FROM SARASVATÏTO BENZAITEN

Catherine Ludvik

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Centre for the Sîudy of Religion
University of Toronto

O Copyright by Catherine Ludvik 2001

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FROM SARASVATÏTO BENZAITEN
Doctot of Philosophy
200 1

Catherine Ludvik

Centre for the Study of Religion
University of Toronto

Sarasvati is h o w n in India as the beautifil vinii (zither)-playing goddessof knowledge.

In China littie remains of her presence. In Japan, on the other han& she. under the narne of
Benzaiten @$x,enjoys widespread popularity as a goddess associated pnmariiy withwealth, and depicted either as playing the biwa Oute) or c a w n g weapons. 'This study
traces the path from Sarasvati to Benzaiten, using the Indian background to elucidate what
is found in China and Japan, and resorting to information gathered from China and Japanto detect changes on the Indian fiont.
The concephial development of Sarasvati fiom India to Japan is examined here throughtextual sources, artistic representations, inscriptions, and histoncal records of India, China.
and Japan. The time paiod covered in India spans fiom Ca. 1500 B.C.E. to ca. 700 C.E.; in
China, p n m a d y from the fifth to eighth cenhiry; and in Japan, from the sevcnth to theninth century.
This study is divided into five parts. 'Ihe first part on the Vedic Sarasvati examinesthe depiction of the goddess in the Rg, Atharua, and YQ~WVe& Siqzhiins, as wdl as in the
BrShmarps. It revolves around the gradua1 transformation of the river goddess into thegoddess of knowledge. The second part on the Epic and Puranic Sarasvati covcrs the
Mahabhirata and the early Puriinas. In the discussion of the M'übhirata, the resurgenceof the importance of the river, alongside the goddess of knowledge, and the proliferation of

its tirtho-related myths are takm up. In the Puriinas, the fûlly developed Brahmi-Sarasvati

myth, the names. worship, and iconography of the goddess are discussed. The iconographyof the goddcss then leads into the third part on the e d y Indian images of Sarasvati, where
Hindu, Jaïn. and possibly Buddhist images are introduced. The Buddbjst Sanisvati is thendiscussed in the fourth part, which extends fiom India to China to Iapan through the Sutrao/Golden Lighi and its repentance ritual. In the fiflh part on the Chinese and Japancse
images of Sarasvati, the two principal f o m of the goddess are discussed and fbrther
Japanese developrnents are surnmarized.

A dissertation is ncvcr d l y thc wo* of onc p n , and with a topic as widc as
mine, this is even more so the case. It is with thc grtatest plwune and sincen gratitude

that 1 takc this opportunity to aclmowlcdge the invaluable help and gcnetosity of thenumtrous individuals who contributcd to this dissertation, and the financial assistance ofvarious institutions and govtlaments that aiiowcd mc to continue with my projcct.
During the coursc of the P1i.D. program, 1d v c d a Co1~n8ughtScholarship(1992-93).

a Social Sciences and Humanitics Rcscarch Council of Caneda (SSHRC)Fellowship (199396), a research scholamhip from the Japanc~tMinisûy of Education (Monbusha *@%)

(1996-98). and a rcsearch grant h m the Kajima Art Foundation (Kajima bijutsu zaidan& M N B)(1 998-1 999).
At the University of Toronto, 1wouid like to thank my.advisor, David B. Waterhouse,and my thesis cornmittee, L.C.D.C. Priestley and Joseph. T. O'CotlneIl, for their valuablecomments md suggestions on my disscrtatioa. 1 am also grattful to C. Thomas McIntirt,
Associate Director of the Centre for the Study of Religion, for his assistance and support

during a sometimcs bumpy joumcy through the Ph.D. pro&rammc.

On the Japanese end, 1am indebted to Donohashi Akio 8.(PeB@of Kobe University
for sponsoring me for the Japanese Ministry of Education research scholmhip

and for assisting me in various ways o v a the y-.

In Kyoto, the first pcrson to advise me

in my research was Robert Duquenne, member of the École Française d'ExtrêmaOrient, atthc institut du Hobogirin. Hc immcdiatdy supplieci mc with a couple of books on ~enzaitcn
and klpaî me to bcgh what was to becorne a vcry long shidy of the C h i n e translationsof the Strfm of Golden Light. I subsequcntly met Hubert Dua, director of the Institut duHOboguin in Kyoto and professor at the International Collegc for Advmccd Buddhist
Studics in ToLyo. Hc always warmly welcomcd me at thc HObogirin, and was v q helpfki
and kind to me.
'Ihc rescarçh ccntcr whnt I have had the privilcgc to stuciy on a daily basis is the

Italian School of East G a n Studics (Scuola di Studi sul19AsiaOnentalc) in Kyoto, directcd

until m t l y by Antonho Fortc of the Istituto Univmitario Onentaie of Napla. Its
library has b e a an idcal place for me to work and also to mcct and i n t a c t with other

scholars from ail parts of the wodd 1 am particulady grattful to Professor Fortc for his
guidance and comments on my work, as the dissertation g r a d d y took shapc, for hiskindncss and patience as 1 navigatcd through, what wcre for me, the murlcy waters ofSinology, and for his tircless cnthusiasm for rny topic. In mattm of Sinology, 1 am also
grattfbi to my good nicndChen Jinhua, now at the University of Virghia, for his commcnts

on parts of my dissertation and for his company at the Italian School over the y-.

in the reading of Chinese and Japanese Buddhist tcxts and commentaries, 1owe agreat deai to Matsuda Wco@m%?,now at Kyushu Ryükoku Univetsity h m f l i i m

A% in Northcm Kyushu, who guidcd me through the dif'ficult d y stages. and who
continucd for ycars to rcad with mc on a ngular basis. Thcrc are fcw pboplc indced who

would have becn so gcncrous with their timc and knowlcdge.
In the reading of Vcdic texts, my mentor has b e a Werner Knob1 of Kyoto Univmity

Ga**, a trawnof crudition, kindness, and tircless patience of bodhisattva proportions.
I am dccply ptefûl for his exhaustive comments on my work at diffcnnt stages of thewriting and rewriting p m s and for many, many long and thought-provoking discussions.

His passion for Vaîic texts, his continuous questioning, his procision, and his
uncompromisingly high standards kept me working on the Veâic section of my dissertation
far longer than 1 had cver cxpcctcd. Whatever is of value hcrc owts itself to his dedication
as a teacher.

In the fieid of Jainism, 1 wodd likc to thank Paul Dundas of the University of

Edinburgh and Nagasaki HOjun %@ER,professor emerîtus of &mi University% in Kyoto, for k i r guidance in the dating of Jain tcxts. 1 am gratefbi to Natalie Gummerof Harvard University for information on the Khotanesc versions of the Sutra of GoldenLight.
In the field o f Indian art history, 1 am indebted to Kotzuka Takashi CfAlk of Osaka
University k&k% for his suggestions, for the use of his books and his slides, and for bis

unsparing lancines. Amongst my illustrations, figs. 22 and 33 are photogrsphs by Proftssor
Koezuka, which hc kindly ailowed me to use.
Thcre an a grtst rnany individuals in Japanesc museums, temples, and shnnes, towhom I owe thanks. To mention but a few, 1 am grateful to Ymaguchi Torii LLlaf ofncar
ikKamainua, Yoshida Shigco
Enoshima Jinja 9@&#?
Hachiman@ #m/\#%fof Tsunigaoka

in Kamalaira, Mine Kakuyti &%@ of H6gonjion

Chikubushima ~ & &and
, Kakisaka Mikinosuke .)iii%#@X# of Tcnkawa Taisha *III

k$fin southcm Nara Prefêcnire.

For technical assistance. 1 am very grateful to my computer guru Suniki Kanima %* - S . who until recently worked at the Italian School of East Asian Studies. He mostkindly steered me fiom the purchase of my first computer through al\ the rough spots thatensued. 1 am also indebted to Kobayashi Tsuneyoshi ,b$#*B%.the computer technician of
the Institut du Hobügirin. for creating a "Vedic font" for me. On the Toronto end. I thankcomputer-enthusiast Dr. Michael Hagino for his technical assistance. Also in Toronto. 1 am
gratefùl to Elisabcth Lapinska for helping with some of the more difficult Gertnan scholarlyworh.
I would also like to thank my dear. dear mother for hcr long and tireless support andfor putting up with my "working holidays" in Toronto. as I struggled on with my sceminglyinterminable dissertation. possessed as it were. by Sarasvati. Even her holidays in Japanwcre always in part research trips on which she accompanied me. She is certainly the only
peaon on this planet whose knowledge of a dozen or so characters includes every possible
way of writing Benzaiten.

My gratitude extends to my topic. who has made this dissertation possible.
Sarasvat-VE3enzaiten has been my steadfast cornpanion over the years. Her images havemade their way into my home and thoughts of her have occupied my rnind. Living in Japan

has enhanced her presence in my day-to-day life. in that I have often found myself bumping
into small shnnes dedicated to her. even in the dead of night. It is fitting, therefore. to
acknowledge my debt to the goddess with an invocation of ha:vii

The Vedas. all the ~astras.the songs. the dances. etc.
are not separate fiom you. O Goddess. so may 1have successes.

Parts of my dissertation were previously published in the form of articles. The section
on dhf (pp.24-38) in the Rg Eédu chapter (Vedic Sarasvati) is a slightly modified version ofan article entitled "Sarasvati-Vàc: The Identification of the River wit h Speech" publishedin dsiatische Studied ktudes Asiatiques 54:1 (2000). pp.119-30. My discussion of theBarter for Soma myth (pp.85- 100) in the Bràhrnanas chapter (Vedic Sarasvati) appeared in
Annali dell'lstituto (Universitario) Orientale di Napoli 58:34 (1998. published in 2000).

pp.347-58. under the title "The Barter for Soma: VEc. Women's Love of Music, andSarasvati's L,Ïyü.". The chapter on the eight-arrned form of the goddess in China and Japan(pp.245-78) (Chinese and Japanese Images of Sarasvatit was published in French in slightly

modified fom in Cahiers d 'fitrérne-Asie I 1 ( 1999-2000). pp.292-338. under the title "La
Benzaiten a huit bras: Durgi déesse guerrière sous l'apparence de Sarasvati." I would liketo thank the respective publishers of these joumals for allowing me to include this material

in my dissertation.

CONTENTS..

ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................... 11
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................. iv
LIST OF ILLUSTRATiONS ..........................................................................................
xi
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1
1. VEDIC SA RAS VA^ .................................................................................................... 8
Introduction .......................,.
...................................................................................... 8i.!?giéda .................................................................................................................... 10
a. River Goddess (10-15): i. Mighty Flood ii. Abundance and Might; b. Water: Sarasvati and the.&LS ( 16-18 ); c. Might: Sarasvat1and the Jlamts ( 13-20); d. Sacrifice: Sarasvati. Ili. and Bhàrati
(20-23):c. hi (24-38): i. Meaning. ii. Sarasvati and Dhi. iii. Common Imagçry. iv. hi and V&,
v. Sarasvati and V k , f. Studies on the Transformation of Sarasvatr: h m River to Speech ( 3 8 - 4 )2. Atharva t'eda ............................................................................................................ 42
a. Worldly Matiers (42-44); b. Sarasvati and Viic (44451; c. The k e Sarasvatis (46)
3. Yujurr Céda ............................................................................................................. 47
a. The Sautrirnaqi Ritual (47-58): i. ICg Veda Background, ii. Myth and Rinial, iii. Sarasvati and
the Asvins. iv. Sarasvati and Indra; b. Sarasvati and Vac (58-60); c. Sarasvati and the Ewe(60-641

4. Briihmanas ................................................................................................................ 65
a. Y& vui sarasvafi (65-69): i. Sarasvati as Speech. ii. Spcrch as Knowledge; b. Prajipati and
His Daughters (70-85): i. Prajapati and VZc. ii. Rg Veda Background, iii. Prajiipati and Usas or
Dyaus; c. The Barkr for Soma (85-100): i. .\ïaitra).aniSqhita, ii. Ka!haka Samhirà and hhpis!halaKafha S a ~ h i f u iii.
. Tuirciriya Somhita. iv. Aitare)a Brahmwa. v. SutaPatha Brohmayz, vi.
VtidhGla Brihmaya. vii. Brahma Purtiya ; d . The River Sarasvati ( 100- 1O3 ): i. Sacrificial Session
along the Sarasvati. ii. Kavay Ailw
II. E P K AND PURANIC SARASVATÏ .......................................................................... 104
Introduction ................................................................................................................... 104
1. Mahübhürata ............................................................................................................ 106
a. Mythology of the River (106-21 1: i. Sacred River, ii. Pilgrimage Expanded; b. Guûdess ofKnowledge (122-27):i. Sarasvati and Vic, ii. Instnicting Erksya; c. Sarasvati as Daughter,
Wi fe, and Mother ( 127-281

2. Pumas ...................................................................................................................... 129
Introduction ( 129-3 1); a. Brahmi and Sarasvati ( 13 1-35); b. Names of Sarasvati ( 135-42): i.
Rives. ii. sata-.
Savitri. Gâyatri. and Brahmini. iii. Epithetr, iv. Sarasvati's Name Applied to
Other Goddesses; c. Worshrp of Sarasvati (142-47): i. For Speech and Other Ends, ii. For Music;
d. Iconogmphy of Saramati (148-53): i. Four-aned Sarasvati, ii- Hqzm Mount, iii. With Brahmii

Vedic. Epic. and Puranic Sarasvati in Retrospective .................................................

154

III. INDLAN IMAGES OF SARASVATÏ ......................................................................... 159
Introduction ................................................................................................................... I 59
1. Early Indian Images of Sarasvati .............................................................................. 16 1a, Bharhut: @ui-player on a Stupa Pillar ( 16 1-63);b. Ghantashala: Four-armed Sarasvati on a
Marble Slab (163-64);c. Gandhara: Vina-player on a Lion (164-65); d. Kankili nl5: Sarasvati
with a Manuscript (166-71 ); e. Samudragupta and Samàciradeva Coins: Fanale Figure on the
Obverse ( 17 1-751: i. Samudragupta Coin, ii. Samiiciradeva Coin; f. Utrar kadesh Sculpture:
Sarasvati Pkying the C'ina ( 175-76); g. S5niat.h: Sarasvati Playing the Y i (176-77); h. Ako.
and Vasantgarh Bronzcs: Sarasvati with Lotus and Manuscript (177-83): i. Bronze from Ca.
600420, ii. Late Seventh Century Bronze, iii. Bronze from Ca. 700, iv. Vasantgarh Bronze ofca.
630-675,v. Sarasvati and the Vidyadevis; i. Jfatrka Drahmani Sculptu~s(183-84); j. Ellora
Onwards ( 184-85)

Conclusion ....................................................................................................................186

IV.BUDDHIST SARASVATÏ : FROM INDIA TO CHINA TO JAPAN THROUGH
THE SUTE4 OF GOLDEN LIGHT ............................................................................. 188
Introduction .................................................................................................................. 188
1. The Sutra oj'Golden Light in Context ....................................................................... 192
a. The Sutra ( 192-96 ): i. Growth ofthe Texf ii. Extant Text and Translations; b. Political Significanceof the Sutra in China ( 197-21 1): i. The Sutra and Repentance, ii. The Jinguangmingjing chunfi;
c. Political Signiiicançe of the Sutra in Japan (212- 181: i. The Sutra and the Kokubunji Systern, ii.
'The Kichijo kekz ; d. Sutra-reiated and Ritual images of Benzaiten (218-26 )2. Sarasvati in the Sutra of Golden Light ...................................................................... 227
Introduction (227-28); a. Great Eloquence Deity (228-30); b. Insuuctions for the Ritual Medicinal
Bath (230-4): i. introducing the Bath, ii. Instructions for the Bath, iii. Sarasvatt and the Bath; c.
Eight-amd Battle Goddess (24 1 4 )............... 245
1. Eight-armed Fom ..................................................................................................... 245

V. CHINESE AND JAPANESE IMAGES OF SARASVATÏ ...................
.,.,

a. Chinese and Japanese Images (245-48 1; b. Identity of the Eight-armed Goddms (248-5 1 ); c.
Sarasvati and Durga (251-78): i. Hymns to D~rg5,ii. Images of Durgâ Mahi@suramardini. iii.
Iconography. iv. Context, v. Identification

2. Two-armed Forrn ....................................................................................................

279

a. The .\lahovairocana Sutra and the Mandala Image (279-83 ); b. In Avaloh tesvara's Entourage(283-86)

3. Japanese Developments ........................................................................................... 2 8 7
a. Uga-Benzaiten (287-91); b. Biwa-playing Mdess (29 1-94)

CONCLUSION .........~..................................................................................................2 9 5
APPENDK: Chronological Chart .................................................................................... 30 1
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................. 309
ILLUSTRATiONS ........................................................................................................ 3 4 4ILLUSTRATIONS
up.344-396)

Fig. lYaksi on a stupa pillar fiom Bharhut (Indian Museum. Calcutta). Second

century B.C.E. Red sandstone. (Illustration copied h m K. Bhattacharyya 1983.
PLI.)
Panel depicting the Indragàlii cave with PaiicaSikha playing the vin2 on theleR. stupa railing from Bharhut (Indian Museum. Calcutta). Second century
B.C.E. Red sandstone. (Barua 1934-37. vo1.3. pl .56.)
Incised scene on a vase from Gondla. Himachal Pradesh (British Museum).
First century B.C.E. Bronze. Ht. of vase 15.2 cm.(Emngton. Cribb. andClaringbull 1992. detail of pl. 163 on p. 164.)

Modern Sarasvati carved on a defaced second- or third-cenhiry C.E Buddhist
image from Ghantashala. Andhra Pradesh (Siva Temple). Marble. (Rea 18%.
pi.XXXI.)
Female musician from Gandhira (Lahore Museum). Early centuries C.E. Stone.
Kt. 23 m. (Foucher 19 18. vo1.2. p.7 1. fig.340.)
Fernale musician frorn Swit (Peshawar Museum). Early centuries C.E. Stone.
Ht. 38 cm. (Marshall 1960. fig.65.)
Male musician fiom Yusufzai (L. Dames. Berlin). Early centuries C.E. Stone.
(Smith 1930. p1.39d.)ma.

Jain Sarasvati h m Kaiikiili
ancient site near Mathura. Uttar Pradesh(State Museum of Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh). Ca. third century C.E. Red
sandstone. Ht. 57 m. (K. Bhattacharyya 1983. ~1.111.)

Obveae of Samudragupta lyrist type coin showing the king playing the vina
(LingenCollection. The Netherlands). R. Ca. 350-375. Gold. Diarneter 2.20
cm. Thickness 1 mm. (Raven 1994a. p.45. p1.6.)
Fig.10

Reverse of Samudragupta lyrist type coin showing Lahmi with fillet and homof plenty (Lingen Collection. The Nethnlands). R. Ca. 350-375.Gold. Diameter
2.20 cm. Thickness 1 mm. (Raven 1994a. p.45. p1.6.)

Fig. 1 1

Reverse of Samudragupta battle-axe type coin showing Laksmi with fillet andhom of plenty (Private collection. Basel). R. Ca. 350-375.Gold. Diameter 2.1
cm. (Raven 1994a. p.48. p1.9.)

Fig. 12

Obverse of Samacàradeva rcijaliki type coin showing the king seated at ease(indian Museum. Calcutta). R. Ca. 550-575. Gold. Diameter 2.03 cm. (Altekar
1957. pl.XD(A.7.)

Fig. 13

Reverse of Samiiciiradeva roj4likï type coin showing a female figure standing
amidst lotuses with a haysa below (Indian Museum. Calcutta). R. ca. 550-575.
Gold. Diametcr 2.03 cm. (Altekar 1957. pl.XIXA. 7.)

Fig. 14

Sarasvati sculpture from Uttar Pradesh (LosAngeles County Museum of Art ).
Sixth century. Sandstone. Ht. 83.8 cm. (Pd 1977, pl. 17.)

Fig. 15

Sarasvati sculpture from Samath. Uttar Pradesh (Sàmith Museum ofArchaeology ). Sixth century. Reddish Chunar sandstone. Ht. 35.5 cm.
(K. Bhattacharyya 1983. p1.XLII.)

Fig. 16

Sarasvati from Akota. Gujarat. Ca. 600-620. Bronze. Ht. 26.67 cm. LU.P.
Shah 1959. pl. 18.)

Fig. 17

Sarasvati from Akqa. Gujarat (Baroda Museum).Late seventh çentury. Bronze.
Ht. 3 1.24 cm. (U. P. Shah 1959. p1.33.)

Fig. 18

Sarasvati from Akqa. Gujarat. Ca. 700. Bronze. Ht. 13.46 cm. (U. P. Shah
1959. p1.37.)

Fig. 19

Sarasvati fiom Vasantgarh. Rajasthan (Mahàvirasviimi Temple. Pindawara).
Ca. 700. Bronze. Ht. 3 1.24 cm. (U. P. Shah 1959. pl. 19.)

Fig.20BrahmMi from northern Gujarat (Baroda Museum). Sixth to seventh century.
Stone. Ht. 60.96 cm. (Mankad 1962. pl.XIX.)

Fig.2 1

Shrine of the nver goddesses in the left courtyard of cave 16 (Kailâsaniitha)of
Ellora. Maharashtra. Eighth to ninth century. Stone. (Gupte and Mahajan 1962.
pi.CI1.)

Fig.22

Sarasvati in the shrine of the nver goddesses of cave 16 of Ellora. Maharashtra.
Eighth to ninth century. Stone. (Photograph by Koezuka Takashi.)Fig.23

Sarasvati sculpture fiom Mathura. Uttar Pradesh (British Museum). Tenthcentury. Stone. (K. Bhatîacharyya 1983. pl.VIL)

xii

Eight-armed Benzaiten fkom the Hokkedo of Rdaiji in Nara. Eighth century.
Clay. Ht. 219 cm. (Nedachi 1992. fig.135.)
Buddha ~ikyamuni(Shijia) with VaiÇravana (Pishamentian). Biancaitian. andSri (Jixiangtian) fiom Dunhuang (Musée Guimet). Tenth century. Painting on
papcr. 27 x 43 cm. (Nicholas-Vandier 1974. vol. 14. fig.8.)
Detail of fig.25A. nree-headed, eight-amed Biancaitian. (Janigeand Akiyama
1995. vol.2. p1.76. detail.)Three-headed. eight-amed Biancaitian fiom Dunhuang (British Museum).Ninthto tenth century. Ink on paper. 29.7 cm x 43 cm. (Whitfïeld 1982. fig.86.)
Eight-armed Benzaiten surrounded by Hiiriti (Kariteimon). &&a Pflhivi(Kenrochijin). and two divine generals (Saki [Shikyochi] and Manibhadra[Hoken]) on the back wall of a sri (Kichijoten) miniature shnne ( , d e ) fiom
Janiriji near Nara (Tokyo University of Arts). Ca. 12 12. Colour on wood.
103.5 x 62.7 cm. RIcdachi 1992. fig. 19.)
Eight-armed Dur@ Mahis%uramardini fiom Mathura. Uttar Pradesh (Museum
für Indischc Kunst. Berlin. no. 199). Latc third century. Stone. (Stietencron
1983. fig.2.)
Durga Mahisisuramardini fiom Durgâ Tcmple in Aihole. Kamataka. Sixth
century. Stone. Ht. 125 cm. (Kalidos 1989. fig.14.)
Durgà Mahis3suramardini from Mahi$isuramardini Mandapa of Mamallapuram.
Tamil Nadu. Seventh century. Granite. (Coburn 1991. fig.4.3.)

Durgi Mahi@suramardini fiom Alampur. Andhra Pradesh (Alampur Museum).
Eighth century. Stone. 8 1 x 65 cm. (Cobum 1991, fig.4.5.)

Durgii Mahisisuramarchi from Gardez. Afghanistan (used to be in the National
Museum of Afghanistan. Kabul). Seventh or eighth century. Marble. Ht. Ca. 60
cm. (Kuwayama 1976, fig.9.)
Dur@ Mahisiisuramardini from Semarang, Central Java (National Museum ofIndonesia. Jakarta). Eighth century. Stone. Ht. 77 cm. (Photograph by Koauka
Takashi. )Dur@ Mahisisuramardini from a Durg5 Temple in Singasiiri,eastem Java
(Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, Leiden). Thirteenth century. Volcanic Stone.
Kt. 157 cm. (Zimmer 1983. vo1.2, pi.502.)

Womb World Mandala. Saiin Mandala of E j i in Kyoto. 859-880. Colour on
silk. 183.6 x 164.2 cm. (Yanagisawa 1994. p. 11.)

Detail of fig.35A. Sarasvati as the Wondefil Sounds Deity (Jap. Myoonten) in
the Womb World Mandala. Sain Mandala. (Nedachi 1992. fig. 125.)
Sarasvatias Myoonten in the W omb World Mandala represented in the five-storey
pagoda of Daigoji in Kyoto. 95 1. Colour on wood. (Nedachi 1992. fig. 138.)
Sarasvatias Myoonten corn Tsurugaoka Hachimangü in Kamakura. 1266. Wood.
Ht. 95.7 cm. (Nedachi 1992, fig.23).
Sarasvati as MyGonten fiom Ninnaji in Kyoto. 1407. Colour on silk. 76.6 x
40.8 cm. (Nedachi 1992. fig.22.)
Thousand-arrned. thousand-eyed AvalokiteSvara (Guanyin)surrounded by
fourteen figures. including Sarasvati (Da Biancai tiannü). Frorn Dunhuang (Pelliot
Collection. Musée Guimet). 943. Colour on silk. 123.5 x 84.2 cm. ('Nicolas
Vandier 1974. vol. 15. pl. 101.)Eleven-headed. ten-armed AvalokiteSvara (Guanyin)surrounded by fourteen
figures. including one identified as either Sarasvati (Biancaitian)or Sri(Gongdetian). from Dunhuang (Pelliot Collection. Musée Guimet). 10th century.
Colour on hemp. 142.5 x 98.8 cm. (Nicolas Vandier 1974. vol. 15. p1.98.)
Thousand-amed. thousand-eyed AvalokiteSvara (Guanyin)surrounded by thirtytwo figures. including sri (Gongdetian). fiom Dunhuang (Pelliot Collection.
Musée Guimet). 98 1. Colour on silk. 189.4 x 124 cm. (Nicolas Vandicr 1974.
vol. 15. pl. 103.)
Detail of fig.41A. sri (Gongdetian). (Jamige and Akiyarna 1994. vol. 1. p1.98-5.)
Uga-Benzaiten from Enoshima Jinja near Kamakura. Mid-Kamakura Penod.
Wood. Ht. 59.3 cm. (Nedachi 1992. fig.20.)
Uga-Benzaiten from a private collection (Tokyo National Museum). Second
ha1f of the Kamakura Period. Ht. 3 1.3 cm. (Nedachi 1992. fig.2 1.)
Benzaiten Jügo d6ji fiorn Kotohiragü. Kagawa Prefecture. Late Kamakura
Penod. Colour on si1k. 129.1 x 52.4 m. (Nedachi 1992. fig.27.)

Fig.45

Benzaiten Jügo d6ji fkom H6gonji on Chikubushima on Lake Biwa. Nanbokucho
Period. Colour on silk. 80 x 42.1 cm.(Nedachi 1992. fig. 15 1 .)Fig.46

Ugajin from Ch6kenji near Kyoto. Edo Penod. Wood. Ht. Ca. 50 cm. ( Photographby Catherine Ludvik.)

Fig.47

Tenkawa Benzaiten mandala image fiom Ishiyamadera. Shiga Prefecture.
Murornachi Period. Colour on silk. 105 x 38.4 cm. (Osaka shiritsu bijutsukan
1999. fig. 184.)

Fig.48

Naked Benten from Enoshima Jinja near Kamakura. Nanbokuchô Period. Wood.
Ht. 26.3 cm. Photograph taken before the restoraiion of 1927. (Nedachi 1992.
fig. 157.)

Fig.49Benzaiten fiom the Seikad6 Bunko Museum. Tokyo. Nanbokucho Period.
Colour on silk. 156.1 x 59.7 cm. (Santon bijutsukan 1994. fig.37.)

Fig.50Shichifukujin Takarabune (Treasun ship of the Seven Gods of Good Fortune)
by Hiroshige ( 1797- 1 858) from a private collection. Woodblock print.
(Shibuyakuritsu shotô bijutsukan 1999. fig. 142.)

Fig.5 1

Fuji Film advertking of 1999 for New Year's cards with photographs.

Sarasvati is known in India as the beautifil vi!~ü(zitherl-playinggoddess of knowledge. 'In China little remains of her presence. In Japan. on the other hand. she. under the name of
Benzaiten

k#;ie;fx.
enjoys widespread popularity as a goddess associated primarily withwedth. and depicted either as playing the biwa (lute) or carrying weapons. The aim of thisstudy is to trace the path fkorn Sarasvati to Benzaiten.
Although the Indian Sarasvati has been the subject of a numbcr of studies. Benzaiten
has so far received less scholarly attention. to say nothing of her elusive Chinese counterpart.
on which not a single independent work may be noted

Studies on the Indian goddess Sarasvati may be divided into threc broad catcgories:
textual. art historical. and a combination of the two. On the textual sidc. short discussions

are included in Macdonell 's 1édic Mytholog ( 1897. pp.86-88). Hillebrandt's Cédische
Mvrhologie ( 1927-29 [2nd ed.]. ~01.2.pp.335-340). Keith's The Religion and Philosoph-v
oj' the I'eda and the Upunishads ( 1925. vol. 1. pp. 172- 174). and Hopkins' Epic Mvthologv(1915. see index). Puranic studies came later. primarily with Ananda Swanip Gupta's

articles( 1962.1966). Entire volumes or significant portions of volumes dedicated to Sarasvati
appeared in the 1970s and 1980s: Raghunâth Ain (1977) and Jan Gon& (1985) published
Vedic snidies. while Mohammed Israil Khan ( 1978) produced a general study of Sarasvati

in Sanskrit sources. On the art historical side. significant contributions include discussions
1

The term vina, as we shall see, originally referred to an arched-harp, then to a lute. and finally to a

stick-zither. The Indian Sarasvati is almost always depicd with a zither.

in Nalini K. BhatîasaliTs Icotiographv of Buddhist a~tdBrahmanical Sculptures in the-

Dacca Museum ( 1929. pp. 18 1 190) and Jitendranath BanerjeaTs Devefopment of Hindu

Iconograph-v (1956. pp.376-380). and Umakant P. Shah's article on the "Iconography of

the Jain Goddess Sarasvat?' (1941). There have also been articles dealing with specificimages (c.g. Bajpai 1946). Two general studics on Sarasvati combining both textual and art
historical material appeared back to back: Kanailal Bhattacharyya's Sara.wati.- .-f Studv of

her Concept and Iconograpb was published in 1983 and Niranjan Ghosh's Sri Sarasvati
in Indian .4rt and Li~eraturein 1 984. Al though very general, Bhattacharyya's volume is by
far the better of the two.'Japanese studies on Benzaiten. on the other hanci. are far fewer. The first fascicle ofthe HGbÜgirfrt Buddhist encyclopedia (1929. pp.63-65) has a short entry dedicated to her.

and Ingrid Fritsch's 1996 snidy of the biind biwa-playing singers (biwa hoshi

ai&&@)

includcs a section on the goddess (pp. 13-32). Yamamoto Hiroko L
h26: 6' 6 ? in hcr Ishin.
Chüsei Nihon no h i e ~ e ksekaiiRBié,9 8 /prC&%kb'!lB# (Strangc Gods. The Worldof Secret Teachings of Medieval Japan) published in 1998 writes about Benzaiten in her
Uga-Benmiten fom and edits related apocryphal sutras and other short works (pp.326ff.).
There are. furthemore. volumes of a more popupular nature. such as Sasama Yoshihiko's

rd&% Benzaiten shinko IO zokushin

2(Benzaiten Faith and Popular

Beliefs) published in 1992. On the art historical side. while there are some good discussionsof individual images (e.g. Nishikawa Ky6iar6 i%!l/&k&fi
1968), there is only one*

Ghosh's study is unfortunately neither well-organized, nor well-presented. lhm are numemus misprints
on every page and the reproduction quality of the illustrations is so low that it renders some of t h m ahost
mtirely invisible.

comprehensive study of modest length on Benzaiten representations in general by Nedachi

Kensuke( 1992. pp.58-80) in the Nihon no bijutsu 8 $%%Q
sericsI (no.31 7).

Studies on the Indian Sarasvati. as self-contained works. do not generally mention~enzaiten.' To Indologists. the Japanese Sarasvati is. in fact. little known. Studies on
Benzaiten. on the dher hand. invariably begin with a brief look back at her Indian ongins.
either in a few lines. a paragraph. or a short section. No work on Benzaiten. however.
includes a thorough study of the Indian Sarasvati. In other words. Sarasvati's complex
Indian and Chinese background are used minimally to understand what is found in Japan.
From the Japanese angle. it is clear that somehow or other the Indian goddess. through acouple of Buddhist sutras. made her way to China and to Japan. It is less clear. however.
who this goddess was. in what way and why she was differently depicted in Buddhist
sources. and hence also why one of her principal Japanese forms. extant also in China.
looks completely different frorn the Indian Sarasvati.

Ta understand what we find in China and japan. I would argue. it is absolutely
fundamental also to have a clear idea of the Indian background-even to be able to ven@
the identity of the goddess in question invoked in the sutras. An understanding of the
Indian situation. furthmore. reveals unexpected Indian influences extending as far as
Japanese soil. And from the Indian angle. it is fascinating to study the metamorphosis of
the native goddess in di fferent environments and unda di fferent influences. 'lhe Chinese
and the Japanese situation. moreover. clearly reflects changes on the Indian front that are3

Two exceptions are Kanailal Bhattacharyya (1983, pp. 143-14) and Niranjan Ghosh (1984, pp.63-65).
who inchde short sections on the Buddhist Sarasvati outnde of India. Both, unfomnateiy, art misinformed.
and hence provide o highly distorted picture of Benzaiten.

barcly discernible in the Sanskrit sources as they have come down to us. A study of India.
then. goes a long way in revealing what is to be found in China and Japan. while a study ofChina and Japan can show us something easily missed in India.

Tne conceptual development of Sarasvati fromIndia to Japan is examined here throughtextuai sources. artistic representations. inscriptions. and historical records of India. China.

and Japan. The timc period covered in India extends fiom ca. 1500 B.C.E. with the &g
kédo. the earliest textual source on the goddess Sarasvati. to Ca. 700 C.E. with the early
Puriinas and images of the goddess. The geographical region is northem India. In China.
the period covered extends primarily from the fiflh io eighth century. when Sarasvati wasintroduced to China. with additional references to surviving images and textual sources up
to the eighteenth centuy. The few extant artistic rcpresentations discussed come from

Dunhuang. In Japan. the time period focused on is from the seventh to the ninth cenniry.
rnarking the entry of Sarasvati into Japaa. io which are added references to texts andimages of subsequent periocis. and also a summary extending to conternporary timcs. No
regional limits are set for Japan. but the images from the penod focused on are from
temples in or near the imperial capitals of the time. Heij&ky6

and Heian-kyôAR.modem day Nara and Kyoto in western Japan.
My study is divided into five parts: Vedic Sarasvati. Epic and Puranic Sarasvati,
Indian Images of Sarasvati. Buddhist Sarasvati. and Chinese and Japanese images ofSarasvati. The first three parts are on India. the fourth on the trajectory from India through
China to Japan. and the fifth on China and Japan.

Of the three parts dedicated exclusively to India. the first and the second are textuid

studies (Vedic. epic. and Puranic). while the third is art historical. The first part on the
Vedic Sarasvati examines the dcpiction of the goddess in the Rg. dtharva. and Yujtir Cédu
Snphitüs. as well as in the BrEhmanas. It revolves around the gradua1 transformation of theriver goddess into the goddess of knowledge. The Epic and Puranic Sarasvati covers the
Mahübhùrata and the early Puriinas. In the discussion of the Muhâbhtïrata. the resurgenceof the importance of the river. alongsidc the goddess of knowledge. and the proliferation of

its rzrthu-related myths are taken up. ln the Puriinas. the fully-developed Brahms-Sarasvati
myth. the names. wonhip. and iconography of the goddess are discussed. The iconographyof the goddess then leads into the thkd part on the early Indian images of Sarasvati. whcre

Hindu. Jain. and possibly Buddhist images are introduced.
The Buddhist Sarasvati is then taken up in the fourth part. which extends from lndia
to China to Japan through the Suva oj'Goldett Light and its repentance ritual. The contentsof the sutra in its Sanskrit and Chinese venions are examined. and the political significanceof the sutra in China and Japan is discussed.
The final part de& with Chinese and Japanese images and their textual sources. The
two principal fonns of the goddess are taken up and further kpanese deveiopments are

summarized.
As Sarasvati is an Indian river goddess. my sîudy touches on issues of geography as

reflected in Vedic to epic textual sources. The features of the river are described in the ifg
réda and in the Mahâbhurata. its course is delineated in some of the Briihmanas and. inmuch more detail. in the Muhtibhürato. and ntuals are performed on its banks. While 1 deal
with "textual geography." 1 do not enter into the longstanding discussions of "mapgeography" or geology: I do not try to identify the changing course of the river or of thelocation on the map. of the places on its banks mentioned in textual sources. Flowing fiom
the Himalayas through Eastern Punjab and into theses: it seems the Sarasvati was a far

mightier nver in pre-Vedic and Vedic times than during the epic and subsequent periods.
Northwestern Rajasthan would have been a much greater place with the river flowing
through it and into the sca (Rann of ut ch)? Much has been written and many conflicting
hypotheses proposed to identiQ the "lost" Sarasvati and to explain the desiccation of the~sinceregion." As discussed by Yash Pal and others. environmental changes O C C U R ~andthe Sarasvati's channel was structurally controlkd by faults. tectonic factors assumed

greater importance. Therefore when even minor tectonic rnovements occurrcd. they caused
widespread changes in the configuration of the river channels. Thus. it has bcen argued theSarasvati as described in the MahZbhdrata is either the samc river. dl-be-it much changed.

as that of Vedic [iterature. or another nver bearing its name.
A study of Sarasvati, even if confined to India. is indeed a vast subject. to say

nothing of one that extends far beyond its borders. Certain limits. therefore. such as tirne

frame and geography. must inevitably be set. Within India. my study does not cover the
penod after Ca. 700 C.E.. including contcrnporary popular worship of the goddess. Generalstuûies on the Indian Sarasvati. such as Kanailal Bhattacharyya's ( 1983). discuss post-700
C.E. textual and art historical matenal. As far as 1am aware. there is no modem anthropologicalstudy dedicated to the worship of Sarasvati in India today.
My dissertation. Furthemore, does not cover Xbet. Korea. Campa Java. or Bali.
Indras 1967. p.46.
Pal. Sahai. S

d Agrawal 1984 .

Oldham 1874. Das Gupta 1955. Godbole 1961. Indras 1967. to name but a L w . See Pal, Sahai, Sood,
Agrawal 1984 b r t'urther details.

Kanailal Bhattacharyya (1983) and Niranjan Ghosh (1984) briefly discuss the Tibetan andIndonesian Sarasvati. On Tibet. see also W.E. Clark's Two Lamaistic Pantheons (1937,
e.g. vo1.2. p.288. no.253) and Antoinette K. Gordon's The Iconogruphhvof Tibetan Lomaism(1959. p.73 and fig. after p.72). for instance. The Tannic Buddhist foms of Sarasvati are
discussed by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya ( 1968. pp.349-352.figs.230-235) and Marie-Thérèse
de Malimann ( 1975. pp.336-338. pl. 13: 1-2; 1976). primarily on the basis ofthe Sûdhunamüla.

compiled in the eleventh century. and the NiSpannu-vogüvuli of the late eleventh to early

twelfth centuries. The Tibeto-Mongol pantheon is illustrated in Raghu Vira and Lokesh
Chandra's 196 1-72 volumes on the subject (cg. voi.9. p1.49a for Sarasvati). I am not awareof any studies on Korea. On Campà. see. for instance. the Cham Sculpture Album of theState Cornmittee for Social Sciences of Vietnam. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

whcre a late-tenth to eariy-eleventh century sculpture of Sarasvati is illustrated (1988.
pp.85. 228. fig.76).' There is also a short article by Saveros Pou (1984) on Sarasvati in

Khmer culture: he notes two bronze statues in the style of Jayavaman VI1 (K.1 181- 12 15 )found in Thailand (pp.207-208). Javanese representations are published by Kanailal
Bhattacharyya (1983. p1.5 1. ninth to tenth century). Niranjan Ghosh (1984. p1.3:1-2). andVincent Smith (1930. pl. 112A. date unspecified). and a Sarasvati festival is descnbed inAndrew Beatty's anthropological account of Javanese religion ( 1999. pp.2 11-2 15). For a
Balinese festival day dedicated to Sarasvati. see Fred B. Eiseman. Jr.'s study (1989. vol. 1.

p. 184). Sanskrit hymns fiom Bali. including one dedicated to Sarasvati. have been editedby Sylvain Lévi (SanskritTmsfiom Bali. pp.6243).
7This Iate tenth- to eady eIeventh£entury sculphm of Sarasvati was also published in GUard&lan etal. 1994, fig.595. See also Parmentier 1919. who nom a possible Saramati h m about the eleventh century@m.

The earliest known texts in which Sarasvati appean are the Veda Samhitis composedin northwatern India.' Held in utmost sanctity, the Sarphitiis were faithfully transmitted.
word-for-word. t hrough oral tradition.
The Rg &da (RV) is the oldest of the Samhitàs. Although compused somctime afler
1750 B.C.E.. as a collection of 10 books (mandalas. lit. circles). it is considered to datefiom about the twelfth century B.C.E: It consists of 1028 hymns (.Gkras)arranged in these
10 books.

The Sàrna Cf&

is a collection of certain verses of the Rg Céda. arranged for recitationin ritual performances. As it does not contain any new material on Sarasvati. it will not bc
taken up here.

Thc Azharva béda ( AV) is in parts as old as the Rg Iféda.but the grammatical foms
indicate a younger age than the Rg Iéda. Michael Witzel assigns its composition to thetwelfih century B.C.E. Although it also includes philosophically speculative portions. the.4rharva ?'ehis in many ways a pmctical text intended to deal with the problems ofeveryday life, fiom health dificulties to love. marriage. happiness. and prosperity. by wayof magical charms.
- - -

-

-

' See maps in Witzel 1989,pp.242-243. for regions specific to the Rg. Adorva, and Yajur Veda.

' 1 follow Michael Wiizel's chronological chan in 1989. pp.249-25 1.

The liturgical Yujw Iéda. composed fiom about the twelfth to the ninth century

B.C.E., was compiled a few centuries later than the Rg C'eda. As Jan Gonda points out.' it
was amongst the exponents of this text ihat the methods of sacrificial practice wcre developed
Although tradition has it that there were one hundred and one schools of the Yajur Léda.
collections fiom fivc of the schools swivc: the earliest are the Maitriya~Qa(MS) andKii!hako ( K S ) Sayhitiïs. followed by the Kupis!hala Küthaka (oniy hgmentary: about
half of the original) (KpS) and the Taiitirïja (ïS) Sayhit5.s. al1 belonging to the Black
Yajur &da; the Ejasaneya Samhità (VS). on the other hand. belongs to the White Yujur

Veda. The distinction b e t w e n the so-called Black ( K m a ) Yajur léda and the White(&kfa) Yajur k d a rests in the inclusion of Briihmaga-type explanatory matenal in theformer. which is consequently viewed as "not arranged.'"The Brihmanas. enormous appendices to the Veda Samhitis. are commentaries. wntten
in prose. to rituals. They are assigned to a penod between 900-500 B.C.E. The Briihmana
matcrial of the Black Yajur Veda belongs to this category. Apart from the Black Yajw

Veda Samhitûs noted above. we will look at passages from the Satupatha (SB). Tuittir@a(TB). Aitareyu (AB). Pa>icaviyia (PB). Jaimintva (m. Kausitaki (KB). and C'cidhüla

Brahmays.
The &anyakas and Upanisads. appendices in tum to the Brdunanas. hardly mention
Sarasvati. and hence will not be discussed here.

See Gonda 1975. p.324 and Wintrmitz 1972 (English translation repr. of 1904-1920 original), vol. l.
pp. 148-49.

1. Rg Veda

Sarasvati appean in many verses of the Rg &da, and is invoked. in particular. inthree hymns: whilc 6:6 1 is entirely dedicated to her. shc sharcs 795-96 with her malecounterpart Sarasvat. to whom are addressed a few of the stanzas (7:95:3; 7:96:4-6). He isa somewhat nebulous figure. a male river god obviously comesponding to Sarasvati. In
1: 16452. he appears. more generally. as a water genie connected or identified with Apàry

Napit. the son of the waters.' In post-ygvedic literature. hc foms a pair with Sarasvati. andin the Mahübhâraia. appears as her son.6
In the Rg Léda. Sarasvati is a deified river reprcsenting abundance and might. She isassociated above al1 with the waters (opus)and the stom gods (mamts).and foms a groupwith the sacrificial goddesses I l i and Bhàrati. Subsequent devclopments in her
conceptualization are rooted in her Rg &da connection with inspired thought ( dhi). which
in tum is linked to the sacrificial activity on the banks of the sacred river Sarasvati.

a. fiver Goddess

i. Mighty Flood

Sarasvati appean as a powerful river. surpassing a11 othea in her activity (6:61:13b
For Sarasvat, sec Hillebrandt 1927-29. vol. 1, p.380 ( 1980. vol. 1, pp.237-39); Geldner 195 1. vol.2.
p.265, note on 7:95:3; Gonda 1985, p.7, note 20.
For the Briihmanas. see p.65 below: for the .\lahàbhàrara, sa pp. 1 19- 12 1 bclow.

a-rn

apktarnîï). She roars with energy (6:61:8c)' like a bull, bellows ( vüvdüna' 7:36:6a)

like a cow: and ragingly snorts like a boar (6:61:2ab):With enraged snorting, like one who digs up lotus roots? this one
broke the brick of mountains with her strong waves.
Uncontrollablc by nature. she reveals [henel f as] a mighty flood ( 1 :3: 12ab): maho c i r y hsarasvati p h cetqvati ketuni / Taken predicatively, the mighty flood is Sarasvati's ensign(keni). by which she is characteriz~d.'~As firc is known by smoke. Sarasvati is known by
the might and volume of her waters. She is thus signalled not only by water as such. but bywater in uncontrollable. impetuous. raging movcment. roaring with l i fe. Swelling wit h hcr

own waters (abhi svéna pacivusu~ $ I V Ü I I Ü//~ )," she cornes down fiom the mountains tomeet the ocean (Suciryarf giribhya ci sumudrcit / )."fLitmlly, she "whose impetuosity keeps roaring": y&-@... umaS carad rcjruvat (6:61:8bc1.

Rxven are o f h compared to çows (e-g. 3:33:lcd; IO:75:4ab [p.28 below]). Scr Gonda 1985. pp.39ff.
9

Karl Hofmiann (1975-76, voI.3 p.337) identifies this with a boar "Sie ... durchbrach wie ein
wunetgrabender (Eber) den Rücken der Berge mit tosenden machtvolIen Wogen."
1O

1 follow Werner Knobl's suggestion here (personal communication). Geldner's translation of kerrinü as"mit ihrem Banner" ( 1951. vol. 1, p.4) renders the passage entireiy unclear. fiai is dtrrived from cir, and thus
is, as Renou (EVPvol.1. p.7) explains, "proprement Ie signe permettant de 'comprendre.'" In hymns to Usas
(Dawn),the term o h appears as a luminous signal and a sign of recognition (EVP vo1.3, p.32). In its
illurninating quality, kerii is thus the sign which makes recognition possible. See also JZVP vo1.2, pp.71. 73,
85; vo1.7, p.47.

" 7:36:6d. Renou (EVP vo1.4, p.99) explains that the association p&ma piman*
etymobgy: "gonflant de leur gonflement."

retlects an ancient" 7:95:2b. Szicir refen to the purity of her waters. Renou (EVPvol. 15. p. 133) transiaks: "allant pure desmontagnes a l'océan."Seven-sistered ( . ~ a p t u ~ a ~ aSarasvatir ) L 3 is praised as the most nverly (miditarn~)'~and as the divine one from amongst the rivers (asury; nadfnim)." "pressing fonvard by
her greatness al1the waters," @rabdbadhibza... viivü apci mahirtd ...an-y$//). l6 Inexhaustible
plenitude in liquid f o n . she fills the earthly [spaces] and the widc space in between(6:6 1:1 1ab üpapniSi pihhivin-v uni rijo antdri-am / ). "ii. Abundance and Might

Rituals were performed on the banks of the Sarasvati. Vcdic religion centered on thesacred fire into which offcrings were piaced as hyrnns were recited. Her banks. the Rg

Féda (3:23:4)tells us. werc amongst the best places on earth to establish one's sacred fire:" 6:61 :!Ob. In 7:36:6b she is said to be Br: seventh (saptathi). A s Heinrich Lüden ( I W. pp. 163ff.)
observes, throughout the ages in india, the names of rivers with a numeral. seven in particular, have beenused to indicatt: the country's river system. From a purely mathematical point of view. however, ta cal1 hersapraSVascfr is to say t h thex are, al1 together, eight sisters. Neverthcless, as Whitney (1889, pp.502-03,
g1294b) and Wackernagel ( 1896, vol.S:l, pp.273-74) explain, there is a particular kind of bahuvnAi in theolder language which irnplies ''the dation of appurtenance" (Whitney 1889, p.502). Thus the one who is said
to be seven-sistercd may be included in the seven.
The sapràsvasur as rivers are also referred to in 8:4 1 :2de ( p i h sindhzînüm Upodayé saptLim0sb sa rnadhyarno~
w h m Varuga appears amongst them. In this case, he is clearly not one of the seven. but rather one who has
seven sis~rs,and thus would be counted as an eighth sibling.

16

7:95:lcd.

l7 Although urv antari~umwcurs several times in the Rg Vedn (e.g. 3:22:2c; 3:54:19d3, UN rijus
appears oniy here. C'ni means '%de," and rajas, "atmosphere." Thus Renou (EVP vo1.5, p. 132) takes uni
rijo anrcirikom as an enlargement of the usual formula wv c i n t ~ @ a m ,and translates: "le vaste espace, (àsavoir) l'espace-médiafi" Geldner's reading as 'Wie earthly [spaces], the wide space, [and] the aerial realm"( 1951, vo1.2, p. 163 "Die iniischen (Râume),den weiten Raum. das L u h i c h ...") might suggest the sky foruni rrijos, and yet raja is not the sky, but rather the misty atrnosphere around the earth. At any rate, it is not
mtirely clear what Geldner had in mind by "wide space." It is not insignificani, however, that in theimmediately following stanza (6:6l:12a). Sarasvati is said to abide in t h places (tri&adh&tho):porthivani.
uni raja. and a n t i k i ~ a m ?

ni tviî dadhe vara a' p.piiy6
i&às padé sudinatvé 6hnüm /drsadvatyim m6)zusa ~pa-va'~vim
sdrasvatyàm revud agne didihi //I set thee down in the earth's choicest [place].
in Ilà's footstep. on the best of days.
On the D~advati.amongst Manu's [people].'* on the Apaya.
on the Sarasvati shine richly. O Agni.

Woehipped by those dwelling on her banks (c.g. the Punis in 7:96:2ab). Sarasvati is
invoked as the most mothcrly (àn~bitame)'~and as dear amongst the dcar ones@eva'

pn~va'~~).20
In the eyes of her devotees. her liquid abundance in the form of overflowing
waters embodies wealth in the widest sense ( 1:l64:49):
y& te sttin- SaLia-vb
y6 ma-vobhh
yéna viivâ pi.ytsi vBryùyi /yo rainadh6 vamviùyah sudairahsîirasvati

iha dhatave kah //Make [us] suck here that breast of yours which is abundant.
which is refieshing, with which you rnake al1 choice things thnve.
which is providing treasures. finding goods. whose gifts are good.
O ~arasvati."

In their hymns. calling to mind how in the past Sarasvati had bestowed h a gifts onothers." her worshippers invoke hm. asking for everything from wea~th.'~vitality." and18

In the Rg Veda, six out of nine tirnes the locative mdn.
is connecteci with jrirre (1:48: 1 lb; 5: 14:2c;
5:2 1:2a; 6:16: Ic; 8:64: 10a; 10:1 18:9c), once with w j h e (1: 128:7a),' This stanza is discussed on pp.30-3 I below.
- For instance, she is said to have given N a h ~ aghee and milk (7:95:2d ghnay p@o &&ire
7-lnâhusa)p,)* and VadhryaSva a son caIled Divodh (6:61:1 b divoctasam vcrdItry&&a

d e e

).

progenF to plea~ure.'~fame." and very importantly for her later identification withspeech. inspired thought." As a life-giver and sustainer. she is asked to place the embryo ina woman's wombZgand she is identified as the one who makes the five generations grow."
While the volume of her waters represents abundance. the uncontrollability and rnightof h a Rood embodies her fearfid strength. The mighty river goddess is called on forprotection and shelter (6:49:7cd):
gnibhir acchidram Saraqïim saj6sà
durüdhtirsam g.eaté Surma yamsat //Togetherwith the wives ofgods. she shall grant the singer unbroken
refuge. protection which is difficult to assail.
Evcn in the singer's supplication for protection. Sarasvati's might and invinci bility dominate.

.

.

Words such as achidram b'unbroken" (i.e. unbreakable). and durüdharsarn "di fficult toassail." that is. invincible, arc use4 reflecting her ensign. the mighty flood. It is not simply

her compassion which is invoked. but rather her compassionate strength. Perhaps behind
expressions like priy6 priy6su lies a certain fear of an all-too powerfùl. uncontrollable
mother. whose raging energy. it is hoped, might be compassionately directed.

' ?:41 :17d prujim ùevi dididdhi na4 .
6'

1 :89:3d sarmati na4 nrbhaga m&as komt,

' 2:41:16d prBScts~irnornbo nus w i .
:a

6:49:7bsararvatr' viraparni dhiyam dhüt .

29

10: 184:2b garbhapt dhehi sarusvari ( = AV 5:25:3b)?O

6:61:1Sb pcin'caja& vardhiyanti

The neuterjatâ "generations"is not to be confused with tribes, as, for instance, Macdonell and Keith ( 1912,
vo1.2, pp.435-36) have done. In the Rg Fe&. the five tribes, as discussed by Bernfied Schlerath (1960,
pp.28ff.). are referred to as the pafica bittiyah (e-g. 1:176:3b), p&a cambyah (e.g. 5:86:2c), pan'ca(e.g. 2:2: 1Oc ), and pufica janor j a 4 (e.g. I :89:1Oc )--but nat as the p i k a juscini.

Like her wild. raging waters. this mother takes on a fierce. awful (ghorci) appearaoce."
She who remains rnighty and unconquerable as a stronghold. as a metal rampart (surasvati

dhaniyarn d-vasipcfh / ).J'is asked to conquer the enemies of her loved ones ÿesi Sutnin)."

She is called a slaycr of strangers @àrii~ata~hni).'~
Her violent aggression is described in
no uncertain ternis (6:61:8a-9a):Elle dont l'élan-offensif illimité. impossible a faire dévier.
redoutable, mobile, fluctuant, avance cn hurlant-avec-force,

C'est elle qui nous (a fait passer) outre à toutes hostilités... 35

Shc is also the slayer of the foe within, for she is called on to guard her devotees
against slander: sJratvati nidis pitu //(6:6 1:1 1c).

"

7:95:lb. In the Rg Veda.& (f.) is not a citadel. but a rampart, a wall. Sec Thieme 1970. p.448 (repr.
1995, p.8 16).
33

2:30:8b. See also 6:6 1% vproghni, an epithet dixussed on pp.5 1-53 below.

Y

6:61 :?c. Geldner ( 195 1, vol.2. p. 163)translates pcü&araghni as "die die F m d e n abweht," but ad& ina note that it çould also refer to the Parâvatas as a proper name of a people. Likewise, Renou (EVP vol. 15,
p.13 1 ) is not quite s w e about püràvata, but thinks it is pmbably a proper name. He d m ad& however,rekmng to other passages ( 5 5 2 : t I "ceux d'un domaine lointain"; AV. 20: 135: 1 1 1, that "l'appellatif est plus
vraisemblable..." Bohtlingk-Roth's ( 1855-75, vo1.4, p.673 ) definition of the PiMvatas, reiterated by MonierWilliams (1899, p.620). as a trik living on the banks of the river Yamunâ may reflect a later, particularizedunderstanding of the terni. Hillebmndt ( 1927-29. repr. 1965, vol. 1, p.278) and Macdonell and Keith ( 1912,
vol. 1, pp.518-19; vo1.2. p.436) also take the Piiravatas to be a people.
15

Translation by Rcnou (EVP vol. 15, p. 132).

Boris Oguibénine's (1988. p.209) understanding of Samsvati as a pmtective deity of poets, intervening on
their behalf and destroying their rivais in cornpetitions is certainly a far too limited view of her aggression, as
the above passages clearly show. For W e r discussion of Sarasvati's aggressive aspect, see pp. 18-20. 5 1-53
bdow.

b. Water: Sarasvati and the Apas

Sarasvati. as a river. fin& her most obvious coonectiondeepened even further with
time-with

the never-resting (cinivi.iamün$r) waters (@Qs).'~to whom four entire hymnsof the Rg Léda (7:47.49; LO:9.30) and rnany of its verses are dedicated. Sarasvati is one ofthcm. and appears in RV 10:30: 12 as their rcpresentative:
jpo revatih ha-vathi hi vabah
kralup CU bhadram bibhnha'mftae CU /ri-vai ca sthd svapatyaya putnih
sdrasvati tbd gpaté vayo dhüt //O nch waters. since you have comrnand over the good. since you
carry [within you] auspicious resolve and immortality. [and] since
you are mistresses of wealth consisting of good descent. may
Sarasvati gant the singer this vital force.

The waters are often called celestial (de$)," and likened to loving mothen ( u h t f iva
müturah // ).la ~ u c has Sarasvati. they bring

wealth40 strmgth? and health."

Within the waters. according to Soma. dwell al1 remedies ( IO:9:6ab): apsli me sbmo abravid

anrur viSvani bhe&

/ Hence they can cure discases." They also carry away al1 defilementsin the form of betrayal and beanng false witness ( 10:9:8):
-

36

j7

7:49:1 b.
7:49: 1-4.

38

10:9:2c.

39

2 3 5 : 14c Û p naptre g h r t h inna? v0ltanrih.

40

t 0: 30: 14a émâ a m a n revatirjivadhanyâ.

41

109: lab &O hi gIt6 mn)ulbhtivas tri na tivé dadhafuna

42

I O:Wc a@ yticarni bhesajim //43

1O: 13 7:6cd cipah survasya bhesaj& t6.s te h v a m bhesajam

S e also 10:9:5-7.

idam apah prO vahata yat k»n ca duritarp m e /-vad vüham abhidzidroha yud vâ .Teph titikgam //O Eaux. convoya au loin cc qui va mal en moi. quel qu'il soit.
ce que j' aie-jamais commis-en-fai t-de-do1 ou que j 'aie-jamai sjuré rnensongérem~nt.~

Just as the Sarasvati runs clear (7:95:2bSucir yod..) and is pure (l:3: lOa pivahi!)." thewaters too are clear and pure (7:49:3c madh~iczitahS h y o ydh piva*), and thus pun fiersand healers by nature.

The waters are both celestial and earthly (7:49:2):

The waters of the sky or those that flow. those that are dug out or
those that anse by thernselves. those pure and clear waters that
seek the ocean as their goal-let the waters. who are goddesses.
help me here and now?
Just as they "are present in the luminous space bcyond and beneath the sun" (y6 rucané

parasior shyasvtz y$ câvastûd upatis~anta6pah //':)

Sarasvati fills the realms of earih

and the wide space in between and is characterized as dwelling in three places (6:61 :1 1- 12a).

The waters. however. are more potent and powemil than Sarasvati. for they. as theuTranslation by Renou in EVP vol. 15, p. 126.

45

&Idna 195 1, vol. 1, p.4. note on 1 :3:10- 1 1: "Sarasvati als Gottin der sakralen Rede." On 1 :3:t 2: "aisFiussg6ttin"
Translation by W.D. O'Flaherty in 198 1. p.232.
"

3:22:3cd.

primeval waters of creation. are the producers of al1 that is fixed and moves ( v i S v q asthiiur jbgaio jani~ib//even of sacrifice itself (&O ...janayantir yaj>am / )." ïhe very

elixir of immortality (amfia) cornes from them ( 1:23:19a; 10:30:12ab).'O Nevertheless. it

should be noted here that 10:30: 12 is the same stanza in which Sarasvati appears as theirrepresentative. and thercfore is. through them. also connected with omfta. and by extension,
with the creative process i tsel f.

e. Might: Sarasvati and the M m t sSarasvati is also associated with the highiy prominent storm go& (rnanrts)." withwhom shc shares might" and a certain wild fighting spirit (e.g. 1:85):
vi yé bhrcijante stimakh&sargibhih
p r a c y â v ~ n t oacCvutcicid bjasù / ( 1 :85:4ab)

Grâ ivéd yiwdhayo na jugm~yuh
iravdsyavo rza pfranaFu yetire /bhavante viihï bhtivanti manidbko
rGna ivo tvestisamdyio narab // ( 1:85 :8)?O

1:23:19a apsv àntar a m M m apsii bheqüm; I O:3O: 1 Zabbhadram bibhM6mfram ca

m a t @ k&atha

hi v h a h krrinrm ca

51

lhirty-hree hymns are dedicated exclusively to them, while in oihers they are invoked together with
Indra (seven hyrnns),Agni (one hymn). and m a n (one hymn).

" E.g. 1185:IOab ürdhvam nunudre 'varum d 6jusa dwhari- cid bibhidur vip9rvcrrarn"Ces (Manit) ont poussé vers cn haut la fontaine, gr5ce i (leur) force-formidable; ils ont pourfendu Ia
montagne, si fme-en ses-bases (soit-elle)."(Translation by Renou in EVP vol. 10. p. 19.)

"Cm formidables taureaux aux bras formidables..." (Translation by Renou in EVP vol. 10, p.50. )Eux bons combattants qui brillent au loin avec les lances. ébranlant
d'une force-formidable les choses inébranlables elles-mêmes...
( 1:85:4ab)
Marchant-A-grands-pas tels des héros. tels des combattants. ils
ont pris rang pour les batailles. tels (des hommes)avides-de-renom.
Tous les êtres ont peur des Maruts. (Ces) seigneurs a I'aspect
redoutable (sont) comme des rois."
Sarasvati. however. despite her raging cnergy. does not secm to take quite as much pleasure
in battle as these unstoppable and hence much-feared wamors of the sky. In fact. as if todraw upon their aggressive. combative energy. she is requested to conquer enemies in

unison with them (2:30:8b): manitvari &.adjesi Gtnh / As she broke the back ofmountains? they pierce thern." shaking the immovable ( d h n i ~ a c - y hAs) . ~shc~ ragingly
snorts like a boa?

the thundering storm gods (... tutyatzir ntanitüm...)? Iikc hawks onhigh competing [for speed], are accompanied by the howling and roaring of the winds(v&svanasu~ Syna' asprdhran // )." Probably in allusion io the sound of the wind

MacQnell points out. the stomi gods are called "cclestial songs" (divo
Associated with lightning, wind and thunder. one of the main activities of the manu

53

Translation by Renou in EVP voI. 10, p. 18.

'1

6:61:2. See p. 1 1 above.

56

1 :64:
1 Ic. Cf. 1:85:4b above.

27

6:6 1A b .

58

123: 1 Iab.

cw

55756. Stx Macdonell 1897. p.80. AIthough Macdonell calls hem "the singers of heaven." urkri
means rather "hymn" or "song." Therefore Geldner ( 195 1, ~01.2,p.65) translates divo ar* as "des Himmls
Chore" and Renou (EVPvol. 10. p.34) as "chants du ciel (personnifiés)."is to shed rah6' They lie up the tains From out of the ocean and pour them dom: Cdiruvathü rnanirah samudrutb yrrvap vrs!im varsqvothii p u ~ i /~(5:55:5ab).
a ~The stom gods are also comparai to riven: sindhavo ni yayijm bhrdjadp!a-va4( 10:78:7c)P2 Again. the healing properties of water. even in the form of min. are called

upon for remedies because the storrn gods. while showering rain. bestow medicine (vrspf
iam ybr 6pa itsn* bhesajam)." Like Sarasvati and the waters. they are clear and pure:SUc~anmànuhSUcavah piva*(7:56:12d).

Sarasvati and the stom gods are invoked together. supplicated to g a n t possessions
and sons? Sarasvati has them for companions ( manitsokha ).65

d. Sacrifice: SarasvatT,m,and Bharati

Sarasvati is also regularly associated with two other female figures. 113 and Bhirati.
with whom she forrns an oft-invoked triad. They appear in the üpnn-sükras,the propitiation
hymns composed for ntual purposa centering on Agni. which belong to an early stage of01

62

E.g. 553: 10c anu prci yanii vrmtci;r.ah,*

S a also 10: 78 :5c: &O nu nimnair uddbhirjigainavo.

"...altant-avec-vitessecomme les coursd'eau avec les eaux déclives..." (Translation by Renou in EVP vol. 1O,
p.53.)
63

5:53:14c "Quand il a plu que les eaux a l'aurore (nous soient a) salut (et) bonheur, (nous soient) unremède!" (Translation by Rmou in EVP vol. 10, p.30. )M

354: 13a.d vidwidrathà martita rsJntanto. .- sarmati J:niavan yajiiiyâso dhcità rayini sah&~rayr u r w // "Les Marut aux chars (faits) d'klairs, p~uwusde lanca...
(ainsi que) Sarasvati (et autres dieux,)
qu'ils entendent (notre prière, eux qui sont) dignes du sacrifice! Contërez (nous) la richesse comportant deshommes J'éIites, (dieux) vigoureux!" (Translationby Renou in EVP vo1.5, p. 13.)

Vedic ritual."

The three goddesses. who are said to bnng delight (tisro de&-ma~vobhuvah/ )67 are invited to sit on the sacrificial grass6' and to protect it.69

Ili is a milch cow70 and the mother of a herd.'' Clarified butter in hand (ghgahasti)"and her foot dnpping with it (ghflipadi).7'she is entreated to ~ w e l l so
' ~ as to flow abundantiy.

She may. therefore. rcpresent Iibati~n.~'Renou. in fact. translates

as "ofinde liquide"76and equates it with piyas .77
B h h t i is. in some verses. referred to as hbirti bhdrati. as in 3:62:3d. where she.

together with the f m a i e guardian deities (var&r$z). is asked to favour thosc invoking:asma'n varùtrih Sarayuir avantv asm& hbtrü bh6rati daksi~abhib// ( 3 :62:3cd)." Shc

Gonda 1975, p. 104.

1: 13:9b = 5:5:8b
E.g. 1:13:9c barhi4 sxdantu...

2:3:8cd tisro dedh mudhdya barhir édbm acchidraty pantu iaranam niscidyu,,",.. que (ces) trois Déesses, s'installant selon leur libre vocation sur cene litière. veillent (sur nous d'une
protection sans faille!" (Renou's translation in EVP vol. 16, p.43. )'O

355: 13ax anyàxya vatsM rihori mimtîya

bhuvâ nidadhe dhenur hihah yt&a sd p<i).asâpinvatéf~.

"Licking the calf of the other one. she has bellowed. Into which wcirld has the milch cow put down her
udder? [la swe1led with the miIk of tnith,"71

5:41: 19a abhi na ilâ )irA&a m a r i .

74

1O:36:5a éndro barhih sfdarupinvath a . (Translated in note 75 kIow. )75

Bohtlingk-Roth 1855-75, vol. 1, p. 782; EVP vo1.4, p. 1 14; vol.5, pp. 16, 52. According to Geldner.
however. Il2 is the personifkation of offering in 1: l28:7 ( 1951, vol. 1. p. 179n). but represents the earth in
355: 13c (vol. 1, p.401n). Khan ( 1978, p.65) most likety follows Bohtlingk-Roth in his interprctation of Ijii aslibation, yet he seerns to take pinvatüm with barbe in 10:36:5a. interpreting it ermneously as an invocationtoto flow "on the sacrificial grass." It is rather: "Let Indm sit on the sacrificial grass; let I l i swell."76n355: 13c in EVP vo1.5, p. 16; 10:36:5a in F/P vo1.5, p.52.
EVP voi.4, p. 1 14 (noteon 10:36:5a).

78

See also 1:22:1Ob (hotramyavighu bhdratim . ), 1:142:9b (hbrrà manirsu bhdratï .. ), and 2: t :1 1b (tvorir
horra bhdratï vardhase gir6 ).
./represents the hbtar piest of the Bharatas who were once settled in the area of the river
Sarasvati." In a verse in which Agni is identi fied with each of the goddesses (2: 1:1 1). he.
as h o t R bhdrati. is said to increase by means of eulogies: tvam hbtrà bhkrati vardhuse
gir8 4 2 : 1: 1 l b). She is clearly, therefore. connected with priestly activity. and with recitationin particular." In Rg Géda Khila 2:13:2.8' an apocryphal supplment to the Rg Céda.
Bhirati is said to be brahmavidi>ii"cxpounding on Vedic t e x t ~ . " ~ 'Like the sacrificial goddesses Iiii and Bhiirati. Sarasvati too appears to be connectedwith sacrifice as such. In 10: 17:7ab. she is called upon while the sacrifice is in progress:

Those w ho seck after the go& cal1 on Sarasvati
while the sacrifice is being perfomed.

The word udhvara (m.). sacrificial ceremony. is etymologically related to udhvan (m.).
meaning the way. course. or journey." This adhvatt is also the road upon which go& makc
their way to the sacrificial grounds. and upon which the oblations and successful sacrificers

travel to heavcn. Thus the adhvaru is related to this particular way or journey of the79

Gonda 1985, p.20.

80

Bhirati appears, in one instance f l:22: 10 3 gnd agna ihdvme hoirâm yuviqha bhâratim .. wunimm
dhi@nam vaha . "O Agni, convey here the wives of the gods for favour. Hotra Bhârati. Vafitri, D h i w ~ O,
you youngest one."), in ttie Company of dhi%ü. which. according to Renou (EVPvol. 1, pp.4-5) is .sometirnes
poetic inspiration, sometimes a p m . The meaning and etymotogy of the word, howevcr, are entirely
uncertain, See Mayrhofer 1992, vol. 1, pp.791-92.
"'

81

113

Die .4pkryphen des Rgveda. Ed- Isidor Schefklowitz, 1906,p.85.

Already in 1848, Theodor Benfey (1848, glossary p.35, under m( ) connecied ciahvan with adhvarci. See
also Gonda 1975. p.86 and Mayrhofer 1992. vol. 1, p.68.

sacrifice to the celestial abodes? Therefore. in being called on at this time (adhvare
t@amtine). Gonda suggests. Sarasvati seems to play a role in the conveyance of oblations

to the gods?

nie explicit connection of al1 three goddesses (as well as others) with the conveyancc
of sacrifice t o the gods appears in a stanza of the L'5jasane-vi Sarphitü (29:8) of the Iojw
Céda :May Bhamti with the Adityas love our sacrifice:Sarasvati wi th the Rudras [i.e. Maruts] hath holpen us.
And 1- invoked with Vasus in unison;
Our Sacrifice. O goddesses. place ye with the irnrnortal~.'~" Gonda 1985. pp.25-26. Gonda's interpreiation. in this comection, ofyajium dudhe surasvati (k3: l ICI,
howevcr, is less convincing: he understands it to mean, in a rather wide sense, that Sarasvati "has taka,accepted, received. or borne (dadhe)the sacrifice" (p.25). Dadhe, however. is in the atmanepauà, and thus
retlects back unto the subject. She may, therefore, "take," "accept." or "receivc" the sacrifice, but to Say thatshe "bears" it is to imply action, quite plausibly directed toward another @arirsmaipadu 1. And if she "hastaken, accepted, receiveà" it, one would assume shc has rcceived it for hcrseii': there is no r e m n to believe
she would have received it to p a s it on to other gods. ïhis is supported by t:3:10c yajnam v a g u
dhiycivasuh li "let hm long for our sacrifice," where surely it is not hoped that she will long for what is
intended for 0 t h . And paralle1 to v. Iûc. appears 1 Ic: ya~iïupdadhe sararvati

Translation by Arthur Bemiedale Keith ( 1914. vol.2, pp.M%û3 ).

Cf.VS 28: 18c-e: aSp&ad bbdrati divah mdniir yujribm sarasvatida vcistcmati &in...

Gonda (1985, p.26) points to VS 29:8 as supporting evidence for his interpretation of RV 113: 1 Ic @aj&bp
dadhe s4rwuti) [sec note 85 above] and [O: 17:7ab (surasÿanin adhvaré ra>'cimine)[see main text above] as
implying Sarasvati's hction as conveyor of offaings to the gods. In VS 29:8, however, it is not only
Sarasvati who is asked to convey the sacrifice to the gods, but rather al1 three of the gocidesses-together alsowith other go&-and thus it is not a function exclusive or even particdar to Sarasvati in VS 29%

As mentioned above:'

Sarasvati is invoked to grant, amongst other gifts. dhf. inspired

thought (6:49:7b):sdrosvati virapotni dhtvam dhür / She is closely connected with dhf.
which in tum is inextricably linked with v&. speech. with which Sarasvati is later idcntified.
It is. in fact. her association with dhi which paves the way for her transformation into

Sarasvati-Vâc. the goddess. not oniy of speech. but above ail of knowledge. It is. thmefore.
to dhf that we must now turn our attention.

i. Meaning

Bohtlingk and Roth list a senes of explanations for dhf. beginning with thought andending with the persmification of intelligence." Geldner translates it as thought ("Gedankc")
in 1:3:12 and as wisdom ("Weisheit") in 1:3: 10." In 6:61:4c. Renou renders it as "vision[s]poétique[s]," in 9: 100:3a as "pensée-poétique." and in 1: l 3 W f as "intuition.'"He explainsthat dhf indicates a kind of intuition linked in particular with manas. and frequently
appearing in combination with manas as in manasü dhi. "voir par la pen~ée."~'For Gonda
87

See p. 14 above.

1855-75.~01.3.pp.964-65.
119

'al
91

1951,vol.1, p.4.
6%1 :4c is translatai in EVP vol.15,p. 13 1 ; 9 1 OO:3a in EVP vo1.9, p.53; and 1:139:2fin EVP vol. 5, p.8.

FCP vol. 1. p.3.

E.g. 1:163:12b devadn'cà manasci didhyanab :"... perceiving with the mind m e c i towards the gods."
9: 100:3ab mig dhiyam rnanoyrijam sg'ci wqiy na &artyuf@i "You.pour forth inspired thought yoked withthe min4 as thunder (discharges) rain." [to Pavamâna Soma]'

it is vision or inspiration, "the exceptional and supranormal faculty. proper to "seers." of"seeing" in the mind?

Although dhf generally refers to the inspired thought in its

unverbalized state. there are instances wherc it can be reodered as "poem. hymn. re~itation.'~'in that the thought is translateci into words. In a reciprocal kind of process, the devotee
invokes the god asking for dhf. and upon receiving it. elaborates the inspired thought intoa hymn in praise of the god. wherein he asks again for what he desires? nius dhf funcrions

as a means provided by the gods to reach the gods so as tu benefit from them in the widest
possible sense.

ii. Sarasvati and hi

Sarasvati is requested to grant inspired thought (surasvati virapatni dhivay dhd),"
for she rules over al1 dhf (dhtvo vimü v i râjari //).* Accornpanied by inspired thoughts(sarasvuri saha dhibhib' :)she is t heir promoter ( dhinhm n v i t k . . )." She completes thescers' dhi making it successful (scirasvali sûdhayanh dhiyum r i ~ h ) and. ~ ~sbould give thesinger of the hymn unchallengeable protection (duriidhiir~amgyaé Sarma yumsat // ). lm" 1963. p.68.
93

91

E.g. 5 5 2 : 146 mrd dhi&hi&..See Gonda 1963. p. 133: EVP vol. 1. p.3.

