CIAS Discussion Paper No.64

アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ
対話する身体がつなぐ世界
アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ／荒川 幸祐／王 柳蘭 編著
Capoeira Angola, an Afro-Brazilian Culture: The World Connected through Bodies that Dialogue

京都大学地域研究統合情報センター

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64

アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ
対話する身体がつなぐ世界

アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ
荒川 幸祐
王 柳蘭 編著

京都大学地域研究統合情報センター

目次
刊行にあたって／Preface
アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ（京都大学地域研究統合情報センター研究員）……………………… 4■ 第１部 シンポジウムと講演会の記録
京都シンポジウム講演①

アフロ・ブラジル文化の表現

Afro-Brazilian Cultural expressions
パウラ・バヘット（バイーア連邦大学社会学部准教授／カポエィラ・アンゴーラ グループインジンガ・共同設立者） ……………… 8

京都シンポジウム講演②

身体と伝統文化── 異文化間の文脈から

Body and Traditional Cultures in Intercultural Contexts
ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ（バイーア連邦大学教育学部准教授／カポエィラ・アンゴーラ グループインジンガ・共同設立者） …………… 14

コメント１ 宇野 邦一（立教大学現代心理学部名誉教授）……………………………………………… 21
コメント２ ウスビ・サコ（京都精華大学人文学部長・教授）…………………………………………… 24
コメント３ 輪島 裕介（大阪大学大学院文学研究科准教授）…………………………………………… 27
総合討論 ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 29
東京講演会

カポエィラの身体知── ノルデスチ（ブラジル北東部）文化のなかの女性 ……… 37●話し手

ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ（バイーア連邦大学教育学部准教授／カポエィラ・アンゴーラ グループインジンガ・共同設立者）

パウラ・バヘット（バイーア連邦大学社会学部准教授／カポエィラ・アンゴーラ グループインジンガ・共同設立者）●聞き手／通訳

三砂ちづる（津田塾大学国際関係学科教授）

Ginga Nzinga（ジンガ・インズィンガ）
カポエィラ・アンゴーラ国際交流イベント開催概要……………………………………… 49※所属・役職等は2014年時点のものです。

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64
Andrea Yuri FloreS UrUShImA, Kosuke ArAKAwA and liulan wANg-KANDA (eds.)

Capoeira Angola, an Afro-Brazilian Culture:

The world Connected through Bodies that Dialogue© Center for Integrated Area Studies, Kyoto University
46 Shimoadachi-cho, Yoshida Sakyo-ku, Kyoto-shi, Kyoto, 606-8501, Japan
Tel: +81-75-753-9603 FAX: +81-75-753-9602
e-mail: ciasjimu@cias.kyoto-u.ac.jp
http://www.cias.kyoto-u.ac.jp/
march, 20162

■ 第２部 カポエィラから考える身体── 歴史、社会、文化、ジェンダーの視点から
Tensions Around the Definition of Capoeira as Black Cultural expression:
rebuilding the Bridges Between Brazil and Africa
Paula Cristina DA SIlvA BArreTo

Associate Professor at Department of Sociology, Federal University of Bahia
Co-founder of the Nzinga Institute of Capoeira Angola ………………………………………………………………… 52

Tensões em torno da definição da capoeira como expressão cultural negra:
reconstruindo as pontes entre o Brasil e a África
Paula Cristina DA SIlvA BArreTo

Professora Associada II, Departamento de Sociologia, Universidade Federal da Bahia.
Co-Fundadora do Instituto Nzinga de Capoeira Angola ………………………………………………………………… 64

The meaning of Gingar for women within Capoeira Angolarosângela CoSTA ArAúJo

Associate Professor at Department of Education, Federal University of Bahia
Co-founder of the Nzinga Institute of Capoeira Angola ………………………………………………………………… 76

elas gingam!

rosângela CoSTA ArAúJo
Professora Adjunta, Departamento de Educação, Universidade Federal da Bahia
Co-fundadora do Instituto Nzinga de Capoeira Angola ………………………………………………………………… 85

A Postcolonial Point of view of Afro-Brazilian Culture
and Its relation to Contemporary African Popular Culture
oussouby SACKo

Professor at the Faculty of Humanities, Kyoto Seika University ………………………………………………………… 94

あとがきにかえて異文化はやっぱり身体で感じてこそ！

王 柳蘭（京都大学地域研究統合情報センター／京都大学白眉センター特定准教授）………………………… 101
エッセイ／ Essay

カポエィラの女性マスターたち、初来日

石井 結（FICA-Japão 練習生）……………………………………………………………………………………………… 12

In Search of You, in Search of me: when Capoeira Starts to Function

Yoshiko NAgAI（Curator and member of Grupo Nzinga）…………………………………………………………… 13「抵抗と解放の身体──ブラジル伝統芸能『カポエィラ』
による対話と実践」によせて

都留 Devaux 恵美里（京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科博士後期課程、Nzinga メンバー） …………………… 19

gINgA NZINgA 2014

風間 雄太（FICA-Japão 準師範）…………………………………………………………………………………………… 20

カポエィラを出来る喜び、感謝を感じた３日間（Grupo de Capoeira Kadoshi Capú Japão）………………………………………………… 26
月城 好生（lua Cheia）

Surpresa no Japão: o reencontro com a Capoeira

glícia maria De AlmeIDA（Doutoranda em Ciências da Vida, Universidade de Kyoto）……………………… 30
体験講座で感じたアフリカの歌や踊りとのつながり

大石 高典（総合地球環境学研究所プロジェクト研究員）………………………………………………………………… 32

The Discovery of Capoeira: Children and the multicultural world

Akane goDA（Intaglio Artist）…………………………………………………………………………………………… 35

Capoeira for a global Understanding of the Idea of Difference

Andrea Yuri FloreS UrUShImA（Grupo Nzinga - Sede São Paulo (former member)）………………… 36
カポエィラは、みんなと会える場しょだと思います藤原 太郎 …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 46

カポエィラを通じた日本への還元

荒川 幸祐（カポエィラ・アンゴーラ グループインジンガ京都代表） ………………………………………………… 47

3

刊行にあたってアンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ
本報告書では、①アフリカン・ディアスポラ、②アフ
リカ文化と黒人文化の世界への伝播、そして③ブラジ

京都大学地域研究統合情報センター研究員

ポエィラは抵抗と解放の担い手として、ブラジル社会において重要な役割を果たしてきたと言えます。

ルの文化と社会の形成という三つのテーマのもと、カ二部からなる本報告書は、上記の問題意識に基づく

ポエィラ・アンゴーラというアフロ・ブラジル伝統文

枠組みの中で構想されました。第一部では、京都大学

化の歴史的背景とこれまでのあゆみに注目します。

地域研究統合情報センター、地域研究コンソーシアム

カポエィラは、16世紀よりアフリカからブラジルに（JCAS 「）地域研究次世代ワークショップ・プログラ

奴隷として連れてこられた黒人によって創出されましム」、京都大学学際融合教育推進センター「分野横断プた。戦闘・遊戯・舞踊の要素を併せ持つカポエィラは、

ラットフォーム構築企画」という三つの組織との協力

アフリカ起源の楽器が奏でる音楽に合わせて行なわれで2014年度に行なった民間と大学による共同企画『カます。奴隷が集い、団結力を育むものとして支配者か

ポエィラ・アンゴーラ国際交流イベント2014 ── ジ

ら危険視され、法律で禁止された時代もありました。

ンガ・インズィンガ』の成果を報告します。

また、男性中心の芸能として発達したことから、女第二部は、この共同企画に参加した研究者の論文に性が男性と同等の身体表現をすることに対する偏見

よって構成されています。議論をより深めるため、こは根強く、女性が積極的に参加できるようになったの

こには歴史学、社会学、ジェンダー学と文化学というは最近のことです。この伝統芸能は、ブラジルにおけ多角的な視点から、本報告書の主題に関連する考察をる民主主義の浸透に貢献するとともに、人種やジェン

収録しました。

ダーの問題とも真摯に向き合ってきました。つまりカPreface

この共同企画は、2014年９月５日から14日まで

Andrea Yuri FLORES URUSHIMA

Center for Integrated Area Studies, Kyoto University

This volume addresses themes largely related to theAfrican diaspora, the global transmission of the African
and Black culture, and the formation of the Brazilian
culture and society. more specifically, it focuses on thehistorical and recent development of the Afro-Brazilian
traditional performance art, Capoeira Angola.
Capoeira begun during the 16th century created by thecontributed to the diffusion of democracy in Brazil, andin parallel, it has seriously faced issues of gender andrace. Finally, we can probably affirm that capoeira has
played an important role in supporting the resistanceand liberation of the Brazilian society.
This view frames the organization of the two sectionsof this volume. The first gathers the results of a project
organized in 2014, in collaboration with the Center for
Integrated Area Studies (CIAS), Kyoto University. The
second enriches the discussion with the research articles
written by scholars that participated in that project.
The latter incorporates a deepened reflection about theabove-cited topics with a multidisciplinary standpointfrom history, sociology, gender and cultural studies.
In 2014, the project of international exchange: “Capoeira
Angola 2014: ginga Nzinga”, took place in Tokyoand Kyoto, between 5-14 September. This project
counted with the participation of about 340 people in
the activities of five workshops, one round table andBlack people that were forcedly brought in Brazil asslaves from Africa. Capoeira combines elements fromfight, play and dance traditions accompanied by themusic played with instruments of African origin. Fora while the law prohibited the practice of Capoeira
due to the fact that the rulers regarded as dangerous
the congregation and the solidarity among slaves.
moreover, because this performance art developed as a
male-centered practice, there existed a strong prejudiceagainst the equal use of body's expressions by men
and women. It is just recently that women began toactively participate in its practice. This performance art

4

Science Research Fellow

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界の日程で開催し、カポエィラを実践的に学ぶワークの３日間、京都で９月13日〜14日の２日間、ワークショップを計５回、カポエィラの歴史や社会的役割を

ショップを指導しました。ワークショップでは、カポ考察するシンポジウムを東京と京都でそれぞれ開催

エィラのデモンストレーションを行ない、実際に楽器し、合計340名が参加しました。

の演奏と歌、カポエィラの動きを経験してもらうこと

講演者及び指導者として、カポエィラの維持・発展を目的としました。

に尽力されている師範をブラジルから招待しました。

９月９日には、東京で講演会「カポエィラの身体知

パウロ・バヘット氏（グルーポ・インズィンガ・サルバ

──ノルデスチ（ブラジル北東部）文化のなかの女性」

ドル本部長）、ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ氏（バイーを開催しました。ここでは、ジェンダーの視点から女ア連邦大学教育学部准教授／ NEIM女性学際研究セ性とカポエィラとの関わりや女性がカポエィラに主ンター長）、パウラ・バヘット氏（バイーア連邦大学社

体的に参加するに至るまでの歴史などに着目しまし会学部准教授／大学院教育プログラム「バイーアの色た。この講演会には、ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ氏と──人種関係、黒人文化とアイデンティティ」コーディ

パウラ・バヘット氏に加えて、北東ブラジルに10年にネーター）の３名です。

わたって在住し、母子保健に関するフィールドワーク

彼らはNPO INCAB（NPOインズィンガ研究所、カ
ポエィラ・アンゴーラとブラジルにおけるバンツー伝を実施した三砂ちづる氏（津田塾大学国際関係学科教授）が参加されました。

統教育、以下、グルーポ・インズィンガ）の創立者とし９月12日には、京都大学稲盛財団記念館において、て知られ、カポエィラの実践世界では、それぞれポロッ国際シンポジウム「抵抗と解放の身体──ブラジル伝

カ
（パウロ）
、
ジャンジャ
（ホザンジェラ）、パウリーニャ

統芸能『カポエィラ』による対話と実践」を実施しまし（パウラ）という通称で知られています。

た。シンポジウムの開会に先立って、開催地構内にあ３名の指導者たちは、東京で９月５日から７日まで

one symposium. As lecturers and coaches to these
activities, were invited three people dedicated to theresearch and preservation of this art: the founders of
the NPo INCAB (Nzinga Institute of Capoeira Angola
and Bantu educational Traditions in Brazil), generally
known as the grupo Nzinga. The invited participantsfrom Brazil were Paulo BArreTo (Coordinator of the
grupo Nzinga Salvador Center), and two scholars fromthe Federal University of Bahia -UFBA: rosangela
ArAUJo (Associate professor, Faculty of education/ Coordinator of the Nucleus of Interdisciplinary
women's Studies -NeIm) and Paula BArreTo (Associate
Professor, Department of Sociology / Coordinator of
the Postgraduate Program “A Cor da Bahia”: racial
relations, the Black Culture and Identity). Insidethe universe of the capoeira practice the three invited
Brazilians are masters known as Poloca (Paulo), Janja(rosangela) and Paulinha (Paula)
In Tokyo, September 5-7, and in Kyoto, September
13-14, the grupo Nzinga founders coached theworkshops that aimed at providing a practicalexperience and demonstration of the Capoeira practice

る中庭で、
カポエィラのデモを行ないました。

(movements, singing and playing of instruments).
In Tokyo, September 9, the round table discussion
entitled Capoeira’s body knowledge: Women fromwithin the Brazilian culture, focused on the inclusionof women in the universe of capoeira. In this event
participated the two invited Brazilian scholars andthe professor at Tsuda College, Chizuru mISAgo, anepidemiologist specialized in childbirth, who used toresearch about procured abortion in Fortaleza, Brazil.
In Kyoto, September 12, took place at the conference
room of the Inamori Foundation memorial Building theInternational Symposium ‘Resistance and Liberationof the body through the dialogue and practice ofCapoeira, a Brazilian cultural expression’. Before thesymposium, in the open courtyard of the conference
premises, a Capoeira demonstration briefly inaugurated
the activities. Under the moderation of hiroshi
FUKUDA, former assistant professor at CIAS, thesymposium opened with the greetings from Shōichirō
hArA, director of CIAS, followed by the keynote
lectures given by the two invited Brazilian scholars.
The lectures exposed the influence of the social and刊行にあたって アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ

5シンポジウムでは、福田宏氏（当時、京都大学地域指導がありました。最後は、カポエィラの文化的習慣上

研究統合情報センター助教／現・愛知教育大学地域社で最も重要な儀式であるホーダ・ジ・カポエィラ（カポ会システム講座講師）が司会を担当し、原正一郎氏（京エィラの円）
を行ない、シンポジウムを閉会しました。

都大学地域研究統合情報センター長）による挨拶のあ

本企画は、実行委員会を中心に多くの方がたによると、ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ氏とパウラ・バヘット

協力と運営によって実現できました。東京の企画では氏による基調講演を行ないました。ここでは、アフリ

荒川幸祐氏（グルーポ・インズィンガ・委員：ブラジル

カの各地から奴隷として連れてこられた人々による映像作家）と永井佳子氏（カポエィラ実践者：キュレー

固有の音楽や宗教、文化などの混淆から生まれたブラター）が、京都の企画では都留Devaux恵美里氏（カポ

ジル特有の文化について取り上げられました。

エィラ実践者：京都大学大学院人間環境学研究科後期

その後、身体論についてブラジルで研究書を出版している宇野邦一氏（立教大学現代心理学部名誉教授）、博士課程）とアンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマが責任者となりました。

アフロ・ユーラシア大陸に広がる文化と文化遺産の保また、企画アドバイザーとして、王柳蘭氏（京都大学

存に関心を持つウスビ・サコ氏（京都精華大学人文学

地域研究統合情報センター／京都大学白眉センター部長）、ブラジルの音楽も含めて大西洋を越えて拡が特定准教授）と福田宏氏が加わり、JCAS社会連携「女る大衆音楽を研究する輪島裕介氏の３名の研究者が、性地域研究者のライフ・ キャリアネットワークプロ

アフリカや日本も交えたグローバルな視点からカポジェクト」、NPO平和環境もやいネットとの共催によ

エィラについて議論しました。

る幅広い協力体制のもとで、実施することができまし

活発な議論の後、パウロ・バヘット氏、
ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ氏、パウラ・バヘット氏から、会場参加者

た。関係者のみなさまに、この場を借りてお礼を申しあげます。

に対してカポエィラの実技のデモンストレーションと

cultural practices of African slaves to the formation of
the Brazilian culture. moreover, the lecturers criticallyreassessed the role of the body in the transmission,
production and transformation of knowledge withinprocesses of political, social and cultural interactions.
A round table followed with the participation of theemeritus professor at rikkyo University, Kuniichi
UNo, specialized in philosophical approaches ofthe body, which writings were published in Brazil;
the dean of the Faculty of humanities at Kyoto Seika
University, oussouby SACKo, interested in the Afroeurasian heritage and cultural conservation; and the
Associate Professor of the graduate School of lettersat osaka University, Yusuke wAJImA, specialized
in the transatlantic connections in popular music,
including the Brazilian music. The symposium closedwith a 'roda de Capoeira' (Capoeira Circle), the mostimportant event of the cultural practice of Capoeira,under the coordination of Poloca, Janja and Paulinha.
This project was idealized and organized by the
executive committee composed of Kosuke ArAKAwA(grupo Nzinga member) and Yoshiko NAgAI (Capoeira

6

Practitioner), Tokyo main representatives; Andrea
FloreS UrUShImA (researcher, Kyoto University)and emilie TSUrU DevAUX (Capoeira Practitioner
and Doctoral Candidate at Kyoto University), Kyoto
main representatives; under the advisory support ofliulan wANg-KANDA (Associate Professor, Kyoto
University) and hiroshi FUKUDA (lecturer, Aichi
University of education). The project counted with theinstitutional support from the Center for Integrated Area
Studies (CIAS), Kyoto University; the JCAS Social
Collaboration Project ‘life-Career Network of Female
researchers on Area Studies’; and the NPo Partner for
Peace and environment. moreover it counted with thefinancial support from the Program of Next generation
workshop on Area Studies of the Japan Consortium for
Area Studies (JCAS), and the Project of Construction ofTransdisciplinary Platforms, Center for the Promotionof Interdisciplinary education (CPIer) of Kyoto
University.

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界第1部

シンポジウムと講演会の記録刊行にあたって アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ7

京都シンポジウム講演①

アフロ・ブラジル文化の表現

Afro-Brazilian Cultural Expressions
パウラ・バヘット

バイーア連邦大学社会学部准教授／カポエィラ・アンゴーラ グループインジンガ・共同設立者

今回このような講演の機会を与えていただいたこように文化のなかに統合されていったのかについて、とに、感謝の意を示したいと思います。また、東京と京

私たちは目を向けないといけません。

都で実施しているこの企画の準備に携ってくださっ「ブラジルとはなにか」を考えたときに、混血である

たみなさんに感謝します。

メスティソの人びとや黒人は、その議論から除外され詳細な内容に入る前に、ここにはさまざまな分野のてきた、社会から除外されてきた歴史があります。そ方が参加されていると思いますので、まずは「アフロ・れは白人層、支配者層がどのようにブラジルを表象しブラジル文化」というものがどのようなものかについたいか、ブラジルに対してどのようなイメージを持って、簡単に説明するところから始めます。

てもらいたいかということと、深く関係しています。
ディアスポラと奴隷貿易のことについては、ご存じ

アフロ・ブラジル文化をどう定義するかの方も多いと思います（資料１－１）。ブラジルはもっとも黒人を多く受け入れた国で、現在でももっとも黒アフロ・ブラジル文化がどのようなものか一言で言人が多い国です。アフリカ系の人びとが、ブラジルのうのは難しいことです。ここではアフロ・ブラジル文

ほとんどすべての面で労働を担っていたと言えます。

化がブラジルにどれだけ深く根付いているのかについて、お話ししたいと思います。

多様な要素の統合としての「アフロ・ブラジル」

ブラジルにおけるアフロ・ブラジル文化、黒人文化
は、ブラジル全体の人びととすでに混ざり合ってし

これからアフロ・ブラジル文化の表現についてお見まっていて、切り離せるものではありません。そのこせします。まずは19世紀についてです。そのあと少しとを納得していただくために、みなさんがブラジル特だけ20世紀についてお話しします。

有だと思っているものがいかにアフリカと関係あるのかを、まずはお話しします。

アレイジャジーニョという名前で知られている、アントニオ・フランシスコ・リスボアという黒人のアー

その第一の例が言語です。ブラジルではポルトガル

ティストとして知られている方がいます。彼は奴隷語が話されていますが、そのポルトガル語もブラジルの息子でした。ブラジルのミナスジュライス州の教会では特有の、ポルトガルとは違う、アフリカ文化の影で、彼の作品が数多く見られます（資料１－２）。

響を受けたポルトガル語を話しています。

アフリカ起源のブラジルの宗教にカンドンブレと二つ目の例はサッカーです。ブラジルというとサッいうものがありますが、その古いかたちの表象がカルカーだとよく言われますが、ブラジルのサッカーのプンドゥー（CALUNDU）
です（資料１－３）。絵を見るとレーの仕方にも、アフロ・ブラジル文化の影響が見らわかるように、ブラジルの主たる宗教のキリスト教とれます。アフロ・ブラジリアンは完全にブラジル全体はかなりはずれた、黒人特有の、奴隷たちがもってきと混ざり合ってしまっていて、不可分のものとなってた宗教と表象も、
ブラジルにはたくさん残っています。

いるのです。
だからといって、アフロ・ブラジルのことを話さな
くていいかというと、そうではありません。アフロ・ブ

とくにブラジルの北東部、バイーア州には、アフリ
カ人や奴隷たちの文化的表象がたくさん残っています。
それは19世紀の前半にとくに発展しました。

ラジル文化がどのように生まれてきたのか、どのようバイーア州の州都であるサルヴァドールには、奴隷に「アフロ・ブラジルの烙印」が黒人に捺されて、どの制度が終わる直前に奴隷が大量に集中的にやってき

8

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界リベリア へシエラレオネベナン
ナイジェリアへコイサン系グループ（15 世紀）バントゥー系グループ（15 世紀）スーダン系グループ（15 世紀）セム・ハム系グループ（15 世紀）マダガスカル系グループ（15 世紀）ピグミー系グループ（15 世紀）人身売買と関連する代表的な港
イギリス、フランスによる新世界（南北アメリカ大陸）への入植
アジアへのアフリカ人の人身売買経路新世界（南北アメリカ大陸）へのアフリカ人の人身売買経路

アフリカ人とその子孫（解放奴隷）がアフリカへと戻った経路

キロンボ（逃げた奴隷が形成した集落）

新世界（南北アメリカ大陸）への別の海上ルート

人身売買が行われた中心都市と港

ヨーロッパ、アジア、アフリカへの熱帯生産物の動き

奴隷制に対する反対運動が記録されている地域

ヨーロッパからアフリカへの生産物の動き

塩（

）
、象牙
（

）
、金（

）の資源開発と通商の拠点

資料１－１ アフリカ、アメリカ、
ブラジルにおけるディアスポラの地政学（15世紀～19世紀）
Rafael Sanzio Araujo dos Santosらによる図を元に作成（●原図制作……Cartographic project organized by the Geographer Rafael Sanzio Araujo dos Santos. Afrobrazilian geography project at the Applied Cartography
and Geographic Information Center of the University of Brasilia (CIGA-UNB). Cartographic drawings elaborated by Rafael Farias, Rodrigo Vilela and Washington
Oliveira, Brasilia-DF. Email: cartografia@unb.br●原図制作の参考文献……Anjos, R.S.A. Coleção África-Brasil: Cartografia para o Ensino-Aprendizagem,
Brasília, 2007/ Anjos, R.S.A. A Utilização dos Recursos Cartográficos conduzida para uma África Desmestificada, Brasília, 1985/ Silva, D.B.D. Parceiros no
Tráfico, Rio de Janeiro, 2011/ Beckles, H.M. & Shepherd, V. Trading Serils/ Thomas, H. The Slave trade, USA, 2007/ Harris, J.E. Global dimension of the African
Diaspora, USA, 1982/ Fage, J.D. An Atlas of African History, Londres, 1958/ Anville, Carte de l'Ethiopie Occidentale, Paris, 1732/ Le Monde Diplomatique Supplement Historique, Paris, 2007/ NGM, The grand exchange, Washington, 1992/ Grosselin-Delamanche, Atlas de Géographie - Nouvelle Edition, Paris 1907

資料１－２ アレイジャジーニョの作品ました。そこでは今日でも彼らが残した文化的表象が多く見られます。

資料１－３ カルンドゥーの絵ものでした。
アフリカから奴隷として連れてこられた人びとは、

ここからは、19世紀のあいだにアフリカ人とそのアフリカのさまざまな地域からやってきました。その子孫たちによって作られた、さまざまな芸術、文化表なかでもナゴー（Nagô）とよばれるグループが、いま象をお見せします。彼らは団結して、文化を通してさだに有名です。

まざまな抑圧に抵抗する方法を見出していきました。

私たちが「アフロ・ブラジル」と言うときには、それなかでも労働と宗教は、彼らにとってたいへん重要なはすでに総合的な表現になっています。たとえば「ナ京都シンポジウム講演① パウラ・バヘット

9

資料１－５ 男性ブラザーフッドの名前
Our Lord of Martyrdom (in the city of Cachoeira): since 1765
Our Lady of Rosario (in the city of Salvador)
Our Good Lord of Necessities and Redemption: since 1752

資料１－４ カトリックのブラザーフッドによって行なわれていた祭りのようす
Carlos Julião. Garments of the begging slave women at the“Festado Rosário”. Watercolored drawing. National Library Foundation.
In: Mostra do Redescobrimento: Black in body and soul. Aguilar,
Nelson (Org.). São Paulo: 2000. 560 p.

ゴー」や「アンゴーラ」など、いろいろなところからい
ろいろな部族が集まってきていたのを総称して「アフ

資料１－６ ノサ・セニョーラ・ダ・ボア・モルチの女性

Adenor Gondim. The Ladies of the Good Death Series.
1990's. Colored Photograph. Private Collection. In: Mostra do
Redescobrimento: Black in body and soul. Aguilar, Nelson (Org.).
São Paulo: 2000. 560 p.

ロ・ブラジル」と呼んでいることは、念頭に置いておか
なくてはいけません。
また、アフロ・ブラジル文化を考えるうえで特筆しておきたいのが、ブラザーフッドという友愛の団体とイスラム教徒のグループ、そしてカンドンブレです。
この三つについて憶えておかないといけないことがあります。

ブラザーフッドとムスリム・グループ、
カンドンブレまず、アフリカ人によるキリスト教のカトリック団
体のブラザーフッドについてお話しします。かなり多くのカトリックのキリスト教のブラザーフッドが、黒人によって19世紀に作られました。
資料１－４はブラザーフッドによって行なわれて

資料１－７ イスラム教徒の黒人奴隷が隠し持っていた小冊子
Booklet with Islamic writings found tied to the neck of a Muslim
Negro dead during a Malês insurrection, Bahia, 1835. In: Mostra
do Redescobrimento: Black in body and soul. Aguilar, Nelson (Org.).
São Paulo: 2000. 560 p

いた祭りの絵です。これらのブラザーフッドは、基本
的に民族ごとに組まれていました。こうした団体は、この時期にイスラム教徒のグループがあったこと

彼らが団結するのにたいせつなものでした。こうしたにも触れておきたいと思います（資料１－７）。イスラ

場は、黒人の子どもたちが教育を受ける場、読み書き

ム教徒のグループは、奴隷のなかでも抵抗するグルーを学ぶ場にもなっていました。資料１－５に挙げたのプに関連づけられていました。

は、男性だけのブラザーフッドの名前です。このようこうした団体のなかで、今日でも一番活動しているに男性のブラザーフッドは、すでに18世紀から萌芽的といえるのは、カンドンブレだと思います（資料１－に形成されていたことがみてとれます。

８）。カンドンブレは、もともとアフリカにあった宗教資料１－６はノサ・セニョーラ・ダ・ボア・モルチ（Nossaが奴隷とともにブラジルに到来して、独自の発展を遂

Senhora da Boa morte ）という友愛の団体に所属する

げたものです。そのカンドンブレの一部として、カポ

女性たちの写真です。この団体の儀式に来るために、エィラがあります（資料 1－９）。

世界中の方がたがかなり多く集まっているそうです。

10

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界資料１－８ 現代に残るカンドンブレの儀式

https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E3%82%AB%E3%83%B3%E3%83%89%E3%83%B3%E3%83%96%E3%83%AC#/media/File:Orixa_
Yemanja_Orossi.JPG

資料１－９ かつてのカポエィラのようす
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capoeira

資料１－11 フレーヴォ

http://carnaval.olinda.pe.gov.br/historia/homenagem-ao-frevo/
dobradica-tesoura-os-passos-basicos-do-frevo

資料１－12 イレ・アイエの女性たち

http://blackwomenofbrazil.co/2013/12/17/ile-aye-bahias-oldestbloco-afro-celebrates-40-years-opens-registrations-for-2014-ebony-goddesscontest/

表現が、今日も残っています。それらの多くがカーニバルに内包され、現在でもその文化表現が行われています。資料１－10は、ブラジル北東部のペルナンブー
コでよく見られるマラカトゥ（Maracatu）という民族芸能をするカーニバルのようすです。
資料１－11は、ペルナンブーコ州のシンボルとなっているフレーヴォ（FREVO）というカーニバルでの資料１－10 マラカトゥ

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Caboclos_de_
lan%C3%A7a.jpg

踊りのようすです。この踊りで見られる動きは、カポ
エィラともかなり大きく関係しています。
資料１－12は、
イレ・アイエ（Ilê Aiye）というアフロ・ブラジルのグループです。このグループは、1970年代

20 世紀以降、現代に残るアフロ・ブラジル文化に、ブラジルの黒人の文化が再評価されていった、すアフロ・ブラジル文化は、20世紀以降もたいへん豊ときから始まっています。

なわち、黒人たちによって価値が再獲得されていったかに残っています。20世紀に入ると、アフロ・ブラジル

資料１－13は、カンドンブレの女性の聖職者たちと文化のなかで、より社会的・政治的な活動も増え、黒人

よく関連づけられる、バイーアの伝統的な服装をしたによる演劇集団などが誕生しました。

女性たちです。こうしたバイーアの女性たちの姿は、

その他、たくさんの豊かなアフロ・ブラジルの文化

すでにバイーアのイメージ、シンボルとして、世界中

京都シンポジウム講演① パウラ・バヘット

11

解放の原動力となる
アフロ・ブラジル文化のポテンシャル
これまで見てきたアフロ・ブラジルの文化はすべて、身体に関連するものです。ノブレガという研究者は、「哲学者のメルロ＝ポンティは、身体性が欠如した思考を優先しすぎるあまりに、私たちが感覚を体験する
身体の実現を置き去りにしてきてしまったことを私たちに教えてくれている」と指摘しています。このよ
資料１－13 バイアーナ（バイーアの女性）

うな指摘に対して、現在の観点あるいは理解から、身https://alemdastendencias.wordpress.com/tag/traje-tipico-dasbaianas/

体に関する知識を、救い出すこともできると考えていに流布しています。

カポエィラも含めて解放の原動力となる大きなポテ

バイーアの文化のなかでもとくに重要なものとして食文化があります。彼女たちは食文化にも深く関わっていますが、今回は残念ながらお話しする時間がありません。

ます。なかでもアフロ・ブラジルの文化表現の実践は、ンシャルがあります。この「身体の道」を辿って、アフロ・ブラジルの伝統的な世界観や主体性が伝承されてきましたし、今日もカポエィラなどを通して、後世に伝え続けられています。

エッセイ

カポエィラの女性マスターたち、初来日
石井 結 FICA-Japão 練習生

メ

ストラ・ジャンジャとパウリーニャの存在は私に勇気を与えてくれる。
カポエィラではいろんな出会いがあるが、今の自分を形成してきた人たちの数はそれほど多くないと思う。彼女たちは心の慈母たちだ。
遠く離れていても、グループの違いがあっても、彼女たちがカポエィラの世界に「いる」という安心感はとても
大きく、力にもなります。
グループを越えてお互いの経験を感じ合い、助け合い、成長し、共に進んでいくことが女性たちには出来るのだと、気づかされました。彼女たちが切り開いてくれた道をただ、なんとなく歩むのではなく意識することで、これからもその道は保たれていくと、私は思います。GINGA NZINGAのイベントの中でメストラ・ジャンジャ、
パウリーニャ、
メストレ・
ポロッカがカポエィラを通して伝えてくれたことをこれからも大切にしていきたいと思います。先生たちが蒔いてくれたカポエィラの種が、これから日本の大地の上で成長していくのが楽しみです。

12

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界EssayIn Search of You, in Search of Me
When Capoeira Starts to Function

Yoshiko NAGAI Curator and member of Grupo Nzinga
hen I visited Salvador in Brazil last year, I
met Mestra Janja, the capoeira professor
who came to Japan a year before. Not long after
we met, she said to me as if she was waiting to
say that sentence, ‘I remember every detail ofJapan so well’. Then she showed me the photosof the trip and talked as if she was revisiting thecountry. ‘You know, I found the same deity as inour religion, Candomble’. In one of the photos,
there was the cetaka statue with sword in the quiet
temple of Kyoto. Candomble is an Afro-Brazilian
religion which contains plural deities with different
characters. One of the deities is called Ogun, thatof the warrior with an arm. I exactly knew what
she meant.

W

Capoeira originally started as a dance / fighting
practice of the slaves forcedly brought from Africa
during the colonial period in the 16th century.
Africa, since that time, was rich in its diversityof culture and languages. However, the slaves
were brutally taken to the unknown land, Brazil,
by being separated from their family and culturalroots. This complex background made Capoeira
more than a physical enjoyment of people of
African origin. It functioned to remember theiridentity by involving their cultural roots via physicalmovement, language and music. Knowing thesedeep historical facts, I cannot help feeling thatthe nature of this art let us think about where wecame from.

In 2014, the three capoeira professors, Mestra
Janja, Mestre Poloca and Mestra Paulinha fromthe Grupo Nzinga visited Japan. The workshop
was held both in Tokyo and Kyoto, and I was
involved as one of the organizers. This trip was not
only about physical workshops but the importance
was in mutually understanding culture.

The uniqueness of culture could be hidden withina mass of information in this ‘global society’. In
such a situation, people seem to know better andexperience more, however, it is becoming more
and more difficult to know about themselves, theirown culture and its uniqueness. Also, the lack ofhuman interaction might have accelerated thisphenomena. It has become easy, to apparently
about a different culture without going and meetingwith local people. But what is remarkable about
capoeira is that, as Mestra Paulinha mentioned
in the symposium during this event, ‘it traveled
all around the world and inspired various people
without any help of authority. It expanded solely
with the power of people’.

I myself have trained Capoeira for a few years,
and as I continue, I could not help feeling theneed to bridge this Brazilian culture of diaspora
and my own culture in order to understand it
deeper. Capoeira, at a first sight, looks like amartial art of physical beauty. But as you continue
to practice, it actually starts to function as a toolfor understanding our own culture since many
aspects of the art of capoeira touches our cultural
instinct as human beings. The lyric of its songs
contain the memory of Africa where slaves in Brazil
had dreamed of, its movement mimics the walk ofanimals in the untouched forest, and the sound ofmusic, especially that of Berimbau, vibrates deep
inside of our physical sensibility. The motivationfor organizing this event, therefore, started withthe desire to share with the professors what wehave as Japanese culture.

Mestres of Grupo Nzinga spent entire two weeks
observing, asking, speculating about the Japaneseculture. Every time I explained about my culture, I
felt like I understood better about my own culture.
The questions they posed were the answers to
my existence. This is when the roda, the circle ofthe capoeira, has expanded and played in its fullmeaning.

