THE Y AKSHAS, NAGAS AND OTHER REGIONAL CULTS OF MATI-IURA

The architectural remains from Mathura discussed, are a good indicator of the scale oforganisation and popularity of the multiple religious cults that existed in the region, butthere were possibly many other local sects and practices that flourished around the region
that did not have any monumental architecture associated with them. The cult of thenumerous Yakshas and the local village gods and goddesses are some of them, and yet
their popularity in the region rivalled the major sects like Buddhism and lainism at
Mathura. This chapter discusses these popular cults of the region and their representationin the sculptural imagery at Mathura. The repertoire of Naga and Yaksha imagery at
Mathura is extremely diverse, and they occur both as independent cults in their own right,
displaying certain iconographic conventions as is discerned from the sculptural evidencc,
or as part of the larger Buddhist and laina pantheons, in which they are accorded avariety of roles and are depicted variously. An interesting fact to note is that theseregional cults are dispersed quite evenly in the region, and run parallel to most of the
Buddhist and laina sculptures. The beginnings of these cults can be traced back to the 2nd
century B.C., as exemplified by the colossal Parkham Yaksha, or perhaps even earlier if
one takes into account the various terracotta figurines that occur as early as 400 H.C. They
not only coexist and flourish in Mathura, along with the many other religious sects, butalso perhaps outlive the latter, continuing to be an inevitable part of the local beliefs andpractices of the region in the present times. Religion in itself operates at different levels.
ranging from large scale dominant sects like Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical ones, tothe local and region specific gods and goddesses, Yakshas and Nagas, along with theworship of and offerings made to domestic household deities. All of these aspects arc
amply reflected in the archaeological and epigraphic evidence from Mathura.

Yakshas, Yakshis and other Demi-Goddesses of MathuraCommenting upon the research done on the antiquity and development of the cult of the
Yaksha in Indian art and mythology, with special reference to the site of Mathura, G.
Mitterwallner emphasises that although there has been a lot of investigations done by162known scholars on the Yakshas of ancient India, there has been absolutely no work doneon the Yakshas of specific sites or cities so far, Mathura being one ofthem. 219
The first comprehensive analysis on the Yakshas was done by Ananda
Coomaraswam/

20,

who traced the development of the cult of the Yakshas usmg a

combination of literary and sculptural data. He discusses the 'Aryan as well as the 11011Aryan elements in the evolution of the iconography and religious history of the cult'.221
His sources range from the Vedic texts, to the Pali Buddhist and Jaina literature, alongwith the archaeological evidence suggestive of the development of the cult. Discussing
the multivalent attitude towards the Yakshas, he debates both the benevolent and the
malevolent aspects of these deities as reflected in the literary texts, invoking fear at sometimes and respect at others. Coomaraswamy discusses the antiquity of the cult, stressing
the various ways in which these gods were worshipped and enshrined, at the same time
undertaking a discussion on the cult of popular Yakshas, like Naigamesha and Kuberathat are represented independently, as well as occur as a part of other religious pantheons
like in Buddhist and Jaina ones. Interpreting the use of the Yakshis as an artistic motifin
Indian art, Coomaraswamy underlines the deeper association of the Yakshas with thewater cosmology derived from the philosophic discussions of the Upanishads. Therefore,
what may appear to be representing a mere tutelary deity or an ornamental motif has inessence, a deeper philosophical importance that is well represented in the ancient Indian
texts.
Tracing the development of the Yaksha cult in the plastic arts of ancient India,
Coomaraswamy points out to the antiquity of the imagery of Yakshas, and sees them asprecursors to the life size Buddha images that were later modelled on the same pattern as
those of the Yaksha images, the artists drawing inspiration from the latter. Thishypothesis has been widely accepted in the scholarly circles, especially in context of
Mathura, where the Greco Roman influence is seen to have played an important role inthe development of the Mathura school of sculpture. Arguing against this contention
Coomaraswamy, along with other scholars like Vincent Smith and Growse, argue for the'Yak~as of Ancient Mathura', in Mathurii: The Cultural Heritage, D.M. Srinivasan(ed.), AIlS, New Delhi, Manohar, pp. 368-382, p-368.
220 Coomaraswamy, Ananda, Yak$as: Essays in Water Cosmology, IGNCA, New Delhi, Oxford University
Press, New edition, 1993.
221 Ibid., foreword p-ix.
219 Mitterwallner, G.,163

