CRIME PREVENTION AND COMMUNITY SANCTIONS IN
SCANDINAVIA
Dr. Tapio Lappi-Seppälä*
I. INTRODUCTION
A. Punishment and the Scope of Criminal Policy
A balanced view of the role criminal justice as part of criminal policy needs a wider perspective thanconsiderations of re-offending and protection of the public. Outlines for this wider framework have beenbriefly detailed in the previous paper. To summarize the main points:
MINIMIZING HARM AND SUFFERING CAUSED BY⋯
CRIMECRIME CONTROLREPAIRING THE
DAMAGES BY...

PREVENTINGCRIME BY...

•

•

•

SOCIAL CP

COMPENSATIONSITUATIONAL CP

VICTIM SUPPORT SCHEMESCRIMINAL JUSTICE CPRESTORATIVE JUSTICEGENERAL (public)

SPECIFIC (offender)

DETERRENCEINCAPACITATIONMORAL CREATING(INDIRECT)MOTIVATION

RE-OFFENDING
RECIDIV SMFirstly, the aims of criminal policy go beyond crime prevention. Though preventing crime is offundamental importance, we must also concern ourselves with how to deal with the consequences of
those crimes that have not been prevented. Repairing the damage, taking care of compensation for
the victims, and supporting them is an equally important goal in criminal policy.
However, crime and the reduction of the harm caused by crime remains the main target in criminal
policy. Still, we must not forget that crime control also causes both material and immaterial losses;
for offenders, their families, and for society as a whole. Keeping these costs under control is required
both on rational grounds, as well as on grounds of decency and humanity.
For lawyers, the criminal justice system may well be the first technique of crime prevention.
However, clear empirical evidence suggests that other measures, including social and situational
prevention, are far more effective compared to criminal justice interventions. Successful crime
prevention requires proper attention given to all means and strategies available. Crime prevention
based solely on criminal law would be both ineffective, expensive and inhuman.

* National Research Institute of Legal Policy, Finland.

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135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
VISITING EXPERTS’ PAPERS

How many serious crimes will be prevented by investing 1 000 000 dollars in...?
(Greenwoodet al1996)

Graduation
incentives

260

160

Parent training

Intensivesupervision

70

60

Incapacitation

0

•

50

100

150

200

250

300

When, finally, using criminal punishment as a crime prevention device, we should not limit ourimagination to common sense assumptions of the mechanisms of prevention. Assumptions of theeffectiveness of measures based solely on deterrence have been seriously challenged by boththeoretical and empirical analyses. Criminological theory strongly suggests that law-abidingness isbasically explained by internalized motives, not by fear1. Most people refrain from crime not becauseof fear of punishment, but because the behaviour itself is regarded as morally blameworthy, or simply
because of habit.

This partly explains why no research has been able to confirm that moderate changes in sentence
severity have long lasting and visible effect on the level of criminality (see Doob & Webster 2005 and theFinnish experience recounted in the previous paper in this volume).

B. Re-offending Rates as Indicators of Policy Success?
Still, there are people who need to be deterred and who need to be incarcerated for the protection of the
public. Criminal punishment, as a system, is needed for the upoholding of the norms of society (generalprevention in a broad sense). When imposing and enforcing these penalties in concrete cases, their effects
on individual offenders, obviously, become a matter of substantial importance. Standard measures for theseeffects are re-offending and recidicvism rates. But also here, few words of caution may be necessary.
1. Where do we get information of recidivism and re-offending?
Up till recent years, recidivism data has been based on separate recidivism studies. Along with theincreased international interest in the effectiveness of criminal justice interventions, several States have
now established national reconviction statistics.
This calls up the question of the reliability, comparability and validity of these data-sets. Much depends
on the purpose for which this data has been used. For national overviews concerning trends, this information
may be sufficient, however, for any other use several qualifications must be met.
2. Does recidivism data reveal us differences between effectiveness of different sanctions?
Only if measurements are calculated carefully enough. Assessments of re-offending differences between
different sanctions require that comparisons are made between similar groups. This requires high quality
research design, and fairly few studies fulfil this requirement.

1 See the papers of Professor Anthony E. Bottoms in UNAFEI Resource Material Series No. 68, March 2006. “Crime andCrime Prevention in the 21st Century” and “Crime Prevention for Youth at Risk: Some Theoretical Considerations”.

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

Re-offending after different
sanction: Example
Recidivism rate in one year after different sanctions(Sweden 1996, excluding fines)
0

5

10

15

20

16

Probation
13

Contract treatmen

14

Community service
4

Return %30
26

PrisonElectronic monitoring25

The return back to prison (%) in two years
accordingto ageand previous prisonsentences(Finland, allprisonersreleasedin 1996)
0

20

40

60

80

100

BY AGE91

15-17 y40-50 y34

BY CRIM. RECORD
None
9 or more

17
39

The minimum requirement is that the groups under comparison are similar, in one way or another. The
best way to do this is to use randomized experiment design, something which only seldom comes toquestion in the field of criminal justice.
3. Can re-offending figures be compared between two or more countries?
Reliable comparisons between different countries are, at the moment, impossible due to differences indefinitions, follow up periods, and recording practices. This situation may improve in the future as recidivism
statistics will be more harmonized. But we still are left with the problem of the similarity of samples (above).
Cross national comparisons in recidivism after prison are highly influenced by the extent to which prison
is used in these countries. A country (such as US) which uses prison more, puts different people in prison
than a country ( any Scandinavian country) which uses prison less. The more people are in prison, the more
low-risk people there are behind the bars. Extensive use of imprisonment leads, therefore, logically, to low
recidivism rates. Ignoring this fact may lead to fatal mistakes and wrong conclusions.
4. How well does reconviction data inform us of true recidivism?
Not very well. Firstly, since only a minor fraction of new offences committed lead to convictions,reconvictions rates are always an undercount of true re-offending.
Related to that, reconviction rates are also affected by changes in police and prosecution practice. When
research in the US shows that offenders in intensive probation re-offend more often (as compared to normal
probation group), this was largely deemed to be the result of the fact that persons on intensive probation
were supervised more closely (and got caught for their offences).
In addition, the reconviction rate is a crude, all-or-nothing measure. Without further qualifications, it does
not take into account changes in severity and frequency, nor does it take into account the changes in timingof repeat-offending.
5. Is re-offending data an adequate measure of policy effects and success?
In other words, how well does recidivism data measure those effects it claims to be measuring (validity),in this case the policy success of individual sanctions and interventions. Also, at this point, there is muchthat could be improved.
Regarding offence-specific interventions, it would be important to be able to measure whether changes
occur in areas targeted by the intervention. Sex offender treatment programmes are targeted on sex
offending behaviour. Is it a failure or not, if a sex-offender after participating in programme for sexual
offenders is later found of being guilty for drunken driving but not for sexual offences? General reconviction
data should in these cases be supplemented with offence - related outcome data.
Secondly, criminal justice interventions may also have a second type of effects in addition to effects on
offending behaviour. These other benefits – also called as “non-reconviction benefits” – may also need ourattention. Social marginalization – of which crime is also a part – means unemployment, poor housing, weaksocial relations, substance abuse, and poor mental and physical health. These are social and human needs

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135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
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which should be properly addressed. Non-reconviction benefits deserve our attention for two reasons:Firstly, they deal usually with factors which will, in the long run , also affect crime and recidivism:
employment and meaningful work, vocational education, family and social relations, mental health andabsence of drugs and substance abuse are essential elements for a life without crime. Secondly, enhancing
these dimensions of a good and meaningful life is a valuable thing as such. irrespective of direct crime
prevention effects.
6. Is it enough for us to know the re-offending rates (and the possible non-conviction benefits)?
Again, the answer is no. If crime prevention is our interest, we should always be ready to ask, at whatcost? To take an example, prison is expensive, probation is cheap. If both have the same re-offending results,
is not be wiser to invest in the latter, and use the remaining money in other crime prevention programmes?
This, of course, simplifies the situation, as prison serves also other penal purposes, including
incapacitation and general prevention. Still, we need to keep the cost/benefit aspect in mind, as a growing
amount of research is showing the over-riding success of social and situational crime prevention
programmes over criminal justice interventions and, especially, of imprisonment.

II. SCANDINAVIAN SYSTEMS OF CRIMINAL JUSTICEAll Nordic countries form unitary political systems with a single written criminal code. The
administration of justice is based on nationally organized institutions. Prison authorities and the prosecution
service are administratively under the respective ministries of justice, while the police forces are under theministries of the interior. Courts are under the budgetary power of the ministries of justice, but enjoy
constitutionally granted independence (as does the prosecutors service). Civil servants and criminal justiceofficials (judges, prosecutors, the police etc.) are permanently appointed non-partisan career officials.

A. Sanctions
The death penalty is prohibited in all Nordic countries, including during war time.
The most severe sentence in Denmark, Finland and Sweden is a life sentence, which means in practice a
prison term of around 15 years. Norway has abolished life sentences and replaced it with a 21 year maximum
term. The maximum term of imprisonment for a single offence in Denmark is 16 years, in Finland 12 years
and in Sweden ten years. In case of multiple offences and in case of recidivism (only Denmark and Sweden)
these limits may be exceeded.2
Imprisonment is used only with more serious offences. The clear majority of penalties imposed consist ofless severe alternatives. Among these, fines have been the principal punishment throughout the lastcentury. Denmark, Finland and Sweden impose fines as day-fines (a system first adopted in Finland in 1921).
The day-fine-system aims to ensure equal severity of the fine for offenders of different income and wealth.
The number of day-fines is determined on the basis of the seriousness of the offence while the amount of aday-fine depends on the financial situation of the offender. Thus similar offences committed by offenders ofdifferent income will result in (roughly) similar overall severity.
Middle-rank offences are punished as a rule by different type of community sanctions. The basic
structure of community sanctions is fairly similar in all Scandinavian countries. However, there are great
differences in the details.

Conditional imprisonment (a suspended sentence) is generally used for middle range offences. In Finlandsentences of imprisonment of, at most, two years may be imposed conditionally. In Sweden the limit is three
years. Norway and Denmark have no formal limits, but conditional sentences lasting more than two years
are quite rare.

2 On the Nordic sanction systems see Jareborg 2001 (Sweden), Kyvsgaard 2001 (Denmark), Lappi-Seppälä 2001 (Finland) and

Larsson 2001 (Norway). On the aims and principles of the work with prisoners see Nordic Prison Education 2005. The
Scandinavian juvenile justice systems are described in Stoorgaard 2004, Janson 2004 (Sweden), Kyvsgaard 2004 (Denmark)and Lappi-Seppälä, forthcoming (Finland).

