Eco-DRR as Learned from Local History

Traditional and Local
knowledge of Eco-DRR at
the foot of Hira Mountains

◆ List of authors (in alphabetical order)
NINOMIYA Kento
Graduate student, Rural planning/Rural digitizationANDŌ Kōichi

Graduate School of Agriculture, Kyoto University

Undergraduate student, Forestry
Department of Forest and Biomaterials Science, Faculty ofAgriculture, Kyoto University

OCHIAI Chiho
Assistant professor, Community disaster prevention/Disastersociology

AZUMA Sachiyo
Professor, Japanese history

Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto
University

School of Human Cultures, University of Shiga Prefecture

ONITSUKA Kenichiro
FUKAMACHI Katsue

Associate professor, Rural planning/Rural digitization

Associate professor, Garden design

Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto

Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto

University

UniversityŌSAWA Sōtarō
IMOTO Nobuhiro

Graduate student, Architecture

Emeritus professor, Geology

Architecture and Architectural Engineering Course, Graduate

Kyoto University of Education

School of Engineering, Kyoto University

KAMATANI Kaoru

SENDA Masako

Associate professor, Japanese history

Project research associateCollege of Gastronomy Management, Ritsumeikan University

Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

MIMASU Yurika

SHIMATANI YukihiroPart-time employee, Folklore

Professor, River engineering

Lake Biwa Museum, Shiga Prefecture

Graduate School of Engineering, Kyushu University

Traditional and Local
knowledge of Eco-DRR
at the foot of
Hira Mountains
MIYOSHI Iwao

SHIMAUCHI Risa

Professor, Erosion control

Project research associate

Graduate School of Life and Environmental Sciences, Kyoto

Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

Prefectural University

TAKAHASHI Hiroki

NAKAI Minami

Project research associate

Curator, History (Japanese history)Ōtsu City Museum of History

Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

YAMAMOTO Akiko

NARITA Mayu

Supervisor, History (Japanese history)

Professor, Erosion control

Cultural Asset Section, General Educational Affairs Division,

Graduate School of Life and Environmental Sciences, Kyoto

Takashima City Board of Education

Prefectural University

Photo: NINOMIYA Kento & ONITSUKA Kenichiro (drone photography)

Foreword
Nature's blessings and troubles are closely related. While nature's diverse blessings support and enrich ourlives, it also delivers various challenges, the most severe of which is a natural disaster.
Since people began living in this area, they have been constantly affected by nature's blessings and troubles,
and the history of the relationship between people and nature is interwoven into this context. Natural disasters
have been viewed as undesirable to human societies, and we have succeeded in reducing damage from themdue in part to various technical developments. However, even today, it is not possible to suppress every
trouble through the power of technology. In the age before the development of modern technology, how did
people relate to nature's blessings and troubles? People's abundant knowledge and wisdom to deal with natureaccumulated over a long time. As people in each area created relationships with nature, they accumulated
vast volumes of traditional knowledge and wisdom passed down over generations (traditional knowledge)
particular to their region (local knowledge). By developing modern technology, have we not sought to create
relationships with nature that conversely abandon traditional and local knowledge? Have we not come tobelieve we can suppress troubles from nature through the power of the technology we developed? This
reflection echoes through various parts of society. However, the traditional and local knowledge passed downin each area until only a few decades ago is no longer passed down to those living today in the way it oncewas.
The series of booklets “Eco-DRR as Learned from Local History” emerged from a desire to trigger a reexamination of how our forebears dealt with both the positive and negative aspects of nature. If learning
traditional and local knowledge can make people consider the history of the relationship between nature andus, and contribute—even a little—to building better relationships between us amid ongoing climate change
and socioeconomic changes, the hard work of the many involved with the publication of this series will
be rewarded. Although the road ahead may seem long, I believe that firm steps are being taken throughout
society.

YOSHIDA Takehito
Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, Eco-DRR Project, project leader
Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, and University of Tokyo

Cover photo: Map of Moriyama and Kita-funaji Village and environs (Moriyama Zaisanku Collection, photographed by Shimizu Kōgeisha)

Contents
YOSHIDA Takehito …… 1
Foreword
Traditional and Local knowledge of Eco-DRR at the foot of Hira Mountains:
Local wisdom and technology for facing the blessings and troubles of nature
FUKAMACHI Katsue …… 4

【The natural environment of the Hira Mountains】
Understanding the topography of the Hira Mountains using a drone
NINOMIYA Kento, ONITSUKA Kenichiro …… 8

The geology of the Hira Mountains
IMOTO Nobuhiro, SENDA Masako …… 10【Life at the foot of Mt. Hira based on historical materials】
Toward local understanding: From ancient manuscripts from the foot of Mt.
Hira
AZUMA Sachiyo …… 16

Edo-period village reports with Moriyama as example
NAKAI Minami …… 20

Ancient maps of the villages around the foot of Mt. Hira: Possibilities oflinks between historical materials and traditional knowledge
TAKAHASHI Hiroki …… 26

Border disputes between villages at the foot of Mt. Hira
YAMAMOTO Akiko …… 36

Photo: NINOMIYA Kento & ONITSUKA Kenichiro (drone photography)
2

【Stone culture at the foot of Mt. Hira: Local wisdom andtechnology harnessing nature's blessings】
SIMAUCHI Risa …… 42
The landscape surrounding stonemasons
Survey of tools used by “stonecutters” at the foot of Mt. Hira
WATANABE Keiichi, MIMASU Yurika …… 46

The stone culture and village of Minami-komatsuŌSAWA Sōtarō, OCHIAI Chiho …… 52【History of disaster response at the foot of Mt. Hira】
To those seeking to investigate disasters in ancient times
AZUMA Sachiyo …… 58

Life and natural disasters in Edo-period Moriyama based on land tax
KAMATANI Kaoru …… 60
demands
The Land-use and Disaster Management based on Old maps from MinamiANDŌ Kōichi, FUKAMACHI Katsue …… 64
komatsu
Tracing memories of flooding in Minami-komatsu
NARITA Mayu, OCHIAI Chiho …… 70

Shishigaki and disaster response at the foot of Mt. Hira
OCHIAI Chiho, ŌSAWA Sōtarō …… 72【Toward an Eco-DRR that utilizes traditional and local knowledge】
The landscape and disaster response at the foot of Mt. Hira
MIYOSHI Iwao …… 80

Relationship between Eco-DRR and traditional disaster prevention
SHIMATANI Yukihiro …… 86
technology

3

Traditional and Local knowledge of Eco-DRR at the foot of
Hira Mountains: Local wisdom and technology for facing theblessings and troubles of nature
Kyoto University

FUKAMACHI Katsue

The Hira mountain range, located in the cities of Ōtsuother occupations that harness the natural environment

and Takashima in the Kosei region of Shiga prefecture,and resources. Moreover, people and goods go back andis an area delineated from the Tamba Highlands by Lakeforth to Hokuriku, Kyoto, the Kotō Region of Shiga, andBiwa to the east, the Wani River to the south, and Adoother areas through routes such as the Hokkoku Kaidō

River to the north and west. The Hira mountain rangeand Lake Biwa. On the other hand, when heavy rains fall,

includes a series of steep mountains more than 1,000

landslides, flooding and other natural disasters occur. The

meters high, and the rivers and streams from the eastern

people living at the foot of Mt. Hira have created various

base of Mt. Hira pass through an alluvial fan to flow into

innovations to respond to such disasters. The stone

Lake Biwa. These streams and rivers include raised-

which is found in the mountains and rivers surrounding

bed rivers, in which sand and gravel have accumulated

the villages, including granite and chert, has been used

to raise the riverbed, and beaches and inner lakes havefor embankments, aqueducts, and stone breakwatersdeveloped along the lake shores.

to prevent natural disasters, and in stonework forshishigakine (stone walls) and terraced fields.

The base of Mt. Hira has been inhabited since ancient
times, mainly along the shores of the lake. Each village

This booklet focuses on traditional and local knowledge

conducts agriculture, forestry, fishery, stonecutting, andat the foot of Mt. Hira and introduces “local wisdom

Photo 1. Stone embankment to prevent landslides

Photo 2. Field trip to a rock-paved aqueduct as a voluntary disaster prevention
activityand technology for facing the blessings and troubles ofefforts to collect and use traditional and local knowledge

nature” that link the past, present, and future throughin familiar regions.

the outcomes of investigations by experts and students
in various fields. This book comprises five sections:

An important keyword in this booklet is “ecosystem-“The natural environment of the Hira Mountains,” “Lifebased disaster risk reduction” (Eco-DRR), a concept

at the foot of Mt. Hira based on historical materials,”

produced through international efforts to prevent and“Stone culture at the foot of Mt. Hira: Local wisdom andreduce disaster risk. Healthy, rich ecosystems serve

technology harnessing nature's blessings,” “History ofvarious roles that can directly reduce the risk of disasterdisaster response at the foot of Mt. Hira,” and “Toward an

damage or indirectly alleviate their effects. We invite the

Eco-DRR that utilizes traditional and local knowledge.”

reader to join us in thinking about how to handle natural

In these sections, we seek to comprehensively describe

disasters in the future while treasuring healthy, rich local

the methods for handling natural disasters learned fromecosystems and the cultures particular to each area.

history. Furthermore, we clarify how people harnessed
the characteristics of the natural environment and nature's
blessings in their daily lives. Moreover, we present
examples of various investigation methods and local

Photo 3. Interview-based investigation of the history of local stone usage

Photo 4. Investigating ancient maps in a village

【The natural environment of the Hira
Mountains】

Photo: NINOMIYA Kento & ONITSUKA Kenichiro (drone photography)

Understanding the topography of the Hira
Mountains using a drone
Kyoto University

NINOMIYA Kento
ONITSUKA Kenichiro“Drone” is the commonly used name for unmanned

appears relatively flat, but the height suddenly increases

aerial vehicles. Their use as a tool for taking highiy-

toward the ridgeline at the base of Mt. Hira, where thedetailed aerial photographs is becoming widespread.

land is very hilly. The photograph also shows two lines

Using drones to reexamine areas from angles we are

stretching from left to right. The upper line is the Biwa

not able to see before gives us new insights. For thisKosei Longitudinal Road (Kosei Road), which runs frominvestigation, we used a drone to take aerial photographs

Hokuriku toward Kyoto. The lower line is the JR Kosei

at the foot of Mt. Hira. Here, we examine the topographic

Line, which joins Ōmi-Shiotsu and Kyoto stations. Morecharacteristics of the Hira mountain range based onthan half of the area between these two lines is filled with

two images captured near the Moriyama district in

the fields, and residences there are clustered together. The

Hachiyado, Ōtsu, Shiga prefecture.

roads in the residential area are comparatively narrow,and many are too narrow for large vehicles to pass.

The photograph on the right was taken from Lake

8

Biwa looking toward the Hira mountain range. The

The photograph on the left looks in the other direction,slope extending away from the edge of Lake Biwa

downward near the peak of the Hira mountain range

toward Lake Biwa. The shape ofthe land surrounding Lake Biwa

Using a drone to capture a bird's-eye view of an entire

is clearly seen. Also apparent isregion enables us to see the region in a way we cannot

the extremely steep slope fromreadily appreciate in our day-to-day life and allows us

the foot of Mt. Hira to Lake Biwa.

to use this for various purposes including community

This is a large densely wooded

building and disaster planning.

mountainous area, and space forpeople to live is limited. Hamlets
are close to the shores of Lake
Biwa, of which only a smallpart of the shores have beaches.
Moreover, we can see Okishima
in Lake Biwa and the city of ŌmiHachiman on the opposite shore,
making Lake Biwa, Japan's largest
lake, seem smaller than one might
have imagined. In the mountains,
the ridges and valleys are clearly
distinguished, and the valleys
either have rivers flowing throughthem or show signs of past river
movement.

Figure 1. Topographic map of Moriyama and environments. Prepared fromthe Geographical Survey Institute’s 1:50,000 map of Kita-komatsu (issued
November 1, 1994)

9

The geology of the Hira Mountains
Kyoto University of Education
Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

IMOTO Nobuhiro
SENDA Masako

The Hira mountain range runs along the west coast

sedimentary layers as the Tamba Highlands further to theof Lake Biwa and is encircled by the Ado River to thewest. Let us examine where these rocks come from andnorth and west and the Wani River to the south. The

how they formed the Hira mountain range according toeastern half of the Hira mountain range is formed fromthe history of the Earth.

the Cretaceous granite known as Hira granite (Fig. 1).
The western half consists of the Mesozoic–Paleozoic

Figure 1. Distribution of Mesozoic igneous rock around Lake Biwa. Hira granite is one type of this rock and thought to form a circular cauldron with the distant Suzuka
granite body. Figure based on Kiji et al. (2019) using 1:200,000 Japan Seamless Geological Map v. 2 (Geographical Survey of Japan, AIST).

10

Sedimentary layers are from the sea

When the magma chambers rose, the sedimentary

The sedimentary layer in the Hira mountain range

layers above them were pushed up and formed cracks

began accumulating on the seafloor. Around 200–300

through which the lava erupted (Fig. 3). Following

million years ago, the remains of plankton composed

this, the pressure in the magma chamber fell and theof mainly radiolarians accumulated in the open ocean

sedimentary layers that had been pushed up collapsed.

far from the land (Fig. 2). The ocean plate with ites

This collapsed landform is called a cauldron. Cauldrons

accumulated sediment moved toward the continental

are characterized by collapsing in a ring form according

plate margin on currents in the mantle. While slowly

to the shape in which the magma chamber lifted them.

moving, fine mud carried by ocean currents and/or winds

Magma rises around the edge of the collapse, as thoughcontinued to accumulate and gradually began to formsqueezed out by the collapsed sedimentary layers,

strata. When the ocean plate collided with the continental

distributing the rising magma in a ring form. The magma

plate and sank beneath it, its sedimentary layers were

slowly cooled and hardened into a circular granite body

scraped off and pushed onto the continental plate, wherearound 80 million years ago.

they stayd. This occurred about 145 million years ago,
in a phenomenon known as accretion. The accreted

The many granite rocks surrounding Lake Biwa andsedimentary layers are known as accretionary wedges.

the Ōmi Basin were likely formed in this way. HiraIn this way, the sedimentary layers from the ocean floor

granite is one example of these types of rocks. Several

reached land. Sedimentary layers that accumulated for aeruptions and collapses occurred until 66 million years

period of 100 million years can now be viewed on land.

ago, forming at least three cauldrons as concentric
circles. Their scale is 60 kilometers along the major axis
and 40 kilometers along the minor axis of the outermost
cauldron.

Figure 2. Sedimentary layers from the sea, granite from magma

Granite is from magma
On the other hand, the ocean plate continued to sink,bringing in sedimentary layers that contained seawater.
The melting point of rocks containing seawater decreasedsuch that water deeper than 110 kilometers below theground melted the high-temperature rocks and turned
them into magma. The magma slowly rose to beneaththe accretionary wedge to form a magma chamber,which ranges between a few and 10 kilometers in-depth
at a temperature of 750–850°C. This occurred about
95 million years ago in the Cretaceous Period whendinosaurs roamed the Earth.

Figure 3. The eruption of magma and formation of cauldrons

11Thermal metamorphism in sedimentary rocks

millions of years, like a rock casserole. What happens

Magma chambers cool gradually over at least several

after that? The rocks themselves change in a phenomenon

million years. A lit cigarette is supposedly about 700°C,

called thermal metamorphism. The rocks that undergo

so you may think that something at this temperature

this metamorphism are called thermal metamorphic

would quickly cool. However, even though it is also

rocks. Thermal metamorphism refers to the phenomenon

700°C, the magma does not act in the same way as ain which minerals that exist stably at low temperatures

cigarette. Since something with a volume of many cubic

are continually exposed to high temperatures duringkilometers contains this heat in a place several kilometers

a long period of millions of years, which destabilizes

underground, it takes millions of years to cool andthe composition of their chemicals, changing themharden.

into minerals stable at high temperatures. Chemicals
move and crystalline structures change to create new

The sedimentary layers around the magma chamberminerals in a process known as recrystallization. Put

are continually exposed to high temperatures over these

simply, thermal metamorphic rock is formed when newminerals are created. Thermal
metamorphism can extend
from several hundred to 1,000
meters from the edge of themagma chamber.
A sedimentary rock formed
from main radiolarian
remains as stated before iscalled chert. The chert in
the Hira mountain range has
many alternating siliceousand clay layers, and it isthus known as bedded chert

Photo 1. Bedded chert. The characteristic striped pattern and “folds” were desired and used as a garden stone. (taken by
IMOTO Nobuhiro in the Heian Shrine sacred garden)(P h o t o 1 ). Be d d e d cher t
has the characteristic ofpeeling easily along thelayers; however, the chert
in the Hira mountain range
has undergone the thermal
metamorphism describedabove and is extremely hard.
At the same time, the striped
layer structure has remained
without change. A clear
striped pattern and the folds in
it can be observed. However,
because it has undergone
thermal metamorphism, theplankton cannot be observed

Photo 2. At a private residence at the foot of Mt. Hira. Local stones have been used in the approach to the entrance.
The white stone used at the edges is granite, and the striped stone is bedded chert.

12even under magnification.

Why do stripes form in chert?

(Photo 2).

How does the striped pattern in chert form? Originally,
it was formed from plankton remains that fell to theseafloor of an extremely deep ocean, probably several
thousand meters deep. The thick layers that seem white
are a collection of plankton remains, and the thin layers
sandwiched between them are clay. The clay layers are
extremely fine and would even be suitable for high-References
Amasaki Hiromasa (2002) Niwaishi to mizu no yurai: Nihon teien no
sekishitsu to suikei [The origins of garden stones and water: Stone
types and water systems in Japanese gardens]. Shōwadō, ISBN:
4-8122-0134-9

grade finishing whetstones. Various theories attempt

Amasaki Hiromasa, Tabata Minao (1992) Ishi to mizu no ishō: Ueji

to explain why the stripes form. One is that it was dueno zōen gihō [Designs of stone and water: Ueji’s garden design

to cyclical changes in the ocean environment. This
theory suggests that periods in which plankton easily
formed alternated with those when it did not. Thanks

techniques]. Tankōsha, ISBN: 4-473-01261-1
Kamei Atsushi. Tairiku o tsukuru kakōgan [The granite that makes
the continet]. Yumenabi TALK, FROMPAGE Co., Ltd., https://talk.
yumenavi.info/archives/2214

to recent progress in radiolarian fossil research, theKiji Michio, Taga Masaru, Murata Mamoru, Collaborative Researchtypes of radiolarians in each layer of the chert can now

Group for the Granites around Lake Biwa (2019) Petrographic

be investigated with a microscope. We found that thecharacteristics and geological implications of the Cretaceous O'hara

combinations of the types of plankton change, as does the
thickness of the sedimentary layers, which has enabled
the proper identification of geological eras. We can
now identify from particular radiolarian combinations

and Ohgi plutons, west of Lake Biwa, southwest Japan. The Journalof the Geological Society of Japan, 125 (1) 107–118, doi:10.5575/
geosoc.2018.0033
Kimura Katsumi, Yoshioka Toshikazu, Nakano Satoshi, Matsuoka
Atsushi (2001) Geology of the Kitakomatsu district, With Geologicalthat this is from a certain age in the Permian period of

Sheet Map at 1:50,000, Geological Survey of Japan, 102p. (inthe Paleozoic era or Triassic or Jurassic period in theJapanese with English abstract 5p.).

Mesozoic era. Based on this, trial calculations suggestthat plankton accumulate at 1 millimeter per 1,000 years.
Assuming this, a 5-centimeter layer of chert would haveaccumulated over 50,000 years. In some places in the
Hira mountain range, neat piles of chert layers can beobserved; actual investigation of the stones there shows
how many tens of millions of years one layer has laidin place. Furthermore, the different colors of the stripes
reflect changes in the types of clay and minusculechemical components they contain.
Why are the Hira Mountains high?

Sawada Yoshihiro, Kagami Hiroo, Matsumoto Ichirō, Sugii Kanji,
Nakano Satoshi, Collaborative Research Group for the Granites
around Lake Biwa (1994) A Cretaceous granitic ring complex and
the Koto Cauldron around the southern part of Lake Biwa, Southwest
Japan. The Journal of the Geological Society of Japan, 100 (3)217–233, doi:10.5575/geosoc.100.217
Ueno Satoshi (2018) Hakken! Chikyū-gō: Shiga no Daichi [Discover!
The Earth ship: The land of Shiga]. http://uenosato.net
W. Jacquelyne Kious and Robert I. Tilling (1996) The Dynamic Earth:
The Story of Plate Tectonics. ISBN: 0-16-048220-8, online editionv1.20, U.S. Geological Survey, https://pubs.usgs.gov/gip/dynamic/
dynamic.html
Yamaga Susumu. Kazan (3) [Volcanoes (3)] 」https://www.s-yamaga.
jp/nanimono/chikyu/kazan-03.htm

The Hira mountain range lies between the Hira fault
to the east and the Hanaore fault to the west; these faults
have exhibited activity on many occasions and raised
the Hira mountain range. Mountain rises mean that asa contrary element, mountains break down. The Hiramountain range has ceaselessly gone through the motionsof rising and breaking down. The rocks break down
form the sloping land at the foot of the mountains; thedeposits that form this sloping land are called piedmont
slope deposits. In the Hira mountain range, these deposits
contain mixtures of Hira granite and bedded cherts13

【Life at the foot of Mt. Hira based on historicalmaterials】

Photo: SHIMAUCHI Risa

Toward local understanding: From ancientmanuscripts from the foot of Mt. Hira
University of Shiga Prefecture

AZUMA Sachiyo

It is important to appreciate past disasters in theregion when considering reducing disaster risk fromabout the direct relationship between disasters andpeople's lives?

an ecosystem perspective.
If people recently experienced a disaster, we canWhat methods can we use to investigate past“interview” them. In addition, some regions passdisasters, apart from a natural science approach? Indown disaster folklore as “legends,” in which caseparticular, what should we do if we want to knowinterviewing can be an effective method.

