当報告の内容は、それぞれの著者の著作物です。
Copyrighted materials of the authors.
タイトル：「近世南アジアの文化と社会：文学・宗教テクストの通言語的比較分析」（平成 30
年度第 2 回研究会、3 月 9 日・10 日は、Conference: The Classification of Indic Knowledge at the
Mughal Court: the Āīn-i Akbarī として、科研費（基盤 A）「イスラーム国家の王権と正統性：
近世帝国を視座として」（代表者：近藤信彰）、科研費（国際共同研究強化 B）「翻訳から見る近世南アジアの文化多元主義」（代表者：太田信宏）と共催し、ペルソ・インディカが後援）
日時：平成 31 年 3 月 9 日（土曜日）午前 10 時 30 分より午後 20 時 30 分
平成 31 年 3 月 10 日（日曜日）午後 10 時より午後 4 時
平成 31 年 3 月 11 日（月曜日）午後 2 時より午後 7 時
場所：東京外国語大学 AA 研大会議室（303 号室）（9 日・10 日）
同本郷サテライト 8 階会議室（11 日）
1. Richard Maxwell Eaton (University of Arizona) "The Ā’īn and Modernity: Should We Reconsider
the Akbar-‘Alamgir Binary?"
A common trope is of Akbar as the champion of inter-religious harmony and `Alamgir as that ofa puritanical, even bigoted, Islam. This paper challenged those stereotypes by framing their viewsaround the theme of modernity, not religion. Paradoxically, while Akbar was steeped in the cult ofsacred kingship, which he had inherited from his Timurid ancestors, he also presided over a court
culture – clearly reflected in the first volume of the A’in-i Akbari that exhibited a spirit of rational selfcontrol and a preoccupation with order in all spheres of human experience. On the other hand,`Alamgir rejected the same cult sacred kingship, and its place attempted to substitute the idea of a state
governed by the rule of law, as seen in his patronage of the Fatawa-i `Alamgiri. While both emperors
promoted different dimensions of what today might be called modernity, both efforts failed – but forvery different reasons. The paper explored those some of reasons.
2. Hiroyuki Mashita (ILCAA Joint Researcher, Kobe University) "Contextualizing the so-called A'ini-Akbari in the Mughal Historiography."
The so-called A'in-i Akbari of Abu al-Fazl has been well-known to scholars as the mostoutstanding source for the history of the Mughal Empire. However, the encyclopedically wide rangeof contents of the work has caused patchy readings of limited parts rather than over-all understandingsof the whole of the work, which reflects aspects of inclusive policy of the Empire. Illuminating its
bibliographical aspects including its title, the chronology of its compilation, its position in the official
history Akbar Namah, and its narrative structure, as well as readings of later periods, this presentation

aimed to find out contexts of the historical text in the Mughal historiography.
3. Najaf Haider (Jawaharlal Nehru University) "Money and Monetary Economy in the Ā’īn-i Akbarī."In the Ain i Akbari composed around 1595 by Abul Fazl, the Mughal Emperor Akbar’s historian,courtier and advisor, there are three distinct treatments of money. The first is a theoretical discussionof the nature and function of money. The second is a detailed account of coin production in the Mughal
mint. The third is a set of information on the fiscal and monetary measures of the state. This paper
analysed the information and argues that the body of knowledge that the Ain offers on the production
and circulation of money in the Mughal Empire is somewhat unique and unparalleled.
4. Eva Orthmann (Georg-August-Universität, Göttingen) "Notions of Kingship in the Ā’īn-i Akbarī."In the Ā’īn-i Akbarī, Abū l-Fażl ʽAllāmī deals at two different places with the concept of royalty
and kingship. The first passage belongs to his introduction, where he specifies his concept of truekingship. Inter alia, he defines the king as the origin of stability and justice, situating his ideas within
the frame of Islamic adab literature and mirrors for princes. Associating royalty with a light emanatingfrom God, this passage can also be linked to the quasi-religious imperial ideology at Akbar’s court.