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

Community service is used as an independent sanction in Finland and Norway and as an attachment toother sanctions in Sweden and Denmark. The maximum number of community service hours vary from 200(Finland) to 420 (Norway).
In addition to the basic community alternatives, each country has its local applications. Sweden and
Denmark, with long rehabilitative traditions, have the widest array of community sanctions. Probation is the
backbone of the Swedish community sanction system. Sweden also uses electronic monitoring extensively
both as a front-door and as a back-door alternative. Contract-treatment is also included in the Swedish
sentencing menu. Denmark and Sweden apply also treatment oriented measures, either as independentmeasures or in combinations with other sanctions. This also is a kind of dividing line between the systems.
The Finnish legal system makes a clear distinction between treatment and punishment. Criminal courts
have no power to give treatment orders of any kind. Involuntary psychiatric treatment for the ‘criminallyinsane’ is ordered by medical authorities alone, but the courts decide whether the offender may be exemptedfrom punishment due to his or her mental state. Alcohol and drug treatment is always voluntary in Finland.
In both aspects the Swedish and the Danish system allow the courts more leeway. The Norwegian approach
is somewhere in between.

B. Sentencing Structure
Finland, Norway and Sweden prescribe for each offence a specific minimum and maximum penalty in thelaw. The Danish law uses offence-specific minimums only occasionally. Sentencing in courts takes place
within these limits. The discretion is guided mainly by legislative principles and norms. Finland and Sweden
have highly structured systems with detailed written provision on the general principles and specificsentencing criteria to be taken into account in deciding both on the type and on the amount of punishment.
Denmark has less detailed provisions, but with similar content. Norway lacks legislative sentencing
provisions, but in Norway the Supreme Court has taken a very active role in producing guideline decisions insentencing.
The Scandinavian sentencing structures are relatively well shielded against outside political pressures.
Sentencing commissions or detailed concrete guidelines are unknown for the Scandinavian systems.
Sentencing is treated as an area of normal judicial decision making, guided by valid sources of sentencing law
and their interpretation, according to the generally accepted interpretation standards. Thus, sentencing
cannot be affected by outside instruction.

C. Enforcement
The enforcement of criminal sanctions belongs to the administrative field of the Ministry of Justice. Eachcountry has nationwide prison and probation services, which are responsible for the implementation andenforcement of imprisonment and community sanctions.
Sentences of imprisonment are enforced either in closed prisons or in open institutions. Openinstitutions hold between 20 % (Sweden) to 40 % (Denmark) of the current prison population. Openinstitutions are in practice prisons without walls: the prisoner is obliged to stay in the prison area, but there
are no guards or fences. Closed prisons are small in their size. The largest units carry 200-300 prisoners,
while the regular size of a prison is around 50-100 inmates.
The system of early release is used on a routine basis. In Finland, practically all prisoners are released onparole after either one half or two thirds of their sentence. The use of early release is somewhat more
discretionary in other Nordic countries, still covering a clear majority of all releases. The minimum time tobe served before the prisoner is eligible for parole in Denmark is two months, in Finland 14 days, in Norway
two months and in Sweden one month. Parole revocations occur generally only due to a new offence
committed during the parole period.

D. Juvenile Justice
The age of criminal responsibility is 15 years in all countries. Children under 15 years of age at the timeof the offence may be subjected only to measures taken by the child welfare authorities. The criterion for all
child welfare interventions is the best interest of the child. All interventions are supportive by their natureand criminal acts have little or no formal role as a criterion or as a cause for these measures.

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135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
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Criminal justice becomes relevant once the offender has reached the age of 15. The child welfare system
continues to function for those aged 15 to 17 years old. So offenders of this age are usually under both thecriminal justice and the child welfare system. Strictly speaking, there is no special juvenile criminal system
in Scandinavia in the sense that this concept is usually understood in most legal systems. There are nojuvenile courts and the number of specific penalties only applicable to juveniles is fairly restricted (butexpanding). During the last decade each Nordic country has modified its system with new juvenile sanctions
to be applied for juveniles alongside the general alternatives. Denmark applies a youth contract (a contract
based obligtion to particitpate in certain activities) and youth sanction for the more serious cases (a two-year
programme, imposed by the courts but implemented by the social welfare authorities, see in general
Kyvsgaard 2004, p. 370-374). Sweden has adopted court ordered institutional treatment under the social
welfare authorities based on child welfare principles, as well as closed institutional treatment for more
serious cases (see Janson 2004 p. 409-411). Finland has adopted a specific youth punishment. The sanction
consists of non-institutional programmes and supervision arranged in co-operation with the social welfare
board and the Probation Service (see Lappi-Seppälä, forthcoming).
In addition to special juvenile penalties, there are limiting rules for the full application of penal provisions,as well as special rules and measures applicable only for young offenders. Young offenders are often diverted
from the criminal proceedings by using withdrawal from prosecution (diversionary non-prosecution); theyalso receive mitigated sentences and there are additional restrictions in the use of unconditional prison
sentences. Still the most common sanction for juveniles is either a fine or conditional imprisonment.

E. Restorative Justice and Mediation
Restorative justice schemes are gaining more and more importance in dealing with crimes committed byyoung offenders.
Mediation started first in Norway in 1981. In Norway, mediation is an independent criminal sanction
which has been acknowledged in the Code of Criminal Proceedings. A successful mediation also
automatically leads to non-prosecution.
In the other Nordic countries mediation has a more informal role. Finland started mediation in 1983. The
practice is as widely spread as in Norway. Denmark and Sweden started to experiment with mediation
during the 1990s. At the moment both countries are expanding the use of mediation. Even though mediation
is not restricted to any specific age-group, the majority of cases involve juvenile offenders or offenders
below the age of criminal responsibility. With the exception of Norway, mediation is not classified as acriminal sanction. However, the criminal code acknowledges mediation as one possible ground for thewaiving of charges by the prosecutor, the waiving of punishment by the court, or mitigation of the sentence.
Participation in mediation is always voluntary for all the parties.

F. Basics in Proceedings
The criminal procedure is mainly accusatorial and the public prosecutor bears the burden of proof. The
court system is arranged in three tiers. All parties (the defendant, the prosecutor and the victim) have anunrestricted and independent right to appeal. The position of the victims has traditionally been quite strong.
The victim has an unlimited right to press charges (but in some cases only if the prosecutor has first refused
to prosecute). Another Scandinavian peculiarity is that all compensatory claims connected to a criminal
offence are treated in the criminal proceedings. The Scandinavian countries follow the systems adhesion
process in a full sense. Therefore decisions on punishments are, as a rule, accompanied by decisions oncompensation. Compensation orders are not classified as a criminal sanction. 3 Still, it is possible thatcompensation (especially when completed voluntarily right after the offence occurs) may also serve as anargument for the courts to refrain from further punishment.
The prosecutor has basically the same options at their disposal in all Nordic countries. The prosecutors
have the powers to impose prosecutor’s fines (or summary fines). All systems also grant the prosecutor the
power not to prosecute, even if the facts of the case are clear (diversionary non-prosecution). Formally, thecountries differ in this respect as Norway and Denmark follow the principle of opportunity in prosecution,
granting the prosecutor a general right not to prosecute at his or her own discretion. Finland and Sweden
3 On the role of restitution and compensation in the Finnish legal system, see Lappi-Seppälä, 1996.

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

follow the principle of legality in prosecution. According to the legality principle, prosecution must take placein all cases in which sufficient evidence exists of the guilt of the suspect. The rigid requirements of theprinciple of legality are softened through the legislative provisions of non-prosecution, which state the legal
grounds for non-prosecution. In practice, the difference is non-existent. The scope of prosecution has varied
over time unrelated to the underlying basic principles but has been affected by more general criminal
political trends.

III. OVERVIEW OF COMMUNITY SANCTIONS
A glimpse at Scandinavian court statistics reveals that there is no short way of giving an overview of theuse of different sentencing alternatives. Both Swedish and Danish sentencing statistics contain over 20
different alternatives and options. However, this diversity results mainly from the fact that the law allows
different combinations of the same few basic alternatives. These are fines, conditional or suspended
sentences, supervision, community service and electronic monitoring.
In short community sanctions include the following:• conditional or suspended sentence - possibly combined with other alternative sanctions• probation or supervision - either as an independent or complementary sanction• community service (punishment) - either as an independent or complementary sanctions• treatment orders - either as an independent or complementary sanctions (or part of social services)• electronic monitoring (both in front-door and back-door versions).
Differences between the systems constitute from the following elements:• The number of combinations: Denmark and Sweden allow more combinations than others (Finland
and Norway). Combinations may include not only community sanctions but mixtures between
community and custodial sanctions.
• Status: Some countries have been more willing to give new alternatives an independent status(Finland and Norway), while the other have added these new alternatives as sub-conditions under
the old traditional alternatives (Denmark and Sweden).
• Juvenile justice: The sanctions systems differ also in the extent the countries have adopted specificsanctions for juveniles. The Swedish and the Danish systems are more differentiated than the
Finnish and the Norwegian ones. However, all Scandinavian countries follow the same model which
treats juveniles in the criminal justice system basically according to the same rules as adults, while
the main role in rehabilitation is in the hands of the child welfare authorities. Unlike many othercountries, the Scandinavian countries do not have specific juvenile justice system with its own
juvenile codes and juvenile courts.
• The role of treatment: Sweden and Denmark have maintained closer relations between punishment
and treatment. Sweden has even abolished the whole concept of penal capacity and defines
psychiatric treatment as a sanction imposed for offenders.
Once these differences are taken into account, the Scandinavian sanctions systems fall into two maingroups. Finland and Norway have a relatively simple system with fewer alternatives and with less emphasison treatment-oriented measures. In these countries the statistics differentiate around 7-8 basic sentencing
options starting from summary fines to unconditional prison sentences. Both Sweden and Denmark havemuch more complex systems with several possible combinations (over 20 in all).
The table below summarizes the use of the main sentencing alternatives in Scandinavian court practices
in year 2005, both in absolute numbers and per 100,000 of population.

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Table 1. The use of main sentencing alternatives in Scandinavian court practices in 2005
THE USE OF MAIN SENTENCING ALTERNATIVES IN 2005
Absolute numbers

FIN

SWE

DEN

NOR

PRISON(Average in months)
Probation
Probation + Contract treatment
Probation + Community service
Community service
Community S + conditional (+fine)Conditional + fineConditional + Supervision
Conditional alone
Treatment in social welfare
ALL COMMUNITY SANCTIONS
Court fine
ALL COURT IMPOSED PENALTIESSummary fines

8313
8,8

15335
8,5
4110
1114
1000
303
3344

11239
6,1

11292
4,9

3370
110
8930
(1232)
6717
19127
38291
65 549348449

6300
2907
19078
23328
57 741200 000

2632
3684
2567
6312
350
12913
21174
45 326
..

6750
2580
11962
2314
25 568289647

THE USE OF MAIN SENTENCING ALTERNATIVES IN 2005 (/100 000 pop)
FIN

SWE

DEN

NOR

158
8,8

170
8,5

208
6,1

245
4,9

57

365

70
32
211

3
68
47
117
6
239

260

730
1253

258
639

393
840

51
556

Summary fines

6643

2212

..

6295

Population (1000)

5 245

9 043

5 413

4 601

PRISON N
PRISON AMOUNT (months)
Probation
Probation + Contract treatment
Probation + Community service
Community service
Community S + Conditional (+ Fine)
Conditional + Fine
Conditional alone
Treatment in social welfare
ALL COMMUNITY SANCTIONS
Court fine
ALL COURT IMPOSED PENALTIES

45
12
11
64
2
170
128

37

147
56

What follows is a systematic description of the structure and use of these basic alternatives, with special
focus on re-offending (whenever there is either Scandinavian or comparable international data available).

