Report of
The 9th Japan-ASEAN Dialogue
on“The Future of ASEAN Integration
and Japan's Role”

March 13-14, 2012
Tokyo, Japan

Sponsored by
The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)

Co-sponsored by
The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ)
ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies (ASEAN-ISIS)

Supported by
Japan-ASEAN Integration Fund (JAIF)Worldwide Support for Development
The Japan Foundation

Preface
The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ) aims to promote a policy-oriented exchange of views
between business, opinion and political leaders of Japan and their counterparts in the rest of the world,
and to contribute to the deepening of mutual understanding and the formation of the consensus. For
this purpose, GFJ has been actively engaged for the past 30 years in organizing policy-oriented bilateral
and/or multilateral “Dialogues” every year between Japan and the international community.
It is for this reason that GFJ held the Japan-ASEAN Dialogue, “The Future of ASEAN
Integration and Japanʹs Role”, in Tokyo on 13-15 March 2012. On the last day of the Dialogue, "Policy
Recommendations Drafting Meeting," which was closed to the public, was held for the first time in thehistory of the "Japan-ASEAN Dialogue" in order to work on Policy Recommendations based on theachievements of the discussions in the Dialogue, GFJ and each of the ASEAN-ISIS member institutes
submitted the Policy Recommendations to the respective governments of Japan and ASEAN. This
report intends to summarize the achievements of these discussions between Japanese and ASEAN
counterparts. Though the printed version of the report will be made available to only a restricted
number of people such as members and friends of GFJ and their counterparts from ASEAN, the full textof the report will be available at http://www.gfj.jp/.
The Japan-ASEAN Dialogue “The Future of ASEAN Integration and Japanʹs Role” wassupported by the Japan-ASEAN Integration Fund(JAIF), Worldwide Support for Development and The
Japan Foundation, co-sponsored by GFJ, ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International and Studies(ASEAN-ISIS), and The Japan Forum on International Relations, and was attended by 101 participants
including 26 panelists. Participants exchanged opinions on matters of significant importance related to
the future of Japan-ASEAN relations. We would like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to
JAIF, Worldwide Support for Development and The Japan Foundation which generously supported
this Japan-ASEAN Dialogue.

April 27, 2012
ITO Kenichi
President
The Global Forum of Japan

Table of Contents
I．Program of THE JAPAN‐ASEAN DIALOGUE
1. Program.....................................................................................................................1
2. Participants List.....................................................................................................................4
3. Biographies of the Panelists.....................................................................................................................6

II．Outlines of Discussions of THE JAPAN‐ASEAN DIALOGUE……….……13
III．Policy Recommendations of THE JAPAN‐ASEAN DIALOGUE…………16
IV．Keynote Papers of Discussions of THE JAPAN‐ASEAN DIALOGUE
Session I : ASEAN Economic Community and Japanʹs Contribution.............................................20
1. URATA Shujiro.....................................................................................................................20
2. SUNDRAM Pushpanathan...................................................................................................................22
Session II : East Asia Security and Japan‐ASEAN Cooperation……………………………………25
3. Carolina G. HERNANDEZ...................................................................................................................25
4. OGASAWARA Takayuki......................................................................................................................28
Session III : Entangled Regional Architecture and ASEAN Community……………………………………29
5. YEO Lay Hwee.....................................................................................................................29
6. HATOYAMA Yukio.....................................................................................................................31

V．Appendix
1. An Introduction to the Global Forum of Japan…………………………………………………32
2. An Introduction to ASEAN‐ISIS…………………………………………………………..…………34
3. An Introduction to the Japan Forum on International Relation…………………………………….35

Ⅰ. Program of
THE JAPAN-ASEAN DIALOGUE

１．Program
3he 9th Japan- 2E - Dialogue"3he Future of

2E - Integration and Japan's 1ole"－Japan- 2E - Partnership after -ew Joint Declaration－
13-15 March, 2012at the International House of Japan
3okyo, Japan
Co-sponsored by
3he Global Forum of Japan (GFJ)
2E - Institutes of 2trategic and International 2tudies ( 2E --I2I2)
3he Japan Forum on International 1elations (JFI1)
2upported by
Japan- 2E - Integration FundWorldwide 2upport for Development
3he Japan Foundation

3uesday, 13 March, 2012
International House of Japan "Kabayama 1oom"
Welcome Dinner *Invitation Only
Welcome Dinner hosted by OK W 1

18:00-20:00

8oshio, Chairman, GFJ

Wednesday, 14 March, 2012
International House of Japan "Lecture Hall"

Opening 2ession
10:00-10:10
Opening 1emarks (5min.)I3O Kenichi, President, GFJOpening 1emarks (5min.)Clara JOEWO-O, 5ice Chair, Board of 3rustees, Centre for 2trategic and International 2tudies Foundation

2ession I" 2E - Economic Community and Japan's Contribution"

10:10-12:05

HI1O-O 1yokichi, Professor Emeritus, 2eikei University

Co-chairpersons (5min.)

H.1.H. Prince -O1ODOM 2irivudh, Chairman, Cambodian Institute for Cooperation & Peace (Cambodia)

Keynote 2peaker (15min.)

U1 3

Keynote 2peaker (15min.)

2U-D1 M Pushpanathan, Deputy 2ecretary General ( 2E - Economic Community Department),

Lead Discussant

2HIMIZU Kazushi, Professor, Kyushu University(5 min.)2hujiro, Professor, Waseda University

2E - 2ecretariat

Lead Discussant B (5 min.)Daw M 1 - J 3 U-G, 1epresentative, Myanmar Institute of 2trategic and International 2tudies / Director, 3raining,
1esearch and Foreign Languages Department, Ministry of Foreign ffairs (Myanmar)

Lead Discussant C (5 min.)W 3 - BE 2hige, Principal Deputy Director, 1egional Policy Division,

Free Discussions (50min.)2ummarization by
Co-chairpersons （10min.）12:05-13:00

sian and Oceanian Bureau, MOF

ll Participants
HI1O-O 1yokichi, Professor Emeritus, 2eikei University
H.1.H. Prince -O1ODOM 2irivudh, Chairman, Cambodian Institute for Cooperation & Peace (Cambodia)

Lunch Break1

Session Ⅱ"East

13:00-14:55

sia Security and Japan- SE - Cooperation"

H SHIMO3O Hiroshi, former

Co-chairpersons （5min.)mbassador to Singapore

Phillips J. 5E1MO-3E, 1esearcher, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (Indonesia)

Keynote Speaker (15min.)Carolina G. HE1- -DEZ, Founding President, Institute for Strategic and Development Studies (Philippines)

Keynote Speaker (15min.)

OG S W 1

Lead Discussant-G48E- Duc Hung, 1epresentative, Diplomatic(5 min.)3akayuki, Professor, 8amanashi Gakuin 4niversity

cademy of 5ietnam / former 5iet -am

mbassador to Canada (5ietnam)

Lead Discussant B (5 min.)K KIZ W

Lead Discussant C (5 min.)

Karim W H B, Head, Brunei Darussalam Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (Brunei Darussalam)

Lead Discussant D (5 min.)

H -DFree Discussions (50min.)

Summarization by
Co-chairpersons （10min.）Mito, Member of House of 1epresentatives (8our Party)

Haruhisa, Chairman, Worldwide Support for Development

ll Participants

H SHIMO3O Hiroshi, former

mbassador to Singapore

Phillips J. 5E1MO-3E, 1esearcher, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (Indonesia)

Break

14:55-15:05
Session Ⅲ"Entangled 1egional

15:05-17:00

3E1 D

Co-chairpersons (5min.)rchitecture andSE - Community"

3akashi, Professor, Waseda 4niversity

M H -I Zaenal

bidin, Director General, Institute of Strategic and International Studies (Malaysia)

Keynote Speaker (15min.)

8EO Lay Hwee, Director, European 4nion Centre, Singapore Institute of International

Keynote Speaker (15min.)

H 3O8 M

Lead Discussant

K 5I Chongkitavorn, Senior Fellow, Institute of Strategic and International Studies (3hailand)(5 min.)8ukio, former Prime Minister

Lead Discussant B (5 min.)S H SHI 1yo,

Lead Discussant C (5 min.)Khamphao E1-3H 5 -H, Director General, Institute of Foreignssociate Professor, Kanagawa 4niversity

Lead Discussant D (5 min.)S K I Kazuo, former

Free Discussions (50min.)ll Participants

Summarization by
Co-chairpersons （10min.）ffairs (Singapore)ffairs (Lao People’s Democratic 1epublic)

mbassador to Myanmar

3E1 D 3akashi, Professor, Waseda 4niversity�
M H -I Zaenal

bidin, Director General, Institute of Strategic and International Studies (Malaysia)[NOTE］English-Japanese simultaneous interpretation will be provided
1oundtable Dinner *Invitation Only
18:00-S0:00

1oundtable Dinner hosted by H -D

Haruhisa, Chairman, Worldwide Support for Development2

3hursday, 15 March, 2012
Conference 1oom of JFI1
Closed Session
10:00-1S:00

Policy 1ecommendations Drafting Meeting"3he Future of SE - Integration and Japan's 1ole"
I3O Kenichi, President, GFJ

Co-chairpersons (10min.)Carolina G. HE1- -DEZ, Founding President, Institute for Strategic and Development Studies (Philippines)

Lead Proposal Ⅰ" SE Economic Community andJapan's Contribution" (20min.)

HI1O-O 1yokichi, Professor Emeritus, Seikei University

Lead ProposalⅡ"East sia
Security and Japan- SE Cooperation" (20min.)H SHIMO3O Hiroshi, former

H.1.H. Prince -O1ODOM Sirivudh, Chairman, Cambodian Institute for Cooperation & Peace (Cambodia)

mbassador to Singapore

Phillips J. VE1MO-3E, 1esearcher, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (Indonesia)

Lead ProposalⅢ"Entangled
1egional rchitecture andSE - Community" (20min.)

3E1 DFree Discussions (40min.)12

Closing 1emarks (10min.)I3O Kenichi, President, GFJ

3akashi, Professor, Waseda University

M H -I Zaenal

bidin, Director General, Institute of Strategic and International Studies (Malaysia)

SE - Panelists and Japanese Co-Chairpersons, Keynote Speakers, Lead Discussants[-ote] In English only in Closed Session
Closing Lunch *Invitation Only
1S:10-13:00

Closing Lunch Hosted by I3O Kenichi, President, GFJ

3

２．Participants List
【ASEAN Panelists】
Clara JOEWONO

Vice Chair, Board of Trustees, Centre for Strategic and International Studies Foundation

H.R.H. Prince NORODOM Sirivudh

Chairman, Cambodian Institute for Cooperation & Peace (Cambodia)

SUNDRAM Pushpanathan

Deputy Secretary General, ASEAN Economic Community Department, (ASEAN Secretariat)

Daw MARAN JA TAUNG

Representative, Myanmar Institute of Strategic and International Studies /Director, Training, Research and Foreign Languages Department, MOFA(Myanmar)

Phillips J. VERMONTE

Researcher, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (Indonesia)

Carolina G. HERNANDEZ

Founding President, Institute for Strategic and Development Studies (Philippines)

NGUYEN Duc Hung

Representative, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam /former Viet Nam Ambassador to Canada (Vietnam)

Karim WAHAB

Head, Brunei Darussalam Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies (Brunei)

MAHANI Zaenal Abidin

Director General, Institute of Strategic and International Studies (Malaysia)

YEO Lay Hwee

Director, European Union Centre, Singapore Institute of International Affairs (Singapore)

Kavi CHONGKITTAVORN

Senior Fellow, Institute of Strategic and International Studies (Thailand)

Khamphao ERNTHAVANH

Director General, Institute of Foreign Affairs (Laos)【JAPANESE Panelists】
OKAWARA Yoshio

