a place where Taroo can isten to music’As the predicate kik-e-ru ‘listen-can-Pres’ in the relative clause is stative, it is not surprisingthat the subject Taroo and the object ongaku ‘music’ can both appear in nominative. What is
peculiar is that both can appear in genitive as well.
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context because of the presence of the relative head, or more precisely, N-D.8 This implies
that a relative clause does not constitute a phase as it does not block the relevant relation
between the relative head and the genitive phrase(s) within the relative clause. This is
assumed, for example, in Ochi (2001), which proposes that D licenses the genitive(s) throughAgree.9 It is also plausible in the light of Murasugi’s (1991) proposal that Japanese relative
clauses are TPs and not CPs. For example, they never contain relative pronouns orcomplementizers. Given the hypothesis entertained here that nominative is valued by T-C,
Japanese relative clauses must be headed by C. I assume then that the C is “defective,”probably the lowest C, the Subject head, in Rizzi’s (1997) CP hierarchy. It is not a phase headbut participates in the valuation of nominative.
Given these assumptions, the nominative/genitive alternation in (28) follows from theMerge-based analysis outlined in the preceding section. (29) is a slightly simplified derivationof the example that takes kik-e ‘listen-can’ as a simple stative verb.
(29)a. {N, D} (genitive)b. {C, {N, D}}
c. {T, {C, {N, D}}} (nominative)10
d. {v, {T, {C, {N, D}}}}e. {V, {v, {T, {C, {N, D}}}}}
f. {DP1-NOM/GEN, {V, {v, {T, {C, {N, D}}}}}}
g. {{DP1-NOM/GEN, V}, {v, {T, {C, {N, D}}}}}
h. {DP2-NOM/GEN, {{DP1-NOM/GEN, V}, {v, {T, {C, {N, D}}}}}}
i. {{DP2-NOM/GEN, {{, V}, v}}, {T, {C, {N, D}}}},  = DP1-NOM/GEN
j. {DP2-NOM/GEN, {{DP2-NOM/GEN, {{, V}, v}}, {T, {C, {N, D}}}}}
k. {{DP2-NOM/GEN, {{DP2-NOM/GEN, {{, V}, v}}, T}}, {C, {N, D}}}l. {{{DP2-NOM/GEN, {{DP2-NOM/GEN, {{, V}, v}}, T}}, C}, {N, D}}
m. {{{{DP2-NOM/GEN, {{DP2-NOM/GEN, {{, V}, v}}, T}}, C}, N}, D}

The head complex V-v-T-C-N-D is formed in (29a–e). The object is merged in (29f), and its
Case can be valued as nominative or genitive as the head complex contains T-C as well as ND. v-T-C-N-D excorporates in (29g) and the subject DP is merged in (29h). Here too, the Caseof the subject can be valued as nominative or genitive for the same reason. (29i) shows the8

See Hiraiwa (2001b) for an alternative and Maki and Uchibori (2008) for discussion of the issues
related to this assumption.

9

Ochi (2001) actually proposes an analysis in terms of covert feature movement. But his analysis canbe readily restated in terms of Agree.

10Here, T and C are not directly merged. The tacit assumption here, informally speaking, is that C is
the head (or label) of  = {C, {N, D}} and hence, {T, } values nominative. Note that DP and V arethematically related, for example, in {DP, {V, v}}. Then, V must be “visible” to DP in thisconfiguration just as C is visible to T in {T, {C, {N, D}}}. I leave the precise formulation of“visibility” to future research.

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excorporation of T-C-N-D. The subject is internally merged to TP as in (29j) if this isrequired by the EPP. Three successive excorporations in (29k–m) complete the derivation.
This derivation demonstrates that once the defectiveness of C is assumed, which seems
necessary under any account, the nominative/genitive alternation follows from the Mergebased analysis of Japanese Case. A desirable consequence of this approach is that it
automatically explains the absence of genitive on PPs and adjunct DPs in prenominal
sentential modifiers. As noted above, genitive is required on adjunct DPs within simple DPs.
Another relevant example is shown in (30a).
(30)a. Hanako-no kinoo-*(no)ikisakiHanako-GEN yesterday-GEN destination‘Hanako’s destination yesterday’
it-ta
tokorob. Hanako-no kinoo-(*no)
Hanako-GEN yesterday-GEN go-Past place‘the place that Hanako went yesterday’

However, those DPs cannot be in genitive in relative clauses as (30b) shows. This follows
from the hypothesis that Case is required for Merge as in (18), repeated below in (31).
(31)

a. Case is required on DPs and PPs for merger with N/D.
b. Case is required on argument DPs for merger with V and A.
c. Case is required on argument DPs and PPs for merger with v.

The adjunct DP, kinoo ‘yesterday’, is merged with N in (30a) and hence, must carry Case.
The Case is valued as genitive by N-D. That in (30b), on the other hand, is merged with V. As
only argument DPs are required to have Case in this context, no Case shows up on kinoo‘yesterday’ in (30b).
If one adopts the Agree-based analysis, it would probably be necessary to assume thatthe no on Hanako is Case that is valued by Agree while that on kinoo ‘yesterday’ issomething else, a linker or prenominal inflection, that appears only prenominally. There is noneed to make this distinction with the Merge-based analysis proposed here.
4.2. Head-Finality as a Consequence of Covert Excorporation
In this section, I return to the wide scope property of nominative objects and discuss its
consequence for linearization. I argue that the proposals on phrase structure building and Casevaluation outlined above open up a new way to derive the head-finality of Japanese from
Kayne’s (1994) LCA.
Let us consider again the contrast discussed by Tada (1992) in (6), repeated below in(32).

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a. Kiyomi-wa migime-dake-otumur-e-ru (can > only)
Kiyomi-TOP right.eye-only-ACC close-can-Pres‘Kiyomi can wink with her right eye.’b. Kiyomi-wa migime-dake-ga
tumur-e-ru (only > can)Kiyomi-TOP right.eye-only-NOM close-can-Pres‘It is only her right eye that Kiyomi can close.’

The narrow scope of the accusative object in (32a) should be attributed the fact that theaccusative is valued by the V-v associated with the non-stative tumur ‘close’. Then, e ‘can’takes a vP complement, and the example should be derived as in (33)–(34).
(33)

a.
b.
c.
d.

{close, v} (accusative){DP only-ACC, {close, v}}, DP = right eye{{DP only-ACC, close}, v}{K-Case, {{DP only-ACC, close}, v}}, K = Kiyomi(33) shows the derivation of the embedded vP. The accusative is valued when the object ismerged with V-v in (33c).
(34) is the derivation of the matrix CP phase.
(34)

e. {T, C} (nominative)f. {v, {T, C}}
g. {can, {v, {T, C}}}h. {{K-Case, {{ DP only-ACC , V}, v}}, { can , {v, {T, C}}}}, V = closei. {{{K-Case, {{DP only-ACC, V}, v}}, can}, {v, {T, C}}}
j. {K-Case, {{{K-Case, {{DP only-ACC, V}, v}}, can}, {v, {T, C}}}}11
k. {{K-Case, {{{K-Case, {{DP only-ACC, V}, v}}, can}, v}}, {T, C}}
l. {K-NOM, {{K-Case, {{{K-Case, {{DP only-ACC, V}, v}}, can}, v}}, {T, C}}}m. {{K-NOM, {{K-Case, {{{K-Case, {{DP only-ACC, V}, v}}, can}, v}}, T}}, C}(34e–g) form the matrix can-v-T-C complex. Then, in (34h), the embedded vP is merged withthis complex. The accusative object is contained within the vP while can is plausibly the head(or label) of the head complex. (See Fn.10 for relevant discussion.) Then, the scope relation,
can > only, can be read off from this structure as illustrated in (35).

11

The subject Kiyomi is the external argument of tumur ‘close’ as well as of e ‘can’. In (34j), I assume
that it moves from the embedded vP Spec to the matrix vP Spec in order to account for this. But analternative with PRO in the embedded vP Spec also serves the purpose.

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(35)

can
vP

can
can

… DP only …

v
v

T
T

C

Thus, the narrow scope property of accusative objects seems straightforward. On theother hand, the wide scope property of nominative objects has an interesting implication. Let
us consider the derivation of (32b) in (36).
(36)

a. {T, C} (nominative)b. {v, {T, C}}c. {can, {v, {T, C}}}d. {close, {can, {v, {T, C}}}}12
e. { DP only-NOM, {close, { can , {v, {T, C}}}}}
f. {{ DP only-NOM , close}, { can , {v, {T, C}}}}k. {{{DP only-NOM, close}, can}}, {v, {T, C}}}
l. {K-Case, {{{DP only-NOM, close}, can}}, {v, {T, C}}}}m. {{K-Case, {{{DP only-NOM, close}, can}}, v}}, {T, C}}
n. {K-NOM, {{K-Case, {{{DP only-NOM, close}, can}}, v}}, {T, C}}}o. {{K-NOM, {{K-Case, {{{DP only-NOM, close}, can}}, v}}, T}}, C}

As no Case is valued accusative in this example, the only phase head is C. The derivation,
then, starts with C, and the close-can-v-T-C complex is formed in (36a–d). The object ismerged with this complex in (36e), and the Case is valued nominative because of the T-C in
the complex. At this point, the object c-commands can as in (37).
(37)

close
DP only-NOM

close
close

can
can

v
v

T
T

C

This accounts for the wide scope of the nominative object, but there is one further thingthat must be said. Note that can-v-T-C excorporates in the next step of the derivation, (36f).
The excorporation creates a configuration similar to (35). Then, if the scope relation is
calculated based on this structure, it is predicted incorrectly that nominative objects at least12

I assume, following Bobaljik and Wurmbrand (2007), that e ‘can’ selects for a V and takes a VP
complement when the object of the V is in nominative. This is not crucial for the analysis proposedhere.

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can have narrow scope. This indicates that excorporation is “invisible” and ignored in thecalculation of the scope relation.
Here, there must be a reason for the “invisibility” of excorporation for scope. And thedesired result is obtained if the excorporation is covert. As is well known, Japanese is alanguage with scope rigidity. Thus, (38) is unambiguous and its interpretation reflects thehierarchical relation of the two quantified phrases.13(38)

dareka-ga
daremo-oaisitei-ru (koto) ( > )someone-NOM everyone-ACC love-Pres fact‘(the fact that) someone loves everyone’The scope relations in (32) can be understood as instances of this general phenomenon. As
Kuroda (1971) points out, overt movement affects scope relations. (39a–b) are both
ambiguous.
(39)

a. daremo-oi
dareka-ga
ti aisitei-ru (koto) ( > ,  > )everyone-ACC someone-NOM love-Pres fact‘(the fact that) someone loves everyone’
daremo-ga
ti aisitei-ru (koto) ( > ,  > )b. dareka-oi
someone-ACC everyone-NOM love-Pres fact‘(the fact that) everyone loves someone’But covert movement should have no effects on scope. If QR, for example, can broaden thescope possibilities, (38) should not be unambiguous to begin with. Hence, the account of(32b) based on (37) can be maintained if excorporation is covert in Japanese.14
Although this may sound like a stipulation to accommodate the wide scope property of
nominative objects, it predicts the head-finality of Japanese in an interesting way. Kayne(1994) proposes that linear order is derived from asymmetric c-command relations (Linear
Correspondence Axiom, LCA). Let us consider the configuration in (40), assuming
Chomsky’s (1994) refinement that only maximal projections and heads count in thecalculation of linear order.

13

There are variations among speakers with this. But as far as I know, the strongly preferred readingof (38) is the one with someone taking scope over everyone for all speakers.

14

Note that this does not alter the derivations illustrated above if all operations, overt and covert, takeplace in a single cycle. I assume with Bobaljik (1995) that overt and covert movements apply in thesame way, the only difference being that the phonetic features are interpreted at the landing site in theformer while they receive interpretation at the initial site in the case of the latter.

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Xmax

(40)
Wmax

X
Ymax

X

Zmax

Y
Z

Wmax > X, Wmax > Ymax, Wmax > Y, Wmax > Zmax,….

Wmax > Z, X > Y, X > Zmax, X > Z, Y > Z, …

Stated on the right are the asymmetrical c-command relations observed with this structure.
The linear order, Wmax > X > Y > Z, is derived from these relations.
Kayne’s LCA predicts the head-initial, spec–head–complement order. Hence, heentertains the possibility that the head-final, spec–complement–head order is derived by
movement of the complement to a position that asymmetrically c-commands the head.
However, the head-finality of Japanese automatically follows without further complication if
excorporation is covert in the language. The only additional assumption required is virtually
the definition of overt/covert movement: what enters into the calculation of linear order is thelanding site in the case of overt movement and the initial site in the case of covert movement.
Let us consider the vP structure in (41) for illustration.
vmax

(41)
Subj

v
Vmax

Obj

(v)
Subj > Obj, Subj > V, Subj > vmax,

V
V

vmax

Obj > V, Obj > vmax

V and v merge first, and then the object DP merges with V-v. Then, v covertly excorporates
and internally merges with VP. Then, the subject DP is externally merged. Here, since theexcorporation is covert, the initial site of v counts in the calculation of linear order. Then, theasymmetric c-command relations on the right side obtain, yielding the subject–object–verb
order. The linear order of V and v is undetermined, but it can be reasonably assumed that v
cliticizes onto V. Thus, the head-finality of Japanese follows. As far as I can see, a derivation
always yields a head-final order when it starts with a phase head and the excorporation iscovert.
5. Conclusion and Further Issues
The main purpose of this paper was to suggest a Merge-based analysis of Case inJapanese. I first noted that an Agree-based analysis is untenable if a unified analysis is sought
for Cases on argument DPs and PPs/adjunct DPs. Then, I argued that the wide scope property
of nominative objects requires an alternative analysis on independent grounds. Given these
conclusions, I explored the possibility that Case in Japanese is part of Merge: it is required forMerge and valued through Merge. I presented a concrete analysis, extending Shimada (2007)-- 131125 --

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and Tonoike’s (2009) hypothesis on phrase structure building, which involves excorporationof heads out of head complexes. Finally, I pointed out that the wide scope property of
nominative objects leads to the hypothesis that excorporation is covert in Japanese, andshowed that this hypothesis predicts the head-finality of Japanese from Kayne’s (1994) LCA.
In the discussion, I assumed that the proposed mode of phrase structure building applies
universally. If this is correct, the head-initial order should be a consequence of overt
excorporation. A vP in English, for example, would be derived as in (42) under this approach.
vmax

(42)
Subj

vmax
v

Subj
max

v
V
max

(v

head movement 

V
)

v
Vmax

V+v

Obj

V
max

V

(v

)

Obj
V

There are many possible ways to derive the head-initial order here. First, the structure isderived as illustrated on the left side with overt excorporation of v. This may suffice if theinitial site of v is totally invisible in the calculation of linear order. It is also possible that V
undergoes head movement to v as illustrated on the right side. In this case, the asymmetric ccommand relation of V+v and the object DP is clear if the initial site of V, which lacks
phonetic features, enters the calculation unlike the case of excorporation because it is where
the V is interpreted.
If this approach is tenable, then the head-parameter is reduced to whether excorporation
is overt or covert. On the other hand, it may turn out, as Hisa Kitahara suggests, that English
phrase structure is derived with V and the object merging first, as is usually assumed. In thiscase, Japanese employs the specific way of phrase structure building illustrated above because
Merge is Case-dependent in the language. This predicts that head-initial languages have
Agree-based Case systems while head-final languages have Merge-based ones. Although the
exploration of the two approaches undoubtedly raises a number of interesting issues, I mustleave it for another occasion.

References
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Bedell, G. (1972) “On No.” In G. Bedell, ed., UCLA Papers in Syntax 3: Studies in East Asian Syntax.
Bobaljik, J. (1995) Morphosyntax: The Syntax of Verbal Inflection, Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.
Bobaljik, J. and S. Wurmbrand (2007) “Complex Predicates, Aspect and Anti-Reconstruction,”
Journal of East Asian Linguistics 16, 27–42.
Chomsky, N. (1994) “Bare Phrase Structure.” In G. Webelhuth, ed., Government and Binding Theory
and the Minimalist Program, Blackwell, Oxford, 383–439.

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Agree(M.
or Merge?
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Japanese
Saito) (M. Saito)

Chomsky, N. (2000) “Minimalist Inquiries: The Framework.” In R. Martin, D. Michaels and J.
Uriagereka, eds., Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik,
MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass., 89–155.
Chomsky, N. (2008) “On Phases.” In R. Freidin, C. P. Otero and M. L. Zubizarreta, eds.,
Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory: Essays in Honor of Jean-Roger Vergnaud, MIT
Press, Cambridge, Mass., 133–166.
Hiraiwa, K. (2001a) “Multiple Agree and the Defective Intervention Constraint in Japanese.” In O.
Matushansky et al., eds., Proceedings of the 1st HUMIT Student Conference in Language
Research (HUMIT 2000), MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 40, 67–80.
Hiraiwa, K. (2001b) “On Nominative-Genitive Conversion.” In E. Guerzoni and O. Matushansky, eds.,
A Few from Building E39: Papers in Syntax, Semantics and Their Interface, MIT Working
Papers in Linguistics 39, 66–123.
Kayne, R. S. (1994) The Antisymmetry of Syntax, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass.
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Kuroda, S.-Y. (1965) “Causative Forms in Japanese,” Foundations of Language 1, 30–50.
Kuroda, S.-Y. (1971) “Remarks on the Notion of Subject with Reference to Words like Also, Even, orOnly (Part II),” Annual Bulletin 4, Research Institute of Logopedics and Phoniatrics,
University of Tokyo, 127–152.
Lasnik, H. and M. Saito (1991) “On the Subject of Infinitives,” Chicago Linguistic Society 27, 324–
343.
Maki, H. and A. Uchibori (2008) “Ga/No Conversion.” In S. Miyagawa and M. Saito, eds., The
Oxford Handbook of Japanese Linguistics, Oxford University Press, New York, 192–216.
Murasugi, K. (1991) Noun Phrases in Japanese and English: A Study in Syntax, Acquisition, andLearnability, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut.
Murasugi, K. and T. Hashimoto (2004) “Three Pieces of Acquisition Evidence for the v-VP Frame,”
Nanzan Linguistics 1, 1–19.
Nomura, M. (2005) Nominative Case and Agree(ment), Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut.
Ochi, M. (2001) “Move F and Ga/No Conversion in Japanese,” Journal of East Asian Linguistics 10,
247–286.
Okutsu, K. (1974) Seisei-Nihon-Bunpoo-Ron [A Generative Grammar of Japanese], Taishukan, Tokyo.
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Saito, M. (1982) “Case Marking in Japanese: A Preliminary Study,” unpublished manuscript, MIT.
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Sano, M. (1985) “LF Movement in Japanese,” Descriptive and Applied Linguistics 18, 245–259.
Shimada, J. (2007) “Head Movement, Binding Theory, and Phrase Structure,” unpublishedmanuscript, MIT.
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Tonoike, S. (2009) “Minimarisuto Puroguramu [Minimalist Program].” In H. Nakajima, ed.,Gengogaku-no Ryooiki [Subfields of Linguistics] 1, Asakura Shoten, Tokyo, 135–168.
Ura, H. (1999) “Checking Theory and Dative Subject Constructions in Japanese and Korean,” Journalof East Asian Linguistics 8, 223–254.
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-- 133127 --A Cross-lLQJXLVWLF$SSURDFKWRWKHµ(UURQHRXV¶Genitive Subjects: Underspecification of Tense inChild Grammar Revisited
Naoko Sawada1 and Keiko Murasugi1, 2
1

Nanzan University and 2University of Connecticut

1. Introduction
It is cross-linguistically observed that children at around the age of two erroneously produce
genitive subjects in matrix clauses where nominative subjects must be used in adult grammar. Selected
examples of child Japanese and child English are shown in (1) and (2), respectively. 1(1) a. A-tyan-*no tukat-te-ru no (A 2;1)
-Gen use-Prog-Pres Particleµ$-W\DQLVXVLQJ LW ¶

b. Taisyoo-kun-*no tukut-ta (Tai 1;10)-Gen make-Pastµ0U7DLV\RRPDGH WKLV ¶(2) a. My turn, turn around (Nina 2;11)b. Her sleeping (Nina 2;5)The subject NPs in (1) must be marked with the nominative Case -ga. The subjects must be I in(2a) and she in (2b). However, the genitive Case is assigned on the subject NP in each case.
Genitive subjects are allowed in prenominal sentential modifiers of relative clauses in Japanese, as
given in (3), and in gerundive constructions in English, as given in (4).
(3) [Taroo-ga/-no (gapi) yon-da]-Nom/-Gen
read-Pastµthe book that TaroRUHDG¶

honi
book

(4) I remember [-RKQ¶V/my eating an apple]
As in (3), the subject NP Taroo can be marked with genitive Case as well as nominative Case.
Likewise, the genitive subjects, John¶s and my, are possible in the English gerundive construction, as
shown in (4).
What causes Case errors in child grammar? In this paper, providing new descriptive findings fromthe CHILDES corpora and the data reported in the previous studies, we argue that the Case errors thatyoung children make are related to the underspecification of the features in Tense. We will show that in*

We would like to take this opportunity to sincerely thank the organizers of GALANA 4 (University of Toronto),
Mihaela Pirvulescu, and the anonymous reviewers for their suggestions and support. The authors would also liketo express their deep gratitude to Chisato Fuji, Tomomi Nakatani, Keiko Ogawa, Mamoru Saito, Koji Sugisaki,
Kensuke Takita, Eriko Watanabe and the members of the Center for Linguistics at Nanzan University for theirhelpful discussions. The research was supported in part by the Nanzan International Research Project on
Comparative Syntax and Language Acquisition (Center for Linguistics, Nanzan University), Pache Research
Grant I-A in 2010 and 2011 (Nanzan University) and by the JSPS Grant-in-Aid (#20520397, Principal
Investigator: Keiko Murasugi).
1
The abbreviations used in this paper are as follows: Acc=accusative, Ad=adnominal, Dec=declarative,
Dat=dative, Gen=genitive, Nom=nominative, Past=past, Pres=present, Prog=progressive, Top=topic© 2011 Naoko Sawada and Keiko Murasugi. Selected Proceedings of the 4th Conference on Generative
Approaches to Language Acquisition North America (GALANA 2010), ed. Mihaela Pirvulescu et al., 209-226.
Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

210
the stages of Very Early Root Infinitive, one-year-old children use non-finite verbs in root contexts(Murasugi & Fuji, 2008, 2009; Nakatani & Murasugi, 2009; among others) and the erroneous
non-nominative subjects in Japanese observed after the age of two correspond to the stage of RootInfinitives (RIs) in European languages (Murasugi & Watanabe, 2009; Murasugi, 2008, 2009). We
argue that the Japanese- and English-speaking children producing erroneous genitive subjects know
the structure of TP headed by T, which checks genitive Case on a subject of prenominal sentential
modifiers in Japanese and gerunds in English, but they still have not acquired that the T must becompatible with D only, and hence, produce genitive subjects in matrix clauses.
We further argue that the concretization of the immature Tense system is also found in theomission of copulative elements. 2-year-old English-speaking children tend to omit finite be insentences of Stage-level predicates (e.g., I tired/I in the kitchen) (Becker, 2000, 2001). Presenting our
finding that Japanese-speaking children also optionally drop copulas at around the same age as they
produce erroneous genitive subjects, we aim to describe the stage where children underspecify featuresin Tense.
The organization of this paper is as follows. In section 2, we show our descriptive findings oferroneous genitive subjects. In section 3, we overview the previous analyses of children¶s erroneous
genitive subjects and point out that these analyses cannot fully provide explanation for the stage. In
section 4, we provide our analysis of erroneous genitive subjects in child Japanese, and in section 5,
we argue that the analysis given in section 4 applies to the erroneous genitive subjects in child English,
based on our corpus analysis of the CHILDES database. Section 6 further confirms the hypothesis byexamining the copula drop phenomena. We go over Becker¶s (2000, 2001) analysis of copula drops inEnglish, and we argue that the copulative elements are also dropped in child Japanese, thereby
supporting our hypothesis that the genitive Case errors are attributed to the underspecification of thefeatures in Tense. Section 7 concludes this paper.

2. µErroneous¶ Genitive Subjects in Child Languages
2.1. The Data of µErroneous¶ Genitive Subjects Found in Child Japanese
We first show the data of erroneous genitive subjects in child Japanese and their properties. We
examine Japanese-speaNLQJFKLOGUHQ¶VORQJLWXGLQDOGDWDEDVHVDYDLODEOHRQ&+,/'(6 (Tai age 1;5-3;1,
Miyata, 2004a; Ryo age 1;4-3;0, Miyata, 2004b; Aki age 1;5-3;0, Miyata, 2004c; Jun age 0;6-3;8, Ishii,
2004; and Moko age 1;8-3;2, University of Connecticut and Nanzan University) FRUSXVDQG&KLOG$¶V
GDWDUHSRUWHGLQ6X]XNL¶V  Vtudies. We found 103 erroneous genitive subjects out of 2,246
utterances containing subject NPs marked with nominative, dative or genitive Case. As shown in (5)through (8), these children produce erroneous genitive subjects with various types of predicates.
(5) a. A-tyan-*no tukat-te-ru no (A 2;1)
-Gen use-Prog-Pres Particleµ$-W\DQLVXVLQJ LW ¶

b. Taisyoo-kun-*no tukut-ta (Tai 1;10)-Gen make-Pastµ0U7DLV\RRPDGH WKLV ¶(6) a. Mama-*no odot-teyo (A 2;1)
Mother-Gen dance-Request Particleµ3OHDVHGDQFH0RWKHU¶b. Kore masukuman-*no
this mask man-Genµ+HUH0DVNPDQJRHV¶(7) a. Tane-*no hait-te-nno (A 2;5)
seed-Gen enter-Prog-Pres Particleµ7KHVHHGVDUHLQ DJUDSH ¶

b. Ti-*noar-u (Moko 2;0)(letter of) Ti-Gen exist-Presµ7KHUHLVDEORFN WKDWKDVWKHOHWWer of Ti ¶(8) a. Taisyoo-kun-*no sugo-i (Tai 1;10)-Gen great-Presµ0U7DLV\RRLVJUHDW¶b. Moko-mo se-*noooki-i (Moko 1;11)-also height-Gen tall-Presµ0RNRLVDOVRWDOO to catch the cord to turn
RQWKHOLJKW ¶- 136 -

ik-u (Ryo 2;11)
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211
The subjects of the transitive verbs in (5), the unergative verbs in (6), the unaccusative verbs in(7), and the adjectives in (8), are all erroneously marked with the genitive Case -no instead of thenominative Case -ga. Table 1 gives the age range for which the children produce the erroneous
genitive subjects.
Table 1The Age Span of Children Producing the µErroneous¶ Genitive Subjects
Child
A
Tai
Ryo
Aki

Jun

Moko

Age Span2;2-2;91;10-3;1

2;1-2;8

1;10-3;1

2;9-2;112;8As Murasugi and Watanabe (2009) point out, Case errors in Japanese are optional, just like RootInfinitives in European languages. Children at around the age of two produce erroneous genitive
subjects, but they also produce nominative subjects (just like adults do) as given in (9).
(9) a. Boosi-ga
ton-da (A 2;1)
hat-Nom
fly-Pastµ 7KH KDWIOHZDZD\¶c. Jun-ga
kowasi-ta (Jun 2;3)
-Nom
break-Pastµ-XQEURNH LW ¶

b. Mikkii-tyan-ga ato
huk-u (Tai 1;9)Mickey-Nom rest wipe-Presµ0LFNH\0RXVHZLOOZLSHWKHUHVW¶d. Moko-ga sagasi-ta (Moko 1;9)
-Nom search-Pastµ0RNRVHDUFKHG IRULW ¶

The subject NPs in (9) are correctly marked with the nominative Case -ga. There is anintermediate acquisition stage where subjects are sometimes marked with nominative Case, butsometimes with genitive Case.

2.2. 7KH'DWDRIµ(UURQHRXV¶*HQLWLYH6XEMHFWVLQ&KLOG(QJOLVK
Case errors are widely observed in child English as well (Rispoli, 1994, 1995; Budwig, 1989;
Pensalfini, 1995; Vainikka, 1993/1994; among others). Our examination of the CHILDES database offour English-speaking children, Nina (1;11-2;9), Adam (2;3-3;5), Eve (1;6-2;3) and Sarah (2;3-3;5),
found 477 out of 13,562 utterances with erroneous genitive subjects. Selected examples are shown in(10) through (12).
(10)

a. My turn, turn around (Nina 1;11)c. Her make pancakes (Sarah 2;9)e. Her sing it (Adam 2;10)b. My see that (Adam 2;3)d. Her have a hat on (Nina 2;4)

(11)

a. My cut it. My caught it (Nina 2;1)
b. My got that (Nina 2;2)c. My broke it (Sarah 2;6)
d. Her said no (Sarah 2;8)e. Her got on, in baby carriage (Adam 3;0)(12)a. My going in (Nina 2;3)c. My going? (Eve 1;10)
e. Her getting mad (Nina 2;4)b. What my doing? (Sarah 2;10)d. My writing I writing (Adam 2;7)f. Her sleeping (Nina 2;5)

As in (10), the erroneous genitive subjects mostly occur with non-inflected verbs such as make,have and sing. However, some errors are found with a verb in past tense as in (11), and/or a verb in
progressive form as in (12). Table 2 gives the age range of the erroneous genitive subjects.
Table 2The Age Range of Children Producing the µErroneous¶ Genitive Subjects in English
Child
Nina
Adam
Eve
Sarah
Age Span
1;11-2;5
2;3-3;01;10-2;0
2;6-3;0- 137 -

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212
English-speaking children also produce nominative subjects while they produce genitive subjects
as shown in (13).
(13)

a. I GRQ¶WEUHDNµHP 1LQD 2;1)
c. I tie other one (Eve 1;11)b. I talk phone (Sarah 2;6)d. I change diaper (Adam 2;3)

Thus, cross-linguistic similarities are found in the very young child production. At around age oftwo, both Japanese- and English-speaking children Case-mark the subject NPs, in a root clause, with
optional nominative or genitive.