IV. FINES
A. The Day-fine System
1. General Remarks.
A fine is the most frequently applied punishment in all Scandinavian countries. It is mainly applied in thecase of minor offences, but it serves as an alternative also in middle-rank offences such as less serious forms
of assault and minor cases of burglary. As it seems, there are differences in the scope of fines with Finland
being the country with the widest use of this alternative. Fines may also be used as an additional
punishment to a conditional or unconditional (in Denmark) sentence of imprisonment.

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

Table 2. Fines in Scandinavian court practices
THE USE OF FINES IN THE SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES IN 2005 (/100 000 pop)
FIN

SWE

DEN

NOR

158

170

208

245

Court fine

730

258

393

51

Summary fines

6643

2212

..

6295

PRISON
FINES

Sanctions 2005 (/pop) - summary fines excluded

9000

1400

1200

Court fine

8000

Community
1000

Sanctions 2005 (/pop) - summary fines included

7000

Prison
6000

800

5000

600

4000

Summary fines
Court fineCommunity
Prison

3000
400

2000
200

1000
0

0

SWE

DEN

NOR

FIN

SWE

DEN

NOR

FIN

2. The Day-fine System
In Finland (and Sweden and Denmark) fines are imposed as day-fines. This system was adopted in
Finland in 1921. The main objective of the day-fine system, is to ensure equal severity of the fine foroffenders of different income and wealth. In this system the number of day-fines is determined on the basisof the seriousness of the offence while the amount of a day-fine depends on the financial situation of theoffender. The amount of the day-fine equals roughly half of the offender’s daily income after taxes.4 The
number of day-fines varies between 1 and 120.

An example:
The typical number of day-fines for drunken driving with BAC of 1,00/00 would be around 40 day-fines.
The monetary value of one day-fine for a person who earns EUR1,500 per month would be EUR20. For
someone with a monthly income of EUR6,000, the amount of one day-fine would be EUR95. Thus the total
fine for the same offense would be for the former person EUR800 and for the latter EUR3,800.
If the fine is not paid it may be converted into imprisonment (default imprisonment) through separate
proceedings. Two day-fines correspond to one day of imprisonment. The number of default prisoners hasvaried over time, reflecting also the changes in economic conditions. More recently, the problem of finedefaulters has, once again, become increasingly important.

B. Fines in Finland
The basic structure of the day-fine system has remained untouched since 1921. However, technicalcalculating rules (for the monetary amount of one day-fine) as well as the maximum number of day-fines andthe rules concerning the use of default imprisonment have been revised several times. Also the monetary
value of day-fines has been raised from time to time. The basic aims of these reforms has been to raise the‘penal value’ of a fine in such a ways that it would provide an credible alternative to imprisonment, especiallyfor middle rank offences, and to restrict the use of default imprisonment. The most recent reform of the dayfine system took place in 1999. The reform changed the calculating rules, raised in the minimum size of aday-fine and an extended the use of summary penal fees.
4 The exact amount results from a rather complicated calculation. However, the officials (police, the prosecutor and the courts)

have a handbook which makes it easy to count the amount of day-fines.

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1. Proceedings and Summary Fines
A fine may be imposed either in an ordinary trial or, in the case of certain petty offences, throughsimplified summary penal proceedings (penalty orders). The vast majority of fines are ordered in a summary
process. In 1995, the power to order summary fines was transferred from the court to the prosecutor. Giving
the prosecutor an independent right to impose fines was an important reform from the point of view ofprinciple. It was also a substantial change in terms of numbers (over 200,000 cases per year). However, inpractice the change was smaller, since also under the former system summary fines were prepared by theprosecutors and the courts had a tendency to rubber stamp the prosecutors’ suggestions.
In addition, for minor traffic offences there is a summary penal fee that is set at a fixed amount (a pettyfine). This fine is imposed by the police. In the case of non-payment, summary penal fees cannot be
converted into imprisonment.
2. Practice
The fine has been the principal punishment throughout the last century. Around 60% of cases handled by
the courts result in fines. Of all criminal cases handled by the courts and/or prosecutors, over 80% arepunished by fines.5 In numbers, this means that the courts impose some 35,000 – 40,000 fines annually, theprosecutors order some 200,000 penalty orders, and the police write some 100,000 summary penal fees.
3. Public Acceptance of the Day-fine System
The day-fine system may also lead to quite intensive fines in cases where the offenders happen to havean extraordinarily high income. Such occasions occur particularly in the field of traffic violations. Every oncein a while the media reports of traffic-fines that exceed tens of thousands of euros. These extraordinarily
high traffic fines have even raised certain doubts about the legitimacy of the present system. Related to this,the counting rules had been criticized, especially by the conservatives, for leading to unjust results in higher
income levels, since prior to the year 1999, the amount of a day-fines was counted on the basis of grossincome (before taxes) instead of net-income (after the deduction of taxes). Moving from fining on the basis ofgross income into fining based on net-income was the major principal change, brought by the 1999 reform.
According to the bill, the central goal of the reform was to introduce a more just fining system, whereby the“size of the fine is perceived as fair among different income-groups.” (Government Bill 74/1998).
Public’s views and the fairness of dayfines(Source: Lappi-Seppälä 2000)
0

20

40

60

80

100

FAIRNESS: FINES ARE...
70

Fair
27

UnfairDon’t know

3

ROLE OF INCOME, FINES SHOULD BE...
According to income80

No differentiation
Don’t know

18
2

Follow-up research was carried out by the National Research Institute for Legal Policy. The central
findings of this study were that the fears of the perceived unfairness of the fining system had been grossly
exaggerated.6 Four out of five respondents regarded the day-fine system as a fair and just method ofpunishment. Fines imposed for traffic violations were considered fair by 60%, 14% of the respondents

5 This is partly due to the fact that there is no general administrative penal law in Finland. Practically all offences are classified

as crimes and treated under the label of criminal punishments.
6 See Lappi-Seppälä 2002,b.

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

considered them too mild and 17% too severe (9% refrained from expressing an opinion). The reform of thefining system introduced in 1999 did not bring about significant changes in public opinion. Neither it seems,
did the staggering fines imposed in summer 2000 (one over EUR43,000 and the other EUR38,000; both for
speeding). But as it turned out, the general public is not well aware of the rules concerning fines for traffic
offences. Whether the fines were calculated on the basis on net income or gross income (the main topic of
the reform!) turned out to be completely irrelevant to the perceived fairness of the fining system.

C. Effects on Recidivism
It is generally known that offenders receiving fines have the lowest recidivism rates. About 25% of thosereceiving fines were reconvicted for some form of penalty during the following five years whereas the figure
for those receiving a prison sentence was as high as 75%. But as the initial recidivism risk in these twogroups is totally different; these kind of figures cannot be used as a basis for any kind of comparison. We
need controlled comparisons where two groups are made similar.
There is fairly little systematic research employing control groups on the effects of fines on recidivism.
This mainly due to the fact that, outside Scandinavia, fines alone are rarely an alternative or substitute toimprisonment or even to community sanctions.
A study published in the US in 1991 (Gordon & Glaser 1991) compared recidivism after different
combinations of fines and other sanctions. Supervision with fines leads to lower recidivism (25%) than meresupervision (36%). Equally, short term imprisonment with supervision and fines leads to lower recidivism(37%) than mere supervision and fines (50%). However, the detected associations were statistically non
significant.
Methodologically more advanced US study based on randomized experiment (Turner & Petersilia 1996)
compared day-fines with flat-rate fines (no difference according to income). It turned out that day-fine group
had lower recidivism-rate (11% to 17%) and fewer technical violations (9% to 22%) than the control-group(latter differences were statistically significant).
The third study is a meta-analysis covering 18 studies (Genderau et al. 2000). The overall effect-size inthese 18 studies was -0,04. In other words, after the groups had been matched, those receiving fines had 4%
lower recidivism rate than those receiving other type of penalties.

RECIDIVISM RATES AFTER FINES
StudyResults
Supervision and fines (25 %)Only Supervision (36 %), non-significant
Supervision, prison and fines (37 %)Supervision and prison (50 %), non-significant
Arrests- Day-fines (11 %)- Control group (17 %), non-significant
Technical violations- Day-fines (9 %)- Control group (22 %), significant
Meta-analysis (18 studies)- Effect-size - 0,04 ( = 4 % difference)30

135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
VISITING EXPERTS’ PAPERS

V. CONDITIONAL IMPRISONMENT/SUSPENDED SENTENCES
A. The Structure
1. Types and Terminology
A suspended or conditional sentence means that the offender is convicted, but exempted from serving asentence. The content of the punishment may or may not be specified in the original sentence. The
sanctions may be imposed with or without supervision. This all leaves us several combinations.
Consequently this sanction appears in different forms and under different labels around the world. There isno agreement on the terminology, either.
In the following the term suspended sentence is reserved for those arrangements where the content of
the sanction is not yet fixed. Conditional sentence means thus arrangements, where the contents of the
sanction is fixed, but the enforcement of the sentence is suspended under certain conditions. In thosesystems where only prison sentences are suspended (as in Finland), it is logical to talk about conditional
imprisonment. Thus we have the following categories:
Suspended sentence/conditional imprisonment in Scandinavia
TITLE

CONTENT FIXEDSUPERVISIONCOUNTRY

Suspended sentence

No

No

SWE

Conditional imprisonmentYes
No formal limits

No

NOR

Yes
No formal limits

On discretion

DEN

Yes
14 days - 2 years

On discretion only
for juveniles

FIN

2. Contents and Conditions
In all cases suspension and the enforcement of the sentence is conditional. These conditions may refer tomore general behaviour or only to new offences. Today clear emphasis in Scandinavia is on new offences.
General instructions for behaviour are of only marginal importance. In other words, the enforcement of thesentence is conditional in the sense that unless the offender commits a new offence during the probationary
period, imprisonment will not be enforced.
If the sentence is not specified (as in Sweden), a suspended sentence represents merely a formal
warning. In case the court also pronounces the length of prison term, as in Finland, the sanction has more
substance and a heavier symbolic content. This may be reflected also in the criminal proceedings. In Finland
the judge first declares that the offender has been sentenced to imprisonment for X months. After that it isdeclared that imprisonment will be imposed conditionally. These symbolic messages have relevance also inwider communications: newspaper headlines generally refer to conditional imprisonment as imprisonment(where they do not wish to undermine the severity of the sanction). This all has practical consequences:conditional imprisonment in Finland has a far heavier role than the Swedish suspended sentence.
Conditional imprisonment may be ordered with or without supervision. Both forms are used in Finlandand Denmark. Neither Norway nor Sweden combines supervision with a conditional or a suspended
sentence. Sweden uses supervision as part of their probation. Norway ceased to use supervision as part ofconditional imprisonment once they changed community service into community punishment (a decisionthat can be criticized).
Supervision is carried out both by social workers and volunteers workers. Supervision entails always
both elements of support and control. Support entails lodging, education or training and/or work, since this isof great importance for reducing the risk of recidivism. The control element may vary depending on otherconditions attached with the sentence. Breaches of the rules and conditions may in extreme cases lead to
revocation of the suspended sentence. However, as a rule, revocation is possible only due to new criminal
offences.