Chairman, GFJ

ITO Kenichi

President, GFJ / JFIRHIRONO Ryokichi

Professor Emeritus, Seikei University

URATA Shujiro

Professor, Waseda University

SHIMIZU Kazushi

Professor, Kyushu University

WATANABE Shige

Principal Deputy Director, Regional Policy Division, Asian and Oceanian Bureau, MOFAHASHIMOTO Hiroshi

former Ambassador to Singapore

OGASAWARA Takayuki

Professor, Yamanashi Gakuin University

KAKIZAWA Mito

Member of House of Representatives (Your Party)

HANDA Haruhisa

Chairman, Worldwide Support for Development

TERADA Takashi

Professor, Waseda University

HATOYAMA Yukio

former Prime Minister

SAHASHI Ryo

Associate Professor, Kanagawa University

ASAKAI Kazuo

former Ambassador to Myanmar(In order of appearance)【Participants】
ARAKI Yoshinobu

Professor, Musashino University

ARIMA Tatsuo

President, The Middle East Research Institute of JapanASADA Ryuichi

Staff Writer, Kyodo News

ATSUKAWA Wataru
CHEW Hwee Yong

Chief of Organizational Development, Menicon

DOKYU Seiichiro

Member of the House of Representatives

FUJISUE Kenzo

Member of the House of Councillors (DPJ)

FUKUSHIMA Akiko

Research Fellow, Joint Research Institute for Peace and Culture, Aoyama Gakuin University

FURUKATSU Tadanobu
FURUSAWA Tadahiko

Research Fellow, Eurasia 21 Research Institute

FURUYA Chikara

Professor, Toyo Gakuen University

HANAMI Kikuko

Member, The International House of JapanHIROSE Tetsuya

Secretary-General Central Secretariat, Asian-Pacific Parliamentarians’ Union

HOJO Minoru

Staff Writer, Jiji press

HOSOKAWA Daisuke

Professor, Osaka University of Economics

HYODO Nagao

former Ambassador to Poland

IKEO Aiko

Professor, Waseda University

4

ISHIGAKI Yasuji

Delegate to AALCO / Special Assistant to the Foreign Minister

ISHIGOOKA Ken

Professor, University Research Center, Nihon University

ISHIZUKA Yoshikazu

Editorial Adviser, Keizai Koho Center

ITABASHI Fuminori

Secretary to KAKIZAWA Mito Member of The House of Representatives

KUNIEDA Yasuo

Manager,The Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi UFJ

KURODA Makoto

President, Center for Information on Security Trade Control

KUROIWA Ikuo

Director General, Development Studies Center, Institute of Developing Economies, JETROMATSUI Akira

former Ambassador to Kazakhstan

MATSUSHIMA Toshio

Executive Officer, Menicon

David MILLIOTPolitical Advisor, Delegation of the European Union to Japan

Amalina MURAD

First Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Brunei Darussalam

NAKAGAMI Ryo

Student, Waseda University

NAKAGAWA Juro

President, Bussiness Intelligence Society of Japan

Daniela NIKOLOVAPolitical Affairs, Embassy of Bulgaria in Japan

NINOMIYA HideakiStudent, Waseda University

NODA Tetsuya

Court Clerk, Tomakomai Summary Court

OI Koichi

Student, Waseda University

OIKAWA Maki

Regional Policy Division, Asian and Oceanian Affairs Bureau, MOFA

OGAWA Gotaro

President, Kizunago

OGAWA Yayoi

Alumni Ambassador, Georgian Court University,NJ, U.S.

Mukhlis RAJABFirst Secretary, Embassy of Iraq in JapanSAITO Shojiformer Adviser, Mitsubishi Chemical

SAKAMOTO Masahiro

Visiting Superior Research Fellow, The Japan Forum on International Relations

SATOH Jiro

Center Director, Japan Ground Research Department

SHIRAI Motohiro

Member, Shibusawa Memorial Foundation

SHINDO Eiichi

Professor Emeritus, University of Tsukuba

SHINJYO Tomoko

External Affairs Dept, International Strategy Division, Hitachi

H.E. Datuk Shabaruddin Md SOM

Ambassador, Embassy of Malaysia to JapanSUN Zhigiang

Third Secretary, Embassy of China in JapanTAKAO Akira

Associate Individual Member, JFIRTAKAGI Kiyomitsu

Representative, East Asia Strategic Centre

TAKAHASHI Toshiya

Lecturer, Niigata University

TAKEDA Tsuneharu

Adviser, Seiko Holdings Corporation

TAJIMA Takashi

former Ambassador to Myanmar

TSUBOI Masao

Director, The Japan Singapore Association

TSUMORI Shigeru

Visiting Professor, Toin University of Yokohama

Sanjin VLASTELICA

Third Secretary and Cousul, Embassy of the Republic of Croatia

WANG Shu

Second Secretary, Embassy of China in JapanWATANABE Mayu

Opinion Leader Govenor, GFJYAGI Kazumi

Program Coordinator, The Japan Foundation

YAMAZAKI Yoko

Assistant Manager, Hitachi

YAMAZAWA Ippei

Professor Emeritus, Hitotsubashi Unibersity

YAMASHITA Eiji

Professor Emeritus, Osaka City University

YOSHIDA Hiroshi

Managing Director, Nbk Rail Finance(in Alphabetical Order)5

３．Biographies of the Panelists【ASEAN Panelists】
Vice Chair, Board of Trustees, Centre for Strategic andClara JOEWONOInternational Studies Foundation (Indonesia)
Graduated from University of Indonesia. Received M.A. from University of California,
Berkeley. Served as various positions including, Deputy Secretary of Indonesian National
Committee of Pacific Economic Cooperation Council, Member of Indonesian National
Committee of Council for Security Cooperation in Asia Pacific, and Chairperson of Bung
Hatta Anti-Corruption Award (2003-2004).

Chairman, Cambodian Institute for Cooperation

H.R.H. Prince NORODOM Sirivudh
and Peace (Cambodia)

His Royal Highness Prince NORODOM Sirivudh, the son of the late Majesty KingNORODOM Suramarit and the late Look Khun Tep Kanha Sophear, and half brother of His
Majesty King NORODOM SIHANOUK, was born on June 8th, 1951 in Phnom Penh,
Kingdom of Cambodia.

Received Master’s Degree in Economics at Paris IX of Dauphine

University in 1976. Joined the National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful
and Cooperative Cambodia (FUNCINPEC) in 1981. In the July 2003 General Elections, Prince
NORODOM Sirivudh was elected as Member of Parliament for Kandal Province of the third
legislature and was nominated as Deputy Prime Minister and Co-Minister of Interior of theRoyal Government until March 2006. From March 2006, Prince NORODOM Sirivudh is Privy
Counselor to His Majesty the King and Member of Parliament. In May 2010, King Norodom
Sihamoni appointed Prince Norodom Sirivudh as a new member of the Constitutional
Council.

Deputy Secretary General, ASEAN Economic

SUNDRAM Pushpanathan

Community Department (ASEAN Secretariat)
Graduated from the National University of Singapore. Received Master in Public Policy fromthe Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore. Heldseveral senior positions in the ASEAN Secretariat, including Principal Director of the Bureau
for Economic Integration and Finance, Director of Plus Three and External Relations, andSpecial Assistant to Secretary-General of ASEAN. Received the Lee Kuan Yew School
Outstanding Alumni Award in 2011 for his work in ASEAN.

6

Daw MARAN JA TAUNG

Representative, Myanmar Institute of Strategic and International

Studies / Director, Training, Research and Foreign Languages Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs(Myanmar)
Graduated from the University of Education, Yangon in Myanmar. Joined the Ministry ofForeign Affairs of the Union of Myanmar in 1980. Currently serving as a Director at theTraining, Research and Foreign Languages Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Phillips J. VERMONTE

Researcher, Centre for Strategic and International Studies(Indonesia)
Graduated from Universitas Padjadjaran, Indonesia in 1996. Received M.A. from Universityof Adelaide, Australia in 2001. Received Ph.D. in Political Science from Northern Illinois
University. His most recent publications include “Small is (not) Beautiful: the Problems of
Small Arms in Southeast Asia” (2004) and “Conflict and Election: a Study of the 2004 General
Election in Four Conflict Areas in Indonesia”(2005).

Carolina G. HERNANDEZ

Founding President, Institute for Strategic and Development

Studies (Philippines)
Graduated with a Bachelor of Science degree in Foreign Service from the University ofPhilippines. Received Master’s degree in International Relations from the University of
Karachi, and Ph.D. from the State University of New York, Buffalo. Served various positions
including, Chair of ASEAN-ISIS, ASEAN Co-Chair of the Council for Security Cooperation in
the Asia Pacific (CSCAP) (2009-2011). Founding President and Chief Executive Officer (CEO)of the Institute for Strategic and Development Studies (ISDS) Philippines, and Emeritus
Professor of Political Science at the University of the Philippines.

NGUYEN Duc Hung

Representative, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam /former Viet Nam Ambassador to Canada (Vietnam)

Joined Vietnam Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a career diplomat in 1973. Ambassador of
Vietnam to Singapore and Canada. While working at the MOFA headquarters in Ha Noi, heheld different positions as Chief of Staff; Assistant-Minister, Chief of Advisory Board to the
Ministerial Leadership; Assistant-Minister and Director General of Americas Department.
From 2010 up to date : He has been appointed as Ambassador, Governor for Vietnam in Asia
– Europe Foundation ( ASEF ), and Senior Advisor for Strategic Studies , Diplomatic
Academy of Vietnam, MOFA.

7

Head, Brunei Darussalam Institute of Policy and Strategic Studies

Karim WAHAB(Brunei Darussalam)

Graduated from Staffordshire University, United Kingdom in 1985. Entered Ministry ofForeign Affairs and Trade in 1985. Served various positions, including the Deputy Permanent
Representative at the Permanent Mission of Brunei Darussalam in New York (2008-2011);
Charge de Affaires, Brunei Embassy in Moscow, Russia (1998-1999); Minister Counselor,
Brunei Embassy in Jakarta, Indonesia (1993-1998) and Second Secretary, Brunei Embassy in
Bangkok, Thailand (1987-1990).

Director General, Institute of Strategic and International

MAHANI Zainal Abidin

Studies Malaysia (Malaysia)
Received Ph.D. in Development Economics from the University of London. Served as
Professor of University of Malaya, Member of the Working Group for the National Economic
Action Council, Economic Advisor to the Bank Industrial & Technology Malaysia Berhad,
Deputy Director-General, Department of higher Education, Ministry of Higher Education
Malaysia. Concurrently, serves as the Deputy President of the Malaysian Economic
Association, Chief Executive, Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS), etc.

Director, European Union Centre & Senior Research Fellow,

YEO Lay Hwee

Singapore Institute of International Affairs(Singapore)
Graduated from National University of Singapore (NUS). Received M.A (with Distinction) in
Political Science from University of Canterbury, and Ph.D from NUS. Concurrently, serves as
Adjunct Research Fellow at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, andInternational Fellow at School of Social & Political Studies, University of Melbourne. She wasawarded the Nakasone Yasuhiro Award in June 2007.

Kavi CHONGKITTAVORN

Senior Fellow, Institute of Strategic and International Studies(Thailand)
He has been a journalist, covering domestic and international affairs as well as commentaries
and editorials. Served as Bureau chief in Phnom Penh (1987-88) and Hanoi (1988-90), Special
assistantto

Secretary

Generalof

ASEAN(1994-95),

Reuterfellowat

OxfordUniversity(1993-94) and a Nieman fellow at Harvard University (2000-01). Currently, he is acolumnist of the Nation and the vernacular language, Nation Sudsubda (Nation Weekender)
and Kom Chat Luek Daily as well as the host of Inside Asia, a current affairs program.