ûonda 1963. p.66.

95

6:49:7c.

%

1 :3: 12c.

Y7

1O:6S: 13d. See aIso 735: t 1b.

9-8

6:61 :4c.

99

2:3 :th.

100

6A9: 7d.

Thus the singer implores (7:35: 1 1b): "Auspicious [for us] be Sarasvati with inspired thoughts"(iam sarasvati saha dhibhir astu /).

In a hymn ( 1:3) to the ASvins (W. l-3). Indra (w.4-6).the v i h e de-@ (w.7-9), andSarasvati (W. 10- 12). the poet invokes the goddess as follows:
ptivakri nah sarasvati vijebhir viijiwiati /yajikim vagti dhij&asuh //coda-vitrisünfiünùm cétanti surnatin6m /yujficip dudhe sarusvari //mahb &?ah surasvati pra cetavaii ketunü /d h i y viivü v i r w r i //Pure Sarasvati. rich in rewards. who [finds] goods through inspiredth~ught.'~'shail long for our sacrifice.
Incitress of energy. expert in good thoughts. Sarasvati haï received
the sacrifice.
Sarasvati reveals [herself as] a mighty flood with [that as] her
ensign. She directs al1 inspired thoughts.

The bestowal of inspired thought. it should bc noted. was not considered a function
exclusive to Sarasvati. Agni (3:11:2c), Indra (1:23:3c), Soma (9:75:2b). Mitra and Varuna(7:66:3bc). Savitr (3:62: 1Oc). Usas (7:79:5c). and others werc al1 in some way connectedwith dhf. either as grantm. stimulators. or lords of it. In Sarasvati's case. however. otherfactors came into play. most notably her connectioa with the recitatioa of hyrnns on herbanks within a rihiai context. which together with ha related association with dhi had a
hansfoming eflect on the river goddess. Points of common imagery shared by Sarasvati.

dhf. as well as speech also contnbuted to her identification with speech.
101

Cf.1:46:2c dhiyG de& vasmi& ..'Ihe two gods who h u g h inspired thought are finden of goods."

26

iii. Common Imagery
Cow

Cow and water imagery were used for both Sarasvati and dhf. In several instances(e.g. 2:2:9bc; 4:4 1:Sab; 10:64: 12a-c), dhf is compared to a cow:

2:2:9a-c
eva' no agne amfie.y pürvyu

dhc piMva brhuddivec rnci~tusü/dtihanü dhen6r vrjaneg krircive
Thus, O Agni. O Primordial One. human inspired thought has
swelled (with milk) for us amongst the immortals in the highheaven. as the rnilch cow giving rnilk to the poet in (sacrificial)enclosures .
4:4 1:5ab
i n d e y r v u m vonqui bhiitam a.$d h i y e pet&vrsabhéva dhendh /O Indra. O Varuna. you two be lovers of this inspired thought. asbulls (are) of a milch cow.
1O:64:12- v i e me dhiyaq mcinrta indra dévâ
iidadü~avamnu mitra jüyùm /r&p pipqvata puyuseva dhenutp
h v i d giro adhi rtithe vahitha //O Manits. Indra. gods. Vanina. Mitra. make the inspired thought
which you gave me swell as a cow with milk. Would you carry(my) songs of praise on (your) chariot?
Inspired thoughts (dhizuyuh)are said to move afar. like cows aiong pastures. in search of
the far-sighted one [i.e. Varuna]: pari me yanti dhït&yo g&

mi ghyïtir anu / icchantir

urucciksusam //( 1 :25:16). The cow represents not only milk. food. abundance. and liberality.
but also poetic art in the fom of inspired thoughts. The "large cow" (mahf gauh) in 4:4 1:5d
and IO: 101:9d is. as the poet indicates (see 4:4 1 :Sb quoted above), inspired t h o ~ h t'".
Renou understands this mahf gauh and mcrhf in 10:74:4c as poetic art. 'O3 The divine cow.
having corne fiom (the realms of) the gods. approaches with al1 inspircd thoughts. fin&words. and rouses speech (8: 10 1:16a-c ): vacovida~v&um udir&antim vi.abhir dhibhir

Like dhf. Sarasvati too is associated with the cow. By virtue of being a river. theconnection arises in a general context whcrein rivers flowing along are cornpareci to cows

abhi îvü sindho S i h m in na mütaro
vâSr6 arenti pu~vasevadhenavah /(Rivers) flow towards you. O Sindhu. likc mothers to their child.
likc bellowing cows with milk.

When hdra slays Vm. he reieases the rivers. like fenced-in cows (g6 l i a vrüriii d i r~ m u 6 ~ o t )nie
. nvers bnng mi lk with t heir waters (pu-vohinvüd udubhir bharanie ). '"and in their relationship to Indra are called the "bull's wives" (v&ah pumir nadvcj
1°4:41:5d = IO: IO 1 :9d sohàsradhürû phyusa mahf gcrtih . ('lhe thousand-streamed great cow with hcr
milk")3 03

EVP vol. 1, p.10.

101

As fàr as the sequence of activities is concerne& the word order in 8: 101: 16ab is cleatly reverseci in thatthe earlier is put last: it is certainly not that the cow finds words, muses speech. and only then approacheswith al1 inspired thoughts. Of what possible use is u'hf a k r the words have already been expressed? And ofwhat poetic value are the words if they have not arisen h m inspired thoughts?

1w

1: 104:4d. See also 333: 1 cd.

As for Sarasvati herself. although she is never explicitly called a cow in the Rg lé&.

shc would have becn perceived as such: RV 7:36:6refers to the rivcrs of which Sarasvati is
the seventh as sudughüh. yiclding good milk as if they were rnilch cows swelling with

their own milk-in

this case both the milk of the rnilch cow and the water of the river:d ydt sàbm yaiuso vtivaSündh
sutasvari suptathi sindhumitâ /susvayunia sudughüb s~dharci
abhi svéna payasü phvinah //When the glorious and longing (rivers corne) to (us) inunison-Sarasvati. whose mother is the Sindhu. (being) theseventh-(they) who are fertile. well-yielding. rich-streamed areswelling with their own miik towards (us)?
Some of the words in this stanza cany a double meaning. refcmng on the one hand to thewater of the nvers and on the other to the milk of the rnilch cow. lovaionah is a perfectparticiple either of root v5.i '20 bellow." or of mot v& "to wish for. long for." If the rivers

are bellowing. thm they are clearly being likened to cows. The noun fivas is derived fiom
root pay@ (pciyate)and literally means "swelling." It denotes any kind of fluid. and thus in

the contcxt of this stanza can be both water and miIk.
There is also a passage (6:6 1: 14b)whae Sarasvati is asked not to push aside, that is.
not to kick the bucket as a cow rnight dunng milking:108

Su~ciyantais a "non-formation." It appears to consist of pretk su- (well, etc.), or reduplication. withroot si (to bear. bnng forth), to which -qa-is added. Gddner, ref&ng to the derivation fmm s& translates
it as "die fmchibar sind" ( 195 1, vo1.2, p.2 1 8) and Renou as 'qui enfantent" (EVPvo1.5, p.42).

sarasvaty abhi no tte~iv&vo
m6pa spharih pbyastï ma' tta a' dhak /O Sarasvati. lead us to prosperity. May you not push aside. May
you not faii us with (your) milk. ( 6 51: L4ab)
Yet another relevant instance is 1:l64:49. which although not addressed to Sarasvati
as a cow,but rather to Sarasvati in the form of a woman. cornes to be addressed to a cow in

the I'üjasat~e~vi
Saqzhitci ( 3 8 5 ) and then again in the .$ataPatha Brühmu~za( 14:2: 1:15 ) . '" Infact. shc is specificaily called a cow (dhenli) in VS 8:43 and 20:55c, 65d. ''O
As for RV 1: 164:49. here the poet desires to suck Sarasvati's breast: ycis te stunah

Saiayo yo ma-vobhiih... sarasvari tam ihu dha'tnve kah // "' In a note to this stanza. Geldner"'says it is dedicated to Sarasvati. goddess of eloquence. but does not cxplain. As Werner
Knob1 suggests,"' the mouth is used both in sucking and speaking. and to speak is exactly
what the poet does. The image reveals the intimacy of his relationship to Sarasvati: like an
infant bonded to his mother. he is nourished by her precious milk. sucking it directly fiom

her body. Her milk. in this stanza. represents ail precious things which she gives in fullh m her abundant breast Cvéno vi% pUfiusi va'tyiini)--wealth in the widest sense. For thepoet. as a poet. however, there is one treasure above all: inspired thought. Without it hecannot compose; without it he is not a poct. Thus if one were to apply this stanza direct1y to
the poet. one might say that he wishes to suck dhf directly h m its source so that inspired
109

Gritfith 1899,p.328 note (in m.cd. 1987).

110

Gonda (1985,p.43) Iists severai other instances wherein Sarasvati's narne is associated with the milchcow (dhen* suranarr'):KS 38:8[109,7];MS 3: 1 1:2[142,1];3:1 1 :3[143,IO]; 3:1 1 :3[144,12];VS 2 1:34; TB
2:6: 12:1. 4.
111

1 :164:49ad. 'Ihis sianza is quoted in full on p. 13 above.

"' 1951. vol. 1. p.236.
113

Persona1 communication.

thoughts might flow fiom him in the forrn of words. And as the riverine waters flow andmilk flows. inspired thoughts and their verbalized expression must ernbody a certain fluidity:

if they do not flow. thcn surely it is not poetry.

Water

Water, the very being of Sarasvati. is another symbol of inspired thought. The dhitacivah

assemble like rushes (of watcr) into wells (10:25:4ab):srim u pra yanti dhita-vah s ~ g a s u[a]vatdm iva / There is an allusion to the wave which the seer causes to surge from theocean (samudnid Grmim i d iyarfi vet~ah)."~that is. the heart. as indicated in hymn 4:58:5a.
1 lb:

etri a r y t i htdayüt samudra't

These (streams of ghee) flow fiom the sea. the heart.
antdh samudré hrdv atltar...

... inside the sea. inside the heaa... "'And if the heart is the seat of inspiration.'16 then the wave represents the surge of clhi.

1 Id

10:123:2a, Cf. 4:58:la samudrad tirmir mcidhumtïm rid &a#. "From [out ofl the ocean the sweet wave

has iisen."
115

Likewise 10: 177: 1bc hrda puiyunti m 4 n d vipaicitoh samudré an@ kav& r i c&ate.

Il6

EVP VOL1, p.24; Gonda 1963. p.28 1;Kuiper 1964-65. p. 125.

iv. ~ h rand
' VLc
Dhénü

There is also the terni dhéno. eîymologicalIy related to dhenu. which occurs with dhf

in various passages. such as 10:104:3cd:

indra dhénübhir iha rnüdayasva
dhibhir viSvabhih Sacyü g o i n a h //O Indra. revel here in the nounshing streams (of soma or speech).
being lauded rnightily by al1 the poetic visions. '"In the first volume of EVP (p. 1 1 ). Renou understands dhénii as speech in the form of
prayer in 4:58:6. and in subsequent volumes considers it to mean a stream of milk (3: l:9)LL8
or of prayer (7:9~:4)."~
According to Hanns-Peter Schmidt's sîudy of the tem. the primarymeaning of d é n i is "rnilk-stream. nourishing stream" and its figurative sense is "nounshingstream of speech." The two senscs. however. are nevcr diss~ciated.'~~Dhénii is derived
from dhqv '(-&a) "to suck," in the way a calf sucks its mothcr's milk in the way the poetwishes ro suck Sarasvati's breast (1: 16449). Thus dhénü would be that which is sucked.
As verbalized inspired thoughts. the flows of speech (dhénah) are said to run together likerivers. being punfied inside by the heart. the rnind (4:58:6ab): sum-vak sravanti sarito na
II?

Translation by Hanns-Peter Schmidt in 1975, p.173. For another occurrence of dhena with dht see
794:4. for instance: indre agnh nïimo brhd suïyktim érqamahe dhiyci dhéni av-r,ivab ,.I "En incira, en
Agni (estnotre) haut hommage: nous mettons en branle l'hymne-bien-tournée, Ies coulks (de prières réalisées)
par la vision-poétique, nous qui cherchons (votre) assistance."(Translation by Rcnou in EVP vol. 14. p.56.)
II3

E.g. vol. 12, p.49.

t 19

E.g. vol. 14. p.56. His comment, however, that dhena is "un aspect potitique de Y&"
as Schmidt (1975, p. 170) remarks, entirely unclear, as it is too vague.
''O

1975. p. 179. Schmidt also provides a nimmary of other interpretaûons of dhénü.

(vol. 14, p. 127) is,dhénü antar h.

munasü ~.vamümïh/'"From Dhf to Vic

hi' is obviousiy connected with v8c. speech.'" for inspired thought not only precedes
its utterance. but the utterance itself is nothing but dhf in different. i.e. vcrbalized. form.
Cv& is thus dhf. and yet dhf is not v9c. for inspired thought undergoes some modificationwhilc being transformed into speech. The translation of dh; into v& is likcned to weaving(2:28:5c):mo'tanlu.< chedi va~varodhlvam me

Let the thrcad (warp of the loom) not be cut off
while I weave my inspired thought [into a poem].
RV 10:71:2ab statcs that they who are thoughtful (dhfrâh)have produced speech with theirminci1"puriQing it like (barley) grits with a sieve: s u h m iva tNaiina pununto yatra d h hrnhnasi v&am akrata / The diflerent stages in the transformation of inspired thought(dhitî)into speech in the form of brbhrnan are described in the Atharva k d a (7: 1:1):
dhid và -vé cina-van vcico ugram
rna!lastï vü yé [a] vadann p6ni /121

Cf. 9:34:6sim enam rihncia inici giro arsanti sasnitah dhehr vaSro avivaiut .

"Ces chants délivrant du mat coulent ensemble vers lui, d'un m h e cours. / (Ledieu) mugissant a fait mugirles vaches-laitières." (Translation by Renou in EVP ~01.8, p.20.)'= EW vol. 1. pp. l fi; a n d a 1985, pp.49-50.
" > On ohoc herhand, according to 8:100: 1 14 v& was created by the gods: de*
dm*.

&am

ajanayanta

They who through inspired thought ied to the begiming of speechor they who in their mind spoke truths. having grown through thethird formulation. with the fourth [formulation] they undmtood
the name of the milch COW.'~'

The cow, as we have seen. represents inspired thought: she rouses speech. for shc is
the finder of words ( ~ a c o v i d ) .Appropnately.
'~
she is asked to invigoratc the praiser: "Thecow should strengthen him [the poet (knni)] with ber] nourishrnent. with ber] milk"(7:68:9c isB tue vardhad ughtrva puvobhfi ). Speech is also cailed a milc h cow (8: I OC): I 1ddhenzir vik). It might be added that dhén6 is both a Stream of milk from the uddcr and theflow of speech fiom the m ~ u t h . " ~Similar to dhira is vipra. an ecstatic seer. '" &ru

cornes from the mot vip '?O

tremble. shake. quiver." Born with the faculty of dhi(8:6:28c dh&; vipro ajaavatci// )."' thevipro is closely connected with vdc (3:8:5d): devav; vipra ud ivarti &am// Thnie vipra as

speaker. therefore. conveys dhf into v6c in the fonn of vibrating metrical words. lg

124

AV 7: 1 :1 is discussed by 'Thieme ( 1952, p. 106 [repr. 197 1. p. I 151j. The "name of the milch cow," as heexplains, is a mysUc expression for the p t i c formularion of a secret tnith ("dicherische Formulienmg einer
gehcirnen Wahrheit").

"' 8:101:Ma. See pp.28 abovç.
l 7

A !si can indeed be a vipra. as indicated in 426: lb aham kok$vâm iqir asmi vbr@"' In 8:6:28c the vipipm is Indra a Soma. See Geldner's note in 195 1. vo1.2. p.297.

v. Sarasvati and V ' C

Thus since dhf and v6c walk hand in hand so to speak. Sarasvati. who is repeatedly
associated with dhi in the Rg Céda. is. in tum. by way of dhf. implicitly connected withv&. As shc grants inspired thought. she rnakes its manifestation in the fonn of poetry or

prayer. and thus speech, possible. ~ h ftherefore,.
over which she presides ( 1:3: 12c).

isfundamental to the gradua1 rapprochement and evennial identification of Sansvati withspeech. In fact. alrcady in the eg léda. the river goddcss and specch share common
imagery and metaphoncal language. which thus also bring them together. Their association.
never exprcssed in the &g léda. was nevertheless prcsent at the lcvel of h a 1 pcrformedon the banks of the Sarasvati. for the recitation of inspired hymns accompanied offerings
into the sacred fire. The connection of the river goddess wi th the recitation and hcnce alsowith the composition of hymns would inevitably have contnbuted to her connection withinspired thought. and in the long run with specch. It is. Furthermore. not without significanceand subsequent impact that her associate Bhiirati. known as hdrü bho'rati. is connectedwith speech in the fom of recitation.13' Just as Sarasvati will corne to be identified with
VZc, she and Bharati. by the tirne of the Pumas. will be one and the same. And thus wefind in the BMddevatû of the Iate Puranic p e n d"'that V5c is called BhZrati (5: 101).

Another point of connection between Sarasvati and v& is sound common to both the130

See p.25 above.

IJI

See pp.21-22 above.

"' The &izaddevata. an cxegetical text intended to explain the deities of the Rg Veda and the e p i d e s
mlakd to them. dates back according to Macdonell (1904 [repr. 19651, pt. 1, p.xxiii) to Ca. 400 B.C.E.
Muneo Tokunaga's extensive study of the text (1997). however, shows the &te of the legends contained
therein may not go beyond the middle of the first millennium C.E. Furthmore, the text was cornpIetely
revised and expanded between the scventh century and 1 187 C.E. (pp.xxiii-xlv).

herself is beyond the earth and the sky ( 10: 125:8c).la
Her aquatic womb. even if only symbolic. links her with Sarasvati, as does her

all-pervasiveness. for the river goddess too filis more realrns than one. the earth and thewidc space in between (6:6 1: 1lab).'* Vat, however. extends beyond these realms. beyond
even the creator himself. She sets creation in motion by giving birth to the father and thus
becoming a creator herself. like the waters. producers of al! that is fixed and moves(6:50:7d).lG Likened to the wi nd and enabli ng beings to brcathe. Vàc is also closely

connected with breath. with the element air. as speech is dependent on it. As an unseen.
ail-pervading power. producing. sustaining, and extending beyond creation. she is said tobe the prototype of the ütrnan-bruhman the Upanisads." In the ditare~vuBrühmana (4:2 1: 1).

the two are identical: brohmu vai vük. Since brahmup in the Rg t éda very offen stands forhyrnns or stanzas accompanying the ~itual.'~'the two were closely relatcd ai the level ofspeech even then (RV 10: 1 148d):
yrivad brrihma vi:~!hitamtihati vdk //As far as brahman is extended. so far is ~ 6 c . l ' ~145

See p. 18 above.

146

EVP vol. 1. p. 1. Geldner ( 195 1, vo1.3. p.355) says this hymn represents one of the early stages of the

pwa-brahman4tmm docrrine. in later conception, however. Viic is nearest to Om, the sound symbol ofbrtihman, It is not without interest that just as in the Rg Veda. Vâc is divided into four quarters (1 :164:45), so
is Om (as A L ! in the Mandükya Cpaniyad (9-12). (My intention here is simply to point to the common
fourfold division, for it is impossible to identify correspondences between the respective quarters. as in thecase of Vic they are largeiy undefined.)
147

WP voL1. p.1; Gonda M O , p.14.

1 48

Cf. AV 7: 1 :1 qwted on pp.33-34 above.

In this sense, therefore. Vàc extends beyond Sarasvati. who is very much withincreation. flowing through it rather than transcending it. Her very being lies in her creativc.
iife-giving waters which embody her inexhaustible plenitude and strength. As a powerfil
mother. she gives, she nourishes. she protects. She is the river of inspired thought. the grcat
flood of dhf. And as inspired thought is transmutcd into recitation. into v&. she mars withjoy. dancing from the mountains to join the occan.

f. Studies on the Transformationof Sarasvati: h m River to Speech

The transformation of Sarasvati into Sarasvati-Vic has bem the subject of very linle

discussion. Macdonell, for instance. suggcsted Sarasvati's heating of Indra through speechin the C'üjusaneyi Samhirci ( 19: 12)'" as the starting point.'M But why should she havesuddcnly resorted to speech if she had had no direct connection with Vàc in the f?g Céda ?

Oldenberg lookcd further back and perceptively noted Sarasvati's fùoction as inspirer ofhymns in the i?g Léda (6:61:4c).'" Others. such as Hill~brandt'~'and ~eith.'" suggested
geography: it was especidly here. on the banks of the Sarasvati. that Vedic culture flourishedand sacred hymns were recited. Amongst more recent studies. Ain in his book on Sarasvati

in Vedic literature (1977) does oot. surprisingly. discuss why her identification with speech

See p.49 below.
1897, p.87.

1923, p.248. note 1. Although Oldenberg does not gwe a reference for "Fôdçrin der Gebete" (p.348).
6:61:4c (dhindm rivif& avm : ) is the passage he spcaks oî.

'" 1981. p.399. note 114.
'" 1925. vol. 1, p. 173.

rnight have occurred Khan in his volume on Sarasvati in Sanskrit literature (1978) Statesthat "The sacred waters of the river Sarasvati. infused life into the people residing dong its
banks and this fiesh life was the cause of the holy speech in the form of sacred hymns.
which led them to identiQ the river with speech or conceive it as goddess of speech."lY

Kanailal Bhattacharyya in his monograph on Sarasvati (1983) thinks 'the principal idea
underlying the concept of these two deities-V5c

and Sarasvati-isthat of good fortune

which b ~ n g sin blissful prosperity and abundance."'" He adds that the identification ismade possible by shared characteristics and association with a oumber of the same deities.
such as the manils and the ASvins. Is6
There is only one study which actually discusses the factors that contributed to theidentification of the river goddns with speech: Jan Gonda's Pù~arza11dSarusvutz publishedin 1985, the first five chapters of which deal with the Vedic Sarasvati (as opposed to thesequence suggestd by the title). Here Gonda collects the relevant Vedic passages andconcludes that Sarasvati-Vàc owes her existence to four fiindamentai factors. to each ofwhich he dedicates roughly one chapter: Sarasvati's association with the ritual goddessn
Ida/Ilâ and Bhirati (chapter 2); Sarasvati's identification with the cow. who was associatedwith Viic (chapters 3-4); the relationship of the cow and Sarasvati with dhf(chapter 4): andthe primeval Waters as the source of Vàc (chapter 5).15'
As the first study on the subject, Gonda's efforts are to be commended. His treatmentof the subject, however, presents a number of significant problerns which cannot beoverlooked. Because he works in a kind of historical vacuum. jumping from one text to thened without consideration of chronological order,'" his study canot provide a picture of
the gradua1 conceptual development of the Vedic Sarasvati. The ordcr in which he discusses
the factors that contributcd to the identification of Sarasvati with V5c. furthermore. isunfortunately not wcll thought out and hence appears somewhat random. As the trajectoryis from river to speech, Gonda's fint chapter is about the river goddess. He relegates a

discussion of the waters, howevcr. to whom she as a river is particularly close, to the final
chapter on Sarasvati. As he himself points out. she "owes her most important Functions andqualities to her being one of thc waters."Is9

Speech-the end of thc trajectory-+n theother hand. is taken up in the middle (third) chapter.
1 also think Gonda overemphasizes certain points. and does not lend enough weightto others. It is odd that he does not include the recitation of hymns on Sarasvati's banks

amidsi the leading factors that contributed to the identification of Sarasvati with Vac.
Furthmore. dhf is not even given a chapter to itself. and is instead subsumed under theheading of the cow. As I have tned to show in my discussion above. Sarasvati's connection
with dhf. related to the recitation of hymns on her banks. was absolutely fundamental in theprocess of her transformation. The cow imagery. on the other hand. appears to lend secondary
support to the ~arasvati-dhf.and also Vic. connection. As for Gonàa's founh and final
factor regarding the waters as the source of Vâc. it seems to me rather unconvincing as afundamental argument. for the waters. as we have seen. are the producers of all that isfixed and movcs (6:50:7d). and hence not just of Vàc. There is only one instance in the
Even the medievat-and thus pst-Vedic by far-Byhaddevara is rnixed in amidst the Vedic texts.
1985, p.55.

entire &g Veda (10:125:7b). it must be emphasized, in which the waters are identified as

the source of Vàc. Besides this one instance. there is nothing. as far as 1 am aware. toindicate that the waters and Vàc should have any particular relationship.
Gonûa presents his material in the f o n of mues of references and quotations. withoccasional and exceedingly brief-one would almost say concealed-observations
conclusions. His study is ncither an easy nor a convenient read.

and2.Athan.t~Vedaa. Wo rldly Matters

In the .-khawa Céda. Sarasvati appears as a healer and a life-giver. signs of whichwere already evident in the &g Léda. some of whosc stanzas are repeated h m : not only
does water as such carry within it lifc-giving and healing propertics.' but Sarasvati was andis specifically invoked to grant progeny (RV 2:41: 17d r AV 7:68:1d)' and to place theembryo in a woman's womb (RV 10:184:2b = AV ~ : 2 ~ : 3 bIn) .the~ dtharva C'eh she iscalled upon. togethcr with Agni. SaviF. and Brahrna~aspati.in a prayer for the recovery ofvirility.' She is sought afier to remedy defccts in body. speech. and action.' to destroy
pois0n.b and. togethcr with Heavcn. Earth. Indra. and Agni. to cure worms.' Already in theI

S e pp. 16 abovc.
For RV 2 4 1:1 74 sce p. 14. note 25 above.

AV 7:68: 1 d prajdm devi rurasva nah
3g a r b h q dhehi sarmati.

' 4:4:M dhanur ivâ ranaycï pcisah .
5757: 1 yarl &&a vuduto me victtkpbhé ycid ycicarntinaq cçirato jinam anu ' yad atmani ranvo me
virig!um sarasvari trid 6prnad ghMna :" M a t has gone wrong ( v i - W h )on the part of me speaking with expectation, what of [me] going about
among people begging, what in myself of my body is tom apart-that may Sarasvati t'il1 up with ghee."(Translation by William Dwight Whitney in 1905, vol.1, p.427.)
6

6: 100:Icd tistrih sarasvatir aduh scicina v*d&anam.

"... the three Saramatis have gwen, accordant, the poison-spoiler."(Whitney 1905. vol. 1, p.354. )The three Sarasvatis are discussed on p.46 below,' 5:23: lcd ore me &&~prthivi &a devi saramari btuu m a i n h i cagnii ca @ni$ jambhayariün iti

î?g Veda and again here she is said to have cured Indra (RV 10: 131:5d = AV 20: 125:5d).'n u s she gives and sustains Life: where various forms of pr@a are worshipped so is ~ h e . ~And within life. her assistance-together with Mrtra, Vampa. the midde and two ends ofthe Earth-issought in matters of love." She is also invoked in marriage ceremonies."

where the bride is asked to pay homage to her." Connected. above all. with this world andmatters of this world shc is asked to protect the invoker from the "earthly" ( l6:4:4):

Let Sürya protect me h m the &y. Agni fiom the earth.
Viiyu from the space in betwecn. Yama from men.
Sarasvati from the earthly.13"Workcd in ( d a )for me [are] heavenanderth; workd in lis] divine Sarasvati; worked in for mc [are] both
Indra and Agni: to the effect 'let them (dualj grind up the wom."' (Whitney 1905, vol. 1, p.262.)
3

surasvari ma maghavan abhiyak.

'ïhis incident is elabratcd in great detail in the Ihbr Ve& and other texts. See pp.47ff. below.
6:4 1 :2 apin$a ~ a n d y pran&aabh6ridhâyase ' sdrasvatya uruvace vidhéma haves vayam'Tu expiration. to perspiration (y&), to breath the much nourishing, to Samsvati the wide cxtending, woufd

we pay worship with oblation." (Whitney 1905, vol. 1, p.3 1 1. )"Unto me let Mitra-and-Vanqa. unto me divine Sarasvati, unto me let the middle of the artb. let both [its]ends fling (sam-as)thee." (Whitney 1905, vol. 1, p.347.)
11

142: 15b prati tigha virid asi n$nur iïehu samsvati ( 142: t 5ab)

"Stand firm, virüj art thou; as it were. Visnu here, O Sarasvati.."" l4:2:2&d adho sarasvatyai nün pitfbhyai ca namas h m(Whitney 1905, vo1.2. p.756.)'flr"... then, O woman, do thou pay homage to Sarasvati and to the Fathers." (Whitney 1905. vo1.2. p.757.)
13[t is not clear what the "rarthly" Cpbrthiva ) refers to. In the Matva Veda. phhiva occurs twenty-fivetimes. Eight of the occurrences are repetitions of the Rg Veda: AV 7:26: 1 (7:27:
1 1; 7 5 1:1 (7:49: 1); 8:4:23;
14: 1 5 : 18:1:46; 19:11:2. 4; 20:121:2b. nie rest are independent, although two are identical: 2 2 8 3 ; 2:29: 1;
4: I:4; 4:25:2; 9:s:14; 10:9:6: 1 1:7:21; 1 1:6:8a (1 1:8:8a); 14:1:3; 16:4:4; 19:9:7; I9:N: 1; 20: 17:l2b=20:87:ib:

Sarasvati's connection with matters of this world in the ,-Manta t éda reflects thecharacteristic orientation of the text itseif. Furthemore, as shc is on several occasions
invoked together with other gods. as in the request for assistance in mattea of love
(6:89:3). in the prayer for the recovery of vinlity (4:4:6d). and in the çuring worms(5:23:lcd). these functions cannot bc consmieci as characteristically her own. Her healing
faculties (Le. the healing of Indra in 20: 1255d) and granting of progeny (5:25:3b;758: id)are by no means new functions attributcd to her in the .4iharva Céda. but are found. rather.
in passages lifted directly fkom the Rg C'eda. Hence. although her involvement in mattersof this world in the context of the Atharva &da cannot be dcnied. it is. at the same tirne.
clearly related to this contcxt.

b. Sarasvatl and Vac

Of greater significance in the drharvu Chia. on the other hand. is Sarasvati's
identification with speech (5:7:5ab): ... vüc6 scirasvavi ... It is by way of Sarasvati thatworshippers cal1 on vdc ( 5 :10: 8):
20:36:8b. 9b; 20:70:6b.'Ihese occurrences of&hivu are often in contrast with divyu (e.g. 9:6:14). and haveto do with plants (2:29:1). animals (e.g. 2:28:3), beings-human (e.g. 14:1:3.5) or otherwise (e.g.
20:70:6&spaces (e.g. 7:27:1 r a j a ) or worlds (e.g. 95:14), treasures (e-g. 20:87:T), and ütpcitus (19:9:7).
(Whitney translates urpc~'tasas "ponents." 'Ihe meaning. however, is nat entirely clear. ) ïhe greatest numberof references, however, are to earthly spaces (fivc times: 4: 1:4; 727: 1; 18: f :46; 19:47: 1; 20:70:6), to which
may be added loka (9:5:14; 10:9:6) and j&uf (20:36:9). Although the superior number of occurrences ofpiinhiva within a spaciaVgeographica1 context is clearly insuficient gmunds for interpreting the passage
connected with Sarasvati in the same lighi. it does show a preferential use of the tenn. which, not insignificantly,
happens to be directly in line with the p4'tthivani (earthly [spaca]) o f RV 6:61: 1 la, which Sarasvati fills(apaprziii pûnhivàni.. ) (see p. 12 above). Nevertheless. one may wonder how the carthly spaces differ h m
the earth which Agni protects fmm.

sarasva~.vGvicam zipa hva-vümuhernano~nijï//By Sarasvati. mind-yoked. we cal1 unto speech.'"In RV 8: 13:26d (dhivam manoyijam // ) and 9: 100:3a (mimdh[vutp mono-viijarn).dhf. withwhich Sarasvati is so closely associated." is yoked with the mind. Sarasvatyâ rnanqwijii inthe above Aiharva Léda passage (5: 10:8) recalls this connection. while the invocation of
speech by way of Sarasvati clearly asserts. at the very least. her closeness with v&. As wehave scen.16 speech and inspired thought are inextricably related. as v6c expresses dhf at
the verbal level. The production of speech. however. by the thoughtful (the dhfrüh) is by
way of manas: ybtra d h h rnanosü v<icum akra~o(RV 10:71:2b). In the Atharva I'eda.
then. they cal1 on speech by mcans of Sarasvati. who is associatcd with dhf. and yokedwith the min& the channel. so to speak. connecting inspired thought with speech. Both inreflecting back to the eg I'edo. if not paralleling some of its passages. and in explicitly
showing the closeness of Sarasvati and speech, who are already identified in AV S:7:5ab.
AV 5:10:8 ninctions as a bridge in the conceptual development of Sarasvati. In the Rg

Veda. the goddess was implicitly connected with speech by way of dhf. AV 5:lO:gab
provides almost a minor image of the Rg Zgéda. in that what was implicit is made explicit(vdc-connection), while what was explicit is referred to implicitly (dhf-connection).

14

is
16

Whitney 1905, vol. 1, p.236.

Sce pp.25-26 above.
See pp.33-34 above.

c. The Three Sarasvat&

Another point of interest in the dtharva téda is the mention of the three Sarasvatis(risrah sarasvatih ) in 6: 100: 1c. The three are undou btedly the three goddesses Sarasvati.
I!à. and Bhàrati. who are o f t e n i n al1 of the Apn hymns of the Rg Iéda-referrcd

tisrb dev.

to as

(RV 1: 139; 1: l4Z:g; 1: 188:8; 2:3:8: 3:4:8; 5 5 % ; 7:2:8; 9 5 8 : 10:70:8; 10:1 10:8;

AV 5: 12:8). Although S5yana interprets the tisrah sa ras vu^ either as Sarasvati in thefom of the tra-vfvidva' (Le. &, Süma. Yajur Vedas) or as the thrce goddesses. on1y thesecond option is possible because the first represents a later interpretation. not only ofSarasvati as goddess of knowledge and mother of the Vedas. but also of the ~ravfvidv6 as
suck"

The reference to the goddesses as risr* sbrasvatih. however. is not to be interpreted

as an identification of the thrce. where Il3 and BhZrati merge to become two other foms of
the one Sarasvati. Rather. just as the sapu hoziimh (e.g. RV 8:60:16a; cf. AV 4:24:3c). for

instance." it is an elliptical plural designating three separate figures. Although Sarasvati
later cornes to be identified with Bharati, here the plural indicates the association of thethree goddesses with one another and Sarasvati's predorninance arnoagst them.

For the understanding of trqi in the sense of rra-yï vidya, see Whtiingk and Ruth 1855-75. vol.3, p.4 15,
under nqf.
18

The sapta hotarab are the hotar, the u&vuryu, the ptaSastor. the pïitar, the purcihita, ihe agni&. andrhe n e w (Ckldner 1951, vol. 1, p.430. note on RV 4:9:3-5). who ot'ficiate at the sacrifice.

3. Yajur Veda

In the liturgical Yujw hda. Sarasvati finds herse1f in a highly ritualistic environment.
Her waters are barely mentioned (VS 20:86; 34: 1 1 2' and yet their healing and life-giving

properties are embodied in thc physician Sarasvati. and their sound in hm identity withvac.

a. The Sautrâmaw Ritual

The Sautfimani ritual appears in both the Black and the White Yajw I<éda.and isintendcd to ward off various foms of evil in the sacrificcr's personal life and to assure
success. victory. etc.? It revolves around the mythical çurc of sittr&ay- (whose protection

is good) Indra. fiom whose epithet it denves its name. Sufking fiom excessive indulgencein soma. Indra is cured by Sarasvati and the AÇvins.

i. Rg Veda Background

The incident is already mentioned in the Rg Céda ( 1 O: 13 1 5):

puirum iva pitarüv aSvhobli[6&drüvathuh k a y a k darirsanàbhih /-vat sur ha^ yupibah Sacibhfi
sdrusvaii tvü maghavann rrbhi~ak//
As parents [favour their] son, so bath Aivins [have favoured
Indra]. O Indra! [O Aivins!] You two have favoured [Indra] witha seer's insights and wonderous powers.
O rnighty one! When with your abilities you drank to separate[the soma from] the surho (mixture of the spirituous liquorsirû and soma). [then] Sarasvati healed hou].'
Although this stanza indicates that Indra ûrank to separate [the soma from] the surama
mixture. the immediatcly previous one ( RV 10: 13 1:4) says the Aivins did:ywam surhnam &na namucüv isuré sacü /
vipipànd Siîbhas pati indram karmosv Üvatam //Drinking to separate the surha at the place of Namuci the demon.
you ASvins. lords of beauty. have helped Indra in his deeds.
So the act in the service of Indra attributed to the Aivins in 10: 131:4 is apparently repeatedin 10: 131 5 . but this time by Indra himself. At any rate. the skill-requinng task of dnnking
so as to scparate the soma from the siiro4 implies the performance of an intentional.

Translation by W m e r Knob1 (private communication). As Geldnm notes (1951, vo1.3, p.364, note on
10: 131:Sab). the constmction is a oddly confked in that Indra should appear in the accusative (indrom)
instead of the vocative. As for niriman, Ckldner explains (vol.3. p.363. notc on 10:13 1:4a) that it can besuru-ama, either a genetive rarpuwa meaning 'tigour of ~" or a bahuvn'hi to the Unplied soma which
has the strength of sirci. or siru- with seçondary suffix -ma. Whcn Indra drank to separate (vi-cipibai)thesumma, he may have drunk the soma tmom out of a mixture. According to Geldner (195 1. vo1.3. p.364).
mr&a is "geschnapster (Soma)" and thus is a mYr of nini and soma.

VS 2059 and TB 2:6: 12:2 recount how Namuci gave Indra soma mixed with srira (and with the blood of
Namuci according to Mahidhara). Thereby Narnuci gained power over Indra. and soma becarne impure. To
restore soma, the ASvins and Saramati provideciassistance. S e Bloomfield 1890-93, pp. 143-163.
Not unlikr the ability to separate either soma (VS 19:74) or in later texts milk from water attributed tothe hamsa. For the haiya see pp. 151-53 klow.

controlled task rather than a perhaps unintentional. certainly undisciplineci, excessive
indulgence in soma. as represented in the later accounts surrounding the Sautramani ntual.

ii. Myth and Ritual

The claborate story is found in the Iajur Iéda. most notably in the L'ajasaneyi
Sumhitü (19-21). and the rite itself is then described in the Briihmanas and the srauta

Sfitras. It takes four days to perform (catüràtrci).but the main sacrifice is on the final day.

whcn offerings of milk. the spirituous liquor slirti. vanous animais.' and thirty-three libationsof fat gravy obtained fiom cooking the victims are presented to Indra. Sarasvati. and the
Aivins. The mythical story is re-cnacted.6 as the sacrificer takes the part of Indra and theofficiants assume the roles of the twins and Sarasvati. consuming. during the ritual. part ofthe oblations.'
Accompanied by the Aivins as physicians. the physician Sarasvati bestows on Indra
his charactenstic qualities (indflvcini) by means of v&.'

She weaves his inner formq9

making. by means of mdnas. a beautifid body for him." She and the Aivins are in his

A he-goat is offeted ta the Aivins. a ram to Sarasvati, and a bull to Indra.

According to SB 12:7:3:6, Indra. Sarasvati. and the Asvins w m the first perfomen of the Sautramani.

Gonda 1980, pp.65, 9 1.
VS 19:12 dm4 yajfiûm afanvara bhqajcitp bh&aj&inüv&

s a ~ s v a t ibhis;ag indrtiyendn'ycini

mouth." and she produces his yümi breath and nose hairs." As consort of the ASvins. shebears the well-formed embryo within her womb:

sarasvati -vbny&a gcirbharn orttar
ahibhyiiy puai s l i h bibhorti / l 3.iivibl@m can be undentood either as instrumental. or as dative. or as ablative. Taken as

instrumental, it can be construed with sli&am

as %el1 made by the ASvins." Taken as

dative, it can be construed with bibharti as "she bears for the ASvins." Taken as ablative. it

can be constmed with gurbham as "the embryo from the Aivins."

Sarasvati gives Indra his faculties (indn:v&i)14 and through prâna. his man1y energy(vl-lyam).

"iii. Sarasvati and the ASvins

The association of Sarasvati and the Aivins occurs, in the Rg Céda. in the above
mentionedverse ( 10: 131:5) refemng to their cooperative healing of Indra and in an incantation"

VS 19:88ab = MS 3: 1 l:g[lM.2] = KS 38:3[103.20] ETB 2:6:4:4abmùWrarit sàd asya iira it satena jihvd pavitram aCvin&int saramati" VS 19:90cd = MS 3:l l:g[I54.7 = KS 38:3[104.4]
sarmaty upavàkair v)nnby nisyani bahir b a h a i r jajanaa" VS 19:94ab = MS 3:1 l:g[lSS.1 1 = KS 38:3(KM, Il]= TB 2:6:4:6ab' VS 2058ab = MS 3:11:3[14j.ijj = KS 38:8(109.12]= TB 2:6:12:2abajtihvan'onasarasvathtdrüyendriydni viryàrn
1S

VS 20:80b prânéna s a m a t i v1r)làm

Cf.VS 2058 above.

for safe pregnancy and delivery (10:184). where vanous go&. including the ASvins andSarasvati ( 10: l84:2), are asked to place the embryo in a woman's womb:
grirbham dhehi sinivdi gurbham dhehi sarasvafi/
ghbham te ahinau de& dhattim piskarasraja //aPlace the embryo. O Sinivali; place the embryo. O Sarasvati;
Let the heavenly Aivins. lotus-garlanded. place the embryo[into] your [wornb].
While Sarasvati in the &g Veda is implicitly comected with healing by way of water,
for al1 remedies dwell in the waters. the ASvins have behind them a long, successful. andminutely recorded career as physicians and succourers. The inseparable twins arc divine
physicians famcd in the &g Céda for their succouring power illustrated in numaous legendï.

They restore sight to the blind. cure the emaciatcd. and mend those of whom something isbroken.16 They also rclease the agcd from decrepitudc by restoring their youth.17

iv. Sarasvaii and Indra

Like Indra. Sarasvati is called a Vmslayer in the Rg Veda (6:61:7c vpaghni).
Although v-rtramay refer to enemies. as explained in Émile Benveniste and Louis Renou's

16

I O:39:3cd andhhya cin nisupu eSbsya c i d ~ w â mid âhur bhisajâ mthsyu cit ,.!

17

1:1 17:13ab JUV&c)&Onam &ina jaran-pinar yivrirram cakratiru&Scicibhih

study of v.m0 and vrOr~gna.'~
the overwhelming personality of Indra causes the termv-mahan to cal1 to minci the god's exploits or to solicit his invocation even while being

applied to another divinity. in the &g ÇD&. however. it is not simply a name of Indra. as is
the case in subsequent texts. Traces of its independent use. according toen ou.'^ can befound in its application to Soma (e.g. 1 :9 1:Sb) and to the Aivins (8:8:9.22)?' for instance.

In accord with the nature of her waters. Sarasvati readily takes on a fierce. combative
character." In the context of the stanza in which shc is called v~raghnr'(RV 6:61:7).

Indra's epithet fits in perfectly. reflecting her temfjhg power:
uta syii tzah sarasvati ghord hiranyavurtanill/vnraghnf vagi sugutirn //Mais la-cétèbre Sarasvati, la terrifiante. aux rails d'or.
tueuse d'ennemis. elle veut de nous la bonne louange."
As vflraghnf here is the only occurrence in the feminine in the Rg Ce& (as against 106

occurrences of' the masculine vprahan). it identifies Sarasvati as an especially powemil

fighter. singlh g h m out from amongst al l fernales.

Two stanzas pnor to this. she is also compared to lndra (6:61:5):

19

tbid., p. 115-16, 1 17. ïhe Iranian tradition strongly suggests that Vmhan was originatly an independent
figure unconnected with Indra. In India, the warrior-like Vpahan woufd have passed on his traits to Indra,
becorning a colourless epithet applied to various divinities. Fmrn v.mahh, Renou suggests, the figure ofV p a would have crnerged, crystallizing around lndra in the form of a dragon, obstmtor of waters.
?O

The twins are "most Indra-Iike" ( 1:182:h indratama ) and are twice addressed as "you two minent
Vm-slayers" (8:8:9c, 22c vfirahantami).The context of the stanzas, however, is everything but combative.
The knevoIent twins are not so much fightm and slayers, but rather more the "celestial Red Cross."'
7.7

See pp. 14- 15 above.

Translation by Renou in EVP vol. 15, p. 131. As Renou notes (EVPvol. 15, p. 1321, hirogymanani is anepithet usual to the Aivins.

Celui qui t'adresse la parole. ô déesse. ô Sarasvati. quand l'enjeu
a été placé. comme (on s'addresse à) Indra quand (il s'agit de)surmonter les résistances..?

In another instance. she together with the maruts is asked to conquer enemies. and while
she is mentioned side by side with Indra. he kills the ~ a n d i k achiefiain (RV 2:30:8)?
Sarasvati and Indra are. furthemore. associated in their respective benevolent aspects. as
when King Citra's generosity is said to be comparable only to theirs (RV 8:2 1: 1 7)."Moreover. there is a possibility that her epithet p&avi

kmv& (RV 6:49:7a) may beconnected with Indra, for although his weapon. the thunderbolt. is usually referred to as avajra. in one instance it is called a ptiviravu (RV 1: 174:4b)? This would make hcr the23

Translation by Renou in EVP vol. 15, p. 131.

'4

sÛr<r~vatirvun osmâm avvdhi maniivari dhrgan'jesi iacimin &am cic chârdhantam ravig).umanam
hdm hanti v r s a b h b ~icbdikanam :;3

indro va ghéd &an magham saramat~v a subhïigâ dadir vcisu tvam va cirra diiiz$e;

Citra seems to have been one of several kings who lived on the banks of the Sarasvati (RV 8:2 1 :I8ab citra id
râla r a j a G id anyak2 yakè sirasvatim anu. ).

Une might aiso consider 6:52:6ab, where Indra cornes near accompanied by Sarasvati swelling with rivers:
indm nediqham avasâgamighah saramati sindhubhib pinvamonà ("india, (car c'est lui qui est) le mieux
venant a l'aide, de la façon la plus proche: Sarasvati gonfle [gonflant] avec les fleuves..."EVP vol.5. p.37)'-6

1:174:4ab iesun nu tb indra shmin yonau pr&astoye pâvitavasya m a h ~"Qu'ils reposent donc, ces (ennemis),en un même séjour, ô Indra, pour la gIorification du foudre, puissamment!"(Translationby Renou in EVP vol. 17, p.5 1 -)daughter of Indra's thunderbolt. "la fille de la foudre" as translated by ~ergaigne."
Geldner. however, undentands both pciviravi kaqv6 (RV 6:49:7a)" and phiravi (RV
10:65: 13a)" as the daughter of Paviru. whom ~rassman.~'Ludwig.' and ~ 0 t h render~'aslightning. Likewiseinterprets pihiravi kat$to mean "la fille de l'éclair." Theirinterpretation of Pavini as lightning seems to be based on taking pi vira^ and ratz-~utii(thunder) together in lO:6S: l3a. in which case the daughter of Paviru is thunder whichariscs kom lightning (Pavini) and thus makes her the daughter of lightning. Phiravi andtqaizi. however. need not be taken together. for they appear arnidst a list of divine

figures. of which they may well be two separate ones: p6viravi ta~iyatliré h p i d ajb divb

dhard shdhur ipah samirdriyah / vihe devisah S.mavan vciciimsi me sarasvoii sahad h i m pirar~dh~và//
At any rate. the possible conncction with Indra is only if the pbvtruva is taken as his

weapoa (RV 1: 174:4b). It is. after ail. Indra who releases the nven by slaying Vm withhis vujru (e.g. RV 1 :6 1 :1 Oa-c)."t 963. vol. 1, p.252.

1951, voI.2, p.150.
195 1, ~01.3,p.239.
1873. pp.795, 809.
1876, vol. 1, p.232, no.216 for 6:49:7a; vol. 1 , p.247.no.227 for I0:65:13a.

Bohtiingk and Roth 1855-75, voi.4, p.696.

W vo1.5, p.32.
myéd ewi javasa @tintam M vHcud vajrepa vrtrim i n d e , gd na vrüed ovank amu&at. ..

"C'est par sa seule force qu'Indra a déchiquee du foudre V p a qui souffrait. Les rivières, enfermées commedes vaches, il les libéra..."(Translation by Renou in EVP vol. 17, p.24.)

The Rivets as Indra's Wives

Nevertheless. the rivers are Indra's. the bull's. wives. rather than his daughten (,RV
5:42: 12b):

drjrnti~asoapaso yé suhktti v!s!zah patnir nadvh vibhvatagfih /sarusvati brhaddivbt8 r& daias~vhztirvarivayvantu 34bhr* //Les maîtres de maison acti fs-à4 'oeuvre. (les Rb hu) aux bonnes
mains. les Rivières épouses du taureau (Indra). façonnées par
Vibhvan Sarasvati (venue) du haut du ciel. ainsi que Raki. lesbrillantes (déesses).qu'elles se montrent larges. (nous) honorantdignement! "'Ihis staaza presents some dificulties in that Sarasvati appears to be mentioned twice: as ariver. she is neccssarily one of Indra's wives. and yet her name appears in the second haifof the stanza as if she were not intended to be included amongst the riven. According toS à y a q her mention may refer either to the river of that name or to her as the goddess

speech." Perhaps the Rg Iéda poet wished to single her out as the greatest of rivers andplaced her. as a goddess. together with Râkà. another goddess. As spouse of Indra. it isindeed appropriate that his epithet vnrahin in the ferninine fom (6:61:7c vnraghni) should

be applied to her. and even more so only to her. since she is king singled out fiom
amongst al1 nvers in 5:42: 12.

-- Translation by Renou in EVP voI.5, p.23.
tC

36

sarasvari erumtimikà nad vüg devi và (Rig-Veda-Samhitb: The Sacred Hymns ofrhe Brühmans rogerher
with the Commenta? of SU,anaChürpz, 1890-92, voI.2, p.585).

In the same stanza (RV 6:49:7) in which Sarasvati is called p6viravi kanyk, she isalso identified as virupatni, 'îvhose husband is a hero." Could this be the same virupaoii as
the river mentioned in RV 1: 1 0 4 4 in a hymn to Indra?
a f i j d kaliif virapotni pavo hinvan; ridabhir bharante //Aiijasi. KuliSi. Virapatni apportent le lait avec leun eaux.
s'incitant (a agir)."
It is. however. entirely unclear who the viru in question might be. and even whether theviruputni of 1: 1044a is Sarasvati. Raghunath ~ i r i ' s "suggestion that it refes to her is anover-interpretation based on insufficient evidence. Even if one wcre to understand thc virain 1: 104:4a to be Indra. since the hymn is dedicated to him. the nven in general-andnotjust Sarasvati (even though she is singled out fiom amongst them in 5:42:12)-as

noted

above in 5142:12b. are the bull's wivcs.

nius virapatni cannot be interpreted as defining Sarasvati's relationship to Indra. As
for p&iravi km$. it may or may not connect ber with Indra. Within the context of the Rgb'eda. it may at best be said that as a river. she is his wife.

37

Translation of 1: 104:kd by Renou in EVP vol. 17, p.39.

38

1977, p. t 7.

Y&r Veda
Mother-consort

In the Yajw Céda. however. Sarasvati's specific relationship to Indra is more clearly
defined. In the Sautrirnaqi. as we have secnJ9 shc functions as his mother (or surrogate
mother). giving him rebirth. On the other hand. she is also. together with I@ and Bhiirati.

Indra's consort (VS 20:343= M S 3: 1 1:1[MO,10- 1 11 = KS 38:6[108.34] = TB 2:6:8:3):

tisro devfr .iavi@ vardhamànaindram%sü!idjaqvo r r a patnib /achintzam taatum pivasa sarasvut[iil& devf bhirati viivatùrtih //The threc goddesses growing by means of oblation. enjoying
Indra like wiveslo Sarasvati. heavenly I@. and allîonquenng
Bhàrati with thcir swelling rnilk [enjoying] the unbrokcn thrwd(warp of the loom) [of sacrifice]...
Although the above stanza only likens the three goddesses to Indra's consorts. in two oiher
passages they are identified as such:

VS 2893... tisrb devfb... indraputnïh...

Sarasvati is thus both mother and consort to Indra. Ambiguity in her relationship to amale figure resurfaces in another form in epic and Puranic lore. where she simuItaneously
19

See p.50 above.

40

Literally, "women who are wives."assumes the roies of daughter and consort in her relationship to Brahmii." derived from theconnection of Vac and Prajiipati in the ~riihmanas.'"Had it been possible to define her
relationship with Indra in the Rg Céda in terms of pivirovi kanv& and virapat~~i.
theparalleis would have been very interesting.
Sarasvati. however. is not only the consort of Indra in the Yajw Iéda. but ais0 that of

the ASvins. and. as such. carries Indra's newly-fashioned body in her womb (VS lY:94ab)."This is indeed a new development. for in the Rg Céda (10: 131:5a), the relationship of thetwins to Indra is Iikened to that of parents to a son: p m i m iva piîiiriïv abinobh6. W i th theelaboration of the incident in the Yujur L'edu. Sarasvati becomes the mother figure. andthus the consort of the ASvins. Already in the Rg Veda she was called most motherly(2:41:16a). invoked to gant progeny (2:41:17d). and rcquestcd ro place the embryo in awoman's womb (10: 184:2b)." As a river. her conncction with life-giving watcrs. her very
being. is far greater than that of the ASvins. Indra is thus regenerated and rebom of thewaters of Iife embodied in Sarasvati's wornb.

b. Sarasvafi and Vàc

The physician Sarasvati. as noted above. bestows on Indra his characteristic qualities

.

41

--

--

-

-

--

See pp. 13 1-35 beIow.

" See pp.70ff. below.
Uu

Quoted and discussed on p.50 above.

n i s e passages are quoted on pp. 13- 14 above.

by means of vdc (VS 19:12cd)." In the Satapatha Br3hmuya. with the fully establishedidentification of Sarasvati and Vàc. it says the ASvins cured Indra by means of speech, forSarasvati is speech (5:5:4: 16):M a -vu?siirasvat6 bhavati / vdg v i i sarasvah vücd v a enam

aSviniv ubhisaj-vatiitp tatho evuinam esa eiad viïcaiva bhigzjvati tasmit siiramatabhavari //In the I'üjasaneyi Sàmhiti (9:30). Sarasvati is either the controller of speech (vacdyarztur). or speech itself (vücb ). who is the controlier (yantiir ):1 place [you] in the control of the controller[.]of speech. of Sarasvati."

The &tapatha Brühmaya (5:2:2:13 ) explains the passage as follows:surasva~uivâcd vatztur var?tHve dadhümfti v i g vhi surasvati tcid
enay vücb eva -vanfiiryan~rfvedodhari //'I place thee in the leading of Sarasvati Vàc. the leader.' PJS
9:30b] for Sarasvati is Vâc: he thus places him in the leading of
Vàc. the leader."
Although there are Yajur &da passages wherein Sarasvati and Vic are perceived as
distinct from one another (e.g. VS 8:9:27c &am

45

v i m s a r m a h z ) , there are others.

Quoted on p.49, note 8 above.

46

The dative surasv~~hai
is used here as a genetivc, as in the Bdunanas. See Whitney 1889, p. 104.
no.307h; p. 134, no.365d.

CE VS 18:37c surasvotyai oaco yannir yanrregà"1 consecrate [abh&in'c~ïmi]you by the control of the contmlIer[,] of speech, Sarasvati."
47

Translation by lulius Eggeling in 1882- IgOO,voL41, p.39.

such as VS 10130(sarasvatyüvücd) and V S 2158 (viicum sarasvaiim)." where the two areclearly idmtified. In the Aivarneciha (Horse Sacrifice) dealt with in VS 22-25, the Maina
bird speaking like a human [being] is offered to Sarasvati ( s a r a s v u ~S6ri?1ipur~qavik
as is the tip of the tongue of the sacrificial horse (sarasva~üagrajih~cirn).~~Thus theSarasvati-Vàc connection/identificationis evidently there. but not yet solidly established

as in the Briihrnqas.

c. Sarasvati and the Ewe

An interesting new developmcnt in the Yujw Céda is Sarasvati's association with theewe (f. mesi) or the ram (m. mesa). While the ewe is offered to her in the Black Yajur Iéda

in order to obtain her help in matters of speech. for Sarasvati is speech." the ram isprcsented to ha during the Sautriimaci (VS 2 1:40 mescifi s~rasvatyai).~'V S 24:4 refers to

three kinds of ewesJ3 offered to Sarasvati: phal&r lohitor$ palakd t64 sorasva~àh.
Furthemore. according to the ,$atapafhaBràhmana ( l3:2:2:4), a ewe is prescnted to her in

UI

See also MS 2:3:5[32.3] (... v â k s u r ~ ~ ~..a) andt i . KS 1 1 :8[154,1](... vdksarasvati...r.

49

VS 2433. Cf.'lS 5:s: 12: 1.

'' Sze also VS 2 1 :41(quoted in the followingparagraph in the main tex<),44.4647.59-60; MS 3:1 1:2[143.2]... ); IIS 1:8:Z le (... sàrcrmat& me*(... mesariz shrarvotyai
53... 1.

According to Mahidhara. "she-goats": phai& apus!aiarirâ lohitoryi rakfammavati palak iveta
plu~adubdovalabanha jwtaparyci>?ahtüs tism @j<ihs&asvar).ah... 'Ihis follows SB l2:ï:Z:ï (... sarasyutir
uvir...) and 5:5:4: 1 ( &ir mahici sarasvat; bhavari). Eggeling ( 1882- 1900. voI.41. p.129j, however, translates
avir mahG as a '"ewewith teats in the dewlap."the ASvamedha sacrifice: sürasvatfmmesfm adhustüd dhdnvoh / ''During the Sautrimani. the hutar worships Sarasvati. offenng the omentum of a ram
for her enjoyrnent (VS 21:41): holà yaksut S Q ~ C I S V QmeZs*Z ~vap&xi m é d m jqutürit

havir hbtar yaju / According to the Satapotha Brohmaga ( 12:7: L :12). the ram became hers

because it was given to ha by the go& as a reward for healing Indra:té sarusvatim abnivan / tvam vui bhbigjyurn asi tvam imuy
bhigjvéti siibravid astu me bhâga iti té 'bruvanyu eso 'vih sa tebhciga iti ththéri zusmüt süramatb mes6 bhavati //'Ihey (the gods) said to Sarasvati. "Verily. thou art healing
medicine: heal thou this one!" She replied. "Let therc be a guerdon
for me!" They spake. 'That ram there shall be thy guerdon!" Shesaid, "So be it!" And therefore the ram is sacred to ~arasvati."

Her association with the ram in this context is clearly on the basis of Indra's connection.
if not identification. with it. Already in the l?g Léda. Indra takes its fom (8:2:40a-c):

You have. O Lord of the hessing Stone. (listenedto) the descendantof Kanva. Medhàtithi, when you abducted (himto heaven). having
becorne a ram?

U"... a ewe for Sarasvati beneath the (herse's) jaws ..."(Eggeling 1882-1900. vo1.44, p.300.)

55

Eggeling 1882-1900, ~01.44,p.2 16.

Sb

Cf. 1:SI:Iab abhi &am mesam pumhritam .mij+am indratp gitbhir mudata vaSv0 aprmirn "Cefameux Bélier maintes fois invoqué. Indra digne de la strophe, enivrez le de chants. lui qui est un flot derichesse..." (EVP vol. 17, p. 14)
1:S2: lad r).& szi mesam tnuhuya namidam... éndram vavrs.am h e suvrktibhih : "Ce fameux Bélier. jeveux le magnifier,lui qui procure le soleil...je voudrais faire tourner vers (moi).. . Indra.afin qu'(ils m' hident,-avec de beaux hymnes." (EVPvol. 17, p. 16')

In the Jaimin[va Brdhmana (3:234). as Wendy Donigcr points out." this verse is elaborated

into the story of the appearance of Indra as Medhatithi's ram at the latter's sacrifice:tesàrir ha smendro medhâtither mesusyu rüpam k--tvg sornam
vrotayati / iam ha sma biîdhante medhütither uo mesas somam
vraiayatiti / sa u ha smo&üm m m eva niporp k,mi somom
vraiavuti / taro ha vâ idam arvùcinam medhaiither mesa itv
àhvyanti /Indra, having taken the form of the mm of Medhiitithi. used todrink (as a vrufu) their soma. They &ove him away, (.saying).
"Medhiitithi's ram drinks our soma." Indra. having taken his own
form. used to dnnk the soma. Since then they cal1 [on] Indra.
"mm of Medhati thi."In VS 19:YO (nMS 3: 11:9[154:6] = KS 38:3[104.3] = TB 2:6:4:5) a ram is used likea wool strainer for vigour in Indra's nose (hvir mi mesb nasi vi&vu). According to theSataputha Brühma~a( 12:7: 1 :3). the ram is. in fact. Indra's v ï y i . which flowed out of his
nostrils âfter he had dnink soma:

na'sikabhvüm evhya vipàm asruvat /s6 'vih paSr abhavan rneSah
From the nostnis flowed his vigour.
That became a sheep. the animal. namely a ram.

The ram is a traditional symbol of virility oficn associated with fertility cults." In the
Varunapraghisa ritual performed at the beginning of the rainy season-the season "which

begins the cycle of fertility'*9-a

O'Flaherty 1985. p.60.
Litvinskii 1987, p.233.
Jamison 1996, p.92.

mm and a ewe made of unbaked dough are offered intothe fire.* As Stephanie Iamison explains.6' they represent the sacnficer's wife and her"lover," and the ritual allows the transfer of the sexual force of animals into the householder'sfamily. so a child can be bon. In the Viilmiki Rdrniyapz story of Ahalyii ( 1:48:6-10).

when Indra is castrated for sexual transgression, he is made whole again with a mm's
tcsticles:

agnes iu vacanam S n î t v i pitrdev* samügatâh /utpaLva niesavrsagau sahasrühe nyaveda-van//indras tu mesavy-ayas tada prubhni rüghava /guiîtamasya prabhivena tapusui ca mahtïtmanah //~ a k r ahas been emasculated. But here is a ram whose testicles
are intact. Take the mm's testicles and give them to sakm at
once.
The castrated m m will give you the greatest satisfaction, as willthose men who offer one for your pleasure.
When the divine ancestors assembled there heard Agni's words.
they tore out the r a d s testicles and gave them to thousand-eyedIndra.
And from that time onward KZkutstha. the asscrnbly of the divine
ancestors eats castrated rarns, reserving their testicles for Indra.

Hlümapesa~um rnesaprati&nn bhrnarah m e m adhva~uh kami megty pratiprastlhnta
strhya6jandni ' puritsu!, pumvyatijanani . (&arrambha buta Sutra 8 5 4 2 8:6:2).
,-

striyuhAnd so. from that time onward. Righava. through the power ofthe great Gautama's asceticism, Indra has had a mm's tes tic le^.^'Aithough Sarasvati's association with the mm is based on Indra's identification with
it. she is also connected with the mm in its traditional virility symbolism. She is. in a sense,

the other side of the equation: while the ram represents virility. Sarasvati bestows fertility.
She grants beings progeny (RV 2:41: 17d). placing the cmbryo in a woman's womb (RV
10: l84:2b). By virtue of her waters. she is a healer and life-giver, who gives birth (rebirth)to Indra. Semcn, it might be added. is not infiequently compared to watcr. as in TS

6:S:8:6.63
Sarasvati's connection with the mm has persisted through the ages. as can be secn insurviving Northeast lndian sculptures. pnmanly from the cleventh or twelfth century.

where he appears as her rnount? Even in recent times. ram sacrifices have continucd to beoffered to Sarasvati in some parts of the Dacca district."

Q

Translation by Robert P.Goldman in 1984. p.2 17.

63

aph tipa prci vartayati réta eva tat sincary Ü M o 'pa pra vartqaty ùn&ï hi rétah sùyate "He [then&w] causes water to follow [sic!] along [the thigh of the sacrificer's wife]; verily thus he purs seed; along
the thigh he causes it to flow. for aIong the thigh is seed poured." (Translation by Keith in 1914, vo1.2. p.544.

Bracketed-portions are mine. )64

See. for instance. K. Bhattachharyya 1983, figs.8- 10.

i. Sarasvati as Speech

Sarasvati is identified with speech already in the Sarphitas. as we have seen.' The
Bfihmaqas and the Briihmana passages o f the Maimiyagi. Kü!haka. and Tai~tiriyuSarphitis
emphatically. consistently. and repeatedly assert this identity: v9g vai saramti.' Even
when the water of the Sarasvati r i v a is used for consecration. the individual is thereby said

to be spnnkled with spccch (MS4:3:9[49.8-91):
vüc8 va' etam abhi sir?cunti -vam ubhi@xirili
vdk scirasvati
siramah- &O yit sàramatfbhib stïvate y8vaty eva v6k i&âniyute //Him whom they consecrate (by sprinkiing) they consecrate withspeech. Sarasvati is speech. The waters are Sarasvati's. The factthat he is consecrated by Sarasvati's (waters), as much is heconsecrated by speech.'
In the &topathri Briihrnaca ( 1 1:2:6:3) Sarasvati pairs with her male counterpart

Sarasvat. as speech with rnind: manai cuiv8q~uvdk càghürau sbrarvümS ca sbramti ca:' AV 5:7:5ab (vacd s a r m u ~ a); VS 10:30 ( s a r ~ a f yv&a). Sec pp.44.60 above.

E.g. MS 22:22[9,4]; KS L!:\3[l7S.l2]; TS 2:1:2:6; AB ?:24:8: Ki3 5:2:8; SB 4:2:5: 14.
3

Cf. s B 5:3:4:3 (= 5:3:5: 8 ) vig val sdrasvati vocaivainam ettid abhisifiruri.

' Cf.SB 73: 1:3 1 (=11:2:4:9) m h o vai sarwân v& scirusvati.

It is Sarasvati who placed speech in crcated beings (scirasvaty eva srs!chi va'cam adadhüt).'The facdty of speech of the chronically ill. the TaMeva Saehiti explains. goes back to
her and it is then restored to him by way of an offering to Sarasvati ( 2 3 :1 1 :1-2):
ognim v6 ettisya Sbrirw gucchari... scirusva~imvdg... -v@w jyog
àma-vatiy6 j-~gtïmuyiivisy6d y6 vâ kombveta sarvam i y i r iyüm
iti tusmü et& is!ity n!r vuped ügne-vamas!6kapalarn...s&wsvatam
canim... a p é r ev&a Suriram ni&ijkti. .. [ 1 ] ... sàramaténav&am dadhiîti... [2]Of him. the body goes to Agni ... the speech to Sarasvati... he
who has been sick for a long time. He who rnay have been sickfor a long time or who shouid desire "1 would go thc full lengthof [my] life." for him he (the priest) should offer this &i (wishofking in the form of a cake made of nce. badey. and pulse) on
eight potsherds dedicated to Agni... a bowl of porridge dedicatedto Sarasvati... He thus redeerns his body fiom Agni ... [Il ... andby [the bowl] dedicated to Sarasvati. he (the pnest) puts speech
pack into him] ... [2]Appropriately. the tip of the tongue of the sacrificial horse. as already noted in the FOjasane-vi
Samhilo (25:1 ) . is offcred to Sarasvati during the AS~amedha.~

There is also a custom wherein a person unable to speak (or to speak properly) offersa ewe to Sarasvati. for she is Speech. In retum. Sarasvati bestows speech on the individual.
who is then able to speak well. As the Kà?haka Samhitü describes. "he fiom whom speechdraws away should ofFer a ewe to Sarasvati. [for] Sarasvati is speech. [and thus] it isSarasvati who abandons him."7The individual may actually have the ability to speak. but.

presurnably owing to some other impediment. is unable to do so (TS2: 1:2:6-7):
KS 3520 [6?.1 11 = KpS 47: 18: [63.18] = MS 1: 10:s [M.161
See p.6û above.

' KS 12: 13 [ 175.1 1- 121 sarusvadm me&etrisrnad ripa krimati...

â labheta yarm9d vdg apbâmed vdg vai s4rc~syatisarasvap

saramathp m e s h ci fabheta -vO iivarci vâcb vaditoh sali v k m
J vided v6g vai suramati sarasvatim eva svétia bhigadhéyenbpa
dhtïvati sdivismin [6] &am dadhdi pravadita vücb bhava~i...

[A
He who. though being able to speak. would not speak should
offer a ewe dedicated to Sarasvati. [for] Sarasvati is speech. It is
to Sarasvati that he has recourse with her own share. She places
speech in hirn. [and] he would speak.'Within a general sacrificial context. whatever defect knowingly or unknowingly may
have occurred through omission is removed by means of speech. of Sarasvati. says the... vdg vui sarasvati vic6 yajficih sunta~ovûcaivu yaj6uni santarioti'
ydd vai vajfiasyu vidvh na karozi y<ic c6vidvün antaréti toc
chid*
rad vâcaiva surasvutyâ kalpqvati...YSarasvati is speech. Through speech the sacrifice is madecontinuous. It is through speech that he (the sacrîficer) makes
continuous the sacrifice. ïhat which one who knows does not
pcrform in the lprocess of the] sacrifice or that which one who
docs not know omits. that error is rectified through speech. throughSarasvati.
ïhrough Sarasvati. therefore. because she is speech. the sacrifice is perfomed unintemptedly

and thus successfûlly.
Conversely. Sarasvati may be invoked for negative effects on an adversary's speech.
One who is about to litigate reganfing a ficld or cattle should offer a milchcow that has

1 iranslatc proridiri v<ifo bhrivari as *hc wodd speak" following Kielhom (1898. p. 19 (repr. 1969. p.2961).
and in line with iivar6 vaitoh san v â c na
~ wded '*thoughking able to speak, would no1 speak"ceased to give milk (dhetzusprï)to Sarasvati so that the adversary's speech may be averted
or diverted by means of v&. cxplains the Maitrayani Sqthito (2:5:4[52,ll-131):

stirosvatf;. dhenus~adm6 Zabheta ycih k+re paSiiy1 va vivddeta
v6g vîii sarasvati v ü c a i v a i ~v&am v-mkie
Likewise. in the ditarqva Brühma!ia (3:3:9). the officiant. it is said. should recite theSarasvati mantras in confusion to depnve the patron of a sacrifice of speech:
yatp kamaveto vacainam ~ardha-viïniti
süramturn asya lubdham
Samsed y a m vü pudam vàtïyüt tenaiva tal lubdhae viicaivainam
tad vyardhqati

If he desire of a man. 'Let me deprive hirn of speech.' he should
recite for him (the triplet) to Sarasvati in confusion; he shouldpass over a v m e or a line; thereby is it confuseci; verily thus hedqrives hirn of speech.''ii. Speech as Knowledge

Vac. howevcr. as we have seen. has never been merely speech." In the Briihmanas

she is that which is ernbodied in and communicated through speech: she is knowledge.
Above all. she is knowledge in the form of the Vedas. Vic is the mother of the Vedas(védümïm moto')." She is aiso the Vedas themselves (SB 6:5:3:4):

mahisi hi v6k tvifikhit6 bhavari tredhüvihitd hi vrig ico-v@@i drniiny citho yad idbm travum vüco nîpam...
!O

Translation by Keith in 1920, p. 167.
See pp.36-37 above.

" TB 2:8:8:5. Cf.SB 5 5 : s : 12 etid vbi sc~hcisrarpv à c prajitum~
yhd esa rmyo &da&.. "the lhree Vedas
are the thousandfold pmgeny of speech."... for the cow VZc is delineated as threefold. Viic is divided into
three kinds: .m.-vabis. sàman. which is the threefold form of
V ~..!)
C

Vat's temtory. however. does extend beyond the Vedas to embrace ail foms ofknowledge. As ail waters med in the ocean. explains the Satapalha Brahmana ( 1454: 1 1 ). '"al1 sciences(vw)
rnerge in V2c:sa yuthü sarvüsüm ap& samudra ekü-vanam...
evhit ssar~asamvidvcinüm v6g eQan9m //Ail that is to be known is known through Vàc. says sage Ejjoavalkya to king Janaka in theThrough VZc alone. O sovereign. are known the !tg Céda. theYajur Céda. the Sima Feda. the [mantras of the] Atharvan- andAngiras-pnests (= Atharva Veda). history, ancient lore. thesciences. the Upanisads. verses. aphonsrns. explanations. [and]cornmentari~s.'~And v& vdi s&asvati. While Sarasvati in the Rg h d a presided over dhf, w hen inspired
thought was translated into speech in the f o m of recitation. and transmitted as knowledge
from generation to generation, Sarasvati as Vâc became a source of knowledge.

13

CC SB 10:s:1 :2 sâ vd esd vÙk tredhtivihitd : &O y a j ü e i sdmâni...

"SB l4:S:4: 1 1 = SB 14:7:3: 12 5 BAU 2:4: 11 = BAU 45: 12

15

SB 14%: 10:6 E BAU 4: 1:2

b. Prajàpati and His Daughters
i. Prajapati and Vàc

The Rg Féda notion of Viic as all-pervading creator is redefined in the Briihmanas

and the Brahmana passages of the Iajiir C'eda in relation to the creator Prajàpati. Io theSataputha Brûhmana comment on a passage in the L'àjasamyi Spthita ( Y : 1). where theLord of Speech (Vkaspati) is mentioned. it says that Viicaspati means Prajapati: prajepaiir

vai vacaspat@ ( S B 5 : 1 :1:16).16Prajàpati made himsclf swell with speech. and he made hm
his follower: vücaiva tar ~rajdputihpinar àtm&ram dp~ü~vayata... vdcam ci~mkümh c i n o'kumta... ( S B 3:9:1:7). Speech is Prajapati's creation or offspnng. for she is second to him.
but she is also his consort. with whom he unites to create beings. the K i - a h Samhiti

cxplains (27:1[137.8- 1O]):

prajiïpatir và idam âsit tasya vâg dvit[vâsit tiim mithunam sam
abhavat si garbham adhotta... sem* prajü asjatu si prajiïputim
eva puna4 prâviiat ...
There was PrajZipati. Speech was his second He united with her.
[and] she conceived... She emitted these beings. [and] re-entered
Prajiipati.

If Prajàpati is to couple with anyone or anything. it must nccessarily be with his own
offspring, for he is the creator of al1 and exists alone prior to creation. Prajiipati is also

16

Vàckpdti appears already in the Rg Veda as an epithet of Soma for instance (9:26:k; 9:101:5c).
Onginally two independent words, vacûs and pari, it is traditionally considered a cornpound, although thepreservation of the two accents suggests two separate words.

sacrifice." and therefore. as Sylvain Lévi explains.18 naturally has speech as his helper.
since rite is inseparable from formula. It is thus specifically through speech. in one f o n or
another. that Prajiipati chooses to procreate.lQas the Paiicavimia Brcihmana (7:6:2) indicates:
sa adidhiru gurbho vai me h m antar hitas
iam vâcà prajaria-vâ iti

He thought intmtly: "This embryo of mine is placed inside [me].
That 1 shall engender through speech."
Sometimes instead of speech it is by means of specific words that Prajàpati creates.
as in the Sataptha Brahmaca ( 1 1:1:6:3):
sa bhir iti -/ciharat seyarp pnhiw ùbhovad bhiiva Ni tiid idam

antarihant abhavut svar iti sfiscizi dvîiur abhavat...