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

3. Combinations
In addition to the usual condition of supervision, conditional imprisonment can be supplemented with
substantial conditions or other elements (such as fines). This blurs the boundaries between conditional
sentences and other alternatives in the penal system. Some of these conditions and attachments are quite
substantial, as is the case when conditional imprisonment is combined with community service or atreatment order (as in Denmark). In these cases it would be advisable to classify the sanctions according to
the most substantial element involved. This advice has also been followed here.

FIN

SWE

DEN

NOR

158

170

208

245

Conditional + Fine

170

47

147

Conditional alone

128

70

117

56

298

70

164

203

PRISON N

All CONDITIONAL SENTENCES

Conditional imprisonment with different combinations in Scandinavia
Finland
16 000Cond/prison= 300 / pop= 1,9

Denmark
13 000Cond/prison= 170 / pop= 0,8

Norway9 000
Cond/prison= 200 / pop= 0,8

Sweden
10 000Cond/prison= 120 / pop= 0,7 (0,4)-Fines-Supervision-Community service

56 %
8%
1%

-Fines-Supervision-Community service-Treatment order

20 %
20 %
30 %
8%

Fine
-Fine

28 %

-Community service

35 %In all countries but Sweden the content of the sentence is fixed (Denmark applies both forms). In all
countries except a Norway suspended sentence may be attached with supervision. In this respect the
Norwegian law changed in 2002 when community service was replaced with a new alternative called
community punishment. Community punishment contains several elements. In addition to a normal
community service order, there are other restrictions including obligations to participate in different types ofprogrammes. Community punishment replaced not only the old community service, but also conditional
sentences with supervision (something which may be regretted).
4. Combinations
Suspended sentences may appear as an independent sanction or in different combinations. Bothalternatives are familiar to all Scandinavian systems. All countries recognize the possibility of using
suspended sentences (with or without supervision) as the only sanction. All except Sweden combine
suspended sentences with fines. All except Norway combine suspended sentences also with community
service. Denmark also attaches treatment orders (usually for drunk drivers) with suspended sentences(supervision).
In Finland a suspended sentence (conditional imprisonment) without supervision is a quite common
punishment for most middle rank offences. A majority (60%) of all prison sentences are suspended. In
sentencing practice there is a clear presumption that all shorter prison sentences (less than one year) aresuspended for first time offenders. A suspended sentence with supervision has, in turn, been usedsuccessfully instead of imprisonment for juveniles.

32

135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
VISITING EXPERTS’ PAPERS

B. Conditional Imprisonment in Finland
1. Imprisonment and Conditional Imprisonment
Imprisonment may be imposed either for a determinate period (at least fourteen days and at most twelve
years for a single offence and fifteen years for several offences) or for life.7 Sentences of imprisonment of at
most two years may be imposed conditionally (conditional imprisonment), under certain conditions,prescribed by law.
Conditional imprisonment was introduced in Finland in 1918, originally under the title of conditional
sentence. In 1976, the scope of the conditional sentence was expanded. The maximum length of aconditional sentence was raised from one to two years. Also, the possibility of combining a conditional
sentence with a fine was introduced. The sentencing criteria were also amended: now the use of aconditional sanction was tied to general prevention, instead of the original special preventive orientatedreasons.
In 2001, the law was revised again. In order to give the courts a more reliable foundation for theirdiscretion the general preventive oriented criteria were replaced by more proportionality oriented
sentencing criteria.8 Also, the title of this sanction was changed from conditional sentence to conditional
imprisonment. At the same time, the possibility of ordering conditional fines was abolished. This option was
hardly ever used in court practice. In addition, a new combination of unconditional imprisonment and a shortcommunity service order were included in the law.
2. Sentencing Criteria
According to the new provisions, a prison sentence of no more than two years can be ordered
conditionally, provided that “the seriousness of the offence, the culpability of the offender manifested in theoffence, or previous convictions of the offender do not require an unconditional imprisonment”. Subsection 2
places an additional requirement: young offenders under the age of 18 years (at the time of the offence) may
be sentenced to unconditional imprisonment only if special reasons call for this option.
3. Subsidiary Sanctions
If conditional imprisonment alone is not considered to be a sufficient sanction for the offence, an
unconditional fine (subsidiary fine) may be imposed on the offender as well. This option has been used quite
frequently in drunken driving. In 2001, the scope of subsidiary sanctions was expanded. If the length of thesentence is between one to two years, a short community service order (20–90 hours) may be sentenced
alongside conditional imprisonment. In addition, young offenders under the age of 21 years (at the time ofthe offence) may be placed under supervision (see below).
4. The Probation Period and the Revocation of the Sentence
Imposing the sentence conditionally means that the enforcement will be suspended for a specificprobation period determined by the court. The length of the probation period is at least one year and at mostthree years. The practical meaning of the probation period is that the behaviour of the offender during that
period determines whether the original sentence shall be enforced or not.
A person who has been sentenced to conditional imprisonment can be ordered to serve his or her
sentence in prison if he or she commits a new offence during the probation period for which the court
imposes a sentence of imprisonment. Thus, a behavioural infraction alone is not enough for enforcement of aconditional imprisonment. An additional requirement for losing the benefit of a conditional imprisonment isthat the charges for the new offence have been brought within one year of the end of the probation period. It
is also possible to enforce only part of the earlier conditional imprisonment or sentences.
The courts impose some 16,000 conditional prison sentences annually. Each year around 700-800

7 A life sentence may be imposed for a very restricted number of offences – in practice only for murder. Those serving such asentence actually spend approximately 12 to 14 years in prison. After this they are released on parole.
8 It had turned out that the general preventive sentencing instruction – “maintenance of general respect for the law” (seefootnote ) – turned out to be too obscure and it may also invite the courts to base their decisions on (empirically) unfounded
speculations on the general preventive effects of single court decisions.

33

RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

sentences are enforced. This equals around 5% of all conditional sentences imposed annually.
5. Supervision of Young Offenders
Conditionally sentenced young persons (who were 15 to 20 years old at the time of the offence) may be
put under community supervision if this is considered “justified in view of the promotion of the social
adjustment of the offender and of the prevention of new offences”). Such supervision is ordered for four outof five conditionally sentenced young persons. This decision is taken by the court in connection with theoriginal sentence.
The supervision is the responsibility of staff members of the Probation Service or of voluntary private
supervisors. The supervision primarily consists of regular meetings with a supervisor. In some cases, theoffender is required to participate in various group activities. Supervision can be discontinued after six
months if it is no longer needed. During the year 2001, 1,154 new offenders were ordered to undergo
supervision, and 46% of them were assigned a private supervisor. During that time 2,756 young offenders
were under supervision.

C. Implementation and Effects
In Finland conditional imprisonment has a strong position as an alternative to incarceration. Conditional
imprisonments correspond to roughly a quarter of all sanctions imposed by the courts. Two out of threeprison sentences are imposed conditionally.
Conditional imprisonment and others anctionsin Finnish courts 2005

Conditionalalone 21 %Conditional+ Fine 14 %CSO 5 %

Prison13%

Conditiona+supervision2%

Fine(courts)
58 %In 1950, 30% of sentences of imprisonment were imposed conditionally. In 1990 the rate was 60% and in2000 63%. The use of conditional imprisonment increased significantly during the 1970s. A primary factor
behind this was, above all, a reassessment of sentences for drunken driving. Conditional imprisonment is
one key tool through which Finland has managed to reduce its prison population over the last decades.
The useof sentencing optionsin the Finnish courts1950-2005
90000
80000
70000
60000

Cour t-fineCond it ional sentenceCommunit y service
Impris on ment

50000
40000
30000
20000
10000
0
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 1995 2000 2005

34

135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
VISITING EXPERTS’ PAPERS

Conditional and unconditional prison sentencein Finland 1950-2005
20000

Condi tiona l
Uncondit iona l

18000
16000
14000
12000
10000
8000
6000
4000
2000
0
Conditional
Unconditional

1950

1960 1970

2812
6571

3686 5215 14556 17248 13624 13973 16165
6900 10212 10326 11657 6754 8147 8516

1980 1990

1995 2000

2005

The wide use of conditional imprisonment has met with some criticism, especially when applied toyounger age-groups. Concerns have been expressed that several such sentences may be imposed on thesame (young) offenders without this having a discernible impact on their behaviour. Nonetheless, it is likelythat large accumulations of conditional imprisonments are rarer than has been assumed. A study followed
those who, during 1992, received their first conditional imprisonment. During the following three years, only
16% were again sentenced conditionally, and most of these received only one new conditional imprisonment.
Only 2% of this sentencing cohort were given more than two additional conditional imprisonments during
the three-year period.
Offenders reconvicted in conditional sentence in Finland in three years time after release in 1992
(Lappi-Seppälä1999)
90

83,7

80
70

%

60
50
40
30
20

11,4

10

2,8

2,1

2

3-more0

None

1

The number conditional reconvictions

Repeated reconvictions were clearly more common among young offenders, compared to adults. But
even among the juveniles this was not widespread. About half of the juveniles receiving a conditional
sentence were reconvicted and received another conditional imprisonment. However, of all the young
offenders reconvicted, three out of four received only one or two new conditional imprisonments.
Around 4% belonged to the problem group who, over the next years, received at least five additional
conditional imprisonments, and 10% to the group who received at most four additional conditional
imprisonments.9 Other sentencing alternatives have been sought for this group of young offenders. Afterseveral years of experimenting, a new juvenile punishment was introduced in 2005.10

9 On this see Lappi-Seppälä, 1999.
10 A juvenile penalty (youth punishment) consists of a community supervision for a period of four months and non-institutional

programmes arranged by the Probation Service.

35

RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

D. Conclusions
The criminal political relevance and value of conditional imprisonment is in its strong symbolic
dimension: it still is imprisonment, even if it is only conditional. It is less stigmatizing for the offender andfar less costly for society, when compared to prison. It allows different combinations, which have been used
quite frequently in many jurisdictions. These features allow also tailoring according to different offendergroups. In its basic form, conditional imprisonment functions especially well in two offender groups:• for middle rank offences for low-risk adult offenders without supervision• for middle rank and also for more serious offences for juveniles in conjunction with supervision.
There is very little research on the re-offending effects of conditional imprisonment without supervision.
A classical Swedish study from the 1960s revealed a constant patter between custodial and non-custodial
sanctions, including conditional sentence (Börjeson 1966). The overall result was that even in the absence ofsupervision, less intrusive measures tended to lead to lower re-offending rates. This basic result has hardly
been challenged, even though we know today much more of the effects of different treatment programmes
and intervention.
Should we wish to add more ‘substance’ to the sanction, more elements could be included in supervision.
Another option would be provided in the form of specific community sanction, known as probation.