33UHYLRXV6WXGLHVRQµ(UURQHRXV¶*HQLWLYH6XEMHFWVFor the children¶s Case errors, various analyses have been proposed. In what follows, we discuss
four previous approaches; Paradigm Building of Pronouns, Functional Analysis, Nominal Analysis,
and Clausal Analysis, and we will point out that none of those previous analyses can fully account for
the intermediate stage of language acquisition in question. Then, we argue that the insight of
AGR/TNS Omission Model (ATOM) originally proposed by Schütze and Wexler (1996), which links
the early erroneous subjects to the underspecification of some features in Tense and Agreement, to the
Root Infinitive stage, and to the copula omission Root Infinitives in European child languages, would
also extend to the analysis of the erroneous subjects in Japanese-speaking children.
Rispoli (1994, 1995) argues that Case errors are due to the lack of lexical knowledge of theparadigm of pronouns in the target languages, and that erroneous non-nominative subjects areproduced when children fail to access to the appropriate pronoun form, thereby having problems withthe paradigm building of pronouns. However, as in (5) through (8), genitive subjects in Japanese are
frequently found with various Referential NPs (e.g., A-tyan-*no (A-tyan-Gen) and Taisyoo-kun-*no(Taisyoo-kun-Gen)). This suggests that Paradigm Building of Pronouns has nothing to do with Caseerrors.
Functional Analysis (Budwig, 1989) for child English and Suzuki (2007) for child Japanese statesthat genitive subjects are erroneously used instead of nominative subjects, when the subjects areagentive and occur with event-denoting predicates. Given the Functional Analysis, it is expected thatgenitive Case errors tend to occur with transitive or unergative verbs.
Contrary to the expectation, however, erroneous genitive subjects in child Japanese are produced
not only with transitive or unergative verbs, but also with stative predicates as given in (14a) and(14b).
(14)

a. Ti-*noar-u (Moko 2;0)(Adult form: Ti-ga)[Unaccusative verb](letter) Ti-Gen exist-Presµ7KHUHLVDEORFN WKDWKDVWKHOHWWHUTi ¶
b. Taisyoo-kun-*no sugo-i (Tai 1;0) (Adult form: Taisyoo-kun-ga) [Adjective]-Gen great-Presµ0U7DLV\RRLVJUHDW¶

Nominal Analysis (Pensalfini, 1995) for child English and Suzuki (2001) for child Japanese argues
that the structure of clauses containing erroneous genitive subjects is nominal rather than a sentence. It
is expected that genitive Case errors are produced only in declarative clauses, but never in clauses
containing wh-phrases. However, our corpus analysis found a counterexample as shown in (15).
(15)

Dotti-*no ooki-i? (Moko 2;5)
which-Gen big-Presµ:KLFK QXPEHU LVELJJHU"¶(Adult form: Dotti-ga)(Sawada, Murasugi, & Fuji, 2009)

In (15), the wh-phrase, dotti (which), is marked with the genitive Case ±no. Thus, Nominal
Analysis also fails to account for the erroneous genitive subjects.

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Vainikka (1993/1994) proposes Clausal Analysis, following Radford (1998). This analysis argues
that the structures of clauses with erroneous genitive subjects are simple VPs headed by a non-finite
verb with a subject occupying the Spec of VP. TP or CP is initially not projected. Subject NPs areplaced in the Spec VP and get the genitive Case by V by virtue of being in the Spec position. Given
Clausal Analysis, it is expected that verbs are always uninflected in a clause with an erroneous genitive
subject because of the lack of TP. However, counterexamples to this analysis are found. We observedthat all the verbs in (11), repeated in (16), are overtly inflected for past tense.
(16)

a. My cut it. My caught it (Nina 2;1)
b. My got that (Nina 2;2)c. My broke it (Sarah 2;6)
d. Her said no (Sarah 2;8)e. Her got on, in baby carriage (Adam 3;0)Thus, children¶s genitive Case errors are not fully explained by the previous studies shown above.
In what follows, we present a hypothesis that child Case errors are due to the underspecification ofTense and show the intermediate stage in the acquisition of the features in Tense.

4. An Analysis of µErroneous¶ Genitive Subjects in Child Japanese
According to ATOM originally proposed by Schütze and Wexler (1996), non-nominative subjects
alternate with nominative subjects in English-speaking children during the Root Infinitive stage, but
only when the (main) verb is an infinitive. That is, when the verbs show agreement, only nominative
subjects occur. In this section, we present the analyses that Case errors in Japanese are due to theunderspecification of some features in Tense, and propose that the stage of Case errors corresponds tothe stage of RIs in European child languages, where children at around two years of age use non-finite
verbs in matrix clauses.2
First, we review the Case system in Japanese. Then, we show our descriptive findings with respect
to the properties that clauses with erroneous genitive subjects have, and discuss our analysis.

4.1. Japanese Adult Grammar
In adult Japanese, a subject in a matrix clause is typically assigned nominative Case -ga as shownin (17).
(17)

a. Taroo-ga hon-oyon-da-Nom book-Acc read-Pastµ7DUoRUHDGDERRN¶c. Booto-ga sizun-daboat-Nom sink-Pastµ$ERDWVDQN¶b. Taroo-ga
arui-ta-Nom walk-Pastµ7DUoRZDONHG¶d. Ringo-ga aka-i
apple-Nom red-Presµ7KHDSSOHLVUHG¶The subject of a transitive verb yon-da (read) in (17a), an unergative verb arui-ta (walked) in(17b), an unaccusative verb sizun-da (sank) in (17c) and an adjective aka-i (red) in (17d) are marked
with the nominative Case. As mentioned in the introduction, genitive subjects are not allowed insentences, but they are possible in noun phrases as shown in (18).

2
See Murasugi (2008, 2009), Murasugi and Watanabe (2009), Sawada, Murasugi, and Fuji (2009), and Sawada
and Murasugi (2010), for the relevant proposals. See also Murasugi, Fuji, and Hashimoto (2007), Murasugi andFuji (2008, 2009), and Murasugi and Nakatani (2009), among others, for the detailed analyses of Root Infinitive
Analogues observed at around the age of one in child Japanese.

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214
(18)

a. Sentence: [S Taroo-ga/-*no hon-oyon-da]-Nom/-Gen book-Acc read-Pastµ7DUoRUHDGDERRN¶b. NP: [Sentential Modifier Taroo-ga/-no (gapi) yon-da] honi
-Nom/-Gen
read-Past bookµthe book that TaroRUHDG¶

The subject Taroo in both (18a) and (18b) can be marked with the nominative Case. The Case
marker on a subject can be converted to genitive only in prenominal sentential modifiers in relative
clauses and complex NPs as in (18b). This is called nominative/genitive (or Ga/No) conversion. It
must be pointed out that sentences and noun phrases show some parallel properties. The
sentence-ending (declarative) form in (18a) and prenominal verb form in (18b) appear in the same
form (i.e., yon-da ³UHDG´ . Hence, the prenominal form and sentence-ending form of verbs andadjectives are basically homophonous.
There are other important properties found in nominative/genitive conversion. For example,
genitive subjects cannot be present with accusative objects (Harada, 1971) as given in (19).
(19)[Taroo-ga/-*nohon-o
kat-ta]mise-Nom/-Gen book-Acc buy-Past shop
µthe shop where TaroRERXJKWDERRN¶

The accusative object, hon-o (book-Acc) can occur with the nominative subject, whereas it isprohibited when the subject is marked with the genitive Case. This is known as the Transitivity
Restriction.
The noun phrases containing nominative and genitive subjects show a difference in interpretation.
Miyagawa (2008, 2009) suggests that genitive subject constructions are aspectually limited to stativeinterpretation and genitive subjects tend to occur with stative predicates such as adjectives andaspectual forms. The examples with aspectual predicates are shown in (20).
(20)

a. [simi-ga
tui-ta syatu]-o kiteiru[eventive reading][stain-Nom had shirt-Acc is wearingµ+H¶VZHDULQJDVKLUWWKDWVXVWDLQHGDVWDLQ¶b. [simi-no tui-ta syatu]-o kiteiru[result of eventuality reading][stain-Gen had shirt-Acc is wearingµ+H¶VZHDULQJDVKLUWWKDWKDVDVWDLQ¶(Miyagawa, 2009)

In (20a), the aspectual morpheme µ(-te) iru¶ is attached to the verb wear. Following Teramura¶s(1982) and Abe¶s (1993) insights that µverb-ta¶IRUPGRHVQRWKDYHDIXOOWHQVHLQWHUSUHWDWLRQLQFHUWDLQ
relative clauses, Miyagawa (2009) argues that the clause containing a genitive subject tends to refer tothe result of eventuality. The sentence with the nominative subject as in (20a) indicates that there wasan event of the shirt getting stained while the most natural interpretation of the genitive subject
construction in (20b) is that the shirt being worn has a stain at the time of the utterance. Due to theresult of eventuality reading, for instance, the genitive subject is at odds with the adverb that refers to a
VSHFLILFWLPHVXFKDV³totuzen VXGGHQO\ ´ as shown in (21).
(21)[totuzen simi-ga/-*notui-tasyatu][suddenly stain-Nom/-Gen have-Past shirtµWKH VKLUWWKDWZDVVXGGHQO\VWDLQHG¶(Miyagawa, 2009)

The nominative subject, but not the genitive subject, is accepted in (21).
For the structure of the genitive subject construction, Hiraiwa (2001) proposes that the genitive
subject is licensed sentence-internally by the adnominal verbal inflection. Saito (2004), adopting
Hiraiwa (2001), argues that the verbal inflection lies in T. While as in (22a), an Adnominal T checks
either genitive or nominative in prenominal sentential modifiers, as in (22b), a Declarative T checks- 140 -

A Cross-linguistic Approach to the ʻErroneousʼ Genitive Subjects:Underspecification of Tense in Child Grammar Revisited (N. Sawada and K. Murasugi)

215
nominative in declarative sentences. Moreover, the Adnominal T must be compatible with N (D), but
not with C, while the Declarative T must be compatible with C.
(22)

a.

NP (DP)

TP [Adnominal]

b.

N (D)

TP [Declarative]

NPi [Gen/Nom] 7¶
vP
ti

CP

NPi [Nom] 7¶
T [Gen/Nom]v¶ Absorption of [Acc]
VPCv [*Acc/Acc]

vP
ti

v¶
VP

*NP/NP [Acc] V

T [Nom]v [Acc]NP [Acc] V(Sawada, Murasugi, & Fuji, 2009)

In both structures in (22a) and (22b), subject NPs are base-generated in the Spec of small vP, andmove to TP Spec. Assuming that small v checks accusative Case, Saito (2004) argues that when an
Adnominal T checks genitive, it absorbs the accusative Case feature on small v. That is, when thesubject is marked with the genitive Case as in (22a), Case checking of the accusative Case is prevented
because of the Case feature absorption. Hence, the genitive-accusative pattern, such as (19), is
H[FOXGHG 'LVFXVVLQJ $EH¶V   DUJXPHQW WKDW WKH H[WHUQDO DUJXPHQW LV RSWLRQDO LQ SUHQRPLQDO
sentential modifiers, Saito proposes that the Adnominal T can absorb not only v¶V &DVH EXW DOVR its
ș-role. In contrast, as in (22b), a subject gets nominative Case by the Declarative T in sentences.
In what follows, we present an analysis of the erroneous genitive subjects in child Japanese basedon Hiraiwa¶s (2001) and 6DLWR¶V  syntactic analyses of nominative-genitive conversion in
Japanese.

4.2. What Children Know/Do Not Know at the Stage of Case µErrors¶ in Child Japanese
As shown in the section 2.1., Japanese-speaking children optionally produce correct nominative
subjects at the stage where they produce erroneous genitive subjects. Because the Japanese-speaking
children (optionally) produce the matrix clause with the nominative subject at the stage in question, we
assume that children certainly know the inside of the TP structure.
What children do not know at the stage in question is that genitive subjects are not allowed in
non-NP-contexts. We may restate this problem in the framework of Hiraiwa (2001) and Saito (2004):
children¶s genitive Case errors are found at the stage where they have not acquired the relation of
Adnominal T and N (D), and they ³mis-assume´ that Adnominal T can be compatible with C. Children
do not know the external relation of T with N (D), and have not acquired the fact that Adnominal T can
only be compatible with N or D. Just like Adnominal T in the prenominal sentential modifiers insideNPs (DPs) in adult grammar, Declarative T can also check genitive and nominative Case in root
clauses in child grammar.
This hypothesis is supported by the curious facts that children¶s erroneous genitive subjects haveparallel properties with correct genitive subjects in the adult sentential modifiers in relative clauses.
First, the sentences with erroneous genitive subjects obey the Transitivity Restriction. In Sawada,
Murasugi, and Fuji (2009) (henceforth S, M&F (2009)), it is reported that 17% of the sentences haveovert object NPs. The rest of the utterances do not contain overt object NPs. In case the context
requires an object, it appears in the topic or the right-dislocated position, but never in the canonical(base) position, thereby following the Transitivity Restriction as given in (23).
(23)

a. Kore, A-tyan-*no tukut-ta
no (A 2;3)
this-Gen make-Past Particleµ7KLVRQH$-tyan maGH LW ¶- 141 -

(Adult form: A-tyan-ga)

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

216
b. A-tyan-*no but-tyat-ta
titi (A 2;4)-Gen hit-Perfect-Past fatherµ$-W\DQKLWP\IDWKHU¶(Adult form: A-tyan-ga)(S, M&F, 2009)

In (23a), for example, the accusative object kore (this) appears in the topic position. This indicatesthat child erroneous genitive subjects may not violate the Transitivity Restriction, just like adultgenitive subjects in sentential modifiers in NPs.
Second, the child erroneous genitive subjects, in fact, often appear with certain types of predicates.
As shown in (5) through (8), they are the unaccusative verbs, adjectives, and aspectual forms (e.g.,
tukat-te-ru (use-Prog-Pres)). Therefore, the predicates with erroneous genitive subjects show parallel
properties with adult genitive subjects, as being discussed in Miyagawa (2008, 2009).
Third, 96% of the child matrix clauses with erroneous genitive subjects contain the verbs andadjectives with the prenominal form, which is homophonous with the sentence-ending declarative
form. In fact, it is also true for adult grammar. For example, a verb ³tonda (flew)´ in a sentence,³boosi-ga tonda (The hat flew away)´ DQGLQDVHQWHQWLDO PRGLILHU ³tonda boosi (the hat which flewaway)´ have the homophonous form. Hence, it is natural for the children to regard the prenominal
sentential modifiers as the matrix clauses, based on the input available.
The three pieces of evidence shown above indicate that Japanese-speaking children know theinternal properties of TP headed by the Adnominal T, and they, unlike adults, treat the clauses
containing an erroneous genitive subject as sentences, not as sentential modifiers in NP-contexts.
Then, how do erroneous genitive subjects disappear in child Japanese? In S, M&F (2009), thelearnability problem is explained by HPSOR\LQJ0XUDVXJL¶V  5HODWLYH&ODXVH3DUDPHWHU
According to Murasugi (1991), the structure of sentential modifiers is parameterized; either CP or
TP (IP) depending on languages. Sentential modifiers in adult Japanese (and Korean) are TPs (IPs)whereas they are CPs in adult English. Some children acquiring Japanese hypothesize the CP relatives
at one point of language acquisition.
(24)

Nimotu nose-te-n*noload
carry-Prog-Pres Complementizerµ7KLVLVWKHWUXFNWKDWLVFDUU\LQJDORDG¶torakkutruckya
Copulakore (Jun 2;9)
this(S, M&F, 2009)

In (24), the complementizer no is overgenerated between the sentential modifier and the headnominal.
Adopting Hiraiwa (2001), Saito (2004) and the Relative Clause Parameter, the stages of erroneous
genitive subjects can be classified into three stages.
Basically, the genitive Case errors occur because Adnominal T is considered to be compatible with
C unlike in DGXOW-DSDQHVHVLQFH³DGHfault root clause is CP (Rizzi,  ´Stage I is the stage where
only erroneous genitive subjects are produced which some researchers have observed, and no correct
nominative subjects are found. Children then would assume that Adnominal T is compatible with C.
At Stage II, children mark subjects with both nominative and genitive Case. At this stage,
Adnominal T and Declarative T are compatible with C. Stage II is subcategorized into two stages withrespect to the acquisition of the complex structure of relative clauses. At Stage IIa, relative clauses are
not yet produced; at Stage IIb, the embedded sentences are produced. When children start producing
relative clauses at Stage IIb, overgeneration of complementizer (no) is found in those who set the valueof the Relative Clause Parameter as CP, but not TP, as in (24).
Stage III is the stage where children set the value of the Relative Clause Parameter (from CP) to
TP, and retreat from the overgeneration of complementizer. The erroneous genitive subjects insentences disappear, since children find out that relative clauses cannot be CP in adult Japanese andthat Adnominal T is compatible only with N (D), but not C, by fully specifying the features in T that
determine the external relation of the Adnominal T with N (D).
For this hypothesis, S, M&F (2009) provide the further supportive evidence based on the corpus
analysis of Jun. Jun¶s erroneous genitive subjects are attested from the age of 2;2 to 2;9 and hefrequently overgenerates CP relative clauses from 2;8 to 2;10. In contrast, as shown in (25), TP relative
clauses start to appear productively at 2;10 when his genitive Case errors completely disappear.

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217
(25)

Kore na
Jun-gageemu su-ru
toko (Jun 2;10)
this Particle-Nom game do-Pres placeµThis is the place where Jun plays the game.¶(S, M&F, 2009)Jun¶s data shows that he reset the value of the Relative Clause Parameter to TP at around 2;10 andthis is consistent with the analysis given above.
To summarize, 2-year-old Japanese-speaking children who optionally produce correct nominative
subjects erroneously assign genitive Case -no to subject NPs after Root Infinitive Analogues. The
properties of child clauses with an erroneous genitive subject are parallel with those with a genitive
subject in adult sentential modifiers within complex NPs. What children do not know is the propertiesof Tense (i.e., the property of [+Adnominal] T being compatible only with D in adult grammar). Sincea root clause is CP as discussed by Rizzi (1994), and because of the underspecification of Tense,children mistakenly assume that the Adnominal T can be compatible with C. It is only after children
acquire that structure of TP relative clauses in Japanese that they retreat from the genitive Case errors.

5µ(UURQHRXV¶*HQLWLYH6XEMHFWVLQ&KLOG(QJOLVKThe analysis given in Section 4 can elegantly explain the erroneous genitive subjects in child
English; English-speaking children also go though three stages to attain adult grammar. We will argue
that the erroneous genitive subjects, which are found during the Root Infinitive stage (Schütze &Wexler, 1996), are due to the underspecification of the features in Tense and will present the empiricalevidence.

5.1. English Adult Grammar
Before we discuss the mechanism of how English-speaking children make genitive Case errors,
we briefly explain English adult grammar. The subject NPs are typically Case-marked with thenominative in simple sentences as shown in (26). Genitive subjects, but not nominative subjects, arepossible in gerund constructions as shown in (27).
(26)

a. John eats/I eat an apple.

b. *John's eats/My eat an apple.

(27)

a. I remember [-RKQ¶V/my eating an apple] b. *I remember [he/I eating an apple]

As per the data, genitive subjects are allowed in gerund constructions, but not in matrix clauses. It
must be pointed out that there is a parallelism between gerund constructions (DPs) and progressive
sentences (CPs) with respect to the verb forms as shown in (28).
(28)

a. I remember [JohQ¶VP\eating an apple]
b. John is/I am eating an apple[Gerund Construction][Progressive Sentence]

The affix which nominalizes the clauses in (28a) and the affix used in sentences to express
progressive aspect in (28b) are the same (V-ing).
For the structure of the gerund construction, we adopt Suzuki (1988). According to Suzuki (1988),
the suffix -ing is inflectional and it can appear on T (I) where only inflectional affixes can occur. The
gerundive -ing, which originally had [-Infl], had the feature [+N] on T (I), but it later acquired thepositive value of [+Infl] from the homophonous participial suffix -ing. Hence, the gerundive -ing canoccur in T (I). On the other hand, subject NPs in progressive sentences cannot get the genitive Case by
T. When the value of [±N] is negative, the construction becomes sentential. Given Suzuki¶s (1988)
analysis, the structures of gerund constructions and progressive sentences are as given in (29) and (30),respectively.

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218
(29)

Gerund
DP
Spec
D
DP

(30) Progressive
CP
Spec
C
TP
NPi
T

TP
7¶
T

vP
Y¶

-ing
[+N]

v

VP
V

NP

be-ing
[-N]

7¶
vP
ti

v¶
v

VP
V

NP

The gerund construction has DP structure as in (29). As shown in (30), T [-N] must be compatible
with the C-head, but not with the D-head in progressive sentences.
Employing the structures shown above, we argue that the mechanism by which English-speaking
children erroneously produce genitive subjects is the same as child Japanese in the next section.

5.2. Children¶s Knowledge DWWKH6WDJHRIWKHµ(UURQHRXV¶*HQLWLYe Subjects in English
In this subsection, we will show that the erroneous genitive subjects in child English are well
explained by adopting the analysis for child Japanese as shown in section 4. We will give thesupportive evidence for the hypothesis that 2-year-old English-speaking children know the internal
properties of TP headed by Gerundive T, but not the external properties of TP. They mistakenly assume
that Gerundive T can be compatible with C.
Unlike Japanese, the structure of relative clauses in English is CP, not TP. Hence, unlike the caseof Japanese, to set the value of the Relative Clause Parameter cannot be the trigger to retreat from thegenitive Case errors for English-speaking children. What can be the trigger of the retreat in child
English? We conjecture that children need to learn the structural difference between gerundive
constructions and progressive sentences. When the features in T that determine the external relation of
T with D/C are fully specified, children stop producing genitive Case errors. The evidence based on
our corpus analysis for our hypothesis is shown as follows.
At Stage I, only erroneous genitive subjects are produced in a matrix sentence. This stage is, in
IDFW IRXQG RQO\ IURP 1LQD¶V FRUSXV3 Most of the erroneous genitive subjects at Stage I occur withverbs without overt inflections such as ³My turn, turn around (Nina, 1;11).´ Children seldom produce
utterances which express progressive events with overt copulas (e.g., I am singing). In child grammar,
T selects CP VWUXFWXUH DV D URRW FODXVH VLQFH ³D GHIDXOW URRW FODXVH LV &3 5L]]L,  ´ 7KHQ 7 LV
associated with the feature [+N (Gerundive)] which assigns the genitive Case to a subject NP.
At Stage II, both correct nominative and erroneous genitive subjects are produced in the matrix
clauses. The crucial difference found in Stage IIb, but not found in Stage IIa, is the existence oferroneous genitive subjects that co-occur with a verb in progressive form. The erroneous genitive
subjects sometimes occur with V-ing that has the interpretation of progressive. Some examples are
DWWHVWHGIURP1LQD¶VFRUpus, such as ³ 'R\RX NQRZZKDWP\making? (Nina, 2;4),´ ³/RRNP\doing,
Mommy (Nina, 2;4)´ DQG³+HUgetting dry (Nina, 2;5).´ Interestingly, all erroneous genitive subjects
with V-ing occur without overt copulative elements. We also need to point out that children at Stage
IIa and IIb frequently drop be in progressive sentences. Children have not acquired the difference
between gerund constructions and progressive sentences.
At Stage III, genitive Case errors disappear. Children start producing the correct nominative
subjects when the T-related elements such as copulative elements start to appear in the adult way.
Progressive sentences start to be produced with overt finite declarative be. Children know that
Gerundive T cannot be compatible with C in adult grammar.
The analysis discussed above is consistent with the acquisition of the progressive form of the3
Sawada, Murasugi, and Fuji (2009) report that among six children, only one Japanese-speaking child (ChildA) exhibits Stage I. Hence, we employ the same classification of the stages to English data.

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219
verbs. As discussed by Becker (2000, 2001), copulative elements are frequently dropped in 2-year-old
children’s production. In our corpus analysis, the age span of frequent copula omission corresponds tothe time of the erroneous genitive subjects at Stage I and II. As in (31), be drops in progressive
sentences.
(31)

a. I painting (Adam, 2;5)c. I brushing (Eve, 1;9)b. I popping balloons (Nina, 2;0)d. I singing (Sarah, 2;8)

Corpus analysis of Sarah’s data is summarized in Figure 1. The correlation of the erroneous
genitive subjects, and the progressive sentences with omitted be is found as given in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Correlation of ‘Erroneous’ Genitive Subjects, Finite Be Drop and Progressive Sentences(Sarah)Figure 1 shows that Sarah’s erroneous genitive subjects are produced from 2;6 to 3;0. While Sarah
is in the stage of genitive Case errors, the rate of progressive sentences with overt be is practically zero
except the occasional production at 2;3 and 2;8. At the age of 3;1, the erroneous genitive subjects ceaseand the correct progressive sentences (with overt finite be) start to appear productively, though gerund
constructions are not found even after 3;0 in Sarah’s corpus. The results in Figure 1 show that an
English-speaking child learns that T [-N] must be compatible with C. Sarah learns that T with thefeature [-N (e.g., Progressive)] does not assign genitive Case to a subject NP in a sentence (CP) and Twith the feature [+N (Gerundive)] must be compatible with D (DP).
To summarize, just like Japanese-speaking children, 2-year-old English-speaking children also
produce erroneous genitive subjects while correct nominative subjects optionally appear. The age spanof Case errors falls on RIs. Child clauses containing erroneous genitive subjects have parallel
properties with adult gerunds. As for the learnability issue, we argued that the trigger to retreat fromgenitive Case errors would be the acquisition of progressive sentences in child English. It is probably
when children realize that T [+N (Gerundive)] cannot be compatible with C, but with D, by learning
the full Tense system that they retreat from the erroneous genitive Case-marking of the subject NPs.4

6. Omission of the Copulative Elements in Child Languages
If we are on the right track, and the Case errors are due to the underspecification of Tense, then it
is conjectured that the analysis given in this paper can account for other phenomenon related toT-elements or copula omission. In this section, we will first go over Becker (2000, 2001) which argues
for copula omission in child English. Then, we will give the supportive evidence for Becker (2000,
2001), based on the corpus analysis of child Japanese.


4

The analysis presented here shares in spirit with Hamburger’s (1980) insight which analyzes sentences withgenitive subjects as precursors of relative clauses, and also with the insight of Schütze and Wexler (1996) whichassociates genitive subjects in child English to genitive subjects in gerundive constructions (e.g., his playing
football [upset me]) in adult grammar.

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2206.1. Becker (2000, 2001)
In adult English grammar, predicative expressions can be classified as Stage-level (=S-l) or
Individual-level (=I-l) as exemplified in (32a) and (32b), respectively.
(32)

a. Rodney is in the kitchen/tired.
b. Rodney is a cat/fat.

[Stage-level][Individual-level](Becker, 2001)

S-l predicates (locative expressions µLQ WKH NLWFKHQ¶ and adjectives µWLUHG¶) as in (32a) denote a
temporary property, while I-l predicates (µFDW¶and µIDW¶) as in (32b) denote a permanent property. One
difference between S-l and I-l predicates is that only S-l predicates can be modified by a spatial or
temporal modifier (Becker, 2001, p. 27). See (33).
(33)

a. Rodney is in the kitchen all the time.

b. ??Rodney is a cat all the time.
(Becker, 2001)

As in (33), the temporal modifier all the time can be compatible with the S-l predicate as in (33a),but it is odd with the I-l predicate as in (33b).
Becker (2000, 2001) finds that 2-year-old children acquiring English tend to omit be in S-l
predicates as shown in (34), but be is rarely omitted in I-l predicates as in (35).
(34)

a. ,ĳLQWKHNLWFKHQ 1LQD 2;1)
c. +HUĳWKLUVW\ 1LQD 2;1)

b. +HĳZD\ up dere (=there) (Adam 3;0)
(Becker, 2001)(35)

a. +H¶VDGRJ 1LQD 2;0)c. And this is yellow (Naomi 2;5)b. ,¶PELJER\ $GDP 2;7)
(Becker, 2001)

Be is omitted in locative predicates in (34a) and (34b), in S-l adjectives in (34c). In contrast, be isovert in I-l predicates such as nominals as in (35a) and (35b), and I-l adjectives as in (35c). The
average rate of overt be is only 20.9% in locative predicates and 72.4% in nominal predicates. A
similar contrast is also found between S-l adjectives (46.2%) and I-l adjectives (68.3%).
Becker (2000, 2001) proposes that only S-l predicates contain Aspectual Phrase which provides atemporal anchor for the sentence. Copula be drops in S-l predicates because Infl is empty without [-fin]feature. AspP head, but not TP head, is bound by Tense operator.5
Given Becker¶s insight, it is expected that the copula omission is also found in other childlanguages. The next section deals with the Japanese copulative constructions and argues that
underspecified T can be the same mechanism underlying copula omission in child Japanese.