Figure 1. Early modern villages at the foot of Mt. Hira. (Partial extraction from Shiga chōshi, vol. 2, Fig. 28 with author's additions)16

When investigating older periods that interviewing

shared by districts are frequently stored in thecannot cover, investigating and deciphering ancient

district's community hall. Many of the documents

manuscripts is effective. Because Shiga Prefecture

shared by districts are village documents thought(the ancient province of Ōmi) is adjacent to Kyoto,

to have been kept by the village headman, who was

the former capital, its timber forests and farms

the top official in the village. The village headman

were designated as places that offered goods to the

had the central position of receiving documents

imperial court and shrines, and it had estates for thefrom the feudal lord who controlled the village andpowerful. Therefore, ancient manuscripts written

creating documents, most of which accumulated atby those in control (starting with the court) containhis house. Their contents vary widely and include

place names and similar historical information.

orders from the feudal lord, other control-related
items, and items relating to the administration of the

In addition, the region at the foot of Mt. Hiravillage. The most important documents were handed

had estates for the Enryakuji and Onjōji temples,to the new village headman when the position

including Hira Estate, Komatsu Estate, Otowa

changed. These were transferred to the management

Estate, and Kido Estate, where many historicalof the community hall at some stage in or aftermaterials relating to those in control remain. The

the Meiji era; depending on the village, ancientMoriyama district formed part of the Kido Estate atmanuscripts from several houses were collected inthat time.

the community hall.

Unfortunately, not many ancient manuscripts

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Gangōjiremain that could reveal the state of the Moriyama

Institute for Research of Cultural Property

district and rest of the region at the foot of Mt. Hira,investigated the mountain religions in the Hirawhich was under control. This is due to the state

Mountains. At the time, the investigation coveredof this region around the time of Oda Nobunaga.

65 ancient manuscript groups from the former town

Nobunaga burned Mt. Hiei in 1571 (Genki 2),of Adogawa (now Takashima City), north of the city

destroying many historical materials includingof Ōtsu in the south. The district shared documents

ancient manuscripts. Furthermore, the entier regionof the Moriyama district, and surrounding districts

around the Hira Mountains was the battlegroundwere also investigated.

for the Ikkō uprising against Nobunaga, and thebattle against the Azai and Rokkaku clans fromThe shared documents of the Moriyama district

1571 to 1573 (Tenshō 1). This likely resulted in thedating back to the Edo period were investigatedburning down of all shrines and temples at the time,

separately in the late 1980s. This investigationand the loss of all ancient manuscripts and records.

produced a list of ancient manuscripts classified

Accordingly, it is difficult to reconstruct the state ofby content. In total, 27 items are classified, forthis region in the middle ages.

example, “water utilization.”

However, ancient manuscripts from the Edo period

For a short time, the author has held irregularhave survived in each district. In Shiga, most Edo-

ancient manuscript lectures in the Moriyama

period villages have moved to their current districts

community hall, using district shared documents as(Fig. 1). Ancient manuscripts have remained in

texts to assist people in discovering by themselvestemples and shrines and in the houses of families

the form of the district (Photo 1). In addition,

who engaged in important roles in the villages. In

on May 19, 2018 (Heisei 30), the local people

the area at the foot of Mt. Hira today, documents

confirmed the existence of unorganized early17modern documents that remained in the district(Photo 2, Photo 3). The form of Moriyama districtin ancient times, which has not yet been properly
discovered, will gradually become clearer in the
future through examinations of these ancientmanuscripts.
The author conducted these activities because ofher desire for the local community to understandand share the state of their area. Today, based on our
Photo 1. Ancient manuscript lecture (taken September 18, 2018)

experiences of the large-scale disasters that havefrequently occurred since the 1990s, we believe thatdisaster measures require comprehensive knowledge
that extends beyond the framework of liberalarts versus sciences. Furthermore, collaborations
between researchers, residents, local governments,and others have given rise to the need for disasterprevention and reduction measures appropriate
to the local situation. Here, it is meaningful tounderstand the history that formed the area's
characteristics to the present and to share thisPhoto 2. Confirming ancient manuscripts with people from Moriyama (taken
May 19, 2018)

information.
This book presents only one part of these
activities. For example, investigating the disasters
that occurred in a village first requires a deeper
understanding of the conditions in the village.
Nakai Minami's article “Edo-period village reports
with Moriyama as example” uses village reports
classified as “village administration” to commenton the condition of the village of Moriyama. The
village reports are important historical materials
that elucidate the state of the village before land

Photo 3. Early modern documents from Moriyama (taken May 19, 2018)

was cultivated and civil engineering works using
concrete were performed.
In addition, from plans (ancient maps) classified
as “maps” we can perceive the views in each village
and surrounding villages at the time they werecreated. Takahashi Hiroki’s “Ancient maps of thevillages around the foot of Mt. Hira: Possibilities
of links between historical materials and traditional
knowledge” clarifies the spatial characteristics of18

the foot of Mt. Hira and Moriyama village andprovides hints on how to decipher traditional andlocal knowledge from these plans.
Carefully reading village reports and otherancient manuscripts is a good way to learn about
the condition of villages in the Edo period. Ancientmanuscripts that remain in one village may
mention conditions in other villages. Some of these
documents are related to disputes with other villages
and classified as “litigation.” Yamamoto Akiko's“Border disputes between villages at the foot of
Mt. Hira” uses these types of ancient documents
to depict the world at the foot of Mt. Hira. One
characteristic of disputes with other villages is that
relevant plans are retained.
Hints for promoting Eco-DRR are also hidden in
our forebears’ ways of life and our local history. Let
us find them.

Reference materials
Gangōji Institute for Research of Cultural Property ed., Hira sankei
ni okeru sangaku shūkyō chōsa hōkokusho [Investigation report onmountain religions in the Hira Mountains] (Gangōji Institute for
Research of Cultural Property, 1980).
Shiga Chōshi Henshū Iinkai [Shiga town history editorial committee]ed., Shiga chōshi [Shiga town history] vols. 1–5 (Shiga Town,
1996–2005).

19

Edo-period village reports with Moriyama as
exampleNAKAI Minami

Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

Introduction

1736 (Genbun 1).

Historical Material 1 is a village report on Moriyama
Village, Shiga County, Ōmi Province written in 1712

Moriyama village report from 1712

(Shōtoku 2). Village reports are records the village wasMoriyama was mostly ruled directly by the

asked to submit when a feudal lord was transferred

Tokugawa government throughout the Edo period.

from one fief to another or passed the role to his or her

However, in 1661 (Kanbun 1), it became the land of

successor. An inspector was dispatched by the Tokugawa

Prime Minister Tatebayashi (who later became Tokugawa

government, or a feudal lord or local governor traveled

Tsunayoshi, the fifth shogun in the Edo government).

through the villages under their purview to learn about

Later, with the succession of the shogunate of Tsunayoshi

the actual situation in the village. The reports provide

in 1680 (Enpō 1), Tsunayoshi's oldest son Tokumatsu

an overview of the village, including its yield, farmland

succeeded to the fief of Tatebayashi. After the fief wasarea, buildings, population, temples and shrines, rivers,

abolished with the death of Tokumatsu, it seems tomountains, and forests. The former village of Moriyama

have been controlled by local governors through former

is located on the western shore of Lake Biwa at the footretainers who became retainers of the shogun. Fromof Mt. Hira. It ranges from the lakeshore (85 meters

1707 (Hōei 4) to 1712 (Shōtoku 3), which includes theabove sea level) to the peak of Mt. Hōrai at 1,174 meters

year when the village report in Historical Material 1 wasabove sea level. Several village reports remain for

created, it was controlled by Andō Suruga-no-kami (AndōMoriyama; here I introduce Moriyama in the Edo period

Tsuguyuki*), a magistrate of Kyoto Higashi-machi. In

by deciphering two historical materials from 1712 andthe second and third lines from the top, the records say,

Recipient

Date

Article 15

Article 14 Article 13

Historical material 1. Moriyama village report, 1712 (Shōtoku 2) (Moriyama Zaisanku Collection)

20

Article 12

Article 11

Article 10

Article 9

Article 8

“Moriyama Village, Shiga County, Ōmi Province, underrice. The records state that Moriyama's payment of land

the control of Andō Suruga-no-kami.”

taxes in the Year of the Tiger was 169 koku, 9 to, 7 gō, ofwhich one-tenth was paid in soybeans, one-third in silver,

Article 1 describes the yield, highlighting the
productivity of the fields and household land converted

and the remainder in rice. The soybeans and rice werestored in warehouses in Nijō and Ōtsu.

into an amount of rice. The yield for Moriyama was 418
koku, 5 to, 9 shō, 3 gō (1 koku = 10 to = 100 shō = 1000
gō ≒ 180.3 liters).

Articles 4 and 5 describe sundry taxes on mountains.
The “mountain land tax” of 2 to, 5 shō, 9 gō of rice isconsidered a sundry tax imposed on the owner of Mt.

“Year of the Tiger: 1. Rice received …” in Article 2

Hōrai, which rises to the west of Moriyama. The “treeand “Year of the Rabbit: 1. Rice received …” in Article 3

fee” of 4.32 monme of silver was imposed on resources

describe the land tax for the two years preceding the yearthat could be obtained from the mountain, mainly

the village report was written. The land tax acquisition

firewood. In contrast to the honnengu imposed on fields

rate for the Year of the Tiger is described as “4 tsu, 4 rin

and households, this was called komononari and paid inof the yield,” meaning that 40.4% percent of the total

a fixed annual amount in rice or silver.

amount harvested was paid to the feudal lord, and theremaining 59.6% was kept by the villagers. The land tax

Articles 6 and 7 describe river improvements. For

acquisition rate for the Year of the Rabbit is described as

rivers, water supply, road bridges, and so on, works for“3 tsu, 7 bu, 3 rin, 3 mō of the yield” (meaning 37.33%),

which the peasantry bore the expenses are called jibushin,showing a decrease from the previous year. In Moriyama,

while those for which the feudal lord bore the expenses

the state of the crop yield is accredited and the land

are named gofushin. The records state “Gofushin: 1.

tax acquisition rate is fixed each year to determine the

Nuruko River …” and “Ditto: 1. Hacchōda River …”;

amount to be paid in land taxes. One-third of silver

thus, the river works were carried out at the expense of

payments was a form of substitute payment of yields

the feudal lord. In the Nuruko River (currently Noriko

adopted in the Edo period in fiefs directly governedRiver), the works were located on a stretch 160 ken longby the Tokugawa government in western Japan, underand 2 ken wide (1 ken is approximately 1.8 meters). In

which part of the land taxes was paid in silver instead of

the Hacchōda River (currently Hachiyado River), theArticle 7

Article 6

Article 5 Article 4

Article 3

Article 2

Article 1

Village name21

works were located on a stretch 400 ken long and 2 ken“Minor requirements” refers to the farmers’ burden otherwide on average, and in the spring of the Year of thethan land taxes imposed through the village to raise

Dragon, works to dredge 183 ken of that stretch and toreconstruction expenses if the feudal lord's residence

fill doubled gabions with stones, drive piles, and makewas damaged in a disaster or the expenses when thebaskets on a total of 25 ken were conducted. A workforce

feudal lord's daughter was married, for example. Variousof 183 people was required for the dredging work and 28

other expense items are listed under minor requirements.

for the gabion work, and an allowance of 5 gō of rice per“Korean requirements” are expenses imposed when

person was paid for 211 people. The records state that

Korean envoys were dispatched. Requirements could

the rice allowance of 1 koku, 5 to, 5 shō was converted

be collected in one of two ways. One was to divide theinto 74.9 monme of silver at 71 monme per koku. The 8.4

expenses between all households in the village so thatmonme of silver for the bamboo and wood used in theeach household paid the same amount; the other was toworks was paid by the feudal lord to the village because

pay an amount determined according to each household's

the works were gofushin.

holdings. In the early Edo period, the former method wasmore common, but the latter, fairer method gradually

Article 8 describes “granaries,” namely the village-came into favor. Moriyama adopted the latter method,

owned grain warehouses in the village used toand for each koku in holdings, each household had to pay

temporarily store the land taxes. Granaries had noat least 6 shō, 5 gō, 6 shaku in rice and up to 4.17 monme

productive capacity; therefore, their land taxes werein silver for minor requirements, and at least 4 monme inoften reduced or exempted. However, in Moriyama, a tax

silver for Korean requirements.

of 1 to, 4 shō was imposed on 1 se (approx. 1 are) of thehigher-quality field land where the granary was built.

Articles 11 to 13 describe the number of houses,
people, and cattle. Moriyama had 57 houses, of which 39“Year of the Rabbit, minor requirements …” inwere free-holding peasants who had land, and 18 were

Article 9 and “Same year, Korean requirements …” inpoor peasants who did not have land. In some villages,

Article 10 describe takagakarimono, which are value-land taxes for temples were exempted, but Moriyama

added taxes imposed on each village based on its yield.

had one temple described as “land for land taxes.” The

Article 12

Article 11

Article 10

Article 9

Historical material 2. Moriyama village report, 1736 (Genbun 1) (Moriyama Zaisanku Collection)

22

Article 8

Article 7

Article 6

population was 262 people: 111 men, 149 women, and 2

Moriyama Village, Shiga County, Ōmi Province prepared

priests. There were 45 cattle, all-female.

in 1736 (Genbun 1). It was created in the same village of
Moriyama, 24 years after the village report of Historical

Article 14 describes “common land.” Moriyama seems
to have had common land measuring 10 chō, 40 ken from

Material 1. Here, I outline the items not described in
Historical Material 1.

north to south and 6 chō on average from east to west.
Articles 1 and 2 describe “drought damage locations”“Silver for the lord's warehouse” in Article 15 refersin the land along the Nuriko and Hacchōda Rivers.

to expenses the villagers paid to maintain the feudal

Drought damage, as the term implies, is damage tolord's land tax warehouses outside the village. The use

fields due to drought. The fields along the Nuriko Riverof the character 御 (an honorific) before the character

suffered over 5 chō, 3 tan of damage during a drought

for warehouse indicates these are land tax warehouses

because the flooding from Mt. Nakatani was only

belonging to the feudal lord. In this year, 62.79 monme of

approximately 24.5 chō. The fields along the Hacchōda

silver was paid.

River suffered more than 2 chō, 5 tan of damage during
the drought because they were downstream in the

The recipients of the village report of Historicalneighboring village. While Historical Material 1 calls theMaterial 1 are Naruse Gohachirō, Hara Shinroku, andriver “Nuruko River” and Historical Material 2 names it

Yamazaki Nenzaburō*. These three men were inspectors“Nuriko River,” both are now referred to as the Noriko

dispatched by the Tokugawa government to inspect theRiver. The plans of Moriyama indicate Nuru River,administrative and civilian situations in various provinces

Nuruko River, and Nuriko River, among others (Plans

each time the shogun changed. This village report is

1–3).

believed to be a document created when the inspectors
were dispatched.

Article 3 describes “flood damage locations.” Thevillage of Moriyama faces Lake Biwa. More than 5 tanMoriyama village report from 1736

of flood damage locations emerged when water flowed

Historical Material 2 is part of the village report from
Article 5

Article 4

Article 3

Article 2

into depressions as the level of the lake rose.
Article 1

23

Article 4 describes “poor paddy locations.” The village
had more than 10 chō of land that was rocky, withshallow soil, and constantly cold because of spring watergushing out in large volumes, leading to damage fromrice blight (a disease that occurs in rice) and insects.
Article 5 describes “field yield.” The yield from
Moriyama's fields was 123 koku, 2 to, 9 shō, 7 gō, ofwhich 80 koku was from rocky poor, or drought-damaged
fields. Regardless of the crop, the harvest was poor, andin rainy years, the fields flooded heavily, also yielding apoor harvest.
Article 6 describes “standing crops and rice harvest.”
Plan 1. Nuru River

Standing crops grow in the fields. In the year 1736, rain
continued to fall after the rice was planted, with theregion flooding in June and experiencing strong winds
and rain on August 16th and 17th, blowing off the roughrice and causing an extremely poor harvest.
Article 7 states that the fields on the mountainous
region of Moriyama were located at the foot of Mt. Hira,a high mountain; therefore, the harvest was poor becauseof the strong winds that blew down the mountainside
every year.
Article 8 states that men and women from Moriyama
went to the mountains to work during the slack season on
the farms.

Plan 2. Nuruko River

Article 9 describes field crops. In Moriyama's fields,
potatoes, Italian millet, Japanese millet, buckwheat,soybeans, adzuki beans, cotton, tobacco, and daikon weregrown. Farmers did not plant multiple crops at the sametime, and the village did not seem to have any specialties.
Article 10 describes the “marubune (marukobune),”sailboats with a unique structure used in water transporton Lake Biwa from the Edo period to the Shōwa era.
Moriyama had two marubune, one of which belonged
to the village and the other borrowed from the village ofKatata and used to transport wood.

Plan 3. Nuriko River(Plans 1–3: Moriyama Zaisanku Collection)

24

Article 11 describes the river works. Moriyama had
gofushin in three locations, two of which were for gabion

works. There were no weirs or sluices, and the Nuriko

present-day changes for the state of villages in the Edo

River needed laborers each time it rained, although theperiod, lives of their farmers, and information about

number of these is unknown.

disasters. If we consider the villages’ deliberate intentions
when examining them, these historical materials should

Article 12 describes the flooding in June and on August

help us learn more about villages in the Edo period.

16th and 17th, 1736 (Genbun 1). The flooding did not
destroy the gofushin locations in Moriyama, but thereport states that the land along the Nuriko and Hacchōda
Rivers was severely damaged.
Space does not permit me to discuss them, but theMoriyama village report for 1736 also describes “wateruse,” “distances,” “fertilizing,” and other topics.
Conclusion
Do you now have a little understanding of the stateof Moriyama village in the Edo period? The village
reports were prepared from examples presented by the
feudal lord or local governor and the items describedvaried depending on the village and period. The village
report from 1712 (Shōtoku 2) is historical material with

What is a gabion?
Article 7 of Historical Material 1 and Article 11 ofHistorical Material 2 mention “gabions.” A gabion isa basket woven in a cylinder and filled with stones. It
is used in water control works, river improvements,
and disaster restoration works. In ancient times,
bamboo was the main material, but today, steel wire isfrequently used.

items describing the yield, improvements, number ofhouses and people, temples and shrines, rivers, and thelike. The village report from 1736 (Genbun 1) provides
information on restoration works after drought damage,
water damage due to rising water levels in the lake,flooding, heavy rains and winds, damage to fields andrivers from strong winds blowing down the mountains,

Bamboo gabionand disasters. In addition, the village report includes
information on the state of the villagers’ lives in the Edo
period, such as their work during the slack season on thefarms, the boats they owned, crops and specialties grown

Reference materials

in the village, fishing and silkworm-raising, mining, andShiga Chōshi Henshū Iinkai [Shiga town history editorial committee]

other industries specific to the area. The village reports
were documents relating to taxation submitted by theed., Shiga chōshi [Shiga town history] vol. 2 (Shiga Town, 1999)
308–309.

village to the feudal lord or local governor. The village

Explanation of terms

may have manipulated the reports to a certain extent* Note: How to read is speculation

when preparing them based on their intention to lighten
their tax burden as much as possible. For example,
Article 3 of Historical Material 2 mentions “flood damage
locations, more than 5 tan,” but whether the damage
covered more than 5 tan is uncertain and this would need
to be confirmed from other ancient manuscripts, plans,and similar documents. Regardless, village reports
are highly valuable historical materials that convey the25Ancient maps of the villages around the foot of Mt. Hira:
Possibilities of links between historical materials and traditional
knowledgeŌtsu City Museum of History

TAKAHASHI Hiroki
has continued investigations of historical materials on
the Shiga region. Thanks to the launch of this project
and the cooperation of people in various fields, historicalmaterials including ancient maps have attracted new
attention. As such, we have entered a new stage ofinvestigation for thinking about the history of disasters
and landscapes.
1. History of investigations of the area around the footof Mt. Hira and its ancient maps
Ancient maps provide a variety of geographical andhistorical information to project participants from a range

Villages at the foot of Mt. Hira. (Partial extraction from Shiga chōshi, vol. 2,
Fig. 28 with author's additions)of academic fields. These materials provide keys to themultidisciplinary activities that merge the liberal arts andsciences. In order to properly evaluate, analyze, and use

Introduction

the materials while removing the boundaries between

When we spread out a single ancient map that has beenacademic disciplines we must investigate them carefully

folded and examine at the state of the village areas andand sincerely as we carry out the work to publish andnatural features while deciphering the verbal information

share them. These materials are records of the history of

written on it, the historical landscape of the area andlife. They are essential not only to researchers but also to

aspects of the age instantly expand before our eyes.

the people from the regions depicted. It is vital that we

The author was responsible for a special exhibition of apreserve and store then properly in order to convey themcareful selection of ancient maps from the Muromachi

to future generations.

period to Meiji era of the Shiga region of the villages at
the foot of Mt. Hira (until 1889 (Meiji 22), the region

Here, the author provides an overview of the ancientconsisted of 18 villages). The exhibition was held at themap materials in each region around the foot of Mt. Hira.

author's workplace at the Ōtsu City Museum of History
in March 2017, and entitled “Ancient maps of villages:
Walking through the Shiga region.”In the sense of discovering ancient maps from theseregions, past academic investigations (Gangōji Institutefor Research of Cultural Property 1979) as well as the26

The Shiga region still has shared documents collected

investigation and organization in the institute to compile

since the Edo period and many ancient maps. However,a history of the town of Shiga, which was completed

leaving aside the issue of the number of ancient maps,

in 2005, has great meaning (Shiga Town 1996–2005).

we were overwhelmed by the volume of information in

In particular, as mentioned, each region has hugeeach map. Thus, we could only present a small part ofvolumes of ancient manuscripts and records, which werethem in the exhibition and were unable to fully grasp theinvestigated and organized jointly with local people andcontents. Since then, the Ōtsu City Museum of History

used in the compilation exercise. Today, the photographic

materials from these ancient documents (printed onto

However, all are filled with historical information. We

paper) were transferred to the management of the Ōtsustrongly feel the need to examine each in detail in theCity Museum of History with a list of items upon the

futuremerger with Ōtsu in 2006.
2. Viewing the regions around the foot of Mt. Hira as
On the other hand, although the ancient maps included

a wholeamong these materials were recorded in the list of items,

We now look at the regions around the foot of Mt. Hirathey were too large or difficult to photograph, andin the Edo period (particularly the Kita-komatsu to Kita-

therefore very little information on their contents has

funaji regions), which are the areas this project covers.

been passed down, except for those used in the town
history (and photographs of a few items). Given thisAncient maps from the Edo period were preparedsituation, when the Ōtsu City Museum of History held its

in different ways, including village report maps for2017 special exhibition “Ancient maps of villages” wesubmission to the feudal lord and judgment plans createdvisited each region using a list of documents (materials

for the management of common land or in borderfrom the compilation of the Shiga town history) fromdisputes. Some were created in a single village, andabout one year before the exhibition and asked to borrow

others by checking their contents with several villages in

the ancient maps to investigate and photograph them.

the form of attendance. The ancient maps passed downSome ancient maps were not included in the list, and we

this way are historical materials for reconstructing thealso found new maps. As such, we could confirm a hugelandscape through information on control by the feudal

volume of about 750 ancient maps in 18 regions (somelord (the Tokugawa government, daimyo, etc.) in theregions have not yet been investigated).