8

Director General, Institute of Foreign Affairs

Khamphao ERNTHAVANH(Lao People’s Democratic Republic)
Graduated from the State Pedagogical Institute in Kiev, Ukraine. Entered Ministry of Foreign
Affairs in 1987. Served various positions including Second Secretary in Kuala Lumpur(1999-2002), Director of Training Division. (2004 – 2007), Director of the International
Cooperation and Administration Division. (2007-2010), Deputy Director General of theInstitute of Foreign Affairs, and (2010 - present ) Director General of the Institute of Foreign
Affairs.

【Japanese Panelists】
Chairman,

OKAWARA Yoshio

GFJ Graduated from The University of Tokyo. Entered Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1942.
Served various positions including Director-General of the American Affairs Bureau, Deputy
Vice Minister for Administration, Japanese Ambassador to Australia and Japanese
Ambassador to the United States (1980-1985). Concurrently serving as Special Adviser ofInstitute for International Policy Studies and President of America-Japan Society, Inc.

ITO Kenichi
President, GFJ / JFIR
Graduated from Hitotsubashi University. Entered Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1960. Studied
at Harvard University (1961-1963). Served various positions, including Director of FirstSoutheast Asian Division until 1977. Served as Professor at Aoyama Gakuin University(1984-2006). Concurrently serving as President of the Japan Forum on International Relations(JFIR), President of Council on East Asian Community (CEAC), and Professor Emeritus at
Aoyama Gakuin University. Received an Honorary Doctorate from the University of
Cambodia (2011).

Professor Emeritus, Seikei University

HIRONO Ryokichi

Graduated from the University of Chicago in 1958, taught for 38 years till 1998. Served as
Visiting Professor at National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies during the years 1998-2011.
Concurrently serving as member of the board of several research, academic and civil society
organizations including the Institute for Global Environmental Studies and the Japan
Committee for UNICEF.

9

Professor, Waseda University

URATA Shujiro

Received B.A from Keio University in 1973, M.A. in 1976 and Ph.D. in 1978 from Stanford
University. Served as various positions including Research Associate of the Brookings
Institution, Economist of the World Bank, and Director General of Research Institute at
People’s Finance Corporation. Concurrently serving as Research Fellow of Japan Center for
Economic Research and Senior Research Advisor at Economic Research Institute for ASEAN
and East Asia (ERIA).

Professor, Kyushu University

SHIMIZU Kazushi

Graduated from Hokkaido University in 1984. Received Ph.D from Hokkaido University. His
research interests include ASEAN Economic Cooperation, and Regional Economic
Cooperation and Automobile Industry. He is the author of Intra-ASEAN Economic
Cooperation, Minerva-Shobo. He co-edited ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), JETRO. He
was the coordinator of Asian International Forum in Fukuoka, 2001-2006.

WATANABE Shige

Principal Deputy Director, Regional Policy Division,
Asian and Oceanian Bureau, MOFA

Graduated from Hitotsubashi University. Entered Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1994. Servedin various sections including Southwest Asia Division and Embassy of Japan in the Republicof Iran as Counselor. Held the current position since 2011.

former Ambassador to Singapore

HASHIMOTO Hiroshi

Graduated from Hitotsubashi University. Entered Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1964. Served
various positions including Director of Second Southeast Asia Division, Counselor to
Embassy of Japan in Malaysia, Minister Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Embassy in theUSA, Japanese Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Austria, Slovenia, Bosnia &Herzegovina and FRY Macedonia. Served as Senior Advisor, ITOCHU Corporation.

Professor, Yamanashi Gakuin University

OGASAWARA Takayuki

Graduated from the Faculty of Law of Keio University. Received LL.M. from Keio University.
Served as Researcher at Japan Institute of International Affairs, Visiting Scholar at National
University of Singapore, Visiting Research Fellow at Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences,and Associate Professor at Hokuriku University. Held the current position since 2002.

10

Member of House of Representatives (Your Party)

KAKIZAWA Mito

Graduated from The University of Tokyo, Faculty of law. Entered Japan Broadcasting
Corporation (NHK) in 1995. Elected to a member of the Tokyo metropolitan assembly in 2001.
Currently is most frequent House member who makes questions (Total 106 times in 2011). In
2009 elected to the House of Representatives.

Chairman, Worldwide Support for Development

HANDA Haruhisa

Chairman of Worldwide Support for Development (WSD); Chancellor and Professor of the
University of Cambodia; Professor at the College of Japanese Language and Culture at
Zhejiang Gongshang University, China; Advisor to the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of
Cambodia (rank of minister); Honorary Consul of the Kingdom of Cambodia in Fukuoka;
Founder and Chairman of Asia Economic Forum（AEF）; Vice President of Royal National
Institute for the Blind（RNIB）in UK; President of the Board of Kyowa Foundation; Director of
The Japan Forum on International Relations; Business Leader Member of The Global Forumof Japan; Advisor of The Council on East Asian Community; Director of The Japan India
Association.

TERADA Takashi

Professor, Waseda University, Doshisha University (from April 2012)

Received his Ph.D from Australian National University in 1999. He was an assistant professor
at National University of Singapore and associate and full professor at Waseda University. He
is currently staying as a public policy scholar at Woodrow Wilson International Center for
Scholars in Washington DC and serving as an editorial board member for The Pacific Review
and Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs. His areas of specialty include international
relations in Asia and the Pacific, and theoretical and empirical studies of regionalism. He is
the recipient of the 2005 J.G. Crawford Award.

former Prime Minister

HATOYAMA Yukio

Received Ph.D. in Engineering from Stanford University. Served as Assistant Professor,
Senshu University. Elected Member of the House of Representatives in 1986, Parliamentary
Vice Minister to Hokkaido Development Agency (1990), Vice Chief Cabinet Secretary of
Hosokawa Cabinet (1993), President of the Democratic Party of Japan (1999), The 93rd Prime
Minister (2009).

11

Associate Professor, Kanagawa University

SAHASHI Ryo

Received his Ph.D. from the Graduate Schools of Law and Politics at the University of Tokyoand a BA from International Christian University. Served as a Postdoctoral Fellow atAustralian National University as well as an Assistant Professor at the University of Tokyo.
Concurrently serving as a Senior Research Fellow at the Sasakawa Peace Foundation, a Tokyo
Foundation–German Marshall Fund Partnership Fellow and a Research Fellow at the Japan
Center for International Exchange.

former Ambassador to Myanmar

ASAKAI Kazuo

Entered Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1965. Served various positions including
Deputy-Director General for Economic Affairs (1993-95), Director-General for economic andsocial issues of the UN(1995-97), Ambassador based in Tokyo responsible for environmental
issues and for trade issues (2000- 2002), Japanese Ambassador to the EU (2002-2005).
Concurrently serving as Visiting Professor at Ritsumeikan University. He was awarded an
Honorary Doctorate of Laws from his alma mater, Amherst College (US).

(In order of appearance)

12

Ⅱ. Outlines of Discussions of
THE JAPAN-ASEAN DIALOGUE

Outlines of Discussions
The Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR), the Global Forum of Japan (GFJ) and theASEAN Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ASEAN-ISIS) co-sponsored the 9th
Japan-ASEAN Dialogue in Tokyo on March 13th-15th.
The “Dialogue,” which had 101 participants in total, featured lively discussion among theexperts in attendance. The “Dialogue” began with the Welcome Dinner on the 13th, followed by afull-day “Dialogue” consisting of three Sessions open to the public and a Roundtable Dinner on the
14th and a “Policy Recommendations Drafting Meeting” closed to the public on the 15th.

Session I: ASEAN Economic Community and Japan’s Contribution
In Session I, entitled “ASEAN Economic Community and Japan’s Contribution,” two keynote
speakers made presentations. Prof. URATA Shujiro stated, “the object of the ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC) is to transform ASEAN into a region with free movement of goods, services,
investment, and skilled labor, and a freer flow of capital. Substantial progress has been made toward
establishing the AEC but there still remains much to be done. The extent of progress varies widely by
area. Significant progress has been made with trade in goods, for example, while difficulties have beenencountered in service trade and investment. Japan has three ways of contributing to the AEC. Firstly,
Japan can help achieve a single market and a highly competitive region through infrastructure-building
to improve logistics. Secondly, Japan can also endeavor to bring about a region with equitable economic
development by assisting SME and supporting efforts to address gender issues. Lastly, in order toachieve full integration with the global economy, Japan should liberate its agricultural sector andpromote the realization of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia (CEPEA). Japan canthen make effective use of the CEPEA framework.”
Next, Mr. SUNDRAM Pushpanathan remarked, “In 2007, the ASEAN leaders agreed tohasten the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2015 and to transform ASEAN
into a region with free movements of goods, services, investment, and skilled labor, as well as a freer
flow of capital. The ASEAN economic integration framework is generally characterized by internal
integration. In addition to this, however, we also need to consider external economic relations, basicallycomprising the ASEAN FTAs and CEPs now being implemented or pursued. ASEAN-Japan economic
relations are very important. We in ASEAN sincerely appreciate Japan’s continued support, cooperationand partnership over the years, especially in the field of technology transfer. By creating a win-win
situation in our cooperation, the ASEAN-Japan relationship will progress further.”Session II: East Asia Security and Japan-ASEAN Cooperation
Session II looked at the topic of “East Asia Security and Japan-ASEAN Cooperation,” and two
keynote speakers offered presentations. Prof. Carolina G. HERNANDEZ commented, “Japan and
ASEAN have a long history of friendship and mutually beneficial relations almost from the very
establishment of ASEAN, and the 2011 Bali Declaration will further develop this cooperative
relationship. The declaration endorsed five strategies to further enhance regional peace, stability andprosperity. It also adopted twelve broad principles and commitments for political-security cooperation.
From now on, firmer political will is required to craft concrete cooperation measures such as improving
cooperation within the various ASEAN organizations, reframing maritime security from the viewpointof ensuring people’s livelihoods, enhancing law enforcement cooperation, upholding the freedom andsafety of navigation and peaceful settlement of disputes, and lastly developing multi-stakeholder
13dialogues. While we know that there are many challenges ahead, we also see many opportunities forachieving this cooperation.”
Subsequently, Prof. OGASAWARA Takayuki stated, “The main factor in exploring
political-security cooperation between ASEAN and Japan has been their common interest in
non-traditional security issues. It is undeniable that China’s rapid military buildup and assertiveness in
the region has become another factor in promoting cooperation. Japan will be putting continuousemphasis on the socio-economic development of ASEAN countries in a manner that enhances ASEAN
connectivity. Peace and stability in the seas connecting ASEAN and Japan are essential for theprosperity of the region. However, we need to realize that the US-China strategic equilibrium is the
keystone to maintaining peace and stability in the East Asia region. ‘ASEAN’s centrality’ and
ASEAN-Japan cooperation will not be effective unless the equilibrium brings peace and stability to theregion. It is advisable for Japan and ASEAN countries to upgrade their own security capabilities
through defense cooperation and capacity building, while cooperating with the US as it reconfirms its
status as an Asia-Pacific nation.”