He uttered bhfh. [and] that (bhgh)became this earth. [He uttered]bhzivah. [and] that (bhzivah)became this intemediary space. [Heuttered] svah. [and] that (svàh) became yonder sky.

Thus wben Prajiipati utters words. it is those very words that transfomi themselvcs into thecarth. the intemediary space. and the sky. Pronounced speech becornes creation. andtherefore creation is speech in a particular fomspeech that has taken fom. Likewise in
the Puficavimia Bràhmana. Prajàpati creates the univme by pronouncing. When he

17

E.g. MS 3:6:5[65.3] yaj% vai prujdpasih ; SB 1 :7:4:4 sa vai yajtï6 eva praj6patih ;AB 7:7:2 prajipatir

yajkh.

19

There are indeed passages where Prajiipati is said to create or procreate alone (e.g. TB 2:2:9:1-10). My
study, however, is not on Prajàpati as such, and thmefore 1 discuss ody the passages where he appears eitherwith Vic or another of his daughters, in so f
u as this father-daughter relationship bears on the Puranic
Brohrna-Sarasvati ~Iationship.For a study of Prajiipati, see Levi 1898, pp. 13-35. for instance.

pronounces. he divides all-pervading speech" into three sounds (PB 20: 14:2):
prajâputir vü idam e h àsit tasya vig eva svam Zsid vüg dvit(v2sa a*aiemüm eva vücay vi srja ivum vtï idam sarvam vibhavanv
epatiti sa vtïcam vy usjato sedarit sarvam vibhavun~ait
sordhvodàtamd yathapitp dhàri santataivum t q v a eti ~.ri<varn
acchirtat tad bhümir ubhavad ubhüd iva vü idam iti tad bhurnerbhùmitvam keti tyi[vamrrcchinat tad art fariksamubhavad antareva
v a idam iti rad anturi~a~~vüntariha~~rir
ho iti z~iyarnürdhvam
ud&yvat tut dvatrr abhavud a e t a d iva va adu iti tad divo
divatvarn //Prajipati was here alone. Only speech was his own. speech his
second. He considered: "Let me emit this speech. She will go on
pervading al1 this." He emitted speech. and she went on pervading
al1 this. She extended upwards likc a continuous stream of water.
Saying 'a." he cut a third of her. That became the earth. "Thishas corne into existence (abhit) as it were." Be said]. That is
why the earth is called bhümi. Saying "ka." he cut a third [ofher]. ïhat became the middle region. "This is in the middle (u~itarü)
as it werc." [he said]. That is why the middle region is called
unturikra. Saying "ho." he threw upwards a third [of her]. That
became the sky. 7 h a t yonder has lit up (adyurat)as it were. [hesaid]. That is why the sky is called dvaus."Thus there are different ways in which Prajiipati joins with his offspnng Vac tocreate: he unites with her as his consort (KS 27:1[137.8-101; PB 7:6:2-3) and she thenemits beings. or he pronounces either words or sounds (speech). which take fom (SB1 1:16 3 ; PB 20: l4:2)tt

20

Cf.SB 6:1: 1:9 ... vig e v k a z&.t~~utizsèdam s h m apnor...

Anorher possibility is found in the .Aitareya Brahmaea whcre beings are emined o@r hc UIUXS a
particular formula (2:33:S ): prajapatir va i d m e h evagra üsa so 'kamuyuta praj@eya bhüyan s)..&n in' sa
tapo 'tapyata sa vücam a-yacchai sa sap~vatsarqaparostaci vyühorad bvadaSa&tva dvoddupadii va esd
nivid eram viva r@t nivida? ryaharat tàm sarvâni b h u anv~ asrjyanta "Prajiipati was here al1 alone in
the beginning. He desired: 'May I procreate. May 1 becorne more.' He heated himself. He restrained speech.
A k r a hl1 year he spoke twelve times.This (well-knownJ invitation formula (nivid) has twelve verses. It is
this n i d which he uttered. A h that (nivid) al1 beings were emined."

ii. Rg Veda Background

The theme of the union of the father with his daughter occurs already in the Rg Lédu.

In fact. if we carefully compare the relevant Rg Veda passages with the Bfihmana accountsof Prajapati and his daughter. as we shall do. it becomes amply clear that the Brihmana
stories are denved fiom thc Rg Iéda stanzas. The Briihmana accounts. in tum, form thebasis for the Puranic Brahmà-Sarasvati relationship. as we shall see. Hence these &g Veda
stanzas and their BrZhmana derivatives are of vital importance in understanding the mythologythat grew up around Sarasvati by the time of the Puriinas.

In past scholanhip dealing specifically with Brahma and Sarasvati or Prajàpati andhis daughter. some of the relevant Rg léda and Brâhmaca passages have been refened to.
summarized. and at most a line or so has been quoted." Many of the Brihmana accounts

have been taken u g - o r rather listed-inthe context of Brâhmana snidies." while the &g&da stanzas have been discussed in Vedic studies.'' As far as 1 am aware. al! of therelevant Vedic passages have never been systematically discussed side by side in order toshow their connection with one another." It is precisely this task. then. which 1 would liketo take up here.

Macdonell cautiously suggests that RV 1:7 1:5 and 10:615-7 "seem" to be the basis- Dixit 1943-44; Kantawala 1958-59; Dange 1963; Kantawala 1980-8 1.
li

23

See Lévi 1898, pp.2û-23, for instance.

' For insrance. Oldenberg 1909. vol. 1. p.74; Geldner 195 1. vol. 1. p.93n.: Dange 1979. pp. 142- 145.
25

At best, Dange in 1963 briefly sumrnarized a few of the Vedic and Puranic passages. Although heclaimed to have taken up "al1 the accounts where the myth of Prajiipati and his daughter occurs" (p.43), thiswas not the case. He neither quoted nor translateci any of the passages in question.

for the myth of Prajàpati and his daughter? Sadashiv Ambadas Dange refers to Macdonell.
but takes only LO:61:5.7 as "the probable ongin of ihis myth.'"' S.G. Kantawala. on theother band, does not speak of probabilities, but simply claims the "germs of the incestuous
relation between a father and a daughter" as depicted in the Mutsyu Puraria to be traceable
to RV 1:7 1 :5 and 10:6 15-9." Neverthcless. in refemng to the Rg Céda passages as the"genns" from which the Brahmi-Sarasvati myth has arisen. he too is being cautious.

idcntibing links in a rather vague. distant way. I suspect what he had in mind here was thc
Puranic inheritance of the fathcr-daughter incest theme from Vedic literature. rather thandirect 1inks between the relevant passages.

Let us tum then these Rg bédu stanzas.
1:71:5mahé -vd pitrb »ir rasam divé kzir
ci vu tsarut p.i.a~~~vaS
cikitva'n /s j ï i à k t 6 dhrsata' didwim m i
SV;-vàmdevb d u h i t h tvi$ie dhd //When he (Agni) had prepared [seminal] fluid for the great father
Heaven. he (Heaven). being aware of flirtati~ns'~came d o mstcalihily. The archer boldly shot his arrow at him. when the god(Heaven)had put his energy into his own daughter.
This stanza has been interpreted in vanous rather difT'erent ways. He who cornes d o m'

1980-81. p.219. See also Kaniawala 1958-59. p.39. The .%ftztgaPurciqu myrh refemd to by Kantawala
is discussed bdow on pp. 13 1-35.
29

The fiminine noun pykzni, touching or caressing. rnay corne from mot sparS, to touch (Mayahofer
19%' vo1.2, pp. 163-64). S e e also EVP vol. 16, p. 137: "gestes d'amour pour affirer," properiy "atrouchemenW'
The word appears in three passages of the Rg Veda (I:71:5b; 10:61:8d; 10:73:2a), in the last of which,according to Renou it means courtesan.

stealthily is Heaven according to Oldenberg" and Renou? the archer according to Geldner."

The one referred to as prSonyàC ciki~a'nis thea interpreted by Oldenberg as Heaven who isaware of the females. by Renou as Heaven who is skilled at flirting. and by Geldner as thearcher who is awarc of the flirting (of Heaven with his own daughter). in Oldenberg's
understanding, therefore. father Heaven cornes down steaithily to approach the fernales.
but is driven away by the archer's arrow. and thus tums to his own daughter. According toGeldner and Renou, on the other han& on the basis of their understanding ofpySanvàh hcre
as flirtations13 Heaven's intention has always been with his own daughter. Despite thedifficulties presented by this stanza. what is essential for us here is the incestuous nature of
the relationship of the father with his own daughter. and the shooting of an arrow at him by

an archer.
The incest theme recua in UV 10:61:5-7. with the main fcatures appearing instanzalO:6 l:7
pif; yat SV& duhitàmm adhiMnk+rnav6 rérab sapjugmünb ni siccal /svàdh-vo [']januyan brahmu devDv&o; parie vratap6m nir ataksan //When the father had jumped on his own daughter. he spilled his
semen on the earth when making love to her. The gods of goodintention produced brahman. [and from that brahman] they
1909. vol. 1, p.74.

WP vol. 12, p. t 7.
195 1, vol. 1, p.93n.
As mentioned in note 29 above. there is one instance (RV 10:73:2a) in which Renou understands P&n!
to mean courtesan,
44

RV 10:61:5-6 describe the sexual act.

fashioned out the Lord of the Sacrificial Ground ( v h pciti)
who protects observances .
C'ostos p d i , who appears in 1O:6l :Ri.is. according to Oldenberg." the guardian spirit of
the place. Geldner. on the otber hand. refers to Sâyary. who believes it is Ru~ira.'~
Cleariyon the basis of later accounts of PrajipatiA3rahmâ's union with his own daughter. Renou
understands the archer in 1 :7 1:Sc to be ~udra.'' Although neither the archer nor v6stos p i t i
can definitely be connected with Rudra in the Rg Léda.'"ater.

v6stos pciti does indeed

corne to be idcntified with Rudra. as in the Taittirïva Samhitti (3:4:1 O:3). for example:

nidrab kh6Izi vcii v5stospaM. Rudra also appears in the Mailrüya?iiSarphitü (4:2: 1 1 [35.11œ
15]), sataputha Brührnana (1:7:4: lff.), and Jaimirttva Brührnana (26162) accounts of

Prajàpati's union wit h his daughter. In the ditareva Bràhmana (3:33:2-3). refcrence ismade to him as Bhütapati as well as Pdupati. on whom lordship over cattle is bestowcd.

Rudra. who is Bhütapati already in the rl thawa Céda (2: 14:4; 1 1:2: 1; 1 1 :6:21). is referred-tO as PaSu pa ti in the Kiijasanqvi Sayhitti (24:3). Mai~râ~vaniS a ~ h i f a(42: 1 1[35.1 3 1 51).

Satapatha Brohrnana (5:3:3:7). and 0 t h texts. In this connection, it is not without interest
that v&os piri. together with Soma. is cailed on in the Rg Céda (7:54:2ab) to confer

prosperity in cattle and horses: vdstos paie protarago na edhi gayasphiho gObhir

aivebhir indo / In the Paficavipia Brühmayu account of the incestuous union (8:2:10).
Rudra or PaSupati are not refmed to. but cattle are mentioned.

38

In RV 7:54:2ab (quoted in main text), v&tusxiti seems to be identifred with Soma, who is h m refened
to as indu, "drop." Ar lest in this h m . vdstoqpati is cIearIy not Rudra.

There is one other passage in the Rg Céda noted by Dange. wherein the father-daughter

incest is also mentioncd:

3:3 !:1&ad vahnir duhiiur naptyùm gadv i d v h +isya didhitim saparyan/
pi26 yitra duhihih sékam ,fijbn
scim Sagmyèna manasü dadhanvé //(Agni) the conveyor (of the sacrifice) went to the granddaughter.

(daughter) of the daughter. insûucting (hm). knowing the truth.
cherishing the insight. when the father. directing his (seminal)
flow for the daughter. with an able mind let (it) mn.
Rta is tnith and order. Agni wbo cherishes his own insight into it is thus comparable tov6stos pati who protects the observances ( vratapd) in 1O:61:76.

iii. Prajiipati and Usas or Dyaus

In the Briihrnanas, as we have seen. Prajiipati unites with his daughter Vàc as consort.

He also takes other offspring as his consort. namely Usas (Dawn)and Dyaus (Sky).
Although the Puranic Brahmi-Sarasvati relationship is a kind of continuation of that ofhajiipati and Viic by way of name change. for Prajiipati becomes Brahmii. and Samvati-Vàc

are one and the same dready in the Brahmaqas. Prajiipati's relationships with his otherdaughters play a significant role in shaping the Brahrnii-Sarasvati myth. They are also theconnecting links with the Rg Veda passages discussed above. fiorn which they are clearly
derived. Let us examine then the Brahmana myths of Prajapati and Usas or Dyaus.

There are five Brihmana accounts of Prajiipati with Usas or Dyaus as daughter-consort:1 ) MaitrG-vaniSamhittï (4:2: l2[35.ll- 151)
2) Satapotha Bràhmana ( 1 :7:4: 1-3)3)ililare-vaBrihrnaoa ( 3:33)
4) PaZcavimSa Bràhrnciya (8:2: 10)5) Jaimi~ijmBrihrnayu (3:262)

To these may be added a sixth frorn the kauykzki Brâhrna!~~(6: 1 :1- 12). where Prajipati's
incestuous desire for his daughter is passed on to his offspring. From among Usas andDyaus. Usas. it should be noted. is the more prominent of the two. with Dyaus appearing as
an alternative possibility in the Sataputha ( l:7:4: 1 ) and 'ditare-va(3:33) Brrihmaya accounts.

In this account. Prajiipati and his daughter take animal forms as if to mduce the act toan animal level.

prajdparir vai svdm duhitarom abbv ukàma~vatosasant
sd rohid abhavat tQmfiyo bhù~cidhvait
Prajipati desired his own daughter Usas. She became a red deer.
[and he.] having bccome a buck went on top of her. [35.11-121
What followed is denved directly fiom RV 1051:7d and 1:7 1 :5c. in that order:

tasrna apavratarn achuda~vutt
h~yatavübhipa~~vartata

To hirn (Rudra) it seemed a pewersity. He (Rudra) tumed roundto hirn (Prajàpati) with an [arrow] aimed at (him). [35.12- 131fr(;os phti of RV lO:6 M d was characterized as protecting the observances (vratup6).

Here. one who cornes to be called Paiupati and Ruàra L35.14-151 perceived Prajàpati's
union with his daughter Usas to be against vrata (àpavrata [opposite of anuvrara]).Thus.
Iike the archer in RV 1:71:5c who shot his arrow at Heaven, Rudra aimed his a m w at

Prajiipati. The alarmed creator tned to stop him. but failed:tt-hüd v6 abibhet sù 'bravit paSun6m t v i putim karomy atha
me rnikthütdd v6 asyaita~z n h a paSupotir itit habh-vG-vatyavidhyat so 'rodit tad va' asyaitan rro'ma mdrci iti
He (Prajiipati) was a h i d of him. He (Prajiipati) said: "I will
make you the lord of cattle. So do not shoot at me." Therefore heis called PaSupati. Having aimcd at him (Prajiipati). he (PaSupati)
pierced him. He (Prajiipati) cried. That is why he (Paiupati) is
called Rudra .

In this account. Prajàpati's daughter Usas becomes interchangeablewith Dyaus. whosename has now crept into the story. and the transformation into animal forrns is omitted.
praja'ptir ha vai svdm duhitaram abhi dadkau /&am vosasam v i mithurzv ènayi syàm iti ta'm sam babhuva //Prajiipati set his mind on his own daughter. either Sky or Dawn.
"May I pair with her." (he wished). He made love to her. ( 1:7:4: 1)

The sense of the sinfûlness of Prajàpati's act. which was attributed to the one about tobecome PaSupati-Rudra in the Maitri-vuni Sumhità (4:2: 1 1135,120131). is here assigned to
the go&. They cal1 on the lord of cattle to punish him (1:7:4:2-3):

tcid v a i d&nüm aga àsa /.va itthak SV& duhitham asma'katia
svcisaram karothi // té ha devi ücuh / yodevah paSun6m
fge 'tisamdham v6 avvam carati yci inhum svam duhitiramasrniîkam svasüram krbti vidhyemcjm iti tdm rudrd 'bhyü-vatva
vivyüdha tkva simi rétah prb caskanda ta~hénnünam tad &sa //That indeed was a sin for the gods: "He who acts thus towards
his own daughter. our sister. [commits a sin]." [2] Those gods
then said to this god who is lord of cattle: "An act of transgression
he commits who acts thus towards his own daughter. our sister.
Pierce km." Rudra. having aimed at (hirn), pierccd him. In the
middle (of the act), bis semen spuaed forth. Thus indeed it was.

FI

In this account. the interchangeability of the daughter's identity is explained as basedon divergent opinions. While some said she was Dyaus. others said she was Usas: prajâputir

vai svim duhiiaram ab- adhyivad divam ity anyu ühur iisasam ity an-ve. Here. as in the
Satupatha Brühma!ra. t herefore. t here is an awarcness of di fferent versions of the story.
The ..liiareya Brâhmaya account then follows the Maitrüvani Samhitü. in that Prajipati
iakes the form of a buck and Dyaus or Usas that of a deer (tGm y$vo bhürvü rohitam

bhultim ab@ oit ). As in the Satapaha Brühma~a.the gods seek to punish him for his act.
Instead of calling on the one who is already "lord of cattle" (SB 1:7:4:3). however. they

produce a being of cireadfil form who asks for this title as a boon for piercing hjàpati.

The Aitare-va Brühmayu gods rhus bestow on him that which the Maifrtiyaqi Samhita
hajàpati p n t e d in fear and in vain to the one who was preparing to shoot at him. A bribeso as not to act has become advance payment for requested services:prujiïpat ir zîsasarn a& ait SV& duhitaratp t q a retahpuràputat
tad asytïm y asic-vatu tad airiMd idam me mg dupd iti tat sud
ahrot paEn evu //PrajZpati went on top of his own daughter Usas. His semen flew
away. It was poured on this one (the earth). He made it perfect.
(thinking):"let this of me not be spoiled." He made it (something)real. namely cattle.

Jaiminiya Bnihrnana (3:262)

As the gods in the Airareyu Bràhmqa account (3:33: 1 ) produced BhütapatilPaSupati .

by bringing together their most dreadful fomis, in the Jaiminzyo Brihmapa they created

Rucira frorn what in themselves was crude. ?hcir initial purposc for fashioning him out.
however. was not to punish Prajàpati for his transgression, but rather to make themselves
fit to perform a sacrificial session by rcmoving the crude part from within themselves. The

Jiziminw Brahmaya story thus begins just as the gods are commencing the session:
devâ vui sattram upavanto 'bmvan -van >,ahkriiram ütmanas
tan nimimürnahai / mâ sakrurü upagümeti / tad p d esim
knlram iitmam Gsit tan nimi-vu Sarivayo h sammürjam
~vudadhur / atha sattram upà.vams / tata es0 'khalo devo
YZvata / tad yac charàvübh~vûrnujü-vata tad aspitan nàma /e s ho vovci so 'gnir jajce
na hainam esa hinasti -va evamveda /Starting a sacrificial cession. the gods said: 'niat [part] of us
which is cnide. let us give form to. Let us not start with (thatwhich is) crude." Having given form to that [part] of themselves
which was cnide. they wiped it clean and placed it between two
vessels. [one covering the other]. ïhen they started the session.
Thereupon this dangerousu god was born. Because he was born41

ïhe adjective akhala is probably a rnisspelling of aghala ( h m agha n. evil), which appears in AV
8:8:10c (n*)br yé ogh& düt* %e dangrnus messengers who a n of death'), m SB 12:7:3:20 where
aghaZÛ dev4t.ü is Rudra, and four times in IB 2266:12K qualieing dangerou wild animals, like the tiger

from the two vessels (jarfiva),that is why he has this name (i.e.
Sarva. a name of Siva). That Agni was really bom as this one.
This one does not harm him (the sacnficer). if he knows thus.

When this Rudra-Agni then inquired as to why the gods had created him. theyrcplied. leaving their initial purpose of "self-purification" behind. that it was for supervision.

so he would kill one who might transgress: aupudra~~tyü~vetyabnlvan yo 'ripüdayüi mm
harzàro iti / It is only then that the story of Prajipati and his daughter-in this case Usasand no other-is told. As in the Maiirüyagi Samhita and the Aitareya Brührnupa. they takeanimal forms. Supervisor Rudra-Agni then recalls the purpose of his cxistcnce and pierccs
Prajiipati :prajàpuzir hosasah svüp duhitaram abhy adhyiyat / susmai
rohid bhûtviitighat / tom pysato bhùtvZsknndat / sa aihatasmai
vai müry devii ajijattann uupudras~~ci,ïa
/ ati vü a-vampüda-vati
haniairzam vidhyt5ni~i/ tana avidhyat / sa viddha etad nipam
praivus~rdhvodok~mat//

Prajiipati set his mind on mas. his own daughter. She. having
become a deer. stood still for him. He. having become a buckjumped on her. He (Rudra-Agni) reflected: "For this have thegods produced me, for supervision. This one (Prajiipati)transgresses. Let me pierce hm." He pierced him. Pierced. hethrew off this (buck) appearance and rose upwards.

(&dissilirhà aghefaiiüniülo ogholo &=&ikü aghala al&~ ~ ~ ~ ~ r ü h it) has: ~ thee nsense.
c e particula~lyin the Jaminiya Bràhma~a,of dangernus rather than evil. The "dangerous god" in our passage is Rudra, as
the SB makes clear. Caland ( 193 1. p. 166. note 3). however. understands awtclla to mean "not-wicked: andthus to be a euphmism like siwi "'the friendly one" because he is unfnendly. According ta this understanding,therefore, the name Rudra is not used so as not to invoke his "wicked" presence, for by narning, as we haveseen on p.71 above, that which is denoted by the nam cornes into existence.

The Katrsitaki Brùhma~aaccount has a different twist on the story. Here the issue of
Prajapati's incest is avoided altogether by passing the incest on. so to speak. to his offspring.
It is not cntirely passed on. howevcr. because although they are aroused by thcir sisterb a s . thcy never achially commit incest with her. as Prajàpati did with his daughter.
prajipat* prajütikümas topo 'tapyaia / tusmit tuptiz
pai~üjü~vanta/ a p i r v&w 5ditya.i ccrndrornü @iparicarni /tan abravid yïyam api fapyudhvam iri / te 'dibanta/ icin diktitamstepîïnârz usih prijiïpat,vtïpsaronipam krtvü purastüt pratyid ait /ta.yvüm esüm manah Sam apuiat / te reto Siricanto / te prajipatim
pitaram epübnivun / reto vu asicûrnahai" tan no mümqxï bhiid
iti / sa prajwatir hiraymu-vapt camasam akorot... tasmi)?retah
sam asificat /Prajapati. desiring offspring. heated hirnself. From hirn being
heated. five [beings] were bom: Agni. Vayu. Àditya. Candramas.
and Usas as fifth. He said to them: "You also, heat yourselves."
They consecrated themselves. Faci ng t hem being consecrated.
[i.e.] having heatcd t hemsclves. Prajipati 's daughter Usas rose
up in the east. having taken the fom of an apsaras. Their mind
fell in (love) with her a11 at once ( m m ) . They spilled their semen.
ïhey came to hajâpati thcir father and said: "We have spilled
our semcn. Let this (semen) of us not become in that (bad) way.'*'Prajiipati made a golden cup... into that he poured it (the semenof Agni. Vayu. Aditya. and Candramas) togethcr.

Thus there is a shift away from any blameworthy action on the part of the creator. The
incestuous union of the father with his daughter does persist in the Purânas. and Prajiipati's
The hybrîd f o m d m a h a i , kginning as a mot-aorist but ending as a subjunctive. cannot be correct.
As Keith ( 1920, p.377n) points out, it should be the aorist asicamahi.
"

43

The amuya btni "becorne in that way" is identical with pripcj.à a m c d bhu " h o m e in that bad way,"
which occurs less kquently. In the Rg Veda. amqd occurs on its own four times (1:32:8a; 4:18:ld;5:34:5c;
lO:89: 14d)and three times with paphyü (jnip&amu.vd ( 1:29:5b; 1085:30b; 10:l35:2b).

union with either Vat. Usas. or Dyaus foms the basis for the Puranic Brahmi-Sarasvati
relationship. where PrajZpati-turned-Brahms falls in love with his daughter Sarasvati andtakes her for his consort. Concem about the impropriety of incest. however. remains an
issue. and it is addressed, rather at length. as we shali see. in the Motsya Ptcràna (4:1- 1 1)."c. The Barter for Soma

The Briihmanas and the Bràhmana passages of the Iajzir Cédu S ~ h i t a sinclude
scven accounts of a myth wherein Soma is stolen by gandharva ViSvivasu. and thenbought back by thc gods by means of Viic:
1 ) MuitrG-vaoiSarphiiü (3:7:3[77.14fE])2)K@huka Samhiti (24:1[90.3ffV])
3) Kapi&da Ka. Sumhitü (37:2[227,16ff.])
4 ) Taittiflvu SamhitZ (6:1 :6:5-6)
5 ) ditareyz Brihrnqta ( 1 :27)
6) Sa~apo~ha
Brühma~a(3 :2:4:1-7)

7) E'adhïila Brihmaqa (Caland 1927. p. 158 [repr. 1990. p.4581)~'

This myth presents a number of interesting points. two of which I would like to focus on

here: the appearance of Vâc in the form of a woman or a girl and the first signs of her
connection with music. These two aspects, furthemore. extend their impact onto Sarasvati.

with whom Viic. as we have seen. is identified already in the Samhitas and then repeatedlyU

See pp.134-35 below. The Puranic account which most closely follows the Bahmanas is Braf~ma
Puriqa ( 102:2cdW8ab),where the transformation into animal form is rnaintained.
45

A critical edition of the basic texu (Briihmana or Anviikhyiina. ~rautasütra.and Glhyasütra) of the
Vsdhüla school is king prepared by Pmfessor Ikaiî Yasuke #%?%fiof the Kyôto Daigaku Jinbunkapku
Krnkyüjo Z8flA8hA@lcfiB%R(Instituk for Research in Hmanities at Kyoto University). In
colIaboration with Professor Michael Witzel, he is also prepanng an annotated translation of the entire
C'adhtrla Bràhmana. As far as the story of the Barter for Soma is concernd Professor ikari's working critical
cdition of it f4:29), which he most kindly showed me, is largely the same as Caland's.

in the Briihmaqas and the Bràhrnaqa passages of the S a r p h i t ~ s where.~
this myth occurs.
Hence the appearance of the vi@ in the ~utaparhaBrtïhmaea version of the story could
hardly have been without significance for the subsequent vina -bearing Sarasvati.
1 will discuss here the seven Briihmana accounts of the Barter for Soma and conclude

with a b k f description of the account in the Brahma Purüca ( 105: 1- 18) derived fiom the.Mareyu Brühmuna version.

As the Maitri-vuci Samhitü recounts. gandharva ViSvivasu stole Soma h m Giiyatri

and kept it for three nights (3:7:3[77.14-151). The gods then said [77. 16-17]:
strt'kama vai gandharva' v&am evd sambhftva vatha y s i danapaheyutumevu tayà ni&ï@ïméti

The gandhamus desire womni. Having prepared Speech-as ayoung woman of undirninishing youth [would be. so she waspreparedl-with her let us barter him out."
And so it was that VSc was exchanged for Soma. nie gods. however. were not satisfied. it

would seem. for they then decided to reclaim Viic (a»vfli-vtïmahi iti)." This was the birth46

See p.65 above.

47

Speech is Iikencd to a woman already in RV 10:71:4cd: utd nt. pdiyan na daàara ~ c a m
utu tvah
Sfnvàn nu imoty enam ut0 m m a i tanvàq v i smre jeéva pcitya uiad m&& / **Someone,though
watching. has not seen Speech. Someone, though listening, does not hear her. But to some (other)one shc has
o p m d (her) body, as a desinng witè, beautifully anired. (would o p m herseln to her husband."'UI

According to Ingrid Kühn ( 1970, pp.9 1-93). who ciiscusses the f o m of ânu-fl&xintahai (MS 3:T:3[78,1]) and cim-cirt&znta (MS3:7:3(78,1]; KS 24: 1[90.9]; KpS 37:2[228,3]) in the context of out myth. themeaning here is that a h r (rinu)the Iegitimate bartm of Vàc for Som, the gods contesied it,

of untruth (tabn.rtasyaj h m o ).for. as lngrid Kühn points out.'g the gods' contestation ofa legitimate barter was illegitimate. "Let us invoke (her) separately." they said" and awooing cornpetition behveen the gandhorvar and the gods ensued: the gods invoked her
with Song (ga'thümdeva 6gOyatz ) while the gandharvas uttered a charm (brcihma gandhnrvi

ovadan). Shc then tumed to the gods (sa' dev& i r p h a ~ a t ).a
A reading of bruhmarz as tmth formulationJ1would suggest that Vàc chose musicover the Vedas+ntertainment

ovcr knowledge-which

is precisely the undcrstanding of

the Sataparha Brühmaqa (3:2:4:5-61.'' The gandharvas. however. are not known to haveany particular connection with. or knowledge of, the ~cdas." They do not. furthemore.
"recite" (Sak). as would be appropriate for a hymn or a prayer. but they "utter" or"pronounce" (vad). On the other hand one rnight argue. V i c rcpresents al1 f o n s ofknowledge (SB 1454: 11) and embodies the Vedas in particular (SB 6:5:3:4). and thus the
proclamation (if not recitation) of the Vedas would be a logical choice in competing for thegoddess of knowledge. Her function in this myth. however. is not in thc form of goddess ofknowledge. but rather as a woman: the gandharvas arc not said to desire knowledge. in'' Kiihn 1970. p.92.
50

Although it would seem to be the gods who say this to the gandharvos (te 'bmvan vihvayümaha iii), in
the KS (24:1[90.9-103) and the KpS (372[228,4]) it is the gandharvas who suggest this: té gandharwû
abruvan vihvayârnaha iti.
51

See nieme 1952, pp. t 18-1 19 [repr. 1971, pp. 127-1281. Although Tnime d o a not discuss this ,\faiîrtiyani
Suyhiki passage. he does take up the parallel Tuitn'n-.va Saphitu passage (6:I :6:6)in note 3 of p. 119 [repr.
p. 1281, interpreting brahman as tnith formulation, either in the sense of mystical mths or as the threefold (rc.
s o m a , yujus) knowledge. in ligbt of SB 3:2:4:5 (ddün evd prkire). Brahnrcm in the smse of mcantation.

spell. or cham, on the other han& is prevalent in the Atharva b'e&. as in 437: 1 1, for instance.

53

Kiihn (1970, p.92) believes the gods use a trick in choosing to sing, for song is the dornain of thegandhrvas. By the time of the .tfahabharo&z,the gandhrvas are indeed musicians (see Hopkins 1915,
p.154). but this does not seem to have been the case in Vedic texts. At mosf the Athania k d a (4:37:7ab)
mentions the 'dancing" gandharva :aniryaro& .. gandharvisya...

which case Speech as goddess of knowledge would have been sent to them; they are said toand thus Vàc in the form of a "young woman of undirninishing youth."desire ~ornen.'~much like an apsaras. the usual spouse of a gandhan>a*.' is exchanged for Soma. Consequently
it is a woman whom the go& and the garidharvas vie for. and the means they resort to inorder to win her over are chosen accordingly. As a man might use a line. speak some"magical" or captivating words to catch a woman's attention. recite poetry or serenade her
to win her heart. the gandhumas resort to a charm and the go& to a song. The use ofcharms to win a woman's love was not uncornmon. as evidenced in the ,-îthawa Céda
(250: 3:25; 6:8-9.82. 102. 139)? Hencc the coiisequenccs of her choice arc then explainedin ternis of w hat a woman loves (MS 3:7:3[78.4-6]):ïherefore a Song is sung at a wedding. Therefore one who sings
is dear to a woman. That is why one knowing thus. singing asong. marries. Then the two (the married couple) age together.
They live their whole [ifespan. They do not get into dificulty.
Thus for a man the road to happy matrimony is by way of song-tragic indeed the fate of

the tone-deaf!
As for the Soma barter. the text concludes (MS 3:7:3[78.6-71):

Cf.AV 4:37: 11d gandharvah sacare stnyah
55

AV 2:2:5cd tdbhyo gandharvapatnibhp 'psardbhyo ' k a r q namah
AV 4:37: 7b g a n d h a r ï ~ ü p s a r ü p u r e ~56

Likewise channs weri; used to win a man (AV 2:36; 6:60,89,130-32).

tad cihur6

vui si pitzar

agachon obiva kirp carxi

somakrQYanhi//
About that [Soma barter] they Say: "She (Viic) did corne back.
There is no female with whom one barters for Soma."

The gods were indeed clever in invoking hcr with Song. for in this way. she was only
ternporarily exchanged for Soma. It should be notcd here that a woman's love of music. or
the conception of the author(s) that al1 women love music. is not under judgernent-muchless under criticism-in this passage. It is appropriate to Vic as speech. for speech ismeaninghil sound which in Song is set ta music.

ii. Whaku Samhiti (24: 1 [90.3ff.]) and k"pi.shzla Kutha Sumhità (37:2[227.16ff.I)

The K@haka and Kapis!halu Kafha Sumhitü accounts are almost identical. apartfrom a line not included in the K ü h k a Samhitü and a passage of the K@ltuku Sachitacorrected by Raghu Vira in his cdition of the Kapighala Ka!ha Samhitii in accordance withhis reading of the Kapifihala Kathu Samhitü.
When the gods asked the gandharvas to retum Soma to them. the gandharver refused.
The gods then considered bartering him back with a cow. but ultimately decided to send awoman. for the gundharvas desire women. "Having made speech a woman, let us releasemagic [with that woman]," they said (vacam sst[vap k-mümü-vàm ~~üv5srjtirneti).~~Havingdone so. they then claimed Vàc back: "Soma is ours. She with whom one barters for Soma"

KpS 37:2[228.1]. Schmder's cdition of the E;a!hakcr S<-hitri does not indude this lim. n e action
itself,however, is mentioned in both texts: (te in KpS) vàcam swam kgvcâ ma)-.àm upaVoSrjan (KS24: 1t90.7-81= KpS 37:2[228.1-21).

is ours" ( a s m i h l somo 'srnikani somakraQvczoitï)."The gandharvus suggested a wooing

cornpetition. and Vic chose the singing gods over the charm-pronouncing gandharvm. It

was then concluded (KpS 37:2[228.6-81 e KS 23: IO[gO. 11- 131):tasmâd güyantani strï komqvate na brahma vadantam / adnhvad
dhi SE brahmane / tusmàd ahur ah-tah somo na somakravany
asti / devin hi si Pinar upiivarîateti /Wcrefore a woman desircs one who sings. not one who pronounccs
a charm, for she (Viic) betrayed the charm. Therefore they Say:
"Soma is not bartered for. There is no fcmale with whom one
barters for Soma because she retumed to the gods."
Unlike the Moitrâvani Sumhitü. the I;o!hakn and t;opighula Katha Surphitus say
nothing about weddings and the life awaiting a man who sings. As if in abbreviatcd form.
it is simply stated that a woman desires one who sings. On the other hand. the failurc o f thec h a m is noted. Speech "betrayed" the charm in that a charm is supposed to work. and in

hcr case it did not. She fnistrated it in not allowing it to have its intended effect on her. The
final conclusion matches that of the Maitra-vqi Sa&Iü:

Vàc was never really barteredaway for Soma. The bartering was an illusion. a kind of magic (ma-v3)released by the gods

upon having made Vic a woman (KS 24: 1[90.7-81;KpS 37:2[228.1-21). And this magic of
the gods proved to be more powerful than the charms of the gandharvas.

In the Tuiniriya Samhita. the gods made VZc into "a one-year-old h a l e " ( s r iéknhi-vani). Once bartered for Soma. she took the f o m of a deer and ran away from thegandharvm (su rohid rUphm

gandharvébhvah [ 5 ] upakrh-va).She did not. however.

retum to the gods: she simply stood ( atisthal hbetween the gods and the gamiharvas. it
would seem. This time upon the suggestion of the gods (ré devi abruvan). the two camps

competed in summoning her. Shc chose the singing go&.

brahma gandharva a>adann ugüyun devrih sa' dev& g&ata
upcivartata rdsmüd g6yantam s t r b h kamqvonte d m u k a enam
str&a bhavunti -vu eviim véda
Thc gar~dhan>muttercd a cham. ?he gods sang. She tumed tothe singing gods. Therefore women desire one who sings. Womenare sure td9desire him who knows thus (6: 1:6:6).

iv. Aitareya Briïhmap ( 1:27:1)

The Aitare-vu Brühmaga account is unlike any of the othm in that Vàc appears as
goddess of knowledge. She is the controlling hand at the center of al1 activity: it is she who
knows what to do when the go& and the seers consider how they might have Soma corneto them. it is she who reassures them of her return when they resist bartering her away. and
it is she who is then seemingly exchanged for Soma.

somo vai rüjü gandharveiv osir

tom d e v a ca rsavaicûbhyodhhvâyan kutham aprn aîman somo râjtï gacched iti sü

vag abravit s t k n m ü vai gandharvü rnayaiva sttivü bhü~ayâpanadhvarn in' neti devà abnivan kutham vqvay tvad n e s-vàmeti
sübravit bîpitaiva -varhivâva vo mayirtho bhavitü tarhy eva vo'hampunar üganfeîmi~itatheri t q a mahüqagnvà bhutavü somamriijinam a m u n //For the possible shades of meanings connected with the suffi -uka-. see Delbrück 1968.9 123. p. 182.

King Soma was amidst the gundharvas. The gods and the seers
set their minds on him: "How might this King Soma come tous?" She. (i.e.)VZc. said: "The gandharvas desire women. Withme as a woman. barter [for Soma]." ''No." said the gods. "How
could we be without you?" She said: "Do barter. As soon as youraim will be [attained] through me, 1 will come back to you." "So
be it." With her as a mahüpagni. they bartered for King Soma.
The gods bartered. knowing there was no actual barter. for. as Vàc had assured them. assoon as they had Soma. she woutd rcturn to them. While in the Maitriiva~iSamhitii she

was given the form of a young woman of undiminishing youth (yosid anapa~e~vutamà).
inthe Kithoka and Kapisfiala Kafha Sumhiris a woman (sir; ). and in the Taittirtva Sumhittï

a one-year-old female (stn'ékahü-vam). in the '4 itarqva Briihmay she herse1f took the formof a rnah~pa~ni."
Keith translates this tcrm literally as "grcat naked

which mightsuggest a goddess. for she is called great. appeanng in naked fonn like a celestial prostitute.
This fits the coatext in that Viic is indeed a goddess. around whom. as noted above, al1
activity revolves in the Aitarepz Brûhmana account. She may not. however. be naked. for anagnika, as lhicme exp~ains.~'
is a girl just before puberty. She is naked only in the sensethat she does not yet have pubic hait. This would be more in line with the fom Vâc isgiven in the other accounts. in most of which her youth or infancy are stressed!'Arnahinagni. therefore. may be a pre-pubescent goddess.

In the $atuputha Brahmarip (3:?:4:3 ). as we shall sa.she is given the fom of a young woman (pgl).
Keith 1920 [repr. 19711, p. 128.

Thierne 1963, p. 178 [repr. 197 1. p.4431.

SAin the K@haka Surphiti and Kapighala Kalha Saryhi&ais not necessarily a h1ly gmwn woman. It
may simply denote the ferninine gender, as in the Taittirïya Saqhira where a "one-year-old woman" woutd
br: a contradiction in terms.

In the Satapotha Brihmona. the gods sent Viic to the gartdharvar. howing that she

would retum to them iogether with Soma (3:2:4:3):
té hocub / yositkamü vai gandhrind / vdcam evaibhyah
prahinavtïma / sd nah saha s&nen&amiqadti / tébh-vo va'cay
prdhinvant / sàintint saha s&nendgacchat //They said: "The garrdharvas desire young women. Lct us send
Viic to them. She will corne [back] to us with Soma." They sent
Vic to them. She came [back] to them with Soma.

The gandharvas. however. came after hcr. saying to the gods: "Soma is yours. but Speech
is ours." (3:2:4:4 somo yusrndkom v i g evijsm6kam iti ) presurnably understanding t hat Vac

had been bartercd for Soma. The clever gods agreed but added a condition: "So be it." said

the gods. "but since she has corne here. do not lead hm [away] forcibly. as it were. Let us
invoke her separately" (tathéti devz abmvann iho céd Egan màinàm abhiSciheva nui*vihvu~ümahàiri). As in the other accounts. a wooing cornpetition then cnsued. In this case.

however. the gods not only sang, but also played a musical instrument (3:2:4:5-6):

gandharvtih / védZn eva prbcira iti vai vuvam vidméti
vavum- . vidméti // athu de*/ vfnüm evci sr&vtïdayanto
nigcivanto aisedur iti vui te vuyhp güsythu iti tvü
pramodaaMyîïmuhaiti...
t-i

For her the gandharvas proclaimed the Vedas. (saying everytime) "... Thus we know !" "... Thus we know!" [5] Then the gods
produced a vin6 and sat d o m playiag (it) and singing (to thesound of it). "... Thus we will sing for you." "... Thus we will

amuse you." (they said every time).
Here the charm (brtihma) is undcrstood to be truth formulation in the fom of the Vedas.
and thus it is not simply a woman whom the gandharvas address, but it is the goddess ofknowledge whom they seck to impress. As elsewhere the gods sing. but they are now
accompanied by the vi@. This marks the very fint mention of the vina in connection with
Vic. for whose enjoyment it is and will continue to be played She will choose to rcmain
with the gods. and thus also with the vina. This connection is particularly significant. forthe vina will become Sarasvati's suprerne emblem. dominant amongst hcr attributes. andthus represented in so many of hcr images.
In this wooing competition. knowledge and music are vividy set against one another.
Following the recitation of each hymn or passage the gundharvas repeat that they know
(the Vedas). and after each Song the gods assure Vic that they will continue to sing for hcr

and thus to amuse her. Emphasis on the contrast betwecn knowledge and music paves theway for a rather critical assessrnent of V3c's choice. Whereas the remarks of the Muizr@uni.

Küthaku. AhpiMala Kafhu. and Taittirija Samhitüs appear in the form of generalizations

on what women desire (and thus the challenges faced by a man!), those of the Satapaiha

Brührnwa proceed to label as m b g h the things to which Vàc and consequently al1 womenare drawn (3:2:4:6):
sci devin upthuvarta sa vai si t h m b g h upa'vavom
smvadbhyuh Samsadbh-w nfltam @hm iiptïvavarta iaSmad dpv
etarhi mbghasamhit6 eva yosïî evatit hi vig ufivavarta t h u h-v
àny6 cinti -w@ tasmiid yii evu n*ati yt5 g&ati tcisminn evriit6
riitniilatarnà iva //She turned to the gods. She who tumed away from those who
praised and recited to dance and Song turned to something
deceptive. Therefore even now women are connected with
deceptive things. for Speech thus tumed to Dhe gods]. and because
other women [follow] after her. Therefore it i s to him who dances.
him who sings. that these (womenof the &y) are rather closcly
attached.
Although nothing was said about dance prior to this. it is now added to singing. Viic tumed
to these deceptive things (mbgha) which lead astray (mohqvanti). She as a woman chosethe singing go&, beiog drawn to what is deceptive. and hm choicc then determined thenaturc of al1 women. for they only follow in her footsteps.
The Satapotha Brihmana portrays VZc in a hvofold form representing polar opposites:as goddcss of knowlcdgc she is all-knowing. and yct in the fom of a woman she isconnected with deceptive things. and hence with delusion and ignorance. This polar tension
is particularly evident in the wooing cornpetition. Although what the gandharvas acniallyseek is VZc as a woman. with their proclamation of the Vedas they address the goddess ofknowledge. Even though the real aim of the gods is Speech as goddess of knowledge. with
their viyà and Song they pursue a deception-drawn. music-loving woman. They each aspire
for their desired object in a roundabout way. The go&. however, are more clever. for they
address ber in a method appropriate to her form at that given time. They made her awoman. and thus they appeal to her as a woman.

vi. Vadhzïla Brahmaea (Caland 192%p. 158 [repr. 1990. p.4581)

The CZdhZla Briïhmaqa. which belongs to the Taittiriya sikh&contains an accountof the Barter for Soma consisting in a word-for-word tepetition of Taittin*

Samhiti

6:1:6:6 treated a b o v e . with the insertion of four stanzas (in bold below): two of thestanzas are supposed to be the bruhman which the gandhanas pronounce. and the othertwo, the g8thü of the go&.

brahma gandharvü avadunn agayan dewï ye ha punie janà&sur iti brahma gandharvâ avudan yebhyab pürvavaho hüam /SIr;anvürics tebhyu gandha*pwü devebhyah âtclpat // yeha pürve jampiUve puntatarebhy* I mikdhnvàmt
tebhy* saubhtuv@ p w à 's ü w urafapad iti yti s m - q
pmthanuï varyetizi gâthiïm deva ag-nyasydm vitvam idnm
jagut / tam adya grlthahamgàsyàmi y â stn-@rn uliamay yaS@ //sarasvati predam ava subhage vàjinivah' / ü@ hto vihsya
bhutasya ptagayümasy a g w iti sà devon gtïvata upa-variarata[smîïd gü-vantam striyah kamaCIvuntekirnuka enam st n-wj6bhavanti yu evam veda"

The gandharvus uttered a brahman. The go& sang (a güthtï).
'Those people who existed previously," the gandharvas
recited "[and] those who were oonveying benefit previously
to hem, for (ail of) them the gandharva with the head heated[it] before the pds.Those people who existed previously [and]those previous to the more previous, for (au of) them the sonof Subhrü with the head heated [it] also before the Sun."'The gat& which if the k t and the cboice one of women,"
the go& sang, "in which this whole world [existsl, which is thehighest gbry of women, that @&di) 1wül sing today Further
this, O Sarasvatr, fortunate one, rich in prizes. As such we
wiil sing (praise) you at the beginning, before every king."
She tumed to the singing gods. There[fore women desire one
who sings. Women are sure to desire] him who knows thus.

.

ar

See p.9 1 above.

65

Caland has puro. but probably it is puni as in the following sunza. This is confinned by three of themanuscripts used by ikari, and it is, therefore, the reading he adopts for his critical dition.
ad

Although both Caland and Ikari have purà, this seems to be a scnbal emr under the influence of the piiof purva occuning repeatedty in these two stanzas. As in the fint stanza it should read purà67

nie square brackets are mine. indicating the abbreviated part suppliai by Catand from the Taiairiya
S q h i t 6 . As i k d s edition shows, the manuscript actually reads ta=bhavati.

As Caiand points out." these stanzas appear in different sequence and with vanants

within one and the same wedding Song found in the K@haka G&a Sütra (25:23). The twostanzas uttcred by the gandharvm. which are almost identical to one another. are variations
on stanza 3 of the wedding song. while the $hiof the gods consists of stanza 2 followcd

by stanza 1. with minor variations. The fact that these stanzas appear in a wedding song is

entirely in line with the hlaitrâva~iSamhiiii account which refers quite specifically tomamage (3:7:3[78.4-61). and with most of the other accounts which identify the kind of

man women desire (KS 24: 1[9O.l1]; KpS 37:2[228.6]; TS 6: \:6:6: SB 3:2:4:6). Thesestanzas also reveai that in the EdhtSku Brahma?la account. a brahman is not a charm. but a
Vedic passage. as in the ~atuparhaBrihmana. while a g&hü is not a song. but rather atechnical tcrm for a kind of stanza. Brcihman and gdhà thus belong to the same catcgory
here. The sense of the story. however. is partly lost if the gods and the gandharvar compete
for VZc in the same manner.
Another point of interest in the stanzas of the Cüdhùla Bruhmaw account is theappearance of Sarasvati. whom the gods invoke in the second stanza of their &hü. The
epithets she is given here arc comrnonly attributed to her in the Rg [céda: Sarasvati is calledsubhagci in RV 1:89:3â. 7:95:4b.6b. and 8:21: 17b and vüjinivatï in 1:3: lob. 2:41: 18b.
6:6 k3d.4b. and 7:96:3b. Although the weli-estabiished identification of Sarasvati and Vàc

in the Briihmaqas renders the invocation o f Sarasvati here natural. the use of Sarasvati's Rg

60th epithets makes her presence overshadow that of VZc.

vii. Brahma Puràpz (105: 1-18)

The Brahma Puriyu includes an account of this myth based on the ditareyu Brührnana

version. Here. as connecting threads are tied together and further mythological links areincorporated. the name Sarasvati is sometimes used instcad of Vic. the narrator is her
father-spouse Brahrni. and the story is related as an incident which took place at Soma

'Ilrtha ( 105: 1).
When the gods are distressed as to how they rnight regain Soma. they approach

Brahms and are answered by Vàc-his "better haif.'* As in the Aitarevu Bràhmuna. her
suggestion that she should be cxchanged for Soma. since women are dear to the gandharvas.

is met with opposition. The gods argue that they can remain ncither without Soma. nor
without Vàc ( 1055cd). She assures thcrn of h m rcturn and tells them to prepare a sacri ficc

on the banks of the Gautami river. where she can be exchanged for Soma (105:6b-8ab).

While the sages perfonn the sacrifice. Indra suggests to the gandharvus to barter Soma in
exchangc for Sarasvati (105: l lcd-13). Although Soma and Sarasvati are exchanged andthus Sarasvati belongs to the gatrdharvus. she remains near the gods. coming to them insecret ( 105: 15- 16ab):

somo 'bhavac cümarünüm gandharvüeay sarasvati /avasai tatra vïïgiSà tathüpi CU surântike //à-vàtica raho nityam upâtpiu krivatàm ili /And Soma belonged to the irnmortals (gods). Sarasvati to thegondhantas. (Aithough) the goddess of speech dwelt there. even69

Brahms made Saramati h m half of his body, as the Jfatsya Purûga recounts (3:30-32 ). See pp. 13 1-32
beiow.

so she also [dwelt] near the gods.
And she always used to corne secretly. "Let it (the barter forSoma) be done silently."
If. despite Sarasvati's secret visits to the go&. it should happen to look as if a barter
actually took place in this version of the myth. Brahmà makes it quite clear that it was not
the case ( 105: 17cd-l8ab): "Then Soma belonged to the go&. and Sarasvati also (bclonged

to them). The gandhuntas had neither Soma. nor Sarasvati" (tuto 'bhavad deva~üttüm
soma; càpi sarusvaili //gandharvü@rp naiva somo naivisic ca sarasvati / ). The gods werc
the winners and the gondhantas were the losers.
We are not told in what specific fom Sarasvati was apparently bartered away. but

clearly it was as a woman (105:8ab). As in the .-litareva Brihma!ra. the tvooing cornpetition

is iefl out. and thus also the conciuding remarks generated by Vic's choice. Right from theoutset. she confronts the opposition of the gods by assuring t h m of her retum. While in
the zlitarqva Brühmana she promised to corne back as soon as they had obtaincd Soma. in
the Brahma Purina she fulfills her promise by coming to them secretly. Although the gods

a n supposed to be the outright winners. in possession of bath Soma and V3c. in the
Brohma Purriyu thcir command of Sarasvati is hardly complete. given that she is openly
with the gandhorvar and secretly with them. 'The gods in the Briihmana accounts appear tohave fared somewhat better.

ïhe two points of particuiar interest in the myth of the Barter for Sorna-the appearanceof Viic in the form of a woman or a gid and the first signs of her connection with music ingeneral and the viw in particular-on which 1 have focused here take on rnaterialized formin Sarasvati images. Having appropriated the viyà. the goddess of knowledge is represented
as a beautifid woman playing upon it. It is noteworthy that both the ferninine form and the

comection with music initially arise in less than optimal circumstances: the female form is
imposed upon Vàc so that she rnay be bartered away. a Song is Sung for her so that shc as awoman may be lured back. and in the $atupaiha Brtihrnana. the vinà and Song to which shetums are deceptive things with which she fonns a link and sets the standard for al1 women
to follow. In order to complete the illusion of the barter. the illusory fernale fonn intended
to delude the gandharvas is herself subject to delusion. The beautifid Sarasvati with hervin5 thus fin& some of her roots in the muddy environment of deception and delusion in

the context of illusion. but like the lotus. she continues to grow and bloom long after theorigins of her beauty and music are entirely forgotten.

d. The River Sarasvatl

i. Sacrificial Session along the Sarasvati

Despite the Briihmanas' overwhelming emphasis on Sarasvati's identity with Vàc.
she as a river is far From forgotten. The Bràhmanas continue to proclairn the sacredness ofher waters and the auspiciousness of perfonning sacrifices on her banks. As we have seen.
already in the &g Veda (3:23:4) the Sarasvati had been identified as amongst the bestplaces on earth to establish one's sacred fie. The river Sarasvati is the path that leads to thegods (dmaLIv2inuh
panthoh). says the Taittirija Samhità (7:2:1:4).1° Therefore they who
perform a sacrifice lasting six nights to reach heaven (TS 7:2:1: 1 -drüira) go along theSarasvati. The PaficaMtpSa Bràhmuyn (25:10)"

describes a sacrificial session (sattra)to be

carricd out at vanous stages dong the river from the place where it disappears in the sands.
VinaSana. to its source. Plaksa Ptasravana (25: 10: 16):

cotuScatuüri~Sad cii.vi~~ünis a r a s v o ~ vinaSan21 plahah
prüsravaoas ziivad itah svurgo lw saraswtïsammi~en~dhvanü
svurgae [ohm yanti
Forty days on horseback from the place wherc the Sarasvati
disappears (VinaSana) [is] the "fig trec of the flowing forth [ofthe Sarasvati]" (Plaksa Prisravana). That far fiom here is theheavenly world. ïhey go to the heavenly world by a way
cornmensurate with the Sara~vati.~'nie sacredness of the river in the eyes of her worshippers. therefore. is beyond doubt.

ii. Kavasa Ailusa.4itare),a Brehmana (2:19)

The Aitarqva Bràhmaya recounts how seers were performing a sattra on the Sarasvati.
Thinking that a certain Kavasa Ailu.

was 'the son of a slave wornan a gambler. a

non-brahma!ta" (dàs-yühputrah kitavo 'brâhmanah).they drove him out into the desert.
TS 72:L :4 saramtya j a n y e* viii devayânah printhüs tam evânvd rohunti... '7hey go with Sarasvati.
This is the path that goes to the gods: v e d y they mount upon it."70

71

Cf.JB 2297-99.

" The ri~ualsto be camed out at the various stages along the river an rxplained in the srauta Sûtras (fiRhto the second century B.C.E.). See ~ankhyüyana&aura Sutra l3:29; Lapüyma $ruzitu SÙRO 10: 15.

saying: "Let thirst strike him there. Let him not dnnk the water of the Sarasvati" (atrainump i p ü s ~hanrlr sarusva@ udakmp rnà püd iti). As he was in the desert. afflicted by thirst.
he saw the Aponaptriya ("child of the waters") hymn (RV 10:30). "Forth among the gods.

let there be speeding for the brohrna~za"(pra devatrtï brahmaye gürur et^).'^ Thereby hewent to the abode of the waters. which rose up after him, and Sarasvati flowcd al1 aroundhim (2:19:1)? That is why they cal1 this place Parisiiraka, for this is where Sarasvati

flowed al1 around @an'sasÜra)km: ~usmtïddhiïpy etarhi panküraùurn ity ücukcate yadenarii sarasvati samanfam parisasiira (2:19:2). The seers thcn understood they had been

mistaken. RecogniUng that the go& knew Kavasa Ailüsa. they called on him. Having
perforrned the Aponaptriya hymn. they too attained the abode of the waters. and the text
adds. of the gods (2: 19:3).''

The Kuqitaki Brâhmaoa includes anot her version of this myth. While the MGdhyamaseers were perfoming a sattra on the Sarasvati. Kavasa sat d o m with thern to eat. but theyobjected: "You are the son of a fernale slave. W e will not eat with yod' (düvü vai tvam

putro 'si na va-vag tua-vü bha/qa&virna iti ). Kavasa became angry and left. He recited ahymn of praise to Sarasvati. who then followed after him: sarasvatim etena stiktena tus~âva

RV I0:30:la.
tendpam p r i y q dhàrnop~gacchattam apo 'ntid0)'ah.s tam sarasvat1 samanram paryadhavat ,../
te vci - g q o 'bmvan vidur va i m a ~d a a upematit hvuyamclhü izi rarheti (am upûhvayanta tom
upahu).uitad aponaptnj-amakurvata pra devatni brahmane g&r etv iti tenüpürn p r i y q dhamopigacchannupa devànam .. 'tafi he-vam anveyü-va. The seers came aAer him: "O seer. homage to you. Do not harm us.

You indeed are the best of us. you whom this one (Sarasvati) follows" (rse namaste ku
ma no himsih tvum vai noh ires- 'si -vum tw-vam anvehn'). Thus they dispelled Kavasa's

anger. The Kaz~sitakiBrühmaya concludes that this is the greatness of Kavasa the one whocame to know this (Aponaptriya) hymn: su esa kavasasyuiva mahimi ~ k t a s y acànuvedilà.

Thus the Brahmqas gloriQ Sarasvati as river and as Vàc. Through Vat. Sarasvati isconnected with knowledge and music. and for the first time. with the vina.

II.EPIC AND PURANIC SARASVATÏ
Intmduction

The epics and the Purinas belong to an entirely different category of religious Iiteraturethan the Vedas. Although. like the Vedas. they were transmitted orally. unlike the Vedas,
their transmission did not require word for word. syllable for syllable. precision. which
would in fact have been contrary to the spirit and custom of the wandering bards. Stones

were retold over and over again. but each time a little differently in accordance with themood and inspiration of the storyteller and the response of his audience. The intention wasto amuse and convey certain moral/ethicai/spintual values. drawing in the 1isteners byrecounting sto&they had probably heard countless tirnes already. The bards had Ml

liberty to change the stories to some degree. expanding. embellishing, or abndging. deviating
to other topics. etc. Thus dating the epics and the Puriiqas. legends of which would haveexisted in some form two thousand or more years ago. perhaps reaching as far back as the
Rg Céda in some cases. is a very dificult task to Say the least. The Mahübhürata (Mbh) in
its present fom is generally accepted to date from about 400 B.C.E.to 400 C.E.' In thecase of individual Puriinas. the dates assigneci to tbern can range over a period of athousand or more years. Cleariy, as they stand today in printed fonn. the texts haveundergone revisions and include countless insertions. Although there arc critical editions of
the epics. most of the Puriys have yet to be critically edited. Even critical editions. itlSee van Buitcnen 1973. p.xxv.

should be added. do not necessarily represent ''the'' text itself. for not only are they subject

to the choices made by the editors' but, especially in the case of the Purinas. there aremanuscripts that have not been consulteâ. others that have been lost. and then. as a living

oral tradition. there is the material which was never committed to wnting-and.

one might

even argue. which continues to be produced.' Epic and Puranic texts. however. abound indetails regarding the conceptual and iconographie development of Sarasvati. amongst
countless other topics, and thus, despite sornetimes extreme looseness of time fiame. mustnecessarily be carcfully studied.
It will bc noted that although reference to secondary sources was often made within
the context of Vedic literature, it is not the case in the Epic and hiranic Sarasvati. In
contrast with the complexity of the Vedic language. that of the epics and the Puranas iscompamtivcly much simpler. From a linguistic point of view. thercfore. there are fewer
problems to be discussed. Analyses and studies of thernes contained in the texts tend to be
descriptive and interpretative. In temis of studies in direct connection with the epic or
Puranic Sarasvati. they are largely descriptive and repetitive of one another. and thus it ispreferablc here to resort above al1 to the prirnary sources.

' On the choica made by the editors of the critical edition of rhr Slahobharaui. W.for instance.
Biardeau 1977, 19%1.
3

On the Ebmiqas, see Ludo Rocher's introduction in 1 986.

In the Mahâbhürata. Sarasvati appears above al1 as a sacred river, along whichpilgrimages are made. She is also represented as goddess of speech and knowledge. In

relation to others. she is depicted as daughter. wife. and mother.

a. Mythology of the Riveri. Sacred River
Geography

This best of rivers and greatest of streams (nadinam t m m a nodi )' is desciibed asembanked by i d a g-rove? and woods with al1 kinds of trees and creepers. In stark contrast

with the Rg kda's rnighty. uncontrollable flood. bursting the ridges of mountains with herstrong waves.' she has become "the safe. brimming Sarasvati of tranquil waters" (...

pramnasalilim Sivüm / ... paripuetïm sarasvatim // ).8 Dhaumya. the of the Pân&vas.

Mbh 3:82:56b. CT,RV S:4l:16a nadhme.

3:26:1d sarasvatiialavane~.
3:98: t 3ab saranuryah pare piire nanadmalaf a v r n . See a h , for example, ~Mbh3:88:2ab: sararvatt

RV 13: 123; 6:61:2ab. See p. 11 above.
s

3: 179: 15. Transi. by van Buitenen in 1975, p.570. There is one instance (3:130:3ab) where she isdescribed as billowing: es4 sarasvoti punyü diwa codhuvati nadïspeaks of her idyllically as "Sarasvati of holy currents, full of lakes and embanked bywoods," lending her former impetuousness to the Yamunâ (3238 :2):

As in the description of the PaficavimSa Brtihrn~yu.'~
her source is identified as

Plaksa [Pra~ravana].~'and she is said to disappear in the sands at VinaSana. " She reappeae.
howevcr. at Camasodbheda. ~ivodbhcda. and Nigodbheda." As in the Rg j'edo. shc

debouches in the ocead'l Sage LomaSa. who has been dclegated by Indra to guide Yudhisthiraon a pilgrimage tour (vatriil of the t i ~ h a sexplains.
that she can be seeu at the Càrnasa
Spring. where al1 ocean-bound rivers converge into her: esa vai camasodbhedo yatra dr&asarasvatz / ya~aintimabhyavananta div-vühprt-vüh samudragah // (3: 1 30:s). Amongst theholiest confluences are that o f the Sarasvati and the Amnà. known as the Goddess's Ford
(Devi Xrtha) l5 and that of the Sarasvati and the Ganges?

9

'O

Il

E.g. Lake Dvaita (3: 1?4:21 cd 1: sarasvunm es.o niv&akamah sarps taro dvuitavanaqa pratiruh
PB 25: 10. See p. 101 above.
Mbh 3:82:Sc plabad devi s m â .

1J

3:80: 1 19ef carnase ca sivodbhede ndgodbheâu ca d e a r e . See also 3: 130:Sab quoted in the main tex1
on this page.
14

RV 7:95:2b. See p. 1 L above. Mbh 3:8O:79ab taro gama saramotyah sdgarasya ca sumgame

15

3 :8 1 :13 1 taro gacchen narahsjhu tirtham d y ü yathakramaml o k a v i i m t ~.,16,

sarusvaiyaru~âyïico samganrapt

3:82:34 garigüyai. ca narairestha sorasvar).aSca saygame , snaro 'httmedham @nori murgaiohm cagacchati

Mythology and Dharma of Geography

Epic stones provide mythological accounts for the geographical features of the river.

The responsibility for the ûisappearance of the river in the sands. a nahiral. geographicalphenornenon. for instance, is assigned to the Nisiidas. They are a wild non-Aryan tribe
described as man-eaten (2:28:44~).'~
hunters. fishermen. and thieves.18 in disdain for whom
Sarasvati entered the earth so as not to cross their lands. lest they should know ber(3: t30:3~-4d):etad vinaianam nama sarasvatyu viSory pare //dvàrom ni.@arÜspasya yesüe dveMt smsvati /pravisfü pnhivim vira m i niscidà hi m& viduh //Because of the impure. unrighteous. "adharmic" Nisiidas. then. the river Sarasvati chooses
to disappear in the sands.
Likewisc the river changes her course for the sake of the pure-minded. So as to be
seen by the gis of the Naimisa forest. for instance, she tums eastwards (9:36:35):
yaha bhcyo r~ivavfleprürimirkha vai sarawati /rsi~ümnaimisevti~iïmo v e ~ û r t h amahtïrmanüm~//

Subsequentiy. however. the large nurnber of seers crowded on her banks find themselves inneed of a broader tinha (9:36:48). In order to accomodate them. the river. out of compassion.
tunis westwards: rsinam punvatapasam kp'm~ty~at~amejayu// tato nivoya rujeendru tesâmarthe sarasvuti / bhu-vahpraricyabhimukhi sumiva saritam vari // (9~36:
5 1cd-52).
What wc have here is clcarly more than just stories woven around geography. The
myths have a didactic purpose. They convey not only where Sarasvati moves to. but why.

When she does not wish to be seen by the unrighteous Nis3das. she enten the earth. When

she wishes to be seen by the righteous Naimisa seen. she changes her course. When herbanks become overcrowded with pis. sbe changes course again to provide them with more
space for the performance of their tapas. The choices she makes. then. are on the basis ofdharma versus adharma. She does not choose which dircction she wishes to move in. but.

more importantly. presumably i;l the author(s)'s view. she chooses the direction andfacilitation of dharma and the avoidance of adharma. As goddess of knowledge.
discrimination between nghteousness and unrighteousness. purity and impwity. dharma
and adhurma is naturally and neccssanly ascribed to Sarasvati.

Inhabitants and PiIgrims

Many. many seers. then. dwelt on the banks of the Sarasvati. Amongst the sages ofgreat renom were Vasisiha. ViSviimitra (9:4 1 :4).19and Dadhica (3:98:12d- 13a)." al1 ofwhom had their hermitages on ber banks. There were also yuki;u.s. vidvûdharas. demons,go&. and other classes of beingsYwho engaged in ascetic practices and performed sacrifices

on the Sarasvati:
19

aSramo vai vasisfiasyu sth&nuhrthe 'bhavan mahan piinutah paicr'rnui c&td viivamitraydhimaf&.'20

dadhicasyaSramam y a p h ,!. sarawatpih pare pa re...

"See 9:36:20-2 1 and 9:41:5, for instance.

tàm yo~agandhorvamah~r~ika~ztümÜavZgabhUtcimiva devatiïnim /... [Sarasvati] beloved of seers. Gandharvas, and Yaksas. the sacrificeground of the Gods themselves... (3: l74:Mab) =They performed vanous rites. including Siirasvata yaj,ias (3: 129:2 lab)? People also
went on Iengthy pilgrirnages (tirtha-vâtrà)along the river. against its course. In accordancewith Daksa's pronouncement, they came by the thousands to die therc in order to attainheaven (3:130:1-2):
iha martyis tapas tapîvà svargam gacchanti bhürata /mariukümà nard riijann iheànti sahasraiah //evum i@ pro-vuha hi dahena yajata purà /iha ye va mariqanti te vai svurgajito na@ //Thus when &na dicd his sixteen thousand wives drowned themselves in the Sarasvati
and having been rebom as apsamses. rhey attained their lord ( l 8 : W 1)."

ii. Pilgrimage Expanded

Pilgrimage Accounts

The rirth~yütrüalong the Sarasvati described in the Mahiibhiirota is far more extensive- Transiation by van Buitenm in 1975, p.560.
v

23

iha sarumatair yajiïair igavantab sumrsayahthan the one in the Paficavirpia Brühm-a(25: lO)? Numerous tirthas are inciuded in its

course. and according to some manuscnpts (passage excluded from the cntical edition).
there are tirthas at evcry step. numbenng in the hundreds and thousands: tathâ tirthünv
onekaiah / sahasraiatasaipkh-vüniprathittini pude pade / ' 6

There arc two lengthy pilgrimage accounts in the Mahibhürata :1. In the Vana Parvan (3:80- 153). Yudhisthira. having heard Pulastya's (as reported by

Nirada) and Dhaurnya's descriptions of numetous tirthas. including some on theSarasvati. sets out with sage LomaSa. Rcflecting a shift fiom complex. costly
rituais to the simpler practice of visiting sacred places. Pulastya explains the meritacquired from pilgrimage to these sites. oflen in terms of the Vedic ritual equivalent:
while. for instance. by bathing at the ~ n i i ï j aTirtha on the Sarasvati. one attains
the reward of the Agnistoma (3:8 1:9 1 irikuiijàm ca sarasvatyüm tirthambharatasattama / tutru snitwi rnaro râjann agnigomam phalum kubher II). by bat hingat the confluence of the Ganges and the Sarasvati. one obtains a Horse Sacrificeand goes to heaven (3:82:34 gangàavZ CU narairestha sarasvatyüi ca samgame /snito Yvumedham üpnoti svargalokuty CU gacchati // ). LomaSa. on the otherhand. recounts many legends associated with the tirthas.

2. The salya Parvan (9:34-54) includes an account of Baladeva's pilgrimage spccificallyalong the Sarasvati. and is thus of greater relevance forour study. Herc VaiSampiiyana
describes to Janamejaya what tirthas Baladeva and his extensive entourage visiteci.
and the legends associated with these tirrhas." The Vedic ritual equivalent ofbathing in a particular tinha is also somctimes incorporated into the story itself. At
the Udayiina (Well) Xrtha (9:35). for instance. the sage Tnta is said to have fallen
into a pit near the Sarasvati (9:35:24c-25d)." and, having been left there by his
brothers Ekata and Dvita (9:35:271.'~he mentally performed a Soma sacrifice

See criticai cdiiion. passage 224 in note on 9:36:35.

' For a list of the tirthas. we Indm 1967. pp.73-78.
" tathu &p 'vidrire 'bhiir sarasvaiy& tule mahan ,,.' atha trito
tad bhayad apusarpan vai rasmin hïpe pupita ha ,29

mm dppa pathi tis~hmtamagratah

ta3 jtiûrva patitam kupe bhrafardvekataàvitau ;vrkutr&Oc ca lobhac ca samutsrfia praiamattrh ,:ILI(9:35:32-35)." The gods appeared (9:35:39b-d)." and no sooner had he asked thathenceforth one who bathes in this well should attain the equivalent of ârinking
soma, that the Sarasvati river rose up from the bottom of the well and lifted hirn tothe surface (9:35:45cd-46ab)." The usual pattern in this pilgrimage account is thatthe name of the tinha is given and a myth connected with the name is told in brief.
Then Janamejaya asks questions to elicit a far more detailed account of the myth.
which Vaiiampâyana then provides.

1 do not propose to recount and discuss evcry myth associated with every tinha dong

the Sarasvati river. but rathcr to focus on thrce of the stories which present new or modified
featurcs and thus reflect changes in the conception of Sarasvati: the Saptasarasvata Tirtha

myth (9:37). the cursc of Sarasvati at the Sthiiqu Tirtha (9:4L-42).and the story of her son
Sarasvat who dwclt at Sarasvat Trtha (950).

It will be remembercd that in the Rg Céda (6:61:1Ob). Sarasvati was cailed soptcisvasr.
None of her sisters was named, however. In the Mahàbhthra we find seven Sarasvatis.
each given a different name and location. and yet seven f o m of the one Sarasvati (9:37:34):

rajafi sapa sarasvatyo yübhir yaptarn idam jagat /ihütii balavadbhir hi tatra tatra saramati //30

pü.nrgras te tata4 ktipe vicintya sa1il.t munib agnin samhlpayamdsa horre cdnnünam eva CU
tatas rüm vimdhq somae samhlpya sumahatapini4 ' rco yajuw samuni manasci cintayan munihigtavdnah
iurkarohprucuh 'bhhavam n-rpo . üjyam ca salilam c a h bhagatyi ca rridivaukasamsomasyabhi+-avamk p a cakoro mmlaty dhvanim ./ sa ciiwiiad divam râjan narab iaikys t r i f q a rai
samuvapa ca ram yainam yathokrom brahmovüdibhi(t
.'

;

/'

32

y& cehopasp.riet kupe sa somapagatim labhet'

taira c o n n i ~raiannïutpaprita sarasvat1 .

'O King, there are seven Sarasvatis which cover this universc. forwherever Sarasvati was invoked by the strong. there [she appeared]:Suprabhi. Kàficanàksi. ViSGlà. M i n a s a W . Oghavati. Suvenu.
Vimalodakii [are the] Sarasvati.
Always in connection with a sacrifice. invoked by Brahmâ she appeared as Suprabhii at

Puskara (937: 12)'' and as V h a i ~ d i in
i the Himavat mountain (9:37:26c-f); " called on by
the seen of Naimisa she appeared there as Kàficafibi (9:37: 16cd l8a);" rcmembered at a

Gaya sacrifice she appeared as ViSala at Gaya (9:37: 19cd-20ab);" invoked by Auddalaka
she appcared as M h a s a b d â at Kosala (9:37:2223cd);" revered by the royal seer King

Kum. she. as Suvenu. came to Kuruksetra (9:37:24)? and called on by VasisIha she
appeared as Oghavaü at Kuru~etra(9:37:~5).'~
Al1 seven juin at Saptasârasvata Tirtha(9:37:27)?O

The theme of the multiple forms of the one Sarasvati is connected with her & Cédo

33

tac chmfYCSbhagavin pdih sasrnaratha sarasvatim . pittimahena yajatü ühutiî puskareg vai . suprabha
nama rüjendra namna tatra saramari'

34

vimalodü bhagavati brahmana yajara punah samahuta yayau tatra punye haimavate girau

35

te samagamya munayah sasmanïr vai sarasvatîm :. ... naimise kan'canâbi ru...

?6ahùta saritürp Sresta gaya-yajnesarusvafi .. viialip tu Raye? ahïir .gayah samiitavratah'

J7uttare Rosalubhdge puge rüjan mahürmanah
manohraderi vikhydta sà hi tair manasi h v iI

audddakena yajuta p ù r v a ~dhyâtii sarusvatï .;...

'!

38

suvequr ~~ubhadvi'pe
prrn~àrajarsisevita kuroi ca yajamünasya kumbetre mahutman4
the Malayalam manuscript here for punyü raja,-kevita. )J9(I follow

oghavaty api rujendra vasisthena mahatmana samühutü kumkretre dîv)ato)?osarasvahan
,'
,

40

ehibhutcis tatas t h ru t u s m i l tirthe samagat*,

saptasiïramatam tirtham tatas tatprathitam bhuvi'

identity as one of the àpos. of whom she appeared as the representative in RV 10:30:12.4'
Above d l , however. it anses fcom the sacredness in which she was held and which therefore
enabled her to function as their representative. "Al1 rivers are the Sarasvati," says theMahtïbhürata ( 12:255:39a sami nudvah sarasvat-va4). And in the Saptasiirasvata Tirtha

myth. sevenfold specifics are provided. To this list may be added the Arunâ. as recounted
in the story surrounding the Sthànu 'Tirtha (9:42:24cd)."

In the continuing play on the numerd seven, a sub-story is told about the sage
Mankanaka. Seeing a beautihil woman bathing naked in the river. his seed fell into theSarasvati (9:37:30 snüyaniim ruciripàrigim digviisasamaninditàm / sarasva~upmahàrcïja
caskmde v i ~ a mambhasi //)? He picked it up and piaced it into a jar. wherein it divided
into seven parts. from which seven sees wcre bom. from whom in tum sprang the rnancts(9:37:31 rad retah sa tn jugrüha kolaSe vai mahûtaptïh / saptadhü pravibhügam iu
kaiaiasthap jagtïrna ha / tarra r e a h sapa jütü juj5ire mamtt5m gaqàh // ). This story

would make Sarasvati. therefore. the mother of seven seers.

Thus what we find in thc story of the Saptasarasvata Tïrtha is the expansion of thesapiLisvas~concept. in that names arc given and locations identified. We also find theconception of Sarasvati as mother. a themc appcaring also in the Sarasvat Tirtha legend. as
we shall see.

For che Sthiinu Tirtha myth see pp. 1 15- 1 19 below.