6.2. The Omission/Production of Copulative Elements in Child Japanese
In adult Japanese, the copulas appear as da (or ya (Kansai dialect)) or desu, and they appear only
in nominal predicates. In case the copulas da (and ya) are produced followed by a sentence-ending
particle no, they have adnominal form na. Just like copulative sentences in English, it is impossible forI-l predicates to occur with temporal expressions (such as kyoo (today)). See the examples shown in(36).
5

Wexler (2000) argues that the asymmetry in copula omission found by Becker (2000, 2001) can be explainedby adopting Agreement and Tense Omission Model (Schütze and Wexler, 1996) and Unique Checking Constraint(UCC) (Wexler, 1998). According to Wexler (1998), UCC allows a D-feature on DP to check against only one
functional category in child grammar, thus forcing either AGR or TNS to be omitted. Wexler (2000) employs'LHVLQJ¶V  SURSRVDOWKDWWKHVXbject NP of I-l predicates is base-generated in TP Spec; while the subject NP
of S-l predicates, which is base-generated inside VP, has to move to the TP Spec. TNS or AGRS must be omitted
for UCC and consequently finite be in S-l predicates is dropped by children. UCC does not apply, when thesubject DP is generated in the Spec of TP, and hence, be is not omitted. See Wexler (2000) for detailed discussion.

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221
(36)

a. Taroo-ga (kyoo) genki da (ya, desu)/na-no-Nom today active Dec Copula/Ad Copula-ParticleµTaroo is fine (today).¶b. Kore-ga (*kyoo) hikooki da (ya, desu)/na-no
this-Nom today
airplane Dec Copula/Ad Copula-Particleµ7KLVLVDQDLUSODQH¶[Stage-level][Individual-level]

As in (36a), the S-l predicate genki (active) can occur with the temporal modifier kyoo, while theI-l nominal predicates hikooki (airplane) as in (36b) cannot.
Our analysis of copulative elements produced by a Japanese-speaking child, Jun, who is a
Kansai-dialect speaker, finds that Jun optionally drops copulas just like English-speaking children. The
total number of copula omissions is 32 (18 in S-l predicates, 12 in I-l predicates and 2 in non-classified
predicates) out of 1,677 utterances of copulative sentences6 from the age of 2;0 to 3;1, when erroneous
genitive subjects are also produced (from 2;2 to 2;9). The relevant examples are shown as in (37).
(37)

a. Iyaĳ no (Jun 2;2)
(Adult form: na no)
reluctantParticleµ , GRQ¶WZDQW WREULQJWKHWR\V ¶
b. Kirai ĳ wa (Jun 2;6)
(Adult form: da wa)
dislike
Particleµ , GLVOLNH P\GDGG\VR,ZLOOQRWEULQJDFXSIRUKLP ¶
c. Jun-no
ĳ kara nesaattara akanyo (Jun 2;6) (Adult form: da-kara)-Genitive because Particle touch not allowed Particleµ(This) is Jun¶s, so (you are) not allowed to touch (it).¶

Although the subjects are null in (37), the adjectival noun iya (reluctant) in (37a) is erroneously
followed by the particle no without a copula na in adnominal form . In (37b), the copula in declarative
form da should appear following the adjectival noun kirai (dislike), but it is omitted. (37a) and (37b)
are the copula omissions in S-l predicates. Copula omission in I-l predicates such as (37c) is seldom
observed.
As for the production of copulative elements, the overt copulas are mostly found in I-l predicateswith null subjects as given in (38). We also find that nominative subjects occur with copulas indeclarative form (da) as shown in (39) from the age of one.
(38)

(39)

a. Hikooki ya (Jun 1;10)
airplane Dec Copulaµ 7KLV LVDQDLUSODQH¶Kore gakakkoi buubu
this-Nom coolcarµThis is the cool car.¶b. Gattyaman da (Jun 2;5)
Gattyaman Dec Copulaµ 7KLV LV*DWW\DPDQ (=a TV character)¶ya (Jun 2;6)
CopulaIn (38a) and (38b), the copulas da (and ya) are produced followed by the nominal predicateshikooki (an airplane) and Gattyaman. When subject NP is overtly produced as in (39), the subject kore
(this) is marked with the nominative Case. Based on the data shown above, a Japanese-speaking childtends to drop copulative elements in S-l predicates. Moreover, copulative elements are produced early,
even before the stage of genitive subjects and copula omissions. The total numbers of copula omission
and production in Jun¶s production are summarized in Table 3.

6

The copulative sentences containing da, ya and desu (copula-Pres) and datta, yatta and deshita (copula-Past)
are counted, while the fixed expressions such as nan(i)-da (What is this?), soo da (I got it.), koo-da (I do in thisway.), the imitation production which Jun repeated what his father said, unclear utterances and erroneous usages(e.g., tabe-ta desu (eat-Past Copula)) are not.

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222
Table 3
The Number of Copulative Element Omission/Production in Jun¶s Production (2;0-3;1)
The Type of Predicates
S-l predicates
I-l predicates Not Classified Total Number
The Copula Omission (Rates)
18 (5.3%)
12 (1.1%)
2 (0.7%)32
The Copula Production

318

1,056

271

1,645

Though the copula omission rates are not as high as Becker¶s (2000, 2001) data, Table 3 showsthat Jun tends to drop copulas in S-l predicates. This result complies with our hypothesis.7
For this hypothesis, an interesting utterance of copula omission occurring with an erroneous
genitive subject is found in Moko¶s corpus as shown in (40).
(40)

Moko-tyan-*notensai ĳ (Moko 2;0)-Gen geniusµMoko-W\DQ , LVJHQLXV¶In (40), the declarative form of copula da or desu is not overtly produced. Moreover, our corpus
analysis finds related Case errors with respect to the form of copulative elements as in (41) and (42).
(41)

Kotesatehime-*no daisuki ĳ (Moko 2;7)-Gen loveµ,ORYH.RWHVDWHKLPH (=a kind of princess)¶(42)

A-tyan-*no hambaagu suki-na-Gen hamburger like-Ad Copulaµ$-W\DQ , OLNHVWKHKDPEXUJHUVWHDN¶no (A 2;3)
Particle

In (41), the copula after daisuki (love) drops, and the object NP, Kotesasehime, is erroneously
marked with the genitive Case. In (42), the copula in adnominal form na is overtly produced since it isfollowed by the particle no. Thus, copula tends to drop, and when it does not, it appears in adnominal
form followed by sentence-ending particle no. However, the copulas in declarative form da or ya are
not found with erroneous genitive subjects. These facts suggest that it is the Adnominal T, but not the
Declarative T, that checks the genitive subjects. Figure 2 gives the numbers of genitive Case errors,
relative clauses (both *CP relatives and TP relatives) and the copula omissions.

7

As one reviewer pointed out, Jun¶s copula drop rate is significantly lower than English-speaking children¶s. In
adult Japanese, copulas can drop (e.g., Kore-ga hikooki ĳ µThis is an airplane.¶). In our corpus analysis, suchutterances are not classified as ungrammatical copula omissions, but the copula omissions such as (37) arecounted. This may be the cause of very low rate of copula omissions in child Japanese.

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223

Figure 2. The Numbers of Utterances of ‘Erroneous’ Genitive Subjects, Relative Clauses and the
Omission of Copulas (Jun)
Figure 2 shows that three types of errors are produced during the same age span, and it also showsthat it is at around the age of 2;10 that all these errors cease.
Furthermore, we have supportive evidence found in erroneous genitive subjects for our hypothesis.
See the English copulative sentences shown in (32), which are repeated in (43). This semantic contrast
corresponds to the Japanese existential sentences as in (44).
(43)

a. Rodney is in the kitchen. [Stage-level]b. Rodney is a cat/fat. [Individual-level](44)

a. Hon-ga
heya-ni a-ru
book-Nom room-at exist-Pres‘A book is in the room.’b. Taroo-wa gakusei dea-ru-Top student Copula exist-Pres‘Taroo is a student.’

The S-l predicate (43a) meaning that Rodney is located in a place, kitchen, corresponds to (44a)the existential sentence containing an existential verb ‘(-ni) aru’ in Japanese. The I-l predicate (43b)corresponds to the construction with ‘(-de) aru,’ which is the literal expression of da in Japanese as
shown in (44b).
In Jun’s corpus, we found that erroneous genitive subjects occurring with the S-l verb ‘(-ni) aru’ as
given in (45).
(45)

a. Koori-*no ippai
a-ru (Jun 2;8)
ice-Gena lot
exist-Pres‘There are lots of ice.’b. Karendaa-*no a-ru (Moko 2;7)
calendar-Gen
exist-Pres‘There is a calendar.’

As in (45), the subject NPs marked with the genitive Case are produced with the verb ‘(-ni) aru’ as
S-l predicates. Crucially, the erroneous genitive subjects co-occurring with I-l predicates ‘(-de) aru,’
even with its colloquial expressions da or desu, are not found at all. Hence, the empirical evidencecollected from the Japanese corpus given above is consistent with Becker’s finding for child English.
The age span when Jun produces erroneous genitive subjects, TP and CP relative clauses, copulasand existential verb aru are summarized in Table 4.

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224
Table 4
Ages that Jun Produced µErroneous¶ Genitive Subjects, Relative Clauses, Copulas and Existential
Verbs
Age
2;0 2;12;2 2;3 2;4 2;5 2;6 2;7 2;8 2;9 2;10 2;11 3;0 3;1
Types of Predicates
Erroneous Genitive Subjects*CP Relative Clauses
TP Relative Clauses
Omission of Copulas in S-l P
Production of Copulas in S-l P
Existential Verb aru** Dot lines indicate that *CP relative clauses and omission of copulas in S-l predicates are lessproduced compared to solid lines.
Our descriptive corpus analysis finds that the omission of copulas is observed roughly at aroundthe same stage as erroneous genitive subjects (from 2;2 to 2;9). This result, hence, is consistent with
our hypothesis that children¶s copula omissions and the erroneous genitive Case-marked subjects are
due to the underspecification of the features in Tense.

7. Conclusion
In this paper, we showed that young children acquiring Japanese and English produce erroneous
genitive subjects and omit copulative elements, based on the descriptive corpus analysis. The
erroneous genitive subjects are observed during the Root Infinitive stage. Then, correct nominative
subjects and copulative elements (in Stage-level predicates) optionally appear at the stage of Caseerrors. Genitive subjects cease when the adult-like relative clauses in Japanese and progressive
sentences in English appear productively. Furthermore, the properties of sentences with the erroneous
genitive subjects are parallel with the genitive subjects in the sentential modifiers in noun phrases inadult Japanese and gerundive constructions in adult English.
We argued that the genitive Case errors are due to the underspecification of Tense. Precisely,
2-year-old children have not specified the external relation of Adnominal or Gerundive T [Genitive] inthe adult way, and they initially assume that the Adnominal or Gerundive T can be compatible with C,
as they percolate CP as the default root clause (Rizzi, 1994). This happens after the acquisition of (i)the structure of relative clauses by setting the TP value for the parameter of the relative clauses(Murasugi, 1991) in Japanese and (ii) progressive sentences in English by finding the lexical andstructural differences between DP gerund constructions and CP progressive sentences. In order toattain adult grammar, children need to learn that Adnominal T is compatible only with N (D), not with
C. We have shown that our observation of the optional copula omission found in child Japanese also
correlates with the lack of fully specified Tense.

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A Cross-linguistic Approach to the ʻErroneousʼ Genitive Subjects:Underspecification of Tense in Child Grammar Revisited (N. Sawada and K. Murasugi)

Selected Proceedings of the 4th Conference
on Generative Approaches to Language
Acquisition North America (GALANA 2010)edited by Mihaela Pirvulescu,
María Cristina Cuervo, Ana T. Pérez-Leroux,
Jeffrey Steele, and Nelleke Strik
Cascadilla Proceedings Project

Somerville, MA

2011

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Underspecification of Tense in Child Grammar Revisited. In Selected Proceedings of the 4th Conference on
Generative Approaches to Language Acquisition North America (GALANA 2010), ed. Mihaela Pirvulescu et al.,209-226. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. www.lingref.com, document #2597.

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Chapter 3: Syntactic Structures(⤫ㄒᵓ㐀࡜ࡑࡢ⋓ᚓ)

Journal of Japanese Linguistics 26 (Special Issue in Memory of Yuki Kuroda), 85-100, 2010.

On the Nature of the Complementizer To*
Mamoru Saito
Nanzan University

1. Introduction
To is often assumed to be ambiguous between a marker of direct quotation and a complementizer(henceforth, comp) for finite propositions that corresponds to that in English. Typical examples ofthese two cases are shown in (1).
(1) a.

b.

Taroo-JD³+DQDNR-wa boku-no uti-ni i-UX´ to it-ta (koto)
T.-NOM H.-TOP
I-GEN house-at is
to said fact
µ7DURRVDLG³+DQDNRLVDWP\KRXVH´ ¶Taroo-ga Hanako-wa boku-no uti-ni i-ru to it-ta (koto)
T.-NOM H.-TOP
I-GEN house-at is to said fact
µ7DURRVDLGWKDW+DQDNRZDVDWP\KRXVH¶(1a) and (1b) consist of the same string of words, including the first person pronoun boku µ,¶,Q(1a), the pronoun refers to Taroo. Thus, the embedded sentence must be a direct quotation of
7DURR¶VXWWHUDQFH2QWKHRWKHUKDQGWKHVDPHSURQRXQboku refers to the speaker of the matrix
clause in (1b). In this case, the embedded sentence must represent indirect discourse.
However, it has been widely known that the distinction between direct quotation and indirect
discourse, apparently, is not always clear-cut. For example, Kuno (1988) discusses sentences such*$OWKRXJK,DPVWLOOKDYLQJDKDUGWLPHDFFHSWLQJ<XNL.XURGD¶VXQWLPHO\GHDWK,ZRXOGOLNHWRWDNHWKLV
opportunity to acknowledge my immense intellectual debt to him. I have been constantly inspired by his
writings and discussions with him since I started working on linguistics more than 30 years ago. He was agreat teacher, an ideal role model, and a wonderful friend. Over the years, I have developed a habit to engage
LQ³LPDJLQDU\GLVFXVVLRQV´ZLWKKLPJXHVVLQJKRZKHZRXOGUHDFWWRDQLGHDDQGWKLQNLQJRIZD\VWRUHSO\
to his likely comments. I am happy to be able to contribute this paper to this special issue of JJL in his
memory as it benefitted very much IURP³GLVFXVVLRQV´ZLWKKLP
7KLVLVDQH[WHQGHGYHUVLRQRI6HFWLRQRIP\HDUOLHUSDSHU³6HOHFWLRQDQG&ODXVH7\SHVLQ-DSDQHVH´which was presented initially at the International Conference on Sentence Types held at the University ofFrankfurt in June, 2009. The material was presented also at Nanzan University, University of York, MIT,and University of Connecticut. I would like to thank the audiences at these places, including Adriana Belletti,
Tomohiro Fujii, Bill Haddican, Günther Grewendorf, Paul Portner, Peter Sells, Kensuke Takita, and Julio
Villa-García, and also J. J. Nakayama for helpful comments. The preparation of this paper was supported inpart by the Nanzan University Pache Research Subsidy I-A-2 (2010), which is gratefully acknowledged.

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax2

as (2):(2)

Taroo-wa zibun-no uti-ni ki-te kure to Ziroo-ni it-ta
T.-TOP
self-GEN home-to come for-me to Z.-DAT said
µLit. Taroo said to Ziroo that FRPHWRKLV 7DURR¶V KRXVH¶

The embedded clause is an imperative and expresses a request rather than a proposition. Thissuggests that it represents a direct discourse. However, if it is a direct quotation of an utterance byTaroo, the first person pronoun boku µ,¶PXVWDSSHDULQVWHDGRIWKHUHIOH[LYHzibun µVHOI¶$Vzibun
is bound by the matrix subject, the part that contains it must represent an indirect discourse. Kuno
FRQFOXGHVWKHQWKDW-DSDQHVHDOORZV³EOHQGHGGLVFRXUVH´ZKLFKVWDUWVRXWDVLQGLUHFWDQGVKLIWVWR
direct.
In this paper, I argue that examples like (2) look puzzling because of the incorrect assumptionthat to is a comp for finite propositions when it is not a marker of direct quotation. I propose insteadthat to is employed to report the content of an utterance or what is in the mind of the relevant person(typically the referent of the matrix subject), including an order, a question, a proposal, and an
imaginary situation. Plann (1982) examines que in Spanish and argues that it is ambiguous between
a comp for propositions and a comp for paraphrases of direct discourse. What I intend todemonstrate is that to is specialized for the latter purpose. This provides support for her proposal todistinguish the two types of ques as it shows that the second type has a unique phonetic realizationin Japanese.
3ODQQ¶VLQLWLDODUJument is based on the fact that que, in some contexts, can be followed by aquestion. In the following section, I first discuss parallel facts with to as in (3) and show that her
analysis is directly applicable to Japanese.
(3)

ku-ru] ka] to] tazune-ta
Taroo-wa Ziroo-ni [CP [CP [TP Hanako-ga kare-no ie-ni
T.-TOP Z.-DAT
H.-NOM he-GEN house-to come Q to askedµLit. Taroo asked Ziroo that if +DQDNRLVFRPLQJWRKLV 7DURR¶V KRXVH¶

7KHQ,FRQVLGHU.XQR¶V  examples mentioned above and argue that they too fall into place
XQGHU 3ODQQ¶V DQDO\VLV ,Q 6HFWLRQ  , SUHVHQW HYLGHQFH WKDW UHLQIRUFHV WKLV DQDO\VLV RI to. In
particular, I compare the distributions of to and another comp no, and argue that there is a clear
division of labor: while to appears when the matrix predicate is a verb of saying or thinking, no isemployed when the CP expresses an event, state, or action. Section 4 concludes the paper.
2. To as a Complementizer for Reports of Direct Discourse
As seen above, to can follow questions and imperatives. In this section, I consider these cases inturn. Section 2.1 shows that to can follow a question CP in exactly the same context that que cantake a question CP as a complement, that is, when the matrix predicate is a verb of saying or
WKLQNLQJ 6HFWLRQ  UHH[DPLQHV .XQR¶V   K\SRWKHVLV WKDW -DSDQHVH DOORZV ³EOHQGHG

- 158 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

3

GLVFRXUVH´DQGVKRZVWKDWWKHUHOHYDQWIDFWVSRLQWWRDQRWKHUSDUDOOHOLVPEHWZHHQto and que, as que
also can take an imperative complement as discussed in Rivero 1994.
2.1. The Distribution of to with Interrogative CP Complements
Let us start the discussion by examining (3) in a little more detail. The matrix verb, tazune-taµDVNHG¶VHOHFWVIRUDTXHVWLRQDVVKRZQLQ  
ku-ru] ka/*to] tazune-ta
Taroo-wa Ziroo-ni [CP [TP Hanako-ga kare-no ie-ni
T.-TOP Z.-DAT
H.-NOM he-GEN house-to come Q/to askedµ7DURRDVNHG=LURRif /*that +DQDNRLVFRPLQJWRKLV 7DURR¶V KRXVH¶(4)

This suggests that there is a selectional relation between the matrix verb and the question comp ka
in (3), and that to is somehow transparent for this relation. However, the situation is not thatstraightforward. The verb, siri-tagat-te-i-ru µZDQWWRNQRZ¶DOVRVHOHFWVIRr a question as in (5a),but (5b) shows that it does not allow the ka-to sequence in contrast with tazune-ta µDVNHG¶(5) a.

Taroo-wa [CP [TP Hanako-ga kare-no ie-ni
ku-ru] ka] siri-tagat-te-i-ru
T.-TOP
H.-NOM he-GEN house-to come Q want to know
µ7DURRZDQWVWRNQRZif +DQDNRLVFRPLQJWRKLVKRXVH¶

b. * Taroo-wa [CP [CP [TP Hanako-ga kare-no ie-ni ku-ru] ka] to] siri-tagat-te-i-ruµLit. Taroo wants to know that if +DQDNRLVFRPLQJWRKLVKRXVH¶
If to is simply an optional comp that is ignored in selectional relations, (5b) is expected to begrammatical. The contrast between (3) and (5b) indicates there is indeed a selectional relation
between the matrix predicate and to.
Then, what is the source RIWKHFRQWUDVWEHWZHHQ  DQG E "+HUH3ODQQ¶V  GLVFXVVLRQ
of que becomes quite relevant.1 She shows that que, which serves as a comp for a propositional
complement in (6a), can also be followed by questions as in (6b-c).
(6) a.

1Sabía
que corría
knew(3sg.) que run(3sg.)µ+HNQHZWKDWKHZDVUXQQLQJ¶b.

Te preguntan que para qué quieres
el préstamo
you ask(3pl.) que for what want(2sg.) the loan
µ7KH\DVN\RXZKDW\RXZDQWWKHORDQIRU¶

c.

seríanadecuadosPensó
que cuáles
thought(3sg.) que which ones would be appropriate

Thanks are due to Kensuke Takita for pointing out the relevance of Plann 1982 in this context.

- 159 -

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

4µ+HZRQGHUHGZKLFKRQHVZRXOGEHDSSURSULDWH¶
But she notes at the same time that not all question-selecting predicates allow the presence of que.
Some verbs that do not permit que are shown in (7).
Yasupieron/entendieron/recordaron(*qui) por qué lo habías
hechoalready found out(3pl.)/understood(3pl.)/remember(3pl.) que why
it had(2sg.) done
µ7KH\DOUHDG\IRXQGRXWXQGHUVWRRGUHPHPEHUHGZK\\RXKDGGRQHLW¶(7)

Thus, que LVREVHUYHGZLWKDQHPEHGGHGTXHVWLRQZKHQWKHPDWUL[YHUELVµDVN¶RUµWKLQN¶EXWQRWZKHQLWLVµILQGRXW¶µXQGHUVWDQG¶RUµUHPHPEHU¶
Examining more relevant examples, Plann draws the generalization that que can take a question
CP complement when the matrix predicate is a verb of saying or thinking, that is, a verb that iscompatible with direct quotation. Based on this, she proposes that que in this case is a comp that
introduces a paraphrase of direct discourse. According to her analysis, there are three types of
FRPS¶VLQ6SDQLVKDQXOOFRPSIRUTXHVWLRQ&3Vque for propositions, and que for paraphrases of
direct discourse. Following Lahiri 1991, I call the last one que for reports.
Let us now return with this background to the contrast between (3) and (5b), repeated as (8a-b).
(8) a.

ku-ru] ka] to] tazune-ta
Taroo-wa Ziroo-ni [CP [CP [TP Hanako-ga kare-no ie-ni
T.-TOP Z.-DAT
H.-NOM he-GEN house-to come Q to askedµLit. Taroo asked Ziroo that if +DQDNRLVFRPLQJWRKLV 7DURR¶V KRXVH¶

b. *Taroo-wa [CP [CP [TP Hanako-ga kare-no ie-ni
ku-ru] ka] to] siri-tagat-te-i-ru
T.-TOP
H.-NOM he-GEN house-to come Q to want to know
µLit. Taroo wants to know that if +DQDNRLVFRPLQJWRKLVKRXVH¶
Here, the matrix verb in (8a), tazune-ta µDVNHG¶ LV D YHUE RI VD\LQJ EXW WKDW LQ E 
siri-tagat-te-i-ru µZDQWWRNQRZ¶LVQRWDYHUERIVD\LQJRUWKLQNLQJ7KXV3ODQQ¶VJHQHUDOL]DWLRQ
seems applicable to Japanese. This is confirmed by further examination of the verbs that allow the
ka-to sequence. That is, to can take a question CP as a complement when the matrix predicate is averb of saying or thinking, exactly as que for reports. Partial lists of the Japanese matrix predicatesthat allow the ka-to sequence and those that do not are given in (9).
(9) a.

b.

matrix predicates that allow ka-to:
kik-u µDVN¶situmon-su-ru µTXHVWLRQ¶yu-u µVD\¶sakeb-u µVFUHDP¶omo-u µWKLQN¶
matrix predicates that do not allow ka-to:tyoosa-su-ru µLQYHVWLJDWH¶hakken-su-ru µGLVFRYHU¶rikai-su-ru µXQGHUVWDQG¶
sir-ana-i µQRWNQRZ¶

The verbs in (9a) are compatible with direct quotation and those in (9b) are not, as illustrated in- 160 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

5(10).2(10) a.

si-te-i-ru no daroo ND´to omot-ta
Taroo-ZD³+DQDNR-wa nani-oT.-TOP
H.-TOP
what-ACC doing
no can be Q to thoughtµ7DURRWKRXJKW³:KDWFDQLWEHWKDW+DQDNRLVGRLQJ"´ ¶si-te-i-ru no daroo ND´to sir-ana-ib. *Taroo-ZD³+DQDNR-wa nani-oT.-TOP
H.-TOP
what-ACC doing
no can be Q to not know
µLit. 7DURRGRHVQ¶WNQRZ³:KDWFDQLWEHWKDW+DQDNRLVGRLQJ"´ ¶It has been shown that to can have a question CP complement in the same context as que. I
hence conclude that it too can serve as a comp for reports of direct discourse. The following
VXEVHFWLRQ FRQVLGHUV .XQR¶V   ³EOHQGHG GLVFRXUVH´ DQG SUHVHQWV IXUWKHU HYLGHQFH IRU WKLV
conclusion.
2Q.XQR¶V  %OHQGHGDQG4XDVL-Direct Discourse
As noted above, Kuno (1988) proposes that a sentence embedded under to FDQ EH D ³EOHQGHGGLVFRXUVH´VWDUWLQJDVLQGLUHct and shifting to direct. The relevant example (2) is repeated below as(11b), together with its direct discourse counterpart in (11a).
(11) a.

Taroo-ZD³%RNX-no uti-ni
ki-te NXUH´ to Ziroo-ni it-ta
T.-TOP
I-GEN home-to come for-me to Z.-DAT said
µ7DURRVDLGWR=LURR³&RPHWRP\KRXVH´ ¶b.

Taroo-wa zibun-no uti-ni ki-te kure to Ziroo-ni it-ta
T.-TOP self-GEN home-to come for-me to Z.-DAT said
µLit. Taroo said to Ziroo that FRPHWRVHOI¶VKRXVH¶,ILUVWDUJXHWKDW³EOHQGHGGLVFRXUVH´LVUHDOO\LQGLUHFW7KHQ,VKRZWKDW3ODQQ¶V  DQDO\VLV
predicts examples such as (11b) to be possible and that the parallelism between que and to holds inthis case also.
Kuno assumes that the verb in the embedded clause of (11b) represents some kind of direct
discourse as it expresses a request. However, he points out at the same time that it cannot be a direct
quotation. Note first that the form of an expression for request varies in accordance with the degree
RI³SROLWHQHVV´DVVKRZQLQ  

2Another comp n(o) appears in these examples. It is discussed in comparison with to in the following
section.

- 161 -

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

6

ki-te NXUH´to Ito-sensei-ni it-ta(12) a. # Taroo-ZD³%RNX-no uti-ni
T.-TOP
I-GEN home-to come for me to I.-Prof.-DAT said
µ7DURRVDLGWR3URI,WR³&RPHWR P\KRXVH´ ¶b.

Taroo-ZD³:DWDVL-no uti-ni oi-de itadak-e-mas-u ka´ to Ito-sensei-ni it-ta
T.-TOP
I-GEN
home-to come for me (polite) Q to I.-Prof.-DAT said
µ7DURRVDLGWR3URI,WR³:RXOG\RXSOHDVHFRPHWRP\ KRXVH"´ ¶(12a) is inappropriate as an utterance of a student, Taroo, to his teacher, Prof. Ito, because ki-te kureµFRPHIRUPH¶LVDQRQ-polite, neutral expression. (12b) shows what Taroo would actually say inthis context. Kuno points out that the judgments, interestestingly, are reversed when direct
GLVFRXUVHLVWXUQHGLQWR³EOHQGHGGLVFRXUVH´7KLVLVVKRZQLQ  (13) a.

