山形大学大学院社会文化システム研究科紀要

第 7 号 (2010) 01−25

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? :a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details
Tamami Shimada(Lecturer, Linguistic Sciences, Cultural Systems Course)

supposed to be Standard patterns of speech and1. Introduction

of linguistic characteristics that may represent

There are a series of grammatical features

Irishness. The former is called ‘awareness ofthat characterise Hiberno-English (HE), Irish“Standard”’, and the latter ‘awareness ofvarieties of English, as distinct from Standard“Irishness”’. The awareness of “Irishness” andEnglish (StE). Some of these features seem to“Standard” is partly discussed by Shimada

be becoming obsolescent while others seem to(2007b), while the awareness has not been fully

be maintained in contemporary vernaculars.

described with the substatial data. In the pre-This paper starts with my basic assumption

sent paper, speakers’ socio-linguistic aware-that HE speakers are aware of the extra-

ness of certain grammatical features andlinguistic meanings of certain morphosyntactic

lexical items will be described by the data

forms and that this awareness may be a moti-

mainly taken from the survey that I conductedvating force for contemporary changes inin 2006 in Cork and Listowel, County Kerry,HE; this assumption gives the reason for andalong with general introductions of the respec-

the design of the survey to be presented in thistive salient grammatical features in SwHE andpaper.

the speakers’ comments obtained during mySpeakers of Southwest Hiberno-English

fieldwork sessions.

(SwHE), which refers to the southwest varie-

2. A survey: method and design

ties of HE spoken in the counties Cork and
Kerry, are in many cases aware of what are

Respondents were asked to choose the sentences, from twenty six sentences listed in the
opposite page, that applied to the five state- This paper is a revised version of Chapter 5 in mydissertation (Shimada 2007a).
I would like to express my gratitude to Professor
Elisabeth Okasha in University College Cork for her encouragement and practical comments, which I received
on a number of occasions before and after conducting
the survey in 2006. The present study has been supported by respondents to my interviews and all those
who filled in the questionnaire in Cork and Listowel. I
am thankful for all the co-operation that I have gainedin the field and especially acknowledge my Irish friends,
Elisie Harris, Emmet Stones, Patricia and David Clifford, Mary Keane, and Mary, Ger, Brian and Laurie
O’Connour. The survey could not have been achieved
without their extraordinary support. This paper is partof the project entitled the Study of Hiberno-Enlish in
the Context of World Englishes, which is supported by
JSPS (Japan Society for the Promotion of Science)
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B).

ments: <1> which they would use themselves;<2> which they would not use on any occasion(including when they are talking with theirfamily and friends); <3> which they cannot

 This assumption, presented primarily in Shimada(2006b), has been obtained from my fieldwork since
2002, especially through participant observation. The
observation captures “Irishness” and “Standard” associo-linguistically significant categories. Shimada(2007b: 302-3) addresses the interface between“Irishness” and “Standard”, considering what kind of
emotions and experiences these categories are associated with.

―1―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)understand the meaning of; <4> which they(f1) I am after taking three plates from thethink contain “bad grammar”; and <5> which

cupboard.

they think show “Irishness”. This method was(f2) Tom is after his supper.

adopted, since we can then see the markedness

G. So-called perfect sentencesof the listed features in the speakers’ aware-(g1) They are visiting here many years.

ness, compared with the counter-method where(g2) My sons have visited there for many

they would have to judge each sentence underyears.

the given five indexes. This method actually

H. Cliticisation

has the secondary benefit of revealing the(h1) We’ll visit here tomorrow.

speakers’ attitudes. For example, some respon-(h2) The two of us’ll take three plates from thedents chose more numbers in <1> than in <2>cupboard.

and other respondents did the reverse.

(h3) You’ve the name of a good employer.

The twenty six sentences listed in the ques-(h4) Amn’t I like a scarecrow?

tionnaire were chosen to contain a selection of(h5) ’Twouldn’t be a good thing.

the salient grammatical feature of SwHE. In

I. “Non-standard” usage

the questionnaire the sentences are presented(i1) She take three plates from the cupboard.

in randomly order. The categorised version is(i2) She been taking them home ever since.

given below. See Appendix I for the sheet.

(i3) I asked for today’s special and she putting
plates on the table.

A. Unmarked sentence

J. Lexical items(a) She takes three plates from the cupboard.

(j1) How’s the craic?

B. Non-canonical constituent order(j2) That amad
an put eggs in my bag.

(b1) From the cupboard she takes three plates.

(j3) Don’t be cnamhshealing!

(b2) Taking three plates she is.
C. Cleft(-like) sentence

The feature-based categories for examina-(c1) It is from the cupboard that I take threetion were based on the Keane corpus, and withplates.

general reference to Filppula (1999) for gram-(c2) ’Tis lovely she is.

matical features of the southern HE dialect and(c3) It is lovely that she is.

to Dolan ed. (1999) for the lexical items. The

D. There... sentence

individual(d1) There’s no one can deny it.

structed, with particular attention to the num-(d2) I knew there was good news in you.

sentenceswere

carefullycon- The Keane corpus, made by the present author,
consists of the examples from John B. Keane’s (19282002) playscripts and letter series. He is known as amajor Irish writer who has written many successful
plays and books (Smith and Hickey 2002). The following is the list of his woks cited in this paper, headedwith their abbreviations: SIV Sive (1959), SRG
Sharon’s Grave (1960), HHM The Highest House on the
Mountain (1961), MYM Many Young Men of Twenty(1961), FLD The Field (1966), STD Letters of a Successful TD (1967), RES The Rain at the End of Summer(1968), CHT The Chastitute (1981).

(d3) There was a great housekeeper lost inyou.
E. Do be V-ing/AdjP form(e1) I do be taking three plates from the cupboard.
(e2) She does be lovely with her long hair.
F. Be after V-ing/NP sentence―2―What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)bering of the sentences in the questionnaire.
They had to be not very idiomatic but imagin-(a”) She took three plates off the press.

able or producible so that the morphosyntactic(Listowel, born in 1950s, male)

aspects could be highlighted by the respondents
when they give their judgements. A couple of

His answer to the “use” question (Q1), never-sentences were replaced and altered after thetheless, included (a). As far as the results ofpilot survey in order to avoid factors thatthe questionnaire are concerned, the aim ofmight interfere with their straight judgement

having respondents pay attention to the syn-of the morphosyntactic features being exam-tactic respect seemed to have been attained.

ined. For instance, the pilot version included an

Besides the selection of the words, minimal

unmarked sentence (a’).

pairs such as (c3) and (c2) for the ’tis/it isalternation and the presence/absence of that,(a’) She takes three plates from the dresser.

(h1) we’ll and (h2) the two of us’ll, (g2) and(g1) for be V-ing vs. have V-ed were included,This sentence, however, was judged by infor-

although the pairs had to be limited. Of these,mants as “Irish”, contrary to my expectation,(c3) was a “dummy” sentence, in that the

because of the use of the word “dresser”. This

Keane corpus does not include such a pattern,word sounded “Irish” to some speakers. The

but this seemed to be useful to see speakers’ at-sentence (a’) was then altered into (a).

titudes toward correctness. The lexical example(j1), though not from Keane’s work, was(a) She takes three plates from the cupboard.

adopted from my previous survey in 1999 concerning expressions which speakers themselves

The main concern in making use of this exam-

regard as “Irish English”. The arrangement

ple was how this syntactic form is recognisedof sentences in the list was also considered. The

by speakers, not the lexicon. Thus, the neutral

unmarked sentence (a) was numbered as (2),or less-culture-oriented word “cupboard” wasfollowing its counterpart (1), the minimal pairdiffering in the third-person singular present-

Actually, one respondent gave the following

tense marking -s. As to the ordering of the sen-sentence (a”) in his note of “what we would

tences, syntactic variations having common

say”:

words were listed in the first half.

employed instead of “dresser” or “press”.