' Given the main story of the Sapfairasva~'linha, w h m Sarasvati plays the central d e . one wonden if
this naked woman could not k Sarasvati herself in human fom, as L.C.D.C.Priestley suggests (personalcommunication).

In the Sthiinu Tirtha, it is said. Siva (Sthiigu) performed austeritics (9:41:5)" andSkanda was installed as commander of the cclestial a m y (9:41:7)? ViSviimitm. furthemore.

brought Vasigha to this tiriha by the power of his lapas (9:4 1:8)? It is the last of thesestories which is told hcre.

Viiviimitra and Vasistha were perfoming austentics everyday. Seeing Vasigha's

energy (tejas). Viivàmitra was overcome with jealousy and resolved to have the Sarasvati
bring Vasistha before hirn so that he could kill him (9:41:9-1l).'"She appeared before hirnin human form, palc and trembling (Y:4 1:14- 15):
tata enam vepamüna vivap~üprüiijolis tada /upatasthe munivaram viSvamitram sarasvari //'Ihen pale and trembling Sarasvati appeared with joined palms before
the b a t of sages Viivarnitra.
Afflicted with grief like a wornan whose husband has been slain. she
asked [that] foremost of sages: 'Tell [me] what is to be done."

When asked to bring Vasigha to him. she began to tremble like a creeper in the windUyatra sthagir maharija taptavan sumahar ta&
yatr&a karma rad dhoraq pravadanti manljinah .
yatrespa bhagavân stha~uhpüiayimâ sarasvatïm stitapa)'arn~adeveio lin~âkorümsarasvatim
/

45

47

/'

;'

tarra sarve surah skandam abhyqifican narodhipa .' senapa-ena mahata surürivinibarhagam .

viSvâmirr;avasis{h thahairyaltani bharara spardt a M M d m tivray caRr4ncs tau tapodhanau
tatrupy a d h i h a m t a p vibimitro mahamunih :drspa tejo vâsisfiqa cintam abhijagama ha , t q a buddhir
marsamipam tapodhanam anayigari vegena
iyam hy &id dharmanitpsya bhbmta i i~ sarmati nivasisfiam iaparam varam îhà~atamï i v i j a i r e s f h ~hanisycïmi na samiayah

(9:41:17cd viyvathe suvimhevu lurà vaavusamiriti // ). In fear she went to Vasisrha(9:41: 18).48who told her to do as ViSvFimitra had ordered. lest the latter curse her (9:41 :23).49

As she was bearing him away. Vasistha praised her thus (9:41:29-3 1):

piràmahasya sarasah pravfltüsi sarusvaii /yviptotp cedam jagai sarvam tavaiviimbhobhir uttamaib //Nam evcikc.fagÜdevi meghepïtsyjare puyah /samG cüpus marri everi mano va-vumadhimohe //pugir h t i s taihü kirtih siddhir vrddhir umà tuthi /tvum eva viqi svohii muqt tva-w 6-vat tam idam jagar /tam eva sarvabhiïttqzi vasasiha carurvidhà //You have arisen from the Grandfather's lake. O Sarasvati. and you fi11
this entirc universe with your highest waters.
Pervading space itself. O goddess. you anse in the clouds [as] moisture.
Al1 waters are you alonc. Because of you we leam.

You are prosperity. splendeur. glory, success. growth. Uma. You indeed
are Speech. You are mihâ. This world is dependent on you. Fourfold
you dwell in ail beings.
Having brought Vasistha to Viivirnitra (9:41:32cd).'O as ViSvâmitra was looking for aweapon to slay Vasigha. she bore Vasis~hato the other shore (9:41:34a-d) " to protect
him. ViSviirnitra became angry and cursed her to tum to blood (9:4 1:35-36)." For one year.

4atathagutüy ru ram dcpa vepamânam kpâiijalim
anaya

vi.bamitro 'bravit h d d h o vcrs&am iighram

,' '

49

~rahyutmanam saric chrege vaha maty iighrugamini vihümitrah Saped dhi hrüm m a .thtirvicara@marvam

12 tam ' pavahitum drspü vasigam ~sisatfamm abrO).id atha samkmddho v&tïmitro hy amarsanah ., ...
ionitam vaha kaly@tirakso~~aqisammatamIher waters flowed mixed with blood (9141:37cd)." In memory of the incident. the tMha

was called Vasisthapaviiha "Carrying Away Vasistha" (9:4 1:39ab)?
What is interesting here is Sarasvati's appearance in human fonn. She also appean to~vetaketu in this form (3:132:2ab): sük~üd atra ivetaketur dadaria ssoasvarim
münusadehanipcim / W hen the sage Erksya addresses her ( 1: 184:2-3). furthermorc. as weshall see. he calls her beautiful-limbed ( 1: 184:2c cüntsaiüdgi). In the ~r5hrnanas;' it willbc rcmembcred, Vâc had appeared before the gandhantas as a beautiful woman so as to gct

back the soma. VZc as a beautihilly attireci. passionate woman. howevcr. was known
already in the &g Céda ( 10:7 1:4cd).56 The earliest surviving image of Sarasvati. an inscribed
sculpture fiom about the third cenhiry C.E.:'

clearly shows she was dcpicted in humanform amongst the Jains dunng at least the latter half of the lengthy period of compositionof the Mahiibhàrata (ca. 400 B.C.E. - 400 C.E.).

Another interesting point here is the perception of Sarasvati as fiightened. A smdlness

in spirit is thus attributed to her. On the geographical level. it parallels the river's decreasein size and volume. as it acquires a description as safe and bnmming (3: 179: 16)? In thecontext of this myth. ha considerably weakcned personality is tied in with the prevalentconception of the extraordinary power of tapas. (It may well also have sornething to dowith her gender.) At the cost of her own power as a goddess. that of the sages-through53

avahac chonitonmiiram toyam samvarsaram tadaYevam vasi;[hapavaho loke khyarojanüdhipa

55

See pp.85-99 abovc.

'6

See p.86. note 47 above.

57

See pp. 166-7 1 below.

'"ep. 106 above.

their austenties-is highlighted. as she trembles before them in fear of their cuaes. She
who in the Rg Veda was an uncontrollable. rnighty flood. an al1 too powerfbi mother-goddess
figure. before whom her wonhippers trembledJ9 is here for the first time portrayed as
weak. afraid and vulnerable. Threatened by Viivhitra. she fin& herself at a loss as towhat to do: in the confusion cngendered by fear. the hitherto fearless goddess. who presidcs

ovcr knowledge. losn. in addition. the power of discrimination vital to know ledge. Shea n s fiom one sage to the other, desperately trying to avoid being cuned by either one.
And then. when she realizes Vasistha understands her prcdicament and will not cune hm.

she good-naturedly yet fool ishly tri es the impossible: to protect Vasisrha while O beying
ViSvZmitra and thus to avoid the latter's curse. Predictably. ViSvZmitra does not appreciate

her well-intentioned cat-and-mouse game. and she is ultimately cursed to tum to blood.
Given that the fùnction of these myths is to gloriQ the tinhas aiongside this mostsacred of rives. surely their authoas) intended to show Sarasvati in the best possible light.
despitc the ovenvhelming power of the sages' ta pu.^. It is regrettable. howevcr. that they
inadvertently robbed her of her discrimination and hence knowledge. over which shepresides. in the process. Had she fearlessly refuscd to involve herself in ViSvârnitra's petty
jealousy and been cuaed at the outset. hcr glory and greatness would not have been
reduced.

Despite appearing as a Ml. fiightened figure. misguidedly atternpting to do what isright. in memory of who she was ia the p s t . Vasis!ha praises Sarasvati as a geai goddess.

on whom the universe depends. In other words. the portraya1 of Sarasvati in this myth is" See p. 14 above.

entirely uneven. recalling the past while incorporating the ideology of subsequent timcs.
The story then continues in 9:42. wherein some seers. shocked to find innumerable
demons dnnking Sarasvati's water rnixed with blood at the Vasis!hZpavàha Tirtha. rescue
the Sarasvati (9:42:6-7)? When the river is purified howevcr. the demons are amictcd
with hunger (9:42:14d)? Out of compassion for them. Sarasvati assumes a new f o mcalled ArwS (9:42:24cd)P2 significantly meaning "reddish-brown." for demons drink blood.
Having bathed in this river. the demons attain heaven (9:42:25ab).63

At the Sarasvat Tirtha. sagc Sarasvat taught the Vedas to other sages (9:50:3cd)? As
VaiSampayana recounts. sage Dadhica perfomed such austerities that Indra began to fearhim (9:50:5a4b).~'A beautifbl apsaras called Alambusà was sent to distract him (9:50:7)."CI)arhaganaya mahabhagcïs fat h-rthum dümnam tada drmpa top? sarasvatyah ionitena pariplutam
tan 4ppa rdkasün rajan munayah samiitavra~ahpiyamiïnam ca rakybhir bahubhir npasattarna
paritrâne sarassaiyah param yauram pracakrire ':'According to a passage not included in the critical edition (110.256following 9:42: 12). it is only a hwonhipping siva that they rescue her tïrâdhya pPiuhhanaram mahadmay jagatpatim moi.;aytimcisus tüm
devim satic chregam sarclsyarîm

For the theme of the multiple f o m of the one Sarasvati, see pp. 1 12-1 14 above.

64

vedan adhyapayamüra puru sarasvato munih

65

ait jnirvae mahuruja munir dhhün mahatapah
iaqati~apasahiakm bibheti satatam vibho
Cr0

pralobhandrthaty
alambusam .-.-

taq~atha pràhi~orpâkaSaSan&

dadhica iti vikhydo brahmacan jitendriyab.(

divyam apsaraay puqyam darian[vamSeeing her. his vital seed dropped into the Sarasvati (9:50:9a-~).~'and in time she gavebirth to a boy (950:1 1ab)." Dadhica called him Sarasvat (9:50:21)* and proclaimed(9:50:22-23):

During a twelvc-year drought. Sarasvat will teach the Vedas. O fortunate
one. to the bcst of the twice-born.
And. O forninate Sarasvati. through my grace you will always be themost sacred of holy rivers, O beautifid one.

And so it happencd at least with Sarasvat. During the drought. Sarasvati fed her son fish

(9:50:37):' and after t hc twclve-year period. when the famished seen had lost knowledgeof the Vedas (9:50:40ab)." Sarasvat taught them (9:50:48b-d)."In the & I éda. it will be remembered, Sarasvat was Sarasvati's male counterpart.
c o ~ e c t e dor identified with Ap@ Napiit. the son of the waters ( 1: 164:52)." Here hebecomes her son. As mother. she takes on a role already farniliar in a general sense in the67

t& diyw-vapusam dopa tasya rSer bhavitamanah retuh sltonnom sarusvasyü~...

Mlmsuÿe capi samrr).eputram sa sar-69

tavaiva nümna prathitah putras te lokabhivanah surmata iti khyato bhaviqati mahatapcïh 'mfivara .

na gantavyamitah putra tavâharam ahag sa&, d-mite*matlapravorànupatcïm iha bharata :hydhaparttiütam n a g a vedà vidhar?a~àm,r,munayas te vidhanatah , tasmad vedàn anuprapl'a punar dharmam pracakrire :73

See p. 10 above.

Rg léda (2:4 1: 16a)74and in a more specific way in the Yajur I'kda's healing of Indra (VS
19:94ab)." She plays. however. an almost passive role in that she funcrions as a carrier of
Dadbica's seed, which falls into her simply because she is there. The sage. steeped inaustenties. is roused by another. and Sarasvati. out of devoted respect for him (950:12ef),'~caries his seed. Acting as a surrogate rather than a real mother. she does not develop

possessive matemal instincts towards the child. and therefore readily offers the infant toDadhica af€erbirth. Although the sage is delighted and blesses Sarasvati and Sarasvat. as acelibate. solitary ascetic intent on continuing his austenties. he is not about to start raisinga child. like an ordinary householder. Hence Dadhica names the surrogate mother as theactual mother. rcturning the child to her. She. in tum. joyfully accepts Sarasvat and lovingly
raises him. keeping him alive t hroughout the twelve-ycar drought.
With a sage as father and a riverine goddess of knowledge. identiticd through Vâcwith the Vedas. as mother. Sarasvat cannot but become a sage hirnself (9:50:36b rnunih

sürasvatns tadZ 1).Kept alive by Sarasvati during the drought. he then becomes. one might
Say. her mouthpiece. her vchicie to teach the Vedas to countless sages. As a vehicle, his

personality is left undescribeci.. and as her vchicle. his name is simply a reflection of h m .

His very raison-d'être in this myth is to teach the Vedas so that they may be preserved in
the world. a purpose appropnate to the goddess of knowledge. Devoid of personal traits. hesimply conveys the texts. As Sarasvati represents knowledge. Sarasvat is the means ofpreserving the knowledge.
74

Sce p. t 3 above.

75

See p.50 above.

76

brahmarse tava putro >am tvadbh4b.a dhürito mayi ..,'

b. Goddess of Knowledge
i. Sarasvati and Viic

In the Muhübhürata Sarasvati is celebrated as goddess of knowledge. In contrast with
the Bràhmanas. here the connection with knowledge is direct in that she no longer requires
the intermediary of VZc: she does not preside ovcr knowledge because she is Vat; shepresides over it becurne she is Sarasvati. In the Bràhmanas. it was Vâc who was calledmother of thc Vedas (TB2:8:8:5)." In the Mahibhàraia. on the other hand. NiMyana says
to sage Nara& ( 12:326:5cd):
vedànam rnàtaray paiya matsrhüm devim sarusvatim //Behold goddess Sarasvati. the rnother of the Vedas. established in me.

ïhis represents yet another step in the process of the identification of Sarasvati and Vâc.
ïhe two have become one. and "VZc" as a separate name now falls further and fiirther into

the background. Although Sarasvati is indeed called Vâc (e.g. 12:306:6cd) " as well as
Vàni (e.g. 3: 132:2)

in the Mahâbhtïrata. Vic increasingly bccomes simply speech as afunction of Sarasvati. Becoming speech, Sarasvati enten the body ( 12:306:6cd sarasvatiha
vügbhütü Suriram te pravekati // ). and as speech, dwells in the tongue (12:23 1:8d

n
78

l9

Sec p.68 above.

See Sanskrit orignal below.

3: l32:2 sakqid atm ivetukemr dadafia sarasvasiqt rnanusadeharüpàm : versyàmi vanim iti s a m p r m ; r ~ t â ~sarasvatim ivetaketur babhee .Y'

jihvü-vüm vZk sarasvati // ). Hence Bhisma. in veneration of Visnu. says "... goddess

Sarasvati is [your] tongue" (6:6 1:56b devi jihv3 sarasvati / ). When she appears to sage
Yajfiavalkya. she is adorned with vowels and consonants. sounding the syllable Om: tatahpravfltàtiiubh2 svaravyaii'jatzabhüsiti i omkàrarn üditah k . p ü mamu devi sarasvati( l2:3O6: 14).

ii. Instmcting mksya

There is one adhyi-va (3: 184) in particular where Sarasvati appean as goddess ofknowledge. Here, sage Erksya approaches her for instruction in dharma and dual worship(3: 184:2-3):
k i y nu Sreyah ptinisasyeha Madrekutham kurvan na cyuvate svadhannàt /ücaksva me camsarvângi sorvam
tvqvànuiis. no cyadeyapt svadhannîït //katham ccigniqajiihqàm püjaye vâkasmin &le dharmo na naiyet /etat sarvay siibhage prabrmtihi
yuthri fokan virajtïh suycareyam //What. good lady. is best for a man here on earth?
What way should he act lest he stray fiom his Law?
Pray tel1 me. wornan of beautifùl limbs:
Insmicted by you 1 won? stray from my Law.

How should one make offenngs into the fire.
How worship and when. lest his Law be impaired?
Propound ail this to me. fair wornan.
So that 1 may roam the worlds without passions.80$0Translation by van Buitenen in 1975, p.580.

Although she begins by speaking of knowing Brahman and of constant and undistracted

study and purity (3: 1845ab):' m o k p is hardly the goal. She describes celestial cities andwhich offerings lead to which realms (3:184:5~-10).~'She speaks of purity at the physicaland caste levels. as well as the purity which cornes h m knowing the Vedas (3: 184: 13)."This is connected with her stipulation that only a p k s t who knows the texts (a Srotriva)
may perform the Agnihotra (3:184:14)." She then describes the rcsult of the Agnihotra(3: 184: 1 s)."Erksya recognizes her vast knowledge in the "'outcorne o f rites."and asks who she is(3: 184: 16);' Sarasvati explains t hat shc has nsen fkorn the Agnihotra to rcsolve the doubts
11

yo brahmajünati yathapradeiaq svadhydyanityah Sucir aprarnorrahtsa vai puro devapuraqa ganta sahümaraih proprtuyàt pritiyogom tutru sma ramyï vipula viioküh
wptispitah pu~liarinyahsupun)?ah ( W. 5c4b)... param lokaq gopraclau txïpnu vanti dar~citraQvahamsitr).alokam vrojanti . visam dattvii (wSac)...

"... [he] shall go to the cities of God's city and find delight amidst the Immortals. There arc lovely and vastand somw-fie and holy Howering lotus lakes...The givers of cows reach the highest heaven, those who givean ox gain the world of the Sun: giving ldging ..." (Van Buitencn translation in 1975, p.580. Since I do notdivide the translation into separate Iines according to @CLS
in the notcs, as van Buiknen does, t have
replaccd his capitalized letkrs at the beginning of each paâa with mal1 case. )33

na coSucir nüpy anipikrapay ir nübrahmavij juhuycïn nàvipakit

bubhubavah Sucikama hi deva

nàSraddhadhanad dhi havir j-nti"An impure man, one with unwashed han&, not knowing the Veda. nor wise, may not offer; for the Gods
whm they hunger dcmnd one to be clean, and iake no food tbm the unbeliever." (Van Buiknen 1975,
p.58 1.1
84

n i i i r o t r i y ~d e v a h a ~ eniyun'lj.an moghay parci sificati nàdrio hi a m a m dmtriyarn aha t a r b a na'

vui nad% juhuyûd agnihotram :.t"A Srotn'ya priest [shoutd] be engaged for the rite, any other wiI1 throw the oblation away: none but anaccomplised irohiya, Tarksya, 1Say, may offer the agnihotru." (Van Buitenen 1975, p.58 1. )15

gawiqt b b prapa re pugagandhap paiyanti devam paramaq capi satywn ,:,'(3:184: 15cd)'They... will go to the t'ragrant world of the cows and khold the God who is highest and tme." (Van
Buitenen 1975, p.58 1. )

of

the

priests(3: 184:17ab): agnihorridahamubhyàgatIsmi

vipraeabhooi~sa~ayacchedanày/ Her temtory w ithin the ritual context. therefore. is knowledge.

Tàrksya then praises her celestial body (3: 184:18) and she speaks of the origin of
beauty (3:184:19-20)?

He then asks her for teachings regarding final release(3: l84:î I).'~ and shc talks of study. gifts. vows. and yoga (3: 184:Zcd). Then. quite

suddeniy. she begins to descnbe the bec of paradise fiom which rivcrs of offenngs flow
(3: 184:23-24).~
This may perhaps be intended to integrate her as a river into the cosmic

sacrificial realm, in which she plays the role of teacher. for she is. after all. the goddess ofknowledge.
The context, therefore. is ntual instruction imparted by the goddess of knowledge.

The specified prerequisite for success in this realm is purity. Apart from knowledge. there
is a great deal of emphasis placed on the beauty of Sarasvati. Her appearance in human"1 think of yoy who are my guide in matters cclestial. piercingly wise of the outcomc of rites, as an insightîùl
Goddcss, and ask you beautiful lady, who are you?" (Van Buitenen 1975, p.58 1. )

8a

àc&va

me tam paramam viiokam mobam param yam praviianti dhîrab

(3: I 8 M 1cd)

" Propound to me the supenor bliss of final release, which the wise secure." (Van Buitenen 1975, p.582.)"... and with study. g i h . vows. and holy Yoga the ascetics tind freedom beyond a11 grief," (Van Buitenen
1975, p.582.)"In the rniddlc of it, a fragrant cane tree of a thousand branches stands pure and effirlgent: from iis mots wellup and tlow the riven, the lovely streams of the honeyed water. 1231 The great rivers tlow h m branch tobranch like falling sand. those rives of grain and cakes, meat and pottierbs, with the mud of mik and ricc.
1243' (Van Buitenen 1 975. p.582. )fom occurs in other instances. as noted above? but what distinguishes this passage fromthe others is not only the frequency of references to the beauty of her form (3: 184:2c. 12b.
166 18c)T but the consequent underlying tension thereby created within the context. The

sage Erksya. although he requests instruction in dharma "... so that I may roam the worlds
without passions" (3: 184:3d)93is unable to refrain from mentioning her beautiful fom-andto make it even more direct. addressing her in tenns of it-on four out of fivc occasions

when he speaks in this adhyü-va. Following mksya's

initial rcquest to Sarasvati. thenarrator-sage MZrkandeya also comrnents that E r k s y a is filled with love: evum prs@
prïi&zikre~~atena (3:l84:4a). Foilowing the lands fourth rcference to Sarasvati's beautiful
form. in this final instance as a surpassingly lovely celestial body (3: 184: 18c rzïpam CU ted i ~ a mayun~ukanla~),'the fair goddess decides it is time to address the topic herself

iresrhani yüni dvipadtim varisfla yaji?e?<vidvann irpapüda-vanti/tair eviham sampravrddhü bhavümi âpPvÜavitiï
nïpavati ca vipra //upa~ijvateha vünaspatvam ivasag pürîhivam va /diyeria rrSpepa ca prajrïuyü ca tenaiva siddhir iti viddhi vidvan //yac câpi dr-m

1 have grown on the choicest of gifts. O sage,

Most eminent man. which the offerers bring
When they make their oblations at their rites;
They filled me and made me beautiful. priest.

91

S e , for instance, pp. 1 15 a b v e .

93

Quoted on p. 123 abve.

'M

3: f 84: 18ab is equally suggestive: na hi ivaycï sa@i W c i d asti vibhrijase hy atimatray ,vatha Sn*'niais no woman the qua1 of you. for you shine as radiantly as sri." (van Buiten.cn 1975, p.581.)

Whatever is used as an off&ng gift.
Be it wooden or iron or made of clay.
Know. sage. that a man by that gifi prevails
in celestial beauty as well as wi~dorn.~'
Beauty. therefore. anses from sacrifice and is imparted both to the worshipper and theworshipped. Together with wisdom. it is attained by the sacrificer. Having heard Sarasvati's
adrnonition in the fonn of a riiually-contextualized cxplanation. Tarksya no longer addresses
her-one might even suggest. no longer dares to address her-in

terms of her form.

As opposed to the above-mentioned Muiziîbhirata passages whcre Sarasvati appcan

as a woman or as mother to Sarasvat in entircly non-sexual contexts. she is portraycd here
as a beautifil woman. capable of arousing even a sage. In her enchanting beauty she cornes
closer to Vgc in the Bràhrnana myth of the Barter for Soma?

c. Sarasvatï as Daughter, Wife, and MotherIn the MahÜbh5ralu Sarasvati appears as daughter. wife. and mother. In relation to

Brahmii. she is a daughter: .rtâ brahrnasuta sü me sa*

devi sarasvari // ( 12:33:10cd):' Asa river. her source is Plakw pra~ravana].~'It is also said however. that she was boni fiom
the Grandfather' s Lake: pitt5mahasyu sarasah pravyttcisi sarasvaii / (9:4 1 :29ab). Pitümaha

95

Translation by van Buitenen in 1975. p.582.

36

See pp.85-99 abovc.

97

She is. however, also produceci, together with the Vedas, fiom the rnind of K p n a in 6:63:5cd (sartzsvatim
ca vedumi ca mana*sasue 'qutah 1. Yet she is no more his daughm titan the Vedas are his sons.
.,:is the paternal grandfather. an epithet of the same Brahmà. in the Briihmanas. it will be

remembered. VEc was the daughter of Prajiipati? who in post-Vedic mythology becomesBrahmà. We will have occasion to retum. in the Purinas. to the Fully developed relationshipof Sarasvati and Brahma derived h m that of Vàc and Prajàpati.
Sarasvati is wife to Manu ( 5 : 115: 14d).lm as well as to sage M a t i n h . whom shechooses as husband following his twelve-year sacrifice on her banks (1:90:25-26).'0' She

then bears Matinara a son called Tamsu (1:90:26. 28).'" She is also. as we have seen. akind of surrogate mother to Sarasvat. bom of the seed of Dadhica. fallen into the Sarasvati(9:5O:9-1 1 ).'O3
At the level of relationships. then. there are some new developments in the epie. Of
ovcrwhelming importance is her relationship with Brahms. w hich finds further. extensive

development in the Pumas. as we shall see.

99

See pp.70-72 above.

101

1 :90:25-26abmarintirah khalu sarasuaty@ dvddkimar?.ik.1satram ajahara ,:n i v ~ t cae Sarre s ~ r m a ~abhigamya ram bhartaram varayamisa .
1112

1 :90:26cd t ~ ü putramgajanayat t-m

nurna ,,'

1 :90:28ab taqsum saranutï'puîram marinarad ajTjanat
103

See pp. \ 19-2 1 above.

,'

Introduction

Rather than discussing each Pufina individually. it is more convcnient to consider
thcir stories and iconographie descriptions thematically and comparatively. beginning withthe accounts of the Purinas which according to general consensus are earliest. As the aimof this study is to trace Sarasvati's migration eastwards through China to Japan. and as thethird Chinese translation of the Suwa of Golden Light. the Buddhist iext through which
Sarasvati made her way to China and Japan. was complcted in 703. 1 will focus here on the
M n a s generally assigned to a period prior to the eighth century.

The Mùrkan&yz Pu-(MW). composed in w c s t m India near the nvcr Narmadà.

is dated to a period between the third and the seventh century C.E.' According to Pargiter'ssîudy:
a) third century or eadier: chapters 15-81.94- 137b) between the third and the sixth century: chapters L-44
C)sixth or perhaps fifth century: Devi Màhritpva in chapters
8 1-93The Matsya Pw@u (MP). composed and circulated by people living around theriver Narmada has been assigned dates raaging from the fourth century B.C.E.to 1250

C.E.by Kantawalal narrowed down to a period from the fourth centuxy B.C.E. to the' H a a d 1940. pp.8-13; Kane 1962. p.903 (fourth to sixth century); Pargiter 1904. pp-xiii-xx. For more
extensive teferences, see Rocher 1986,pp. 191-96.

third century C.E.by Ramachandra ~ikshitar.'and to 200400 C.E by Kane.' Rajendra

Chandra H a m 5 assigned difkent dates to each of the chapten or groups of chapters (1list here only the ones in which Sarasvati appean):a) last quarter of the third or first quarier of the fourth century
C.E.: chapters 3-4b) 550-650: chapters 66.260-61c) earlier than 750. if not 700: chapter 17 1d) 600-900: chapter 101e ) 700-1075: chapter 183f) cadier than 1 100: chapter 13
With reference to chapter 3. its date may be pushed a little further back. for. as V.S.
Agrawal points out: Brahmâ's fifth head (3:40) appears exclusively in images of the fint

to the third century. My discussion of the contents of the Matsp Purüya will center largely
on chapten 3.4.66. and 260-6 1 [a) - b) above].

The Vliyu PUr(iM is assigned to about the fourth to the fifth ccnniry.' It may originallyhave been identical with the Brahmie& Pirrânu.

Some of the proposed dates for the Vig&armoWu

Pur8pa. compiled in southem

Kashmir or northem Punjab. are 400-500." 450-650.9 and 600- 1000. 'O
My discussion of Sarasvati in the early Puriinas will address the Brahmii-Sarasvati

J

195 1-55, p. 1.xxiv.

' 1962. pp.899-900.
51940, pp.50-5 1. 176-77.

' 1963. pp.5 1-52.
E.g. Kane 1962. p.907. For futher references. see Rocher 1986. pp.24345.
3

H a m 1958, p.212.
Priyabala Shah in heredition ofAhqqti 3 ofthe ViswdhannottaraPurcina. 1958, p.xxvi.

IO

Kane 1962, p.9 10. Rocher 1986, pp.250-52 pmvides more extensive references.

myth. the names of the goddess. her worship. and her iconography.

a. Brahma and Sarasvat3

As noted abovc." Sarasvati is Brahmà's daughter in the Mahtibhürata ( l2:33: IOcd).

In the Puriinas she becornes also his consort. The Brahms-Sarasvaii relationship is based onthat of Prajiipati and his daughters, npecially VSc. in the Brhnanas." Brahmii is Prajiipati(MP 3:33d). and Sarasvati is Vic. The Puranic account which most closely follows thc
Bràhmanas is not found in what is considercd amidst the earliest Purinas. but in the"

Brahma Pitrina ( 102:2cd-8ab). The longest Puranic account appean in the Mursyo Pzirüno(3:30-44). which we will examine hcrc.

For the purpose of creation. we are told. Brahmà produced SZvitd fiom half of his

body. calling her also ~atarü~ii.
Sarasvati. Gàyatn and Brahrnii~i(MP3:30-32):
shitrim lokasrs~arrhinyhrdi km>a samasthitah /tatah saZjapatasfdtasya bhittvà deham akcilmasum //strïniparn ardham okarod ardham purusurrlpavat /SatarüpZ ca sikh-vatàsiivitn ca niga&ate /.

II

See p. 127 above.

lL

See pp.70-85 above.

13'The Brahma PurMa contains portions from different periods and has passages bomwed h m the
Mahabharata, H a r i v e a . and from other mirinas. See Rocher 1986, p. 155. Unlike in the Rg Veda and in
the Brahmanas. in the Brahma Puriya version of the myth, siva intercepts before Brahmi is able to par withhis daughter. By threatening the mator, he averts the apavrata and thereby succeeds in protecting thedharma.
14

As L.C.D.C. Priestley suggests, sa6japatas might k a misprint for sanjqatas.

sorasvaty atha go-vatri brahmùyi ca parantapa /tatah svadehasambhütnm ~tmujümi~ akulpayat //In order to create the world. he who was evenly-postured (?)
established Savitri in his kart. Then he whispered [something]and spiit his pure body [in two].
Half he made in the form of a woman, half in the likcness of aman. She is named satarüpii and is called Savitri.

Sansvatï. Ggyatri. and Brahmàni. O enemy-bumer. [And] so hemade [her] out of himself. fiom his own body.''
Brahms fell in love with Sàvitn (3:33), and even when his sons protested. he could see

nothing but her face (3:34).16As she circumambulatcd him. he did not wish to keep turning
around and around. ashamed as he was of his passion before his sons. and so faces
appeared on the sides and back of his head (3:36a-38b):
atha prudaksieam cake sü pitur varavar~zini/
putrebhyo laj~itac/iï.yva~adnïp~lokcrnecchqva//
avirbhuzap tato vaklrarp d a m a m pü&gandavat
visnqvasphirradogha~CU piicityarn uda@ tata4 /...
caturtham abhavat paicad vümam kamaiar~~uram/Then that lovely woman circumambulated her father. but he wasashamed of his desire to stare at her beauty in the presence of his
sons,
15

In ?B 23: 10: 1 PrajZpati has Sita Sàvitri as offspring: projiparis somam râjàn3m arrjata (am tràyo+da anvasrjyanta t& &te 'kuruta d h a ha shà savitri! sdrnam râjanam cakame iraddhh u sacuùamei sci ha pirriram prajdputim ripasararu Saramati as daughter of Brahmà is also mentioned in MkP
23:3ûd. and in a number of other, latu Puriinas.
/

16

3:33-34 depu tcïrg vyathiras tüwi kamawardito vibh. aho nipam ah0 nlpam in' caha praj@atih ,/fatu vusis~haprarnukhcibhuginim iti cuknrJ'uh bruhma na kincid dadee tanmukhalokanüd !te ' (1 havecorrected tanmukhuîokam adne to tanmukhaZokanid pe in 3:34d.] "When he looked at hm,the lord Prajapati
was smitten with the arrows of love. Disturbed, he cned oui. "Oh what beauty! Oh what Ioveliness!"(Translation by Dimmitt and van Buiknen in 1978, p.35.) "Then [the seers.] led by Vasis& cried out : "[Sheis our] sister." but Brahrnii saw nothing but the sight of her face."

So a face appeared on his right side. with pale cheeks. And
anothet sprang up in the back its lip quivering in wonder...
And then a fourth one too. on his left side. wounded by love's
arrows."And when she flew up. a fifth face sprang up atop Brahmii's head so as to gaze at her
lovely fom (3:39-40).lUHer elevation. however. was a vain attempt to escape the attentionsof her father. Brahmii's passion. however. had consequences. the Ma~syzPurü!ta narrator
interjects (3:39cd=40ab):

The tremendous tapas which Brahmii had practised for the purposeof creation was entirely annihilated through his dcsire to unitewith his own daughter.19

17

Translation by Dimmitt and van Buitenen in 1978, p.35.

3:38cd rcads: taro nyad abhavat tasya kcimahtrataya ratha . .,- Dimmitt and van Buitenen insert 3:38cd before
3:38ab as 'men another face appeared owing to his love-sickness..." Although 3:38cd clearly indicates yet
another tàcç, which would make it a fiAh, for Brahrniï had one to begin with, to which three (one on the right,
one in the back and one on the left) were already added, 3:40cd speaks of yet another face identifiai as a"ffth." rather than a sixth (tenordhvam vakrarn abhavat paEcamam ...1. It would appear, therefore, that
3:38cd is simply another wording of 3:38ab, confinned by their mutual connation with the pain of love
(3:38b &maiararurom; 3 :38d kornduratuyâ ).

Cf. 1352b w h m Sarasvati is said to be enshrined in the faces of Brahm2: b r a h m w e ~sarusvari
1

u

19

It is noteworthy that Prajiipati is r e f d to as pan'camukha in thc Km'taki

C'panisad (29).

Translation by Dimmitt and van Buitenen in 1978, p.35. The whole of 3:39-40 reads: urpatuntyïs
tadekarabkanakuhiha(Pr skuq?&arrhamyutterra ta& pammadaruqam I. tut samm noSam agamat
sva.mtopgamecchayà tenordhvam vaktram abhavat paicamay t a l a dhrntotah : bvirbhavaj jqabhii ca rad
vakram c&?ynot prabhuh ( I have changed tadcSkira alohkutühalat to CadaRaralokanahttihaIO~,
which,
although it makes sense. removes a metricafly-neededsyllabte.)Thecc seems b have been some conhion in
the order of the verses here, for 3:39cd&b wouId logically fit in afkr 3:40d. Although no comment isprovided, this is obviously why Dimmitt and van Buitenen üanstated 3:39cd-40ab following 3:40cd.

Sending off his sons to create (3:41)? he mamed satafipi. and made love to her inside apavilion withio a lotus for as long as a hundred yean (3:43a-4b):

upa-vernesa viivâlrnà Satarüptim aninditirn /sambabhi?vatayü sirdham atiknm2ttiro vibhuh /sa l a s c cakame devah karnalodaramaridire //ycivad abdaiutam diyum yathünyzh p r a k ~ ojanah /The universal sou1 married blameless Satariipà. The lord. overcome
with intense passion. united with her. Out of shame. the god likean ordinary man. made love (to her) in a pavilion inside a lotus
for as long as a hundred celestial years.

She bore him a son. Svayambhü Manu. the prima1 person (3:44cd)."
As in the Brihmanas. the incestuous nature of the relationship is indeed a problernaticissue. In the Matgu P u r i ~ o Brahms's.
mind-bom sons protest (3:34). and thc creator
expericnces shame before them. so much so that he manifests four additional faces ''ta

conceal" his passion for the lovely Sivitri (3:39-40). His desire to unite with his own
daughter lcads to the loss of a11 his intense tapas practised for the purposc of creation(3:39cdO40ab).Thus he is impaired in his Function as creator. Whereas in the Vedic accounts
the father was punished by a ceiestial archer@ his sin. here he is punished by the sinitself. both in his shame and in his loss of tapas. Creation. the very task for which heproduced Savitri. is assigned to his sons. so that Brahrni may remain alone with her. fieedof the shame he feels before them. The Matsya Puriïyz aiso includes a moralistic supplement20

tatas t i n abravît brahma putrcîn atmasarnudbhav~-. prajah srjadhvum abhitah sadevàsuramânugih"So Brahniii spoke to those sons who had sprung h m h i m saying, "From now on you mut produce al1 thematures, as well as the gods, demons and human beings." (Dimmitt and van Buitenen in 1978, p.35.).',,' latah kalena mahaci tapa4 putro 'bhavunma&
mentioned in 3:45, the following stanza.)(Manu as svayambhuva and as the adhipurusa isto deal with this issue. When asked how Brahms could have committed such a transgression(4: 1). Matsya the Fish incarnation explains that gods are not subject to the same duties andprohibitions as humans and thus their decds are not to be judged (4:6). And yet Brahrnii in
his act was compared to an ordinary man in 3:44b ( yathïirz-vuhprükno jarrab)!
Brahrnii and Giiyatri. Matsya continues. are as inseparable as light and shadow. andthercfore thçre is no sin in their union (4:9- 10). Neverthelcss. the sensc of sinfulness of theact continues to pursue even the creator. for. the mirana tells us. BrahmZ was ashamed ofhirnself and cursed Kama (4:11) . Hence. in the end, the union of the father with thedaughter remains a sin both in human and in celestial eyes.

b. Names of Sarasvati
i. Rivers

One of the ways in which Sarasvatiacquires different names is through her identification
with different rivers. It will bc remembered that in the Mahübhüraia (9:37:3-4). in direct
comection with the Rg Veda passage where Sarasvati is called saptcisvus~(6:61:IOb). wefind seven Sarasvati riven. each given a different name and location. and yet understood tobe seven forms of the one Sarasvati. In this superimposition of the Sarasvati on otherrivers. the names of these rivers becorne her other names. She is thus Suprabhi. Kàficanii.i.
ViSaI5, Mhasahrdà. Aughavati. Suvenu. and Vimalodak~?

- See p. 1 13 above.
3')

ii. ~ a t a r ü ~ Savitri,â,
Gayatrï, and Brahmiini

Far better known. on the other hand, are some of the different names of Sarasvati

which bcar no particular connection with her rivenne aspect. In the Mritsya Purü~o(4:31 ).
as we have seen. she is called satafiPa. Sàvitri. Gàyatri. and Brahmini. As the spouse ofBrahms. she is Brahrniiqi. Her connection with satariipii. on the other han& is unclear." As
for Gàyatri, it is one of the rnetres in which Vedic hymns were composed. and therefore afom of speech. It is. furthemore. the narne of an invocation to the Sun (Savitr) in the eg
Céda (3:62:10). and hence aiso known as the Siivitn. As an integral part of the Upanayana

ceremony. a prerequisite for the study of the Vedas. the GZyatri mantra is whispered into
the boy's car. The Manu Smni explains that "... the birth rnarked by the tying of the belt ofrushes is his Vedic birîh. and in it the verse to the sun-god is said to be his mother and theteacher his father" (2: 170 tatra vad brahmajunmüsyu mau~jïba~rdha~~acihnitam// tatrüsya
m d à siivitrî pita tvüc&va irc-va&// )." The mantra is then to be repeated every single dayof a twice-born's life. The Giiyatri mantra is believed to embody the essence of the Vedas,
for. according to the Manu Smfli. Prajiipati produced it by milking out one foot fiom eachof the three Vedas (2:77). As an encapsulated form of the Vedas. she is Vic itself. both as
speech and the knowledge it conveys. and therefore also Sarasvati.

There is another Savitri. daughter of king ASvapati and wife of Satyavat, who is.
however. closely connected with the above SFwitrüGiiyatri. seemingly her vexy incarnation.
As the Mahübhârata (3:277-283) recounts. following eighteen yeaa of austerities and2)

Anand Swanip Gupta ( 1952. p.73 ) comects satarùpi with the viivun(ipci cpithet of Sarasvati.

'' Translation by Doniger and Smith in 199 1. pp.34-35.

recitation of the Savitri. the goddess appeared to childless king Aivapati (3:277:IO)."
Although he askcd for the boon of many sons (3:277:1 4 ~ d ) :Savitri~
replied that she hadalready spoken of his desin to the Grandfather (Brahmii). and announced. on behalf ofBnhrnà, the imminent birth of a girl (3:277:16- 17)." When the child was born. she wasgiven the name Savitri. "for she had been given by Savitri when she [the goddess Savitri]
was pleased with the oblations he [the king] hadoffered with the sivitri [mantra]" (3:277:24)."

She grew into an extraordinarily beautifil woman. Iikened in splcndour to the embodimentof Sri (3:277:25ab).'9 Such was her beauty that no man dared choose the celestial maiden(devaka11~v6)
for his bride (3:227:26~d-27).~'
Overcome with concem. the king sent Savitri
out to find a husband (3:277:36ab)." Accompanied by elderly counsellors. she set out on apilgrimage to al1 the tir~hosand hemitages (3:277:41)." Upon her return. she told herfather about the blind king Dyumatsena. whose realm had fallen into enemy hands andwho lived with his wife and son Satyavat in the vast wildemess of the forest performing

austerities. It was Satyavat. she declared whom she had chosen for husband. Sage Narada.

6'

puna me bahavo devi bhav&

kutabhcïvanah27

pürvam eva maya rüjann abhipriyam imam tava jîiüiva putrartham uldo vai ruva heroh pitümahahprmïdàc caiva rasmut te st'ayambhuvihitad bhuvi h n y a fejasvinisaum?a hipram ma bhavigati
28

savitrya pritaya datta savittya hu1q.à hy api .. saviirip ma nâm&yaC c a h r viprâs rathi pita ..

:Translation by van Buiknen in 1975, p.762. Square-bracketed portions are mine.
29

sa vigrahavanVa inr qwardhata nrpatmajü

Cf. 3:277:29d devi Srir iva nipini 'JO

praptqam devahnyeti drspa sammenire jantih
kaScid varaycIm&a rejasa prativaritab ,32'

rüm tu padmapaiâiab-m jwlantim iva tejasa

e v q samesu t i ~ h e . dhanotsargam nwtmaja - kutvatï dvijamukhyanam tay ram deium jagama hana'who happened to be present. cxclaimed in dismay that Siivitrï's choice was a great wrong.

for the virtuous Satyavat blessed with al1 qualities would die in one year to the day(3:278: 1 l-2î).33Urged to find another man. she adamantly refused (3:278:23-26):

andwas wed to the prince Satyavat (3:279:15-17).35For one year she lived with him and his

parents in the forest, rernembering always Niirada's words (3:279:23)? When the appointed

time amved. she greeted Yama with folded palms and through wise speech ansing fromvimiousness and determination. she who was possessed of the power of her austerities
secured four boom from him: King ASvapati would regain his sight and kingdom. and one
hundrcd sons would be born not only to h i m but also to Sivitfi by Satyavat (3:28 1: 10-45).

The following exchange then ensued (3:28 150-5 1.53 ):na te )xwar& sukrtod vintims
mhü ya~hàrtve~
vareg münada /varam vernejivafu satyavün ayam
yathii rnnü hv evam aham v»>üpatim //...

33

aho &ara rnahatpipa~
sàvifiyï n w t e &am

ajünantyü).adanapi gqavün satyavün vgah , (3:278:1 1 )#'e h dos0 * v ananyo 'sri so '&a prabh. sa~uvan. samvatsarega M q u r dehanpiscuy kan'qati :( 3:278:22)
34

ehi &t'tri pccha rvom anyam varaya iobhane (3:278:23ab) dirghdptr aiha vcilm@uh saguno nirguno
r:~omaya bharla na dvirïyaq wmomy aham, ' (3:278:26)

pi va . s+dvar5tisurgah iu~apufratü
marna$va-vaivo datto hrïyate ca me patib /vamy v y e jivaiu scliyavürr uyam
iavaiva sat-vam vacanam bhavivati //Yama said:

Since every time you speak so well.
So pleasing. so meaningfùl of the Law.
My love for you is incomparableChoose you a cornpareless bon, strict woman!

You make no exception to your favor.
Pride-giver. as in the other boons!
1 choose the boon that Satyavat live.
For 1 am as dead without my lord...
You have given the boon that a hundrcd sonsWill be bom to me. yet you take my man.
I choose the boon that Satyavat live!
Your very own word shall now corne true!"
And so it came to pass that Savitri saved them all. including her husband's entire lineage

This "human" Savitri had not only the beauty of a goddess and the virtues of austerity

and nght conduct. but far more significantly for us here. the gift of speech. It was throughher eloquence rooted in knowledge that she acquircd boons. that she saved others. and that

she outwitted death itself in the form of Yama. She enchanted him through the power of her
speech-one might even Say seduced him with her wise w o r d s s o that his repcatedly

J7

Translation by van Buitenen in 1975, p.772.

38

e a m atma pità mata hoSnih h&ra

samuddh-m.. .

'eva ca . b h a m kulam ca sâvitrytï sarvaq

kcchratstated resolve not to retum Satyavat's life (3:28 1:25c. 30c. 36c. 43c vin@w jivitam) was
ultimately abandoncd in face of her persistent eloquence. No mattcr how many times Yama
urged Savitri to tum back (3:28 1: 19a, 25a. 27d. 32d. 3 8 6 436 45d nivuria ). she continued

to speak (3:281:39cd):
tathà vrajann eva giram samridvattim
ma~vocyamîïniîmS.mu bhü-vaeva ca //As thou goest thy course do thou listen again
to the ready words 1 shall speak to thee.j9

Cleverly she chose her boons. tricking Yama on the fourth one. for. as she hersclf tnumphantly

declared (3:28 153). the hl filiment of h a wish for a hundred sons by Satyavat required thelife of her husband. Hcr discourses. as she well knew. did not faIl on deaf ears. They filled

Dharmariija with devoted love for her. until he could no longer resist offenng her acornparefess. exception-free boon. She whom they called Savitri. for she was given by thegoddess Sivitri when the latter was pleascd with the oblations offcred to her with the
SàvitrVGiyatn mantra. embodied Sarasvati-V3c as speech and knowledge. lherefore sage
Gautama exdairned (3 :282:34cd-3Sab):

tvüy hi jünrimi savitri savitrim iva tejasci //tvarn atra hetum jiinise ...
I know you. Siivitrï. you are like Sàvitri herself in splendid power.

You know the reason behind it ail..?

39

Van Buitenen 1975, p.771.

" Van Buitmen 1975. p.777.

"Human" though she might have been. this Sàvitrï was endowed with divine beauty andthe learning and eloquence appropnate to the goddess who presides over them.

iii. Epithets

There are also other names assigned to Sarasvati. as in the Mcltsyu Purana (66:9).
in which her eightfold fom is invoked:

luksmir medhü dharü pilstir gazolcn rustih prabhü matih /eribhih pühi c&&his tamïbhir màm saramati //Protect me Sarasvati with your eightfold fonns. Laksmi.
Medhà. Dharii. Pusti. Gaurï. Tusti. Prabhii. and Mati.
This eightfold form refers largely to deified qualities: Lakyni (fortune). intelligence,

forbearance. prosperity. Gaun (whiteness or brilliance). satisfaction. brilliancc. and mental
resolvc. Laksmi and Gaurï alone are goddesscs in their own right. which only by intcrpretation.

so as to suit the context. can be taken as representatives of certain qualities. Therefore atleast six of these foms do not belong to the same category as Savitri. Giiyatrï. and theothers. This stanza is comparable to a passage in the Mahàbhürata. where Sarasvati ispraised. also in eightfold fonn. as prosperity. splendeur. glory, success. growth. speech. theinvocation word svùhû, and also as Um3: pustir &ristathü / tvam eva v&i svühà &am (9:4 113 1a-c).

ratha kin- siddhir vrddhir umti

iv. Sarasvati's Name Applied to ûther Goddesses

There are also instances in which Sarasvati's name is assigned to another goddess,
such as Dur@ In the Devi Mahat~va.for instance. the Devi (Durga) is called Sarasvati( 1 1:22). In the C5.w Purinci (9:75-93). Sarasvati is included amidsr particularly lengthy

lists of names assigned to Umii and in the context of an interesting creation myth. whichuses and rcassigns some of the elements we saw in the Brahmi-Sarasvati myth. As the
Vüyu Purüpz rccounts. when Brahmà's mind-born sons were so unattached to the world
tbat they did not create. Brahms grew angry. From out of his anger. a person was bom(9171-75). He asked the penon. who was half male and half female (9:75c

ardhon~rinaruvapu~z).
to divide himself (9:76). The male half subdivided further. and the
Rudras were produccd (9:77-80). The fernale half of ~ankara'sbody. now said to havebecn bom of Brahmii's mouth. also consisted of two halves: the right was white. while thelef€ was black (9:82cœ83d).Upon Brahmà's request. she separated her white and blackparts (9234). Her many names were Sviha. Svadhâ. MahividyZ. Medhi. Lakgni. Sarasvati.
Apamâ. Ekaparyâ. Pitalâ. Umà. Haimavati. Sasthi. Kalyiini. Khyiti. PrajS. Mahâbhiigii.

and Gaurï (9:85-87b). She also had names for her universal forms and names appropriate
to the end of the Dvapam age (9:87c-93).

Sarasvati is worshipped above ail for speech knowledge, and music. Amongst theeariy Purànas, the Markandeya and the Matsys include rites centering on the goddess.

i. For Speech and Other Ends

In the Markande-vaPzirüna a sacrifice to Sarasvati as goddess of speech is performed
to cure dumbness brought on by a curse (72:22-25)." The rite is not dcscribed. and only therecitation of hymns addressed to the goddess arc mentioned (72:26 is@m sàrarvotim cakre
tudurtham sa dvijotfamah /sürasvatini niktanijujtïpa ca samihitah // ). A woman wishes

this sacrifice to be perforrned for h m cuned fiend. and a briïhmana cames it out on her

An extensive ritual description appears in the Maisyu Purâna. where Sarasvati is

invokcd for a whoie series of desired ends beginning with swcet speech (madhuru bharati).

When Manu asks how sweet specch. worldly prosperity. resolve (mari).skill in al1 sciences.
inseparable conjugal union. friendship. and long life are to be attained (66: 1-2):'

Matsyathe Fish incarnation descnbes the practice (vrata) centering on Sarasvati (66:3)."' The

appropriate day is selected sages are woahipped and fed. and white clothes together withornaments are given away (66:4adb)? Then Gâyatrï is worshipped with garlands of white41

madurtham tena nagena suta iapta sakhi mama mu& bhavigusity aha sa ca mùkatvam aguta
tagah prariknyam priîya marna i h o t i ceci bhavûn vtïgvibhügapmiantyartham ratah kïq~na &am marna' màrka&ya uv&a tata4 sa ràjri tam vipram cihàsmin kidrii
tanmukurâpanodo)a sa ca ram prâhaptinhivam i brâhmana uvtîca , bhupa sarusvah &im Raromi vacaniït tava purrau taveyam anrnyam pitu
tadvük pravarranàt 'ma42

madhurâ bhirarî kena vmtena madhunidana tuthaiva jmasaubhagyam matim v - / ~ ~ a Z u mabhedai c@i dampatyus tatha bandhujanena ca @ui ca vipulw puyam tan me kathay madhava
43

U

'.

samyak prsfup maya rajan' chgu sirasvatcup vratam :yasya samkirranàd eva rugatiha sarasvati'

yo yad b h a w puman hziryâd etad vratam anuttamum rad vüsaradau sampüfia vipnin eran samacaret
brahrnanav&anam ,.:' hkiavastrani
athovüdiîyavarena gmhatüràbaleno ca ;püyasam bhojayed viprun

flowers and ointrnents (66:6d):-' and invoked as follows (66:7-8):
yathü na devi bhagaviïn brahmaloke pitümahah /îvüm parityaJva sarptisthef tathü bhova varapradii //vedüh Süstrüni samini gr-~a~ipyidikamca yat /na vihinam tvaCIv6
devi tathü me sontic siddhaph //As. O Goddess. the lord the grandsire does not remain in therealm of Brahms separated from you, so be a boon-giver.

The Vedas. al1 the ~àstras.the sangs. the dances. etc. are notseparate from you, O Goddess. so may I have suc cesse^.'^.

There follows an iconographie description of the four-arrned goddess carrying vina rosary.

water pot, and book. amidst further instructions for worship with white flowcn and unhusked

barley (66:1 Oa-d):

The devotee is to maintain a vow of silence while consuming his meal(s) (66:10ef
maunavratena bhuiijita sa-varp protrrs tu dharmavit // ). and to worship Brahmavâsini on
the fifth day of both fortnights. offering her a measure of nce together with a vesse1 filledwith clarified butter. and also milk and golà. invoking her with the words: "Giiyatti. be
pleased" (66: 11);'

Vows of silence during s o n d e and fasts are to continue for thirteen

dathto ca sahiranyüni Sakrilah
45

66:6cd gûyarm pii~ayedbhaktyà jukhmalyanuleponai~:'

in 66:10c she is worshipped with white flowers and unhusked barley (iukiapuseatair bhaktya 1.
46

66:9 describes the cightfold form of the goddess. See p. 141 above.

months (66: 12);'bringing the vrata to a close. Then the devotee should feed and offer

gifis to a sage. give away various objects. and worship his teacher (66: 13-15)."' The
phaluhwti concludes that one who thus worships Sarasvati becomes leamed and wealthy.
acquires a melodious voice. and attains the realm of Brahms. Even women can benefit
fiom this vrata (66: 16- 17).

So the purpose of the Matsva Purüna Sarasvati vrala is first and foremost swect
speech (66: lab madhurtï bhïïrati kena vrafena madhi~~àuna
/ ). to which are then added
prospcrity. resolve. skill in the sciences. conjugal union. friendship. and longevity. thus

covering all aspects of life. Threc of the desired ends are. therefore. clearly within the.

rcaim of the goddess of speech and leaming, for. apart fiom mudhuro bhiïrati mati canalso be intelligence (connected with the acquisition of knowledge). and vidvÜ~tïknuSalais
knowledge itself. The final stanzas following the description of the observance list theresults acquired through i t (66: 16- 17): one becomes learned weal t hy. and sweet-voiced.
and attains the realm of Brahmii. Thus not al1 of the desired ends are achieved (Le. conjugal
48

sandhyaum ca ratha maunam etat kurvan samacaret , nàntara bhojarwy kuryâd yavan müsiïs
trayodaiu49. fsarnàpte tu vrate kunad bhojan- MiatanJulaih ptintam savartrayugntam ca d&dd vipriïya bhojanam
devyü viranay ghan~amca sitanerre pa?tasvinim candanum w t r a p g m a y ca dadyàc ca iikharam punah
rrrthopadeMram api bhakryü sampüjo),ed gurum : vi[[aialhyenarahito vasrrumâiyanukpanaih

50

anena v i d h i ~)-as tu kutyut saranatam vratam vidyâvan arthasum~ukroraktakunthat ca japate
saranayuh prasadena brahmaloke mahîyate nari va kurute )..à tu sapi tutphalagàmint brahmalok vased
rüjan yàvot kal&'tltatrayamJ

A final stanza promises three kalpar in the city of the vi&odharas to one who hears or recites this wuta
(66:18 sarcimataq vratam ).os ru i y q r i d api yah purher !vidycidharapure so 'pi vaet kalpa)utatrayum ,,.: ).

A simptm Sarasvati vrata is also mentioned, amidst a list of vmrar to other gods. in 10 1:17-1 8: sandhyûmau~mtatahsamante ghyiakumbhakam vastrapgmam tilân ghangim bruhma~tiyanivedayet ;' sàrwatay
pad- yüti pnor i q t i d ~ l a b h ~ metat sürwatam nüma n i p u v i ~ @ r n / l a v a h 'The devotee wtio
maintains the vow of silence during sandhyü for a year and at the end of it gives a jar of clarified butter, apair of ciothes, sesame seeds, and a bel1 to a brtïhmana, goes to the domain of Sarasvati which is difficult toaüain again if one is in the cycle of rebirth. ïhis is known as Siirasvata [vraral-which gives beauty andleaming." This may refer back to the one in MP 66.

union and fiiendship). However. in addition to acquiring that which is within the goddess's
domain (lcaming and sweet speech). as weil as wcalth. the practitioner goes to Brahmaloka.
Sarasvati's spouse's abode. As a vrata dedicated to a goddess. it is indeed appropriate thatwomen should also bc able to benefit from its performance.

ii, For MusicIn another passage of the Mürka&w

Ptmïna (23) Sarasvati is worshipped as thesupreme Brahmrz and asked to gant knowiedgc in music. In the Maisva Puràya. it will be

nmcmbercd. songs and dances wcre said not to be separate from her (66:8bc).li lhe niiga

King Aivatara who has lost his brother sets out for Plaksivatarana (Plaksaprasravaqa)
where the Sarasvati river ociginates. and therc he cngages in arduous austeritics and praiseof the goddess ( M W 23:28-29)." He invokes her as the imperîshablc in whom ail thingsand beings. even thc syllable Om. reside (23:32-34):' "Undefinable. composed of half ameasure. supreme. unchanging, imperishabie. celestial. devoid of alteration is this t hy othersupreme fotm which 1 cannot express. And even the mouth does not declare it. nor the
tongue. the copper-coloured Iip. or other [organs]. Even Indra. the Vasus. Brahmâ. theMoon and the Sun. the Light [cannot dcciare thy fom]. whose dwelling is the universe.
which has the form of the universe; which is the d e r of the univene. the Supreme

52

evum ukn.a sa nagendrah pfa&uvataranam gireh riha? himavato gahra tapas tepe suduicaram
îus!ava girbhii ca taras tarra devM sararvatim tanmana niyatdharo bhütva trisavanaplutah'

53

23:32. 34 m m abaruty paratg devi o t r a sarvam prarighitam ' a@ram paraman devi s a m i t a mparamanuvat ,' ... tathà r v q i sthitum brahma jagac cedam aiesatah . oykoràRr;arasmpsthtirmpyat tu devi
sthirasthiram ,Ruler..." (23:39c042b)."Sarasvati then appeans5and offen the king a boon. and he chooses
two: his brother Kambala and knowledge of al1 sounds for them both (23:49-50)? '"Theseven musical notes. the seven modes in the musical scale. O most noble Niga! the sevens o n g also. and the same nurnber of modulations. so also the forty-nine musical timcs. andthe three octaves-al1 these thou and also Kambala shait sing. O sinless one! ... 1 have notgiven this to any other on earth or in Pâtala. O N5ga: and ye shail be the ieachers of al1 thisin Piitàla and in heaven and on earth &o. ye two Niigas!" (235 1-52. 56)? Sarasvati. thetongue of all. then disappears and the boons are fulfilled. as the king and his brother playthe vina. the goddas's instrument par excellence. It is not. however. Sarasvati whom they
invoke with music and song. but Siva (2357-59):'

Y

anird[<llej.aty cathà cünyad ar[d]dhamatranvitaq puram,
avikar[y]y&ayamdiv)'aypari~dmavivarjitarn ravaitar paramam nipum on na i a l a m mupdinrm na cas)ena ca taj jihva
tisrostadibliir uqare , indro 'pi vasavo brahma candrcirkaujptir eva ca vi.ivâv&ram vibarùpam viiveparameivaram Translation by Pargter in 1904, p. 129. Square brackets arc mine.
55

Although the kxt does not specifically state that Sacavati appears, it does say that she later disappears
from the nüga 's view (2357).
56

varam te kambalabhraiah prayacchümy uragadhipa ,. tud ucyptcïrg prodiïqami yar te manasi varrtate .
&tarauvaca sahâyam dehi devi tvay piirvam kambafam eva me sumastasvararambandhum ubhayoh
sumprayaccha ca ,'57

sapta svara grarnarâgah sapa pannagasanama / gïtakàni ca saptaiva tavani capi murcchat@ / t a l Z
caikunapa6ctïiat ratha gnîmatrayan eu yat etai sarvw bhavàn gata kambatai ca tathanagha , ... tarha
nanyasya bhurloke pütüke capi panmzga pranetarau bhavantau ca samaq-ma bhmigclta~parcile devaloke
ca bhurlok caiva pannagau Translation by Pargiter in 1904, pp. 130-32.
'8

ity ukrvà sa tada devi s m j i h v a saramafi jagcimüdarianam sadyo nagasya kamale&ga ' r u p i ca
vijfiiïnam ubhqor agryam padatalasvaradikrun ,' ratah
rad yatha ï-rttam bhrawoh sarvam ajtïyata
hikOSaSaitendr&iRharas~hitumÏiivaram @Rai4 saptabhir nügou taniriiqasmanvitau '!

d. Iconography of Sarasvati
i. Four-anned Sarasvati

The Mutqa Purina vmta. as we have seen. provides an iconographie descriptionof Sarasvati (66:1Obd): she cames the vit~a.rosary. water pot. and book." it is therefore
a four-armed fom. Likewise BrahrnZni is to be made four-armed. but is dcscribed asholding only the rosary and the water pot (26 1:24cd-25ab): brahmüyi bruhrnasu4rSi

cuiurvak».o caturbhujü // hapsddhirudhà kurtayxi sa~asüirakama!ida& / 'Ihe same
list of objects as appears in MP 66:10bd is also found in the l+"!zurlhonnottaraPur5tza(3:64:2). but with the added specification of which is to be held in which hand (3:64:1-2):
devz sarasvati küyà sarvàbhura~zabhZ~ità/caiurbht~iisi knrtavytï tathaiva CU samutthitü //The goddess Sarasvati is to be made adomed with al1 omaments.
She is to be made four-amed and standing.
In her right hands. she is made [to hold] the book and the rosary.
and in the leR the vaigavi * and the water pot.

The vainavi. Priyabala Shah explains:' is not the flute. but the wooden staff of the vina. In~7s!iudharmo~~ara
Purüna (3:73:25) on the other hanci, the vuipavi is replaced with the'' Nag publishers' edition of the .lfatqa Punina (1983) has vünim ~ n i v t ï r i p i r n (VZnVSpeech warding
off decaylioss1, which would make her two-med, holding water pot and book.
60

Folbwing Pnyabala Shah's edition of khan&

3 of the ViinudharmoiiaraPurm.1958, p. 154.

In her edition of k h q & 3 of the VistudhannottaraPuruna. 1958. p. 154.

trident. a traditionally ~aivaiteimplement: caturbhi.ijiï Ca knnavyâ tutha devi sarumuri /akgrnili tripilam ca pusta&

CU kumay&lu// This iconographie prescription is notfollowed in the representations of Sarasvati.

The putaka clearly belongs to the goddess of knowledge and is found in the earliest
known image of Sarasvati from about the third century C.E.. as we shall see." Thekri.udharmottaraPurina says it rcpresents the Vedas (3:64:3cd): vedüs tasya bhicjajfieyàhsaivaSistrü~ipustakam //The rosary is somewhat more difficult to explain. .-&sa is the seed from which arosary is made. while mdü is a garland. Whereas in the C'i~~udhurmottara
Purüna it isreferred as a&amâIü (3:64). in the Mutsya Purû?za it is ak+zmuci (66: lob). jewels or
pearis [on a stnag], which Anand Swarup Gupta glosses as a k ~ a r n d üSùtra
. ~ ~ "thread.
string"isalsosometimes

usedinstead

of

m-là.

as

in

MP

261:25b( s ~ ~ a s ü t r a k a m a ~ &). lwhereu ~ Brahmàni canies an a~usürra.The string of pearls fits inwith her connection with the coiour white: white flower garlands and white flowers areoffered to her during the 1Maa.
"

Sec pp. 166-71 below.

63

Gupta 1962 p.8 1.

Pur-vrata (66:66 IOc), for instance. She is associatedwith purity. and hence with what is white.
According to the ?4syu<lharmottaraPurüna. the rosary in Sarasvati's hand represents

time (3:64:4cd):akymci[a knre tasyàh kale bhavatipûrthiva //The vinci as Sarasvati's dominant iconographie feature represented consistently to thisday is of ovenvhelming importance. We have already seen the instrument in connection
with Vac in the ~ e h m a n a sThere. ~ it was thc go& who played it to win Speech back fromthe gandhanus. In Iater times. howcver. it is the garrdhorvas as celestial musicians whoplay the viyu and sing? Amongst the earlier Puriinas. Sarasvati's association with the vi@
appears also in the IU-vu Pur@a. where she presents no less than a "great-sounding grcat
v i y Y to Skanda: b a v a dartâ sarasvaîyü mahüvinâ mah&vanü / (72146cd).

According to the Vi~udharmottaraPur*.

the vicà is to be known as symbol ofaccomplishment: siddhir rntirtimati jiie-vü vainavi nitra satpia-vuh/ (3:64:5ab).

Water Pot

As river goddess. the water pot is a symbol appropriate to her. According to Mane-

Therise de Mal1mann. it represents abundance or immortality? nie iïsrudhannottarablSee p.93 above.

65

Hopkins 19 15, p. 154.

66

1963, p.191.

Pur-says the water pot is to be known as the immortal nectar of ail scriptures (3:64:4ab):

sarva~üs~râm~araso
devyüjiiqvuh kurna&duh /ii. Hama Mount

Although nothing is said of Sarasvati's mount in MP 66. in 260:40c Brahma's mountis identified as the hapsa or goose (hamsàri$hah kvacit L~iryah),~'and therefore it is also

assigned to his consort Brahmiini (261:24c-25b brahm@zi brahmasaciySi ca~itrvaktrü
caturbhujü // hamsiidhirüdhâ karravyi ). Amongst the extant images of Sarasvati. we findher with a hamsa from about the tenth century onwards (fig.23)." Although she later
appcars also with a mm and with a pcacock." the harpsa is hcr most cornmon mount.

'The word hamsa is often erroneously translated as "swan." for the goose gencrally
tends to be perceived as devoid of al1 elegance and intelligence. the vcry mode1 of sillinessand snipidity. As Jean Philippe Vogel ~ x ~ l a i n sthe
. ' ~ ordinary greyish brown and white
goose found in India (.41iserindiais) is a bird of passage which "lives in India fiom

October to April and breeds on the lakes of Xbet and Central Asia." The Latin word anser.
it should be noted. is clearly related to the Sanskrit hamsu. The white goose is calledrüjahamso "royal goose." and it is this white goose which is Sarasvati's rnount. Not only67

In the F'is.dharmorrara Purana Brahm2.s chariot is drawn by seven geese: jatüdtiaram caturbàhuy
soptohqsa rathe sthitm f (3:44:6b). In the Lecture Hall of Toji RQ in Kyoto, there is an early ninth
century image Brahmà on four geesc (see Kyoto Kokuntsu Hakubutsukan 1995, tig.3 ).

69

S a K. Bhattacharyya 1983. figs. VnI (mm)and XX (peacock),for instance.

is its gait described as graceful." but its voice is also said to be charming."

The hamsa is best known for its ability to separate milk fiom water. The original

connection. however. may have been with soma rather than with ~nilk.'~In the Upanisads.
the hamscl is the cimian ( Brhadüranvaka Llpotliwd 4:3:1 1 - 12):prànena r a b 0 avaram kidüyam bahi&ilü*vûdarnflai caritvà /sa [va~e'myio yatra kamarp hiranrnuyuh pumsa eknhamsah //Subduing by sleep the bodily realm. rernaining awake. hecontemplates the sleeping senses. Taking the light. he retums to
his place-the golden person. the single goose!

Guarding by breath the lower nest. the immortal roams outside
the nest; the immortal goes wherevcr he wants-the goiden peson.
the single goose! "Io the &tti.ivarara Upanisad. the migrating hamsa is in one passage ( 1 :6) the transmigrating
individual sou1 ( jïvütmatz),75and in another the Ütmatz (6: 151." One might Say. thereforc.
" J h u S-ti
3: 10 avyahgririgî~saumyandmnïy haigsavtira+agaminim *'He [a man] should rnarry awoman who does not lack any part of her body and who haî a pleasant name, who walks like a gwse or an
eIephan"..t (Doniger and Smith translation in 199f , p.44.)" Vâlmiki's R<Nno)-o says that Rama s p i c s with the voice of an enamoured h a p a (2: 1 12:15 1.
73

See, for instance, RV 4:45:4; 5:78: 1-3; 8:35:8;VS 19:74.

74

Translation by Patrick Olivelle in 1996. p.59; 1998, p. 1 13.

7ssarvajive sarvasaqsthe bfhante asmin harpso bhramyate brahmocakre :pghag atmanam preritaram camama @gas tatas tenamrtarvam eti ,:.' 'Within this vast wheel of brahman, on which ail subsist and which
abides in all, a goose keeps moving around. When he perceives hirnself (amian) as distinct h m the irnpeller.
delighted by that knowledge he goes from there to imrnortality." (OliveHe 1996, p.253; 1998. p.415.)
76

eko hamso bhuvanasy~amadhye sa #agni4 salile sanniviM ,, tam eva viditvatimy~wneti n-ah
pantfra viùyute '.ÿano).a':: "He is the one goose in the middle of this universe. He himself tesides as tirewithin the ocean. Only when man knows him does tie pass beyond death; there is no other path for getting
there." (Olivelle 1996, p.264; 1998, p.433.)

that the sage who knows his Self is thus a harpsa7' endowed with the faculty of ùiscnmination
likencd to the separation of milk Rom water by the goose.
In connection with Sarasvati. the hapsa is indeed an appropriate mount. not only
because it is her spouse's mount. but also because she is goddcss of knowledge. which
requires discrimination (like separation of milk fiom water). In her riva goddess aspect.

shc is linked with the hapsa in connection with water. for the goose dwells in lakes andpools. In ternis of colour. as Sarasvati is associated with white. her royal goose is also

white.

iii. With Brahrnii

Whcn texts prescri be that Brahrni is to ha\le Sarasvati and Savitri bj his side. Sarasvati

is on his right and Savitn on his left: vtirnapârive 'svu süvitriy d a r n e CU sarasvatrm //( M P 260:44cd).

nïhe word paramuhaqm is appended in the fom of a titk to the names of certain religious figues, suchas Rarnalûishna Paramahamsa.

Vedic, Epic, and Puranic Sarasvati in Retmspective

Before proceeding to the early images of Sarasvati. let us look back to the textual
sources examined so far. and summanze the conceptual development of Sarasvati
perceptible fiom the Rg k d a to the early ~urànas.'~In the Rg C'eda. Sarasvati appears as a powerfùl river and a mighty goddcss.
invoked to grant all things and to destroy enemies. She is called on in hymns that wcre
recited during sacn fices performcd on her banks. and is associated wi t h the sacri ficial
goddesses 11%and Bhàrati. She is closely connected with inspired thought (dhf ). which.

in tum, is inseparably tied in with speech (v6c).

In the Atharva léda. Sarasvati is invoked for her assistance in matters of thisworld. such as mamage cercmonies and the granting of progeny. She continues to beconnected with the 113 and Bhàrati. who. together with Sarasvati. are here called thetisra, sarasvatïh. One step beyond her association with inspired thought in the Rg
Céda. shc is connected in the iltharvu Céda, with speech and even identified with it.

In the Yujur Céda. Sarasvati plays a significant part in the SautriIrnani rituai.
where she functions as healer iind life-giver of Indra through speech. As in the Atharva
Céda. she is both associated and identified with speech. She acquires a particularconnection with the ewe. which is oflered to her during the Sautimani sacrifice.

la

S e e also Table on pp. 137-58 ( to be read facing one another) below.

154

In the Brihrnanas. the river goddess Sarasvati makes a comeback. Sacrificial
scssions are performed along the nver. against its course. producing a Sarasvati riverpilgrimage. The goddess is repeatediy and dcfinitively idcntified with speech, theembodirnent ofknowledge. Speech becomes daughter and consort to the creator Prajiipati.
and Prajiipati-VZc myths then form the basis for the later Brahmà-Sarasvati rclationship.

V5c is also connected for the first time. with music and with the vina.
In the ~Muhübhüruta.the pilgrirnage dong the river Sarasvati is vastly expanded

and elaborate myths are woven around the tirthas on her banks. In contrast with the Rg
C'eh description of a powerful flooding river. the cpic depicts a calmer-flowing Sarasvati.

Hcr banks arc populated by huge nurnbers of sages pcrforming rituals. As goddess. shegovems over knowledge. now quite independently of speech. whose identity had long

ago become her own. In relationship to other go& and humans. she becomes thedaughter of Brahmâ. the wifc of Manu and of sage Matinara. and the mother of Tapsu
and Sarasvat.

In the Màrkandeyu and Matsya Purunas. sacrifices dedicated to Sarasvati are
performed to obtain. above dl. speech. but also knowledge and other things. Vic's

Bahmana connectioa with music and the vina bears miit in the Puriiqas: in the
MZhndeya. Sarasvati is worshipped to obtain full knowledge of music. and in theF'à-W. provides Skanda with a vina. In the Mat*

Pur@la the Brahma-Sarasvati myth.

based on Briihrnana accounts of Prajapati-Vic. is fuliy elaborated. Sbe also acquires. in
the Motsya Purüna story of Brahmâ and Sarasvati. different names. including SZvitri.
Gayatn. and Brahrniiqi. In later portions of the M a t y PurMa (ca. 550-650). and thenrepeated in the F'i~udhamottaraPurâna. she is described as four-arrned carrying

vw.rosary, water pot. and book. Her usual mount. the hamsa. is attributed both to her
spousc Brahmâ and to Brahmàni.
We may distinguish. then. three aspects of Sarasvati: the original river aspect.

followed in the BrZhmanas and the Muhibhiiratu by the knowledge aspect. and thenthe early hiranic music aspect. To these must also be added her hranic daughter-consort
aspect in relation to Brahrnà. Hence her aspects arc physical (river). functional (knowledge

and music). and relational (daughter-consort of Brahms). In iconographie descriptions.

her functional aspects of knowledge and music arc combined. as the four-armed goddess
carries both the manuscript and the vi!~ü.

FROM THE VEDAS TO THE EARLY P U ~ A S

RG VEDA
After 1750 B.C.E.

RIVER
powerful river! GODDESS
1 powerful goddess( SACRIFICE

assists in worldly
rnal'krs

The Three Sarasvatis

ATHARVA VEDA
Ca. 12&c. B.C.E.

ewe offering.--

BRAHMANAS

rivcr

Ca. 900-500
B,C.E.

1 MAHABHARATA
B.C.E. -1 SPEECH

1 presida overlIcalmer river,pilgrimage along
river, mytho~ogyof the tirthas/

sacrificial sessions
along nvcr

Ijsacrificesonnver

1I

speech

1

1

i

1

1

t
!

sacrifice for speech

Ca. 3&C. C.E.

i

1

I1
1

worship t'or music

PURANA

associaicd andidentified with 1
W=h/ identified withI

MATSYA

I

1

I

l

I

asmiated andidentified withspeech
!

1 Sautramani ritual,YAJUR VEDA
Ca. 12'~- 9' C.
B.C.E.

1 Ca.

1 sacrifices on riveril1

sacrifice for speech,
knowlcdge, etc.

-i

FROM TME VEDAS TO 'ïIE EARLY PURANASc
KNOWLEDGEMUSIC

ICONOGRAPHY

1
RELATIONS

rnothtx andconsort ofIndra= knowledge

Speech aswith music, and withùaughtcr andconsort ofPrajâpati

vina

another Sivitn

1 goddess ofdaughter of'
Brahmi. wife,
motherteaches music

h o wledge
4goddess ofh owledge

daughtcr andconsort ofBrahmà

Laksmi, Gaun.

sepithets

clarmed: vina, rosary,water pot, book;
mount: goose

gives vï?a to Skanda

4armed: vm,rosary,water pot, book;syrnbolism

III. INDIAN IMAGES OF SARASVATÏ

Surviving early images of Sarasvati are not lirnited to the Hindu fold. With the adventof Buddhism and Jainism in the sixth centus, B.C.E. and their subsequent growth anddevelopment,Sarasvati's sphere of influence cxtended inio new realms. In an environment
where. irrespective of religious or philosophical affiliation. knowledge was highiy valued.
she. as an embodiment of it, had widcspread, univeaal appeal. Wc therefore have early

Hindu. Jain. and Buddhist images of Sarasvati.