エッセイ13

京都シンポジウム講演②

身体と伝統文化――異文化間の文脈から
Body and Traditional Cultures in Intercultural Contexts
ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

バイーア連邦大学教育学部准教授／カポエィラ・アンゴーラ グループインジンガ・共同設立者

京都大学に来ることができて、このような機会を与やがて奴隷制が終わったあと、カポエィラは禁止にえていただきありがとうございます。また、関西をはなりました。奴隷制がなくなったことで、奴隷ではな

じめ各地から日本のカポエィラを愛するみなさんがく、白人でもなく、仕事がない、教育がないという「バ集まっていただいたことにお礼を申しあげます。

ジウ」という存在が生まれます。彼らは奴隷の身からパウラ先生の講演に続けてお話をしますと、ブラジ解放され、自由の身になっても、政府からは無法者のルのイメージというものが、アフリカから奴隷としてように扱われていました。彼らのするカポエィラは、連れてこられた人たちによって影響を強く受けてい無法者によって行なわれる支配層を脅かすものとしることは、忘れてはいけません。とくにブラジルにおて捉えられたのです。

ける身体性については、奴隷として連れてこられた人たちに重要性があります。

カポエィラの起源がいったいどこから来るのか、ア
フリカ起源なのかブラジルで生まれたものなのかについては、現在でも議論があります。

カポエィラとはなにか ── その起源と歴史

私たち「カポエィラ・アンゴーラ」を継承する者のことを「アンゴレーロ」と呼んでいますが、私たちアンゴ

ここにおられる方たちには、カポエィラを知らない方もおられますので、まずカポエィラとはなにかといレーロは、カポエィラはアフリカが母体であると考えています。

う定義づけの話をしましょう。
植民地時代のブラジルにアフリカから連れてこら体に記憶された身体表現としてのカポエィラ

れた黒人たちは、「アンゴーラ」という総称で呼ばれます。現在、私たちが「カポエィラ」と呼んでいるものは、

アフリカからブラジルに連れてこられた人たちに

以前はそのような名前ではなく、「アンゴーラのダンとって、奴隷制は歴史的なものではないという考え方

ス」、「アンゴーラのゲーム」、「アンゴーラの遊び」などがあります。そして彼らは見た目が黒人であるというと呼ばれていました。

だけではなく、「アフロ・ブラジリアン」というアイデ

先ほどのパウラ先生の話のとおり、アフロ・ブラジ

ンティティを強くもっています。

ル文化は多様性がありますが、そのなかでも、アフリ

資料２－１に、1908年から1925年のあいだに登録

カのバントゥ系の文化がカポエィラに強く影響を与されたカポエィラの使い手を示しています。左側は名えています。アフリカ各地から連れてこられた奴隷た

前で、肌の色も書かれています。識字の有無、職業につちは、センザーラという奴隷居住地にまとまって暮ら

いても書かれています。

していました。そこでは同じアフリカでも出身地が異この資料から読み取れることは、まず、ほとんどのなる人たちが一緒に暮らしていたため、文化が混ざり人が男性だということです。1920年代まで、ブラジル

合うことになりました。

の黒人男性、メスティソのほとんどの方が読み書きが奴隷としての暮らしに耐えられなくなった人たちできませんでした。そして彼らの職業はほとんどが路は、支配者に抵抗して逃亡することに成功し、キロン

上、道などで行なわれる肉体労働でした。

ボ（奴隷逃亡集落）という独自のテリトリーを作りあ「カポエィラ」という言葉自体は、もともとブラジルげました。このセンザーラとキロンボが、カポエィラのインディオ、先住民の言葉で、「自然」または「森のの成立に大きく関係しています。

中」という意味です。

14

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界資料２－１ カポエリスタ（カポエィラの使い手）たちのプロフィール（1908－1925）
Nome ou apelido(Names or Nicknames)
Agripino M. Oliveira
Tripas ao Sol
Caboclinho
Boca de Fogo/Antonio Boca de Porco
Aristides José de Santana
Argemiro Olho de Pombo
Artur dos Santos
Tibiriri
Eutyquio Alves da Silva
Gregório Bispo dos SantosInocêncio Sete Mortes
CouJoão GulodiceTrês Pedaços
Zebedeu
Tico
Besouro Mangangá
Manoel Raymundo da Silva
Martins Silveira Lima
Miguel Ferreira dos Santos
Pedro Porreta
Pedro Piroca
Pedro Mineiro
Samuel da Calçada
Bastião
Percê
DuquinhaCor(Color)mestiço
negro
negro

Instrução
(Instruction)
analfabetoanalfabetoanalfabetoanalfabetoalfabetizado
pardo
pardo
negro
negro
mestiço
negro
pardo
negro
negro
mestiço
mestiço
negro
negro
negro
negro
pardo
negro

alfabetizado
analfabetoanalfabetoanalfabetoanalfabetoalfabetizado
analfabetoanalfabetoalfabetizado
alfabetizado
analfabetoanalfabetoalfabetizado
alfabetizado
alfabetizado

alfabetizado

Ocupação
(Occupation)
carregador
pequeno comerciantemarítimo, saveirista, estivador
estivador, marítimo, capanga
estivador
estivadoroperário, ex-aprendiz de marinheiro
marceneiro
carregador
carregador
carregador, policial, capanga
pedreiro
pescador, dono de casa de jogocarregador, peixeiro
policial, vigia, sapateiro, capanga
carregador
soldado do exército, saveiristamarítimo
pedreiro, carregador, trapicheiro
engraxate
peixeiro, carregador, trapicheiro
peixeirocarregador, marítimo, policial, capanga
carpinteiro, capanga
policial, capanga
engraxate
estivador, fabricante de carroça mecânico,

カポエィラに類似した表現は、ブラジル以外でも見られます。
たとえばマルティニークの「ラジャ（Ladja）」とキューバの「マニー（Mani）」が挙げられます。
こちらから読み取れることは、奴隷制による暴力のなかでも、アフリカ起源の身体表現は、彼らの体のなかに記憶され、受け継がれていたということではないでしょうか。カポエィラの動きとよく似ているマル
ティニークのラジャの映像からは、そのことが読み取れます（資料２－２）。

格闘技から人生の哲学へ──カポエィラの変遷

資料２－2 マルティニークのラジャ

20世紀の初めごろ、「無法者」というネガティブな名て、ダンスのように見せています。時代の流れととも前で呼ばれていたカポエリスタたちは、それに対するに、カポエィラのこの動きは洗練されていき、スピー抵抗として自分たちの服をきれいにしていました。そドも速くなっていきます。

のころの映像を見ると、カポエィラをするときに、靴や が て カ ポ エ リ ス タ た ち は 集 まって、
「マ ウ タを履いているのも見受けられます。靴を履いていると（Malta）」と呼ばれる秘密組織を作りました。それはブいうことは、「自由の身である」という表象です。奴隷

ラジルの北部と南部に集落として存在しました。

の身分では、黒人は誰一人として靴を履くことは許されていませんでした。
カポエィラでは、格闘の要素をカモフラージュし

19世紀にブラジル政府によって、カポエィラをする
こと自体が法律で違法になります。カポエィラをしているところを見つけられて捕らえられると、公共の場

京都シンポジウム講演② ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

15資料２－３ アンゴーラとヘジョナウの違い

Capoeira Angola
African origin: enslaved
Criminal misdemeanor
Woods and spaces of playing
Philosophy of life
Ancestry: continuum African or Afro-Brazilian diaspora;
Globalization: new Africanization
Capoeira Regional
Brazilian origin: slaves;
National Sport: Brazilian gymnastics
Physical activity: competitive sports
History: struggle against slavory;
Globalization: new Brazilization

資料２－４ 芸術表現としてのカポエィラ・アンゴーラ
Capoeira Angola: Capoeira as Art
Malice: To be ladino, to be“closed”, the mandinga
Complementary: play, and let play
Play low: predominance of hands

Absence of violence: playing as a game.
Relaxation, pleasure, fun(laughter). Tacit agreement
Duration of the longest game
Rejection of betrayal
Displacement of the art form to other transformations;● Beauty is not defenceless;● Slow music: body and mental domination;● Ritual importance: rules governing diverse aspects;● Knowledge of these rules: ”
to be inside"; pride andprestige in the group;● Theatricality: pretense, dramatization● Beautiful Movements: importance of establishing a uniqueaesthetic;

で刑罰を受けさせられました。牢獄に入れられるか、もしくは処刑されてしまいました。
このような「カポエリスタは無秩序である」というカポエィラのイメージを変えるために、カポエリスタ
たちは変化を遂げていきます。地域のコミュニティや
カポエリスタたちによって、カポエィラは人生の哲学のように変わっていきました。このときに、私たちが今日までカポエィラを続けてきた、そして続けていく
うえで重要な要素である祖先への尊敬の精神が生まれます。

芸術表現としてのアンゴーラ
スポーツとしてのヘジョナウ

資料２－５ スポーツとしてのカポエィラ・ヘジョナウ

Capoeira Regional: Capoeira as a fightBrazilian Martial Art: regulation, championships;
Changes in the concept of capoeira;
Bureaucratized associations: single regulation;
Incorporation of elements of the oriental martial arts:
legitimacy through movement of socially accepted martialarts;● Political and ideological co-optation of the system: erasing
the ethnicity for the sake of civility, health, education andculture (folklore);● Relax: Sociability, courtesy;● Militaristic;● Tacitly racist.

→To which concludes the author: As a culture, capoeira isblack. As a sport, it’s white.

バイーアでは、1930年代からカポエィラの新しいかたちが作られました。
「ルータ・ヘジョナウ・バイア

オーガナイズされてきたか、師範がだれであったか、
どナ」、「バイーアの地域の格闘技」という名前で、「カポの人に教えてもらったかを示す系図です。この資料のエィラ」とは言わずに、そういう名前で呼ばれていま

うちグレーの四角で示したものが私たちの系統です。

した。外からはカポエィラ・ヘジョナウと呼ばれてい世界に飛び立ち、拡がったカポエィラ

ます。
ブラジル政府によってカポエィラが容認・合法化されたのは、1937年のことでした。ここで初めてブラジルの文化として認知されることになります。
そしてそのころから、カポエィラのスタイルとして「ヘジョナウ」と「アンゴーラ」という呼び名が生まれ

資料２－７は、私が国際カポエィラ学会のために作成した資料で、カポエィラを教えているブラジル人の方がたです。現在、全世界160か国でカポエィラが練習されていると言われています。

ました。
資料２－３に示したのは、それぞれの特徴です。

先ほどお見せした、カポエィラのかつての担い手を

カポエィラ・アンゴーラは芸術的な表現として行なわ

示す資料２－１とくらべると、ずいぶんとそのプロれ（資料２－４）、カポエィラ・ヘジョナウはスポーツとフィールが変わっていることに気づきます。こちらのして行なわれます（資料２－５）。

名前のなかには男性と女性が入り交じっています。白やがて20世紀にカポエィラは全世界に拡がってい人と黒人、高い教育レベルの人、大学院生など、職業はきますが、このような二つのスタイルがあったからこ

ブラジルのなかでも特別よい職業と言われているもそ、世界中に拡がったと言えます。

のに就いています。

資料２－６は、カポエィラがどのようなかたちで16

資料２－８は外国人のカポエリスタです。こちらもCIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界資料２－６ カポエィラの系図
資料２－７ ブラジル人カポエリスタのプロフィール Profile of capoeiristas – Brazilians (amostra)
Sexo

Cor

Escolaridade

Ocupação principal

Feminino
Feminino
Feminino
Feminino
Feminino
Feminino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino

BrancaBrancaMorenaBrancaPreta
Parda
Caboclo
BrancoBrancoSuperior incompleto
Pós-Graduação
Superior completo
Pós-Graduação
Superior completo
Ensino Médio
Superior incompletoSuperior incompletoSuperior incompletoSuperior completo
Ensino Fundamental
Pós-Graduação
Superior completo
Pós-Graduação
Superior completo

Estudante
Fotógrafa e designer
Designer de Interiores
Estudante
Funcionária Pública

Negro
MorenoBrancoBranco
Negro

Artista Plástica
Estudante
Auxiliar de Musculação
Artesão
Publicitário
Economista
Ator
Professor

資料２－８ 外国人カポエリスタのプロフィール Profile of capoeiristas – foreigners (amostra)
Sexo

Cor

Escolaridade

Ocupação principal

Feminino
Feminino
Feminino
Feminino
Feminino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino
Masculino

MarronPós-Graduação
Pós-Graduação
Pós-Graduação
Superior IncompletoSuperior CompletoSuperior Incompleto
Pós-Graduação
Superior IncompletoSuperior Incompleto
Pós-Graduação
Pós-Graduação
Superior Completo
Pós-Graduação
Pós-Graduação

Pesquisadora
Estudante
Monitora
Professora
Professora
Ator
Estudante
Jardineiro, barman e motorista
Programador de Computação
Professor
Designer
Instalação de piscinas
Tradutor/intérprete
psicólogo

京都シンポジウム講演② ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

17資料２－９ JOÃO PEQUENO師範〈左〉とJOÃO GRANDE師範〈右〉

資料２－11 現在のカポエィラのようす

資料２－10 JOÃO GRANDE師範

同じように、教育もしっかりと受けていて、
そしてしっ

資料２－12 子どもたちの参加

かりとした職業に就いているという点では、以前とは違う結果が出ています。
これはよく現在のカポエィラの状態を表しています。ブラジルではカポエィラに対する偏見が強く評価が低かったにもかかわらず、カポエリスタはブラジル
外の全世界に飛び立ち、さまざまな国でコミュニティを作ったりカポエィラを広めています。
資料２－９の二人は、JOÃO PEQUENO、JOÃO
GRANDE師範です。JOÃO PEQUENO師範はもうお亡くなりになっていますが、JOÃO GRANDE師範は
現在ニューヨークに住んでいます。
資 料 ２－10 は 現 在 ニューヨーク に 住 ん で い るJOÃO GRANDE 師範が、ニューヨークに移る前の写資料２－13 マプトのカポエィラ

活動している私たちのグループ「Nzinga」のカポエィ
ラのようすです。

真です。移られる前の仕事場のようすですが、どのよ

近年のカポエィラ界でとくに重要なこととして、日うな生活環境だったかがこちらでよくわかります。ア

本でもヨーロッパでも、女性の参加が多く見られるこ

メリカに移ったジョアン・グランデ師範は、博士号をとが挙げられます。

とっています。
資料２－11、２－12は、現在のカポエィラのようすです。子どもたちの参加がよく見受けられます。
それはアフリカ大陸においても同様です。アフリカを起源とするカポエィラは、近年アフリカ大陸に再び戻りました。資料２－13は、モザンビークのマプトで18

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

エッセイ「抵抗と解放の身体──
ブラジル伝統芸能『カポエィラ』による対話と実践 」によせて都留 Devaux 恵美里 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科博士後期課程、Nzingaメンバー
ウムも、初めての試みであった。
9月、ブラジルから三人のカポエィ
2014 年ラ師範を招聘して東京と京都で私がこのブラジルの伝統芸能と出会ったのは京都「GingaNzinga」というカポエィラのワークショップおよび講で、10年近く前のことである。当初は、体を楽しく動演会を行った。招聘したのは、ホザンジェラ・アラウー

かす手段をみつけたと思ったのを憶えている。その後、ジョ師範（バイーア連邦大学教育学部准教授）とパウ

生活環境の変化に伴い何度かあまり練習できなくなっ

ラ・バヘット師範（同大学社会学部准教授）、
そして彼女

た時期もあるが、それでも、住む所が変わる都度、そのたちとNzingaというカポエィラ・アンゴーラの団体を

土地のカポエィラのグループを探して、頻繁にとは言立ち上げ、組織しているパウロ・バヘット師範であった。

えないながらも、完全にカポエィラから離れることな

東京、京都とそれぞれの地でカポエィラ・ ワーク

く続けてきた。
そして今では、スポーツという感覚は後

ショップ（動きと音楽の練退し、私の生活のなか、さ習）とホーダ（カポエィラのらには私自身のなかに〈在実演）、東京では三砂ちづる

る〉
ものとして捉えるよう氏（津田塾大学国際関係学になっている。

科教授）
を交えて
『カポエィ

その大きな転換の決定

ラの身体知──ノルデスチ打となったのが、研究（美（ブラジル北東部）
文化のな術史）
でブラジルに滞在しかの女性』と題した鼎談、
そて い た 2013－2014 年

して京都では福田宏氏（当に出会ったNzingaという時京都大学地域研究統合情グループと、その師範たち

報センター助教）が司会をとの出会いであった。彼ら務めた『抵抗と解放の身体を介して、いかにカポエィ――ブラジル伝統芸能「カポエィラ」
による対話と実践』

ラが体を動かすという意味のみでの「スポーツ」ではなと冠したパネル・ディスカッションを行った。京都でパく、社会活動であり、今日のブラジル文化形成の一端をネリストとして参加したのは宇野邦一氏（立教大学現担っている、あるいは体現しているのかに気づかされ

代心理学部名誉教授）、
ウスビ・サコ氏（京都精華大学人たのである。

文学部長・教授）、
輪島裕介氏（大阪大学文学部文学研究
科准教授）
であった。

Nzingaというグループ自体が、社会的問題意識を比較的強く持ったグループではあるが、今日のカポエィ

ブラジルという国は、ワールドカップやオリンピッ

ラ団体は、多かれ少なかれ子供の教育や貧困、性差別クの開催国として、日本でも近年メディアでさまざまなどの問題に取り組んでいるところが多い。ブラジル

な形で取り上げられ、頻繁に耳にするようになってきの伝統芸能でありながら、現代の社会問題を真っ向かた。また、カポエィラに関しても、さまざまな流派や団ら受け止め、独自の解決法を模索するカポエィラの在体はあるが、毎年何人もの師範（メストレ）や講師たち

り方を目の当たりにするにつれ、日本というコンテクが来日し、ワークショップを開いている。
ブラジル一般ストに置き換えた場合の可能性に思いを馳せるようにへの関心と、カポエィラを学ぶ人たちのこの伝統芸能

なり、さまざまな示唆に富んでいるのではないかといへの関心が総合的に強まるなか、今回初めて、女性のカう思いが募っていった。そのようななか、Nzingaメン

ポエィラ・アンゴーラ（より伝統的とされるカポエィラ

バーの荒川幸祐氏の呼びかけのもとにこのような機会の流派）師範の招聘にいたった。また、私の記憶が正しを得たのである。

ければ、三人もの師範が同時に来日したのも、初めての今回のテーマのひとつとして、「身体とその解放」とことである。近年、ブラジルでもヨーロッパでも学術的いうものがあった。
ブラジルを語るうえで、「身体性」
はに取り上げられる機会が増えているカポエィラだが、しばしば使われるキーワードである。それはおそらく、日本での、この伝統芸能に特化した学術的なシンポジ

この国の文化を研究する者、カポエィラやサンバを踊

エッセイ

19

り、演奏する者、
さらに広義にはブラジルを訪れたことでる身体を、自由に、抑圧されることなく解き放つことのある者が共通して、なにかしらブラジル特有の身体が可能になることこそがまさに「解放」
なのである。

性なるものを感じ取るからであろう。

ブラジルで奴隷制度がなくなったからといって、偏カポエィラは周知の通り、ブラジルに連れてこられ見や格差などの問題が解消されたわけではない。しかた黒人たちが、奴隷という劣悪な環境にありながら生しながら、奴隷制度のあった時代から、黒人たちは自分み出した、格闘技の要素を含む踊りである（個人的にはたちのアイデンティティを守りながら、抵抗する手段と「舞」と「闘い」
であることから「舞闘」という言葉が最もしてカポエィラという文化を紡いできた。禁止されるま

しっくりくる）。今でこそ、カポエィラの「ホーダ」と呼でに、カポエィラを通して当時の制度を脅かし、その制ばれる実演がブラジルの無形文化遺産としてユネスコ度に対する批判と再考を促してきた。そして今日でも、に登録されているが、長年、反乱や反抗の意志を表す活私たちを取り巻く社会問題に対して、常に再考の必要性

動として禁止されてきた過去がある。今日、カポエィラ

を突きつける機能を発揮しているように思われる。

4 4 4 4がその音楽や動きの独自性と美しさから評価されてい講演会やシンポジウムでは、こうした可能性を持つるのはさることながら、そうした抑圧の過去を乗り越ものとして、カポエィラを身体的、文化的、社会的な側

えた、解放の象徴としてとらえられていることも忘れ

面から、さまざまな分野における研究者の見解を交えてはならない。

て議論することができた。女性の身体と社会との関わ「解放」というときに、大きく分けて二種類あるといり、日本から見たブラジル文化、アフリカから見たブラえるだろう。一つが、社会的解放で、もう一つが、今回のジル文化など、日本で開催されたからこその見解も少テーマでもある身体的解放である。

なからず提示された。
そうした意味では、ブラジル文化

先に述べた「解放」の象徴としてのカポエィラは、もちろん奴隷という立場からの解放で、社会的な解放でという他者を見つめることにより、私たち自身の生きる日本社会を見つめなおす作業でもあった。

ある。
しかしながら、
この社会的解放は身体的解放と不今回のワークショップと講演会は、これからの更な可分である。禁止されてきたカポエィラやカンドンブ

る対話と議論の皮切りになっただろう。そしてそのこレ（アフリカ起源の宗教）は、身体を伴って表現されるとが、今回の最大の功績ではないかと、今後のために、ものである。これらの踊りを踊る、歌を歌う、音楽を奏

喜ばしく思う次第である。

エッセイ

GINGA NZINGA 2014
風間 雄太 FICA-Japão 準師範

G

INGA NZINGAは、楽しみにしていたカポエィラ

カポエィラは、アフリカ大陸から奴隷として連れてのイベントだった。しかし、開催前は楽しみな反こられた多様な人種と文化が混ざりあい、ブラジルで面、若干不安な部分もあった。それは、４才と２才の息生まれた。
その過程では、言語が違う人種同士が同じ時

子二人を連れて参加する事を予定していたからだ。初間と場所を共有する必要があっただろう。人種ごとに日に先生方に挨拶をする際に、「イベントに子ども達

異なる踊り方や楽器の叩き方もあったと思う、言葉がを連れて参加したいと思っています。問題無いでしょ通じない彼らは、楽器、歌、踊りでコミュニケーション

うか？」と聞くと、すかさず、「何も心配無いよ！
！ 連れを取り合い、その一つとしてカポエィラが生まれたのてきてよ！
！ お願いね！
！」と優しく、笑顔で言ってくれ

かも知れない。

た。
その瞬間に不安は完全に無くなり、子ども達と一緒

子ども達とブラジルの先生が言語と世代を超えて、に最大限イベントを楽しもうという考えに変わった。

カポエィラでコミュニケーションを取り合っていた。

休憩時間に先生と子ども達が楽しげに、カポエィラ

カポエィラが持つ多様な可能性と魅力を再確認したひをして遊んでいるのを見かけた。そのカポエィラは一般的に言われている“戦い”でもなく、“踊り”でもなかった。その自然な姿はまるで会話で遊んでいるようでと時だった。
ジャンジャ師範、パウリーニャ師範、ポロッカ師範。
三人と共に過ごせた時間に感謝します。

あった。

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CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界京都シンポジウム

コメント１
宇野 邦一

立教大学現代心理学部名誉教授

はじめにみなさんに『o Pagador de Promessas』という1962年のブラジルの映画の一部をご覧いただきます。
「o Pagador」は、罪を償うもの、約束を果たすものということです。これは約束を果たし、キリストのように罪を贖う男の話で、すごくいい映画です。1962
年に、
カンヌ映画祭でパルム・ドールを獲得しました。

映画『O Pagador de Promessas』にみる
カンドンブレとカポエィラ
資料３－１に示した映画の一場面では、主人公の男が大きな十字架を背負っています。サルヴァドールの資料３－１ 映画『O Pagador de Promessas』の一場面
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WLqFa-61tkM

バイーアの教会に、
この十字架を運んできたのです。
主人公の男は、アフリカ由来の黒人たちの宗教、呪術的な面がある宗教の儀式にすがって、自分がとても大事にしているロバが死にそうになっているのを助けてもらおうと神様にお願いして、実際にロバは助かりました。そのとき「ロバが助かった暁には、等身大の十字架を持ってサルヴァドールの教会に徒歩でお参りする」と誓ったので、この教会まで十字架を背負って歩いて運んできたわけです。
ところが、その事情を聞いた資料３－１の左側にいる教会の司祭は、まるでなにか恐ろしい言葉を聞いた
かのように、「カンドンブレ！」と言って、「十字架をか
ついで歩くのは冒涜だ。教会に入れてやるわけにはいかない」といって、願いを聞き入れてくれません。

資料３－２ 映画『O Pagador de Promessas』
でのカポエィラ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WLqFa-61tkM

そのあと、祭りに集まってきた人々のあいだで「この人はもしかして現代の聖人じゃないか」とか「いや、のを次々見ていて、この映画に出合いました。私はポル

ただの詐欺師じゃないか」など噂が噂をよびます。つトガル語ができませんが、字幕がなくても最後まで見いにはジャーナリストなどが詰めかけて、大騒ぎにな入ってしまいました。
それぐらい映像に力があります。

ります。そこでのお祭りのなかでカポエィラが行なわれています（資料３－２）。
この映画には字幕が付いていませんが、YouTube

メルロ＝ポンティ以降の身体論とジル・ドゥルーズのマイノリティ哲学に着目で見ることができます。私はサンパウロで、ブラジル

本日、私がここにいるのは奇妙なことだと思われるの映画になにか面白いのはないだろうかと、まちの屋方が多いと思います。私はフランス文学や思想を専攻

台みたいなところでまったく無作為に買ってきたもしていてブラジルについては疎いのですが、2006年

京都シンポジウム コメント１ 宇野邦一

21

ごろから何度もブラジルに行って、セミナーやレク

現は今日ではほとんど古くさいものになりましたが、チャーをしました。

1920年代、30年代にこんなことを言った人はほとん

そこでの講演が契機となって、ブラジルで、ポルト

どいませんでした。そんななかで彼は、「演劇というの

ガル語と英語のバイリンガルの本を出版しました。

は身体の表現だ」、「身体を発見する芸術だ」というこ『知られざる身体の発生』というタイトルです。今日はとを言い続けた人です。

まさに身体の話題になりましたが、私の長い間のテー

そして、ヨーロッパ・モデルの演劇ではなく、インド

マが身体です。先ほども名前が出たメルロ＝ポンティ

ネシアのバリ島やメキシコのタラウマラ・インディア以降の身体論に、興味を持ってきました。

ンに興味を持って、実際にメキシコにも行きました。

私はブラジル研究者ではありませんので、ブラジル

ブラジルには残念ながら行っていませんが、彼なりでは三つぐらいのテーマで話します。
一つはジル・ドゥに演劇と身体という問題を、とても大きな本質的なス

ルーズの身体哲学の話をします。なぜジル・ドゥルー

ケールで考えて、バリ島、さらにはメキシコと、画期的ズの話をブラジルで熱心に聞いてもらえるのかにつな思想的移動を行なった人として知られています。

いて、私はずっと意識してきました。
ジル・ドゥルーズの哲学の大きなテーマがマイノリ
ティで、彼の哲学は「マイノリティの哲学」と言えま身体について真剣に考えたダンスの改革者・土方巽の足跡す。マイノリティ・グループは、それぞれの国に存在しもう一つ私がブラジルで話をするテーマは、土方巽ます。
その際のマイノリティというのは、人口の数に由という、私が彼の晩年に知り合った偉大なダンサーに来するものではありません。たとえばブラジルでカポ

ついてのことです。彼は1960年ぐらいに日本のダンエィラをする人は、数としてはマイノリティとは言えスの概念をまったく変えてしまった、たいへんなダンませんが、これだけカポエィラについて話題になるのスの改革者です。

は、それがマイノリティ・グループのものだからです。

それと同時に、彼はダンサーにしてはずいぶんたく

しかし、マイノリティの哲学では、マイノリティ集

さんの文章を書きました。
『土方巽全集』という著作集

団とか社会的・歴史的な意味を持つマイノリティのが、２冊出版されています。そのなかで彼は、言葉の問域をはるかに越えてゆきます。たとえばヨーロッパの

題、身体の問題、表現の問題、それからこの社会のなか

精神と身体をまっ二つに分けて考える思想の伝統ででダンスがなぜ必要なのかということを、とても本質

は、身体そのものがマイノリティになります。また、女的なレベルから考えています。

性や子どもがマイノリティです。さらに世界ではヨー

今日、「舞踏」という言葉は世界中で使われていま

ロッパ系の白人が、そして大人がマジョリティだったす。舞踏とカポエィラにどんな関係があるか、考えてりするわけです。

みると興味深いかもしれません。そして、そもそも舞

マイノリティという考え方では、まさに身体がマイ

踏とはなにかを考える必要がある。
「舞踏」という言葉

ノリティになる。普段我々が知覚している、感じていはあまりに安易なキャッチ・フレーズになってしまっ

る、思考している大部分のカテゴリから身体の次元がたので、修正しなくてはいけないのではないかなど、逃れてしまうことです。そういう目に見えない世界、

ダンサーのあいだでも議論が巻き起こっています。

知覚しがたい世界がマイノリティである。このマイノ

そうしたことに関連して、土方巽という人が、日本

リティの次元をジル・ドゥルーズ＝フェリックス・ガタの1960年代という文脈で身体について真剣に考えた

リはどんどん拡げていったため、今日とても重要な、

足跡を、
ブラジルではお話ししてきました。

世界的な案件になっているマイノリティの問題を本質的に考える機会を作ったと言えると思います。

演劇に身体を発見した
アントナー・アルトーの思想遍歴

ブラジルのルーツを探る
グラウベル・ローシャの作品世界
このようなことを考えながら、私が徐々に発見してきたものの一つがブラジルの映画です。グラウベル・

もう一つの私の研究テーマは、
アントナー・アルトー

ローシャは日本でもDVDのボックス・セットが出ていというフランスの演劇人です。この人は、演劇のなかるので、見ることができます。1960年代から1980年に身体というものを発見する。
「身体の演劇」という表

代ぐらいまで、フランスのヌーベルバーグにあたるよ

22

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界うなブラジルの「シネマ・ノーヴォ」という流れを作っいうことです。たとえば「黒人の文化は白人よりもはた張本人と言える映画監督です。

るかにすぐれている」とか、そういう話ではありませグラウベル・ローシャの初期の映画に『Barravento』

ん。ドゥルーズ＝ガタリのマイノリティというのは、という1962年の作品があります。先ほど紹介した『o「マイノリティになること」がとても重要なのです。フ

Pagador de Promessas』も1962年の作品でした。
この

ランス語で「Devenir」、「生成変化」というややこしい

ころは、もう少ししたらブラジルがファシズム体制に言葉を使う場合もありますが、マイノリティに「なる」入る時期です。全体主義支配に向かう、軍政に入ってということが大事です。

いく時期ですが、その前にこういう映画ができている。

つまり、その場合は、白人や日本人が黒人になってこれらはすでに激しい抵抗の意識が表現されている

みようとか、アントナー・アルトーがメキシコのイン映画でもあるわけです。

ディアンになってみようとか、バリ島のダンサーにグラウベル・ローシャの『Barravento』も、やはり舞なってみようとか、そういうことが目覚ましいのだと

台はバイーアで、カンドンブレの文化が背景にありま言うわけです。ですから、女性も女性であるだけではす。そこで暮らす漁師たちは、カンドンブレの予言でなくて、女性への生成変化を遂げないとマイノリティ

毎日生きている。そこに黒人の若い男性が都会から哲学の意味はないと言っています。

帰ってきて、「こんな生活をしていたら、おまえたちは

土方巽の最後の仕事は『病める舞姫』という本です。

絶対に貧困から抜け出せないぞ」と言い始める。
「どう

これは全編、自分が子どもであった、その子どもの身にかこういう生活を変えなきゃだめだ」という葛藤を体を追求するということを10年ぐらいかけてていね

テーマにした、
すばらしい映画です。

いにしているものです。晩年、土方巽は踊りませんで自分のことを白人だと認識しているブラジル人でした。踊らずに、子どもになるということを一所懸命

も、祖先に黒人がいるケースはとても多いようです。

にしていました。ですから、彼のマイノリティ哲学と

しかし、ローシャはおそらくヨーロッパ系だと思いま

いうのは、「舞踏」を通じて、とてもダイナミックに、しす。
ローシャは40歳ぐらいで亡くなりますが、1962年、かも万人の問題、みんなの問題としてマイノリティと23歳という若さで、バイーアの黒人たちの生活に密着いう問題を立てた。これがとてもおもしろいことだとして、
しかもドラマチックな作品を作りました。

思います。

彼の映画を見たことがある方もおられると思いま
すが、イタリアのパゾリーニやゴダールの影響を受けていて、当時としては斬新な表現意識を持ちながら、バ
イーアのアフリカ系の人たちの生活に密着して、いわばブラジルのルーツを探る映画を作っている。このよ
うなところからも、
ローシャは評価されていきました。
他にも彼は、ブラジルのある時代の義賊の映画も撮っています。ブラジルの貧民層から現れた義賊と、その義賊を討伐するために遣わされた刺客の映画で、ウエスタン仕立てと言えばそうですが、映画の作り方
自体はアメリカの西部劇とはまったく違う技法で作られたすばらしい映画があります。
このように私のブラジルへの興味は拡がってきました。今回はカポエィラのお話をたくさんおうかがいできて、とてもうれしく思っています。

ドゥルーズ＝ガタリの生成変化の重要性とマイノリティを万人の問題とした土方巽
ドゥルーズ＝ガタリのマイノリティの哲学の重要な点は、けっしてアイデンティティの擁護ではないと

京都シンポジウム コメント１ 宇野邦一

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京都シンポジウム

コメント２
ウスビ・サコ

京都精華大学人文学部長・教授

私はマリ共和国の出身で、ブラジルとはそれほど縁がなく、行ったこともありません。また私の専門は建築で、身体もダンスも直接には関係ないのです。ただし、建築のなかでも人の行動や関係性、空間と人との関係を研究対象にしていて、人や文化そのものに、個人的に関心があるので、その方面で話ができたらと思っています。

アフリカではブラジル生まれのサブ・カルチャーとして認識されているカポエィラて見られないようにダンス風に見せたりしてきたことが、
カポエィラの背景にあると言われます。

現在のブラジルのカポエィラにみえる
植民地支配による影響
先ほど宇野先生からマイノリティ哲学という話がありました。私はもう一つ、ポストコロニアル的なものの見方もあるのではないかと思います。
マルティニーク出身で、ネグリチュードという黒人解放運動、もしくは黒人固有の文化を高揚する運

カポエィラの起源などについてコメントをしてほ動をしたフランツ・ファノンという人がいます。そのしいと言われたとき、まずはインターネットなどで人の話で印象に残っているのが、「アリエネーション

探ってみました。じつはアフリカの視点からカポエィ（alienation）」、
フランス語で言うと「アリエナシオン（疎ラを見ることは、あまりありません。今日のみなさん

外）」ということです。じつは植民地主義のなかで支配の話では「アフロ・ブラジリアン」とか「アフリカ原産

されている人は、支配する人にどうしても似ようとすである」という話はありましたが、アフリカでのカポる心理が働くところがあるのです。

エィラの認識は、じつは低いのです。これについては複雑なものの見方があろうかと思われます。

いまアフリカの立場からカポエィラなどを見ると、「極めている」ところがあります。純粋な儀式でもダン

先ほどカポエィラの起源の話がありました。じつはスでもなく、どちらかというと西洋風味のアフリカ文

これについてアフリカ的解釈から言うと、言葉は悪い化ではないかと見えるところがある。これは彼らがわですが、カポエィラはブラジル生まれの一つのサブカ

ざとそうしているのではなくて、ある種の心理的な効ルチャーだという見方をすることもあるのです。

果で、支配されればされるほど、支配者に向けてのどというのは、先ほどアフリカからブラジルに奴隷が連れて行かれたという話がありましたが、じつは奴隷

こか「いやみな憧れ」が出てくる。自分もその立場に立てば強くなると考えるのです。

たちを連れて行くと、同じ文化や民族の人たちを集めその結果、アフリカ出身の黒人文化全体から見るるのではなく、できるだけバラバラにして、いろいろと、反抗的な文化、どちらかというと抵抗するようななグループを混ぜていたのです。ですから、そこからものが出てきたりする。これは私のアフリカ的な視点

生まれてくる文化がどこを軸として生まれたのかにから見ると、ポストコロニアル的な現象のなかで出てついては、探るのが難しいわけです。

くる話かなと思われます。

講演でも話が出ましたが、コンゴやアンゴラあたりの昔の戦士たちのトレーニングにあった動きに、カポエィラが似ているという解釈もなくはありません。し「極めた」ものとして逆輸入される
アフリカ起源の文化

かし当然ながら、ブラジルで独特の変化を遂げていま

もう一つ、先ほどの講演で、「カポエィラがアフリカす。自分たちのアイデンティティを持たなくてはいけに逆輸入しはじめた」という話がありました。それはない一方で、その動き自体が支配者たちから戦力とし確かだと思います。じつはアフリカのポピュラー音楽