The second passage belongs to his description of Indian traditions and knowledge. It is a rather
short chapter on Rājaniti, the science of state-craft, which is found after a very short chapter on cooking
and a much longer chapter on justice. Abū l-Fażl here describes Indian concepts of good rule andsovereignty. This chapter has been based on Indian notions of kingship as found in the darmaśāstra
texts, the manusmṛti or the Mahābhārata.
The lecture asked for the sources used by Abū l-Fażl for his description of Rājaniti, his adaptationof the text and the relationship between the description of ideal kingship in his introduction and thepassage based on Indian notions. To what extent do they express the same ideals? How far has Abū lFażl integrated Indian notions of kingship in his own description, or, vice-versa, integrated his own
ideals into the description of Rājaniti? Are there any contradicting ideas, or are they taken as more orless the same?
5. Nobuaki Kondo (ILCAA) "Āʾīn-i Akbarī as a Tazkira of Poets."
We know well that the Āʾīn-i akbarī covers a huge range of knowledge from Mughal India.
However, the tazkira, i.e., poets’ biography part of the Āʾīn-i akbarī have not attracted much attention.
Gulchīn Maʿānī introduced the work in his famous book, the history of Persian tazkiras, but he did notdescribe the tazkira part itself. This paper focused on this part and compares with other tazkiras suchas Kāmī’s Nafāʾis al-maʾāsir (1589–90) and Awhadī’s ʿArafāt al-ʿāshiqīn (1615) as well as historical
works including biographies of poets like Nizām al-Dīn’s Tabaqāt-e akbarī (1594) and Badāʾunī’s
Muntakhab al-tavārīkh (1595–96). This paper aimed to get some idea about how Abū al-Fazl chosethe poets and the poetry for the Āʾīn and how different the tazkira part is from other works.
6. Kazuyo Sakaki (ILCAA Joint Researcher, Hokkaido Musashi Women’s College) "The Doctrine ofKarma in the Ā’īn-i Akbarī."
The doctrines of Karma mixed with the theory of rebirth and transmigration has been a criticalsubject among Muslim intellectuals who engaged in translation activities. Conservative Islamic
authorities had accused this doctrine as heretic. However, this theory of reward and retribution was
modified in traditional knowledge systems both in moral aspect and physical aspect. Reciting Vedic
mantras, repentances, penances, ritualistic practices such as sacrifices, and worship of God arerecommended to avert the results of sinful activities. Avoiding arguing the relevance of the doctrine,
without referring to the source Sanskrit texts, Abu'l Faḍl gave faithful translation of the related texts
and detailed descriptions of these ideas with the intention of reconciling with Islamic code of conducts.
7. Prashant Keshavmurthy (McGill University) "Akhlāq and the Sequence of Topics in the Ā’īn-i
Akbarī."Forming the third and last volume of the Akbarnāma, the Ā'īn-i Akbarī's empirically rich accountof knowledge systems and practices in Akbar's India appears as a triumphal synchronic survey of animperial possession that was won in the previous two diachronically structured biographical volumes
that narrate Akbar's horoscope, lineage and reign from 1556 to 1572 (Volume 1) and then his reignfrom 1572 to 1602 (Volume 2). Arguing that Abu'l Fazl appropriated this switch from the narration oflabour to triumphal description of labour's accomplishment from Bābur's (d.1530) Bāburnāma andAmīr Khusrow's Nuh Sipihr (1318), this paper argued that the main body of the Ā'īn-i Akbarī adapts
the indoors-to-outdoors or household-to-empire sequence of the major texts of the Akhlāq tradition.
In doing so, this paper examined how this triumphalist adaption of a narrative logic imbues eachcategory of empirical knowledge of India in the Ā'īn with ethical significance for royal self-perfection.
3 月 10 日
1. Chander Shekhar (University of Delhi) "Indic Ornamental Flowers and Flowers of Essence: Ā’īn-i
Akbarī, a Guide Book of Continuity."