Session III: Entangled Regional Architecture and ASEAN Community
Session III featured two presentations on the subject of “Entangled Regional Architecture and
ASEAN Community.” Ms. YEO Lay Hwee asserted, “Since ASEAN was founded, it has always been
an outward-looking organisation. ASEAN is an instrument designed to enable member states toenhance their autonomy and minimize any interference from major powers or neighbouring countries.
With the end of the Cold War and the intensifying global economic competition today, it is necessary
for ASEAN to enhance regional community-building and at the same time manage “external affairs” inthe region. Although there are many overlapping architectures in Asia, it is necessary for ASEAN to
manage all these architectures and help drive the process to collectively solve problems at the regionaland global level. On the other hand, the role of Japan remains significant. Henceforth, Japan will be
required not only to support ASEAN in many of its community building initiatives but also to play anactive role in coordinating the various interests and challenges that different architectures face.”
Mr. HATOYAMA Yukio followed up by noting, “The East Asia Community initiative isextremely important, and at the core of this initiative are ASEAN, Japan, South Korea and China. While
ASEAN is making efforts towards becoming a community in 2015, Japan, China and South Korea needto strengthen their relationships in order to overcome historical barriers. When talking about the East
Asia Community, I am often asked about the scope of ‘East Asia.’ I answer that there is no need toestablish a rigid boundary for the region; instead, we should extend a multi-tiered network ofcommunities across the region. It is important for countries to practice “cooperation to ensure mutual
prosperity”, “cooperation to save lives”, “cooperation to save the environment in Asia ” and“cooperation to create a future of fraternalism.” Since we cannot address the matter of the region’s
security without the United States, it is in our best interest to discuss political and security matters at
EAS and APEC.”

Policy Recommendations Drafting Meeting
On the following day (the 15th), the “Policy Recommendations Drafting Meeting” which wasclosed to the public was held to draft specific “policy recommendations”. JFIR and each of theASEAN-ISIS member institutions submitted the Policy Recommendations to their respective
governments of Japan and ASEAN.

14

Ⅲ. Policy Recommendations of
THE JAPAN-ASEAN DIALOGUEPOLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

ofThe 9 Japan-ASEAN Dialogue
Tokyo, Japan, 14-15 March 2012
on
“The Future of ASEAN Integration and Japan’s Role:
Japan-ASEAN Partnership after New Joint Declaration”
TH

The 2011 Bali Declaration by ASEAN and Japan recognizes the changing global andregional environments that will impact on their bilateral cooperation as well as theirrespective societies. The current European sovereign debt crisis that followed theglobal financial and economic crises of 2008/09, global warming and climate changethat have increased the risks to human security from natural disasters, major power
shifts across the globe and within East Asia and the Asia-Pacific region that offer both
opportunities and challenges to the well-being of peoples and states, the continuingchallenges posed by nuclear proliferation and other weapons of mass destruction(WMDs) and transnational crimes, as well as sustainable and equitable development
are certain to have far-reaching global, regional and domestic implications.
Recognizing these realities and the value of collaborative and collective action, the
new joint declaration can serve as an important vehicle to further Japan and ASEAN
strategic partnership especially to ensure East Asia’s peace and prosperity as well as
ASEAN integration both as a statement of commitment to broad principles ofcooperation and avenues for concrete joint action to ensure peace and prosperity for
all in this region.
Responding to the need to assist in the success of Japan-ASEAN cooperation,
including in the implementation of the 2011 Bali Declaration, the 9th Japan-ASEAN
Dialogue is pleased to present this set of policy recommendations to the governmentsof Japan and the ASEAN Member Countries for their consideration.
ASEAN Economic Community and Japan’s Contribution
Welcoming the decision of the ASEAN Leaders to build an ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC), recognizing the progress made by ASEAN in implementing the
AEC Blueprint, acknowledging the remaining tasks towards the full realization of the16AEC, and the significant contribution Japan can make towards the realization of the
AEC, the 9th Japan-ASEAN Dialogue makes the following set of policy
recommendations:
1. ASEAN should accelerate intra- and extra-ASEAN trade, investment andfinancial flows through further reduction of non-tariff barriers particularly inservice, trade, and foreign direct investments; its further extension to the
movement of skilled and professional manpower and businessmen within
ASEAN and between ASEAN and Japan that can be facilitated by the
implementation of MRAs among them.
2. ASEAN governments should more effectively deal with poverty reduction,
income inequality and environmental degradation in order to ensuresustainable and equitable development in their societies throughvarious/appropriate policy measures.
3. Japan should further liberalize its imports of agricultural products while
promoting agricultural restructuring based on comparative advantages and theprovision of support to its farmers adversely affected.
4. Japan should expand its technical and financial assistance to ASEAN economic
integration and for reinforcing national-cum-regional standards for food, drug
and industrial safety, improving youth education, health and social services,and expanding people-to-people and cultural exchanges.
5. To help narrow the development gap within ASEAN, Japan should provide
more technical and financial support to ASEAN late-comer countries in thefields of trade, SME development, agricultural modernization, food security,
climate change, environmental protection and human resource development.
6. Japan should increase its effective disaster prevention and post-disaster relief
programmes in ASEAN in the light of their common location in the ‘Ring ofFire’ as seen in the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake/Tsunami and the series ofnatural disasters suffered by ASEAN countries in recent years.
7. Based on the 2011 Bali Declaration, Japan should accelerate its assistance to
ASEAN countries in infrastructure and connectivity development, technology
upgrading and capacity enhancement in all the pillars of sustainability such as
economic, social, environmental, and cultural.
8. Japan and ASEAN should extend to their national policies on trade, investment
and other cross-border measures the conduct of peer review of macroeconomic policy measures that are done under the Chiang Mai Initiative of theASEAN Plus Three (APT) countries in order to accelerate closer economic
integration between Japan and ASEAN.

17

9. Ahead of the realization of the AEC, Japan and ASEAN should coordinate theirpolicies on pressing global issues such as climate change, biodiversity, foodand energy security, water and natural resources conservation for presentation
to regional bodies such as the APT, EAS, APEC, UNESCAP, and wider
groupings to which they both belong such as ASEM and the international
community.
East Asia Security and Japan-ASEAN Cooperation
Having worked as Dialogue Partners in constructive cooperation activities since 1973,
having shared the view of comprehensive security and optimized the opportunities
that opened up at various historical junctures to promote regional peace andprosperity in East Asia, recognizing the various complex factors shaping East Asia
security at present, and guided by the 2011 Bali Declaration, the 9th Japan-ASEAN
Dialogue is pleased to make the following set of policy recommendations for theconsideration of the governments of Japan and the ASEAN Member Countries:
10. ASEAN and Japan should improve their cooperation within the APT, ARF,
ADMM Plus and its Experts Working Groups (EWGs) by ensuring to put in theagenda of these bodies cross-cutting issues such as natural disaster risk
reduction.
11. ASEAN and Japan should enhance existing framework for maritime-related
cooperation between them and also consider reframing maritime security toinclude both traditional (such as piracy and anti-terrorism) as well as maritimerelated risks to the security of their peoples such as illegal fishing, over-fishing,other crimes at sea, and marine pollution.
12. ASEAN Member Countries should consider restructuring their maritime
security forces such as the establishment of civilian coast guard in order toenable them to enhance cooperation with Japan (which can extend suchtechnical assistance as coast guard training) for ensuring East Asia security.
13. ASEAN and Japan should contribute to the upholding of freedom and safety ofnavigation and peaceful settlement of disputes including in areas that form
part of the sea lanes of communication (SLOCs) in the East Asian region.
14. ASEAN and Japan should continue their constructive engagement withexternal powers including the U.S. and China to promote mutual
understanding as responsible stakeholders in East Asian security cooperation.

18

Entangled Regional Architecture and ASEAN Community
Acknowledging that East Asia’s regional architecture consisting of political, economic,
functional, and other mechanisms and bodies is more ‘overlapping’ rather than‘entangled’, that the concentric circles of cooperation mechanisms have been useful inbuilding the regional architecture, and that ASEAN has enabled its growth anddevelopment over time, recognizing that ASEAN integration is necessary to sustain its
crucial role in the further development of the regional architecture and that Japan
fully supports the leading role ASEAN plays in this regard, the 9th Japan-ASEAN
Dialogue makes the following set of policy recommendations:
15. ASEAN should use the concentric circles in the regional architecture forinternal community-building and forging strong external relationships tofacilitate the process of building an Asia-Pacific regional architecture.
16. ASEAN should do more to acknowledge Japan’s contribution to the economic
and social development of the ASEAN region that was achieved through theuse of Japan’s soft power.
17. ASEAN should ensure its leading role in the process of building a regionalarchitecture by implementing the blueprints for the three pillars of the ASEAN
Community: AEC, APSC, and ASCC using creative and innovative approaches
and methods.
18. Japan and ASEAN should jointly help clarify the goals, objectives, and scope ofthe concentric circles in the regional architecture towards making the AsiaPacific a vibrant global growth center and also work closely in order to play an
influential role in dealing with key global issues such as the global financial
architecture and environmental protection to benefit the region.
19. Japan should enhance its assistance to ASEAN to ensure the achievement of theASEAN community of three pillars through various programmes such as the
Mekong River Development Initiative as well as the streamlining of Japanesedevelopmental and aid agencies operating in ASEAN countries towards morestrategic collaboration between Japan and ASEAN countries.

19

Ⅳ. Keynote Papers of Discussions of
THE JAPAN-ASEAN DIALOGUE

Session I : ASEAN Economic Community and Japan's Contribution
URATA Shujiro
Professor, Waseda University

ASEAN Economic Community (AEC)
AEC envisages the following key characteristics: (a) a single market and production base, (b) ahighly competitive economic region, (c) a region of equitable economic development, and (d) a region
fully integrated into the global economy. The AEC areas of cooperation include human resources
development and capacity building; recognition of professional qualifications; closer consultation on
macroeconomic and financial policies; trade financing measures; enhanced infrastructure andcommunications connectivity; development of electronic transactions through e-ASEAN; integrating
industries across the region to promote regional sourcing; and enhancing private sector involvement forthe building of the AEC. In short, the AEC will transform ASEAN into a region with free movement ofgoods, services, investment, skilled labour, and freer flow of capital. The ASEAN Leaders adopted theASEAN Economic Blueprint at the 13th ASEAN Summit on 20 November 2007 in Singapore to serve
as a coherent master plan guiding the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community 2015.
Policy Measures to Achieve AEC: AEC Blueprint(1) elimination of tariffs, (2) elimination of non-tariff barriers (NTBs), (3) trade facilitation,(4) liberalization of service trade, (5) investment liberalization and facilitation, (6) mutual recognition
agreements (MRAs for free flow of skilled labor), (7) competition policy and intellectual property rightprotection, (8) SME development, (9) transport, infrastructure and logistics
Progress toward AEC
Substantial progress has been made toward achieving AEC but there still remain much to be
done. The extent of progress varies widely among different areas. For example, good progress has been
made for trade in goods, particularly in the areas of tariff elimination. However, considerable progresshas to be made in the areas of non-tariff barriers, trade facilitation (e.g. implementation of ASEAN
Single Window) and standards and conformance. Service trade has been liberalized but there still remain
substantial barriers. Difficulty lies in that in order to achieve free flow of services service tradeliberalization generally requires domestic regulatory reforms. Investment has been liberalized but muchremains to be done. Progress on MRAs on professional services varies among the countries and among
services. For example, progress has been most advanced in implementation for architectural andengineering services.
Japan’s Contribution
Toward achieving a single market and a highly competition region(1) Infrastructure building for improving logistics, etc.
(2) Provision of technical assistance in formulating and implementing programs for achieving AEC
through various programs conducted by the Japanese government, JETRO, JETRO-IDE, JICA,ERIA and others.
(3) Identification and reporting of the bottlenecks (problems) faced by Japanese businesses to
ASEAN member states and ASEAN Secretariat both directly through business organizations
20

such as chamber of commerce and indirectly through government channels.
(4) It may be advisable for the ASEAN secretariat to set up committee to collect the private sector’sopinions on the problems in achieving free movement of goods, services, investment andprofessionals.
(5) Open up Japan’s market for ASEAN products (including agricultural products) via
ASEAN-Japan EPA.
Toward achieving a region with equitable economic development(1) Provision of assistance for SME development(2) Provision of assistance for gender development(3) Provision of assistance to deal with poverty(4) Provision of assistance for human resource development (assist students to study in Japan)
Toward achieving full integration with the global economy
As a step toward full integration with the global economy, Japan should make efforts to realize
ASEAN+6 (CEPEA) FTA.