24

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界資料４－１ マダガスカルやレユニオン島のモラング

は、キューバ音楽をベースにしている部分が多いのでカポエィラに似ています。先ほど講演でラジャの話す。キューバの人たちに聞くと、「我々はアフリカのリがありましたが、似たようなところがあって、我々にズムに乗ってやっています」と言います。しかし我々とっては逆輸入的なものがあると思います。

アフリカではキューバのリズムに乗って音楽を作っ

我々にとってダンスとはなにか、あるいは格闘技とているのが現状で、当然ながらその逆輸入の過程ではなにかというと、必ず三つの要素が出てきます。一は、我々はそのキューバのリズムは「極めた」もの、もつは音的な要素。
必ず音があります。
もう一つは、
儀式、

う少し進んだものとして見てしまいます。

儀礼です。そして三つ目はリズム、ある種の伝統的な

カポエィラも、我々が持っている格闘技や身体的な文化的な動きがあります。

要素をもう少し「極めた」もの、システム化されたもの

我々が集まって格闘技やダンスをしているときにに見えてしまうということがあって、我々にとってあは、必ず儀式の流れになるわけです。ただのエンター

る種のポピュラー・カルチャーになるのです。みなさテインメントではありません。たとえばセネガルで行んは伝統を主張されていますが、我々はポピュラー、

なわれている相撲も、もともとは収穫祭でしていた格

もう少し現代のものとして見ているように思います。

闘技です。

これには一つのフィルターがあると思います。先ほ

伝統的な格闘技がスポーツ化するのはほんとうにどのファノンの話と同じで、西洋がものをどう見てい新しい文化で、一つのポピュラー・カルチャーでもあるかというところとも関連します。
エドワード・サイーるという意味です。カポエィラというのは、アフリカ

ドのオリエンタリズムのような話でもあると思いま

起源の文化がアフリカに戻ってきたのではなく、いわすが、ある種西洋を軸に物事を見てしまう。我々はそゆるある種の aliénationのなかで生まれた新しいかた

れも一つのコンプレックスなので、ブラジルとのつちです。作ったのはアフリカ出身の黒人たちかもしれながりが西洋経由でしか存在しないことになってしませんが、その人たちが持ったものを寄せ集めて作っまっている部分があるのです。

ていると考えられます。一つのポストコロニアル現象

今日はグローバル化の話も出て、宇野先生の話でもとしてのカポエィラの見方についてみなさんが触れカンドンブレの話が出ました。カンドンブレの文化もていなかったので、その方面でこのあと議論ができた

武闘の文化に似ていますが、やはりもう少し「極めて」らと思っています。

いる部分があります。

ポストコロニアルから生まれた新しい文化としてカポエィラを捉える専門家ではない立場で失礼なことを言ったかもし
れませんが、この方面で私が直感として思うことで、もともと奴隷やアフリカから来た黒人の文化だった
ものについての見方をお話しさせていただきました。

資料４－１はモラングというダンスで、マダガスカ
ルやレユニオン島などでよく見られます。その動きは

京都シンポジウム コメント２ ウスビ・サコ

25

エッセイ

カポエィラを出来る喜び、感謝を感じた3日間
月城 好生（Lua Cheia） Grupo de Capoeira Kadoshi Capú Japão

2014 てカポエィラ・ アンゴーラのグループ 仰っていたのがとても衝撃的でした。
年の9/12〜9/14の３日間、 京都にフリカへの郷愁、思いを「片思い」というキーワードで「Nzinga」によるイベント「Ginga Nzinga」に参加しまた、質疑応答の時間でも聴衆はもちろん、先生達かました。このイベントではブラジルのサルバドールにらもお互いに質問が飛び交い、もっと時間が欲しいな

本部があるNzingaのメストレ達3人（Mestra Janja、と強く思いました。

Mestre Poloca、Mestra Paulinha）を日本に招待し、二日目以降のワークショップもとても充実していま

東京と京都で講義やワークショッ

した。中でも子供向けのワーク

プなどが開催されました。私は京ショップでの メストレ・ポロッ

都でのワークショップに３日間参カのレッスンが強く印象に残り加しました。ワークショップの中ました。メストレがビリンバウ

で印象的だった出来事を書き連ねにまつわるおとぎ話を子供達にます。

聞かせて、次に子供達がメスト

まずは京都の初日、この日は京レから聞いたお話を周りに発表

都大学とのコラボレーションで講しました。子供達が一生懸命ビ

義やカポエィラの実演が行われまリンバウを手に取って話す姿がした。
始めに大学内の広場にてオー

とても頼もしく、微笑ましかっプニング・ホーダ。平日にも関わらたです。メストレ達もうれしそずこの時点で関西を中心に多くのうでした。

カポエリスタが集っており、
イベン

そして、ワークショップ最終

トの期待感が否応にも膨らみとて日、鴨川べりで日が暮れるまでもワクワクしました。メストレ達

カポエィラのホーダ。ゆっくりもとてもリラックスした表情で旅日が落ちて行く中、鴨川でのカの疲れを感じさせないエネルギーがあり、ホーダもと

ポエィラはとても贅沢ですばらしい時間でした。

てもいい雰囲気で行われました。

私はカポエィラを始めてから随分たち、私自身の立次に、初日の大学内での講義。

場も学ぶ側から、伝える側に変わりました。
ただ先生の「抵抗と解放の身体──ブラジル伝統芸能『カポエィ

教えを聞いていた時と違い、人を教え導く立場と言うラ』による対話と実践」というテーマで、他大学から参のは想像以上に難しく、また責任ある役目なのだとい加した先生を交え、それぞれのカポエィラに関するおつも感じています。今回のメストレのワークショップ

話を伺いました。

を通じて思ったのは、そうした責任、重圧の中にあってなかでも京都精華大学のウスビ・サコ先生のお話が印象的で、アフリカ地方の伝統的な格闘技などの映像

も、何よりも自分が楽しむ事を忘れてはならないな、というのを強く思いました。

を交えながら、アフリカにおいてカポエィラがどう捉

また、ワークショップ中では、不思議と自分がカポえられているか？というお話をされておられ、とてもエィラを続けて来た中での色んな思い出が蘇ってきま

興味深く聞かせて頂きました。

した。自分自身の不甲斐なさに落ち込んだり、自分の実

このサコ先生、マリ出身ながら日本語がとても堪能

力と帯の差に違和感を感じたり、周りと比べて落胆しで、日本語の表現がとてもすばらしかったです。中でもた事、そうした気持ちに対して一つの答えを導いて、立アフリカにおいてのカポエィラの受け取られ方は「新ち直った事、自分たちのグループで仲間とともにカポ

しいスポーツ、文化」として捉えられており、アフリカ

エィラを続けている事、そうした一つ一つの思いが溢の人たちはカポエィラの中にいわゆる「アフリカ性」のれてきました。

様なものは感じていない、といった趣旨のお話をされていました。カポエィラの中におけるブラジルからア26

あらためてカポエィラを出来ることの喜び、感謝を感じる事が出来た3日間でした。

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界京都シンポジウム

コメント３
輪島 裕介

大阪大学大学院文学研究科准教授

まずは自分の話から始めようと思います。そのことは、おそらくフロアのみなさんと、
今日お話しくださった二人のプロフェッソーラのあいだをつなぐ仕事になるかもしれないと期待しています。

現実のアフリカと関係が強まるなかでブラジルのアフリカ性はどう再定義されるかときに、そこである種の壁にぶつかって、そこから日本の大衆音楽の研究に方向転換したのです。
それはどういうことか、いまの立場から煎じ詰めて言うと、他者の文化にはまり込む、耽溺する、あるいはそれを研究しようとするということは、結局なんなのかという話です。それはおそらく日本でカポエィラ・
アンゴーラを実践しているみなさんにとっては日常

自分の話とは違うことで、今日お話ししようと考え的な問題なのかもしれないし、むしろそんなことはとていたことはあったのですが、それはサコ先生の話でりあえずいったんカッコに入れて、とにかくやるとい

言い尽くされています。ごく簡単に申しますと、アフう関わり方をされているのかもしれません。

ロ・ブラジル文化における身体的な記憶のなかで継承

講演では「アフロ・ブラジル文化は、リアル・ブラジ

されたアフリカ性というものが、現代において現実のリアン・カルチャーだ」という話がありましたが、それアフリカとの関わりが出てきているときに、どのようが日本やヨーロッパ、アメリカ、アフリカで実践されに変容しうるのかをお尋ねしたかったのです。

るときに、そこでのアフリカ性やブラジル性あるいはアフリカにおけるカポエィラの受容のコンテクス

バイーア性といったものが、どのように変化するか。

トをサコ先生に見事にお話しいただいたので、もう一

とくにそれが異文化に属するとされる人たちにつの質問として、現実のアフリカとの関係が強まってよって担われる。そして、おそらく現在のバイーアのいるなかで、カポエィラにおける、またはアフロ・ブラ

アフロ・ブラジル文化を考えるなかでも、そういうブ

ジル文化あるいはアフロ・バイーア文化におけるアフ

ラジルやバイーア以外の世界からある種の巡礼のよ

リカ性が、どのように再構築されるのか、再定義されうなかたちでやってくるツーリストとは言い切れなるのか、お尋ねしてみたいというのが一つです。

いような熱心な参加者たちが、いまや現実のアフロ・異文化に属しつつ他者の文化を担う存在とそれがブラジル性、バイーア性に与える影響

ブラジル文化の重要な構成要素であることは間違いないわけです。
であるならば、そのときに、アフリカやブラジルの次の話と関連しますが、まずは自分の話から入りま

内実がどのように変化していくのか。そしてそれを実す。私は今日はイレ・アイエのＴシャツを着てきまし践する日本人というのはなんなのかということです。

た。最初に部屋に入ったときに、パウラ・バヘット師範

この最後の問いについては、むしろフロアのみなさんが「イレ・アイエ」と反応してくださったので安心しまのお考えをうかがいたいところです。

した。先ほどの講演でもイレ・アイエの話が、アフロ・

やや挑発的な、論争的な言い方に聞こえるかもしれブラジル文化の現代的な側面として出ていました。

ませんが、現在起こっていることは、アフロ・ブラジル

私はいまを去ること20年ほど前、大学時代からしば文化、アフロ・バイーア文化のかなり中心的な特徴でらくのあいだ、バイーア音楽に骨の髄まではまり込ん

ある抵抗、解放という契機が、皮肉な言い方をすれば、でいたのです。それが嵩じて大学院で音楽研究を始め

かつて抑圧者であった人たちによって実践されていました。修士論文まではブラジルのことについて書いる状況にあるとも言えるわけです。
それは簡単に抵抗・たのですが、博士課程に入ってフィールド調査をする

抑圧と分けられるものでは当然ないわけですが、その京都シンポジウム コメント３ 輪島裕介

27

なかで、アフロ・ブラジル文化の身体的な記憶のなかで伝承されてきた抵抗という契機は、どのように再定義されるのだろうかということも考えます。
さらに複雑なのは、日本でそれを実践することになった場合、コロニアルな関係のなかにおける支配・被支配とは別の、ある種の人種的な秩序のなかにアジ
ア人とアフロ・ブラジル系の人びとというのは属すると考えることもできると思います。そこで日本でカポ
エィラ・アンゴーラが実践されるときに、アフロ・ブラ
ジル文化、
アフロ・バイーア文化にどんな変化が起こっ資料５－1 カポエィラの歌を演奏するアニメているのか。それは日本の文化的な状況のなかで、どのような位置づけになるのか。なんらかの変化をもたらす契機になり得るのかということを考えています。

他者の文化を身体的に実践するとはどのようなことなのか

自文化とは、異文化とはなにか
それが変容する現場ではなにが起こるのか
コメントですので、私自身が答えをもっているわけ
ではありません。ですから、ここまでの話と関係があ「日本人がなぜブラジルの音楽を好きになって、研究るのかないのか微妙ですが、この話をするにあたって、しようとするんだ」と、現地にいるといやほど聞かれ

最近見つけた例を見ていただきたいと思います。

ますが、うまく答えられないのです。
「好きだから好き

資料５－１のような状況では、なにが起こっているだ」というのは、研究者としては答えにならない。それんだろうか。当然笑いが出ることは想像していましたをどう考えるかというときに、
なぜ自分は他者の音楽、が、じゃあこれはアフロ・ブラジル文化の搾取なのだ

異文化に魅惑されるのかという視点から、日本でのろうか。これをカポエィラを実際にしている人たちは

外来音楽の受容の歴史や、そのなかで日本らしさが再どう見るのだろうか。とくに日本でやっている人たち

定義されるプロセスなどを手始めに考えてみようとはどう見るのだろうかということも、ちょっと聞いて思っていたら、10年ぐらいたってしまったわけです。

みたいと思います。

その成果として、演歌という音楽ジャンルについこれはジョークのようにしか見えないかもしれまての本を書きました。この中身の話をしはじめるとき

せんが、
ここでなにが起こっているかを考えることは、りがないですが、ここでも、もともとは他者の文化でじつは自文化と異文化とはそもそもなんなのか、とく

あった、異文化であったかもしれないものが、さまざにそれが現代のポピュラー・カルチャーの文脈のなか

まな過程のなかでいろいろなかたちで意味づけられで変容するときにはなにが起こっているのかを考えていって、とくに被抑圧的なポジションにある人たち

るうえで、かなり複雑なかつ本質的な問題提起を含んの「抵抗」としての意味を与えられ、そのことが、音楽でいるのかもしれないと考えています。

文化のなかで真正性を獲得する一つの重要なきっかけになったという話を展開しています。
そういう過程は、
たとえばサンバであったり、
キュー
バであればソンであったり、アルゼンチンであればタ

これは無理やりつけた理屈というところもあって、やはりこの見た目のインパクトに私自身も衝撃を受けました。ということで、話を開いたかたちで終わりたいと思います。

ンゴであったり、そういうものとかなり共通している部分があります。そこでまた一つつながったかなということを感じました。
先ほど宇野先生がアイデンティティの擁護ではないマイノリティ哲学という話をしましたが、他者の文化としてのなにかを身体的に実践するということはなんなのだろうかという、とうてい答えが出るはずのない問いですが、そのことをお尋ねしたいと思います。

28

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界総合討論※所属・役職等は2014年時点●討論参加者

パウラ・バヘット（バイーア連邦大学社会学部准教授）／ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ（バイーア連邦大学教育学部准教授）／
宇野 邦一（立教大学現代心理学部名誉教授）／ウスビ・サコ（京都精華大学人文学部長・教授）／
輪島 裕介（大阪大学大学院文学研究科准教授）●司会

福田 宏（京都大学地域研究統合情報センター助教）

福田宏（司会）３人の方からのコメントを踏まえて、まあるかもしれませんが、カポエィラの位置づけについずはパウラさんからお願いします。

て、みなさんがお話しされたことも踏まえたうえでお

パウラ・バヘット コメントしていただいたみなさん、

話ししたいと思います。

ありがとうございました。新しいアスペクトをいろい

まずは輪島先生の話です。別の文化の人が他の文化

ろなかたちで出していただいて、議論が豊かなものにを解釈する、理解するということはどのようなことななったと思います。

のか、どのようなことが起こるのかということに関し

ジル・ドゥールズの身体論から
カポエィラを見直す可能性てです。
宇野先生が紹介された『O Pagador de Promessas』

パウラ まず宇野先生のお話しされたことについて、という映画は、テレビ用に編集されたものが作られて現在のカポエィラの現状を鑑みると、ジル・ドゥルー

います。Tizuka YAMAZAKIさんという日系人が監

ズの身体論を通してカポエィラについて考え直すこ督をしています。

とは、私たちにとってもたいへん興味深いことだと思

また、最近ガタリの研究の再解釈を、ブラジル人のいました。アイデンティティに固執するのではなく、研究者のチームが行ないました。私はそのチームに参身体というものに立ち返るということに関して、ドゥ加することができたのですが、そのときにもカンドン

ルーズの考えは私たちに大きなヒントを与えてくれ

ブレとカポエィラは重要な話題でした。このことに関るのではないかと思います。

連して、私たちはドキュメンタリーを作成しました。

輪島先生とウスビ・サコ先生がお話していただいた

今回のワークショップは、他者の文化の可視性といことは、現在のグローバリゼーションのなかでのカ

うものについて考えるのに、いい機会だと思います。

ポエィラの問題をよく反映していると思います。カポ

文化は壁を伝って流れ落ちる水のように、その水は境エィラがどこからきたのか、
そしてどこに行ったのか、界線をすべてなぎ倒して、なきものにしてしまいます。

そしてこれからどこに行くのか、そうした流れに関して、それらが実際に伝統なのか、それとも新しい文化

アンゴラ、コンゴの調査で明らかになった
カポエィラの宗教的起源「ンゴーロ」の存在なのかということは、
たいへんおもしろいことです。

ホザンジェラ 次にサコ先生のコメントに関しておフランツ・ファノンの議論を引用されましたが、た話しします。ブラジルにおけるアフリカ性というのしかに彼の著作はブラジルでもよく読まれていて、私は、地域性のものではなくて、より神話的なものであたちにとっても興味深い著作が多くあります。ブラジ

ると言えます。南アメリカにおける研究の文脈におルでもたいへん関心が高いです。

いては、ブラジルとアフリカの相互理解はどんどん深壁を伝い流れ落ちる水のように文化は境界線をなきものとする

まっています。私たちも実際に、カポエィラの起源に関して、アフリカに行って研究しています。

ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ パウラ先生と同様のバッ

マティアス・ホーリーという歴史研究家とカポエィ

クグラウンドをもっていますから、話の内容に重複がラの師範であるコブラマンサという方が、アンゴラ、

京都シンポジウム 総合討論

29

とは、それに充分な準備ができていなかった、そのための準備が調っていなかったということだからです。
輪島先生には、グアラニー族のラップ（rap doguarani）のビデオをぜひご覧いただきたいと思います。アマゾンの先住民のグループがラップを歌っているビデオです。
それはまた、文化というものが境界線や壁を再考させるものであることを提示してくれます。
さんだつ

簒奪、模倣、換骨奪胎、翻案、逆輸入……
生成変化が炸裂し増殖する文化のありよう
宇野邦一 コメントの最後に輪島先生が出されたア
ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

ニメのカポエィラのパロディのような表現は、なにに関しても必ず出てきます。たとえばこのごろフランス

コンゴの内陸の地域に行って、６か月間いろいろ研究のラジオを聞いていると、ブラジルのボサノバ以降、をされました。そこでさまざまな起源が見えてきたの1980年代ぐらいから、リオデジャネイロのファヴェー

ですが、そのなかで宗教的なものに関して、「ンゴーロ」

ラで次々新しい音楽が生まれたという特集がありまという起源が一つ見えてきました。それはカポエィラ

した。それは「ファンク・カリオカ」とか「ファンク・バ

の神秘的・神話的な起源の一つです。

イリ」
などです。

そこで聞けた話は、ンゴーロで亡くなった人についこの音楽はもちろんアフリカ系で、アフリカ系の人ては、悲しまれることがない。なぜかと言うと、ンゴーたちが大きな役割を果たして作ったあらゆるジャンロという儀式のなかで亡くなってしまったというこ

ルのミックスとも言えるし、ラップに近いところがあ

Essay

Surpresa no Japão: o reencontro com a Capoeira
Glícia Maria DE ALMEIDA Doutoranda em Ciências da Vida, Universidade de Kyoto

Sou Glícia Maria de Almeida, natural de
Porangatu Goiás, Brasil. Cheguei ao Japão em
Abril de 2009 para fazer doutorado em medicina na
Universidade de Kyoto. Depois de anos longe do
Brasil, desenvolvi um melhor apresso pela cultura
Brasileira. Parece que longe do país aprimoramos
o gosto pelo que antes parecia ser corriqueiro,
mas que agora só presenciamos em raríssimas
ocasiões. De longe passamos a perceber quãoculturalmente rico é o Brasil e assim aproveitamos
todas as oportunidades culturais que ressaltam
nosso vínculo e indentidade histórica .
Dia 12 de Setembro de 2014 tive a oportunidade deprestigiar o evento que se realizou no jardim interior
do edifício Inamori Foundation Memorial Building
da universidade de Kyoto. Na oportunidade
presenciei a apresentação de capoeira do grupo

30

Nzinga, sobre a coordenação dos mestres
Janja, Paulinha e Poloca. Minha relação com acapoeira foi sempre de expectadora. Assisti à
apresentações de amigos e familiares e apesarde considerar a capoeira um esporte interessante,
nunca a pratiquei.
Para mim, esse evento foi supreendente.
Como um dos fortes e belos componentes dacultura brasileira, nunca imaginei que veria uma
performance aqui, dentro da Universidade de Kyoto,
ainda mais apresentado por professores originários
do Brasil. Foi um momento de alegria, não só pela
reaproximação com algo que corriqueiramente via
pelas praças de minha cidade, mas também pelaenergia positiva inerente a capoeira. Transmitida
em seu ritmo e seu canto e transmitida pelo grupo
cheio de bom humor e alegria.

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界左からホザンジェラ・アラウージョ、アンドレア・フロレス・ウルシマ（通訳）、パウラ・バヘット、宇野邦一、ウスビ・サコ、輪島裕介

りますが、こういう音楽にアメリカのプロデューサー

トをしていました。

などが注目して、この新しいコマーシャルなバージョ

アメリカで彼は、クレオール文化に目覚めます。先ンがアメリカで出る。今度は逆にその影響を受けてほども話に出たブードゥーなどの文化に触れて、彼

ファヴェーラのまた新しい音楽ができるわけです。こはニューオリンズに住みます。日本に来る前に、彼はの音楽家のなかのひとりはファヴェーラのなかで薬いわばニューオリンズのイメージを作りあげるようの密売をやっているマフィアをヒーローと考えて、そな文章を書いていました。
『Inventing New orleans:のヒーローがすばらしいという歌を歌ったりする。そwritings of lafcadio hearn』という評論集が出ていれが一時期は監視の対象になったりもして、実際に捕ます。日本に来る前にニューオリンズという当時のア

まったりしています。こういうような行き来や突発事

メリカのクレオール的な、黒人文化も含めて文化が混が起こるわけです。

交した世界に興味を持っているのです。

先ほどのアニメでそういうことが起こるとは思い

そのあとはさらにブラジルに近づくようにして、マませんが、いまのカルチャーというのはこのように簒

ルティニーク島に渡って約１年半生活して、マルティ

奪され、パロディが作られ、そしてそれがまた逆に輸

ニーク島のクレオール文化に関して一大文学を作り入される。そういうなかで、生成変化、「なる」ことが、上げ、それから日本に来て、同じようなことを日本に両方向で炸裂して増殖していく。そういうなかにあらついてするわけです。そういう人が作り上げた日本のゆる分野が、音楽も芸術も、もちろん映画も巻き込ま

ビジョンの恩恵を我々が被っている。それ以前には、れていく。このことはしかし我々も目覚めて、気をつ「日本はこういうところだ」、「こういう国だ」というイけているべきであると同時に、ここからなにが出てく

メージは、もしかしたらなかったかもしれない。

るか、知られざる身体が発生するかもしれないということがとてもおもしろいのです。

ラフカディオ・ハーンのした仕事については、オリエンタリズムやポストコロニアルの観点からすると、

クレオール文化に興味を示して文学を作り
日本のイメージを世界に示したラフカディオ・ハーン

やはりヨーロッパ人がある種エキゾチックに日本と

宇野 このような話になったときに思い出されるののだとして、彼の仕事はだめだという批判が囂々と巻が、日本のことを一所懸命に紹介したラフカディオ・

き起こっています。日本の批評家でもそういう本を書

ハーン、日本名・小泉八雲という作家です。彼はいわゆいた人もいます。

いう他者を発見して、一方的な理解ででっちあげたもごうごう

る「美しい」日本を世界に紹介した功績から、日本人にハーンの記憶の流れのなかにはマルティニーク島

ずっと愛されている作家です。彼はアイルランド人とがあり、ニューオリンズがあり、そのあいだに日本がギリシア人の両親のあいだに生まれて、二十歳のころあるわけです。それと同じような目でたとえばカポにアメリカに渡って、アメリカでずっとジャーナリス

エィラが日本でどういうことになっているかを見て京都シンポジウム 総合討論31

みたいと思っています。
カポエィラを無理にアフリカに関連づける必要はないのではないか
ウスビ・サコ いろいろなコメントをありがとうございます。ホザンジェラ先生の話で出てきた「ンゴーロ」の話は、以前読んだ文献に書いてありました。その儀式・儀礼は戦士が準備をするためのものでした。植民地支配者や、それ以前の支配者がやってくるときにどう対抗するかという儀式・儀礼があって、それとカポエィラが関係性が強いのではないかという説があるのはたしかです。

シンポジウムには、カポエィラの実践者、ブラジル研究者などさまざまな
バックグラウンドをもつみなさんが参加

ただし、一方では、それは無理やり関連づけているのではないかとする研究もあります。先ほどのホザンの違いがあるので、少しそこの見方が違うんじゃない

ジェラ先生のコメントを考えると、やはり立場を分けかなということが一つあります。

て検討する必要があります。ブラジルの人たちは、カ
ポエィラのアフリカ性のために意味づけをしようと

グローバルなスケールで文化の輸入、逆輸入、混交を捉える可能性している。
「アフリカと関係があるんだよ」、「アフリ

サコ もう一つ、いわゆるアフリカの現代文化についカから来ているんだよ」と。しかし、それをなぜしなくて、我々から見たらかなり「極められた」踊りや格闘技てはいけないのか、私はすごく疑問に思っています。

などが逆輸入されてアフリカの現代文化を支えてい私たちから見たら、べつにそこに意味づけする必要ると思っています。先ほどキューバ音楽についてもそはない。ブラジルに連れて行かれた奴隷や黒人たちがういうことを言いました。

作ったものである。これは変わりはないわけです。起もう一つ興味深い現象がアフリカにあります。日

源がアフリカにあるかないかに関係なく、作った人に本でも美容整形の話がありますが、アフリカでは皮膚重点を置くことが、一つのものの見方ではないかと思の脱色が流行しています。とくにコンゴなどの地域でいます。ですから、先ほどの身体性の話で言うと、アフ

は、みんな白くなりたいという思いがかなりある。そリカに残っている人たちのある種の身体性には環境

れがいろいろな皮膚の病気につながったりしてたい

エッセイ

体験講座で感じたアフリカの歌や踊りとのつながり
大石 高典 総合地球環境学研究所プロジェクト研究員
カポエィラのワークショップ、シンポジウムには仕状況でも、相手をよく見るようにしなさい」という教え事の都合で参加できませんでしたが、9月13日の「楽です。
ちゃんと相手が見えていないと、自分も相手も怪器と動き」の体験講座に参加させていただくことがで我をしてしまう。安全に楽しく技をかけるには相手をきました。GCAPのメンバーの方からレクチャーを受見ることがとても大事であると。強い、弱いを見せつけながら、ジンガの基本姿勢、攻撃のよけ方、蹴りの基けるようなタイプのカポエィラや時として相手を殺し本を手取り足取り教えていただきました。汗をいっぱてしまうことさえある格闘技としてのカポエィラもあいかいたのがとてもよい思い出です。攻撃が同時に守るけれども、メストレの流派のカポエィラは相手を傷備でもあるという考え方も新鮮でした。

つけることが目的ではないのだとおっしゃっていまし

講習の中で、特に記憶に残っているのは、メストレがた。どんな相手であっても、相手をよく見て、力を加減

おっしゃった「どんな姿勢を取っていても、どのようなしながら一緒に踊ることができるというあり方に感銘

32

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界へんなのですが、なぜそんなことをするのか、いつか変化をする、境界を越えていくことは、現代に始まっらそんなことを始めたのか。その流れを見ていくと、たことではないし、当たり前の状態だと思います。そアメリカからの逆輸入の文化の一つなんです。

れはむしろ結論というよりは前提の話です。そのなかアフリカから連れて行かれた人たちからすると、ア
フリカとのつながりは強く見出したい。しかし我々かで、それを切り分けていく振る舞いも、やはり同時に起こっているわけです。

らしたら、彼らは最先端に近い。アリエネーションのそれはある種の固定的なアイデンティティに囲い話をしましたが、いわゆる支配者のそばにいる人たち

込むことなのかもしれませんが、そのなかでの矛盾とは、支配者の直接の影響を受けて「極められて」いるもいうか緊張関係が常に起こっているということなののを持っているから、我々は彼らに憧れをもってしまでしょう。それについてなにか結論的なことを言えるうのです。
そういう矛盾があります。

かというと、
そうでもない。

離れた地域についてはそういう話はしやすいので

今日のアフロ・ブラジル文化をめぐる話のなかで繰すが、グローバル化のなかで垣根がなくなったときにり返し出てきたのは、それはかならずしも地理的な、

これをどう見るのかということが、興味深いと思い

テリトリアルなものではないということが一つあります。地域ごとの文脈で見ると、オリエンタリズムにました。むしろ神話的なものであるという話です。そ持っていったりする解釈はあるかもしれませんが、世れから、講演でも出てきたと思いますが、単に肌の色界的な規模でものを見ていくと、また違うものの見方、の話でもない。血統の話でもない。

文脈が出てくるのではないかと思います。そのときは

ただし、すべてなんでも流動しているということで日本人であろうがだれであろうが、あまり関係がなくあれば、それはカポエィラである必要もないし、アンなるのではないかと私は思います。簡単にまとめる

ゴーラである必要もないし、
アフロ・ブラジル、
アフロ・と、カポエィラはブラジルのアデンティティをもってバイーアである必要もなくなってしまう。それはたぶいるが、世界的に行われている格闘技であり、その際ん違うだろう。その意味では、ある種の留め金というは起源がどこであるかは関係がないかと思います。

か重し、そのようなものとしてのアイデンティティは、

カポエィラの存在を支える留め金としてのアイデンティティ

やはり必要だろうという気がするのです。
これは流動的ではかないものなのかもしれません

輪島裕介 大方重要な論点は語り尽くされている気がが、どのようなかたちで経験され、生きられるのかみします。私なりに話をまとめると、文化というものが、たいなことを考えたとき、やはりそこに身体が顕れてを覚えました。起源は奴隷査している村でよくみられる踊りのやり方ともよく似

解放の闘いにあるのかもしているなと思いました。

れませんが、地域や民族を

ちなみにそれは、極めて単純な踊りなのですが、いつ問わずにカポエィラが受けまでもいつまでも続けることのできる踊りです。また、入れられ、多様な形態に展

格闘技ではありませんが、踊り手が、各々に動物やハン開していること自体が興味

ターの真似をしながら掛け合いをする踊りがあるので深く思われました。

すが、それに似たものを感じました。一方で、私は逆立

私はカメルーンで人類学

ちをしながら回転する踊りや格闘技をカメルーンで見の研究をしています。カポ

たことはありません。また、カポエィラは、男女ともにエィラが同じアフリカ大西

平等に参加できるのも魅力だと思いました。

洋沿岸のアンゴラと深く関わずかな時間でのカポエィラ経験でしたが、カラダ連するということを知って、アフリカで見聞きしていのやわらかさだけでなく、アタマやココロもやわらかる歌や踊りとのつながりにも目がゆきました。

くないと華麗な技の掛け合いは難しそうです。
いま、私

円形に人が輪を作って、その中から順番に輪の中心は近い将来にカポエィラに本格的に挑戦できるように出て行って試合を行ない、ひとしきり掛け合いが終に、まずはヨガを習って身体をやわらかくしているとわると輪の中にまた戻ってゆくという形式は、私の調ころです。

京都シンポジウム 総合討論

33

くるのかなと思いました。あまり応答にはなっていな
いかもしれませんが、むしろこのあとフロアのみなさんの話をうかがいたいと思います。
司会 せっかくの機会ですので、会場からの質問をお受けします。どんな質問でもけっこうですので、手を挙げてお願いします。
異文化への愛と原点への憧れ、
そしてアフリカに逆輸入されたカポエィラのゆくえ
月城好生 たいへん興味深くお話を聞かせていただ
きました。ぼく自身もカポエィラを始めたとき、ブラジル人のような肉体的な頑強さもなく、言葉のハンディもあるけれども、カポエィラをする以上はブラジ
ル人になろう、
なりたいみたいな気持ちがありました。
そのためになかにはブラジルに行く人や、そこで暮らす人もいるでしょう。

京都でのオープニング・イベントには40名、ワークショップには89名、シンポジウムには70名が参加した

アフリカの人がこれからも何十年もカポエィラをしサコ先生がおっしゃったように、ひょっとしたらカていくうちに、アフリカの人たちはどのようなかたち

ポエィラをしている人たちやアフロ・ブラジル文化をを思うんだろう。ひょっとすると、種の起源のほうま担っている人たちも、ブラジルでカポエィラをしていでアフリカの人たちは考えるのかもしれない。

ても、そこにはアフリカへの憧れや回帰の気持ち、あ

みなさんからいただいたたくさんの言葉は、自分自るいはアフリカ人になりたい気持ちがあるんじゃな

身がこれからカポエィラなどを考えていくうえでのいか。一方で、アフリカの人の立場からしたら、それにキーワードというかヒントになりました。ほんとうに対してアフリカを感じるかというと、異文化としては今回参加できてよかったです。質問ではないですが、捉えられても、アフリカを感じるかどうかわからない

感じたことを言わせていただきました。ありがとうごという話でした。

ざいました。

しかし、いまはまだアフリカでカポエィラが受け入れられて日も浅いと思います。芸事は最初は趣味のつもりでも、長年やっているうちにどんどん深い考えになっていって、哲学的な部分も出てくると思います。

逐次通訳…… 都留Devaux 恵美里／荒川幸祐／
アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ
編集・補足 … 都留Devaux 恵美里

左からウスビ・サコ、宇野邦一、パウラ・バヘット、ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ、輪島裕介、福田宏（司会）

34

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界EssayThe Discovery of Capoeira: Children and the Multicultural World
Akane GODA Intaglio ArtistI

was born and grew up in Osaka. I moved to
the States after I graduated from high schooland lived there for a long time. My family and I
came back to Japan six years ago. My husband
and I decided to send our daughter who was
3 years old at that time to the French Schoolin Kyoto. Our family friend, Andrea Urushima,
whose daughter goes to the same school with mydaughter at that time, invited us to the capoeira
workshop in September 2014. My husband andI took our twelve year-old son and nine yearold daughter. Several French-Japanese families
from my daughter's school also participated, andI saw other couples of mixed nationalities andtheir children.
I didn't know much about capoeira. All that I knew
was that capoeira has multiple features that camefrom fight, dance and play. The main instructor
and his interpreter started talking to the children
in order to form a circle.
The workshop had
begun without any previous acknowledgement.
The instruction was simple, like "imagine that you
are animals, trees and even wind or water andexpress it by moving your bodies." My children
were confused in the beginning, but as time wentby they started getting into what the instructor andthe other children were doing. I could see thatthey had been captivated by it.
In the second half of the session, capoeira
members played the music with their traditional
instruments. I heard there that it wasn't meant for
the new-comers, but they welcomed the children
to participate with them. It was the most fun partof the workshop for our children.
I was a little surprised by the informality of theworkshop, because I'm so used to the wellorganized Japanese style ones. But after I saw
how much my children were enjoying to playcapoeira, I realized that it shouldn't be too up-tightand we should let children to be free in the class sothat they will have chance to open-up themselves.
Capoeira is not very known in Japan. I hope thatpeople will have chance to know what capoeira is.