indigenous development of the Mathura School, taking the pot bellied Yaksha figuresfrom Mathura as proto types after which the Buddha images in the region were fashioned.
Coomaraswamy therefore concludes, that this being the case, it is not unlikely that
Mathura would have produced the first Buddha images and not Gandhara.
Reverting to our discussions on the Yakshas from Mathura, it is observed thatthey can be divided into two broad categories, i.e. either represented as free standing orseated figures carved in round, or relief, that would have served as independent cultimages, the second are the Yakshas that occurred either as guardian deities or attended
some worshipped personage or cult emblems. The latter are especially seen in the case of
Buddhist and Jaina iconography, where they occur as attendants to the images of the
Buddha, Bodhisattvas or the Jaina tirthankaras, or are at times depicted as worshipping
cult symbols like the dharma chakra, stupas, etc. A third category can also be identified,
which comprises of the use of the imagery of the beautiful voluptuous Yakshis as
ornamental motifs depicted primarily on the railing pillars from Mathura. I would like toenumerate a few examples of each category from the various sites of Mathura.
The potbellied crouching dwarfs are the most common representations of theseated Yaksha figures. In most cases the knee is fastened to the belly with the help of ascarf, the facial features are demonic, with earrings and necklaces forming a part of theornamentation. In some cases the arms of such Yakshas are seen as supporting a hugebowl, resembling the Atlantes figures. In other instances these figures are depicted withgrotesque facial features and conspicuous genital.
The seco.nd most common representation of a seated male Yaksha is one of a pot
bellied male figure, squat-legged with a cup in one hand and a money purse in the other.
These figures are often identified as representing the god Kubera, and sometimes are
depicted with a seated female figure alongside, which may be taken to represent thegoddess Hariti. Both are assumed to fulfil fertility functions and worshippedindependently in their own right as well, apart from forming a part of Buddhist and Jaina
iconography. However, scholars have not been consistence with the identification of
Kubera images. The catalogues of the Mathura Museum by Vogel and Agrawala, exhibit
these inconsistencies, where in some cases such potbellied figures are identified as
Kubera, while in the others they are just termed as Yaksha figures. It may be noted that in164most of the Yaksha and Yakshi figures there are no inscriptions that may facilitate theiridentification, or provide names of these gods and goddesses. In some cases though, theidentification of the Kubera and Hariti images are possible. with a fair amount ofcertainty, especially where the former is depicted with a mongoose and a goblet, twoicons unmistakably associated with Kubera, and the latter is depicted holding a child in
her lap. The hands in most of these sculptures are raised in Abhayamudra, and at times
Kubera is depicted with other religious icons as well like the dharma chakra. In aninteresting example of artistic improvisation from Mathura, Kubera is depicted as being
seated in Bhadrasana playing the harp, while Hariti is seated, holding out her hand in

Abhayamudra. Sometimes both the divinities are surrounded by figures of devotees withfolded hands paying their respects to the gods.
Yet another category of male Yakshas can be identified form Mathura, in mostcases these Yakshas hold indistinct objects in their hands, in one specimen a Varah faced
Yaksha is seen as holding a long necked bottle and a basket containing a garland, inanother image the Yaksha is seen holding a club and a vase. Other miscellaneous figures
are depicted with carrying various objects, like a trident or even a ram's head as depicted
in one particular specimen.
Aside from these individual specimens carved in the round, there are many Yakshas thatare depicted on bas-reliefs and that form a part of the monumental architecture at
Mathura. The most common ones are depiction of the dwarf figures from the railingpillars and the bas-reliefs, that show them crouched prostrate, with a standing female
figure on their back. Other dwarf figures occur on miscellaneous architectural pieces likedoorjambs and architraves, depicted as being pot bellied and with a grotesque facial
expression, and these fulfil the role of being attendant figures carrying baskets withflowers and other offerings or at times with flywhisks in their hands. There is only one
representation of a Yaksha occurring independently on a bas-relief, belonging to the
Kushana period, which shows the figure wielding a musala in his left hand, identified as
Moggarpani Yaksha by Agrawala. 222

222 The Yaksha Moggarapani

is mentioned in the Antagadadasao as the ancestral deity of the gardener
Ajjunaka of Rajagriha. The legend narrates that once Anjjunaka, while worshiping the Yaksha, waschallenged by a group of bandits, who tied him and ravaged his wife. The gardener then remembered his

165

A distinct category of Yakshas from Mathura depicts them as supporters ofarchitectural parts or of bowls. The Yaksha atlantes and some representations of them
supporting the dharma chakra have been mentioned. A large number of bowl supporting
Yakshas have also come to light from different sites in Mathura. The figures from
Palikhera and Govindnagar, being perfect examples of these. The stone bowl from
Palikhera is inscribed and is dedicated to the Buddhist sub-sect of the Mahasangikas.
Similar specimens have been further discovered from Govindnagar, the best preserved
specimen depicts a Yaksha carved in the round, supporting a broken bowl on its head.
The ornamentation on the figure consists of a torque and earrings, and the facial
expressions and the general countenance deceives the figure for a female. 223 There havebeen speculations about the exact role that these bowl supporting Yakshas played.
Comparing the Mathura specimens with similar examples from Amravati, Vogelmentions that many reliefs from the latter site, feature a pair of bowl supporting dwarf
Yakshas, which are placed at either side ofthe entrance to the ambulatory path around thestupa. In many of the sculptures male and female devotees are depicted as making
offerings in these bowl or else taking something out of them. On the basis of this it has
been concluded that similar Yakshas from Mathura too fulfilled the same function-thatthey were placed at the entrance to a sacred stupa spot and served as a bowl stand forofferings. This further conformed with their role of a gatekeeper, a role that is normallyassigned to a lot of Yaks has when associated with Buddhist and Jaina iconography.
Moving to the female counterparts, sculptural representation of Yakshis from
Mathura is overwhelming. The freestanding specimens could have represented somelocal goddesses worshipped by the people. The other female figures form a part of thearchitectural sculpture and are artistic masterpieces. These figures are beautifully carved,
depicted in various graceful poses, and are mostly used as decorative motifs for thc
ancient buildings. The standing or seated squatting female figures, mostly depicted with achild on the lap, hands raised in Abhayamudra are identified as goddess Hariti. They
occur independently or with a similar seated male Yaksha figure, usually identified withancestral deity, who possessed him, after which Ajjunaka wielding a mace killed the bandits. This maybe
the theme depicted on the relief from Mathura.
223 Sharma, R.C., Buddhist Art: Mathura School, New Delhi, Wiley Eastern Limited, pp. 112-13.

166

PLATE XVII: Shalabhanjika figure-Sonkh.