21

SUNDRAM Pushpanathan

Deputy Secretary General, ASEAN Economic, Community
Department (ASEAN Secretariat)

Overview

1. In 2007, the ASEAN Leaders agreed to hasten the establishment of the ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC) by 2015 and to transform ASEAN into a region with free movements of goods,
services, investment, skilled labour, and a freer flow of capital. The AEC Blueprint is founded onfour pillars: (a) single market and production base; (b) highly competitive economic region; (c)equitable economic development; and (d) fully integrated into the global economy.
2. ASEAN economic integration framework is generally characterized by (a) internal integration, mainly
working towards the creation of a single market and production base under the AEC; and (b) external
economic relations, comprising basically ASEAN’s FTAs and CEPs which are being implemented or
pursued. The framework and approaches are intended to strengthen ASEAN economic performance aswell as achieving ASEAN Centrality on a multi-faceted basis.

ASEAN-Japan Economic Relations

3. Japan is a major trading partner for ASEAN. Japan has been ASEAN’s top two trading partner till 2009,
when China overtook Japan in terms of trade value with ASEAN. Japan was ASEAN’s third largest
trading partner in 2010 with 10% share of ASEAN’s total trade. In 2010, total trade grew by 28.4%,
amounting to US$206.6 billion.
4. Japan is also an important source of foreign direct investment (FDI) to ASEAN. Since 2000, Japan
maintained as the top four largest sources of FDIs, except for 2008 and 2009. In 2010, FDI from Japan to
ASEAN showed a significant increase of 124.3% from US$3.8 billion in 2009 to US$8.4 billion. Japan
contributed 11.4% of total inward investment into ASEAN in 2010.
5. The ASEAN-Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership (AJCEP) Agreement was signed in April 2008
and entered into force in December 2008. All Parties have ratified the AJCEP Agreement. ASEAN andJapan are currently negotiating the Services and Investment. Japan has bilateral Economic Partnership
Agreements with Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

6. The devastating earthquake and tsunami which hit Japan a year ago provided a glimpse of thesignificant economic interdependence between ASEAN and Japan. The disaster that struck Japan on
11 March 2011 destroyed, damaged or interrupted thousands of businesses within Japan and acrossthe globe. Although the area that suffered most account for around 4% of the GDP, the region hosted
major automotive, electronics and other manufacturing firms that contribute to the extensive supply
chain network between ASEAN and Japan, in particular.

Japan’s Contribution towards AEC

7. As the very first “Dialogue Partner” for ASEAN, Japan and ASEAN have forged a robust
partnership that has contributed significantly to the region's economic, social, and politicaldevelopment. Under the institutional framework of ASEAN-Japan Strategic Partnership, there are
more than 20 sectoral bodies under the economic pillar, ranging from the Ministerial Consultations
such as ASEAN-Japan Economic Ministers (AEM-METI) Consultations, ASEAN-Japan
22

Telecommunications and IT Ministers (TELMIN+Japan) Meeting as well as ASEAN and Japan
Transport Ministers’ Meeting (ATM+Japan) to ASEAN-Japan Senior Officials and Working Groups
meetings on specific areas such as AJCEP, information and communication technology (ICT), energy,
Customs and transport.
8. ASEAN-Japan cooperation and initiatives under the various sectoral bodies include the following:i.Smart Community Initiative and the Asian Sustainable Chemical Safety Plan initiated by Japan;ii.

The ASEAN-Japan Senior Officials Meeting on Energy (SOME-METI) Work Programme
2010-2011 comprising three major projects: 1) Energy Supply Security Planning in ASEAN(ESSPA); 2) Promotion of Energy Efficiency and Conservation (PROMEEC); and 3)
Multi-Country Training Program on Energy Conservation for ASEAN (MTPEC);

iii. ASEAN-Japan Transport Partnership Work Plan for 2011–2012, including the "Automobile

Technical Cooperation Project on Safety and Environment", "Action Plan on Environment
Improvement" and "ASEAN-Japan Logistics Partnership"; andiv. ASEAN-Japan Collaboration Framework on Information Security that expanded thecooperation to a higher level, notably on the joint awareness raising initiatives, information
security screening, and a framework on information security. The ASEAN Smart Network
Concept was proposed to support the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity.
9. The "New Partnership for Peace and Prosperity" announced by then Prime Minister Nobuo Takeshita
and his ASEAN counterparts in 1987 recognised the growing significance of private sector cooperationin the region's growth. Japanese MNEs in ASEAN contribute toward:i.the development of production network in East Asia, taking advantage of the ASEAN’s intra andextra- free trade agreements;
ii. economic growth of the region by spurring the development of SMEs and supporting industries;iii. technological capability of local industries through technology transfers and upgrading skills of
local employees; andiv. improved infrastructure and business environment through lobby of Japanese investors withlocal/federal governments.

10. The ASEAN-Japan 10-Year Strategic Economic Cooperation Plan is being developed to provide theframework for ASEAN and Japan to cooperate and collaborate in mutually beneficial areas; realise
the shared vision of a prosperous and sustainable society; and consolidate existing cooperation
initiatives in order to enhance economic/industrial cooperation programs which will appropriately
respond to the actual business needs. The Roadmap is an outcome of the dialogue between the
Economic Ministers of ASEAN and Japan, the Secretary-General of ASEAN and the Federation ofJapanese Chamber of Commerce and Industry in ASEAN (FJCCIA) held on 9 July 2011 in Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia, and is targeted for completion by the 18th AEM-METI Consultations in 2012.

Japan’s Contribution towards Capacity Building

11. Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) program has played a particularly important rolein the region's economic dynamism and continues to be a pillar of support for ASEAN's newest
members. One of the many initiatives includes the attachment programme for the CLMV young
diplomats at the ASEAN Secretariat. Japan has been very active and supportive of theimplementation of the IAI Work Plan II as well as to other sub-regional frameworks in particular
the Greater Mekong Sub-region, Japan-Mekong Cooperation. For example, in December 2003, Japan23

committed to contribute USD 1.5 billion for the Mekong Region Development project within three
years as an initiative under the ASEAN-Japan Plan of Action.
12. In March 2006, Japan established an initial 7.5 billion yen (approximately 70 million US Dollars) to
support ASEAN integration. The objectives of the Japan-ASEAN Integration Fund (JAIF) include:i.supporting the efforts of the ASEAN Member States to pursue the comprehensive integration of
ASEAN towards the realisation of an open, dynamic and resilient ASEAN Community;
ii. supporting the implementation of the ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC), ASEAN
Economic Community (AEC), and ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) Blueprints; andiii. promoting cooperation between Japan and ASEAN (as well as between Japan and the Member
States of ASEAN), including transfer of technology and inflow of investment from Japan to
ASEAN Member States

13. JAIF plays a pertinent role in the implementation of cooperation projects between ASEAN andJapan. From April 2010 to February 2012, 73 projects have been implemented under JAIF, 45
on-going and 18 pending approval. JAIF will continue supporting the implementation of many
ASEAN-Japan initiatives, including the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) andnarrowing development gap.
14. Since 2008 to 2011, the AEM-METI Economic and Industrial Cooperation Committee (AMEICC) has
implemented 91 projects which include training programmes, seminars, workshops, investment
promotion missions, expert services and feasibility studies. Future cooperation will strive to realise
the sectoral integration initiative and equitable development such as promotion of SMEs anddevelopment of CLMV countries.

Japan’s Contribution towards Connectivity

15. Japan has conveyed strong commitment for enhancing connectivity under the visions of “Formation of
the Vital Artery for East-West and Southern Economic Corridor” and “Maritime Economic Corridor”,
among others. Japan had identified 33 flagship projects related to the three ASEAN corridors (East-West
Corridor, Southern Economic Corridor and Maritime Economic Corridor). Japan’s support in theimplementation of the MPAC include the development of ports, infrastructure and transportation
network including logistics improvement.
16. Japan’s strong commitment is substantiated by the establishment of a Task Force on Connectivity, which
comprises relevant Japanese Ministries, Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), Japan Bank forInternational Cooperation (JBIC), Keidanren and Japan Chamber of Commerce and Industry (JCCI).
This special Task Force aims to promote Japan’s participation in the implementation of the MPAC andinteract with the ASEAN Connectivity Coordinating Committee.

Conclusion

17. In Japan’s “New Growth Strategy” which was launched in June 2011, the Government of Japan
clearly shows its intention to support the economic growth of its Asian neighbours, and pursue
Japan’s own growth together with ASEAN. That has remained unchanged even after thedevastating natural disaster. Japan has been a mentor and a close friend to ASEAN. We in ASEAN
sincerely appreciate Japan’s continued support, cooperation and partnership over the years and in
the future.

24

Session II : East Asia Security and Japan-ASEAN Cooperation

Carolina G. HERNANDEZ
Founding President, Institute for Strategic and Development Studies(Philippines)
EAST ASIA SECURITY AND JAPAN-ASEAN COOPERATION1
Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have a long history of friendshipand mutually-beneficial relations almost since ASEAN’s establishment in 1967. It helped that both parties
adopted the concept of comprehensive security manifestly different from the concept embraced by the restof the world especially during the Cold War. It also helped that they had complementary economies,
making economic cooperation almost a natural development. Natural-resource rich ASEAN and capital andtechnology-endowed Japan made for a perfect economic and functional partnership. Japan’s wartime
exploits in Southeast Asia were also somewhat muted by good neighborly relations. Economic andfunctional cooperation fitted in very well with their comprehensive conception of security, i.e., economic andsocio-cultural security cooperation.
Military cooperation was beyond the scope of Japan-ASEAN security cooperation. ASEAN does nothave a single set of foreign and security policies. Each member state adopts its own, and because ASEAN isa hugely diverse grouping of nations, its members continue to espouse different foreign and security
policies as individual countries. As a group, though, ASEAN has consistently followed the policy of
independence from any of the foreign and security policies of key actors in the region and in the world. A
policy of equidistance from the major powers at any point in time is evident in ASEAN’s engagement withthe outside world.
As dialogue partners since 1973, Japan enabled the building of physical infrastructures and humanskills for economic development in ASEAN. Their economic interdependence helped make ASEAN the mosteconomically dynamic region in the world before the 1997/8 financial crisis. Japan’s competition with China
contributed to the forging of closer economic and functional relations with ASEAN including the 2003 Tokyo
Declaration.
The 2011 Bali Declaration endorsed five (5) strategies to further enhance regional peace, stability,and prosperity: (1) strengthening political-security cooperation, (2) intensifying cooperation for ASEAN
community-building, (3) enhancing ASEAN-Japan connectivity to consolidate bilateral ties, (4) jointly
creating a more disaster-resilient society, and (5) jointly addressing common regional and global challenges.
It adopted twelve (12) broad principles and commitments for political-security cooperation. It is against
these twelve (12) broad items that one can imagine the likely direction of Japan-ASEAN cooperation topromote East Asian security. Some can be used as bases for concrete measures in security cooperation, butmany are simply guiding principles.

Keynote Presentation, Session II, 9th Japan-ASEAN Dialogue, “The Future of ASEAN Integration andJapan’s Role – Japan-ASEAN Partnership after the New Joint Declaration”, Global Forum of Japan and
ASEAN ISIS, International House of Japan, Tokyo, 14-15 March 2012.