エッセイ

35

EssayCapoeira for a Global Understanding of the Idea of Difference
Andrea FLORES URUSHIMA Grupo Nzinga - Sede São Paulo (former member)In

2002, I left in Brazil many esteemed people
when I first arrived in Kyoto. Among them,
the Grupo Nzinga that I used to meet, since 1995,
for three times a week during the six years period
before my arrival in Japan. I participated in the earlystage of the group's foundation at the Psychology
Department of the University of São Paulo. WhenI arrived in Japan, only few
people practiced Capoeira
Angola far away in Kanto
region. Thus, I stopped thepractice, but it remained in
my heart. In 2007, a friend
announced a new funding
call for cultural exchanges
from the Brazilian Ministry of
Culture. My desire to meetagain the Grupo Nzinga founders led me to engage
in the preparation of a project to invite them toJapan, which unfortunately did not happen.
It was in January 2014 that Kosuke Arakawa
first contacted me. This young Japanese
enthusiastically joined the Grupo Nzinga during his
Master studies in Brazil and was living there when
he first contacted me. He asked my collaboration
to prepare a funding proposition with the Brazilian
Ministry of Culture. My previous unsuccessful
experience led me to decline at first, but I offered
my support to the extent possible. Arakawa wasdetermined to bring the Nzinga masters to Japan,
and if necessary, he was ready to cover part ofthe expenses privately. However, two Capoeira
masters who are also professors at Brazilian public
universities needed formal invitations in order tobe able to temporarily leave their teaching duties.
To solve this question, in 4 May 2014, Arakawa
asked again my support. This time we would starta social-academic collaboration negotiated inside
CIAS at Kyoto University.
At that moment, joined in two fundamental
partners: Emilie Tsuru Devaux, who practices
capoeira and researches about Brazil, and Liulan

36

Wang-Kanda, a cultural anthropologist specialized
in diaspora. Since January 2014, Devaux, Arakawa
and Yoshiko Nagai had started discussions
about the organization of practical workshops.
For the establishment of this social-academic
collaboration, together with Devaux, WangKanda and Hiroshi Fukuda, then an assistantprofessor at CIAS, we started
intensive discussions. For making
the project fit the academic
interests of the department, we
worked together over the firstdraft of the practical workshops’
rationale and program brought
in by Devaux. The result of this
discussion successfully allowed
the project to receive funds fromthe Japanese Consortium for Area Studies (JCAS).
Moreover, under Devaux's suggestion, and theskillful negotiation of Wang and Fukuda, the project
also received funding from the Kyoto University,
Center for the Promotion of Interdisciplinary
Education and Research (CPIER). It was throughthe enthusiastic initiative of Arakawa, the extensive
and permanent efforts of Devaux and Nagai, andthe crucial support from Wang and Fukuda, that
this project has been successfully realized.
A lot has changed since my early participation in
the Grupo Nzinga. The beauty and passion of their
Capoeira teaching allowed a vigorous expansionof their activities. Moreover, the serious issues
raised in the practical and academic activities of
their members are actual and relevant in Brazil andinternationally. The discussion of these issues arealso valid for a country undergoing fast changes,
such as Japan, where nowadays occurs a heateddebate about internationalization, multiculturalinteractions and the reinforced integration of
women in the workplace. I hope our efforts willcontribute to the continued expansion of this art
practice and to promote a global understanding of
the idea of difference in its varied systems, forms,
and colors.

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界東京講演会

カポエィラの身体知

ノルデスチ（ブラジル北東部）
文化のなかの女性
話し手……… …ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

バイーア連邦大学教育学部准教授

パウラ・バヘット バイーア連邦大学社会学部准教授
聞き手／通訳…三砂ちづる 津田塾大学国際関係学科教授

三砂ちづる 会場には、ほとんどカポエィラのことはしていたので、今回メストラたちがおいでになった機知らない方も来ておられるので、まずカポエィラとは会に呼んでいただいた次第です。

どのようなものかという話から始めます。

私の息子二人も、フォルタレーザにいるときに、ヘ

私は母子保健、お母さんと赤ちゃん、女性のことをジョナウのほうですが少しカポエィラをしていたこ

研究していて、それに関する本もたくさん書いているともあって、見たことはありますが、自分で実践した者ですが、私が今日ここに呼ばれたのには理由がありことはありません。

ます。私は2000年の終わりまで約15年のあいだ海外

常にカポエィラには敬意と興味をもって拝見してで暮らしていて、そのうち10年ほどをブラジルですごいましたので、メストラたちをお迎えしてほんとうにしました。

うれしく思います。今日は私が日本の代表として、み日本の東北地方とイメージが重なる
ブラジルの北東部（ノルデスチ）
三砂 ブラジルは地域によって文化や風土がまった
く異なります。カポエィラが盛んな地方、そして今日のメストラたちがいる地方は、ブラジル北東部（ノル

なさんが聞きたいことをメストラたちに聞いていくという役割で参加させていただきます。どうぞよろし
くお願いします。
カポエィラの発祥と変遷および
カポエィラ・ヘジョナウの誕生デスチ）です。日本の方にはブラジルの北東部のイ

ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ 現在カポエィラには、大メージが湧かないかと思いますが、ちょうど南アメリ

きく分けて二つの流派、カポエィラ・アンゴーラとカカ大陸の肩ぐらいにあたる部分、赤道からわりと近い

ポエィラ・ヘジョナウがあります。
本日は、カポエィラ・

大西洋沿いの地域です。2014年のサッカーのワール

アンゴーラにおける女性にとくに焦点を当てて話をドカップで日本が試合をしたレシフェやナタール、ネ

します。昔は、カポエィラ・アンゴーラの師範やそれをイマールがけがをしたセアラ州のフォルタレーザが練習する人たちのほとんど、99パーセントが男性でし

ノルデスチにあるまちです。

た。その男性たちは、奴隷としてアフリカに連れてこブラジルのノルデスチのイメージは、日本の東北地方とよく似ています。日本の東北は自然も文化も豊かられた人の子孫です。カポエィラを練習していたのも公式な場所ではなく、道などでした。

で、そこに暮らす人びとは人情もあって、食べ物もおまずはカポエィラとカポエィラ・アンゴーラについいしい。ただし気候が厳しくて、日本のなかでは辺境て説明します。16世紀に奴隷としてブラジルに連れてと言われるところです。ブラジルのノルデスチも似たこられたアフリカ人によって「カポエィラ 」という名イメージです。早い話が、中心に収奪される周縁です。

前が運ばれたわけではありません。もともとブラジル

日本でもブラジルでも東北部は、東京あるいはサンパにあったカポエィラという現地の言葉が、アフリカ人

ウロ、中心から収奪されていた地方というイメージがが持ってきた動作、風習などと関連づけられて、「カポあるところです。

エィラ」と呼ばれるようになりました。

私はブラジルにいた10年のあいだ住んでいたのもカポエィラをしていた人たちは奴隷たちで、彼らがノルデスチのフォルタレーザでした。ノルデスチに10管理をされていた主人たちに、それが何かわからない

年住んでいて、しかも女性の体、お産に関する仕事をようにしていました。彼らはそれを森のなか、自然の

東京講演会

37

すが、外が緑から始まり、中に黄色い菱形があって、さらにその中に青い丸があって、丸の中に真っ白の線があります。段が上がっていくと国旗の中心に向かう順
番で帯の色が変わり、師範に向かっていきます。
スポーツとして全土に拡がったカポエィラを抵抗の文化・運動として取り戻すアンゴーラの戦い
ホザンジェラ こうしてカポエィラにおける二つの流れが生まれました。一つはアフリカ性、自分たちがどこから来たのかという起源、そして自分たちの舞闘・
ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

ダンスがどこから来たのかという起源や、アフリカを母と認識してカポエィラを学ぶ側面と、もう一つはス

なかで行なっていました。
19世紀には、カポエィラをしている男性たちが、「マ

ポーツであり、現代的なものであるという側面とに分
かれます。

ウタ
（malta）」という名前でカポエィラをオーガナイ

こうしたヘジョナウの動きによってカポエィラがズしはじめます。そのマウタはアフリカ系の子孫が生

ブラジル全土に拡がることとなり、多くのみなさんが活している場所でオーガナイズされており、もちろん実践することになりました。その後1980年代からは政治的なメッセージ、政治的な戦いがその地域に存在

カポエィラ・アンゴーラが、ブラジル全土に拡がったしていました。

カポエィラを変えるために、とくにメストレ・モライ

19世紀末にはブラジルの支配者が、法律によってカ
ポエィラを禁止しました。もしカポエィラをしていて捕まると、公共の広場などで見せしめのように鞭打ちの刑にされました。

スという師範がメストレ・パスチーニャの思想を復活させる運動を始めました。
そこには強い政治的なメッセージ、強い運動がありました。ブラジル政府の卑劣な行為、卑劣な思想がバイーアでは20世紀初頭、1930年に現在のカポエィ

まずカポエィラを禁止したという事実。そしてカポ

ラ・ヘジョナウの原型となるものが「バイーアの格闘

エィラをエリート、白人であったり富裕層のものに技」という名前で生まれ、のちのちそれがかたちとな

していこうとしたり、スポーツ化しようとしたなどります。そのカポエィラ・ヘジョナウが白人層や富裕のことです。

層に浸透していって、ブラジルの国民的なスポーツになります。
カポエィラのシステムに顕著にみえる
日本の武道や文化の影響

1980年代から政治のなかで独裁政権に対する戦い、
社会的抑圧、そして凝縮された社会の戦いのなかで、私やメストラ・パウリーニャ、メストレ・ポロッカが力を合わせて戦いました。この時代から、カポエィラ・ア

ホザンジェラ じつは、カポエィラが政府に認められンゴーラは再認識されるようになりました。カポエィ

たり社会に認められるにあたって日本が大きな役割

ラとして世界的に拡がってしまったイメージを、「カを果たしていることは、みなさんご存じないと思いま

ポエィラ・アンゴーラというものはこういうかたちだ」

す。1930年代、20世紀の初頭から、ブラジルにおけるということで取り戻す運動をしたり、思想をみなさん

日本人移民がカポエィラにも大きな影響を与えましに広めるのは1980年代からになります。

た。たとえば日本における空手などの表現、格闘技の要素などが影響を与えます。着物のような形式の白い1980 年代における軍政への抵抗手段だった
カポエィラ・アンゴーラ

柔道着、あとは帯に色がついていてそれが段位を表し

三砂 質問をしながら進めます。カポエィラはもともたり、師範と弟子との関係性があったり、このようなとアフリカからきたもので、それがブラジルのなかでことは日本が影響を与えたのです。

スポーツとしてのカポエィラ、「カポエィラ・ヘジョナ

空手で段位が上がると帯の色を変えていく段式をウ」になっていったのですね。1980年代はブラジルは

カポエィラでも始めたわけですが、そのなかで、帯に軍事政権でしたので、その時代に抵抗の一つの方法と「コルダォン（Cordão）」という名前をつけました。
ブラ

して、もともとあった伝統的なカポエィラをカポエィ

ジルの国旗の色を思い出していただければと思いま

ラ・アンゴーラとして、このグループの人たちが作り

38

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界東京講演会には50名が参加

上げようとしてきたという理解でいいですか。
ホザンジェラ 概ね、よいと思います。でも、作ったわ
けではなくて、もともとあった伝統的なものを取り戻そうとしたという感じです。

していくようになったということですね。
抵抗の文脈のなかで女性を大切にしてきたカポエィラ・アンゴーラ
ホザンジェラ スポーツとしてのカポエィラには、男

カポエィラは住むところがないような人たちが陰性的、マッチョなイメージがありました。私たちはカでしていただけだったので、まったく注目されていポエィラ・アンゴーラを始めてそのことを可視化したなかったし、表に出ていない部分がありました。カポので、抵抗運動の文脈において私たちカポエィラ・ア

エィラを教える場所もありませんでした。

ンゴーラのなかでは、女性の存在を大切にしました。

サルヴァドールに「フォルチ・ダ・カポエィラ」というところがありますが、そこで初めて目に見えるよう

このことについてはすべてのメストラたちが、みなさんに理解してもらいたいと思っています。

なかたちになりました。そこはもともと牢屋で、そのカポエィラの師範のひとりコブラマンサという男

当時は使っていなかったので、軍政下のブラジルでそ性のメストレが、アメリカでカポエィラの会議があっこを使って伝統的なカポエィラ、
カポエィラ・アンゴー

たときに、「女性たちをメストラにしていく、カポエィ

ラというものを見えるようなかたちにしようとしま

ラを女性たちのものにしていく」と会議でも発言するした。その場所はほとんど使われていなくて、あまりようになりました。抵抗の文脈のなかにおける伝統的いいところではなかったのですが、そこを抵抗の拠点

なカポエィラ・アンゴーラは女性の存在を大切にしてにしていきました。

いったのです。

三砂 1980年代というのはついこのあいだのことで1980年代にメストレ・コブラマンサがそういうこと私たちにはそのような状況は想像できませんが、1980を言い始めました。
「ここにいるのは男性でも女性で年代のブラジルは軍政時代でした。そのときの抵抗のもなく、カポエィラをやっている人たちなんだ」とい一つの方法として作られていったということです。

う言い方で私たちを紹介してくれるようになったこ

ホザンジェラ バイーア州は、ブラジルでもアフリカとは、たいへんな喜びでした。

出身の方が多い地域です。1980年代は、その人たちが自分たちの権利や女性たちの権利、自分たちの存在を

カポエィラのなかで女性が成長することを阻む
社会的問題とカポエィラ自体の構造の問題

表に出していこうとした時代でもありました。

ホザンジェラ しかし、そのあとは、
そんなにうまくい

三砂 自分たちがカポエィラ・アンゴーラを作り出しきません。やはり男の世界なのです。
「カポエィラをしたわけではなく、カポエィラの伝統的なかたちを1980ている人」ではなく、「カポエィラをしている女」と見年代の抵抗運動のなかでかたちにして見せることをられるので、なかなかメストレが理想的に言うように

東京講演会

39

は動きませんでした。

については、明確な資料が残っています。その資料は、

私は、カポエィラというもののなかには、女性に関

19世紀にカポエィラをしていたために牢屋に入れらわる課題そのものが存在すると考えています。しかれていた女性たちについての記録です。ブラジルが共し、そういうことは、男性にはよくわかってもらえな

和国になる前から女性がカポエィラのなかに存在しい。カポエィラのなかに私たちは女性の本質のようなていたことを示しています。

ものを見出したいのですが、そういうところは男性には理解されない部分があると思います。

19世紀にカポエィラをしていたために牢屋に入れられていた女性たちがどのような言い方をされてい表面では同じだと言いますが、やはりカポエィラのたかというと、それはひどい言い方です。
「男性のようなかで女性として成長していくことは、とても難しいな女性」という言い方で、「脇毛が生えている女」といことでした。その理由の一つは、ブラジル社会の女性

うような表現をされています。女性を侮辱するようなに対する先入観、ジェンダーの問題です。
「女性は弱言い方ですが、19世紀からカポエィラをやって牢屋にい」とか「女性は子どもだけ見ていろ」というブラジル

入れられた女性の存在が書かれていて、歴史には残っ社会におけるジェンダーの問題がありました。

ている。昔から女性でカポエィラをする人はいたとい

もう一つは、カポエィラのなかの問題として、女性として活動をしていたいろいろな役割が、カポエィラのなかでの基本的な役割ではなかったことが挙げら

う記録はあるのです。
女性だけのグループの創出とカポエィラ女性会議の開催れます。やはり女性は大切な役割に入れなかったので

ホザンジェラ 1980年以降には、女性たちは女性だす。カポエィラのなかで、たとえば女性はビリンバウ

けのカポエィラのグループを作り始めました。世界中という楽器を弾かせてもらえないなど、カポエィラ自で、女性だけのカポエリスタの会議というものもして体の構造の問題もあったのです。練習場でも、女だかいます。

ら「トイレを掃除しろ」とか「道場をきれいにしろ」とシアトルでも女性のカポエリスタを集めた会議をか言われてしまう。それがカポエィラのなかでの大きしましたが、日本の女性が参加してくださったことがな問題でした。

ありました。私たちは女性のための会議も世界中で

また、
これは日本でもよくあることだと思いますが、たとえば夫婦でカポエィラをしていても、子どもがでやっています。いろいろなカポエィラのグループのなかに、必ず女性のための場所を作ってきたのです。

きたら、子どもの世話をするのは女性になってしまう

現在はインターネットを通じて、それぞれの女性のので、男の人はずっとカポエィラを続けられますが、カポエリスタが集まったグループが、「こういう差別

女性は子どもを育てなければいけない。これは女性ががあった」とか「こういう問題があった」と、カポエィ

カポエィラをしていくことの困難の、ちょっとした例

ラのグループのなかであった問題を共有できるようにすぎません。ほんとうはもっとややこしくて難しいにもなっています。

問題が、女性としてカポエィラを続けるためには存在しているのです。
女性への暴力反対という意味から、この問題に取り現在では、かつてはカポエィラのなかで男性だけがしていたことも、女性がすべてできるようになっています。
いまではビリンバウも演奏しています。

組むこともできると思います。このような問題は存在

ブラジルのなかの女性たちのグループは、リオ、しないことにされているので、女性たちが一丸となっフォルタレーザ、サルヴァドール、マセイオなど、いろてこの問題について議論して、女性としてどう生きる

いろなところでできています。マセイオは、ノルデス

か、カポエリスタとして自分がやっていくことが難し

チのなかでもとりわけ辺境の地域です。サルヴァドー

いということを、
もっと可視化していくべきです。

ルやフォルタレーザはまだましで、マセイオはほんと

カポエィラのなかでさまざまな役割を果たしてきうに田舎ですが、そこでは女性のカポエィラのグルーたことが、きちんと価値を与えられていない。いろいプは、自分たちをフェミニスト・グループだと呼ぶぐろな女性が一所懸命にしていることが認められてい

らい活発に活動しています。

ないことを、もっと目に見えるようにしていくべきじゃないかと思います。
19世紀から女性がカポエィラを実践していたこと

40

ブラジル全土のなかでのカポエィラ・アンゴーラのネットワークも作っています。インターネットでつながっていて、38か国の女性たちが、このネットワーク

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界に参加できるようになりました。

というメッセージをこめて作りました。しかしそのカカポエィラのスピリットとしても、アフリカから

レンダーは、女性に対する暴力に反対する強い、過激やってきた伝統としても、女性の存在はよく見えないな宣言をしたために、ヨーロッパでは発売禁止にされ状態になっている。女性がカポエィラのなかで見えなてしまいました。

い状態になっています。

カポエィラはアフリカからきたものですが、いま私

ブラジル北東部、サルヴァドールには、カンドン

たちカポエィラをしている女性たちのグループは、ぜブレというアフリカの呪術的な影響を受けた宗教

ひこのカポエィラを持ってアフリカにもう一度戻っがあります。そこで祀られる神様のことをオリシャていきたい、アフリカに入っていきたいと考えていま（Orixá）と呼び、そのなかに海の神様であるイエマン

す。アフリカは、女性がもっともっと厳しい状態にあジャ（Iemanjá）というカンドンブレのなかでも人気のると思いますので、アフリカに戻っていきたいと思っある女神様がいます。カポエィラでもその女神様のこています。

とをよく歌いますが、その他の歌のなかには女性がぜ
んぜん出てきません。
女性への暴力反対キャンペーンを展開しアフリカの女性の救済もめざす
ホザンジェラ 女性のグループでいろいろな活動もしていきます。世界の女性への暴力反対のキャンペーン
にも参加しました。

カポエィラには
女性を抑圧し、侮蔑していた過去が存在する
19世紀から20世紀にかけて、
カポエィラをしていた
女性に男性がつけた名前を見ると、女性がどのように扱われていたかがよくわかります。
それは男性が見た女性というかたちで付いた名前
で、たとえば「おじょうちゃん」、「小さい子」とか、
なか

私たちカポエィラをしている女性グループは、女性には「だれだれの女」、「12人の彼氏をもっている女」とへの暴力の禁止を求めて、マニフェストや宣言も作っいった名前も見えます。ようするに女性をバカにするています。そのベースになっているものの一つが、ブような言い方で、記録に残っているのです。

ラジルにある「マリア・ダ・ペーニャ法」という法律でカポエィラをしていたというだけで、19世紀からす。マリア・ダ・ペーニャという女性は、東北部のセア

20世紀には、
こんなひどい名前を付けられている。
「悪

ラ州で家庭内暴力を受けて、現在では車椅子に乗って魔」とか「電車を止めるマリア」というのもあります。

いなければいけない女性です。彼女が家の中での暴力

電車を止めるぐらい強いという……。どれもひどいによってそういう状態になったことを忘れないため

ニックネームをつけられています。これを見ても、男にブラジル政府がそういう名前をつけました。私たち

性化されている、男性の好きなようにされてしまってはこのような法律を紹介しながら、自分たちは女性へいることがうかがわれます。

の暴力を許さないとか、女性の売買を許さないとか、

このようなものを見ると、女性がどのように扱わ

そういうことについて強い宣言をしているんです。

れていたかが明らかになるとも言えます。それがカポ

ヨーロッパのカポエィラ・アンゴーラの師範がカレンダーを作っています。ビリンバウなどを使って、女性への性的な搾取や女性への性的な抑圧を許さない

エィラの歴史でもあるわけです。
宗教・文化に根ざしたカポエィラは世界に出てどう受け止められたのか
パウラ・バヘット ホザンジェラさんが概略を話してくれましたが、私はカポエィラの世界への拡がりについてお話しします。
1960年代から、カポエィラはどんどん世界に出て行っています。カポエィラ・ヘジョナウというスポーツとしてのカポエィラ、白い服を着てやっている武道みたいなカポエィラが先に有名になって、アメリカなどに出て行くことになりました。
1980年代以降は、私たちがしているカポエィラ・ア
ンゴーラという伝統的なカポエィラも世界中に出てパウラ・バヘット

行っています。アジアにも拡がっていって、日本にま

東京講演会

41

違ったかたちになって拡がっているところもあります。カポエィラを日本でしておられる人に話してもらうといいと思いますが、このブラジル文化であるカポ
エィラが日本に入ってきたとき、日本のなかでどのよ
うにモディファイされて、日本のなかでどのように受け取られているのか、日本の文化のなかでどんなふうに変わっていくと思うのか、実践している人に話を聞いてみたい気がします。日本でカポエィラをすることがどういうことなのか、ぜひ話していただきたいと思
三砂ちづる

います。
少し付け加えると、興味深いのは、ブラジルをいっで来ました。

たん出たら、カポエィラをしている人は圧倒的に女性

カポエィラは、
宗教的・文化的なものと密接に繋がっのほうが多いのです。日本でもヨーロッパでもそうでています。アフリカの宗教的・文化的なものがブラジす。女の人ばかりです。マジョリティが女性という、こルに入っている。そのなかで、ダンスや武道の要素やれまで話してきたブラジルとは逆の現象が起こってスポーツの要素などがいろいろ出てきたのですが、そいます。他の国で女性たちが増えていることは、カポれがグローバライズされて世界に出て行ったときに、エィラ自身にも変化をもたらしていると思います。

いったいどのような文脈で受け取られるのかについカポエィラをする女性は増えているが女性の占める位置・役割についてはどうかては、興味があることです。ブラジル、アフリカの宗
教的な文化に根ざしたものですが、その踊りやプラク

パウラ 日本という文脈のなかでカポエィラをする

ティスだけが外国に出て行くのはどういうことなののがどういうことか知りたいというのが質問の一つかについては、考えるに値することだと思います。

目で、もう一つ質問があります。カポエィラはもとも

カポエィラをしているみなさんはご存じのように、とほとんど男性がしていて、女性が始めたのは最近で

たとえばカポエィラの音楽で使っている言葉はすべす。ですから、男ばかりの世界だったところに女性がてブラジルのポルトガル語です。カポエィラの音楽の増えてきた。医者などもそうですが、かつては男ばか

詩の内容は、ブラジル文化に根ざした詩です。しかもりしていて、
いまは女の人が入ってきている。
カポエィ

バイーアやブラジル北東部に関する内容です。カポラもその一例だとも思います。

エィラで歌われる歌にも女性が出てきますが、その女性の描き方にも差別的な部分があるわけです。

とにかくカポエィラをする女性の数が増えていくのは重要で、それはカポエィラ全体を変えるためにもブラジルからカポエィラが世界中にどんどん拡

大切なことだと思います。しかし、数だけではないでがっていくことは、カポエィラのプラクティスと同時すね。クオリティという意味もあると思います。女性に、カポエィラに込められたブラジルの独特の文化ががカポエィラのなかでどのような位置を占めている

だんだん外に出て行って、よく知られるようになってか。数は増えているけれども、いまは数だけではなくいくとも言えます。

クオリティも重要視しなくてはいけない。

カポエィラは日本でどのように受容されどう変わっていこうとしているのか

たとえばグループのリーダーシップの取り方などです。女性はたくさんいるのに、いざリーダーを選ぶ

パウラ いまカポエィラはあちこちに拡がっていまとなったら男になるということもあります。クオリ

すが、ブラジル政府などのサポートがあったわけではティというのはそういうことを申し上げています。

なくて、カポエィラをしている女性や男性が、自分た

日本のなかでカポエィラをすることを、みなさんはちで広めていきました。それはある意味で言えば、ブ

文化的にどのように受け止めているのか。日本でカポラジルの文化、しかもブラジルの文化のアフリカ的なエィラをすることは、よそでするのとどう違うのか。

部分がカポエィラに乗って世界中に拡がって、世界中文化として外に出て行くアスペクトという部分につの人が知るようになってきているとも言えます。

いても聞きたいと思います。また日本では女性が多い

同時に、カポエィラはその土地ごとの文脈のなかで42ようですが、そのなかで女性がリーダーシップをとれ

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界参加者はカポエィラの実践者、研究者、学生など。とくに女性の姿が多く見られたているのかについても聞きたい。あるいは、みなさんて、私はこのノルデスチという地方がブラジルというが私たちに聞きたいこともあると思いますので、質問

国を豊かにしていると考えています。

をしていただきたいと思います。
生きづらい人に示唆を与える
ノルデスチ文化を体現するカポエィラ

カポエィラは、そういうブラジルのノルデスチの文化の代表のような現れの一つだと思っています。ですから、おそらく日本でカポエィラをする人たちは、近三砂 私は今日は補助的に入っているので、自分の話代的な社会になってしまった日本のなかで、どこか生をする気はないのですが、カポエィラのことを知らな

きづらい、どこかしんどい、どこか苦しい、仕事だけしい方も、カポエィラのことがわかりましたでしょうていてボロボロになったとか、そういう人たちに大きか。私は今日の講演会で、みなさんにカポエィラのこな一つの示唆を、インスピレーションを与えるものにとを理解していただくと同時に、ノルデスチという地なっているのではないかと思います。

方の文化にも興味をもってもらいたいと思っているのです。

ですから、ノルデスチの文化がブラジルの文化に一つの大きな深みを与えているのと同じように、その一ブラジルはまさに移民の国です。もともとブラジル

例としてカポエィラが日本の、生きづらさを抱えていにいた人は、
いわゆるインディオとよばれる人だけで、るとくに女性たちに、大きな意味をもってきているの

いろいろな人たちが入っていろいろな文化を作ってではないかと私は想像しているのです。

いて、地方によってそれがまったく異なります。

ということで、日本の女性たちで――男性でもいい

私はブラジルのことを、21世紀のリーダーになる国ですが、「私にとってカポエィラをするとはどういうだと思っています。それはなぜかというと、一つには、ことか」について、質問でもコメントでもいいので、ぜブラジルが経済的に成功していることもありますが、

ひメストラたちに話していただきたいと思います。

ブラジルは、いわゆる近代化を達成した近代社会であるにもかかわらず、人びとのコミュニケーションが豊カポエィラで相手と折り合っていく動きから
コミュニケーションにおける体の使い方を学ぶかであって、人間性が損なわれていない。そこがブラ

参加者１ 私は１回しかカポエィラをしたことがなくジルが次の世紀を担っていくうえで重要なことだとて、ふだんはヨガをしています。ヨガをしていると、よ思います。近代的な社会になると同時に人間関係は薄く「人とのコミュニケーションにヨガを役立てよう」

くなりますし、人間関係が難しくなりますが、ブラジみたいなことを言うのですが、私はマットの上でしてルはそのあたりに前近代のよさみたいなものをすごいるヨガのことを、ふだんの生活に活かすということ

く残しているところがあるんです。

がどんなことか、あまりわからないというか実践に移ノルデスチというのはブラジルのなかでも開発がせていなかったのです。カポエィラをしてみると、カ遅れた地域と言われてきたのですが、こうした人間のポエィラはヨガと違って相手がいます。相手の動きあり方とか、コミュニケーションのあり方とか、前近だったり、相手の空気を受け止めて、否定せずにそれ代的なものとのつきあい方とか、そういうことについと折り合って自分もまた動いていくということが、す

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43

ごく日常生活に近いなと思いました。
いまの日本人は、体を使ったコミュニケーションがあまり得意じゃない人が多いと思います。そういう日本の社会においてカポエィラをするということは、自分の体をどのように人との関わりにおいて使っていったらいいかということを学ばせてくれるすごくいいツールだなと思いました。
カポエィラから感じられる「なにか得られるものがある」という予感
参加者２ 私がカポエィラと出会ったのは10年ほど前で、メストレ・コブラマンサが最初に来たときです。
最初はすごくアクロバティックな動きをなにかのメディアで見て、興味を持ちました。おそらくヘジョナ
ウかコンテンポラニアだと思います。
でも、私がたまたま出会ったのはコブラマンサの弟子の方で、縁があってアンゴーラを学ぶことになりました。最初の印象とは違いましたが、とても惹かれるものがあって、コブラマンサが来て、「うわ、なんだこ
れは」と。よくわからない、難しい感じで、すてきなん

講演会の最後にはビリンバウの演奏も行なわれただけれど「なんなんだろう」というクエスチョンがた
くさんありました。私は10年前に出合って、１年とか使われているのか、どのようにノンバーバルなコミュ

もっと長い間しなかったこともありましたが、いまはニケーションができあがっていくのかということに仲間たちができて環境に恵まれて続けています。

ついて、ずいぶん学際的・国際的な研究もされている

ポルトガル語だし、難しいことがたくさんあって、と思います。

挫折してしまいそうだけれども続けていたのは、カポ

他の人とのコミュニケーションは、いつもうまくいエィラを続けていたらなにかいいことがあったり、得くとは限りません。うまくいかないこともよくある。

るものがあるという予感がしたので、ずっとやめない

でも、それは言葉だけのことではないのです。やはりでいました。
日本は社会が、やはり仕事がメインになっ社会のなかでのコミュニケーションの重要な部分は、たりして、どうしてもそちらに偏った生活になってしじつはノンバーバルな部分だと思います。

まうのですが、でも、いい予感がしたので、これからもその予感を信じて続けていきます。
最後に、私はそのカポエィラで旦那さんを見つけました。
（笑）
カポエィラは体を使った
非言語のコミュニケーション・ツール

その意味では、カポエィラはその人のありようについてもいいことを提供できるし、社会のなかでの人間の関係性についても、カポエィラはとても重要なことを提供できるのではないでしょうか。たとえば学校での教育です。学校の教育はほとんどがバーバルなものですが、カポエィラ・アンゴーラはノンバーバルな教

パウラ カポエィラは、やはりコミュニケーションの育をしていくうえで、提供できるものがたくさんあるツールだと思います。言葉のコミュニケーションだけだろうと思っています。

ではなく、ノンバーバルなコミュニケーションのツー
ルのように考えています。
私たちはメストレに習った最初から、「カポエィラは体を使った対話である」と学んできました。体のいカポエィラの動き、歌、演奏すべてによって人間の複雑な要素を表現し、感じることができる
ホザンジェラ コミュニケーションという文脈のこと
で、私も少しコメントしたいと思います。

ろいろな学際的な研究のなかで、カポエィラのプレ

カポエィラそのものが、私たちの人間性の複雑さ

イ、カポエィラをすることが、言葉だけではないノン

みたいなものを表しているとも言えます。カポエィラ

バーバルなコミュニケーションのなかでどのようには、そのときのあなたのようすを表に出していくもの

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CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

です。そのときのカポエィラには、いろいろな表現が、とは言えない」ということです。
「あなたは大きいけど同時にたくさん入っているとも言えます。

２倍じゃないし、私は小さいからといって半分でもな

自分の複雑な中身をカポエィラを通じて表現する
方法には、いろいろあります。舞闘、ダンスの動きだ
けではありません。楽器を弾くときにも、歌を歌うときにも、個人的な要素、情報を表現できると思います。

い」という言い方もありますが、大きさではないということを歌にして言っているわけです。
多様な言語で自分を表現するカポエィラは洗練されたコミュニケーション法

ちょっとしたリズムやわずかな動作のなかに、さまざ

ホザンジェラ カポエィラの歌では、音楽、楽器でのまな表現がすべて昇華されていると感じます。

演奏などといっしょになって、そのときにあなたの体

カポエィラのホーダのときのカポエィラの歌も、一が何を語りたいか、あなたの体が伝えたいことが歌とつのコミュニケーションの複雑なありようだとも言

楽器によって表されます。ですからカポエィラでのコえると思います。その歌は、そこに集まるカポエリス

ミュニケーションには、動いている二人のあいだだけ

タのみのために向けられたメッセージなので、カポではなくて、歌を歌っている人、楽器を弾いている人

エィラをされない方がそのときその場所にいても、その個人的な要素も影響を与えます。

の言葉や歌の内容、表現方法を理解するのはとても難しいことです。不可能に近い。
たとえば、私が今日ワークショップをしたときの歌の内容を紹介したいと思います。

カポエリスタはさまざまな言語を持っています。歌や体の表現や楽器など、いろいろなものがあります。
人間のコミュニケーションの洗練された方法を、カポ
エィラのなかに見ることができます。体のことをいろ
いろな言語でさまざまに表現するものになっている

見たことのない人はのです。

ぜひ見に来てください

ですから、カポエィラをしていないときでも、相手

リクリ（小さな椰子の実）がと会ったときに、その話し方や動きを見ながら、いろ

デンデー（大きな椰子の実）をつぶすのをいろなことが早くわかるようになる。カポエィラから見に来てくださいは、そんな学びがあると言えます。

リクリは小さな椰子の実、デンデーは大きな椰子の実です。
「小さい椰子の実が、大きい椰子の実をつぶしているのを見に来て」と歌っています。大きな人を倒すというメタファーです。
「大きいからといって強い

通訳補助…… 荒川幸祐／
アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ

左から都留Devaux恵美里、アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ、パウロ・バヘット、ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ、三砂ちづる、パウラ・バヘット、永井佳子、荒川幸祐

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45

エッセイ

カポエィラは、みんなと会える場しょだと思います
藤原 太郎

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CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

エッセイ

カポエィラを通じた日本への還元
荒川 幸祐 カポエィラ・アンゴーラ グループインジンガ京都代表

自己紹介

京

現在カポエィラには、大きく分けて「カポエィラ・ア

都出身、写真家。幼少期に数年間アメリカで過ンゴーラ」と「カポエィラ・ヘジョナウ」の二つの流派がごしたことや、大学でスペイン語を専攻するな

あり、
世界170か国以上に愛好者がいます。

ど、他言語や多文化に強い関心を持って育ちました。
スポーツや身体を動かすことと、多様な国の音楽にもカポエィラ・アンゴーラとは興味を持っていたことから、身体表現と音楽の融合性

1930年代当時、あらゆるアフロ・ブラジル文化と行のあるカポエィラを知ったときは心がすごく躍動し事は弾圧され禁止されていました。当時は公共の場所たのを覚えています。2002年から京都でカポエィラ

でカポエィラをすると警察に捕まりその後の釈放は約を学び始め、その後幾度もブラジルへと渡り、理解と束されないなど、不平等な世の中でした。そういった関心を深めていきます。2009年からサンパウロで写中、カポエィラという名前を使わずに、「バイーア地域

真の仕事と勉強をするために現地へと渡り、同時期にの格闘技」という名称で世に紹介し学校を開いた人物、

カポエィラ・アンゴーラのグループインジンガに入門、

メストレ・ビンバがいます。
そのスタイルは瞬く間に白2013年は本部のあるサルバドールに滞在しカポエィ

人層、アカデミックな分野と富裕層の理解に繋がり、カラの修行に励みました。

ポエィラ界に大きな影響を与えました。

カポエィラとはその土地で古くから行われていたカポエィラを残し、1940年代に入ると、その新しい流れとは逆に、元々格闘技とダンス、音楽と遊戯、さまざまな要素が融合

価値を与えようとする派閥に分かれ、それを当時のメした、ブラジルの伝統文化。輪になった人が、楽器を演

ストレ・パスチーニャがカポエィラ・アンゴーラと名付

奏し長いあいだ歌うなかで、二人のプレイヤーがリズけます。彼は格闘性や身体性を重視したカポエィラにムに合わせて、
即興の駆け引きを繰り広げます。

移行していく中で、文化伝承としてのカポエィラを残

カポエィラの歴史は古く、16世紀にはその存在が確すことに生涯をかけました。

認できます。当時アフリカからブラジルに奴隷として連れて来られた人びとが、自由を勝ち取るための術とカポエィラを学び始めたのはして独自に育んできました。
その後、弾圧の時代を乗り