Taroo-wa zibun-no uti-ni
ki-te kure to Ito-sensei-ni it-ta
T.-TOP self-GEN home-to come for me to I.-Prof.-DAT said
µLit. 7DURRVDLGWR3URI,WRWKDWFRPHWRVHOI¶VKRXVH¶

b. * Taroo-wa zibun-no uti-ni oi-de itadak-e-mas-u ka to Ito-sensei-ni it-ta
T.-TOP self-GEN home-to come for me (polite) Q to I.-Prof.-DAT said
µLit. 7DURRVDLGWR3URI,WRWKDWZRXOG\RXSOHDVHFRPHWRP\KRXVH"¶(13a) contains the neutral, non-polite form, ki-te kure µFRPHIRUPH¶DQGLVSHUIHFWO\JUDPPDWLFDO
On the other hand, (13b) with the polite expression is not just inappropriate but ungrammatical.
%DVHGRQWKLVREVHUYDWLRQ.XQRFRQFOXGHVWKDWWKHGLUHFWSDUWRI³EOHQGHGGLVFRXUVH´LVQRWUHDOO\GLUHFWEXWRQO\³TXDVL-GLUHFW´$FFRUGLQJWRKLP³EOHQGHGGLVFRXUVH´WKHQFRQVLVWVRILQGLUHFWGLVFRXUVHDQG³TXDVL-GLUHFW´GLVcourse.
.XQRJRHVRQWRGLVFXVVZK\SROLWHH[SUHVVLRQVDUHQRWDOORZHGLQ³EOHQGHGGLVFRXUVH´+LV
answer is that this is because polite forms do not appear in embedded clauses as shown in (14).
kai-masi-ta] hon]-oyomi-masi-ta(14) a. * Watasi-wa [NP [kinoo
I-TOPyesterday bought (polite) book-ACC read (polite)µ,UHDGWKHERRN,ERXJKW\HVWHUGD\¶b.

Watasi-wa [NP [kinoo
kat-ta]hon]-oyomi-masi-ta
I-TOP
yesterday bought (neutral) book-ACC read (polite)

The sentences in (14) are polite expressions as the matrix verb is in the polite form. Yet, the verb
HPEHGGHGLQWKHUHODWLYHFODXVHPXVWDVVXPHWKHQHXWUDOIRUP.XQR¶VDQDO\VLVLVWKDW  DOORZV
only the neutral form of the expression of request for the same reason.
7KLVDFFRXQWLVFRQYLQFLQJEXWLWLPSOLHVWKDW³EOHQGHGGLVFRXUVH´FRXQWVDVDQHPEHGGHG
clause, and hence, that it is after all indirect. This is so because direct discourse by definition has
matrix properties. Then, the remaining question is why to can embed a sentence expressing a- 162 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

7

request while that in English, for example, cannot, as illustrated in (15).
(15) *John said to Mary that (please) come to his house
The answer is straightforward given the discussion in the preceding subsection. To, unlike that, is acomp for reports of direct discourse. The direct discourse that is reported can be a request as well asa question. Hence, an expression of request or an imperative can appear as the complement of tojust like a question can.
Given the hypothesis that to is exactly like que in Spanish, it is predicted that que can also takean imperative complement. And interestingly enough, relevant examples are presented in Rivero
1994 as suSSRUWLQJHYLGHQFHIRU3ODQQ¶VDQDO\VLVRIque. (16a) is one of her examples.
(16) a.

b.

Dijo
que a no molestarlesaid (3sg.) that to not bother-himµ+HVDLGQRWWRERWKHUKLP¶'LMR³$QR PROHVWDUPH´
said (3sg.) to not bother-meµ+HVDLG³'RQ¶WERWKHUPH´(16a) clearly contains an embedded imperative, but it is indirect discourse as it contains a third
person clitic unlike the direct quotation in (16b). Thus, the comparison of Kuno 1988 and Rivero
1994 points to another similarity between to and que.3
The analysis of to as a comp for reports of direct discourse predicts that there are more sentence
types, aside from questions and imperatives, that can be embedded under to. This prediction is
discussed in Matsumoto 2010, where she points out that exclamatives and expressions employed ininvitation for joint action can be followed by to. (17a-b) illustrate these cases.
(17) a.

b.

Taroo-ga [CP kare-no musuko-wa nante kasiko-i n daroo to] omot-ta koto
T.-NOM
he-GEN son-TOP how smart that can be to thought fact
µLit. WKHIDFWWKDW7DURRWKRXJKWWKDWKRZVPDUWFDQKLV 7DURR¶V VRQEH¶
Hanako-wa Taroo-o [CP kanozyo-no ie-ni
ik-oo to] sasot-ta
H.-TOP
T.-ACC
she-GEN house-to OHW¶VJR to invitedµLit. +DQDNRLQYLWHG7DURRWKDWOHW¶VJRWRKHU +DQDNR¶V KRXVH¶

These examples provide further evidence for the analysis presented here.

3

A brief survey of the literature suggests that a comp for reports is quite widespread. See, for example,
Jayaseelan 2008 for Malayalam, and Grewendorf and Poletto 2009 for Cimbrian, a German dialect spoken
in northeastern Italy.

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Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

8

3. Report as the Unique Function of to
It was argued in the preceding section that to, like que, functions as a comp for reports of direct
discourse. As noted there, que is ambiguous between a comp for reports and a comp for
propositions. Then, it may be questioned whether to is ambiguous in the same way. As to has often
been assumed to correspond to that in English, the answer appears to be positive. However, I argue
in this section that it is not. In Section 3.1, I argue that there is a division of labor between to andanother comp no, and that the former is for reports of direct discourse while the latter is employedfor propositions. Section 3.2 presents further suggestive evidence that to is specialized for the
purpose of reports.
3.1. The Division of Labor between to and no
To is widely assumed to be the comp that corresponds to that in English because it appears withtypical bridge verbs like omo-u µWKLQN¶DQGyu-u µVD\¶DVVKRZQLQ  (18)

mot-te-i-ru to] omot-ta/it-ta
Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga zibun-no kagi-oT.-TOP
H.-NOM self-GEN key-ACC haveto thought/saidµ7DURRWKRXJKWVDLGWKDW+DQDNRKDVKLVNH\V¶

This suggests that to performs dual functions as a comp for propositions as well as reports. There isanother comp no, which appears in the CP complements of verbs such as sit-te-i-ru µNQRZ¶DVLQ
(19).4(19)

Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga soko-ni i-ru no]-o sit-te-i-ta
T.-TOP
H.-NOM there-in is no-ACC knew
µ7DURRNQHZthat +DQDNRZDVWKHUH¶

As no is assumed to have a limited distribution as discussed below, it may seem irrelevant for theconsideration here. But I argue in this subsection that the distribution of no is much wider than has
been assumed and that it is the comp for propositions. The conclusion of this section is that no is theregular comp for propositions and to is employed specifically for reports of direct discourse.
Kuno (1973) provides a detailed comparison of to and no, and suggests that a CP headed by no
carries a factive presupposition.5 Although he acknowledges that this generalization has some4

The comp no is nominal in nature and requires a Case marker when it heads a CP in argument position. It
LVRIWHQFDOOHGDµQRPLQDOL]HU¶LQSDUWIRUWKLVUHDVRQ$OWKRXJKLWVFDWHJRULDOVWDWXVLVQRWLPSRUWDQWIRUWKH
discussion here, it should be noted that there are cases where it clearly heads a CP rather than an NP, forexample, in cleft sentences briefly discussed in Section 3.2. See Murasugi 1991 for detailed discussion on
this point.
5
He also considers koto, which has a similar but not identical distribution as no. I do not discuss it here
because it is fairly clear that it is a noun and as far as I can tell, the examination of its distribution does not- 164 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

9

obvious exceptions, it is motivated by examples such as (18) and (20).
(20)

Taroo-wa zibun-no hahaoya-ni at-ta no-o /*to kookai-si-ta
T.-TOP self-GEN mother-DAT met no-ACC/to regrettedµ7DURRUHJUHWWHGWKDWKHPHWKLVPRWKHU¶

The matrix verb, kookai-si-ta µUHJUHWWHG¶LQ  LVIDFWLYHDQGWKH&3FRPSOHPHQWPXVWEHKHDGHG
by no. On the other hand, to is required in (18), where the matrix verb is clearly non-factive. The
example is totally ungrammatical with no.
However, the distribution of no LV DFWXDOO\ PXFK ZLGHU WKDQ .XQR¶V URXJK JHQHUDOL]DWLRQ
suggests. (21) provides partial lists of the predicates that take CP complements headed to and thosethat appear with CPs headed by no.
(21) a. verbs that take CP complements headed by to:omo-u µWKLQN¶kangae-ru µFRQVLGHU¶sinzi-ru µEHOLHYH¶i-u µVD\¶sakeb-u µVFUHDP¶
syutyoo-su-ru µFODLPLQVLVW¶tazune-ru µLQTXLUH¶kitai-su-ru µH[SHFW¶kanzi-ru µIHHO¶
b. (i) verbs that take CP complements headed by no:
wasure-ru µIRUJHW¶kookai-su-ru µUHJUHW¶mi-ru µVHH¶mat-u µZDLW¶tamera-u µKHVLWDWH¶kyohi-su-ru µUHIXVH¶ukeire-ru µDFFHSW¶kitai-su-ru µH[SHFW¶kanzi-ru µIHHO¶(ii) predicates that take CP subjects headed by no:
akiraka-da µLVFOHDU¶kanoo-da µLVSRVVLEOH¶kantan-da µLVHDV\¶muzukasi-i µLVGLIILFXOW¶taihen-da µLVDELJGHDO¶
It is true that no occurs with typical factive verbs such as wasure-ru µIRUJHW¶ DQG kookai-su-ruµUHJUHW¶%XWIDFWLYHYHUEVFOHDUO\FRQVWLWXWHDPLQRULW\JURXSDPRQJWKRVHSUHGLFDWHVWKDWDSSHDU
with no-headed CPs.
7KH VWDWXV RI .XQR¶V JHQHUDOL]DWLRQ LV XQFOHDU HYHQ ZLWK wasure-ru µIRUJHW¶ .LSDUVN\ DQGKiparsky (1970) distinguishes the two instances of forget in (22).
(22) a.
b.

John forgot (the fact) that Mary was in Tokyo
John forgot to do the homework

In (22a), it takes a finite complement and the truth of the embedded sentence is presupposed.
Kiparsky and Kiparsky propose that the sentence is derived by deletion of the fact in this case. On
the other hand, forget takes an infinitival complement in (22b) and there is no presupposition
associated with the embedded clause. And interestingly, the Japanese counterparts of (22a-b) bothhave no, as shown in (23).

lead to further insights on the nature of to.

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Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

10(23) a.

b.

Taroo-wa [CP [TP Hanako-ga Tookyoo-ni i-ru] no]-o wasure-te-i-ta
T.-TOP
H.-NOM Tokyo-in is no-ACC had forgottenµ7DURRKDGIRUJRWWHQWKDW+DQDNRZDVLQ7RN\R¶
Taroo-wa [CP [TP syukudai-osu-ru] no]-owasure-ta
T.-TOP
homework-ACC do
no-ACC forgotµ7DURRIRUJRWWRGRWKHKRPHZRUN¶This indicates that presupposition has nothing to do with the selection of no by wasure-ru µIRUJHW¶
Kuno provides other data that suggest that a CP headed by no carries a factive presuppoition.
Among them is the ungrammaticality of (24a).
(24) a. * [CP [TP Taroo-ga soko-ni it-ta] no]-wa uso-da
T.-NOM there-to went no-TOP lie-isµ,WLVDOLHWKDW7DURRZHQWWKHUH¶b.

[CP [TP Taroo-ga soko-ni it-ta] toyuuno]-wa uso-da
T.-NOM there-to went toyuuno-TOP lie-isµ,WLVDOLHWRVD\WKDW7DURRZHQWWKHUH¶

According to Kuno, (24a) presupposes that Taroo went there. Hence, the sentence does not makesense as it asserts that it is a lie. He points out that toyuuno, which he considers to be another comp,must be used in this context as in (24b).
However, this account seems dubious because examples such as (25) make perfect sense.
(25)[CP [TP Taroo-ga soko-ni it-ta] no]-wa zizitu/akiraka-da
T.-NOM there-to went no-TOP fact/clear-isµ,WLVDIDFWFOHDUWKDW7DURRZHQWWKHUH¶

If this sentence presupposes that Taroo went there, what it asserts must be a tautology or at least be
trivial. But the sentence expresses a meaningful assertion. Then, why is (24a) ungrammatical? Here,note that toyuuno in (24b) can be decomposed into the comp to, the verb yu-u µVD\¶DQGWKHFRPS
no. So, first, as no occurs as the last element, the comp after all seems compatible with the predicate
uso-da µOLH-LV¶6HFRQGO\ZLWKWKHGHFRPSRVLWLRQWKHVHQWHQFHOLWHUDOO\PHDQVµ,WLVDOLHWRVD\WKDW7DURRZHQWWKHUH¶This is consistent with the meaning of uso, that is, to say something that is false.
7KHQLWFDQEHFRQMHFWXUHGWKDW D LVGHYLDQWEHFDXVHLWDVVHUWVWKDWWKHVHQWHQFHµ7DURRZHQW
WKHUH¶LVDOLH7KLVVHQWHQFHH[SUHVVHVDSURSRVLWLRQDQGFDQEHWUXHRr false, but cannot be a lie,
strictly speaking. One can only lie by uttering a false sentence.
Having seen that no is not necessarily associated with a factive presupposition, let us consider
again the lists of predicates in (21), repeated below in (26).
(26) a. verbs that take CP complements headed by to:- 166 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

11

omo-u µWKLQN¶kangae-ru µFRQVLGHU¶sinzi-ru µEHOLHYH¶i-u µVD\¶sakeb-u µVFUHDP¶
syutyoo-su-ru µFODLPLQVLVW¶tazune-ru µLQTXLUH¶kitai-su-ru µH[SHFW¶kanzi-ru µIHHO¶
b. (i) verbs that take CP complements headed by no:
wasure-ru µIRUJHW¶kookai-su-ru µUHJUHW¶mi-ru µVHH¶mat-u µZDLW¶tamera-u µKHVLWDWH¶kyohi-su-ru µUHIXVH¶ukeire-ru µDFFHSW¶kitai-su-ru µH[SHFW¶kanzi-ru µIHHO¶(ii) predicates that take CP subjects headed by no:
akiraka-da µLVFOHDU¶kanoo-da µLVSRVVLEOH¶kantan-da µLVHDV\¶muzukasi-i µLVGLIILFXOW¶taihen-da µLVDELJGHDO¶
The verbs in (26b-(i)) cover a wide range, and their CP complements represent events, states, or
actions. For example, one regrets that an event happened, sees/feels an event happen or a stateobtain, waits/expects for an event to happen or a state to obtain, and hesitates to perform an action.
The same can be said of the CP subjects of the predicates in (26b-(ii)). What can be clear is theexistence (or non-existence) of an event or a state in the past, present, or future. What can beeasy/difficult is to perform an action. Thus, CPs headed by no represent propositions.6
Those verbs listed in (26a), on the other hand, are all compatible with direct quotation. A coupleof examples are given in (27).
(27) a.

b.

Taroo-ZD³%RNX-no uti-ni
atumat-WHNXUH´to saken-da
T.-TOP
I-GEN house-at gather
for me to screamedµ7DURRVFUHDPHG³*DWKHUDWP\KRXVH´ ¶Hanako-ZD³:DWDVL-ga Taroo-ni a-X´ to syutyoo-si-ta
H.-TOP
I-NOM T.-DAT meet to insistedµ+DQDNRLQVLVWHG³,ZLOOJRVHH7DURR´ ¶Hence, all instances of CPs headed by to can be analyzed as representing reports of direct discourse.
I conclude then that no is the comp for propositions and to is employed specifically as the comp forreports.
Before I conclude this subsection, I would like to briefly return to the ka-to sequence discussed
in the preceding section and make a remark on the selectional relation between the matrix verb and6

It should be noted here that the verbs that take no-headed CP complements roughly correspond to those
English verbs that take gerunds. (See Rosenbaum 1967 for detailed discussion on the latter.) This must be
related to the nominal nature of those CPs alluded to in Footnote 4. Also relevant in this context is theanalysis of perception verb complements in Higginbotham 1983. He considers their nominal property andproposes to capture it by assigning an interpretation that involves quantification over events as illustrated
roughly in (i).
(i) a. John saw Mary walkb. There is an event e such that e is walking and e is by Mary and John saw e- 167 -

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

12the comp. It was shown that ka-to sequence is allowed when the matrix predicate is a verb of saying
or thinking as in (3), repeated below as (28).
(28)

Taroo-wa Ziroo-ni [CP [CP [TP Hanako-ga kare-no ie-ni
ku-ru] ka] to] tazune-ta
T.-TOP Z.-DAT
H.-NOM he-GEN house-to come Q to askedµLit. Taroo asked Ziroo that if +DQDNRLVFRPLQJWRKLV 7DURR¶V KRXVH¶

Further, it was suggested that the selectional relation holds between the matrix verb and to in thiscase: tazune-ru µDVN¶VHOHFWVIRUDUHSRUWDQGKHQFHWDNHVD&3FRPSOHPHQWKHDGHGE\ to. Thispredicts that all the verbs that select for reports allow the ka-to sequence regardless of whether theyalso select for questions. This is so because the question comp ka in a ka-to sequence does toparticipate in selectional relation with the matrix verb.
The prediction is borne out in an interesting way by the verb omo-u µWKLQN¶  VKRZVWKDWWKLV
verb cannot take a question CP as a complement.
(29) a.

Taroo-wa [CP [TP Hanako-ga soko-ni ik-u] to] omot-te-i-ru
T.-TOP
H.-NOM there-to go to thinkµ7DURRWKLQNVWKDW+DQDNRZLOOJRWKHUH¶

soko-ni ik-u] ka] omot-te-i-ru
b. * Taroo-wa [CP [TP dare-ga
T.-TOP
who-NOM there-to go Q thinkµLit. 7DURRWKLQNVZKRZLOOJRWKHUH¶
Yet, it allows the ka-to sequence as in (30).
(30)

Taroo-wa [CP [CP [TP dare-ga
soko-ni ik-u] ka] to] omot-te-i-ru
T.-TOP
who-NOM there-to go Q to thinkµLit. 7DURRWKLQNVWKDWZKRZLOOJRWKHUH¶ 7DURRWKLQNVWKDWQRRQHZLOOJRWKHUH

The question CP in (30) is construed as a rhetorical question implying that no one will go there.
Nevertheless, the grammaticality of (30) indicates that there is no selectional relation between thematrix verb and the question comp ka. This is so because the verb omo-u µWKLQN¶GRHVQRWDOORZD
question complement, whether it is interpreted as a genuine question or as a rhetorical question, as(29b) shows. The selectional relation is between the verb and the comp to, which is legitimate. The
question CP must be construed as a rhetorical question only because the meaning of the matrix verb
implies that what Taroo has in mind is a thought and not a question in this case.
3.2. Further Evidence for the Analysis of to as a Comp for Reports
In this subsection, I present three pieces of suggestive evidence for the analysis of to presented
above. The first concerns the interpretation of examples in which CPs headed by to and by noco-occur. The second has to do with the distribution of to-headed CPs within noun phrases. The- 168 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

13

WKLUGLVFKLOGUHQ¶VRYHUJHQHration of no in relative clauses, discussed in detail in Murasugi 1991. I
argue that the relevant facts are consistent with the analysis of to as a comp for reports.
First, when a sentence has a verb that selects a no-headed CP, it can have a to-headed CP in
addition as an adjunct. (31) illustrates this with the verbs mat-u µZDLW¶DQGkookai-su-ru µUHJUHW¶(31) a.

b.

Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga zibun-o tasuke-te kure-ru to] (it-te/omot-te)
T.-TOP
H.-NOM self-ACC help
for him to saying/thinking
mat-ta[CP kanozyo-ga ku-ru no]-oshe-NOM come no-ACC waitedµ7DURRZDLWHGIRU+DQDNRWRFRPHVD\LQJWKLQNLQJWKDWVKHZRXOGKHOSKLP¶
Taroo-wa [CP zibun-ga keisotu
dat-ta to] (omot-te)
T.-TOP
self-NOM thoughtless was to thinking[CP kawa-ni tobikon-da no]-o kookai-si-ta
river-in jumped-into no-ACC regrettedµ7DURRUHJUHWWHGWKDWKHMXPSHGLQWRWKHULYHUWKLQNLQJWKDWKHZDVWKRXJKWOHVV¶

In (31a), what Taroo waited for is the event of Hanako coming and the CP headed by no is thecomplement of the verb. The to-headed CP expresses what Taroo said or had in mind as an adjunct.
Similarly, in (31b), what Taroo regretted is his past action of jumping into the river, and theto-headed CP expresses his thought that led to this regret. These examples show that CPs headed byto can even be employed as adjuncts to report what the matrix subject says/said or has/had in mind.
It seems that this is possible because to has a unique function, that is, to introduce a report of direct
discourse.
The same observation can be made with verbs that allow their CP complements to be headed
either by to or by no. Kitai-su-ru µH[SHFW¶LVRQHVXFKYHUEDs shown in (32).
(32) a.

Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga zibun-o tasuke-te kure-ru to] kitai-si-ta
T.-TOP
H.-NOM self-ACC help
for him to expectedµ7DURRH[SHFWHG+DQDNRWRKHOSKLP¶b.

Taroo-wa [CP kanozyo-ga ku-ru no]-o kitai-si-ta
T.-TOP
she-NOM come no-ACC expectedµ7DURRH[SHFWHGKHUWRFRPH¶

c.

Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga zibun-o tasuke-te kure-ru to] (omot-te)
T.-TOP
H.-NOM self-ACC help
for him to thinking[CP kanozyo-ga ku-ru no]-o kitai-si-ta
she-NOM come no-ACC expectedµ7DURRH[SHFWHG+DQDNRWRFRPHWKLQNLQJWKDWVKHZRXOGKHOSKLP¶

Kitai-su-ru µH[SHFW¶FDQWDNHDto-headed CP as a complement as in (32a). But when it co-occurs- 169 -

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

14with a no-headed CP as in (32c), the latter serves as the complement and the CP headed by tobecomes an adjunct reporting what the matrix subject has/had in mind.
The discussion above suggests that to-headed CPs are employed extesively as adjuncts. So letme briefly comment and speculate on the complement status of the to-headed CP in (32a) before
moving on to the second set of data. Intuitively speaking, the CP serves as a complement in thisexample because what Taroo expected and what he had in mind coincide. That is, the CP is headed
by to because it reports what Taroo had in mind and it is the complement because it expresses what
he expected to happen. But there is another fact that seems quite relevant for the complement statusof to-headed CPs. That is, those verbs that take to-headed CP complements can often haveaccusative NP objects instead, and when both are present, the to-headed CP is typically inappositive relation with the object NP. A relevant example is shown in (33).
(33) a.

Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga erab-are-ru beki-da to] syutyoo-si-ta
T.-TOP
H.-NOM select-Passive should to insistedµ7DURRLQVLVWHGWKDW+DQDNRVKRXOGEHVHOHFWHG¶b.

Taroo-wa zibun-no iken-osyutyoo-si-ta
T.-TOP self-GEN opinion-ACC insistedµ7DURRSXVKHGKLVRZQRSLQLRQ¶c.

Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga erab-are-ru beki-da to] zibun-no iken-osyutyoo-si-ta
T.-TOP
H.-NOM select-Passive should to self-GEN opinion-ACC insisted
7DURRSXVKHGKLVRZQRSLQLRQWKDW+DQDNRVKRXOGEHVHOHFWHG¶

The verb syutyoo-su-ru µLQVLVW¶ZKLFKWDNHVDto-headed CP complement, can have an NP object
instead, as shown in (33a-b). When they co-occur as in (33c), the CP is in appositive relation to theobject NP. This is consistent with the analysis of to entertained here. The CP expresses the content
RI7DURR¶VRSLQLRQDQGKHQFHUHSRUWVZKDWKHLQVLVWHGRQ
Similar but more interesting for the purpose here are the examples in (34a-c), where the matrix
verb is su-ru µGR¶(34) a.

Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga erab-are-ru beki-da to] syutyoo-o si-ta (= syutyoo-si-ta)
T.-TOP
H.-NOM select-Passive should to claim-ACC did
insistedµ7DURRLQVLVWHGWKDW+DQDNRVKRXOGEHVHOHFWHG¶b.

Taroo-wa [CP ookami-ga ku-ru to] keikoku-osi-ta (= keikoku-si-ta)
T.-TOP
wolf-NOM come to warning-ACC did
warnedµ7DURRZDUQHGWKDWZROYHVZHUHFRPLQJ¶c.

Taroo-wa [CP sore-wa doko-ni ar-u ka to] situmon-osi-ta (= situmon-si-ta)
T.-TOP
it-TOP where-at is ka to question-ACC didquestionedµ7DURRDVNHGZKHUHLWLV¶- 170 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

15

7KHVHDUHH[DPSOHVRIWKHVRFDOOHGµOLJKWYHUEFRQVWUXFWLRQV¶GLVFXVVHGLQGHWDLOLQ*ULPVKDZDQG
Mester 1988, and Saito and Hoshi 2000, among others. In (34b), for example, the object and theverb, keikoku-o si-ta µZDUQLQJ-$&& GLG¶ H[SUHVV WKH VDPH PHDQLQJ DV WKH VLQJOH YHUE
keikoku-si-ta µZDUQHG¶6DLWRDG+RVKLSURSRVHDQDQDO\VLVLQZKLFKWKHDFFXVDWLYHQRXQFRYHUWO\incorporates into the light verb su-ru µGR¶DQGIRUPDSUHGLFDWHMXVWOLNHWKHFRUUHVSRQGLQJVLQJOH
verb. But independently of the specific analysis, what is of interest here is the fact that the
to-headed CP is in an appositive relation with the accusative noun. In (34b), the CP reports thecontent of the warning Taroo made.
This leads to a speculation on the status of the to-headed CP complements. Let us take (34b)again as the example to consider. The verb, keikoku-su-ru µZDUQ¶ WDNHV D to-headed CP
complement. As it contains the morpheme, keikoku µZDUQLQJ¶WKHQLWVHHPVSRVVLEOHWKDWWKH&3
assumes the complement status by virtue of being in appositive relation with this noun. This
speculation applies to all cases where the matrix verb has the form noun+su-ru µQRXQGR¶
including (32a), repeated below as (35).
(35)

Taroo-wa [CP Hanako-ga zibun-o tasuke-te kure-ru to] kitai-si-ta
T.-TOP
H.-NOM self-ACC help
for him to expectedµ7DURRH[SHFWHG+DQDNRWRKHOSKLP¶

In this example, the matrix verb contains the morpheme kitai µH[SHFWDWLRQ¶DQGWKHFRPSOHPHQW
CP is in appositive relation with the noun. Further, the speculation can be extended abstractly tomono-PRUSKHPLFYHUEVDVZHOO0RVWLIQRWDOORIWKRVHYHUEVFDQEH³GHFRPSRVHG´LQWRDQRXQ
and a verb, as indicated in (36).
(36)

omo-u µWKLQN¶ KDYHDWKRXJKW
yu-u µVD\¶ PDNHDVWDWHPHQW
tazune-ru µLQTXLUH¶ PDNHDQLQTXLU\

kanzi-ru µIHHO¶ KDYHDIHHOLQJ
tanom-u µUHTXHVW¶ PDNHDUHTXHVW

If to-headed CPs represent reports of direct discourse, then it is not surprising that they are
employed extensively as appositives to specify the contents of thoughts, feelings, statements,
requests, inquiries, and the like. The speculation offered here is that this is the case even when
to-headed CPs are complements.
Let us now turn to the second suggestive evidence for the analysis of to as a comp for reports,
which is actually related to the speculation made above. When a to-headed CP occurs in a nominal
projection, it is in appositive relation with the head noun.7(37) a.

[CP soko-ni iki-ta-i to]-no kiboo
there-to go-want tohope

7

The morpheme no WKDWIROORZVWKH&3LVHLWKHUDJHQLWLYHPDUNHURUDµOLQNHU¶LQWKHVHQVHRI:DWDQDEH
2010. See Saito, Lin and Murasugi 2008, Watanabe 2010, and the references cited there.

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Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

16µWKHZLVKWR JRWKHUH¶b.

[CP daigaku-ni ik-u beki da to]-no Hanako-no settoku
college-to go should to
H.-GEN persuasionµWKHSHUVXDVLRQRI+DQDNRWKDWVKHVKRXOGJRWRFROOHJH¶c.

[CP ookami-ga ku-ru to]-no keikoku
wolf-NOM come towarningµWKHZDUQLQJWKDWZROYHVZHUHFRPLQJ¶

The CP in (37a), for example, reports the content of the head noun kiboo µKRSH¶DQGDJDLQWKLVLV
consistent with the analysis that to is a comp for reports.
Further, the following contrasts suggest that a to-headed CP can only have this function:(38) a.

[CP [CP sore-ga doko-ni ar-u ka] *(to)]-no situmon
it-NOM where-at is ka toquestionµWKHTXHVWLRQZKHUHLWLV¶b.

[CP [CP sore-ga doko-ni ar-u ka] (*to)]-no mondai
it-NOM where-at is ka
toproblemµWKHSUREOHPRIZKHUHLWLV¶(39) a.

b.

[CP [CP sore-ga doko-de ka-e-ru ka] *(to)]-no hatugen
it-NOM where-at buy-can ka toutteranceµDQXWWHUDQFHDVNLQJZKHUHRQHFDQEX\LW¶[CP [CP sore-ga doko-de ka-e-ru ka] (*to)]-no zyoohoo
it-NOM where-at buy-can ka
toinformationµLQIRUPDWLRQDERXWZKHUH RQHFDQEX\LW¶

The inner CP in (38) is a question headed by ka. When the head noun is situmon µTXHVWLRQ¶toobligatorily follows this CP as in (38a). On the other hand, to cannot occur when the head noun ismondai µSUREOHP¶DVVKRZQLQ E 7KLVFRntrast is expected, given that to is a comp for reports.
In (38a), the CP is in appositive relation with the head noun and reports the content of the question.
In (38b), this relation does not hold as a problem is not a question. Similarly, the contrast in (39)
obtains because a question CP can report the content of an utterance but not the content of
information.
The final piece of suggestive evidence for the analysis of to as a comp for reports comes fromchild language data. As discussed extensively in the literature, the overgeneration of no in relative
clauses is widely observed with 2-4 year olds. The following examples are from Murasugi 1991.
(40) a.