125

A firmer political will is required to craft concrete cooperation measures. Among those that can beconcretized are (1) improved cooperation within the APT, EAS, ARF, ADMM Plus and its Experts Working
Groups (EWGs) by adopting an issue such as natural disaster risk reduction and management in theagendas of these bodies; (2) addressing the concerns of their peoples by reframing maritime security toinclude illegal fishing, over fishing, marine pollution, crimes at sea other than piracy and anti-terrorism 2; (3)improving law enforcement cooperation to redress transnational crimes, including by restructuring
maritime security forces (i.e., demilitarizing navies through the establishment of civilian coast guards), andcapacity building for ASEAN coast guards; (4) upholding freedom and safety of navigation and peacefulsettlement of disputes using the ADMM Plus and its EWGs; and (5) developing multi-stakeholder dialogues
to build regional constituencies around sensitive issues in the Bali Declaration that are critical to East Asia’s
security.
These are hugely challenging matters, but they are necessary to achieve East Asian security. Due tothe region’s attachment to state sovereignty, a useful and easier starting point is the conduct of dialogues
among various stakeholders in and outside governments to eventually develop regional constituencies
around items for political-security cooperation outlined in the Bali Declaration.
The trajectory of global peace could very well be decided in East Asia and the broader Asia-Pacificregion as we see the focal points of the shifting array of power and influence shaping our present worldconcentrated in this broad and dynamic region. The world’s surviving great powers – the US and Russia are located in this region. The new emergent powers of China and India are also in this region. And so are
middle powers or combination of actors with some political weight in the current global power structuresuch as Australia, ASEAN, Canada, South Korea, among others. It is also in this region where the two
remnants of the Cold War reside – two divided nations that refuse to merge or whose parts simply would
not wither away: the Chinese and the Koreans. Their continuing division poses a risk to East Asian security.
Indeed, the challenges are many, and they are transborder requiring transnational solutions. The
common goal of Japan and ASEAN to realize a peaceful, stable and prosperous region remains challenged
generally by the international system of sovereign states following the 1648 Peace of Westphalia. Since then,various technologies have shrunk the world, rendering national boundaries almost meaningless andblurring the distinction between the domestic and external domains. Major wars altered international
relations including international law and international organizations. New global values emerged out of theashes of human brutality against each other. And states adjusted accordingly, until their situation became
intolerable leading to changes in the way international life used to be lived. 3
ASEAN member states being highly diverse and too far apart in their foreign and security policies,
security cooperation with Japan will have to be on a case-by-case basis. Many ASEAN member states arealso far too small and unable to stand up against their historical and traditional patrons (Cambodia in
relation to China, and the Philippines in relation to the US are obvious examples). Myanmar has become
extremely dependent on Chinese financial and political support. And all countries of Southeast Asia but
Thailand were victims of Japanese invasion during the Pacific War. Also, the adage that ‘success has many
fathers while failure is an orphan’ unfortunately applies in the case of East Asia where most of Japan’s
partners during the golden age of the flying geese model of development have since been sucked by
See Rizal Sukma, “Maritime Security in Southeast Asia: The Human Security Dimension”, and Jun Honna,“Crimes at Sea and Human Insecurity in Southeast Asia: Towards a New Paradigm,” in Carolina G.
Hernandez, (ed.), Mainstreaming Human Security in ASEAN Integration: Regional Public Goods and Human
Security- Volume 1 (Quezon City: Institute for Strategic and Development Studies, 2011), pp. 35-52; and53-84.
3 This theme has been a major focus of the author’s graduate seminars in International Relations andInternational Studies over the past decade or more at the University of the Philippines where she isProfessor Emeritus.
2

26

Beijing’s magnetic pull during its phenomenal economic rise. The relevant question facing bilateral
cooperation between Japan and ASEAN especially under the 2011 Bali Declaration is whether the present
political and other realities framing East Asia are conducive to more effective security cooperation between
them.
The opportunities for enhanced security cooperation between Japan and ASEAN may well lie inthe continued perception that Beijing’s political-security behavior remains distant from its
diplomatic-political rhetoric; its assertiveness in the regime of East Asia’s oceans, its continuing
unsatisfactory record in the area of human rights and democracy, as well as fiscal and economic policies thatare seen as detrimental to the interest of ASEAN member states and others. Among some claimant states in
the South China Sea disputes whose experience of Chinese assertiveness in the oceans resonates with thoseJapan experienced, closer cooperation in maintaining freedom and safety of navigation might be feasible.
Also, in combating transnational crimes that plague Southeast Asian states, closer cooperation throughbetter law enforcement including through coast guard cooperation is feasible. ASEAN has also much to gainfrom Japan’s support - especially if matched by resources – for ASEAN’s centrality in East Asian regionalism.
Successful integration and community building by ASEAN can enhance its prospects for this role being
sustained into the future, in spite of a risen China because the latter needs the support of the rest in theregion to assume regional leadership, especially should the US refuse to fade away.
Additionally, some individual ASEAN member states share similar defense policies with Japan. For
instance, both the Philippines and Thailand remain military treaty allies of the United States (US), andalthough Singapore does not have a formal military alliance with Washington, its defense policy is closely
identified with that of the US as seen in its hosting of US military personnel and naval ships in Changi Naval
Base and its participation in the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) led by the Pentagon after the 9/11
attacks. Singapore appears wedded to a close defense and military relations with the US while others suchas Brunei, Indonesia, and Malaysia have military arrangements on a commercial basis with Washington.
Also, Indonesia and the Philippines benefit from Japan’s coast guard capacity building programs tostrengthen maritime security and enhance maritime security cooperation in East Asia following theorganization of a separate civilian coast guard from their navies. Malaysia and Singapore belong to the Five
Power Defense Arrangement (FPDA) with Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom (UK), andfollowing the increasing assertiveness of China especially in the South China Sea, Vietnam forged militaryties with and opened up some of its military bases to the US.
Given these examples and insights, Japan and ASEAN should be able to find areas to enhance theirsecurity cooperation among those identified in the 2011 Bali Declaration. The issue is how to proceedwithout unnecessarily rocking the East Asian security boat.

27

OGASAWARA Takayuki
Professor, Yamanashi Gakuin University

ASEAN-Japan Cooperation for Peace and Stability of East Asia
The 2011 Bali Declaration endorsed five strategies including Political-Security cooperation. Amongnotable points are: enhanced ASEAN Connectivity and the future plan of ASEAN connectivity plus;
emergency preparedness, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief; maritime security and maritime
safety; open, transparent and inclusive regional architecture in which ASEAN maintains centrality; policy
dialogue and cooperation in various areas including Korean Peninsula.
The main factor of exploring the political-security cooperation between ASEAN and Japan has
been their common interest in non-traditional security issues such as heavy armed pirates, illegal flow ofsmall arms, and non-state terrorism. It is undeniable, however, that China’s rapid military build-up andassertiveness in the region has become another factor of promoting the cooperation.
Japan will continuously put emphasis on socio-economic development of ASEAN countries in amanner of enhancing ASEAN connectivity. This is not only because of diversity among ASEAN countries
but also of Japan’s own strength of comprehensive security. A strong and integrated ASEAN Community
would serve as a strategic anchor in East Asia to maintain peace and stability as well as to promote
prosperity within the region and beyond.
Peace and stability in the sea that connects ASEAN and Japan is essential for the prosperity of theregion. The United States, along with other partners of ASEAN and Japan, is a legitimate stake holder in“freedom of navigation” in the sea. East Asia Summit (EAS) focusing on strategic issues, as well as ASEAN
Regional Forum (ARF), has become a manifestation of hedging strategy through consultation andcooperation. The US confirmation of “Asia-Pacific Power” is also encouraging.
It is advisable for Japan and ASEAN countries to upgrade their own security capacity. One way inwhich they can enhance their denial capability is through defence cooperation with their partners. Most of
the defence cooperation with the US in this region is organised by US forces stationed in Japan. Also Japan
should collaborate with willing members of ASEAN for their capacity building.

28

Session III : Entangled Regional Architecture and ASEAN Community

YEO Lay Hwee
Director, European Union Centre & Senior Research Fellow, Singapore
Institute of International Affairs(Singapore)
Introduction

ASEAN was founded in 1967, and over the last four decades, ASEAN despite all its trials andtribulations had managed to stitch together a network of groupings centred on ASEAN. Besides thevarious ASEAN plus One dialogue partnerships, we now have in the Asian region, the ASEAN Plus Three(APT) process, the East Asia Summit (EAS) and across regions, ARF, ASEM and APEC. However, ASEAN’s
solidarity and ability to drive the regional processes in Asia have been increasingly questioned over the last
few years. The active chairmanship of ASEAN by Indonesia in 2010-2011 has helped to lower the tone ofcriticisms, particularly those coming from outside ASEAN.
Yet, it is also increasingly evident that for ASEAN to continue to drive the regional processes andensure that the various evolving processes and forums do not become entangled, ASEAN need to be morecohesive and coherent and united as a Community while at the same time nimble and flexible. Let me
elaborate.

ASEAN Community with Big Cs

ASEAN has always been an outward looking regional organisation, founded in the 1960s not forpursuing integration, but really as an instrument for the member states to enhance their autonomy andminimise any interference from major powers or neighbouring states. The environment in the immediate
post-Cold War era with intensifying economic competition globally and regionally forced the ASEAN
countries to look within to strengthen its economic cooperation with an eye to making themselvescompetitive to the outside world vis-à-vis emerging competitors such as China and the Central and Eastern
European economies. The need for ASEAN to pursue an integrated dual-track strategy of more internal
community-building and at the same time continuing with adept management of “external affairs” in the
Asian region has become ever more important. The Asian Financial Crisis (AFC) has acted as a catalyst for
ASEAN to re-evaluate its own development and its capacity to manage relations with the major powers in
the region by promoting both “regional autonomy of Southeast Asia and the centrality of ASEAN in
Southeast Asia’s security architecture” (Thayer, 2011:315).
In 2003, ASEAN declared in Bali Concord II its aspirations to build an ASEAN Community
comprising three pillars – the ASEAN Political and Security Community, the ASEAN Economic Community
and the ASEAN Socio-cultural Community – by 2020. This was brought forward to 2015 in recognition of theurgency for community-building within ASEAN. Without a cohesive ASEAN, ASEAN would not be able toaddress the broader geo-political and geo-economic challenges and specific problems of the region mademore complex by the rise of China and India.
Yet to suggest that ASEAN must be cohesive and coherent does not imply ASEAN becoming aformal and rigid organisation. Instead ASEAN needs Creativity and Connectivity to remain a relevant
player that that can extend its reach and amplify impact within a larger community. It needs to be nimble
and flexible while maintaining a strong common understanding and solidarity amongst its members for it
act with confidence in managing these complex challenges.
29Overlapping Architectures

In Asia right now, there are indeed many overlapping architectures which have remained, at least
rhetorically, ASEAN-driven. Major powers in these overlapping architectures are engaged in a small
tug-of-war for institutional supremacy. China prefers the ASEAN Plus Three (APT) framework, while Japanis more at ease with the East Asia Summit (EAS), and has also proposed the Comprehensive Economic
Partnership for East Asia (CEPEA). These overlapping groupings may be untidy but they need not become
entangled. Instead as argued by some, they may prove to be “more effective in organising relationships
where there is great diversity and several centres of power” (Ho, 2012), as is the case in Asia. The key is for
all major players to be cognizant of each other’s interests and views, and the need for ASEAN to further
develop the Capacity and Capability to manage all these overlapping architectures. More importantly, thereis need to work towards a form of issue-based leadership comprising at least 3 to 4 members in thesedifferent architectures to not only deepen the dialogue on the different issues and challenges, but to help
drive the process from dialogue to concrete cooperation and collective problem solving at regional andglobal level.