In tems of textual background as we have seen. there is a great deal of Vedic. epic.
and Puranic literature on the goddess. The principal Jain sources on Sarasvati. on the otherhand. date from a Iater period. and hence cannot provide us with a background for theearliest Jain images of the goddess. As the composition of these Jain sources extends
beyond the time h m e of the Indian side of this study (pre-eighth century). they will not be
discussed here.' As for the Buddhist textual background, it does not apply to the one
probably Buddhist image (e.g. Siirniitb) discussed below. Early Buddhist sources. on theother hand. fùnction as the background for Chinese and Japanese representations. as weshall see. They cannot. furthemore. be discussed separately from their Chinese translations.

' For a textual discussion of the Jain Sarasvati, see Shah 1941. 1would like to thank Paul Dundas of the
Univmity of Edinburgh and Nagasaki H6jun fRi%fl,professor meritus at 0tani University hbk? in
Kyoto, for their assistance in m a e r s of dating Jain sources.

Hence Buddhist textual matenal will be taken up in the following section (IV. Buddhist
Sarasvati).
As in the Puriinas. then. t will focus here on surviving pre-eighth century material. in

the form of Sarasvati images. 1 will also discuss the images of this time period which areerroneously labelled as Sarasvati. as well as those erroneously dated as pre-eighth century.

1. Early Indian Images of Sarasvatr

a. Bharhut: V@Ü-playeron a Stupa Pillar ( fig. 1 )An image which has been called an early prototype of Sarasvati and even Sarasvati

hcrsclf appears in the second century B.C.E. Buddhist site of Bhirhut in eastern Madhya

Pradesh.' The figure is carved on the southeastem pillar of the earliest surviving stupa
railing in India. now housed in ihe Indian Museum in Calcutta. She stands atop a full-blown
lotus growing from a lake3 with hcr Ieft hip thrust out and her right knee bcnt. As in thecase of some of the othcr Bhârhut imagcs of yuksar and yak si^.^ only the tocs of her rightfoot. now Iargely missing, appear to have touched the gound. She cames a seven-stringed

harp in her two bands. She wears a sash around her waist. a covering over her head. andomarnents adom her body. Her face is youthful. The image is. unfomuiately. quite damaged.

and there is no descriptive label as is usually found on Bharhut reliefs. It is, thcrefore.
impossible to identiQ the figure with certainty.

The belief that this may be Sarasvati or an early prototype of the goddess stems
exclusively from the presence of the stringed instrument. which is indeed a vina in its
earliest fom. In her study of musical instruments in ancient India, Claudie Marcel-Dubois
Barua (1934-37, vo1.3. p.35). who is followed by Eaneqea (1956. p.377). advances the early prototype
argument. Coomaraswamy (1956, p.63) cautiously suggests the identification of the image with Sarasvati on
the basis of latm iconography. Yasodadevi ( 1963. p.690) and K. Bhattacharyya ( 1983, p.77) go even hrther,caliing her an actual "representation*' of Saramati.

E.g. B a w 1934.37; Harle 1987. Bg. 12.

discusses the different types of harps. zithers. and lutes. al1 of which may be referred to asvina.' As Coomaraswamy and Marcel-Dubois explain. the word vipà was probably first

applied to the bow-shapcd harp ("harpe arquée"). which is the earliest type to appear innie earliest extant depictions of this bow-shaped harp. furthcrmore.
artistic repr~sentations.~
are to be found at Bhiirhut. as in Our imagc. This instrument. however. is not exclusive to
our female figure: the gandharva PaficaSikha is renowncd as a harp-playcr and appears as
Indra's envoy when the king of the gods wishes to meet the Buddha. This scene is illustrated

at a number of early Buddhist sites, including Bhàrhut ( fig. 2).' As the two sides of theBhiirhut meciallion are broken. a part of the figure of PaiicaSikha holding the bow-shaped
harp remains on the left side. One might also point to two female musicians. one playing abow-shaped harp and the other a flute. appeanng on one of the scenes inciscd on a fintçentury B.C.E. bronze vase fiom Gondia. Himachal Pradesh. now in the British Museum(fig. 3).8 Our image, therefore. cannot be identified as Sarasvati on the basis of the musicalinstrument she cames.' The earliest extant depictions of what is decidediy Sarasvati playi ng
upon a viyü date from about the sixth century (figs. 14-15)-noless than eight hundredyears after this Bhàrhut sculpture. Li kewise. the earliest iconographie description of Sarasvati

carrying the vinci is found in the Mutyu Pur5ya (66:lOb). which according to Hazra may
Marcel-Dubois 1941. pp.90-9 1, 1 13. The different types of harps. zithers, and luies are described indeiail on pp.72-93. See also Sadie 1984, vo1.3, pp.728-735. ïhe arched-harp is attested from the second
century B.C.E., the lute from the eady ccnnirics C.E., and the stick-zithet fiom the sixth century C.E.
6

Coomaraswamy 1930, p.2M; Marcel-Dubois 1941. pp.90-9 1. s e also Sivaramamurti 1942, p. 144.
pl. 13, fig.3.

The illustrations of this scene are discussed in Cwmaraswamy 1928.

' Emngton, Cribb, and Clanngbull 1992. pi. 163. pp. 162-1M. According to Maurizio Taddei ( 1993.
p.347). the vase shouId be assigned to the second century B.C.E.
For a comprehensive Iist of deities who carry the viM, see Marcel-Dubois 1941, pp. L 13- 1 14.

be assigned to 550-650 C.E.'' The type of v i y i which we see in these sixth century images.

it should be noted, is no longer the bow-shaped harp. but the Iater zither."b. Ghantashala: Four-armed Sarasvat1on a Marble Siab ( fig. 4)

Another image which is claimed to be a second century B.C.E. example of Sarasvati
is fkom the Buddhist site of Ghantashala in Andhra ~radesh."Unfortunately none of theindividuals who has made this daim has taken the trouble to read carefully Alexander

Rea's report of the excavation at the stupa at the beginning of 1892." As Rea explains. thestupa probably dates to a few years following the later works of Amarivati. which would

place it in about the second or third century C.E. A few of the many marblc slabs which

would have adorned the building. including piers. capitals, an umbrella. a carved railing.
stupa slabs. and other slabs now carvcd with modem sculptures. have been preserved in thevillage of Ghantashala and adjoining villages. Our Sarasvati appears on one of ihese
remaining slabs which have been defaccd and resculptured with Hindu deities. and which
are now worshipped in a Siva temple. It is not, therefore. anything near a second century

B.C.E. Sarasvati image. nor is it a Buddhist Sarasvati. but rather a comparatively modem.

10

See p. 130 above.

Il

One exception to the almost ever-present zither of the Indian Sarasvati is the bow-shaped harp in a ninth
centwy bronze image of the goddess h m Niilanda (Marcel-Dubois 1941, pl.XLV1: 1).
12

K. Bhatiacharyya 1983, pp.78.13 \ -32; Sahai 1975, pp. 152-53; Yasodadevi 1963, p.689. Support for thisdating is even clatmed on the brtsis of stylistic features: K. Bhattacharyya (p.78) points to the "stnct hntality"of the image, which is supposed to indicate that it is contempomry with the Bhârhut image, while Yasodadevi,
who daims it belongs to the third century B.C.E.,sees resemblances with Mohenjodaro art!?!

" Rea 1894. pp.32-34.38; pl. XXXI.

crudely-carved four-armcd Hindu Sarasvati. Her hair is rolled and layered on her head likea coiled snake. and her disproportionately large and protruding ears are adomed witheamngs. She stands naked and flat-footed. holding a lotus in her top right hand. a manuscript
in her top left.14 and petting her mount the hamsu with her bottom right. Her bottom lefl
hand simply hangs down. Her two top anns are so disproportionately large and masculinelooking that they appear not to belong to her body. Her bottom arms. emerging fiom her
excessively broad shoulders. are also a little larger than they should be. and in the case of
the left. far too angular at the wrist. with a disproportionately large hand placed on the headof the hatpsu. The bonom bands. furthemore. are carved in abbreviated form so thatinstead of Ave fingers. we see something resembling the head of a fish or a snake. The
iconography of this Sarasvati image is an indication in itsclf. as we shall see. of a datecleariy much later than the second century B.C.E.Although the manuscnpt shows up in aca. third century C.E. image (cg. 8). the hatpsa is first mentioned as Brahrnàqi's mount in
the Matsyu Pur&za ( 161:25a) of ca. 550650 C.E. and does not appear amongst the surviving
images of what is decidedly Sarasvati until about the tcnth century.

c. Gandhara: Wâ-player on a Lion (fig. 5 )The sculpture of a goddess seated on a lion. and playing a lute appears ami& theGandhara art of the Lahore Museum. The head of the female figure is missing, as are parts

14

In one instance K. Bha~charyyadaims this is a manuscript (1983. p.78). and in another. that it is anoose ( 1983, p. 13 1 ). It is a rnystery to me why he and Sahai ( 1975, p. 145) have interpreted this object as anoose.

of the leaping lion. Albert Grünwedel identified her as belonging to the Sarasvati type on

the basis of later images of the goddess." The lute she plays is another type of vir~ü.which
tirst appcars in G a n d h h a d 6 Alfred Foucher. on the other hand. suggested that although

the image represents a musician deity of some repute. at this time she would not yet havesucceeded in distinguishing henelf from the anonyrnous crowd of such figures." There areplenty of other GandhW examples of male and female figurcs playing the same type ofIute. and they are usually identified simply as musicians (figs. 6-7).The same identification

couid just as well be applied to this figure on the lion. as Harald Ingholt bas done. labelling
her as a "gandharvi." " Sarasvati. it should be noted. does not have the lion as her mount.
Foucher's suggestion that the vipà-playing Sarasvati arises From arnidst the host ofgundhorvi figures is certainly inaccurate. As we have seen. there arc numerous factors

which contributed to the development of Sarasvati into a goddess of music: the sound of
the river's fiowing waters. her identification with Speech. the recitation of the Vedas.

Vic's choice to rernain with the vina-playing gods in the myth of the barter for Soma. andthe expansion of her temtory to al1 fields of knowledge. to name but the most relevant

factors,ISIgîO, pp. 100- 101. Grünwedel only has a line drawing of the image. For a photograpiuc illustration, see,for instance, Foucher 19 18 (~01.2).p.71. fig.340 and Ingholt 1957, p1.363.
:6 For the vï@
as a lute s
a Marcel-Dubois 1941. pp.87-91. It is the lute. known in China as the pipa andin Japan as the biwa (BR).which we sa in the han& of rnost Japanese two-amed Sarasvati images.

d. Kaiikiiiï p:
Sarasvati with a Manuscript (fig. 8 )The earliest surviving artistic representation which deci dedly depicts Sarasvati wasfound by A. Führer on January 18. 1889 at the Jain site of Kaokâli .lanear Mathura.

ihere uscd to be two magnificent temples on the site. which belonged to the h e t i i m b a r a ~ . ' ~The image. now kept at the State Museum in Lucknow. is made o f rnottled red sandstone
and measures 57 cm in height. It is quite damaged. with the head shoulders. nght h a n 4
and let? brcast rnissing aftogethcr. Most fortunately. however. it bears an inscription on the
two-tiered pedestal identifjhg it as Sarasvati and speciQing the date of its installation. The
inscription consists of seven lines written in Brihrni s~ripi:
1 . (sid)dham suva 50 4 hemamtamase catufr)tth(e)4 divos(e) 10a-2. sya prwÜ.vüm koie-viroganâto sthGni~vùrohlüto
3. vairüto Sikhüto Srigrh(ü)to sambhogaro vücakaqan?/a
4. &ha)stu(or u )hastisya i i ~ oga!~isyaa y a miighahastisya
Sraddhucuro vâcakqva a5. y v a devasya nirwarttana govasya sihaputraqm
10 hikakarakya dünam
6 . sarwasatv(ü)n( ü ) ~ hitasukhu ekasarusvati pratist hiivitâ
stavatale (rra)dànavato
7 . dha(dm(e?)
Success! In the year 54:'
19

in the fourth month of winter. 3. on the

BühIer 1889, p.233; Burgess 1892-94, vol. 1, p.378.

" Bühler had some difficulties deciphering the fim numeral of the year. in bis article in Fkner Zeitschrzfl/ùr die Kunde des Morgenlandes in 1889 (p.239) he hesitantly proposed the year 84, which he then, in
Epigrophia lndica in 1892 (Burgess 1892-94. vol. 1. p.39 1 ), revised-still hesitantty-to 54 on the basis of
another inscription which includes both words and tigures (p.391. note 66). Accotding to Smith (1901, p.56,
note 1; p.57). the plate in Epigraphia lndica (110.21 clearly reads 44. Liiders ( 1904. p. 105, nos. 16-17).

however, argued for the y a r 5 4 while the first figure of the date does not resemble the numeral sign for 40,
he could not. on the other hand, recognize any diffemce between that figue and the signs for 50 occurringin Mathu-5 inscriptions. F&rmore. Lüàers added, the appearance of some of the same names in what heread as slightiy d i k e n t form as well as of some of the same facts (the venmbIe Deva as the tacher of a"

10th day. on this occasion as specified. a Sarasvati. the gi f€ ofthe smith" Gova son of Siha, (was) erected at the request of thepreacher the venerable Deva. the Sraddhacaro [cornpanion] of
the gagin [head o f a school] the venerable MBghahasti. the pupilof the preacher the venerable (Gha)sta(or u?)hasti, of the Koleya
gaya. the Sthiiniya kufu. the Vairà Zkhia. the ~ r i g ~ s~mbho~a."hafor the wclfare of al1 beings.".

Ghasta(or u)hasti and his disciple Miighahasti appear a s Mighuhasti and Ghastuhasti

in another inscription with the reading o f the year as 52." The year 54 refers to Kani$a's
chronological system. There continues to be wide disagrcemcnt amongst scholars. however.

on the date when the era began? If we follow those who support the year 78 C.E.. it places
our image in 132 C.E. Many. on the other hand. believe the era began about half a century
later. in 1 10- 1 15 or in 128. for instance. That would put our image in the latter part of thesecond century. Others still. insist on the third century. notably the leading numisrnatist
rnember o i the caste of srniths) in an inscription for anothcr bin image of Mathurà frorn two yean rarlicr
conflrm the reading for the year of our inscription as 54. Lohuizendc Lauw (1949, p.286-87). whosetranslation this is. likewisc reads the numeritls for the year as 54.

"

According to Smith ( 1901, p.56. note 2). the plate in &pigt.uphio lndica rcads 1 1 or II. rather than 10.
far the day, and in this, Lüders (1904, p. 105. nos.16-17. note 49) klievçs Smith may be right. Obviously
Lohuizende Lceuw agreed with Bühler on this one.

- Although Jains cannot take up the profession of smiths, as it invoives the destruction of animal lifc,*-lBiihler ( 1889. p.239. note 9)suggcsts that Gova may either have been a srnith or have belonged to the casteof srniths, but would have leR the profession on converting to Jainism.
21

it would seem that the kula represented the spiritual lineage of the master, that the iakhd was a branchissueci h m this line, and the surnbhoga a regional subdivision (Biihlm 1890, pp.3 15-16). The division into
gaga and hila is peculiar to the Jainas (Bühler 1888, p. 1421.

' LohuizenJe Lmuw's reading of the inscription and translation of it ( 1949. p.287). KR reading resolves
the enigmatic Iast Iine that had remained unclear to Biihler (1889, p.239 and in Burgess 1892-94, vol.1,
pp.39 1-92),Smith ( 1901, p.56). and Lüders ( 1904, p. 104). Square bracketed portions and italics are mine.
25

When Lüders noted this point in 1904 (p. 104, nos. 16-17), his reading of "Ghasta(or u~hasti"in our
inscription, in accordance with Biihlds before him ( t 889. p.239 and in Burgess 1892-94, vol. pp.39 1-92).
was as "Hasbhasti." Guérinot (1908, pp.40-41) provides a convenient chart of the Koiiya (Kofika)gaya. its
subdivisions, and its lineage of teachers on the basis of suviving inscriptions.
" For a ment summary of the nmerous dates proposed. see Zwalf 1996. vol. 1. Appendix 1. pp.357-58,
which includes extensive bibliographie references.

Robert Gobl. who argues for 225-32. If we follow G6bl. our image would then have been

produccd in 286. Furthemore. Johanna Engelberta van Lohuizen-de Leeuw's masterly
study on the Scythian penod shows that between the years 100 and 157 of the b i s k a era(and possibly even after that), people continued to count steadily on. but omitted the figure
100 when inscribing a date? Therefore. unless an inscription h m this period gives thename of the rcigning rnonarch. all dates berneen 1 and 57 can putain cither to the first halfof the first century of Kaqiska's era or to the first half of the second century-as

in ourimage. This dilemma can then be nsolvcd by cornparison with sculptures with fixed dates
and by analysis of the charactcr fonns in the inscription. If we consider the arrangement of

our Sarasvati sculpture. it is characteristic of post-Kusina art, as Lohuizen-de Leeuw
points out. The goddess appeaa on an inscribed hvo-tiercd rcctangular pedestal. with anadorant on each side of her. standing on the first tier. This same arrangement (with top tier
not always inscribed) is found in post-Kusiina Jina images of ~athura." Furthemore.
Lohuizen-de Leeuw's meticulous analysis of the style and character foms of thc inscription
shows a number of points in common with Gupta inscriptions. Thus. she argues. the datemust be one hundred years later: year 154. As Lohuizen-de Leeuw accepts the year 78 as
the beginning of Kaniska's cm. the year 154 of this era would then correspond to 232

c.E.'~Given the wide range and complexity of suggestions for the starting date of theKaniska. . era. I will cautiously settle for a date of ca. third century for our Kahkàli Tili
Sarasvati image.

Atop the two-tiered. rectangular pedestal bearing this long inscription. a now headlessSarasvati sits squaning. It is also. as Umakant P. Shah points out." the posture in which
Mahâvira attained the highest knowledge. It is. therefore. an appropnate posture for thegoddess of knowledge. The lowcr half of Sarasvati's body is draped in a sari, the end ofwhich is drawn over her left ami and would have extended over her no longer existent Icft

shoulder. As Sadashiv Gorakshakar n~tes.~'
her squatting posture with her knees spreadwide apart emphesizes the crescent folds of her sari. She wears a bracelet on each wtist.

and holds a palm-leaf manuscript wrappcd in cloth in hcr left hand. There have beenvarious suggestions as to what her missing right hand might have held: a lotus." a r n u d ~ . ~ 'a pen)' or a rosary." In 1941 Shah began by quoting Jain iconographie descriptions.
mostly of a much later date than our Kankali pli sculpture. such as Bappabhaoi Sùn's(ca.743-838) Catzirvupiathü. and then. presumably on that bais, suggested that Sarasvati
probably held a lotus in her right handI7 By 1946. however. Bajpai had taken a closer look

JI

Pal 1994, pl. 55.

" Sadashiv Gorakshakar in Pal 1994, pl. 55; Shah 1941. p. 199.
J3

According tu Bhaîiasali 1929, p. 187. the vyakhyana (teaching): according to Bajpai 1946, p. 1, and Jain
1964, p. 100, the abhaya (fear-not ); or according to Jain 1964,p. 100 and 1971, p. 3 1, the varada (bn-givingj.
j4

ibid.

J5

E3ajpai 1946, p. 1; Debala Mitra in A. Ghosh 1974-75, vol. 1, p.67; Lohuizende Leeuw 1949, p.286;
Shah 1987, p.324; Snnivasan 1989. p.356.
36

Sbnza 76: vagdevi varadabh~tapustikapodmaIa.Cit4~, ap ' v y d bibhrari hastau pustikzïpadmaIa&ituu/(as quoM in Shah 1941, p. 198, note 19). Although Shah (1941. p. 198, note 2 1 ) quotes a few stanzas at theend of the Bhaguvuri Sucra. a text which dates, in parts, from a very earIy pend (third or second century
B.C.E.,graduaIly expanded), Sarasvati's name does not appear here: a Snrrcidevata has a fiill-blown lotus in
her hand. According to Paul Dundas (private communication), however, this Smtiidev~~ta
is surely not
Sarasvati, "but rather a kind of al1 purpose category." Nagasaki Hôjun, on the other hand, beIieves it isSaramati (private communication). For htadmias Sarasvati in later tims, see pp. 182-83 below.

at the image and noticed a part of the rosary-four

beads to be exact-preserved

near thewrist." As he suggested. Sarasvati's right hand was probably also nised in a mudrü. as one
sees in later irnage~.'~
The fact that the arm is raised is an indication in itself that it could
not have bcen held in the downward-pointing varada mudrü . From the point of view ofthe position of the ami and wrist. and in accordance with the inscription which statcs thatthe image was made "for the welfare of al1 beings." the abha-va mudrâ. which Bajpai
suggests. and the wakhkhvtïnaare both possibilities. However. since the image was made at
the request of a preacher and a manuscnpt was placed in the goddess's lefi hand-hcnceemphasizing her function as goddess of knowledge-theteaching gesture would seem ro

be more fitting here.
Sarasvati is flanked by two male diminutive figures. The one on her right wcars adhoti and cames a watcr pot. white the one on her left is draped in monk's robes and holds

his palrns together in veneration. As Sadashiv Gorakshakar suggests. the former probably
represents the smith Gova. and the latter the preacher Aryadeva. who inspired him to
donate the image."

For Jyoti Prasad Jain. this Sarasvati sculpture is the symbol of a period of Jain
literary activity (mnith Ca. 50 B.C.E. - 50 C.E.) which he calls "the Sarasvati movernent.'*'What he refers to. therefore. is not a "movement" centering on Sarasvati. but rather on

JI

1946, p.1. I t is unfortunate that this plainly visible fact has for most, with the exception of Lohuizende
Lrwuw ( 1949, p.286) and Shah ( 1987. p.334). remained an object of speculation-particularty in the case of
Sadashiv Gorakshakar in Pal 1994, pi.55.
39

a
41

See K. Bhattacharyya 1983, pl. 19, for instance.

Pal 1994, plate 55.
1964, pp. 1 0 - 1 19; 1971, pp.30-33.

learning as such. which she as pan-Indian goddess of knowledge represents. Nevertheless.
to label a period of literaty activity as "theSarasvati movement" seems to me misleading
because it suggcsts large-scale. organized wonhip of the goddess. for which there is noevidence. Although. as Jain suggests. other Jain images of Sarasvati may wcll have been
made pnor to this onc?' if there had been so many. would it not be reasonable to presume

that more than one would have sumived?

e. Samudragupta and Samiidiradeva Coins: Female Figure on the Obverse(figs. 9-13)

i. Samudragupta Coin ( figs. Y- 1O)

The Allahabad pillar inscription glorifies Samudragupta's (r. Ca. 350-375) ski11 inmusic." On his lynst type coinsou the king is shown playing a bow-shaped harp on the
obverse (fig. 9). while a female figure appears on the reverse (fig. 10). She is scatcd on awicker stool. wearing a loose robe and a close-fitting cap. and is adorned with jewelry. She

holds a fillet in her right hand and a hom of plenty in her left. Because Samudragupta
appears on the front of the coin playing the v i w . this figure on the back according toU

The entire inscription together with the translation is found in Fleet 1887, no.1, pl. 1, pp.6-17. The
glorification of Samudragupta's skill in music is found on line 27.
44

Allan f ists nine coins ( 1914, pp. 18-20). providing plates for ail (pI.5, hgs. f -8) but the one in the indianMuseum in Catcuna. There are othm, such as the two in the National Museum in New Delhi pubIished in
Chhabra 1986, pl.1, figs.10-l l and Khandalaval 1991, p1.3, and the one from the Lingen collection in the
Netherlands published in Raven 1994%p1.6.

Radha Kumud ~ookerji.~'can be identified as Sarasvati. the goddcss of music closely
associated with t his instrument. Al though the connection he makes may appear plausible"
if we compare this fcmale figure with the ones found on the reverse side of other Samudragupta
or other Gupta rulers' coins. Mookerji's identification of hcr as Sarasvati becomes untenable.

There are numerous cxtant examplcs of female figures holding a fillet. usually. as in
the case of our coin, in the nght hand." There are also a number of examples of a scatedfemale figure holding a fillet in her nght hand and a horn of plenty in her left-justas in

Our c o i n s u c h as on the reverse side of the sceptre and battle-axe (fig. I I ) typcs ofSarnudragupta coins and on the sceptre type of Candragupta 11 (r. Ca. 375-413) coins.'" This

fcmale figure is generally accepted to be s r i (Laksmi). the ernbodirnent of prosperity. an
essential royal vimie. Like an invisible other wifc. she attends to the king. Skandagupta (r.
ca. 455-467). who is described in the Junagadh inscription as embraced by Sri and carefully

selected by Laksmi from among al1 other kings. even issued coins on the front of which heappean together with Laksmi. his divine consort. beneath the imperhl banned9 ?he goddns

of fortune appean on the back of rnost coin series of the Gupta rule. a device originallyborrowed from late KusZna coin imagery. as Ellen Raven ~xplains.'~rg

Laving aside questions which corne to rnind. such as why, if Sarasvati is intended to k depicted here
specifically as goddess of music. she is not portrayed pplying htr characteristic insuurnent and why Mookej idoes not mention Kumâragupta lynst-type coins with a female tigure on ihe nverse (by his reasoning, thisfemale figure should likewise be Sarasvati).
47

See, for instance, Allan t 9 14 and Raven 19941.

48

For the Sarnudragupta sceptre type coin. see Raven 1994a. pl. 1, and for the Candragupta II sceptre typecoin. Raven 1994% p1.4.
49

Ravm 199% pp.42-43, p1.2. For the Junagadh rock inscription see Fleet 1887. pp.56-65 (passages
referred to appear in lines 2 and 5 on p.59).
1O

19%

p.44. me image of Laksmi canyîng fillet and horn olplenty is modelled on Ardoxsho. a goddess

The most plausible identification of the female figure on the revenc of the Samudragupta
lyrist type coin is likewise Laksmi. as John Allan. Ellen Raven. and others have posited5'

and not Sarasvati. The diadem fillet which she cames represenis sovereignty. while thehom of plenty syrnbolizes prosperity. Both implements are therefore related to the tulcr.

''

ii. Samiciiradeva Coin (figs. 12- 13)

Another coin which is believed to have Sarasvati on the back is the rüjuliiü type coinof king Samiiciiradcva (ca. 550-575) of the independent kingdorn of Vaiiga that arose in
Bengal (eastem and southern) at the fa11 of the Gupta empire.'' The king is reprcsented on
the Front side (fig. 12) seated on a couch in rüjalili (royal ease) posture with a female

attendant on each side. The syllables sarnü. ci. and possibly ru appear to be writtcn out inthe availabie spaces." On the reverse (fig. 13)stands a female figure on a lotus in tt-ibhariga('ihree bends") posture. With her right hand she draws up a lotus bud with a long stalk. as
if to smell it. while her lefi hand r a t s on a lotus with a bent stalk. Yet another lotus appears-.

of Avestan local cas& Iranian ongin who -govmis over good fortune in political. dynastie. and national
matters, and who is depicted on K ~ i i n acoins. See Rosenfie\d 1967. pp.74-75.
51

Allan 1914, p p . h v , 18; Raven 1994a. p.45. explanation to p1.6; Altekar 1957, p.76; Chhabra 1986.
pp.5-6, pl. 1 îïgs. 10-1 1; Khandalaval 1991, p. 1 10. explanation to fig.3 by R Vanaja; etc.

"

One could take the symbolisrn of this coin a step funher (sec Raven 1994% p.49). comecting theobverse and the reverse thmugh the musical instrument playd by Samudragupta. The vina in the Asvamedha
sacrifice (SB 13:1 3 : 1 ) repmmu m. She laves the king during the performance of this sacrifice. and isagain c o n f d upon him when h e vina is played for him. Ahhough it is tac that Samudragupta is the one
playing the viyü on the coin, while brühmqos tather than the king himself play the vina during the ASvamedha,
the association of the vipï with in-in the royal sacrifice might conceivably have cndowed it with symbolism
related to the figure of ~ toni the reverse side of the coin. At the same time. we do not know chat thissyrnbolisrn was read into the viqû played by Samudragupta on this coin at the time of its production, and wewould do well to retiain h m excessive association and over-interpretation.

" Altekar 1954. p.3 13: 1957. p.328.

below her right hand. and a h a w at her feet tries to match a lotus leaf in front of its

open beak. It is the presencc of the hamsa. Sarasvati's traditional mount. which suggests
the identification of the female figure as ~arasvati." But if. in imitation of the Guptas.
Samiicànideva had Laksmi rcpresented on the reverse side of his archer type of coin?
would it not be reasonable to consider that it is likewise Laksmi that we see on the back ofthis r~julilatype coin? As Raven explains. whilc tbç diadem fillet and the hom of plcnty
are the embierns of the goddcss in the earliest Gupta coin series. her iconography wascbanged to match Laksmi's well-known association with lotuses?' Already in the
Candragupta II (r. Ca. 375-413) lion-slayer type of coin. we see hcr carrying fillet andlotus. and in his cukruvikruma type of coin. an unidentiticd female deity with a lotus
stands on a lotus." On the Kumhgupta 1 (ca. 415450) tiger-slayer and horseman type

coins, Labmi appears with a lotus. fceding miit io a peacock. a pnzed pet in the royalhousehold and the mount of KirttikeyaKumira. war-leader of the god~.'~Likewise thefemale figure on the reverse of the Samâciiradeva coin is surrounded by lotuses. appropriate

to Labmi. and a bird particularly fond of lotuscs

appears bclow. Although the h u m

was not as closely associated with royalty as the peacock. it held a prominent place
55

Altekar 1957. p.328; Bhattasali 1923, p.56. Vincent Smith (1972 repr., p. 122) rnistook the hamsa for apeacock, and identified the female figure simply as a goddess. AlIan (1914, p.150),on the other hanci.
thought it was Laksmi.
36

Allan 1914, p.149, pl.XIXA.6;Altekar 1957. p.327, pI.XXiV.4. Bhattasali (1923, p.55) and Smith( 1972 rcpr., p. 12 1 ) do not identiQ the goddess. This is the only other Sarniiciradeva coin that is known.
57

1994%p.44; 1994b.vol. 1, p.32.

" The Iionîlayer type of coin is published in Raven 1994% p.52. pl. 14. and the cokavikrarna type on
p.44, p1.5.
'9The tiger-slayer type of coin is publiskd in h v e n 1994a. p.5 1, pl. 13,and the horsmari type on p.54.
pi. 15.
60

For a discussion of the close association of the haqsa with the lotus, see VogeI 1962. pp.5-8.

amongst the animais kept at the court of Indian kingsO6'Poets honored it with the nameriijahamsa "royal goose" and considered it king or master of feathered birds." The association

with the hatpsa is certainly not exclusive to Sarasvati. as we have already seen in the~uriigas.6'Furthemore. it does not appear in surviving images of Sarasvati until about thetenth century. Hcnce to identify the figure on the reverse of Samiciradeva's ràjalilü coin

as Samvati is highly questionable. to Say the Icast. 1 would suggtst. rather. that Allan's
identification of hcr in 19 14 * as Labmi is far more probable.

f. Uttar Pradesh Sculpture: Sarasvati Playhg the Vlnu ( fig. 14)

Also from about the sixth century is the slightly polished. buff sandstone Sarasvati
holding a stick-zither from a temple in Uttar Pradesh. This image from the Pan-Asian
Collection is at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. It masures 83.8 m in height.

The lower half of Sarasvati's body is dnped with a sari. and she wears a scarf around hershoulders. Her hair is rollcd up into a wide bun and adomed with an elaborate jewelled
fillet. Particularly large camngs weigh down her cars. She wears a necklace. armfets.
bracelets. a waist band and anklets. She is seated in ZuIitaFana on a Idus. playing the
stick-zither. also referred to as a vina. attested from the sixth cenhiry onwards? The
Vogel 1962, p. 1 1.
Q

Vogel 1962, pp. 10,1272.

53

See p. 15 1 above.

61

See p. 150.

65

f t has been suggested that the stick-zither may have been an indigenous folk insirument long before its
rep~sentationin art. See Sadie 1984, voI.3. pp.728-729.

middle part ofher instrument is missing. Accornpanying her are two animal-headed musicians
rcprescnting gadharvus. The ape-headed one on her lower right plays a drum. while thehorse-headed one on her lower left plays a flute. Above the gartdh~rvas.are two apsurases.

The one on Sarasvati's right dances. while the one on hei left plays the cymbals. Amidst
her Iiveiy entourage. Sarasvati appcars as goddess of music. playing her vi@

g. Samath: Sarasvati Piaying the Vipi (fig. I 5 )The Samath Museum of Archaeology has a small figure (ht. 35.5 cm) of Sarasvati ona slab of reddish Chunar sandstone discovercd in 1904-05. Stylistically it is dated to thesixth century. Although much more roughly and simply made. it has many points incommun with the exquisite Los Angeles County Museum image (fig. 14). also of about thesixth century and likewise fiom Uttar Pradesh. This Sarasvati is likewise seated in lalizüsana.
playing a stick-zither. She wean the same hairstyle. clothing, and omarnents as the previous
one. She is not. however. surrounded by celntial musicians and dancers. Above her head isfoliage fiom a tree. and to her lower right is an upside down jar. The water pot is anappropriate symbol for a river goddess. As we have seen. the M a i 9 and fispdharmoitaro

Purunas pnscnbe the vi@. water pot. book. and rosary in Sarasvati's four han&? This
image, however. like the previous one. is only two-armed. and there is no sign of either thebook or the rosary.
As it was found at the Buddhist site of Sàmàth. furthemore. it is probably a Buddhist

66

See p. 148 above.

Sarasvati. but not necessanly. Although Daya Ram Sahni in his catalogue of the museum *'lists this image under "Images of goddesses and other femaie images" amidst Buddhist
goddesses. it couldjust as well have been included in his section on "Brahrnanical sculptures."
It is not inconceivable that it was produced as a Hindu image. which found its way into a
Buddhist environment. The Los Angeles County Museum image. at any rate. of which itappears as a paie shadow. is assumed to be a Hindu image. as it shows no indication of
being a Buddhist one.

h. Akom and Vasantgarh Bronzes: Sarasvat1 with Lotus and Manuscript (figs.
16-19)

Amongst the large number of Jain metal images dating from the seventh to the tenthcentury dug out before June 1951 from the sitc of Ako!~. the ancient town of Ankottaka
not far from Vadodara (fomerly Baroda) in Gujarat discovered in 1949. were three images

which Umakant P. Shah identified as sa ras vat^.^^i. Bronze fiom Ca. 600-620 (fig. 16)

The earliest one is from ca. 600-620.and was offeied by a nun cailed Isiyâ (fig. 16).
We know this from the entirely preserved inscription starting from the left side of what

1914.
68

On the &o.

bronzes. see U.P.Shah's 1959 study.

remains of the pedestal and running along the back of it. The inscription reads:

ûm. This is the pious gift of the gunini (nun ) Isiya .O9

The image itself has been well preserved. The goddess stands on the flat pedestal withher hip thrust slightly to her nght. As in the case of other Akotà images of Sarasvati. shc
has a large head and a slender body with full breasts. She wears a lower garment with atriangle pattern forrned by slanting lines and enclosed in broad horizontal lines. Her scarf,worn over her shouldea and falling ont0 the pedestal. has a bead design with the two ends

showing a geometical motif. Hcr hair is wom in a large bun on top of her head andadomed with a crown. A plain. slightly oblong halo encircled with beads appears behind
her head. She wears eamngs. a neckiace with a pendant. bracelets. and a waist band Her
left. disproportionately large hand hangs d o m holding a manuscnpt. while in her nght
hand she cames a lotus with a long stalk extending down to the pedestal.
In U.P.Shah's explanation of the Sarasvati images found in Âkotà." he curiously

omits to mention the object held in her left hand fi.e. the manuscnpt). In a 1941 article.
however. he identifies the same object. which in this case is held in the hand of a Sarasvati

fiom Vasantgarh (fig. 19) dated Ca. 650675 and stylistically akin to the Akoti images, as abook (i.e. a rna~tuscript).~'Now if the Vasantgarh image holds a manuscript. then the Akoti

bronzes undoubtedly do also. For the goddess of knowledge. it is obviously a fitting
69

'O
71

TransIation by U.P. Shah (1959. p.34, plates 7Sa-b).
U.P. Shah 1959, pp.33-34.43.46.

U.P.Shah 1941, p. 199 referring to fig.2.

emblem. which we have already seen in the Sarasvati image from Kankàli ?il5 (fig. 8).
also a Jain site. Shah. howcver. must have doubted the object held by the Akota imagcs
was a manuscript. since. dcspite his extensive description of each irnagc (1959). hc did not
e v n mention its presence. Why this would be an issue for doubt. especially since hecompares the Ako@ images of Sarasvati with the onc from Vasantgarh. where he sccms
not to havc been in doubt rcgarding her manuscript, is unclear. And if he did not bclieve it

was a manuscript. it is unclear on what basis he identified any of the Àkoti images as
Sarasvati.
Out of three Âko@ bronzes depicting hcr. al1 of which carry the samc cmblems. only

one (fig. 16 discussed above) has an inscription. which. howcver. does not provide any
information on the identity of the goddess. As the lotus is not exclusive to Sarasvati. thc
manuscript is her distinguishing feature. In other words. if the manuscript in the A k o t ~bronzes is not idcntified. then there is no basis on which to identiQ these images as
Sarasvati. Comparison of the Vasantgarh Sarasvati (Ag. I V ) with the Ako@ images (figs.

16- 18). on the other hand. leaves no doubt that thcy al1 hold the same objrct in the lefl
hand. and that it is indeed a manuscript. If we look at the surviving Iain images ofSarasvati. furthemore. both the lotus and the manuscript appear very c ~ m r n o n l y . ~ ~ii. Late Seventh Century Bronze (fig. 17)

In the Iate seventh century Ako@ image of Sarasvati ( fig. 17). both the pedestal andthe image are darnaged with parts missing. If there used to be an inscription on the
See U.P.Shah's charis in 1941. pp.2 15-18.

pedestal. it is entirely lost. Sarasvati's left shoulder is missing, and the image is cracked at
the level of the breasts and below the knees. The goddess stands in tribhatiga posture on alotus atop the pedcstal. holding the long-stemmed lotus in her right hand and the manuscript
in her Ieft. She is dressed and adorned in much the same rnanner as the earlier Akotà image(fig. 16). Her halo is more ornate. consisting of a lotus design in the ccnter. surrounded bya circlc of beads. Her eyes arc inlaid with silver.

iii. Bronze from Ca. 700 (cg. 18)

The third Sarasvati from Akota (fig. 18) dates from ca. 700. and is evcn moredamaged. Thc pedestal is lost. the image is in wo pieces. broken at the level of the hips.
and only a fragment of the halo survives. As in the other bronzes. she cames a long lotus

stalk. most of which is missing. and a manuscript. Hm crown is made of five, rather than

three. projections. She stands in tribhanga posture.

iv. Vasantgarh Bronze of ca. 650-675(fig. 19)

Stylistically akin to these Akota images is the above-rncntioned Sarasvati fiom
Vasantgarh (known today as Vantaparagadh in southem Rajasthan. near Gujarat) datingfrom ca. 650475 (fig. 19)? The image is now in the Mahiivirasvàmi temple in Pindawara
and has been erroneously worshipped as Cakreivari ." She stands on a lotus between two
n74

U.P.Shah 1959, p.43.
U.P. Shah 1941, p. 199.

jars atop a pedestal. holding the long-stemmed lotus in her right hand and the manuscript in

her left. She is dressed and adorncd in the sarne manner as the Àko@ bronzes. Her crown isparticularly elaborate. topped with a representation of the sun with a makaru on each side.
As in the case of other images of Vasantgarh, local worshippers have thickened the lines ofher eyebrows?

The elaborate crown of the Vasantgarh Sarasvati may or may not bc simply dccorative.
Although the presence of the Sun is unclear. the aquatic m a k m is associated with nvers. It
is a manne monster derived From the fish. the elephant. and the crocodile.76Its aquaticcharacter naturally makes it the rnount of marine and river divinities. Thus it is associatedIt might be noted that the rnakara appears
with Varuqa." Gang5 (fig. 21). and ~amunà.'~as Sarasvati's mount in a few South Indian wood images of the Musée Guimet. which.
however. are unrelated to the Vasantgarh image.7g

v. Sarasvati and the fiyüdevis

In al1 the Jain images we have seen. Sarasvati appears as goddess of knowledge withmanuscnpt in hand. According to B.C. Bhattacharya in his study of Jain iconography.
Sarasvati is Snîiüdevi. hcad of a group of sixteen godciesses called vic(vodevis, who began
7s

U.P.Shah 1955-56, p.61.

76

The different types of mahra are discussed in Viennot 1954. The ones found on Sarasvati's crown&long, according to Viennot's categorization, to the notthm type derived h m the elephant (p.190).
77;B

Bancjea 1956, pp.526-27.

Mallmann 1963, p.233. The makara, it should be noted, is not excIusiveIy associated with marine andriver divinities. It also a p p a s as the ensign of Grna (Hopkins 19 15, p. 167).

to appear in Jain literature in Ca. 500 C.E.80This is a complete misconception. which has.
unfortunately. been repeated by othen.*' The vidvidevis are not goddesses of leaming. as

U. P. Shah explains in his detailed study on this group: they are goddesses with magicalpowers who propagate Jain faith and worship the Tirthankaras.*' Sarasvati. however. is
indeed Snîtüdevi (e.g. Hemacandra's rlbhidhàna Cintümqi of the twelfth or thirteenthcenhiry)." and as such presides over the preaching of the tirthanharus. Jain tcxts are
dcscribed as her Iimbs and ornaments." Thus the function of the vidvidevis belongs to the

devotionai aspect of Jainism. while that of Sarasvati is in the realm of textual knowledge.

In terms of Jaina cosmology. as John Cort explains.8' the various goddesses reside in threedifferent nalms: Sarasvati and Laksmi dwell in the upper realm (irdhvaloka).the vidvidevis
in the middle realm (ti~agioko),and the -VU&~ attendants of the 24 tirthonkaras in thelower realm (udhloka). Ncither Sarasvati nor ot her goddesses referred to as Stut~devatüs~~

are the head of the vidyüdevis. The connections we find between Sarasvati and the vidvidevis
are the iconographie features she shares with certain foms of Mahiirninasi. the sixteenthviMdevi. in two twelflh-century sculpt~res.'~and the appearance of Sarasvati's name in am1939 (rev. ed. 1974. p. 163). For Iiterature on the Vidyàdevis (centuries later than 500 C.E. 1, see U.P.

Shah 1947.

83
Y

U.P. Shah 1941, p. 196.

U.P. Shah 1941, p. 196. Shah refm to the Pratis!hàtiloko (pp.76 t -762 ) and the Pratis.rhararoddhra(697-32)of the tenth or the eleventh century.
8s

Cort 1987, p.236.

Llb

U.P. Shah 1947, p. 169.

Y7

U.P.Shah 1947, p. 166.

very small number of later lists of the vi~vüdevis.such as in a thirteenth-century manuscript

which also includes miniatures of the godde~ses.~~

i. M
w
k
a Brah-Sculptures ( fig. 20)

Brahrniini. as we have seen. is Brahma's consort. a form of Sarasvati. In images she
is distinguished h m Sarasvati by her four heads (MP 261; 24d caturvakrà). three of

which can be scen. Brahmiini is also one of the rnZtrkas (mothers). a group of goddesses
whose numbcr and names become standarciized after the Gupta period. although surviving
images are recognizable fiom about the beginning of the Christian ers." In this fom.
Brahrniigi is nevcr referred to as Sarasvati. By about the seventh ccntury. representations of

the group of rnâtrh become individually distinguishable. The Museum of Baroda has a
set of mitrkas from this p e n d including an image of Brahmini (fig. 20). The goddess isseated. carrying what seem to be a water pot in her lefl hand and a rosary in hcr right-justas the Matsys Purüga prescn bes (26 1 :25b sdkFas~trakoma~daIuh/ ). Also in agreementwith the Matsva Piïrüoa (26 1:25a hamsâdhiNdhü kurtuvyû ). a h a w appears below her.

Although she is four-faced (three faces visible). she is not. as the Purana stipulates. four-armed(MP26 1 :24cd brahrnogi brahrnasadrii cuturvaktrà caturbhuja // ). A small figure. a childaccording to U.P.Shah" appears to her right below. The presence of a child would beappropriate to a mit@. Shah mentions another a rnàtrkû Brahmiiw of about the seventh
-

-

us

U.P.Shah 1941, p.203, fig. 10; I947,p. 12 1. lhis is a palm-leaf manuscript of the L'padeSamalavyni.

a9

Coburn 1984, pp.3 13-330; I.N. Tiwari 1985, pp.95-181.

90

in Mankad 1962, p.30.

century in the Rajputana Museum of ~jmcr." Most other examples. however. aie later."j. EUora Onwards (figs. 2 1-23)

At Ellora. Sarasvati appears in vanous forrns in caves dating from the eighth to thetenth century. Sarasvati's most weil-known representation herc is in the shrine of the rivergoddesses in cave 16 (fig. 2 1 ): Gangà stands on a rnakora in the center. with Sarasvati on
a lotus to her right (fig. 22). and Yamunà on a tortoise to her leftg3Likewise in cave 16.
there is an image of Brahmi flanked by Sarasvati on his right and Savitri on his left (MP260:Mcd vümapürive 'svu savitrïm dahîye ca sarmvatim // )? BrahrnZni amidst sets ofrnülykris is found in caves 16 and 22? In the Jain cave 32. which may be as late as thetenth century. Sarasvati appears seated and four-amed. holding lotuses in hcr upper hands
and a manuscnpt in her lower left (hcr lower right is darnaged)?

Sarasvati images dating from the Nnrh century onwards are numerous. The most

Shanti La1 Nagar ( 1992) pmvidcs illustrations o f two other examples which he daims o be rarly.
perhaps a iittle tao early: one from Sabarkantha in Gujarat (~1.73).which he assigns to the Gupta pmioci. andanother in the Allahabad Museum (~1.74').which he identifies as early medieval. Later examples of Brahmiini
as a Miityka are found in Nagar 1992 pls.75-79 and Pal 1997, pls.23 1-234, t'or instance.
" At Elephanta (sixth century ) a threc-headed fmale figure in a cup or a shell rises fmm the crown of themain image of siva Mahideva. Fergusson and Burgess (p.470) have suggested that this figure Rpresencs theth= rivers Gang& Yamuni, and Sarasvati.
9i

Gupts: and Mahajan 1962. p. 19 1.

93

Gupte and Mahajan 1962, pp. 128, 203. niere is a drawing of the Miitms in cave 16 in Fergusson andBurgess, pl.LdYXII.
%

N. Ghosh 1984, p1.372; Parirnoo, Kamal. and Panikkar 1988, pl. 110; Shah 1941, p.207, p1.18. A
detaiId study of al1 of the Sarasvati images at Ellorii extends kyond the scope of this dissertation, butshould indeed be taken up at some point. Enors in identification, it must be notai, have occurred, as in thecase of the ~MahâmâyuI.iimage of cave 6, which Fergusson and Burgess (p.375) considend to be Sarasvati.

common iconography. seen even in modern rcpresentations. does not follow the Mutsva
and CrisnidhamottaraPuràyas (book. rosary, vina. and watcr pot). but agrees with one ofthedescriptionsofthe dgni Pzirâya. which omits the watcr pot (50: 16ab pustük,surn~(ikahu.mï
vi!iiihasta sarasvaii / )?' This type of four-amed image. holding book. rosary. and v y a .

can be secn, for instance, in the tenth-century sandstone sculpturc h m Mathurd now at thc

British Museum (fig. 23). Typically. her mount the hamsa appears bclow. The lotus andrnudrü (usually varuda) are also cornmon features. Variations in the implcmcnts she isdepicted with are even more numerous than the many iconographic descriptions found in

the Purinas. By the eleventh century. six- and eight-armcd foms bcgin t o appciir.')' In
South India. the multi-amcd Sarasvati is also shown dancingpP

QI

me same set of objec~a p p r s in the Skanda PurMa (6%: 1 7-19). For the dates of the Agni andSkanda Puranas, see Rocher 1986, pp. 136- 137 ( Agni ), 236-237 ( S h d a ).
91

s9

Examples can be found in Khajuraho for instance 1Agrawal 1964, pp.594J.

Sr=e. for intance. K. Bhattacharyya 1983, p.99, pls.32-33. 'Ihere arc four-. six-,and eigbt-armed dancing
images.

What we see then amongst the images discussed above are a number of representations
erroneously identified as Sarasvati (Bharhut. Gandhàra. Samudragupta and Samiciradeva
coins) and one mistakenly dated sculpture (Ghantashala). This bnngs the number of extant
pre-eighth century images of Sarasvati to seven. to which may be added the Brahmiini
sculpture of the Museum of Baroda. Of these seven. there are no less than five Jain images.
one of which (Kahkiili T G ) happens to bc the earlicst extant repmcntation of Sarasvati

fkom 232 C.E. Of the rmaining two (sculptures h m Uttar Pradesh. one of which is fiom
Samath). the one fiom Samath could possibly be a Buddhist image.
The Iains clearly worshipped Sarasvati as a goddess of knowledge. as indicated by
the manuscript held in her hand in al1 the early surviving Jain images: first in the sandstone
sculpture From Kankiili(near Mathura) fiom about the third century C.E.. and then.

some four centuries or so later. in the threc small bronze images fiom Àko@ (Gujarat)
dating fiom 600-700 and the related small bronze from Vasantgarh (southem Rajasthan.
near Gujarat ) from 650-675.It is interesting that. in contrast. the presumed Hindu image ofabout the sixth century fiom Uaar Pradesh. as well as the similar sixth-century one frorn

Sâmàth (also in Uttar Pradesh). depict her playing the viM. like a goddess of music. This isparticularly evident in the first Uttar Pradesh image (Los Angeles County Museum of Art),
where Sarasvati is surrounded by a lively entourage of musicians and dancers.

We have here. then. two of the four aspects (river. knowledge. music, daughter-consortof Brahms) of Sarasvati found in the textual sources ftom the Vedas to the early Puriinas.

Sarasvati's connection with knowledge. as we have seen. is the earlier of the two: it
surfaces in the Briîhma~as(900-500 B.C.E.) thmugh her identification with speech. theembodiment of knowledge. rnost notably of the Vedas. and is established as particular toSarasvati from the MahàbhGra~a(400 B.C.E. - 400 C.E.)onwards. Her music aspect. on
the other hand. does not anse until about the third to the sixth century C.E. (later MarkaydeyaPuma). although V5c. as a woman. fin& some connection with music alrcady in theBriihrnanas. The Jain images. therefore. reflect an earlier aspect of Sarasvati. necessarily
applied. in a Jain context. to Jain texts. It is in this aspect that Sarasvati continued to bewonhipped arnongst the Jains. evcn when the vitiü was later also placcd in h a hands.lm

The musical aspect of roughly the Gupta penod, on the other hand. is represented in thetwo sixth-century Uttar Pradesh images.

Although the two aspects are clearly distinguishable in pre-eighth century images ofSarasvati. their symbols in the f o m of the manuscript and the vi@ are combined in later
images. whether Hindu (,sec fig. 23) or Jain. as they werc in the iconographie descriptionsof the M a t v and Iï~udharrnotraraP-as(vina. rosary. water pot. and book). Suchmulti-armed images. therefore. represent both aspects of Sarasvati. although she as goddessof knowledge predorninates in al1 traditions.
As for Sarasvati's other aspects. she is rarely depicted purely as a river goddess. as in

Ellora (figs. 2 1-22). but representations of her together with Brahmii (e.g. Ellora. noted

above) are more numerous. There is also a significant number of mütrkii Brahmàqi images( fig.20).

'Oo

See Shah 1941.

W .B U D D ~ T
SA RAS VAT^FROM INDIA TO CHINA TO JAPANTHROUGH THE SUTRA OF GOLDEN LJGHT
Introduction

Sarasvati's name is mentioned in some of the Buddhist sutras and cornmentaries. She
appears most prorninently in theSurra of Golden Light (Suvamabhtïsu or Swarpabh5so~tamaSütm),' which includes an entire chapter (parivarta)dedicated to her. It is through this tcxt
that Sarasvati was introduced into China and thence into Japan. This text and its Chinesetransiations. therefore. are fundamental to our study. Already in this chaptcr wc are camed
into China. for the earliest Chinese translation of the Sutra of Golden Light is bascd on anolder version of the Sanskrit original than the extant one. and thus must be given priority.
A study of Sarasvati in the S u m o/'Golden Light. furthermorc-evcn in the readingof the extant Sanskrit version-veryquickly leads to lapan. where the sutra was held intremendous importance for the protection of the state. and where its prescriptions were
carefully followed. The sutra descnbes an eight-amed (weapon-beariog according to Yijing's
Chinese translation)form of Sarasvati. of which there are no examples in India and exceedingly
rare, not to mention compamtively late (tenth century), surviving representations in China.
ln Japan. on the other hand, not only are there records of the production of Sarasvati

Ri@ is sometimes appended to the title (Swargabhtisorrnmur~jaSutra), as in the corresponding
Chinese titk of Yijing's early eighthcentury translation. There was also a change of title to Sirvaqraprabh&numa. which appears in its Tibetan correspondent already in the first Tibetan translation of theeighth cmtury. For a discussion of the title, see the introduction (pp. XI-XII) to Nobel's 1937 dition of the
Sanskrit text.

images already in the eighth ccntury. but there is a surviving eight-armed example from theperiod. Hence. not only do we have a Chinese translation corresponding to a more original
version of the Sanskrit than the extant text. but we a h have an earIy Japanese reprcsentationof the goddess based very likely on the sutra. unrnatched in India and preceding what weknow of in China. This study of the sutra. therefore. cames not only into China. but also

into Japan. Furthemore. because what we find in China (Dharmaksema's translation of thesutra) precedes what survives in India (the extant Sanskrit text of the sutra). and because
what is preserved in Japan (eighth-century sculpture) predates what is known in China(tenth-century painting). my study cannot be geographically chronological in an eastward
direction.

The earliest period of life (fifth to eighth century) of the Buddhist Sarasvati in China
and Japan is most clearly and conveniently understood through iconography. ïhere are two
principal foms of the goddess. each one based on a spccific textual source:
1. the above-mentioned eight-amed form based on Yijing's translation of the Surra ofGolden Light of 703;

2. the later. two-armed lute-playing fom based on the Mahüvairocuna Sütro. translated
into Chinese in 725. twenty-two years later than the Sutra of Golden Light. anddepicted in the Womb World Mandala (garbhadhütu rnaydula) brought to Japanai the beginning of the ninth century.
As the subject of my study is Sarasvati's trajectory from India to Japan. I will focus here

far more on her first known introduction into China and Japan. Le. in her eight-armed fom
based on the Suim of Goidet1 Lighz. Apart from chronological considerations. there is far
more material on Sarasvati in the Sutra of Golden Light than in the Mah~vairocanaSüira.

and hence there is much more to be discussed. Further. although the two-amed lute-playing
f o m evidently corresponds to the vi+playing

Sarasvati. the eight-armed goddess. with noIndian correspondent as Sarasvati. has a far more complicated history to unravel.

The "fint known introduction" of Sarasvati in China necessanly raises the issue ofpossiblc prcvious introductions of the goddess. Could Sarasvati. it may and should be
asked. have made her way into China pnor to the time of the fint Chincse translation of the

Sutra of Golden Light by Dharmaksema in the early fifth century? Tradc relations between
India and China existed from early on: an overland route had been established as carly as

the second century B.C.E.. and by the first century C.E. merchants from the Indian
subcontinent had begun travelling by sea to China.' So it is conceivable that Sarasvati
could have bccn intmduced to China before the early fifth century. and yet I have found noevidence whatsoever for this so far. Alexander Soper's Lireruv Evidencefor Euriv Buddhist
A n in Chko (1959) never mentions Sarasvati. It is also remarkable that the Lidai minghuu
ji ER& 8 t Z (Records about the Famous Painten through the Ages). the most important

Tang work on painting from the earliest pcriod to the time when it was written in 847 byZhang Yanyuan %Bi&.does not mention a single image of Sarasvati. This does notnecessanly mean. however. that no representations of the goddess were made in China

during this time. Not only did Zhang Yanyuan make a selection of what he saw. but he wasalso unable to describe the huge quantity of art objects destroyed during the persecution of
Buddhism of the years 842-845. No Sarasvati is mentioned. furthemore. either in the
Tungchao minghua lu r$$&%@&(Record of Famous Painten of the Tang Dynasty)

completed in 840 by Zhu Jingxuan %%S,or in the Ykhoii minghuu lu&N!%a&(Records of Famous Painters of Sichuan) written in the second half of the tenth century by

Huang Xiuhi(?-after 1006). or in Guo Ruoxu's

3 % (ca.
~ 1020-afier 1075)

eleventh-cenniry history of Chinese painters from the second half of the Tang dynasty
entitled Tuhajianwen =hi HSffRfiilË(Record of Experiences in ~ainting).'
And hence our study of the Chinese Sarasvati begins with the Sutra ofGolden Light .

1 searched the online (hnp://210.69.i70.100/~25/index.hmt)
Qum T m g shi f E!?g(Complete Poernsof the Tang Dynasty). a huge Tang-period anthotogy of poems. for Biancai #f (Eloquence Talent as
Sarasvati is called), Biantian(Eloquewe kity, as she is aIso callcd), ciunnû
(goddess). andMiaoyin @%(Wonderhl Sound[s]. anolher aame for Sansvati). but none of the refmces is u> Sarasvati.
Biantian and Miaoyin do not appear at ail, Biancai s e m s to be a name, and the references to tiannü are not toSarasvati.

%$x

xk

1. The Sutra of Golden Light in Context

a. The Sutrai. Growth of the Text

The Sutra ofGoIden Light is a text with a highly complicated histoty. which would

have existed in some form already in the first century C.E. Johannes Nobel (1887- 1960).
who spent much of his life unravelling the intricacies of its passages in its numerous
translations and renditions. dernonstrated tkat the text grew up around the chapter on
confession (chapter 3).' In Nobel's edition of the Sanskrit text which has corne d o m to us.
we read:atha khalu niciraketur bodhisurtvah suptah / svapnüntaragaiahsuvan>&
st~~aryarnayikiïm bhen-m
adrik«t/samont~vobhüsarnüniim/ ladvathipi n5ma Nymandalam ...
tutru CU brihmananipena punqam adrühit / ta@ bherim
parühanantarp tatra bherihbdùd im2 evapnipâ deSanig5thü
niicaramünii airau.cir // atha ûhalu ntciraktur bodhisattvah
prativibuddhah samünas tü dhannadeSanîigath5 amsrnaraii
sma /Then indeed the Bodhisaîtva Ruciraketu slept. In the middle ofhis sleep he saw a golden drurn. made of gold, shining everywhere
just like the orb of the Sun.. . And there he saw a man with theform of a brahrnin. beating that dnirn. There fiom the sound of
the drum he heard these (and) similar confessional verses corning
forth. (2 1 ) Then indeed the Bodhisattva Ruciraketu, as soon as he' See Nobel's introducUon ta his edition of the extant Sanskrit vmion of the sutra (1937). pp.=
XXXTV. XL,XLVII.

awoke. rccollected these verscs of confession of the ~ a w ?
The practice of confession of sins in Buddhisrn can be traced back to the earliest

period, within the lifetime of the Buddha. During the posadha (Pali uposotha). heid every
fortnight, monks would recite the vina-va mles (the prütimokro) and confess theirtransgression^.^ Confessions were also made throughout the rainy season ( v a r g ) . but
especially on the final day of this thrce-month retreat period. As we shall see. rites ofconfession gradually developed into much more than acknowledgment of transgression ofmonastic mles.' Even the above passage refers to something more. as expressed in what

follows it: the verses corning forth from the golden drum are first and forernost a wishfulprayer for the removal o f suffering of al1 sentient beings. and only afterwards do they tum
into a confession.' This confession is then identified as the "splendid. excellent Golden~)?
Light" ( s v a n < b h ~ t t a mSubha

To this confession. Nobel explains.'' chapter 6 was then added where the Four Great
Kings (caturmahiircïja) prophesy the continued reign and prospenty of the ruler who upholds
the sutra." The great importance acquired by Our text in Japan for the protection of the

5

Translation by Emmerick in 1996, pp.8-9. The numerical reference is to the page in NobeI's 1937
edition of the Sanskrit. Ail refennces to the extant Sanskrit text h m i n are to Nobel's edition.

GOmbnch 1988. pp. i 80- 1 10; Warder 1970. p.58.

Sec pp.202-203 klow.
8

Sanskrit, pp.2Sff. (Emmerick t 996, pp.9fE ).
Sanskrit. p.29 (Emmerick 1996. p. 12).

10

For a detailed discussion of the p w t h of the text, see Nobel's introduction to his 1937 dition of the
Sanskrit pp.XLIlK"Sanskrit, pp.64ff. (Ernmerick 19%. pp.24B.

state derives fiom this prophecy." Then came chapters 7- 1 1. wherc various deities. including
our Sarasvati (chapter 7). promise. following the Four Great Kings in chapter 6. to upholdthe sutra, its preachen and their audiences. listing the numerous benefits that will accrue tothem. Chapter 13 about King Susambhava's visit to a monk to hear an exposition of thesutra and to have his wishes fùifilled was later still. Chapter 14 is a conclusion to chapten
1-13. advising people to listen to the preaching of the text and listing the merits thereof. In

its older version. the Sutra of Golden Lighr would have cnded here. Another five. rather
differently compose& chapters ( 15-19) were gradually added to form the text as it has
corne down to us. This surviving Sansknt text. according to Nobel. cannot be dated earlier
than the rniddlc of the fifth century.

ii, Extant Tcxt and Trdnsiations

The cxtant Sanskrit text of the Suvarnabhàîottama Sutra was edited by Johannes
Nobel in 1937 and translated into English by Ronald E. Emmerick in 1970. who thenrevised and corrected his translation in 1990. 1992. and 1996.13 A new edition of thc
Sanskrit is being prepared by P. O. Skjsrve. for which he uses a Nepalese manuscript thatwas not available to Nobel.

Numerous translations of the Sutra of Golden Light reveal the importance of this text

and the existence of earlier and different versions of it. In addition to Chinese and Tibetan
renderings. there are Uighur. Mongol. Sogdian. Khotanese. and Xi Xia (Tangut)translations' Sec pp.212K beiow.
13

Al1 refetences to Emmerick herein are to the third (revised) edition of 1996.

surviving either in whole or in part.
The Taisho edition of the Buddhist Canon includes three Chinese translations of thesutra:Es;

a. Dhamaksema (Tanwuchen 3385433 or 436) translation: Jinguangming jing%%fl%f!
in 4 fascs. (T.vo1.16, no.663). appeared in 417.''' This translation. if

Nobel is correct, is based on an earlier Sanskrit version of the sutra than theextant version he edited in 1937. The chapter on Sarasvati is entitled "Da
Biantianshen pin" kBx;Fis& (pp.344~20-345a3).

%ab. Baogui
edition: Hebu Jinguangming jirg
$k!!.&#!
in%8 fascs. (T. vol. 16.
no.664). edited by Baogui in 597." and including the translations of Dharmaksema
from 4 17. of Paramàltha (Boluomotuo i$!8%"; 500-569) fiom 552,l6 and of
YaSogupta (Yeshejueduo %@!&; d-u.) and Jiiânagupta (Shenajueduo %M&; 523600) fiom 561-578. l7 The chapter dedicated to Sarasvati is entitled "Da
Biantian pin" k#%%!&(pp.386b22 - 388a7). Dhannaksema's translation isreproduced. with a small number of minor differences. in the first 1 1 Iines of thechapter (p.386b24-CS). and then followed (pp.386~6-388a7)by the translationof YaSogupta and Iii2nagupta. The chapter as it stands in Baogui's edition
corresponds more closely to the extant Sanskrit than Yijing's considerably moreclaborate version.

c. Yijing &@ (635-713) translation: Jinguangming xishengwang jingl'Chusantangjiji

aE&l&ZPEflC,T.vol.55.no.2l4S,p.lIb17.Thr:&te417 isbasedonnote 12ofp.11.

where we read that the Song, Yuan, and Ming ditions of the Buddhist Canon sjxcify that Dharmabema'stranslation appeared in the fifih month of the sixth year Xuanshi zk, that is beween June 1-29.417- Chen
Jinhua, however, in an article provisionally entitled "Dharmaksema (385-433): A Fiflh Century Indian
Buddhist Missionary in China," (forthcoming)discusses the issue of Dharmabema's amval in the Northem
Liang (r. 397439) capital of Guzang(present-day Wuwei
Gansu), and in this connection calls
into question the date of 4 17 for Dharma&rna's translation of the Sutra ofGolden Light.

%a,

Fei Zhangtàng @Es.in 597, says the translation was made in the reign of Wudi (561-578) of ihe
morthem1 Zhou (557-58 1 ) C Lidai sanboo ji, T. vo 1.49, no.2034, p. 100b24-25, c3-5; see a h Kaipan s h w
ly T. vo1.55, 110.2154, p.545a18-19, 25). 'Ihe preface of the Hebu Jinguangniing jing only States that thetransfation was done during the morthem] Zhou (p.WJb2l). Although a note on p.386~6indicates that what
follows is Jfiinagupta's translation (&7.'mm&a(afsa,
we know b t Jfiânagupta workd on this
together with YaSogupta.
17

@ in 10 fascs. (T. vol. 16.110.665).completed in 703. l 8 The chapter dedicated toSarasvati is called "Da Biancai tiannü pin"k E (pp.434b25 - 438~23).
Johannes Nobel translated Yijing's entire version into Geman in 1958 (under
1958a in Bibliography B.).

Yijing's translation was in tum translated into Tibetan. Sogdian. Xi Xia. and Uighur."Besides the Tibetan translation of Yijing in the ninth century (ThIII). there are two others
done fiom the Sanskrit in the eighth (Tib. 1) and ninth (Tb.II) cent une^.'^ Khotanese
venions survive in numerous fragments which indicate that several different Khotanesetranslations were made. probably between the fifth and tenth centuries." There is aforthcoming transcription. edition. and translation of these numerous Khotanese fragments.
together with extensive introduction and notes. by Oktor Skjarve.
For our purposes here. the extant Sanskrit in Nobel's edition of 1937 and the Chinesetranslations found in the Taisho edition of the Buddhist Canon (T.vol. 16. nos.663-665) areuscd. Before addressing the contents of the Sarasvati chapter in these vcrsions. however. it
is important to understand the political significance ofthe sutra. for it uadoubtedly influenced
the growing contents of the text.

18

See the colophon of the sutra discovcnxi in Dunhuang repduced in Forte 1976, pl.XXXITI andpartially translated on p.87.
19

Nobei. in the introduction to his 1937 edition of the Sansknt (p.XXVI), thought the Uighur version was
based rather on the 'libetan translation of Yijing.

Nobel has also worked on the Tibetan transtations: se Nobel 1944 and 1958b.

' Private communication h m Naialie Gumrner of Harvard University. working on the Sutra of GoldenLight-

b. Pblitical Significance of the Sutra in China

As notcd above. the Four Great Kings (caiurmahtirüja) prophesy the continued reign

and prosperity of the d e r who upholds the Sutra of Golden Light. Its importance as one ofthe principal Buddhist texts for the protection of the state. therefore. is easily understood."
It is well known that in Japan. the Sutra oj*Go;oldenLi@

was upheld as a text for theprotection of the state. W e know less about the sutra in China. but as China was the mode1
followcd in Japan at the tirne. we can presume that the sutra certainly had some politicalsignificance in China as well. As for the Indian situation. we know nothing at al1 of the useof the sutra by culers. The only mention of the preaching of the sutra. as we shall see.
appears in the biography of a semi-legendary monk. Obviously the section of the Four
Deva Kings protecting the country where the sutra is upheld was wrinen with the supportof rulee in mind. and to address the issue of secunty in a perhaps vuinerable kingdom

subject to numberous attacks. as we shall see.

i. The Sutra and RepentanceMonks played a role in Chinese politics. ofien a considerable one." Yijing, for instance.
after spending over twenty years in India and Southeast Asia. studying at Nalandà andtravelling about. retumed to Luoyang in 695. where he was assigned to the Great Fuxian- For the sutras dealing with protection of the state see "Chingokokka" by Jacques May in Habogirin
7-t 967 (fasc.iV),pp.322-327. For the Sutra ofthe Benevoient Kings. see ûrzech 1998.
3

See Forte 1976.

Monastery A@#*. the most powerfùl dynastic monastery at the time. As Antonino

Forte notes. his assignment. amongst other factors, reveals his political involvement with
Empress WU." Yijing worked with seventeen collaborators. including Faming g8a. Degan

and Fazang &S. on the translation of our sutra." Faming and Degan were amongst,&%i

who presented the Da-wz jing
the ten monks of the imperial chape1 (neidaocI~ungfi gf&)
Shenhuang shouji yishu kS$%.fté!&&?di?&!%.

Cornmentory on the Meaning of theProphecy about Shenhuang in the Greot Cloud Sirtra (Mahimegho Sutra). to the throne in
690. which as Forte (1976) has shown. was a political document that influcnced. intentionallyor not. a dynastic change. The monks hoped to create an ideal Buddhist state with the

Empress Wu as the cakravmh and reigning bodhisattva prophesied in the Mahümegha

Sürra. This sutra. which had been translatcd by Dharmakscma in the early fifth century (T.
vo1.12. no.387). was recited by impcrial order of 629. once a month by al1 monks of

Chang'an? The above commentary was distributed to the monastenes by an edict ofAugust 17. 690." A few months later. on December 5. another edict was issued ordering

the institution of the Great Cloud monasmies (Dayunsi kZ%)."
Thcse were the mostimportant state monasteries in Chinese history. established also in Central ~ s i a . As
? ~ we"See Forte (fonhcoming). The subject of Yijing's political involvernent is also toucheci on in Barn%
1998.
25

See Forte 1976, pl.XXXIiI (Dunhuang manuscript).

' Forte 1976. pp.39.41.
'' The date August 16 a p p a s in Forte 1976. p.53. but is m d e d to August 17 in Forte 1988, p. 1 17. note52.

''

During the Tang period, state monaste~eswcre instituted on four occasions: under Gaozong in 666,
Empress Wu in 690, Zhongmng in 705. and Xuanzong in 738. %e Forte 1992.

shall sce. the Japanese kokubunji

connected with the Sutra of Goldert Light in

Yijing's version were modelled on the Great Cloud monasteries connected with the Great

Cloud Sutra.
The preaching of our sutra is mentioned in Huijiao's %@ (497-554) Biographies oj'
Eminent M o n k (Gao setzg z-hzim

completed in Ca. 530. It appears in the first of

the biographies. that of She Moteng(KaSyapa Miitanga?) of the first century fiom

Central India. KaSyapa Matanga. we are told. preached the Sutra of Golden Light in asmall kingdom of India:

Autrefois. alors qu'il s'était rendu dans un petit royaume satellite
de l'Inde pour y prêcher le Suvamaprabhisasütra &%WH.il
advint qu'un royaume ennemi attaqua le temtoire (ou il se rendait).
KaSyapa Mâtahga dit seulement: "Le Sütra déclare: 'Quiconquepeut exposer la Loi de ce Sütra est protégé par la divinité de la
Terre qui assure sécurité et bonheur à sa résidence'. Maintenantque la guerre vient de commencer. est-il encore utile (de m'yrendre)?'AIors il résolut de s'oublier lui-même et alla en personne
conseiller la paix. Les deux royaumes se réconsilièrent. C'est
ainsi qu'il se distingua?'Fei Zhangfang's Lidai sanbaoji. completed in 597. also mentions the Sutra of GoldenLight (T. vo1.49. no.2034, p.49~19)in the entry on KZSyapa Matanga's Chinese translationof the Sutra of the Forpnuo .-frticles(pp.49~9-50a4).A small country in northwest India.
30

T. vo1.50, no.2059, p.322~13-17.Translation by Robert Shih in 1968, p l . 1 have comcted his"Suvamaprabh&a" to "Suvamaprabhàsa." n e r e is also a short note about KàSyapa Matanga's translation of
the Sutm of the F o r t y n ~Anides (Sishierhang jing E+ =@@) in Sengyou's fée# (445-518) Chu
sah-ang ji ji (T. vol. 55, 110.2145,p.81cSff.) completed in 515 and tevised by the author before his death.
and hence mughly contemporary with the Biographies of Eminent Monkr. nere is no mention here of his
preaching of the Sutra of Golden Light.

where the people honoured the Sutra of the Forty-livo .-f>?icles.was constantly threatenedwith attack from a neighbounng country. Yet. whenever thc neighbouring country was
about to attack an obstacle presented itself. preventing them fiom doing so. It was therefore

believed that the small country had some special techniques. To find out about this. a spy
was sent. Upon his retum. the spy reported:

The sovereign and the oficials of this country preach and study
Mahiiyina sutras. such as the Sutra of Goiden Light. The sutra
says: "By preaching this Dharma. the Earth Deity King will protect
it [i.e. the country]." ( p . 4 918-20)~
The neighbouring country then called a tmce and turned to the promulgation of Mahiiyâna.

From there. we are told, [Mahàyiina] spread to southem India and gradually to China.
According to these sources. then, the Sutra of Golden Light was preached sornewherein the northwestern part of India already during the first century. She Moteng, however. isa legcndary figure whose historicity has not been proved. Ali that concems him. therefore.

must be taken very cautiously.

nie Biographies of Eminent Monk tells us that Dharmaksema. who was renownedfor his learning, eloquence. and skill in the use of dharanis. was invited by the Northem
Liang d e r Juqu Mengsun %L%#?$$f(r. 401-433) to Liangzhou Bfbl. where the kingsponsored his translation of sutras. including the Sutra of Golden Light (p.336a19-b 1).