This survey of speakers’ socio-linguistic
awareness was part of the questionnaire. It This might remind one of the Labov’s (1973) example illustrating the difficulty that can beset attempts to
tap native speaker institution on syntactic structure, inthis case about the so-called “positive anymore”,
Interviewer: Can people say round here We go to themovies anymore?
Subject: We say show, not movies.
(cited by Milroy and Gordon 2003: 175)
This kind of dialogue also occurred in my elicitation
concerning syntax. In passing, I got to know in one session with an informant that speakers of SwHE say pictures, not show or movies.

contained eight pages in total, including thecover letter, one face sheet of the respondent’s
information, two pages concerning the present The previous survey refers to an open-ended questionnaire (N=103), wich was undertaken in 1999 in
Cork for the purpose of discussing langugae and identity.

―3―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)

topic, and four pages asking about speakers’

there were nine men and seventeen women,socio-linguistic attitudes and social orienta-

their ages ranging from thirteen to eighty.

tions. This questionnaire was time-consuming

Seven respondents cooperated in this survey by

for respondents, but priority was given to theinterview, and others filled in the form which

quality of information at the cost of efficiency

ensured anonymity. The numbers of respon-in conducting the survey. All anonymous re-dents were relatively even across the age

spondents were asked to complete the question-

ranges. In terms of occupation, they included

naire after instruction beforehand by thestudents, retired people, managers, shop keep-present author and key supporters, namely

ers, sales assistants, teachers and housewives.

local people who co-operated with my work as

Other jobs that a minor number of the respon-

informants/consultants. The survey, being

dents held included factory workers, drivers,

completed by supplemental interviews with in-self-employed, childminders, caretakers, secre-

formants, produced not only data but also

taries, volunteer workers, librarians, actors,

meaningful comments produced by speakers’

train conductors, therapists and painters. All

intuition, sometimes with their hesitation, in a

except one had received secondary school educa-

way that anonymous surveys could not do.

tion and approximately half of the respondents

Feedback from the speakers offered qualitative(aged 30 years and over) marked University/

support to the result of this survey.

College/Institute for their most recent aca-

Data

was

collected

fromthirty-eightdemic institution.

speakers from Listowel and twenty-six speak-

3. Results

ers from Cork. From Listowel were twenty
men and eighteen women, their ages ranging

To give the overview, the lexical items, inbetween fifteen and seventy-eight. From Cork,

general, gained more marks than morphosyntactic features in terms of “use”, “non-use”,“incomprehensibility”, “bad-grammar”, and The whole design of this project is given below. For
the present purpose, the second survey (Sheet B) will
be only referred to on occasion.
Aim:(A) To see speakers’ linguistic awareness ofmorphosyntactic features, especially in terms of awareness of “Standard” and “Irishness”.
(B) To discuss the assumption that speakers’ linguistic
awareness accommodates their orientations and can become a motive force for language change.
Method:To attain the aim (A):
1. Examine in what features speakers find “badgrammar” and “Irishness” (Questionnaire)
2. Examine social connotations of the respective features, which speakers reveal in their comments. (Interview)
To attain the aim (B):
1. Examine the relationship between the speakers’
awareness and subjective judgements about the use(Questionnaire)
2. Examine the speakers’ orientations and identity
and the relationship between these and their linguistic
evaluations. (Interview)“Irishness”. Of the morphosyntactic features,the do be form, including (e1) and (e2) (named“the E group”), is highly conspicuous. The lessmarked feature was the G group, so-called
perfect sentence.

3.1. Speakers’ judgement: “Use” vs.“Non-use”
There is an obvious division between “use”
and “non-use” judgements depending on thefeatured groups (see Figure 1). The majorityof the respondents reported their “use” in the
D group (There... sentences), the F group (Beafter V-ing/NP sentence), the G group (“perfect” sentence), the H group (cliticisation), and―4―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)to some extent the J group (lexical items). By

3.2. Speakers’ judgement: “Don’t understand”

contrast, the B group (non-canonical constitu-

The lexical example (j3) “cnamhsheal-ent order), the C group (cleft-(like) sentence),ing” was outstanding in the respect of incom-

the E group (the do be V-ing/AdjP form) andprehensibility, although this word tended to be

the I group (“Non-standard” usage) were

understood by the majority of the Listowel re-regarded as “non-use”. It is noted that the E

spondents who were born before 1960. The sur-group (e1: I do be taking three plates from thevey confirmed that (h4) amn’t I ...? failed tocupboard. / e2: She does be lovely with her longbe understood by younger Cork respondents.

hair.) were judged as “non-use”, far more
often than the other groups. The numbers of

Figure 2.

the obtained marks for “non-use” vs. “use”

Speakers’Judgement:“Don’t Understand”

were respectively: (e1) 32 vs. 2 and (e2) 31 vs.
0. The comparatively high mark of “non-use”
of the B group is noteworthy when we see, on
the other hand, that the D group (There....
sentence), especially in (d1) and (d3), tends tobe reported as “use”. In these examples,
speakers’ judgement of “use” overtakes that of“non-use”. The sentence (j1), which has a representative “trendy” lexical item, significantly
obtained a high mark of “use” (“non-use” vs.

3.3. Speakers’ judgement: “Bad Grammar”“use”=40:4). It has to be noted that there were

The lack of the third-person singular pre-certain dialectal differences, which will be

sent-tense marker -s, exemplified in (i1), may

mentioned in the description of the individual

give the first good reference to the speakers’

featuresjudgements. Notably, the E group (e1) and(e2), i.e. the do be form, were exceedingly
marked in “non-use” and “bad grammar”,

Figure 1.

compared to the lack of the -s marker. It was“Use” vs.“Non-Use”:Speakers’Judgement

clear that the do be forms are associated with
non-standardness in the language today. It wasvery often the case especially in interviews,
that the respondents revealed the overwhelming bad-grammarhood of the do be form. A
written comment from a Listowel respondent
attests this clearly:

We never say “do be” or “does be”―
considered

very

bad

grammar.

(Listowel, born in 1980s, female)―5―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)“have perfect” sentences were the last characteristics of which speakers made the judgement

Figure 3.

“bad grammar”. The list of the top five and the

Speakers’Judgement:“Bad Grammar”

last five may be useful to illustrate the tendency of the speakers’ judgement (Table 1).