Edo period and issues of local occupations concerningcommon land. Moreover, they convey a variety of

Naturally, the ancient maps vary in size and condition

historical information.

and include plans that are little more than notes.

Plan of Kita-komatsu, Minami-komatsu, and Kita-hira villages, 1669 (Kanbun 9). (Kita-hira Asset Management Committee Collection. Photo: provided by Ōtsu City
Museum of History, same applies to p. 26)

27

Extract: Plan endorsement

Extract: State of Minami-komatsu village and inner lakes

komatsu, and Kita-hira villages” (pp. 27, 28), which
was passed down in the Kita-hira district and depicts
the villages of Kita-komatsu, Minami-komatsu, andKita-hira at the time. It is large, extending to 109.8
centimeters vertically and 182.1 centimeters horizontally,and has notes on the back including the date it was
created in July 1669 (Kanbun 9). The writing on theback also shows that the fields and fallow land, as wellas owned mountains and common land (shared land),were carefully confirmed in the presence of village
headmen and peasants from each village and drawn up
Extract: State of mountains and valleys

in detail. Before submitting the man to the feudal lord(the Tokugawa government or local governor in Ōtsu),
the village headmen, intermediaries, and head peasantsof the three villages signed it to handle cases of errors
and guarantee the contents later. However, this is not theoriginal document, only a copy retained in the village.
Examining the face of the plan reveals that the use ofeach parcel of land is color-coded as explained in thelegend, and over this is depicted detailed information
about the feudal lord of each village and its yield andnumber of houses, locations of tutelary deities (shrines),

Extract: Taki-yama

Ancient maps from the Shiga region are considered

In contrast, many mountains and valleys have been

extremely rare materials in the reconstruction ofnamed and classified according to their usage such as

historical information on the region. Noteworthy is thatmountains for grass or for firewood. Fallow land (red),

only one village does not have a detailed map, and a few“bald mountains,” and flood damage information is aldoplans depicting several villages remain.

included.

One of these is the “Plan of Kita-komatsu, Minami28

and information on rivers and roads, among other items.

Plan of Kido, Daimotsu, Arakawa, and Kita-funaji villages, 1669 (Kanbun 9). (Arakawa Ward Common Land Management Committee Collection. Photo: provided byŌtsu City Museum of History)

Extract: Area around Mt. Fukutani, Kita-funaji Village

Extract: Area around Moriyama and Kido villages

Extract: Area around Arakawa Village and Ōtani River

Extract: Area around Daimotsu Village and Hyakken (100-ken)
Embankment

29

Furthermore, besides land information, the plan depicts

government.

“Yoroi-iwa” (lit. “armor rock”) and “Taki-yama” (lit.
“waterfall mountain”) (Yōbai Falls), and the inner lakes

In other words, considering various possibilities, theseand inlets of Ōmi-Maiko. This enables us to reconstruct

two large plans were prepared to depict and describe thein detail the historical landscape from Kita-komatsu tovillages in the possession of the Tokugawa government

Kita-hira.

and submitted under government orders, albeit forreasons not currently clear.

The next plan I present is the “Plan of Kido, Daimotsu,
Arakawa, and Kita-funaji villages” (p. 29), which

Note that the village of Minami-hira (which links thewas similarly created in 1669 (Kanbun 9). This plan

two plans but is not depicted in either) was the estate

depicts the four villages in its title and is extremelyof the Shōda family, direct retainers of the shogun, andlarge, measuring 156.6 centimeters vertically andwas not included in the land owned by the Tokugawa

263.5 centimeters horizontally. The plan is endorsed ingovernment (which is probably why it was not included

the same way as the “Plan of Kita-komatsu, Minami-in the report).

komatsu, and Kita-hira villages,” indicating that it was
carefully examined when prepared in the presence of theEither way, these maps are valuable plans from which

village headmen, intermediaries, and head peasants from

we can learn about the living spaces of the people ineach village.

the northern area at the foot of Mt. Hira 350 years ago,
including control mechanisms, lifestyles, and local

Regarding its contents, the area in each village (white)

occupations.

shows the number of tan for homesteads and numberof houses and indicates the permanently fallow fields

3. Reading the historical landscape of the Moriyama

around them in yellow. The mountains nearer to the

district

village areas are depicted in detail as being used for

As mentioned, many ancient maps remain forgrass, and those further away as mountains for firewood.

the regions around the foot of Mt. Hira. These

The paths leading to them are marked “grass path” withhistorical materials are worthy of attention in terms ofthe distance from the peak to lakeshore. These paths arereconstructing the actual conditions and landscape forconnected to the village areas and to the inlets. This plan

land use. It is not possible to present them all here, butbetter details how firewood and stones were shipped to

below I discuss a few ancient maps of the MoriyamaŌtsu and Ōmi-Hachiman than other ancient maps.

district in Hachiyado, Ōtsu, Shiga, the main area ofinvestigation in 2018. Andō Kōichi and Fukamachi

Incidentally, did you notice that the place where

Katsue also introduce and analyze the Minami-komatsu

Moriyama should be is blank, with nothing drawn there?

district, which was investigated at the same time, from

This does not mean that Moriyama did not exist. The

the perspectives of flood damage and land use. I refer thefact that Moriyama is not depicted connects this plan toreader to their article (p. 64).

the reason the “Plan of Kita-komatsu, Minami-komatsu,
and Kita-hira villages” was created. The key point

In addition, the state of the Moriyama district in the

regarding why it was not depicted lies in the possessive

Edo period, described below, is analyzed in detail from(controlling) relationships of these villages at the foot ofreports submitted to the feudal lord in an article by Nakai

Mt. Hira at the time. The villages depicted in these plans

Minami (p. 20). Furthermore, Azuma Sachiyo provides

were all owned by the Tokugawa government (or contain

information about the history of disasters (p. 58). I referland in the possession of the Tokugawa government),

the reader to these articles as well.

while Moriyama was the estate of Prime Minister30

Tatebayashi (who later became Tokugawa Tsunayoshi)

What information can we obtain from ancient maps

and was not included in the land owned by the Tokugawaof the Moriyama district? The shared documents from

carefully considered and a judgment was rendered, which
seems to not have determined the border, but merely
forbade people from Kita-funaji from cutting down trees
on Moriyama's “Mt. Nakatani.” Conversely, people from
Moriyama were forbidden to cut down trees on Kitafunaji's “Mt. Fukutani” (Endorsement 2).
From this, we see a problem concerning the(1) Plan from the Mt. Fukutani dispute judgment, 1664 (Kanbun 4). (Moriyama
Zaisanku Collection. Photo: taken by Shimizu Kōgeisha)management of mountain forests in the mid-17th century,and particularly relationships with the feudal lord andstate of his judgments. However, this plan seems to

the Moriyama district include 92 ancient maps fromhave been copied many times, and many copies can be

1664 (Kanbun 4) to the Meiji and Taishō eras. Ranging

confirmed among the shared documents of the Moriyama

from detailed maps to little more than rough notes, they

district. The shared documents of Moriyama district show

comprise a wide variety of contents. Below, I select forthat mountain and water-related disputes concerning

discussion some of the ancient maps of the Moriyama

Mt. Fukutani occurred frequently from 1664 to 1673

district that merit attention.

(Kanbun 4–13). Moreover, while it is not possible toconfirm documents relating to the Kanbun 4 dispute in(1) Plan from the Mt. Fukutani dispute judgment

the shared documents of Kita-funaji district, we can look

This is the oldest ancient map left in the Moriyama

further back to a memorandum from 1662 (Kanbun 2)

district. The face of the plan includes Lake Biwa on

forbidding people from each village from going to work

this one side (with east at the bottom) and looks west

in the other village until the judgment was handed down.

toward the Hira Mountains at the top. It shows theThis suggests that problems surrounding Mt. Fukutani

relative positions of Wani (Kitahama), Minami-funaji,

had a history of repeated occurrence.

Kita-funaji, Moriyama, and Kido villages in order fromthe south, and the feudal lord, yield, and amounts from

The plan from the Mt. Fukutani dispute is merely

working in other villages. It also indicates the paths

a slice of the situation at one point in time in 1664.

leading to the mountains and lake (beaches) with red

However, it can be considered material for reconstructing

lines and the “estate boundaries” with yellow lines. Landthe landscape at the time based on broadly shared spatial

usage is shpwn as “rice fields” and “plains.” The reason

recognition in the presence of both villages, albeit withfor creating the plan is not immediately apparent, but theEndorsement 2

endorsements suggest more about its background andhistory.
The plan has two endorsements. Both are dated 1664
(Kanbun 4). The one at the lower left is a note fromwhen the plan was submitted by Moriyama and Kitafunaji villages (Endorsement 1), and the one in the upper
right is the judgment from the feudal lord in response

Endorsement 1(at this time, the area was the estate of the Tokugawa
government) (Endorsement 2). In summary, they statethat (i) the plan was created in the presence of Moriyama
and Kita-funaji, and each village's arguments about thecontested “mountain border” were written and submitted(Endorsement 1). In response, (ii) the issues were

(1) Plan from the Mt. Fukutani dispute judgment. (Endorsements. Frames andlabels added by author. Photo: provided by Ōtsu City Museum of History)

31

slight differences between them.
(2) Map of Moriyama and Kita-funaji villages andenvirons
The next plan I present also depicts Mt. Fukutani and
Nakatani, and is centered on the village of Moriyama.
The composition is the same as the “Plan from the Mt.
Fukutani dispute judgment,” but the way it is depicted
and verbal information differ slightly. First, the following
three points draw attention: (i) the fields spreading on thelakeshore side of Moriyama are yellow (statements relate
to external worker relations in Kita-funaji and Kido
villages); (ii) the “plains,” mountains, and valleys aroundMoriyama are depicted in green and show flora (standing
trees and undergrowth are distinguished); and (iii) thescope of external work in Kita-funaji from Moriyama
is shown in white. The year the plan was created is notknown, but given the external work problems between(2) Map of Moriyama and Kita-funaji villages and environs, early to mid-Edo
period. (Moriyama Zaisanku Collection. Photo: taken by Shimizu Kōgeisha)
Top: Entire map; bottom: extract (shishigaki section)

the two villages, it is thought to be from the early to midEdo period.

(3) Map of the mountains and forests aroundMoriyama and Kita-funaji villages

One interesting thing about these landscape depictions

This plan includes Moriyama and Kita-funaji villages

is that the shishigaki (stone walls for keeping out

and depicts the surrounding mountains and beaches. The

animals) separating the village and mountainside offace of the plan confirms that the steepness of mountains

Moriyama are shown. On the border with Kido to thelike Mt. Hōrai and Kojorō Pass are expressed in deep

north, an “estate boundary” in the form of a stone wall isgreen, and the area before them—thought to be grassy

also depicted, but the shishigaki does not extend toward

land—is colored light green and marked “ 野 ” (plains) in

Kita-funaji to the south; thus the situation is unclear. We

black ink. The yellow areas are the fields of Kita-funaji.

can confirm ancient records from the mid-Edo period
relating to the maintenance of these shishigaki around

The purpose and year of this plan's creation are

Moriyama (for example, shared documents of Moriyama

unclear, but the legend includes “dispute about land

district). On the other hand, pleadings from village

along the shore” as an explanation of the white areas.

headmen and others from Kita-funaji dating to the mid-Thus, it may have been created with a dispute about theEdo period (shared documents of Kita-funaji district)shores being used as harbors for shipping firewood anddescribe the extension of “shishitakegaki” from the northtimber. Regarding disputes about shoreland, documents

and show that the village requested prompt construction

and records from 1733 (Kyōhō 18) remain, and theirwith “the generous assistance of his lordship” because

historical progress and actual state of use can beboars were seen around Kita-funaji and the farmers wereconsidered in conjunction with the plan.

experiencing difficulties in this regard.
This plan depicts the village landscape but also hints
at common land and external work problems where
neighboring villages struggled against each other, as wellas problems pertaining to the construction of shishigaki.
32

It is probable that this plan was a draft of a plan to besubmitted later to the feudal lord to convey the state ofdamage from one of these events.
Parts of the plan are colored pink, with section names
and “requests” written and depictions of piled-up stones.
It is not currently clear what this signifies, but it appears
to be an important expression. Analyzing it in detail is an
issue for the future.

(4) Plan of lakeshore flooding in Moriyama and Kita-funaji villages, mid tolate Edo period. (Moriyama Zaisanku Collection. Photo: taken by Shimizu
Kōgeisha)(5) Jinshin title deed and land surveying plan ofMoriyama and Kita-funaji villages(3) Map of mountains and forests around Moriyama and Kita-funaji villages,
mid-Edo period. (Moriyama Zaisanku Collection. Photo: taken by Shimizu
Kōgeisha)

Finally, I present two maps from the modern era.
In the early Meiji era, reforms were conducted to move(4) Plan of lakeshore flooding in Moriyama and Kita-

from the former system of payment of land taxes infunaji villages

kind (e.g., rice) to one of determining the value of eachThis plan has Lake Biwa at the front, as expected, andparcel of land and paying taxes in money. As part of thiscovers the area from Minami-funaji to Kido, centered onprocess, “cadastral maps” were created depicting in detailMoriyama. From its characteristics, it seems to depict

the state of each land parcel.

the state of flood damage. The blue coloring around thelakeshore and the Hachimachida and Noriko Rivers is

Both (i) and (ii) depict Moriyama and Kita-funaji

thought to indicate the extent of damage from flooding,villages, except for their mountainous, forested parts, andknown as “inflow.” There are no historical materials

were created in the early Meiji era. They are known as

for determining or comparing the year of creation, andthe Jinshin title deed and land surveying plans. Moriyama

while we can say it must have been created in the mid

and Kita-funaji merged in 1874 (Meiji 7) to become theto late Edo period, this is not certain. For example, thevillage of Hachiyado; thus, we infer that the plans wereMoriyama district shared documents contain records on

created that year.

flood damage in 1700 (Genroku 13), 1704 (Hōei 1), 1708
(Hōei 5), and 1734 (Kyōhō 19), and “inflow” damage

Because the lot numbers have been corrected in part,due to the rising level of Lake Biwa in 1789 (Kansei 1).

channels and rural roads were added in light colors,
33

Conclusion
Here, a general overview was provided of ancient maps
in the area around the foot of Mt. Hira, with a focus on
the ancient maps in collections in the Moriyama district.
Superimposing a pastoral or nostalgic image whenlooking at ancient maps from the Edo period may diverge
from the actual conditions portrayed.
As seen in the dispute plans, securing the use andbenefit of mountains and forests was an important issue.
Villages relied on their use and benefit for the occupationof shipping firewood. The writing of “bare mountains” onseveral plans indicates development and ruin connectedwith these issues or the movements of villagers risking
their lives to respond to flood damage. We must consider
the fierce competition with neighboring villages that
required the preparation of these plans; including
the confrontation with the feudal lord, and the living
conditions, while reading about the villagers’ lives.
The depictions expressed on ancient maps and theletters written on them show us the views of the villagers
at the time, the footsteps of our forebears that are carved
into the earth, and the changing nature and appearanceof the mountains, fields, rivers, and seas. We are able todecipher a better sense of the period and its issues, whichbecome more visible.
The Edo period and contemporary times are notseparate from each other, but are connected. The presenceof ancient maps and other historical materials tells us that
(5) Jinshin title deed and land surveying plan of Moriyama and Kita-funaji
villages, early Meiji era. (Both top (i) and under (ii), Moriyama Zaisanku
Collection. Photos taken by Shimizu Kōgeisha)people have made these connections. The area aroundthe foot of Mt. Hira and the hundreds of ancient mapsthat remain there are filled with enormous amountes ofhistorical information.

and traces of corrections made before creating the final
map are evident. As such, this is thought to be a draft. It

I specialize in work on the investigation, organization,

enables a detailed analysis of land usage and landscapesand analysis of ancient manuscripts and records, but

in the early Meiji era.

am still a layman in terms of analyzing ancient maps.
Even when I oversaw the “Ancient maps of villages”

34

A land surveying plan created around 1885–1889

exhibition mentioned in the introduction, I progressed(Meiji 18–21) also survives (Ōtsu City Museum ofwith the advice of many geographers and historians. They

History Collection), enabling us to trace the changes incontinuously taught me the importance of going to thethe village space from the Edo period to Meiji era.

site and walking every inch of ground while comparing

the map of today with that of ancient times.

Reference materials
Gangōji Institute for Research of Cultural Property ed., Hira sankei

Now, this project is proceeding to unearth local
historical materials, including ancient maps, andorganizing and analyzing them in collaboration withresearchers from various fields and local cooperators.
Having done so, we look together at the ancient maps

ni okeru sangaku shūkyō chōsa hōkokusho [Investigation reporton mountain religions in the Hira Mountains] (under 1979 Nihon
Jitensha Shinkōkai [Japan Bicycle Promotion Association] subsidized
project), 1979
Mizumoto Kunihiko, Ezu to keikan no kinsei [Plans and landscapes inearly-modern times], Azekura Shobō, 2002

and walk every inch of the area with the guidance of

Mizumoto Kunihiko, Kusayama no kataru kinsei [Early-modern times

residents. We overlay “talking” about former paths,

as related to grassy mountains] (Japanese History Libretto 52),

rivers, mountains, and forests, or the state of lifestyles inolden times, with the information in the ancient maps. We
connect this shared historical information and traditional
knowledge in various ways and investigate how to use it.

Yamakawa Shuppansha, 2003
Shiga Chōshi Henshū Iinkai [Shiga town history editorial committee]ed., Shiga chōshi [Shiga town history] (vols. 1–5), Shiga Town,
1996–2005
Tsu City Museum of History special exhibition pamphlet, “Ancientmaps of villages: Walking through the Shiga region,” 2017

Then, we fold up the ancient map we had spread out
and put it in its storage box, and spread out the next one
to dive into that period. The history of investigating thearea around the foot of Mt. Hira that concerns ancientmaps has only just begun.

Acknowledgments
The Kitahira Asset Management Committee, Moriyama Zaisanku, andArakawa Ward Common Land Management Committee granted theirpermission to use their materials. In investigating and analyzing thecadastral maps, I was advised by Koseki Daiju (geographer, part-time
instructor at Kyoto Women's University). I thank them deeply.
Postscript
This project set out to decipher relevant ancient manuscripts. Although
I referred to them when writing this article, I have not specificallyintroduced them. I wish to relate them to ancient maps and present
the historical materials as they become available. Finally, I thank thepeople below who lent their strengths in deciphering the documents.
Araki Keiichi, Katō Miho, Katō Yukiko, Kōriyama Shiho, Nabeshima
Emiko, Matsushima Sumiko, Sakurai Michio, Takano Ryūichi, Yoshii
Asuka, Watanabe Junko
In addition, I thank the students from Bukkyō University andRitsumeikan University and others listed below who assisted indigitizing and organizing the materials compiled from Shiga Town
History.
Akamatsu Yui, Koegaitsu Tadashi, Nishiya Yūki, Matsumoto Riki,
Miura Kaho, Miura Rin, Ochiai Yūsuke, Takada Mizuho, Ueda
Tomoka, Yagi Sae

Photo: Photographing an ancient map at Shimizu Kōgeisha. (confirming the
fixing position with lasers)

35

Border disputes between villages at the foot of
Mt. Hira
Takashima City Board of Education

YAMAMOTO Akiko

Plan of Iguro Village border dispute (face). (Ukawa-ku Collection. Photo: provided by Takashima City Board of Education)

The village of Ukawa, located on the eastern slope of theLand surveying provides an understanding of land

Hira Mountains, falls within the city of Takashima under

productivity and imposes obligations on the peasants working

today's administrative divisions. We know that in the Edo

the land to pay land taxes. Land tax payments were undertaken

period, it was formed as Ukawa Village, Shiga County, andat the responsibility of the village. In addition, it organized

was subdivided from Uchioroshi Village, Takashima County

external work (farming outside the village where one lives)to the north.

and internal work (farming in one village by a peasant fromanother village) relationships between villages and ascertained

At its southern border is Kita-komatsu Village, Shiga

the village boundaries.