,

Kubera. The Kubera and Hariti figures depicted together in relief are found in large
numbers from Mathura.
The other categories of female Yakshis, depicted on the architectural sculpture,occur in various poses. The Mathura artists seemed particularly fond of depicting theshalabhanjika figures on the railing pillars and reliefs. In most of these specimens, thefemale figure is depicted in a graceful attitude, standing on a prostrate dwarf under a tree,with one hand clasping a branch, while the other resting on the hip. Most of these figures
are depicted nude, but for the heavy girdle and the usual ornaments like an elaborate
headdress and necklaces and anklets. Other than the shalabhanjika, the figures are
sculpted in various other attitudes, like that of loosening their girdles, or feeding a parrot,
holding a stalk of flower, holding a dagger etc.
An important category of female figures from Mathura is the various matrika
plaques that are found from the various sites in the region. A lot of these plaques are fromthe site of Plaikhera that depict these goddesses seated or standing in various poses. The
number of female figures depicted is not standardised and the number varies from two toseven. Agrawala identifies these as depicting the cult of the saptamatrika or seven mothergoddesses, each of them identified with their characteristic emblems. 224 Most of theseplaques belong to the Kushana period where the number of goddesses depicted on aplaque does not seem to be standardised, but was elastic and depended on the discretionof the artist or the patron commissioning the sculpture. There are also a number of imagesof the goddess Vasundhara, identified with ajar and the fish symbol, that are found fromsites like Palikhera and Bajna from Mathura. N.P. Joshi cataloguing these matrika
plaques from Mathura has classified them into various categories. 225 Defining what
would really qualify as depicting a matrika in a plaque, he clarifies that female figureswith one child or two or more children are generally known as Mothers or lvfatrikas and
224 Agrawala describes the relief as depicting the saptamatrikas with haloed heads holding a childin theirleft arm. The first is Brahmani with three haloed heads and a ladle in her right hand. Her vehicle is a swan.
Next is Maheshvari with her Trishul and her vehicle is a bull. The third is Kaumari, holding her sakti andher vehicle the peacock. The fourth is Vaishnavi with a mace and her vehicle is a Garuda. The fifth is
Varahi holding a broken staff, with her vehicle Mahisa. The sixth is lndrani with her Vajra and her vehicle
an elephant. The last of the group is Camunda recognized by her Preta-vahana, garland of skulls, emaciatedbody and a sunken belly. On the proper right side is a figure of Siva in the vidarbha form playing the vina.
At the end of the series stands the pot-bellied god Ganesha, who holds a dagger and a bowl of sweets andmouse as vehicle.
225 Joshi, N.P., Miitrkiis: Mothers in Kusiina Art, New Delhi, Kanak Publications, 1986.

167

PLATE XVIII: Three Matrikas on a panel- Peepal Wala Well, Mathura City

these are found in large number in Mathura, fashioned both in stone as well as terracotta.
Further he identifies 13 broad categories in them that roughly include women with humanfigures, standing or seated, depicted with a child, matrikas with animal or bird faces withchildren, some of the female figure holding a child are depicted together with Kubera,
while others are standing in a line without any children depicted. Joshi also points outthat none of the female figures are depicted with any weapons or with any mount, an
opinion that can be contested, when one considers the saptamatrika plaque that is
catalogued by Agrawala, which clearly depict each goddess with her respective weaponand mount.
Apart from these matrika figures are also the depiction of Brahmanical goddesses
like Lakshmi, Vasundhara and the goddess Durga in her Mahisasurmardini form. The
Mahisasurmardini images are also fashioned in Mathura in large numbers and it seems
that the goddess was worshipped popularly in the region. The earliest specimens of theMahisasurmardini plaques occur from the Kushana period and are fashioned in terracotta(Sonkh).
As for the geographical distribution of the Yaksha and the other goddess images,
they are to be found all over the region of Mathura. The widespread distribution of thesematrika sculptures is acknowledged by Joshi, and the sites he mentions that have yielded
these sculptures are:Manoharpura-Mathura City
Girdharpur

Brindaban

Nagla Jhinga

Tayyapur

Potra Kund, Katra

Arjunpura

Kankali Tila

Bhuteshvar

Ral Bhadar

Kervi Village

Palikhera

Naya Village

Sitala Paisa

UspharBajna

MahabanDhangaon

Kevala Village

Rani ki Mandi

Akrur Village

168

Considering the fact that some of the sites like Jamalpur and Katra wereconsidered as primary Buddhist strongholds in the Kushana period, and similarly the siteof Kankali was a Jaina site, Joshi concludes that the find spots of various matrika figuresindicate that the matrika cult was basically an important popular cult accepted by the
Buddhist, Jainas and the followers of the Brahmanical faith, and that the entire region
was under its influence?26
Collating the epigraphic evidence from Mathura to these images, it may beobserved that unlike the Buddhist and Jaina statues, hardly any of the Yaksha, Yakshi orgoddess sculptures were inscribed. There are only a handful of examples where thesestatues are inscribed with specific names of the deities mentioned, or that the donors havc
engraved their names and the nature of their donation, a practice that is otherwisecommon to the Buddhist and Jaina imagery from Mathura. The inscription from the siteof Nagala Jhinga, only the reading of which is available, dated to the 2 nd century B.C.,
records the setting up of a statue by a person by the name ofNaka, who identifies himself
as being the pupil of a certain Kunika. The Yaksha image from the site of Parkham is also
inscribed, dating to 2 nd century B.C., here the sculptor again identifies himself to be thc
pupil of Kunika, probably the same person as mentioned in the inscription from Nagala
Jhinga, as both the inscription are contemporaneous in date. The Yaksha itself is referred
to as the' Holy One' and no name is offered in the inscription of the deity. There are also
the finds of a Kubera sculpture and a female statue from the site of Parkham, but the
inscriptions on the pedestal of both these images are damaged and no sense can bediscerned from them. The site of Gayatri Tila has yielded a statue of a pot bellied malefigure attended by two standing females, the sculpture being inscribed with a donative
inscription, but due to the damaged condition of the sculpture, only the names of thedonors are preserved, and the Yaksha represented by the sculpture cannot be identified.
Another similar example is from the site of Ral Bhadar, where an inscribed sculptured
plaque depict a seated male and female figure, but only the concluding part of the
donative inscription is preserved. Similarly the site of Mora, apart from yielding remainsof a Bhagvata temple, has also yielded two inscribed statues of female figures, probably