The Role of Japan

Japan remains a significant power in Asia but is increasingly hampered in its ability to act bycontentious domestic politics that has seen six different prime ministers in the last six years. Its special
relationship with the US also added another layer of complexity in its regional role.
The Asian financial crisis in 1997-98 had offered an important opportunity for Japan to intensify its
engagement with East Asia and proposed ideas on regionalism in the region. However, its proposal then for
an AMF was opposed by the US, and since then, Japan has adopted a more low-key approach to engage in arange of bilateral and collective initiatives simultaneously. Still Japan has been instrumental in supporting
ASEAN in many of its community-building initiatives, and should continue to do so. However, Japan could
also do more to provide some sort of coherence to the various overlapping architectures. Instead ofcompeting for leadership in any one of the architectures, Japan can work with ASEAN to promote anddevelop issue-based leadership in the different architectures and becoming an active player in thisnetworked approach to coordinate the different interests and address different challenges.

30

HATOYAMA Yukio
former Prime Minister

While in office as prime minister, I was advocating the importance of creating an East Asia
community. During that time, I was questioned how far East Asia would reach. I used to answer that there
was no need to fix the countries that belong to the region and that it is better to keep it that way. My opinion
is basically still the same.
ASEAN is making efforts towards becoming a community in 2015. I believe that it holds great
political significance for ASEAN countries to share their values and to unite for peace while being aware of
the expansion of Chinese influence in the region. Moreover, by jointly developing the Mekong region andbecoming a competitive economic community through free trade while reducing disparity, ASEAN will
surely strengthen its influence in the international economy.
On the other hand, Japan, China and the Republic of Korea which are linked with deep historicalties should strengthen their relationship by overcoming historical barriers and jointly address North Korean
problems, cooperate for nuclear safety and renewable energy, and promote the CAMPUS Asia initiative.
This trilateral relationship will not only develop Asia’s economy but it will also bring peace and stability to
the region.
The ASEAN+3 which ties the two regions together was established during the Asian Financial
Crisis and has so far developed 66 cooperation mechanisms in 24 fields. The EAS which includes ASEAN+3,
Australia, New Zealand, India as well as the USA and Russia is a framework that is effective in dealing withsuch matters which require cooperation throughout a wider region as the prevention of infectious diseases
like bird flu, energy, environment and disaster prevention. Also exist multilateral frameworks such as APEC
which seeks economic integration throughout the Asia-Pacific region and ARF which seeks confidencebuilding in the region with the participation of EU.
It should be understood that the creation of multi-layer regional partnerships for a number ofdifferent causes is not negative but rather an effective way to increase the resilience of the region. Japan
should also make extensive use of these open multi-layer frameworks. In particular, when addressing
political and security matters, it is in Japan’s best interest to discuss the matter at EAS and ARF which
include the United States of America. As a country that caused a nuclear accident, it is our responsibility toestablish a growth model in a low carbon society and to exercise leadership in this field at the EAS and offer
regional fora. In the fields of education and culture, it is adequate for Japan, China and the ROK to cooperate
among the three first and then extend it to ASEAN+3 and EAS. The fast growing ASEAN is Japan’s second
largest trading partner and the base of Japanese companies’ production network. Therefore, Japan should
actively support the establishment of the ASEAN community and help ASEAN strengthen the relationshipamong the member countries and the connectivity by assisting the development of human resources and the
Mekong Basin.

31

Ⅴ. Appendix

1. An Introduction to The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ)(1) Introduction【 Objectives 】 As we embrace the 21st century, international relations are becoming increasingly interdependent, andglobalization and regionalism are becoming the big waves. In this global tendency, communicating with the world, especiallyneighboring countries in the Asia-Pacific region at both governmental and non-governmental levels, is one of the indispensableconditions for Japan to survive. On the basis of such understanding, The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ) aims to promote theexchange of views on commonly shared interests and issues in the field ranging from politics and security to the economy, trade,finance, society and culture, and to help business leaders, Diet members and opinion leaders both in Japan and in their counterpart
countries to discuss the formulation of new orders in global and regional arenas.
【History】 The 1982 Versailles Summit was widely seen as having exposed rifts within the Western alliance. Accordingly, there
were expressed concerns that the summit meetings were becoming more and more stylized rituals and that Western solidarity was
at risk. Within this context, it was realized that, to revitalize the summit meetings, there must be free and unfettered exchanges ofprivate-sector views to be transmitted directly to the heads of the participating states. Accordingly, Japanese former Foreign
Minister OKITA Saburo, U.S. Trade Representative William BROCK, E.C. Commission Vice President Etienne DAVIGNON, andCanadian Trade Minister Edward LUMLEY, as representatives of the private-sector in their respective countries, took the initiativein founding The Quadrangular Forum in Washington in September 1982. Since then, the end of the Cold War and the alterednature of the economic summits themselves had made it necessary for The Quadrangular Forum to metamorphose into The Global
Forum established by the American and Japanese components of The Quadrangular Forum at the World Convention in
Washington in October 1991. In line with its objectives as stated above, The Global Forum was intended as a facilitator of global
consensus on the many post-Cold War issues facing the international community and reached out to open its discussions not only
to participants from the quadrangular countries but also to participants from other parts of the world. Over the years, the gravityof The Global Forum's activities gradually shifted from its American component (housed in The Center for Strategic andInternational Studies) to its Japanese component (housed in The Japan Forum on International Relations), and, after the Americancomponent ceased to be operative, the Board of Trustees of the Japanese component resolved, on February 7, 1996, that it would
thereafter act as an independent body for organizing bilateral dialogues with Japan as a hub for all countries in the world, andamended its by-laws accordingly. At the same time, The Global Forum's Japanese component was reorganized into The Global
Forum of Japan (GFJ) in line with the principle that the organization be self-governing, self-financing, and independent of any
other organization.
【 Organization】 The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ) is a private, non-profit, non-partisan, and independent membershiporganization in Japan to engage in and promote international exchanges on policy-oriented matters of bilateral, regional and global
implications. While the secretariat is housed in The Japan Forum on International Relations, GFJ itself is independent of any otherorganizations, including The Japan Forum on International Relations. Originally established as the Japanese component of The
Quadrangular Forum at the initiative of HATTORI Ichiro, OKITA Saburo, TAKEYAMA Yasuo, and TOYODA Shoichiro in 1982,
GFJ is currently headed by OKAWARA Yoshio as Chairman and ITO Kenichi as President. The membership is composed of 10
Business Leader Members including the two Governors, MOGI Yuzaburo and TOYODA Shoichiro; 25 Diet Members including thefive Governors, ASAO Keiichiro, HATOYAMA Yukio, KOIKE Yuriko, SUEMATSU Yoshinori, and TANIGAKI Sadakazu; and 84
Opinion Leader Members including the three Governors, HIRABAYASHI Hiroshi, SHIMADA Haruo, and WATANABE Mayu.
Friends and supporters of The Global Forum of Japan are organized into the Supporters’ Club of the Global Forum of Japan.
Financially the activities of GFJ have been supported by the annual membership fees paid by 11 leading Japanese corporations(Toyota Motor Corporation and Kikkoman Corporation contributing 5 shares each, and the other 9 corporations contributing 1 or 2
shares each) as well as by the grants provided by The Japan Foundation, Japan-ASEAN Exchange Projects, Japan-ASEAN
Integration Fund, The Tokyo Club, The Japan-Korea Cultural Foundation, etc. KIKUCHI Yona serves as Acting Executive Secretary.
【Activities】Since the start of The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ) in 1982, GFJ has shifted its focus from the exchanges with the
Quadrangular countries for the purpose of contributing to the Western Summit, to those with neighboring countries in the
Asia-Pacific region including the U.S., China, Korea, ASEAN countries, India, Australia, European countries, and Wider Black Sea
area, for the purposes of deepening mutual understanding and contributing to the formation of international order. GFJ has been
active in collaboration with international exchange organizations in those countries in organizing policy-oriented intellectual
exchanges called “Dialogue.” In order to secure a substantial number of Japanese participants in the “Dialogue,” GFJ in principle
holds these “Dialogues” in Tokyo. A listing of topics of “Dialogues” and its overseas co-sponsors in the last five years is given
below.
Year

2012

Month

The Future of ASEAN Integration and Japan's RoleThe Rise of Emerging Countries and the Future of Global GovernanceFebruary

July

The Asia-Pacific Region in Transition and the Japan-U.S.-China
Relations
The Japan-China Relations at Crossroads
The Great East Japan Earthquake and Regional Cooperation on
Disaster Management
The Japan-U.S. Relations in the Era of Smart Power
East Asia in Transition and New Perspectives on Regional
Cooperation
East Asian Regional Architectures and Japan-India Relations
Promoting Japan-U.S. Cooperation in Non-Traditional Security:
the Case of Counter Piracy
Promoting Japan-China Cooperation on Environmental Issues ofthe 21st Century: In Pursuit of Recycling Society
Prospects of Changing Black Sea Area and Role of Japan
Japan-ASEAN Cooperation amid the Financial and Economic Crisis
Prospect of Japan-China Relationship in the Changing World
US-Japan Relations Under the New Obama Administration
Prospect of Japan-ASEAN Partnership after the Second Joint
Statement on East Asia Cooperation
Japan-China Relations Entering A New Stage

June
January

Cooperation in Environment and Energy
An East Asian Community and the US

February
February
September
May

2010

2009

2008

Co-sponsor

March
March

October
July
2011

Topic

February
January
September
June
April
September

32

ASEAN-ISIS
Fudan University (China)
Nanyang Technological University (Singapore)
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace (U.S)
China Association of Asia-Pacific Studies (China)
China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR)
National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, etc
The Center for Strategic and International Studies (U.S.)
International Studies Department, Vietnam National University(Vietnam)
The Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (India)
National Bureau of Asian Research (U.S.)
School of Environment, Beijing Normal University (China)
Organization of Black Sea Economic Cooperation
ASEAN-ISIS
China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations (China)
National Committee on American Foreign Policy (U.S.)ASEAN-ISIS
Institute of Japanese Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary
International Relations (China)
The Council on East Asian Community, The East Asian Institute of
National University of Singapore (Singapore)
The Council on East Asia Community, The Pacific Forum CSIS (U.S.)

(2) Membership List of The Global Forum of Japan
As of April 27, 2012

In alphabetical order【Chairman】
OKAWARA Yoshio, Director, Institute for International Policy Studies