County. Thus, it could be considered a village located on theborder of Takashima and Shiga counties.

As a result, the mountains, forests, and plains came to have

Given this location, Ukawa and Kita-komatsu havevillage boundaries where they had none before. In particular,

repeatedly been in dispute concerning the border between themountains, forests, and plains provide fertilizer, fuel, andtwo villages and their common land rights.

construction materials, so their usage value is high. Thus,
throughout the countrya, disputes on the borders of mountains

Disputes concerning villages’ rights became more frequent(mountain disputes), forests, and plains occurred repeatedly.

after the dawn of the Edo period. This is closely related to theland surveying that commenced during Toyotomi Hideyoshi's
unification of the country.
36

One such mountain dispute, between Ukawa and Kitakomatsu, was based on disagreements the middle ages andPlan of Iguro Village border dispute (reverse). (Ukawa-ku Collection. Photo: provided by Takashima City Board of Education)

continued into the Edo period without resolution. It wasborder between the villages of Uchioroshi and Ukawa and theeventually brought to the supreme court of the shogunate invillage of Kita-komatsu re-emerged.

Edo.
According to the complaint by Uchioroshi and Ukawa on
In general, mountain and water disputes in regional villages

August 6, 1710 (Hōei 7), they were ordered to install a stone

were settled privately through discussion between the villages

wall along the lakeside in the village of Imazu in Takashimaor resolved through a decision of the magistrate's court inCounty. However, when they mined the necessary stone

Kyoto. If a resolution could not be reached at this stage,

in Ukawa and loaded it onto boats from Ukawa's shores

the dispute was transferred to the highest judicial organ ofto transport it to Imazu, Kita-komatsu strongly opposed it

the Tokugawa government in Edo, known as the hyōjōsho.

and demanded an “injunction against loading,” marking theDecisions here were rendered primarily by the commissioner

beginning of the problem.

of finance (kanjō bugyō), commissioner of the city of Edo(Edo-machi bugyō), and commissioner of shrines and temples

Kita-komatsu alleged a right of control over Ukawa's shores(jisha bugyō) with senior councilors (rōjū) participating inthat extended over the county border. The basis for this was assome cases.

follows:(i) Since the Keichō land survey, the parts of Ukawa's

The dispute between Ukawa and Kita-komatsu, which

fields, mountains, and shores within the borders of Takashima

started during the Kōan era (1278–88), developed into aand Shiga counties were Kita-komatsu's territory, and workers

lengthy disagreement that continued until June 1416 (Ōeifrom Uchioroshi worked externally and paid land taxes to the23), when the Muromachi shogunate of the time renderedlord of Komatsu.

a decision that the border between Takashima and Shiga(ii) The fishing villages of Ukawa had submitted sundry andcounties was “limited to the base of the waterfall on Mt.

business taxes on netting boats, and the land near the county

Kanegatake at the top and the southern shore of the Ukawa

border was under the control of Kita-komatsu.

River at the bottom.”(iii) For these reasons, since the Enpō land survey, the shore
area had been a taxable area for Kita-komatsu, and the fishing

However, after the Edo period began and Ukawa was
subdivided from Uchioroshi, the dispute concerning thevillages, booms, loading, and so on were under Kita-komatsu's
control.
37

Plan of Iguro Village border dispute (face). (Iguro-ku Collection. Photo: provided by Takashima City
Board of Education)

In response, Uchioroshi and Ukawa argued that the 1416

down a judgment that the fishing villages and the Mt. Takanoo

decision extending “to the southern shore of the Ukawa River”

section, land worth a yield of around 60 koku, belonged

had designated the border. Therefore, Uchioroshi commenced

to Kita-komatsu. Ukawa did not accept this, and litigationan action asserting Kita-komatsu's injustice for making a newcontinued. In May the following year, a judgment decreed

road to Mt. Takanoo that crossed both sides of the Ukawa

that the mountain land belonged to Uchioroshi and Ukawa

River and misappropriated it beyond the border of the fields.

and the fields to Kita-komatsu, Mt. Takanoo was a mountainbeing used as commonage, the fishing villages were underThis dispute originally began with the right to control the

Uchioroshi and Ukawa's control, and the net fishing was forshores of the Ukawa River, but gradually developed into one

Kita-komatsu. However, this outcome was unacceptable toinvolving mountains and then county borders. It seems thatboth villages, rendering the dispute even more complicated.

different attitudes about borders between Kita-komatsu, which
expanded the village's right to control to the county border

A resolution was reached through a judgment signed bysince the Keichō land survey, and Uchioroshi and Ukawa,

10 magistrates (gojippan) in Edo in December 1716 (Kyōhō

which asserted village borders based on borders decided in the1). The “border dispute plan” prepared at this time shows

middle ages, developed into a dispute on county borders.

“Ukawa's mountains” and “Kita-komatsu's mountains” indifferent colors on its face, and divides the “north face” andUkawa (which had been subdivided from Uchioroshi) was“south face” of “Kanegatake,” the mountain forming thean oddly formed village at the time; because the peasants ofborder, with a thick line. In addition, the reverse side describes

Ukawa lived in Uchioroshi, it was called Uchioroshi rather

the history of the dispute and judgment outcome under “Eachthan Ukawa. The actual situation was that the peasants ofitem in the border dispute and decision between Ukawa

Ukawa were only occupying about 10 households near

Village, Shiga County, Uchioroshi Village, Takashima County,

Shirahige Shrine, and the remainder lived in Uchioroshi.

and Kita-komatsu Village, Shiga County, Ōmi Province.” The

These are considered the reasons for Kita-komatsu's strong

salient points of the judgment are as follows:

assertion of control as a county estate.

(i) The county border is the line from the peak of Mt.
Kanegatake to the southern shore of the Ukawa River.

In August 1711 (Shōtoku 1), the county magistrate handed
38(ii) The four locations of Mt. Okubi, Mt. Umagase,Plan of Iguro Village border dispute (reverse). (Iguro-ku Collection. Photo: provided by Takashima City
Board of Education)

Koyagatani, and Mt. Kitasaka in Kita-komatsu were originally

Incidentally, Otowa's right of commonage on Ukawa-yama,

mountains where hunting and forestry were prohibited. It

referred to in part (iii) of the 1716 judgment, was asserted by

was again decided that it was a serious crime for peasantsOtowa based on the history of the Otowa Estate border disputeto misappropriate their resources and so they remainedin 1433 (Eikyō 5) and dispute in the Keian era (1648–52).

prohibited mountains.

However, because the deeds for both these disputes did not(iii) The village of Otowa's right of commonage on Ukawayama is not explicitly mentioned, so it is not allowed.

mention Ukawa-yama by name, referring only to Uchioroshi,
the 1716 decision did not use the two ancient deeds as a basis
and did not allow Otowa's right of commonage on Ukawa-

Moreover, the criminal offenses of each person in

yama.

Ukawa and Kita-komatsu were to be investigated and theirpunishments added, which added to the already tense dispute.

Nevertheless, for Otowa, which considered Ukawa-

The result of this was that around 40 villagers from Kita-

yama a mountain it had a right of commonage for andkomatsu who journeyed to Edo to issue the complaint wereregarded Ukawa as part of Uchioroshi, this outcome was notordered to serve prison sentences.

convincing. Thereafter, it only had a right of commonage to
Uchioroshi-yama.

In this dispute, an argument over the mountains between thevillage of Kita-komatsu and villages of Ukawa and Uchioroshi

The three villages of Iguro, Hata, and Shishigase locatedcontinued for seven years, but ultimately, the ancient deed

northwest of Uchioroshi and Ukawa were also involved infrom the Ōei era (1394–1428) provided the basis for Ukawa

disputes concerning boundaries in 1721 (Kyōhō 6). A planand Uchioroshi's argument to be accepted. Thereafter,

showing the boundaries was prepared when the judgment

litigation and other actions were initiated because of repairs toof this dispute was rendered, and the reverse side shows astone walls along the lakeshore and similar causes during thelengthy copy of the history and result of the decision.

An'ei (1854–60), Bunka (1804–18), Bunsei (1818–30), andTenpō (1830–44) eras. None of these developed into major
disputes and each was resolved by the decision from 1716
(Kyōhō 1).

References
Takashima Town, Takashima chōshi [Takashima Town history] (1983)
Takashima Town, Zusetsu Takashima-chō no rekishi [History of Takashima
Town with explanatory diagrams] (2003)39

【Stone culture at the foot of Mt. Hira: Local
wisdom and technology harnessing nature's
blessings】

Photo : Research Institute for Humanity and Nature (drone photography) at Hyakken (100-ken) Embankment

The landscape surrounding stonemasons
SHIMAUCHI Risa

Research Institute of Humanity and Nature

Introduction

rain, stones would fall unendingly when you went to the

The bird's-eye view on the left page is a map of themountain. The soil around here is sandy and granitic, so

foot of Mt. Hira, depicted with the line from Hira Station

it collapses easily. This is why the stone is easy to obtainto Ōmi-Maiko Station in the center (Fig. 1). Indicated on

and process.”the map are places that stonemasons were involved with,as learned from interview surveys.

The eastern parts of the Hira Mountains, located inŌtsu, Shiga, are characterized by continuous steep slopes

The interviewee HIRAOKA Shichirō (aged 93 years)

from their summits at about 1,000 meters above sea

was born to a master stonemason in Kita-hira, and hislevel, with streams and rivers of various sizes flowing

home holds various tools stonemasons have used since

into Lake Biwa. When heavy rain falls, there is a risk of

the Meiji era. In Kita-hira, firewood, brushwood, stone,

mudslides and flooding, and the people living at the footand other goods were sold through trade using majorof the mountains have implemented various innovativeroutes and shores until the 1960s. Regarding the stone

methods to handle natural disasters. The granite, chert,

used by the stonemasons, Hiraoka said, “After heavy

and other stone from the mountains and rivers around

Mt. Shaka

Foot of Mt. Hira
Kanaguso Pass
Shirutani RockKitatani

Shiroiwa

QuarryJigoku Valley

Minamitani

BypassFigure 1. Bird’s-eye view of Hira Mountain stonemasonry

42

What are quarries?
The Hira River flows between the Kitatani andMinamitani Mountains on the border between Hira andMinami-komatsu. From its upper reaches, it carves away
at the mountains to expose large rocks. These upper
reaches are the workplace where granite was cut out,
known as a quarry. Nearby are mountain huts and places
for storing tools.
The stonemasons climbed the mountain and started
work here at sunrise; each had a different role, suchas bringing the stones down, splitting, carting, andprocessing them. Explosives were used to drop granitefrom several hundred meters high down to the river, where
the stonemasons waitied to split it into transportable sizes

Figure 2. The quarry(Fig. 2).
the villages are used for embankments and aqueducts toprevent disasters, and for stonework in stone walls andterraced fields. Here, I discuss those who have faced thethreats and blessings of nature within this lifestyle about
the work of stonemasons.

Lake Biwa

Hachiman Shrine

Yanamune River

Omi-maiko Station
Tama changing place

Tama changing place
Hira River
Shore huts

Wharves

Hira Station

43

Figure 3. Carting a stone down from the mountain

Figure 4. Loading stones onto marukobune

Wagons for transporting stones

Loading onto marukobune

When carting stones, the stonemasons used wooden

The stone cut from the mountain was loaded onto

wagons called “kuruma.” Kuruma had wheels (tama)

marukobune (a type of boat) and taken to be sold in othermade from Japanese red pine or a similar wood andareas.

were used to cart stones sometimes as long as 5 meters.
Stonemasons usually carted the stones alone, butsometimes worked in teams of four.

To transport the stone onto the boats, workers placeda board on platforms called “uma,” then used logs called“koro” to load the stone in teams of four. The floor of

The illustration shows the stonemasons coming down

the boat was loaded with small stones to stabilize it, anda slope. To shift the center of gravity toward the back,boards were placed over them to allow people to walk.

the stonemason adjustments by loading small stones, or

The small stones were also taken to be sold in other areas

sometimes had his daughter sit on the stone (Fig. 3).

(Fig. 4). Kita-hira produced many long stones, whichwere processed for use as curbstones and flagstone, andNear the village was a flat place for changing the tama

in torii. Minami-komatsu produced many round stones

to larger tama, after which the stones would be carted toand had many stonemasons specialized in detailed work

the shore hut.

such as stone lanterns, basins, and stone mortars.
The stone was transported to areas on the opposite
side of Lake Biwa (Nagahama, Hikone, Ōmi-Hachiman,
Moriyama, Ōtsu, etc.) and Kyoto to be sold.

44

Figure 5. Shore huts

Figure 6. Hachiman Shrine near Ōmi-maiko Station

Shore huts

Remaining processed items

In addition to loading the stones onto marukobune,

The stone was applied for various uses, including as

Kita-hira had huts where they could be processed on-

breakwaters on the lakeshore; stone embankments alongsite. When processing stone, they used a range of tools

rivers; stone walls and other structures for preventing

including chisels, wedges, sledgehammers, and bellows.

flooding, mudslides, and damage from animals;aqueducts; house foundations; stonework for terraced

In Kita-hira, they built thatched shore huts nearfields; and decorative stones in gardens. This stonework

the shore where stonemasons who specialized in

and various processed items can still be seen in living

processing worked. In Minami-komatsu, the villagers-

spaces around the Hira Mountains, making up a stone

built stonecutter's huts in the village, where stonemasonsculture unique to the area. Hachiman Shrine in Minami-

carried out their respective jobs.

komatsu still has torii, stone lanterns, and other works
made by the stonemasons. The guardian dogs (komainu)

There were many shore huts, the largest of which
had space for three people to work. In addition, somecreated by local stonecutter Jinpachi are reportedly
among the largest in Japan (Fig. 6).

huts with bellows were built next to the shore huts.
An illustration has been drawn with this in mind (Fig.
5). Bellow huts were about as big as two tatami mats(approximately 1.8 meters by 1.8 meters) and were
simple, containing only the bellows, forge, and a cistern
for water. They were just big enough for one adult tocrouch down and enter. The stonemasons used these huts
to make and fix the tools they used to process the stones
into various shapes.

45

Survey of tools used by “stonecutters” at the footof Mt. Hira
Lake Biwa Museum

WATANABE Keiichi
MIMASU Yurika

Photo 2. Inside the shed before organizing
the tools (February 24, 2016)

Photo 1. Main building and garden of Hiraoka residence.
Local stone has been used generously (January 19, 2019)

Encountering “stonecutter's” tools
We first visited the home of HIRAOKA Shichirō in
Kita-hira, Ōtsu, on February 24, 2016, which was a frigid

enough to arouse our interest in the worksite of thepeople who strode onto this steep mountain to carve out
huge stones.

day typical of winter in the Kosei region. Shichirō wasborn on October 6, 1926, and is an elder who has passed

While it may have been different several decades ago,

his years at the same pace as the Shōwa era. We heard thetoday, local museums do not commonly accept all the

Hiraoka family once engaged in the occupation of stone

tools in a craftsman's home. This is because to effectively

cutting and had stored many old tools the craftsmen used

use limited (or rather, already overfilled) storage space,in the production of stone (Photo 1).

the most we can do is remove the typical tools and store
them. The Lake Biwa Museum had several reasons for

Mr. Hiraoka brought out tools, saying, “This is a

accepting all these tools.

wedge, and this is a chisel, and this is a sledgehammer.”
These were all made of iron and quite weighty and were

The first is that the materials have survived in ancovered in rust and dust. Furthermore, the shed of theorganized form that follows the process of harvesting,

Hiraoka residence was like a time capsule filled with atransporting, and processing stone, making themcomplete set of stonecutter's tools that had lain dormant

effective raw materials for learning about labor, resource

since the 1940s or 1950s. There were roughly 100 tools

management, and use in the mountains at the time.

(Photo 2).

Second, we thought we would be able to interview Mr.
Hiraoka to elicit more detail on each tool based on his

This was the first time we had seen numerous tools

knowledge of the period when stonecutters worked inthat belonged to craftsmen involved in stone production.

the mountains against the backdrop of the foothills of theThis experience was accompanied by the commanding

Hira Mountains.

appearance of the white Mt. Hira as it towered overus, filling our field of view like a folding screen. It was
46

Figure 1. Topography of Kita-hira, Ōtsu. Created from old 1:20,000 topographical map “Komatsu Village” from the Geographical Survey Institute (April 1895, issued byLand Survey Department, Great Empire of Japan)

Fear the river and battle the sand: Nature in Kitahira

Reflecting the rolling topography of Kita-hira, thestonemasons' workspace is broadly divided into the shore

The village of Kita-hira is positioned at the edge ofof the lake (hama) and the mountain (yama). In contrast

the alluvial fan formed by the Hira River, which springs

with the mountain, where they cut out and transported

from the Hira mountain range (Fig. 1). The watercourse

stones, these were processed into smaller pieces andof the Hira River turns to the east as if to avoid the

moved onto ships as a product at the shore. In the latevillage. (Local legend holds that this is the result of

1930s and early 1940s, the masters each had their own

artificial changes to the river path.) Furthermore, several

worksite, near which they would have a “mountain hut.”complicated levees have been built near the lakeshore.

Conversely, along the shore, several huts for processing,The broad riverbed shows the unstable dynamism

commonly known as “shore huts,” were lined up, ofof the Hira River, which does not stay within a fixedwhich the Hiraoka family had several. One large set

watercourse. As noted, “This river brought sand rightof “bellows,” which were essential for the day-to-day

out of the mountains” (Hiraoka), meaning the river andmaintenance of the stonemasons' tools, was always

riverbed accumulated sand and created the topography of

installed in the mountain hut, with another smallera raised-bed river like the other rivers in this area.

bollows installed in the shore hut.

The comment, “That is not good, water is coming outof that high place in front of us” (id.) recollects the terrorof the sound of river water echoing from overhead when
the river rose. Mr. Hiraoka well remembers the damage
from the flooding and mudslide that assailed the foot of
Mt. Hira in 1937 (Shōwa 12). The Hira River broke its
levees and many fields were damaged by sand. He saysthat even after the Second World War ended, the mouthof the Hira River was regularly dredged by everyone in
the village as a joint effort, dragging the sand in the river
out into the lake using hand dredges. This provides atelling glimpse of the hard work of the villagers of Kitahira, who feared the water of the river and were forced

Photo 3. Work to number the tools. Temporary tags with numbers written onthem are attached and each type is moved to a plastic box (November 21, 2016)

into a daily battle with the sand.
47

The life history of a stonecutter

from combined ordinary and higher elementary school

Mr. Hiraoka was born the eldest son in a family with

(1941). However, he said that even while at school,

three boys and two girls. The Hiraoka family was anchildren had to help in ways that they could, such as

ancient house with a lineage of several hundred years,

taking the wheels (tama) of the wagons for carting stones

and featured one of thne three “master stonecutters” in(kuruma) back up the mountain; there was no time toKita-hira. The name Shichirō takes the “shichi” fromplay after coming home from school.

the Hiraoka house name, Shichibee. Mr. Hiraoka started
helping with stonecutter work directly after graduating

At the time, Japan was in the middle of the Second
Sino-Japanese War, and working-age males were
gradually being sent into battle as soldiers. The Hiraoka
family had 15–20 craftsmen, but during the war, thisnumber almost halved. Kita-hira stone masonry is
characterized by its production of “long stone” (largestones used in stone steps and torii for temples andshrines), which requires large-scale labor organization.
It seems this was directly affected by the prolonged war.
Mr. Hiraoka applied to join the navy in 1944 and spent
the period from January to October 1945, after the war
ended, at the Ōgusu Naval Engineer School.

Mr. HIRAOKA explaining while drawing on the ground (October 18, 2016).

Directly after the war ended, the mountain huts
remained, and work to cut out stones restarted. The
Hiraoka family retained craftsmen and continued
operations until about 1949/50, but thereafter, thecraftsmen's activities shifted to other public projects
such as erosion control. Mr. Hiraoka only occasionallyengaged in stone processing, and his work to create thearched bridge in the garden at his home with his father
was his final job. As such, the Hiraoka family's main
tools have remained as they were in the late 1950s, andExplaining how to split stone using a real curbstone (November 21, 2016).

Recording a video of commentary on complicated usage methods (January 19,2019).