226

Ibid., pp. 14-15.

169

some Yakshis, the statues of whom are commissioned to be made at the site by the
devotees.

The Naga Divinities at MathuraAs early as the 1880' s, Growse published a hand copy of an inscription he found from thesite of Jamalpur that provided tangible proof to the existence of a Naga sanctuary at thesite. The inscription incised on a stone slab read 'the place sacred to the divine lord ofNagas Dadhikarna' .227 The inscription proved that the site of Jamalpur was probably
associated with the worship of the Naga divinity by the name of Dhadhikarna, and thatthe latter had a temple structure of its own there, perhaps before the establishment of the
Huvishka vihara at the site. This was further confirmed by another inscription that cameto light from the site, incised on a pillar base donated to the Huvishka vihara, it was a giftfrom Devila, 'a servant of the shrine of Dhadhikarna'. This apart from proving thehistoricity of the Naga cult at the site also confirmed that the shrine of the Naga lord
Dhadhikarna and the Buddhist viharas coexisted and were contemporaneous to eachother.
This was only the beginning to the finds of Naga sculptures from Mathura. In
1908 Pt. Radha Krishna acquired a life size image of a Naga, from the village ofChhargaon. The hooded Naga statue depicts the deity with its right arm raised over thehead ready to strike. The figure wears a dhoti and an upper garment, and a necklace forornamentation. The head is surmounted by a seven-headed snake hood. The inscription
on the back of the sculpture, records the setting up of this image by two individuals
during the reign of the Kushana king Huvishka. The Chhargaon image seemed to have tosome extent provided a fixed iconographic convention for the freestanding Naga images
from Mathura, as several similar specimens were discovered from around the region.
Growse discovered a Naga statue from the Tehsil of Sadabad, which was in a bettcr statc
of preservation than the Chhargaon image, with the cup held in the left hand very
distinctly, and the head as usual surmounted by the seven-hooded canopy.

227 Vogel, J.Ph., 'Naga Worship At Mathura', ASIAR, 1908-09, pp.

170

159--163.

PLATE XIX: Chhargaon Naga Image.

Another Naga statue came from the village of Khamini, which can be stylisticallyascribed to the Kushana period, and yet another that was purchased from the shrine ofDauji in the present day Mathura City, which was salvaged for worship by the local
priest, and was enshrined as Balrama in the temple at the site. From the inscription on theimage it was determined that it belonged to the Kushana period, and was only twelve
years later in date than the Chhargaon Naga. The continuity of Naga worship in the
succeeding Gupta period is ascertained by a Naga sculpture that was obtained fromsomewhere between the villages of Maholi and Usphar, and the fragment consisted of thehind portion of a coiled up snake carved in the round. The roughly dressed base containedrda Sanskrit inscription in two lines, ascribable to around the 3 century A.D. recording the
donation of the image. The owner of the image had made a mud effigy on top of theimage, which was explained, to the visiting pilgrims as the popular legend of Lord
Krishna subduing the Kaliya N aga.
Scholars have emphasized a close association of the Balrama cult of present day
Mathura, with the Naga worship in the ancient past. In fact it is no coincidence that thepresent day Balrama images are largely fashioned after the Chhargaon Naga image.
Vogel has highlighted that the modern day white marble images of Baladev, fashioned in
Mathura, are stylistically, descendants of the Chhargaon images with a few iconographic
changes. The snake hood, in accordance to the mythical legend of Balrama, is seen to
represent the fact that Baladeva was the incarnation of Nag a Sesha, and the cup in the left
hand is indicative of the drinking propensities of the deity. Vogel goes on to conjecturethat perhaps the mythical personage of Balrama was developed from the Naga lord, and if
this being the case, one can trace the historical development of the Naga Balrama in theregion, which later became absorbed into the Krishnaite pantheon. The Buddhist and the
Jainas also to some extent sought to adapt the popular worship of the Nagas into theirreligion. The Nagas in Buddhist and Jaina iconography are depicted as devotees of Lord
Buddha and the Naga hood forms the headgear of the Jaina tirthankara Parshavanath.
The Nagas in the Krishna legend are depicted in two ways--one is the Naga
association with Balrama, who in Vaishnava mythology is the older brother of Krishna,and second is the ultimate triumph of the Vaishnava cult over the local Naga deities andtheir absorption into the larger Vaishnava religion. The most popular perception, and the171

PLATE XX: Modern day Balrama image.