Dhamakscma was much sought after by the Emperor Taiwu kW (423-452) of the Northern
Wei dynasty. but Juqu Mengsun did not wish the monk endowed with magical powers. toleave his country. So when Dharrnahema left. in search of the last part of the NiminaSùtra. the king had him assassinated as he was making his way to India (p.336b20-c 17).
The Biographies oJEminent Monks (p.397~4-398a7)also tells us that Xuangaox&(402-444). the chief disciple of the Kashmiri monk Buddhabhadra (Chi.Fotuobatuoluo @pt&Bit@. 359-429). once performed a repentance ceremony on the basis of the Sutra ofGolden Lighr to intervenc in a court stnfe. While Xuangao was serving as mentor to thecrown prince. the cmperor once became suspicious of his son. When the prince came to
Xuangao for help. the monk perforrned a repentance ceremony (chanfi Bi&)on the basisof the sutra. The ceremony apparently resulted in the appearance. in the emperor's dream.
of his ancestors. who scolded him for wronging the crown prince. Alarmed. the emperor
then entrusteci his power to the prince. When Xuangao's behind-the-scenes intewcntion
came to Iight. however. he was executed."
Repentance. as we have seen. is an important aspect of this sutra. and repentance rites

on the basis of it wcre not uncornmon. In fact. as wc shall sce. tcxts were latcr written on
this ritual. But what. one may ask. do repentance rites have to do with court stnfe?
Confession. as noted above. extended beyond the monastic practice of acknowledging

one's transgressions of the vinaya rules. [Ilness seemed a natural consequence of sin. andhence the theme of "illncss-confession" appears in Daoist. Confûcian. and Buddhist contexts.
arnidst both the aristocrats and the populace. as Kuo Liying explains." Through the act ofconfession. the individual hoped to cure his own or someone else's illness. to prolong his

life, and to reach a paradise. Chinese niles. furthemore. practised confession to avert" I am gratehl to Chen Jinhua for bringing this passage to my attention.
'' See Kuo 1994. pp.8-9. who discusscs confession in Chmese Buddhisrn h m the fiAh to the eighth
centuy.

misfortunes. such as famines. droughts. and floods. Confession could also involve meditationand visualization. and the realization of the emptiness of sin on the more philosophicai

plane. As Kuo Liying explains. the practice of confessing one's transgressions eventually
evolved into the invocation of the names of the ~ u d d h a . ~ ~During the sixth century. the Sutra oj'Goldetl Light was translated by Paramartha.
Yaiogupta, and Jfiànagupta. and editcd by Baogui. It would secm. however. that

Dharmak-ma's text continued to be employed for references to the use of the sutra cal1 it
the Jinguungming jing. At this tirne the sutra reccived more attention from emperois. The

Chen shu(2:38) compiled in 636 by Yao Silian &.!?,@

Chen Wudi( 5 5 7 4 3 7 ) tells us Ernperor(r. 557-559) devoted particular study to sutra in 558 (Yongding ~ K W

2). His successor Wendize (r. 559-566). according to Zhipan's .$5% (worked from1258- 1269) FOZUtong ji##@%dz (T.~01.49. no.203 5. p.352~3-5). had a repentanceceremony on the basis of our sutra. known as the Jinguangmirzgjbig chan &%f!!@t&.
performed in the Taiji Hall kg& in 563 (Tianjia x%4). The votive article which goes

under the name of Wendi (Jinguangming chanwen$%flAf%x)
and which he would haveread at this ceremony is found in a much carlier source than the F o x long ji. Daoxuan'si-g (596-667)Guang hongmingji @$AM % (T. vo1.52. no.2 103. p.333b 1 4 ~ 6 ) .
At this time the sutra. in Dharmaksema's translation. also became an important
riantai text. Zhiyi 9ÈPH (538-597). the fuunder of riantai. wrote two commentanes on it:
Jingirangming jing xuoryi 2%8a #
!!23!
(T
'
.%
vol .39. no. 1783 ) and Jinguangming jing
wenja
33

e ~ ~(T.vo1.39.
# no.1785).
~ ~and on@which subcommentaries were in turnKuo 1994, p. 16.

wrinen by Zhili $% (9604028) dunng the Northern Song dynasty (T. voi.39. nos. 1784.
1786). Zhiyi. it would seem used the Jingrrangming jing for the propagation of riantai.

According to his disciple Guanding's@i'%k@Eqf$(56 1-632) Sui Tiantai Zhizhe Dashi bieihuan

composed around 605 (T.vol. 50. no.2050. pp. WC-M a ) . to stop

fishmen from fishing, Zhiyi resorted to the story of the ten thousand fish living in a geatpool with insufficient water. told in the sutra (Sanskrit. ch. 17; Dharmakserna. ch. 16:
Baogui. ch. 2 1 ; Yijing. ch. 25). In a previous life. the sutra tells us. the Buddha in the forrnof JZlavahana filled the pool with abundant water. gave the fish food from his father'shouse. and preached the Law to thcm. The fish were then reborn amongst the Tnirty-threeGods (Tr&u~rim.Càde@; Sanshisuntiun =t3*).
Zhiyi also established a pond wherefish which had been caught and were still alive could be released (Sangshertgchi &*&.
ponds for released beings). On the occasion of their release, he conducted a ceremony (#).

obviously related to the sutra. As Chen Jinhua has noted." there is a steie. the inscription ofwhich was written afier Chen Xuandi's(r. 569-82) death in 582. commemorating

Zhiyi's efforts to establish fàngrhengchi in the Tantai area." Zhiyi created fi@-five of
these ponds.36

ii. ïhe Jinguungmingjing chanfa

There is a very brief description of the performance of a repentance ceremony (chanfi
1999, p.7, note 5.
Guoqing bailu H@E@ compiled by Gunding ca. 607,1' : vol. 46,no. 1934, no. 2 1. pp.80 1c 10-802~9.

Chen 1999, p.90.

Bi&)on the basis of the Jirgurrngmingjing in the Guoqi~~g
bailu @@fE% compiled by
Guanding around 607 (T. vol. 46, no. 1934. p.796a4b21). According to Chen c in hua."primarily on the basis of contents and style. the first seven documents of this tcxt. the fifihof which is this Jinguangming jing chatzjà. would have been wntten by Zhiyi himseif. In

ternis of the chunfa. Chen's conclusion is confirmed by one of the catalogues of the works
brought back to Japan by Saich6 f&6f (767-822. travelled to China 804-805). which
mentions the Jinguangming jing cha& of four sheets produced by ~hiyi."As Kuo Liying
points o d g however. a manual for the performance of this repentance ceremony existed
before Zhiyi's time (538-597). for Sengyou (445-5 18) in his Chu sanzung ji ji mentions awork of almost exactly the same title: Jinguangming jing chat~hîijb&%s!%i&lfii&(see T.

vol. 55. n a 2 145. p.9 Ib4).
Let us tum then to the description of the ceremony in the Guoqing baifu. The rituai
space (hodhiman&) is adorned. a seat for sutra-chanting is set up. and banners. flowcrs.
etc. are arranged. A seat for Sri (Laksmi) (Gongdetian % E x )is placed to the left of the
Buddha's seat. and if space permits. the seats for Sarasvati (the great Bian[tian]for the Four Deva Kings (Sitianwang) and@xz)a are placed to his right: z!$g%@&f&@go~ & & ~ E $ W - k # & DXE@&?L For each of the seats. incense is burnt andflowers are scattcred. A plate of k i t s and vegetables is prepared. and another one with37

Private communication.

" Den06 Daishi sh6rai Taishü roku A&%@$f%~%(j$in T. vol.55. no.? 159. p. 1 M6aî.
39a

1994, p. 1 16,note 20. There is a misprint in the referace: it is p.9 1b4,and not p.55b4.

Although the Sanskrit carunnaharajo meam "Four Great ( m a k i ) Kings," the characters read "Four
Deva ( e g X 3 )Kings."

mixed h i t s and vegetables. which are sprinkled in ail the directions. Every day one must

bathe and put on new. punfied clothes. The sutra says that for seven days and seven nights[the mies followed dunng] the six fasts are to bc maintained." On the day when the
ceremony is to begin. at noon. everyone should hold an incense bumer and one person
should recitc three times a series of invocations to buddhas. bodhisattvas. disciples of the

Buddha. gods and goddesses. including Sarasvati (the great BianLtian]) and sri(Gongde[tian]). as well as to local. i.e. Chinese. gods and demons. Then one (presumabiymeaning each of the individuals taking part in the ritual) should state onc's aim in therepentance ceremony. explaining to the best of onc's knowledge. Three names are to beuttered three times: that of the Lord of the Treasure-flower Lapis Lanili World. that of thesutra. and that of sri (Gongdetian). Having paid homagc to the Three Jewels. one ~ n i s
thrce times. and takes the Triple Refuge. Then one sits down for a meal. This is the
pre-noon method (ritual). The remainder of the time. as usual. one recites only the Sutra ofGolden Lighr.

The first of the three names to be repeated three times. that of the Lord of thefressure-flower Lapis Lazuli World is the name of a buddha to whom sri attributes her
power and hence whom she urges people to wonhip, as stated in the chapter dedicated tothis goddess in the Surra O/' Golden Light (Sanskrit. p. 1 13. lines 14 d;Dharmabema.
p.345a14ff.; Yijing, p.439alOff.)."In the sutra. she derives her aame (sri. Gongdetian" The six monthly fast days are the 8th. 14th. 15th 2 3 d 29th. and 3ûth. On these days, when the demons
are occupied, the Four Deva Kings take note of human conduct. For this reason. one should be cautiou andeat nothing aRer noon. For further details, see Oda 1917, pp. 1822~-1823b.

'' 'Ihe Sanskrit ( 1937. p. 1 13. line 15 - p. 1 14, line 1; Emerick transl.. 1996, p.50) only says that sri
ptanted a meritmot in the Tathagata-m@E. Jixiangtian S ~ Xfrom) his: in the extant Sanskrit this Buddha is called
Ratnakusumagunasiigaravaidüryakanakagins(Jewel-flower

Ocean-ofqualities Lapis-lazuli-gold-rnountainShining-golden-light Snï;in Dharmakserna'stranslation. his name is rendered as Baohua gongdehai liuli jinshan zhaoming rulai@%%/%2Lhg~% (Treasure-flower ~cean-o~meritlapis-lazuli-gold-rnountain

Tathagata);and in Yijing's translation. as Liuli jinshan baohua guang zhao jixiang gongdehai
miai @%& Lh%@.fE%,!%$ ??&!Id% (Lapis-lazuli-gold-mountain Treasure-flower

Shining-light Ocean-~~awpicious-merit
Tathàgata). Hence. the uttering of the name ofthis Buddha. of the sutra. and of sri indicates a close association in sixth-ccntury China of
the repentance cercmony of our sutra with Sri. In eighthscntury Japan. as we shall see. theassociation asserts itself cven mon: strongly. for the ceremony cornes to be called ais0 theKichij6 keka $f$68(Sri repentance).
Originally our sutra's repentance ceremony was probably not specifically comccted
with the goddess Sn. One of the probable sources for the origin of the association appears
in the first chaptcr of the sutra. where. in the extant Sanskrit. the Buddha calls the confession

he will pnach "thoroughly adorned with evcry splendour7' (sarvaSnsomolamkpn)." In
Dharmaksema's version we read of "merit (gongde

other ceremonies" .f&$&$f&

denved from the repentance and% (Dharmakserna. p.335b 12; Baogui, p . 3 5 9 ~ 12)

and that the confession is "adorned with infinite merit (gongde RB)"

43

%@a@!

Sanskrit, p.2. line 9. Translation by Emrnenck, 1996. p. 1. Sri- has various meanings. including good
fortune, wc=aIth h u t y , virtue, etc.

X a w & (Dhannaksema. p.335b 14; Baogui. p.359~23-24)? In Yijing's version of 703. itsays "the excellent among fortune[-bringing] (jiximg %@) repentances" $#@PB(p.404a14). There is a possibility. however. that in later times. in Japan at least. a different

interpretation may perhaps have been given to Yijing's passage by assuming an abbreviation:"the Sri (Jixiang) [repentance] ( s e [ @ ] ) , excelling amongst repentances (@PB)."
Sucha reading. if it existe& could conceivably have been the source for the Japanese name of
the repentance ritual. Kichij6 keh

sw&a.Marinus de Visser. furthennote. suggests yet

another reading: "... the entirc superiority of the Kichijo-sen (g@B)..."JS
Rcgarding theorigin of the Kichij6 keku. he points to this and to two other passages in Yijing's version of
the sutra: the goddess's promise "to bestow al1 kinds of wealth and felicity upon thefaithful readers of the sutra" (Sri chapter. c g . p.439a 14-16) and the fact that "she ismentioned at the head of the devas who... promised to devote their whole heart to the1-447a l)."protection of this King of sutras and to those who receivcd and kept it" (p.446~2

Although he identifies these passages as 'Yhe origin of the Kichijo-kelova." they are at best.

rather. the origin of the name of the rite.

In the context of this repentance rinial. then. images of our Sarasvati (Biancaiti~n)would have been made in China. at l e s t by Zhi yi 's time. Furthemore, if the Jinguattgming
jing chalifa in the Guoqing bailu happeus to reflect or reproduce the contents. in terrns ofimages produced for the ritual. of the J i n p a n p i n g jing chanhi@ mentioned in the Chu%!ka@

is mangaiyadeSana.. (Sanskrit. p.2. line
The corresponding Sanslcnt passage of mi@$&Z#iE# corresponds to sarvh-samalq&a of p.% line 9.
6);
u

45

De Visser 1935, vol. t, p.309.

16

De Visser 1935, vol. 1, p.309.

sanzartg ji ji of the early sixth centuryit is not impossible. it should be noted. that this
could be one and the same text-Biancaitian

images could have been made as early as in

the fifth century. No Chinese images of the guddess fiom either the fifth or the sixth

century, however. are known. In fact. the earliest sulviving images are paintings from
Dunhuang dating fiom the tenth cent~ry.~'
One of the examples in the Musée Guimet(fig.25A). for instance. is clearly related to the Sutra of Golderi Lighl. as we shail sec. andalrnost certainly also with a ntual connected with it. There are. however. on the Japaneseside. both records and earlier surviving representations of deities which might well havebeen used for the celebration of the Kichij6 keka. as we shail see." And the Japaneseimages would have been made on the basis of a practice aiready established in China.
A description of the repentance rite connected with our sutra also appears in a Songpcriod text on the subject: the Jinguoqming chanjia buzhuyi

voi.46. no. 1945. pp.957b 1-96 1c 17) compiled by Zunshi &%Qilt;VK&i2kaaS&(T.

(946- 1032). In terms of thealtar arrangement (p.959a). the text tells us that in front of a ~ ~ k ~ a m image.
u n i theJingmngming jing is piaced. A scat for Sri (Gongdetian) is put to the lefl of the Buddha.

However. the text adds. "according to the new sutra you should draw the image of ~ r î(Jixiangtian)" L f i k ~ @fo ft%Xf& (p.959a9). If it (the ritual space) is large. seats forSarasvati (Da Bian[caitian]) and the Four Deva Kings are placed to the nght of the Buddha.

In conformity with the way of the Vaiiravaoa (Pishamentian EiliP7X. one of the Four
Deva Kings) dhàraei. one is to draw the image of Sri (Jixiangtian) to the left of the

rr48

See pp.246-48 below.

See pp.217K beIow.

Buddha. and one is to make the image of VaiSravaqa (Duowentian%m = Pishamentian)to the nght of the Buddha.
What we see in Zunshi's text. then, is a depamire from what may have b e n the
sculptural representation of sri. and instead. following "the new sutra." a painting of thegoddess is to be made. "The new sutra" refee to Yijing's translation of the Sutra O/'

Golden Lighr, as specified by Zunshi himself at the beginning of his text:!!.#%%l@@"following the new sutra by Master v ~ ü i n g "(p.957b 12). ïhe passage in Yijing's translation
refcrred to by Zunshi appcan in the çhapter entitled ' n i c Protection of the Country by the
Four Dcva Kings"* z s M &. in the course of VaiSravana's explanation of a ntual toobtain the vision of him (T. vol. 16. no.665. p.43 l b 14-17}:... on a white cotton ~10th.'~he shouid draw the form of the
Buddha. He should use tree glue and various colous to adom it
magnificeatly. The peson who paints this image should receive
the Eight Precepts. On the Buddha's left side. he should make animage of the goddess Sri (Jixiangtian). On the Buddha's nght
side. he should make my. (Le.) VaiSravana's (Duowentian's)
image. He should also draw (my) various retinues of men andwomen.

It is noteworthy here that in a text earlier than Yijing's translation of our sutra in 703.
we find specific instructions for the painting of the image of Sri in a ritual in honour of her:49s,

I folIow Nobel*stranslation ( 1958. pp.2 12-2 13 "Baumwollstoff*)of
which in turn is based on thevariant (4with the radical for hairlwool %) used in the Yuan and Ming canons (T. vo1.16, no.665, p.431,
note 16).

the ritual is known as the Gongdetian .rimg fa %@Xf%i&([Rihial] method for theGongdetian image) and is described in the T'ioluoni ji jing Pl?%%%$$!!
Adiquduow&$!&

amibuted to(Skt. Atikü!a. Atigupta?) from Central Asia. who amved in Chang'an

in 65 1 and worked there fiom 653-654. Herc. however, Sri (Gongdetian) appears in the?%;fiRx)
appearon her left and right. respectively (T. vol. 18. no.90 1. p.876a 18-22): R a f!%f%,a#$and Indra (Dishitiancentre. while paintings of Brahmii (Fanmotian ?$BR)

i t i i Q $ ~ F f o ~ $ 1 @ @ ! % 1 1 1 4 ~ * E W i % o X k k + # + f i ~ ; $ r % o GF&PR%EL~ 8 - k ! k 0 k & % @ ~ , &&s.;fiflXo Could the Sutra of Golden Light inthe stage of development represented by Yijing's translation have been influenced by the
Tuoluoni ji jing? Was Zunshi familiar with the Tuohuni ji jing'? Fascinating as thesequestions may be. an anempt to address them is beyond the scope of this dissertation. Whatis clear herc is that Zunshi incorporated the painting instruction of Yijing's translation of
the Protection of the Country by the Four Deva Kings chapter into the Jirtguangniirzg jing
chatfi prescriptions of the Guoqing bailu. which hc rcpeatedly refers to in his text (e.g.

p.957b6-7). in order to produce his own version of the chanjà explanation. Although there
is no mention in Zunshi's text of the painting of Biancaitian's image, we know fiom
version of the Sutra of Golden Light that there was a ntual wherein her image wasdrawn (p.436~17$i&@g@*x) to obtain a vision of her and have one's wishes

fiil filled.
According to Daornian's
gm seng zhuan

3s (596-667)Ftirther Biographies of Eminenr Monh (.i<;af @ f$ ) completed in 645. Zhiyi performed a seven-day repentanceceremony (%) on the basis of the Jinguangmirrg jing to cure the illness of consort Xiao

in the early 590s." She was the great great granddaughter of Liang Wudi !J$g%(r.
502-549). the Chinese ABoka and consort of the prince of Jin g z . the fiiture Emperor Sui

Yangdi FffM@ (r. 604-6 14).

If we now tum to Yijing's version of the sutra. it is interesting to discover that al1 but
one of the commentanes found in the Taisho edition are by Japanese mooks (T. vo1.56.

nos.2196-2199)." The lone Chinese comrnentary (T. vo1.39. no.1788) is by Huizhao %g(650-715) of the Faxiang school on the basis of Yogacara. Clearly Dharmaksema's versionof the sutra was more important in China than Yijing's. to say nothing of those of Paramartha
and ~a.$o~u~ta/~iiiina~u~ta.~~
Would this perhaps explain why we find so few Chinese

images of Sarasvati. whose f o m and irnplcments are not described in Dharmaksema's
version? in Yijing, on the other hanci. she is described as eight-armed carrying weapons. As

Yijing's version quickly overshadowcd Dhannakscma's shortly afler it had entered Japan.

becoming the standard translation of the sutra. images of this fom of the goddess weremade from early on. as we shall sce. and are stil1 popularly produced in Japan today.

51

ae

w-

'The commentaries are by Gangyo(835-871) of the Sanmn school (no.2196); Myoichi(728-7981, who resided at Tijdaji (110.2197);Hy6bi qf%(du.) of the Hoss6 school (no.21981; and Kükai 2& ( 774-835). founder of the Shingon schooi (no.219%-b 1.

" Nanjio's catalogue (1883. p.42. no.127) also states that Dharmakma's version was the most popular
in China.

c. Politicai Signifkance of the Sutra in Japani. The Sutra and the Kokubunji System

In Japan. sutras for the protection of the state wcre among the eariiat introduced andheld an importance fiom the start. The Shitennoji!!lx*+(Four Deva King Monastery)in Osaka. obviously connected with our sutra, was according to tradition founded by
Shotoku Taishi(574-622). but was more likely established as a mernorial to

The Sutra oj'Goiden Light is mentioned for the first time in Japan in 677 (Hakuhii $15). when. according to the Nihongi 0 *&!.
Emperor Ternmu x g (r. 673-686) sent out
mnsengers to the four directions to expound the KonkornvCkvo- .

$-xfl'$%(the title ofDharmaksema's translation in Japanese pronunciation. but which could refer in abbreviatedform to Baogui's edition pronounced Gobu KotzkomItfw'~O&%&%BA@).

and the Sutraof the Benmolent Kings (NinnCW {Ex$!! in Japanese pronunciation) in the version
attributed to ~umirajiva.'~
Out of the twelve sutras mentioned in the Mhongi. theK o n k o m f i ô appears the largest number of times by far." Several passages fiom theY

Mhongi 29. Hakuh6 5, 11/20 ( 1 lth month, 20th &y); transl. Aston 1896 (repr. 1956, part 2, p.335).
Tnm is either a misprint or an emr in de Visser's work (1935, voI.2, p.436). w h m the year is gwen as 676,
rathex than 677. A note in the .Vihon koten bungaku raikei series on this rccord says the version of our sutra
refemd to may be sither Dharmaksema's or Baogui's. The full title of the Sutra of Benevolent Kings
attributed to Kumàrajiva is, in Chinese reading, Renwnng bore boluomi jing CE&%&@
E#E!(T.vo1.8,
no.245).

Rekrences to ouf sutra in Japan are listed in de Visser 1935, voI.2, pp.436K
55

WhiIe the other sutras are mentioned once or twice at mosf the KonkomyÜky6 appears six times. See
Tamura 197 1. p. 1 O, Table C.

Nihotigi, furthemore. seem to be based on the Sutra oJGoldeti Light's cult of the Four

Deva Kings. as Tamura Encho ex plain^.'^in 680. the sutra began to be expounded in the palace and in various Buddhist
monasteries:' and in 686 one hundred priests came to the palace to read the sutra." As aresult of great floods. Empress Jit6 %f% (r. 686-697) ordcred in 692 the expounding of thesutra in the capital and in four home provinces.*9In 694 she sent one hundred copies of thesutra to the various provinces to be read during the first quarter of the moon of the firstmonth.* Another ordcr was issued for the sutra to be read in 696? It was expounded in thefour homc provinces when Ernperor Mommu(r. 697-707) was il1 in 702." Thefollowing year the sutra was read in the four great monasteries of Nara. Daianji
Yakushiji tgififf. Gangoji

and Güfukuji %%?i?'
In 705. there was anotherreading of the sutm in the five great monastcnes of Nara (probably adding Horytiji &%+to the previous list ) to relieve the suffeting of people owing to drought?
56

Tarnura 1971, pp. 1 1- 13. 28-32.

57.Vihongi 29. Hakuhô 8 . 9 1 ; transl. Aston 1896 (repr. 1956, part 2, p.346 under 9th yeat of Hakuh6 1.

58.Vihongi 29. Shucho %.!% 1 .7/8:transl. Aston 18% (rrpr. 1956. part 2. p.378).

59.Vihongi 30.6th year of Jito's teign, intercalary 5th month. 3rd day; transl. Aston 18% (repr. 1956. part2. p.4081.
60

Xihongi. 8th year ofJit6's reign. Y1 1; transl. Aston 1896 (repr. 1956, part 2. p.416).

61

Nihongi, 10th year of Jit6's reign, W l ; transl. Aston 18% (repr. 1956, part 2, p.42 I ).

61

Shoh .Won@ 3, Taihô 3. 7/13. On the great monasteries (daiji Ad)in Iapan see "Daiji (Japon)" by
Hubert Durt in HGbogirin 1983 (fasc.6 j, pp.704-7 1 1. de Visser ( 1935, vo1.2, pp.437) erroneousIy gives thelia of four here as including Kofukuji mif instead of Güfukuji. but as Durt explains (p.7091,Kùfukuji
replaces GhNniji in the tist of four gxeat monasteries only from 735 onwards. The correct lis&as cited in the
Sholku .Won@. Taihü 3, Yl, is listed by Durt on p.708.

Yijing's translation of the Sutra of Goiderr Light (Konk6m~v~saishOO~&%?d &%

E#%in Sapanese pronunciation, refened to as the 'iaishiiii@6)is first mentioned in Japanin the Shokzi Nihongi % 0 $k! in 725 (Jinki @& 2. 7/17) as an alternative text to the
Konbnty6&j: Emperor Shomu 1 W (r. 724-7493 ordered that monks and nuns read thebut if they do not have (a copy of") this sutra. they should "turn" theKonkomrn~~O.
SaishO&yO instead. for peace in the country ( fi%@fË%Pi$%fl!#!&

gf

-,
&!&~%
% ~ %In~728,
k6
chapters! ) . of the sutra. here called K o n k o m v 0 ~ - were.
C+

distributed in the provinces for rcading so as to have the peace in the c0unt1-y.~~Given thedifferentiation of the KonkornvtT&? from Yijing's Saish55,4yü in the 725 edict. the reference
here to the Ko~ikom~Va@Ois almost certainly not to Yijing's tran~lation.~
which within a

few ycars (Le. by 734) becarne the standard version in Japan. In 734 (Tenpy6 xq 6.
1 1/21). it was stipulated that those who wish to enter the religious order must also memorize

Clearly. by this time. Yijing's version was the one used in Sapan. As inthe ~aish65&6.~'
the Nihangi, the sutra continued to be held in importance in the Shokzc Nihotgi. wherc the
Konkorny6b6 is mcntioned seven times and the Saish6ô&ô eightcen times. The H e a ~Sutra, however. was also widely used. for it appcars twenty times in the Shoku ~ i h o n g i . ~ 'In 737 Shornu ordered that monks and nuns of all the provinces should purify themselves
through ritual baths and read the Saish66@6 two or three times a month? Later the same
Ci5

Shoku .Vihongi 10. Jinki 5. 12/28.

66

According to Nedachi 1992, p.25. however. the text in question is indecd Mjing's version.

67

Shoku Xhongi 1 1, Tenpyô 6, 1 1/21.

Y

See Tamura 1971. p. 17, Table F.

a9

Shoku .Vihongi 12, Tenpy6 9,8/2.

year, seven hundred monks were invited to the palace to read the Duihannyaky6 kf%%&@(Mah~iprujfià[parumiio]S z i t r ~ ) and' ~ thc Saish66hy6 for peace in the state." In 738. Shornu
issued a proclamation that the Soish66b6 should be read throughout the country to promote
pcace." Thcn he established the system of state monasteries and nunnenes. plans for whichwere summarized in edicts of 741. although their institution began in the late 730s.'l His
model was the Great Cloud monasteries system established in 690 by Empress WU."

Shomu ordered that in every province there should bc a monastery called Konkomyo~
Shitnn6 Gokoku no tera $%fI

~ "Monastery%for the Protcction~ of the ~more usually known as
Country by the Four Deva Kings of the Kolonk~[soishOO]~Ô,"m*+kohîbu~lji(provincial monasteries)." on the grounds of which should be built aseven-storey pagoda. The emperor himself intended to writc out the SuishÔokvo in gold

charactcrs. one copy for each of the pagodas. The state nunnenes. called Hokke metsuzai
no tera E%&%z* "Monastery for the extinction of sin [by mcans ofl the Lotus Sutm
more usually known as kohbunniji."(provincial nunneries). were connected w ith

the Lotus Sutra. During the Tenpy6 Sh6h6 xf %% era (749-757). E&iji became theinstitution "goveming the provincial monasteries" (s6kokzhinji%m%%) and Hokkeji

70

Secms to à. Xuarzang's 2%(d. 664) translation. Da bore boluomiduo jing k@Qi!&@-%.%@?.
made between 660 and 663 (T.vols.5-7. n0.220)~which consists of translations from a number of different
sutras (see Conze 1%O, p.28).

n

Sze Piggott 1987. pp. 10 I- 104. The dicts surnmarizing plans for the establishment ofthe saak monasteries
and nunneries network appear in Shoku .Vihongi 14, Tenpy6 13. 1/15 and 3/24.
74

"

6.

See p. 198above.

Ihe k m kokrhnji a p p n for the fint time in 74 1 (Tmpy6 13, l/ 15) in S h o h .Vihongi 14, p. 163. line

ifr$+.

aiso in Nara. the institution "goveming provincial nunnerics" (s6kolnrbtrnniji

BH~J-JEQ).~~
Hence. while the Great Cloud monasteries established under Empress Wu were named
after the Great Cloud Szitra. the kokublrnji denved their full name from the Sutra of GoldenLight. The s6kokubunji Edaiji in the capital of Nara had as its prototype the main Dayun

monastcry. called Zhong Dayun si. Centrai Great CIoud Monastery. in the capital of
Luoyang."ii. The Kichijo keka

In 743. monks went to Edaiji. referred to as KonkÔmyGji. to read the SuishOÜAy6 forseven times scven days to promote the happiness of the Imperiai Housc. the punty of thecountry. the happiness of the peoplc.78In 745. following an earthquake. Emperor Sh6mu
ordercd the reading of the SaishiiO&O for seven days in ail the monasteries of the capitaLm

In 749. during the first seven days of the year. repentance rites (kekoand the Suish6tT&j%a)were performed

was read in al1 the monasteries of the c~untry.'~
In 764. a Sh6sGin

+
EA
P kn
document tells us. a repentance ritual was performed in the Kichij6 kckasho g##&&fi(Place for the Kichijo repentance [ceremony]) at Edaiji for twenty-two days (311776n

De Visser 1935, vo1.2. p.449.
For the Central Great CIoud Monastery. see Forte 1992, pp.222-223.

lu

Shoku Xihongi 15, Tenpy6 1 5, 1/ 13.

79

S h o h Mhongi 16, Tenpy6 17.512.

sa

Shoku ,Cïhongi 1 7, Tenpyo Sh6h6 1. 1/ 1.

- 4/10)? One can only assume that if it was called the "Place for the Kichij6 repentance."
the elaborate repentance $fi% h a 1 in question in this Sh6s6in document was indecd theKichijo keku $?#%% (sri repentance). Ritual expenses are listed. and petitions for therequired items. including also the offerings for fourteen or eighteen Buddhist images." andfor the services of hundreds of monks are recorded in the document. In 767. during the firstseven &y s of the year. the Shoh Nihongi records t hat high priests of al1 the great monasteries
werc invited to expound the Saish66&5.

and that the "Kichij6ten keka"(Repentance of the deity Kichijo) took place in every kokubutiji." As we have scen. theJapanese name for the repentance ntual of the Surra of Goldetz Light appears as an
auspicious characteristic (kichijoof the repentance in Yijing's translation of the sutra

itself. and couid have k e n interprcted as the name of the goddess KichijG[ten] $?$[XI
rather than simply an auspicious charactenstic." Its performance over a period of seven&ys is descnbed in Guoqing bailu ." The expected ment to be derîved frorn this performance.
states the 767 edict. was peace in the realm. wind and min in due season. ripening of thefive p i n s , happiness of the people. and good fortune extending also to ail sentient beings.
It is perhaps not without significance that sri in the sutra promises also abundant harvest to

those who uphold the sutma6ïhis ceremony. according to de Visser. was performed in$1

nie related entries begin on p.486 of vol. 16 of the Dai .Vihon komnjo. 'The days of the keka are
spccified on p.496 in connection with the food required for the monks and others.

" It is not spificd which Buddhist images would have been made. but only their nuinber is given(p.496).
83

Shoku .Vihongi 29, h g o Kciun 1, 118.

$6

Sanskrit, p. 1 17 taqa ca mahddhan),ard.iim r.i,urdhuyi~).ati "she will make increase the great heap ofJapan from 739. when Emperor Sh6mu ordered a seven-day and seven-night repentanceceremony to be celebrated in al1 the monasteries of the country for good crops."

until

about 1 0 6 8 . ~ ~d. Sutra-related and Ritual Images of Benzaiten

The earlicst recorded image(s) of Benzaiten (the Japanese Sarasvati) is in a Shôsoin
document of 753. Tenpy6 Sh6h6 5. 5/21.'~This was a painting, or conccivably more than
one painting. produced by twenty-two painters. in the sutra-copying hall of Edaiji. On thebasis of the context of the entry. it has been suggestcd that it was a colour picturc for a

One year later. another ShiMin document from Tenpyô Sh6h6 6 (754. 115) records a
petition to set up an altar for the great goddess Ben~aiten.~'
The request does not speciQ
the hall within Edaiji in which the altar was to be set up. Permission was obviously
granted. and quickly. becausc fragments of a banner and of a conon cloth that would havebeen placed below an image of Benzaiten are inscribed with the date Tenpyô Shi315 6 .

97

Shoku .Vihongi 13. Tenpy6 1 1, 7114. According to de Visser (1935. vol. 1, p.4021, this was a Kichijo
M a , for, as we have san, Kichijiiten promises abundant harvests to the upholders of the sutra. Set: afso

Nedachi 1992. p.27.
De Visser 1935. vol. 1. p.309. For îürther references to the Kichijo keka, we de Visser 1935. vol. 1.
pp.3 13 tX
Y9

ïhe Sh6s6in document a p p r s in the Dai .Won kumonjo. vo1.3, p.620.

90

Nishikawa 1968, p.45. note 10.

31

Dai .Won komonjo, vo1.3, p.650.

93-0

less than two days later. These fragments. together with fragments of canopy

which also belonged to a Benzaiten image. are preserved in the Sh6s6in storehouse of

Edaiji. On one of the remaining pieces (50.5 x 14 cm) of the banner, a black ink inscription

on yellow silk reads:

Altar banner of the great goddess Benzai(ten). Length: 9 s h a h[ca. 2.74mJ.Width: 9 m [ca. 27cml. Edaiji. Tenpyô Sh6h6
year 6.Sth month. 3rd da^.^'Likewise. two miscellaneous tom pieces of cloth which would have been placed on thealtar below the image of Benzaiten read:

Scarlet cloth spread for the altar of the great goddess Benzaiten.
Length: 3 s h a h [ca. 91.5 cm]. Width: 3 sun [Ca. 9 cm].Tenpy6
Sh6h6 year 6.5th month. 3rd day."Hence a Benzaiten image would have been completed during the first two months of

Tenpy6 Sh6h6 6. i.e. 754. or slightly eariier in the previous year.
Another piece of scarlet-coloured cloth fragments. as pointed out by Matsushimalunsh6 @%$ME of the Sh6s6in OfTice. bears Benzaiten's name:" Shosoin Offce. 1964, vo1.2, p.34. fig.8l. The first characier of Benzaiten appean here in the abbreviatedh m fF (for s).
ïhis abbreviated form is not attested in Chinese.
93

Ishida 1929, p.289; Nishikawa 1968, p.44.

The great goddess Benzaiten. Srnall abhi*
altar of 1 shahi
and 6.5 sun [ca 50 cm] for each of the four sides with a squarecei1ingM

The abhi&

is an anointing ceremony for the installation of an image-probably

thecerernony of the sctting up of the altar as rcquested in the Sh6s6in document of Tenpy6
Sh6h6 6, M. Regettably. however. thme is no date here that might allow us to link it

definitively with the banner and the cloth fragments of Tenpyü Sh6h6 6. but the possibility
cannot be d e d out. In fact. Matsushima Junsh6 points to yet another cloth fragment fiomathe Shôsoin which reads ... %;k%BE/\ $-7i 2 Ef (the beginning of the inscription
A L

is missing) and which he connects with this one. Furthermore. inscriptions in black ink.
clearly related to the abhiseka one on the scarlet cloth fragment. are preserved on the foursides of a tenon inserted into the hub of a canopy's wood Frame. They read:

fie%,*k

K. #FilB. /bag.95
It is possible then. although not definitively verifiable. that thne
items (the banner. the scarlct cloth fragments. as well as the canopy) belonged to one andthe same Benzaiten image. Nevertheless. it is equally possible that the undated items

belonged to a different Beruaiten image.
As the Chinese repentance texts of the Sutra of Goiden Li&

p r n ~ r i b e .images~ofsri (Kichijoten) and Sarasvati (Benzaiten) were used in the ceremony called the Kichij6
keku (sri repentance) in Japan. In Edaiji therc was a Kichijoin $%K. originally. as' Nishikawa 1968. p.45. note 10.

" Nishikawa 1968. p.45. note 10. The commas are mine. separating ~e inscriptions on cich of the foursides of the tenon. 'Ihe first character of the third tenon side inscription appcars in Nishikawa as #, but 1
presurne it is an m r for # with the R of
at the end of the second tenon.

x#W

See above pp.204K

Kuno Takeshi A!@@explains. called the Kichijo kekasho ?!8#&&6.
also the Minarni Kichij6 kekasho l% ??#'t&&fi."

and apparently

ihere is no entry. either amongst theSh6soin documents or in the Todoiji yiiroku ?%k$E%. recording when this hall wasbuilt. There is no known record. furthemore. indicating the location of the Kichijoin
within Todiji. The first mention of it appears in a Shosfiin document of 764.98It is
possible. as Kuno Takeshi suggcsts. that the third month of 764 was the fiat time theceremony was celebrated in this hall. The Sh6s6in repository has preserved two objects thatwould have been used in the Kichijoin: a white sandalwood octagonal box and an octagonaltable painted with gold and silver, both insctibcd "Kichij6d6" g%@(= Kichij6in)J"

It is almost certain that an image of Benzaiten would have been made for the Kichij6+r 4

kekasho of Edaiji: a Shosoin document of Tenpyü Hôji X P 3 - f -8 (764). 3/27. records
the list of offenngs to be made to fourteen or eighteen images in the Kichij6 keka~ho.'~'one of which must have been Kichijoten and another very likely Bcwlaiten.

Thc earliest surviving image of Benzaitcn in Japan is a large clay sculpture (ht. 219
cm) preserved. together with a clay sculpture of Kichijoten. in the Hokkedô i g s g(Sangatsud6-2)of Edaiji. We images are sevcrely damaged and date fiom theTenpy6 pe~M.'" Judging fiom the other images in the Hokkedô and their good condition,
97

Kuno 1947, p.Z.

9%

Tenpy6 H6ji 8, 4/29 (Dai .Vihon komonjo, vol.5, p.470).

99

Kuno 1947. p.2.

1m

101

Kuno 1947, p.2.
Dai ,Won hmonjo, vol. 16, p.496.

1O;!

Opinions range fmm the early to the Iate Ttmpy6. Kuno Takeshi (1947). for instance. places the image toabout 764, as we have seen. Kanamori Jun(1948, p.23 1 i and Nishikawa Kyôtar6 iffill@Fk@(1968,&&ait is clear that the Benzaiten and the Kichijoten were not onginally in this hall. The greatdamage on the two images, furthemore. would indicate they were involved in an accident.
We know h m the Todaiji ytjroku (ch. 4. p.93) that there was a fire in the Kichijoin:

the hall burnt down in Tenryaku X@f8 (954). As a result. the text continues. the Kichij6
onegai 58fi@@ ([ceremony of] prayer to KichijG[ten] )-apparent1

y ref k n g to the KichijG

keko 'O3-which used to be perfonned in Kichijoin, was then held in the Kenjakuin @XE.
Le. the Hokkedo. wherc the central image is Fukukenjaku Kannon$%#%a8.

Unfortunately the T6daijiproku does not tell us if some of the images from the Kichijoin

were saved From the 954 fire. but. if they had becn. they would have been moved to the
Kenjakuin for the continued performance of the Kichij6 onegui ccremony. From theircondition. the highly damaged images of Kichijoten and Benzaitcn in the Hokked6 could

very weil have been through this fire. Kuno Takeshi has argued. on the basis of Shosoin
documents and Tüdaiji y6roku records. as well as on the basis of the style of the Hokked6
sculptures of Kichijoien and Benzaiten, which seem to be of the period. that these two
images were originally in the Kichijoin (Kichijii kekasho). enshriaed in Tenpy6 H6ji 8(764) with the other images used for the Kichij6 keka.lW Machida K6ichi has made a list of
the images which he conjectures would have been used for this keh: ~iikyamuni(Shakap.44). on the other hand, lcan toward the carly Tenpy6 p e n d Machida Kôichi
T' - ( 1954, pp.5-6j says
it is from the first half of the Tenpyô penod. For other opinions, see Nishikawa 1968, p.44. It should be
noted, Mermore, that although the Benzaiten and Kichijoten images of the Hokkd6 are. by a number ofscholars (cg. Kanamori 1 948, p.229; Machida 1954. pp.6-8 ),considered to have been made as a group, thisopinion is not unanimous: Kuno Takeshi ( 1947, pp. 17-1 8) argues that the Benzaitcn and Kictiijoten sculptures
are not o f the same style (nor of the same height: Kichijoten is mallet, measwing 202 cm, whereas
knzaiten measures 2 f 9 cm; in contrast. the pair of clay images of Swaprabha (.likko] and Candraprabha[Gakkô]in the Hokkedo are of exactly the same size). He considers the Kichij6ten sculpture to be tater thanthe Benzaiten.
lai

Nishikawa 1968. p.44.

i c4

Kuno 1947. especially pp.2î-23.

Ra).
the Four Deva Kings (Shitenn6 *z).Brahms (Bonten RX)and Indra (Taishakuten%Rx).sri (KichijGten) and Sarasvati (Benzaiten), Vajrapàni (ShükongGjin %&l@JPltrfi).
the great generals (taisho A@) Saiici (Sh6ryôchi h?%Li) and Manibhadra (Hoken BR),
Mother Hariti (Kariteimo @j?&$?8).
Dr@6 mhivi (KemrGchijin !PR&@).
and Bodhiqksa
In terms of specific surviving images, besides the clay Kichijoten(Bodaijujin g#B@).'M
and Benzaiten which he also thinks were moved to the Hokkcd6 after the Kichijoin fire(but which hc considers to have becn produced in the first half of the Tenpy6 Period). he
identifies the clay sculptures of BrahmG and Indra (called Sihyaprabha [Nikko €i%] andCandraprabha [Gakkoa %]) as well as Vajrapàni preserved in the Hokkedô and the clay

as belonging to the group of theFour Deva Kings preserved in the Kaidanin fft(@E
fourteen or eighteen images of the 764 M a of the Kichij6 kekasho.'Ob
1s it conceivable. one might wonder. that the Benzaiten image for which an altar.

including a banner and other paraphemalia was set up in 754 could also have b e n used
ten years later for the well-documented Kichij6 keka perfomed in the Kichij6 kekasho ofthe same temple. using fourteen or eighteen Buddhist images. one of which was very likely
a Benzaiten and quite possibly the one preserved in the Hokkedo? The Shôsain documentfiorn 764 (Tenpyô H6ji 8.3/27) does not tell us anything about thcse images; it simply lists
the ofFerings to be made to thern. The possibility. therefore. that the Benzaiten image forwhich an altar was set up in 754 was used in the 764 Kichij6 keko in the Kichij6 kekasho
cannot be excluded. At the sarne time. it must be emphasized that this is simply a possibility.

'" Machida 1954. p-9.
106

ibid.. p. 1 1.

which at this point cannot be verified owing to lack of evidence.
Aithough the 764 Kichijo keku used sculptures. the Sandai jirsuroh 3

records

the painting of an image of sri (Kichijoten) for use in the keka performed in the kokubunjiof Izumo on New Year's day of Jingo Keiun #s%s2 (768).'07 The repentance ritualwas held cvery year on New Year's day. and as the years passcd the painting faded
Consequently. the Sondaijitsirroku continues. in J6gan

13 (87 1) a wooden sculptureof 5 shah (about 1.5 rn in height ) was made. We know nothing of the other images whichmight have been used in the keku. Stnctly in the case of the Kichijoten image then. thisrecord indicatcs that between 768 and 871 a painting rather than a sculpture of Kichijoten
was used for the Kichij6 keka in the kokubunji of Inuno.'" As we have seen. Yijing's
translation of the Sutra of Golden Lighf advocatcs the painting of the image of the Buddha
with sri and Vaiiravana. and Zunshi's repentance ntual text refers back to this passage in
Yijing. singling out the painting of the image of Sn. Although Zunshi (T. vo1.46. no. 1945.
p.959a9) is too late (946-1032)to have been followed in Immo in 768. the Immo kokubunji
image could well have been made in cornpliance with Yijing's specification of the use of
the medium of painting (T. vol. 16. no.665. p.43 1b13-15). Every kokubunji. it will be
remembereci, was linked above al1 with the Sutra of Golden Light in Yijing's translation.
after which it was named. a copy of which it necessarily had. and the study and recitationof which was mandatory.
It is interesting that there is actually only one surviving Tenpy6-period painting of SriiO?

Sandai jiisuroRu, Genkei %@ 1 (877). 8/22.

laAlthough Machida K6ichi (1984. pp.7-8) seems to think the pduction ofKichij6ten paintings for the
kkcl between 768 and 87 1 hence applied to al1 the koAufiunji, the Sa&i ~ i t s u r o hrefm only to the lzumo
kokubunji, and there is no evidence that 1 am aware of, of the use of such paintings in o k kokzibunji.

from the first half of the eighth century. It bclongs to Yakushiji sgifidin Nara.'* Temple
tradition has it that it was the main image of the Kichijo keb cclebrated annually in the
Hachimansha /i#@?kAlthough there are claims that the Kichij6 keka was first observedin the shnne in H6k.i 2 (771) or 3 (772)."O the Hachimansha dates from the Kanpy5 ?$yera (889-897). and hence the repentance rite could not have been performed at the shnne
before this time. Furthmore. according to Machida K6ichi. the painting as it has corne
down to us is too small (53.3 x 32 cm) to have been the principal image of an important

ritual like the Kichij6 keka. He suggests that the painting was onginally on a iarger canvas
depicting. besides sri on the left. one or two other figures. perhaps VaiSravana (in thecenter) and Sarasvati. It is more Iikely. howevcr. as Yijing's text instructs (T. vo1.16.
no.665. p.43 1b 16-17). that a Buddha image was in center (above). with sri on his lefi and
VaiSravana on his right.'li The s r i painting, Machida explains. was eut off around the endof the eighth century and rernounted independently. Because it was used in pnvatc worship(and hence not for the Kichijo keka). he concludes. the painting is not mentioned in any
temple documents. It is presumed. however. that the image was moved to the Hachimansha
at some time around 1450. where it was used as the main image of the Kichijo keku. The
painting was kept in the shrine until the beginning of the Meiji era (1868-19 12).

In 780, H5ki 8& 11. the Saidaiji shi x i rukich6 &k*'&H%sz@$ records thatamong the sculptures of the Shi6d6(Four [Deva] Kings Hail) of the temple. there

were also images of Sri (Kichijoten) and Sarasvati (Benzaiten). each measuring 3 shah
'O9

1io

Ill

See Machida 1984.

-'Ihe relevant texts, are mentioned in Machida L984, p.7 and quoted in his notes on pp. 1 1 12.

Sec p.209 above.

[ca. 90 cm] in height.ll' ïhese images havc not bcen preserved.
According to the KOfirkuji mki @ ~ ~ % l furthemore.
f ~ .
images of various figuresfrom Our sutra. including the Deva Kings. Sarasvati (Dai Benzai tennyo kk%f%k).
andothers were represented on the pillas of the Tokond6
according to the K6nin(Eastern Golden Hall)

Era (810-824) record."' It is not clear when these images

were drawn on the pillas. but they are not mcntioncd in the Enryaku

Era (782-806)

record. The Tokond6 was not specifically related to the Sutra ofGolden Light. however. as
indicated by the sculptures in the hall noted in the [Tenpy6] H6ji (757-765). Enryaku. andK6nin rccords. The principal image of Bhaisajyaguni (Yakushi %/@)is noted already in
the H6ji record. while Maitreya (Miroku%a),for instance. appeaa in the Enryaku

record. and Vimalakirti (Yuima @$) and MaiijuSri (Monju 2%)are mentioned in theK6nin record in the K6fikuji mki."'Hence. it would seem that rnost of the early images of Benzaiten were produced indirect connection with the Sutra of Golden Light and for its repentance ritual. upheld forthe protection of the state. The form of these images will be addressed following a discussionof the contents of the chapter dedicated to the goddess in the sutra.

' '' Dai rVihonb u e 6 zemho. VOL 1 1 8, p. 16k6-7.
II3

Dai .\ïhon b u e 0 zerisho, vol. 123, p. 1Ob 13.

II4

Dai ,C;ihon buMy6 zensho, vol. 123, p. 10a12-b10.

2. Sarasvati in the Sutra of Golden Light

The Sarasvati chapter in the extant Sanskrit. in Baogui's edition. and in Yijing's
translation of the Sutru ofGolden Lighi. can be divided into three sequential parts. each ofwhich presents the goddess in a different aspect: in the first part Sarasvati appears as adeity of eloquence; in the second she teaches a ritual herbal bath; and in the third she is
invoked by the brühmo~aKaundinya as a battle goddess. It is to this threcfold division that
I shall resort in Our discussion of the represcntation of Sarasvati in the sutra. My intention

in what follows is not to make a word for word. character for character. minute comparative
analysis of the extant Sanskrit with the Chinese translations. which could be anotherdissertation in itself. but to point out the salient features in each of the three pans of theSarasvati chapter. and to identiS> the substantial differences between the Sanskrit andChinese versions.

Dharxnak!jema's version of the chapter. which consists of twelve lines. includes only
the first of ihese three parts. and hence presents her as goddess of eloquence. As rnentioned

above. the Sanskrit text Dharmaksema was working with represents an earlier form of thesutra than we find in Nobel's edition of the Sanskrit. Dharrn-ema's

version. furthmore.

is reproduced in Baogui's edition. and fin& its closely corresponding passages in theextant Sanskrit and in Yijing's more developed version. Dharmaksema. therefore, qresents

the first part. sequentially and chronologically. of the chapter. Significantly. it is the only
one of the three parts which is directly in line with Sarasvati's Vedic background.

a. Great Eloquence Deity

The Chinese translators cal1 Sarasvati "Great Eloquence Deity" (Da Biantianshen

in Dhannakserna. Da Biantiank l x in Baogui) and "Great Talent of Eloquence

Goddess" (Da Biancai tiannü k@%xkin Yijing). This is. accordingly. the name inslightly simplified fomLby which Sarasvati is most commonly known in Japan. pronounced
Bcnten 8$

and Benzaitcn @ $R.' rcspectively.

In Dharmaksema's version. the chapter of the Great Eloquencc Deity consists in her

address to the Buddha. She who governs over eloqucncc promises to augment the preacher'seloquence (p.344~21-23):

At this time. the Great Eloquence Deity said to the Buddha:"Venerable One. as to this Dharma expounder. I must augment
his joy in expounding and talent in speech (eloquence) so as tomake his exposition magnificent in order that F s audience] obtain.
soon (and) well. great wisdom."
As goddess of knowledge she assures the preacher's aitainment of wisdom and recovery. if
Omitting the character for "*greaf'k the additional characar identibing ha as a dcity fib. and the one
specifiing her gender &.

'ïhe middle character 2 also appean as
t %NE).The first character @ (more exceptionally #).it
may be added. is o k n writteri, in Japan. in the Japanese abbreviated fom #F.

need be. of his memory. not only of the text. but also of its meaning by way of a dhGrani.
which is not given here.

If in [expounding] this sutra there are missing words or the meaning'[he gives] to the phrases is crroneous. 1 will be able to make thebhiki expounding this Dharma regain [them] soon and (1) will
(be able) to give hirn a dhüragi (1%)
which will prevent loss of
mernory. 'Sarasvati's primary conccrn in the preservation of the text. therefore. is the preacher's
speech: his ability to speak eloquently on the basis of faultlcss memory of the text d o m to
the lettcr. as well as understanding of i t. Loss of mcmory. which would impede correct andeloquent spcech, is prcvented by way of dhiruni. a charm. Dhàraoi cornes from the root"ttohold, bear. maintain." That which Sarasvati gives the preacher 'Y0 hold" is at thesame time that which will allow hirn to hold on to what hc rnay have forgotten. Hc thereby
Sarasvati
preserves the sutra fiom extinction and thus benefits sentient beings (344~25-27).~
then promises specific benefits which she herself will cause to accrue to these beings:[Il must make thern al1 obtain keen. inconceivable great wisdom;
gather an unnameable amount of lucky and mentorious retrïbution;
understand well the incalculable kinds of expedent means; be
The extant Sanskrit does not Say anything about Ihe msaning."

well capable of examining and penetrating al1 theories: know
well the various arts of the world; be able to corne out of (thecycle of) birth-and-death and attain the irrevenible [stage](avaivartika); certainly and quickly attain anuttaru samyak
sambodhi (highest perfect awakening).
As the Great Eloqucnce Deity, Sarasvati will give them eloquence. As goddess of knowledge.

she will endow them with worldly knowlcdge. spiritual wisdom. and the ultimate state of
awakening resulting fiom the latter.

b. Instructions for the Ritual Mediiinal Bathi. introducing the BathIn the extant Sanskrit. in YaSogupta/JiiEnagupta's translation. and in Yijing's version.
Sarasvati continues her address to the Buddha. now tuming to the mantric medicinal bath(mantraqadhisammvuktamsnànakarma. flR!&t%#$E ).' In a clearly inserted sentence. she

suddenly announces she will explain the bath. and then continues. as in Dhamaksema. tolist the benefits that she will provide. In Yijing the inserted sentence is more neatly tied inwith what follows. for the subsequent list of benefits is intended 'Tor one who perforrns[the bathing ritual]" ( p . 4 3 4 10
~ @A%$). The benefits are no longer limited to the realms

ofeloquence. knowledge. and enlightenment-al1 ofwhich are conaected with Sarasvati-but
now extend into the practical. concrete matters of this world: calarnities, epidernics. diseases.
Dhamaksema p.344~27-345a3.'Ihe extant Sanskrit does not include. arnidst the list ofbenefits. coming
out of (the cycie of) birth-anddeaîh and amining avaivclrtika and anurtara scunyak sambodhi.
Sansknf p. 104. line 1 ; YaJ~gupra/JRiinagupta.p.386~6;Yijing, p.434~9-10.

birth and death; slander. quarrel. bureaucratie quarrels; bad dreams. supematural obstacles.
and mantric ~ p e l l s . ~In the extant Sanskrit. following the enurneration of benefits. Sarasvati immediately.
and once again abruptly. begins giving instructions for the bathing ritual (Sanskrit. p. 104.

lines 5ff.). In Baogui, on the other hand an intervening passage functions as an introduction
to the ritual instructions. connecting the sutra with the ritc (p.386~
1 1- 12):

If some sentient beings hear this sutra and its rite. they should
always recite and hold these mantras and bathe their bodies in
the mantric medicinal bath. Therefore I will explain the mantric
medicinal rite.
Being, in Baogui. connectai with the sutra. the rnantic medicinal bath must thcrefore now
be explained. In Yijing. this correlation is not made. but Sarasvati instructs "those who

If we compare the bathing ritual instructions as found in the Sanskrit (pp. 104-107)
and the two Chinese translations (YaSoguptaiJEinagupta, pp.386~13-387a23: Yijing.
pp.434~13-435~5).
the Sanskrit version is the most bief. while YaSogupta/JiiZnagupta haveadditional clarifications and details (although also omitting a couple of details found in the
Sanskrit). and Yijing is certainly the most extensive. The incrcase in the number of details

given from the Sanskrit to YaioguptaLJEinagupta to Yijing is an indication of the growth of' Sanshi. p. 104 sarvugrahana~trajanmamaranapida kolikoloha~ius~dimb~âmarad~~mapnavin&yakapi(iah s a r - v a ~ o r d a v e t . à hpraSmuy yüsyanti ; YaSogupta/JfiZnagupta,p.386~8-IO&BA;$%BR-aEEX*E=&#~%SS;t9%EZ~o
EuMSMSUS= R%%S?E#B% fRWR@'J%%@%+@B~s:~B!~; Yijing, p . 4 3 4 IO~ 13 & h % S ~ B x ~ % ~ S @ E
a&ZSl~ + W#BBOo%!
~ ~ ~ ~ s m %ass~aws*,2
R ~ m S zE+R@othe text. and that the extant Sanskrit is quite possibly earlier than the Chinese translation of
YaSogupta/JEinagupta? Aithough the bathing ritual is interesting in itself. the details of its
performance do not add to our knowledge of the conceptualization of Sarasvati. and 1 will
therefore limit myself to a description of it (without quoting the original text). noting thedi fferences between the three versions.

ii. fnstnictions for the BathSarasvati begins ber instructions by listing the herbs to bc gathercd for the bath:~ 17). thirty in the extant Sansknt
twenty-five of them in YaSogupta/Jfii.nagupta ( p . 3 8 6 13(p. 104. line 6 - p. 105. line 3). and t hirty-two in Yijing (p.435a 1-8). They are to bc gat hered.

poundcd and sicved on the day when the sun and the stars meet according to
YaSogupta/J%inagupta (p.386~18). whm hisya is in the astensm according to thc extant
Sanskrit (p.105. line 4) and Yijing (p.435a9). while a dhzraqi is recited one hundred(Sanskrit. p. 105. line 5) or one hundred and eight (YaSogupta/Jfi&agupta. p . 3 8 6 19;~ Yijing.
p.43Sa 10) times. The earth is smeared with cow-dung to delimit the ritual space (Sanskrit.
p.105. line 9; YaSoguptdJfiànagupta. p.386~25;Yijing, p.435a18). which according to

YaSogupta/Jfiinaguptashould be seven cubits in width and length (p.386~25).and according
to Yjing eight cubits (p.435a 18). Flowcrs are scattered and gold and silver bowls are filledwith honey and tasty drinks (Sanskrit. p. 105. lines 9-10; YaSogupta/Jiî~nagupta.p.386~25-27;

Yijing. p.435a20-21). Four men in amour are stationed within the altar space (Sanskrit.

Y Although the number of medicinal herbs to be used for the bath in the Sanskrit is grcater than in
YaSogupta/Jfiinagupta.

p. 106. iine 1 ). one hidden in each corner according to YaioguptdJfiinagupta (p.386~27-28).

a guardian at each gate according to Yijing (p.435a22). Four maidens carrying pots (Sanskrit,

p. 106. line 2) or flower vases (Yaiogupta/JIiiïnagupta. pp.386~29-387al).or four boys withwater pots (Yijiag, p.435a23) are piaccd one in each corner according to
YaSoguptdJfiinagupta and Yijing. Incense is scattcred. music is played. and banners. flags.
and canopies are hung (Sansbit. p. 106. lines 3-4; YaÇogupta/Jiiànagupta. p.3 87a 1-2; Yijing,p.435a24-25). According to the Sanslcnt (p. 106. line 5) and Yijing (p.435a26). mirrors.
arrows. and spears are placed in the altar space. In the Sanskrit (p. 106. iine 6 - p. 107. line

3). the individual makes the boundary-Iine. recites a dhiiruyi. and bathes bchind (the imageof?)the Buddha, while reciting a dhiïrani and a request for protection. In YaSoguptdJfiinagupta(p.387a2-23). vesscls filled with aromatic liquid are placed in the center of the altar. where

the individual bathes: he recites a dhüracr for binding the ritual space (twenty-four times).
another for his body (one hundred and eight timcs). and while bathing. another one for the
hot bath water (one hundrcd and eight times). and rcquests protection. In Yjing (p.435a27b 16). a large platter is buned in the center of the altar and a "leaking plank" is placed overit. Hot water is added to the previously prepared rnedicinal herb powder and placed on thealtar. The individual recites the dhciropi for binding the altar space, enters it. consecrates
the water (three times seven [3 x 71 times). and recites anothet dhïïrani for the hgrantwater (one hundred and eight times). Having placed a curtain on ail four sides. he bathes.

The bath water and the food and drinks offered are thrown into a river or a pond. He puts
on purified clothing and enters a pure room.The dhüruni mastcr teaches him to express thegreat vow.

In Yîjing, the goddess states the purpose of the bath (p.435b 17-22):

When illness torments sentient beings.
and the various medicina1 treatments are ineffective.
If they resort to this mcthod of bathing.
and also to recitation of this text.
Constantly, day and the night. concentrate.
think exclusively of kindness. and produce a believing mind.
The distresses will disappear cornpletely.
they will be dclivered from dire misery.
and will be supplied with wealth.
'Ihe consteIlations of the four directions and the sun and moon
will protect [them] wi th t heir suprmatural power.
and [they] will attain longevity.
Good luck. tranquillity. and good fortune will increase.
and calamitics and perils will al1 be removed.
Hence a clear connection is made here between the bath and the healing of illness. although
the results extend beyond mere healing. In Yijing (p.435b23-CS). Sarasvati adds one
instruction: recitation of a dhürapi for the protection of the body (three times seven [3 x 71

times).

In the Sanskrit (p. 107. lines 4- 12)and in YaSoguptdJfiinagupta(p.387a24b5). Sarasvati
promises to corne to the bathing ritual. and to remove a11 diseases and oppressions so thatthose who uphold the sutra can attain enlightenrnent. In Yijing (p.435~10- 1 1). she promises
to corne to the dwelling of the upholders of the sutra. The Buddha then praises Sarasvati-not

for providing eloquence and knowledge. over which she govems-but for benefiting dl

sentient beings by speaking about dhàronis and medicaments. The extant Sanskrit reads:
südhu sidhii sarasvati mahùdevi / bahujanahitü,va
Nam pratipannïï bahujanm~khE-va-vat îvuyedriün
manirauqudhisap&àni padüni bhositüni //Bravo! bravo! great goddess Sarasvati! You have corne for thewelfare of many men. for the blessing of many men. since you
have spoken such words conceming spells and medi~arnents.'~

In Yijing (p.436ai ) the Buddha concludes:

You should protect this highnt king of sutras (Le. the Sutra ofGolden Light) so that it will not disappear and can constantly bc
propagated.

iii. Sarasvati and the BathThe obvious question here. more relevant than the ritual itsclf for this study. is why
Sarasvati teaches a ntual rnedicinal bath? Her knowledge of medicinal matters neccssarily
calls back to rnind her healing of Indra in the Iajur C'eda. likcwise in a ritual context."

While in the Yajur léda she gave rebirth to I n d m here the rnedicinal bath is intended tolead to the highest perfect awakening. There is. however. no indication here that whoever
added the bathing ntual to this chapter knew of Sarasvati's role in the Sautfimani.
Nevertheless. the author would certainly have been aware of her river-goddess aspect. and10

Sanskrit, p. 107, lines 14-15. Translation by Emmenck in 1996, p.47. Cf. Y&gupta/ffiiinagupta,
p.387b6-9; Yijing, p.435~16- 18.
II

See above pp.47fE

hence of the appropriateness of a water-related deity teaching a water-centred ritual.

Medicine

In terms of medicinal matters. it is clear that behind this ritual bath lies a long
tradition of Vedic medicine. Reaching even further back. bathing as such seems to havebcen rather important from pre-Vedic tirnes. as the Great Bath found in Mohenjo-Daroindicates. Although concem for public health and sanitation wcrc certainly an issue at thetime. the Great Bath. like a tank in a Hindu temple. most probebly had punficatory, andhence religious. functions."

Later. in Vedic medicine. we do not find evidence of a medicinal bath. but we dofind the different elements of the bath: watcr. medicinal herbs. recitation of mantras. andauspicious timing. tn the Rg Géda. as we have seen. al1 remedies arc said to dwell within
the waters ( 10:9:6aba& me s6mo abravid mtar vi&ibhe:~aj&/ ).13 Reverence for the

medicinal plant. as Kenneth G. Zysk explains." is evident in Vedic medicine. tn thismagico-religious system. diseases were believed to occur when malevolent forces entered
the body. and were then healed through an elaborate ritual. wherein the healer (bhisbj3,
who it would seem had knowledge of the preparation of medicines (in the fom of waterand pounded herbs)." recited incantations to draw out the malevolent forces. Astrology" On the Great Bath. see Marshall 1931. vol. 1. pp.24-26 (Sir John Marshall). pp. 13 1-143 (Ernest Mackay);
Emest Mac kay et al. 1938. p.20, for instance. Marshall does not mentionanything about the religious/purificatory
function of the bath. but Mackay addresses the subject (Marshall 193 1. vol. 1, p. 142; Mackay 1938, p.20).
13

See p. 16 above, For hrther teferences see Zysk 1993, p.90, note 6.

1s

Most Vedic remedies were eithm of a watery nature or of vegetaI origin. See Zysk 1993, p.90.

played a significant part in these ntuals, which were pdormed at auspicious times."
Although Vedic medicine was superseded by ü-vuneda. based on keeping the humours of
the body (wind bile. and phlcgm) in a state of equilibrium and limiting the use of mantras
to the treatment of certain ailments and the collection and preparation of certain me di ci ne^.^^the belief in the cfficacy-in

the widest possible sense-of the combination of herbs andmantras pcrsisted

In connection with mantras and herbs. Nobel" points to a passage in the Harivatpia(Calcutîa ed.. 32 18-3219)'' which deals with the means of overcoming fate:Snïyatam y n a daivam hi madvidhaih pratihayvate //rnaniragramaih suvihitair aicsadhaii ca *vojitai(t /yattretta cinukCietta daivam apy uiirîlorn~va~e//

Let it be heard whereby. with my help. fate can be mastcred.

By way of wel 1-executed mantras and well-administered herbs.
by effort and blessing, fate can also be controlled.

In its application of wider eficacy to the combination of mantras and herbs. this passage iscomparable to the ritual medicinal bath taught by Sarasvati in the Sutra of Golden Lighr. A
herbal bath. however. is not rnentioned here. In fact. herbal baths within a ritual context
are, to say the least. hard to corne by. Nobel was unable to find a precedent for this ritualand therefore quoted the Harivamia. Although I too have been unsuccessful in finding a

16

Zysk 1993. pp.7-10.

17

Zysk 1993, pp.1, 10-1 1.

18

1951. p.127.

19

Corresponds, in the critical edition, to 47:3:6cd-7.

matching or ciosely related rihial. it is clear. as t have suggested above. that the different
elements of the herbal bath can al1 be found in the Vcdic magico-religious system of
medicine.
Within the Siira of Golden Lighr. it should be noteù. there is another medically-related

chapter (ch. 16 in the extant Sanskrit; ch. 15 in Dharmaksema; ch.20 in Baogui.; ch.24 in
Yijing) dealing with the healing of illnesses: Jalaviihana. son of the merchant Jafimdhara
who is also "a doctor. a medical man. expert in the chief elements... M y versed in theeightfold treatise on medicine." 'O is instructed by his father and heals a11 beings in the landof King Sureivaraprabha. The context of this chapter. however. is not ritual. Furthermore.

there is no mention whatsoever of medicina1 baths.

.4 bhiseka

Another avenue that rnight be pursued here is the possibility of an initiatory.

empowement ritual akin to or analogous with the nbhigka. consisting of anointing. Thistantric ritual is denved from the elaborate Vedic royal consecration ceremony (Rajasûya).
which symbolized. as J.C. Heesterman explains in his study of 1957. the cosmic process ofbirth - disintegration - rebirth through the person of the king as the cosmic man Prajiipati(p.122)." It is the water in the anointing (ubhigka).representative of primordial waters.
'O The elments here are the fiindamental pam of the body. reinterpreted by D h a m ü i m a and Yijing,
however, as the mrrhabhütas (earth, water, fire, and wind). For a list of the bodily elernents and the eight
branches of nedicine, see Emmerick 1996, p. 76, notes 150- 15 1.

"

All page references in this paragraph are to Heesterrnan's detailed snidy of the aacient Indian royalconsecration (1957). k e aIso Weber 1893. The Vedic rüjaszïya, it should be notai, was nota royal consecration
to be perfonned once and for aI1. In faci. as Heesterman explains, originally it w m s to have been a yearlyritual, comparable to annual fativais '%y means of which the powers active in the universe are regenerated"that brings about death and rebirtb. disintegration and regeneration (p. 1 19). In the preparationof the consecration fluid. sixteen or seventeen dfferent kinds of water. including that of theriver Sarasvati. arc poured together into a vcssel. purified. and then distnbuted into four

cups (pp.79-85). using which four officiants standing in the cardinal points around thesacnficer-king consecrate him (p. 1 14). A final. purificatory bath follows the consecration
rite. at which time the remains of the sacrifice (pressed out soma plants. antelope skin. andgarments) are disposed of in the water (pp. 167-170). The regenerative nature of the rituai isfurther emphasized by the performance of the likewise regenerative Sautramani at the endof the Riijasiiya. The medieval royal consecration. it may be added. involved also a "bathwith (various types of) earth" (m.tikasniina)."
The royal conception of the Buddha was discussed by Paul Mus in 1933.'~where hecompared the royal abhiseka to the bathing of the Buddha at birth: "deux niiga dans lessources anciennes. sept ou neuf par la suite. vomissent sur lui des torrents d'eaux célestes.
chaudes et froides. se réunissant en un mélange agréable.''24 1 would ernphasim here that.
as in the case of our ntual bath. the Buddha is bathed rather than spnnkled.

Abhiseka. furthmore. consecrates the tenth and final stage of the bodhisattva's
career. In the Tantnc traditions. the abhiseka functions as an initiation or empowement byaspersion. It takes place within a delimited sacred space (in the Tantras çalled cakra or
mandala). as the teacher spnnkles the student while reciting a mantra.3 Buddhist abhiseka(pp.6-7.222).

" Mus 1933. p.825. Although Mus does not use the temi e'bathing."dSs is cieady what is taking place.
'' For Hindu tantnc practice of the abhiseka, see Dirk Jan H m s in Gupta Homs, and Goudnaan 1979,
p.88. Although Homs refers to a sixteenth or seventeenth century Hindu Tantra (Tantraraiatanh*a).the

was likewise practised in China. According to Michel Strickmann. in surviving Buddhist

litcrature. the earliest extant rcferencc to abhiseka "as a concrete rite. performed by mortals
ratha than budâhas." appean in the mid-fi fth-century Book of Consecration (Guanding
jing

Sng.T. vol.21. no.1331).'6
The possible conncction bctween our ritual. medicinai bath. as prescribed by Sarasvati,

and abhiseka in any context is obviously distant at best. for bathing is not sprinkling. At

best wc can point to the bath with diffcrent types of earth (m-~tiknsntina)of the medieval
coronation ritual. but that too is not a herbal bath. There are. however. points in common
between the abhi*and our ritual bath. the use of water above all. Just as abhiseka is thecentral element in the claborate RZjasüya. bathing is the central practice in the ritual bath.
As sixteen or seventeen different kinds of water are gathered for the royal abhigku. ourbath rcquires the collection of a considerable number of different herbs. The end product.

furthemore. is a kind of rebirth: in the case of the king. a rcjuvenation of creation; and in

our ritual herbal bath. the attainment of anuttara samvaksambodhi. precedcd by the ternovalof every sort of obstacles.

Our herbal bath clearly deserves an entire study to itself. to which 1 am unable to do
justice here. 1 have. therefore. simply presented some ideas as to its background which. atsome point. 1 would li ke to pursue further. As far as 1 am able to see. the connecting factors
are the river goddess who knows medicine which is water-based. and the initiation rite
involving water.

Lntric obh&eka in its basic clements was ceriainly performed in fiindu. Jain and Buddhist contexîs long
before this tirne. As we shall see, it was practised in China in a Buddhist conkxt already in the fifth century.)

c. Eight-armed Battle Goddess

Following Sarasvati's explanation of the ritual medicinal bath and the Buddha's
words of approval. the briihmana KaunGnya praises the goddcss at length. While some ofthe praise is directed to Sarasvati. the Great Eloquence Deity goveming memory andknowledge. as we know hm. other parts of the praise. especially in Yijing's far moreelaborate version. do not correspond to her description in the Vedas. cpics, or Pumas. but
rather point to Piirvati or Durgà, as we shall see.
KauqGnya describes Sarasvati as dwelling in the mountains. wcanng grass garments.

and standing on one leg (Sanskrit. p. 108. lines 7-8; YaSoguptdJÏiànagupta. p.387b13- 14;
Yijing, p.436a7-8 )? This dcpiction fits Siva's consort Piirvati. the diiughter of the Mountain(Himavat). who. in order to win Siva. the ultimate ascetic who dwells on Mt. Kailisa
absorbed in meditation, engaged in lengthy ascetic practices. including also standing on
one leg.

The gods ask Sarasvati to speak auspicious words (vucanatp iuhham; -88).'*In
response. she teaches a partly intelligible dharayi invocation (Sanskrit. p.108. line I I -p. 109. line 12; YaSogupWJfiànagupta. p.387b l8-c9; Yijing, p.436a 1 Lb7). While now, in
the Sanskrit and YaSogupta/Jiiinagupta. Kaun@nya launches back into the praise of thegoddess. in Mjing (p.436b12-437al), instead Sarasvati teaches yet anothcr rite. wherein
the dharani she has just taught should be recited in a quiet place. Yijing's Sarasvati gives' These passages are quoted below on pp.255fT.
' Sanskrtt, p. 108. lines 9- 10): YajoguptalJïtàuagupta, p.387b i 5- 17. In YBSoguptaiJfiinagupta. they also
request her to bestow wisdom eloquence, and understanding. In Yijing (p.436a9-10) they beseech hct togran<al1 with her wondemil words (4921fbrther directions for contemplation and concentration. insmicting the individual to sit
before an image of the Buddha. She intempts for a moment her instructions to praise thernouth and tongue of the Buddha, and lists benefits to be attained by one who wonhips her
and one who follows the teaching of his master. Sarasvati then tums back to her instructions
for the rite. speciSing the punty of place and clothing. and how the altar should be
adomcd. Offerings are to be made to the Buddha and to her in order to behold their fonn.
The practitioner is to recite the dhirani for three times seven (3 x 7) days. facing Sarasvati.
If he fails to see the goddess he should continue for nine days. If that too fails. he shouldlook for another place to pactise and there draw an image of Sarasvati. makc offerings,
and recitc the dhürarzi day and night. If yet again he does not succecd he should keep
asking to see the goddess for three rnonths. six months. nine months. or a year. Then hewill attain the divine cye and have al1 his wishes fidfilled.
We have here. then. a dhùraoi -recitation rite wherein an image of Sarasvati is used

and wherein the practitioner tries to have a vision of the goddess. Although the individual
is told to draw her image according to prescriptions (p.436~
17 ~ u & @ ~ # % no~),directions are givcn. nor is the fonn of the goddess specified.
Chiy now. in Yijing's version, does KaunGnya recommence his praise of the goddess.

-

In the Sanskrit (p. 110. line 3 p. 111. line 14)and in YaSogupta/Jiiânagupta ( p . 3 8 7 1~1-388a1).
the brihmana descnbes her beauty. her supenority amongst beings, her knowledge. rnemory.

and speech. She is then asked to protect Kaundinya amidst enemies in the Sanskrit (nimca rukatu mcqt Satrurnadhye // >-although

he is oot a warrior-andin places of fear in

YaSogupta/JEànagupta ( RBgE@EB@)." A combative goddess now begins to surface.
29

Sanskrit, p. 1 1 1. Iine 18: YaSoguptaLJriânagupta,p.388a3.

She is described as eight-armed:
Sanskrit text:

1 will praise her... because she is the best of lionesses. because
she is a vehicle for men. because she is adomed with eight

YaSoguptdJfiinagupta translation:

Superior like the cxcelling lion. she manifests a human form.
A s t o the physique. she has an eight-amcd adomed body."
Yijing's translation. which lists the implements she cames:

And she is superior like the lion among beasts.
aiways adomed with eight amis.
Each holding bow. arrow. sword. long-handled spear. axe

M

Sanskrit, p.1 IO, line I l... p. 11 1, lines 6-7; translation by Emmsrick 1996, pp.48-49. Some manuscripts
read siddhottumaya (p.111, note 8) instead of si~hottarntiya,which would make het ''the k s t of siddhai~,"semidivine beings endowed with supernimua\ faculties or sages. Clearly, the Sansknt text used by
YaSogupta/Jiiinagupta m u t have had s+
and not siddha. for they translate it as shi* @F.

"

p.387~25.The translation of the first vene is not evident and the nomial mding at first glance shouldbe "Mounted on a lion, she manifests a hurnan fonn." However. the comsponding passage in the extant
Sansknt requires one to take into consideration the possibility of the above rneaning-ta which one would
not wually resort-given chat the character means not only "?O mounf" but also *'exceIIing." As for thesecond v a . another possible translation of #&fi'li%%kg
is "(Hm)physique hm an cightarmed majestic
body." where "rnajestic" %ha would cxplain the cornparison of the goddess with the lion in the first pan of
the passage. 1 have aven prefaence to "*adomed"for 8% in light of the correspondhg passage in theextant Sanskrit, which reads alae&ta "adomed."*

long vajra. iron w heel. and lasso."
And this is the textual basis for the eight-amed form of the Chinese Biancaitian and theJapanese Benzaiten. There are no Indian images matching this description. Although Chinese

examples of this form are very fcw indeed. Japanese imagcs ranging from the eighth
century to the present exist in considerable numbers. Before procceding, then. with theremaining contents of the Sarasvati chapter in Yijing's text. let us tum to some of theseearly imagcs and compan them with the above description ofthe cight-amied wcapon-bearing
goddess found in Yijing. The remaindcr of his version of the Sarasvati chapter will be
discussed in the context of other such hymns in a subsequent section. for it requires anextensive explanation of its own. involving both textual and art historical matcrial. in
which it will be neccssary to refer to these images of eight-armed Biancaitian/Benmiten.