48

Photo 5. Cleaning after transporting materials into the museum. With thecooperation of DATE Hitomi’s laboratory, Kyoto University of Art and Design(March 13, 2019)

1
9

8

7

14

10

3

4

5

18

13
11

2

20

19

12

6

23

21
17
15 16

22

Figure 2. The main iron stonemasonry tools
1: Teppōnomi (blunt chisel) (5 items) 2: Marunomi (round chisel) (4 items) 3: Nomi (chisel) (6 items) 4: Sokozuki (2 items) 5: Tekkanomi (4 items) 6. Hatsurinomi (shaving
chisel) (2 items) 7: Kasunuki (cleaning stick) (1 item) 8: Name unknown (used by inserting into the gap between the large wedge and the hole) (2 items) 9: Large wedge (10items) 10: Small wedge (3 items) 11: Mountain wedge (3 items) 12: Shore wedge (3 items) 13: Tobiya (small wedge) (3 items) 14: Gennō (sledgehammer) (2 items) 15:
Ryōha (double-bladed hammer) (1 item) 16; Kataha (single-bladed hammer) (1 item) 17: Bundera (2 items) 18: Tsuchi (hammer) (1 item) 19: Tamadome (pin for tama) (1item) 20: Kamo (1 item) 21: Name unknown (tool for holding chisels when firing them) (2 items) 22: Yakizutsu (tube for inserting quenched items) (2 items) 23: Toko (1item)

Mr. Hiraoka's memories are thought to have been formed

and “that,” and the tools sometimes differed only slightly.

in the late 1930s and early 1940s when he started going

To ensure accurate records of Shichirō's rich talks, we

into the mountains.

had no alternative but to rely on numbers.

“Counting” the tools

In 2017, the tools had mostly been produced andOur investigation in the first year focused on allocating

we had finally numbered all items. As of April 2017,serial numbers to the tools. It a lot to ask of Shichirō,

there were 1,112 tools. From March 2017, we began

but we had him take all the items out of the shed and we

transporting them to the museum, and as we write thegrouped them in plastic boxes in a rough classification.

manuscript for this article in March 2019, about 70%

As the Hiraoka residence is such a large site, wehave been moved. We are not rushing the process,borrowed a parking space for a small truck in which we

but checking how each tool is used in detail throughcould work. For a while, new tools appeared each timeinterviews and carrying out the transportation work

we visited, and it took until 2016 to number them all.

slowly, in small lots.

To number the items on-site, we attached labels with

The tools brought into the museum are being cleaned

numbers written on them in a marker, but if the items

and treated to prevent rust as we go along because mostwere too small, we temporarily wrote the numbers onstonemasonry tools are made from iron and rust is a

protective tape and attached it to them (Photo 3). At the

problem. We scrub the surface dust and rust off with asame time, we worked on recording basic information

hard brush, but our aim is not to remove it all, just to aand photography; however at this stage, our priority waslevel where the rust does not come off when you touch

to gain an appreciation of the overall image of these tools

it. After cleaning, we paint an extremely thin layer

as quickly as possible and give them all serial numbers.

of camellia oil on the surface to prevent further rust.
This process takes time and effort. The museum seeks

There was a reason for rushing to finish the numbering.

guidance from specialists in the preservation of cultural

When Mr. Hiraoka talked about the closely arranged

property and uses this opportunity as teaching material

tools, he took a tool in hand and mixed in gestures, drewfor practical lessons and lectures (Photo 5).

a diagram with a stick on the ground, or made a displayof splitting a real rock in his garden. It was dizzying(Photo 4). Our conversations while looking at the actual
objects contained many demonstrative words like “this”
49edge rather than the center, and has broken. In contrast,
the one on the right “is a wedge that has worn down
beautifully.” In other words, it has been hit well and has
been worked correctly. The center item seemed the sameas the one on the right to us, but Mr. Hiraoka evaluated it
harshly, saying, “Going like this is the worst.” Although
only a small amount, part of the head has failed and it
will not function properly as a wedge.

Photo 6. Comparison of mameya heads. Left: Greatly damaged mameya.
Center: Partly damaged mameya. Right: Normally worn mameya.

Mr. Hiraoka also noted two types of mameya: shore
mameya and mountain mameya. We mentioned thatstonemasons' workplaces were divided between themountains and shore, but in the case of wedges, theWhat stonecutters’ tools tell us

difference was their size. The shore wedges are one size

Most stonecutters' tools are heavy and made fromsmaller than the mountain wedges. This corresponds toiron. As shown in the photo, their shapes and uses vary

the difference between wedges used on the mountain to

widely, and we cannot provide a complete view of them

split stone to specification for transport and those used on

here. To mention some, the chisel (a tool for boring holes

the shore to split stone into smaller pieces as per productin stone) and wedge (a tool for inserting into the hole andspecifications. Just as the goods have specifications, so

splitting the stone) could be considered the most basic

too do the tools. The shore mameya were stored in theset among a stonecutter's tools. There are many wedges;

shore huts and mountain mameya in the mountain huts.

they account for more than half the total. Wedges ofdifferent sizes are used according to the size of the stone
to be split. The small wedges, around 2–3 centimeters

By carefully examining each tool, we can reconstruct
the two “places” for labor where these tools were used.

big, are called “mameya” and kept with many other itemswith the same specifications. This shows how frequently
they were used by many craftsmen in their stonemasonrywork.

Conclusion: What the river and sand connect to
We cannot yet fully reconstruct the kind of activities
stonecutters engaged from the more than 1,000
stonecutter tools we examined. Nevertheless, in the

One element we focus on when asking about the tools

case of Kita-hira, most of the tools were likely used atis the degree of breakage or wear. This is because thethe mountain worksite. The fact that compared to othermore often a tool was damaged or worn out, the longer it

regions, there are not as many kataha (single-bladed

was used on the worksite, and thus the more frequently

hammers), bishan (bush hammers), and other hammers,

it was newly procured and disposed of (or repurposed).

which were used for processing and dressing stone

Stonecutters' tools are like living creatures and graduallyon the shore, is one sign of this. The activities of thereplaced through new procurement or replacement. We

stonecutters in this region, who were skilled at producing

demonstrate part of our questioning about “mameya” aslong stone, focused their attention on the mountains.

an example (Photo 6).

Certainly, the knowledge of people who overcame long
distances and great elevation differences in going from

This photo shows the heads of three mameya. To

the steep mountains to the lakeshore was fully applied.

Mr. Hiraoka, there are obvious differences, greater

50

than those in their observable shapes. First, the left

According to Mr. Hiraoka, the worksite owned byitem is cracked; this reflects someone who “is bad ateach master was set up at the bottom of the valley, andpounding.” (Pounding here means hitting a wedge withthe wide river banks were used to split the stones thata sledgehammer or mallet.) The tool has been hit at therolled down the slopes. Wooden wagons (kuruma) wereused to bring the heavy stones down from the mountains,
and the transport road along the broad riverbed was acomparatively even sandy road; therefore the wheels(tama) of the wagons sunk into the sand just enough to
help with the work of carting the heavy stones.
The production of long stone in Kita-hira is labor
inseparably bound to the presence of the “river” and“sand” that connect the steep mountains and shores ofthe lake. We are beginning to accept this view from thetestimony of an elder who has lived through the reigns offour emperors. Our task for the future is to confirm thisview by closely examining the remaining tools (similar
to a census), conducting thorough interviews, and using
the abundant early-modern, modern, and current writtenmaterials availavle in Kita-hira.

51

The stone culture and village of Minami-komatsu
Kyoto UniversityŌSAWA SōtarōOCHIAI Chiho

Introduction

other villages produced large volumes of granite, which is

The history of stone culture in Shiga Prefecture is extremely

suitable for processing. This history goes back a long time,long. Various stone tools were used as early as the Jōmon

even before the Meiji era, stone was produced for use inperiod, and examples of their discovery and excavation can

the tori-gate and column foundations in shrines. Minami-

be seen throughout the prefecture. Many research papers andkomatsu had NAKANO Jinpachi and NISHIMURA Kahee,books have been written about the religious meanings andskilled masons who excelled at processing stone known forroles of stonework in the prefecture. However, there are no

their lanterns and guardian dogs (Photo 2), which remain indetailed accounts of how the people of the time were involved

the village. NISHIMURA Kahee's lanterns are called Kahee

in the stone industry or on the lives of the stonemasons. Thislanterns (Photo 3) and are highly prized for their detailed

investigation summarizes the work and life of stonemasons

craftsmanship. However, there are almost no accounts of thein modern times (since the Meiji era [1868–1912]) based

work and lives in general of stonemasons in the period whenon literature surveys and interviews with residents. Reports

they lived. Therefore, we discuss the work or daily lives ofof the life of the stonemasons in the Meiji era is the oldest

stonemasons in Minami-komatsu based on the interviews weinformation passed down to elderly residents of the village.
Residents younger than 80 years old have only heard
fragments about the lives of modern stonemasons and therefor
do not know much about them. The decline of the stone
industry after 1945 with the Second World War is thought tobe one contributing factor in this regard.
From June 2018, we investigated stone culture in the Kosei
region.
The investigation covers the eight villages of Moriyama,
Kido, Arakawa, Daimotsu, Minami-hira, Kita-hira, Minamikomatsu, and Kita-komatsu. Each village features many stone

Photo 1. Moriyama stonesructures and processed stone items related to religion or daily
life. For example, Moriyama produces stone characterized
by the striped pattern from chert on the surface (known as“Moriyama stone”) (Photo 1). This stone is frequently used instone walls and garden stones. The unprocessed rough stone
has its beauty; it is known that once the Lake Biwa Canal
opened in 1890 (Meiji 23), OGAWA Jihee VII transported
many of the stones by boat to use in gardens in Kyoto. Froman interview with Mr. Ishizuka, a stonemason in the village,
Photo 3. Kahee lantern

we learned that many stonemasons in Moriyama brought
the Moriyama stone down from the mountains to use forstone walls and garden stones without processing, rather
than making processed stone goods. On the other hand, the52

Photo 2. NAKANO Jinpachi’s guardiandogconducted and historical materials we collected.

and flat side affixed to a handle made from a wooden pole.
The worker holds the handle and uses the pointed side to dig

The stonemasons of Minami-komatsu and their lives

into the mountain, and uses the flat size to scrape away the

The history book of Minami-komatsu village contains thissand around the stone. The “huge holes” mentioned in theaccount: “I was born in 1922 (Taishō 11) and only know fromaccount above are formed when digging out stones in thisthe start of the Shōwa era (1926–89), but when you go intoway. Near every hole rails were laid for trolleys, onto which

the mountains, everywhere you turn are huge holes, which

the sand scraped out when digging up the stones was loaded

are the traces of quarrying. At the time, Minami-komatsu

and carted away. Further into the mountains are large stones

had as many as 120 households. About two-thirds of those

big enough to make a tori-gate. The history book of Minami-

engaged in work related to stone. During the slack season on

komatsu village, which details the stone industry from thethe farms, villagers were quarrying.” According to the Shiga-

Taishō to early Shōwa era, mentions that stones were cut out

ken bussanshi (Shiga prefectural produce journal) compiled

with dynamite in some places. We were informed that large

in 1880 (Meiji 13), Minami-komatsu had 175 households, allstones were not longer quarried using dynamite in the early

described as farmers. Thus, we can infer that they worked in

Shōwa era.

the stone industry while farming. However, the interviews
revealed that in the early Shōwa era, the main occupation ofmany of villagers was in the stone industry.

The stones extracted in the quarries (shown in brown in
Fig. 1) were about 2–3 meters on their longest side, not large
enough for big stone constructions like tori-gate. However,Based on the interviews, Fig. 1 shows a stonemason's

they were sufficiently sized for making lanterns and basins,hut, where stonemasons processed stone, and the path forand some weighed over 10 or 15 tons. Every stone is

carting it. We found people currently in Minami-komatsu

extremely heavy, and the work of a stonemason involved hardwith experience in stonemasonry and asked about their work

labor, such that children could not help until they turned 15

and lives at the time. Stonemasons would quarry stone in theyears old. The stonemasons chose what they would make withmountains, process it in the village, and transport the finishedthe extracted stone and split off some of the volume to process

goods by boat from Lake Biwa to other places. The mountains

so it would be easier to cart. They used chisels to cut wedge-

suitable for quarrying each had owners, and the stonemasonsholes about 3–7 centimeters deep in a row along the grain ofquarried the stone there. Based on our interviews, we indicate

the stone, inserted wedges known as seriya into the wedge-

some quarry sites in the figure (shown in brown in Fig.

holes in order, hit the seriya to apply force evenly, and split

1). The stonemasons first thrust a metal pole known as a

the stone (Photo 4). The ability to find the grain of the stone

kanadeko into the mountain slope to search for large stones.

and technique to hit the seriya evenly could not be acquired

Kanadeko came in various sizes, with the largest measuring

overnight; two or three years of training after starting to help

150 centimeters. The stonemasons could determine when thetheir parents was necessary. Quarry work entailed many

kanadeko hit a large stone by the differences in sound. When

processes, both technique and experience were needed tofinding a large stone, they dug it out by scraping away with askillfully use the tools for each one.

tool known as a tonga. A tonga is a metal tool with a pointed
Next, we examine the work of carting the stones, for which
the stonemasons used quarry wagons. They did not haveautomobiles or rubber tires at the time, so they cut axle-holes
in circles from pine trees to make wheels. They changed thelength of the axle according to the weight of the stone to beloaded and lined thick timber on the axle to make a bed. Shafts
for pulling the quarry wagon were attached perpendicularly
to the axle, and two poles that served as brakes were attachedin the opposite direction. To slow down the quarry wagon,
someone would get on the two poles and push down with theirweight. Teams of three to four people would cart stones down
Photo 4. Stone with marks from inserting seriya

the quarry path. When going up to the quarry, the stonemasons53

broke the quarry wagon down and carried parts up.
Work in the stonemason's hut
In the stonemason's huts built in the village (the black
dots in Fig. 1), the stonemasons processed the stone intostonework, making lanterns, Buddhist statues, basins, stone
weights, and the like. Different stonemasons were skilled indifferent areas, and their work varied.
Stonemasons responsible for each part cooperated to makea single lantern. The decoration on the base, middle platform,
and firebox is extremely fine, and only a limited number ofskilled stonemasons were capable of doing that work.

Photo 5. Drawing of stonemason’shut (Minami-komatsu Neighborhood
Photo 6. Drawing of main house buildings
Association Collection)(Minami-komatsu Neighborhood
Association Collection)

The metal tools needed for the stone industry (seriya,

several stonemason workers or apprentices. Stonemasons withchisels, etc.) break or blunt when used all day. Stonemasonscomparatively large main houses were called masters and held

repaired these tools in the stonemason's huts with bellows

the group of stonemasons together.

installed (bellows huts). The work of a stonemason began eachmorning with about an hour spent reforming the necessary

The parts in red in Fig. 1 show locations of the stonemason's

tools. Another cause for the decline of the stone industry, inhuts in 1887 (Meiji 20). Our interviews revealed that theaddition to the death of young stonemasons in battle during

Meiji-era lot numbers shown in the diagrams match thethe Second World War, was that these metal tools were all

current lot numbers, enhancing our understanding of theconfiscated.

location of the stonemason's huts. The locations of some ofthe huts had changed in the early Shōwa era (shown in black)

Stonemason's huts and houses

due to rebuilding and changing employee numbers. However,In the village of Minami-komatsu, no stonemason's huts

in both the Meiji and early Shōwa eras, the stonemason's huts

have survived, so we cannot see in person what they looked

were located along the quarry paths. As such, the connected

like. However, a detail record of residences drawn in 1887

process for producing goods from stone was established in the(Meiji 20) includes several stonemason's hut, enabling us

Meiji era.

to learn what they looked like in that period. The historicalmaterials describe stonemasons' huts as “craftsmen's huts”
that range in size from small 3-tsubo (9.92 square meters) huts

The products processed in the stonemason's huts were either(2 ken by 1½ ken, or 3.64 meters by 2.73 meters) to larger

sold in the village or carted to the wharves on Lake Biwa andstructures of 22-tsubo (72.82 square meters). In some cases,

shipped to the Kotō region (east side of Lake Biwa) or Kyoto.

the site includes only the craftsman's hut (Photo 5), but inothers, the hut is placed in addition to a main building (Photo6) and ancillary structures. There were 18 of the former and
17 of the latter. Most craftsmen's huts had thatched roofs. The
main buildings and ancillary structures built on the site andtheir roofing materials afford us a glimpse into the owners'
lifestyles. The history book of Minami-komatsu village
reads, “There were known as master stonemasons and theirhouseholds consisted of the craftsmen who processed stone
and their apprentices; there were about a dozen master'shouseholds in the village, which were very busy and full ofyoung people.” The fact that there were about 80 householdsof stonemasons at the time suggests that each master had
54

Shipping processed stone goods

Summary

masters would cooperate when creating a large stone construction.

Here, we summarized the work and lives

In future investigations, we are keen to clarify the work and livesof stonemasons following the quarry path. Toof stonemasons, their cooperative relationships, and organizations

understand the state of the stone industry in

conducting interview surveys and deciphering ancient manuscripts.

the Meiji era, we conducted interviews andgained a spatial appreciation from informationin historical materials. We came to learn thatstonemasons did not only process stone; theactual work of a stonemason was wide-ranging,including extracting, transporting, processing,and shipping stone, as well as blacksmith
work. There is no way to know exactly how
difficult it was at the time, but stonemasonry
was assuredly hard labor and required many
people.
The work to process stone was foundedon the division of labor, meaning not allstonemasons made the same processed goods;
stonemasons included masters, craftsmen,
and apprentices. Very few stonemasons
were capable of the detailed decorations onlanterns. Mr. Hirade of Hirade Sekizaiten(company), which is still in operation today in
Minami-komatsu, provided the photo from theconstruction of the tori-gate at the Taishō-era
Mio Shrine (Photo 7). It shows the cooperation
between Hirade Sekizaiten and Masuo
Sekizaiten. From this, we see that fellow

Photo 7. The state of work on construction of the Mio Shrine
tori-gate

Figure 1. Layout plan of quarry paths and stonemason’s huts in Minami-komatsu55

【History of disaster response at the foot of Mt.
Hira】

Photo : SHIMAUCHI Risa

To those seeking to investigate disasters inancient times
University of Shiga Prefecture

AZUMA Sachiyo

After the Great Hanshin–Awaji Earthquake in 1995,

approximate conditions. Among these, we sometimes findefforts to learn about disasters in ancient times and to use

ancient manuscripts that describe the disaster occurrence itself

that knowledge in disaster reduction and prevention today

or its recovery.

commenced and accelerated. With the occurrence of the“Great East Japan Earthquake” and the tsunami in 2011, theperiodicity of earthquakes has attracted greater attention.

As noted, the Moriyama district shared documents areclassified by their contents into 27 groups: water utilization,
shogunate administration, post stations, loans, sundry,

What ancient manuscripts should we examine whenmaps, litigation, taxation, land, laws, public safety, manners

investigating disasters in ancient times? Many disaster-related

and customs, commerce, relief, agriculture, construction,

historical materials were created in the Edo period, when

status, sales and purchases, finance, number of houses andwriting spread throughout the populace. These include lists ofinhabitants, households, religion, industry, disasters, village

notable disasters prepared in the style of a chronology, suchadministration, assistance to post stations, and fragments.

as village records and writings about disasters in personal

Many investigators of groups of ancient manuscripts

diaries. Some diarists expressed their shock at encounteringcommonly classify them considering the future convenience

the disaster and include lessons to be learned. Depending onof use, and this is not limited to the Moriyama district shared

the contents, it may be possible to learn from the lessons left

documents.

by our forebears and connect them to disaster reduction today.
In the case of Moriyama district, “disasters” are included
Regarding major disasters, so many relevant ancient

as a classification. Anyone considering researching disasters

manuscripts remain that they could be called a dossier. One

would first direct their attention to this item, which includes

example is major earthquakes. The people of the Edo period

four ancient manuscripts. Two relate to fires that occurred in

who encountered a major earthquake often described their

the village in 1669 (Kanbun 9) and 1671 (Kanbun 11); twoexperience as “unprecedented,” which is likely their honest

relate to a breach of the levee on the Hacchōda River (currently

impression. However, disasters are not always enormous

the Hachiyado River) in 1725 (Kyōhō 10) and collapse of

events that “occur just when you forget about them.”

the Hacchōda River and Nuriko River (currently the Noriko
River) in 1735 (Kyōhō 20). Does the existence of only four

Regardless of the frequency of occurrence and scale, many

documents relating to disasters among so many district

disaster-related ancient manuscripts that remain in villages

that shared documents mean that Moriyama suffered fewer

are pleadings requesting relief measures from the feudal lord.

disasters?

Reading them allows us to understand the state of damage.

No, that is certainly not

The possibility that the author is reporting damage greater

true. The occurrence of and damage from natural disasters

than the actual situation cannot be ruled out, but we canis greatly influenced by topography and geology. In the areaaround the Hira Mountains, the river valleys that dissect
the cliffs supply large volumes of sand to the foot of themountains. For example, the basin of the Noriko River has asteep alluvial fan that develops into foothills.
Because of this topography and other features, the rivers
in Moriyama in the Edo period frequently broke their banks.
The Hachiyado and Noriko Rivers broke their banks many

Photo 1. Hachiyado River and environs in the early Shōwa era(Moriyama District Collection, provided by Mr./Ms. Matsui)

58

times and many related documents (such as estimates fortheir repair) survive. These two rivers were designated“gofushindokoro,” which are places where the feudal

ancient manuscripts concerning land taxes classified underlord bears the expenses for any civil construction works.