3.4. Speakers’ judgement: “Irishness”
The J group of the lexical items was considerably more marked than the other groups
in respect of “Irishness” (See Figure 4). It became obvious from the questionnaire that
Secondly, it is significant to note that the non-speakers are readily aware of “Irishness” incanonical constituent order (b2) Taking threelexical items. Of the morphosyntactic features,

plates she is, but not (b1) From the cupboard(c2) ’Tis lovely she is, was highly marked,

she takes three plates, obtained higher marks

which was followed by (h5) having ’twouldn’t

in terms of the “bad grammar” than otherin the sentence initial position. The significant

morphosyntactic features. Lexical items anddifference among components of the samegroup was noted especially in the B and C
groups. This will be discussed in the description[Table 1 ] Top and last 5 items of the “badgrammar” judgement
TOP

Judged sentence1(e1) I do be taking threeplates from the cupboard.
(e2) She does be lovely with
her long hair.
(i1) She take three plates
from the cupboard.
(b2) Taking three plates she
is. ＜VP fronting＞(i3) I asked for today’s special and she putting plates
on the table. ＜Subordinating and＞

2
2
4
5

LAST
5

5
3
3
2
1

(a) She takes three plates
from the cupboard.
＜Unmarked present＞(d1) There’s no one candeny it.
(h1) We’ll visit here tomorrow.
(j2) That amadan put eggs
in my bag.
(g2) My sons have visited
there for many years.
(j1) How’s the craic?

of the respective feature groups in 5.1 and 5.2.

numberof marks
42

Figure 4.
Speakers’Judgement:“Irishness”

37
37
21
16

3

It is noteworthy that gradational distribu-

3tion or containment hierarchy was found in the2

respondents’ answers as to the judgement of2“Irishness”. Most of the answers contained
lexical items of the J group. Eighteen respon-

1

dents chose numbers only from this group;0morphosyntactic features, when being included―6―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)[Table 2 ] Top and last 5 items of the “Irishness” judgementuse”; Q3 is “cannot understand”; Q4 is “badnumberof marks
48

spondents are asked to list as many as they likeTOP

Judged sentence1(j2) That amadan put eggs
in my bag.
(j3) Don’t be cnamhshealing!
(j1) How’s the craic?
(c2) ’Tis lovely she is.
＜Cleft-like ’tis…sentence＞(d3) There was a greathousekeeper lost in you.

2
3
4
5
LAST
5
5
5
2

2

(c3) It is lovely that she is.
＜Dummy cleftic＞(g2) My sons have visited
there for many years.
(h3) You’ve the name of agood employer.
(b1) From the cupboard she
takes three plates.
＜PP fronting＞(h1) We’ll visit here tomorrow.
(a) She takes three plates
from the cupboard.
＜Unmarked present＞(i1) She take three plates
from the cupboard.

1

1

grammar”; Q5 is “Irishness” and that the re-in the answer to each question.

44
43
28

[Table 3 ] Average number of each respondent’s
reportQ1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5

18

Listowel

5.7 5.0 1.0 4.5 5.9

Cork

4.5 5.4 0.8 4.7 5.1

5

The relationship of the speakers’ subjec-

5

tive judgements between “use”/“non-use” and5“Irishness” and between “Irishness” and “bad2grammar” raises an intriguing topic for discussion, although there is less to say about the2more predictable link between “non-use” and1“bad grammar”. A brief sketch of the relationship between the two categories with particularreference to “Irishness” is made, but without

1

nothing further statistical and itemised details.
Certain types of distributional tendencies

in the answer, were in most cases reported inwere observed in the questionnaire. It would be

addition to the lexical items. The tendency offair to say at first that majority of the respon-

speakers’ judgement of “Irishness” is shown in

dents’ answers to the “Irishness” question con-Table 2.

tained both of the items “use” and “non-use”.
As noted in 3.4, the lexical items were in manycases listed for the answer of “Irishness”,

4. Speakers’ attitude towards Hiberno-

which most of the respondents commonly in-

English and its characteristics

cluded as the answer to their “use”, especially

Generally speaking, concerning the “use”

so for the craic example. Besides this, a certainand “non-use” judgements, generational dif-

attitudinal grouping is possible ; the groupference was not obvious from the data, while

which can be tagged tentatively with “Use of

the regional difference was noticeable. Listowel

Irishness”, for example when a respondent com-

respondents tended to report “use” more thanmented as to the question of “Irishness” with

“non-use”, while Cork respondents reported“We use these expressions in everyday talk”“non-use” than “use”. The following table(2006, Cork, born in 1950s, male). There were ashows this tendency. Remember that Q1 is con-few numbers of answers where the listed items

cerned with the “use” judgement; Q2 is “non-in “Irishness” closely overlapped with the ones

―7―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)in “bad grammar”, which the respondent

Also in the interviews, speakers present theirwould not use.

consciousness of syntactic replications in HE.

Dominant comments to the “Irishness”

The replications are often described as “directquestion were “They have Irish words”, some-translation”, perceived favourable to sometimes with a meaningful remark such as:

speakers and unfavourable to others. In manycases, speakers seem to be unconsciously aware“Craic” is a uniquely Irish word which weof the Irish Gaelic stem, having good knowl-

have incorporated into the English lan-edge of Irish and syntactic differences between

guage. Also amadan is used in English

Irish and English (see 5.1 for example). These

speaking even though it is an Irish word.

speakers’ attitudes concerning how they relate(2006, Kerry, born in 1984, female)“bad grammar” with what are perceived as“direct translations” and who associates the

Craic, which will be discussed in 5.9, is not a

direct translations from Irish Gaelic with “badword of Irish origin. However, this word isgrammar” are important as they are; theserecognised as an “Irish word” by speakers.

issues should be closely addressed in further

What can be an effective force in the actual use

studies.

of language is not so much what it is as what

5. Speakers’ awareness of the lexical

speakers themselves find in the language and inand morphosyntactic forms

a particular linguistic form or its components.
This item (j1) gained the most points in the

Speakers’awareness of the respective

answer to “use”; the highly marked as having

grammatical features of HE will be described“Irishness” almost as equal to the other two

based on results of the questionnaire. Theirlexical items of the Irish origin. (J1) tended toawareness towards lexical items will be also

be cross-reported in “use” and “Irishness”,

appended, as it provides a good comparativethat is, most of the respondents who reported

reference. Examples from works by John B.

their “use” of (j1) marked this item in the

Keane and data taken from my eliciting session“Irishness” judgement, and vice versa.

will be given when needed.

Besides awareness of “Irishness” in lexical
items, speakers were sometimes conscious of

5.1. Non-canonical constituent ordersome stereotypical expressions, which they de-

The marked constituent order is a signifi-

scribe as “Stage Irish”, a represented image ofcant syntactic device for marking informa-

what Irish people might say. The “Stage Irish”

tional saliency in SwHE, as is illustrated in (1):is commented in the questionnaire, for example
as follows:(1)

Mike: (Entering). What were you doing,
then, around the house?

Some of these expressions are “Stage The interface between “Irishness” and “bad grammar” is considered by Shimada (2007b) from a
postcolonial viewpoint. Some recent examination whichrevisits the data to consider if these two indexes havepositive correlation or not is forthcoming.

Irish”and not used in every day life. (2006,
Cork, born in 1920s, male)―8―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)

Looking here and there and walking onin their mind when only a sentence without the

your toes!

context was given, since this syntactic pattern

Pats: Thinking to steal a few eggs I was,is closely related to the mapping of the infor-

but I changed my mind and said tomational saliency.

myself that I would ask first before I

It is important to note that the VP front-

went stealing. [SIV35]

ing sentence (b2) is a marked feature in termsof speakers’ awareness, which means thatIn the underlined clause of (1), a higher value

more respondents reported (b2) for their “non-of information is placed on the first minimaluse”, “bad-grammar”, and “Irishness” answers

constituent ‘thinking to steal a few eggs’,

than they did (b1). There were some comments

which means that this constituent is salient inthat revealed the speakers’ awareness of thethe information structure. Saliency, sometimes

Irish-Gaelic syntax, with one comment on (b2)in conjunction with phonological prominence,

given in the interview being cited below.

is syntactically expressed by marked constituent order (Shimada 2010: 100-1). Non-finite

You wouldn’t say it in English. That’s the

VP, Pred-NP, Obj-NP, PP can be in the sen-way you speak in Gaelic. [...] It’s correct intence initial position, as in (2)-(5).