'' p.437~1-2.Nobel. in his Gennan translation (1958a. p.257). calls the thunderboli (vajra, chu #)a club("Kculc").

V. CHINESE AND JAPANESE IMAGES OF SARASVA73

1. Eight-armed Forma. Chinese and Japanese Images

The earliest surviving Japanese image of eight-armed Benzaiten (fig.24) dates fromthe early eighth cntury. It is the large (ht. 219 cm). sevcrely damagcd clay sculpture'preserved in the Hokked6 of Edaiji mentioned earlier.' Although it was probably madeaccording to the specifications in Vjing. since part of her arms and al1 of her irnplements
have becn lost. this cannot be vcrified.
In China. thcrc are very few surviving images of Biancaitian. An eight-armed

representation of the goddess (fig.25A) appears in a small tenthantury Chinese painting

on paper (27 x 43 cm) from Dunhuang, preserved at the Musée Guimet in Paris (Pelliot
Collection). The painting dcpicts the Buddha ~akyarnuni( Shijia ";eo) preaching amidst
divinities of the Sutra of Golden Lighr: VaiSravana (Pishamentian) standing on the earth
goddess,' with two attendants. appears to the Buddha's right. while Biancaitian and' Hobogirin 1929 (fasc.l ). "Bcnzaiten," p.65 mistakenly calls it a wooden statue.
See p.221 above. The construction of the image is discussed in Nishikawa 1968. pp.4245. The image
was painted: the skin was red and it would seem that her clothing was white-green. There was ako some eut
gold. Colour was added in the mid-Heian p e r d and at other, unknown times.

VaiSmvana is the only one of the Four Deva Kings who is worshipped and depicted independently of
the three others. The tom of Vaisravana standing on the acth goddess (Jap. Tobatsu Bishamonten%apresumably $fi (Jixiangtian) are to his left. Biancaitian (fig.25B) is depicted with threeheads and eight amis carrying weapons. The objects in her huo top arms are the trident in
her right and the vajra in her left. In her other right arms she holds the sword. the arrow andthe lasso. and. in her other left a m . the bow (being sming with the arrow) and the wheel(forming a pair with the lasso). nie remaining left hands f o n s a mucini (hand extcndedwith palm out. third and fourth finger bent? forming a pair with the sword).
This rcpresentation of the goddess is clearly not a perfect match with Yijing, for. apartfiom the fact that Biancaitian is three-headed here (a characteristic not to be found in~ijing).'instead of the long-handled spear she cames what seems to be a short-handled
trident: and instead of the axe she foms a mudM. Although the Dunhuang painting isundoubtedly related to the Szizra O/' Goidejt Light. given that the figures reprrsented al1
appear in the sutra. it may not be based either on Yijing's vcrsion. on the text Yijing was
working fiom. or on the chanfa descriptions we have seen (one in the Gtoqubzg bailu andone by Zunshi). In Yijing's translation. as we have seen. a painting is to be made with
VaiSravana on the Buddha's right and sri on his lefl (p.43 I b 16- 17). The arrangement of the

figures in the Dunhuang painting preserved in the Musée Guimet corresponds to thisdescription in Yijing, with the addition of eight-med Biancaitian on the Buddha's left.

Ei!!aqff).
with oniy the upper half of her body visible. srwms to corne tiom Khotan, where he was widely
worshipped On Tobatsu Bishamonten, see Hobogirin 1929, "Bishamon." pp.8 1-83 and Granoff 1970.
Nicolas-Vandier 1974. vol. 14. p. 18. Explanations of this drawing a p p r in Nicolas-Vandier 1974.
vol. 14, plate 8, pp. 18-19 and in Jamge and Akiyama 1995, vol.2, pp.328-329. Nicolas-Vandier hesitantly
identified the object in the goddess' top left hand as "le sceptre (?)" (p.18). but as the more cornpieteiIIustration (5 mm extra on al1 sides, so that one can see more of the drawing) in Jamge and Akiyama
1995 shows, it is indmd a vajra.
5
The multiplication of limbs and heads is not an uncornmon feature in tantric iconography, as wesee, for instance, in images of the eleven-headed and thousand-amd Ava1ohteSvara. The specificsource for this three-headed Biancaitian. however, is less clear.
Cf. early KWna image of Durgà with short-handled trident discussed on p.263 below.

According to the char,/u descriptions of the Guoqirig bailu and of Zunshi. Biancaitian is toappear. together with the Four Deva Kings. on the Buddha's right (and not on his lefi as in

the Dunhuang painting).
There is also a ninth- to tenth-century ink sketch (ht. 29.7 cm x W. 43 cm) of theeight-amed goddess (fig.26) from Dunhuang preserved at the British Museum (Stein
Collection). Three-headed Biancaitian is scated. carrying trident and bow in her right uppera m . an arrow in her two central arms. an axe and sword in her upper lefl. and a lasso in
her lower lefi. Her lower nght foms a mudra. The sketch is labelled Da Bian tiannü-k%xk(Great Eloquence Goddess) and numbered.
If we compare this sketch with Yijing's description. again we do not have a perfectmatch. for the goddess f o m s a mudrâ with her lower right hand the same mudrà as in the

Musée Guimet painting, and does not cany vajra and wheel. In cornpanson with theprevious painting. she is also three-hcaded. and cames largely the same implements. She
does not. however. carry a wheel. and instead of the vajra. she has an axe.
A Japanese eight-armed weapon-beanng Benzaiten is painted on the back wall of aminiature shrine (zshie&?e)(fig.27) for a Sri (Kichijoten) sculpture From Jôniriji#a@%near Nara. Both the sculpture and its shrine belong to the early Kamakura
period.' mile the sculpture of Sri remains at the temple. her shrine was removed in the

Meiji peiod and is now in the possession of the Tokyo University of Arts (Tokyo geijutsu
daigaku ~ ~ ~ % kEight-armed% ) . Benzaiten appears in the center of the ashie (painted
Hobogirin 1929. plate VIU, facing p.64 (following S . h u m . Z u r o s h h . V I ) mistakenly assigns
the Benmiten -=hie to the eighth century, an error which is ~peatedin Nobel 1958, p.257, note 6. As
explained by Nedachi (1992, p.46 and descriptions below figs.5 WctiijWn sculpture] and 19 [Benzaiten-whie]j, however. both the sculpture and the shrine paintings are h m about 1212.

wood; 103.5 x 62.7 cm) surrounded by Mother Hàriti (Kanteimo) on her bottom right.
Dy&a Pflhivi (Kenrikhijin) on her bottom left. and the great generals Sasci (ShGry6chi)and Maiibhadra (Hoken) abovc. In this painting we have a perfect match with Yijing's

description. for Benzaiten holds the implemcnts specified in the text: the anow. the sword.
the axe. and the iron wheel in her right amis. and the bow. the vajra. the pamcularly
long-handed spear. and the lasso in her Icft. She and all the figures surrounding her on theback wall of the shnne. those depicted on the rither walls and doors. including BrahmZ(Bonten), Indra (Taishakuten). and the Four Deva Kings (Shitenno). and the sculpture of

Sri are deferiders of the Dharma in the Stma o/'GoIden Light.

b. Identity of the Eight-armed Goddess

This eight-armed Bcnzaiten. as noted above. has no analogous forrn as Sarasvati in1ndia.' An exclusively weapon-bcanng figure. furthemore. is out of character for Sarasvati.
the goddess of knowledge. as she appears in Indian textuai sources. The only Indian text inwhich a combative aspect of Sarasvati emerges is the Rg LW. where the powerful rivergoddess is invoked to conquer enemies and compared to ~ndra.~
This aspect. however. does
not re-surface in subsequent Vedic. epic. or early Puranic texts. where. as we have seen.
s

The twelflh cmtury onwards, primarily South Indian sculptures of Saramati, including the dancing
fom, which depict her holding, in addition to her other attributes, weapons such as the stick and thenoose, are considerabfy later and entirely unrelated to the eight-armed Benzaiten form. In these images,
Sarawati does not hold exchsive\y weapons, like our Benzaiten. and she is irnmediately identifiable byher characteristic manuscript, appropriate to the goddess of knowledge, h a vina, and her rnount the
haw-again quite unlike our Benzaiten. SM. for example. the sculpture in the Laksmi-Narasimha
Temple of Hosaholalu Mandya, Kamataka (K. Bhattacharyya 1983. plate 32) and the sculpture fromHalebid. now in the Indian Museum in Calcutta (K. Bhattacharyya 1983, plate 20).
Y

S e t pp. 15. 5 1ff. above.

which hymn of the Harivamiu it refers to. and quoted in Nobel's translation of Yijing."
Neither of thcse sources. however. seems to have realized that the goddess invoked in the
HarivamSa is actually Durgi. The HGb6gink tells us that "Benzaiten y est identifiée a ladéesse Nâraya~î,épouse de Visnu ..." and then lists her manifestations-in

the plural.'' Her

particular manifestation or incarnation dcsaibed in the Harivamia. howevcr. is only one.
as we shall see. And shc who is given so many different names is not. ultimatciy. Narayani.
Nobel. who is familiar with the Nobog'ritt. likewise considers this to be a hyrnn toNàriiyvi. The goddess, he explains, is praised under many different names and is identified

with other goddesses. such as the consorts of siva (including Durga) and Indra, and alsowith Sarasvati. in support of which he refers to passages in the Hanva&a. The term
"Niiriiyani." he continues. is relatively rare in Sanskrit texts and oflen has a folk element toit. Nobel thcn draws attention to a hymn from the island of Bali. which shows similarity

with the Harivamia hymn. It is dedicated to Indràni. who is invoked under nurnerous
di fferent names. In the Horivamb hymn, he also notes the coexistence of brahmanical andfolk elements. particularly in the invocation of the tutelary goddess of the mountain tnbes.
to whom animal offenngs are made." Although Nobel is incorrect in his identification of
the goddess invoked in the HarivomSa hyrnn as Nàrâyani. in mentioning folk elements.
plurality of names. and identification of diffaent goddesses. he makes some very significant
points, to which we will have occasion to renim.
A correct identification of the goddess as Durgâ appears in the K&vaku
iI

Dai5@0.

Nobel 1958a pp.249-250. note 3 (which begins on p.248).
" Hôbogirin 1979. pp.6465. ~gNârayagï'on p.64 should rcad "Niriiyanf' (lagthening of the second
syliable). Also on p.64, "Elle se montre aussi sous la forme de Visdeva ..." is an emt: she does notappear as Vàsudeva (Kpna) hirnseif,but as the sister of Visudeva. See below p.259.
13
Nobel 1958a. p.249. note 3.

where Watanabe Kaigyoku@s@& says in a very bief note that Kaundinya's praise istaken from a Iaud of the goddess m g a in the Mah~bhüruraepic and amplified.'" Although.

as noted above. the Harivatpia forms a supplement to the epic. it remains an entirely
separate. independent text. Hence it is not referred to as the Mahübh6ratu. but always as
the Harivamia. 1 am assuming. therefore. that Watanabe meant the Mahübhirata and only
the Mahiibhürata. As we shall see. there is more than one hymn to Durgà in the epic. so it

is unclear which one Watanabe refers to. At any rate, Kaunbinya's praisc in Yijing is
drawn from a Harivamia-rather than a Mahübhüruta-hymn.

so the wong tcxt is

mentioned. but the nght goddess is recognized. Likcwise. Nagano Sadako ER?&+.amore reccnt voice in the discussion of the identity of the goddess and of the source of
Kaunanya's hymn in Yijing, also identifies the goddess as ~ u r g i i . In
' ~ 1Y88 she publisheda brief study on the characteristics of Benzaiten in the Sutra of Goideri Light. Noting theincongnious baîtle aspect attnbuted to Benzaiten in the sutra. Nagano explained the identityof the goddess as Durgi?. pointing to a specific hymn to Durgâ in the Mahübhikata (see 1.

Yudhisthira's Hymn to Dur@. below).16

c. Sarasvati and Durgà

In this section. we will look at the rernainder of Yijing's version of Kauqdinya's
praise of the goddess in the contcxt of reiated hymns. 1 will present textual evidence from

Watanabe t 932, p. 145, note.
Nagano 1988.
Nagano 1988, p.239 (p.7201.

the Dur@ hymns of the Mahübhirara and the Harivamia. in parallel with Yijing's Chinesetranslation of one of the Han*vamS hymns. for the identification of eight-amed Biancaitianwith Durga. I will also discuss certain eariy images of Durga. primarily frorn India. but
also from Afghanistan and Southeast Asia. to show the iconographie similarity with eight-

amed Benzaiten. 1 will then discuss the reasons for the appearance of Dur@ under theguise of Sarasvati in the Sutra ofGolden Light.

Let us. then. tum to the srna11 number of hymns to Dur@ in the vulgate Muhabhürata
and f i r i v u v i a . There are five hymns. to which m u t bc added Niirada's description of
Durgà in the Harivumia. for. although not a hyrnn in itself. it is closely related in contcnt
to the five hyrnns. Together with the fifth- or sixth-century Devi Mohütmyz (DM) of the

Mürkandeya Ptirü!la. these are the earliest textual sources we have on the goddess." Theircontents are rcflected. and in the case of onc of the Harivatp.Co hymns (sec 3. below)
17

The ,Clahabharata in its present fom, as noted above, is generally accepted to date from about 400

B.C.E.to 400 C.E (sec van Buitenen 1973, p.xxv), whik the Harivatyia is ascrikû to a penod ktween
the first and the third centuy C.E.(see ingalls 1968, p.394; cou^ 1991. p.77). Most of the Durgi
hymns, as we shatl see, are not included in the criticat rditions of the .Iïahabltarara and the ffPn'vugia,
ter the editors have considered them later interpolations. The methods and decisions of the editors.
however, have been caiIed into question. Regarding specifically two of the Durga hymns i will discuss
below ( 1. Yudhisha's hymn and 2. Muna's hymn), Madeleine Biardeau ( 1977, 1981) has argued thatthese hymns form an inkgrai part of the epic, giving meaning to each episode, and that their exclusion
renders the text l e s intelligible. lagdish Narain Twan. on the other hand, accepts the choices made byeditors of the criticaI edition, and thinks the Jlahabharata and Harivcupia hymns to the goddess "clearlyfa11 in the same class as the Devi-ntahatmya and make no significant additions to the concept of theGreat Goddess as presented in that text" ( 1985. p.75). According to ïhomas Coburn, the hymns, whether
in the constiîu~dtext or in the appendices of the critical edition, "clearlyfeed into the understanding of
the Goddess found in the Devi .ifahâtmyu ( 1984, p.45) and hence are earlim. Cobum ( 1984, pp.267-289 1
has colIected and transtated the Dur@ hymns of the .\ïuhab~rata and the Han'vq.fu. For the & h g of
the Devi .Cf&atmya, see Pargiter 1904, p-xx. To this list might be added B h a ' s Bdacariru, part ofwhich is discussed in Cobwn 1984, pp.234-236.
"

reproduced. in Kaundinya's praise of Sarasvati. Their conted. furthemore. explains theothewise entirely incomprehensible characterization of the goddess in KauncJinya' s
invocation.

The following hymns and description of the goddess appcar in the Mahübhtïrata andthe Harivamiu:

1. Yudhisthira's Hymn to Dur@ : appean in Appendix 1. No.4 in the Virata Parvan(around 4 5 ) of the cntical edition (vo1.5. pp.300-305) of the Mahübhürata.
which gives seven versions of it. I will rcfer below to the most widely attested
version. which may be found under (D) in Appendix I. No.4 (pp.301-302) andis translated in Coburn 1984. pp.268-271 under the title "Durgii Stava."
Yudhisthira. the cldest of the Piindava brothen. who have just emerged fromtwelve ycars in exile in the forest and are about to begin a ycar in disguise.
requests Durgi's protection from being discovered and subsequent success against
thcir enernics.
2. Arjuna's Hymn to Dur@ : appean in Appendix 1. No.1 in the Bhisma Parvan(insertcd after 6:2Z: 16) of the cntical edition (vo1.7. fasc.2. pp.7 10-71 1 ) of the
Mahübhürata and is translated in Coburn 1984. pp.272-275 under the title"DurgZ Stotra." Just before the great battle at Kuruksetra. a few verses before
the Bhagavud GNO. Kgna instructs Arjuna to recite a hymn to Dur@ for the
purpose of defeating his enemies. Arjuna invokes the goddess. requesting her tomake him victorious in battle.

3. Visnu's Hymn to Nidrà : appears in part in the Hun'vuqSa (47:38-57) and in part inAppendix 1. No.8 (inserted after 4752) in the aitical edition of the Han'vamicz(Appendix 1. No.8 is in vo1.2. pp.34-37). It is translated in Cobum 1984. pp.27628 1. under the title "Visnu's Praise of Nidri." The latter part of the praise as
found in the appendix of the cntical edition has a colophon identikng it as theÂrya Stava ("hymn to Aryâ").18The context is -a's
complex birîh story. The
hymn is offered by Visnu when arranging the births to Devaki (-na's mother)and YaSodii ( m n a ' s surrogate mother. from whom he will be bom following afoetus exchange between Devaki and Yaiiodà). Wicked King Karpsa knows heis to be slain by one of the children of Devaki and Vasudeva ( m a ' s parents).
and hence confines them and slays their children as each one is bom. Visnu
requests the goddess Nidri to anse in the womb of YaSoda and then to change
places with Krsna who in the meantirne will have arisen in Devaki's womb.
Hence when ~ & a k i ' seighth child is born (not wqa. but Nidrâ who has taken
18&a is yet another name aitributed ta the goddess.

the place of Krsp). evil Kamsa dashes the baby girl against a rock while K ~ n ais saved Visnu's request ends in a praise of the goddess. which indicates that
she is actually h g 5 Further confirmation of the goddess's identity appears
later in the HarivamSa (65:49-57). noted below under 6. It is a portion of thelatter part of Visnu's praise (Aryà Stava) which finds its way into Yijing's
Chinese text (p.437a6-25).
4. Pradynrnna's Hymn to Dur@ : appears in Appendix 1. No.30 (inserted after 99:26).
lines 36 1-375 in the cntical edition (vo1.2. pp.377-378) of the Harivamiu and istranslated in Cobum 1984. p.283 under the title "Pradyumna's Hymn."
Pradyumna. the son of mna and Rukmini. invokes the goddess. who is here
identified as Pwati. the beloved of Siva (line 359). requesting that the powemilclub she once gave to the demon ~ambarashould not harm him.
5. Aniruddha's Hymn to Durgà : appears in Appendix 1. No.35 (inserted after 108 or
109) in the critical edition (vol.2. pp.486-49 1) of the HdvatpSa and is translatedin Cobum 1984. pp.285-289 under the titlc "Aniruddha's Hymn." Aniniddha.
son of Pradyurnna. is imprisoned by the dcmon Bàna. and calls on Dur@ forhel p.
6. Nfirada's Description of Dur@ : appean. in the f o m of a recollcction by Kamsa. in
the critical edition of the Hurivumia (65:49-57) and is translated in Cobum
1984. pp.233-234. Here the sage Niirada reveals the tnie identity of the baby

girl as Durgà. Although this is not a hymn. it is included here because it
describes the godd~ss.'~

Two of the salient features discemible from the context of the above hymns and of
Niirada's description of Durga are the goddess's connection with battle and her presence in

Krsna mythology. In terms of the latter feature. it may be added that the story of Durgà's

slaying of the dernons ~umbhaand NiSumbha. which appears as the third myth of the Devi

Mahitmya. is also found in early sources dealing with the ECrsna story (e.g. HarivamSa
6 5 5 1). As Charlotte Vaudeville and Thomas Cobum following her have pointed out. theheroic exploits of -na
19

Gopàla first came to be known amongst the non-Aryan tribes of

I will refer to these hyrnns and IO NNara&'s description of Durgâ by the name of the speaker, i.e.
Yudhisthira,Arjuna, Visnu, Aniruddha, Pradyumna, and Niirada. References to the eariier part of Visnu's
hymn are to stanm (e.g. Visnu. 47:38). while those to the latter part of the hymn (Arya Stava) are tolines (cg. Visnu, line 42).

Northem India. who were also wonhippers of the goddess-hence

the interrelatedness of

their ~ults.'~
In these hymns to Dur@ and in Kaunoinya's praise of the goddess. who is actually
Nidrà (=Durgà). she is described as a mountain-dwelling goddess worshipped by mountaintribes. as an ascetic goddcss, as m a ' s sister. and as a battle goddess.

Mountain Goddess

Kaunanya tells us that the goddess dwells in the mountains ('B;ffLhq)."or more
specifically on a mountain peak (SiWtare samaSrit5;

lh m%E&)." Yudhisthira praises

the goddcss as follows: "Your ctemal abode is upon that best of mountains. Vindhya"(vhdhye caiva naga.ire@e tava sthünam hi Süivatum / )." echoed by Niirada. Visnu. andPradyumna." Aniruddha says she dwells in the Malaya (mafayavüsini). a mountain range
on the West of Malabar. Vindhya. and Kailiisa mountains (vind~vakaila~ovüsin~~.~~
more

Pradyumna calls her the "goddess of thegenerally on al1 mountains (~arva~arvatavü.~ini)."~rnountains"(giriS5)." and invo kes her as Pirvati. the beloved of Siva (p~~ariSankaraPnn'~ü).f8
Vaudeville 1968. pp.750-759: Coburn 1984, pp.23 7-24 1.
' YaiogupcalJfiânagupta's text. p.387b 13.
Suvamabhürottama Sùtra. p. 108, line 7; Yijing's texf p.436a7. In this section 1 will tefer to theextant Sanskrit text of the Sutra of Golden Light as edited by Nobel by its titIe in Sansknt (rather thansimply "Sansknt" as previously when I was dealing with only one text in Sansknt).
23
Yudhisaira, line 33.
Nârada. 65:s1.6556; Visnu 47148; Pradyumna, line 367.
Animddha. lines 31. 33. Cf. Arjuna, line 7. where she is said to dwell on the celestial M Mandara(rnandaravàrini1.
26 Animddha. line 38.
Pradyumnna line 363.
Pradyumna. line 359.
'O

-7

"
''

"

who is the daughter of the mountain (piirvah-parvatàtmaja)." We see here cady signs ofwhat will become a standard identification. where the hitherto independent, celibate3*

goddess Durgà will becomc Siva's consort.
Durga's dwelling in the Vindhya mountains is in dreary forests filled with wild
animaIs. Niirada tells us she inhabitsd.plakukkupsumnàdutpvanam ~i~vasanidiram/
chaga-viïthaiica sumnïrpun aviruddhoiS ca pa ksibhih //simhavyiïghmvarühàn(im nüdena pratiniditarn /vrhagambhiranibidarp konttiraih sarvato vgom //A wood that resounds with the aies of wiId cocks and crows.
Filled with throngs of goats and wild birds.

Resounding with the cry of lions. tigers. and boars
Thick and impenetrable with trecs. surrounded on al1 sides withdeep woods."
Likewise. the Visnu. followed by Yijing. tells us she is surrounded by anirnals: cocks.
goats. sheep. lions. and tigers in Visnu's hymn (hkku@iSchàgalairmesaihsimhair vyighraih
sarnükziiü / ); lions. tigers, wolves, oxen. sheep. cocks. and so on. according to Yijing's
vmion (@?&@*BE ?ë%%,fl;%@k).3'
Visnu expands her dwelling places toinclude mountain peaks. rivets. caves. forests and groves: parvattigre- ghore* tiad&u CU"

hinuidha, line 41. Cf. line 92 Lilaputn. In Visnu. line 42. among wornen in the Purinas s& isknown as Piirvati.
JO
E.g. Ajuna, line 8 ; Yudhisaira, line 11; Pradyumna, line 365;Visnu 47:45.
3I
Niirada, 6554-55. Translation by Coburn in 1984, pp.233-234.
Visnu. line 1 1 ;Yijing's tex& p.437a 18.

"

It is precisely bccause of the environment she dwells in and because of her excellence
that she has the lion as her mount. In Pradyumna's hymn. Durgâ is "the one mounted on alion" (siphavühà) and her ensign is likewise a lion (simh~~rovaraketana)." Aniruddha
also mentions her lion mount (sipdzamthti). but her ensign. he says. is a bull (vrsadhvajü)."
Ajuna assigns her the face of a wolf ( k o h r n u k h ~ )She
. ~ ~is bedecked with peacock featheromarnents. such as a bracelet. and peacock fcathers (ma.vürârigadacitraij. co barhabhüraik
CU bhirsitü // )."and her banner is likewise made of peacock feathers (ma~yïrapuksadhvaji>ti:

L1?L%31TM@).38
In ber abode in the forests of the Vindhya mountains. the goddcss is worshipped by
Visnu asnon-Aryan. tribal peoplcs of the mountains. Nàrada refcrs to them as dqv~4.'~iabara. barbara. and pulit~du.~~and Yijing as wild men of mountain forcsts(~h$#?@
As)."

AccordingroAniruddha.

thieves(corusenânamask.rtà).' The goddess herself is called a kir&.

are
'"

her

worshippers

a woman of the Kiràta

mountain-tibe. They worship her with animal s a ~ r i f andi ~ ~alcohol.
~for. we are told she

is fond of flesh and liquor ( ~ i d h u r n ~ m m p a i i ~ p ~ ~ v ü ) . ~Vis? y iines 7-8;Yijing's Rxt, p.437a t 4- 15.
Pradyumna. Iine 372.
Aniniddha, line 34.
A juna, line 16.
Nârada, 65:53. Cf. Visnu 4744 ; Yudhiqthim,line 14.
Visnu, line 10; %jing's texf p.437a17. Cf. Yudhisthira, line 26; ArJuna, line 12; Visnu 47:44.
Natada, 6552.
Visnu, line 9.
Yijing's text, p.437a 16.
Aniruddha, line 37.
hiruidha, line 37.
Yudhisthira, the 34. Cf.Visnu 47: 5 1 ; Nàrada, 6552-53 ; Visnu, line 19. The reference in the laner

Ascetic Goddess

Regarding the clothing of the goddess. the Sutra of Golderi Light. as we have seen.
tells us that she is clad in a gament made of grass (... darbhacivaravüsitû / darbhavastramdhiirqvanti ... ;'%fRi$e;*E%~%$MBE).'"
Yijing adds that she lives in a room with agrass roof (B%f%%

Ce B).* Likewise. pursuing the theme of asceticism. Visnu andAniruddha say the goddess wears bark clothing (ciravisü)." w u n a . on the othcr han&speaks of yellow clothes (pi~uvasini).'"while Visnu. in the earlier part of his hymn. mentions

a dark-blue lincn or si1ken gament with a yellow upper garment ( va~ünâmecakum kraumay
piterzoottaravüsasü / ).'9 In yet another passage of Visnu's hymn. followcd by Yijing, thegoddess is said to have blue silk clothing (nifukouSqvuvüsani;"%?!$~$!&#k&).50
As forher hairstyle. Yijing mentions thai she wean h a hair in a topknot (%B%)."an ascetic

hairstyle like Siva's.
Durga is given to great asceticism (mahitapi). as Visnu and the cxtant Sanskrit ofpart of Visnu's hymn (magsaudanaprna)does not appcar in the part of the hymn translated in Xjing.
4s
Suvamabhüsonarna Sùfra, p. 108, lines 7-8; YasogupWJiî5nagupta's tex4 p.387b14; Yijing's texf
p.436a8.
46
Yijing's k x f p.436a7.
47
Visnu, line 18 (quokd): Aniruddha, line 37.
4
Ajuna, line 1S.
49
Visnu 4Ml.
a Visnu, line 4: Yijing's text, p.437a 1 1.
" Yijing's texf p.437a20. The corresponding passage of Visnu's hymn (line 13) reads. instead. that
she carries a spear @anisa), which fits the line far betttx "Carrying trident and sharp-edged spear,
having the Sun and moon as (your)mblm..." (fnnizïZupu@Sadharàsütyacandrapatukini 1. CI: Ejing's
text p.437a20 3#3 @SB%?
E-tj18#€f fi a "She cames a trident and [wears] a round tophot
on her head. On her right and on her lefi she always hoids sun and moon banners.",

the Sutra ofGolden Lighr tell us.S'ïhe sutra states. in particular. that she stand5 on one leg(ekapiîde~miisthati;-!@ma;
E&%ltfjJ+-E)."There seems to be. as noted above. a

connection here with Pàrvati (and li kewise Sati) w ho practised severe austcrities. including
standing on one leg. to win her spouse Siva.''b y a ' s Sister

Apart fiom the later aiv vite connection. there is. as noted above. an earlicr m n a -mythology connection. The goddess Nidrà (=Durgâ) is the daughter of Nanda(natzdagopancti)." who is the husband of YaSoda. in whose womb she anses(~aiodü~arbhosambhütü).~~Following the cxchange of the foeniscs. when she is born of
Devaki. mna's mother. evil Kamsa dashes her against a stone precipice and she riscs up
into the sky (Jilologwirrikpptim iikaiam prati g h i n i m / )." In relation to Qsna. here
refmed to by his patronymic appellation Viisudeva (for his father is Vasudeva). she is his
sister (bhagini vcïsudevava : &R@,$$$ïxk$)."8
With Durga's help. Kgna is bom and
52

Visnu, line 2; Suvarnabhümttama Sutra, p. 1OS, line 5.
Suvamabh~narnaSutra, p.108, line 8; YaSogupta/Jnànagupta's tex& p.387b14: Yijing's kxt.
p.436a8. Cf. Aniruddha. line 27, which calls hm a yogini.
9
For the story of Sati and Parvait, see Kinsley 1986, pp.37-46, and Mani 1975, pp.576-580, forinstance.
55
Visnu, line 17. Cf. Yudhishra, line 4; Ar~una,lin<: 14; Aniruddha, line 14; Yijing's texf p.437a24.
36
Yudhisthira, Iine 3. Cf. Nârada, 65:49; Aniruddha, line 13.
nYudhisthira, Iine 6. Cf. Niirada, 65:49.
58
Visnu line 15; Yijing's texf p.437a22. Cf. Yudhisthira. Iine 7; Aquna, line 14. Yijing actually reab
"Watgod Vasu" (Vàsumahàdeva. dftkx),
which indicaies that the refemce is not to Vasudeva thefather, who is not a goci, but to his son, the great gcxi Viisudeva b n a . The basic text adoptcd by the
Taisho edition., fùrthennore, has mi k (@%A*%), but in note 7 (p.437) it is said that many othercollated tcxts have, mon .qmifically. rnei kk, younger sister. instead of k . As we see in the Sanskrit
hymns. the goddess is certainly Vikudeva &na's sister. and hmce 1 use the character &.
53

eventually slays evil Karpsa. and hence. through her involvement. it is she who causes thedestruction of Kamsa (kn~savidr~va!iakan).~~She does so. not through battle. which would
be more characteristic of hcr. but through delusion (màvii). a form of sleep. She is therefore

called Ni<ira (Sle~p)~'or Mahiinidrà (Great Slcep)." ddeluding Kamsa (rnohayitvü cc tam
k q s a m...)" to his eventual death at the hands of Krga.

Battle Goddess

Durgii's fundamental nature is that of a battle goddess. as is continuously emphasizedin a11 contexts she appcars in. Even in the birth story of @na. she plays a decisivc role inhis success against evil Kamsa. She who is fond of war (ra!~apriyii)'~has arms like ironbars (bühirbhib panghopamaih // ).N broad like Indra's banncr (bibhrari vipulau bahu
Sakradhvojasamucchrayuu / ).O5 According to Yudhisthira. she has four amis (cntrubhuja).

and also four faces ( c a t u r v a k r ~ ) In
. ~ Aniruddha's hymn. the number of amis rises toeighteen (asf~ïdaSabhujà).~'and in the Devi Mihütmya. to one thousand (bhujasahasrena ).O8
As battle goddess she is endowed with weapons : lofty spear ( a!ai~iiaprahara~a).~~
sword
59

Yudhisthira, line 5.
Yudhbthim. line 45.
61
Arjuna, line 2 1. Cf: YoganidriMidri in Coburn 1984, pp. t 91-1 95, 234; vism(-m&a in Coburn
1984, pp. 195- 196,
60

62Viqu 47%.

63

ArJuna line 16.

64

Visnu 47:43.

"' Yudhisha,line 18.
66

Yudhishca. line 13.
Aniruddha, the 62.
6a
DM 2:38.
69
Ajuna. line 13.
67and shie1d (khudgakhe~akadh~ri!rï).~~noose. bow. and great w heel ( p ü i a ~dhanur
muhücuhm... )," and a deu ut (tnSulini)." In the Devi Mùhtitm-vu we find the sword.

spear. cudgel. wheel. conch, bow and arrows. sling, and iron mace (kha&ini Sulini ghori

gudini c a m i tathâ / Sahkhitri c5pitzi bÜ~~bhuSu~zdipanghü~vudh0// ).'j In another passage
the Devi Màhàim-va also provides a long list of weapons Durgà is endowed with by the
go& for the purposc of slaying Mahisa, the chief of the demons: Siva gives her a trident.

@na a wheel. Vanina a conch and noose. Agni (Fire) a spear. Vayu (Wind) a bow andtwo quivers of amows. Indra a vajra and a bell. Yarna (Death) a staff. E l a (Tirne) a sword

and shield. and Viivakarman (the architect of the gods) an axe and weapons. as well asamour? It is also at this timc that Himavat gives her the lion as her mount."
Durgii is descnbed as violent, Iiterally "Rudra-like" (mdri)." and her valour as hardto surpass (durgaparühmà)."She is indeed dificult to conquer (durjwa )." Shc is dcath
itself (mgu),79
striking terror into enemies (ripU!~üy~rüsajanuni).'~whose destroyer she is(iamtviniiSitzi)."She is Jaya (Victory) and Vijayi (even fùller Victory). as she is repeatedly
70

Yudhisfiira. line 8; A juna, iine 13.
Yudhisltira, line 20.
72
Pradyumna, line 37 1.
DM MI.
74
DM 2: 19-27 k l a y Sùlàd vinisma dadau taqaipinakadh..'cakrom ca dattavin b a h samutpapa
svacakratah ,:' [2:191 iunkham ca varunah S
am dadau raqai hutüianah rnontro datfavüyi capam
bünoptï~efathesudhi [2:20]vajram indrab samutpüi).akuliiidamaradhipah.. rladau lapai saharrâbo
ghanMm aircivatad gajat ; 1221] kalada+i yamo dandam +am cambupatir dadau ... [2:22]...
&lai ca dattavan khadgam t q Z canna ca nirmalam (2231... viivakanna dadau t q a i parahm
catinimalam. .' ES261 ctstrdqy unehnip@titailtabhedyaty ca damimam . ...12271.
DM 2:28 ... himavün vuhanam simhcly rarnàni vicuihani ca
Visnu. line 18.
Aniruddha, line 67.
Aniruddk line 35.
Visnu, line 19.
Nara&, 6557.
Pradyumna, line 363.
71

.

i'

:"

invokcd." She brings about the victory of the gods (dev&~âm v i j i y â v a h ~ )destroying.~~
their foes (sur&iïiini)."The opponents of the gods are the demons. and Durgi is adernon-killer (asurâyim ky~~amkari].~'
Spccifically. she conquers the dcmons Sumbha andNiiumbha (huma hrnbhani.iumbhan...).86 Kaitabha (kai~abhanaEi~ii).87
and Mahisa(mahisi~t~ranü.iini).~
The Devi Mühiitmmvarecounts three mythotogical narratives of her

demon-slaying fcats: in the first. her opponents are Madhu and Kaitabha (who in the
Mahdbhtirato. on the other hand. are slain by Visnu); in the second and most illustrious of

the myths. fiom whiçh she denves her weil-known epithct "Mahisisuramardini,""slayer ofthe demon Mahie." she slays the demon in the form of a buffalo known as Mahisa; in thethird myth. she battles ~urnbhaand Nigumbha."ii. Images of Dur@ Mahisiisurarnardini

India

While the above references to the slaying o f the demon buffalo Mahisa belong, at thelatest. to a period between the fouah and the sixth century. the cult of Durgi. and specificallyof Mahisiisurarnardini. is attested fiom the Kusana period by surviving images. There areP

Yudhis.ira, line 3 1; Ajuna, line 1 1; Visnu, line 3; Pradyumna, Iine 368.
Visnu, line 17. Cf. Yijing's tex4 p.437a24: "When she fights togethtx with the go&, she is always
vict0rious'- (%XR@%l%& 1.
63s4

Aniruddha, line 84.
" Yudhi-ira.
line 5. CE Arjuna line 28: Aninuidha. lines 15.94.
I
Nara&, 6515 1. Cf. Visnu 47:49; Pradyumna. line 364; Aniruddha line 39.
Kf
Aquna, line 17.
asYudhisthira, line 29. Cf Ajuna. line 15; Pradyumna, line 371.
89
SceCobum 1991.

also ~uii~a-~eriod
examples of a goddess with weapons in her hair. such as a very small
bronze (ht. 5.6 cm) from about the second century B.C.E. and a terracotta plaque (ht. 26.7cm) fiom the first century B.C.E. from Chandraketugarh in West Bengal. both ai The
Metropditan Museum of Art in New Yorkw This type of image has been idcntified either
as the conceptual prototype of the later Durgà imagesy'or as the earliest representations of
Durgi hersclf."

The carliest extant representations of Mahisàsuramardini arc fiom the Kusii~aperi~d.~'The Staatliches Museum fur Volkerkunde in Munich has two smaJ1 votive tablets made ofsandstone from Rajakhera (Agra District): in the one listed as MU 199 by the museum. thebetter preserved of the two. the four-armed goddess holds a short-handled trident and ashield and strangles the buffalo with her lower ams? 'The Mathuri muscum has a similar
image of unknown provenance from the later Kusiina penod. wherc the lion appean
be10w.~' There are also six-armed representations of Mahisisuramardini fiom the Kusànaperiod, in which she often holds a lotus garland in horizontal position above hcr head with

her uppermost pair of arms. such as in an image from Mathurii, now in the AshrnoleanPO

See Lemer and Kossak 199 1, fig. 10, pp.53-55 for the bronze, and Kossak 1994. figs.9-IO, pp.65-66
for both images. Another example of a terracotta image of this type appears in Pal 1987. fig.3, p.39.
' Pal 1987. p.39.
" Kossak in Lemer and Kossak 199 1. p.54. It is woith noting, howevrr, that in Kossak's 1994 article,
although he writes of the images as "Durga"the labels for his figures read "proto-Durga" (p.65).
93
The terracorn plaque fmm the ancient site of Nagar (Jaipur Unit, Rajadan), now in the Museum in
Amber near Jaipur, was dated middle of the first century B.C.E.or first century C.E. by R C. Agrawala(see 1958, p.124. ftg.1). Gritii von Mittmaliner, however, has shown the plaque belongs to about thelas? quartet of the fowh century ( 1976. pp.203-2051.
94
Mittcrwallner 1976, figs. i -2 (MU 199-200. respectively1. The other image (MU 200) is of slightly
later date than MU 199, and the irnplements are no longer clearly discernible. M ü 199 rneasures 18.5 cm
in height, while MU 200 rneasms 32 cm. Miüerwallner discusses these images on pp. 196- 198. 'lhegoddess is rnentioned as four-armed, as we have seen (p.26 1 above), in Yudhis!hira, line 13.
9s
MittemaIlna 1976, fig.3. Here the goddess carries trident and spear in ha upper a m . For hrther
KMna-period examples, see HarteI 1973, figs. 12. 15; Viemot 1956, fig. 1.

Museum in 0xford.%A notable iconographic feature of the early KusuSaca images is that thegoddess does not subdue the buffalo-demon with her weapons. but rather with her barehands. By early Gupta times. already foreshadowed in late Kusiina examples. she pierces
his back with her now long-handled trident."
The Mahàbhàrata in 3:22 1. it may be noted. attributes the slaying of Mahisa to thewamor god Skanda. These early images of the goddess-andnot of Skandaslaying

Mahisa suggcst. as Heinrich von Stietencron explains. that the cpic tried to replace thenon-Brahmanical cuit of the battle goddess by a male Hindu god of war. but failed. Not
only was the goddess not dnven out. but she acquired for henelf the very implements of
the Brahmanical gods responsible for victory, most particularly the vajra. the weapon of
the king of the gods Indra, who is the conqueror of the enernies of the go& par e~cellence.~'

The atternpt at fully integrating the goddess into the Brahmanical fold is most clearly seenin the Devi Mühùtmya passage where the gods each endow her with their particularim~lement." and with which she is represented in images.
Apart frorn early four-amed and six-amed representations of Mahisisuramardini.

surviving images of differcnt penods depict hm with ams in different numben still.
including two-armed. eight-armed. ten-anned twelve- and more-armed e ~ a m p l e s . Of'~
particular interest to us here are the eight-arrned images. for in Kaun@nya7spraise of
5u

Harle 1970, îïg. 1. For other Ku@na-pend six-armed examples, see Agrawala 1958, pp. 133-124
and Harle 1970. p. 147, 153. figs.6-7. For the identification of the garland over her head, which has ken
the subject of speculation amongst art historians, see Harle 1970.
m
See Mitîawallner 1976, pp. 199-200. A good typological study of iconographic representations of
Mahisâsuramardini from KWna to modem times is round in Stietencron 1983.
98
Stiekncron 1983. pp. 129- 130.
99
See p.26 1 above.
100
See, for instance, representations listed and illustrated in Agrawala 1958, Harle 1970, Iyer 1969,
Kalidos 1989. and Stietencmn 1983.

Sarasvati. she i s described as such.
An early eight-armed example is the late thirdcentury stele h m Mathurà. now in

the Museum fir Indische Kunst in Berlin (fig.28).1°' Here Mahisiisuramardini holds thelotus garland above. the sun and the moon. what appears to be a sword and anotherweapon. and subdues the b u M o demon with hcr lowermost hands. She stands upon two
lions. represcnting a lion throne.
Other eight-med images of Mahisiisurarnardini. of which there are many. include an
early medieval example frorn Ramghat. Mathura. now in the Mathura ~useum.'" twosixth-century cxamplcs at Aiholc (fip.2W.'03three reprcsentations of the seventh cmtury in
Mamallapuram (fig.30).'~and some eighth-century images From Alampur. now in the
Alarnpur Museum (fig.31).lMAs some of the amis have been brokcn or damaged it issomctimes not possible to identify certain objects held by the goddess. Fig.29 from Aihole.
for instance. shows Durgii standing with her left foot (kg missing) on the back of thebuffalo. carrying the trident (with which she stabs the demon), the wheel. the vajra. andwhat remains of the sword in her right han& (fiom the top). with only the bel1 and theconch surviving in what remains of her left hands. Her lion appears below to her right. In

fig.30 fiom Mamallapuram. Durgà rides on her lion. fighting the buffalo-headed demonwith less-casily discernible objects: she reaches back with her top right hand to pull out an

101

Stietencron 1983, fig.2.
m Harle 1970, fig.2.
1a
The one illustrated hcrc (fig.29. stone. ht. 125 cm)is in the Durgâ Tmple and the other in the
Ravana Phadi Cave (see Coburn 1991, fig.4.1).
101
The one illustrateci hem (fig.30, granite) is found in the Mahisiisuramardini Ma@pa, anotherappears in the Trimuri Ma*pa,
and a third in the Adivaràha Man-pa of MamalIapuram (sec KaIidos
1989. fig. 16).
1O5
Fig.3 1 is a stone image. measuring 8 1 x 65 cm.
Iarrow. whilc her other right han& hold the wheel. the bel1 and the sword; in her left hands.
she carries the conch. the lasso. the bow. and the shield. In fig.31 from Alampur. with her
right hands Durgii pulls out an arrow. holds the wheel and the sword. and stabs with thetrident the human-looking demon figure emerging from the neck of the buffalo. In her left

han&. she cames the bow. the conch. and the bell. holding the head of the demon figure
with her central hand. The lion is seated to her lowcr right.

Afghanistan

Depictions of the demon-buffalo-slaying goddess. furthmore. have been discovercd

in Afghanistan. A number of finds. such as the seventh or eighth ccntury Scorretti Marble
in the Museo Nazionale d'Arte Orientale in Rome and the marble said to be from Gardez.
which used to be in the National Museum of Afghanistan in Kabul (fig.32).IMindicate that

she was woahipped there during the Turki sihi period?' Although it is not possible toknow how many amis the Scorretti Mahisisuramardini original1y had. the Gardez image(fig.32) is eight-armed: while the goddess's front right arm stabs Mahisa with a dagger. her
front lefl a m holds his head; another righi am holds his tail. and although two nght anns
are rnissing, one of them seems to have held the trident which is stabbing the demon's
mmp; one of the left amis is also missing, while the two others hold what seems to be a

LW

'The collection of the National Museum in Kabul was disperseci, and the location of the Gardezgroup is not known. n e rnarble image measurcs ca 60 cm.
1 O7
Taddei 1973, pp.207-208. On the Scorretti Marbie, sce Schlumberger 1955, Goetz 1957,and especially
Kuwayama 1976, pp.378K (figs.7-8).On the mahie group h m Gardez see Kuwayama 1976. pp.379fF.
(fig.9).who provides further refmces.

wheel and a Iess casily identifiable abject.'" Although the Scorretti marble and the one

fiom Gardez are Hindu images. an eighth-century. highly damaged clay sculpture of afour-armed Mahisiisuramardini discovered by Maurizio Taddei in 1969 appeaa in the
Buddhist site of Tapa Sardar. a hillock near Ghazni.'" Of the objects held by the goddess.
whose image survives in fragments. only the vajra in one of hm right han& is clearly
discemible. The presence of her mount is indicated by the lion's paw still visible on thehind portion of the almost mtirely suwiving buffalo.'I0

Southeast Asia

Further examples of Mahi@suramardini images are also to bc found in Southeast
Asia. Thc National Museum of Camhdia in Phnom Penh, for instance, has seventh- toeighth-century sandstone sculptures depicting the goddess with four arms."' The National
Museum of Indoncsia in Jakarta has a number of cighth- to ninth-century cxamples.
representing Durgà in eight-armed form (fig.33, eighth century. fiom Semarang in Central

Java. Stone. ht. 77cm).holding the usual set of implements. Further cight-armed Lndonesian
images of the goddess are, for instance. in Prambanan and Sambisari. Perhaps the best
known example of an eight-armed Indonesian Mahisasuramardini image is the beautifid
108

Kuwayama ( 1976,p.379) desçribes these last two objects as "undidmtifîed,"Taddei 1973, 1989; Taddei and Verardi 1978.
t ia
See also Tucct 1963, who discusses an eighth- or ninth-century image discovered in Swat in 1962.
It mpresents a fierce, eight-armed goddess with her foot on a wild goat or an ibex, Clearly this is not
Mahisâsurarnard~i,but, as Twci expiains, "must reptesent a peculiar local variety of some homo:ogous
religious entities..." (p. 152).
111
One of these appears in Boisselier 1955, pI.24A. For 0 t h early exampks, see Boisselier 1963.
figs.26 (discussedon p.73 ), 65 (discussed on pp. 130- t 3 1).
1O9

late thirteenth-century Hindu-Javanese stone sculpture in the Rijksmuseum voor"'

Volkenkunde in Leiden (fig.34).

From the early surviving images of Mahisiisuramardini. we can sce that the goddess
was worshipped From at lcast the Ku.$ina penod and depicted with different numbers ofamis and implements. Her worship. furthmore. was not confined to India. as attested bysurviving images fiom Afghanistan and Southeast Asia. To this one might add the Buddhist
worship of Durgi in different foms in Tibet and China.'" For example. Tang-period

dharanis invoke the goddess under the name Candi or.!uC(Zhunti %%).".' who cornes

to be identified with Marici (Molizhi 9FIX) and fi-omwhom the Japancse Juntci Kannon%Ef&!Q(Cu@ AvalokiteSvara) derives her name.
Eight-armed representations of Mahisiisurarnarûini. as we have seen. werc produced

fiom at Ieast the late third century and in significant numbers. The implements with which
the eight-armed goddess was endowed in these images arc al1 listcd in the Devi Mühütm-va.
but they are not, as a rule. always placed in the sarne hands.

iii. Iconography

If we now compare the sculptures of Durgâ Mahisasurarnardini with the eight-amed
BiancaitianiBenzaiten images discussed above. clearly there is no pcrfect match. The Chinese"'Sec Zimmer 1983. vol. 1. p. 104; vol.2. pls. 502-503:Fontein et al. 1990. fig.23. p. 158- 159.
Il3
114

See Whitakm 1963.

T. vol. 20, no. 1034, p. 17a; no.107. p. I73a; no. 1076, p. 178c; no. 1077,p. 185a; no. 1078,p. 186b. See
Whitaker 1963.

and Japanese images appear neither with a buffalo. nor with a lion. Furthemore. we do notfind precisely the sarne set of objects in BiancaitianiBenzaiten's hands. It cannot be denied.
however. that eight-armed BiancaitianA3enzaitnicames weapons (bow. arrow. sword. spear.
axe, vajra wheel, and lasso), appropnate to a battle goddess like Durga. and that al1 ofthese weapons appear in at least one of the lists of Durgi's weapons: the bow and arrow
are rnentioned in the Devi Mihâtm-va (DM 1:61; 2:20). the sword in Yudhis?hira's hymn(line 8). Arjuna's hymn (line 13). and in DM 1 :6 1 and 2:23, the spear in Arjuna's hymn(line 13) and in DM 1%1 and 2:20. the axe in the DM 2:26. the vajra in DM 2:2 1. thewheel in DM 2: 19. and the lasso in Yudhisthira's hymn (line 20) and in DM 2:22.
There may. furthemore, be a connection between Durga's trident and Biancaitian's
spear. Durgà is generally not depicted with a spear. in addition to hcr vital instrument thewhik thc spear is rather neutta1 in that ittrident. which is. in fact. a three-pronged ~pear."~has no particular connection with one single god the trident has Saivaite connotations: it isspecifically Siva's. and hence. in DM 2: 19. is given to Dur@ by Siva. who pulls it out of
his own trident. Although Dur@ is an independent figure in the Devi Màhitqva. she does

corne to be identified as Siva's consort. From this point of view. if a choice need be made.
the allocation of the spear instead of the trident to BiancaitiadE3enzaiten does seem more
appropnate.

In terrns of the connotations of implements. furthemore, the wheel. given to Durgii
by ma in DM 2: 19. acquires, in a Buddhist context. the connotation of the Wheel of theLaw. "La roue de la Loi." as Robert Duquenne puts it. "brise dans sa course les Obstacles"'

One exception is the Ku@ja image in the Mathura musetun mentioned in note 1 12 above. A aident
is a combination of vajra and spear according to Stietatcron (1983.p. 130).

suscités par I'Inscience et délimite un territoire de B[uddha] (Butsirdo fi&.buddhabetra).
un Ccrcle autour de la Terrasse de I'Eveil ..?"' More specifically it delimits the tenitory
wherein the Sutra of Gdden Light is being upheld and protects that country."'

Hence. it is possible to account for al1 of BiancaitiadBenzaiten's weapons in textual
sources on Durg3. We can. likewise. find these same weapons in extant images of

MahisZsurarnardini. In the eight-anned images discussed above. we have noted the bow
and arrows. the wheel. the sword (fig.3 1 from Alampur. for instance). the vajra (fig.29

From Aihole). the lswo (fig.30 fiom Mamallapuram). not to mention the trident rclated tothe speat. The axe can be seen in slightly later images. such as a tenth-century sculpture of

the ten-amed Mahisàsuramardini from Bihar. now in the National Museum in New Delhi.'"Thus. in addition tu texnial cvidence for the appearance of Durgii under the guise ofSarasvati in the Sutra of Golden Light. particularly so in Yijing. there is also iconographie

similarity bcîwcen eight-med Mahisâsuramardini and likewise eight-anned. weapon-

beanng BiancaitiadBenzaiten.

iv. Context

If we now compare the contexts of some of the early Durgii hymns with that of thechapter on Sarasvati in the Sutra of Golden Light. the contextual parailei is particularly

striking. Not unexpectedly, as noted above. we find battle goddess Dur@ associated with
116

H6bogirin 1994. "Daii-in kg,"p.963. On the wheel. see also Auboyer 1965. Further rrferences inH6bogirin 1994, p.963.
117
See p. 193 above.
"' I am gratctùl to Prof. Koch Takashi @!%% of Osaka Universiy for showing me his slide ofthis image.

human. as well as celestid. rnilitary ~uccess."~
In the Mahàbhüraza. just before the great
battle at Kuruksetra. b n a insmicts Ajuna to m i t e a hymn to Dur@ for the purpose of
defcating his enemies (Ajuna). A juna invokes the goddess. requesting her to make him
victorious in battle after battle: javo bhava~iime r>i[vam tvatprasüdtïd rane Fane /. ''O Dur@then appean to Ajuna. assuring him of victory."' and. the text adds. whoever recitcs thishymn at dawn will have nothing to fear from anyone and will always be victonous inbattle. '" Similady in Yudhisthira's hymn. the goddess assures him of success in battlc andof a trouble-fiee kingdom:bhavisvaty acirid eva samgrcime vijaavastava /marna prasüdh nirjîya hotva kauravavühit~im/râjyam niska@akam k-pvà bhokqmse meditrirp punah /Victory in battle will soon be yours.
Having by my gracc conquered (and ) slain the Kaurava a n y .
Having made (your)kingdom free from troubles. you will again
enjoy the carth.'"Pattonage of Durgà by rulers and waniorj (&îr&zs)

is reflected in representationsof the goddess and the mention of her in inscriptions. As a first sign. the small votive
plaques of the KusZqa and early Gupta periods are superscded by the large and complex
cliff-reliefs of Udayagiri in Madhya Pradesh at the beginning of the fifth century. Amongst
119

Durgâ's association with military pmwess is bnefly discussed in Kinsley 1986, pp. lO6-1 1 1.
A juna, line 26.
121
Arjuna, lines 35-37, especialIy Iine 35: svalpenaiva tu kalena Safnin'jeqasi p4nqkva'^ Aquna. lines 42-48: "The man who. having anscn at daybreak. raites this hyrnn. never knows any
fear from Yalqas, Raksas, or Pisàcas, and he has no cnemies arnong those who are serpents, etc., whohave tusks... He is always victorious in batile..." Lia idum parhate stotram Mya utth&a m ü n m
y ~ ~ u r u ~ a h p i i a c e bna
h ,bhayam.~
vi&ate sada na cüpi ripavas febhyah sarpü&d ye ca d a p f r i ~ a hVines 42-44]... samgtame wjayen nifyam... Bine 481). (Translation by Coburn in 1984, pp.274-275. I do
not include here the promise of good fortune, health, strengtti. and long life in lines 48-49.)'" Yudhi-ira. lines 55-57. Translation by Cobum in 1984, p.271.
1 3

inscriptions. one fkom Choti Siidri in Rajasthan dated 49 1. the earliest that clearly suggests
a cult to the goddess. records that Mahàriija Gaun built a palatiai shrine to the goddess.""
Qatri-va patronage. as Stietcncron points out. is certainly an important reason for the

existence of so many sculptures of the goddess.13
In the Surra of Golden Light. the Four Great Kings. likewise defeaten of ~sziras.~'~prophesy thc continued rcign and prosperity of the ruler who upholds the sutra. It is in thisconnection that the text acquires importance in China and Japan for the protection of thestate. The fact that the queen of battle Durgà. hcre under the guise of Sarasvati. should
appear following the prophecy of the Kings."' who 'hmback foreign amies" (paracakriiqi
ca pratini~arta~viyümu~// ). '" is indeed fitting-certainl y more so than the rnanuscript-

bearing. v&5-playing goddess of knowledge. as Sarasvati is usually depicted.

v. Identification

The obvious question is why Durgii appears in the sutra under the guisc of Sarasvati.

126

Suva~abhùsotfarnaSùsra. p.69 tenu ju~rnakqt caturyim rnahürajtïâm sabalapariv~ranam
onekesum ca ya&.iarasahasrunam devaSurasamgrampm abhirüdhanümjayo bhavipati asuranay capurajayo bbhavigati . 'Therefore there will be victory for you. the four great kings, bgether with your,'amies and retainers and numerous hundreds of thousands of Yaksas, when you enter the contlict of thegods and Asuras. And there will be defeat for the Asuras." (Ernmetick 1996, p.26).
' In the exant Sanskrit (and Dharmaiqema's version). the Sarasvati chapier Unmediately lollows thatof the Four Great Kings. In Baogui's cdition. a short chapter entitIed "Chap~rof the Silver Lord
and in Yijing hvo chapters calkd "Chapter of the
Dharani' ("Yinzhu tuoluoni pin*' %Z~E$@EC%).
Nonslinging Dhirwî*("Wuranzhuo N O ~ U Opin"~ ~ !!!%%&%hm
and "*Chapterof the Wish-Fulfilling
Jewel" ("Ruyi baozhu pin" ~u*B%&)
appear between the Sarasvati and Four Great Kings' chapters.
'" ~ u v c ~ ~ ~ b h o ~ oSütra,t t a m p.71
a (translation in Emmerick 1996. p.27). Yijing's tex& p.427b29-c2.
seems to be the componding passage.

Nothing is said about the matter by Watanabe in the Japanese translation of the sutra (inthe K o k q w b DaizO@O). Nagano. on the other hand tries to explain it by calling toattention the nse of faith in the great mother goddess in India at the time. Under thisinfluence. she states. Biancaitian in Yijing's translation of thc sutra has been granted thecharacteristics of Durga including also her combative aspect. and became the eight-armed
Biancaitian who baales in the defnce of ~harma.'" As we have seen. the presence ofDurgà can already be surmised in the extant Sanskrit and in Baogui's edition of the sutra(YaSogupta/J55nagupta translation). In ternis of the rise of the great goddess cult. as Jagdish
Narain Tiwari explains. it baumes recognizable fiom the Gupta penod onwards and theevolution of the great goddess may be presumed accomplished by the seventh ~cntury.'~'Yijing's translation of our sutra in 703. therefore. falls just after this period. In pointing to
the risc of the goddess cult. Nagano is certainly correct. but her point requires further
explanation. There were very definite. and more specific. reasons for the appearance ofDurga under the guise of Sarasvati in the Surra of Golden Light. As noted above. there is asovereignty- and battle-related contextual affinity between the sutra and certain Durgi

hymns. Given the context. the appearance of the battle-goddess. not only in the sutra. but
in this precise place in the sutra. is particularly appropriate.
It must be pointed out. moreover. that we find identifications of Durga with Samvvati.

goddess of knowledge. and other related goddesses already in the Mahiïbhàruta andHarivu~Sahymns and in the DeviMühitmya. Durgà is on three occasions in our Muhàbhüratu
and HarivamEa hymns called Sarasvati: Arjuna. line 23; Vimu. line 29; Anirtlddha. line'" Nagaw 1988. p.239 (p.720).
130

Xwari 1985. pp.6 1-94 (especially pp.74.80).

28. In Visnu's hymn. however. Durga is being invoked not as the goddess Sarasvati. but

perhaps as speech or knowledgel''-the speech or knowledge of Vàlmiki (traditional authorof the Ràrnüya~aepict-parallel to the memory of Dvaipiiyana (traditional author of the
Muhübhiraia epic ): sarasvati CU valmikeh srn-rîir dvaipa.vme tathü // She is li kew ise

invoked as Sarasvati in DM 1 1:22.
Durga is also called ~iivitri."' a goddess who by the late third or eariy founh century
is identified with ~arasvati."' Durga is. furthemore. Giiyatrï. yet another f o m of Sarasvati. ' Y

Savitri. like the goddess of speech Vat, with whom Sarasvati is identifieci."' is the motherof the ~ e d a s . "The~ Gàyatri Mantra. of which the goddess GZyatri is a deification. is an
invocation to the Sun (Savitr) in the Rg Céda (3:62:10). and thus also known as the Savitri.

The Giiyatn' Mantra is bclievcd to embody the essence of the Vedas. Durgi. identi ficd in
the Mahübhirata and Han'vamia hymns with boih Savitri and GZyatri. is called Veda (likc
Vâc long before her) and sniti."'

Hencc. WC fin& in these hymns to Durgâ in the Mahübharata and the H u ~ v u ~ i u .
associations and identifications of Dur@ with the Vedas. with Vat. and with Sarasvati. It

must be mentioned at this point that there are some who consider Durgâ's connection with
Viic to extend much further back in time than epic literature. Asko Parpola. who has tried

to "[make] it look probable that the myth and cult of Durgii and the Buffalo Demon have
Cobum (1984, p.280) translates it as "blessed words."
Arjuna, tines 24.30; Pradyurnna, hne 374; Animddha, line 29.
See MP 3:30-32 quoted on pp. 13 t -32 above.
Pradyumna, line 373. For Gâyatri as a fom of Sarasvati. se MP 3:32 quoted on p. \32 above.
E.g. TS 2: 1 2 6 ; SB 4:2:5: 14 vâg vbi sarawati.
See. for instance, Arjuna, line 24; Aniruddha Iine 29 for Savitri as the rnother of the Vedas. For the
much eariier identification of Viic as the mother of the Vedas, see p.68 above.
137
Ajuna, line 19. For V5c as the Vedas, see pp.68-69 above.

been current in South Asia at least two thousand years earlier than is usually as~urneû."'~~
ultimately finding connections with Ishtar.'19 identifies Durgà with Vic. and heoce ais0
with Sarasvati. alrcady in Vedic texts.lq From this point of view. therefore. the appearanceof Durgâ as Sarasvati in the Suira of G o l d e ~Light. especially in Yijing's translation of thetext, would not present any problem whatsoever. Parpola's arguments for the identificationof Dur@ and the Vedic VZc. however. scem to me tenuous and misleading. In the discussionof specific Brihrnaqa passages. neithcr what immediately follows in the text nor the wider.

gcneral contcxt arc taken into consideration. I will limit myself herc to Parpola's referaces

to two passages.
As evidence for his understanding of VZc as a "goddess of victory associateci with thelion.""" Parpoia refm. for instance. to the Sa~aputhaBrâhmanci (3:5:1:23). wherein thehigh altar (uttara-vedi) corresponds to Vàc. and. whiie clarified butter is poured on thealtar. the words "Thou art a lioness. Hail!" (VS 212) are uttered.'" In this passage.
however. the sacrifice is also equated with V5c. Furthemiore. immediatcly following. in

3 5 : 1 :24. we are toid why VZc is Iike a lioness: because shc "roamed about unappeased"(ciSanta).This is to say. that Vâc is not likened to a lioness because she is a goddess of

victory. but becausc of her restless preying. Then. in 3 5 : 1:25. the saaificial fee (dukina)
is said to tum into a lioness and destroy the saaificer under certain conditions. Hence the138

Parpola 1992, p.300.
As explaincd on p.301, note 1, Parpola's 1992 article is only a fragment of a much longer one
tmtitled "From Ishtar to D-:
Sketch of a prehistory of India's feline-riding and buffalo-slaying
goddess of victory," which he intends to publish as a monograph. Some refèrences to goddesses of war
in the ancient Near East appear in Parpola 1988, pp.258-259.
140
Parpola 1992, pp.281-284 and personal communication.
141
Parpola 1992. p.28 1.
142
ibid., p.283.
139

association with the lioness is by no means exclusive to Vàc. In the context of the Briihmanas.
we cannot forget. identifications occur continuously.

Having refcmd to SB 3 5 : 1:23. Parpola immediately (without even as rnuch as aword in between) ties this in with a passage in the Taittircva Samhitü (6:2:7:2).which deals

with the construction of the uttara-vedi and wherc TS 1:2:12:2 is restated: "Thou art a
lioness; thou a d a buffalo.""' The problm is that there is no refercnce whatsoever to Vàc

in this passage. and it should not necessady be assumed that the Taitrin:va Saehitü. likc
SB 3:s:1:23. takes the altar to correspond to VZc. besides to a lioncss and a buffalo.
Besides Parpola. others before him have found a connection between Vedic VZc andDurga: A.C. Das. for instance. saw Vàc as the origin of Durgii. and K. C. Chatterji statedthat the Devi Màhütmya is regardcd as a lcngthy comrnentary on the famous hymn to Vàc

in the (?g Veda (10: 125).lW The perception of the Devi Mohatmya as a commentary on the
Vedic Viic hymn is clcarly a matter of interpretation. Although 1 do not think Durgà can be
identified with the Vedic Vic. the connection between Durgii and Vàc does deserve ourattention-but

in the historically more immediate context.

The Mahàbhürata and HarivamSa hymns to the goddess are. in their small number
and overall length. low-key hymns. which. especially amidst the huge epic. the reader

might easily overlook. The Devi Mühüimw represents the fint comprehensive account of

the original1y non-Aryan goddess in Sanskrit. the langage afirming "the respectability.

dignity. sanctity. antiquity. and even eternality" of the text.'" The Devi iMahatmyu. Cobum

Ibid.
Rcfenrd to in Cobum 1984. p.255. In snidies on the rise of ~aktism.one might ad4 the Vedic Vic
is aIways mentioned.
'O
1U

I r5

Cobum, 1984. p. 19.

explains. represents a wide-ranging effort to establish the identity. significance. and full-blown
worship of the goddess.14 deploying with its myths previously discrete motifs. which are
here ~r~stallized.'"Many different names are applied to the goddess. "clearly choscn for
their Vedic resonance."'" as Cobum's study of the epithets used in the Devi rMühùtn~~vushows.'49Durgii. as the Great Goddess. is identificd with ail goddessn (DM 10:3-5).In her
identification with goddesses associated with the Vedas as a whole. the ctemal knowledge
which they are believed to crnbody. and the very language in which they are conveyed.

Durgii is given a link with the Vedic tradition. It is for this reason that her connection with
Viic. who is speech. the Vedas, and a11 knowledge. and hence also her connection with

Sarasvati. who is identifiedwith Vic already in the Vedic period. are of particular significance.
Such connections. however. are given-rathcr
traceablc thercin-for

than drawn fiom the Vedas and hencc

the express purpose of integratingand f i d y positioning the non-Aryan

goddess in the center of tradition. as attested in the low-key efforts of the Mahübhirata
and Harivayia hymns and the full-blown efforts of the Devi Mihütmyz.
It is under the influence of the purposefully applied identification of Durgii with the
Vedas and with Sarasvati and other relûted goddesses that Durgâ suddenly appears in theSarasvati chapter of the Sutra of Golden Light. We have here a mirror reflection: whiie
Dur@ is identificd with Sarasvati in Durgii hymns. Sarasvati is identified with Durga in thesutra. The mirror reflection, furthmore. teflects also mutual need: whiie Dur@ requires
authentication and approval by the Vedic tradition and hence f o m ties with goddesses

Ibid.. p.8.
Ibid., p.208.
Ibid., p.80.
hid.. pp.89-208.

related to the Vedas and to howledge. such as Sarasvati;the manuscript-bearing. vipi-playing
goddess purposefùlly takes on the appearance of a battle goddess. especially suitable to a

defender of the Dharma. following the model. in general function and appearance. of theFour Deva Kings. It is this form of eight-anned. weapon-beanng Durgà, whose ferocity

and bloody violence is no longer apparent in the Buddhist context. which we then find inimages of the eight-armed Buddhist BiancaitianiBenzaitcn.

2. Two-Armed Forma. The Mahâvairoccuur Sutra and the Mandala Image

The other principal way of reprcsenting Sarasvati in Japan is in the two-armcd luteplaying form analogous to the viyâ-playing Sarasvati of India. 1 Say in Japan because.
surptisingly. 1 have not found any Chinese representations of the goddess with a lute (Chi.
pipa ; Jap. biwa RE). The Japanese representations are based on her depiction in thisform (fig.35B) in the esoteric Womb World Mandala (Gurbadhüru mqdaia; Tuizangiie
muntultm @%#%%@) (fig.35A). Although there are no surviving Chinese Womb Worid

Mandala representations. we know that they were made and that some wcre brought toJapan. as we shall see.
The Womb World Mandala is based on the Mahiivairocana Sfirrcl.' w hich was translated

into Chinese in 725 (Kaiyuan 13) by ~ubhakarasimha(Shanwuwei %$kg;637-735) andYixing -77 (683-727) uader the title Da Pikhena chengîo shenbianjinchi jingkgaz

8TIR~tifi%!fJa#W.better known as the Darijing k !#! (T. vo1.18. no.848). The sutra
lists her following the earth deities (p.8a12): '%rious earth deities of the West side.
Eloquence Talent. and Visqu..." (m%%&;fiti%5t-&B$%...).
Yixing wrote a commentaryon the sutra entitled Da P i M e n a chettg/o shenbian jiachi jing shu k~~il%f&bfif%.Pfi

I

The Sanskrit titk is restituted on the basis of Tbetan sources.

%!!fi0~~~.but also called Dari jingslnî

Ei %!% (T.vo1.39. no. 1796). Here (p.634~3-4)

he is a littte more specific regarding her location (i.e. in the western direction. near the gate

are placed the earth deities; she is to the noah of them) within the mandala. and tells us
Sarasvati's narne is translated as Wondefil Sound(s) Music Deity (Miaoyinletian h!kg%

f%&o

!

# % K . He adds that her consort is aiso placed to the north(&k#E$&h?).' but does not give his name. On p.755~9-IO of Yixing's cornmentary.
furtherrnore. we read that her narne is Wondemil Sound(s) (Miaoyintian) and that in the
Jinguangming@zd she is called Great Eloquence Goddess (Da Bian tiannü): 49%%

Miaoyintian's mudrâ. Yixing explains. takes the form of playing a zither (p.721c 16- 18):

"Iooking in front. the left hand on the navel in the posture of holding a zithcr (sez).theright hand as if pulling and releasing [the strings of the se]. the body, frontal. moves as if
pulling the strings. This is the rnudro of Miaoyintian" ( %fY]&*t@!fo@0&fifHo/6

zither first mentioned in sources of the Zhou dynasty (1 122-221 B.C.E.).' is obviousiyintended to be a translation of vina. As we have seen. the zither. which in India also falls
under the name vi!zù. is most commonly seen in images of the Indian Sarasvati from about$z

Despire the radical k,/ei also has the meaning of male consort. Sce Luo Zhufeng 1986-94. vo1.4.
p.280. Since Yming evidmtly knows Sarasvati to be a goddess (p.755~9-10
quoted in main text), the consort
he mentions in relation to her can on1y be male.
Oda (19 17. p. 1164a) cmends t ta BE as Yixing's original text No Mnants. however. are nomi by
the T.editors.
On the se. see Sadie 1984. vo1.3. p.340.

the sixth century onwards (figs. 14-15). It is. however. a lute (pipa BE). rather than azither. that one fin& in the hands of the Wonderful Sound(s) Deity in surviving Womb
World Mandala representations. Further research would be required to determine why thezither was replaceci by the lute. It may be noteci. however. that after the Han 8 dynasty(206 B.C.E. - 220 C.E.). the se declined in China. although its use continued in state
rituals. The pipa. on the other hand a foreign instrument from Central Asia first mentioned
in Ca. 200 C.E. Chinesc sources. was pictonally represented from the Northem Wei d k adynasty (386-534 C.E.) onwards. Initially considered barbaric, in time it became an importantpart of Chinese musical culture. The pipa came to be associated with refinement and highculture. and was aiways the principal entertainment at court banquets.' It rnay. therefore.
have been considered more appropriate to supply the Wonderfid Sound(s) Deity with thedominant. refined pipa.

The earlint surviving Womb World Mandala. which fonns a pair with the DiamondWorld Mandala (C~jrudhàtuman&la; Jingangiie montuluo#%ZR).is a Japanese

copy of the set brought back fiorn China by Kükai 2% (774-835). founder of the Japanese
Shingon 8 s school of Buddhism. in 806I ihe original pair. which is no longer extaat.
was a coloured set reputedly commissioned by Kükai's tacher Huiguo(746-805).

himself a disciple of Amoghavajra (705-774). in 805 and executed by a group of more thanten painters. including the famous court painter Li Zhen *& (T. vol. 55. no.2161.

p. 1065b lz).' It is preserved at Jingoji #@!$
5in the rnountains northwest of Kyoto. where

On the p i p . see Picken 1955 and Sadie 1984, voi.3, p. 1 15.
"or Kükai's life, see Hakeda 1972.
For a discussion of the diffemit se& of the Two World Mandalas of japan sa ten Grocmhuis 1999.
pp.78-95 Cïakao Mandalas, pp.80-84).

Kükai spent fifieen years (809-823) following his retum fiom China and a period in
Kyushu. The pair is known as the Takao [Two-Worlds m#] Mandala ;%@%%= aftcr
the mountain on which Jingoji is located (Jingoji itself was calied Takaosanji &&Lh+inKùkai's time). The pair of mandalas, made in Kùkai's lifetime (between 829 and 833).
were drawn in gold and silver pigment on darnask dyed a deep purple. Unfortunately.
rnany ofthe figures in the mandala set are now either entirely obscured or barcly di~cemible.~
For a depiction of Sarasvati in the Womb Wodd Mandala. then. we must tum to thesecond oldest known Two-Worlds mandala pair: the Saiin Mandala i!!ÎE%%@of theSaiin (Western subtemple) of Toji R?Fin Kyoto produced betwecn 859 and 880 (Womb
World Mandala. fig.35~).'Like the mandalas commissioned by Huiguo. this pair is bnghtly
colourcd. and fortunately. beauti full y preserved. Here Sarasvati (fig.35B). in bodhisattva

fom, is rcpresented seated. uppcr half of the body unclothed. playing the hiwa. A very
similar representation cm be found in the five-storey pagoda of Daigoji

k@a*in Kyoto

of 951 (fig.36).Although the Two-Worlds Mandala generally appears as a pair of hanging
scrolls. the difkent figures of the Mandala can a1so be painted inside certain temple

pagodas. on the walls. pillan. and interiors of the window shutten. The Daigoji pagoda
interior mandala paintings constitute the oldest extant such example.
Mxing. identiviag Sarasvati as Miaoyinletian b!4%$%x
and Biancaitian#$x (T.

vo1.39. no. 1796. p.634~3-4).and then Miaoyintian as the Great Eloquence Goddess of the
II'The Takao Mandalas, as well as other farnous sets, were recently shown in an exhibition on Heian andKamakura *cd Buddhist paintings held at the Kyoto National Museum. See Ky6to kokuritsu hakubutsukan
1998, p1.77. The dating ofthe Takao Mandalas is briefly discussed on p.335 under p1.77.
The Saiin Two-Wurlds Mandala pair (for a long time moneously identifieci as belonging to Shingonin(see. for instance.
in the Imperia1 Palace of Kyoto) has been extensively studied by Yanagisawa Taka
Yanagisawa 1994, whtch also has some beautifil illustrations). For a discussion in English, see Gmtenhuis
1999, pp.84-87. who bases ha discussion on Yanagisawa's work

[Sutra] of Gddm Light (Zk%%x k ) (Ibid.. p.755~9-10). was evidently aware of

hcr female gender. Her depiction in the mandala. however. is more ambiguous. suggesting.

as in the wetl-known case of AvaIokiteSvara. the indeterminate sex of a Chinese bodhisattva.