one that is supported by the Epic and Puranic literature, is the association of the Naga
with Balrama, who in the Epics is depicted as the older brother of Krishna. The
Mahiibhiirata and the Harivamsa Puriir/a, both have preserved elaborately the legends ofKrishna and Balrama, being born in the environs of Mathura, and therefore are
inseparably linked to the region. Along with Krishna, Balrama is also seen as a form ofVishnu, and an incarnation of the serpent lord Sesha. Balrama is also closely associatedwith drinking and intoxicants 228 , and in some legends is also seen as an agricultural deity.
The parallels of this latter aspect, of Blarama being an agricultural deity, are also traced
to the ancient Nagas, who were closely connected with water--the element all-important
for agriculture. These two attributes-use of intoxicants and the association with
agriculture-have shaped the iconography of the Balrama images in which he is depicted
as a Naga deity holding a cup in this left hand and a plough over his shoulder.
N.P. Joshi 229 , concentrating his study on the iconography of Bah-ama images,
using a combination of literary and sculptural evidence, perceives the Naga worship in
India as primarily a folk cult and opines that the theory that Balrama as an incarnation ofVishnu might have .got further impetus from the followers of the Naga cult because it
conferred a superior status on their deity. He stresses that from Kautilya's Arthasiislra, it
is evident that Naga worship was extremely popular in Mauryan times and that is amply
depicted from the sculpted panels of Bharhut, Sanci and Amravati. The anthropomorphic
representations of Naga at Mathura start as early as the 3rd century B.C., culminating into
the establishment of the two Apsidal Temples dedicated to the cult at Sonkh. The lack of
iconographic evidence in the Gupta, and later in the medieval period, is interpreted as theresult of the absorption of the cult into the ever-growing Brahmanical pantheon. At thesame time, the evidence of the worship of Balrama, running parallel to the other Naga
deities at Mathura, is seen in the many kinship triads depicting the Vrishni heroes,
Balrama being one of them along with Vasudeva. Since in the literary texts, Balarama is
associated with Krishna, who is also identified as Bhagavata Vasudeva, the epigraphic
evidence from the doorjamb inscription from Mora, dated to the 1SI century B.C., a
The Mahiibhiirata narrates the legend of how after defeating larasandha, Balrama paid a visit to Vraj
and drank to his satisfaction. There are other references in texts that mention the drinking propensities orBalrama, and hence the association with the drinking cup in iconography.
229 Joshi, N.P., The Iconography of Bairiima, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, 1979.

228

172

mention has been made of a shrine that was dedicated to Bhagavata Vasudeva, but Joshi
feels that the inscription could be well read Bhagavta Baladeva as well. Therefore thecrux of his theory is that while the worship of local, or folk as he terms them, Naga
divinities was popular in Mathura from the 3rd century B.C. continuing to the early Gupta
period, there is equal evidence for the worship of Balrama during this period as well. The
early Naga imagery from Mathura went a long way in defining and refining the
iconography of the Balrama images of the region, but a well-developed independent
formula for Balrama was yet to come into existence.
The followers of Krishna therefore, according to common scholarly perception,
declared the Naga images to represent the older brother of their divine hero. The
conversion was made in such a manner that the rural population could still continue toworship their familiar snake hooded idols under a different name. The imagery of
Krishna subduing the Kaliya Naga in some ways is used as a metaphor to represent theundermining of the popular cult of the Nagas, and the superimposition of the greater
Vaishnava worship over them. The Buddhist sangha, it is assumed, absorbed the Nagas
into their religious imagery due the immense popularity of the latter cult with thecommon population.
In a recent study, Julia Shaw and John Sutcliffe230 have added the dimensions of
economic determinism to this assimilative practice. They feel that the traditional models
on Buddhist propagation in ancient India, address the issue of the Sangha's appropriationof the local nature spirits, drawing from textual accounts the Buddha's subordination, andthe ultimate conversion of the powerful Nagas and Yakshas. From the observations andchronicles of Faxian, the Chinese pilgrim, who visited India in the 5th century A.D., theincorporation of the Naga shrines into the monastic compounds was largely connected tothe popular perception of the Nagas as fertility and protective deities, and that such apractice would therefore ensure adequate rainfall and protection against naturalcalamities. Shaw and Sutcliffe have taken up the case study of the Sanci landscape, andargued for a model of monastic landlordism according to which they claim that the'spatial dynamics of the "early historic complex" are repeated throughout the Sanchi area
230 Shaw, Julia &John, Sutcliffe, 'Water management, Patronage Networks and Religious Change; New
Evidence from the Sanchi Dam Complex and Counterparts in Gujarat and Sri Lanka', South Asian Studies,Vol. XIX, London, 2003, pp. 73-104.

173

and it provides an empirical basis for suggesting some form of interdependent exchange
network between local oligarchs, landowners, labourers and monks,23I. How do the Naga
images figure in here? First, the presence of the Naga images situated within theboundaries of the hilltop monastic complexes are seen to form a part of the wider'Buddhist landscape', and secondly, these images are seen as manifestations of the local
Naga dynasty, who appear to have been closely connected with the patronage of dams
and Buddhist sites in the area.
Further the association of the Nagas with water and fertility in the common belief
systems of the people also encouraged the monks to have their images installed within themonastic complexes, or near the water bodies like the dams in the area.