Irish, bad in English. If it is translated inback way, it would be wrong.

(2)

Non-f.VP

Gone to buy the wedding cloths[2006,

Listowel, 1930s, male]they are. [SIV34](3)

NP-PredBloody good firing it was, too!

Needless to say, this speaker’s comment is well-[STD10](4)(5)

directed if we have Irish on one hand and StE

Fifty pounds Dota gave to buy theon the other. The Irish sentences, which corre-clothes and the drink for the wedding.

spond to the two HE sentences judged in the[SIV34]survey, are given in (6) and (7).

NP-ObjPP

Into jail ye should be put, a brace ofdirty beggars. [SIV24](6)

From the cupboard she takes threeplates. [＝(b1)]

Ok. 
On

In the questionnaire, two sentences were in-

a th
ogann

s


from the cupboard PRT takes

shecluded.

gc
ofra

tr

(b1)

PP

From the cupboard she takes threephlata. [Irish]

three plates

plates.

From the cupboard she takes three

Acceptable.

(b2) Non-f. VPTaking three plates she is.

plates. [StE]

The non-canonical constituent order, or this(7)

fronting pattern, was judged as “non-use” in

Ok. Ag t
ogant tri phl
ata 
at s
. [Irish]

general. It may be that the respondents found(at) taking three plates b
.REL she

it difficult to picture a scene for its actual use

Taking three plates she is. [＝(b2)]

Unacceptable―9―*Taking three plates she is. [StE]What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)The speakers’ insights into language revealedorder. The (c1) sentence is a cleft sentence

a lot about the syntactic difference between

made on the model of StE, having a PP in focus

English and Irish. Remarkable were significant

with the presence of that. The sentence (c2)discrepancies of the speakers’ judgement be-

was based on an example from a playscript

tween VP and PP fronting sentences. Table 4

written by John B. Keane; (c3) was a dummy

highlights these discrepancies.

sentence, that is, in both StE and Keane’s

In addition, the VP fronting type as in (7)language it is unacceptable, *It is lovely thatranked as fourth in the “bad grammar”

she is. The sentences given in the questionnaire

judgement, while (6) ranked among the last

are tagged here by the nicknames: (c1) StE

five in the judgement of “Irishness”, as showncleft model, (c2) from Keane, (c3) dummyin Table 1 and Table 2. It seems a fair conclu-

cleftic.

sion that the judgemental difference between

There were significant regional differences(b1) and (b2) is caused by the acceptability,

observed in the judgements, especially of (c2).

which may be formed in reference to StE andWhile the Cork results showed that (c2) was

respondents’ knowledge of the Irish language.

the most unlikely to be used among the three inthis cleft(-like) group, the Listowel results[Table 4 ] Judgement of non-canonical constituent order: obtained marks
Use
Non-useBad grammar
Irishness

PP fronting
3
21
8
2

VP fronting
0
26
21
10

suggested that (c2) was least unlikely to be
used. To the Listowel respondents, the StE cleft
type (c1) was the most unlikely to be used andthe dummy cleftic (c3) followed this. The ’tispattern (c2) was distinctively marked from theother two sentences by both Listowel and Cork
speakers in terms of “Irishness”. This may be

5.2. Cleft(-like) sentencecaused by the existence of the ’tis form, its fol-

The survey included the three sentences

lowing constituent having AdjP fronted, andthe absence of that.

(c1)-(c3):

As for the cleft(-like) sentence, careful ex(c1) It is from the cupboard that I take threeamination is required in detail concerning

plates. [StE cleft model]

types of the fronted constituent, the difference(c2) ’Tis lovely she is. [from Keane]

between ’tis and it is, and the occurrence of(c3) It is lovely that she is. [dummy cleftic]

that. It should be taken into account that theconstruction exhibits a formal similarity with

In general, respondents tended to report

the StE cleft although their function is not thetheir “non-use”, although the Keane corpus

same, which was demonstrated in my earlier

found frequent use of certain patterns, forstudy based mainly on the Keane corpus

example the (c2) type. This may be because the(Shimada 2010: Chapter 4). This is, impor-respondents had difficulty in picturing a scenetantly, reinforced by the present Listowel

in their mind due to the absence of the context,

speakers’ intuitions. It has nevertheless become

as with the case of con-canonical constituent

clear from the questionnaire that (c2) has an― 10 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)extra-linguistic connotation of “Irishness”,(9)

You know what they can do as well as I

which is not admitted in formally similar ex-

do and there’s nothing in the world will

amples of a cleft and a dummy cleftic sentence.

buy them off. [STD 41][Table 5 ] Cleft-like sentences: Cork & Listowel＜Cork＞

You’re a fine moral woman, ma’am.

(10)

cleft-like sentences

There’s no one can deny it. [HHM 23]
c1

c2

c3

Use

2

1

1

Non-use9

11

8

Don’t understand

0

0

0

Bad grammar

4

6

5

you walked in the door with Patrick.

Irishness

4

12

2

Sum

19

30

16

[HHM 31]

c1

c2

c3

It is noted that the HE sentence There was good

Use

4

3

3

news in you. is expressed in StE as ‘You had

Non-use15

5

10

Don’t understand

1

0

1

Bad grammar

2

8

5

Irishness

2

16

3

Sum

24

32

22

(ii) There’s(〜There is) NP in Pron-Obj.
I knew there was good news in you when

(11)

＜Listowel＞cleft-like sentences

good news.’ (12)-(13) are the examples forthis type from the Keane Corpus.

There’s a big change in you from the day(12)

you left. You were stinkin’ cryin’ that
5.3. There... sentence

mornin’!

[MYM 29]

HE has the speech pattern in the contexts
where StE does not employ the there sentences.

Poor Sive! What are ye doing to her? Is(13)

In particular, the Keane corpus includes suchthere no heart in you at all?

[SIV 33]

non-StE patterns as: (i) There’s(〜There is)[comp Subj-NP VP ], with a Subj-NP quantifier or

The following (14) is an idiomatic sen-modified with an adjective quantifier, and (ii)tence in HE. The underlined sentence expresses

There’s (〜There is) NP in Pron-Obj.

a compliment, which means ‘You would be agreat housekeeper’.

(i) There’s(〜There is) [comp Subj-NP VP ].
(8) I’m not in the habit of dismissin’ faithful(14)

There was a great housekeeper lost inservants. They were white an’ pearly one

you. You have the games and the antics

time an’ there’s many a gay soldier couldof a woman the way you handle thetell you the same. [MYM 39]

brush. [SIV 37]

The underlined sentence in (8) can be trans-

This type of phrase has not attracted scholars

lated as ‘Many gay soldiers could tell you theof HE, but this is one of the important forms

same.’ in StE. (9)-(10) are examples for thisthat characterise HE. (15) is another example

type.

from speakers in Cork.