The Wonderfui Sounds Deity. Myoonten in Japanese pronunciation. survives in someJapanese representations in the bodhisattva fom of the Womb-world Mandala. Tsurugaoka
Hachimangü I&mfi&gin Kamakura has a famous sculpture dating from 1266 (fig.37)
and Ninnaji {I@F$ in Kyoto has a painting from 1407 (fig.38). Both thcse images areclosely connected with music." In Japanese representations. however. Myoonten is almost

always depicted like Sarasvati in India and the cight-amed BiancaitiadBenzaiten. as agoddess of clearly female gendcr. This is also the case in the few surviving Chinese
representations of two-amed Biancaitian with objects (or hand postures) other than a pipa.
appeanng in AvalokiteSvara's (Guanyin) entourage.

b. In Avalokitdvara's Entourage

Sarasvati appears in AvalokiteSvara' s entourage in a small number of tenth-century
paintings from Dunhuang in the Pelliot and Stein collections. Although she is not one of
AvalokiteSvara' s twenîy-eight attendants (ershibabuzhong 1f A 3%).
as listed in the

QiBnshi Guanyin zoocidi ja.vigui ?f~@&?k%%f&&(Rihial mies when making thethousand-armed AvalokiteSvara) by ~ubhakarasiq-ha (d.735). Sri (Gongdetian). quitepossibly confùsed with Sarasvati. is referred to partly by the name given to Sarasvati (Da1Oûoth of these images are discussed bnefly in Nedachi 1992. pp.74-75.

283

f r n A # r h % W ~ fFS~£~2k?-Jr%Xkt!i~~%43!
XZAEt!LIO

0

14. Da bian gongde Suodana [?]." She is the goddess of greatment. daughter of the king of the go& Indra (Dishi). She is thc
great consort of VaiSravaqa (Duowentian).""Despite being called "Great cloquence and ment" (Da bian gongde). a kind of amalgamationor confusion of Biantian and Gongdetian, the fact that she is identified as the consort of
Vaiiravana is a clear indication that the intended goddess is indeed sri (Gongdetian). andnot Sarasvati (Biantian). One cannot help but wonder if this amalgamatcd name. itself
perhaps rooted in confusion. might not in turn be the possible cause for the depiction ofSarasvati in some Dunhuang paintings of AvalokiteSvara with entourage. and of sri inothers.
One painting on silk. prcserved at the Musée Guimet. is both dated (Tanfu

8=943) and the figures appearing in it are labelled and hence conclusively identifiable (fig.39).
'Thousand-med. thousand-eyed AvalokiteSvara occupies the center of the painting.
surrounded by fourteen figures. including the Four Deva Kings. Sarasvati (Da Biancai

tiannü k$$$$XR).Vingyaka (Pinayege ~kfl6bW). etc. " Sarasvati (on Avalokiteivara's
right) kneels. with one knee up. on a lotus, holding out a platter on which is placed a11does not appear in Buddhist dictionanes. Although 1 presume it is supposcd to be the Sansknt

name of the goddm. 1 am unable to recognize a comparabie Sanskrit correspondent.
:2
T.voI.20, no. 1068, p. 138b23-24.
" A detailed explanation of the d i f f m t figures in the painting appears in Nicolas-Vandier 1974. pl. 101.
pp. 198-202 and in Jarrige and Akiyama 1994 (vol. 1 ), p1.96, pp.357-361 (plate explanation by Akiyama). 'fiils
painting was shown at the 1996 Grand Exhibition of Siik Road Buddhist Art at the Tokyo Metropolitan Art
Museum: see Tokyo kokuritsu hakubutsukan 1996. fig.2 18, p.205.

flaming jewel between two pearls in offenng to Avalokitebvara.
The Musée Guimet has another. similar painting. this one on hemp. from Dunhuang
dating fiom the tenth century (fig.40). It is. however. neither dated nor labelled. Elevenheaded. ten-amed Avalokitehara is surrounded by fourteen figures. each with a blanklabel. The fernale figure kneeling. one knee up. with folded palms to AvaIokiteSvara's
lower nght is idcntified by Nicolas-Vandier. as "sri dcvi (?) ou Sarasvati."" Thc same
identification is suggested by Akiyama Terukani &&%ln]

and also in the 1996 Grand

Exhibition of Silk Road Buddhist An catalogue produced by the Tokyo National ~ u s e u m . "nie latter. however. leans more toward Sarasvati, for its explanation rcads: " f f @k(3

Ex =k)."
Sri. and not Sarasvati. appears in Avalokitesvara's entourage in a.'~
dated (981) and labelled painting fiom Dunhuang fiom the same penod ( f i g . 4 1 ~ - B ) She
offers AvalokiteSvara a large fblly opened flower with leaves on a platter.

Sarasvati also appears in the top left corner of a fragmentary painting of eleven-headed.
thousand-amed AvalokiteSvara in the Stein collection. preserved in the Museum of Central

Asian Antiquities in Delhi. A label identifies her as Da Biancai tiannü k@$xk(Great
Eloquence Talcnt Goddess)."
The best known Japanese representations of the twenty-eight attendants of+

Avalokitejvara. known in Japao as Kannon. is the sculptural set in the Sanjüsangendo 3

14

Nicolas-Vandier 1974, pl. 98, p. 19 1. Her description of the painting appears on pp. 189- 193.
Jarrige and Akiyama 1994 (vol.1 ), pI.9 1, p.354; E k y 6 kokuritsu hakubutsukan 1996, tig.2 16,p.203.
16
S e Nicolas-Vandim 1974, pl. 103, pp.207-2 15; Jamge and Akiyama 1994 (vol.1 ), p1.98, p.361-365(plate explanation by Akiyarna).
17
Waky 1931, p.292. There is a rather bad illustration of this painting in Matsumoto 1937, pl.CLXX.
From this illustration, 1 can see neither the Iabel nor what the goddess cames.
1s3 sof Kyoto. dating from the early Kamakura penod ( 1 185-1333).'~Amongst them isDaibenkudokuten ftf&?JE% (Great Eloquence and Ment Deity). By appearance she iscertainly closer to the way Sri (Kichij6ten) is usually represented and if we look to the
Qianshi Chanyin zaocidijùyigrici. then that is who it should be.

We have, then. a Sarasvati devoid of distinguishing features. who appears in at least
two represcntations of Avalokiteivara with entourage. She can be identi fied w it h certainty

only by a label. if there is one. Hcr presence. furthmore. may well be based on amisundentandhg of the identity of "Da bian gongde" in the list of AvalokiteSvara's
twenty-cight attcndants according to the Qianshi Guurtyin ~aocidifi~vigui.
As far as I amaware. this Sarasvati experienced no further developments in Japan. lhe biwa-playing formo f the Wornb World Mandala. on the 0 t h hand moved on. in Japan. to a versatile career.
it is to Japanesc dcvclopments. then. that we now tum.

18

Most of the group is illustrated in Ito
Daibenkudokutenappears in fig. 133.

and Kobayashi ~ b #1968. pp.210-211, figs.129-145.

3. Japanese Developments

From the Sutra of Golden Light 's eight-armed. weapon-bearing Dur@ under theand fiom the Womb World
guise of Sarasvati. the Eloqunce Talent Goddess &#$%k.

Mandala's two-armed. lute-playing Wondemil Sound(s)Deity fP1'Bxdevelopedexclusively

Japanese forms. which test@ to the popularity of the goddess from the late Heian period(794-1 185) to the present. In this chapter we will look briefly at Sarasvati's legacy inJapan.
Tnis chaptcr is intended to be a surnrnary. rather than a detailcd siudy of any or al1 of
the goddess's developments in Japan. I do not discuss here. furthemore. topics such as therelationship of popular or contemporary religion to its traditional roots. Such a discussion
presupposes an in-depth snidy of popular and contemporary religious phenornena. which isbeyond the =ope of this dissertation. I limit myself. therefore. to providing a summary
overview of Japanese developments.

a. Uga-Benzaiten

Eight-armed Benzaiten, as we usually see her in Japan. is known as Uga-Benzaiten

9%! @$and is based on a textuai source other than the Sutra of Golden Light . This is aJapanese form dating from about the thirteenth century. but it is in fact derived from thedescription in Yijing and the correspondhg images of the goddess. Uga-Benzaitendrepresentations are characterized by the appearance of Ugajin r4
r-k@.
an ancient kami offood with the face of an old man and the body of a white snake. as well as a torii .%%.on
Benzaiten's head. A well-known example is the mid-Kamakura-period ( 1 185- 1333) UgaBenzaiten sculpture of Enoshima Jinja iIa>&@?!k near Kamakura (fig.42). one of thethree principal places of worship of Benzaiten in Japan.

The textual b a i s for the form of Uga-Benzaiten is thc first of a set of three apocryphal
texts popularly known as the Benten sanbu&i$i$*Z%%!(Three Sutras of Benten)

composcd sometime from the late Heian to the Kamakura period:

m$ @f$?mit~%mwËi@!
(Dhürani Sutra of the Buddha's Teaching for the Greatest

1. Bussetsu saish6gokoku Ugaya rontoku rly6ih6ju daraniw fi

Protection of the Country by Ugaya's Suddcn Attainment Wish-fulfilling Jewel);
2. Bussetsu sokushin hin derrjùkutoku enman Uga shinsho busutsu b.vakujajigen sannichi
j@b6 f ~ % ~ ~ & ~ % ~ ~B ~ %(Sutra~ofthe Buddha's Teaching for Changing Poverty into Complete Good Fortune While
Still Alive by the Manifestation of the Divine General and Bodhisattva Uga as aWhite Snake in the Three-&y Anainment);~ ? i

zpt@fË%!

3. Bussetsu Ugqihn5filkurokuemnan darattiw fi
8(Dharapi Sutraof the Buddha's Teaching for [Attaining] Complete Good Fortune through King
Ugajin).'In these texts, Ugajin and Benzaiten are identified. Benzaiten. who is Ugajin, is describedas eight-mned canying spear. jewel wheel, jewel bow. and wish-fulfilling jewel in her left

' See Yamamou, 1998. pp.475-482. who collates and reprints the three texts as appearing in the Lgakô$a@(Uga Texts) and the Benzairen su&ky6

ryahuso *f *f%#!@% (Brief Commenkuy on theThree kxts of Benzaiten) of the Mt Hiei Library (Eizan Bunko @lhz@).

arms (from the top). and sword stick key. and jewel arrow in her right.' Yijing's axe.
vajra. and lasso are here replaced with the stick. wish-fulfilling jewel. and key. The wishfulfilling jewel and the key to the treasure house3 indicate that Benzaiten is worshipped as adeity of wealth (xihojin %g-?$f.
apparently owing to her identification with Ugajin. thevision of whose very forrn immediately makes a person "fortunate." i.e. wealthy .'Eight-amed Uga-Benzaiten sculptural and pictorial representations. such as the above
mentioned sculpture in Enoshima Jinja (tig.42. wood. ht. 59.3 cm).exist in large numbers.'

She is not. furthemore. aiways eight-armed. A two-armed sculptural exarnple (fig.43) in apnvatc collection preserved ai the Tokyo National Museum. for instance. dates from thesecond half of the Kamakura penod. Thc goddess holds a sword and jewel. which. in
cornparison with the Enoshima sculpture (fig.42). suggests an abbreviated form of theeight-amed goddess. preserving only the two central arms with their respective irnplements.

There are also a couple of rare six-armed Uga-Benzaiten examples. largely corresponding
to the eight-armed varicty.% Aatte Kamakura-pcnod hanging scroll depicting a six-armed
Uga-Benzaiten surrounded by a retinue of fifteen boys (jügo doji -fzaT)belongs to
Kotohiragü $a k@P shrine in Kagawa Prefecture (fig.44).The fifteen boys are mentioned

in the first text of the Benten sa11bzr@6as attendants to Ugajin. who sunound Uga-Benzaiten.

'

Trxt 1: t~~R&l-#l3iBl%3f
S%@Wf;ti;fi%-@1%3MJ5@%eSS%(Yama-moto1998. p.476, line 8. I do not inctude here the text marks, including periods, in Yamamoto).

' f e x i 2: W m w f O % @ ' i f f f (Yamamoto 1998. p.479. line 9).
Text 2: RR&I&3I1%%
BI$2M&Bi AtRS$tR (Yamamoto 1998. p.479. iines 9- i O).
For a cornpanson of Uga-Benzaim images with the textual prescriptions of Text 1 of the
Sutras,see Ludvik 1999. An iconographie study of Uga-Benzaiten rqresentations also appears in Nedachi 1992,
pp.67-73.
' No separate textual source is h o w n for the sixanneci goddess.
5~~

and whose names are listed. '~epresentationsof Uga-Benzaiten. especially ofthe eight-armed

variety. accompanied by the tiftecn boys (Benten jügo doji @x+Es+) appear in both
sculptural and especially pictorial representations fiom the late Kamakura period onwards.

While the small figure of Ugajin usually appean on Benzaitcn's head. he is also
represented independently. Already in the Nanbokuchô-period ( 1333- 1392) hanging scrollof Benzaiten Jügo dôji from Hogonji

on Chikubushima fi%,%island on Lake

Biwa. another one of the three principal places of worship of Benzaiten in Japan. a whitesnake is drawn below the cight-amcd goddess (fig.45). An Edo-period ( 1615-1868)
independent sculpture of Ugajin in the form of a snake (fig.46) can be found in Chokenji%@+ near Kyoto. for instance. in fiont of the central image of Uga-Benzaiten datingh m the Kamakura period onwards. There are also separate halls set aside for the woahipof Ugajin. such as the one in Chfijuin fZkjF (better known as Ohora Benzaiten Amk?!fbfx)in Hikone. where the Ugajin sculptural image can only be seen once every sixty years.
Another kind of Benzaiten image. clearly related to Ugajin and known as Tenkawa

x.is pictorially rcpresented in a few hanging scrolls of the Muromachi

Benzaiten x1118$$

period (1392- 1573). such as the one in Ishiyarnadera 6Lh3 in Shiga Prefechire (fig.47)
and those of Hasedera's Nôman'in g?$*$&&E
in Nara Prefecture. Here. Benzaiten andthe snake are completely identifie4 for her head is now replaced with those of threesnakes. The ten-armed image of Ishiyamadera holds objects such as treasure-jewels. and issurrounded by her fifteen boys and snake divinities. The identification of Benzaiten with

' Text 1: @ 6 t Z i + #&&? (Yamamoto 1998. p.476. line 9). Their names a p p r on pp.477 Oines
7- 19) 478 (lines 1-3).

-

the white snake8can also be seen in modem times in Hakuja Kudokuin 8hE9EE in Uji.
where the goddess is worshipped in the form of a live white snake. How far indeed Fromthe battle goddess of the &na of Golden Light !

During the Kamakura period. images of Benzaiten playing the biwa sculpted in
naked or almost naked fom. and then covered with clothing. began to appear. This form ispopularly known as the "Naked Benien." Hadaka Bentcn#f!@x.
The most famous cxamplc

is from Tsurugaoka Hachimangü @m/\@!g in Kamakura and is dated 1266 (fig.37).

Although. as noteù above. this rendering follows quite faithfully the Womb World Mandala
represcntation. other images of Hadaka Benten are unmistakably fernale. such as the

Nanbokucho sculpture of Enoshima Jinja (fig.48).

There are also fùlly clothed biwa-playing images (largely paintings) of Benzaiten
dating from the late Kamakura period onwards. In these pictorial rcpresentations. thegoddess. exquisitely dressed and adorned. is seated on a rock jutting out over the watcr'sedge. against a contrasting landscape of mountainous wilderness. as in the Nanbokucho

period painting in the Seikad6 Bunko Museum #%gjC@%%f%in Tokyo (fig.49). One
might cal1 this kind of representation "Elegant concerts in the wildemess."nirough her identification with Ugajin. Benzaiten also became a deity of wealth andwas integrated into the goup of the Seven Gods of Good Fortune (Shichifukujin -kg?$).

v g a j i n in in facr identifid as a white snake 8!&in the Benten sanbuky6 (Text 1. Yamamoto 1998,
p.476. line 6).

This group of gods was brought together sornctime in the fifieenth century and found great
popularity h m the Edo period onwards. The seven go&. consisting of VaiÇravana(Bishamonten E$).

Rbf$Xfiom India. Budai

Mahakala (Daikokuten

x.Pancika) and our Benzaiten(Hotei). Shoulaoren Szh (Jurojin) and Fulushou@%%$(Fukurokuju) from China. and Ebisu g.k@h m Japan. are very oRcn depicteci
on a ship. sailing from China to Japan (fig.50).This type of painting is called the "Treasure
Ship" (Takarabune @@). When amongst the Shichifukujin. Benzaitcn almost always appcars

with a biwa in her hands.

In order to ernphasize her good fortune aspect in the form of wcalth. during the Edopenod the middlc chardcter of her name (3)was inçreasingly written with the character
for wcalth(w). Her conncction with money is particularly evident today at the Zcniarai

Benten efi%#*(Money-washing Benten) shnne of Kamakura. where people wash theircoins and even bills in a stteam running through a cave. for. the shnne claims. the amountof money washed will become multi fold.
Benzaiten is particularly closely connected with Daikokuten (Mahakala).also associatedwith wealth. who appears in Benzaiten Jügo d6ji paintings Frorn the Nanbokucho p d o donwards (fig.45). In the Edo period, three-headed (sanmen =i@)A

Daikoku images. inwhich the heads of Benzaiten and Bishamonten (VaiSravana) are attached to the left andright of Us own, came to be produced. One such example can be found in the main hall of
Ohora Benzaiten in Hikone.
In modem times. sculptures of the Seven Gods of Good Fortune appear in a great

many temples and shrines. and are popularly sold al1 over Japan. There are countless

Shichifukujin pilamage rounds incorporating temple and shrine halls dedicated to thediffercnt members of the group. While some of these circuit pilgrimages are within onet c ) . are within atemple (e.g. the Sennyüji Shichihkujin of Kyoto ~ % W ~ ~ - k ? @ @ i othersneighbourhood (e.g. a number of thern exist in Tokyo. such as the Tokai Shichifukujin.&-k%trfi

of Shinagawa and the Shinjuku Yarnanote ShichiFikujin

Lh/?tf@$).

others still cover a city (e.g. Kyoto's Ky5 no Shichifukujia ZO-kGB)or extend over an
e v n wider area (e.g. the Shichifukujin of Awaji Island i%g$B+EB).' The joyful go&

are depicted on beer cans and on cerarnics. most particularly on sake cups.1° To usher ingood luck for the new year. New Year's cards with pictures of the Shichifukujin arc
produced. The lovely young woman on camera shop posters and pamphlets advertising
New Year's car& with family photos represents Benzaiten (fig.51).
1 have corne across only one pilgrimage circuit dedicated exclusively to Benzaiten:-

the San chi Benten z k # R (ïhree Great Benten) of Mt. Hiei. just northeast of Kyoto.

She has. howcver. major independent pilgrimage sites which are not. at this time. linked up
into a circuit. There are three main places of Benzaiten worship in Japan. also calleci the

San dai Benten

3;k#x. including Chikubushima fi&,%on Lake Biwa. Itsukushima && near Hiroshima. and Enoshima ilQI& near Kamakura. ail three of which are islands.
To these are also added two sites to fom the Go dai Benten 3 i k B X (the Five Great

Some of the ShichifÙhjin pilgnmages are Iisted in Shiraki 1995 and Sanj6 1998. AI1 of the above
mentionai ones appear in Shiraki 1995. 'Ihere are even bus tours of some of the pilgrimage routes, such as
For pilgrimages by
the one in Kyoto and the one in Nara Prcfecture (Yamato Shichihikujin h@-kff@).
railway, see Reader 199 1, p. 166.
1O
For the Asahi b e r can publicizing the Izumo ifls Shichifùkujin pilgrimage. see Reader 1991, p. 167.
Ihe Royal Ontario Mwum in Toronto has a set of twentieth-cenhuy sake cups depicting the Seven Guds of
G d Fortune. A great many contemporary examples can be found in shops selling ceramics.

Benten). Tenkawa XII 1 near the river Tenkawa in southern Nara hefecture and Kinkazan&$lh on an island not far fiom Sendai. al1 of which clearly show her connection withwater. With the exception of Kinkazan. al1 these sites. as well as a few othen. are mentionedby the Tendai monk K6shü %S.who was active between 13 1 1 and 1348. in his Keiran
shüyüshu &i%%%t$(T. vo1.76. 110.24
1O. p.626a28ff. ). W C do know. however. that

Benzaiten was worshipped at some of thcse places centuries earlicr. such as Chikubushima.
for the twelfth-century Besson zaklri

1&%Zz (T.Z u 5

no.240) by the Shingon monk Shinkaku

4
i
.
E

f&. vo1.3. no.3007. p.495. image( 1 1 17- 1 180) illustrates an cight-armed standing

Benzaiten and identifies her as "Chikubushirna Benzaiten."

Today the goddess is wonhippcd al1 over Japan in couatless small shrines locatcd on
artificial ponds and on lakes. which oRen also bear her name: Benten ikc*x& (Bcntm

Pond). There is. iùrthermore. a new religion called the Bentenshiï $@ x%.centering on thegoddess. It was founded by Omon Chiben k%@% (1909-1967). a charismatic healer.

after whose death the sect specializcd itself in rni-lrko kuy6 *+%&

(riîud offering forthe aborted foetus) to increase its membershi p. ' The rnost reccnt dcveloprnent in Benzaiten

worship in Japan is the construction of an enormous 18.5 rn wood sculpture of the goddess
installed (eyespening ceremony Mm) in Saifukuji

in Kagoshima Prcfecture on

May 14. 2000. It is indeed as the temple pamphlet indicates. "the world's biggest wooden

If the consmiction of this image
sculpture of Great Benzaiten" (f#$#%fC*k%k3?wx).
is any sign of things to corne. there may be much more still to be studied of Sarasvati's
legacy in Japan.
11

See houe # k et al. I W O . pp.773,839; Hardacre 1997, pp. 184- 1 90.

294

CONCLUSION

Here ends. then. our long joumey From Sarasvati to Bcnzaiten. We began by looking
at the Vedas. where the mighty rivcr goddcss. through her association. on the one han4with the recitation of hymns accompanying rituals performed on her banks. and. on theother hand. with inspired thought (dhf ) inseparably tied to the composition of thesc hymns.
was identified with speech (vit). Tnrough speech. mbodying knowledge. most particularly

the Vedas. Sarasvati becarne goddess of knowledge in her own right. as WC saw in theMahtïbhùrata and the eariy Puriqas. Her river aspect. however. was not forgotten: sacrificial
sessions continucd to be held on her banks in the Brihmanas. and a Iengthy pilgrirnage

upstrearn. introduced in the Brâhmqas. was hilly developed in the Muh6bhtirata. She also
became goddess of music in the early Puriinas and was connected with the MM. The
elaboratc Puranic myth of Brahms and Ms daughter-consort Sarasvati evolved fiorn the
Brahmana stones of Prajàpati and Vàc. and her iconography was defined.

Hence. as we have seen. textual sources from the Vedas to the early Purinas present
Sarasvati under four distinct aspects: as river goddess. to identify her physical aspect: as
goddess of knowledge and as goddess of music. to define her functions; and as daughterconsort of Brahmti, to locate her in a wider mythological context. where gods and goddesses
are paired in relation to a specific god.
Amongst the early Sarasvati images. her bctional aspects surface: she appears as

goddess of knowledge in five Jain imagcs. one fiom about the third century C.E. and others

from 600-700, and as goddess of music in two sixth-cenniry sculptures. one presumably
Hindu and the other possibly Buddhist. Both in the iconography of the early Purinas and in
post-eighth-century images. however. the features defining her functionai aspects. Le. themanuscript and the vin& are combined. It is as goddess of knowledge. nevertheles. thatshe predominates.
The carliest known introduction of Sarasvati into China occurred in the carly fifth

century through the Buddhist Sutra of Goiden Lighr. which includes a chapter dedicated to
the goddess. In Dharmaksema's 417 Chinese translation of the sutra. Sarasvati is represented
as goddess of eloquencc. preserving. through the flawless speech and memory of thepreacher. the sutra. To this sequentially and chronologicaliy fint section of the Sarasvati
chaptcr were then addcd two more. not found in Dharmaksema's versicn. but included in
the extant Sanskrit. in Baogui's edition of 597. and in Yjing's translation of 703: Sarasvati
teaches a ritual herbal bath. and is then praised by the brühmu~~aKaugiinya as an eight-armed

goddess. The most extensive version of Kaunanya's praise appears in Yijing's translation.

where we find a list of the weapons camed in Sarasvati's eight arms. Images of thiseight-armeci. weapon-beanng goddess were then produced in China and Japan. This eight-

amed fom represents one of the two principal ways of depicting Sarasvati in Japan eventoday.
This eight-armed. weapon-bearing goddess, however. has no analogous fonn in lndia
as Sarasvati. and is not, in fact. Sarasvati at dl. She is. rather. the demon-slaying goddess
Durgà. a Chinese translation of whose hymn from the HarîvamSa appears in Yijing's
version of the Sarasvati chapter. As we have seen. there are close iconographie similarities

between the Sutra 01-Golden Light's eight-amed goddess and the representations of eight-

arrned weapon-bearing Durgiï Mahis&unmardini of India. Afghanistan. and Southeast
Asia. The appearance of Durgà under the guise of Sarasvati in the Surra O/' Golden Lightoccurred already in India. but was not clearly perceptible, for the Durga hymn from theHarivarnia does not appear in the extant Sanskrit version of the sutra. nor are the implements

camed in the eight ams of the goddess mentioned in the Sanskrit. nor do we haveeight-anned. weapon-bearing represcntations of Sarasvati in tndia. The Sanskrit text Yijing
was working fiom. however. obviousiy had both the HarivamSa hymn and the list of

weapons camed by the goddess-unless we consider these to be Yijing's interpolations.

There is, however. no evidence that 1 am aware of to suspect this. If we accept. thcn. thatthe hymn and the list of weapons were in the Sanskrit original. it is fiom China that welearn of the impact of the Dur@ cult on the Buddhist Sarasvati in [ndia. nirough knowledgeof cpic sources and the growth of the DurgZ cult in India. on the othcr hand. we find. under
the guise of Sarasvati. unexpected $&ta influences reaching the shores of Japan andgaining widespread popularity. under modified form. to this day.
Whilc the worship of Sarasvati in tndia. at least during the period covered in thisstudy. docs not appear to have been related to politics. the same cannat be said of thesituation in Japan. where the Sutra of Golden Light was held to be of trcmendous politicalimportance for the protection of the state. Although we know less about the sutra in China.
it may be sunnised that. as China was the mode1 followed by Japan at the time. the sutramust have had some political significance in China as wetl. Not ody was the sutra read inJapan for the express purpose of well-being in the state. and were state monastenes (kokubunji)
connected with the sutra set up throughout the country, but a repentance cerernony associatedwith the sutra was practised both in China and in Japan. in the latter case also expressly forthe protection of the state. Chinese descriptions of the repentance ceremony. the earliest

one found in a compilation of 607 (Guoqitzg bailu). spcciQ amongst the images to be usedin the ritual the image of Sarasvati. Hence representations of the goddns would have been
made in China in the context of the repentance ceremony at least by the sixth century. if
not as early as the fiflh. While no Chinese images of the period survive. we do have aJapanese sculpture of the cighth century. the earliest extant Japanesc image of the goddess.
that was in al1 likelihood used for the repentance ceremony of the Sutra @Golden &hi.

The first Japanese Sarasvati images. then. representing Dur@ undcr the guise of Sarasvati.
were politiçally inspired: they were produccd under the auspices of the state for the protectionof the country. Such images. furthemore. would not have been made independently for acult specifically directed to the goddess. but rather in a wider context. togcther with otherimages representing figures fiom the Sutra of GoIderr Lighi .
The othcr principal fom of Sarasvati in Japan is the two-armed biwa-playing form
connected with music. analogous to the vi@-playing Sarasvati of India. It was introduced
both to China and to Japan later than the eight-armed Durgii form. Thc lute-playing Sarasvati

appears among 408 other figures in the esotenc Womb World Mandala based on the
Mahavairocat~aSGtra translated into Chinese in 725. The mandala itself was first brought
to Japan fiom China by Kükai in 806. Again. Sarasvati does not have an independent
existence here. but belongs within a much widm context. i.e. the mandala.

Both the eight-armed and the two-armed foms eventually acquired independent
existences and followings of their own. The weapon-beanng figure was identified with thekami of food. and hence aiso of wealth. Ugajin, in the apocryphal Benten sanbub6 of thelate Heian to the Kamakura period. Under the name Uga-Benzaiten. she is represented with

Ugajin as a human-headed white snake on her head. and some of her weapons are exchanged
for a wish-fulfilling jewel and the key to the treasure house. The biwa-playing Sarasvati
bas been woahipped in Japan as a deity of music from the Kamakura period onwards.

Distinct types of images derived fiom it include the "Naked Benten" sculptures. as well as
paintings of the exquisitely dressed and adomed goddess seated on a rock jutting out over
the water's edge. against a contrasting landscape of mountainous wilderness. When she
appears amongst the Seven Gods of Good Fortune. furthemiore. it is in this biwa -playhg

fonn that we usually find her.
Depicted differently through successive penods and in different environments.
Sarasvati. who began as a river in India. became also goddess of knowlcdge and music;
through identification with Durgi was transforrned into a Dhanna-defenâing battle goddess;and eventually tumed also into a goddess of wedth in Japan. Through the numcrous
hnctions gradually attributed to her in the coune of her lengthy conceptual development,
Sarasvati addresses in different forrns the needs of her worshippers in different times andenvironments. Through her ongoing metamorphosis. she maintains her appeal to peuples ofdiffercnt times. places. and social spheres.

My study of the conceptual development of Sarasvati from India to Japan cannot. by
its very nature. be fûlly comprehensive. It is a very wide subject. which I have tned tonarrow down in various ways. For the time-frame. I have set a cut-off date of Ca. 700 C.E.
for India. and focused on the fifth to the eighth century in China. and on the seventh to theninth century in Japan. [ have choscn to deal with certain topics more closely than withothers. for reasons which I have outlined I have. for instance. concentrated on the eight-anned

form of the goddess in China and Japan. the first to be introduced. and given less attention

to the two-amed form. 1 have not attempted to resoive every single problem that presented
itself. w hich. in every case, would have required a considcrable amount of further research.
1 have tried to address the problems I considcred vital to my thesis. such as the identity ofthe eight-armed goddess. and have left others. such as the cxchange of the zither for thelute in surviving Japanese mandala representations of the two-armed forrn. for future
rescarch. I have not discussed every implication of the data I have prcsented in terms oflarger issues. such as the relationship of religion and the state in Tenpy6-period Japan.

because. again. discussions of larger issues. if thcy are to be serious. infomed discussions.
rather than vague persona1 reflections. require considerable further rescarch.
What 1 have tned to do. in my own small way. is to gather information and to assess
it critically. I have questioned what has been taken for granted. 1 have tried to establish

what can be known with certainty about the goddess. and Ihave outlined existing problems
to be pursucd in future research. In this way. 1 hope to have laid the groundwork. not only
for further inquines into questions concming SarasvatdîE3cnzaiten,but for consideration oflarger issues.

APPENDIXCHRONOLOGICAL CHART 'INDMTEXTS AND RECORDS

rnIA
IMAGESCHINATEXTS AND RECORDS

1750400 BCE Vedic literature
RV,AV, Yahr Ve&, Bruhmonas
400 BCE-CE Epic literature
Mbh (-400 CE)

I st c. SGL preached insmall kingdom (?)
20û-650 early Pmnic literature
MkP (3rd-6th c.)

MP (3rd c.450)

ca. 3rd c. Jain sculpture fmrn Kankat lTilà

VàyuP (4th-5th c.)
VdP (400-1000)

417 Chi. transl. of SGL by Dharmakscma
1 s t haIf of 5th c. Xuangao pcrforms an
SGL repentance ritual to i n ~ e n inecourt strife

5 15-5 18C h sanzngji ji mentions SGL
repentance ritua1
6th c. Lus Angeles
County Museum of
An sculptu~fromUtîar Pradcsh

552 Ch.transl . of SGL by Paramartha

558 E m w r Chen Wudi studies SGL
563 Emperor Chen Wendi has arepentance rihd perfonned
561-578 Chi. transl. of SGL by

YaSogupta and Jfiiinagupta

This chart includes O M Y ennies discussed in the dissenation. Pages 302-303 should be read facing one
another*as should pp.304-305. For contents of Indian texts (with the exception of the SGL),set: the table on
pp. 157-58. SGL=Sutra of Golden Lighr ;VàyuP- V&u Purâna ;VdP= V~udhaimottaraPurâyz.

INDKATEXTS AND RECORDS

INDIA
MAGES

CHINA
TEXTS AND RECORDS
2nd half of 6th c. Zhiyi, on the basis of
an SGL story, establishes 55 ponds forreleasing fish; writçs commentaries on
D h a r m a h a ' s transi. of SGL andpossibly a h the SGL repentance ritual
instructions of the Guoping bailu
early 590s Zhiyi performs a 7day SGL
tepentance ritual to cure the illness of
consort Xiao
597 Baogui ed. of SGL

600-700 Jain bronzesof Ako. and Vasant-7th c. sculpture ofBrahmi@i, now in
Muscurn of Baroda

703 Chi. transi. of SGL by Yijing

CHINA
IMAGESJAPMTEXTS AND RECORDS

677 Emperor Temrnu sends
messengers to cxpound SGL(Dharrnaksema transi. or
Baogui ed.)680 SGL expounded in palaceand various temples
686 SGL rcad in palace by
100 monks
692 SGL expoundcd in capitaland 4 home provinces as a resulto f great floods
694 100 copies of SGL sent toprovinces for reading during 1st
mon th696 SGL read702 SGL expounded in 4
home provinces when Empcror
Mornmu was il1
703 SGL read at 4 F a tmonastaies
705 SGL read in 5 greatmonasteries to relieve sutTering
due to drought

JAPAN
IMAGESINDIA INDIATEXTS AND RECORDS

CHINA
IMAGESTEXTS AND RECORDS

725 Chi. transl .of ,\iahtivuirocana
Sutra by ~ubhakarasimhaand Yuting,almost contemporary with Yixing's
commentary on the sutra

Ew fore 735 pianshi Guanyin :uocizhu
fCl)gui by Subhakarasimha (Da biangongde amidst 28 attendants ofGuanyin )8th- 10th C.
Ellora imagesof Sarasvati

CHINA
IMAGESJAPmTEXTS AND RECORDS

JUAN
IMAGES
early 8th c. sculpture of
8-armed Bcnzaiten of
Hokked6 in T
o
J
a
i
j
i

725 Yijing's SGL (Saish&&6) firstmentioned as altemate to oldcr
transI.(s)728 chapters of oldcr transl. SGL
distributed to provinces for peacc
in the country
734 Sakh66ùyiî mernorizcd
by ail who wish to enter re1igiou.s order
737 monks and nuns of al1
provinces read SaishiZho
2-3 times each month;
700 monks cxpound
Saisli66ky6 in palace forvace of state

738 Saish@vÔ to bc readthroughout country t'or peace
74 1 edicts surnrnarizing plans

for the cstablishrnent of sbtemonastzhes ( k o h h n j i )connccted with the Saishoükp
and nunnwies (kokubunniji)
743 Soislz6ôl.o read at Todaiji
for 7 days and nighis forhappiness and purity of country
745 Suishüôb6 rcad in al1
temples of the capital for 7 days
due to d q u a k e

749 repentance rites performed
and ScrishOOky6 read in al1 temples
in the country during 1st 7 daysof year753 Benzaiten painting(sproduced in sutra-copymg
hall of Todaiji

CHINA
IMAGESJAPANTEXTS AND RECORDS

JNAN
MAGES
754 petition to set up
knzaiten altar, inscnbed
fragments of a banner andcloth that would have beenplaçed below a Benzaitcn
image of Todaiji; other
undatcd fragments with hm
narne, incfuding 4 sides ofa tendon that would havebeen inscrted into hub of

canopy frame
764 repentance ritual performcd
in Kichij6 kekasho of Todaiji for
22 days

764 O îlerings for 14 or 1 8

Buddhist images used in
the repentance ritua1 held in
the ffichijo kckasho of
Todaiji

767 high priests of al1 great temples
expounded Sakhoàlycï andKichijiikn k e h took place at al1
kokuhnji during 1st 7 days of year

780 knzaikn sculpture in
Shiod6 of Saidaiji
805 Two-worlds
mandala set
wmissioned by
Huiguo for Kükai

806 Chi. Two-worlds
mandala set brought by
Kükai to Japan
8 10-824 Benzaitcn image
drawn on pillar of Ekond6of Kofiikuji

829-833 Takao Mandala setof Jingoji
859-880 Saiin Mandala setof E j i
9th- lûth c. ink sketch of
8-armed Biancaitian h m
Dunhuang, now in British
Museum (Stein Collection)

10th c. painting on papaof 8-amed B iancaitianand others frorn Dunhuang,
now in Musée Guimet(PelliotCollection)

CHINA
IMAGES.IMANTEXTS AND RECORDSJAPAN
IMAGES943 painting on silko f Guanyin surrounded by 14 figures.
including 2-amed
Biancaitian, from
Dunhuang, now inMusie Guimet(Pelliot Collection)
95 1 Two-worlds mandala
figures, incl. Benmiten.
painted inside Daigoji
pagoda in Kyoto

954 kchij6in of Tôdaiji burnt
down; kchijo kh thence heldin Kenjakuin (Hokkerlo)
10th c. painting on silkof Guanyin sumundedby 14 figures, including
possibly (? 1 Biancaitian(2-amed). h m
Dunhuang, now in,Mus& Guimçt(Pelliot Collection)

1 ûth c. fragmentary
painting of Guanyin
and atiendants,
incfuciing 2-armed
Biancaitian, from
Dunhuang, now inMuseum of Central
Asian Antiquities
in Delhi (Stein
Collection )1 170-80 Besmn xkki

illustration of û-armed
Benzaitcn of Chikubushima
Ca. 12 12 Jonixiji "ushie of

8-amed knzaiten, now inTokyo University of Fine
Arts

early Kamakura p e n dsculpture of Daibenkuâokuten in Sanjüsangendô1266 sculpture o f biwaplaying "naked" knzaiten
of Tsumgaoka Hachimangülate Heian- to Kamakura-pend
Benten sanhAy0 (Three Mten
Sutras)CHINA
IMAGESJAPANTEXTS AND RECORDS

JAPm
MAGES
13th c. sculpture of UgaEknzaiten of Enoshima
Jinja

2nd ha1f o f Kamakura
period sculpture of UgaE3enzaiten Iiom private
13 1 1- 1348 Keiran shuy6shu
mentions Chikubushima,
1tsukushima, Enoshima
Tenkawa as pIaces of worshipof Eknzaittm

collection, now inTokyo National Museum

14th c. painting of Ugaknzaiten with 15 d6ji of
Kotohiragü
14th c. painting of Uga-knzaiten of Hôgonji,
Chikubushima
14th ç. sci:lpturc of biwaplaying "nakcd" Benzaiten
of Enoshima Jinja
14th c. painting of biwaplaying knzaiten of
S e i M Bunko Museum

Muromachi-pend
paintings of snake-headed
Tenkawa Benzaiten of
Ishiyamadera andNoman' in, Hasedera

Edo pcriod p~pulantyof
Shichi Wcujin
2000 Saifiiktiji 18.5 m UgaEknzaiten

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SOURCES AND WORKS CITED

Sanskrit Texts ( Bibliography A.)AB.4itureya Brühmana

AV'4thurva Féda

BAU

Brhadikanvakrr Upanisad

DM

Devi MahürmÿaJB

Jaimintva Brühmana

KB

Kausitaki Bràhmana

0s

Kupisfhala Kutha Samhitü

KS

K@haka W h i t c i

MbhMahûbhiuara

MkP

Mirkaydeva Purciy~hmMatsya Pwüna

MS
PB

Maitra-vani Surphiri

RV

ftg Veda

SB$atapaihu Brühmaya

TB

Taittitfva Brühmana

cIS

Taittinja SamhitüVSKiîjasstzey*Sm hittî

Pa,icavimSa Bràhmano (or T5gdva hhhâbrà,Chinese and Japanese Buddhist Texts (Bibliography A.)

Other (Bibliography B.)
EVP

Érirdes C'édiqueset Picinéemes [= Renou 19 5 5-69]

309

A. Text Editions Used
My translation of Chinese and Japanese titles appears in parentheses inroman script and without quoiation marks. In the case of monographs
and articlcs already supplied with an English title, this has becn indicatedby iialics for monographs and quotation marks for articles. Translationsof primary sources a= noted here only if they have been çited in themain text.

Sanskrit Text Eàitions
Agnimahipurâoam. Ed. Khernariija sri Krsnadiisa. Repr. of Sri VenkatcSvara Press ed.
Delhi: Nag Publishers. 1985.
Das Aitareva Brühmayo. mit ;lus--ügen atcs dem Commetilare von Sïïyapaca~uund mideren
BeiIagen. Ed Theodor Aufrecht. Bonn: Adolph Marcus. 1879. [Rcpr. Hildesheim
and New York: Georg Olms. 1975.1 English translation by Arthur Bemedale Keithin 1920 (see Bibliography B. below).

A?)u.~~arnba$muta Sùtra. See n e Srauta Siïtru 01.ipu~tambablonging to ~ h eTaittirïya
Samhitâ with the commenta^ of Rudradattu below.
Die ;lpobyphen des Rgveda. Ed. Isidor Scheftelowitz. Hildesheim: George Olms. Repr.
Breslau: M. & H. Marcus. 1906. This is the Rg Céda Khila.

Alarvaveda (~aunako)ivith the Pada-p@ha and S5ya~ücâryu'sCommentan>.5 vols. in 4
parts. Ed. Vishva Bandhu in collaboration with Bhimdev, Vidyànidhi. and Munishvar
Dev (and Virendra for part 4. fax. 2 [=vo1.5]). (Vishveshvaranand hdological
Series. nos. 13- 17.) Hoshiarpur: Vishveshvaranand Vedic Research Institute. 196064. English translation by William Dwight Whitney in 1905 (see Bibliography B.
below ).

The Brhaddevati Attributed tu Saunaka: .-l Summaty of the Deities and Mvihs of the
Rig-vedu. 2 vols. (vol. I text; vo1.2 transl.) Transl. Arthur Anthony Macdonell.
(Harvard Oriental Series. vols.56.) Cambridge. Mass.: Harvard University Press.
1904. [Repr. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. 1965.1

The Byhaddevati. Tex2 Reconstnictedfkm rhe Mamscripts ofthe Shorter Recer~sionivith
Introduction. Explanatoty Notes. und hdices. Ed. Muneo Tokunaga. Kyoto: Rinscn
Book Co.. 1997.

The Brahma Picranam. Ed. Maharshi Krishnadwaipayan. (Gurumandal Scrics. no. I l . )Calcutta, 1954.
Bfiadüraymko Upanisad. Sec The Eu*

U p o n i y i s below. pp.29- 165.

Devi Maharnzva. See DurgüsapfaSati below.

Dr~rgüsaptaiatiwith Seven Sanskrit Cornmenfaries.Delhi: Butala & Company. 1984. Thisis the Devi Mühütmya. English translation by ïhomas B. Cobum in 1991 (sec
Bibliography B. below ).

The Eady Llpani.yds. dnrzotated 72x1 and Trunslaiion. Ann. and transl. Patrick Olivcllc.
New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press. 19%.

n e HarivoriiSa. 2 vols. Ed.Parashuram Lakshman Vaidya. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental
Rescarch Institute. 1971. Partial French translation by André Couture in 1991 (sec
Bibliography B. below).
Die wmnen des Rigveda. 2 vols. Ed. Thcodor Aufrecht. 2nd ed. Bonn: Adolph Marcus.
1877. (For other editions used. sec under Rig Iédu below.)
Jaiminzya Brühmaca ofthe Sima I'eda. Ed. Raghu Vira and Loknh Chandra. (Sarasvati
Vihara Series. vol.3 1.) Nagpur: International Acadcmy of Indian Culturc. 1954.
2nd rev. ed. Delhi: Mutila1 Banarsidass. 1986.

Karqitaki-Brühma!ia. Ed. E.R. Srcekrishna Sarma. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner. 1968. Engl ishtranslation by Arthur Berriedale Kcith in 1920 (see Bibliography B. below).
Kupistaia-.ha-Sumhifi.
A Text of the Biack Yajurveda. Ed. Raghu Vira. 2nd ed. Del hi:
Meharchand Lachhmandas. The Sanskrit Book Depot. 1968.
Kiifiaka: Die Samhitü der ~afia-&khi.3 vols. Ed. Leopold von Schroedcr. Leipzig: E. A.

Brockhaus. 1900- 1910. [Repr. Ed. K.L.Janert. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner. 1970-72.3

Lapiya~~Srautaa
Sütra. Sec Srauta Sütra oJLdttvaavanawith the Cornmentoty oJ.-lgniswüm~
below.
7ne Mahabhirata. 19 vols. Ed. V. S. Sukthankar. S. E
L Belvalkar. and P. L. Vaidya. et al.

Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. 193346. Partial English translation

of critical edition by J.A.B. van Buitenen in 1973. 1975. 1978 (see Bibliography B.
below).
Maitrü--ni Sumhità: Die Sumhità der Maitrü-vaniju S ~ W I Ü . 4 vols. Ed. Leopold vonSchroeder. Leipzig: E. A. Bmckhaus. 1881-86. [Repr. Ed. K. L. Janert. Wiesbaden:
Frariz Steiner. 1970.1
Mütrava-dharma Süstra. [Imtittites of Manu] with the commett~ariesof Medhiitithi,
Sarvajiianürà-vana, KuIIUka, Righavànanda, Nalandana. atrd Rümachandra. E d
Viivaniith NMiyan Mandlik. Bombay: Ganpat Knshnaji's Press. 1886. Repr. New
Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. 1992, 2 vols. This is the Ma~rliSmci. English
translation of the text without commentanes by Wcndy Doniger and Bnan K.
Smith in 199 1 (see Bibliography B. below).

M&dÜ@a Upanisad et Kanka de Gau&püda. Text and French transl. by Em. Lesimple.
Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1944.

Markande-va Pwiinam. Ed. Jivinanda Vidyisigara Bha~icirya.Calcutta: Sarasvati Yantra.
1879. English translation by Frederick Eden Pargiter in 1904 (see Bibliography B.
below ).]
M a t . ~ u m u h ü p u Ed.
~ . Gahgâvisnu sri b n a d â s a and Khemaaja sri m ~ a d a s aMumbai:.
Sri VenkateSvara Press. 1923.

The Maf~amahàpuràyum.2 vols. Text and ann. transl. Arranged by Nag Sharan Singh.
Delhi: Nag Publishers. 1983. Although the name of the translater is not indicated
it is the same annotated translation as the one published in The Sucred Books of'ihe
Arvans. vol. 1 ( The Matva Ptirügam. Ed. Jamna Das Akhtar. Ana B.C. Majumdar.
S.C. Vasu. H.H.Wilson. Bentley. Wilford. et al. Delhi: Oriental Publishers. 1972.).
which in tum. as noted by Ludo Rocher ( 1986. p. 196 [under Bibliography B.]). is a
reprint of a translation by a Taluqdar of Oudh of 1916-19 17 in the Sacred Books of
the Hhdzis. vol. 17 (2 vols.).
PaCcavimSu Brühmarza. See TMva Mahübriihmuna beiow.
Rg Céda. See under Die Hvmnen des Rigveda above and under Rig Céda below.

Rig- t éda-Samhitâ: The Sacred Hymns of the Brûhmam together with ihe Cornmeritory of'
S y a n û c h à ~ a2nd
. ed. 4 vols. Ed. F. Max Müller. London: Henry Frowde. Oxford
University Press. 1890-92.( 1st ed. 6 vols.. 1849-74.) mepr. (The Chowkhamba

Sanskrit Series. no.99.)Varanasi:The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office. 1966.1

Rig Veda: A met ri cal!^ Restored T u t ivith an Itltroduction and Notes. Ed. Barend A. Van
Nooten and Gary B. Holland. (Harvard Oriental Series. vo1.50.) Cambridge. Mass.:
Department of Sanskrit and Indian Sîudies. Harvard University. 1994. Partial Engiishtranslation by Wendy Doniger O'Flaherty in 1981 (see Bibliography B. below).
Rg Céda Khila. See Die Apok?yphen des Rgveda above.

Sari~vti~atia
Srauta Sitru together with the Commenta? O/' I 'arudattasuta .-hart<va andGoviiida. 2 vols. Ed. Alfred Hillebrandt. Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal. 18551899. [Repr. New Delhi: Meharchand Lachhancias. 198 1. ]Sanskrit Terisfium Büli. Ed. Sylvain Lévi. Baroda: Oriental Institute. 1933.
The Sarapatha Brihmuya in the ~àdh-vandina-Sàkhiïwith EitractsjLom the Commentaries
of Sà-vaya.Harisvümin, and Dvivedagafiga. Ed. Albrecht Weber. Berlin and London.
1855. @Xepr.(The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Senes. no. 96.) Varanasi: The Chowkhamba
Sanskrit Series Office. 1964.1 English Translation of text without commentaries by
Julius Eggeling in 1882-1900 (see Bibliography B. bclow).
Ska~~damahüpzwüyam.
7 vols. Ed. Khernargja sri Qsnadasa. Rcpr. of sri VeikatcSvara
Prcss cd. Delhi: Nag Publishers. 1986-87.

ne $ruuta Sûtra of ~pastambabelongittg to the Taittinva Sumhirii ivith the corn men ta^~JRudradatta.3 vols. Ed. Richard Garbe. Calcutta: Munshiram Manoharlal. 1983.
Srauta Sütra oJ Ld@ya>ia with the Commenta- oj' .4gnimvcimi. Ed. Anandachandm
VedântavâgiSa. (Asiatic Society of Bengal. new senes nos. 181.184, 185. 187. 196.
198,202.2 13,260; Bibliotheca Indica). Calcutta: Valmïki Press. 1872.
SuvarpabhZso ttamusütra. Dus Goldglanr-Sïitra. ein Sumkritte... des MahüvinoBiïddhismus. Ed. Johannes Nobel. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz. 1937.

.

&etZvatara Upatzisad. See rite Ewly Wpani~adsbclow pp.4 13-43 3.
T a i t t i w Brdhmapa. 3 vols. Ed. Godbole. Pune: Ananada Àharna. 1979.

Die Taittitfva-Samhitâ. 2 vols. Ed. Albrecht Weber. (Indische Studien. vols. i 1- 12.) Leipzig:
F. A. Brockhaus. 187 1-72. [Repr. Hildesheim and New York: Georg Olms. 1973.1
English translation by Arthur Berriedale Keith in 1914 (see Bibliography B. below).
Tigdva Mahübrâhmana with the ~ommentaryofSàavarza&hüya. 2 vols. Ed. handachandm
Vedàntaviigiia. (Bibliotheca Indica. New Series. nos. 170. 175. 177. 179. 182. 188.

190. 19 1. 199. 206.207.212. 217. 2 19. 22 1. 225.254. 256.268.) Calcutta: Asiatic
Society of Bengal. 1870-74. This is the Pa6cavimSa Brührnaya. English translationof text without commentary by Willem Caland in 1931 (see Bibliography B. below).

I'üdhiïla Brihma~a.See "Eine vierte Mitteilung über das Viidhülasütra" below.
The I'[aljasaney' Sarphiti in the MidhyandinaL-] and the ~ünva-&khüwith the Commentan,
of Mahmdhara. Ed. Albrecht Weber. Berlin and London. 1852. [Repr. (The
Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, no. 103. ) Varanasi: The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series
Offce. 1972.1 Unreliable English translation of text without commentary by Ralph
T. H. Griffith in 1899 (see Bibliography B. below).

The Vàlmiki Riimüvana: Critical Edition. 7 vols. Ed. G.H. Bhatt and U.P. Shah. Baroda:
under ed. Robert
Oriental Institute. 1960-75. English translation of first five k@&s
P. Goldman. For the translation of the Bdakiïnda. see Goldman 1984 (Bibliography
B. below).

Iiiyu Purana. Ed. KhemMja ~ rKgadasa.
î
Mumbai: sri VenkateSvara Press. 1933.
"Eine vierte Mitteilung über das Viidhülasütra." Ed. and transi. WiIlem Caland. Acta
Oriet~talia6 : M . pp.97-24 1. 1927. [repr. WilIem Caland: KIeine Schrifien. ed.
Michael Witzel. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner. 1990. pp.397-541.1 This is a part of theC'adhda Bràhmano.

l,wudharmttara-Pt~rüga.Khanda III. Ed Priyabala Shah. (Gaekwad's Orientai Series.
vol. 130.) 1958. Repr. (Although the copyright page claims it is a second cdition. as
the foreword indicates. it is indeed a reprint.) Vadovara: ûricntal Institute. Maharaja
Sayajirao University of Baroda. 1994.

Chinese and Jspanese Text Editions

Benten sanbuhytj. See Bussetsu saish6gokoh Ugqva tontoku n-v6ihiij daranihy6. Bussetsu
sokushin hin den jükutoku enman Uga shinsh6 bosatsu byakuja jigen sannichi
jLij&&C. and Bussetsu Ugajinn6Jukutokuenman darani&? bclow.
Besson zakki f$Jt?%s(Miscellaneous Records on Different Venerables). 57 fascs..
composed by Shinkaku &% (1 117-80). T. vo1.88. 110.3007 [Zuzô Hfg(Iconography), ~01.31).

Bussetsu saish6gokoku Ugaya tontoku n-wjihoju daralrikv6 f i % & ~ % ~ % ? ~ @ f % C l&@hb?%@%! (Dhit-uni Sutra of the ~uddha's Teaching for the Greatest
Protection of the Country by Ugaya's Sudden Attainrnent Wish-fulfilling Jewel) of
the Benten sa~rbub6(Three Sutras of Benten) composed in the late
Heian to the Kamakura period. See Yamamoto 1998. pp.475178.

#x:i?lS#!!

Bussetsu sokushin hin den fukuroku enrnarr Uga shinsh6 bosatsu byakuju j i p sonnichi(sutra of the
B&/f;ZE El
jCjü&j ILZitaD&a%GEH?fiSii%EBl9SE
Buddha's Teaching for Changing Povcrty into Complete Good Foxtune While Still
Alivc by the Manifestation of the Divine General and Bodhisattva Uga as a White
Snakc in the Three-day Accomplishment) of the Berrterz satzbuAw Bxf(Three Sutras of Benten) composed in the late Heian to the Kamakura period. Sce
Yamamoto 1998. pp.479-480.

xpt@h%!

Btissetsu Ugojirtn5 fikutoku enman duraniw U m a(Dhüra~iSutra of
the Buddha's Teaching for [Attaining] Complete Good Fortune through King Ugajin)of the Benzen sanbuw @XE%$$!(Three Sutras of Bentcn) composcd in the late
Heian to the Kamakura period. See Yamamoto 1998. pp.48 1-482.
Chen shu(Book of the Chen. 557-89). 36 fascs.. compiled by Yao Silian &.F,R(557-637) in 636. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju * @ B R . 1972.

@zz

Chu sanzaq ji ji% (Collection of Records Conceming the Translation of theT'hree Storchouses). 15 fascs.. by Sengyou f@# (445-518). complcted in 5 15.
revised by the author bcfore his death. T.vol. 55. no.2145.

Dai Nihorz komonjo fç*Zfxi&,vols. 3.5. and 16. Ed. Tokyo daigaku shiry6 hensanjo

38 gk?'ZfR%(Tokyo University. Department of Hurnanities,
Historiographie Institute). Tokyo: nky6 teikoku daigaku bungakubu 3f%%?k&k@ (Tokyo Imperia1 University. Department of Humanities ). 1902 (vol .3).
1904 (VOIS), 1927 (vol. 16).

kEazasDo Piltchena chetzfo shenbiunjiachi jitzg&#?aalso called Dan'jbtg ka #!!. 7 fascs. Chinese translation of the Mahiivairocana SUtra by~ubhakarasimha(Shanwuwei %%&. 637-735) and Yixing -77 (683-727). T.
@@&#%!avol. t 8. no.848.

Du Pikhena cheq$io sheshenbianjiuchi jing shu ;~EBE%~%@~!BuSE%,
also called
fl #$!R.20 fascs. Commentary by Yixing -fi (683-727) on the
Dari jing shu
Da Piltchena chendo shenbiunjiachi jing. T.vol. 39. no. 1796.

Da bore boluomiduo jing k&88i@%&@.
600 fascs. Chinese translation of various
texts (see Conze 1960. p.28 [Bibliography B. below]). such as the
As~asühasrikapr~jrS~p5ramitÜ
Sutra. by Xuanzang(d. 664) beîween 660-663.
The Chinese title corresponds to Mahüprajfiiipiiramitü Sütra . T.vols.5-7. no.220.

z%Dafangdeng wxiangjing. 6 fascs. Chinese translation of t he Great Cloud Sir tra (Mahümegha
Sütra) by Dharmakgma (Tanwuchen %,%S.
385-433 or 436) in 4 1 7. T. vol. 12.
n a 387.
Dayun jing kB1. See under Dajangdeng \viuriortg jing above.

D a - w jing She»huang shouji yishu h-4ig*iii*iT# s%E%fi(Comrncntary on the Meaningof the Prophecy about Shenhuang in the Great Cloud Sutra). 1 fasc.. written by
Faming @!! and others in 690. Two fragrnentary manuscripts fiom Dunhuang(Stein Collection, nos.6502 and 2658) arc kcpt at the British Library. The two
manuscripts are entirely reproduced in Forte 1976 (see Bibliography B. below).
Forte also provides an English translation (1976. pp. 183-238).
D e n a 6 Daishishiirai Taishzi roku @&1rftl% b
H8if& (Bibliography ofthe tcxts collected
in Tais& [Chi. Taizhou] by Dengy6 Daishi [=Saicho]). 1 fasc.. compiled by Saicho
8%(767-822) in 805. T. vo1.55. no.2 159.

Fozu tongji $b?i%@f%!
( A Comprchensivc Record of the Buddha [~akyamuni]and [Other]
Patriarchs). 54 fascs.. compiled by Zhipan ;fi!$ (dafter 1269) bctween 1258 and1269). T.vo1.49,no.2035.
Gao seng =hiian(Biographies of minent monks). 14 fascs. cornpleted by Huijiao(497-554) ca. 530. T.vo1.50. no. 2059. Partial French translation by Robert
Shih in 1968 (sec Bibliography B. below).

$% (Catalogue of [the Chinese Buddhist Texts] Brought backGoshorai mokuroku[to Japan tiom China]). 1 fasc.. compiled by Kükai 2% (774-835)and presented
to the court in 806. T.vo1.55. n a 2 161.
Guandirzgjing!#fI%(Consecration Sutra), 12 fascs.. a collection of 12 individual sutras.
each contained in a single fasc.. compiled in the mid-fifth century (see Strickmann
1990 @3ibIiographyB.]). T.vo1.2 1. no. 1331.

Guang hongmingji @%s8% (An Expansion of the Hongmingji [Collection for Glorifjmg
and Elucidating ~uddhism]]).30 fascs.. compiled by Daoxuan gg (596-667). T.
vol.52, no.2 103.

Guoqing bailu H s E & (One hundred documents related to the Guoqingsi temple). 4
fascs.. compiled by Guanding(56 1-632) in Ca. 607. T.vol. 46. no. 1934.

%z

H q i n congshu

g&%s,ed. Yu Anlan TZik!. Shanghai: Renmin meishu chubanshe

ha%% I% k@k. 1982.
Hirashi congshu %%%S. 5 vols.. ed. Yu Anlanchubanshe hD$%%%K?k. 1963. [Repr. 1982.1

Shanghai: Renmin meishu

Hebu Jingmngnlingjing &%%%!%k!!.
8 fascs. Chinese translation of the Suvaryabhtisa
Sürra (Sutra of Golden Light) by Dharmaksema (Tanwuchen %%S.385-433 or
436). Paramartha (Boluomotuo #k@8".
500-569). Yaiogupta (Yeshejueduo @gM-6. nad.) and J5Znagupta (Shenajueduo lii]Jb@&. 523-600).edited by Baogui
in 597. T. vol. 16. no.664.
Jingtîangmittg chanfa budu-vi &%881&ji!%km f& (Supplcmentary rituais to the [Sirrra O/]
Golden Light repentance method). 1 fasc.. compiled by Zunshi(946-1032).T.
vo1.46. no. 1945.
Jinguatgming jing %%AB .!fk 4 fascs. Chinesc translation of the Suvapbhisu Sutra( S u ~ oaf Golden Light) by Dharmakserna (Tanwuchen !&!k$@.
385-433 or 436).
completed in 4 17. T. vo1.16. no.663.

z'$Jittgzîangming j h g wetrjrc $?%M$5(A Textual Commcntary on the Jingilangmi~>g(538-597) compilcd by his disciple Guandingjing). 6 fascs.. lectures of Zhiyi %$'&
(561-632) sometime between 597 and 632. T.vo1.39. no. 1785.
Jingîangmir~gjingivenju ji &%f!%!!ftf%Z(A Sub-c.ommentary on the Jinguongming
jittg ivenjlc). 6 fascs.. composed by Zhili(960-1028) in 1027. T. vo1.39.
nos. 1786.

?!$'a( n e Mysterious Meanings of the Jinguungming
Jingua>rgmingjing xuatzrvi &%q#!!!S%jing). 1 fasc.. lectures of Zhiyi @'%(538-597) compiled by his disciple Guanding@@ (56 1632) sometime between 597 and 632. T.vo1.39. no. 1783.
Jinguangmingjirzgxumyi s h w ji & % f l ' ! # ! ! ~ % % ~ ~ ~ (A Record of Collected Omissions(960-1028) inon the Jinguangmingjing mannM).6 fascs.. composed by Zhili
1023. T.vo1.39. no. 1784.

&%aJinguungming zuishe~tgwungjing~ ~ ~ # ! 10
! , fascs. Chinese translation of theSuvar@h&a Sfitra (Sutra of Golden Light) by Yijing %@ (635-713). completed
in 703. T. vo1.16. no.665. German translation by Johannes Nobel In 1958 (seeBibliography B. below).
(A%
CommentaryZ
on theJitiguu~igmingxishengwmg jitzg shu &% B ! 8%%2#i
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T.vo1.39. no. 1788.

Elaiyuun Shviao lu mfiln@&% (Kaiyuan Era Catalogue of the h k y a Tcaching). 20 fascs..
by Zhisheng % 8 (d.~.).
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-

Keiranshùwkhü &B&?%% (Valley storm lost kaves). 113 fascs.. composed by K6shü%$ (active between 131 1 and 1348). T.vol.76.110.2410.
* S b

*

KOJukliji nrki !!@#%!W!t~~(Kofukuji inventory), 1 fax. Dai Nihon bu& zensho k El
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UWI
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m.

$5 i& 22. Taniguchi Tetsuo's 8 U

critical edi tion
Lidai minghuu ji BR%$iZ (Records about theof Zhang Yanyuan's %Bi$%
Famous Painters through the Ages). together with Zhang Yanyuan's minor work
Minghua liejing lu ?g f %@&. including aiso a vcry detailed index of the Lidai
minghzia ji. Tokyo: Cho6 k6ron bijutsu shuppan q*'L?&%#fflE.
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K6hott 'Rekidai meiga hi 'Konkomy6 saisho5@6 gensii & % f i ; 8 a % % E(The# Mysterious Pivot of theJhgiïungming ziishengwangjing). 10 fascs.. by Gangy6 &@% (835-871) et al. T.
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&t;f]a%@3%!MfF (A Commentary on the
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no.2 197,

KmkomyO saishGAy6 chzkhaku(Secret giithis of the Jin [giïangming
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Ko'onsh66-6

Lidai rninghuo ji ER&&%! (Records about the Famous Painters through the Ages) by
Zhang Yanyuan $&%&. 10 fascs.. written in 847. Huashi congdzu. vol. 1. See also
under K6hon 'Rekidoi meiga ki' above. For an English translation. see Acker 1954
and 1974 (Bibliography B.).

Lidai sanbao ji L K Z R Z (Records of the Three Jewels [i. e. Buddhism] through theAges). 15 fascs.. by Fei Zhangfang R%E, completed in 597. T. vo1.49.no.2034.

*&!.

Nihong' El
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Niho~rkoten but~gakutaikei
Mitsusada #L%&,and h o Susumu
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also Nihonshoki below. English translation by W.G. Aston in 1896(see Bibliography
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a%k%.

*si#.

z@b%

2 vols. Ed. Kuroita Katsumi
and editonal board of Kokushi
Nihonshoki
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&$%#a

Qianshi Guanvin zaocidi fa-viigui ?f @@%(Rituai Rules when Making theThousand-amed AvalokiteSvara). 1 fasc.. by ~ubhakarasimha(d.735). T.vo1.20.
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Quan Tmg shi S
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%a$Renwang bore boluomijing ~l*&~iffi@%f!!!(Prujiïâpüramitü Sütra for the Bcnevolent
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fascs. Dai M o n bu&ü zensho fr; 8fisrilTokyo: Bussho kankôkai fi.i!$?J ??*. 19 13.). vol. 1 18. pp. 157185.

fies%.

Saiîhô5w uroku 8!%!8~$!!!W~ (The Feathers [i.e. wings] and Feet of the [Jitrguangming]
zuishengwangjhg). 1 fasc.. by Hy6bi f$% (d.u.). T. vol.56.no.2198.
Saish56&5 knidai %f% z$z
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Shoku ~Vihongi#! B $&!. 2 vols. E d Kuroita Katsumi

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Kokushi Taikei. Kokushi taikei a 2k%.Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan@. 1983.

1 %ft

Sui Tiantai Wizhe Dashi biezhuan Rz+ @%Ri!@
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RR,3r&8 (1866-1945) and Watanabe Kaigyoku $%&%& (1872-L933), vols. 1-85.
Issaiky6 kank6k.i -W@?lj
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Tangchoo rni»ghzia lu f $ ~ & i k % R(Record of Famous Painters of the Tang Dynasty), 1
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Tôduiji -vOrokua

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Fig. 1 *Y

on a stupa pillar from Bhàrhut (Indian Museum. Calcutta).
Second century B.C.E. Red sandstonc.

Fig.2 Panel dcpicting the IndraSFdâ cave with PaiïcaSikha playing the viw on the lefi,
stupa railing from Bhiirhut (Indian Museum. Calcutta).
Second ccntury B.C.E. Red sandstone.

Fig.3 Part of incised scene on a vase from Gondla. Himachal Pradesh (British Museum).
First century B.C.E. Bronze. Ht. of vase 15.2 cm.

Fig.4 Modem Sarasvati carved on a defaced second- or ihird-cntury C E Buddhist image
from Cihantashala. Andhra Pradesh (Siva Tcmplc ). Marble.

Fig.5 Female musician fiom Gandhira (Lahore Museum).
Eariy centuries C.E.Stonc. Ht. 23 cm.

Fig.6 Fcrnalc musician h m Swit (Pcshawar Muscum).
Eariy ccntuncs C.E. Stonc. Ht. 38 cm.

Fig.7 Male musician fiom Yusufiai (L.Dames. Berlin).
Early centuries C.E. Stonc.

Fig.8 Jain Saruvati from Kankiili X!à.ancient sitc ncar Mathura.
Uttar Pradcsh (Statc Muscum of Lucknow. Uttar Pradesh).
Ca. third ccntury C.E. Rcd sandstonc. Ht. 57 cm.

Fig.9 Obvcnc of Samudragupta lyrist type coin showing the king playing thc vi!zÜ (Lingcn
Collection. The Ncthcrlands). R. ca. 350-375.üold. Diametcr 2.20 cm. Thickncss 1 mm.

Fig. IO Rcvcnc of Samudragupta lyrist type coin showing Laksrni with fillct and horn ofplcnty (Lingcn Collcçtion. Thc Ncthcrlands). R. ca. 350-375. (iold. Diarnetcr 2.20 cm.
Thickncss 1 mm.

Fig. 1 1 Rcvenc of Sarnudragupta battle-üxc type coin showing Laksmi with fillct and hornof plcnty (Privatc collection. Bascl ). R. ca. 350-375. Ciold. Diarnctcr 2.1 cm.

354

Fig. 12 Obverse of Samiciiradeva rcijalilà typc coin showing the king seated at case(Indian Muscum. Calcutta). R. ça. 550-575. GoIci. Diamctcr 2.03 cm.

Fig. 13 Reverse of Samaciiradeva rajdilti typc coin showin!: a femalc figure standing
amidst lotuses with a hurpsu bclow (Indian Museum. Calcutta). R. ca. 550-575.
Gdd. Diamctcr 2.03 cm.

Fig. 14 Sarasvati sculpture from Uttar Pradesh (Los Angeles County Museum of Art).
Sixth century. Sandstonc. Ht. 83.8 cm.

Fig. l S Sarasvati sculpture fiom Samith. Uttar Pradesh (Samâth Museum of Archaeology).
Sixth century. Rcddish Chunar sandstonc. Ht. 35.5 cm.

Fig. 16 Sarasvati f?om &OP. Gujarat.
Ca. 600-620. Bronx. Ht- 26.67 cm.

Fiç. 17 Sürasvati from A kotii. Ciujarat (Baroda Museum).
Latc scvcnth ccntury. Drcinzc. Ht. 3 1.24 m.

Fig. 18 Sarasvüti from Ak«!i. Gujardt.
Ca. 700. Un~nzc.Ht. 1 3 . 4 cm.

Fig. 19 Sarasvati from Vasantgarh. Rajasthan (Mahâvirasviimi Temple. Pindawara).
Ca. 700.Bronze. Ht. 3 1.24 cm.

Fig.20 Brahmii~ifiom northcm Gujarat (Baroda Museum).
Sixth to seventh ccntury. Stone. Ht. 60.96 cm.

Fig.2 I Shrinc of the rivcr goddcsscs in thc ICA courtyard of cüvc 16 (Kailisanàtha)of
Ellow. Maharashtra. Eighth t o ninth ccntury. Stonc.

363

Fig.22 Sarasvati in the shrinc of the river goddesses of cave 16 of Ellora. Maharashtra.
Eighth to ninth ccntury. Stonc.

Fiç.23 Sarasvati sculpture from Mathura. Uttar Pradesh (British Museum).
Tcnt h çcntury. Stonc.

Fig.24 Eight-arrned Benzaiten fiom the Hokkedô of T h i j i in Nara.
Eighth ccntury. Clay. Ht. 219 cm.

366

Fig.25A Uuddha ~ i î k ~ a m u n(Shijiai) wi th Vaiiravana ( Pishümcntian).
Uiancaitian. and sri (Jixiangtian) frum Dunhuang (Musée Guimct).
Tcnth ccntury. Painting on piipcr. 27 x 43 cm.

367

Fig.26 Three-headed eight-armed Biancaitian from Dunhuang (British Museum).
Ninth to tcnth ccntury. Ink on papcr. 29.7 cm x 43 cm.

Fig.27 Eight-armed Benzaiten surrounded by Hàriti (Kariteirnon). Dyaâ mhivi(Kenrochijin). and two divine generais (Saki [Sh6ryochi] and Manibhadra Woken]) on
the back wall of a sri (Kichijôten) miniature shrine (,whie) ftom Joruriji near Nara
(Tokyo University of Arts). Ca. 12 12. Colour on wood. 103.5 x 62.7 cm.

Fig.28 Eight-armed Durgii Mahisâsuramardini fiom Mathura. Uttar Pradesh(Muscurn Er Indische Kunst. Berlin. no. 199). Late third ccntury. Stone.

37 1

Fig.29 Durs: Mahisàsuramardini from Durgà Templc in Aiholc. Kamataka.
Sixth ccntury. Stonc. Ht. 125 cm.

Fig.30 Durgii Mahi$îsuramardini from MahisZsuramardini Mandapa of Mamaîiapurdm.
Tamil Nadu. Sevcnth ccntury. Granite.

Fig.3 I DU@ Mahisiisuramardini fiom Alarnpur. Andhra Pradesh (Alampur Museum).
Eighth century. Stonc. 8 1 x 65 cm.

374

Fig.32 Durgi M ahisasuramardi ni liom ( iardw. Afgh;tnisi;in( uscd to bc in t hc National Muscurn of Afshmistan. Kabul ).
Scvcnth o r cighth ccntury. bl:irblc. HI. o;i. ho cm.

Fig.33 Dur@ Mahisrlsummardini frum Scrnarang. C c n t ~ i Java.
lEighth çcntury. Stonc. Ht. 77 cm.

3 76

Fig.31 Durga M;ihi$isur,imürdini from a D u q i Tcrnplc in Singsiiri.
castcrn Java ( Rijksmuscum voor Volkcnkundc. Lcidcn).
Thirtccnth ccntury. V k i n i c stmc. Ht. 157 cm.

Fig.35A Womb World Mandiila. Saiin Miindala of Eji i n Kyoro.
859-XW. C'r~li)uron d k . llY3.6 s 164.2 cm.

Fig.35B Detail of fig.3SA. Sarasvati as the Wondefil Sounds Deity (Jap. Myoonten)
in the Womb World Mandala. Sain Mandala.

379

Fig.36 Sarasvati as MyOonten in thc Womb World Mandala rcprcscntcd int hc fivc-storcy pegoda of Daigoji in Kyoto. 95 1. Colour on wood.

380

Fig.37 Sarasvati as MyGonten from Tsurugaoka Hachimangü in Kamakura.
1266. Wood, Ht. 95.7 cm.

38 1

Fig.38 Sarasvati as Myîwntcn from Ninnaji in Kyoto.
1407. C'olour on silk. 76.6 x J(1.8 cm.

Fig.39 Thousand-armcd. thousand-cycd Avalokitchmra ((iuanyin) surroundcd byfiwrtccn figurcs. incl udi ng Sarasvati ( Da Uiançai t iannü). from Dunhuang( Pclliut Cdlcctiim. Musec (iuimct ). 933. Colour o n silk. 123.5 .u 84.2 cm.

3x3

Fig.40 Elcvcn-hcadcd. ten-amcd Avalokitcdva~i( < iuanyin ) surroundcd byfourtccn figures. includi n_eonc idcnti ficd as ci thcr Sardsvati ( Uiüncai tian ) or s r i(Gongdetian ). from Dunhuiin_c f Pclliat Collection. Muscc (iuimct ).
10th ccntury. Ciilour on hcmp. 142.5 x 9R.X cm.

Fig.4 I A Thousand-armcd. thousand-cyed Avalokitcivar~(Guanyin) surroundcd bythirty-two figures. including sri (Gongdctian). from Dunhuang( P c h t Cullcction. Mustic Ciuirnct).Y8 1 . Colour on silk. 189.4 x 124 cm,

385

Fig.42 Ugii-Bcnzüitcn from Enoshima Jinja ncar Kamakura.
Mid-Kamakura Pcriod. M.'r~oct.Ht. 59.3 cm,

Fig.43 Uga-Ucnmitcn from a privatc collection (Tokyo National Museum).
Sccond hiilf of t h c Kamakura Pcnod. Ht. 3 1.3 cm.

Fig.44 Benzaitcn Jügodoji from Kotohi ragü. Kagawa Prefecture.
Late Kamakura Pcriod, Colour on silk. 129.1 .u 52.4 cm.

389

Fig.46 Ugajin from Chiikenji near Kyoto.
Edo PcncxL Wood. Ht. ça. 50 cm.

Fig.47 Tenkawa Dcnzaiten mandala imagc h m Ishiyamadera. Shiga Prefeçturc.
Murornachi Pcririd. Lolour on silk. 105 x 38.4 cm.

392

Fig.48 Nakcd Dcntcn from Enoshi mii Jinja ncar Kiirnakura.
Nanbr~kuchi?Pcricd. Wciiid. Ht. 26.3 cm.
Photograph takcn bcfiwc thc rcstvration of 1927.

Fig.49 Benïaitcn frum thc SeikadG Bunko Muscum. Tokyo.
Nanbokuchr', Pcriod. Ccilour on sik. 156.1 x 59.7 m.

Fig.50 Shichifukujin Takarabunc (Trcasurc ship of the Scvcn (iods of (iood Fortune)
by Hiroshizc ( 1797-IXSX) from a priviitc wllcction. Woodblock print.

Fig.5 1 Fuji Film advcrtising of 1999 for Ncw Ycar's cürds with photognphs.

396