“taxation” to reconstruct the appearance of the village in theMoriyama repeatedly prepared pleadings and records to claim

Edo period.

these expenses from the feudal lord, retaining receipts for thevillage records. These ancient manuscripts are classified under“water utilization” and “land.”In this way, even groups of ancient manuscripts that may
not include classification categories relating to disasters
clarify the conditions thereof when they are thoroughly read

The classifications of these ancient manuscripts arewith the characteristics of the land in mind. Deciphering

understandable for people studying the history of the Edothem may require perseverance, such as needing to interpret

period. The two rivers flowing through the village usually

the documents while considering changes to topography andhad low flow volumes but were prized as the water supply forother historical context. However, this is essential work when

farmland. Managing the water supply was a matter of life andthinking about Eco-DRR.

death for the villagers, and repairing banks that has collapsed
from heavy (storms and) rain was part of “water utilization.”

The three types of damage mentioned above—river

Similarly, insufficient water supply due to frequent drought

breaches due to heavy (storms and) rain, insufficient water

was also considered an issue inseparable from “watersupply due to drought, and water damage to land due to risingutilization.”water levels in Lake Biwa—were problems common to thevillages at the foot of Mt. Hira in the Edo period. Damage

Furthermore, among the ancient manuscripts classified

from boars and deer was also a major factor threatening

under “land” are documents relating to “shore failure”

village life. I leave the details to the articles in this book, but(hamagake). This refers to the situation where the water level

the Hira Mountains caused damage in addition to providing

in Lake Biwa rose and the land on the lakeshore flooded. In

resources to reduce disaster (in the form of stones to the

Shiga Prefecture, this disaster was also called “mizugomi,”

villages located at their base).

and was not an unusual phenomenon along the shores of Lake
Biwa in the Edo period. “Shore failure” was a phenomenon
relating to the usage of land along Lake Biwa's shores, so it isincluded under “land” and similar items. Note that although

References
Shiga Chōshi Henshū Iinkai [Shiga town history editorial committee] ed.,Shiga chōshi [Shiga town history] vols. 1–5 (Shiga Town, 1996–2005).

embankments were constructed along the shore and rivers
were improved in water management projects under the Lake
Biwa Comprehensive Development Plan started in the late1960s and early 1970s, submersion of the lakeshore due torising water levels in Lake Biwa is still a matter of concern.
Regions along the shores of Lake Biwa experience the sameproblems today as they did long ago.
Ancient manuscripts that were not widely used in earlier
disaster historical studies are now used more frequently inresearch. Kamatani Kaoru's article “Life and natural disasters
in Edo-period Moriyama based on land tax demands” uses

Photo 2. 1935 landslide disaster (Moriyama District Collection,
provided by Mr./Ms. Matsui)

Figure 1. Past disasters and warning areas in the Moriyama district (provided
by Moriyama Neighborhood Association Voluntary Disaster Prevention
Committee, issued 2016)59

Life and natural disasters in Edo-period
Moriyama based on land tax demands
Ritsumeikan University

KAMATANI Kaoru

The Edo period was characterized by a yield-based society

sender's name is never written in a position higher than thein which value was represented by amounts of rice. Even theaddressee's name. In this ancient document, it is the othervillage land, measured by the comprehensive means of land

way around. Why is that? The reason is that the sender, Ono

surveying, was converted into koku (a unit for measuring

Sōemon, is of the “warrior class,” and the village headmanrice). This was considered the number that represented theand peasants of Moriyama—the addressees—are of the

productivity of the village (yield). “This is a 50-koku village”“peasant class.” In the Edo period, this format was the norm.

means “the amount of rice predicted to be harvested from the

The relationship between the person receiving land tax and theland area of this village is 50 koku.” The yield (kokudaka) of apeople paying it is apparent when looking at this document.

village was also called the village yield (muradaka).
The title is written: “Regarding the demand for the Year of
What was the village yield for Moriyama? An ancient

the Boar.” This means it is a bill for the land tax for the Yeardocument written in December 1619 (Genna 5) givesof the Boar. In the Edo period, they did not use the WesternMoriyama's yield as “418 koku, 5 to, 7 shō,” meaning thecalendar. Unlike today, the era name changed comparatively

village's productivity was about 418 koku.

frequently. In the Edo period, the 10 calendar signs and 12
zodiac signs were more important than the era year. As such,

Here, I inquire into the productivity of Moriyama Village

demands usually avoided the trouble of writing the era year inand concrete aspects of the taxation it paid each year

the title section and simply used the 12 zodiac signs, writing

according to this productivity, using the land tax demands“Regarding the demand for the Year of the X.”

created in the Edo period as a base.
Next, let us examine the body.
Photo 1 shows a land tax demand sent to Moriyama in 1623
(Genna 9).

Here is written “Yield of 418 koku, 5 to, 7 shō; both fields
and residences.” This is the yield for all of Moriyama. Next

A land tax demand is a bill for land tax (taxation) given

to this is a figure beginning with “This received.” This is theto each village by the feudal lord (the governor's office intotal land tax paid by Moriyama this year. It says “187 koku,

the Tokugawa government in the case of government fiefs).

2 to, 7 shō.” Some people may believe that in the Edo period,

Unlike today, in the Edo period taxation was demanded in

the government's land taxes were extorted from “peasants sovillage units. The village calculated the taxation amountas not to let them live, but not to kill them either.” However,for the villagers depending on their productivity each year

is this true? To learn what proportion was paid as taxes, we(according to this document) gathered it, and paid it. The

could divide the land tax amount by the village yield, but wedemands are also known as land tax assignments.

can also see it on the demand without having to calculate it
ourselves. Written on the same line as the land tax amount is

What is written on the land tax demands? Let us closely
examine Photo 1.

“However, 4 tsu, 4 bu, 7 rin, 2 mō.” This is the land tax rate.
In other words, the land tax this year was 44.72%. Is this a lot
or a little?

The first thing to note is the part with the sender and60

addressee. “Ono Sōemon” is the sender, and “Village headman

Taxation in the Edo period worked under various systems

and peasants of Moriyama Village” are the addressees. Thisdue to differences between feudal lords, regions, and periods.

seems strange. Usually, when writing a letter vertically, theFor example, the land tax rate might vary by year. Sometimes

a fixed amount would be collected for a certain length of timevillage production and taxes.

(called jōmen, which means “fixed rate”). In some cases, tax
was assessed by calculations based on the village yield; in

In Moriyama, land tax demands over a long period haveothers it was calculated from the area measured in the land

been retained. Because the demands were official documents,

survey. Besides these, the taxation system in the Edo period

they were carefully stored in the village.

shows variation in each of its items, but this is not within thescope of this discussion and is thus omitted.

Photo 1 shows a demand from the early 17th century. Whattypes of demands did Moriyama receive thereafter? Let us

Nevertheless, remember that the demands are ancientconsider a land tax demand from about 200 years later.

manuscripts that provide important clues for learning about

Historical Material 1. Land tax demand for Moriyama from 1623 (Genna 9)一、
亥歳免定之事

高四百拾八石五斗七升

此取百八拾七石弐斗弐升

田畠屋敷共

但高ニ四つ四分七厘弐毛

右之分、相究候間、庄屋・百姓不残立合、出作共ニ無高下、陸ニ致

免割、来ル極月廿日以前、皆公儀ゟ当宗左衛門 （印）済可申候、若右之日限無沙汰候ハハ曲事ニ可申付候、但小取不足之由被仰懸候ハハ、何時も其方へ可申候、仍如件

元和九年

亥十一月十八日
守山村

庄屋

百姓中

Reproduced text from land tax demand for Moriyama from 1623 (Genna 9)61

Historical Material 2. Land tax demand for Moriyama from 1819 (Bunsei 2)

Photo 2 is a demand from 1819 (Bunsei 2). It says, “Yield ofembankment and stony ground that cannot be farmed; 4 koku,

418 koku, 5 to, 9 shō, 3 gō,” a slight increase from the village

1 to, 6 shō, 2 gō became a lake from an inflow of water andyield in the early 17th century, which was “Yield of 418 koku,

sandy ground that cannot be farmed; and 22 koku, 7 to, 5 shō,

5 to, 7 shō.” In the next line, we see “This meaning,” which

1 gō did not yield any harvest.

refers to a detailed breakdown. The following lines describe
the total village yield divided into the rice paddy yield and

We see that this year the rice harvest in Moriyama wasfield yield.

adversely affected by flooding and other damage.

Note the three items under “Among this” written on the line

How were these figures derived? The typical custom wasafter the rice paddy yield stating the following: “embankment

when disasters occurred, the village headman or a similarsite, stony ground, discount”; “became lake, shore failure,

figure investigated the land in his village and acknowledged

sand inflow, discount” and “no harvest, discount.” This refers

the state of and damage to crops. This was submitted when theto the parts of the rice paddy yield for land that were notfeudal lord came to inspect the site. For the village, accurately

productive for those various reasons. Of 282 koku, 8 shō, 5 gōreporting the damage from the disaster would affect the land

for the rice paddy yield, 3 koku, 4 to, 7 shō, 5 gō became an

tax amount for that year, which was also an issue of life and

此取米三石七斗五升八合

高八石七斗五升四合

免壱つ

木畑成

山年貢

免八分取

一、米弐斗六升八合

入木代

此取米七斗

一、銀四匁三分弐厘

水車運上定納畑米〆五拾八石弐斗四升六合

一、銀三匁三分

御伝馬宿入用取米合百三拾弐石七斗四升八合

一、米弐斗五升壱合

六尺給外

一、米八斗三升七合

御蔵前入用

米百三拾四石壱斗四合

一、銀六拾弐匁七分九厘

納合62

銀七拾目四分壱厘

右之通、当御取箇相極条、村中

大小百姓・出作人迄不残立会無甲乙石原庄三郎（印）

令割賦、来ル極月十五日以前急度

可皆済もの也

文政二卯年十一月
右村

庄屋

年寄

惣百姓

Reproduced text from land tax demand for Moriyama from 1819 (Bunsei 2)death. Because of this and other reasons, the land tax rate

for the lack of productivity, we learn specific details of what

was decided while considering the books written (such as

regulated Moriyama's productivity and the environment thatthe impairment book*). Therefore, these items written in theaffected it.

land tax demand are also the official figures for the village's
damaged yield acknowledged by the feudal lord.

I intend to analyze this topic in detail in a later paper.

On the following line is written “balance.” The yield
written here is the remainder after deducting the yield forland that did not produce a yield from the village yield. As
such, this balance can be considered a guide for the effective
productivity of Moriyama for that year.
The movement in these figures reveals the fluctuations inMoriyama's productivity during the Edo period. Moreover, by

Explanation of terms* Impairment means the condition where rice or other crops do not growwell because of various kinds of damage and cannot be harvested.

organizing the yields for unproductive land and the reasons

卯年免定之事

検見

一、高四百拾八石五斗九升三合
近江国滋賀郡

守山村

堤敷

此訳

三石四斗七升五合

湖成浜欠砂入引

石原引

四石壱斗六升弐合

田高弐百八拾弐石八升五合

内
皆無引

本田

免三つ三厘壱毛内

芝地起返

免三分取

葭起返

免壱つ壱分五厘九毛

寅起返免四分六厘七毛

木畑成

免八分取

雑毛作屋敷

免五つ九分七厘四毛木畑成芝地

弐拾弐石七斗五升壱合

残高弐百五拾壱石六斗九升七合

内

高弐百四拾三石七斗四合

此取米七拾三石八斗六升

高八斗壱升

此取米弐升四合高弐石七斗壱升

此取米三斗壱升四合

高壱石六斗七合

此取米七升五合高弐石八斗六升六合

此取米弐斗弐升九合

田米〆七拾四石五斗弐合

郷蔵敷引

畑高百三拾六石五斗八合

内壱斗四升

残高百三拾六石三斗六升八合

内

高九拾石三升三合

此取米五拾三石七斗八升八合

高三拾七石五斗八升壱合63

The Land-use and Disaster Management basedon Old Maps from Minami-komatsu
Kyoto UniversityANDŌ Kōichi
FUKAMACHI Katsue
the time (with a yield of over 1,093 koku) was divided
between several feudal lords (the Tokugawa government,
direct retainers of the shogun, etc.). Examining theseclosely, we infer that the Plan was created around the
middle of the 17th century. Furthermore, it is believed
to have the nature of a detailed diagram that depicts
the entirety of Minami-komatsu, including information
about the feudal lords of neighboring villages and theentire scope of lifestyle spheres and productive activities(mountains, forests, etc.) in the village.
What was the village like and how was the landused?
The Plan has a legend explaining the color-coding for
landuse. First, red lines are paths, and the line running

Figure 1. Minami-komatsu, Ōtsu (drone photography)

through the center of the plan (north-south) is the mainstreet of the village, the Hokkoku Kaidō. Along thisIn this article, we examine the actual landuse for rivers,route, three hamlets are drawn in yellow. At the time,

inner lakes, and lakeshores in the Edo to early Meiji eras,

Minami-komatsu comprised three hamlets: Imazaike,

focusing on plans created at the time in Minami-komatsu,

Nomura, and Manaka. The fields are not colored; theŌtsu City.

blue indicates rivers, inner lakes, and lakes. On someinner lakes, the maker has written “reed field,” leading us

Minami-komatsu (Fig. 1) is further north from theto imagine that reeds grew well and were used in people's

Kosei Line than Moriyama. The lakeshore has been

lives. Some inner lakes have a “Funairi (channel)/Eri

selected as one of the 100 best beaches in Japan with(fish trap) entrance,” showing that they functioned as

its white sand and green pines, as Omatsuzaki, and is

ports and fishing locations.

visited by many tourists in the summer as a swimming
spot. Attractions include inner lakes, stone wall ruins,

The mountain forests are shown in grey, and the scopeand other precious satoyama (semi-natural areas thatof mountain edges and commonages (commonages withcoexist with nearby populated areas) landscapes createdBusshōjino and Kita-hira villages) are indicated withby nature and people. Many ancient documents andblack ink lines.

plans from the Edo period and later survive in Minamikomatsu, thus it is possible to reconstruct the landuse anddisaster management from long ago.

The white item in the legend marked “Kōryū” (wasteflow) is marked “permanent waste” on the plan itself.
“Permanent waste” refers to fields, turf, marshland, and64First is the “Plan of Minami-komatsu” in Fig. 2. It is

the like long-ruined by disaster. Given that it has very

not known when this Plan was created, but a note at thelittle productive capacity, this land is excluded frombottom left shows that the village of Minami-komatsu atland tax by the feudal lord. This plan shows permanentFigure 2. Plan of Minami-komatsu (Minami-komatsu Neighborhood Association Collection, photo: provided byŌtsu City Museum of History)

wastelands around the rivers and inner lakes on themeans that embankments (mostly made of stone) were

eastern side of the Hokkoku Kaidō (the lakeshore),constructed. From these lengths, the embankments must

indicating that water damage occurred due to sediment

have continued from the river mouth to a point slightly

disaster in the lower reaches of the rivers and rising water

upstream of the hamlets. Immediately east of Nomura

in the inner lakes. Furthermore, “Suishoden” (wateryis “Hachimangū,” where an embankment was built on

fields) extend along the lakeshore where 田 (rice field) is

the south side with a length of 30 ken. It seems that thewritten faintly, indicating fields often subject to damage

people of the time intended to protect not only theirfrom submersion, which suggests frequent water damage.

hamlets and fields but also their tutelary deity, Hachiman
Shrine, from sediment disaster.

Along the Ōtani River that slows between Nomura
and Manaka, the plan shows from upstream: “northFig. 5-1 is the “Plan of Minami-komatsu” created inand south 100-ken embankment”; “south embankment

the tenth month of 1771 (Meiwa 8). The endorsement

190 ken, north embankment 160 ken”; and “southin Fig. 5-2 indicates that the plan depicted the village inembankment 240 ken, north embankment 240 ken.” Thisdetail on orders from the feudal lord, who likely had it
65

Figure 3. Stone embankment ruins and erosion control dam in the upper
Yanamune River

Figure 4. Raised-bed river flowing above a road, lower Yanamune River

Key point: Expanding the Ōtani River embankments
One ancient document from Minami-komatsu describes the construction of embankments in the eighth month of1792 (Kansei 4). According to this document, a stone embankment 120 ken long existed in the upper reaches of theŌtani River, and a sand embankment 1,000 ken long in its lower reaches. Moreover, the Shiga County, Ōmi Province
journal states that the embankments along the Ōtani River measured 26 chō, 14 ken (approximately 2.8 kilometers)in 1881 (Meiji 14). Thus, the embankments expanded to three times their length in the 200 years since the creation of
the plan in Fig. 2.
Based on this, the people of the time handled water damage from the river by installing and expanding theembankments.
Today, the Ōtani River is a raised-bed river called the Yanamune River. We can see a mixture of stone embankment
ruins and erosion control dams upstream (Fig. 3) and the river flowing above the road downstream (Fig. 4).

created to better understand the fields that had suffered

avoided them.

water damage. As the plan in Fig. 2, this one describes
landuse through color-coding. Based on what is written

Waste flow decreased until the start of the Meiji era,in the endorsement, the light blue item in the legendin conjunction with the development of new rice fields.

marked “waste flow” likely indicates places that became

However, until recently, some places around the lower“Kawanari.” Kawanari is a term used in taxation law inreaches of the Yanamune River still contained wastelands

the Edo period and refers to the condition where earth

with thick groves of pine and bamboo. Even today,and sand flow out due to sediment disaster; the fields

the remnants of former wastelands are seen in somebecome a waste land similar to a river beach. Kawanari

residential areas (Fig. 6).

land was surveyed again and exempted from land tax.
Fig. 7 is part of the “Plan of Minami-komatsu.” It is
This plan was created about 100 years after the plan in
Fig. 2, but comparing the distribution of waste flow, theunclear when it was created, but from the information in
the plan, it may date from 1861 (Bunkyū 1).

places that suffered water damage had hardly changed.

66This suggests that the people of the time understood“Kaei 5 [1852], Year of the Rat, sand inflow” andwhich pieces of land were likely to be damaged and“Ansei 5 [1858], Year of the Horse, sand inflow”

Figure 5-1. Plan of Minami-komatsu (Minami-komatsu Neighborhood Association Collection, photo: provided byŌtsu City Museum of History)67

Figure 5-2. Endorsement of Plan of Minami-komatsu
Figure 6. Lower Yanamune River (residential area and remains of wasteland)is written along the black ink line. This line is theembankment along the Hira River that flows throughReferences

the neighboring village of Kita-hira. It shows that sand

Hikone shishi henshū iinkai [Hikone city history editorial committee]

inflow occurred in 1852 (Kaei 5) and 1858 (Ansei 5).
“Sand inflow” refers to land where earth and sand floweded., Shinshū Hikone shishi [Revised Hikone city history], vol. 2“Complete history volume: Modern period” (Hikone City, 2008) (Onp. 335, “mizuba, 25 villages” is used in the same sense as “suisho.”)

into fields because of sediment disaster, but the fieldsŌtsu City Museum of History, “Mura no ko-ezu: Shiga chō jō o aruku

can be restored. We see that the damage from sediment[Ancient plans of villages: Walking through Shiga-chō Castle”

disaster in the neighboring village extended to Minami-(pamphlet), Ōtsu City Museum of History (2017)

komatsu.

Shiga Prefecture et al., ed., Ōmi kuni shiga gunshi [Shiga County, ŌmiProvince journal] Kōbundō Shoten (1979)

Relationships with neighboring villages were very
close. Some plans depict the locations of disputes overland with neighboring villages (Kita-komatsu, Kitahira), clarifying their deep involvement with each other.
Minami-komatsu has various other types of plans,
including some depicting channels in inner lakes andhouse layouts. Plans are extremely valuable materials
that teach us about relationships with other villages,
aspects of contemporary people's occupations, and how
the people of the time used their land.

68

Shiga Town, Shiga chōshi [Shiga town history] vol. 1 (1996), vol. 2(1999), vol. 3 (2002)
Sugimoto Fumiko et al., ed., Ezugaku nyūmon [Introduction to studying
plans], University of Tokyo Press (2011)

Figure 7. Plan of Minami-komatsu (extract) (Minami-komatsu Neighborhood Association Collection, photo: provided byŌtsu City Museum of History)69

Tracing memories of flooding in Minami-komatsu
Kyoto University

NARITA Mayu
OCHIAI Chiho

Introduction
Disasters greatly influence the formation and

The Kosei region (west part of Lake Biwa) has

development of a village. For example, in thelong been affected by flooding due to its topography;

Konan region (south part of Lake Biwa) of Shigain recent years by typhoons and torrential rains

Prefecture, a village relocated its shrines andin particular. Even regions with no major water

temples, as well as two-thirds of the houses towarddamage in the last few decades remain at risk. We

the mountainside in response to water damage incontend that it is especially important for people

1802 (Kyōhō 2). However, when Typhoon No. 18

who have not experienced flooding to acquire(Typhoon Man-yi) struck the area in September

traditional wisdom about this disaster in visual and2013, the homes that had not been relocated and had

experiential ways in their own villages. Given this,not previously experienced water damage suffered

we trace the memories of flooding, focusing onwater submersion damage (History of Water

Minami-komatsu.

Damage in Shiga Prefecture).

Figure 1. Rough plan of Minami-komatsu Village, Shiga County, Western Ōmi Province, 1827 (Bunsei 10) (Minami-komatsu Neighborhood Association Collection)70

Topography and history of the hamlet ofthroughout this area.