Since ancient times, as the archeological sites and literary sources depict, flowers have a special,rather, are the objects of reverence as these are part of worshipping in various religions including
Hinduism. Flowers are the source of birth of many according to Indian epics as well as decoration of
space and body as exhibited in Shakuntalam of Kalidas. The traditions and customs in every age in
Indic culture have been begun with showering of flower petals. Carved motifs available on Ancientmonuments speak of the above statement. If Garuda and Peacock are revered so is Lotus. In regard of
Perfumery, India has a perfumery tradition that dates back to over 5,000 years to Indus Valleycivilization. Essence is extracted from the roots, flowers and leaves of specific flowers for this purpose.
Every essence used for perfumery purpose was extracted from the regions concerned too where thebest quality of flowers were grown especially for the purpose of extraction.

The Sanskrit

Encyclopedia 'Manasollasa' composed by Someshwara in AD 1127 deals with the blending of
perfumes which were used in royal baths and for the rituals and worship.
Much before Mughals, Amir Khusrau (1251-1325AD) highlighted the beauty of Indic flowers in
his works. His poetic narrative, Qiranus Sadain, Nuh Sipihr and Dewal Rani Khizr Khani, speaks ofmany Indic flowers. Amongst Mughal emperors, Babur was fond of nature and its products. In his
Babur Nama. He presents his own observation on many aspects including gardens, flowers and fruits
and also a comparison of the same objects with the ones available in Transoxiana and greater Khurasan.
He does not like gardens without the walls and all earth flat look like. But still appreciates Indian
Jasmin over on his wilayati jasmine which was lesser odoriferous. Or, Babur appreciates Mask-mallow(Hibiscus abelmaoschus) over Khurasanian Hibiscus.
Ain-e Akbari might not be fully wetted or compiled but he was well aware what Abul Fazal was
summarizing. It is also true both, Akbar and Abul Fazal were born in India and had not gone to theirpaternal home land. Thus we find in Ain-e-Akbari, larger number of Indian flowers and fruits.
Description of flowers is interlinked with odoriferous flowers of Transoxiana and China and India. In
the section of colorful flowers (i.e. Ornamental or decorative and odoriferous) and Perfumery, 54 typeof flowers and 36 types of essence are mentioned. Along with some of these, many others are
mentioned in the course of aromatics, fruits, music and dance etc. in this book.
Present paper dealt with only decorative flowers of Ain-e Akbari. Noticeable aspect of thedescription of Indic flowers in Ain is the systematic projection of their characteristics and usage. The
Ain-e Akbari’s such description became guide book for perfumers of his and later period. For example,
see Bayaz-e-Khushbui, or Mirat ul Istelah of Anand Ram Mukhlis, both have based their informationon Ain. These sources may have added some new information but the core detail is borrowed from
Ain. This paper spoke of both these aspects and endeavors to reflect how the continuity is still in
operation, especially in perfumery.
2. S. M. Razaullah Ansari (Aligarh Muslim University) "Analytical Presentation of Astrologicalastronomical Knowledge of Abul Faḍl ‘Allāmī in Āʼīn-i Akbarī."
Abul Faḍl (1551-1602) was the son of Shaikh Mubārak (d. 1593) who was a well-known
intellectual of his time and a tutor of Abul Faḍl in his early years. Both he and his elder brother AbulFaiḍ (1547-1596), nom de plume Faiḍī, learnt the classical Islamic Rational Science from their father.