232

Therefore

Naga worship as part of Buddhist practice was not because the Sangha sought to convert
the local population, but rather because its effects were in harmony with the Sangha's
wider economic concerns with agrarian production as an instrument of lay patronage.
There are two aspects to the argument made by Shaw and Sutcliffe, one
concerning the role of the monastic establishments in agricultural expansion, and thesecond, the role the Naga deities played in this practice of rural expansion/monastic
landlordism that was undertaken by the Sangha. While the first part of the argument isworked out well, using archaeological data, with regard to the spatial distribution ofmonasteries in the countryside of the Sanci landscape, the connection made with theNagas is not very clear especially, with respect to their role in this economic process andtheir concomitant assimilation within the Buddhist sect. There have been many arbitrary
presumptions that are made in drawing out this working hypothesis of the growth anddevelopment of the Naga cult in general, and its assimilation into the larger religious
systems of the ancient period. First is the assumption that the Naga cult was a folk or arural form of worship, primarily associated with agriculture. This has prevented any
further studies on the specificities and the finer aspects of the growth and development of
this cult in specific regions, in my study this is applicable to Mathura. Secondly is theclaim, that these cults and their modes of worship are absorbed into, and modified by thelarger pan Indian religious systems like Buddhism, lainism and later the all-231 Ibid., p-84.
232 Ibid., p-84.

174encompassing Brahmanical pantheon. The example of Mathura is quoted by Shaw, while
discussing issues of assimilation and integration, stressing the fact that the Nagas were
gradually assimilated into the Bhagvata tradition, and thus the iconographic resemblanceof the ancient Naga and later Balrama images is no coincidence. The fact that BalJ'ama in
the Bhagvata tradition is a deity closely associated with agriculture, provided further
credence to the theories of fertility and the agrarian aspects of the Naga cult. Issues ofroyal patronage are thrown into the argument by using the evidence of the politicaldynasty of the Naga rulers in the region, who were believed to have greatly supported andpatronized the cult. Therefore, though issues of economic determinism and the theories ofmonastic landlordism may seem plausible to an extent, the association with Nagas andthe functional aspect of the cult in this process remains precarious.
Confining my study to the region of Mathura I argue that the Naga cult in theregion, during the period under study, enjoyed unparalleled popularity and was equallycomplex and diversified as any other major religious cult of the time-be it Buddhism,
Jainism or the Vasudeva cult at Mathura. Naga icons at Mathura do form a part of the
Buddhist and Jaina pantheons, but there is an overwhelming amount of sculpturalrepresentations of Nag a divinities that are worshipped in their own right. It can be agreed
upon that perhaps the popularity of the Nagas at Mathura encouraged the Buddhists toassimilate them into their religious iconography and represent them in the Buddhistarchitecture at Mathura, but at no point of time in the region does the Buddhist faithsupersede the popularity, or is able to fully convert the Naga deities into being a
subsidiary part of their religion. On the contrary the Naga cult at Mathura continues torun parallel to the Buddhist one, and both coexisting in the same landscape enjoyedgenerous patronage from the local population. There is no evidence of contestation orconfrontation between the two cults, but an amicable sharing of the same space, as well
as a healthy interaction between the two religions?33
The assumption that the Naga cult received any COpIOUS patronage from thepolitical dynasty of the Naga rulers at Mathura, and that the Naga religion played any roleof legitimation, which may be evident from the Naga kings being portrayed as

As is known from the epigraphic evidence from Jamalpur, which records the donation made by thepriest of the Naga shrine to the Buddhist monastery at the site.

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manifestations of the Naga divinities, is not borne out by archaeological evidence. Goingby the sculptural data available, the Naga imagery at Mathura begins as early as the 1sl
century s.c., way before the Naga dynasty is established at Mathura, even the Apsidal
Temples at Sonkh dedicated to the cult predate the Naga dynasty at Mathura. The
epigraphic evidence also does not provide any indication to extensive patronage by the
Naga rulers. In fact almost all of the inscriptions on the Naga images are dated to the
Kushana period and mention the names of the Kushana rulers, primarily Kanishka andHuvishka.
Theories of economIC determinism or monastic landlordism are not reallyapplicable for the region of Mathura, which is predominantly perceived in literarysources as a region closely connected to the trade nexus of North India, andarchaeological evidence has not revealed any monumental architecture that may beconnected to any extensive agricultural practices in the region, for instances dams orreservoirs as in the case of Sanci. Further throughout my work I have argued, that
Mathura as a region was extremely cosmopolitan in nature, and the spatial dynamics here
were very complex, thus the region cannot be distinctly divided into urban and rural
pockets. The religious cults of Mathura formed a part of this larger cosmopolitan set up
and operated at different levels, the Nagas being no exception. The ritual and functional
importance of the Naga deities, in the Buddhist pantheons in particular, and in the regionof Mathura in general, is therefore, different to what it may be in the case of Sanci orother Buddhist sites.

It also seems evident that the Naga cult in Mathura was extremely local orregional in nature-that is to say that some of the Naga deities are mentioned by name in
the inscriptions and these seem to be popular local Naga gods worshipped by the peopleof Mathura. The sculptural representations of the Naga divinities at Mathura is also
extremely diversified and include individual standing Naga figures, as well as Naga andNagi plaques, sometimes being adored by a group of worshippers. The Naga-Nagi plaquefrom the site of Dhruv Tila represents the two figures standing side by side holding water
vessels in hand. A similar sculpture, dated to the Kushana period is found from the site ofRal Bhadar in Mathura, where a Naga figure is t1anked on each side by two female Nagis,
on the pedestal is a group of twelve figurines, five males, five females, and two children,176

probably representing the donor and his family. The inscription on the pedestal is dated to
the reign of Kanishka and records the donation of a tank and a garden to the Naga lord,
who is mentioned by his name as 'Naga Bhumo'. In other two sculptures the female Nagi
is depicted alone flanked by two attendants holding spears in their hands, the canopy overthe head of the Nagi consists of a row of radiate heads.
From the headless Naga figure obtained from the river Yamuna, the inscriptionengraved in Kushana Brahmi reads the name 'Dadhikarna', which probably was the nameof the deity. As it has already been discussed that the temple of this Nagaraja existed at
the site of lamalpur, therefore this image would also have belonged to that site and would
have represented the said Naga deity. The Naga Bhumo is mentioned in the Ral Bhadarplaque and in many other cases the Naga deities are simply referred to as the 'Holy One'.
The regional and local popularity and significance of these deities is further emphasisedby the find of a Naga-Nagi plaque from an unknown site from Mathura, dated to the reignof the Kushana king Kanishka, donating the a temple to the Naga goddess on behalf ofthe entire village.