[ohana mot-te-ru *no] wanwa (2;6)- 172 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

17

flower haveno doggieµWKHGRJJLHWKDWLVKROGLQJIORZHUV¶
b.

[buta-san tatai-te-ru *no] taiko (2;11)
Mr. pig is hitting no drumµWKHGUXPWKDWWKHSLJLVSOD\LQJ¶

These examples are ungrammatical with no in adult Japanese. Murasugi examines the properties ofthe overgenerated no in detail, and argues that it is a comp. According to her analysis, relative
clauses are TPs in adult Japanese. However, children at one point hypothesize that they are CPs,
just like English relative clauses, and hence, place no in their head positions. They only later
discover that there is no position for comp in Japanese relatives and cease to overgenerate no.
One question that arises with this analysis is why no, and not to, is overgenerated in the head
positions of the CP relativeV 0XUDVXJL   DGGUHVVHV WKLV TXHVWLRQ UHIHUULQJ WR 6FKDFKWHU¶V(1973) cross-linguistic observation that the same comp is employed in relative clauses and clefts.
No appears in Japanese clefts as shown in (41).
(41)

todoi-ta no]-wa Nagoya-kara-da[CP Nimotu-ga
package-NOM arrived no-TOP Nagoya-from-isµ,WLVIURP1DJR\DWKDWDSDFNDJHDUULYHG¶

7KHQJLYHQ6FKDFKWHU¶VJHQHUDOL]DWLRQLWLVQRWVXUSULVLQJWKDWFKLOGUHQRYHUJHQHUDWHno. But one
may ask further why it is that no, and not toLVHPSOR\HGLQFOHIWVDQGFKLOGUHQ¶VUHODWLYHFODXVHVAnd for this, the analysis of to as a comp for reports provides a clear answer. The subject CP inclefts expresses a proposition and is not a report of direct discourse. Hence, no must be employed.
There is simply no way for to to appear in this context. Similarly, a relative clause does notparaphrase or report a direct discourse. Then, children could not overgenerate to in relative clauses.
This account holds if to is never a comp for propositions and is employed exclusively as a comp forreports as argued in this paper.
4. Conclusion
I argued in this paper that to in Japanese is not a comp for finite propositions as is widely assumed
but is a comp for reports of direct discourse. As noted at the outset, Plann (1982) proposes that quein Spanish is ambiguous between a comp for propositions and a comp for reports. I showed in
Section 2 that to is exactly like que in taking question and imperative complements. In Section 3, I
argued that to, unlike que, is employed only as a comp for reports. The proposal is that there is adivision of labor between to and no in Japanese: the former is for reports and the latter is for
SURSRVLWLRQV7KLVSURYLGHVLQGLUHFWEXWVWURQJVXSSRUWIRU3ODQQ¶VDQDlysis of que. According to
her analysis, the Spanish comp system is as in (42).

- 173 -

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

18

(42)

the Spanish complementizer systema. que: propositions
b. null C: wh-questions
c. que: reports of direct discourse

That is, there are three distinct kinds of comps but there is only one phonetically realized form,
namely que. On the other hand, the Japanese comp system is more transparent, as shown in (43).
(43)

the Japanse complementizer system
a. no: propositions
b. ka: (wh-)questions
c. to: reports of direct discourse

As the three kinds of comps that Plann proposes have distinct phonetic realizations in Japanese, thelanguage provides explicit evidence for the proposal.
The second half of Section 3 exploited this unique feature of Japanese, and presented further
data that shed light on the nature of comp for reports. I showed that to is employed in a variety ofcontexts where a CP reports the content of an utterance, a thought, a claim, a question, a request,
and the like. One case concerned adjunct CPs headed by to and another had to do with those CPs in
DSSRVLWLYHUHODWLRQZLWKQRXQVOLNHµFODLP¶µKRSH¶µZDUQLQJ¶DQGµTXHVWLRQ¶7KHILQDOUHPDUNZDVRQFKLOGUHQ¶VRYHUJHQHUDWLRQRIno in relative clauses. I argued that the analysis of the Japanesecomp system proposed here explains why they overgenerate no and never to in the comp position.

References
Grewendorf, Günther DQG&HFLOLD3ROHWWR  ³7KH+\EULG&RPSOHPHQWL]HU6\VWHPRI&LPEULDQ´LQ
Vincenzo Moscati and Emilio Servidio (eds.), Studies in Linguistics Vol. 3: Proceedings XXXV
Incontro di Grammatica Generativa, Centro Interdipartimentale di Studi Cognitivi sul Linguaggio,
Universitá di Siena, 181-194.
*ULPVKDZ-DQHDQG$UPLQ0HVWHU  ³/LJKW9HUEVDQGT-mDUNLQJ´Linguistic Inquiry 19: 205-232.
Higginbotham, James  ³7KH/RJLFRI3HUFHSWXDO5HSRUWV An Extensional Alternative to Situation
6HPDQWLFV´Journal of Philosophy 80: 100-127.
-D\DVHHODQ.$  ³7RSLF)RFXVDQG$GYHUE3RVLWLRQVLQ&ODXVH6WUXFWXUH´Nanzan Linguisics 4:43-68, Center for Linguistics, Nanzan University.
Kiparsky, Paul and Carol Kiparsky ( ³)DFW´LQManfred Bierswisch and Karl Erich Heidolph (eds.),
Progress in Linguistics, The Hague: Mouton, 143-173.
Kuno, Susumu (1973) The Structure of the Japanese Language, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
Kuno, Susumu  ³%OHQGHG4XDVL-DireFW'LVFRXUVHLQ-DSDQHVH´LQ:LOOLDP Poser (ed.), Papers fromthe Second International Workshop on Japanese Syntax, Stanford: CSLI Publications, 75-102.
Lahiri, Utpal (1991) Embedded Interrogatives and Predicates that Embed Them, Ph.D. dissertation, MIT.

- 174 -

On the Nature of the Complementizer To (M. Saito)

19

Matsumoto, Eri (2010) Quotation Expressions and Sentential Complementation in Japanese, B.A. thesis,
Nanzan University.
Murasugi, Keiko (1991) Noun Phrases in Japanese and English: A Study in Syntax, Learnability, andAcquisition, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut.
Murasugi, Keiko  ³:KDW-DSDQHVH-6SHDNLQJ&KLOGUHQ¶V(UURUV7HOOXVDERXW6\QWD[´Presented at
GLOW in Asia VII, EFL University, Hyderabad.
3ODQQ6XVDQ  ³,QGLUHFW4XHVWLRQVLQ6SDQLVK´Linguistic Inquiry 13: 297-312.
Rivero, MaríD/XLVD  ³2Q,QGLUHFW4XHVWLRQV&RPPDQGVDQG6SDQLVK4XRWDWLYHQue´Linguistic
Inquiry 25: 547-554.
Rosenbaum, Peter S. (1967) The Grammar of English Predicate Complement Constructions, Cambridge,
Mass.: MIT Press.
6DLWR0DPRUX  ³6HOHFWLRQDQG&ODXVH7\SHVLQ-DSDQHVH´ 3UHVHQWHGDW International Conference
on Sentence Types: Ten Years After, Universität Frankfurt am Main.
6DLWR 0DPRUX DQG +LURWR +RVKL   ³7KH -DSDQHVH /LJKW 9HUE &RQVWUXFWLRQ DQG WKH 0LQLPDOLVW3URJUDP´ LQ 5RJHU 0DUWLQ 'DYLG 0LFKDHOV DQG -XDQ 8ULDJHUHND HGV  Step by Step: Essays on
Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 261-295.
Saito, Mamoru, T.-+ -RQDK /LQ DQG .HLNR 0XUDVXJL   ³1¶-ellipsis and the Structure of Noun
3KUDVHVLQ&KLQHVHDQG-DSDQHVH´Journal of East Asian Linguistics 17: 247-271.
6FKDFKWHU3DXO  ³)RFXVDQG5HODWLYL]DWLRQ´Language 49: 19-46.
:DWDQDEH$NLUD  ³1RWHVRQ1RPLQDO(OOLSVLVDQGWKH1DWXUHRI No DQG&ODVVLILHUVLQ-DSDQHVH´Journal of East Asian Linguistics 19: 61-74.

Department of Anthropology and Philosophy
Nanzan University
18 Yamazato-cho, Showa-ku
Nagoya 466-8673 Japansaito@nanzan-u.ac.jp- 175 -

THREE TYPES OF THE “OVERGENERATED NO”
IN THE ACQUISITION OF JAPANESE NOUN PHRASES *Keiko Murasugi1,2, Tomomi Nakatani1 and Chisato Fuji
Nanzan University1 and University of Connecticut2

1.

Introduction

It is very well known that Japanese-speaking children around ages one to four
overgenerate no between the sentential modifier and the head NP, as shown in (1).
(1)

a. howasi
ookii * nochopstick bigNOhowasi (= ohasi)
chopstick(2;1)‘chopsticks, the big ones, chopsticks’
b. maarui * noround NO

(Nagano 1960)

unti (2;0)
poop

  

‘a round poop’c. Yuta-ga
Yuta-Nom(Yokoyama 1990)

asyon-deru * noplaying-isNO       

yatyu
thing

wa kore, kore
Top this this(Yuta 2;3)‘The thing that Yuta (I) is playing with is this (train).’In (1a) and (1b), children insert no between the adjective (e.g., ookii (big) and marui (round))and the head nominal (e.g., howasi (chopsticks) and unti (poop)) at around two years of age.
Later, at two to four years of age, as in (1c), Japanese-speaking children insert no between thesentential modifier Yuta ga asyon-deru (Yuta is playing) and the head nominal yatyu (thing).
In adult Japanese, there are mainly three types of no.

* This is a revised version of the paper we presented at JK 19 (2009) at the University of Hawaii. We
would like to thank the organizers, participants and the anonymous reviewers of JK 19, and scholars
involved in the activities of Center for Linguistics at Nanzan University, especially Michiya Kawai,
Tomoko Hashimoto, Mamoru Saito, Koji Sugisaki, and Daiko Takahashi, for valuable discussions on
the topic discussed in this paper. The research presented here was supported in part by Nanzan
University Pache Research Grant I-A (2011), JSPS Grant-in-Aid at Nanzan University (#23520529),
and National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics (Collaborative Research Project on
Linguistic Variations within the Confines of the Language Faculty: A Study in Japanese First
Language Acquisition and Parametric Syntax).
Nanzan Linguistics 8, 69–87©2012 Keiko Murasugi, Tomomi Nakatani and Chisato Fuji

Linguistic Variations Nanzan
within theLinguistics
Confines of Language
Faculty:Studies
in theAcquisition2011
of Japanese
8: Research
Results andActivities~ 2012and Parametric Syntax(2)a. [Yamada]

no
Gen

hon
book

(Genitive Case marker)‘Yamada’s book’
b. akaired (+present)noone(Pronoun)‘the red one’c. Emi-ga
hazimeterobusutaa-o
Emi-Nom for the first time lobster-Acc
da(Complementizer)
Copulatabe-ta no
wa Bosuton deateComp Top Boston in‘It is in Boston that Emi ate a lobster for the first time.’(2a) is the genitive Case marker, which roughly corresponds to ’s or of in English. (2b) is apronoun, which roughly corresponds to one in English. A complementizer in (2c) is the headof the presuppositional phrase in the cleft sentence, which corresponds to that in English.
In the history of Japanese acquisition, three contradictory analyses, the Pronoun
Hypothesis, the Genitive Case Hypothesis, and the Complementizer Hypothesis, have been
proposed regarding the syntactic status of the overgenerated no. Accordingly, the age children
overgenerate no is contradictory: Some say it happens when children are one year old (e.g.,
Nagano 1960), but some say it lasts until four years old (e.g., Murasugi 1991).
In this paper, mainly based on our longitudinal study with a Japanese-speaking child,
Yuta, and the corpus analysis of CHILDES (Sumihare and Jun), we argue that the
mysteriously long overgeneration phenomenon of no, in fact, stems from three distinct
sources, as proposed by Murasugi, Nakatani and Fuji (2009). We argue that the mysterious“overgeneration of no” is not a single phenomenon in Japanese acquisition, and show thatthree contradictory hypotheses (i.e., Pronoun, Genitive Case, and Complementizer) proposedin the past acquisition researches are basically all correct. First, a pronoun no is used due tothe limit in production at the two-word stage. Second, the genitive Case marker no is inserted
because of the miscategorization of adjectives as nominals. Third, a complementizer no isovergenerated due to the parameterization in the structure of relative clauses. The
overgeneration of no, which looks like a single phenomenon, is reanalyzed as a trihedralphenomenon, and each face represents one of the crucial developmental stages in language
acquisition.
2.

The Complementizer Hypothesis: Relative Clause Parameter (Murasugi 1991)

Murasugi (1991), based on her longitudinal and experimental study withJapanese-speaking children at two to four years of age, proposes that the overgenerated no is a

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Types of the(K. Murasugi,
T. NakataniandT.C.
Fuji) and C. Fuji)
Three Types ofThree
the “Overgenerated
NO“Overgenerated” in the AcquisitionNo”
of Japanese
Noun Phrases(K. Murasugi,
Nakatani,complementizer. According to her analysis, a structure of a sentential modifier isparameterized; either CP or TP depending on the languages. Murasugi argues that sentential
modifiers in adult Japanese (and Korean) are TPs, unlike CP relatives in English. However,Japanese-speaking children initially hypothesize that Japanese relative clauses are CPs, andovergenerate a complementizer between the sentential modifier and the head nominal.
Children’s first complex NPs are found after two years of age, and they are usually afixed expression without overgeneration (Murasugi and Hashimoto 2004). Our subject Yuta’s
first complex NPs were also fixed expressions. The relevant examples are shown in (3).
(3)

a. Tottan-ga
katte kure-ta
father-Nom buy gave

purezento
presentda
Copula

yo
Int

(2;0)

‘(This is) the present that my father bought (for me).
b. Kore, Yuki-tyan-ga
this, Yuki-tyan-Nom

kure-tagave

purezento
present

na
Copula

no
Int

(2;0)

‘This is the present that Yuki-tyan gave (to me).’In (3), the verbs were limited to katte kureru (buy and give) and kureru (give) only. The head
NP was also limited to the NP, purezento (present).
Later, some children overgenerate no on sentential modifiers. Yuta started toovergenerate no productively not only in complex NPs as in (4a) and (4b), but also after
adjectives as in (4c), after 2;2.
(4)

a. Kare-teru
wither-is

 

* no
NO

hana daflower Copula

yo
Int

(2;2)

‘(I have) a withered flower.’b. Yuta-ga
Yuta-Nomasyon-deru * noplaying-isNO   

yatyu
thing

wa
Top

kore,
this

kore
this

(2;3)

‘The thing that Yuta (I) is playing with is this (train).’c. Kore nagai * no
this
long
NO

yatyu
one

da
Copula

ne
Int

(2;3)

‘This is a long one.’
In (4a), Yuta inserted no between the modifier kare-teru (is withered) and the head nominal
hana (flower). Similarly, in (4b), Yuta (playing with a train in front of the box with thepicture of the train, and comparing the toy and the picture of it), overgenerated no between thesentential modifier Yuta-ga asyon-deru and the head NP, yatyu. In (4c), he overgenerated noafter the adjective nagai (long).

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Linguistic Variations Nanzan
within theLinguistics
Confines of Language
Faculty:Studies
in theAcquisition2011
of Japanese
8: Research
Results andActivities~ 2012and Parametric Syntax

Murasugi (1991) reports that children at around two to four years of age overgenerate acomplementizer no between the head NP and all types of sentential modifiers, as exemplified
in (5).
(5)a. tigau * nodiffer NO

outi (3;0)
house‘the different house’b. Emi-tyan-ga
Emi-tyan-Nom

kai-ta * nodrew NOsinderera (2;11-4;2)
Cinderella’     ‘the Cinderella that Emi drew’c. ookii * no
big
NO

tako
(2;11-4;2)octopus‘a big octopus’(Murasugi 1991)

In (5a), no is inserted between the inflected verb, tigau (differ) and the head nominal, outi
(house), and in (5b), it is inserted between the sentential modifier and the head nominal. In(5c), no is overgenerated after the adjective, ookii (big), as well.
Crucially, however, she reports that those children, who overgenerated no, sometimes
undergenerated the genitive Case marker on PPs, as in (6), although they can correctly insert
it between two NPs, as in (7).
(6)

Tokyo

made []to*(Gen)

basu
bus

(3;2)

‘the bus to Tokyo’(7)(Murasugi 1991)

a. Emi-nohon (Emi 2;9)Emi-Gen book
‘Emi’s book’
b. megane-no
glasses-Gen

ozityanman(Miki 2;4)‘the man with eye glasses’(Murasugi 1991)

Thus, the overgeneration takes place when the genitive Case marking is not fully acquired.
One piece of direct empirical evidence for the Complementizer Hypothesis was found in
Toyama dialect in Japanese as in (8a) and Korean as in (8b).

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Types of the(K. Murasugi,
T. NakataniandT.C.
Fuji) and C. Fuji)
Three Types ofThree
the “Overgenerated
NO“Overgenerated” in the AcquisitionNo”
of Japanese
Noun Phrases(K. Murasugi,
Nakatani,(8)a. Anpanman(a character)tui-toru* ga
attaching-is GA

koppu
cup

(Ken 2;11)‘the cup which is pictured with “Anpanman”’
b. Acessi otopai
tha-nun *kes
uncle motorcycle riding-is KES(Murasugi 1991)

soli
yasound is(2-3 years old)

‘Lit. (This) is the sound that a man is riding a motorcycle.’(Kim 1987)

The overgenerated item is a complementizer, for instance, ga in Toyama dialect, and kes in
Korean, but not the genitive Case marker (no in Toyama dialect nor uy in Korean).
Thus, not only Japanese-speaking children but also Korean-speaking children initiallyhypothesize that their relative clauses are CPs, and overgenerate a complementizer between
the sentential modifier and the head nominal.
Murasugi and Hashimoto (2004), however, argue that the Complementizer Hypothesis
alone cannot fully explain the overgeneration phenomenon of no. In fact, the overgenerationof no is observed with very young children, even at around the age of one, when they start
producing two-word utterances. Crucially, then, not only T or C related items, but also, eventhe genitive Case marker is not produced. Murasugi and Hashimoto point out that it is very
unlikely that the same type of overgeneration lasts for four years, and conclude that there are
two types of overgeneration of no: A pronoun and a complementizer.
3.
3.

The Pronoun Hypothesis in Addition to the Complementizer Analysis (Nagano
1960, Murasugi and Hashimoto 2004, 2006)

The Pronoun Hypothesis was in fact originally proposed by Nagano (1960) fifty years
ago. His argument is very simple and clear: The overgenerated no cannot be the genitive Case
marker, because the overgeneration takes place when there is no genitive Case marker foundin the child production, but only pronoun no is produced. Examples in (9) are cited from
Nagano (1960).
(9)a. howasi
chopstickookii * no
big
one
 

howasi (= ohasi) (2;1)
chopstick‘chopsticks, the big ones, chopsticks’
b. Amuna (= Harumi)

tittyai * nosmall one

Amuna

‘Harumi, the small one, Harumi’(2;1)(Nagano 1960)

In (9a) and (9b), no looks like to be erroneously inserted between the adjective (e.g., ookii(big) and tiisai (small)) and the NP (e.g., howasi, which is ohasi (chopsticks) and Amuna,which is Harumi) at 2;1. The overgeneration in question appears just after the pronoun no

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Linguistic Variations Nanzan
within theLinguistics
Confines of Language
Faculty:Studies
in theAcquisition2011
of Japanese
8: Research
Results andActivities~ 2012and Parametric Syntax

starts to be correctly produced at 2;1, as in (10), but before the genitive Case marking is fullyacquired, as in (11).
(10)

a. ookii no
big
one

(2;1)

‘the big one (= bus)’
b. tittyai
small

no
one

(2;1)

‘the small one (= leaf)’(11)(Nagano 1960)

ke… mama[]ke, mama[]hair Mommy *(Gen) hair Mommy *(Gen)ke, mama(2;0)
hair Mommy‘hair…Mommy’s hair, Mommy’s hair, Mommy’(Nagano 1960)

In (11), the child omitted the genitive Case marker no, although it should be inserted between
mama (Mommy) and ke (hair) in the adult grammar. It is only one month later, at 2;2, that thegenitive Case marker appears in the natural production, as shown in (12).
(12)

Papa-nobuton (= zubon) (2;2)
Daddy-Gen pants‘Daddy’s pants’(Nagano 1960)

The parallel developmental stage was observed by Murasugi and Hashimoto’s (2004)
longitudinal study with Akkun, and our longitudinal study with Yuta. Both subjects started
overgenerating no before the genitive Case marker was inserted between NPs.
(13)

a. Akai
red

no
one

at-ta
(2;3)
there-was‘(I) found the red one’b. Akkun

no. Akkun [] ohuton
one.
bed

(2;3-2;5)‘(This is) Akkun’s. Akkun(’s) bed.’(Murasugi and Hashimoto 2004)

Furthermore, both Akkun and Yuta put a brief pause between the NP headed by the
pronoun no and the referential NP. (14) shows Akkun’s data taken from Murasugi and
Hashimoto (2004).

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Types of the(K. Murasugi,
T. NakataniandT.C.
Fuji) and C. Fuji)
Three Types ofThree
the “Overgenerated
NO“Overgenerated” in the AcquisitionNo”
of Japanese
Noun Phrases(K. Murasugi,
Nakatani,(14)

a. Akkuntiityainosmall-is one

konkonkon
hammer(2;4)‘Akkun’s (/My) small hammer’b. [Akkun //pause// [tiityai no] //pause// konkonkon]
They argue that the utterance consists of two parts (i.e., tiityai no (small one) and konkonkon(hammer)), and this is very different from the overgeneration of a complementizer.
Similarly, the subject we examined in the present study, Yuta, started overgenerating noat around 1;10, when he just started combining two words in the utterances. An example isgiven in (15).
(15)

a. Hon, atarasii
book new

no,
one

hon
book

da
(1;10)
Copula‘a book, a new one, (this is) a book’
b. [hon //pause// [atarasii no] //pause// hon da]
The analysis of Praat1 clearly shows that there is a pause between no and the reference
NP, thereby confirming Murasugi and Hashimoto’s (2004) observation.
Figure 1: A Pause Found between No and the Referential NP
pronoun_mov_mono
2.3177259

2.79506207

500
400
300
200
75

hon

atarasii nohon da0.8025

3.5Time (s)In Figure 1, the pitch contour shows that there is a pause of 0.48 seconds between no and thereferential NP, hon (a book). Thus, this result indicates that the utterance consists of twoparts.
In contrast, as for the overgeneration of a complementizer given in (4b) found after two
years of age, there is no pause between no and the head NP.

1Praat is a program for doing phonetic analyses and sound manipulations (Boersma and Weenink2009).

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Linguistic Variations Nanzan
within theLinguistics
Confines of Language
Faculty:Studies
in theAcquisition2011
of Japanese
8: Research
Results andActivities~ 2012and Parametric Syntax

Figure 2: No Pause Found between No and the Head NP with the Overgeneration of a
Figure 2: Complementizer
6.33160622

comp_asyonderu_mov_mono
7.18130213

500
400
300
200
75

Yuta gaasyonderu no yatyu

wa

kore

kore
8.53

5.678
Time (s)The Praat analysis in Figure 2 indicates that there is no separation of any kind, and asyonderu(ashon-deru) no yatyu is produced as a unit.
Hence, Murasugi and Hashimoto (2004, 2006) argue that Nagano’s (1960) Pronoun
Hypothesis is supported, and the overgenerated no at the age of one and early age of two is apronoun. They analyze that this no is, in fact, not an error, but reflects the production strategy
of very young children to combine two elements. When children cannot create themodification structure, they produce an NP headed by the pronoun no (one) first, to provide aframe for an NP, and the modifier, or the head nominal is realized as the second independent
NP. Children use this strategy since the genitive Case marker is not yet acquired at the
beginning of the two-word stage. Murasugi (2009) further proposes that this stage reflects theearliest morphological realization of the operation of merger, and that the onset of the merger
starts with the phrases headed by the smaller category (no (one) as N) with less semantic
content. This hypothesis holds as there is a pause between the pronoun no and the second NP.
The argument given so far shows that there are at least two sources for the apparently
same “overgeneration” phenomenon. The one observed in ages one and two is a pronoun, andthe other observed in ages two through four is a complementizer.
However, another empirical problem arises. No is overgenerated when children havealready acquired the genitive Case marker, have no problem in combining two elements, andproduce no relative clauses. The mysterious no associated with those characteristics is
exemplified in (16).
(16)

a. atarasii * no
new
NO

kami
paper

(Yuta 1;11)

gohan
rice

(Yuta 2;0)‘a new paper’
b. siroi * nowhite NO
‘white rice’

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the “Overgenerated
NO“Overgenerated” in the AcquisitionNo”
of Japanese
Noun Phrases(K. Murasugi,
Nakatani,c. Tiisai * no
small
NO

buubuucartoottapassedyo
Int(Sumihare 1;11)‘A small car passed.’
Crucially, the overgeneration is found after the two-word stage, at around the age of two, withlimited adjectives such as color, size, shape, and state.
At this mysterious stage, the genitive Case marker between two NPs is productively andcorrectly used. For example, as in (17), Yuta started to produce the genitive Case marker
between NPs at 1;11, and Sumihare started at 2;0.
(17)

a. Ko otoosan-no hanasi dayothis father-Gen story Copula Int(Yuta 1;11)‘This is a story of father.’b. Ringo-no
apple-Gen

ozityan-ga…
man-Nom(Sumihare 2;0)‘The man (who sells) apples is…’
Praat analysis reveals that unlike the case of a pronoun, there is no pause found between no
and the NP following it. In Figure 3, no separation has been made between siroi no (whiteone) and gohan (rice), and they are produced as a unit.
Figure 3: No Pause Found between No and the Head NP with the Mysterious Overgeneration
Figure 3: of No
genitive_siroi_mov_mono
13.1916106
500
400
300
200
75

siroi no gohansiroi no gohan

11.27

14.36
Time (s)The facts shown above cannot be explained by the Complementizer Hypothesis either.
This mysterious no is produced by children who have not acquired complex NPs yet, and thecleft sentences are hardly observed. Moreover, as noted above, the overgeneration is foundonly with the present-tensed adjectives of color, size, and state.
In the next section, we argue that children, at around the age of two, have difficulties inacquiring “the category of adjectives,” and some adjectives are treated as nominals, and some,as verbs. Those “nominal-like adjectives” never inflect with tense, and children, who alreadyknow the genitive Case marker insertion between the nominal projections, correctly insert thegenitive Case marker between the “nominal-like adjectives” and the head nominal. This
would be the mysterious stage of overgeneration of no found before a relative clause is

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acquired. (See Murasugi (2009) for details.)
4.

The Genitive Case Marker Hypothesis

The Genitive Case Marker Hypothesis has been proposed by many researchers in thepast fifty years (Iwabuchi and Muraishi 1968, Harada 1980, 1984, Clancy 1985, Yokoyama
1990, Ito 1998, among others). Among those, Yokoyama’s (1990) generalization is quite
important. He argues that the erroneous no is a genitive Case marker, and it is overgenerated
only with the adjectives referring to color, size, and shape (e.g., akai (red), ookii (big), maarui(round)), but never with other adjectives (e.g., abunai (dangerous), yasasii (kind)), as shownin (18).
(18)

a. ookii * nobigNOsakana
fish

(1;8)

unti
poop

(2;0)

‘a big fish’b. maarui * noround NO‘a round poop’
Yokoyama’s apparently curious generalization is further confirmed by Murasugi and
Hashimoto (2004). They find that the adjectives of color, size, and shape do not inflect withtense, but appear only in present-tense forms.
This generalization is further supported by our longitudinal study with Yuta and also by
our corpus analysis of Sumihare. The overgeneration occurs only with the adjectives whichrefer to color, size, shape, and state, but it never occurs with such adjectives as itai (ispainful), omoi (is heavy), or kowai (is scary), which only appear in the predicative form withtense (i.e., present and past) but never in the prenominal form. As these adjectives neverappear in the prenominal form, there is naturally no chance that the overgeneration shouldtake place. Rather, these adjectives are not associated with the overgenerated no, and behave
like verbs, as in (19).
(19)

a. Oisii,delicious

kore.
this

Oisii,
delicious

kore
this

(Yuta 1;10)‘This is delicious.’b. Koko babatii
here dirty

yo
Int

ne
Int

(Sumihare 2;0)‘(It is) dirty here.’