VI. PROBATION AND TREATMENT ORDERS
A. The Structure
1. Terminology
A suspended sentence with supervision may also be called probation. But supervision in a form of
probation may also be ordered as an independent sanction (in addition, probation may also refer to parole
supervision, which will be discussed later).
Sweden is the only Scandinavian country with a separate independent probation type of sanction. Since
the 1960s this sanction – protective supervision (Skyddstilsyn) – has remained as the backbone of theSwedish community sanction system. Probation is a non-custodial sentence. Probation means a period of
three years, where the sentenced person is supervised during the first year. Misbehaviour can lead to theperiod being extended. Serious breaches of the probation can lead to the sentence being served in prison
instead.

Swedish probation orders. In Sweden, probation is a kind of ‘frame’-penalty. It leaves room for a number ofdifferent combinations. Probation can be combined with fines. A court can also combine probation with ashort prison sentence of between 14 days and three months. Two other combinations are also possible:
probation with special treatment order and probation with community service (see below). Regarding thecontent, probation appears thus in three different forms:• Basic probation includes only normal supervision. The offender must remain in contact with aprobation officer, notify the probation officer of any change in address, and provide essential
information on, e.g., employment, earnings and lifestyle. The probation officer can be from theprobation system or a layperson. Each client has a special schedule for the probation period that
regulates how often he or she meets with the probation officer.
• Probation may also include community service. Probation is complemented by an order to perform
unpaid work. The court determines the number of hours between 40 and a maximum of 240.
• Thirdly, probation may be combined with a special treatment plan, known as contract treatment. Thissanction is targeted primarily for long term substance abusers where there is a link between theabuse and crime. A contract is made between the court and the client on institutional care, in a homeor an open clinic. In contract treatment, treatment is always voluntary (but the choices are limited;either to go to prison or not).
In Sweden some 6,000-7,000 persons annually are sentenced to probation. Of these, little over 1,000 also
receive contract treatment and about 1,000 are also sentenced to community service.

36

135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
VISITING EXPERTS’ PAPERS

2. Swedish Treatment Orders
In addition to those orders combined with probation, there are treatment orders for juveniles to be
carried out by the social welfare authorities. Offenders under the age of 21 can be sentenced to care under
the social service and if such care is deemed more suitable than any other sentence, the court can order thesocial welfare board to arrange suitable care through the social services. This option is used fairly
extensively (around 3,000 cases per year). Treatment by social welfare authorities is among the basic
sanctions of the juvenile justice system in Sweden.
The second class of treatment orders concerns compulsory treatment for alcohol and drug addicts. Thistakes place primarily in cases of less serious crime. If a court finds that the offender could be subject to carevia compulsory placement in a residential treatment centre, the matter is then left to the social welfare
board or, if the offender is already in such a centre, to the board of that centre to rule on the required care.
Decisions on compulsory care in individual cases are made by the County Administrative Court on
application of the social welfare board. The social welfare board is then responsible for implementing thedecision according to the court’s ruling.
The third class of treatment orders includes treatment orders in psychiatric treatment. Unlike the other
Scandinavian countries, psychiatric treatment is classified as a criminal sanction in Sweden. A court cancommit a person suffering from a serious psychiatric disturbance to compulsory forensic psychiatric care if
his or her condition requires such care. Forensic psychiatric care as a criminal sanction occurs in two
different forms: without special release examination and with special release examination. The former
follows the same rules in principle as for psychiatric care in general. Care may continue for a maximum offour months. Extensions of the care period can be made only after a ruling of the County Administrative
Court. A court can decide on special release examination if there is a risk that the offender will lapse into
serious criminality again. For these patients the County Administrative Court decides on release and parole.
In order for the court to commit a person to forensic psychiatric care with special release examination, aforensic psychiatric examination must take place. The annual number of treatment orders in psychiatric carevaries at between 300-400.
3. Danish Treatment Orders
In the Danish system, treatment orders appear with conditional imprisonment (see above) and as a formof prison enforcement.
In connection with conditional sentences, persons suffering from substance abuse (alcoholics and drug
addicts) or a mental disturbance may be faced with a requirement of treatment for alcohol or drug abuse, or acondition of outpatient psychiatric treatment. The condition may also be a very specific order, for example,
that a person convicted of sexual relations with children is not allowed to obtain employment at institutions
or schools attended by children. The purpose of both supervision and special conditions is to prevent theoffender from relapsing into crime. An action plan is prepared and reviewed in great detail with each client,
who has to both accept and understand the necessity of the plan. Most often the clients accept these
conditions as they see them as the price they have to pay to avoid deprivation of their liberty.
For those already sentenced to prison, there remains an option to suspend the sentence by undergoingtreatment for substance abuse. Persons who are sentenced to prison for 60 days or less can apply forsuspension of the serving of the sentence, if they are in obvious need of treatment for their abuse of alcohol.
If they comply with requirements (usually one year of treatment and supervision) they can petition for a
pardon. They can be pardoned against payment of a fine.
THE USE OF PROBATION AND SUPERVISION IN SCANDINAVIA IN 2005 (/100 000 pop)
PRISON

FIN

SWE

DEN

NOR

158

170

208

245

Probation

45

Probation + Contract treatment

12

Probation + Community service

11

Treatment in social welfare

32

6

100

6

All PROBATION ORDERS

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

B. Contract Treatment (Sweden)
For offenders with alcohol and drug abuse problems, probation may be combined with a special treatment
plan, so-called contract care. Contract care is an alternative to prison, where the penalty for the crime could
be to up to two years’ incarceration. Contract treatment is probation combined with treatment, normally for
substance abuse, where there is a clear link between the crime and the abuse. One condition for a sentenceof contract care is that abuse problems or other special circumstances which require care or treatment havebeen an important factor in the criminality.
The sentenced person signs a ‘contract’ with the court to complete a treatment programme instead ofserving their sentence in prison. If the person misbehaves, the sentence can be transformed to a prison
sentence. The treatment lasts between six months to two years. Part of the treatment takes place in an
institution. Participation in the treatment is always voluntary. Before passing the sentence, the offender is
asked whether he or she is willing to undergo the treatment.
The relation between other sanctions and contract treatment is arranged in two ways: Contract
treatment can be used as a normal sub-condition to probation, or it may be used as the very reason for not
imposing a prison sentence. In the latter case (a ‘genuine’ contract treatment), this sanction is used moreclearly as an alternative to imprisonment. In this case the court also declares the length of the original
prison sentence which would have been passed had the offender not been accepted to take part in thetreatment programme.
If the client misbehaves, this is viewed as serious and the penalty can be converted to a prison sentence.
Co-operation is required from the offender and the probation authority decides on its suitability in each case.
In Sweden some 1,300-1,400 contract treatment orders are given each year compared to 15,000 prison
sentences and 3,000 community service orders imposed annually. The daily average number of offenders incontract treatment is around 300, with the daily average number of prisoners serving a sentence at around
6,500. In other words, contract-treatment reduces the daily prison population by around 5%.

C. Assessing EffectivenessIn assessing effectiveness one must distinguish the different elements in probation orders and related
measures. Supervision and surveillance is one thing, support and treatment is another. Research data isavailable for both; however, the difference between these two has not always been acknowledged.
One major study from Scandinavia made an effort to measure the effects of supervisions, as compared toother sanctions (Bondeson 1977). The study was not based on comparison groups. Instead, all sentenced
offenders were divided into nine risk groups with the help of 36 statistical prediction variables. After thatrecidivism rates were calculated in all nine groups according to the sanctions used for each. The study
compared the effects of three sanctions in all nine risk groups: conditional imprisonment without
supervision, supervision, and prison with supervision (in parole). The overall result was that recidivism
rates seemed to increase in all risk groups as supervision increased and the sanctions became more
intrusive.
During the 1990s several studies in the US examined the effects of the intensity of supervision by using
comparison groups. The intensity of ordinary probation may have been increased with the help of urine
tests, electronic control, and unannounced home visits. Supervision may also have been combined withother sanctions or interventions, such as community service or treatment programmes.
The most well known study (Petersilia & Turner 1993) used a randomized experiment and divided
offenders into those under normal probation and those under intensive probation. The study examined 14
ISP programmes in nine US states. Recidivism was measured using both arrests and technical violations.
After a one year follow–up, 37% of the ISP participants and 33% of the control group had been rearrested(the difference was statistically non-significant). In addition, technical violations in the ISP group was almost
double of that in the control group (65% versus 38%). The overall conclusion was that intensive probation
did not decrease recidivism. However, the intensified control increased the probability that technicalviolations would be detected. This result has been replicated in a number of studies during the 1990s(MacKenzie 2006 p. 311-317 lists 16 such studies). A meta-analysis from 2000 (Genderau 2000) indicatesthat intensive surveillance has a negative effect in increasing recidivism by 6%.

38135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
VISITING EXPERTS’ PAPERS

This finding is as consistent as it surprising. One could have imagined that increasing surveillance would
decrease re-offending. The explanation may be in the simple fact that if one wishes to curb crime by mere
surveillance, then the surveillance has to be much more intensive. If normal probation means one or two
meetings in a month, and intensive probation five to ten meetings in a month, this still leaves the offenderplenty of free time to commit offences, once he or she so chooses. This puts the serious question whether
crime prevention by mere surveillance could ever be a wise and defendable option.
This disappointing finding must be supplemented with one important reservation. Although the evidence
seems to be quite clear on the point that increased surveillance had no impact on recidivism, there is someevidence that increased treatment of offenders in the ISP programmes may be related to significant
reductions in re-arrests. Several studies suggest that re-arrests are reduced when offenders receive
treatment services in addition to the increased surveillance and control of the ISP-programmes. Petersilia &Turner reported a 10-20% reduction in recidivism for those who were most active in programmes while they
were in the community (MacKenzie 2006 p.318). This conclusion applies also to those programmes andmeasures directed especially to young offenders (Clausen 2006 p. 149).
RECIDIVISM RATES AFTER INTENSIVE PROBATION AND SURVEILLANCE
Study

Results

Drug-treatment forms a special branch in research literature. Despite numerous studies published in thisfield (see MacKenzie 2006, p. 241 ff), poor quality in research design prevents definite conclusions. In
general, the evidence gives support to drug-treatment both in institutions and in the community. Ongoinginternational meta-analyses are supposedly going to shed more light on this issue.

D. Conclusion
As it seems, supervision and surveillance alone are unable to produce the desired re-offending results.
Should we wish to achieve more in this respect, other elements should be included in the sanction
structures. Treatment, and cognitive behavioural programmes, as well as help and support should be
attached to sanctions along with supervision.
Taking into account the fact that majority of violent crime is alcohol-related and that drug and substanceabuse is closely associated with juvenile crime and traditional property crimes, the treatment of substanceabuse problems remains a high priority, both in the realm of community sanctions and in prison. A number of
research findings seem to repeat themselves in this field:• Institutional treatment, in order to be effective, requires a functional aftercare component. Very little
can be achieved with programmes that start in prison but end once the person walks out.
• Relapses are part of the program. Getting hold of one’s drug or substance abuse problem is a longterm, incremental process which always includes steps in both directions. A realistic starting point
for any programme, therefore, is that relapses happen. This must be taken into account also in thosecriminal justice interventions which include drug or substance abuse treatment elements.