初めて音楽を聴いたときに、体全体で感じた感動を越えて、現在では人種や老若男女を問わない幅広い層

覚えています。衝撃が走ったといいましょうか。
とてもに支持され、ブラジルを代表する文化となっています。

良い音楽、好きな音楽を聴く時のように、身体の中を心
地よい感覚が流れていくのです。その音楽の中で踊り、闘い、身体を動かすことは、自分にとって悪いはずがな
いと思いました。あれから14年経ったいまでも、良い
カポエィラの音楽が流れたときは身体から自ずと力が湧き出て、ずっと動いていられる感覚になります。自分にとってこれは良いことなのではないか、という直感を信じた結果、
今まで続いているのだと思います。
カポエィラ・アンゴーラとの出会い
元々京都で始めたカポエィラは、カポエィラ・ヘジョ
ナウとアンゴーラをどちらも行うグループで、アンゴーラの存在はとても気になっていました。どちらかといえばカポエィラ・ヘジョナウのグループでしたので、アンゴーラの練習は少なく、理解もそれほどできて

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47

いなかったのかもしれません。しかし、幾度もブラジ

イベントの成果とこれからルを訪れ現地のカポエィラに触れるなかで、特にカポブラジルでも日本でも、カポエィラの中で師範達がエィラ発祥の地とも言われるサルバドールで、自身の集まる機会は珍しく、想像を超えたエネルギー、喜びと道の方向を変える出来事がありました。

感動が起きるものです。そこではカポエィラの教えや現地に行くと、両方の流派をしているということで苦笑されたり、差別されるようなこともありました。
し教訓、人生をより幸せに生きていく中での答えが少しずつ伝授されていきます。

かしそれぞれの流派の根源にいくと、それぞれが守っ現地でもよく言われる言葉があります。
「本当に良てきているものや、長年続けているものがとても強くいカポエィラを学ぶためには、メストレの近くにいな

感じとれ、現地を離れて特に大都市であったり外国にさい」。日本の皆さんが幾度なくブラジルに行かれるの渡っていくカポエィラの概念が、まったく違うものにも、メストレが来日したときにわざわざ足を運ぶのも、変化していることに気がつきました。カポエィラ・ヘ

その理由は、動きや音楽だけでなく様々な知恵を伝授

ジョナウもカポエィラ・アンゴーラも同じカポエィラ

してもらえるからです。それは秘伝の術のような繊細から来ている、という単純なことがとても明白に見え、で非常に意識の高い修行の積み重ねが織りなす技なの感じられたのです。

です。
それを学び、人生をより自分らしく生きていくのそして動きだけでなく、その音楽性やメストレ達からの知識と知恵が、生きていく中でのとても価値のあがカポエィラの中に隠された本当の自身との戦い、遊び、護身術なのではないかと思います。

るものだとも気付かされました。京都に戻ると元々の

日本では20年間カポエィラを学んでいる方はほとグループで活動はしていましたが、やはり何度もブラんどいませんが、今回ブラジルで30年以上学び、教えジルに渡るに従って「一度今までのスタイルから離れ、る師範を招待することで、私たちのカポエィラととも

カポエィラ・アンゴーラを一から学びたい」という強に生きる長い人生の中に、ある道標を伝えて頂けたのい気持ちが芽生えました。そしてサンパウロにあるグではないでしょうか。今回はその奥深さや楽しみ方を

ループインジンガの支部を偶然見つけた時には、すで

日本で実感し体験していただく場を設けることができに学んでいく気持ちが固まっていたのです。

て、大変嬉しく思います。今後も日本に師範を招待するイベントを開催し、このような場を増やしていくこと

メストレ達とのイベントを企画することになった契機の重要性に気づくこともできました。

幾度となくブラジルへと渡っては日本へ戻ってくる

男性中心の文化であったカポエィラが、現在はほぼ間、カポエィラとは自分だけが学ぶ場であり、自分の喜半数が女性となり、女性の師範もいる中、今回のイベンびでした。しかし徐々に日本になんとか還元できないトで女性師範を２名迎えられたのは重要なことだ考え

かと思うようになりました。グループインジンガの師ています。女性としての見本となるような人物が1人

範３名一同を日本に招待することが、日本でのさらなでも多くいることは、強い心の支えになると思います。

るカポエィラ・アンゴーラの普及と発展、理解へとつな

私一人だけでなく、私の学ぶグループインジンガのすがると、現地にいた時に強く感じました。
カポエィラをべてのメンバーが実感し、信じている、愛のあるカポ

学ぶ人達、日本のカポエリスタ達は真面目で積極的にエィラ、差別と暴力のないカポエィラを目指して、私た

活動しています。自分の学ぶカポエィラ・アンゴーラとちは伝統的なカポエィラ・アンゴーラをこれからも享その師範達を日本に招待することで、より多くの方に受しつつ学び続け、伝えていくことができればと思っカポエィラ・アンゴーラを実感して頂き、肌身でふれてています。

感動する場面を作り、より多くのカポエィラ理解者と愛好者を増やす手助けがしたいと思いました。

今回のイベントを開催するにあたって、たくさんの方々の多大なるご協力とご支援を頂きました。さらに異文化の理解を自身の文化への理解へとつなげられ関係者のお力により出版物やDVD制作まで実現するることや、身体を動かして相手とコミュニケーション

ことができたことを大変光栄に思います。この場を借をとるという人間味のあることを学ぶことができるのりて皆様に感謝の気持ちと、今後とも末長く関係を続は、大変重要な経験です。カポエィラは人種と国籍、性けて頂きたいと願っていることをお伝え申し上げま

別と文化の壁を越え、人と人をつなげるツールです。長す。
皆様、ありがとうございました。

年にわたって教えを説かれている師範達を日本に招待できるのはとても稀な機会でもあり、それだけ重要なことだと思いました。

48

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Ginga Nzinga（ジンガ・インズィンガ）
カポエィラ・アンゴーラ 国際交流イベント開催概要
2014年9月5日〜14日（東京・京都）●9月5日〜9月7日●

東京のオープニングセレモニーと実演ワークショップ:
カポエィラ・アンゴーラの実践で使う楽器と動きの練習と講義

●9月9日
（火）
東京講演会●

講演会『カポエィラの身体知 ──ノルデスチ（ブラジル北東部）
文化のなかの女性』
ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ（バイーア連邦大学教育学准教授）
パウラ・バヘット（バイーア連邦大学社会学准教授）
ゲスト：三砂ちづる（津田塾大学国際関係学科教授）
時間：19:00〜21:00
場所：kurkku home（渋谷区神宮前2-18-21）●9月12日（金）●

京都の実演とシンポジウム、
オープニングセレモニー
パフォーマンス実演

時間：12:30〜13:00
場所：稲盛財団記念館中庭（雨天：エントランスホール）

Ginga Nzinga（ジンガ・インズィンガ）
カポエィラ・アンゴーラ国際交流イベント開催概要49

シンポジウム『抵抗と解放の身体──ブラジル伝統芸能「カポエィラ」
による対話と実践』
ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ（バイーア連邦大学教育学部准教授）
パウラ・バヘット（バイーア連邦大学社会学部准教授）

パネルディスカッション

宇野邦一（立教大学現代心理学部名誉教授）
輪島裕介（ 大阪大学文学部文学研究科准教授）
ウスビ・サコ（京都精華大学人文学部長・教授）
司会：福田宏（京都大学地域研究統合情報センター助教）
時間：14:00〜17:00
場所：京都大学地域研究統合情報センター・稲盛財団記念館333号室

オープニングセレモニー（Roda）

時間：18:00〜21:00
場所：京都大学地域研究統合情報センター・稲盛財団記念館333号室

9月13日〜9月14日

京都の実演ワークショップ：
カポエィラ・アンゴーラに関連する楽器と動きの実演と講義
共催

NPO グルーポ・インズィンガ・カポエィラ
ジンガ・インズィンガ実行委員会
京都大学地域研究統合情報センター（CIAS）
地域研究コンソーシアム（JCAS）「地域研究次世代ワークショップ・プログラム」
京都大学学際融合教育推進センター（CPIER)「分野横断プラットフォーム構築企画」
JCAS社会連携プロジェクト「女性地域研究者のライフ・キャリアネットワークプロジェクト」
NPO法人平和環境もやいネット

50

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界第２部

カポエィラから
考える身体
歴史、社会、文化、
ジェンダーの視点から

東京講演会

51

Tensions Around the Definition of Capoeira as Black Cultural Expression:
Rebuilding the Bridges Between Brazil and Africa

Tensions Around the Definition of Capoeiraas Black Cultural Expression: Rebuilding
the Bridges Between Brazil and Africa
Paula Cristina DA SIlvA BArreTo

Associate Professor at Department of Sociology, Federal University of Bahia
Co-founder of the Nzinga Institute of Capoeira Angola e-mail: paulacbarr@uol.com.br

Summary

In this article I highlight that capoeira has been considered a form of resistance in many interpretations
that assert it as a “Black” cultural expression -- not just a “Brazilian” one -- and refuse the limitation ofcapoeira within the field of “sport” or “fight”. Be it associated with riots and fights for the liberationof enslaved African descent enshrined in maroon communities (quilombos), or associated with themost recent manifestations of African descent organized into groups, capoeira became a symbol ofblack resistance in Brazil, and from there, inside the African Diaspora. Despite the fact that such
understanding has become more influential from the 1980s onwards, there remain disagreements andtensions around the definition of capoeira, to which contributes the increasing number of practitioners
who are situated in varied national, social and cultural contexts.

I - Introduction
In 1981 vicente Ferreira Pastinha, known as master
Pastinha, died in Salvador. Shortly before his death,
he was the head of a school of Capoeira Angola
located in Pelourinho, the historical downtown
area. After decades of experience dedicated to thepractice and dissemination of capoeira, he had
become a well-known figure. Although not the only
Capoeira Angola master, Pastinha gained notoriety
for his initiatives of systematic documentation of
the capoeira teaching and learning, which included
the publication of a book (PASTINhA, 1988;
BArreTo, 2015).
however, despite having achieved great prestige,
master Pastinha lost the space where his capoeiraschool was installed in the historical center and diedvery poor and in precarious circumstances. During
this period, many Capoeira Angola groups withregular activities in Salvador were affected, and manycapoeiristas who learned from mestre Pastinha andothers abandoned the practice of Capoeira Angola,or joined the Capoeira Regional 1). The evidence
seemed to confirm that such style of capoeira, asvagrancy, which emerged in the first decades of the1) There are two 'styles' of capoeira: Angola and regional. Thesestyles historically developed fro different orientations that led tosubtle variety in terms of movements, body expressions, musicalrythms, indumentary customs, and teaching traditions.

52

twentieth century in Bahia would actually disappear
and become part of the capoeira memory.
The struggle in defense of Capoeira Angola, andagainst its disappearance, led to the creation of acapoeira group in 1982 (Grupo de Capoeira Angola
Pelourinho - gCAP), giving rise to what was tobecome a broader movement placing the capoeiristas, or the capoeira practitioners, on the politicalscene (Araújo, 2015). I was among the first membersof that group and participated directly in the group’s
activities until late 1990s. The initial phase of thismovement occurred through the interventions of thisgroup, led by mestre moraes and his disciple Cobra
mansa, whose activities took place on two fronts:
on one hand, seeking to attract new practitioners inorder to make Capoeira Angola better known; on
the other hand, vehemently denouncing the deleterious implications of the apparition of the Capoeira
Regional, which directly influenced the misfortunesof Capoeira Angola.
The practical activities were carried out in a public
space - Forte Santo Antônio Além do Carmo holding regular classes and a weekly capoeira circle
open to the public. In terms of mobilization, evenwith a small number of people, the organization of
events propitiated access to the media in order todisseminate their ideas, and brought together old

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Paula Cristina DA SILVA BARRETO

masters of Capoeira Angola, on commemorative
dates, such as the anniversary of master Pastinha
and others. The provocative way utilized to expound
upon several issues raised controversy and contributed to broaden the effects of the activities of these
few activists. The defense of Capoeira Angola wasmainly effected through discourses that attacked the
racial configuration of Capoeira Regional. These
discourses sustained that the creation of Capoeira
Regional by master Bimba implied in the elimination of some (social and aesthetic) features thatlinked capoeira directly to slavery, to Africans andtheir descendants, those features that led to its stigmatization and persecution during the nineteenth
century. As a reaction to this attempt to redefine
values, it was very important to assert the black andAfrican origin of capoeira, through valuing somespecific characteristics of Capoeira Angola.
These defense arguments were supported byresearch and studies on the history of capoeira in
Brazil, and in particular, about the history of slavery
and blacks, and this was an important activity withinthat group of Capoeira Angola. Although, the studyof these subjects was not part of our basic training,
the capoeira group finally became also a study
group. The results of this research were presented atinternal seminars and open to the community.
The evidence produced by the studies about blackslavery in Brazil, in particular about the black culture,slave resistance and about capoeira during the nineteenth century were important in this debate. There
was an ample documentation proving that capoeirapractitioners were arrested, punished by whipping,
and that the practice of capoeira became a misdemeanor and it was then criminalized (ASSUNÇÃo,2005; SoAreS, 1994).
In the face of evidences that the association between
play and fight, a practice accompanied by musicalinstruments that were striking features of capoeira,the practice resurfaced in Salvador in the early
decades of the twentieth century (SCAlDAFerrI,2015).These features were present in Capoeira
Angola, although this tradition was disappearing
during the 1980s, while the style of Capoeira
Regional begun to gain hegemony among the practitioners of capoeira.

In a context marked by the emergence of othercultural organizations such as the Afro-music groups
known as blocos afro, which also asserted their
African roots and blackness, we sought to create
links with these and other organizations of the black
movement in Salvador (CrooK & Johnson, 1999).
Among the blocos afro, two of the most important
were created in the 1970s: the Ilê Aiyê in 1974 andolodum in 1979. our approximation to these andother black cultural and political organizations of
Salvador occurred gradually and the process reached
its apex in 1988, when many debates and actions
occurred in light of centenary of the abolition ofslavery in Brazil.
In the next section, I will provide a brief reflection on
the notions of nation, nationalism and black culture
in Brazil, which is necessary to understand themeanings of the “re-africanization” of the capoeiraprocess which started in Salvador in the 1980s,
which thematic complexity has been highlighted inprevious studies (gUImArÃeS, no date; PINho,2005). In the next session, we focus on the specificcharacteristics of Capoeira Angola, highlighting
its internal heterogeneity and complexity, with the
purpose of deepen the discussion about the black
culture.

II – Nation, Nationalism and Black
Culture in Brazil
In order to understand the meaning of the “re-Africanization” process that began in Salvador in the
1980s, we must place it into a wider context, in orderto highlight the overlap between projects that represent Brazil as a nation, and the forms of political andcultural mobilization of blacks. This context, evenif briefly addressed in this article, will elucidate thebackground for the emergence of a movement towhich we belonged in Salvador, set forth in Brazil
from the 1970s onwards. It was innovative because
it conjugated the redefinition of cultural practices
formerly considered to be Brazilian, as black or
Afro-Brazilian practices, that evolved along withdenunciations of prejudice, discrimination andinequality. moreover, the celebration of the African
origins of these cultural practices was much more
論文（英語） パウラ・バヘット

53

Tensions Around the Definition of Capoeira as Black Cultural Expression:
Rebuilding the Bridges Between Brazil and Africa

present in Bahia, while the political mobilization by
civil and social rights occurred mainly in São Pauloand rio de Janeiro, prevailing a relative separation
between these two black traditions (gUImArÃeS,no date).
It is known that, after centuries of colonialism andenslavement of Indians and Africans in Brazil,
during the nineteenth century, when emerged anumber of changes that aimed at building a modern
nation, the existing social structure was profoundly
unequal. on one hand, there was a white minoritythat included the ruling elite, whose main culturalreferences were european. on the other hand, agreat majority made up of mestizos, blacks andindians composed the so-called Brazilian society.
Between 1822 (the year of Brazil’s independence
from Portugal) and 1888 (when slavery was officially abolished) two legal and different value
systems coexisted in Brazil, one of them valid only
for “Brazilians”, and another valid for the “Slaves”.
The latter, the period that followed the abolition, andthat marks Brazil’s entry into modernity, formallyassured the Brazilian citizen status for Africans andtheir descendants who were once enslaved, but alsobrought new and greater difficulties.
In dealing with the relationship between black identities and citizenship in Brazil, guimarães (2013: 1)
states that in modern Brazil:“there are some critical moments in which racialization – the designation of human groups as races –were the basis for social identities from which political ideals such as economic redistribution, national
belonging and social equality were built. During
these periods, the idea of race became a self-defined
identity, rather than an identity imposed by othersfrom outside.”
The periodization proposed by guimarães indicatesthe existence of four distinct periods, namely: theabolitionist movement, black protests in the 1930s,
the democratization process in post-world war II,
and the democratic movement against the military
dictatorship in the 1970s. According to the author, ineach of them it is clear that the intersection of nation,social relations, class and race influenced both thecategories used to label people, and the definitions
54of the ways to overcome inequality.
regarding the post-abolition period, it is noteworthy
that the most valued positions in the free labormarket, which has grown in the years that followed
the end of the slave regime (1888), in São Paulo, forexample, located in the Southeast, were occupied byforeign immigrants (largely european).They started
to arrive to work in the country from the second
half of the nineteenth century, while blacks faced
unemployment and the degradation of their living
conditions. Studies such as Nogueira (1988) ratify
that european immigrants who arrived in São Paulowith few financial resources and social capital experienced a strong upward mobility in five decades,
while in the same period the situation of blacks
remained stable and even worsened.
It is worth remembering that in this time period,
the theories that ensured the existence of a race
hierarchy, defining ‘race’ according to biologicallyscientific theories, which arose in europe in thelate nineteenth century, became influential in Brazil
and served as justification for the maintenance ofthe slavery system. Those theories grounded on the
alleged racial inferiority of Africans and blacks, andserved to explain this lower social position in theBrazilian society. As occurred in other latin American nations, elites saw themselves as white, butwere perceived by europeans as blacks, which led
to a constant self-esteem crisis (TelleS; FloreS,2011). The refusal from middle classes and intellectual elites in these countries in what regards tothe fact that they were mestizo was described byramos (1957) as the “social pathology of the white
Brazilian”. In general, countries like Brazil, mexico,
venezuela, Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay andothers, ethnic and racial subcultures were incorporated as “popular” in nation-building projects. An
extensive literature shows that interbreeding wascentral in this national project, which has overcome
the pessimism and the racism that was significant
in the nineteenth century (wADe, 2005; PINho,2004).
when the emergence of the first political andcultural organizations formulating specific demands
for “blacks” in Brazil during the 1920s and 1930s,
for example in São Paulo, blacks competed withCIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Paula Cristina DA SILVA BARRETO

other ethnic groups, mostly made up by foreign
immigrants, including Japanese nationals. From theperspective of several of these groups, the Africanand slave origin, on one hand, left as a legacy themoral, intellectual and cultural unpreparedness for
integration of former slaves into the modern industrial world. on the other hand, those origins served
to explain the social position of blacks, marked by
prejudice and degradation of their living conditions.
After the world war II, the positive recognition of
the cultural background specific to the black people
gained more space in black organizations, particularly the African origins, but these were referred
to as Afro-Brazilian culture. The presence of traits
that were considered more or less untouched, orthe survivals of the African cultural elements, the“Africanism”, continued to be rejected by black
leaders. For example, in São Paulo because thesewere considered as “exoticisms” or “superstitions”,
maintained within the popular culture and associated to uneducated layers of the Brazilian society.
And Salvador, located in Bahia, in the northeasternregion of Brazil, was already known at that time asa city where there was a strong presence of these“Africanisms”, which is proved by the great numberof Candomblés (Pierson, 1971).
During this period, there have been criticisms ofthe theories that defended the racial inferiority of
blacks, which were grounded on the results of thefirst studies based on the scientific research on“race relations” in Brazil, conducted from the 1940s
onwards. By stressing that the historical and social
factors, instead of racial ones, explained the current
problems of people of African descent, as well as
blacks and mestizos, several studies have produced
evidence of the disadvantages of blacks in relation towhites inside the Brazilian society. hence, disagreement arose as to whether such disadvantages should
be interpreted as a class or a race problem (CoSTA
PINTo, 1998). The interpretation that denied theexistence of a “race problem” in Brazil prevailed,and few studies have argued that the racial prejudice
and discrimination explained the disadvantages of
blacks in Brazil. It is noteworthy, however, that eventhese studies have reiterated the failures, defects andlimitations of blacks themselves, which hindered

their integration into the modernity, producing whatmight be called “deficit theories “ (BASTIDe;
FerNANDeS, 1955).
In the 1970s, when the prevailing nationalist model
was questioned, the focus of black leaders shifted tothe existence of racial inequalities between blacks
and whites, which would result in lesser accessof blacks to social opportunities. From that point
onwards, the process of ethnic and racial formation started to focus on the foreign context, which
included a reassessment of the historical and current
ties with Africa, no longer limiting itself to thestrengthening of the Brazilian nationality. This shift
in the national perspective is explained both by international changes - such as the increased circulationof ideas that facilitated the dialogue among blacks
around the world – as well as domestic, especially
due to the Brazilian national identity crisis causedby the postwar crash in the system of “replacement
imports of capital goods” and the decrease in its
relative cultural isolation.
It is in this context that the “black culture” claim
emerged with a strong international connotation,
built from the dialogue with other regions such as
the United States, the Caribbean, Africa and europe,
very close to what has been referred to as the Black
Atlantic (gIlroY, 2000), and no longer of an
Afro-Brazilian culture.
In short, in order to understand the practicalchanges and the ways to define capoeira that haveoccurred over time, as well as in different momentsof the Brazilian history, it is essential to consider
the changing conceptions of Brazilian nationality
mentioned above.
xxx
In the nineteeth century, rio de Janeiro was thecity where capoeira was more widespread. Soares(1994) analyzed documents found in police archives
in rio de Janeiro, in the second half of the nineteenth century, a period in which capoeira was still
not a widespread practice, but was mainly used by
Africans as a “significant channel of slave resistance.” The “capoeiras”, or capoeira practitioners,
acted in the streets of rio de Janeiro, individually

論文（英語） パウラ・バヘット

55

Tensions Around the Definition of Capoeira as Black Cultural Expression:
Rebuilding the Bridges Between Brazil and Africa

or in groups called “maltas”, and were subjected toconstant repression by the police.
In addition to slave resistance, produced in responseto the violence and harassment these have sufferedin the cities, there is evidence that the “capoeiras”
sought their own cultural identity. The “maltas”
competed for spaces in the city and used symbols
such as colors, clothing, and their own forms ofcommunication, in order to mark the differences
between them. The intensity of these disputes canbe exemplified by the creation of two major maltas,
gathering smaller ones, called nagoas and guaiamuns. The malta nagoas (derived from Nago) was
more associated with the Africans, and the symbol
color was white, while the guaiamuns (name of a
local crustacean) was more associated with mestizos,
and the symbol color was red.
For Soares, the emergence of guaiamuns andnagoas was the most important event of the historyof capoeira in rio de Janeiro in the second half ofthe nineteenth century and it is related to changes
that occurred in the slave society. Upon the end of
the slave trade to Brazil, the internal displacementof a large contingent of slaves to the coffee region,and the intensification of Portuguese immigration,changedthe composition of the population of the cityof rio de Janeiro: the reduction in the number ofAfricans, and the increasing number of Portuguese,free blacks, poor whites, mixed races and crioulos.
The maltas have become more heterogeneous sincepeople of all these categories began to integratethem, losing their markedly African character of thefirst half of this century.
The rivalry between nagoas and guaiamuns persisted
until the late nineteenth century and represents,
according to Soares, the cleavages that previously
existed between African slaves and those born in
Brazil. And even with the change in compositionof the maltas, which was intensified in the second
half of the century, this opposition continued to beaffirmed symbolically through the conflicts between
nagoas and guaiamuns.
The maltas participated in the political life,
supporting distinct currents, royalist or republican,
conservative or liberal.They tried to maximize the56

benefits they had achieved in an attempt for not
losing their autonomy. It is also noteworthy that, inthe 1870s and 1880s, the republicans were the ones
who supported the full force clampdown on maltas,
which explains the support of capoeiras to monarchists. The inception of the First republic in 1889
marked the beginning of the most violent persecution of capoeiras that put an end to four decades ofmaltas’ interventions, destroyed with the deportationof capoeiras to the island of Fernando de Noronha.
The fact that the numerous unsuccessful attempts by
the police to withdraw these maltas from the streets
between 1850 and 1890 were documented, and that
only at the beginning of the republic, as a resultof illegal and arbitrary methods the maltas weredestroyed, proves that capoeira was deeply rooted incities. In addition, it illustrates the difficulties facedby former slaves, blacks and mestizos in Brazil,in the period that followed the abolition in 1888.
without the slave status or citizen, the descendantsof Africans were at the mercy of all sorts of arbitrariness, a situation that has worsened with the onset ofthe republic (BASTIDe; FerNANDeS, 1955).
These evidences suggest that the origin of capoeira
occurred in urban areas, not rural, based on experiences and relationships woven during slavery, incities such as Salvador, recife and rio de Janeiro(SoAreS, 1994). however stating that capoeira
emerged in urban areas from the slave condition
does not imply in the rejection of the thesis claimingthat capoeira originated in Africa, being correlated
to dances and acrobatic games from the Bantu region(ASSUNÇÃo, 2005). The two interpretations arecompatible as it is reasonable to assume that Africanslaves, who integrated the population of Brazilian
cities, would also use African sources or referencesin order to create new forms of expression. Capoeira
resulted, therefore, from a synthesis of informationfrom several parts of Africa made by African slaves
in Brazil, which merged with other elements fromthe local reality.
The resurgence of capoeira in the beginning of
the twentieth century occurred in another regionof Brazil, the Northeast, and another major city,
Salvador, located in the recôncavo Baiano. Documentation of capoeira in Salvador in the nineteenth

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Paula Cristina DA SILVA BARRETO

century is scarce (DIAS, 2015; ABreU, 2005).The
oldest pictorial record is rugendas frame, which
depicts a scene similar to capoeira movements entitled “San-Salvador” in 1827 (ASSUNÇÃo, 2005).
The documentary sources on capoeira increased in
the twentieth century, and during the 1920s - 1930s,
there were constant news in the newspapers as wellas oral accounts. In these records, capoeira wasreferred to as “vagrancy” (vadiação), i.e. as a leisureactivity, which practice took place in the workplace,on Sundays and in the markets during the popular andreligious festivals (DIAS, 2015). The capoeira practitioners were basically men, laborers, as stevedores,
porters, doormen etc. The game, or play, occurred inplaces such as the waterfront and in popular neighborhoods on Sundays, when the capoeiristas gathered in “barracks” (barracões) (SCAlDAFerrI,
2015; ABreU, 2003). The photographic recordsof Pierre verger in the 1940s help to confirm that
capoeira was practiced in the streets, but accompanied by musical instruments like berimbau andtambourines, something that had not occurred in thenineteenth century (BArreTo, 2008).
Capoeira Regional was created in the late 1930s
by master Bimba (manuel dos reis machado),
and became popular as a national, Brazilian fight.
master Bimba deliberately aimed at attracting amore diverse audience to capoeira, in terms of classand race/ethnicity, such as white and middle-classcollege students. Furthermore he introduced changes
in the practice of capoeira in order to increase its
combative fight like character, and lessen its playful
aspects, the mimics and plays about which hedisagreed. he created also a teaching methodology
with sequences of movements and proposed a newname for capoeira: Bahia regional Fight (SIlvA,
2015; ASSUNÇÃo, 2005).
From these innovations introduced by master Bimba,
Capoeira Regional has become more combative andthe efficiency of strikes or counter-strikes gained
more importance. The game became faster, withmovements being carried out for most of the timein an upright posture (high game). The musical partlost importance and, although it has not disappeared,
it became a secondary part in capoeira.
As the Capoeira Regional was popularized as a

genuinely Brazilian fight and, therefore, not as an
African or black cultural practice, this has gradually become the major reference for what capoeira
ought to be, which may be exemplified by the assertion that ‘capoeira is just one’. In this perspective,
there was no recognition of many styles, languages,
approaches to the capoeira appropriations. Consequently, adhesion to the concept of capoeira as anational sport started to become unavoidable tomasters and capoeiristas. That concretely resulted inattempts to define normative patterns and to require
the affiliation of teachers and capoeira groups tocapoeira’ Federations’ and ‘Confederations’, similar
to what happens with other sports (mAgAlhÃeS
FIlho, 2015; BArreTo, 2005).
In summary, the statement that ‘capoeira is just one’meant for Capoeira Angola practitioners that the
only choice left was that of abandoning such style,described as old and outdated, that exemplified aconception of “Africanism” and that was destined
to disappear. The only alternative for many practitioners of Capoeira Angola in order to maintain its
practice was in trying to insert it in the very lucrative world of tourism activities. within that context,
capoeira presentations are known for being part offolklore shows that in general present several expressions of Afro-Brazilian culture in a decontextualizedway (SANToS, 2005).

III – The combination of the playful
and the agonistic in Capoeira Angola
As noted in the previous section, in order to understand the emergence of a movement of advocacy for
the Capoeira Angola in the early 1980s, we must
place it in the broader context marked by changes
in the conception of the Brazilian nationality, which
made it possible to accept that, aside from being
Brazilian, or Afro-Brazilian, capoeira was also
black. hence, it is important to turn your attention
to the specific characteristics of Capoeira Angola inorder to deepen reflections on black culture, and inparticular highlighting its internal heterogeneity andcomplexity.
over the past three decades, the number of Capoeira
Angola groups has increased, and so did the number
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Tensions Around the Definition of Capoeira as Black Cultural Expression:
Rebuilding the Bridges Between Brazil and Africa

and the school of master Pastinha was kept aliveby new generations of male and female capoeira
angola practitioners (angoleiros and angoleiras)that were being trained. The position taken by these
defenders of a “true Capoeira Angola” group was
criticized later and it became clear that the defenseof Capoeira Angola would lead to the imposition ofa single model that would be accepted by all groups.
The result exposed the existing differences between
masters and Capoeira Angola groups, and variations
within that style, which are evident in theory andpractice (mAgAlhÃeS FIlho, 2012).

Photo: Pedro Campos. Photography of Mestre Pastinha playing
Capoeira with his students. Archival collection of MAFRO/UFBA
Nº E19. Original photo enlarged by Renato Marcelo de C. Assis.
In: FREITAS, J. M. (Org.). Uma coleção biográfica: os mestres
Pastinha, Bimba e Cobrinha Verde no Museu Afro-Brasileiro da
UFBA. Salvador: EDUFBA, 2015. P. 324.

of practitioners. This increase highlighted theinternal differences, whether in political positioning,or on the understanding of the characteristics thatdefine the Capoeira Angola and the practitioners of
this style, the angoleiros. For example, the elevationof master Pastinha’s name as the main representativeof Capoeira Angola was questioned by groups that
had other masters by reference. hence, the optionsin terms of clothing and composition of the orchestraof musical instruments have become a subject of
discussion.
In the case of the Capoeira Angola Pelourinho
Group (gCAP), the clothing worn by capoeristas
was a yellow shirt and black pants, very similar tothe ones worn at master Pastinha’s school. The reference to the formation of the disciples, in terms ofthe movements, characteristics of the game and theorchestra of musical instruments, under the responsibility of master moraes was master Pastinha. And
the teachings were legitimated by master moraes’
assertion that he reproduced what he had learned
with mestre Pastinha without introducing innovations. In that way, the tradition of Capoeira Angola
58

Capoeira Angola features continue to be reaffirmedin the daily lives of the groups that were created,but some of them use the yellow and black colors inclothing, some not, and in general the footwear wasmaintained for the practice of capoeira. moreover, it
is common to value the orchestra of musical instruments, as well as chanting ladainhas, chulas andcorridos 2 ), and the maintenance of the recreational
aspects of capoeira, although there are variationsin the position and quantity of instruments, and thenames given to tunes executed by the berimbau. The
result is that, in aesthetic terms, visually, Capoeira
Angola continues to distinguish itself strongly fromthe capoeira regional practiced nowadays, butthere are differences between the Capoeira Angola
groups.
Some of these groups have grown exponentially,
and they have created centers in different Brazilian
cities and in other countries, while many instructors
have been trained and have moved from their placesof origin to work elsewhere. Capoeira Angola also
spread nationally and internationally. In this scenario,
issues related to the formation and maintenance ofCapoeira Angola groups rose to prominence at theexpense of ties with other cultural groups, or broader
2) Ladainha, chula and corrido are styles of song that set therhythm, the style of play and the energy of a game in a capoeira
circle. Ladainha (litany) is a solo song usually sung by the senior
member of the orchestra who also plays the lead berimbau. It
opens the activities of a capoeira circle, calling for the attention
and respect of the participants and audience. Chula and corrido
are sequences of call and response songs typical of the traditional
African singing. The difference between them is that the chulausually follows the ladainha and introduces the participants inthe singing, by paying a tribute to masters, god or any other respectful figure to which it is dedicated. The corrido is the basic
song style that structures the activities of the capoeira circle.

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Paula Cristina DA SILVA BARRETO

social movements, something that happens fromindividual initiatives. There is great internal diversity in terms of color, class, nationality etc.
Topics that were irrelevant to the debates in previous
decades gained importance, such as gender relations
within the Capoeira Angola groups. women hadprominent performances in Capoeira Angola groups
created from the 1980s, and in some cases they
became important leaders. Debating the issue of
women’s presences in capoeira entered the agenda,
especially in the reflections during the International
women’s Day. however, recurring situations inwhich the behavior of masters,instructors, as well as,other participants of the groups, was openly sexist
towards women --black or not --has resulted inincreased criticism from many women who participate in these groups.
Another noteworthy aspect is the growing recognition that the combination of aesthetic, instrumental
and improvisational elements, makes capoeira a
corporeal practice of great complexity, which can beseen in studies in different fields of knowledge, andinitiatives that insert capoeira within sports, education, as well as, in several artistic contexts. In orderfor such recognition to occur, it was crucial that
Capoeira Angola continued to be practiced, keeping
as its main characteristic the combination of entertainment and agonistic elements (ArAúJo, 1994).
The previous section demonstrated that the capoeira’s characteristics practiced in the nineteeth century
have changed during the twentieth century, when
the playful components have become more present
in the game and the accompaniment of musicalinstruments was introduced. The fight was alreadyrhythmic (the dance-fight) and it became a game thatcombines fight and dance. This combination of fight,
dance and game presented challenges for the categorization of capoeira because in the western world,
these three activities have been defined as separate
categories. In academic institutions this separation isrepeated in different areas of knowledge concernedwith the study and practice of fights and games associated with the competition, and dance associatedwith art. The same separation remains in official
institutions as well as in public policies.