Minami-komatsu village
Minami-komatsu is located between Kita-komatsu

It is believed that buildings began to be

and Kita-hira villages. To the southeast, it faces

constructed in these forested zones in the early

Lake Biwa, while the steep mountains of Mt. Hōrai,Meiji era (the late 1860s). The number of

Mt. Shaka, and others are lined up to the northwest.

households, which was constant at about 150 units
until the Edo period, had increased to 175 units

Let us go back in time and look at the “Roughin 1881 (Meiji 14). A residential diagram of allplan of Minami-komatsu Village, Shiga County,

households in Minami-komatsu created in 1887

Western Ōmi Province” (Fig. 1), which was drawn(Meiji 20) records 228 households and shows thatin 1827 (Bunsei 10). Three hamlets can be seenhouses and stone huts were built on the banks

along the Nishi-Ōmi Road (red). In order fromof the Yanomune River, which was formerly a

the north (right), they are the hamlets of Manaka,

forested zone. Thus, residential land was rapidly

Nomura, and Imazaike. The “Plan of Kita-hiradeveloped in this period with the progress of

Estate” drawn in the Muromachi period (aboutstone culture. Thereafter, having passed through1400) shows the hamlets of Manaka and Nomura,

wartime, the number of households greatly

indicating there were settlements from that time.

increased—to 252 units in 1980 and 781 units in

According to “Shiga-chō Mukashi-banashi” (Tales

2017. Today, the forested zone from memory haveof old Shiga Town), Imazaike once belonged todisappeared, and the settlement area has increased.

Kita-hira village.
Thus, we should remember that the development
Fields spread out and inner lakes and beaches
continue on the Lake Biwa side of the village. The

and flourishing of settlements has come at the costof fragility in the face of disaster.

Yanomune River, which flows between Manaka andNomura (in the plan, the Naka River [ 中 川 ]), isThis investigation found the “Report of temples”

a raised-bed river, which is quite common around

written in 1887, which shows that Saihōji, now

Lake Biwa. People raised the embankments on bothin Manaka, used to be in Omatsu (currently Ōmi-sides of the river to prevent flooding. However, theMaiko-hama). Given that before Lake Biwa flooded

riverbed repeatedly accumulated sediment and grewin 1356 (Shōhei 11), Hachiman Shrine was locatedhigher than the surrounding land. In general, raised-near the lakeshore where the otabisho (resting place

bed rivers are difficult to restore once they havefor a portable shrine) is today, and that Yakushidō

broken their banks, and damage tends to spread. To

was once next to it, the village of Minami-komatsu

date, the main factors in water damage in Minami-

may have faced the lake a long time ago (like thekomatsu involved the flooding of the Yanomune

other old villages in the Kosei region). We intend toRiver and the rising water levels of Lake Biwa.

continue investigating this contention.

The Yanomune River in the plan (Fig. 1) shows
forested zones along both banks. An investigation
conducted in Shiga in 1994 found that mixed forests
mainly consisting of pine trees continued to theshore until about 1950, when embankment work
was conducted. In this investigation, residents told
us about gloomy, dense forests that once grew71

Memories of water damage in the settlements

Conclusion

When we asked residents about their experience

The village of Minami-komatsu has developedof water-related disasters throughout history, we

while simultaneously managing water-related

heard that after the Muroto Typhoon in 1934 (Shōwa

disasters. However, the wisdom and memories

9), which caused severe damage throughout Shigaof previous generations regarding water damage

Prefecture, serious water damage also occurred fromand evidence of their responses are gradually

flooding and landslides in 1935 (Shōwa 10) after

disappearing from the village. Retaining what istorrential rain in Minami-komatsu.

visible in the form of the hamlets, and tracing andpassing down memories leads to the sharing of

According to Mrs. Kimura (90s), the village has

intellectual resources important for reducing anda sluicegate that divided the water in the Yanomune

preventing future disaster damage. It is important toRiver, which was managed by a suiban (water-

utilize the local history and experience that has been

keeper). A catastrophic water event during thedeveloped with the natural and living environments

early Shōwa era (1930s) caused a suiban closing

in preparing for disasters.

the sluicegate to be washed away by strong flows;
gravel entered his clothes and caused severe skin
injures, leading to his death. The floodwaters at thetime were so strong they flowed through the sluice
to the path beside Hachiman Shrine and carved out
the road.
Mr. Masuo (80s) said that both sides of a bridgecrossing the Yanomune River near the settlement
had stone gates, and regidents would insert thebridge flooring into grooves dug into the centerto prevent the river water from flowing into thesettlement. Additionally, a hanshō* was placed at
the foot of the bridge to inform residents of thedanger of flooding and mudflow.

References
Geographical Survey Institute website (map and aerial photographybrowsing service) URL: https://mapps.gsi.go.jp/maplibSearch.
do?specificationld=963491

Mr. Masuo (70s) recalls that two places were often
flooded in the Yanomune River (Fig. 2: red crosses).
Previous water damage buried residences between
Hachiman Shrine and the bypass with the sedimentthat flowed out. During the water damage of 1951
(Shōwa 26), the park east of Hachiman Shrine (theformer site of the elementary school) was filled with

[Ancient maps of villages: Walking through Shiga-chō Castle” (2017)
Shiga Prefecture Board of Education, Konan no gyorō katsudō [Fishingactivity in the Konan region] (1982)
Shiga Prefecture website, Suigai rireki [Water damage history]Shiga
Town Board of Education, Shiga-chō mukashi-banashi [Tales of old
Shiga Town] (1985)
Shiga Chōshi [Shiga town history] vols. 2–3 (1999)

sediment. Mr. Masuo, an elementary school student

Explanation of terms

at the time, told us, “I was told by my parents, and* Note: A hanshō (alarm bell) is a small hanging bell used to notify

I desperately scraped the water and sediment out sothat it would not flow from the Yanomune River into
our house.

72Ōtsu City Museum of History, “Mura no kochizu: Shiga chō jō o aruku

people of emergencies such as fires and floods.

Figure 2. Diagram showing hamlets and water damage in Minami-komatsu

73

Shishigaki and disaster response at the foot of
Mt. Hira
Kyoto University

OCHIAI ChihoŌSAWA Sōtarō

Introduction

The form of shishigaki

Since long ago, settlements at the foot of Mt. Hira have

Not many people hear “shishigaki” and think, “Oh,used stone in various forms in people's lives to form athose things!” Shishigaki has been written in various

unique stone culture. Hearing the term “stone culture”

ways, including 猪垣 (lit. “boar fence”), 鹿垣 (lit. “deerprompts images of stone constructions such as the stone

fence”), 猪鹿垣 (lit. “boar [and] deer fence”), and evenwalls of a castle or lanterns; however, here we focus on

獅 子 垣 (lit. “lion fence”). They are broadly distributed

shishigaki, a stone wall for protecting settlements.

in areas south of the northern Kanto region, particularly
in Nagano, Yamanashi, and Gifu. In the Kinki region,

Shishigaki are barriers originally built by residents

they are interspersed throughout Shiga, Nara, Mie,to prevent boars and deer from entering settlements

and Wakayama (Yagasaki, 2001). Shishigaki materials

and destroying fields. Many are located near the bordervary by their location and region; some use the natural

between the settlement and the surrounding mountains

topography, others have piled up stone and earth, andor forests, with the longest stretching up to dozens ofothers are formed from woven wood or bamboo. The

meters.

stone walls are not high, reportedly because boars are
not proficient at jumping and low walls are sufficient

In the former town of Shiga in the Kosei region (westside of Lake Biwa), the Arakawa district is known for(Nukada, 1984). Fences were placed on top of stone
walls as measures against deer.

the ancient remnants of its shishigaki. These shishigaki
also served as a measure against the water and mudflow

Their shapes are broadly classified according tocaused by the flooding of the Ōtani River, and they

demarcation type (Great Wall type) and enclosure typeremain in a shape surrounding the settlement (Takahashi,(castle wall type). It is not known when shishigaki were2010). According to research by TAKAHASHI Shunjō,

first made, but in Shiga Prefecture, many records remain

shishigaki are recorded in the Arakawa village in thefrom the mid to late Edo period (Takahashi 2010). In“Compact plan of Arakawa Village, Shiga County” fromrecords on shishigaki in the former Shiga Town area, thethe early Meiji era, and in ancient manuscripts written

records in the Minami-komatsu district-held documentin the Edo period and Meiji era. Shishigaki remained
through the cooperation of the villagers, from creation
to their maintenance and management. However, as
embankment work on rivers and residential development
progresses relationships between the region and nature
also change, and they are gradually being forgotten—
many are being torn down. These shishigaki are recordsof lives in which local people overcame the difficulties ofanimal and water damage, and we want as many people aspossible to learn about and protect them as “local assets.”
Photo 1. Shishigaki in Arakawa district74

Figure 1. Compact plan of Kido village, Shiga County (Reproduced from Ōtsu City Museum of History) (Extract: Shishigaki shown on ancient map of Kido village)

Figure 2. Map of Moriyama village, early to mid-Edo period (Moriyama Zaisanku Collection. Photo: taken by Shimizu Kōgeisha) (Extract: Shishigaki shown on ancientmap of Moriyama village)

75

Figure 3. Distribution and location of shishigaki in former town of Shiga
DistrictMoriyama

Kido

Arakawa

Daimotsu

Minami-hira

Kita¬hiraMinami-komatsu

Kita-komatsu

Ancient map

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Yes

Unconfirmed

Yes

Unconfirmed

Ancient manuscripts

Unconfirmed

Unconfirmed

Yes

Unconfirmed

Unconfirmed

Unconfirmed

Yes

Unconfirmed

Form

Demarcation

Enclosure

Enclosure

Enclosure

Demarcation

Demarcation

Demarcation

Use

Shishigaki

Shishigaki

Shishigaki

Shishigaki

Shishigaki

Enclosure
Demarcation
Shishigaki

Shishigaki

Shishigaki

sediment damage

sediment damage

Yes

PartialSurviving

Unconfirmed

Partialsediment damage

PartialPartialPartialPartialTable 1. Shishigaki forms and state of survival“Shishigaki allotment name book” (7th month, 1788

Ancient maps collected by the Ōtsu City Museum(Tenmei 8)) and Arakawa village's “Shishigaki allotmentof History depict thick, black, spiky shishigaki whichbook” (1816 (Bunka 13), 1820 (Bunsei 3), 1866 (Keiō“divide” the settlements, mountains and forests in the2)) allows us to infer that shishigaki were made in each

Minami-hira district (Ōtsu City Museum of History,

villages in the mid-Edo period.

2017). Ancient maps depicting the Kido village inthe mid-Meiji era show that shishigaki were createdAncient remnants of shishigaki in the former town ofsurrounding the settlements (Fig. 1).

Shiga
The history book of Kido village compiled in 1880

Fig. 2 is an ancient map stored in the Moriyama(Meiji 13) gives the topography and population for eachvillage. The part circled in red depicts a shishigaki. Itōaza (the administrative unit below the village) at theextends almost directly north to south, continuing to justtime. The book describes the Arakawa village thus: “…

short of Kido village and the Kido River in the north andin the south, from the south border of Mt. Nakatani,to near the border with the district of Kita-funaji village

Kayagatani, irrigation aqueduct, shishigaki, go down,in the south. This figure shows it is located just at the

Hokkoku Kaidō …” We see that if you go down to theborder of the settlements, farmland, and mountains andirrigation water supply and shishigaki, you reach theforests.

Hokkoku Kaidō, where the settlement is. Similarly, for76

Minami-hira village, it says,“… cross eastward, reach

We interviewed the people from the area based on thisthe shishigaki and fence, turn south, and reach the borderinformation. The results show that all settlements fromplate …,” suggesting that Minami-hira village had a

Kita-komatsu to Moriyama once had shishigaki. Many

shishigaki near the border.

were pulled down in the confusion and development

Figure 4. Minami-komatsu cadastral map in Meiji period (Minami-komatsu Neighborhood Association Collection) (Extract: Shishigaki shown on
ancient map of Minami-komatsu)

following the Second World War, but remnants are stillflooding, such as in the Arakawa village.

found in each district.
Below, we discuss the shishigaki in Minami-komatsu
Fig. 3 shows the location of the shishigaki we havevillage in detail.

found thus far. The shishigaki extend to surround thesettlement in some villages, going up to the eastern side

The shishigaki of Minami-komatsuof the current Shiga Bypass, while in other villages, they

Using the ancient maps as hints, we visited the actual

extend directly north to south. As rivers divide many ofsite. Looking at the mountainside of the shrine, we saw

the villages, shishigaki continue to the lakeshore in somea flowing aqueduct and beyond that, a stone wall in thevillages.

forest. In Minami-komatsu, we found four documents
concerning shishigaki. The first was an ancient map from

Table 1 shows the form of the shishigaki and state ofabout 1873 (Meiji 6), which depicted something like a

its remains in each village. Shishigaki are depicted in thefence separating the mountains, forest and the settlement.

ancient maps preserved in each village; based on these,

This shishigaki does not seem to be made of stone but is

we can learn about them at the time and their relation tomore like a fence of braided wood or bamboo. The fence

the settlements. In this region, many ancient manuscripts

curves around the mountainside of Hachiman Shrine andand ancient maps servive, and some record divisions ofthen extends north and south (see Fig. 4). The secondroles or costs when building and repairing the shishigaki.

reference material is the “Minami-komatsu district-held

In this region, we can confirm both demarcation anddocuments.” As shown in Photo 2, on the cover is written

enclosure types. Sometimes the enclosure types were

“Tenmei 8 [1788] Minami-komatsu Village shishigaki

formed to surround the settlements, because twoallotment name book, Year of the Monkey, 7th month,settlements were linked. We also confirmed shishigaki

day, public official.” This ancient manuscript states

built with water and sediment damage from riverthat the three aza in Minami-komatsu—the hamlets
77Village hall sundry expenses

51 yen, 45 sen

Various festivals, etc.

10 yen, 9 sen

Village shrine management, salary, etc.

10 yen, 70 sen

Mountain and forest investigation costs
Road cleaning, etc.

2 yen, 54 sen

4 yen, 50 sen

Table 2. Account book from Minami-komatsu in 1873 (Meiji 6) (extract)
Photo 2: Left: Shishigaki allotment name book, 1788 (Tenmei 8).
Right: Shishigaki renewal book, 1886 (Meiji 19) (Minami-komatsu
Neighborhood Association Collection)

Imazaike, Jingū, and Kitade—were each responsible fordepending on the place. In general, they were about as

the construction of 20 ken (approximately 38 meters)

high as an adult's chest to head. The top of the stone wallof shishigaki to the east. The length of shishigaki to be

was about 150 to 180 centimeters wide and the bottom

constructed according to the area of farmland owned

was about 180 to 200 centimeters wide. The surface of

was decided because the full allocation per rice field

the stone walls used large to mid-sized stones, with small

was 3 ken and the half allocation were 1 ken, 3 shaku.

stones or soil stuffed in the gaps between stones. The

We know that system is the same in Arakawa and in thestones varied greatly in size, ranging from 30 centimeterscity of Takashima, where shishigaki have already been

to between 80 and 120 centimeters. Most of the stones

investigated. The reference materials note the name ofused retained their naturally rounded shape, but in somethe head of each household, the area of farmland, and thewe could confirm traces of the wedge-holes cut whenlength of shishigaki for which they are responsible. We

they were split. This surviving stone wall is about 97

learned that more than 150 households were involved.

meters in length; another portion remains a short distanceThe 1886 (Meiji 19) “Shishigaki renewal book” records

away. Photo 3 shows the shishigaki in Minami-komatsu.

the divisions for 116 households and notes that fourFig. 4 shows the measured cross-section acquired at thatteams in Imazaike, five in Nishide, six in Kawara, and 10

time. This diagram shows that the size of the stones isin Manaka were involved. (The cover is shown in Photo

greater at the bottom and decreases toward the top. Trees

2.) The “Shiga prefectural produce journal” publishedgrow thickly around the stone wall and fallen leaves havein 1879 (Meiji 12) lists 175 households in Minami-

piled up. On the front (mountainside) of the shishigaki,

komatsu, suggesting that many participated in improving

earth and sand have piled up to the uppermost part,

this shishigaki. Moreover, the 1873 (Meiji 6) “Minami-

making it difficult to ascertain the state of the entire stone

komatsu Village sundry cost investigation book” notes

wall.

that 21 yen was spent on boar and deer prevention fences.
This year was not unusual, as 15 yen was spent in 1874
(Meiji 7) and 50 yen in 1875 (Meiji 8). A comparison to

The stone used in this shishigaki is granite; most aregray with a few stones having brown or blue tinges.

the amounts spent on festivals and well and embankment
management shows how large this number was.

Apart from one section, the stone wall is badly(Table 2 presents an extract from an account book.)collapsing and many parts are buried in soil, so to checkits actual height would require removing the surrounding

Our shishigaki measurement investigation in Februarysoil for a detailed re-investigation.

2019 revealed that stone walls were stacked using quarrystone to a height of between 60 and 170 centimeters
78

When we interviewed people older than 70 years in theMinami-komatsu district, they said, “There's a shishigaki
near the back of Hachiman Shrine. It was already there
when we were children. We used to play around there.
I do not remember activities to maintain and manage
the shishigaki at the time.” Based on this, in Minamikomatsu, the shishigaki stopped being maintained or
managed and slipped from memory during or after theSecond World War. Today, the remnants of the stone
wall stand quietly in the mountain forest, buried in trees
and earth (Photo 3). This mostly happens when the landon which the shishigaki sit shifts ownership to someone
not from the village or is demolished for road expansion
works (since the late 1960s).
Shishigaki is an important ancient remnant for
conveying the lifestyles of former residents. We wish tocontinue to uncover further details about them.

Photo 4. Stones used in shishigaki

References
Photo 3. Shishigaki remaining in Minami-komatsu (behind Hachiman Shrine)

Shiga Prefecture Board of Education, Kokudō 161-gōsen baipasu,
Kosei dōro kankei iseki chōsa hōkokusho III: Kido, Arakawa teibōato, Kōmori ana iseki [National route 161 bypass, Kosei road-relatedarcheological site survey report III: Kido and Arakawa embankment
ruins, Kōmori-ana site] (1968)
Takahashi Shunjō ed., Nihon no shishigaki, Kokin Shoin (2010)
Nukada Iwao, Kakine [Fences], Hōsei University Publishing (1984)Ōtsu City Museum of History, “Mura no kochizu: Shiga chō jō o aruku[Ancient maps of villages: Walking through Shiga-chō Castle”
Yagasaki Takao, “Shishigaki ni miru inoshishi to no kōbō: Kinsei Nihonni okeru shosō” [Attack and defense with boars as seen in shishigaki:
Various aspects in early-modern Japan] in Takahashi Shunjō ed.,Inoshishi to ningen tomo ni ikiru [Boars and humans living together],
Kokin Shoin (2001)

Figure 5. Measured cross-section of Minami-komatsu shishigaki (part)79【Toward an Eco-DRR that utilizes traditional
and local knowledge】

Photo : SHIMAUCHI Risa

The landscape and disaster response at the footof Mt. Hira
Kyoto Prefectural University

MIYOSHI Iwao

Figure 1. The area around Mt. Hira as seen from above Lake Biwa (near Moriyama)

Figure 2. Vertical topography from Hira Mountains ridgeline to Lake Biwa shoreline near Moriyama

82

Figure 3. Scope of analysis

Outline of the topography at the foot of Mt. Hiravalleys, and many rivers flow in parallel to Lake Biwa.

The western side of Lake Biwa has very little flat land

Most of these rivers are mountain streams with a risk ofthat could be called plains. The Hira Mountains run northmudslides; their lower reaches have been damaged by

to south as if hugging the shoreline of Lake Biwa, andmudslides over many years. Repeated mudflows have

between the mountains and lake is only a narrow strip

flooded and accumulated at the mouths of the valleys,of gently sloping land (Fig. 1). Fig. 2 shows the cross-creating a large alluvial fan topography. Because thesectional form from the ridgeline of the Hira Mountains

alluvial fan tends to suffer damage from mudslides andtoward Lake Biwa. A steep sloping face of greater than

the soil is filled with rocks and stones and thus not suited

45°continues eastward from the ridgeline of the Hirato farming, it was used for forestry rather than residential

Mountains at about 1,000 meters above sea level, andor farming land. Moreover, until the construction of thealthough the inclination gradually flattens as the height

Seta River Weir, a facility to regulate the water level

decreases, a slope with an angle exceeding 5°continues

in Lake Biwa, the water level rose with every heavy

almost to the lakeshore. The slope has several ridges andrain, causing submersion damage on low-lying flat land83

Figure 4. Changes in land usage in the area around Mt. Hiraalong the shores. Settlements avoided risky areas near

the north, the hamlets of Kita-komatsu, Minami-komatsu,

comparatively large rivers and in favor of land slightly

Kita-hira, Minami-hira, Daimotsu, Arakawa, Kido, andhigher than the lakeshore.

Moriyama are lined up facing the lakeshore, and eachhamlet includes the land from the shore of Lake Biwa

Changes in land usage at the foot of Mt. Hira84

to the ridgeline of the Hira Mountains in its territory.