It is known that Mubārak used to discuss the Non-Ptolemaic model of NaṣīruddīnṬūsī (13th c.)with Akbar's son Humayūn. It is therefore not surprising that Abul Faḍl dealt in his Āʼīn and also in
Akbarnāmah about the Islamic Astronomy. However besides that Abul Faḍl was also influenced andinvolved by the translation of Sanskrit sources into Persian and vice versa during Akbar's reign. For
instances, the translation of Mahābhārat (Persian title, Razmnāmah) and Atharved, In that ‘House of
Translation’ of Akbar, a number of scholars, Naqīb Khān, ‘Abdul Qādir Badāyūnī, Faiḍī and AbulFaḍl , and Fatḥullāh Shīrāzī, who by Akbar's order headed the team of Muslim and Hindu scholars totranslate the Ulugh Bég's Zīj into Sanskrit. That scenario was significant in making the open
mindedness of Abul Faḍl, when he started writing Akbarnāmah, one of the volume of which is Āʼīn-i
Akbarī. We finded in it short and sometime long treatment of the following topics.
Horoscopes according to various methods of astrology, list of various Siddhāntas: Brahma
Siddhānta, Sūraj Siddhānta, Soma Siddhānta, Brahspat Siddhānta, mentioning their attribution to thedivine inspiration, the division of time into Gharīs and their subdivision into pal an bapal,

the solar

and lunar year length, division of years into Kāls. Abul Faḍl enumerates the well-known
16 eras, including Ilāhī and Hindu eras, along with charts of months of different countries. His
understanding of astrological calculations is apparent when he discusses emperor Akbar’s fourhoroscopes compiled by the astrologers Mullā Chānd and Jotik Rāi,Fatḥullāh Shīrāzī and

Maulānā Ilyās Ardbailī, especially with respect to Sun’s Zodiacal position.
Finally, I mentioned that Abul Faḍl was interested in comets. He mentions the occurrence of three
comets, identified now as of AD 1264, 1402, and 1433. However he observed himself the comet of
1577, known also as Tycho Brahe’s comet. He expresses also the Hindu astrologers’ division of comets
into malefic and benefic effects. As a tail piece we may add that Abul Faḍl had good knowledge ofIslamic astronomy; he gives in Āʼīn, a list of 86 Islamic astronomical tables (Zījes in Arabic), andinstruments of observations.
In this paper I tried to elaborate the above-mentioned topics to the extent of time at our disposal.
3. Carl W. Ernst (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) "Persianate Concepts of Religion in the
A’in-i Akbari."
One of the remarkable contributions of Abū al-Fażl’s Ā’īn-i Akbarī is the extensive account ofIndia that occupies much of the second volume. While early interpreters of the text have seen it
primarily as a Muslim engagement with Hindu religion, Abū al-Fażl actually presents Indian science,
religious thought, and ritual without any reference to Islamic religious categories. Abū al-Fażl’s
avoidance of Arabic Islamic terms, and his nearly exclusive use of Persian vocabulary, was analyzed
in relation to several problems: the overall genre and structure of the Ā’īn and its relation to Mongol
chronicles, the distortions in the English translations, and the organization and meaning of the section
on India. The result is a presentation of Indian thought as monotheism, without imposing any Islamicframework. The paper then concluded by analyzing the structural role of the lists of kings and Sufi
saints who entered India. The result is a portrait of a Mongol successor state in which Islam has no
defining role.

4. Haruo Inoue (Institute of Research in Humanities, Kyoto University) "Descriptions of the Court
Music in the Ain-i Akbarī in terms of the Cultural Interaction between the Persia and the IndianMusic."In this presentation, I talked about descriptions of the music in the Ain-i Akbarī. Abu'l-Fazl wrote
the chapter called Sangīta in the fouth section (daftar) of Ain-i Akbarī. His descriptions of Sangīta canbe divided into three categories.1) element of the sounds and melodies, 2) the instruments, 3) the court
musicians. The first category, the elements of the sounds and melodies, can be seen as the imitator of
the Sanskrit treatises of music that deals with the relationships between the human body and the sounds.
The second category, the instruments, gives us an ample information about the musical practice of
those days. The last category, the court musicians, can be seen as the cultural interaction of the music
culture between Persia and India. I also compared the Ain-i Akbarī with the other contemporary
Persian treatises of music and bring out the historical importance of this book in the music researchesof the Persia and the Indian music.