― 11 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)[Context:

(15)

Mary

is

in

her

garden.

especially in the “use” judgement of (d1):Neighbour passes and admires the gar-Older respondents, regardless of whether fromden. He talks to Mary:]

Cork or Listowel, reported their “use” in the

These flowers are so beautiful. There’s aquestionnaire, but not so with the younger re-great gardener lost in you.

spondents. In addition, it is interesting to seethat (d3), compared with other two, tended to

There’s a great gardener lost in you.

be judged as “use” in Cork. The idiomatic (d3)‘You would be a great gardener.’

was popular in Cork, as far as this survey is(Mary is not a gardener by profession,concerned.

but she could have been a gardener.)
5.4. Do be V-ing/AdjP form
In the survey, the following three sentenceswere included:

In SwHE, do be (~ing) functions as ahabitual marker that does not receive prosodic
prominence in this do and be sequence. The do(d1) There’s no one can deny it.

be form, where do and be are joined together as(d2) I knew there was good news in you.

a phrasal compound, seems to be fossilised,(d3) There was a great housekeeper lost inthough keeping the meaning of habitual, inyou.

contemporary varieties of SwHE (Shimada
2006a).

All sentences in this group are cited from
Keane’s work. They are, however, different(16)

We do be praying for you in our prayers,

from the two characteristic groups introduced

whenever we get the notion to kneel.

before this, namely the non-canonical constitu-‘We usually/always pray for you in our

ent order and cleft(-like) sentences. Concern-

prayers, whenever...’ing the there... sentence, respondents tended tojudge the examples in this category as “use”.

In the Keane corpus, the most dominant pat-

The sentence (d1) is an example of the there’s

tern of the do be sentences is do be V-ing, while[comp Subj-NP VP] construction; (d2) is athere are other patterns in the SwHE playconstruction where the experiencer/posseser is

texts, such as do be AdjP, (AdvP〜AdvRelP)

expressed in the PP of in: (d3) is a similar

do be, as in (17)-(19).

construction but is regarded as an idiomaticsaying which means “you would be a great(17)

housekeeper”.

They do be lovely with their long hair
jumping up and down on their shoul-

It is noted that (d1) was not markedly

ders... [SRG 27]

recognised in terms of “Irishness”, although it
is also one of the characteristics of HE. On the(18)

other hand, (d2), being competitive to (b3),Have you no knowledge of the way a
woman do be the night before? [SIV 38]

was associated with “Irishness”. Importantly,
thegenerational

difference

wasobvious(19)― 12 ―

Will you open it or you’ll drive me toWhat grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)

Gleann na nGealt where your own equals

pupils in the school said to me, I would cor-do be. [SIV 39]

rect them, you know, and would say ‘no,that is not correct’. (2004, Cork, 50s, male)In the results from the questionnaire, as
mentioned, the do be form gained the highest

People who say it mostly got very little

marks for “non-use” and “bad grammar”.

chance to go to school through poverty in

Their respondents’ judgements of the follow-

the past. Now in 2004 Ireland is a riching two sentences in the five categories werecountry and you will not hear it at all.

almost identical. It follows that the do be(2004, Listowel, 70s, female)pattern itself, regardless of the class of theconstituent complementing do be, is regarded

These comments indicate the use of do be withas “bad grammar” which they would not say.

reference to the knowledge of the StE grammar
learned in school. It may be that this linguistic(e1) I do be taking three plates from the cup-

form has in a way served as a criterion of edu-

board.

cation and thereby socio-economic status. A(e2) She does be lovely with her long hair.

linguistic feature that was once labelled as “badgrammar”, and what is more, as “not-well-This grammatical form is sociolinguisticallyeducated” or “for poor people”, draws speakers’

stigmatised, which was testified by speakers inexcessive attention, which may have hindered

my eliciting sessions. They illustrated thethe speakers from using that “stigmatised”

speakers’ socio-linguistic awareness.

form.
The do be form, generally speaking, seems

Not everybody knows that it is wrong. So

to be moving into disuse, if we look at the con-accepted. Many people who use it don’t

temporary situation. It is true, however, thatrealise it’s incorrect.

the majority of the HE speakers, both urban(2004, Cork, agegroup: 30s, male)and rural, even including the younger generations, have certain recognition or competent

Small amount of people would say...It’s

knowledge of the relationship between the dowrong, bad, obsolete...

be form and its linguistic function. Speakers’(2004, Listowel, 50s, male)knowledge

about

this

HE

construction,

moreover, is formed by reference to the Irish
No, no. ’Tis bad grammar. You don’t say

language, as was indicated,

it. (2004, Listowel, 50s, female)

The impression I would have is, yes, theperson is... The age of the person is important. If ’tis an old person, I would smileand ’tis condescending smile. [...] I feel superior. [...] but If ’tis the things when my It is not intended to imply that the do be form isand will be entirely lost in this dialect. There are SwHE
speakers/consultants who internalise this component
in their grammar. The characteristic where speakers
are aware of its unfavourable social connotations may
come to obtain covert prestige (cf. Labov 2001 “Thenonconformity hypothesis”).

― 13 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)The phrase “I do be...” is a direct transla-

The be after V-ing construction in HEtion from Irish. In the Irish language there

overlaps the aspectual domain of have (just)are 2 present tenses-“I am” and “I do be...”,

V-ed in StE, and they are thus translated as in

but in English there’s only one. But this di-(20)(seerect translation isn’t used in all parts ofFilppula 1999).

Harris

1984,

1985,

Kallen1990,

I was asleep an’ I woke up. [...]’Twas

the country. (2006, Listowel, born in 1980s,
female)(20)

gallin’ to be woke up out of it, and I wasThis respondent listed only the do be examples

just after going to sleep too. [HHM 49]

in her answering to the question of “Irishness”.
Interestingly, it was not regarded as “badI was just after going to sleep too.

grammar” by this respondent. It may be that

‘I had just gone to sleep, too.’younger speakers are today more generous tothis form in term of judgement of grammati-

There are two patterns concerning thecality, though the data was too small tophrasal categories of the be after predicates,

demonstrate the generational tendency. It isthough (ii) is less frequent than (i).

assumed that this construction was in active
use until the 1950-1960s, but today is in relative
decline, taking on unfavourable social connota-(i) NP-Subj be after V-ing
I am after having tea.

(21)

tions associated with its conspicuous non-

‘I have (just) had tea.’standardness. Furthermore, such bad connotations may be disappearing over time due todisuse, which is slightly indicated from the(ii) NP-Subj be after NP
Brian is after his lunch.

(22)

generational analysis of the results.

‘Brian has (just) had lunch.’

5.5. Be after V-ing/NP construction

Adverbs such as just and only often occur in

The be after V-ing/NP construction is athe be after V-ing/ NP construction so as towell-known characteristic of HE. The form ofstress the recentness of an accomplished activ-

be after NP(〜V-ing) is common in BrE, but

ity or event. Besides the cited examples,

there is an apparent mismatch of its meanings
between HE and BrE (e.g. Harris 1985). The

We’re only just after rising from the(23)basic property of this construction in HE is totable. [SIV 14]

denote the present status where a certain activity or event has been and is completed.

I’m

(24)

only

after

the

supperMister

McLaine. [CHT 13]
 It may be noteworthy, however, that these two
perfect forms do not express the identical sematic/
pragmatic range. Shimada (2010: 205) illustrates apragmatic difference underlying the distribution of beafter V-ing and have (just) V-ed in contemporary
varieties of SwHE.

In the questionnaire, the two types of thiscategory, (f1) be after V-ing and (f2) be afterNP, were included.

― 14 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)(f1) I am after taking three plates from the

StE have perfect form denotes. Thus, in SwHE,

cupboard.

(25b), a type of the StE have perfect, can have(f2) Tom is after his supper.

different semantic range from (25a), although(25b) is often replaced by (25c) in natural

The former (f1) was slightly more marked inspeech of HE.

terms of the speakers’ awareness, but they
were both judged as “use”. The be after V-ing

a. They are visiting here many years.