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T. NakataniandT.C.
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the “Overgenerated
NO“Overgenerated” in the AcquisitionNo”
of Japanese
Noun Phrases(K. Murasugi,
Nakatani,c. Okaatyan pompo
itai
Mommy onomatopoeia acheno
Q

(Sumihare 2;0)

‘Mommy, is (your) stomach aching?’
In (19), the adjectives, oisii (delicious), babatii (dirty), itai (painful), are used as predicates,
conjugating with tense as shown in Table 1 and Table 2.
Table 1 shows that the past-tense forms of nominal-like adjectives are produced
relatively late, but those of verb-like adjectives are produced relatively early in the case of
Yuta.
Table 1: The Age of the First Appearance of the Present-/Past-tense Forms of Adjectives by
Table 1: Yuta
Nominal-like Adjectives (of Touch and Sight)
Verb-like Adjectives
Adjectives Present-tense
Past-tense
Adjectives Present-tense Past-tenseookii ‘big’
ooki-i (1;8) ookik-atta (2;0) itai ‘painful’ ita-i (1;11) itak-atta (1;11)
omok-atta
tiisai ‘small’ tiisa-i (1;11) tiisaik-atta (2;1) oisii‘delicious’ oisi-i (1;10)(1;10)
kowak-atta
kuroi ‘black’ kuro-i (2;0) kurok-atta (2;4) kowai ‘scary’ kowa-i (1;10)(2;2)
The contrast between nominal-like adjectives and verb-like adjectives is clearer in thecase of Sumihare, as shown in Table 2.
Table 2: The Age of the First Appearance of the Present-/Past-tense Forms of Adjectives by
Table 2: Sumihare (CHILDES)
Nominal-like Adjectives (of Touch and Sight)
Verb-like Adjectives
Adjectives Present-tense
Past-tense
Adjectives Present-tense Past-tenseookik-atta
itak-atta
ookii ‘big’
ooki-i (1;11)
itai ‘painful’
ita-i (1;8)
(2;9)
(2;0)
akak-atta
omok-atta
akai ‘red’
aka-i (1;11)
omoi ‘heavy’ omo-i (1;8)
(4;0)
(2;2)
sirok-atta
kusak-attasiroi ‘white’ siro-i (2;2)
kusai ‘smelly’ kusa-i (2;2)
(3;6)
(2;3)
Sumihare produced only the present forms for nominal-like adjectives, but never the inflected
forms, when he inserted no between the adjectives of touch and sight (e.g., color, size, shape,and state) and the head nominals. On the other hand, the verb-like adjectives (e.g., itai
(painful), omoi (heavy), kusai (smelly)), which are not erroneously genitive Case marked,
inflected with tense much earlier.
There are several pieces of evidence to show that the adjectives referring to the sense of
touch and sight are used as nominals. For example, as shown in (20), these adjectives are used
as referential noun phrases.

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a. *Kiiroi
yellow

to * akai toand red and(Sumihare 2;9)‘(They’re) a yellow (crayon) and a red (crayon).’(Adult form: kiiroi/akai-no (yellow/red one), kiiro/aka (yellow/red))b. * Tiisai
small

koo-teya
buy-Request Int(Sumihare 2;7)

‘Please buy a small (dog).’(Adult form: tiisai-no (small one))
In (20a), Sumihare erroneously used the adjectives kiiroi (yellow) and akai (red) to refer tothe concrete objects, a yellow crayon and a red crayon. Similarly in (20b), he used theadjective tiisai (small) to refer to a small dog.
These nominal-like adjectives appear in the argument position being Case marked aswell.
(21) *Tittyai-ga atte * maarui-ga atte...
small-Nom beround-Nom be

konna
such

* ookii-ga atte...
big-Nom be(Yuta 2;2)

‘There is (a) small (circle), (a) round (one), and such (a) big (one)…’(Adult form: Tittyai/maarui/ookii no (small/round/big one))
Yuta uttered as in (21), while he was repeatedly drawing circles. The adjectives, tiisai (small),marui (round) and ookii (big), appear in the subject position associated with the nominative
Case marker ga.
The most valid generalization to be drawn from the description so far is that theadjectives referring to the sense of touch and sight are miscategorized as nominals (Murasugi2009). Hence, those children who already know the system of genitive Case marking between
two NPs, “correctly” assign the genitive no to the “nominals” which are, in fact, adjectives inadult grammar.
Then, why do children miscategorize certain adjectives? We conjecture that adjectives
referring to color, size and shape share the properties of concrete nominals in that they are
consistent, absolute, and evidential, compared with other types of adjectives such as emotionand evaluation (cf. Berman 1988, Mintz and Gleitman 2002). And as argued by de Villiersand de Villiers (1978), a certain set of adjectives of size and shape go together as colors inchild language.
Furthermore, acquiring adjectives is difficult because it is “a fluid category” (Gassar andSmith 1998, Berman 1988, Polinsky 2005, among others). As shown in (22), the position
where the adjective big appears in adult English can be occupied with the verb dropped or thenoun a dog. Thus, the syntactic cue is ambiguous for children.

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the “Overgenerated
NO“Overgenerated” in the AcquisitionNo”
of Japanese
Noun Phrases(K. Murasugi,
Nakatani,(22)a. It’s [big]b. It [dropped]
c. It’s [a dog]

The syntactic cue is ambiguous in Japanese, too. Both adjectives and nominals can befollowed by the polite sentence-ending marker desu, as in (23), while both adjectives andverbs inflect with tense, as in (24).
(23)

a. akaidesu(Adjective)
is-red (Adj) Polite‘(It) is red.’b. akadesu (Nominal)
a red color (Nominal) Polite‘(It) is a red color.’(24)

a. ooki-i
big-Presookik-atta
big-Past(Adjectives)b. aka-i
red-Presakak-atta
red-Past

c. tabe-ru
eat-Prestabe-taeat-Past

d. nom-(r)u
drink-Pres

non-da (Verbs)
drink-Past(Adjectives)(Verbs)In this sense, the Japanese adjective is also “a fluid category,” and this could makeadjectives difficult to be acquired.
Then, when and how do children “intake” the full system of adjectives in the target
language? Kanda (2012), based on the corpus analysis of Taro in CHILDES, reports that there
is an interesting stage where a Japanese-speaking child “optionally” inserts genitive no inside
the NPs.
(25)

a. kuro kyuukyuusya
black ambulance(2;10)‘the ambulance that is black’

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b. Kuroi ozubon?
black pants(3;1)‘The black pants?’c.

Kuroi * noblack NOozubon?
pants

(3;1)

‘The black pants?’
A nominal form kuro, an adjective form kuroi without being associated with genitive no, andan adjective form kuroi “erroneously” associated with genitive no, are all found at around thesame age, as shown in (25a), (25b), and (25c), respectively. The noun phrase in (25a) is only
possible as a compound noun, and the noun phrase in (25c) is ill-formed. The examples in(25b) and (25c) are in fact found in a dialogue between Taro and his mother.
(26)

MOTHER: Kuroi ozubon doko?
black pants where‘Where are the black pants?’
TARO:

Kuroi * noblack NOozubon? (= 25c)
pants

‘The black pants?’
MOTHER: Un.
yes‘Yes.’
TARO:

Kuroi ozubon? (= 25b)
black pants‘The black pants?’

The example given above is intriguing in three ways. First, the child does not merely imitate
the caretaker’s utterance. Second, the child corrects himself without any direct negative
evidence. Third, the child is in the transition period, not only with respect to thecategorization of the color adjective, but also with respect to the tense conjugation. Kanda(2012) argues that Taro, at around the time when the overgenerated no is disappearing,produces the past-tensed form of the adjective in question in a “quasi-adult” way.
(27)

kuro [pause] * kuroi-katta
black
black-Past(3;2)‘(It was) black.’

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the “Overgenerated
NO“Overgenerated” in the AcquisitionNo”
of Japanese
Noun Phrases(K. Murasugi,
Nakatani,

Taro produced the utterance given in (27) when he found a black spot on his brother’s leg.
Here, the past-tense marker ‘-katta’ is attached to ‘kuroi’, not exactly in the adult way. In fact,
in adult Japanese, the form should be kurok-atta, or kuro-datta, rather than kuroi-katta. Thus,
just at the time when the color adjective ‘kuroi (black)’ was “fluid” with respect to the form
and the marking of genitive Case marker, so was the tense conjugation.
Interestingly, Kanda (2012) points out that Taro’s adjectives such as ‘yoi (good)’, which
expresses positive degree of quality of thing or person for itself, conjugate just like the verb
‘wakaru (understand)’. Taro starts attaching the past-tense affix ‘-atta’ on the stem of some
types of adjectives at around 2;11 as in (28a), just like the verb given in (28b).
(28)

a. yok-atta (2;11)
good-Past‘(It) was good.’b. wak-atta (2;11)
understood‘(I) understood (that).’

The fact that the conjugation system of verb-like adjectives is acquired earlier than that ofnoun-like adjectives is, in fact, parallel with the data of Yuta and Sumihare. The paradigm
observed in the transitional period from “child adjectives” from “adult adjectives” such as
those shown above would provide clues to the analysis of the category of adjectives.
Note here that even if we assume that children’s miscategorization of certain adjectives
causes the genitive Case marker insertion, the Complementizer Hypothesis should be still
maintained. For example, remember the overgeneration phenomena in Toyama dialect inJapanese and Korean. As in (8a) and (8b), repeated below, the overgenerated item is acomplementizer, but not the genitive Case marker.
(8)

a. Anpanman tui-toru* ga(a character) attaching-is GA

koppu
cup

(Ken 2;11)‘the cup which is pictured with “Anpanman”’
b. Acessi
uncleya
otopaitha-nun * kes soli
motorcycle riding-is KES sound is  (Murasugi 1991)(2-3 years old)

‘Lit. (This) is the sound that a man is riding a motorcycle.’(Kim 1987)

Thus, the Complementizer Hypothesis we discussed in Section 2, should be maintained, andthere are three distinct stages of the “overgeneration” of no.
The hypothesis that there are three stages in the “overgeneration” of no is further
supported by our corpus analysis of Jun. First, Jun, at 2;2, produced a pronoun but not the

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genitive Case marker. He produced (29a) and (29b), where there was a brief pause between
no and the head nominals, basu (bus) and okaasan (mother). This is exactly the Pronoun stage
as is discussed in Section 3.
(29)

a. Ookii no[pause]bigN (one)basyu (= basu) wa?
bus
Top

(2;4)

‘(Where) is the big bus?’
b. ookii no[pause]bigN (one)okaasanmother(2;5)‘the big one, mother’Then, at around 2;5, when the genitive Case markers were productively used as in (30),
he inserted no between adjectives referring to color, size and shape and the head nominals,
without making any pauses, as in (31).
(30)

Kokko-nochicken-Gen

outiyahouse Int

(2;5)‘(This is) a chicken’s house.’(31)

a. Hore, ookii * no
hey
big
NO

torakku
truck

atta zo hore
was Int hey(2;6)‘Hey, there is a big truck.’b. tiisai * nosmall NO

akatyan
baby

(2;6)

‘a small baby’c. kuroi * noblack NOzidoosya
car

(2;6)

‘a black car’Just like Yuta and Sumihare, the overgeneration occurs only with the adjectives of touchand sight, and those adjectives are sometimes used as nominals as well.
(32)

a. *Ookii-ga
big-Nom

otiru
fall

(2;7)

‘The big (toy car) is falling.’(Adult form: ookii-kuruma-ga / ookii-no-ga)

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the “Overgenerated
NO“Overgenerated” in the AcquisitionNo”
of Japanese
Noun Phrases(K. Murasugi,
Nakatani,b. FAT: Kore-wa nan desu ka
this-Top what Cop Q‘What is this?’(Showing CHI a new toy)
CHI: Atarasii * no * akainew
NO red(2;8)‘(It’s) new red.’(Adult form: atarasii akai-no)
In (32a), the adjective ookii (big) appears in the subject position associated with thenominative Case marker ga. In (32b), he used the adjective akai (red) to refer to the concrete
object, a red toy. Hence, those adjectives are treated as nominals, and the overgenerated no in(31) is the genitive Case marker, being “correctly” inserted between two NPs.
Finally, as in (33), he started overgenerating no with relative clauses at around 2;8.
(33)

a. koware-ten
is-broken

* no
NO

yatu
thing

zidoosya
car

(2;8)

‘(This is) a broken car.’b. Omosiroi *no
funny
NO

yakiimobaked sweet potato

ya koreInt this(2;10)‘This is a funny baked sweet potato.’
In (33a), no is overgenerated between the modifier koware-ten (= teru) (is broken) andthe head nominal yatu (thing). (33b) shows that the overgeneration occurs with any kind of
adjectives at this stage. Thus, this is the Complementizer stage, where Jun hypothesizes thatJapanese relative clauses are CPs (Murasugi 1991).
Overgeneration of no at a later stage of language acquisition can be due to two different
reasons, even when they apparently look very similar. Children’s miscategorization of certain
adjectives causes the genitive Case marker insertion as shown in (32). In addition, theComplementizer Hypothesis should be still maintained to explain the overgeneration of nogiven in (33). The categorization of adjectives and the parameter-setting of the structure ofcomplex NPs are the separate issues.
If this analysis is on the right track, then we predict that the children’s erroneous no’s insuch examples as (32) and (33) do not necessarily “disappear” simultaneously. Murasugi(1991), in fact, observes that Emi, a Japanese-speaking child, kept inserting no between suchcolor adjectives as kuroi (black), or the exact color term we discussed in this paper, and thehead nominal. That is, the child kept producing “kuroi *no kuku (the black shoes),” even after
the child stopped overgenerating no on the relative clauses. Murasugi (1991) stipulates in her
dissertation that the name of the black shoes, which were worn only at a very special

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occasion, remained in the child lexicon as the name associated with overgenerated no. But the
stipulation might have been wrong. The problem left unsolved by Murasugi (1991) and themysterious overgeneration phenomenon may be naturally explained by the proposal that thecategorization of adjectives and the parameter-setting of the structure of complex NPs are theseparate issues.
5.

Conclusion

In this paper, mainly based on the longitudinal studies with Yuta, and the corpus analysis
of Sumihare and Jun (CHILDES), we argued that there are three stages of Japanese-speaking
children’s overgeneration of no, in line with Murasugi, Nakatani and Fuji (2009). The
overgeneration of no, which apparently looks like a single phenomenon includes three parts:
No as (i) a pronoun (N) at the late age of one, (ii) the genitive Case marker at around the ageof two, and (iii) a complementizer (C) at around the age of two through four. The only casethat we can truly name as overgeneration is the third stage, or the overgeneration of C. In theother two, no is actually used “correctly”.
The sixty-year-debate in the field of Japanese acquisition has never ended because of thebelief that the overgeneration takes place for a single reason. However, in this paper, we
argued that the overgeneration of no is a trihedral phenomenon, and the hypotheses proposed
were basically all correct. The overgeneration of no is due to three independent reasons, i.e.,
the immature merge operation, the miscategorization of adjectives, and the setting of therelative clause parameter. The analysis of children’s errors informs us of the important phasesin the stages of grammar acquisition, and provides a key to understanding the nature oflanguage.

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Yokogoshi, eds., Proceedings of the 6th Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics (WAFL6),
MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 61, 47–78.
Murasugi, K. and T. Hashimoto (2004) “Two Different Types of Overgeneration of ‘no’ in Japanese
Noun Phrases,” in H.-J. Yoon, ed., Proceedings of the 4th Asian GLOW in Seoul, Hankook,
Seoul, 327–349.
Murasugi, K. and T. Hashimoto (2006) “Gengo Kakutoku ni okeru Meisikunai deno Kazyooseisei[The Overgeneration of ‘no’ in the Acquisition of Japanese Noun Phrases],” KSL 26, Kansai
Linguistic Society, 12–21.
Murasugi, K., T. Nakatani and C. Fuji (2009) “A Trihedral Approach to the Overgeneration of No in
the Acquisition of Japanese Noun Phrase,” paper presented at the 19th Japanese/Korean
Linguistics Conference, University of Hawaii, November 12–14.
Nagano, S. (1960) “Yooji no Gengo Hattatsu - Tokuni Joshi ‘no’ no Shuutokukatei nituite [Language
Development: A Case Study of Japanese ‘no’],” Kansai Daigaku Kokubun Gakkai: Shimada
Kyooju Koki Kinen Kokubungaku Ronsyu, 405–418.
Noji, J. (1973-1977) Yooziki no Gengoseikatu no Zittai [The Language Use by Children], I-IV, Bunka
Hyoron Syuppan, Tokyo.
Polinsky, M. (2005) “Word Class Distinctions in an Incomplete Grammar.” In D. Ravid and H.
Bat-Zeev Shildrkrodt, eds., Perspectives on Language and Language Development, Kluwer,
Dordrecht, 419–436.
Yokoyama, M. (1990) “Yoozi no Rentai Syuusyoku Hatuwa ni okeru Zyosi ‘no’ no Goyoo [Errors ofParticle ‘no’ in Young Japanese Children’s Adjective-Noun Constructions],” Hattatu
Sinrigaku Kenkyuu 1, 2–9.

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WHAT’S ACQUIRED LATER IN AN AGGLUTINATIVE LANGUAGE*
Keiko Murasugi, Chisato Fuji and Tomoko Hashimoto
Nanzan University

1.

Introduction

The intermediate stages of child grammar are a window into linguistic variation. Testingchildren’s knowledge of grammar in the course of language acquisition can bring new
insights to the study on the cross-linguistic syntactic differences.
Japanese is a head-final agglutinative language, whose basic word order is SOV. This
language allows scrambling, and has discourse pro for subjects, objects, and the arguments ingeneral. The central aim of this paper is to describe and analyze the nature of the very earlyverbs that Japanese-speaking children produce, and attempt to clarify the intermediate steps
children go through to acquire the full system of the verbs. We focus on the Root Infinitive
analogues and the erroneous verbal forms that Japanese-speaking children produce, anddiscuss the implications for the syntactic theory. These two types of children's errors which
are typically observed at intermediate stages of language acquisition shed light on hidden
properties and mechanisms that underlie the very early non-finite verbs (Root Infinitives) andthe acquisition of functional categories.
2.

Root Infinitives in Fusional (and Analytic) Languages

Root Infinitives (RIs), exemplified in (1), are the children’s first step to the system of the
verb.

*

This paper is an extended version of an article we presented at GLOW in Asia VI at Chinese
University of Hong Kong in December, 2007. We would like to thank Thomas Lee, Tomomi
Nakatani-Murai, Tetsuya Sano, Naoko Sawada, Koji Sugisaki, Kensuke Takita, Ken Wexler, and theorganizers, participants and the anonymous reviewers of the GLOW VI in Asia, Hong Kong, for
discussions and comments for this paper. Sincere thanks go to Mamoru Saito and the Center for
Linguistics at Nanzan University for providing all the support needed for our research activity. Thanks
also go to the members of the series of the International Symposium (2006-present) of theCambridge-Connecticut-Hyderabad-Nanzan-Siena-Tsinghua Consortium in Linguistics, which are theroots of the present work. We especially thank Junri Shimada at the Center for Linguistics, for his
extensive advice and help to put this paper in Nanzan Linguistics 6. The research reported here was
supported in part by Nanzan University Pache Research Grant I-A 2010 and by JSPS Grant-in-Aid to
Nanzan University (#20520397, Principal Investigator: Keiko Murasugi) for the study of theacquisition of functional categories.

Nanzan Linguistics 6, 47-78©2010 Keiko Murasugi, Chisato Fuji, and Tomoko Hashimoto

Linguistic Variations Nanzan
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Results andActivities~ 2010and Parametric Syntax

(1)

a.
b.

Eve sit floor. (1;7) (English)
That truck fall down. (2;0) (English)(Brown 1973)(Sano and Hyams 1994)

As Rizzi (2000) states, RIs exhibit whatever unmarked non-finite form the language
possesses. Many researchers regard RIs as very early non-finite verbs, and argue that they are
due to a deficit in the children’s syntactic knowledge, e.g., the syntactic structure is truncated,or the associated feature values of Tense are underspecified. Conversely, Phillips (1995,
1996) argues that RIs are not due to a deficit in the syntactic structure. According to Phillips(1995), at the RI stage, the verb and the inflectional features are both present, but they are notsyntactically joined, and hence, when morphological items are inserted to realize the syntactic
items, a default verbal form, which is an RI, is used to spell out the verb.
Our central argument is that the two apparently contradictory analyses given above arebasically both correct: Root Infinitive analogues in Japanese are the very early non-finite
verbs, and the verb and the inflectional features at the RI (analogue) stage are notsyntactically joined.
2.1.

Root Infinitives as the Very Early Non-finite Verbs

Root Infinitives (RIs) are non-finite (infinitival) verbal forms which children at around
two years of age use in matrix clauses, where they are not possible in their adult grammar.
There have been several approaches to explain why children acquiring fusional (and analytic)
languages like English (Wexler 1994), Dutch (Haegeman 1995, Blom and Wijnen 2000), andFrench (Krämer 1993, Rasetti 2003), among others, often use non-finite forms as in (1)through (3).1
(2)

Peter
P

bal pakken. (2;1)
ball get-INF(Dutch)‘Peter (wants to) get the ball.’(3)

Dormirpetit bébé.
sleep-INF little baby

(1;11)(Blom and Wijnen 2000)(French)‘A little baby sleeps.’(Guasti 2004)

An orthodox approach to the RI phenomenon is that the verbs children around two yearsof age produce are non-finite across languages. It is well known that there are some salient
morpho-syntactic and semantic properties of RIs, as listed in (4).

1Abbreviations used in the glosses are as follows: Acc=Accusative Case, Asp=Aspect morpheme,
Dat=Dative Case, INF=Infinitive, Mood=Mood marker, Neg=Negation, Nom=Nominative Case,
Pres=Present, Past=Past, Req=Request.

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Murasugi

(4)

a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.

RIs are optional: RIs and fully-inflected verbs are used at the same period.
RIs are tenseless verbs in root contexts.
RIs occur predominantly with null subjects.
RIs generally do not occur in wh-questions.
RIs occur in modal contexts (the Modal Reference Effects (MRE)).
RIs are restricted to event-denoting predicates (the Eventivity Constraint).
RIs are very rare in pro-drop languages.
(Deen 2002, Hyams 2005, Salustri and Hyams 2003)

As (4a) states, during the RI stage, children optionally produce matrix non-finite verbs inplace of finite verbs, while adults allow non-finite verbs only in embedded sentences, as
shown in (5).
(5)

a.

Thorstn
T

das
that

haben [finite]. (2;1) (German)
have-INF‘Thorstn has that.’
b.

Mein
my

Hubsaubehelicopter

hat [+finite]
has

Tiere
animalsdin. (2;1) (German)
in it‘My helicopter has animals in it.’(Wexler 1994)

As we see in (4b), the RI stage is considered to be a stage where some kind of
disturbance of TP, which is the home of both tense and EPP, is found. As shown in (6), thesubject of RIs tends to be null even in some of the non-pro-drop languages, as (4c) states.
(6)a.

Hubsauber putzen. (2;1)
helicopter clean-INF(German)Context: The child is cleaning his toy helicopter with a toothbrush.
(Poeppel & Wexler 1993, Wexler 1994)b.

Roeren. (2;4)
stir-INF(Dutch)Context: The child’s mother is cooking oatmeal.

(Krämer 1993)

As (4d) states, it is also widely reported that RIs occur in declarative sentences, but not
in wh-questions.
(7)

Wie staat
daar? (2;6)
who stands there?

(Dutch)‘Who stands there?’(Haegeman 1995)

The declarative sentences in (6) have the infinitive verbs, while the sentence with a wh-phrasein (7) has the inflected verb, staat (stands).

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The Modal Reference effects, described in (4e), means that RIs typically have a modal orirrealis meaning, expressing volition or a request (Hoekstra and Hyams 1998, among others).
Observe the example in (8) from Dutch.
(8)

Vrachtwagen
truck

emmer doen. (2;4) (Dutch)
bucket do-INF

Context: Matthijs (speaker) wants the investigator to put the truck in the bucket.
(Blom and Wijnen 2000)
Besides the Modal Reference Effects, it has been also widely observed that RIs arelargely restricted to eventive predicates as shown in (4f), while finite verbs can either be
eventive or stative. Early eventive verbs tend to receive a modal meaning with overwhelming
frequency, and this is termed the Eventivity Constraint (Hoekstra and Hyams 1998).
Although some researchers claim that RIs are not found in the early grammar of suchpro-drop languages as Italian, Spanish, and Catalan, and of languages where finiteness isexpressed exclusively by number (e.g., Guasti 1994), as (4g) states, other researchers proposethat there is an RI analogue stage in pro-drop languages. For instance, Varlokosta, Vainikka,
and Rohrbacher (1996) and Hyams (2005) argue that the bare perfective is an RI analogue in
Greek; Kim and Phillips (1998) suggest that the RI analogue is the V with the mood marker -efor Korean; Salustri and Hyams (2003, 2006) suggest that the RI analogue in Italian is theimperative, and similar proposals have been made for Kuwaiti (Aljenaie 2000), and Chinese(Chien 2008).
Our own limited exploration of this kind of phenomenon in Japanese suggests that there
is an RI analogue stage in some of the agglutinative languages. Mainly based on an analysis
of natural production data of Japanese-speaking children, Sumihare (0;6-6;0, Noji Corpus
1973-1977) and Akkun (1;7-4;0), we argue in Section 3 that there is an RI analogue stage inJapanese acquisition, and that the very early non-finite verb is not an infinitive form or RootInfinitive, but it is a full form in Japanese. The RI analogue for Sumihare and Akkun is the
past-tensed verbal form ending with -ta, which is initially (1;6-1;7) used 100% of the time.
This form shares most of the central morpho-syntactic and semantic properties of RIs
summarized in (4).
2.2.

Root Infinitives as the Very Early Verbs Missing Verb-Inflection Merge

Root Infinitives are tenseless verbs in matrix clause, and many researchers haveconsidered that the features in Tense are underspecified then (Wexler 1994, among others).
Phillips (1995, 1996), however, argues that RIs are not due to a deficit in the syntactic
structure. Two-year-old children’s Root Infinitive clause contains all of the components ofadults’ finite clause, and what is missing is the derivational step that would combine the verb
with an inflection. The cause of the delay in merging of a verb and inflection is, according toPhillips (1995), difficulty with the process of accessing morphological knowledge, which is
not an automatic process for the child. Based on a comparative study of the syntactic- 200 -50-

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Murasugi

development of two-year-old children acquiring V-raising languages such as Dutch, Flemishand French, and a non-V-raising language, English, Phillips (1995) suggests that children’s
syntactic structures contain all of the appropriate inflectional features, but they are notsyntactically joined when lexical items are inserted to spell out syntactic features.
Phillips (1995) examines the relation between RIs and wh-questions in English toinvestigate whether or not the head movement is a key to RIs, since subject wh-questions inEnglish do not involve verb movement while those in Dutch do. As we briefly discussed in(4d), Root Infinitives do not occur in wh-question.
(7)

Wie staat
daar? (2;6)
who stands there?

(Dutch)‘Who stands there?’(Haegeman 1995)

According to Haegeman (1995), wh-questions are rarely produced by children at two to three
years of age. When wh-questions are produced by young children, the main verbs used in thewh-questions are finite, as shown in Table 1. This is termed Crisma’s effect.
Table 1: Finiteness in declaratives and questions: Dutch(Haegeman 1995, modified in Phillips 1995, 1996)
Hein 2;4-3;1+finitefinite%-finiteAll clauses
3768
721
16%
wh-questions88
2
2%
Total = 4579, 2 = 12.71, p < 0.001
Phillips (1995) shows, however, that Crisma’s effect is not observed in subject
wh-questions in English. The percentages of inflected verbs in declaratives and in
wh-questions are almost the same, as summarized in Table 2.
Table 2: Finiteness in declaratives and questions: English (Phillips 1995, 1996)
Adam 2;3-3;1
inflected V
uninflected V %inflected
Declaratives
134
203
40%
wh-questions
69
92
43%
Total = 498, 2 = 0.43, p = 0.51
The lack of Crisma’s effect in English is due to the absence of head movement in English
subject wh-questions: The requirement for the V-I(T)-C movement in V2 languages’
wh-questions blocks RIs, whereas the V-I(T) movement in English subject wh-questions is
not such a requirement and hence RIs are found in the English child's wh-questions.
In order to test this hypothesis against the null subject fact stated in (4c), Phillips (1995)
investigates the interaction between finiteness and null subjects in Dutch and English.
According to Krämer (1993), the vast majority of infinitive verbs occur in subjectlesssentences (Krämer’s effect). This effect, however, is not observed in English.

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Table 3: Finiteness and null subjects: Dutch (Krämer 1993, modified in Phillips 1995, 1996)
Thomas 2;3-2;8+finitefiniteovert subject
431
21null subject
165
246% overt subject
73%
8%Total = 863, 2 = 307.07, p < 0.0001
Table 4: Finiteness and null subjects: English (Phillips 1995, 1996)
Adam 2;3-3;0+finitefiniteovert subject
79
195
null subject
34
47% overt subject
70%
81%
Total = 355, 2 = 4.98, p = 0.026
As Table 4 shows, Adam, an English-speaking child, used null subjects both with finite andinfinitive verbs. What is more, he tended to use overt subjects more with infinitive verbs. One
cross-linguistic difference is in Nominative Case licensing: RIs seldom occur with overt
subjects in Dutch because Nominative Case licensing requires V-raising in Dutch, while RIs
often occur with overt subjects in English because Nominative Case licensing has nothing to
do with head movement in English.
Phillips (1995) concludes that RI clauses are “adult clauses minus one step of head
movement” (p.34) and that “difficulty with the process of accessing morphologicalknowledge” (p.2) causes the delay in merging the verb with an inflection. For adults,
accessing inflection paradigms is an automatic process after having been overlearned, andbears minimal or zero cost. For young children, however, the process is not yet automatic, andas a result, the cost of accessing a given form may outweigh the cost of failing to realize it.
It is well known that head movement itself is, in fact, acquired very early. As shown in(5), repeated below, German-speaking children even at two years of age know that theinfinitive verbs stay at the end of a clause, whereas finite verbs move to C, which is thesecond position of a clause.
(5)a.