5. Ayako Ninomiya (ILCAA Joint Researcher, Aoyama Gakuin University) "Analyzing Intellectual
Milieu of Ā’īn-i Akbarī."This presentation tried to analyze the nature of the narrative of Ā’īn-i Akbarī, its possible source
materials, and their social and cultural background through its narrative on music in India. Ā’īn-i
Akbarī contains 3 entries in a sequence on musicology, musical performers, and a form of music
performance of India: Sangīt, Naghmah-sarāyān, and Akhārā. Read with the records on music
performance in the court in Ā’īn-i Akbarī and other Persian works on Indian music, these narratives
display availability of digestive works on knowledge of Sanskrit origin in Persian and the ongoingprocess of internalization of Sanskrit/ Indian culture by Muslim intellectuals in India. The presentation
also pointed out that the way Ā’īn-i Akbarī combines information from various source materials
indicates its inclination to a kind of comprehensiveness, somewhat similar to the cataloging by Britishcolonial officers.
6. Maryam Moazzen (University of Louisville) "Religious Absolutism and Religious Pluralism:
Akbar’s Religious: Experimentations in Safavid Sources."
The Muslim world witnessed an exceptional surge of religious and spiritual creativity in the earlymodern times. While the Mughal court is described by some western and non-western scholars as acourt in which there was a conspicuous absence of religious and sectarian bigotry, the Safavid court isassociated with killing or driving to exile many Persian Sunnis and followers of religious sects suchas Hurufiyes and Nuqtaviyes, as well as literati. Among the Mughal rulers, Jalal al-Din Akbar (d.1605)– and in particular his religious views and those of his chief courtly author and ideologue, Abu’l Fazl

(d.1602) – it appears, became a subject of discussion in the Safavid court and society. In light ofSafavid historical, literary and religious texts including Himam althawaqib by ‘Ali Naqi Kamarehi (d.
1650), this paper examined the Safavid ruling elites’ interest in Akbar’s and Abu al-Fazl’s
experimentations with the ecumenical and inter-religious dialogues.
7. Satoshi Ogura (ILCAA) "The Ā’īn-i Akbarī and Western Indology: With Special Reference to theCategory of the Six Schools of Philosophy."
One of the most well-known concepts in Hinduism is the category of the Ṣaddarśana or six
schools of philosophy, i.e. Nyāya, Vaiśeṣika, Vedanta, Mīmāṃsā, Sāṃkhya, and Yoga of Patañjali, thatis supposed to be āstika or orthodox schools to accept revelation of the Vedas, excluding Buddhism,
Jainism, and Lokāyata or atheism as heterodox schools. This category was introduced by western
Indologists since the early nineteenth century. However, as some Indologists of the late twentiethcentury and twenty-first century have pointed out, Sanskrit doxographies composed in the ancient andearly medieval periods do not classify philosophical schools of India in such manner. Some
doxographyes, such as the Ṣaddarśanasamuccaya of Haribhadra (7-8c) includes Buddhism and Jainism
into the six schools; other doxographies such as the Sarvadarśanasaṃgraha of Mādhava introduces
more than six schools. To my knowledge, the earliest surviving work that refers to the aforesaid six
schools calling them Ṣaddarśana is the Ā’īn-i Akbarī. This presentation verified the possibility thatwestern Indologists in the earliest phase grasped the category of the six schools of philosophy throughthe Ā’īn-i Akbarī.