(25)/NP construction gained the highest mark of‘They have visited here for many years

the “use” judgement in morphosyntactic fea-

(and will keep doing so).’tures in the survey, with the exceptions of suchb. They’ve visited here for many years.

unmarked sentence as She takes three plates‘They have visited here for many years

from the cupboard and the example of NP+clitic(but not any more).’will (’ll), seen in the sentence We’ll visit herec. They visited here {with/ φ } many

tomorrow. The data suggested that the feature

years.

be after V-ing/NP was favoured and that

‘They (have) visited here for many

“Irishness”, rather than grammatical infelicity

years.’

in terms of the standard norm, was recognisedby speakers.

Back in the survey, results from the questionnaire revealed that this “perfect” group

5.6. Be V-ing AdvP “perfect” sentence

was the most unmarked in terms of speakers’

Two examples which express meanings ofawareness. The following (g1) and (g2) were

perfect in HE were included in the question-

both likely to be used, displaying similarnaire. The (g1) example represented a HE dis-judgemental tendencies. It is important to notetinctive type, while (g2) was the StE version.

the generational gradation of the “use”
judgement:

The

older

generation

of

the

(g1) They are visiting here many years.

Listowel respondents, who were born before(g2) My sons have visited there for many

1950, reported their “use” of (g1), but not

years.

(g2), those in 1950s reported use of both (g1)and (g2). When younger generations marked

HE has the be V-ing AjdP(durative) pattern,either form, it was (g2).

which denotes “perfect” meaning. The term

In the Keane corpus, there is a sentence“perfect” is here used according to the tradi-(26), where with is used for the expression oftion of HE studies. Traditionally, it has been

the duration of the activity of ‘visiting’ with asaid that (g1) in vernaculars of HE means

HE-specific phrase many a year. This use of“They have visited here for many years” (Har-with is one of the characteristics of HE (seeris 1993, Kallen 1990, Filppula 1997, 1999 etc).

also Filppula 1999: 232).

However, in my examination, (g1) has the implication that they will keep visiting there, in(26)

addition to the meaning of perfect, which the― 15 ―

They are visiting here with many a year.
[SIV 21]

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)In HE, the preposition with can be used in ref-by HE speakers as unique to their variety, as

erence to the past, while for is used with no ref-seen in the low “Irishness” judgement obtained

erence to an activity or event in the past.

in both (g1) and (g2) in the same extent.

Present-day speakers of SwHE in general, as
far as I have examined, are unlikely to use

5.7. Cliticisation: Amn’t I ~?,’Twouldn’t etc.

with, which was taken into account in the ques-

Cliticisation is one of the important char-tionnaire. It is noteworthy that one respondent

acteristics of HE. Five sentences in this cate-presented a following sentence (27) as his own

gory were employed in the survey:

use in the questionnaire, answering to thequestion: ‘What expressions or phrases do you(h1) We’ll visit here tomorrow.

regard as Irish English (Hiberno-English)? ’.

(h2) The two of us’ll take three plates from thecupboard.

(27)

I am living here with ten years. (2005,(h3) You’ve the name of a good employer.

Cork, born in 1920s, male)(h4) Amn’t I like a scarecrow?
(h5) ’Twouldn’t be a good thing.

Again, it is important to note the semantic
range of the so-called be perfect in HE. This is

Two sentences from the cliticisation cate-called “extended-now perfect” by Harris (1984,

gory, the amn’t I ~? example (h4) and the1993) and Filppula (1990, 1999) and “extended’twouldn’t example (h5) are focused on here,

present perfect” by Kallen (1990). I use thesince they particularly highlight significant

term, “be perfect continuous” pattern, for the

aspects of speakers’ awareness. In the Keane

usage of the be V-ing form adjoined by an

corpus, there are sentences of amn’t I ~ as in

AdvP of duration (see Shimada 2010: 165-176(28)-(30) and phonological words formed byfor the semantics and distribution). The

the clitics ’twouldn’t, ’tis and ’tisn’t as in (31)-respondents were likely to report their “use” of(32). They frequently occur in his plays andthis pattern. In HE, the have perfect has lim-

letter series.

ited distribution, and speakers consider it normative (see Table 1 for its low “bad grammar”(28)

judgement). Given that the be perfect continu-

Amn’t I the same as any other man?
[HHM66]ous and have perfect forms refer to incongruent semantic ranges, it is reasonable to conceive(29)

that be V-ing, which forms a part of the be per-God help us, amn’t I like a scarecrow always,...

[SIV 4]fect continuous pattern [be V-ing + timeAdvP],

yieldsits

establishedsemantic(30)

distribution in HE and that it is retained as un-

Amn’t I supposed to have a fortune orsomething?

[HHM 7]

marked in terms of speakers’ socio-linguistic
awareness. The usage of the be perfective(31)’Twouldn’t do your heart good to see

continuous is not common in StE and other va-

themrieties of English. It is, however, not regarded[MYM17]― 16 ―

two

young

fellows

going’.

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)(32)’Tis inclined to be a bit showery, but all

speakers this item is nothing but a type ofin all, ’tisn’t bad for the time of year.

rather unmarked cliticisation.

[FLD 32]

The difference of speakers’ judgements
between Listowel and Cork was most promi-

In the results, there were obvious local differ-

nent in the amn’t I ~? example (h4). The

ences between Listowel and Cork. The amn’t I

judgements of “use” and “non-use” in the two~? example (h4) was highly marked in terms

places are shown in the pie charts . Cork res-of speakers’ awareness in Cork, being dis-pondents in general are unlikely to use thistanced from other items in the category of

item, regarding it as comparatively bad gram-cliticisation. On the other hand, in Listowel,mar, although certain “Irishness” was also(h4) was not so marked as (h2) the Two of

recognised. It is clear that this feature was

us’ll ~ example and (h3) the cliticisation of themarked in Cork, since a larger number of the

non-auxiliary’twouldn’t

Cork respondents reported “non-use” of thisexample (h5), instead, was the most marked

item than they did of the missing of third-

item in Listowel. The data shows that Listowelperson singular -s ending. Listowel speakers, in

speakers, both younger and older, were likely

contrast, tended to report their “use” of amn’t

to use ’twouldn’t and associated this item with

I~? and associated this item more with “Irishn“Irishness”. It is interesting to see that to Corkess” than with “bad grammar”.

verb

have.

The

5.8. [main clause] and NP V-ing construction
The conjunction and in HE is productive inspeech of HE. The salient characteristics can beseen in the use of the [main clause] and NP V-ing
construction. Examples of this and construction in the Keane corpus are given in (33)-(35).

We hadn’t our dinner yet and the two of(33)

us fasting since morning. [FLD 20]

I asked a few of the boys in for a drink(34)

and he hiding all the time around in thestairway. [FLD 31]

I’ll tell you about a goose I saw roasted(35)

one time an’ I vistin’ a house over inCauseway. [HHM 27]

In the survey, one sentence was included as
one of the non-standard usages. This was (i3)

― 17 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)in the followings.

The greeting phrase having craic given in (j1)was employed from my previous survey in(i1) She take three plates from the cupboard.

1999. Craic in HE means ‘fun’. This phrase was(i2) She been taking them home ever since.

nominated most often for the expressions(i3) I asked for today’s special and she putting

which speakers themselves regarded as “Irish

plates on the table.