In the Capoeira Angola currently practiced, thegame switches between slower and accelerated
moments, and the movements are performed in astanding position, but also with one’s hands restingon the floor (low game). The musical part is very
important and in capoeira circles, it determines
the pace of the game. In capoeira, games (jogos)
have varying lengths, and the player’s attitude isto disguise the intention of attack against the opponent, using different movements, that are marked
by stylistic concerns. In this style, “malice” is very
important and it is present in the motion, music andsinging, rendering more evident that capoeira is a setof different forms of deceptive discourse (lewIS,
1992).The most important one is that which takes
place through corporeal movement executed by two
capoeiristas in the capoeira game.
The strokes used for attacking are not executed
directly and the defense movements limit bodycontact, enabling the interaction to occur fluidly.
The “malice” in the game implicates in deceiving
the opponent by creating expectations that will
not be met by breaking an existing standard. The
competition and malice are in the foremost in thegame, and yet the existence of cooperation is needed.
within the musical aspect, cooperation prevails overcompetition. In Capoeira Angola there is a wide
repertoire of tactics that are used by the capoeiristas
who want to dominate the opponent resorting tomischief, such as manipulating the context (timeand game speed), intimidation, ridicule, use of facial
expressions, emotional control, the simulation offlight, among others.
From this opposition between competition andcooperation, it is possible to understand why in theagonistic style of the Capoeira Regional, the musicalcomponent is not emphasized because the maininterest is the fight, while in Capoeira Angola, playfulstyle, music plays a central role (lewIS, 1992).
From this perspective, it is clear that the balance
between competition, the most striking feature of
the game, and cooperation, which predominates in
the music, has remained more present in Capoeira
Angola, and decreased in the Capoeira Regional.
Thus, there has been an increase in the chances of
capoeira becoming a violent and deadly combat,
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Tensions Around the Definition of Capoeira as Black Cultural Expression:
Rebuilding the Bridges Between Brazil and Africa

and no longer an elegant dance. Currently, in the
Capoeira Regional circles, it is common for participants to stand up, witnessing a rapid succession ofgames in which players adopt an openly aggressive
attitude, striking blows against the opponent, which
defends and does the same. In these circles, there are
frequent fights and widespread violence.
It is possible to establish a correlation between
malice, as a basic element of Capoeira Angola andsocial interactions. The movements performed in
the game of capoeira in order to convince the otherperson of something that will not materialize, hideand show, like a game of concealment and discovery,
similar to social interactions, especially with regard
to non-verbal communication (goFFmAN, 1985).
The relationship between what happens in thecapoeira circle and in other contexts of everyday
life is emphasized by practitioners themselves, as
an aspect that was present in the systematization
made by master Pastinha. The correlation between
malice and social interaction follows along the linesof previous reflections presented in this text.
A characteristic movement of capoeira, which ispart of this malicious repertoire is the ginga (swing
movement). without being a strike per se, theginga movement is done while the capoeiristas are
standing, following the music’s rhythm, and serves
as a preparation for the strikes and counter-strikes.
From its use in capoeira, the term came to be usedin other contexts associated with flexibility, malleability and rhythm, which are pointed out as remarkable in the peculiar body movements of Brazilians.
In rosa (2010), a study that deals with the presenceof the swing movement in three practices cultivatedin Brazil - capoeira, samba and scenic dance- , itis stated that the term “swing” refers to “a particular form of syncopated body movement, centeredon Afro-Brazilian matrix”, whose aesthetic “islinked to a series of principles such as polycentrism
and polyrhythm, which circulate within the Black
Atlantic universe”. In all three cases, rosa analyzed
the way in which “the swing disciplines bodies to
produce and transmit a particular way of understanding and interacting with the world, with others
and with oneself”. The study presented a genealogyof the swing in each of these practices, highlighting60

its relationship with the performances of blackness.
According to the author, the swing, as a syncopatedmovement has helped both in decolonization and in
the re-colonization of individuals and communities
located in Brazil.
Dealing specifically with the Capoeira Angola, Kurtz(2014) highlights the “body oratory” of capoeirain the sense that the bodies are used to establish
dialogues.This expression was coined by the dance
researcher Thomas DeFrantz who used it to refer
to communication systems found in the actions of
the black music and dance. For Kurtz, this form ofbody language is a central mode of transmission ofknowledge in the Afro-Brazilian communities. Body
oratory articulates, or choreographs an “embodied
pedagogy of resistance,” i.e., through their practices
angoleiros are communicating embodied knowledge
on how to resist the dominant values of a society that
continues to devalue and marginalize the low socioeconomic status of Afro-Brazilians.
The centrality of the playful aspects of Capoeira
Angola, and the fact that it is seen as a form of leisureand entertainment, does not mean that its practiceis regarded as something of minor importance forcapoeiristas. rather, it is widely recognized thatwhat is learned in capoeira is for everyday life, notjust in terms of the use of the strikes for self-defense,
but in the broadest sense of the values that guide thecapoeiristas conduct. As lewis (1995) reminds us,
the understanding that the leisure or game worlds may
become central in the lives of people (practitioners,
consumers etc.) forced analysts to revise the opposition between leisure and work, in which leisure wasdevoid of the instrumental character that defines thework. And revising this dichotomy between leisureand work has led to criticism of the aesthetic theories
of embodiment that relied on the distinction between
instrumental and non-instrumental.
In interpretations that rely on mediations, such as
lewis (1995), the combination of instrumental andnon-instrumental elements featuring capoeira has
placed this body practice in evidence. Utilizing
leder’s distinction between two forms of embodiment, one in which the body is missing (processof using the body for action in the world, the body
becomes invisible in relation to the work being

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Paula Cristina DA SILVA BARRETO

performed), and another in which the body is present(the body is at the forefront; in cases of illness),lewis will focus on mediation between presence andabsence of the body, not in opposition. According tohim, in situations where the activities are carried out
by one’s own body, such as dancers and athletes, anintermediate situation between presence and absence
prevails. And capoeira is an extreme case of mediation because “it is openly aesthetic and instrumental,
and is also improvised” (1995).

IV – Conclusions
The transformations that have occurred in capoeirathroughout history are related to more generalchanges in the Brazilian society, and in other partsof the world. The opposition between nagoas andguaiamuns marked the nineteenth century, reflecting
the conflicts and internal rivalries to the black andmestizo population, which ended with the violent
persecution of institutional character in rio deJaneiro. In the twentieth century significant changes
have occurred, summarized in three moments thatplace Salvador in the center of events: the resurgence of capoeira as a combination of fight andgame, which became known as Capoeira Angola;
the creation of Capoeira Regional; and the revitalization of Capoeira Angola. In order to understandthese changes, one must take into account thetrend that prevailed until the 1960s, of including
African and black cultural practices as national. The
prevailing nationalism in the black social movementthat was being formed at that time, especially in Sao
Paulo and rio de Janeiro, led to an interpretation thatdevalued the oldest cultural practices, and the strong
association with Africans, many of them present in
Bahia, particularly in Salvador. only with changes
in the conception of the Brazilian nationality which
took place from the 1970s onwards it became
possible to accept that, aside from being Brazilian,or Afro-Brazilian, capoeira was also black.
By focusing on the recent history of Capoeira
Angola, I have highlighted the internal heterogeneity and complexity, both in terms of compositionand characteristics of the groups, and in terms of
the specific characteristics of Capoeira Angola asa corporeal practice. over the past three decades,
Capoeira Angola groups have attracted people ofdifferent classes, colors, gender and nationalities, andissues of gender, education and environment became
part of the agenda of these groups. moreover, there
has increased the acceptance that there are variations within that style, which are evident in theory
and practice, and result in different interpretations
and preferences of instructors and group memberson the specific characteristics of Capoeira Angola.
The existence of these internal variations results intensions and disputes that are part of everyday life
in relationships between the different groups, andare also internal to each of them. The complexity of
Capoeira Angola as a corporeal practice has beeneven more evident when considering the combination of entertainment and agonistic elements.
It is important to consider this evidence that
Capoeira Angola is a heterogeneous and complex
black cultural expression, and it has specific characteristics, within the broader discussion on black
culture. The “black culture” expression has become
popular in Brazil in recent decades, and institutional
spaces to design and implement public policies inthis area have been created. however, the recognition of the complexity of the Brazilian culture does
not seem to withstand, or facilitate the admission of
black cultural practices, especially when they havebecome symbols of the national culture, such as in
the case of capoeira.To that extent, critical interpretations to group initiatives and cultural organizations
that redefine “national” cultural practices as “black”
contribute to reinforce this trend.This critiqueemphasizes that these redefinitions resort to racial
essentialism and defend the existence of pure formsin black culture (PINho, 2010; AgIer, 2001).
however, we defend that in the recent historyof Capoeira Angola strict conceptions had notprevailed, based on notions of purity, but a field
marked by heterogeneity and complexity has beencreated. This is much better described by interpretations such as hall, who taught us that:“... In black popular culture there are no pure forms.
All these forms are always the product of partial
synchronization, of an engagement that crosscultural boundaries, of the confluences of more than論文
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Tensions Around the Definition of Capoeira as Black Cultural Expression:
Rebuilding the Bridges Between Brazil and Africa

one cultural tradition, of the negotiations between
dominant and subordinate positions, of the subterranean strategies of recoding and transcoding, ofcritical significance and of the act of signifying frompre-existing material”(hall, 2003).

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os mestres Pastinha, Bimba e Cobrinha verde
no museu Afro-Brasileiro da UFBa. Salvador:eDUFBA, 2015. 375 p., p. 105-117.
gIlroY, Paul. Atlântico Negro, São Paulo, editora 34.
2000.

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Tensões em torno da definição da capoeira como expressão cultural negra:
reconstruindo as pontes entre o Brasil e a ÁfricaTensões em torno da definição da capoeiracomo expressão cultural negra: reconstruindo
as pontes entre o Brasil e a África
Paula Cristina DA SIlvA BArreTo

Professora Associada II, Departamento de Sociologia, Universidade Federal da Bahia.
Co-Fundadora do Instituto Nzinga de Capoeira Angola. e-mail: paulacbarr@uol.com.br.

RESUMO

Nesse artigo destaco que a capoeira tem sido considerada uma forma de resistência em muitas
interpretações que a afirmam como expressão cultural “negra”, e não apenas “brasileira”, e
que recusam a limitação da capoeira ao campo do “esporte”, ou da “luta”. Seja associada às rebeliões
e lutas pela libertação dos afrodescendentes escravizados consagradas nos quilombos, ou associada
às manifestações mais recentes dos afrodescendentes organizados em grupos, a capoeira se tornou um
símbolo da resistência negra no Brasil e, a partir daí, da diáspora africana. Apesar desse entendimento
ter se tornado mais influente a partir da década de 1980, persistem as divergências e tensões em torno
da definição da capoeira, com as quais contribui o aumento do número de praticantes que estão
situados em contextos nacionais, sociais e culturais distintos.

I - Introdução
em 1981 faleceu em Salvador, vicente Ferreira Pastinha, conhecido como mestre Pastinha. Até pouco
tempo antes da sua morte, ele estava à frente de uma
escola de capoeira angola situada no Pelourinho,
Centro histórico, e após décadas de atuação dedicada à prática e divulgação da capoeira, ele havia
se tornado uma figura bastante conhecida. Apesar denão ser o único mestre de capoeira angola, Pastinhaganhou notoriedade por suas iniciativas de sistematização do ensino e da aprendizagem, inclusive com
a publicação de um livro (meSTre PASTINhA,
1988; BArreTo, 2015).
No entanto, apesar de ter alcançado grande prestígio,mestre Pastinha perdeu o espaço onde funcionava asua escola de capoeira no Centro histórico e faleceu
muito pobre e em condições precárias. Nesse período, eram raros os grupos de Capoeira Angola com
atividades regulares em Salvador, muitos capoeiristas que aprenderam com o mestre Pastinha e com
outros contemporâneos abandonaram a prática daCapoeira Angola, ou aderiram à Capoeira regional.
As evidências pareciam confirmar que esse estilo decapoeira, como vadiação, que ressurgiu nas primeiras décadas do século XX na Bahia iria mesmo desaparecer e se tornar parte da memória da capoeira.
A luta em defesa da Capoeira Angola, e contra o seu
64desaparecimento, motivou a criação, em 1982, deum grupo de capoeira (grupo de Capoeira Angola
Pelourinho – gCAP), dando origem ao que veio ase tornar um movimento mais amplo recolocando os
capoeiristas na cena política (ArAúJo, 2015a). eu
estava entre os primeiros integrantes desse grupo e
participei diretamente das atividades do grupo até ofinal da década de 1990. A fase inicial desse movimento se deu através das ações desse grupo, liderado
por mestre moraes e seu discípulo Cobra mansa,
cuja atuação ocorreu em duas frentes: por um lado,buscando atrair novos praticantes, de maneira a tornar a Capoeira Angola mais conhecida; por outro
lado, denunciando de maneira contundente as implicações nefastas da criação da capoeira regional, queestava diretamente relacionada aos infortúnios da
Capoeira Angola.
As atividades práticas eram realizadas em um espaço
público – o Forte Santo Antônio Além do Carmo -,com aulas regulares e uma roda de capoeira semanal
aberta ao público. em termos de mobilização, mesmo
contando com um número pequeno de pessoas, aorganização de eventos que reuniam mestres antigos
da Capoeira Angola, em datas comemorativas comoo aniversário de mestre Pastinha e outras, propiciava
o acesso aos meios de comunicação para divulgar as
ideias defendidas. o modo provocador de colocar asquestões suscitou polêmica e contribuiu para ampli-

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ficar os efeitos da atuação desses poucos ativistas. A
defesa da Capoeira Angola se deu, principalmente,
por meio do discurso que atacava o componente
racial formativo da Capoeira regional. este discurso afirmava que a criação da Capoeira Regional
por mestre Bimba implicou na retirada de algumas
características (sociais e estéticas) que associavam
a capoeira diretamente à escravidão, aos africanos e
descendentes, e que motivaram a sua estigmatização
e perseguição durante o século XIX. Como reação
a essa tentativa de redefinição de valores, foi muito
importante afirmar a origem africana e negra dacapoeira, valorizando as características da Capoeira
Angola.
esses argumentos de defesa eram apoiados em
pesquisas e estudos sobre a história da capoeira no
Brasil, e sobre a história da escravidão e dos negros,e esta era uma atividade importante dentro desse
grupo de Capoeira Angola. o estudo destes temas
não fez parte da nossa formação básica e o grupo decapoeira se tornou um grupo de estudo. os resultados dessas pesquisas eram apresentados em seminários internos e abertos à comunidade.
As evidências produzidas por estudos sobre a escravidão negra no Brasil e, em especial, sobre a cultura
e a resistência escrava, e sobre a capoeira no século
XIX, foram importantes nesse debate. havia farta
documentação comprovando que os praticantes decapoeira eram presos, castigados com chicotadas, eque a prática da capoeira se tornou contravenção edepois foi criminalizada (ASSUNÇÃo, 2005; SoAreS, 1994).
Diante das evidências de que a associação entre jogo
e luta, praticada com o acompanhamento de instrumentos musicais, eram características marcantes dacapoeira que ressurgiu em Salvador nas primeirasdécadas do século XX (SCAlDAFerrI, 2015),
e que estavam presentes na Capoeira Angola, nãoentendíamos porque, no início da década de 1980,
essa vertente estava em vias de desaparecimento,
enquanto a Capoeira regional se tornava o único
estilo existente.
em um contexto marcado pelo surgimento de outrasorganizações culturais, como os blocos de música
afro, que também afirmavam as suas raízes africanase a negritude, buscamos criar vínculos com estas eoutras organizações do movimento negro de Salvador (CrooK; JohNSoN, 1999). entre os blocosafro, dois dos mais importantes haviam sido criados
na década de 1970: o Ilê Aiyê, em 1974, e o olodum,
em 1979. A nossa aproximação a estas e a outrasorganizações culturais e políticas negras de Salvador
foi ocorrendo gradativamente e chegou ao ápice em
1988, quando muitos debates e ações ocorreram emrazão do centenário da abolição da escravatura no
Brasil.
Na próxima sessão, faço uma breve reflexão sobrenação, nacionalismo e cultura negra no Brasil, queé necessária para entendermos os significados desse
processo de ‘reafricanização’ da capoeira que teve
início em Salvador, na década de 1980, cuja complexidade já foi destacada em estudos anteriores(gUImArÃeS, s/data; PINho, 2005). Na sessão
seguinte, focalizo sobre as características específicasda Capoeira Angola, destacando a heterogeneidadeinterna e a complexidade, visando aprofundar oentendimento sobre a cultura negra.

II – Nação, nacionalismo e cultura
negra no Brasil
Para compreender os significados do processo
de ‘reafricanização’ que teve início em Salvador,na década de 1980, é preciso situá-lo no contexto
mais geral de maneira a destacar a imbricação entre
os projetos de formação do Brasil como nação e
as formas de mobilização política e cultural dos
negros. essa contextualização, mesmo que feita demaneira breve nesse artigo, permitirá elucidar que osurgimento de um movimento no Brasil, a partir dadécada de 1970, do qual fizemos parte em Salvador,pode ser considerado inovador por ter conjugado aredefinição como negras de práticas culturais consideradas brasileiras, ou afro-brasileiras, às denúncias do preconceito, discriminação e desigualdades.
Antes disso, a celebração das origens africanas
era muito mais presente na Bahia, enquanto que asmobilizações políticas por direitos civis e sociais
ocorriam, principalmente, em São Paulo e no rio deJaneiro, prevalecendo uma relativa separação entre
estas duas tradições negras (gUImArÃeS, s/data).
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Tensões em torno da definição da capoeira como expressão cultural negra:
reconstruindo as pontes entre o Brasil e a África

É sabido que, depois de séculos de colonialismo ede escravização de indígenas e africanos no Brasil,
quando teve início, no século XIX, um conjunto detransformações que visavam construir uma nação
moderna, a estrutura social existente era profundamente desigual, existindo, por um lado, uma minoria
branca que integrava a elite dominante, cujas principais referências culturais eram europeias, e, poroutro lado, uma grande maioria formada por mestiços, negros e indígenas. entre 1822 - ano da independência do Brasil de Portugal - e 1888 - quando
foi abolida oficialmente a escravidão - coexistiramno Brasil dois sistemas legais e de valores diferentes, um deles válido apenas para os “brasileiros”,
e outro válido para os ‘’escravos”. No caso destesúltimos, o período que se seguiu à abolição, e que
marca o ingresso do Brasil na modernidade, assegurou formalmente o status de cidadão brasileiro paraos africanos e seus descendentes que antes eram
escravizados, mas também trouxe novas e maiores
dificuldades.
Ao tratar da relação entre identidades negras e cidadania no Brasil, Guimarães (2013:1) afirma que no
Brasil moderno:“existem momentos nos quais a racialização - adesignação de grupos humanos como raça - foi abase para identidades sociais a partir das quais ideais políticos tais como redistribuição econômica,
pertencimento nacional e igualdade social foram
construídos. Durante esses períodos, a ideia de raça
se tornou uma identidade auto-definida, mais do que
uma identidade imposta pelos outros de fora”.
A periodização proposta por guimarães aponta aexistência de quatro períodos distintos, quais sejam:o movimento abolicionista, os protestos negros nos
anos de 1930, o processo de redemocratização nopós-segunda guerra mundial, e o movimento democrático contra a ditadura militar nos anos de 1970.
Segundo o autor, em cada um deles é possível constatar que a intersecção entre nação, relações sociais,
classe e raça influenciou tanto as categorias usadas
para rotular as pessoas, quanto as definições dos
modos de superar a desigualdade.
em relação ao período pós-abolição, vale destacarque as posições mais valorizadas no mercado de tra66

balho livre que se ampliou nos anos que se seguiramao fim do regime escravista (1888), em São Paulo,
por exemplo, situada na região Sudeste, foram ocupadas por imigrantes estrangeiros (em grande parte,europeus) que chegaram, a partir da segunda metadedo século XIX, enquanto que os negros enfrentaramo desemprego e a degradação das suas condições devida. estudos como o de Nogueira (1988) comprovam que imigrantes europeus que chegaram a São
Paulo com poucos recursos financeiros e capitalsocial experimentaram uma forte ascensão social em
cinco décadas, enquanto que no mesmo período asituação dos negros se manteve estável e até mesmo
piorou.
Cabe lembrar que nesse período as teorias que asseguravam a existência de uma hierarquia de raças,
definindo ‘raça’ em termos biologizantes, que surgiram na Europa, no final do século XIX, se tornaram
influentes no Brasil e serviram de justificativa paraa manutenção do sistema escravista ao afirmar quea suposta inferioridade racial dos africanos, e dos
negros, é que explicaria a posição social inferior
destes na sociedade brasileira. Assim como ocorria
em outras nações latino-americanas, as elites seviam como brancas, mas eram vistas como negras
pelos europeus, o que ocasionava uma constante
crise de auto estima (TelleS; FloreS, 2011). A
recusa por parte das classes médias e elites intelectuais desses países do fato de que eram mestiças foi
descrita por ramos (1957) como a “patologia social
do branco brasileiro”. De maneira geral, em paísescomo Brasil, méxico, venezuela, Colômbia, Peru,
Bolívia, Paraguai e outros, as subculturas étnicas e
raciais foram incorporadas como “populares” nosprojetos de construção da nação. Uma ampla literatura mostra que a mestiçagem era central nesse projeto nacional, que permitiu superar o pessimismo eo racismo que foi marcante no século XIX (wADe,
2005; PINho, 2004).
Quando ocorreu o surgimento das primeiras organizações políticas e culturais formulando demandas
específicas para os “negros” no Brasil, nas décadasde 1920 e 1930, em São Paulo, os negros competiam
com outros grupos étnicos, constituídos principalmente por imigrantes estrangeiros. Na perspectiva
desses grupos eram as origens africana e escrava

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que, por um lado, deixaram como legado o despreparo moral, intelectual e cultural para a integração
no mundo moderno e industrial,e que por outro lado,
explicavam a posição social dos negros, marcada
pelo preconceito e pela degradação de suas condições de vida.
Depois da segunda guerra mundial, ganhou maisespaço nas organizações negras o reconhecimento
positivo das origens culturais próprias aos negros,principalmente africanas, mas estas eram referidas
como cultura afro-brasileira. A presença de traços
que eram considerados sobrevivências mais ou
menos intocadas de elementos culturais africanos, os“africanismos”, continuaram a ser rejeitados pelas
lideranças negras, por exemplo, em São Paulo, poiseram considerados “exotismos” e superstições associadas às camadas incultas da sociedade brasileira. e
Salvador, situada na Bahia, região Nordeste, já era
conhecida nessa época como uma cidade onde havia
uma forte presença destes “africanismos”, o que secomprovava pelo grande número de candomblés(PIerSoN, 1971).
Nesse período, surgiram críticas às teorias que defendiam a inferioridade racial dos negros que se apoiaram nos resultados dos primeiros estudos baseados
em pesquisas de caráter científico sobre as “relações
raciais” no Brasil, realizados a partir dos anos de1940. Ao destacar que fatores históricos e sociais,e não raciais, é que explicavam os problemas atuais
dos descendentes de africanos, negros e mestiços,
diversos estudos produziram evidências sobre asdesvantagens dos negros, em relação aos brancos, na
sociedade brasileira, e surgiram divergências sobre
se tais desvantagens deveriam ser interpretadas
como um problema de classe, ou de raça (CoSTA
PINTo, 1998). A interpretação que negava a existência de um “problema de raça” no Brasil prevaleceu, e poucos estudos defenderam que o preconceito
e discriminação raciais explicavam as desvantagens
dos negros no Brasil. É digno de nota, porém, que
mesmo estes estudos tenham reiterado sobremaneiraas falhas, defeitos e limitações dos próprios negros
que dificultavam a inserção destes na modernidade,
produzindo o que se poderia chamar de “teorias do
déficit” (BASTIDE; FERNANDES, 1955).
Na década de 1970, quando o modelo naciona-lista vigente até então foi questionado, o foco das
lideranças negras se deslocou para a existência dedesigualdades raciais entre negros e brancos, que
resultariam em menor acesso dos negros às oportunidades sociais. A partir daí, o processo de formação
étnico-racial passou a se voltar mais para o exterior,o que incluiu a revalorização dos vínculos históricos e atuais com a África, deixando de se limitar ao
reforço da nacionalidade brasileira. esse deslocamento da perspectiva nacional se explica tanto por
mudanças internacionais - como a maior circulação
de ideias que facilitou a interlocução entre negros devárias partes do mundo - quanto nacionais, com destaque para a crise da identidade nacional brasileiraocasionada pela queda do sistema de “substituição
de importações” do pós-guerra, e pela diminuição do
seu relativo isolamento cultural (gUImArÃeS, s/data).
Nesse contexto, é que surgiu a reivindicação de uma“cultura negra”, com forte conotação internacional,
construída a partir do diálogo com outras regiões,como os estados Unidos, Caribe, África e europa,
muito próxima do que tem sido referido como Atlântico Negro (gIlroY, 2000), e não mais de uma cultura afro-brasileira.
em suma, para compreender as mudanças práticas eos modos de definição da capoeira que ocorreram ao
longo do tempo e nos distintos momentos da história
brasileira é imprescindível considerar as transformações das concepções de nacionalidade brasileira
mencionadas acima.
xxx
No século XIX, o rio de Janeiro era a cidade onde acapoeira estava mais difundida. Soares (1994) analisou uma documentação encontrada nos arquivos
policiais do rio de Janeiro, da segunda metade do
Século XIX, período em que a capoeira ainda não
era uma prática generalizada, mas utilizada, principalmente, por africanos como “canal expressivo daresistência escrava”. os “capoeiras” atuavam nas
ruas do rio de Janeiro, individualmente, ou em grupos chamados de “maltas”, e eram alvo de repressão
constante por parte da polícia.
Além de resistência escrava, traduzida em resposta
às violências e hostilidades sofridas nas cidades, há
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Tensões em torno da definição da capoeira como expressão cultural negra:
reconstruindo as pontes entre o Brasil e a Áfricaevidências de que os “capoeiras” buscavam uma
identidade cultural própria. As “maltas” disputavam
os espaços ocupados na cidade e usavam símbolos,
como cores, indumentária e formas de comunicação
próprias, para demarcar as diferenças entre eles. A
intensidade destas disputas pode ser exemplificada
pela criação de duas grandes maltas, reunindo outras
menores, denominadas de nagoas e guaiamuns. A
malta nagoas (corruptela de nagôs) era mais associada aos africanos, e a cor símbolo era o branco,enquanto a guaiamuns (nome de um crustáceo local)
era mais associada aos mestiços, e a cor símbolo era
o vermelho.
Para Soares, o surgimento das maltas nagoas e
guaiamuns foi o fato mais importante de toda a história da capoeira no rio de Janeiro, na segunda metadedo século XIX, e está relacionado às mudanças que
ocorreram na sociedade escravista. Com o fim do
tráfico de africanos para o Brasil, o deslocamento
interno de um grande contingente de escravos paraa região cafeeira, e a intensificação da imigração
portuguesa, ocorreram alterações na composição dapopulação da cidade do rio de Janeiro: a redução
do número de africanos, e o aumento do número deportugueses, negros livres, brancos pobres, pardos ecrioulos. As maltas se tornaram mais heterogêneas
uma vez que pessoas de todas essas categorias passaram a integrá-las, perdendo o caráter marcadamente
africano da primeira metade deste século.

perseguição mais violenta aos capoeiras que pôs fim
a uma história de quatro décadas de ação das maltas,
destruídas com a deportação dos capoeiras para Fernando de Noronha.
o fato de estarem documentadas as inúmeras tentativas mal-sucedidas por parte da polícia de retirar das
ruas estas maltas, entre 1850 e 1890, e que somente
no início da república, recorrendo a métodos ilegais
e arbitrários, as maltas tenham sido destruídas comprova que a capoeira estava profundamente enraizada na cidade. Além disso, ilustra as dificuldades
enfrentadas pelos ex-escravos, negros e mestiçosno Brasil, no período que se sucedeu a abolição,em 1888: sem o status de escravo ou de cidadão, os
descendentes de africanos ficaram à mercê de todaa sorte de arbitrariedades, situação que se agravou
com o início da república (BASTIDe; FerNANDeS, 1955).

A rivalidade entre nagoas e guaiamuns persistiu até
o final do século XIX e representa, segundo Soares,
as clivagens entre escravos africanos e nascidos no
Brasil que existiam anteriormente. e mesmo com aalteração da composição das maltas que se intensificou na segunda metade do século essa oposição
continuou a ser afirmada simbolicamente através
dos conflitos entre nagoas e guaiamuns.

estas evidências sugerem que a origem da capoeira
se deu no meio urbano, e não rural, com base em
experiências e relações tecidas na escravidão, em
cidades como Salvador, recife e rio de Janeiro(SOARES, 1994). No entanto, o fato de afirmar quea capoeira surgiu no meio urbano, a partir da condição escrava, não implica em rejeição das teses que
afirmam que a capoeira tem origem na África, sendocorrelata de danças e jogos acrobáticos existentes naregião Bantu (ASSUNÇÃo, 2005). As duas interpretações são compatíveis já que é razoável suporque os escravos africanos, que integravam a população das cidades brasileiras, utilizassem, também,
as fontes, ou referências, africanas para a criação
de novas formas de expressão. A capoeira resultou,
portanto, de uma síntese de informações oriundas devárias regiões da África, que se juntaram a outros
elementos oriundos da realidade local, feita por
escravos africanos no Brasil.

As maltas tiveram participação na vida política,
apoiando as distintas correntes, monarquistas ou
republicanas, conservadoras ou liberais, tentando
maximizar as vantagens alcançadas, sem perder aautonomia. e chama a atenção que, nas décadas de1870 e 1880, os republicanos eram os que defendiama repressão aberta e frontal às maltas, o que explica
o apoio dos capoeiras aos monarquistas. o adventoda Primeira república, em 1889, marcou o início dao ressurgimento da capoeira, no século XX, se deu
em outra região do Brasil, o Nordeste, e em outra
grande cidade, Salvador, situada no recôncavo
Baiano. A documentação sobre a capoeira em Salvador, no século XIX, é escassa (DIAS, 2015; ABreU,
2005).o registro pictórico mais antigo é o quadro derugendas, que mostra uma cena retrata movimentos
similares a capoeira, cujo título é “San-Salvador”,
de 1827 (ASSUNÇÃo, 2005). As fontes documen-

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Paula Cristina DA SILVA BARRETO

tais sobre a capoeira aumentaram no século XX, e,durante as décadas de 1920 e 1930, eram constantes as notícias em jornais e os relatos orais. Nesses
registros a capoeira era referida como “vadiação”,
ou seja, como uma atividade de lazer, cuja prática
ocorria nos locais de trabalho, aos domingos e
nas praças durante as festas populares e religiosas(DIAS, 2015). os praticantes da capoeira eram,basicamente, homens, trabalhadores braçais, como
estivadores, carregadores, porteiros etc. o jogo, ou
a brincadeira, ocorria em locais como a zona portuária e em bairros populares onde, aos domingos, os
capoeiristas se reuniam em “barracões” (SCAlDAFerrI, 2015; ABreU, 2003). os registros fotográficos de Pierre Verger, na década de 1940, permitem
constatar que a capoeira era praticada na rua, mas
com o acompanhamento de instrumentos musicais,como berimbaus e pandeiros, algo que não ocorria
no século XIX (BArreTo, 2008).
A Capoeira Regional foi criada no final da década
de 1930, por mestre Bimba (manoel dos reismachado), e se popularizou como uma luta nacional,
brasileira. mestre Bimba visava, deliberadamente,atrair para a capoeira um público mais diversificado,
em termos de classe e raça/etnia, como estudantes
universitários, brancos e de classe média. Alémdisso, introduziu mudanças nas características dacapoeira no sentido de aumentar o caráter combativo, de luta, e diminuir os aspectos lúdicos, as
mímicas e brincadeiras, com as quais discordava.
ele criou, ainda, uma metodologia de ensino comsequências de movimentos e propôs uma nova
denominação para a capoeira: luta regional Baiana(SIlvA, 2015; ASSUNÇÃo, 2005).

dativamente, se tornando a única referência para acapoeira, o que pode ser exemplificado pela assertiva de que ‘a capoeira é uma só’. Nesta perspectiva,
não havia reconhecimento da existência de diversos
estilos, linguagens, abordagens e apropriações dacapoeira, e a adesão à concepção da capoeira como
esporte nacional foi se apresentando para os mestrese capoeiristas como algo inevitável. Isso se traduziu,
concretamente, em tentativas de exigir a filiação demestres e grupos de capoeira às ‘Federações’ e “Confederações’ de capoeira, nos moldes do que acontece
com outros esportes (mAgAlhÃeS FIlho, 2015;
BArreTo, 2005).
Em síntese, a afirmação de que ‘a capoeira é uma só’significava para os praticantes da Capoeira Angola
que a única escolha possível era abandonar tal estilo,
descrito como antigo, ultrapassado, que exemplificava bem uma concepção de “africanismo”, queestava destinado ao desaparecimento. A única alternativa, para muitos praticantes, era tentar inserir acapoeira no também lucrativo mundo das atividades
turísticas e, nesse caso, é conhecida a presença deapresentações de capoeira como parte dos shows
folclóricos que, em geral, apresentam de maneiradescontextualizada e condensada diversas expressões da cultura afro-brasileira (SANToS, 2005).

III – A combinação entre o lúdico e oagonístico na capoeira angola

A partir destas inovações introduzidas por mestre
Bimba, a Capoeira regional se tornou mais combativa, quando a eficiência dos golpes e contra golpes
adquiriram mais importância. o jogo se tornou maisacelerado, com os movimentos sendo realizados adurante a maior parte do tempo em postura ereta(jogo alto). A parte musical perdeu a importância
e, embora não tenha desaparecido, se tornou partesecundária na capoeira.

Como foi visto na seção anterior, para entender osurgimento do movimento de defesa da Capoeira
Angola, no início da década de 1980, é preciso situá-lo no contexto mais amplo marcado por mudançasna concepção de nacionalidade brasileira, e que
tornou possível aceitar que, além de brasileira, ou
afro-brasileira, a capoeira também era negra. A partir daí, é importante voltar a atenção para as características específicas da Capoeira Angola visando
aprofundar as reflexões sobre a cultura negra, em
especial, destacando a heterogeneidade interna e acomplexidade.