3 月 11 日
1. 水野善文（AA 研共同研究員、東京外国語大学）「説話と説話集：Siṃhāsanadvatriṃśikā
（or Vikrama-carita）をめぐって」
13 世 紀 の 成 立 と さ れ サ ン ス ク リ ッ ト 語 で 記 録 さ れ た 説 話 集 『 獅 子 座 三 十 二 話（Siṃhāsanadvātriṃśikā）』は、別名『ヴィクラマ王の所行（Vikrama-carita）』といい、雄々し
く寛大、自己犠牲的精神旺盛で慈悲深いヴィクラマ王を主人公とした説話の集成である。かつてヴィクラマ王が坐していて彼の治世ののち長らく土中に埋もれていた獅子座（玉座）を、
ボージャ王が発見するまでが序章である。ボージャ王がそれに坐ろうとすると、その玉座に施されていた 32 人の女人像がかつての主ヴィクラマ王の事績を一つずつ語り、それぞれのエピソードに現れているようなヴィクラマ王に匹敵する勇敢・寛大・慈悲を持ち合わせた者だけがこの玉座に腰掛けることができるのだ、と毎回ボージャ王を怯ませる。こうした枠物
語のなか、３２の説話が語られる構造だ。
作者・編者未詳のこの作品は、Edgerton, Franklin ed. & tr., 1993 rpt., Vikrama’s Adventure or
the Thirty-two Tales of the Throne, 2 parts, Delhi; Motilal Banarsidass Publ. (1st ed. 1926, Harvard
Oriental Series, vol. 26, 27, Cambridge.)が、詳しく紹介しているように、主に南インド版、韻律版、縮小版、ジャイナ版の４系統の伝本が存在する。大きな表現の違いや、多少の配列順の違い、さらにはそれぞれの系統の諸写本でのタイトルの違いも多いが、４伝本が伝える各話の内容に差異はなく。説話集として同一の作品と見なし得るものである。また、Sternbach,Ludwik, 1974, The Kāvya-Portions in the Kathā-Literature, An Analysis, vol.II: Htopadeśa andVikramacarita, Delhi; Meharchand Lachhmandas.によれば、ストーリー展開の各所に挿入される
格言詩の５割以上が、『パンチャタントラ』等の説話集、二大叙事詩、法典・実利論、プラーナ文献群、カーヴィヤ作品にパラレルが確認でき、とりわけ南インド版の編者は知識豊富で、それ自体が『金言集（Subhāṣita-saṅgraha）』と評すことも可能だとしている。
15 世紀以降、インドの諸地方語のみならず、ペルシア語、モンゴル語、タイ語などにも移植され、こんにちにおいてもヒンディー語でテレビ放映された実写版、アニメ版がYouTube で視聴できるほど、愛好され続けてきた。
本報告では、ヴィクラマ王のエピソードからなる各話（＝説話）が単独で語られても鑑賞に耐えうる性質のものであること、事実、近代のヒンディー語版は３２話中６割以上がサン
スクリット版とは全く異なる説話になっていることから、説話集作品としての伝承と説話
各話の伝承という二つの側面から考察を加えることにした。
ヴィクラマと言う名を冠して語られる勇敢で偉大な王の物語を扱う、先行および後行の他のサンスクリット作品およびヴィクラマ暦の由来に関する研究等を紹介した後、この『獅子座三十二話』が多くの言語に移植され作品化された諸例も管見の限りで紹介した。
Edgerton が用いた４系統の合計 30 本の写本所在を表に示すと、ジャイナ版が北西インドに広がっていたことが見え、ペルシア語訳への底本となった可能性を示唆していた。
一つの説話単位での時間的変遷の様相を見るべく、サンスクリット４本の第 13 話、ブラジ・バーシャー本のうち 18 世紀半ばにジャート王スジャーン・マルの宮廷詩人ソームナー
ト（Somnāth）による『スジャーン・ヴィラース（Sujān Vilās）』の同じく第 13 話、そしてヒンディー本のうち Fort William College の語学教師ラッルーラール（Lallū Lāl）編の『シンハーサン・バッティースィー（Simhāsan Battīsī）』の対応する第３話を、それぞれテクストと和訳を示した。そのまえに、それら計 6 本のうちサンスクリット縮小版をのぞいて判明している、各話の語り主である女人形の名前を一覧表にして比較して、ジャイナ版とソームナート