English”. Amad
an in (j2) is often found in
Keane’s works and cnamhshealing [cn
aimhseail

According to the survey results (see Table-ing,

knauvshawl~knawvshawling(Dolan,6), the [main clause] and NP V-ing construction,

1999: 66)] in (j3) is sometimes used in naturalwhich is one of the major distinctive character-speech in Listowel, with the familiar expression

istics of HE, is not much associated with“Irish-

Don’t be cnamhshealing!. These words areness”. It was rather judged as“bad grammar”,

described in a dictionary:although the sentence (i1), in which the thirdperson singular ending -s was absent, gainedamad
an n., (male) fool; buffoon, stupid

by far the highest “bad grammar” judgement.

person; simpleton < Ir. (Dolan 1999: 8)

If the comparatively low points of the “badgrammar” judgement of (i2) and (i3) are

cnaimhseail v.n., complaining, giving out;

compared with other syntactic characteristics

fault-finding; grumbling <Ir. (Dolan 1999:

such as non-canonical constituent order and66)

cleft-like sentences, it may be interesting tonote the unmarkedness of this and construc-

The survey results, first of all, show thatthe lexical items as a whole are dominantly

tion in speakers’ awareness of “Irishness”.

associated with “Irishness”, but not with “bad[Table 6 ]Speakers’

judgements

of

non-

grammar”, as Table 7 indicates. As to themarkedness in terms of “use”/“non-use”, it isstandard usage: numbers of obtained marks
3sg -smissing(She)been
V-ing

and NP
V-ing

Use

2

2

8

judgment, while amadan and cnambshealing

Non-use

25

14

17

are less so.

Bad grammar

37

15

16

Irishness

1

6

8

items:

craic,

amada
n,

5.9.

Lexicalnoted that craic is prominent in the “use”

cnamhshealing
Three sentences having “Irish”

lexicalitems were included in the questionnaire.

(j1) How’s the craic?
(j2) That amad
an put eggs in my bag.
(j3) Don’t be cnamhshealing!

 The spelling “cnamhshealing” is based on theusage by John B. Keane and was used in the questionnaire, e.g. Will you listen to him cnabshealing again?
[SIV 18]. Dolan’s (1999: 66) dictionary has cn
aimhseailin spelling. Also, it is interesting to note that in SwHE
the expression is Don’t be cnamhshealing, rather thanDon’t cnamhsheal (Dolan pc).

― 18 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)[Table 7] Speakers’ judgements of lexical
items: numbers of obtained marks

Craic is originally Irish. Amadam is origi-

craic

amada
n

Cnamhshealing

Use

40

11

16

Non-use4

12

14

Bad grammar

0

2

4

Noteworthy is that the example containing

Irishness

43

48

44

craic is most popular, or favoured, in the listed

nally Irish. Cnambhshealing is originally
Irish. (2006, Cork, born in 1920s, male)sentences in the questionnaire. Many of the
The craic example (j1) gathered respondents’

respondents reported their use of this word;

reports of “use” in both Listowel and Cork, butthey recognised “Irishness” in the example

there is an overt regional difference of thehaving craic. A respondent who reported only

judgment of “use”/“non-use” as to (j2) andthis item to the question of Irishness gave an(j3). The data suggested that older generation

important comment:

in Listowel are likely to say amadan andcnambhshealing.

Respondents

knew

these

True Irish saying.

words and regarded them as Irish, which was(2006, Cork, born in1970s, male)often mentioned in their appended comments.
This was the main reason why they chose them

It may be that this word, which is free from thefor the answer of “Irishness”.

image of “stage Irish” (which bears some con-

As noted, the word craic in (j1) is notnotationofmock

Irishness),isgetting

Irish-Gaelic origin in a proper sense, while thefavoured in use. Speakers often testified thatspeakers regarded it as an Irish word. The fol-craic is “very modern” and guessed correctly

lowing three citations, the first from Dolan’sthat it is not from John B. Keane because of its

Dictionary of Hiberno-English and the otherquite recent use.

two from the respondents’ comments in thequestionnaire, make this point clear.

6. Grammatical forms and their extralinguistic meanings

crack /krak/ n., entertaining conversation. Ir craic is the ModE loanword crack

This paper has described grammatical< ME crak, loud conversation, bragging

forms in relation to speakers’ socio-linguistic

talk;

HE

awareness. Awareness of the salient morpho-(usually in its Ir spelling) in the belief

syntactic features and lexical items werethat it means high-spirited entertainment.

discussed in substantial reference to the survey(Dolan 1999: 77)

regarding speakers’ attitudes towards HE. The

recently

reintroduced

into

basic finding from the survey and some
“Craic” is a uniquely Irish word which weinterview data is that speakers of SwHE have

have incorporated into the English lan-overt awareness of “Irishness” and “Standard”.

guage. (2006, Listowel, born in 1980s, fe-

Speakers have not only their intuitive know-

male)ledge of the association between a linguistic― 19 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)

form and its linguistic meaning but alsofavoured and it is associated with “Irishness”,

knowledge of the association between thealthough not so much as the lexical items,

linguistic form and its extra-linguistic mean-

craic, amadan and cnambshealing, are.

ing.

The do be form, the most marked gramThe examination in this paper provides

matical form in speakers’ awareness, is one ofgrounds for maintaining the claim that lin-

the good examples by which the construction of

guistic forms in HE manifest their links inextra-linguistic meanings can be lucidly expli-

speakers’ awareness with the significant extra-

cated. This form was, as described, the best by

linguistic“bad

far in the evaluation of “bad grammar” in thegrammar”. A more general conclusion for thissurvey, having also a certain level of evaluation

could be that linguistic forms can be evaluatedof “Irishness”. The do be form is generally re-in the meta-linguistic dimension, in which theygarded as a deviation from the “Standard”

icons

of

“Irishness”

and

are assumedly placed. It can be thus assumed

which has been constructed in speakers’ minds;

in the case of HE that grammatical and lexical

this induces further negative social connota-

forms are mapped onto the meta-linguistic

tions such as “not-well educated” or “for poor

dimension by means of speakers’ perception ofpeople”. As well as any other social medium“Irishness” and “bad grammar”.

that yields symbolic value, such social connota-

In the survey, furthermore, different

tions are attendant on linguistic features,

judgements to different forms are significantly

being shared by members of a given speech

noted. This means that various linguistic

community. The connotations thus exert an in-forms, including some salient HE-specific pat-evitable force on the unconscious selection andterns, can be characterised by the level of

avoidance of particular linguistic forms.

“Irishness”

andspeakers’

Speakers’ awareness has been illustrated

awareness. For example, as the 2006 survey

in this paper by their subjective judgements ofhas confirmed, the VP fronted sentence Taking“use/non-use”,“Irishness” and “bad grammar”,

three plates she is is regarded as “badtogether with comments and findings in thegrammar” while “Irishness” is less marked,

anonymous survey and in interviews and elicit-

whereas the PP fronted sentence From theing sessions with informants/consultants. A

cupboard

she“Standard”

platesisparticular linguistic form, by virtue of the

link

with

speakers’ awareness, can gain its extra-“Irishness” and “bad grammar”. Also re-linguistic meanings, which are interwoven inmarkably, the HE sentence of “be perfect

the grammatical system that functionalises

continuous” They are visiting here many years,

linguistic practices.

comparatively

takes

in

free

three

from

the

with its “use” being reported, is unmarked in

The evidence gathered from the 2006 sur-terms of the speakers’ socio-linguistic aware-

vey suggests that speakers make significant

ness. ’Twouldn’t be a good thing is also

distinctions regarding what are favourable orunfavourable features and regarding in what

 See Jaworski and Coupland (2004) for the term
‘metalanguage’.

significant ways linguistic forms are in speakers’ awareness associated with extra-linguistic― 20 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)

icons, namely “Irishness” and “bad grammar”.