39

RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

This still leaves us with the question of how to proceed with those offenders whose offences are too
serious to be dealt by with mere supervision and/or for whom neither treatment would seem to be afunctional alternative. For higher risk offenders and for offenders convicted for more serious offences, two
additional forms of community sanctions are disposable, either as independent sanctions or in combinations
with the alternatives already dealt by with: community service and electronic monitoring.

VII. COMMUNITY SERVICE
A. The Structure
Community service has a fairly clear basic content. It involves the performance of unpaid work, during
leisure-time and within a given period, for the good of the community. The status and contents of community
service may vary in several respects. Community service may be:• Imposed as an independent sanction or as an adjunct to another sanction, or• Replace only prison sentences or other penalties.
These combinations may also be found also among the Scandinavian countries. In Scandinavia Denmark
was the first to start with this new alternative in 1982. Finland was a late starter in 1991, but in a shortperiod of time, community service became more popular in Finland than anywhere else in Scandinavia.
In the shift of the 2000s the three other Scandinavian countries completed law reforms in order toincrease the use of community service, with good results. Sweden created a combination of community
service and suspended sentences, thus increasing the number of annual cases from 2000 to around 4000.
Denmark changed its policy in 2000 by allowing community service to be used also for drunken driving(which was previously forbidden). In two years’ time this increased the number of sentences from 1000 to
4000. Norway, in turn, tried to increase the credibility of community service by changing the title tocommunity punishment, by including also other elements in the sentence, and by expanding the scope of
application also to drunken driving. This resulted in an increase from around 500 cases to the present total ofa little over 2,500 cases.
Community service in Scandinavia
Denmark

Finland

NorwaySwedenStart/ permanent

1982, 1992

1991, 1995

1984, 1991

1990, 1998

Independent
or notNo. Condition for
Conditional
Imprisonment

Yes. Also partof over 1 year
conditional
Imprisonment

No. Part of“community
punishment”

No. Part ofsuspended
sentence orprobation

Replacing only
Imprisonment

No

Yes

No

Basically: yes

The length ofprison sentence

Basically: up to
12 months

Up to 8 months

Up to 1 year
In exceptional
cases over 1 year

Basically: up to
12 months

The number ofhours

30-24020-20030-42020-240

Number of court
cases 2005

3 864
68
(/100 000 pop)

3 480
66
(/100 000 pop)

2 632
57
(/100 000 pop)

3 647
40
(/100 000 pop)

Ratio CS/prison

0,33

0,42

0,23

0,23

Today all Scandinavian countries use community service on roughly the same scale. Denmark and
Finland are in the lead with 66-68 cases/100,000 inhabitants, followed by Norway (57) and Sweden (40)
However, if measured by the ratio between imposed community service and prison sentences, thesituation looks different. Now Finland has then highest application intensity (0,42 community service orders
against one prison sentence), followed by Denmark (0,33) and Norway and Sweden (0,23 each).

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The use of community service differs also in other respects among the Scandinavian countries. There isevidence that Finland has been more successful in replacing prison sentences with community service,while in the other Scandinavian countries community service has substituted also other, more lenient,
options. This result is essentially related to specific legislative solutions, adopted in Finland.

B. Community Service in Finland
In Finland the main arguments while introducing community service were related to prison overcrowding
and the lack of suitable ‘intermediate’ penalties between fines and imprisonment. In Finland, community
service is imposed only instead of unconditional imprisonment. The duration of community service may vary
between 20 and 200 hours. The prerequisites for sentencing the offender to community service are (a) thatthe convicted person consents to this, (b) that the sentence does not exceed eight months, and (c) that theoffender is deemed capable of carrying out the community service order. Also (d) prior convictions may insome case prevent the use of this option. The offender’s ability to carry out the work is evaluated on thebasis of a specific suitability report. This report may be requested by any one of the parties, the prosecutoror the court. The suitability report is prepared by the Probation Service. If the conditions of the community
service order are violated, the court normally imposes a new sentence of unconditional imprisonment.
1. Avoiding Net-widening: the Two-step Procedure
In order to ensure that community service will really be used in lieu of unconditional imprisonment, atwo-step procedure was adopted: firstly, the court is supposed to make its sentencing decision by applying
the normal principles and criteria of sentencing without considering the possibility of community service;secondly, if the result of this deliberation is unconditional imprisonment (and certain requirements are
fulfilled), the court may commute the sentence to community service. In principle, community service may
therefore be used only in cases where the accused would otherwise receive an unconditional sentence ofimprisonment.
2. The Number of Hours of Community Service
The court should always determine the number of hours of community service to be served. The lengthof community service is at least twenty and at most 200 hours. In practice the length of service depends on
the original sentence of imprisonment. One day of imprisonment corresponds to one hour of community
service. Thus, two months of custodial sentence should be commuted into roughly 60 hours of community
service.
3. ContentsCommunity service consists of regular, unpaid work carried out under supervision. The sentence isusually performed in segments of three or four hours, ordinarily on two days each week. The intention isthat this service would be performed over a period that roughly conforms to the corresponding sentence ofimprisonment without release on parole (see above).
Approximately a half of the service places were provided by the municipal sector, some 40% by non-profit
organizations and 10% by parishes. The share of the State has been under 2%. Ten hours maximum can beserved in an effort to address the offender’s substance abuse problem, either in terms of a traffic safety
course organized by the Traffic Safety Organization or at a treatment clinic.
The Probation Service approves a service plan for the performance of a community service order. The
plan is prepared in co-operation with the organization with whom the place of work had been arranged. The
offender should be allowed an opportunity to be heard in the drafting of the service plan.
4. Supervision and the Violation of the Conditions
The performance of a community service order is supervised quite closely. The supervision is specificallyfocused on ensuring proper performance of the work. Unlike in the other Nordic countries, community
service does not contain any extra supervision aimed at controlling the offender's behaviour in general. The
supervision is strictly confined to his or her working obligations.
Minor violations are dealt with by reprimands, more serious violations are reported to the publicprosecutor, who may take the case to court. If the court finds that the conditions of the community service

41

RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

order have been seriously violated, it should convert the remaining portion of the community service order
into unconditional imprisonment. The hours that have already been worked should be credited in full to theoffender. In this situation, the length of the imprisonment should be calculated by applying the generalconversion scale.
5. The Number of Community Service Orders
The legislators’ aim was that community service should be used only in cases where the accused would
otherwise have received an unconditional sentence of imprisonment. Along with the increase in the numberof community service orders, the number of unconditional sentences of imprisonment decreased between
1992 to 1997/98. In 1998, the average daily number of offenders in community service was about 1200 andthe corresponding prison rate was 2800. It is therefore reasonable to argue that, within a short period oftime, community service has proven to be an important alternative to imprisonment.
14000
12000
10000
8000
6000
4000
2000
0

Imprisonm ent
Com mun ity serv ice

1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
1153 9563 7699 6754 6101 5967 6642 7666 8151 8352 8484 8000 8530 8285
0

563 1487 2803 3277 3534 3957 3658 3413 3388 3313 3297 3621 3370

Figure: Imprisonment and community service in Finland 1992-2005 (court statistics)
Between 1998 and 2000 the number of community service orders was slightly falling, while the numberof prison sentences was increasing. This reflects partly the fact that for one section of repeated offenders
this option has now been ‘saturated’. If offending continues, the courts will, at some point, move from
community service to unconditional prison sentence. After 2001, the situation stabilized.
Some 3,500 community service orders are imposed annually by the courts. This represents around35–40% of the sentences of imprisonment which could have been converted (sentences of imprisonment ofat most eight months). Over one half of the community service orders are imposed for drunken driving.
Annually, some 250,000–300,000 hours of community service are performed. This corresponds to some
400–500 prisoners (10–15%) of the daily prison population (assuming that in the absence of community
service a corresponding unconditional imprisonment of imprisonment would indeed have been imposed). A
typical community service order is for 70 to 90 hours. The proportion of interrupted orders has varied byaround 15% (of those sentences started each year).

C. Assessing Effectiveness
A Finnish study used quasi-experimental design and compared two matched groups of offenders; onesentenced to community service in that part of the country where community service was in use on an
experimental basis, and the other group of offenders with a similar background and convicted for similar
offences (mainly drunken driving, which has been the major offence in Finland for which community service
has been imposed). The follow-up period was extraordinarily long (five years). Only new sentences leading
to conditional or unconditional imprisonment or community service were counted as recidivism.
The study revealed a constant pattern showing that the community service group had fewerreconvictions throughout the follow-up period. The differences in reconviction rates varied depending where

42135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
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the counting began. If begun from the court’s decision the difference after five years was 60% for community
service and 66% for the prison group. If begun from the completion of the sentence, the figures were 62%
and 72%. And if counting of the follow-up period in the community service group starts from the court’s
decision and in the prison group from release on parole (which would be sensible), the difference inreconvictions would be 60% (community service) and 72% (prison, see Muiluvuori, 2000).

Reconviction rates after prison and community service (Finland 1992)
80
70
Reconvicted %Prison
60
CSO
50
40
30
20
10
0
6 mths1y2y3y

Follow up period

4y5ySource: Muiluvuori 2000

In a methodologically more advanced study Killias et al, 2000, divided offenders randomly into acommunity service group and a control group (prison). Recidivism was studied using four indicators: (1)whether offenders were convicted; (2) the number of convictions; (3) whether offenders were arrested; andthe (4) number of arrests. In addition the authors compared how much the offenders had advanced, and how
many arrests they had before and after the sentence. By all measures the community service group survived
better. However, the small size of the sample kept the statistical significance rates low.

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RECIDIVISM RATES AFTER INTENSIVE PROBATION AND SURVEILLANCE
Study

Results

D. Conclusion
The available evidence suggests that community service is (at least) a promising alternative, in terms of
reducing recidivism (using the Maryland University methodology scoring, see for example MacKenzie,2006). Stronger conclusions are prevented by small research samples which keep statistical significancelevels at modest rates.
However, in connection with community service, also other ‘non-reconviction benefits’ (see Introduction)need to be taken into account. These other beneficial features include positive contact with work life (andthe resulting enhancement of offender’s economical situation), better self-control over substance abuse andbetter preservation of family ties. A problem still deserving attention is how to deal with offenders whose
substance abuse prevents the use of community service. One answer is provided in the form of Swedish
contract treatment.

VIII. ELECTRONIC MONITORING
A. Introduction
1. Different Forms of Electronic Monitoring
Electronic monitoring (EM) may appear in three basic forms: (a) EM as imprisonment diversion applies
EM as a front-door option instead of prison; (b) EM as intensive probation aims to enhance the content ofother community sanctions; and (c) EM-release is a back-door replacement of imprisonment where EM is
used as an extra condition for early release. Most Scandinavian countries use EM either as a front-door orback-door alternative for imprisonment.
In EM the offender is required to stay at home at night-time and also major parts of free time. In the
Scandinavian versions offenders are always required either to work or to take part in other forms ofactivities, programmes or treatment. The concept of passive ‘house arrest’ is deliberately rejected.
Conditions further include abstinence from alcohol and substance abuse. The offenders are always subjected
to random surveillance, both in the form of face-to-face meeting and/or electronic monitoring.