The Popular Regional Cults of Mathura
The history of ancient Indian religion is primarily traced from the Sanskrit and Pali
sources, signifying the development Vedic religion in the ancient past, to the growth ofsects like Buddhism and lainism, followed by the complex development of theBrahmanism, that later in the modern period came to be referred as Hinduism. Mythology
and legends as part of this religious literature provide insights into the history of religious
cults prevalent in a region. These sources provide regional references to the mythicalcharacters and gods and goddesses, and to various events that take place in a region. The
stories or the life events of Krishna and his entourage at Mathura are a good example ofthis. Similarly, the Buddhist sources mention certain places that are associated with
important events from the life of Buddha that later are considered sacred to the followersof the religion. Though religious cults like Buddhism, lainism and branches of theBrahmanical religion like Vaishnavism are considered pan-Indian in nature, the literarytexts provide certain regional, spatial and temporal contexts to the development of these177

PLATE XXI:

Sonkh- A present day Camunda temple stands right beside the Apsidal
Temple No. 2. The image depicted as Camunda here is in fact a Kushana period Naga
image smeared with vermillion and worshipped as the goddess now.

PLATE XXII : Sonkh- The Naga hoods of the ancient image are clearly visible here.

religious cults. Alternatively, these religions are then perceived to constitute the popular
cults of those regions. These literary references are then corroborated with archaeologicalevidence from the specific regional sites to provide incontrovertible proof for their
existence and practice in the region. Archaeologically, the presence and popularity of aparticular religious cult in a region is usually gauged by the extent of monumentalarchitecture, sculpture and epigraphic evidence dedicated to that particular cult. This isoften taken in association with the textual sources that will in some ways provide a
cohesive framework within which this archaeological data can fit in, and a linear
trajectory to the growth and development of that religious cult in a specific region bc
traced. A distinction is further made between the mainstream religious cults and the other'folk', 'rural', 'tribal' or 'popular' cults that may have also coexisted within a sharedgeographical space. The latter are always studied as being subordinated or subservient to
the larger religious systems, and are perceived as often being erased out or assimilated
within the mainstream religious cults.
The Nagas, Yakshas and other local gods and goddesses form the category of theso-called rural or folk cults at Mathura. These is largely due to the fact that these cults do
not have any extensive religious literature attributed to them, nor are there any large-scalereligious buildings dedicated to them. But this may not always be the case, for instancethe scale and organisation of the Naga cult at Mathura need not be re-emphasised. Out of
all the sites that have yielded Naga images at Mathura, Sonkh seems to have been thestronghold of the cult in the region. Further in almost all the inscriptions, mention ismade of temple structures being dedicated to the Naga deities. The Naga Bhumo from thesite of Ral Bhadar is dedicated a tank and a garden, the Chhargaon Naga image,according to the inscription on it was set up at a tank dedicated to the Naga, and thetemple ofthe Naga Dadhikarna at Jamalpur is well known from the inscription.
Similarly, in the case of the Yaksha cult at Mathura, there are no elaborate
religious texts that trace the origin and mythology of these cults, neither are there, anyhuge monumental architectural structures that are dedicated to them. The references to
the Nagas and Yakshas in textual traditions are very ambivalent in nature, this being
particularly true for the Yakshas, who are viewed as both malevolent and benevolent
deities. Coomaraswamy while tracing textual references to Yakshas in the Vedic sources178begins with discussing the etymology of the word 'Yaksha', and believes that in theearlier texts the word has been described variously and its meanings have been muchdisputed amongst scholars. Therefore in strictly Vedic terms it may be translated as'sacrificial offerings' or at times it is used for 'worshipful deity' or even a 'phantom'.
The haunt or abode of a Yaksha can be outside a city, in a grove or a park, on a mountainor a ghat, by a tank, or at the gate of a city or even within the palace precincts. 234 The
Yakshas in most cases, especially in the Pali Buddhist sources have a very regional
context and are seen as being associated with specific cities or inhabiting the forests or
outskirts of a urban centre. These Yakshas were at times also seen as malevolent
creatures that are to be propitiated with offerings and were finally subdued by Buddha,
who then converts them into benevolent deities. The Nagas on the other hand, arc
mentioned in the Epics to have inhabited an abode of their own, which was theunderworld or the patalaloka. They appear as constituting the group of the demigods in
Buddhist literature to which belong the Devas and the Yakshas as well. Both the Nagas
and the Yakshas were worshipped under similar conditions in the Early Historical Period,and both were depicted by the main religious movements as adherents to their doctrines,
and later getting integrated into their respective pantheons. The N agas and Yakshas
therefore, in literature are always placed in a subservient position and are eventually
portrayed to be assimilated into the mainstream religious sy~tems.
However the popularity of the cult of the Yakshas and Nagas in the region of
Mathura is unchallenged. Most of these gods and goddesses operate at a very
local/regional level, and are worshipped in different ways by the local population in
Mathura. The earliest literary acknowledgement of these regional deities is perhaps in the
Arthasastra of Kautilya that takes into account the presence of desadevatas ordesadaivatas, which refer to the tutelary deity of a region or a kingdom. Kautilya also

acknowledges the existence of local rituals and means of worship at the local temples andthe fact that people stuck to their beliefs and practices that they were accustomed to.235
One can also observe the different levels at which these cults are operating. While
the Naga cult at Mathura had temple structures and tanks built and dedicated to them, as
Coomaraswamy, Ananda, Ya4as: Essays in Water Cosmology, IGNCA, New Delhi, Oxford University
Press, New edition, 1993, pp. 62-63.
235 Kangle, R.P., The Arthasiistra; Part III; A Study, Bombay, University of Bombay, 1965, pro 156-158.