版の近い関係を見ていた。
次のような結論を得た。
１）パトロンである王のために作品化したソームナートの Sujān Vilās は、説話集がトータルとして一作品であることを意図したことが明白であり、個々の説話・格言の保存に主眼を置いたであろうサンスクリットの諸版とは性格を異にしていた。
２）語学教科書として編まれた Lallū Lāl 版は、底本にしたのはサンスクリット本ではなく恐らく何らかのブラジ・バーシャー版（もしくは口頭流布版）で、試聴したアニメ版はこれに基づいていると思われる。
さらに各話にわたって詳細に分析し、説話集としての伝承、個々の説話の展開の様相が詳らかになれば、南アジア近世の文芸の動態の一部が鮮明に浮かび上がってくることが期待できる。
2. 小川道大（AA 研共同研究員、金沢大学）「マラーター王国・同盟における公文書の様式とその変化」
本発表は、18-19 世紀におけるモディ体で書かれたマラーティー語（現在：インド西部マ
ハーラーシュトラ州の公用語）公文書の様式とその変化を分析することで、近世期の南アジ
ア文化の特徴の一端を示すこと目指した試論である。18-19 世紀のマラーター王国・同盟の公文書の多くは、筆記体（モディ体）のマラーティー語で記されたが、近年の研究では、印刷媒体との相性の良さからモディ体ではなくデーヴァナーガリー体が 19 世紀末に用いられたことが示され、政治運動と言語文化の関連性が指摘された（Sohoni 2017）。インド国民会議派の創立メンバーであった R.D.ラーナデーが、マラーター期の主たる公刊史料である
Selections from the Satara Raja’s and Peshwas’ Diaries の出版に関わっていることも考え合わせると、字体の変化や文書の収集・編纂が、インド独立運動という大きな時代の流れと深く結びついていたことがわかる。
（Deshpande, 2007）は、マラーター王国建国者のシヴァ―ジー
像やその血統の「創造」が、ムガル帝国と抗争を繰り返した同王国初期（17 世紀末）にまで遡ることを指摘し、それ以来、20 世紀に至るまでの長期にわたり創造が繰り返されてきたことを示した。本発表は、（Deshpande, 2007）がマラーター期について分析した言説の変化
が、行政文書にも確認できるかどうかを考察した。
本発表ではマハーラーシュトラ州率文書館プネー分館（通称：ペーシュワ―文庫）所蔵のモディ体行政文書を用いたが、行政文書の分析に先立ってペーシュワ―文庫成立の歴史を概観した。マラーター同盟下で行政文書の多くは、宰相政府の都プネーに置かれた中央記録
庫（6 記録庫）または、各郡役所（Kacherī）の地方記録庫に保管されていた。本発表では、
植民地統治下の 19 世紀前半における 2 度の記録庫再編によって、プネーの中央記録庫が 1つに統合され、さらに地方記録庫の行政文書が中央記録庫に集められて、現在のペーシュワ―文庫の原型が作られたことを示した。このような経緯もあり、ペーシュワ―文庫には 17
世紀末から 19 世紀前半までの中央および地方の行政文書が所蔵されており、本発表では時代と地方・中央の別をもって行政文書の比較を試みた。
マラーター期の行政文書には、止め印などの文末表現、勅令印といった複数の注目すべき点はみられたものの、本発表時は有効な分析手法・枠組みが見い出せず、時代や地域による差異を示すことができなかった。他方で文体に関しては、18 世紀後半から中央記録庫の行
政文書、特に地方送達書類を清書した行政文書（Prānt Ajmās 部門）において変化が確認され、暦の表記法、日時・場所、文書の送達関係の表記が定式化され、郡毎に清書担当が決まり、筆跡が固定されるようになった。さらに 1760 年代、中央記録庫の行政文書の数量がそれ以前よりも大きく増加した。マラーター同盟宰相政府はパーニーパットの戦い（1761 年）
で敗北した後に、1760 年代に内政改革に着手しており、中央での行政文書の変化は、この