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For offenders in electronic monitoring a delayed schedule is always drawn, indicating where the offenders
should stay and at what time. This schedule is electronically monitored, usually (but not always) with thehelp of a specific tag, attached to the person under supervision. The tag sends a continuous signal to acentral computer in the probation service, thus causing an alarm if the offender leaves the designated area.
Today EM is used in all Scandinavian countries. The longest experiences originate from Sweden, where
EM has been in use since the mid-1990s, first as a front-door alternative to short prison sentences, and later(since 2001) as a back-door option for an earlier release in longer sentences. Denmark started a back-door
early release EM programme in 2005 and Finland did the same in 2006. Denmark,. Finland and Norway arepreparing legislation to introduce EM as a major front-door alternative. In addition, experiences from EM
have been obtained from most Scandinavian countries (especially Finland) using EM as a part ofenforcement of prison sentences in liberty.
Electronic monitoring is clearly an expanding practice. It also seems to enjoy growing popularity among
politicians in Europe – presumably due to its high profile as a means to protect the public. At the moment,
the Commission of the European Union is planning a recommendation for all Member States to include
electronic monitoring as a part of their criminal justice system. It offers both prospects and risks. In thisrespect, experiences from Scandinavia are worth observing while expanding the scope of this new technique
as a penal alternative.
As a front door alternative, electronic monitoring is classified in sentencing statistics as a prison sentence
which is enforced outside prison.
2. EM in Scandinavia: General Structure
Both front-door and back-door alternatives follow a more or less similar general structure. In all cases,
offenders who are basically eligible for EM must nevertheless apply for this option. Whether the candidates
will be approved depends on a number of conditions. Content differs slightly in the front and the back-door
versions. Still, common features include:1.

In all cases, the offender must have permanent housing (address). This includes the risk of excluding
the worst marginalized offenders from the scope of application. On the other hand, the probation andsocial welfare services are obliged to find a dwelling for those in need of such. To what extent this isaccomplished may need a separate examination.

2.

Secondly, in case the offender is living with someone (wife, husband etc), consent of that otherperson is required. No-one can be obliged to stay indoors with another person without asking them
too!

3.

Thirdly, the offender must have an occupation or work. This refers to the fact that the offender has tohave something to do. EM is always associated with some sort of activities (in order to avoid idle
‘house arrest’). For those offenders lacking regular work or occupation, the probation service isobliged to arrange corresponding activities, either in the form of community-service type of work orother programmes.

4.

Fourthly, the offender has to agree to abstain from all alcohol and substance abuse. One major
element in the supervision in EM is checking that this condition is being observed. This is ensured
by using both breath analysis and urine tests.

The detailed content of the enforcement, additional formal requirements, and consequences of thebreaches of these conditions vary depending the type of EM (front-door or back-door alternative).

B. Electronic Monitoring as a Front-door Alternative to Imprisonment
1. Sweden(i) The structure
The front-door version of EM started in Sweden in the mid 1990s. First EM replaced short prison
sentences of up to three months. In 2001, the scope of the application was widened from three to six
months. The number of days to be served under monitoring is the same as would have been served inprison.

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

In EM the person is to remain at home except for the time allowed by the probation service for
employment, training, health-care, participation in probation programmes, shopping for necessities, andother similar tasks. A detailed schedule is drawn up by the probation service, and monitoring is carried out
principally by means of an electronic tagging device. Checks are also made in the form of unannounced visits
to the person’s home. In addition, the convicted person must visit the probation service at least once a week
and take part in the programmes they provide.11
If the person leaves or arrives at home at times that do not correspond to the schedule, an alarm istriggered at the probation service office, and the individual concerned will immediately be contacted in orderto establish the reason for the discrepancy. Checks are also made in the form of unannounced visits to theperson's home, in practice two to three times a week (while the manuals require more frequent contacts).
However, the offenders are in a regular contact with the probation service due to the programmes. Home
visits include as a rule breath tests to determine whether the person is observing the ban on alcohol
consumption. Drug use is checked for by means of urine and/or blood tests at the beginning of theimplementation period and subsequently when necessary. Supervision at the person's place of work is
performed by a contact person employed by the probation service. There are no electronic checks todetermine when the person is present at his or her place of work.
Abuses of EM are met with a swift and palpable response, which usually entails removal from theprogramme and a transferral to a prison for the remainder of the sentence.

(ii)Practical experience
In 2005 EM was offered to 61% (6,547) of offenders receiving a prison sentence of a maximum of six
months. Of these 68% (4,455) applied. Of these 81% (3,631) were approved. The most common reason for
not granting EM was that the convict did not co-operate in the investigation carried out by the probation
service. Of those approved, 84% (3,061) started the sentence. In all, this means that EM replaced 29% of all
prison sentences of a maximum of six months.
Of those sent to EM, 35% have been previously sentenced to imprisonment.
Front-door EM in Sweden 1.4. 2005-31.3. 2006
• Sentences max 6 months• EM offered• EM applied• EM approved• EM started

10694
6547
4455
3631
3061 = 30 %• EM interrupted• EM reconvicted in 1 year

8-9 %
26 %

The failure rate is around 8-9 %. Practically all interruptions relate either to alcohol or drugs. About 6%of the convicted offenders were forced to quit EM, usually as a result of violations of the ban on drugs or
alcohol, or because they had otherwise broken the rules.
The recidivism rate among EM offenders is extraordinarily low, around 4% (new conviction within one
year, KOS). This, however, reflects to a large extent also the fact that only small risk offenders are accepted.
No updated study on recidivism with a control group has been carried out. An earlier study revealed arecidivism rate in EM group was 26% (any crime within three years) compared with 28% of a control groupwith prisoners (Brå 1999). A cautious interpretation might be that EM does not increase re-offending.
Certain results indicate, in addition, that EM may have a somewhat restraining effect on the tendency torelapse into drunken driving.
Half of the EM sentences are imposed on drunken driving. Other major categories are violent crime 15%
as well as property and drug offences (7-8 % both).

11 For more information: Intensiv-overvakning med elektronisk kontroll, see Brå-reports 1999:4, 2005:8. and 2006:2.

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135TH INTERNATIONAL SENIOR SEMINAR
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EM in Sweden 2005 (court statistics)
Drunken Driving 1504
Violence
429
Property
195
Traffic
158
Drugs
193
Sexual offenses
56
Other

351

All

2886

Interview studies indicate that both convicts and their families were positively disposed towards EM. A
majority (two thirds) of victims have a positive view of EM, for example on the grounds that EM allows theoffender to uphold his or her contact to the outside world. A minority of victims expressed the view that thesentence was too lenient. On the other hand this view was not only related to the EM, these victims would
have preferred a longer prison term for the offenders.
As a corrective measure, EM is considerably cheaper than prison. The cost to the correction authorities
for EM is lower than the cost of keeping convicts institutionalized (from SEK500 to SEK850 (Swedish
Krona) less per day). Furthermore, EM yields substantial economic gains for society as well as for theindividual, since the convicted person can usually continue working at his ordinary place of work, thereby
avoiding the loss of income.
Those who served their sentences under EM had a somewhat more favourable social background andcurrent social situation, even with respect to criminality, than the group who of their own volition or on thebasis of the probation service's assessment did not serve their sentences under EM.
2. Other Countries
Denmark started to use EM as front-door option in April 2005. The original idea was to cover 150 prison
places with this option. As the first experience indicated slightly smaller participation, the Danish
government loosened the conditions somewhat. Now all prisoners below the age of 25 (irrespective the typeof crime) and with a sentence of not more than three months may apply to serve the sentence under EM.
Those belonging to this group are sent a written offer for participating in the EM. For those who apply toEM, a personal inquiry report is prepared. To be approved, the offender must fulfil the general conditions
stated above. The enforcement plan, where the offender agrees to all conditions, is prepared with theprobation service. Breaches of these conditions lead the sentence to be commuted back to imprisonment.
The technique in use is basically the same as that in Sweden.
Norway is planning to pass a proposal in spring 2007 on EM. The sanction would substitute prison
sentences of under four months. In Finland, a working group is drafting a proposal on the subject to bepresented for the Ministry of Justice in 2007.

C. EM Release as a Back-door Alternative
1. Sweden
EM is used as a back-door alternative in Sweden, Denmark and Finland. Sweden was also the first to
apply the back-door model. Experiments with EM began in Sweden in 2001. In 2005 this option was madepermanent. At the same also the scope of application was widened. Today, all offenders serving a sentence ofat least 18 months may apply for the possibility to serve the last six months under EM. This means that the
maximum benefit of EM for a prisoner in Sweden consists of the following elements:

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

Prison term

2 years

Early release after serving 2/3

18 months

EM option

After 18 months, a max 6 months’ EM

Earliest release

Serving 1 year, EM 6 months, normal parole 6 months

The main objective of back-door EM is to reduce levels of re-offending by providing offenders with anopportunity to spend time in the community with more support and control than they would receive
following their conditional discharge from prison.
Statistics shows that over the course of 2005-2006, 1,600 prisoners were released from prison serving asentence of a minimum of 18 months. Of these, 5,000 applied, which is comprises 32% of those released
serving a prison term of at least 18 months. Of these, 80% (400) were granted. Of these 77% (311) started
EM, which corresponds to 20% of the entire group of long-term prison inmates.
Supervision has been fairly intensive. In addition to the control by EM, the clients were also monitored
by means of visits at home, at the workplace and by means of telephone controls. Usually checks wereconducted two to four times per week. In the course of these control visits, breath tests were conductedroutinely, and urine samples were taken on occasion. Only 6% of the clients were in breach of their releaseconditions during the period of electronic monitoring. Again, the main reason was use of alcohol or otherdrugs.
EM-release in Sweden 1.4. 2005-31.3. 2006
All prisoners released serving over 18 mths
• EM applied• EM approved• EM started

1579
502
402
311
= 20 %EM interrupted
8-9 %Reconvicted within 1 year
• Whole EM-goup
11 % (EM) 15 % (Control) n.s.
• Age *-*
6 % (EM) 16 % (Control) sig.

The effects on recidivism were measured with the help of a control group of similar size (260 prisoners).
The groups have been matched in terms of criminal record and the estimated risk for re-offending. Five
different measures of recidivism have been employed: any subsequent conviction, any subsequent prison
sentence, the number of subsequent convictions, the number of offences included in subsequent convictions,and the time-lapse between release and re-conviction. The follow-up period was one year.
11% of EM-released were re-convicted during the follow-up period. The corresponding figure for thecontrol group was 15%. Dividing the samples in sub-groups, the EM group re-offended somewhat later thanthe control group. Due to the low number of cases the difference is not statistically significant. However,when the samples were split in two sub-groups on the basis of age, more marked differences emerged. Oldermembers of the EM-group had a recidivism rate of 6% compared to 16% in the control group. Thisdifference was also statistically significant.
The EM-release group had more favourable backgrounds than other long term inmates. Most of those in
EM-release were first offenders. Virtually none had abused alcohol or other drugs during the six months
immediately preceding the application. They were better educated and were also married or cohabiting to agreater extent. Most had a place of their own to live or lived in a house or flat belonging to a family member.
They also had a forward-looking form of employment, and could support themselves financially as a result of
their own work or studies or a labour market initiative to a greater extent than the others. This all meansthat EM has targeted the ‘safe population’ in terms of success. This is obviously politically easier. However,this may also lead to a situation where support is offered to those least in need, while the more difficult
prisoner groups are left on their own (a dilemma familiar to those working in social services).