À medida que a Capoeira regional se popularizou como uma luta genuinamente brasileira e que,portanto, não era africana, ou negra, esta foi, gra-Nas últimas três décadas, o número de grupos deCapoeira Angola cresceu, assim como o número depraticantes. esse crescimento evidenciou as diferen論文（ポルトガル語） パウラ・バヘット

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Tensões em torno da definição da capoeira como expressão cultural negra:
reconstruindo as pontes entre o Brasil e a África

ças internas, seja no posicionamento político, sejano entendimento sobre as características que definiriam a Capoeira Angola e os(as) angoleiros(as). Por
exemplo, a elevação do nome do mestre Pastinhaà posição de principal representante da Capoeira
Angola foi questionada por grupos que tinham
outros mestres como referência. A partir daí, asopções em termos de indumentária e de composição
da orquestra de instrumentos musicais se tornaram
objeto de discussão.
No caso do grupo de Capoeira Angola Pelourinho(gCAP), a indumentária usada era camiseta amarelae calça preta, de maneira similar àquela usada na
escola do mestre Pastinha. A referência para a formação dos discípulos, em termos dos movimentos,
das características do jogo e da orquestra de instrumentos musicais, sob a responsabilidade do mestre
moraes, era o mestre Pastinha. e o que era ensinadotinha a sua legitimidade assegurada pela afirmação
por parte do mestre moraes de que ele reproduzia
o que havia aprendido com o mestre Pastinha, sem
introduzir inovações. Dessa maneira, a tradição da
Capoeira Angola e da escola do mestre Pastinha foi
mantida viva através das novas gerações de angoleiros e angoleiras que estavam sendo formados(as).
A posição assumida por esse grupo de guardião da“verdadeira Capoeira Angola” foi criticada, posteriormente, e ficou evidente que a defesa da Capoeira
Angola não deveria conduzir à imposição de um
modelo único que deveria ser aceito por todos os
grupos. o resultado tornou evidente as diferenças
existentes entre os mestres e os grupos de capoeira angola, e variações dentro desse estilo, que se
evidenciam na teoria e na prática (mAgAlhÃeS
FIlho, 2012).
As características da Capoeira Angola continuam aser reafirmadas no cotidiano dos grupos que foram
criados, mas alguns deles usam as cores amarelo epreto na indumentária, outros não, e em geral o uso
de calçados foi mantido para a prática da capoeira.
Além disso, é comum a valorização da orquestra
de instrumentos musicais, assim como do canto deladainhas, chulas e corridos, e a manutenção dos
aspectos lúdicos do jogo da capoeira, apesar dehaver variações na posição e quantidade dos instrumentos, e nos nomes dados aos toques executados

70

Fotografia de Pedro Campos. Estandarte em tecido, com borda
inferior ornada com franja. Acervo do MAFRO/UFBA Nº E20. In:
FREITAS, J. M. (Org.). Uma coleção biográfica: os mestres Pastinha,
Bimba e Cobrinha Verde no Museu Afro-Brasileiro da UFBA.
Salvador: EDUFBA, 2015. P. 319.

pelo berimbau. o resultado é que, em termos estéticos (visuais), a Capoeira Angola continua a se distinguir fortemente da Capoeira regional praticada
atualmente, mas existem diferenças entre os grupos
de Capoeira Angola.
Alguns destes grupos cresceram muito, criaram
núcleos em diferentes cidades brasileiras e em
outros países, muitos mestres foram formados e sedeslocaram do local de origem para atuar em outros
locais. A Capoeira Angola também se difundiu
nacional e internacionalmente. Nesse cenário, as
questões relacionadas à formação e manutenção
dos grupos de Capoeira Angola ganhou destaqueem detrimento das articulações com outros grupos
culturais, ou movimentos sociais mais amplos, algo
que acontece a partir de iniciativas individuais. há
grande diversidade interna em termos de cor, classe,
nacionalidade etc.
Temas irrelevantes aos debates nas décadas anteriores ganharam destaque, como as relações de gênero
no interior dos grupos de Capoeira Angola. As
mulheres tiveram uma atuação destacada nos grupos de Capoeira Angola criados a partir da década
de 1980, em alguns casos, se tornando lideranças
importantes. A discussão da mulher na capoeira
entrou na agenda, especialmente, nas reflexões
durante o dia internacional da mulher. No entanto,
as repetidas situações em que o comportamento dos

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Paula Cristina DA SILVA BARRETO

mestres e demais participantes dos grupos era abertamente sexista, em relação a mulheres negras, ou
não, fez com que aumentassem as críticas por partede muitas mulheres que integram esses grupos.
outro aspecto digno de nota é o crescente reconhecimento de que a combinação de elementos estéticos, instrumentais e de improvisação tornam a capoeira uma prática corporal de grande complexidade,que se pode observar em estudos realizados em áreas
distintas do conhecimento, e em iniciativas que inserem a prática da capoeira em contextos esportivos,
educacionais e artísticos os mais diversos. Para quetal reconhecimento ocorresse foi fundamental que a
Capoeira Angola continuasse a ser praticada, mantendo como característica principal a combinação
dos elementos lúdicos e agonísticos (ArAúJo,
2015b; ArAúJo, 1994).
Na seção anterior, foi visto que as características
da capoeira praticada no século XIX mudaram no
século XX, quando os componentes lúdicos se tornaram mais presentes no jogo e foi introduzido oacompanhamento de instrumentos musicais. A luta
já era ritmada (a luta-dança) e se tornou um jogo
que combina luta e dança. essa combinação de luta,
dança e jogo colocou desafios para a categorização
da capoeira uma vez que, no mundo ocidental, estastrês atividades têm sido definidas como categorias
separadas. Nas instituições acadêmicas esta separação é reiterada nas distintas áreas do conhecimento voltadas para o estudo e a prática das lutas
e dos jogos, associadas à competição, e da dança,
associada à arte. A mesma separação se mantêm nas
instituições oficiais e nas políticas públicas.
Na Capoeira Angola praticada atualmente, o jogo
alterna momentos mais lentos e mais acelerados, e
os movimentos são feito em pé, mas também com
as mãos apoiadas no chão (jogo baixo). A partemusical é muito importante e na roda de capoeira
determina o ritmo do jogo. Na roda de capoeira, os
jogos se sucedem com duração variada, e a atitude
dos jogadores é de disfarce da intenção de atacar oadversário, usando movimentos variados e de preocupação estética. Nesse estilo a “malícia” é muito
importante e está presente no movimento, na música
e no canto, e se torna mais evidente que a capoeira é
um conjunto de diferentes formas de discurso enga-

nador (lewIS, 1992). o mais importante deles éo que acontece através da movimentação corporal
realizada por dois capoeiristas no jogo da capoeira.
os golpes usados para o ataque não são executados de maneira direta e os movimentos de defesa
limitam o contato corporal, tornando possível que
a interação ocorra de maneira fluida. A “malícia”
no jogo implica em enganar o adversário criando
expectativas que não serão atendidas, quebrando
um padrão existente. A competição e a malícia estão
em primeiro plano no jogo, mas mesmo assim énecessária a existência de cooperação. No domínio
musical a cooperação prevalece sobre a competição.
Na Capoeira Angola, existe um amplo repertório detáticas que são usadas para o capoeirista que quer
dominar o oponente recorrendo à malícia, como amanipulação do contexto (duração e velocidade dojogo), intimidação, zombaria, uso de expressões
faciais, controle emocional, a simulação de fuga, eoutras.
A partir dessa oposição entre competição e cooperação, é possível entender porque na Capoeira
regional de estilo agonístico, o componente musical não é enfatizado, pois o interesse principal éa luta, enquanto que na Capoeira Angola, estilo
lúdico, a música ocupa um lugar central (lewIS,
1992). Dessa perspectiva, fica evidente que o equilíbrio entre competição, mais marcante no jogo, e acooperação, que predomina na música, se manteve
mais presente na capoeira angola, e diminuiu muito
na Capoeira regional, e com isso aumentaram aschances da capoeira se tornar um combate violento emortal, e não mais uma dança elegante. Atualmente,na roda de Capoeira regional é comum os participantes ficarem de pé, assistindo a uma sucessão
rápida de jogos, nos quais os jogadores adotam uma
atitude abertamente agressiva, desferindo golpes
contra o adversário, que se defende e faz o mesmo.
Nestas rodas, são frequentes as brigas e a violência
generalizada.
É possível estabelecer uma correlação entre a malícia, como elemento básico da Capoeira Angola e ainteração social. os movimentos executados no jogo
da capoeira de maneira a convencer a outra pessoa
de algo que não vai se concretizar, ocultar e mostrar,
como um jogo de encobrimento e descobrimento,
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Tensões em torno da definição da capoeira como expressão cultural negra:
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similar à interação social, especialmente, no que diz
respeito à comunicação não verbal (goFFmAN,
1985). A relação entre o que acontece na roda decapoeira e em outros contextos da vida cotidiana,
é enfatizada pelos próprios praticantes e algo queestava presente na sistematização feita por mestre
Pastinha. A correlação entre a malícia e a interação
social segue essa pista já existente nestas reflexões
anteriores.
Um movimento característico da capoeira e quefaz parte desse repertório malicioso é a ginga. Sem
ser propriamente um golpe, a ginga é o movimento
feito enquanto o(a) capoeirista está de pé, no ritmoda música, e que serve de preparação para os golpes
e contra-golpes. A partir do seu uso na capoeira, otermo passou a ser usado em outros contextos associado a flexibilidade, malemolência e ritmo, que sãoapontados como marcantes na movimentação corporal peculiar dos(as) brasileiros(as).
em um estudo que traça a presença da ginga em trêspráticas de movimento cultivadas no Brasil - a capoeira, o samba e a dança cênica-, Rosa (2010) afirmaque o termo “ginga” refere-se a “uma forma particular de movimento corporal sincopado, centrado em
matrizes afro-brasileiras”, cuja estética “está ligada
a uma série de princípios, como o policentrismo e apolirritmia, os quais circulam dentro do universo doAtlântico Negro”. Nos três casos, rosa analisou amaneira pela qual “a ginga disciplina corpos a produzirem e transmitirem uma maneira particular decompreender e interagir com o mundo, com o outro,
e consigo mesmo”, e apresentou uma genealogia daginga em cada uma destas práticas, destacando sua
relação com as performances da negritude. Segundo
a autora, a ginga, como um movimento sincopado,
tem auxiliado tanto na descolonização quanto na
recolonização de indivíduos e comunidades situadas
no território brasileiro.
Tratando especificamente da capoeira angola, Kurtz(2014) destaca a “oratura corporal” da capoeira no
sentido de que os corpos são utilizados para estabelecer diálogos. essa expressão foi cunhada pelo
pesquisador da dança Thomas DeFrantz que a usou
para se referir aos sistemas de comunicação encontrados nos gestos da música e da dança negra. Para
Kurtz, essa forma de expressão corporal é um modo
72

central de transmissão de conhecimento nas comunidades afro-brasileiras. A oratura corporal articula, ou
coreografa, uma “pedagogia de resistência corporificada”, ou seja, através de suas práticas os angoleirosestão comunicando um conhecimento corporificado
sobre como resistir aos valores dominantes de uma
sociedade que continua a desvalorizar e marginalizar
os afro-brasileiros de baixo status sócio-econômico.
A centralidade dos aspectos lúdicos na Capoeira
Angola, e o fato desta ser vista como uma forma
de lazer e de entretenimento, não significa que asua prática seja considerada como algo de menor
importância para os(as) capoeiristas. Pelo contrário,é amplamente reconhecido que o que se aprendena capoeira serve para a vida cotidiana, não apenas
no sentido de uso dos golpes para a defesa pessoal,
mas no sentido mais amplo relativo a valores que
guiam a conduta. Conforme lembra lewis (1995),
o entendimento de que os mundos do lazer ou do
jogo podem se tornar centrais na vida das pessoas(praticantes, consumidores etc.) forçou os analistasa rever a oposição entre lazer e trabalho, segundo aqual o lazer era desprovido do caráter instrumental
que define o trabalho. E a revisão desta dicotomia
entre lazer e trabalho conduziu à crítica das teorias
estéticas sobre a corporificação que se apoiaram na
distinção entre instrumental e não-instrumental.
em interpretações que apostam nas mediações,como a de lewis (1995), a combinação de elementos
instrumentais e não instrumentais que caracteriza a
capoeira colocou esta prática corporal em evidência.
recorrendo à distinção de leder entre duas formasde corporificação, uma em que o corpo está ausente(processo de usar o corpo para a ação no mundo, ocorpo se torna invisível em relação ao trabalho queestá sendo realizado), e outra em que o corpo estápresente (o corpo está em primeiro plano; casos dedoença), lewis vai se concentrar na mediação entre
presença e ausência corporal, e não na oposição.
Segundo ele, nas situações em que as atividades são
realizadas com o próprio corpo, como acontece com
dançarinos e atletas, prevalece uma situação intermediária entre presença e ausência. e a capoeira
representa um caso extremo de mediação, pois “ela
é abertamente estética e instrumental, e além disso éimprovisada”(1995).

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Paula Cristina DA SILVA BARRETO

IV - Conclusões
As transformações que ocorreram na capoeira ao
longo da história estão relacionadas a mudanças
mais gerais na sociedade brasileira, e em outras partes do mundo. A oposição entre nagoas e guaiamuns
marcou o século XIX, traduzindo os conflitos e rivalidades internos à população negra e mestiça, que seencerrou com a perseguição violenta de caráter institucional no rio de Janeiro. No século XX, ocorreram
grandes mudanças, sintetizadas em três momentos
que colocaram Salvador no centro dos acontecimentos: o ressurgimento da capoeira como uma combinação de luta e jogo, que se tornou conhecida comoCapoeira Angola; a criação da Capoeira regional;e a revitalização da Capoeira Angola. Para entenderestas mudanças é preciso levar em conta a tendência
que predominou até a década de 1960 de inclusão depráticas culturais africanas e negras como nacionais.
o nacionalismo predominante no movimento social
negro que estava se formando naquela época, principalmente, em São Paulo e no rio de Janeiro, conduziu a uma interpretação que desvalorizava práticas
culturais mais antigas, e com forte associação com
os africanos, muito presentes na Bahia e, em particular, em Salvador. Somente com as mudanças na
concepção de nacionalidade brasileira, que ocorreu
a partir da década de 1970, é que se tornou possível
aceitar que, além de brasileira, ou afro-brasileira, acapoeira também era negra.
Ao focalizar a história recente da Capoeira Angola,destaquei a heterogeneidade interna e a complexidade, tanto em termos da composição e características dos grupos, quanto em termos das características
específicas da Capoeira Angola enquanto prática
corporal. Nas últimas três décadas, os grupos deCapoeira Angola atraíram pessoas de classe, cor,gênero e nacionalidade diferentes, e outros temas,
como a questão de gênero, educacional e ambiental, passaram a fazer parte da agenda destes grupos.
Além disso, cresceu a aceitação de que existem
variações dentro desse estilo, que se evidenciam na
teoria e na prática, e resultam de diferentes interpretações e preferências dos mestres e integrantes dos
grupos sobre as características específicas de Capoeira Angola. A existência destas variações internas
resulta em tensões e disputas que fazem parte do

cotidiano nas relações entre os diferentes grupos einternas a cada um deles. A complexidade da Capoeira Angola como prática corporal tem sido ainda
mais evidenciada quando se considera a combinação
de elementos lúdicos e agonísticos.
É importante considerar estas evidências de que a
Capoeira Angola é uma expressão cultural negra
heterogênea e complexa, e que tem características específicas, para o debate mais amplo sobre a
cultura negra. embora a expressão “cultura negra”
tenha se popularizado no Brasil nas últimas décadas,e tenham sido criados espaços institucionais paradelinear e implementar políticas públicas nessa área(SIlvA, 2014), o reconhecimento da complexidadeda cultura brasileira parece não comportar, ou não
facilitar, a admissão de práticas culturais negras,
principalmente, quando estas se tornaram símbolos
da cultura nacional, como é o caso da capoeira. ecom isso contribuem interpretações críticas às iniciativas de grupos e organizações culturais que redefinem práticas culturais “nacionais” como “negras”,
por entender que estas recorrem ao essencialismo
racial e defendem a existência de formas puras na
cultura negra (PINho, 2010; AgIer, 2001).
No entanto, defendo que na história recente da
Capoeira Angola não prevaleceram concepções rígidas, baseadas em noções de pureza, mas se criou um
campo marcado por heterogeneidade e complexidade que é muito melhor descrito por interpretações
como a de hall (2003), que nos ensinou que:“...na cultura popular negra não existem formas
puras. Todas essas formas são sempre o produto
de sincronizações parciais, de engajamentos que
atravessam fronteiras culturais, de confluências demais de uma tradição cultural, de negociações entre
posições dominantes e subalternas, de estratégias
subterrâneas de recodificação e transcodificação,de significação crítica e do ato de significar a partirde materiais preexistentes” (hall, 2003: 343).

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SANToS, Jocélio T. dos. o poder da cultura e a cultura no poder. A disputa simbólica da herança
cultural negra no Brasil. 1. ed. Salvador: edufba, 2005. v. 01. 261p.
SCAlDAFerrI, Sante. Só o tempo te faz mestre: Pastinha, Bimba, maré e Noronha - a adaptação
da capoeira em Salvador. In: SImPlÍCIo, F.;
PoChAT, A. (orgs.) Pensando a capoeira.
Dimensões e Perspectivas. rio de Janeiro:
mC&g, 2015. 208 p.:il. - (Coleção Capoeira
viva, 3). p. 173-188.
SIlvA, Paula C. da C. Bota mandinga nesta gymnastica Nacional. p. 83-109. In: SImPlÍCIo, F.;
PoChAT, A. (orgs.) Pensando a capoeira.
Dimensões e Perspectivas. rio de Janeiro:
mC&g, 2015. 208 p.:il. - (Coleção Capoeira
viva, 3).
SIlvA, Cidinha da. Africanidades e relações raciais:
Insumos para políticas públicas na área dolivro, leitura, literatura e bibliotecas no Brasil(org.). Brasília: Fundação Cultural Palmares,
2014, 402 p.
SoAreS, Carlos e. l. Negregada instituição: os capoeiras no rio de Janeiro. Coleção Biblioteca
Carioca, vol. 31. rio de Janeiro, Secretaria
municipal de Cultura, 1994, 340 p.
TelleS, edward; FloreS, renee. Not just color:whiteness, nation and status in latin America.
hispanic American historical review. 2011.
Disponível em: http://perla.princeton.edu/
files/2012/05/Telles-Flores_Not-Just-Color.
pdf. Acesso em: 13/01/2016.
wADe, Peter. rethinking mestizaje: ideology andlived experience. Journal of Latin American
Studies. n. 37, 2005, p. 239-257.

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The Meaning of Gingar for Women within Capoeira Angola

The Meaning of Gingar 1) for Women within
Capoeira Angolarosângela CoSTA ArAúJo
Associate Professor at Departmetn of education, Federal University of Bahia
Co-founder of the Nzinga Institute of Capoeira Angola

One may not be your friend if demanding
your silence or hindering your growth.2)
This text proposes some reflections about the possibilities of the presence of women inside the capoeira, taken here as a phenomenon of specific characteristics, in order to update the discussions about oneof the most comprehensive Afro-Brazilian culturalexpressions that is now present in over one hundredand sixty countries.
whereas the complex universe of capoeira remains
linked to masculine representations, we seek tounderstand what changes are debated and/or operationalized in the context of gender relations. This isbecause capoeira today involves networking in new
cultural contexts that is a consequence of concomitant and different forms of delivery and internationalization.
Being a territory ostensibly heteronormative, we cansay that sexism (misogyny, lesbophobia, homophobia, transphobia ...) prevents capoeira from accomplishing its goals of freedom. likewise, we identify
within its realms, disputes between gender representations (with intersectional implications to ethno-racial class and sexual diversity debates), which
are now involved in new discursive dimensions of
the establishment and maintenance of segregating
practices. The segregating practices have also an
influence in the restructuring of power relations in
the midst of the capoeira economy, maintaining theimbalances that result in a concentration of power
and privilege in capoeiragem to only a few men.
Activism was mostly linked to the various “missions” socially “attributed” to Capoeira, including
the struggle against poverty, violence, racism, andmore recently, sexism.
1) ginga (swing) is a fundamental footwork that allows the preparation of the movement variations of capoeira.
2) wAlKer, Alice. In Search of our mothers' gardens: womanist
Prose‎ - Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1983 – p. 36

76*Translation: raquel luciana de Souza,
Doctoral Candidate in Social Anthropology
at the University of Texas/Austin - USA

There are many fields of knowledge that currently include capoeira as a topic for investigative
purposes. many are also the possibilities for new
approaches and studies, especially with interdisciplinary perspectives that enable expanded notions
about capoeira’s complexities as a multi-referential,
intercultural, polysemic, and polilogical 3 ) field ofknowledge. here, a major challenge relates to stressthe cadence -- according to those who practice it -- orthe elements that structure the fundamentals; capoeira is in its own metaphor a circle (roda) in movement, endowed with resourcefulness, and therefore
renewals. Being an area of intense exchanges, it
is at the roda that values are traded, strategies are
made / unmade / remade, assigning significance tocommunication processes that structure, through theoral tradition, the collections of times that merge andinterpenetrate in that sphere.
Some issues are currently able to update cultural
studies in light of its capillarity, and we emphasize theintercultural perspectives, especially those set out inprovocations of the new epistemologies of the twenty-first century. one such example are intersectional
studies of the categories race, gender and sexuality,
especially when located in studies on ancestry, bodyand belonging, among others. ranging as the category of greatest tension, what interests us here arises
from an understanding that amid capoeiragem someof these issues are often taken as true taboos. we
speak beyond the displacement of ordinary emphasis of the symbolic universe of Africanities 4 ) versus
Brasilities (Brasilidades). we bring to the center ofthe discussions, also within the different ideologicalcurrents of Angola and regional styles, the many3) gAleFFI, Dante (2011)
4) In a lecture, the professor and linguist Ieda Pessoa de Castro reccomended the use of the term africanias instead of africanidades(africanities), by taking into consideration the fact that these are
African references from outside the African continent. She emphasized that africanities are references that we look at and thinkover from within the African continent.

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beliefs deposited in capoeira as a space of interconnected areas: culture, sports, education, body arts,
physical culture, music, theater, martial arts, among
others, which demonstrate the diversity, difference
and multiplicity of new categories for struggle thatare currently incorporated in capoeira.
From within the richness of this debate, it is worth
explaining that the choice of the term Africanities
is made to better communicate the African cultural
foundations in Brazil. on this issue, we highlighthere an important message registered in the electronic magazine “Africanias.com – Científico Cultural” at the University of Bahia / UNeB:
Following a definition of Nina Friedemann in“Cabildos negros, refugios de africanias en
Colombia” (Journal Montalbán, Caracas: Catholic Andrés Bello University, 1988), we can understand africanias as the cultural lot submerged in
the unconscious iconography of enslaved black
Africans who perform noticeably in music, dance,
religion, poetry, in their way of being and seeing
the world, their language; and that, over the
centuries as a means of resistance and continuity in oppression were transformed and became
matrixes to a new cultural and linguistic systemthat identifies us as Brazilians.”

Such discussions are welcome in this work because
we believe in the relevance of discussions on the
African matrixes of capoeira, drawing attention to
the mythical and ontological bases that highlight theexistence of another worldview (Weltanschauung)that, for the new experiential practices marked
by the suppression of freedom, reinterpreted andre-elaborated themselves through the possibilities of
dialogue and negotiations. This is where the swing
and sway is taken as a meta-language with ability toarticulate, in an ad-artistic, ad-linguistics way, recursive aspects of a struggle that is carried within thecontext of many others. It is in the scenario of thesestruggles that we want to draw attention to the place
destined and occupied by women.
Taking into account the multiple expressions ofviolence, we want to start highlighting the dismay
already produced by low expectations around theformation of these with regard to learning capoeira. These reassert the continued belief in women’s
fragility and hence in the (de)limitation of the areas

to which they are allowed to reach and transit. This
may enable us to reaffirm the existence of a dominant masculinity, whose hegemonic standards establishes valuing conducts of concrete and imaginary
practices of a heroic compulsory virility, regardlessof conceiving it framed or not within the dynamics
of social and political order in the big circle (granderoda). These dynamics demonstrate a community
that, originally considered an exclusive space ofpoor black men with low levels of formal education,
has become a more heterogeneous space. marked by
the strong presence of non-black people (in many
places they are not even present or at most, they are
an absolute minority), the new community presents
the most diverse socioeconomic and professional
profiles, a result of rising education levels among
the total population, in new dynamics marked by theincreasing presence of women. In this case, if thenumber of black men in capoeira has been reduced ascapoeira moves towards new social spaces inducedby the rise of a capoeira economy (mainly including
the territories outside Brazil), the meager presenceof black women is now subject of much debate. In
almost unbelievable ways it is already discussed
affirmative strategies of permanence of black people
inside capoeira, including, especially black women.
Conducting a study on contemporary sport as a
privileged form of body organization, vAZ (2011,
p.849) draws attention to the little transgressive
character of capoeira. This is described as a practicethat reproduces aspects of the standard male andpatriarchal world, stressing that they serve to exalt“elements such as virility, sexism, performance,
excess”. Thus, although agreeing with the author’s
argument, we want to collaborate to emphasize here
the feminine transgression when entering all-malespaces, especially in the case of a space commonly
considered as marginal, being therefore the target ofdifficult stereotypes to be faced by the idiosyncraticmodel of our race relations.
Drawing attention to the fact that sport and physicalpractices are not exempt from “gendering speeches”,
emphasizing women’s participation in chosenmodalities or even expressed masculinities in different modalities and their competitions, the author
reinforces his understanding of the ways in which
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The Meaning of Gingar for Women within Capoeira Angola

the body gains prominence, taking into account thecase of performances, namely:(...) body experiences - and therefore crossedby language and culture - and are expressing
less and less fixed identities, accompanying andsimultaneously determining the negotiations
around gender, nationality, ethnic, generational
discourses, among many others.

About capoeira, perhaps because there is still no
unanimity on its sporting character, the studies ongender and capoeira are incipient. The researcher
maria José Somerlate Barbosa, in her article womenin Capoeira (BArBoSA, 2005), drew attention to
the difficulty of perceiving the women’s influenceon capoeira, both for failure to register as well as
because this is admittedly a space “almost exclusively of male domain.” however, the same author
proceeds by drawing attention to the existence ofa belief about the origin of capoeira that identifies with the practice of NGOLO, or Dance of the
Zebras, a former female rite of passage performed
during efendula, recorded by Krab (2001) as thegirls move on from puberty into the condition of
women, therefore, when they are considered to beready for marriage and procreation. Although here
we have an apparent place of subordination, or“indirect interest” as preferred by the author, wewant to reflect about this place, taking into accountthat this is another cosmogony, as one in which the“majesty” of these young women situates the action
body deification as evidenced, rendering them
above all, disputable. we must also remember that
according to the information we have of Ngolo, atthe end, the women are the ones who establish the
choice among suitors.
our intention here, rather than seek historical references to capoeira as an expression of African cultures in Brazil, is to also deal with the female presence through mythological, symbolic and analyticalaspects of the organizational structure of capoeira,focused on the participation and comments on theirways to represent, fight and adopt its own aesthetic
that allows for the dismantling of the elements ofsubalternities linked to gender. As we begin focusing
on some mythological aspects we seek to value theprospective memory that, composing our oral col-78

Fig. 1 Street demonstration during the International Women’sDay (March 8, 2016). Photo: Rita Barreto
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10153992990134921&set=a.
10151081405424921.456538.704539920&type=3&theater

lection, emphasizes the very place of Africa in theimagination of capoeiristas. with equal weight wehighlight here another myth circulating in capoeiragem, which can also help to accentuate this phenomenon. This is the berimbau legend, which tells theadventures of a girl who, having disappeared after
the action of a “bad man” had her body transformed
into the berimbau.
Thus, after we recognize the historical experience of
these women is that we can stimulate the rewritingof the history of capoeira in Brazil through the specificities obtained in the trajectories of female figureslike maria Doze homens (maria of Twelve men),maria Para o Bonde (maria Stops the Tram), rosa
Palmeirão (rosa huge Palm), Satanás (Satan), Nega
Di Calça rala (Black woman of Sparse Trousers),
Julia Fogareiro (Julia Stove), Pau de Barraca (Tent
Pole 5) ), Ana Angélica (ou Angélica endiabrada,
Devilish Angelica ), Cattu, Almerinda, Adelaide
Presepeira (Adelaide Braggard), Chica, menininha,
among others. Transiting in public spaces of thestreets, and working in various professional activities, these women experienced the sanctions on
the breakdown of moral propriety, therefore acting with and “like” men, they were believed to be5) In Brazil, there is an expression 'Chutar o pau da barraca (to kickthe tent's pole)', which means to get really angry and ready to takeextreme measures.

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Fig. 2 Photo taken during the event “Chamada de mulher(2013)”. From left to right: Mestra Gegê, Mestre Cobra Mansa,
Mestra Paulinha, Mestra Janja, Cibele Alvarenga, Mestre
Poloca, Tião Carvalho.
http://ficamundo.org/projetos/mulheres-na-capoeira/

dangerous, “de cabelinho na venta 6 ) ”, therefore,
unworthy to occupy the domestic spaces or being
under male protection and guardianship. Actually
Carneiro (2003), drawing attention to the “theoretical failure and political practice to integrate thedifferent feminine expressions built in multiracial
and multicultural societies,” highlights the ignored
legitimacy of resistance practices of black women
to expand the recognition of the woman category
whose abstraction also plays a secondary academic
feminism, dependent on simplifying analytical categories. Thus, the author also suggests the need for
imprinting both the knowledge and the fight against
gender inequality and intragender:(....) [we] affirm and give visibility to a black feminist perspective that emerges from the specificcondition of being a black and generally poor
woman, we finally outline the role that this perspective has in the fight against racism in Brazil.

The need to expand studies of the diverse female
presence in the context of Afro-Brazilian culture
is key to strengthening the studies that present
themselves as contemporary feminism. These arearticulated in network, which analytical foundations
expose the fragility and risk existing in exclusive
representations without transversalities of the female
presence in socio economic, territorial, generational,
religious, body, among others.
6) hairy nosed is an expression that is usually applied to women
who display behaviors usually attributed to men.

Thus, even in spite of the impact produced by therelease and contemporary reinterpretations of “A
cidade das mulheres (City of women, 2005)”, few
studies have shown interest in these in the context ofcultural knowledge, and yet those that did, chose toemphasize the priestesses of terreiro communities,
sheltered in norms and their own spiritual values,
instead of the “exposed” ones, or those who had instreet spaces and in public settings, their ways ofresisting by being women. Treated as pá virada (badtempered) women, mulheres de cabelo na venta, as
desasnadas (the less stupids), as mulheres-homens(manish women), mulheres valentes (valiant
women), azedadas (the sourish), such treatments
show that they were, in some way, involved with thestreets and in these, with the prohibitive and complex universe of capoeira. Both in journalistic editorials and in the case of prisons, we are pointing to theneed for studies that support their special features(although not exclusive), because they are in a living
space with physical violence, the courage, the antics
and tricks that positioned capoeira on the thresholdof order / disorder. The streets as a busy space forgains and the ganhadeiras (those who gain) were
often fought against “at blows’ razors, clubbing andkicking against whom they represent a threat”.
Unlawful ones, treated by SAFFIoTI (1989) as“male supremacy”, those women advanced over thebinary representations in gender relations, changing
the landscapes of recent urban centers, conciliating
various activities and attitudes in the acquisition anddefense of spaces to be and to circulate. As working
women, they performed household chores as well as
various other economic activities performed on public roads (or from them), as sellers, loaders, florists,
seafood collectors and fisherwomen, florists, fateiras (those who cleaned animals’ viscera in publicslaughterhouses), seamstresses, embroiderers, prostitutes, among others, exposing them to situations ofpermanent tensions, increased by the breakdown of
moral propriety in the form of being a woman.
And what to say of these women nowadays? how toproceed in building a multi-referenced and polilogical research field that incorporates in an intersectional way, these terrains of multiple temporality andcognizant performances, ontological and epistemo論文（英語） ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

79The Meaning of Gingar for Women within Capoeira Angola

logically supported on the roots of our Africanities,
whether or not being African-descendant? To what
extent their benchmarks of distinct struggle are able
to update in the field of social movements, otherpolicy approaches, integrating body makings? what
conducts bring up to date before the eyes of new
patriarchates, their conditions of disorderly, rowdy,
fearless, or in other words, women “da pá virada”?
well, even today capoeira is practiced within specific communities (groups, fitness centers andcapoeira organizations), and no longer having aspriority the space of a “marginal” occupation of thestreet, which is linked to the occupation of certain
territories, where an updated ethos on street culture
is perceptible, or carrying a potential to be as such.
Thus, women move between secure and insecure
spaces, the latter being the result of different formsof domination and subordination, including in thiscontext broader taboo issues involving them in interpersonal relationships, or romantic relationships.
So we can have an idea of the use (and abuse!)
directed to the female body inside the capoeira,specially worth of mention the treatment that certain specialized medias around the late 1990s,
gave to the female presence in capoeira. It was therecommencement of yet another attempt to set up a
specialized media that voiced the universe of capoeira. This was a period marked by the emergence ofseveral magazines devoted to (the) capoeiristas,
which recurrently exposed women’s bodies to thepresumed hormonal auspices of boys and men, inways that infered messages prone to be translated
into sexual abuse issues. Arose in the field of media
representation, the objectification of the body of thecapoeira woman that integrated other stereotypesof exploitation of this topic, by presenting youth
television celebrities on the covers of these magazines, or by valuing caricatures of female characters
whose fame was assigned through the appeal to thesexual exploitation of these, especially in the caseof a universe hitherto undervalued to the practice ofcapoeira.
however, if we think the capoeira between the traditions that insert Brazil in the context of the so-called
African diaspora, we can think about both the vilifying ways of body insertion, as well as, the female
80

representation in these. These traditions based on
the very place of older people as essential links withancestries. more than a body exposed to use, we
emphasize a body that conducts senses of belonging, of the transduction of memories that connect in
the present, the past. A body that assigns meaning toreferrals of future changes. By this way of interpretation, we adhere to eduardo oliveira assertion thatpoints out to the centrality of the body in the ethicaldimension of ancestry:
The constructed body is erected as a sign of identity of the African tradition: it is a black body, anarchitect in itself. However, the context in which
all this happens, the sign of Africanity is anotherde-constructor rather than a regime builder. See:
based on the general idea of Africanism, which
here functions as a floating signifier, this idea
disrupts one’s body from the modern Westernrationality (vertical, static, linear, rigid, teleological, that focuses on the cognitive) to claim thebody of the African ancestry, which emphasizes
the horizontal, the folded, the low-body and the
movement. (...) It calls for more improvisation andprogram than for repetition and scheme. oliveira(2007a, p.119)

In an interview with one of these magazines, when
I was inquired about the presence of women incapoeira, I remember having said that even then it
no longer caused strangeness and, similarly, it waspossible to state that no group could do without theirpresence and achievements. In that article, which
inaugurated a column dedicated to capoeira woman,
there was a paradigmatic construction untested until
then, presenting the treatment and understanding of
women’s voices as capoeira practitioners.
I was also struck by the image chosen to give
“expression” to such a novelty. The drawing of ayoung woman and her athletic body, identified by atype of clothing that marks her as non practitioner ofCapoeira Angola (practitioners of this school wears
different garments from that depicted in the image).
This means that even though the magazine knew that
I belonged to another formative field, the magazine
chose as visual representation a standard, hegemonicand salable image.
In this edition, this woman-illustration is young,wears garments adopted by modern capoeira withCIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Rosângela COSTA ARAÚJO

which it is possible for women and men the opportunity to play capoeira with parts of their bodies
uncovered. In moder capoeira shirts and T-shirts
can be eliminated as much as the footwear, all ofthese which are indispensable to angoleiros, capoeira angola practitioners, a capoeira style in which
I was initiated since 1982. here too it is importantto highlight the stereotypical image of a standard
masculinity in a way of incorporating an imagetic
construction capable of acceptance, that can beobserved in the figure below.

however, the 1990s have also demarcated the
beginning of employing the internet in the formation of new “communities” of capoeira that, withits many “virtual rodas (virtual circles)”, opened
and expanded spaces made up of debate between
these and the former. It was from these spaces thatthe capoeira community began to express theirdiscontentment about such appealing procedures.
This led publishers to understand capoeira as aknowledge field in need of documentation, studies
and debates inorder to contribute to the expansionof the historical knowledge, philosophical and aesthetic understanding of its features as an art-fight,
which processes have been constructed in dashedmanouvers. After a few “denunciations” the editorsthen could “risk” and experience the launch of thefollowing numbers that presented in the cover, apicture of mestre João grande, what generated great
repercussion, which led to the fast disappearance of
the issue in newsstands. moreover, in addition to themany surprises that such cover produced, its impact

could be immediately extended to other goods andarticles, with considerable sales, both in several Brazilian regions as much as abroad.
From within these reflections is that we assert theneed for research that provide follow up approaches
that are structural, and that analyze the presence, theplacement and the visibility of women in capoeira.
Also are welcomed approaches that are epistemological, and that verify the modes of production,
management and transmission of knowledge fromthe point of view that incorporates a critique of sexism within the capoeira universe. Finally, of similar
importance are the speech analysis, the practiceand the representation of women in / from / withcapoeira, identifying gender metaphors and theirconsequences, which directly links to the difficulties
of access women to the position of master. If today
some names are listed in the past history of capoeira,
we are yet to know to what extent these women haveachieved respectability among the capoeiristas.
we also want to promote the changes needed to thesharing of these spaces, in order to the benefits forboth the small roda (the small circle of the capoeira practice) and for the great conscious roda (thegreat circle of the life circle), of which, as discussed
above, any group or capoeira organization can dowithout. It includes the presence (knowledge) andactions (doings) thereof and in all areas of today’s
knowledge focused on Capoeira. In this process,would be revealed the universes and performancesfrom those female figures such as Palmeirona,
Júlia Fogareiro, Catu, maria Pernambucana, maria
Cachoeira, maria Pé no mato, maria homem,
odília, maria 12 homens, Júlia endiabrada, Júlia
Satanás, among others. It would also initiate a reparation process based on the affirmative action of
the historical value of those women in the recent
structuring and occupation of concrete and symbolic
spaces for women, with special attention to the trajectory of black women.
Capoeira Angola, that has restructured itself sincethe 1980s onwards in a context of a cultural resistance that reaffirmed blackness, to combat racism
and struggle for national democracy, demonstrates
through the mistrust and rejection of the hegemonicroutes, the revolutionary dimension of black corpo論文（英語） ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

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The Meaning of Gingar for Women within Capoeira Angola

reality, with the incorporation of folgar (play) andvadiar (loiter) (Araujo, 2015). In this moment, thepastiniana philosophy (the philosophy of Pastinha,
the founder of capoeira angola), in its great legacy
will provoke debates to evidence the above among
the several generations of angoleiros and angoleiras.
here, we dare to begin featuring a kind of supracommunity, which are collectives of capoeiristas
today spread throughout Brazil and in other countries. These collectives that go beyond the insulation of groups and capoeira organizations, bringing
together women from various groups and organizations, turning the organization of specific events ofcapoeira practices also into the opportunity to create
permanent forums of complaints, debates, confrontations, in-person and virtual meetings, strongly
reflecting the organizational models of groups. on
the other hand, these also promote the approach or
entry of capoeiristas to various spheres of feminist
formulations, enabling a new reading on the power
relations inside capoeira.
A strategy that today is observed, as a result of discussions and collective actions, concerns the promotion of women to master positions, and how theseplaces have been disputed within the groups. In several occasions women have reached these positions,when they take it upon themselves to this promotion
through a collective recognition of their value andeffort.
however, the treatment of women in the capoeira
universe expands its awareness beyond dealing
with the issue of violence, when it also serves as an
exchange of experiences translated in other disputes.
In the example below we can get a sense of thechanges that these encounters have led, for example, in the impact of complaints made in the manifesto by the Collective mandinga woman group(Bahia) against a calendar known as “As Bonecas
da Capoeira (The dolls of capoeira)”. launched ineurope, this calendar exposed a small number ofwomen on a deserted beach using the berimbau insexual exploitation scenes . Among other things, themanifesto condemns the exploitation of the image ofBrazilian women abroad as prostitutes.