INOGUCHI Takashi, President, University of Niigata Prefecture
ITO Eisei, former Member of the House of Representatives
ITO Kenichi, President and CEO, The Japan Forum on International Relations Inc.
ITO Tsuyoshi, Professor, Meiji University
IWAKUNI Tetsundo, Professor, University of Virginia
IWAMA Yoko, Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
IZUMI Hajime, Professor, University of Shizuoka
KAMIYA Matake, Professor, National Defense Academy
KAWAI Masahiro, Dean and CEO, Asian Development Bank Institute
KAWAI Masao, Guest Professor, Hakuo University
KIMURA Takayuki, Special Assistant to the Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs
KINOSHITA Hiroo, Advisor, National Small Business & Information Promotion Center
KOGURE Masayoshi, former Professor, Toyo University
KOKUBUN Ryosei, President, the National Defense Academy
KUBO Fumiaki, Professor, Keio University
MANO Teruhiko, former Advisor to the President, The Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi, Ltd.
MIYAMOTO Nobuo, Diplomatic Commentator
MIYAZAKI Isamu, Honorary Advisor, Daiwa Institute of Research
MIYOSHI Masaya, Chairman and CEO, Miyoshi Networks Co., Ltd.
MORI Toshimitsu, former Ambassador to Kazakhstan
MORIMOTO Satoshi, Professor & Director, Institute of World Studies, Takushoku University
MURATA Koji, Professor, Doshisha University
MUTSUSHIKA Shigeo, Professor, The University of Shizuoka
NAKAGANE Katsuji, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
NAKAHARA Nobuyuki, President, The American Studies Foundation
NISHIKAWA Megumi, Foreign News Editor, Mainichi Newspapers
OKAZAKI Kenji Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
OGASAWARA Takayuki, Professor, Yamanashi Gakuin University
OKAWARA Yoshio, Director, Institute for International Policy Studies
OKONOGI Masao, Professor, Keio University
OHYA Eiko, Journalist
SAKAKIBARA Eisuke, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
SAKAMOTO Masahiro, visiting Superior Research Fellow, JFIR
SAJIMA Naoko, Professor, Senshu University
SHIMADA Haruo, President, Chiba University of Commerce
SHIMIZU Yoshikazu, former Director, The United Nations Association of JapanSHIRAISHI Takashi, Visiting Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
SOEYA Yoshihide, Professor, Keio University
SONE Yasunori, Professor, Keio University
SUGIYAMA Fumihiko, Foreign News Editor, Jiji PressSUZUKI Keisuke, former Member of the House of Representatives
TAHARA Soichiro, Journalist
TAIDA Hideya, Member of the board of trustees, Akita International University
TAJIMA Takashi, former Ambassador to Canada
TAKAHARA Akio, Professor, The University of Tokyo
TAKAHASHI Kazuo, former Professor, International Christian University
TAKASHIMA Hatsuhisa, President, The Tokyo ClubTAKEUCHI Yukio, Justice, Supreme Court of Japan
TAKEMI Keizo, Professor, Tokai University
TAKUBO Tadae, Professor Emeritus, Kyorin University
TANAKA Akihiko, President, JICA
TANAKA Toshiro, Professor, Keio University
TANINO Sakutaro, former Ambassador to China
URATA Shujiro, Professor, Waseda University
UTSUMI Yoshio, former Secretary General, International Telecommunication Union
WAKISAKA Noriyuki, Editorial Writer, Asahi Shimbun
WATANABE Mayu, Executive Director, The Japan Forum on International Relations, Inc
YAMANAKA Akiko, former Member of the House of Representatives
YAMAUCHI Masayuki, Contract Professor, Meiji University
YAMAZAWA Ippei, Professor Emeritus, Hitotsubashi University
YUSHITA Hiroyuki, former Ambassador to the Philippines【President】
ITO Kenichi, President and CEO, The Japan Forum on International Relations, Inc.
【Business Leader Governors】
MOGI Yuzaburo, Honorary CEO and Chairman of the Board, Kikkoman Corporation
TOYODA Shoichiro, Honorary Chairman, Toyota Motor Corporation【Diet Member Governors】
ASAO Keiichiro, Member of the House of Representatives (YP)
HATOYAMA Yukio, M.H.R. (DPJ)
KOIKE Yuriko, M.H.R. (LDP)
SUEMATSU Yoshinori, M.H.C. (DPJ)
TANIGAKI Sadakazu, M.H.R. (LDP)【Opinion Leader Governors】
HIRABAYASHI Hiroshi, Vice President, The Japan Forum on International Relations, Inc
SHIMADA Haruo, President, Chiba University of Commerce
WATANABE Mayu, Executive Director, The Japan Forum on International Relations, Inc-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------【Business Leader Members】(10 Members)
HANDA Haruhisa, Chairman, Chairman, Worldwide Support for Development, President and CEO, Misuzu
IMAI Takashi, Honorary Chairman, Nippon Steel Corporation
ISHIKAWA Hiroshi, Director, Kajima Corporation
MIYAZAKI Toshihiko, President, JAPAN AUDIO VISUAL Co.,Ltd
MOGI Yuzaburo, Honorary CEO and Chairman of the Board, Kikkoman Corporation
TANAKA Tatsuo, Managing Officer, Mitsubishi UFJ Financial GroupYAGUCHI Toshikazu, President, Biru Daiko Co., Ltd.
YAMAMOTO Tadahito, President and Representative Director, Fuji Xerox Co., Ltd.
TOYODA Shoichiro, Honorary Chairman, Toyota Motor Corporation( T B D), Nippon Telegraph and Telephone Corporation【Diet Member Members】(25 Members)
ASAO Keiichiro, Member of the House of Representatives (YP)
DOKYU Seiichiro M.H.R. (DPJ)
HATOYAMA Yukio, M.H.R. (DPJ)HOSODA Hiroyuki, M.H.R. (LDP)
KAKIZAWA Mito, M.H.R. (YP)KITAGAMI Keiro, M.H.R. (DPJ)
KIUCHI Takatane, M.H.R. (DPJ)
KOIKE Yuriko, M.H.R. (LDP)
NAGASHIMA Akihisa, M.H.R. (DPJ)
NAKABAYASHI Mieko, M.H.R. (DPJ)
NAKAGAWA Masaharu, M.H.R. (DPJ)NISHIMURA Chinami, M.H.R. (DPJ)
OGATA Rintaro, M.H.R. (DPJ)
OGUSHI Hiroshi, M.H.R. (DPJ)
SAKAGUCHI Naoto, M.H.R. (DPJ)
SHIOZAKI Yasuhisa, M.H.R. (LDP)
SUEMATSU Yoshiki, M.H.R. (DPJ)
TANIGAKI Sadakazu, M.H.R. (LDP)
YAMAGUCHI Tsuyosi, M.H.R. (DPJ)
FUJITA Yukihisa, Member of the House of Councillors (DPJ)HAYASHI Yoshimasa, M.H.C. (LDP)
INOGUCHI Kuniko, M.H.C. (LDP)
MAKIYAMA Hiroe M.H.C. (DPJ)
MATSUDA Kouta, M.H.C. (YP)SEKOU Hironari, M.H.C. (LDP)【Opinion Leader Members】(84 Members)
AICHI Kazuo, Chairman, Japan Forum for Strategic Studies
AKASHI Yasushi, Chairman, International House of JapanAOKI Tamotsu, Contract Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
AMAKO Satoshi, Professor, Waseda University
ASOMURA Kuniaki, Professor, North Asia University
CHINO Keiko, Columnist, The Sankei Shimbun
FUKUSHIMA Teruhiko, Professor, National Defense Academy
GYOHTEN Toyoo, President, Institute for International Monetary Affairs
HABA Kumiko, Professor, Aoyama Gakuin University
HAKAMADA Shigeki, Professor, The University of Niigata Prefecture
HASEGAWA Kazutoshi, former Ambassador to Australia
HATA Kei, Vice Principal, Sakushin Gakuin
HIRONAKA Wakako, former Member of the House of Councillors
HIRONO Ryokichi, Professor Emeritus, Seikei University
ICHIKAWA Isao, Auditor, Institute for World Politics and Economy
IKEO Aiko, Professor, Waseda University
INA Hisayoshi, Columnist, The Nikkei Newspaper【Supporters’ Club Members】(23Members)
AKASHI Yasushi, ASAO Keiichiro, HASHIMOTO Hiroshi, HASHIMOTO Masuo,
HIROKAWA Norio, ITO Kenichi, Rentsendoo JIGJID, KOYAMA Seiji,
OKUMURA Naohito, OSHIMA Seiji, SHIMIZU Yoshikazu,
SUEMATSU Yoshinori, TAKAGI Kiyomitsu, TAKAGI Noriaki, TAKAO Akira,
TSUJII Seigo, YAMAMURA Yoichi, WAKABAYASHI Shigeru,WATANABE Mayu
【Acting Executive Secretary】
KIKUCHI Yona
[Note] DPJ: Democratic Party of Japan
LDP:Liberal Democratic Party
YP: Your Party

33

２. An Introduction to ASEAN-ISISThe ASEAN Institutes of Strategic and International Studies (ASEAN-ISIS) is a loose
association of institutes in the region that aims at strengthening regional cooperation throughjoint studies and seminars.
The group has established a series of meetings that have become a major venue for exchangesof ideas, not only amongst Southeast Asians but also with experts and government officials
from other parts of the world.
ASEAN-ISIS also organizes regular bilateral seminars with counterpart institutions in China,
Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, India and Europe. Southeast Asia Regional Program sponsored by
The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) has provided financial support topromote these activities.
ASEAN-ISIS was founded in 1988, comprised of following institutes: The Centre of Strategic
and International Studies (CSIS), Indonesia; The Institute of Strategic and International Studies(ISIS), Malaysia; Institute for Strategic and Development Studies (ISDS), Philippines; Singapore
Institute of International Affairs (SIIA), Singapore; and Institute of Security and International
Studies (ISIS), Thailand.
ASEAN-ISIS has now nine member institutions: CSIS, Indonesia; ISIS, Malaysia; ISDS,
Philippines; SIIA, Singapore; ISIS, Thailand; Brunei Darussalam Institute of Policy and Strategic
Studies (BDIPSS), Brunei Darussalam; The Cambodian Institute for Cooperation and Peace(CICP), Cambodia; Institute of Foreign Affairs (IFA), Laos; and The Institute for International
Relations (IIR), Vietnam.
The network came to the attention of governments through its policy papers, leading to thedevelopment of close relations with the ASEAN senior officials meeting (SOM). What is now
known as track two or the second track came into being. ASEAN-ISIS has become a model for anumber of similar activities.

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3. An Introduction to the Japan Forum on International Relations (JFIR)The Forum conducts a variety of activities hosting conferences, organizing research programs, and publishingresearch reports and policy recommendations, etc.
[History]
The Japan Forum on International Relations, Inc. (JFIR or The Forum) was founded on March 12, 1987
in Tokyo on the private initiative of Dr. OKITA Saburo, Mr. HATTORI Ichiro, Mr. ITO Kenichi, and 60 otherindependent citizens from business, academic, political, and media circles of Japan, recognizing that apolicy-oriented research institution in the field of international affairs independent from the government wasmost urgently needed in Japan. JFIR celebrated its 20th anniversary on March 12, 2007. And on April 1, 2011,
JFIR was reincorporated as a “public interest foundation” with the authorization granted by the Prime Ministerin recognition of its achievements.
[Purpose]
The Forum is a private, non-profit, independent, and non-partisan organization dedicated to
improved understanding of Japanese foreign policy and international relations. The Forum takes no
institutional position on issues of foreign policy, though its members are encouraged not only to analyze but topropose alternatives on matters of foreign policy. Though the Forum helps its members to formulate policy
recommendations on matters of public policy, the views expressed in such recommendations represent in noway those of the Forum as an institution and the responsibility for the contents of the recommendations is thatof those members of the Forum who sign them alone.
[Organization]
JFIR is a membership organization with four categories of membership, namely, (1) corporate, (2)associate corporate, (3) individual and (4) associate individual. As for the organizational structure of JFIR, the“Board of Trustees” is the highest decision making body, which is in charge of electing the “Directors” and of
supervising overall activities of JFIR, while the “Board of Directors” is an executive body, which is in charge ofthe management of day-to-day operations of JFIR.
[Activities]
In tandem with the core activities of the “Policy Council” in making policy recommendations, anotherimportant pillar of JFIR’s activities is the BBS “Hyakka-Seiho” which means “Hundred Flowers in Full Bloom”(http://www.jfir.or.jp/cgi/m-bbs/). The BBS, which started on April 12, 2006, is open to the public, functioning as
an interactive forum for discussions on foreign policy and international affairs. All articles posted on the BBS are
sent through the bimonthly e-mail magazine “Meru-maga Nihon Kokusai Fōramu” in Japanese to about 10,000
readers in Japan. Furthermore, articles worth attention for foreigners are translated into English and posted on
the English website of JFIR (http://www.jfir.or.jp/e/index.htm) as “JFIR Commentary.” They are also introducedin the e-mail magazine “JFIR E-Letter” in English. “JFIR E-Letter” is delivered bimonthly to about 10,000
readers worldwide.

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GF-Ⅲ-E-B-00●

The Global Forum of Japan (GFJ)
17-12-1301, Akasaka 2-chome Minato-ku, Tokyo, 107-0052, Japan[Tel] +81-3-3584-2193 [Fax] +81-3-3505-4406[E-mail] gfj@gfj.jp [URL] http://www.gfj.jp/