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the Buddhists and Jains had monasteries and temples, a lot of local cults flourishing in thevillages and cities in Mathura did not have any monumental architecture associated withthem. The cult of the Yakshas and village gods and goddesses were some of them, yetthey had a large following amongst the people and were as popular as these othermentioned cults. In most cases the Yaksha images were placed in an open space probably
under a tree and worshipped, and hence did not have any architectural monuments
dedicated to them. The freestanding image of the ancient Manibhadra Yaksha from
Parkham is an example of a cult, which seemed to have been very popular. The Yaksha isworshipped till date in the village and an annual fair is held in its respect in the month ofMagh (January). The same can be true of the various local village gods and goddesses, aswell as common ancestors that are worshipped throughout the region today. We do notfind any big temple structures associated with them, but there are local shrines at sacredspots consecrating a male and female deity respectively. These may have, in the ancientperiod, taken forms of stone slabs or sacred altars placed under trees and could be
worshipped by local people who worshipped them with offerings in their own ways.
Coomaraswamy points out to this fact that a lot of tree spirits and local deities were
worshipped in this manner, and that the sacred tree and the alter are two elements of local
practice that may have been taken over by Buddhism by older cults, and in the case of the236
It is believed by scholars that even
Bodhi tree this transference can actually be seen.
the Jaina tradition of the ayagapattas may have emerged from these sacred altars andslabs placed on small platforms for folk divinities?37 This could be an example of certain
popular religious practices being assimilated and modified and then incorporated into the
Jaina religious system. But assimilation could work the other way round as well. Vidula
Jayaswal in her ethnographic study of the use of terrae ott as in the Ganga Valley sites
highlights the existence of many Devi-thanas and Baba-thanas, which are local shrinesconsecrating male and female deities respectively. She feels that though the local goddess
here is seen in relation to the Sakti cult, yet the custom originated essentially on the local

Coomaraswamy, Ananda, Yak$iis: Essays in Water Cosmology, IGNCA, New Delhi, Oxford University
Press, New edition, 1993, pp. 63-63.
237 Ghosh, A. (ed.), Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. II, New Delhi, Bhartiya Jnanpith, 1974, p-64.

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PLATE XXIII: Devi thanas at a local temple dedicated to Goddess Durga at the site ofMora.

magico-religious practices?38 Even in the present times, though these small structures are
said to represent Durga or the Sakti cult, the modes of worship and offerings to these aredefined by the popular belief systems and local practices. There are no elaborate
Brahmanical rituals that are carried out at these shrines.
The diversity of the local cults in Mathura during the ancient period was perhaps
also reflected in the sculptural data. The various categories of the Yaksha images would
have represented these innumerable divinities that were worshiped throughout the
district. Though scholars have identified and discussed some of these deities, like
Moggarapani Yaksha, Kubera, Hariti or Naigamesha images, there are many others that
do not lend themselves to any identification because they are not mentioned in any of thereligious literary texts. Apart from the stone sculptures, Mathura has also yielded avariety of terracotta images of probable female Yakshi. All of these local goddesses could
have formed an important part of the local belief system of the region, and could have
had popular local legends associated with them, that do not get reflected or recorded in
the religious literature of the period. The regional context and the local popularity ofthese cults are also reflected in the fact that most of these images were consecrated insmaller makeshift shrines, located at a sacred spot in the villages and the deities were too
well known to the people to have their names categorically spelt out in the inscriptions.
The legends and the stories of these local gods were perhaps circulated amongst the local
population in form of popular stories and became part of larger oral traditions that neverfound mention in any of the literary writings.
The pilgrim circuit of Mathura today is dominated by the Krishna bhakti and mostof the sacred spots are associated with the Krishna legends. However within this traditionare vestiges of the ancient cults, like those of the Nagas, Yakshas, local devis anddevatas. The fact that a good number of devi shrines remain integrated with the brajparikrama shows the resilience of these cults. The presence of the worship of various
sacred trees and groves in the Krishna bhakti can also be seen as the continuation of older
practices of the worship of tree spirits that played an important part during the ancientperiod at Mathura. In the present times at Mathura when even the ancient images are
Jayaswal, Vidula & Krishna Kalyan, An Ethno-Archaeological View 0/ Indian Terracotlas (AComparative Study of Past And Present Traditions of The Gangetic Plains), Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan,
1989, pp. 37-38.

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PLATE XXIV: The Devi/Baba thanas at the site of Kosi-Kalan .

•salvaged by people to be worshipped as some Brahmanical deity, as is done with theancient Naga image at Sonkh, which now enshrined in a temple and plays the part ofgoddess Camunda, there are a number of local spots with small shrines and icons thatform a part of local religious practices connected to ancestor worship of some tutelary
deities. The Parkham yaksha is a perfect example of the resilience of these popular cults.

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