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The total impact of EM-release on prisoner rates can be estimated on the basis of the present figures.
The average time for released offenders in EM has been little less than four months. With 300 persons in
EM during one year this means about 100 prisoners in EM-release on any given day. Thus EM-release
reduces the daily prison population by about 100 prisoners.
2. EM-Release with Mobile-Control in Finland
The New Finnish Prison law in 2006 introduced a new form of early release programme “Probationary
Liberty under Supervision.” This new early-release programme is designed especially for long term
prisoners, who need more support and more intensive programmes. Probationary liberty may be available atthe most six months prior to normal conditional release. In Finland first offenders are released routinely
after half of their sentence and the other after two thirds.
The preconditions for probationary liberty are defined in detail in law. They include: 1) probationary
liberty promotes the pre-drafted individual plan for the term of sentence; 2) all information of the prisoner
indicates that the conditions of the probationary liberty will be met; 3) the prisoner abstains from alcohol andsubstance use and agrees to alcohol and substance abuse control.
Supervision is taken care by using electronic monitoring. However, the technique developed in Finlanddiffers from that in most countries. Instead of bracelets attached to the offender’s ankle, each offender under
supervision is given a mobile phone with a GPS detection system. The offender is required to make regularcalls, which also enable the location of the offender’s whereabouts. Prison administration, in turn, makes
random calls with similar results. The method is less stigmatizing and considerably cheaper that the original
EM techniques.

IX. CONCLUDING REMARKS
European sanction policies are characterized by two diverting trends: an increasing use of prison and theadaptation of new community sanctions. The first one reflects the growing punitive and populist trends innational crime policies; the latter seeks to counteract this development by offering more constructive,
rational and humane substitutes to incarceration. The Scandinavian countries have been fairly successful intheir efforts to regulate the number of their prisoner rates.
Combining the lessons from different countries, it may be possible to draft a list of some pre-conditions
for the successful introduction of community sanctions as alternatives to imprisonment.

A. Community Sanctions as Alternatives to Imprisonment?
The key questions are: (1) how to ensure that these sanctions are applied in the first place; (2) how toensure that they come to replace imprisonment (instead of replacing other non-custodial sanctions); and (3)how to uphold and maintain the general credibility of these sanctions. The following list summarizes some of
the main points, developed elsewhere in more detail.
1. Extra barriers should be constructed in order to ensure that the new alternatives are really usedinstead of imprisonment. In most countries, community service seems to substitute prison sentences only inroughly 50% to 60% of cases (Kalmthouth 2000 p.127). This rate can be improved by demanding directly –as is the case in Finland – that only prison sentences may be commuted to community service (leading to a‘replacement rate’ of over 90% in Finland). Another way would be to define new alternatives as modes ofenforcement of prison sentences, as has been done in Sweden with electronic monitoring. The expanding
practices of EM as a condition for earlier release in Scandinavia provides another version of the samearrangement.
2. Effective use of new alternatives and coherent sentencing practices require clear (statutory)
implementation criteria. The courts should be given clear guidance as to when and for whom new sanctions
are to be used. They should also be provided with all the necessary material, including social inquiry reportsthat they need, in order to be able seriously to consider the use of these sanctions. The role and position of
new alternatives in the existing penal system (how they relate to other sanctions) should also be clarified.

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RESOURCE MATERIAL SERIES No.74

3. The overall success of any community sanction requires resources and proper infrastructure.
Community based sanctions can only be applied within a community orientated infrastructure geared to thespecific requirements of these sanctions. Their implementation is dependent on the existence of anorganization like the probation service. Often co-operation with private, semi-public and public organizations
or institutions is also required. The State and the local communities should provide the necessary resources
and financial support.
4. Supervision, support and swift reactions are needed in order to keep the failure rates down and tomaintain the general credibility of new sanctions. There is a clear relationship between the failure rate andthe quality and intensity of supervision: the less control and supervision, the higher also the dropout rate.
There should also be a clear and consistent practice when the conditions of the sentence are violated.
Varying and sloppy practices create mistrust and resistance on the part of public prosecutors, the judiciaryand the public.
5. New alternatives usually require the offender’s consent and co-operation. Treating the offender not asa passive object of compulsory measures, but as an autonomous person, capable of reasoned choices, is avalue by itself, and as such, it should be encouraged whenever possible. In addition, experience indicates,that explicit and well-informed consent is a highly motivating factor for the offender. Through his or her
consent, the offender has also become committed to the required performance in a manner that gives hopefor good success rates. Arrangements should be made in order to enhance the motivation of the offender for
co-operation and mutual trust.
6. Issues of equality and justice must not be neglected. Community sanctions may often lead todiscrimination, since they are easily used for socially privileged groups of offenders. Accusations of social
discrimination are weighty counter-arguments. Measures must, therefore, be taken in order to shield thesystem from these errors. Clear and precise implementation rules and procedures are one important means
to this end. Another way is to tailor the system of community sanctions to meet the demands of different
offender groups with their different problems. Sweden, for example, has a specific sanction –‘contract
treatment’– for those who suffer from drug or alcoholic addiction as a substitute for short- term prison
sentences. Finland plans to start a similar experiment where emphasis will be placed on using this sanction
for those offenders who are excluded from community service due to their addiction problems.
7. The idea has to be sold over and over again. If it happens that new alternatives prove to be a success,there are no guarantees that this state of affairs will continue by itself. Prosecutors and judges may lose theirconfidence, the enforcement agencies may lose their motivation and the general public may withdraw its
support. Maintaining the general credibility of community sanctions and demonstrating theirappropriateness is an ongoing process which does not end with the adoption of the requisite legislation andthe arrangement of an initial training phase.
The key groups responsible for the implementation of the sanctions must be given constant training andgeneral information of the general benefits of community sanctions and the drawbacks of the wide use ofcustodial sanctions. Taking care of community relations is also important: The community should be
informed of the benefits and crime control potential of community sanctions. Also the value of volunteer
work needs clear recognition. Finally, the practices must be subordinated to impartial scientific evaluation inorder to obtain necessary information for further development.
8. Be aware of net-widening: avoid excessive and cumulative community sanctions and too inflexible
back-up sanctions. The increasing number of community sanctions testifies to their political attractiveness.
Unfortunately, political desire to show both ‘toughness’ and ‘progressive effectiveness’ has lead to excessive
combinations where different elements have been added up. The results may be overly demanding andexcessively severe sentences with high failure rates. The desire to add community sanctions as ‘extra
ingredients’ to custodial sanctions (custody plus) is one example of this. Also, too-demanding community
sanctions (too many hours of community service, unrealistic behavioural restrictions, etc) with too inflexible
backup-sanctioning may easily backfire and lead to increased use of imprisonment.

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B. Punishment and Public Opinion?
We are left with one final obstacle, often referred to in political discussions and public debates: The
punitive demands of the public and the politicians’ need to listen to ‘the voice of the people’.
As it seems, policy choices are been determined more and more by the expressed or assumed demandsof the public. This phenomenon is most visible in those countries with the most dramatic increase inprisoner rates – the UK, New Zealand and the US – but similar signs are to be seen also in other countries.
Due to its increasing importance, public opinion needs to be analysed in much more detail. Such an
examination would reveal that the concept of ‘punitive public opinion’ turns out to be much more
problematic and nuanced than usually assumed. This is largely due to poor research design of regular public
opinion polls. The available space allows only a few comments (see in more detail my third lecture in
UNAFEI Resource Material Series No. 61 (September 2003), “Enhancing the Community Alternatives –Getting the Measures Accepted and Implemented” ).
1. The first fault in opinion polls is oversimplification: simple questions produce punitive responses.
The ways in which attitudes are measured tend to exaggerate popular appetite for punitive measures.
Questions are too vague and too general. As a consequence the respondents fill the gaps of information with
their own imagination which, in turn, is coloured by the information given in the media.
For example, the questions concerning of proper sentencing levels are answered specifically withpersistent or violent criminals in mind, while the clear majority of offenders who appear before the courts,
are poorly educated, unemployed young men charged with property offences. Answers about penalties fordrunk drivers are given with ‘killer drivers in mind,’ while a normal drunk driver (in Scandinavia) issomeone who had too many drinks the night before and got caught in an early morning roadside traffic
control on his or her way to work. If the questions are rephrased to correspond more accurately to the reallife situations, the strength of the punishment decreases.
Questions should be more specific and they should avoid value-laden terms. Asking “are courts toughenough on persistent criminals?” is guaranteed to elicit disagreement from the vast majority of the
population. Including more information and more details in the question, produces much more lenient
responses.
2. The second problem relates to the factual knowledge behind the views expressed in the polls. People,
in general, have poor knowledge on issues related to crime and punishment. More precisely, people
underestimate the factual severity of sanctions, overestimate the effectiveness of criminal sanctions andhave overly pessimistic view of the development of crime. Empirical research, further, shows that those whoknow less of the facts of crime and crime control also have the highest fears and most punitive demands(Hough & Roberts 1998).
In other words:• people, in general, think that crime is rapidly rising, when it is not;• offenders are receiving much more lenient sentences than they actually do; and• tougher sentences are an effective means of preventing crime, which they are not.
This leaves us with the difficult question, how should we react to public demands, which, on allprobability are based on mistaken facts and assumptions. After all, in these cases we may well conclude that
if people would have had correct information of the facts then they would also had shown different views on
the appropriate penalties.
3. The third problem deals with the alternatives presented for the respondents in these polls. Opinion
polls ask usually only people’s opinions on punishments, as if punishments were the only alternative society
has on its disposal. Again, there is evidence that once people are provided with also other measures, thepopularity of punishment quickly starts to decline.
If one is worried about juvenile crime and the only alternative offered is punishment, it should be nowonder if people in general need more to be ‘done’ (in this case, more punishments to be delivered). But if

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other alternatives are offered, such as are giving more support for parents to raise their children, andresources for schools to improve teaching, as contrasted with the building of more (expensive) prisons, mostsensible people would have no difficulties in making other kinds of choices.
4. Putting this all together: the way public appetite for punishment is presented portrays a far too onesided and much too punitive picture of people’s true views and feelings. Carefully designed studies showthat public opinion is much more complex and nuanced than is generally assumed. Many people havesophisticated views about punishment; many are ambivalent about the appropriate response to offending.
Whilst the majority think that the courts are generally too soft, majorities also tend to recognize that prison
is expensive and damaging (Hough & Roberts 2001).
One interesting finding relates close to the idea of community sanctions. People are ready to forgive evenserious crimes, if the offender is willing to change. There is an element of ‘forgiveness and redemption’, anidea that people must be given a second chance, if they are willing to make a honest effort. And this may bemuch closer to our own experiences of how people really think, compared to affirmative answers given to
simple question such as, should there be more punishment -and more pain- in this world.

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