改革の時期に位置付けることができる。すなわちこの時期に、行政文書の作成を担当した中央の書記官（Chitnīs）の業務が定まり、書記官の数自体も増加したと推測される。この点に関しては、18 世紀後半の文書行政に関する史資料を収集・分析する必要があり、この裏付
けは今後の課題とする。
（Deshpande, 2007）は、『書記官による年代記（Chitnīs Bhakar）』の作者を事例に書記官（Chitnīs）が単なる行政官ではなく、教養を備えた人物であることが期
待されていたことを主張した。書記官が年代記や説話集などを残している他の事例が 18 世
紀後半から 19 世紀初頭にかけて確認されており、中央の行政文書の変化や内政改革の時期とその制作時期が重なっている点は注目に値する。
本発表は、マラーター期の言説の変化が行政文書にも確認できるかを考察したが、明確な対応関係は見出すことができなかった。ここでは 18 世紀後半における宰相政府の内政改革
が文書行政を拡充させ、年代記や説話の作者である書記官を育てた可能性を示唆するに留まった。本発表は準備段階にあり、甚だ不十分であるが、書き手を中心に文学と行政文書の世界をつなぐという研究の方向性を示した。今後、行政文書・文学作品などを比較分析して実証的に本研究を進めていく。
Deshpande, Prachi, 2007, Creative Pasts: Historical Memory and Identity in Western India, 17001960, Columbia University Press.
Sohoni, Pushkar, 2017, “Marathi of a Single Type: The demise of the Modi script”, Modern AsianStudies, Vol. 51-3, pp.662-685.
3. 和田郁子（AA 研共同研究員、岡山大学）「近世南アジアの欧文史料と旅のテクスト」
近世南アジア史研究において、当時ヨーロッパから様々な目的をもって訪れた人々が遺した多様な旅のテクストは、重要な史料群のひとつとして長く活用されてきた。本報告では、
歴史学の立場からそれらのテクストの同時代的影響について検討することを目的として、テクスト作成時における公開性の違いに着目し、17 世紀末に書かれたオランダ東インド会社に関わる２つの著作について取り上げた。
オランダ東インド会社では、一般に関係者によって作成された報告書や帳簿をはじめとする文書類は会社の存続期間を通じて厳しく公開を制限されていた。その一方で、設立時の経緯を背景に、6 つのカーメルから成る「連合」としての構造を維持していた同社は、文書類に関しても一元的に管理する体制を持っていなかった。当時オランダ本国の同社内で、バタフィアをはじめとするアジア各地から送られた文書類を最も多く保管していたのはアム
ステルダム・カーメルであった。Pieter van Dam (1621-1706) は、同カーメルにおいて、アジアからの到着文書の管理のみならず、重役会の議事録作成をはじめオランダ国内で作られる文書についても深く関与する advocaat の職を 1652 年から半世紀以上にわたり務めた人物である。
これらの多様な会社関係文書に基づき、彼が約 8 年間かけて作成した Beschryvinge
van de Oostindische Compagnie は、設立以来の同社の組織体制・管理運営と活動についてまとめた、取締役らのための手引書であり、今日ではオランダ東インド会社研究の重要な史料として知られる。しかし、1701 年に会社に提出されたその手稿と写しは、18 世紀を通じて社外秘の文書としてアムステルダム・カーメルで厳重に管理されていた。
、他方でこの手引書の作成に際して Van Dam が利用した文書のなかには、執筆者自身の意向により同時代に出版された旅行記もあった。本報告では、そのような旅行記の一例として、南インド・コロ
マンデル海岸での滞在経験をもつ Daniël Havart の Op-en ondergang van Cormandel (Amsterdam,
1693) を取り上げ、その内容や構成等に関して Van Dam の手引書の該当部分と比較・分析
するとともに、両文献の関係性と、同時代におけるこれらのテクストの影響について考察した。