ThorstnT

dashathaben [finite]. (2;1) (German)
have-INF‘Thorstn has that.’
b.

Mein
my

Hubsaubehelicopter

hat [+finite]
has

Tiere
animals‘My helicopter has animals in it.’din. (2;1) (German)
in it(Wexler 1994)

The fact that children use finite verbs in the second position as in (5b) indicates that V-I(T)-C
movement has already been acquired by the stage in question. Similarly, in adult French,- 202 -52-

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finite verbs are raised from V to I, past the negation pas, while infinitives remain below thenegation in VP (See Déprez and Pierce 1993). French-speaking children, even before twoyears of age, produce the adult-like word order of V-Neg as in (9b).
(9)

a.

Pas
not

mangereat-INF

lathepurpée.
doll(1;9) (French)‘The doll never eats.’b.

Elle roule pas.
itrolls not(Déprez and Pierce 1993)(1;11)(French)‘It never rolls.’(Pierce 1989, Déprez and Pierce 1993)

In addition, as summarized in (4), given the fact that the semantic/syntactic
commonalities such as the MRE and the Eventivity Constraints are observed across languages
at the stage in question, Phillips’ (1995) proposal that RIs are not syntactic deficits but reflect
children’s difficulty in accessing morphological knowledge could be too strong. However, we
argue in this paper that insight can still be maintained for Japanese, an agglutinating language.
There is a delay in merging of the verb with inflection in the course of the acquisition. At the
RI analogue stage, the inflectional features (including T (I)) are not successfully merged withthe verb.
3.
3.1.

Root Infinitive analogues in JapanesePrevious Studies on Japanese Root Infinitives

A collective force of the acquisition data from null-subject languages has put a nail in thecoffin of any hope that an RI analogue stage could be found in Japanese child grammar. Sano
(1995, 1999) has conducted a detailed longitudinal study of three Japanese-speaking children,
Toshi (2;3-2;8), Ken (2;8-2;10) and Masanori (2;4), to see if non-finite forms are produced inmain clauses. The verb forms he has examined are exemplified in (10): Renyookei -i(preverbal) in (10a), Mizenkei -a (irrealis) in (10b), and the Conjunctive -te (participial) in(10c).
(10) a.

Taro-gakore
T -Nom thisni hair-i-ta-i (koto).
to enter-(Preverbal)-want-Pres (fact)‘Taro wants to enter into this.’b.

Taro-gakore
T -Nom thisni hair-a-na-i (koto).
to enter-(Irrealis)-Neg-Pres (fact)‘Taro does not enter into this.’203 - -53-

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Taro-ga
T -Nomkore ni hait-te,
Jiro-gaare ni hair-u.
this to enter-(Conjunctive) J -Nom that to enter-Pres‘(While) Taro enters into this, Jiro enters into that.’
As shown in Table 5, the Preverbal -i, the Irrealis -a and the Conjunctive -te were notproduced as a main verb by these children, though these forms were produced in non-root
contexts, i.e., under finite auxiliary predicates.
Table 5: Inflection of Main Verbs in Affirmative Declarative Root Clause (Sano 1999)
Non-past -(r)u Past-ta Preverbal
Irrealis Conjunctive
Toshi (2;3-2;8)
288
84
0
0
1 (0.2%)Ken (2;8-2;10)111
175
0 1 (0.3%)
0Masanori (2;4)
138
50
0
0
0
Based on data analysis, Sano (1995, 1999) concludes that children at two years of age, who
would be in the RI stage in some other languages, do not produce non-finite verbal forms, andhence, there is no RI stage in child Japanese.
Kato, Sato, Takeda, Miyoshi, Sakai and Koizumi (2003) support Sano’s conclusion.
Pointing out that bare verb stems without tense morphemes are not allowed in adult Japanese,they predict that an RI would have either the present- or the past-tensed form. They analyze
the corpus of two Japanese-speaking children, Ryo (2;0-3;0) and Tai (2;0-2;9), and find thateither of these forms is not overused. Their results are given in Table 6 and Table 7.
Table 6: Number of Past- or Present-tensed Verbal Form in Ryo’s Corpus (Kato et al. 2003)
Past-tensed verb forms Present-tensed verb forms
Correct form
476
761
Erroneous form
7
4
Unclear
2
5
Total
485
770
Table 7: Number of Past- or Present-tensed Verbal Form in Tai’s Corpus (Kato et al. 2003)
Past-tensed verb forms Present-tensed verb forms
Correct form
787
1667
Erroneous form
3
15
Unclear
0
14
Total
790
1696
As shown above, few erroneous verbal forms are found. Both of the two-year-old children
produced present- and past-tensed forms in appropriate contexts. Hence, Kato et al. (2003)
conclude that an RI stage is not found in child Japanese.

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Murasugi

3.2.

Our Proposal: There is an Root Infinitive Analogue in JapaneseContrary to the previous studies of Japanese Root Infinitives cited above, the present
paper proposes that there is an RI analogue stage in Japanese.2 In this subsection, based on an
analysis of naturalistic data of a Japanese-speaking child, Sumihare (Noji Corpus),3 we argue
that (i) there is a Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage in Japanese, (ii) the form in question is
the past-tensed form V-ta, (iii) the stage occurs much earlier than Root infinitives in theEuropean languages, i.e., even at one year of age, and (iv) the form is initially (around
1;6-1;7) used 100% of the time in the full range of environments. Furthermore, we present a
piece of supporting evidence for Phillips’ (1995) insight that the merge of the verb andinflection is not available at the RI Stage. More specifically, we argue that merger of heads isacquired step by step as summarized in (11).
(11) a.
b.
c.
3.2.1.

Very Early Non-Finite Verb (RI analogue) Stage (1;6-1;11): no merge of the verb
with inflection
Post-Very-Early-Non-finite Verb Stage (1;11-2;1): merge of the verb andinflection
Onset of Finite Verb Stage (2;1- ): two- (or more-) step head merger
The Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage (The stage with no merger of V-T)

Japanese is an agglutinative language where multiple instances of head movement occur
inside the verbal projection (see Koizumi 1995).4 In adult Japanese, bare verb stems cannot
appear without tense or aspect morphemes, as shown in (12) and (13).
(12) a.

* tabe- ‘to eat’b. * suwar- ‘to sit’(13) a.

tabe-ru/-ta
eat-Pres/Past‘(I) eat/ate.’

2This analysis does not contradict the descriptive findings reported in Sano (1995) and Kato et al.
(2003). Rather, our studies are consistent with their results: Erroneous non-finite verb forms areproduced not by two-year-olds, but by much younger children.

3

The Noji corpus is chosen for this study because it contains detailed contexts for the child’sutterances, which helps us to detect the intended meanings. Noji’s comments as the observer and as a
linguist are also very helpful for making generalizations proposed in this paper.
4

If we adopt the PF merge analysis (Bokovi 2003, among others), our findings will be interpreted
as a limitation on the number of elements that can be merged in the child’s derivation, and RI
analogues arise because of a failure to merge the verb with the inflection.

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tabe-te-i-ru/-ta
eat-Asp-Pres/Past‘(I) am/was eating.’ / ‘(I) have/had eaten.’c.

tabe-teeat-Imperative (Preverbal form)‘(Please) eat.’d.

tabe-ta-i
eat-want-Pres‘(I) want to eat.’

The verb stem tabe- (to eat) is followed by the present/past tense morpheme in (13a), and by
the aspectual morpheme -te-i in (13b).5 For requests or imperatives, the morpheme -te is
attached to the verb as in (13c), while for volition, -ta-i is attached to the verb as in (13d). The
structures of V with tense and aspectual morphemes are represented in (14). The merger of V
and T is required to derive a tensed sentence as in (14a). For an aspectual sentence, as in(14b), a two-step head merger (V-Asp-T) is required.
(14) a.

TP

b.

TP

T’
VP
NP

T’
T

V

AspP

-ru/-ta

VP
NP

T
Asp
-te-i

-ru/-taV

Complex conjugations, however, are not produced at the very early stage of Japaneseacquisition. Below we argue that there is a stage where a uniform verbal form is employed for
non-adult meanings, and the inflectional features (including T (I)) are not successfully mergedwith the verb. We term this stage a Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage,
During age one, Sumihare started to use the past tense form, namely, the V-ta form torefer to perfective events in the same way as adults do, as shown in (15).

5The abbreviated V-teru/-teta forms as in (i) are used as colloquial expressions in adult Japanese.

(i)tabe-te -ru/-ta
eat -Asp-Pres/-Past‘(I) am/was eating.’ / ‘(I) have/had eaten.’- 206 -56-

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Murasugi(15) a.

Buu
ki-ta. (1;5)
onomatopoeia come-Past‘A car has come.’b.

Tabe-ta.
eat-Past(1;6)‘(I) ate (up) (an apple).’c.

Oti-ta. (1;7)
fall-Past‘(It) has fallen.’d.

KeityanK

yuu-ta (=it-ta). (1;8)
say-Past‘(She) said Keityan.’
Sumihare, however, from around 1;6 through 1;11, also used the V-ta form in a different way
from adults. At this stage, the Modal Reference Effects were observed. The V-ta form wereused to denote the meaning of volition (desire) or a request.6(16) a.

Atti. Atti. Atti i-ta. (1;6)
there there there go-Past(irrealis/volition)(adult form: ik-u, or ik-e)‘I want to go there / Go there.’b.

Tii
si-ta. (1;7) (irrealis/volition)
onomatopoeia (pee) do-Past(adult form: si-ta-i)‘I want to pee.’
c.

Baba
mud

pai-ta. (1;8) (request)
onomatopeia (throw away)-Past(adult form: pai-si-te )‘Please throw (this) away.’
The context for (16a) is the following: Sumihare’s father (Noji, the observer) went out for awalk with Sumihare on the back. Noji tried to go back home, but Sumihare pointed to adifferent direction and produced “atti (there)” twice. Sumihare got frustrated and said, “atti6

We may possibly hypothesize that the V-ta form is not an Root Infinitive analogue but a reduced
form of V-tai (volition). If that were the case, we would expect the V-tai form to be produced soonafter the RI analogue stage, but it is, in fact, not. We have to wait for the adult usage of V-tai to beobserved until around 2;6. Rather, in order to convey the meaning of volition, the tyoodai form wasused productively from 1;8. Hence, we consider here that the V-ta form is not the reduced form ofV-tai.

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i-ta (there go-Past)” angrily again. Noji notes on this example: I-ta means ik-u (go-Pres) while
Sumihare uttered i-ta, because Sumihare could not say ik-u (Noji 1973-1977 I: 195). Noji also
writes important comments for (16b), which convinces us of the Modal Reference Effects at
the early stage of Japanese acquisition: Sumihare used tii-si-ta in a volition context when hewanted to pee. As for (16c), Sumihare produced pai-ta, attaching -ta on the onomatopoeia pai(to throw away), in order to ask his mother to remove mud from a potato.
The examples in (17) are cases where -ta is used to express a result state, a progressive
event and an irrealis meaning.
(17) a.

Baba tui-ta. (1;6)
thread stick-Past(result state)(adult form: tui-te-i-ru)‘The thread is on (the finger).’b.

Siisi-ta. (1;7) (progressive)
onomatopoeia (pee) do-Past(adult form: sikko si-te-i-ru)‘(She) is peeing.’c.

Meen-ta. (1;7) (irrealis)“meen”(onomatopoeia)-Past(adult form: meen to i-u)‘(Mommy would say,) “Meen.”’In (17a), Sumihare found a thread on his finger, and intended to inform his mother of this.
Here, the aspectual morpheme -te-i-ru would be used in adult grammar, but Sumihare used
tui-ta. Likewise, in (17b), Sumihare employed the V-ta form instead of the V-te-i-ru form forthe progressive event. In this case, one of his friends was peeing. In (17c), Sumihare’s motherasked him what she would say if he wet his underpants, and he intended to reply to it. Here,the present tense form i-u (to say) or the future tense form -i-u-daroo would be used in adultgrammar, but the V-ta form was used instead.
The percentage of the V-ta form decreases with age. At 1;6-1;7, he predominantly used
the V-ta form almost 100% of the time.

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Murasugi

Figure 1: The Overall Proportion of Verbal Forms in Sumihare’s Corpus at Each Stage)**%(#()$*(+%(#&($*

#&(*!,*%(#(,("('+)**%(#

%"!*!%$*-%%!!,#)&**(+&(%())&(*!,
*!%$$!$%$%*













 







* (%(#)

The fact that the -ta forms, but not the other verbal forms such as imperatives andpresent-tensed forms, was consistently used to denote different meanings suggests that theverbal conjugation, i.e., the merger of V and inflection, is not yet available then. Namely, thisis a stage where a default form is picked up by the child for the verbal element. If this is thecase, then, the whole V-ta form must be base-generated as an unanalyzed form as illustratedin (18). This stage is characterized as the one where the verbs are not merged with the head of
TP.
TP

(18)

T’
VP

T

NP

V
V-ta

At 1;8, modal meanings began to be frequently realized with tyoodai.7 Instead of adults’
si-te kudasai (V-te please-do/give-me), which requires multiple steps of head movement, an
independent verbal element tyoodai (please-do/give-me), began to be productively used toconvey the meaning of volition or a request.
7

Tyoodai is a colloquial expression that is equivalent to kudasai (please-do/give-me). It is used as themain verb taking a noun complement as in (i) or as an auxiliary as in (ii).
(i)

Ringo(-o)
tyoodai.
an apple-Acc give me‘Give me an apple.’(ii)

Hayakuquicklysi-tetyoodai.
do-preverbal please-give/please-do‘Please do (it) quickly.’

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Tii
peetyoodai. (1;9)
give-me‘Please help me to pee.’b.

Nainai tyoodai. (1;10)
no-no give-me‘Please put (this) away.’

In (19a) and (19b), tyoodai follows the onomatopoeia tii (pee) and nainai (no-no). As shownin Figure 1 above, the rate of the non-finite past-tensed form decreases in accordance with theincrease of tyoodai (please-do/give-me).8
The increase of the tyoodai form at the Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage parallels the
Modal Reference Effects in the Dutch-type languages, where RIs receive a modal meaning
with overwhelming frequency at the later stage of Root Infinitives. As the merger inside theverbal projection is not possible, the child is forced to employ a non-merging strategy and use
an independent verb tyoodai at this Very Early Non-Finite Verb stage in order to verbalize his
volition.
Although volition was expressed by tyoodai at around the age of 1;9, the child was stillin the Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage. This is confirmed by the fact that erroneous V-ta
forms were still used for perfective and progressive sentences instead of the aspectual form
V-te-i-ru.
(20) a.

Nenne-ta-noo. (1;9) (result state)
sleep-Past-Mood(adult form: si-te-i-ru)‘(I) am in the bed (with Daddy).’
Context: Sumihare (the speaker) is in bed with his father.
b.

Buu
plane

maimai-ta. (1;10)
go around-Past(progressive)(adult form: si-te-i-ru)‘A plane is going around.’
The appropriate form to refer to the result state in (20a) would be si-te-i-ru in adult grammar,
but Sumihare employed the -ta form instead in order to inform his mother of the situation. In(20b), -ta, instead of -te-i-ru, is attached to the onomatopoeia maimai (onomatopoeia,
meaning go around) to describe an ongoing event of an airplane’s going around.
Then, how about the presence of wh-questions at this stage? Interestingly, Crisma’s

8Murasugi and Hashimoto (2004) argue that the v-VP structure is acquired very early and v is initiallyrealized as tiyu/tita/tite (do/did/doing). If we apply their analysis to this case, tyoodai produced in thisstage may be the head of vP.

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Murasugi

effect is observed in Japanese, even though wh-questions in Japanese may not require main
verbs to move. As in European languages, Tense- or C-related elements (e.g., complementizer
sand wh-phrases) are not found with the non-finite -ta forms, as Figure 2 shows.9
Figure 2: Frequency of C-, T- and D-related Elements in Sumihare’s Corpus
""""*'##*%"(!%



###*",*+%*#

#!"')



#$*-*

#$*"&"'"-*.


















#$( %
#$( %,+These data indicate that the RIs are not merely due to performance deficits of children.
Rather, as Hyams (2005) discusses, MoodP is active during the Very Early Non-Finite Verb
(RI analogue) Stage, while AspectP and TP are still underspecified and the head movement
inside the verbal projection is still unavailable. Evidence for the underspecification of T isfound in the absence of any other T (or I) elements at the stage in question. The Nominative
Case marker -ga and the finite da/zya (the finite be, the copula) were not observed either thenin Sumihare’s corpus, which confirms the possibility that the stage is not due to deficits in(the realization of the features of) T (or I).
Then, how about Krämer’s effect? As is the case in the acquisition of some otherlanguages, Sumihare initially produced null subjects frequently with many verbs, though therate of null subjects sometimes decreases, and sometimes does not, depending on the verb.10
As shown in Figure 3,11 the percentage of null subjects of such speaker-oriented verbs as pai(to throw away) or suru (to do), where the agent tends to be a speaker (Ego), stays high evenafter inflections (conjugations) properly appear. On the other hand, subjects (a Topic NP)
conveying new information with eventive verbs such as oti-ru (to drop) or ku-ru (to come) do
not tend to be null. This is different from the findings reported in the studies of
non-null-subject languages, though it may not be surprising given that Japanese is a

9

The topic marker -wa was produced at a very early stage, only in the form of NP-wa, without everbeing followed by verbal predicates.

10

Although verb movement may be involved in the assignment of Nominative Case (Huang 1987,
Otani and Whitman 1991), the Nominative Case -ga does not appear on subjects at the RI analogue
stage. The Nominative Case marker -ga first appears around 1;11.
11

VEN stands for Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage, which is divided into two sub-stages: VEN-I isthe stage where the V-ta form is used almost 100% of the time and VEN-II is the stage where a modal
meaning is realized with the form tyoodai. P-VEN stands for Post-Very-Early-Non-Finite Verb Stage.

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discourse-pro language.12
Figure 3: Proportion of Null Subjects of Each Verb in Sumihare’s Corpus 











 
 



(1;6-1;8)(1;9-1;11)(1;11-2;1)

  ""#
!! 
!   
! #
! 
 ! 
!! 
! #! ! 

It has been observed that children speaking agglutinative languages, e.g., Tamil (Raghavendra
and Laurence 1989) and Turkish (Aksu-Koç and Slobin 1985), acquire verb inflections at avery early stage. The early emergence of RI analogues in languages such as Japanese, Korean(Kim and Phillips 1998), Italian (Salustri and Hyams 2003, 2006), American and Brazilian
Sign Languages (Lillo-Martin and Quadros 2008), Chinese (Chien 2008), Arabic (Aljenaie
2000), and Greek (Varlokosta et al. 1996, Hyams 2005) can be explained by a morphologicalparameter, the Stem Parameter proposed by Hyams (1986), which is responsible for thewell-formedness of bare verbal stems in a given language (see also Aljenaie 2000, Hyams
2008). According to this hypothesis, English, for example, has the value [+bare stem], since
its verbs can surface as bare stems. On the other hand, in such languages as Japanese, theparameter has the opposite value, namely [bare stem], since verbs in these languages cannot
surface as bare stems. Children acquiring Japanese learn the verb conjugations earlier thanEnglish-speaking children because, given the Japanese setting of the parameter, there is no
option of omitting the verb conjugations.
3.2.2.

The Post-Very-Early-Non-Finite Verb Stage (Head merger of V-Asp/V-T)

Sumihare started to produce the “correct” non-past form V-ru as in (21) in the proper
contexts. around 1;11.
(21) a.

Ik-u-yoo. (1;11) (present)
go-Pre-Mood‘(I)’ll go to (Tiiko’s house).’12

Kim and Phillips (1998) argue that the overuse of the default mood-inflection ‘-e’ in the earliest
speech of Korean children parallels the RI in other languages, and report that there is no correlation
between the RI analogue form and the number of null subjects produced at the stage. See Murasugi
and Fuji (2008) for an argument in favour of a parallelism between the RI analogue stages of Japaneseand Korean.

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Murasugi,
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Murasugib.

Okku
a-ru-yo. (1;11) (present)
medicine be-Pres-Mood‘Here is the medicine.’

Sumihare also started to produce the abbreviated aspectual form -teru at around the ageof 1;11. As shown in (22a) and (22b), the form is used for result states and progressives. The
frequency of each verbal form is illustrated in Figure 4.
(22) a.

Wanwan tyan si-teru. (1;11)
dog
sit
do-Asp(result state)‘A dog is sitting (here).’b.

Buranko ti-teru. (2;0) (progressive)
swing
do-Asp‘(A scarecrow) is swinging.’

Figure 4: Frequency of Verbal Forms in Sumihare’s Corpus'((#&!
&'"(&)#&!

")!& 

!$&(*(#&!
&*& &%)'((#&!



# (#"(+##*!


'$((&)$&#&''$&(*(#"""#"#(





















(&#&!'The -ta form is dominant in 1;6-1;11 (i.e., the Very Early Non-Finite Verb (RI analogue)
Stage) in number; the non-past -ru form, the aspectual -teru and the preverbal -te form started
to appear after 1;11. The other inflections began to be produced around 2;0. These facts
indicate that at least the merge of the verb with inflection is available at around 1;11.
Evidence for the unavailability of two-step head movement at this stage is elicited froman analysis of the negative sentences Sumihare produced. In adult Japanese, the negative
marker -nai (not) is a verbal predicate which itself carries a finite tense (Sano 2000), andtwo-step head movement (V-Neg-T) is involved. To form the adult negative predicates
ki-te-na-i and utawa-na-i, multiple head merger is required.

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b.

TP
T

NegP
AspP
VP
NP

Asp
V

TP

Neg

NegP

-i

VP

-na(k)

NP

-te-i

T
Neg

V

-i

-na(k)

utaw-aki-/tui
However, at around 1;11-2;2, the child consistently produced erroneous negative
sentences such as (24) and (25). These examples clearly show that the child is not making theadult-like application of head movement (or multiple applications of merge under the PF
merge analysis).
(24) a.

Tinbunnewspaper

ki-ta-nai-yo. (1;11)
come-Past-Neg-Mood(adult form: ki-te(i)-nai)‘The newspaper has not come yet.’b.

MOT:Sekken-ga te-ni
tui-te-i-ru
kara arai nasai.
MOT:soap-Nom hand-Dat stick-Asp-Pres as
wash Imperative‘Wash your hand. Some suds stick on your hand.’
SUM:Tui-ta-nai. (1;11)
stick-Past-Neg(adult form: tui-te(i)-nai)‘No, (they) don’t.’(25) Utaw-(r)u-nai.
sing-Pres-Neg(2;0)(adult form: utaw-a-nai)‘(Mommy) doesn’t sing.’
In the examples shown in (24), the negative marker -nai is not merged with the preverbal
form ki-te-i or tui-te-i. Rather, -nai follows the complete past-tensed verb ki-ta (came) in(24a) and tui-ta (stuck) in (24b). In (25), -nai even attaches to the full present-tensed verb
utaw-(r)u.13 This fact suggests that the structure of (24) and (25) in child Japanese is

13

Sumihare produced a few correct negative forms as in (ia-b). We consider these as unanalyzed form
stored as chunks (by rote) in the child’s lexicon. It is around 2;2 that Sumihare began to use the correct
past tense form -na-k-atta productively.

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Murasugi

something like (26), which is different from the ones in adult grammar (23a,b) in that NegP is
located outside of TP.
(26)

NegP
Neg

TP
VP

T
V

NP

-nai

-ta/-(r)u

ki-/tui-/utaw
The consistent errors Sumihare made for negation with different types of verbs indicate that
only one merge of the verb with inflection is available at around 1;11-2;0. Here, the negative
morpheme -nai is base-generated as an unanalyzed form, i.e., Neg (-na) and T (-i) are notseparated in child grammar.
Further support for the unavailability of two-step head movement inside the verbal
projection around 1;11-2;0 is found in the morphology of aspect. Although the V-teru form is“correctly” used to refer to a result state in (22a) and a progressive in (22b), the form in thisstage is always produced as -teru but never as -te-i-ru. As the past-tensed form -te(i)-ta is notproduced either, the -teru form produced then would be a chunk (a rote form) as shown in
(27).
(27)

TP
T’
AspP
VP
NP

T
Asp

V

-teru

At the Post-Very-Early-Non-Finite Verb Stage, other aspectual or mood forms such as(i)a.

Mie-naisee-Negne. (1;11)
Mood‘(We) cannot see (that).’b.

Nakanaka ko-naine. (2;1)
not nearly come-Neg Mood‘(The train) has not come as yet, has it?’

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V-te-simat-ta (V-Asp (perfective)-Past), V-ta-i (V-v (volition)-Pres), and so forth, which
require two (or more) -step head movement, were not produced either.
3.2.3.

The Onset of Finite Verb Stage (Multiple head merger)

Two-step head movement (or a second application of merger under the PF merger
analysis) seems to be acquired around the age of 2;1, when the verbal conjugations
explosively increased. The V-te-i-ru form (28), the V-te-ta form (29), and the V-toru form(30), which is the equivalent of the V-te-i-ru form in Sumihare’s dialect (the Setouchi
dialect),14 appeared at this stage.
(28) a.

Hasit-te-i-ru
run-Asp-Pres

inu.
dog

(2;2) (progressive)‘A running dog.’b.

Ki-te-i-ru-yo. (2;2) (perfect)come-Asp-Pres-Mood‘(It) has come.’(29) Atti-ni tomat-te-ta. (2;2)
there-at stop -Asp-Past(result state)‘(The bus) had stopped there.’(30) a.

Oki-to-ru-yo. (2;2) (perfect)awake-Asp-Pres-Mood‘(The baby) is awake.’b.

Keetyan-ga
K-Nom

nai-to-ru. (2;3) (progressive)
cry-Asp-Pres‘Keetyan (Ms. Keiko) is crying.’
The emergence of these forms leads us to conjecture that the -teru form is no longer a rote
form. Thus, the derivation containing two-step head movement (or the second application ofmerger under the PF merge analysis) should be acquired.

14
The Setouchi dialect is a dialect spoken around Ehime in the Western Japan. V-toru in this dialect
corresponds to V-te-i-ru in the Tokyo dialect. They are both ambiguous between a progressiveinterpretation and a perfective interpretation (Aono 2007), as shown in (i).

(i)

Happa-galeaf-Nom

oti-to-ru.
fall-Asp-Pres‘A leaf is falling.’ / ‘A leaf has fallen.’- 216 -66-

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Murasugi

It is also 2;1 when Sumihare started to produce the past-tensed negative form V-na-katta,
as in (31).
(31) Naka-na-katta.
cry-Neg-Past(2;2)‘(I) did not cry.’The fact that Sumihare came to distinguish the past-tensed form -na-katta from thepresent-tensed form -na-i suggests that the child now differentiated the tense morphemes-i/-katta from the verb stem and the negative marker.
Although it is not clear when children switch from two-step to three-step head movement(or learn multiple applications of merger under the PF merger analysis), it was only aroundthe age of 2;3 when Sumihare used multiply-merged forms.
(32) Kazi-ni nat-te-na-katta. (2;4)
fire-Dat be-Asp-Neg-Past‘(It) has not caused a fire.’
The verbal form nat-te-na-katta is derived via three (or more)-step head merger as representedin (23a). Sumihare, at this stage, had become able to produce the complex, multiply-merged
negative form V-te-na-katta.
Furthermore, complex verbs involving at least three-step head merger began to be
produced around 2;3.15(33) a.
Kumot-teki -ta-ne. (2;4)
cloud-Preverbal come-Past-Mood‘It’s getting cloudy.’

15

The erroneous use of V-ta instead of V-ru or V-t-ei-ru persisted even after the age of 2;2 until
around 2;6. An example is given in (i).
(i)

Kaatyan buranko timawa-na (=simawa-na). Ame-ga
hut-ta-yo. (2;4)
Mommy swing
clean up-Moodrain-Nom fall-Past-Mood(progressive)‘Mommy, (we) must put the swing back. It’s raining.’(Adult form: hut-te-i-ru)
Context: Since it was raining, Sumihare asked Mommy to clean up the swing.
There are at least two possible accounts for the fact that this type of error continues to be produced
even after head merger inside the verbal projection has been acquired. One is, in line with Phillips(1995), to consider that these errors are due to performance errors. The other is to consider them as the“Optional Infinitives” although they are not many in number. See Murasugi and Watanabe (2008).

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b.