We will examine changes in the land usage within the

We interpreted the land usage within this scope in 1893,

scope shown in Fig. 3 from the late 19th century. The

1932, 1975, and 2016 from map symbols on topographic

scope covers the settlements in the former villages ofmaps. For the topography, we used the 5-meter mesh

Kido and Komatsu (currently part of Ōtsu City). Fromnumerical topography information provided by the

the new residential areas and original hamlet. This isconsidered closely related to the opening of the JR Kosei
Line in 1974, which allowed this area to be developed forresidential land as a bedroom community for Kyoto andOsaka. Regarding the 1975 usage of land converted into
residential land from 1975 to 2016, 60% was forest, 27%
were rice fields, 8% were fields, and 5% was wasteland.
The reason for the increase in residential land where there
were once forests could be because forests are easier than
farmland to develop for residential purposes. As a result,residential land grew in areas that are higher and steeper
Figure 5. Residential land developed on high land as holiday house sites

than the residential land before 1975. The area andlocation of residential land hardly changed between 1893

Geographical Survey Institute and merged it withand 1932, but from 1932 to 1975 it increased 2.4 times,

land usage information in the geographic informationand from 1975 to 2016it increased 2.64 times. The heightsystem (GIS) to analyze how land was used on whatof the residential land ranged between 84 and 154 meters

types of topographies. We also incorporated mudslide

above the shore of Lake Biwa; in 1975, the distribution

damage warning areas into the GIS to represent damage

range expanded to between 84 and 331 meters, withrisk within the scope under analysis and analyzed theresidential areas growing in high areas. This was also

topographic characteristics of the mudslide disasterinfluenced by the development of high areas as locations

warning areas and their relation to residential zones.

for holiday houses in the 1970s. The highest residential
land in 2016 was the same as in 1975, but residential land

Fig. 4 shows the land usage in each period. In eachgrew in range of 84 to about 300 meters above the shore

period, broad-leaved or mixed coniferous and broad-of Lake Biwa. In terms of the slope of the residential

leaved forests are distributed near the ridgeline, withland, the proportion of its area on gently sloping sites

coniferous forests near the foot and rice fields on thewith an inclination of less than 5° to the total area oflakeshore. Residential land is located around the ricegently sloping land with an inclination of less than 5° infields. Most of the coniferous forests are artificial forests

the entire analyzed area was about 4% in 1893 and 1932,

of Japanese cedar (sugi) and Japanese cypress (hinoki);

10% in 1975, and 22% in 2016, indicating the spread of

it seems that the forests that nearly reached the lakeshore

residential land in gently sloping areas. Moreover, thealong the rivers inland usage up to 1975 were pine.

proportion of residential land area on sloping sites with

Many of the forests that continued along the rivers to the

an inclination of at least 5° but less than 10° to the total

shores of Lake Biwa have in recent years been convertedarea of sloping land with an inclination of at least 5° but

to residential land. The reasons for the distribution ofless than 10° was only about 5% in 1893 and 1932, butforests along the rivers may be that the areas near the

12% in 1975 and 34% in 2016, showing larger growth

rivers flooded, preventing advanced land use, and werethan for gently sloping land. This seems related to thedeliberately maintained as flood prevention forests.

abovementioned development of holiday house sites. In
addition, while residential land grew along the shores

Regarding the distribution of residential land, thereof Lake Biwa, the stabilization of the water level in thewas little change between 1893 and 1932, and thelake thanks to the construction of the Seta River Weir istraditional land usage forms that continued from early-

considered a major factor in the reduction of submersion

modern times seem to have been maintained. The change

damage.

from 1932 to 1975 was that new residential areas formedin places that had been forest. We see that residential
land greatly expanded from 1975 to 2016, centered on
85

Figure 6. Distribution of mudslide disaster warning areas and residential land

86

The relation between mudslide disaster warning areas

warning areas, but even so, 25% of the residential land

and land usage

area in 1893 and 19% in 1932 was within these areas.

Fig. 6 shows changes in the distribution of mudslideThis is because in places like Moriyama, which havedisaster warning areas (yellow zones) and residential

the potential for large-scale mudslide disasters that only

land. Mudslide disaster warning areas are designated as

occur once every few centuries, disaster risks that cannot

being at risk of mudslide disasters including mudslides,

be evaluated using traditional knowledge based onlandslides, and collapses. In 1893 and 1932, most ofexperience were considered when establishing the areas

the residential land was outside the mudslide disasterat risk. From 1975, residential land within mudslideIn contrast, the development of residential land from the1970s has not applied traditional knowledge, and the riskof mudslide disasters, in particular, does not seem to havebeen sufficiently considered. The forests near the peak of
the alluvial fans can be expected to function as a bufferzone against mudslides, and it is necessary to be cautious
about developing them.
In the area around Mt. Hira, places meriting the fear ofwater-related disasters are limited due to topographicalcharacteristics. Nevertheless, the riverbeds of the lower
Figure 7. Disaster prevention facilities in the Noriko Rive

reaches of the Hira and Ōtani Rivers are higher than
the surrounding land; if the rivers break their banks,

disaster warning areas began to increase, and 26% of thethe environs will suffer damage from submersion andtotal residential land area lies within this area. In 2016,

mudslides. The advanced development of this landeven more, residential land was created in mudslide

was traditionally avoided, and it was left as forest or

disaster warning areas, with 46% of the total residential

wasteland. However, today it is being converted into

land area lying within these areas. These areas spread

residential land. The risk from mudslide disasters requires

from the valley mouths over the alluvial fans to the low

the greatest caution in the area around Mt. Hira. In theflatlands in some parts. Regarding the height distribution,

rivers at the foot of Mt. Hira, erosion control projects

where 4.6 square kilometers of the region is below an

and river improvements have progressed, and small toelevation of 154 meters, residential land was distributed

medium-level rain events, landslides, mudslides, and thehere until 1932. Most of this lies within the mudslide

like are less likely to cause damage. However, there isdisaster warning areas, accounting for 55% of the total

still the possibility of heavy rainfall or mudslide disasters

area. The zones between 155 and 331 meters, wherethat exceed the scale planned for disaster prevention

residential land increased from 1932, have mudslide

facilities. We stromgly recommend reexamining thedisaster warning areas of 3.1 square kilometers in total,

meaning of traditional land usage and thinking aboutaccounting for 40% of these areas in the analyzed

disaster prevention.

scope. On the other hand, examining the distributionof residential land by height from 2016 shows that thezones below 154 meters that also had residential land in1893 have 4.8 square kilometers of residential land, and1.4 square kilometers of this (equivalent to 29%) lie in a
mudslide disaster warning area. The zones between 154
and 331 meters, where residential land increased after
1932, have 0.63 square kilometers of residential land, of
which 0.43 square kilometers, or 68%, is residential land
within mudslide disaster warning areas.
Disaster measures at the foot of Mt. Hira
Based on the land usage analysis, we learned that theareas established as residential land before the 1970s
are in locations comparatively resistant to disasters. It
is inferred that traditional knowledge, obtained fromencounters with many disasters, was used in this case.
87

Relationship between Eco-DRR and traditional
disaster prevention technology
Kyushu University

SHIMATANI Yukihiro
Produced through international debate, how is EcoDRR defined? A statement on Eco-DRR by the Partnershipfor Environment and Disaster Risk Reduction (PEDRR),
a partnership of more than 10 international organizations
and NGOs formed in 2008 to promote Eco-DRR for theenvironment and disaster reduction, defines it as an ideathat seeks to ameliorate disasters, which limit sustainable
development, through ecosystem management. This is alsoemphasized by the UN World Conference on Disaster Risk
Reduction

Photo 1. Satoyama forest (erosion control forest) in Moriyam

IntroductionMore clearly, the PEDRR states: “Ecosystem-based disasterrisk reduction (Eco-DRR) is the sustainable management,
conservation, and restoration of ecosystems to reduce disaster

We often encounter situations in which Eco-DRR andrisk, to achieve sustainable and resilient development (Estrella

traditional disaster prevention technology are similar. Thisand Saalismaa, 2013).” “Well-managed ecosystems, sucharticle discusses their relationship and outlines the traditional

as wetlands, forests, and coastal systems, act as natural

technology in Hira in Shiga Prefecture.

infrastructure, reducing physical exposure to many hazards
and increasing the socio-economic resilience of people and

The concept of Eco-DRR

communities by sustaining local livelihoods and providing

Eco-DRR is an idea stemming from international disasteressential natural resources such as food, water, and building

prevention efforts. In particular, the Sendai Frameworkmaterials (Sudmeier-Rieux and Ash, 2009).” In other words,

for Disaster Risk Reduction from the Third UN World“ecosystem management not only offers an opportunity

Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction held in 2015 included

to strengthen natural infrastructure and human resilience

the recommendation to “strengthen the sustainable use

against hazard impacts, but also generates a range of otherand management of ecosystems and implement integratedsocial, economic and environmental benefits for multiple

environmental and natural resource management approaches

stakeholders, which in turn feed back into reduced riskthat incorporate disaster risk reduction.” This clearly

outlines.”

represents the relationship between ecosystem managementand disaster prevention.

Eco-DRR
The sustainable management, conservation, and restoration of ecosystems to reduce disaster risk to achievesustainable and resilient development (Estrella and Saalismaa, 2013).
Traditional land management technology
Land management technology enacted through the installation of artificial structures and/or the utilization andmanagement of natural resources, while reducing disaster risk for sustainable regional maintenance (Shimatani).
Figure 1. Definitions of Eco-DRR and traditional land management technology

88engineering up to the Meiji era investigated early-modern
technology throughout Japan. Thanks to case examples from
Shiga, I strongly feel that an analysis from the modern EcoDRR perspective may provide the tools to excavate, evaluate,
and research new case examples as complex, multifaceted
district management technology.
Here I analyze the relationship between traditional land
management technology and Eco-DRR. Traditional land
management technology is defined as “land management
technology enacted from a comprehensive perspective for
Photo 2. Foothills as seen from Hira Station

sustainable regional maintenance while reducing disasterrisk through the installation of artificial structures and/or

Traditional disaster prevention technology, traditional

the utilization and management of natural resources.” This

land management technology

definition is similar to that of Eco-DRR presented above.

Next, we consider the relationship between traditional

Accordingly, case examples of traditional land management

disaster prevention technology and Eco-DRR. The term

techniques that reduce disaster risk (I believe that almost“traditional disaster prevention technology” may require

no traditional land management technology is not aware

explanation. From our perspective today, disaster preventionof disaster risk reduction, but the evidence of this will

and the environment are considered as having separate

have to await further research) and use and manage naturalfunctions; thus flood control forests, circle levees, open

infrastructure can be considered to be aligned with Eco-DRR.

levees, and so on are viewed as water control facilities.

If artificial structures are added (e.g., open levee + a flood

However, is this view correct? Until early-modern times, wereprevention forest), this could be called hybrid Eco-DRR.

these facilities viewed as things that merely fulfilled disasterprevention functions? I do not think so.

Concerning traditional land management technology thatinvolved only artificial structures: Until early-modern times,

Traditional technologies originated from thinking about

traditional structures were constructed of natural materials suchthe transfomation people wanted to make to particular areas

as stone, earth, and trees. Compared to modern technology(e.g., creating a forest that would prevent flooding, while

made of concrete and steel, they were built using methods

also changing the land into fertile farmland and providing

closer to nature. Including this practice in Eco-DRR is still

living materials). People then arranged structures and natural

open to discussion. If an ecosystem-maintenance perspective

resources appropriately. Over time, these functions wereis added, such as using wooden materials to ensure sustainableimproved and reinforced as the area was repeatedly struck

mountain and forest management, this could be called Eco-by disasters and other events, resulting in the traditionalDRR.

technology we see today.
As shown below, some traditional technology can be
We are familiar with viewing things in a way that divides

included in the category of Eco-DRR, while others cannot.

primary functions infavor of and creating more advanced
individual functions (auguably based on reductionist thinking

Eco-DRR in Hira, Shigaby modern science and technology). Perhaps traditional

Arriving at Hira Station and looking toward the mountains,technology should be examined from a more multifaceted

you see a forest belt on the alluvial fan sections of theperspective.

mountains’ skirts, and below these, residential and farming
areas. Looking at the slope, it is clear that this mountainous

Investigating traditional disaster prevention technology

region actively produces earth and sand.

reveals that although different places may have functions togreater or lesser degrees, the technology is not merely disaster

Traditional technology in Hira is Eco-DRR technology,

prevention technology. Rather, it is a comprehensive effort inwhich is used from the mountainous region to the alluvial fan

the form of technology for regional or land management. In

area, to deal with mudslide disasters.

relation to civil engineering technology, the history of civil
89

Naturalness

Disaster prevention

Blessings and Benefits

Erosion control forest

2nd-degree forest

Accumulation space formudslides

Use as satoyama

Flood control forest

Artificially planted forest(bamboo, camphor, etc.)

Flow speed reduction, debris trap,
sediment prevention

Timber, bamboo shoots

Shishigaki

Artificial, stone, porous

Suppress landslides

Prevent animal damage

Stone embankment forwatercourse diversion

Artificial, stone, porous

Avoid mudslides

Outlet for water supply

Open levee

Artificial, earth or stone

Flood drainage, fixing
channels

Accumulation of nutrients

Table. Traditional element technologies in Hira and their functions

Traditional technology to prevent erosion damage was

the effect of preventing flooding from upstream. Moreover,described in books in the early-modern period. Sand controls

old aerial photographs show wide forest zones along thebuilt in the Edo period in the Dōdō River and Bessho inrivers on the plains, which functioned as flood prevention andthe Fukuyama fiefdom in Hiroshima are well known. The

satoyama forests.

Fukuyama fiefdom prevented mudslide disasters through aseries of sand controls (erosion control dams) built from stone.

As is evident, the traditional erosion control technology

Coupled with the beauty of their form, they have becomein Hira combined several structures including watercourse

materials for reinvigorating the region. Of course, they retain

diversion, stonework embankments, water outlets, erosion

their disaster prevention functions today. However, althoughcontrol forests (satoyama forests), shishigaki, and flood

the historical value of each structure has been evaluated,

control forests. This comprehensive system reduced disasterthey have not been fully assessed in terms of their disasterrisk throughout the region and harnessed nature's blessings. It

prevention functions or as traditional technology that includes

is astounding that Japan had such an advanced, yet unknown,

the blessings of nature. They cannot be evaluated strictly as

Eco-DRR system in place. I anticipate that future research will

Eco-DRR because they are stone sand controls.

elucidate the quantification of disaster prevention functions
and natural resource values, and firmly believe that Eco-DRR

Interestingly, the traditional method in the land along thewill come to be appreciated worldwide.

Ōtani River in Hira has been combined with complex methods
with a view toward the sustainable development of the region.

The traditional technology I saw in Shiga is the very
definition of Eco-DRR. Traditional technology is formed in

The watercourse of the channel of the Ōtani River is

response to the topography of the land, the form of disasters,

permanently fixed to the south side of the alluvial fan at its

and state of natural resources. While it tends to be unique, I

peak. It is believed the watercourse was fixed in this way

suggest we might find common, consistent technical thoughtto avoid flooding in the hamlets of Daimotsu and Minamihira downstream. In addition, a large embankment of stone
was constructed where the watercourse changes direction;
this directs the potential flood path. The embankment where
the watercourse direction changes includes a water outlet,
which has the added water supply function of directing water
to the hamlets and farmland downstream. These systems are
known as traditional alluvial fan treatment technologies. The
downstream face (the inner side) of the embankment has anextensive forest zone considered an erosion control forest
for preventing mudslides. Here, the forest zone was made tofunction as a satoyama (semi-natural areas that coexist withnearby populated areas) forest. The hamlets are surrounded bystone shishigaki. These are large for shishigaki, and likely had
90

Photo 3. Stone embankment near Ōtani River

and methods. A panoramic view of these technologies has

References

not yet been clarified, but this case example demonstrates theEstrella M. & Saalismaa N., Ecosystem-based DRR: An overview. In:

depth of traditional technology.

The Role of Ecosystems in Disaster Risk Reduction. s.l.:s.n., 2013.
pp. 26–47.
PEDRR and CNRD, Ecosystem-based Disaster Risk Reduction, http://pedrr.org/pedrr/wp-content/uploads/2013/09/Eco-DRR-case-studysource-book_final.pdf
Sudmeier-Rieux K. & Ash N., Environmental Guidance Note forDisaster Risk Reduction: Healthy Ecosystems for Human Security,
Revised Edition. Gland, Switzerland: IUCN, 2009. iii 34pp.

Scenic photos from local conference investigation (December 10, 2018)

Photo 4. Water supply aqueduct in Moriyama

Photo 7. Stone embankment near Hachiman
ShrinePhoto 5. Yotsugo River, stone embankment

Photo 8. Hyakken (100-ken) Embankment

Photo 6. Satoyama forest in Minami-komatsu

Photo 9. Shishigaki in Arakawa

91

◆ List of authors (in alphabetical order)
NINOMIYA Kento
Graduate student, Rural planning/Rural digitizationANDŌ Kōichi

Graduate School of Agriculture, Kyoto University

Undergraduate student, Forestry
Department of Forest and Biomaterials Science, Faculty ofAgriculture, Kyoto University

OCHIAI Chiho
Assistant professor, Community disaster prevention/Disastersociology

AZUMA Sachiyo
Professor, Japanese history

Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto
University

School of Human Cultures, University of Shiga Prefecture

ONITSUKA Kenichiro
FUKAMACHI Katsue

Associate professor, Rural planning/Rural digitization

Associate professor, Garden design

Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto

Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies, Kyoto

University

UniversityŌSAWA Sōtarō
IMOTO Nobuhiro

Graduate student, Architecture

Emeritus professor, Geology

Architecture and Architectural Engineering Course, Graduate

Kyoto University of Education

School of Engineering, Kyoto University

KAMATANI Kaoru

SENDA Masako

Associate professor, Japanese history

Project research associateCollege of Gastronomy Management, Ritsumeikan University

Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

MIMASU Yurika

SHIMATANI YukihiroPart-time employee, Folklore

Professor, River engineering

Lake Biwa Museum, Shiga Prefecture

Graduate School of Engineering, Kyushu University

MIYOSHI Iwao

SHIMAUCHI Risa

Professor, Erosion control

Project research associate

Graduate School of Life and Environmental Sciences, Kyoto

Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

Prefectural University

TAKAHASHI Hiroki
NAKAI Minami
Project research associate

Curator, History (Japanese history)Ōtsu City Museum of History

Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

YAMAMOTO Akiko
NARITA Mayu

Supervisor, History (Japanese history)

Professor, Erosion control

Cultural Asset Section, General Educational Affairs Division,

Graduate School of Life and Environmental Sciences, Kyoto

Takashima City Board of Education

Prefectural University

YOSHIDA Takehito
Associate professor, Ecology

Foreword

Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, University of Tokyo/
Research Institute for Humanity and Nature

WATANABE
Nature's blessings
Keiichi and troubles are closely related. While nature's diverse blessings support and enrich ourCurating
Folklore
lives, it technician,also delivers
various challenges, the most severe of which is a natural disaster.
Environmental History Research Field, Research Department,
Lake
Biwapeople
Museum,Shigaliving
Prefecture
Since
began
in this area, they have been constantly affected by nature's blessings and troubles,

and the history of the relationship between people and nature is interwoven into this context. Natural disasters
have been viewed as undesirable to human societies, and we have succeeded in reducing damage from themdue in part to various technical developments. However, even today, it is not possible to suppress every
trouble through the power of technology. In the age before the development of modern technology, how did
people relate to nature's blessings and troubles? People's abundant knowledge and wisdom to deal with natureaccumulated over a long time. As people in each area created relationships with nature, they accumulated
vast volumes of traditional knowledge and wisdom passed down over generations (traditional knowledge)
particular to their region (local knowledge). By developing modern technology, have we not sought to create
relationships with nature that conversely abandon traditional and local knowledge? Have we not come tobelieve we can suppress troubles from nature through the power of the technology we developed? This
reflection echoes through various parts of society. However, the traditional and local knowledge passed downin each area until only a few decades ago is no longer passed down to those living today in the way it oncewas.

Eco-DRR as Learned from Local History

Traditional and Local knowledge of Eco-DRR at

The series of booklets“Eco-DRR
as Learned
from Local History” emerged from a desire to trigger a rethe footof HiraMountains

examination of how our forebears dealt with both the positive and negative aspects of nature. If learning
Edition
August 2020
traditional and local knowledge can make people consider the history of the relationship between nature andPublisher
Research
Institutefor Humanity
andbetween
Nature us amid ongoing climate change
us, and contribute—even
a little—tobuilding
betterrelationships
457-4
Kita-ku,
and socioeconomic changes, thehardMotoyama,
work of theKamigamo,
many involved
with Kyoto
the publication of this series willJAPAN
be rewarded. Although the road603-8047,
ahead mayseem long, I believe that firm steps are being taken throughout
TEL：+81-75-707-2100

society.

FAX：+81-75-707-2106
URL：https://www.chikyu.ac.jp
Project

Research Institute for Humanity and Nature
Eco-DRR Project

YOSHIDA Takehito

Research and Social Implementation of Ecosystem-based

Disaster
Risk Reduction
as Climate
Research Institute for Humanity
and Nature,
Eco-DRR
Project,Change
projectAdaptation
leaderin Shrinking
Societies
Research Institute for Humanity
and Nature,
and University of Tokyo
DesignSHIMAUCHI Risa

Editing

SHIMAUCHI Risa, NAKAI Minami, Gavin Walton, et al.

Print

Hokuto Print Co., Ltd.

ISBN

978-4-906888-77-1
Esta obra está bajo una Licencia Creative Commons Atribución-

NoComercial-CompartirIgual 4.0 Internacional
Cover photo: Map of Moriyama and Kita-funaji Village andenvirons(Moriyama
Zaisanku
Collection,
photographed by Shimizu Kōgeisha)
Research
Institutefor Humanity
and Nature©︎2020