Routledge, London.

The survey is likely to underpin the two types

Harris, John. 1984. Syntactic variation and dia-of awareness functioning significantly in thelect divergence, Journal of Linguistics 20,

use of particular linguistic forms in HE.

303-327.

Awareness of “Standard”, which is constructed

Harris, John. 1985. The polylectal grammarfrom normative school grammar and models of

stops here, CLCS Occasional Paper 13,

StE, assigns a negative social connotation to

Trinity College Dublin, Dublin, 1-12.

the features that deviate from the constructed

Harris, John. 1993. The grammar of Irish Eng-

criteria of“Standard”. Awareness of“Irishness”,

lish, in James Milroy and Lesley Milroyon the other hand, being largely due to theeds., Real English: The Grammar of Eng-knowledge of the Irish language, may provide

lish Dialects in British Isles, Longman,certain effects on determining extra-linguistic

London, 139-186.

meanings and connotations of a particular

Jaworski,

Adam,

NikolasCouplandandsocially

Dariusz Galasinski. 2004. Metalanguage:

dependent by nature; this is intended to mean

Social and Ideological Perspectives, Mou-

that they reflect the values that have been

ton de Gruyter, Berlin and New York.

cultivated in a given speech community.

Kallen, Jeffrey L. 1990. The Hiberno-English

Concerning the survey, the evaluation of

perfect: grammaticalisation revisited, Irish

linguistic items can vary according to the

University Review 20, 120-136.

feature.

The

connotationsarefluctuation of the relative attitude towards

Labov, William. 1973. Where do grammars“Irishness” and “Standard” in the sociocultural

stop? In R. W. Shuy ed., Sociolinguistics,

context. Whether a positive or a negative

Current Trends and Perspectives, George-connotation is given to a particular linguistic

town University Press, Washigton DC, 43-form relies on the direction in which the88.

community is shifting. For this, a further

Labov, William. 2001. Principles of Linguistic

examination of speakers’ social and linguistic

Change: Social Factors, Blackwell, Malden

orientation is needed.

and Oxford.
Milroy, Lesley and Matthew Gordon. 2003.

References

Sociolinguistics:

Dolan, Terence Patrick ed. 1999. A Dictionary

pretation, Blackwell, Malden and Oxford.

of Hiberno-English: The Irish Use of Eng-

Shimada, Tamami. 2006a. The ‘do be’ form inlish, Gill & Macmillan, Dublin.

MethodandInter-

contemporary Hiberno-English: an impli-

Filppula, Markku. 1997. The influence of Irish

cation for grammatical transformations,on perfect marking in Hiberno-English:

TRANS 16, Research Institute for Aus-

The case of the “Extended-now” perfect, intrian and International Literature andJeffery L. Kallen ed., Focus on Ireland,

Cultural Studies, Vienna. http://www.

John Benjamins, Amsterdam, 51-72.

inst.at/trans/16Nr/03_2/shimada16.htm.

Filppula, Markku. 1999. The Grammar of Irish

Shimada, Tamami. 2006b. Awareness of ‘Stan-English: Language in Hibernian Style,dard’ and ‘Irishness’: motives for change― 21 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)incontemporary

Hiberno-English,

Sociolinguistic Symposium 16, Universityof Limerick.
Shimada, Tamami. 2007a. Grammatical Description of Hiberno-English from a Dynamic

Perspective:A

Sociolinguistic

Approach, PhD Thesis, Kyoto University.
Shimada,Tamami.

2007b.

“Irishness”

inHiberno-English: linguistic hybridism andethnolinguistic

identity,

Anchimbe

Linguistic

ed.,

in

Eric

A.

Identityin

Postcolonial Multilingual Spaces, Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle, 285-309.
Shimada, Tamami. 2010. English in Ireland:
BeyondSimilarities,

Keisuisha,Hiro-shima.
Smith, Gus and Des Hickey. 2002. John B., The
Mercier Press, Cork.

― 22 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)Appendix I ： Questionnaire 2006, Sheet A<On the left page>
From the sentences (1) to (26) on the opposite page, please choose the ones
that apply to the following five statements.
You may choose as many as you like. If you think there is no relevant number,please fill the bracket with “Nothing”. Any of your comments are welcome.
Question 1：
Which sentences do you think you would use yourself?
Your answer：[]Your comment：
Question 2：
Which sentences do you think you would not use on any occasion (including when
you are talking with your family and friends) ?
Your answer：[]Your comment：
Question 3：
Which sentences can you not understand the meaning of?
Your answer：[]Your comment：
Question 4：
Which sentences do you think have “bad grammar”?
Your answer：[Your comment：
Question 5：
Which sentences do you think show “Irishness”?
Your answer：[Your comment：]]<On the right page>(1) She take three plates from the cupboard.
(2) She takes three plates from the cupboard.
(3) I am after taking three plates from the cupboard.
(4) From the cupboard she takes three plates.
(5) The two of us’ll take three plates from the cupboard.
(6) I do be taking three plates from the cupboard.
(7) It is from the cupboard that I take three plates.
(8) Taking three plates she is.
(9) I asked for today’s special and she putting plates on the table.
(10) How’s the craic?
(11) You’ve the name of a good employer.

― 23 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)(12) They are visiting here many years.
(13) There’s no one can deny it.
(14) She does be lovely with her long hair.
(15) ’Tis lovely she is.
(16) It is lovely that she is.
(17) Amn’t I like a scarecrow?
(18) We’ll visit here tomorrow.
(19) ’Twouldn’t be a good thing.
(20) There was a great housekeeper lost in you.
(21) She been taking them home ever since.
(22) Tom is after his supper.
(23) That amad
an put eggs in my bag.
(24) Don’t be cnamhshealing！
(25) My sons have visited there for many years.
(26) I knew there was good news in you.

― 24 ―

What grammatical features are more marked in Hiberno-English? : a survey of speakers’ awareness and its primary details (Tamami Shimada)

アイルランド英語話者にとって有標な文法特徴はなにか―意識調査の全容と詳細―
嶋田 珠巳(文化システム専攻言語科学領域担当)

アイルランド南西部において行った文法および語彙形式にたいする言語意識調査をもとに, 文法変化
とくに言語形式の盛衰に関わっていると考えられる ｢アイルランドらしさ意識｣ (awareness of “Irishness”) と ｢スタンダード意識｣(awareness of “Standard”) を例証する｡ 調査は, 語順転倒文, there...
文, 分裂文に類似した文形式, do be V-ing/AdjP 形式, be after V-ing/NP 形式, 完了の意味を表す beV-ing +time-AdvP 文, 倚辞化形式 (e.g. amn’t I ~? / ’twouldn’t), [main clause] and NP V-ing 構文, 語彙
形式 (craic, amadan, cnamhshealing) を含み, ｢使用｣, ｢不使用｣, ｢アイルランド的｣, ｢悪い文法｣ の各項目の回答から話者の主観的評価をみる｡ 本稿においてはとくに, 基礎的な検討を含めた調査の全容と結果の全体像を示すこと, および文法諸形式の言語外的意味の記述に重点をおく｡― 25 ―