Mata
again

ame hut-te
ki-ta-yo. (2;4)
rain fall-Preverbal come-Past-Mood‘It started raining again.’
To summarize, there are at least three stages in acquiring head movement (or merger under
the PF merger analysis): (i) No merger of the verb with inflection (Very Early Non-Finite
Verb Stage or RI analogue stage),16 (ii) the merger of the verb with inflection available(Post-Very-Early Non-Finite Verb Stage), and (iii) two (or more)- step head merger available(Onset of Finite Verb Stage).
3.2.4.

Further Evidence from Japanese-Speaking Child Akkun

In subsections 3.2.1.-3.2.3., based on a corpus analysis of Sumihare (Noji 1973-1977),
we argued that the V-ta form is the RI analogue. In this subsection, based on longitudinal dataof Akkun, a Japanese-speaking child,17 we show the further evidence that there is an RI
analogue stage in child Japanese.
Just like Sumihare, Akkun started to use the past tense form, V-ta in the same way as anadults do at around 1;8, as shown in (34).

16

Table 8 compares the numbers of the sentences involving V-Neg head movement produced at the
Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage and at the Post-Very-Early-Non-Finite Verb Stage found in the
corpus of Sumihare.
Table 8: The Correlation between RI analogues and Head Movement with V-Neg Sentences
no head movement head movement
Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage (1;6-1;10)
170Post-VEN Verb Stage (1;11-2;6)0
139
Total=156, 2 =156.21, p=0.0004 <0.001
We classify the negative forms such as i-nai (be-Neg) or ika-n (go-Neg) into the unanalyzed forms
when they are used in a limited way (in number and variety). On the other hand, as for those V-Neg
forms productively produced with other verbs productively, we classify them into the analyzed(differentiated) forms. The results shown in Table 8 would suggest that no sentence involving head
movement (the merge of the heads) inside the verbal projection is produced during Very
Early-Non-Finite Verb Stage, and the results are consistent with Phillips’ (1995) insight that there is
no head movement in RI clauses.
17

The longitudinal study of Akkun was conducted from 1;7 until 4;0 of age. Tomoko Hashimoto,
Akkun’s mother, recorded/transcribed the naturalistic data 10 hours a week on average. Some crucial
sentences were also elicited by Tomoko Hashimoto and Keiko Murasugi by using the method of
elicited production in the course of the longitudinal study.

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What’s Later
Acquiredin an Agglutinative
Language(K.C.
Murasugi(34) a.

Akkun tat-ta. (1;8)
Astand-Past‘Akkun(/I) stood.’b.

Wanwan at-ta. (1;9)
dogthere is-Past‘There was a dog (SNOOPY).’

Interestingly, just like Sumihare, the past tense form, V-ta form, was used for volition and arequest as shown in (35), and the other verb forms such as the present tense form and theprogressive/perfective -te(i)ru form were not produced until 1;11.
(35) Akkun
A

mama
Mommy

tat-ta. (1;9)
stand-Past(request)(adult form: tat-ase-te)‘Akkun(/I) wants Mommy to stand up.’
In (35), Akkun asked his mother to stand up. In this context, he employed the past tense form,
V-ta. At this stage, or the Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage, and merger of the verb withinflection is not observed.18
It was around 1;11 that the conjugations of verbs started to appear in Akkun’s natural
production. He started to use another verb form, namely, the request V-te form, as shown in(36).
(36) a.

Akkun doo-te (=doi-te). (1;9)
Astep aside-Req‘Akkun (wants Mommy) to step aside.’

b.

Mama
Mommy

mot-te. (2;2)
hold-Req‘Mommy, please hold (a broom).’
In (36a), Akkun asked his mother to step aside, employing the V-te form. In (36b), Akkun
was watching a video, and wanted to imitate a situation in it. He asked his mother to hold a18Compared to Sumihare, the number of utterances using the V-ta form for volitional expressions
and requests is small. One plausible reason for this is that Akkun, unlike Sumihare, started using theadjective hosii (‘want’) at a very early stage.

(i)

Akkun osii (=hosii) ziizi (1;9)
Awantpen (Lit. letter)‘Akkun(/I) wants to use the pen.’219 - -69-

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broom.
Although the V-te form was often used correctly in the same way as adults, interestingly
enough, it was also erroneously used sometimes, as exemplified in (37). In (37a), Akkun was
looking at a picture of a train in a picture book, and intended to mean that he wanted his
mother to let him ride on the train. Here, the imperative form of the intransitive verb noru (toride) was employed instead of the imperative form of the transitive nose-ru (to give a ride). In(37b), Akkun was talking about a past progressive event, and the past progressive form -tei-ta
would follow the verb in the adult grammar. However, the past progressive form -tei-ta
dropped here, and the request form, the V-te form, was used instead.
(37) a.

Akkun koe (=kore) not-te. (2;1)
A
thisride-Req(adult form: nose-te)‘Please give Akkun (/me) a ride on this (some day).’b.

Baanii mat-te. (2;2)
Barney wait-Req(past progressive)(adult form: mat-tei-ta)‘Barney was waiting.’
The examples above, then, indicate that it is the imperative V-te form that Akkun probably
started to find that his target language has rich lexical realization of inflection, and Akkun
found that there was another morpheme that could be attached to the verb stem in addition to-ta19, just like Sumihare, who found that the non-past -ru form, the aspectual -teru and thepreverbal -te form could be attached to the verb stem.
Suppose that the V-te form is the first form acquired after the stage of RIA, viz., the Post
Ver-Early-Non-Finite Stage. One piece of evidence for the hypothesis is in fact found in thenegative sentences that Akkun produced at around this stage. Just like Sumihare, Akkun
attached the negative marker -nai to fully-tensed verbs. The crucial examples are given in
(38).

19

(i)

The present tense verb form is also produced after 1;11, although the number is very small.
a.

Akkun
A

mot-(r)u. (1;11)
hold-Pres‘Akkun (/I) will hold (it).’b.

De-yu (=de-ru)
get out-Pres

zyabuzyabu. (2;1)
onomatopoeia (bath)‘(I’ll) get out of the bath tub.’The present tense forms mot-(r)u (hold) and de-ru (get out) in (i) were are correctly used inappropriate situations.

- 220 -70-

What's Acquiredin anLater
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Murasugi,
Fuji andetT.al.)Hashimoto)
What’s Later
Acquiredin an Agglutinative
Language(K.C.
Murasugi(38) a.

Owat-tanai. (2;3)
finish-Past Neg(adult form: owat-te(i)-nai)‘(It is) not finished yet.’b.

Nai-teru
nai. (2;4)
cry-Progressive Neg(adult form: nai-te(i)-nai)‘(The bear) is not crying.’
In (38), the negative marker -nai should follow the preverbal form -te. However, it was
attached to a past tense verb in (38a) and the progressive form in (38b).
Thus, the child can produce a verb phrase involving only one-step head merger at thisstage, but two-step head merger is still impossible, as illustrated in (39).
(39) a.

NegP
TP
VP
NP

NegP
AspP

Neg
T

V

b.

-ta

-nai

VP
NP

owat

Neg
Asp

V

-nai

-teru

nai

If this line of argument is on the right track, then the onset of Finite Verb Stage must be
found around 2;5. Akkun actually started to use various conjugated forms with respect toaspect and tense at around 2;5. The number of verbal forms produced by Akkun is shown in
Figure 5.

221 - -71-

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Figure 5: Number of Verbal Forms Produced by Akkun
"##!



!"#!$!

!%!! $"##!
##!

"##!$!!""!#%
##






   













#!!"As shown in Figure 5, the number of various verbal forms, especially of the present tense
form, increases after 2;5.
Furthermore, negative sentences were correctly produced at 2;5, as shown in (40).
(40) Akkun
A

mama
Mommy

aan
naite
onomatopoeia crynai. (2;5)
Neg‘Akkun (/I) (just said) “Mommy”, but not crying “aan”.’
In (40), the negative marker -nai is correctly attached to the preverbal form -te. Hence, at thisstage, more than two-step head merger inside the verbal projection is acquired.
To summarize, Akkun went through basically the same stages as Sumihare did. At the
Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage (1;9-1;10), only the past tense verb form was used, and theform had the Modal Reference Effects. Then, the Post-Very-Early-Non-Finite Verb Stage
started around 1;11 and lasted until around 2;5. At this stage, only one-step head merger wasavailable. The Finite Verb Stage started around 2;5, where Akkun used various verb forms inthe same way as adults do.
To conclude this section, we propose that (i) there is an RI analogue stage as anintermediate stage of Japanese acquisition, (ii) our corpus analysis of Sumihare (Noji Corpus)
indicates that the RI analogue is a verb associated with the past-tensed form -ta, (iii) the stage
occurs much earlier than TI stages of the European languages, namely at the age of one, (iv)the form is initially (at around 1;6-1;7) used 100% of the time for past, perfective, imperative,
and irrealis meanings, and (v) the stage basically exhibits nature summarized in (4) (except
for (4a, c, g)). T (or I) and AspectP are underspecified, while the MoodP is active during the
Very Early Non-Finite Verb Stage, as Hyams (2005) argues. Our study here suggests that RI
analogues found in Japanese are not merely due to deficits in child performance, contra
processing approach proposed by Phillips (1995, 1996).
However, Phillips’s analysis gives us a very insightful guide to the understanding of theintermediate stages of verb acquisition of agglutinative languages. During the RI analogue
stage, merger of the verb with inflection is not, in fact, available in Japanese. There is a

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Murasugi,
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Language(K.C.
Murasugi

correlation between the RI analogue (Very Early Non-Finite Verb) stage in Japanese and theabsence of head movement (merger). At the Post-RI analogue (Post-Very-Early-Non-FiniteVerb) stage, only one-step head movement in Phillips’ term is available, and a merger of theverb with T(I) is acquired. Then, the abbreviated aspectual or negative forms without recourse
to multiple-step head movement. It is only the Post RI analogue stage when the multiple
heads can be joined.
Our analyses suggest that in the [bare stem] languages under the Stem Parameter
proposed by Hyams (1986), so-called Root Infinitives are realized as the default complete
verbal forms: the past-tensed -ta form in Japanese, the mood marker -e in Korean (Kim andPhillips 1998), imperatives in some languages like Italian (Salustri and Hyams 2003, 2006),
American and Brazilian Sign Languages (Lillo-Martin and Quadros 2008), Chinese (Chien
2008), and Kuwaiti (Aljenaie 2000), and bare perfectives in Greek (Varlokosta,Vainikka andRohrbacher 1996, Hyams 2005).
RIs (RI analogues) are the children’s first step to the system of the verb. As Rizzi (2000)
states, they exhibit whatever unmarked non-finite form the language possesses. Children,
even at age one or two, pick up a default verb form in the target language, e.g., infinitives,bare forms, or full forms, depending on the language type, and use it. The children’s common“errors” found across languages constitute evidence against the claim that children just imitate
the adult usage.
4.

Null Realization of Functional Category: The Acquisition of Small v in the VP shell

After the Root Infinitive analogue stage, or after having successfully learned to merge
the verb and the inflection, do Japanese-speaking children already produce verbs just like
adults? The answer is negative. There is another type of error that Japanese-speaking children
typically make in the acquisition of verbs. After the Root Infinitive analogue stage, children
start acquiring the conjugation system of verbs, without lexically realizing the small v.
Murasugi and Hashimoto (2004) report that 2-4 year-old Japanese-speaking children,
despite being able to use unaccusative and ditransitive verbs “correctly”, often showinteresting and consistent errors. In the process of acquiring the lexical items that correspondto V-v combinations, Japanese-speaking children often use unaccusative verbs incorrectly astransitive or causative verbs, or vice versa sometimes, as shown in (41c-d).
(41) a.

Dango-ga
uta pakantite, dango-ga
atta. (Akkun, 2;9)dumpling-Nom lid (onomatopoeia) doing dumpling-Nom there-be‘There was a dumpling (when I) opened the lid of the dumpling (box).’b.

Kinnou Akkun akatyan toki,yesterday A
baby
when

papa-ni koe ageta.
Daddy-to this gave

(Akkun, 2;10)‘Akkun gave this to Daddy when he was a baby yesterday (=in the past).’223 - -73-

Linguistic Variations Nanzan
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d.

Nee, ati-o
hei legs-Acc

hirogat-te. (Akkun, 3;7)
spread (unaccusative)-Request‘Hei, please spread your legs.’(Adult form: hiroge-te)

Todok-ok-ka, ano hito-ni
todok-(y)oo todok-(y)oo.
arrive-let’sthat person-to arrive-let’s arrive-let’s(Akkun, 4;8)‘Let’s send (it). Let’s send (it) to that person.’(Adult form: todoke-yoo)(Murasugi and Hashimoto 2004)

Murasugi and Hashimoto (2004) propose that children initially assume the pronounced verbs
are bare V’s and the [±cause] v is phonetically empty.
In adult English, a single lexical item can often be used both as a transitive and as anunaccusative. Thus, we have alternations as in (42).
(42) a.
b.

John passed the ring to Mary.
The ring passed to Mary.

If the argument structures of these sentences are realized as in (43), then v is a “zeromorpheme” without phonetic content whether it is [+cause] as in the case of (42a) or [cause]
as in the case of (42b).
(43)

vP

(v [+cause] + PASS = pass, v [cause] + PASS = pass)

John

v’

v
[±cause]VP
V’NP
the ring V

PASS toPP
MaryConsequently, both ‘v [+cause]+PASS’ and ‘v [cause]+PASS’ are realized as ‘pass’.
In contrast, in adult Japanese, transitivity and unaccusativity are often marked by distinct
suffixes, as illustrated in (44) and (45).
(44) a.
b.

hirog-e-ru (=spread (vt.)) / hirog-a-ru (=spread (vi.))
todok-e-ru (=deliver-present) / todok-(r)u (=be delivered-present)- 224 -74-

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Murasugi(45) a.

vP
agent

vP

b.
v’

VP
Theme
Goal

v’
v [+cause]

VP

V’ -e

Theme

V

Goal

todok-v [cause]V’ Vtodok-

These examples indicate that the forms of the suffixes are idiosyncratic and probably have tobe learnt one by one by children. The suffixes plausibly occupy the v position in the structureof the VP-shell, e.g., [+cause] v is realized as -e and [cause] v as -a, in the case of (44a), andaccordingly, to the children making such errors as (41c-d), unaccusatives and their transitive
counterparts are homophonous, as is the case in English. They only later realize that thesurface forms of the verbs are derived by suffixing v to the verbal root. As the actual
realization of the [±cause] v is idiosyncratic and sometimes even null, the acquisition of verbs
requires a complex morphological analysis. Murasugi and Hashimoto (2004) suggest thatJapanese-speaking children are equipped with the v-VP frame from the early stage ofacquisition, but they initially hypothesize the English pass-type verbs, and it requires them totake some time to discover the actual morphological make-up of the verbs, which are formedby combining V and v.20
5.

Conclusion

In this paper, we first showed that there is a very early non-finite stage, or an RootInfinitive analogue stage in child Japanese at the age of one, where the V-ta form is used for20

Murasugi and Hashimoto’s (2004) analysis is supported by a data analysis of anotherJapanese-speaking child Sumihare (Noji 1973-1977) in the CHILDES database (MacWhinney 2000).
Sumihare went through acquisition stages which are exactly parallel with Akkun’s. Erroneousalternations between intransitive verbs and transitive/causative verbs were observed likewise (seeMurasugi, Hashimoto and Fuji 2007).

(i)

a.

Kutyu
ha-ite. (Sumihare, 2;1)
a pair of shoes put on-Request(Adult form: hak-(s)ase-te)‘(Please) put a pair of shoes on me.’b.

Kaatyan ai-te. (Sumihare, 2;1)
mother be open (unaccusative)-Request(Adult form: ake-te)‘(Please) open (the door), mother.’c.

Nui-tapull-Past

koko. (Sumihare, 2;1)
here‘(This) comes out from here.’

225 - -75-

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an irrealis meaning, just like Root Infinitives in European languages. Japanese-speaking
children, instead of using the infinitive form or bare form, attach a default morpheme to thenon-finite verb. We showed that at the Root Infinitive analogue stage, the operation of
merging the verb with an inflection is not yet observed. Second, we argued that after having
successfully learned to merge the verb and the inflection, children speaking an agglutinating
language have difficulties in the intransitive-transitive/causative alternation of the verbs, thatis, in learning the lexical realization of small v. Children erroneously use intransitive verbs astransitive/causative verbs, and sometimes vice versa.
This paper showed that children borne into the circumstance of such Japanese grammar,
even at the age of one, know the basic nature of agglutinative languages: The stem of the verb
cannot stand by itself without being associated with a bound morpheme. What’s acquired laterin Japanese, an agglutinative language, is the specification of Tense features, the merger
operation of the verb with an inflection, and the correct lexical realization of small v incomplex predicates.

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261 - 

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-;?3=3>398 +8D+8&83@/<=3>C/,<?+<C %+5+2+=23  38 :</== I<1?7/8> 663:=3= 8>3+1<//7/8> +8. $-<+7,6381J 8  $+3>9 /.   !     !B09<.&83@/<=3>C"</==!B09<.  H
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Chapter 4: Project Meetings㸦◊✲ሗ࿌఍㸧

Project Meetings➨୍ᅇ◊✲఍
㛤ദ᪥᫬
ᖹᡂ 23 ᖺ 2 ᭶ 19 ᪥ (ᅵ) 13:30㹼18:40
ᖹᡂ 23 ᖺ 2 ᭶ 20 ᪥ (᪥) 10:00㹼11:50
㛤ദሙᡤ༡ᒣ኱Ꮫྡྂᒇ࢟ࣕࣥࣃࢫ 㹂Ჷ 3 㝵 㹂34 ᩍᐊⓎ⾲ࢸ࣮࣐࣭Ⓨ⾲⪅Ặྡ㸦㸯㸧 “Constraints on Argument Ellipsis in Child Japanese” ᮡᓮ㖔ྖ 㸦୕㔜኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸰㸧 ࠕ୺⠇୙ᐃモ࡜ࡋ࡚ࡢ࢜ࣀ࣐ࢺ࣌ࠖ୰㇂཭⨾࣭ᮧᮡᜨᏊ㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸱㸧 ࠕᗂඣࡢゝㄒ⋓ᚓ࠿ࡽࡳࡿゝㄒࡢከᵝᛶࠖᮧᮡᜨᏊ 㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸲㸧 ゝㄒ⋓ᚓウㄽ㸦㸳㸧 “Parallelism for Argument Ellipsis”㸸 㧗ᶫ኱ཌ 㸦ᮾ໭኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸴㸧 ࠕేྜ࡟ࡼࡿ᱁ㄆྍ௬ㄝࡢ෌⪃ࠖ㰻⸨⾨ 㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸵㸧 ࠕ᪥ᮏㄒࡢᡤ᭷⪅ୖ᪼࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠖᓊᮏ⚽ᶞ 㸦⚄ᡞ኱Ꮫ㸧➨஧ᅇ◊✲఍
㛤ദ᪥᫬
ᖹᡂ 23 ᖺ 12 ᭶ 23 ᪥ (㔠)㛤ദሙᡤ⚄ᡞ኱Ꮫ኱Ꮫ㝔ேᩥᏛ◊✲⛉Ⓨ⾲ࢸ࣮࣐࣭Ⓨ⾲⪅Ặྡ㸦㸯㸧 “Acquisition of Argument Ellipsis” 㧗ᶫ኱ཌ㸦ᮾ໭኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸰㸧 ࠕ」ྜㄒᙧᡂࣃ࣓ࣛࢱ࣮ࡢᐇᅾᛶ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚࣮⦪᩿ⓗほᐹ࡟ࡼࡿ࢔ࣉ࣮ࣟࢳ࣮ࠖ୰ᮧ཭⨾㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸱㸧 ࠕඹྠ◊✲ࣉࣟࢪ࢙ࢡࢺࡢ᪉ྥᛶ㸸“ゝㄒ⋓ᚓ࡜ゝㄒ⌮ㄽ”ࠖᮧᮡᜨᏊ㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸲㸧 ࠕᗂඣࡢ⤫ㄒᵓ㐀࠿ࡽ᥈ࡿ࿘㎶㡿ᇦࡢศ໬ࠖᮧᮡᜨᏊࠊᮌᡞᗣே㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸳㸧 ࠕ᪥ᮏㄒࡢ⠇ࡢᢞᑕ㸸┦㛵➼఩⠇࠿ࡽࡳࡓሙྜࠖᓊᮏ⚽ᶞ㸦⚄ᡞ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸴㸧 ࠕᗂඣ᪥ᮏㄒ࡟ぢࡽࢀࡿࠗࡢ࠘ࡢศᕸ࡜ Finite Headࠖᩪ⸨⾨㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸵㸧 “Locality Constraints on Wh-questions in Child Japanese” ᮡᓮ㖔ྖ㸦୕㔜኱Ꮫ㸧

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Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntaxᅜ❧ᅜㄒ◊✲ᡤ ⌮ㄽ•ᵓ㐀◊✲⣔ࣉࣟࢪ࢙ࢡࢺ◊✲ᡂᯝྜྠⓎ⾲఍㛤ദ᪥᫬ᖹᡂ 24 ᖺ 2 ᭶ 19 ᪥ (᪥) 10:00㹼17:00
㛤ദሙᡤᅜ❧ᅜㄒ◊✲ᡤ 2 㝵ㅮᇽⓎ⾲
15:40-16:20

ࠕᗂඣゝㄒ࠿ࡽ᥈ࡿᩥἲࡢ࣓࢝ࢽࢬ࣒ࠖᮧᮡᜨᏊ㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧

࣏ࢫࢱ࣮Ⓨ⾲

ࠕ᪥ᮏㄒࡢ⠇ࡢᢞᑕ㸸➼఩⠇࡜୺⠇୙ᐃモࠖᓊᮏ⚽ᶞ㸦⚄ᡞ኱Ꮫ㸧➨୕ᅇ◊✲఍
㛤ദ᪥᫬
ᖹᡂ 24 ᖺ 3 ᭶ 7 ᪥ (Ỉ) 10:00㹼18:00
㛤ദሙᡤ༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ 㹊Ჷ㸷㝵኱఍㆟ᐊ

Ⓨ⾲ࢸ࣮࣐࣭Ⓨ⾲⪅Ặྡ㸦㸯㸧 ࠕᗂඣ᪥ᮏㄒ࡟ぢࡽࢀࡿᒓ᱁୺ㄒ࡜ Finite Head ࡢᛶ㉁ࠖᩪ⸨⾨㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸰㸧 ࠕ᪥ᮏㄒࡢ⠇ᵓ㐀ࠊㄒᙡㄆྍࠊ࠾ࡼࡧࠊ୺⠇୙ᐃ⠇⌧㇟ࠖᓊᮏ⚽ᶞ㸦⚄ᡞ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸱㸧 ࠕ୺⠇୙ᐃモ࡜ㄯヰ୙ኚ໬モ࠿ࡽ᥈ࡿᗂඣࡢᩥἲᵓ㐀ࠖᮧᮡᜨᏊ㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸲㸧 ࠕᬑ㐢ⓗไ⣙ࡢ᪩ᮇⓎ⌧㸸᪥ⱥㄒ࡟࠾ࡅࡿ⛣ື⌧㇟ࡢ⋓ᚓ࠿ࡽࠖᮡᓮ㖔ྖ㸦୕㔜኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸳㸧 ࠕ↔Ⅼᶆ㆑ࡢᗂඣ࡟ࡼࡿゎ㔘࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠖబ㔝ဴஓ㸦᫂἞Ꮫ㝔኱Ꮫ㸧➨ᅄᅇ◊✲఍
㛤ദ᪥᫬
ᖹᡂ 24 ᖺ 10 ᭶ 31 ᪥ (Ỉ) 10:00㹼18:00
㛤ദሙᡤ༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ 㹊Ჷ㸷㝵኱఍㆟ᐊ

ウㄽ఍㸸ࢸ࣮࣐•㆟㢟ᥦ᱌⪅•ࢥ࣓ࣥࢸ࣮ࢱ࣮
10:00-11:30ࠕᗂඣࡢㄒᙡⓗ•⤫ㄒⓗ」ྜືモࡢ⋓ᚓ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠖ
㆟㢟ᥦ᱌⪅㸸ᮌᡞᗣே㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ኱Ꮫ㝔⏕㸧ࢥ࣓ࣥࢸ࣮ࢱ࣮㸸Susan Fischer
13:00-15:00ࠕ᪥ᮏㄒࡢ⤫ㄒⓗ≉ᚩ࡟ࡘ࠸࡚ࠖ
㆟㢟ᥦ᱌⪅㸸ᒾ㇂ ᝆ㤿㸪ᯘ ᕼᮁ㸪ᒣᮏ ᫭அ㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ኱Ꮫ㝔⏕㸧ࢥ࣓ࣥࢸ࣮ࢱ࣮㸸Susan Fischer◊✲Ⓨ⾲: Ⓨ⾲ࢸ࣮࣐࣭Ⓨ⾲⪅Ặྡ
16:30-18:00 “Historical Change in Sign Languages” Susan Fischer (CUNY Graduate Center)- 266 -

Project Meetings➨஬ᅇ◊✲఍
㛤ദ᪥᫬
ᖹᡂ 24 ᖺ 12 ᭶ 23 ᪥ (Ỉ) 10:00㹼18:00
㛤ദሙᡤ༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ 㹊Ჷ㸷㝵኱఍㆟ᐊ

Ⓨ⾲ࢸ࣮࣐࣭Ⓨ⾲⪅Ặྡ㸦㸯㸧 “The Acquisition of Nominal Structure, Word Order and Referentiality in Chinese: Corpus and Experimental
Findings” Thomas Hun-tak Lee and Zhuang Wu (Chinese University of Hong Kong)㸦㸰㸧 “On the Learnability of Japanese Scrambling” ᮡᓮ㖔ྖ㸦୕㔜኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸱㸧 “Cognitive Neuroscience of Linguistic Diversity – A View from an ERP Study on Japanese Honorific
Processing” 㓇஭ᘯ㸦ᗈᓥ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸲㸧 “On the Role of Selection in Syntactic Word Formation” ᩪ⸨⾨㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸳㸧 Comments on the Issues Presented in the Workshop. Thomas Hun-tak Lee (Chinese University of HongKong)ᅜ❧ᅜㄒ◊✲ᡤ ⌮ㄽ•ᵓ㐀◊✲⣔ࣉࣟࢪ࢙ࢡࢺ◊✲ᡂᯝྜྠⓎ⾲఍㛤ദ᪥᫬ᖹᡂ 25 ᖺ 3 ᭶ 2 ᪥ (ᅵ) 10:00㹼17:00
㛤ദሙᡤᅜ❧ᅜㄒ◊✲ᡤ 2 㝵ㅮᇽⓎ⾲
10:30-11:00

ࠕᗂඣࡢㄗ⏝࠿ࡽࡳࡿᬑ㐢ᩥἲࠖᮧᮡᜨᏊ㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧

࣏ࢫࢱ࣮Ⓨ⾲

The Ban on Adjunct Ellipsis in Child Japanese ᮡᓮ㖔ྖ㸦୕㔜኱Ꮫ㸧➨භᅇ◊✲఍
㛤ദ᪥᫬
ᖹᡂ 25 ᖺ 5 ᭶ 18 ᪥ (ᅵ) 13:00㹼17:00
㛤ദሙᡤ༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ 㹊Ჷ㸷㝵኱఍㆟ᐊ

Ⓨ⾲ࢸ࣮࣐࣭Ⓨ⾲⪅Ặྡ㸦㸯㸧“A Theory of Deletion and its Implication for Non-constituent Deletion” ᚋ⸨ர㸦୕㔜኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸰㸧“The Layered Internal Structure of PP and N’-deletion within PPs” 㧗ᶫஂᏊ㸦୕㔜኱Ꮫ㸧㸦㸱㸧“Case and Labeling in a Language without φ-feature Agreement” ᩪ⸨⾨㸦༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ㸧

- 267 -

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax

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➨୍ᅇ◊✲఍

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➨ᅄᅇ◊✲఍

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➨஬ᅇ◊✲఍

- 268 -

Project Meetings- 269 -

Linguistic Variations within the Confines of Language Faculty:Studies in the Acquisition of Japanese and Parametric Syntax- 270 -

኱Ꮫඹྠ฼⏝ᶵ㛵ἲே ே㛫ᩥ໬◊✲ᶵᵓ ᅜ❧ᅜㄒ◊✲ᡤ⌮ㄽ࣭ᵓ㐀◊✲⣔ 㡿ᇦᣦᐃᆺࣉࣟࢪ࢙ࢡࢺ
ゝㄒࡢᬑ㐢ᛶཬࡧከᵝᛶࢆྖࡿ⏕ᚓⓗไ⣙㸸᪥ᮏㄒ⋓ᚓ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃᐇド◊✲ゝㄒࡢᬑ㐢ᛶཬࡧከᵝᛶࢆྖࡿ⏕ᚓⓗไ⣙㸸᪥ᮏㄒ⋓ᚓ࡟ᇶ࡙ࡃᐇド◊✲
Linguistic
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Syntax   Ⓨ⾜᪥   2013 ᖺ 9 ᭶                    ⦅㞟࣭Ⓨ⾜ ༡ᒣ኱Ꮫ ᮧᮡᜨᏊ    㸦ࣉࣟࢪ࢙ࢡࢺ࣮ࣜࢲ࣮㸧 㸦ࣉࣟࢪ࢙ࢡࢺ࣮ࣜࢲ࣮㸧