82

Capoeira events (thematic meetings, national andinternational conferences, women’s conferences,
trips and recreational activities, travel, etc.) also
appear as essential supports to the exchanges needed
to strengthen this community. recurring themes
in all of them, as culture, autonomy, preservation,
distortion, violence, spirituality, motherhood, childhood, youth, racism and racial discrimination, African-Brasilidades, aging, community, were found at
the base of the various actions undertaken by thesecollective.
It is noteworthy that among these, the understanding of ancestry of people and /or of Capoeira Angola
is not relinquished to an African presence that orients a shared imaginary and resubmits ancestry intotemic constructions of a mythologized or invented
belonging. It is this African presence that permeates,
no doubt, the factual swing and sway of capoeira(Araújo, 2004). Importantly, the various international meetings represented an important field forthe exchange of this information, presenting as aresult the strengthening of the grande tronco (large
trunk) , i.e. that of the pastiniana lineage.
The above and shared understanding within aninternational dimension of what the symbols ofcapoeira communication are, once positioned in thisgenealogy, they advance in charges about capoeira
itself as “an instrument of struggle against all formsof oppression”. And the recognition and acceptanceof this consecrated source of transformation allows
pursuing the occupation of spaces in a qualified andautonomous way.
we are talking about a reality that involves womencharacterised as mostly white, urban, middle class,of between 20 to 30 years old, with university education (similar to at least one of their parents), withaccess to cultural goods and to opportunities offeredby the contacts with other cultures, languages andartistic experiences. Taking into account that mostof the people joins the capoeira groups by seduction
and network through very close people, we will beable to understand the concentration of the features
and age of the women in question.
here the most important thing is that we can assert
the goal of safeguarding certain principles of edu-

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cational systems of Afro-Brazilian traditions which,among other affinities have as characteristics thefact of being an endogenous, global system, taught
by all, everywhere and all the time, integrated withthe production of a daily collective, through learning, participation, and experience.

pre-menstrual syndrome (PmS), domestic violence,autonomy, etc., gain presence at these meetings,
nationally and internationally. Importantly, evenwith a significant number of men participating in
women’s meetings, this does not mean that we are
dealing with the absence of conflict.

If, on the one hand, we recognize here possible
explanations to the fact that most women play leadership roles in the organizational structures of thesegroups, unfortunately these qualities do not ensure
them evincing and leadership in other spheres ofthese same groups, especially those related to thetransmission of capoeira knowledge. Thus, there
still remains a very small number of women promoted to master and counter-masters position.
This is because it is known the demands they facein other activities of their daily lives. we recognizethat their trajectories are hampered both by no equity
in the promotion requirements, but also because of
the unequal sharing of care for children during thecapoeira practice, even when the father is also partof the same group.

It is true that we also find among the capoeiristas
an awareness of the fact that there are some women(very few!) taking on leadership positions, which issomething considered very important. It is relevant
not only for breaking a historically constituted condition but also because many women feel prevented(and, therefore, do not even try) to learn capoeira
because they believe (and reject) the forms of maledomination, usually present in the relationshipbetween the instructors and students, or between
them and the other members, men and women inside
the capoeira universe.

however, after entering into and occupying spaces
through their complaints, the capoeiristas started
to invest in their education and empowerment. At
the same time they started to demand that masters change their behaviors, being communication
through the internet (web) an effective channel for
this.
of course we can think of the weight that this female
segment has, not only in the organization of thesecommunities, but also in terms of its composition as
an increasingly demanding segment. A proof of suchfact is that nowadays in some events of Capoeira
Angola (not just in women’s events), the presenceof professionals hired to take care for and develop
educational activities with children, where the community deals with children during capoeira practicetime, without separating areas for adults and children. Instead, the care of children become a shared
responsibility and demands about are made about
their specific needs.
we see then that topics such as pregnancy, responsible parenthood, construction of gender roles, thecapoeira group’s role in the education of children,

It is important to highlight that these inquiries transcend the merely physical embodiment and become
verbalized through important elements that interconnect aspects of personal satisfaction with personal
stories of life. Spirituality, tradition, and female
leadership are some of the aspects that also engender their searches in the grande roda. Finally, we
realize that many of these women mingle aspects ofthe bodily conditions that constitute the foundationsof Capoeira Angola with the definitions of their own
personal strengths and difficulties. however, what
can be understood as individual facility shall beconsidered an aspect of difficulty when incorporated
into the collective ethics and values. ginga here isused as a metalanguage in itself because one learns
through it that only in motion the changes are andwill be evinced.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES:
ArAúJo, rosângela C. – Iê, viva meu mestre. A capoeira
Angola da escola pastiniana como práxis educativa. Tese de doutorado. Fe-USP. São Paulo, 2004.
BArBoSA, m. J. S. A mulher na capoeira. In: Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies. vol. 9, 2005. pp
09-28.

論文（英語） ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

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The Meaning of Gingar for Women within Capoeira Angola

BUrNhAm, T. F. espaços multirrefenciais de Aprendizagem. In: BUrNhAm, T.F. e Coletivo de Autores.
Análise Cognitiva e Espaços Multirreferenciais de
Aprendizagem – Currículo, Educação e Gestão/Difusão do Conhecimento. edufba, Salvador, 2012
CASCUDo, luis Câmara. Made in África, São Paulo:
global, 2001
gAleFFI, Dante Augusto. epistemologia do educar: um
caminhar construtivo comum-pertencente. In:
gAleFFI, D., moDeSTo, m.A. da S. e Souza,
C. r. B. (orgs), e BUrNhAm, T.F. (Coord)- Epistemologia, construção e difusão do conhecimento– Perspectivas em ação. eDUNeB, Salvador, 2011.
lANDeS, ruth – A cidade das mulheres. Tradução demaria lucia do eirado Silva. editora UerJ, rio deJaneiro, 2002
mUKUNA, Kazadi wa. Contribuição Bantu na música
popular brasileira. São Paulo: Terceira margem/
Centro de estudos Africanos da USP, 2000. 258p.
olIveIrA, eduardo David de. Filosofia da ancestralidade:corpo e mito na filosofia da educação brasileira.
Curitiba: editora gráfica Popular, 2007a.
olIveIrA, Josivaldo Pires de, leAl, luiz Augusto P.
(2009). Capoeira, Identidade e Gênero – Ensaios
sobre a história social da capoeira no Brasil.
eDUFBA, Salvador, 2009.
SAFFIoTI, heleieth I. B. (1987). O poder do macho. São
Paulo, moderna, 1987.p. 41-60
vAZ, Alexandre Fernandes. A construção dos corpos noesporte. In Revista de Estudos Feministas. CFh/
CCe/UFSC, v.7, n.1-2. Florianópoles: UFSC,
2011, págs. 849-874

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Elas gingam!

Rosângela COSTA ARAÚJO

rosângela CoSTA ArAúJo

Professora Adjunta, Departamento de educação, Universidade Federal da Bahia
Co-fundadora do Instituto Nzinga de Capoeira Angola

Não pode ser seu amigo quem exige seusilêncio ou atrapalha seu crescimento1).
este trabalho levanta algumas possibilidades reflexivas sobre a presença da mulher no interior da capoeira, aqui tomada como um fenômeno específico a
atualizar os debates sobre esta que é uma das maisabrangentes expressões culturais afro-brasileiras.
Considerando que o universo complexo da capoeiragem mantém-se atrelado a representações masculinizadas, buscamos saber que mudanças são debatidas e/ou operadas no contexto das relações de gênero, uma
vez que a capoeira hoje envolve, em rede, novos contextos culturais, resultado de concomitantes e distintas formas de difusão e de internacionalização. Sendo
um território declaradamente heteronormatizado,
podemos afirmar, portanto, que o sexismo (misoginia, lesbofobia, homofobia, transfobia...)impedeque a capoeira conclua sua missiva libertária e que,da mesma forma, encontramos nas disputas entre
as representações dos gêneros (e sempre atentas às
implicações interseccionais aos debates etnicorracial
e da diversidade sexual), novas dimensões discursivas ao estabelecimento de práticas segregadoras,
decisivas nas reestruturações das relações de poderem meio à economia da capoeira, que emergem cadavez mais vigorosos.
São muitos os campos de conhecimento que na atualidade tomam a capoeira com propósitos investigativos. muitas também são as possibilidades de novas
abordagens e estudos, sobretudo com perspectivas
interdisciplinares, que possibilitem noções mais
ampliadas sobre as complexidades desta como um
campo de conhecimento próprio, multirreferencial 2 ),intercultural, polissêmico e polilógico 3 ). Aqui, um
dos maiores desafios refere-se a tencionar o cadenciamento, ao modo dos/as seus/suas praticantes,
dos elementos que lhe estruturam os fundamentos,
1) wAlKer, Alice. In Search of our mothers' gardens: womanist
Prose‎ - Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1983 – p. 36
2) FroeS-BUrNhAm, Teresinha. (2012)
3) gAleFFI, Dante (2011)

sendo ela a sua própria metáfora enquanto roda, oque está em movimento, dotado de recursividades e,portanto, de renovações. Sendo um espaço de trocas
intensas, é na roda que valores são negociados, que
estratégias são refeitas/desfeitas, atribuindo sentido
e significado aos processos comunicacionais que
estruturam, pela oralidade, os acervos dos tempos
que ali se fundem, se interpenetram.
Se alguns temas hoje são capazes, pela sua capilaridade, de atualizar os estudos culturais, ressaltamos
as perspectivas interculturais, sobretudo aquelas
enunciadas nas provocações das novas epistemologias do século XXI, à exemplo dos estudos interseccionais das categorias raça, gênero e sexualidades, sobretudo quando situadas nos estudos sobre
ancestralidade, corpo e pertencimento, entre outros.
Podendo variar de acordo com a categoria de maiortensão, o que nos interessa aqui parte da compreensão de que em meio à capoeiragem alguns destes
temas muitas vezes são tomados como verdadeiros
tabus, possibilitando mesmo o deslocamento do
universo simbólico das africanidades 4 ) e das brasilidades, para o centro dos debates ideológicos sobre
os estilos Angola e regional, seja desde dentro das
crenças e explicações sobre as origens da capoeira
até o seu lugar, hoje, em áreas interligadas: cultura,esporte, educação, artes corporais, cultura física,
lutas marciais, entre outros.
De dentro da riqueza deste debate, cabe explicar
que a escolha feita pelo termo africanidades se dápelo uso corrente do mesmo, portanto, com maior
capacidade de comunicar os aportes culturais africanos no Brasil. Sobre este tema, destacamos aqui
uma importante mensagem registrada na página
da revista eletrônica “Africanias.com – Científico
Digital”, da Universidade do estado da Bahia/Uneb,
onde encontramos:
4) Numa palestra proferida pela professora e lingüista Ieda Pessoa
de Castro, ouvi-a recomendar o uso do termo africanias, em lugar
de africanidades, por tratar-se de referenciais africanos fora docontinente. Segundo esta, africanidades são os referenciais, olhados e refletidos por nós, no interior do continente africano.

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Elas gingam!

Seguindo uma definição de Nina Friedemann
em “Cabildos negros, refugios de africanias
en Colombia” (Revista Montalbán, Caracas:
Universidade Católica Andrés Bello,1988),
podemos entender africanias como a bagagem
cultural submergida no inconsciente iconográfico dos negro-africanos escravizados que se faz
perceptível na música, na dança, na religião, na
poesia, no modo de ser e de ver o mundo, na língua, e que, no decorrer dos séculos, como forma
de resistência e de continuidade na opressão, setransformaram e se converteram em matrizes
para um novo sistema cultural e linguístico que
nos identifica como brasileiros.” 5)

estes debates encontram acolhimento neste trabalho
por considerarmos pertinentes os debates em torno
das matrizes africanas da capoeira, chamando aatenção para as bases míticas e ontológicas que ressaltam a existência de outra cosmovisão que, para asnovas práticas vivenciais marcadas pela supressão
da liberdade, reinterpretaram-se e reelaboraramse pelas possibilidades de diálogos e negociações.
É aqui que a ginga e o gingar são tomados comouma metalinguagem com capacidade de articular, demaneira ad-artística, ad-linguística, aspectos recursivos de uma luta que se faz no contexto de muitas
outras. É no cenário destas lutas que queremos chamar a atenção ao lugar destinado e ocupado pelas
mulheres.
levando-se em conta a pluralidade de formas deexpressão da violência, queremos começar destacando a baixa expectativa em torno da própria formação destas no que diz respeito ao aprendizado dacapoeira, denotando a permanente crença na sua fragilidade e, consequentemente, na (de)limitação dos
espaços a que estas estão autorizadas a atingir e transitar. Isto pode nos permitir reafirmar a existência
de uma dominante masculinidade, cujo padrão hegemônico estabelece condutas valorativas de práticas
concretas e imaginárias de uma virilidade heroica,
compulsória, independente de se pensa-la enquadrada ou não na dinâmica da ordem social e política
da grande roda 6 ). este dado apresenta uma comunidade, originalmente tido como espaço exclusivo
de homens negros, pobres e de baixa escolarização,5) Fonte: http://www.africaniasc.uneb.br/ (Acesso em 29/08/2013)
6) Forma com angoleiros e angoleiras se referem à sociedade mais
ampla, sendo a pequena roda os espaços dos aprendizados e práticas da capoeira.

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hoje sendo reafirmada de forma mais heterogênea,marcada pela forte presença de pessoas não-negras(em muitos lugares estas nem sequer estão presentes ou são absoluta minoria), apresentando os mais
diversos perfis profissionais, resultado de níveis deescolarização mais elevados, marcada também pelapresença cada vez maior de mulheres. Neste caso,
se o número de homens negros na capoeiragem vem
sendo reduzido à medida que a capoeira avança em
direção aos novos espaços sociais que constituem
a chamada economia da capoeira (incluindo principalmente os territórios fora do Brasil), a exígua
presença de mulheres negras é hoje tema de muitos
debates. De forma quase inacreditável já se discute,inclusive, estratégias afirmativas de permanência
das pessoas negras no interior da capoeira.
realizando um estudo sobre o esporte contemporâneo como uma forma privilegiada de organização docorpo, vAZ (2011, p.849) chama a atenção ao caráter pouco transgressor do esporte, sendo mesmo uma
reprodução dos aspectos do mundo padrão masculino e patriarcal, acentuando que os mesmo servem
para exaltar “elementos como virilidade, sexismo,
desempenho, excesso”. Assim, ainda que concordando com a construção do autor, queremos colaborar para acentuar, aqui, a transgressão feminina
ao adentrar espaços exclusivamente masculinos,
sobretudo quando se trata de um espaço considerado
marginal, portanto, alvo de estereótipos difíceis deserem enfrentados pelo modelo idiossincrático das
nossas relações raciais.
Chamando a atenção ao fato de que o esporte e as
práticas corporais não estão isentas das “práticas e
discursos generificantes”, acentuando a participação das mulheres nas modalidades escolhidas ou
mesmo as masculinidades expressas nas distintas
modalidades e suas competições, o autor reforça sua
compreensão sobre as formas como o corpo ganha
protagonismo, levando-se em conta o fato de se tratar de performances, ou seja:(...)experiências corporais – e portanto, atravessadas pela linguagem e pela cultura – e são
expressão de identidades cada vez menos fixas,
acompanhando e simultaneamente determinando as negociações em torno dos discursos degênero, de nacionalidade, étnicos, geracionais,
entre tantos outros.

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Rosângela COSTA ARAÚJO

Fig. 1 Passeata organizada como parte do evento “Chamadade Mulher III (2014): Capoeiristas pelo fim da violência contra
as mulheres”. Foto: Manoela Ziggiatti
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10154955436278539&set=a.10150732564743539.412107.725823538&type=3&theater

Fig. 2 Poster do evento “Chamada de mulher (2010)”
http://4.bp.blogspot.com/_SvygIeU8mNQ/TChmV9tigQI/AAAAAAAAAGQ/
XQToK7r3BtI/s1600/chamada-de-mulher.jpg

Sobre a capoeira, talvez por ainda não haver unanimidade sobre o seu caráter esportivo, são incipientes
os estudos sobre gênero e capoeira. A pesquisadoramaria José Somerlate Barbosa ao publicar o seu
artigo A mulher na Capoeira (BArBoSA, 2005),
já chamava a atenção para a dificuldade de precisar a influência da mulher na capoeira, tanto pela
falta de registro quanto pelo fato deste ser um
espaço reconhecidamente como sendo “de domínio
quase que exclusivamente masculino” 7 ). Todavia,
a mesma autora segue chamando a atenção a existência de uma crença sobre a origem da capoeira
que a identifica com a prática do Ngolo, ou Dança
das Zebras, um antigo rito de passagem feminino
7) BArBoSA, m. J. S. (2005)

realizado durante a efendula, registrado por Câmara
Cascudo8) (2001) como sendo a festa da puberdadedas meninas ao passarem à condição de mulheres
portanto, tidas como prontas ao casamento e à procriação. Apesar de termos aqui um aparente lugar desubordinação, ou de “participação indireta” destas,como preferiu a autora, queremos refletir este lugar
levando-se em conta tratar-se outra cosmovisão, na
qual a “majestade” destas jovens situa a ação dadivinização corpórea que se evidencia tornando-as,
sobretudo, disputáveis. Tomo como referência adimensão da divinização dos corpos destas meninas
pela ação do Ngolo. Não podemos esquecer também
que, segundo as informações que temos do Ngolo,
ao final cabe a elas estabelecer a escolha entre os
tidos como pretendentes.
A nossa intenção aqui é, mais que buscar referenciais históricos para capoeira como uma expressão
das culturas africanas no Brasil, poder também tratar
da presença feminina através de aspectos mitológicos, simbólicos e analíticos da estrutura organizacional da capoeiragem, aqui centrada em participações
observantes sobre suas formas de se representarem,
lutarem e enfocarem uma estética própria que possibilite o desmonte dos elementos de subalternidades
atrelados ao gênero. Ao começarmos enfocando
alguns aspectos mitológicos buscamos valorizar amemória prospectiva que, compondo nosso acervo
oral, acentua o próprio lugar da África no imaginário
das/os capoeiristas. Com igual relevância registramos aqui também, outro mito que circula na capoeiragem e que também pode colaborar para acentuar
este fenômeno. Trata-se da lenda do Berimbau, quenarra as aventuras de uma menina que, tendo desaparecido após a ação de um “homem mau” teve oseu corpo transformado no berimbau.
Desta forma, ao reconhecermos a experiência histórica destas é que poderemos estimular a reescrita dahistória da capoeira no Brasil através das especificidades obtidas nas trajetórias de nomes como maria
Doze homens, Julia Fogareiro, Pau de Barraca,
Ana Angélica (ou Angélica endiabrada), Cattu,
Almerinda, Adelaide Presepeira, Chica, menininha9),8) CASCUDo, luis Câmara. made in África,São Paulo: global,
20019) Parte destas mulheres tem algumas de suas histórias citadas em
olIveIrA e leAl (2009)論文（ポルトガル語） ホザンジェラ・アラウージョ

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Elas gingam!

entre outras. Transitando nos espaços públicos dasruas, e atuando em atividades profissionais diversas,
estas mulheres experimentaram as sanções sobre aquebra de decoro moral, pois, agindo com e “como”
homens, eram tidas como perigosas, “de cabelinho
na venta”, portanto, indignas para ocuparem osespaços domésticos e estarem sob à proteção e tutela
masculina.
A necessidade de ampliamos os estudos sobre adiversificada presença feminina no contexto da cultura afro-brasileira é fundamental ao fortalecimento
dos feminismos contemporâneos.
Assim, ainda que a despeito do impacto produzido
pelo lançamento e releituras contemporâneas de A
Cidade das mulheres 10), poucos foram os estudos
que demonstraram interesse por estas no contexto
dos saberes culturais e, ainda assim, os que fizeram,
optaram por enfatizar as sacerdotisas das comunidades-terreiro, abrigadas em normas e valores
espirituais próprios, e não as “expostas”, as quetinham nos espaços das ruas, nos cenário públicos,
as suas formas de resistir sendo mulheres. Tratadas
por mulheres de pá virada, mulheres de cabelo na
venta, as desasnadas, as mulheres-homens, mulheres valentes, azedadas, tais tratamentos as revelam
envolvidas de alguma forma com as ruas e, nestas, ouniverso proibitivo e complexo capoeiragem, tantonos editoriais jornalísticos quanto nos autos de prisões, estamos apontando a necessidade de estudos
que respaldem as suas especificidades sobretudo(mas não apenas), pelo fato de estarem num espaçode convivência com a violência física, a valentia,
as artimanhas e malandragens que posicionava acapoeira no limiar da ordem/desordem. As ruas, porestas ocupadas como sendo espaço de ganhos e deganhadeiras eram, muitas vezes, disputadas ¨a golpes de navalhas, cacetadas e pontapés contra quem
lhes representasse uma ameaça 11).
Contraventoras de várias linguagens de subordinação à ¨supremacia masculina12)¨ estas avançaram
por sobre as representações binárias nas relações
de gênero, modificando as paisagens dos recentes10) lANDeS, ruth. (2002)11) olIveIrA, Josivaldo Pires de, leAl, luiz Augusto P. (2009)12) SAFFIoTI, heleieth I. B. (1987)

88

centros urbanos, conciliando atividades e atitudes
diversas na aquisição e defesas de espaços para estar
e transitar. Sendo mulheres trabalhadoras realizavam
atividades domésticas como também distintas atividades econômicas executadas em vias públicas (oua partir delas), como vendedoras, carregadoras, floristas, marisqueiras e pescadoras, floristas, fateiras,
costureiras, bordadeiras, prostitutas, entre outras,
expondo-as a situações de permanentes tensões eampliadas pela quebra do decoro moral na forma deser mulher.
e o que dizer destas mulheres na atualidade? Comoproceder na construção de um campo de pesquisa
multirreferenciado e polilógico que incorpore, demaneira interseccional, estes rechãs de múltiplas
temporalidades e performances cognoscentes, ontológicas e epistemologicamente amparada nos enraizamentos de nossas africanidades, sendo ou não
sendo africano/a-descendente? em que medida seus
distintos referenciais de lutas são capazes de atualizar, no campo dos movimentos sociais, outras abordagens políticas, integrando os fazeres corporais?
Que condutas atualizam, aos olhos de novos patriarcados, suas condições de desordeiras, destemidas,
valentonas, ou seja, de mulheres “da pá virada”?
Pois bem, ainda que na atualidade a capoeira seja
praticada dentro de comunidades específicas (grupos, academias e organizações de capoeira), e nãomais tendo como espaço prioritário a ocupação
“marginal”13) das ruas, vinculada a ocupação de
determinados territórios, é perceptível um ethos
atualizado sobre uma cultura de rua, ou com possibilidades de sê-lo. Desta forma, as mulheres transitam entre espaços de segurança e insegurança,
sendo este último o resultado de diferentes formas
de dominação e subordinação, incluindo aqui o mais
amplo tema tabu as envolvê-las, que são as relações
interpessoais, com foco nas relações amorosas.
Também registramos a tentativa de constituição deum campo editorial para a capoeiragem demonstrando a atenção sobre o tratamento que uma
determinada mídia especializada, por volta do final
dos anos 90, deu à presença feminina. este foi um
período marcado pelo surgimento de várias revistas
13) Aqui no sentido de entende-la vinculadas às formas de desordem
social à exemplo das maltas.

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Rosângela COSTA ARAÚJO

dedicadas às/aos praticantes desta14); expondo corpos femininos aos auspícios hormonais de rapazese homens expondo corpos femininos aos auspícios
hormonais de rapazes e homens com “aptidões” àtraduzir por abusos sexuais aspectos condizentes
com este ramo (i.e. à lógica da exploração sexualizada, que define padrões irrelevantes para o fortalecimento da capoeira como tradição). Surgia, no
campo da representação midiática, a coisificação docorpo da mulher capoeirista integrando as demais
estereotipias à exploração do corpo feminino, sobretudo em se tratando de um universo até então desvalorizado para a prática em comento, apresentando
jovens celebridades televisivas nas capas destas
revistas, valorizando caricaturas de personagens
femininas cuja fama se dava pelo apelo à exploração
sexual destas15).
Se pensarmos a capoeira entre as tradições que insere
o Brasil no contexto da chamada diáspora africana,
podemos pensar aqui tanto o aviltamento sobre asformas de inserção e representação feminina nestas, quanto o próprio lugar das pessoas mais velhas
como elos fundamentais com as ancestralidades.
mais que um corpo exposto ao uso, ressaltamos um
corpo condutor de sentidos, pela pertença, à transdução de memórias que interligam, no presente, opassado que dá sentido aos encaminhamentos das
mudanças futuras. Por esta via interpretativa seguimos eduardo oliveira ao apontar a centralidade do
corpo na dimensão ética da ancestralidade:O corpo construído se erige como signo identitário da tradição africana: é um corpo negro que
se arquiteta. Porém, pelo contexto onde tudo issoacontece, o signo da africanidade é mais um desconstrutor do que um construtor de regimes. Veja:
baseado na idéia geral de africanidade, que aquifunciona como um significante flutuante, desestrutura-se o corpo da racionalidade moderna
ocidental (vertical, estático, linear, rígido, teleológico; que privilegia o cognitivo) para afirmar
o corpo da ancestralidade africana, que ressalta
a horizontalidade, as dobras, o baixo-corporale o movimento. (...) mais para improviso e programa do que para repetição e esquema. Oliveira(oliveira 2007a, p.119)
14) revistas Praticando Capoeira, Cordão Branco, entre outras15) entre estas, mulheres/personagens como Tiazinha, As ronaldinhas, A Feiticeira, entre outras.

Numa entrevista à uma destas revistas, questionada sobre a presença da mulher no seu interior,lembro-me ter afirmado que já naquela época isto
não causava mais tanto estranhamento e, da mesma
forma, já era possível afirmar que nenhum grupo
pode prescindir de suas presenças e feitos. Naquela
matéria, e que inaugurava uma coluna dedicada àmulher capoeira16), existia uma construção paradigmática até antão não experimentada, ou seja, apresentar o tratamento e entendimento de vozes femininas enquanto praticantes da capoeira. Também
chamou a minha atenção a imagem escolhida par
dar “expressão” a tal novidade. Nesta, aparece odesenho de uma jovem mulher, corpo atlético, identificada pela vestimenta como não sendo praticantede estilo Angola, uma vez que praticantes desta
escola tem uma outra relação com as vestimentas
que a caracteriza, ou seja, mesmo sabendo que euvinha deste campo formativo, a revista fez a opção
pela representações de uma outra possibilidade devestimentas adotadas pela capoeira moderna emque é possível às mulheres e homens a possibilidades de pratica com corpos desnudos, podendo
ser eliminados camisas e camisetas, bem comoa exigência de calçados, coisas exigíveis e que
também identificam os/as angoleiros/as, e sendo
este o estilo em que fui iniciada desde 198217). Isto16) esta coluna tinha como título “Se esta mulher fosse minha...”.
obviamente desconhecia o “detalhe técnico” de que a minha entrevista inaugurava a tal Coluna.
17) As/os praticantes do estilo Angola não usam as cordas (cordéis)presas à cintura que identificam a graduação e, menos ainda,
apresentam-se com parte do corpo à mostra. Ao contrário, o simples fato de uma camiseta soltar-se da calça, exibindo as costas e/ou a barriga, já é suficiente para que o berimbau “chame” a pessoa a recompor sua vestimenta, seja mulher ou homem.
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Elas gingam!

pode ser observada na figura abaixo. Também aqui é
importante destacar a imagem estereotipada de uma
masculinidade padrão, de certa forma imprimindo
uma construção passível de aceitação.
Todavia, os anos 90 já demarcava também o início da utilização da internet na formação de novas“comunidades” de capoeira, bem como de “rodas
virtuais”, verdadeiros espaços de debate entre
estes e estas. e foi a partir destes espaços que acomunidade-capoeira pode expressar seu descontentamento acerca de tal procedimento apelativo
fazendo entender aos editores se tratar de um universo cujo modelo de formação também passava (esegue passando) pela necessidade de ampliação deconhecimentos históricos, filosóficos e estéticos daarte-luta, e para o qual haviam expectativas sendo
frustradas. Assim foi que após algumas “denúncias”, puderam então os editores “arriscar” e experimentar o lançamento de um número cuja capa,
contendo uma foto com o mestre João grande,levou aos seus proprietários deste projeto editoriala resposta de mais uma importante e complexa singularidade deste universo. Ademais, para além das
inúmeras surpresas que a tal capa produziu, seus
impactos puderam imediatamente serem estendidosà outros produtos e artigos, com vultuosas saídas,tanto nos vários rincões brasileiros quanto mesmo
no exterior.
Desde dentro destas reflexões é que encaminhamosa necessidade de pesquisas que encaminhem abordagens estruturais, analisando a presença, a colocação
e a visibilidade das capoeiras na capoeiragem; epistemológicas, verificando seus modos de produção,gestão e transmissão do conhecimentos a partir dacrítica ao sexismo no interior da capoeira; sobre aanálise do discurso e das práticas e representação
sobre a mulher na/da/sendo capoeira, identificando
as metáforas de gênero, com repercussão no acesso
ao lugar de mestra/poder. Se hoje alguns nomes
figuram na história passada da capoeira, queremos
mesmo saber em que medida estas mulheres alcançaram respeitabilidade entre os capoeiristas.
Também queremos promover as mudanças necessárias aos compartilhamentos destes espaços, e demaneira que isto seja tomado como um grande ganho
tanto para a pequena roda quanto para a grande roda
90

cônscias/os de que, como já afirmamos, nenhum
grupo ou organização de capoeira pode prescindirda presença (saberes) e ações (fazeres) destas, eem todos as áreas dos saberes capoeira. revelar os
universos e atuações de nomes como Palmeirona,
Júlia Fogareiro, Catu, maria Pernambucana, maria
Cachoeira, maria Pé no mato, maria homem,
odília, maria 12 homens, Júlia endiabrada, Júlia
Satanás, entre outras, é tão somente o começo deuma reparação em que se faça fundante a reafirmação do valor histórico destas na estruturação e ocupação recente dos espaços concretos e simbólicos
pelas mulheres, com especial atenção à trajetória dasmulheres negras.
Aqui, ousamos abrir um espaço para caracterizar
uma espécie de “supra comunidade”, marcada pelapresença feminina na Capoeira Angola, inovando
no que diz respeito à possibilidade de reunir mulheres de várias grupos e organizações18), voltando-setanto à organização de eventos específicos, ou ainda
criando fóruns permanentes de debates e discussões,prevalecendo a forma virtual (internet). Todavia,
o tratamento dado ao “ser mulher” no universo dacapoeiragem amplia a percepção destas para alémdo trato com a coisa da violência, servindo também à troca de experiências transduzidas também
na dimensão das temporalidades. No exemplo que
segue, uma das mulheres comunica o nascimento dasua filha e lamenta as dificuldades na amamentação
da mesma sendo, logo em seguida “amparada” pela
experiência de uma outra que já havia passado pelo
mesmo problema, e assim a aconselha:
Querida (...), parabéns pela mais nova herdeira.
E este momento é realmente um momento muito
especial, muito mágico e também de alguns percalços. Eu tive problemas sérios com amamentação, mas tive um apoio maravilhoso e conseguirecuperar leite e amamentei a (filha) até umano. Você deve saber, mas aí vão umas dicas que
ajudam a fortalecer o peito: pegar sol no bico
do peito, passar a casca do mamão pela partede dentro, para hidratar ou cicatrizar, se forocaso. Se ela é gulosinha, garante que o leite não
empedre, como foi o caso da (filha) que mamava
18) É importante ressaltar que o formato desta “comunidade” atende,
entre outras coisas, à necessidade destas garantirem a quebra dosugilo sobre as formas de violência que vivenciam no interior deseus grupos não sendo viável, portanto, uma organização endógena que as condenam no interior da “família”

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Rosângela COSTA ARAÚJO

pouquinho. Parabéns por mais uma pessoinha
amada na roda de nossas vidas! Muito Axé, para
toda família.

os eventos de capoeira (encontros temáticos, conferências nacionais e internacionais, conferências
de mulheres, atividades de passeios e recreação,viagens, etc) também aparecem como suportes
imprescindíveis às trocas necessárias ao fortalecimento desta comunidade. Temas recorrentes a todaselas, cultura, autonomia, preservação, descaracterização, violência, espiritualidade, mulher, infância,
juventude, racismo e discriminação racial, afro-brasilidades, comunidade, foram leituras encontradasna base das várias ações desenvolvidas por estes.
vale ressaltar que entre estas não se abre mão doentendimento da ancestralidade (das pessoas e/ou daprópria Capoeira Angola) a da presença da África
na orientação de um imaginário compartilhado ereapresentado na construção totêmica de um pertencimento, mesmo que mitificada ou “inventada”. E
esta presença africana passa, sem dúvida, pela gingae pelo gingar (ArAúJo, 2004). É importante dizer
que os vários encontros internacionais representaram um campo importante de observação do trânsito
destas informações, apresentando como resultado opróprio fortalecimento do ‘grande tronco’, ou seja,da linhagem pastiniana, e definindo em dimensão
internacional seus símbolos de comunicação, dereconhecimento e de aceitação, uma vez posicionadas nesta genealogia e buscando obter, pelo compromisso explicitado de se tratar de “um instrumentos
de luta contra todas as formas de opressão”, a ocupação de espaços, de maneira qualificada e autônoma.
Aqui, ousamos abrir um espaço para caracterizar
uma espécie de “supra comunidade”, marcada pelapresença feminina na Capoeira Angola, inovando noque diz respeito à possibilidade de reunir mulheresde várias origens, voltando-se tanto à organização
destes eventos específicos, ou ainda criando fóruns
permanentes de debates e discussões, prevalecendoa forma virtual. recentemente acompanhamos acomunicação de um “grupo virtual” denominado“angoleiras”, constituído de mulheres integrantes devárias destas organizações no Brasil e exterior, sobre
os nascimentos de alguns bebês e sua acolhida nesta
comunidade. Parece-nos que as antigas divergências

que marcavam os contatos entre muitas destasorganizações vão cedendo espaço a estruturas desolidariedades específicas, numa espécie de cumplicidade de gênero. Neste exemplo, uma das mulherescomunica o nascimento da sua filhinha e lamenta as
dificuldades na amamentação da mesma sendo, logo
em seguida “amparada” pela experiência de uma
outra que já havia passado pelo mesmo problema.
Assim a aconselhava:
Querida (....), parabéns pela mais nova herdeira. E
este momento é realmente um momento muito especial, muito mágico e também de alguns percalços.
Eu tive problemas sérios com amamentação, mas
tive um apoio maravilhoso e consegui recuperarleite e amamentei a (filha) até um ano. Você devesaber, mas aí vão umas dicas que ajudam a fortalecer o peito: pegar sol no bico do peito, passar acasca do mamão pela parte de dentro, para hidratar ou cicatrizar, se for ocaso. Se ela é gulosinha,garante que o leite não empedre, como foi o caso da(filha) que mamava pouquinho. Parabéns por mais
uma pessoinha amada na roda de nossas vidas!
Muito Axé, para toda família. Sonia.
estamos aqui falando de uma realidade que envolve
mulheres urbanas (neste caso, o rio de Janeiro),classe média, cuja composição acompanha a tendência do perfil também entre os homens, sendo a sua
maioria constituída de mulheres e homens na faixa
etária dos 20 aos 30 anos, com formação universitária (como pelo menos de um dos seus pais), brancos,
com acesso a bens culturais expressos nas oportunidades oferecidas pelos contatos com outras culturas,
idiomas e vivências artísticas. levando-se em contaque o ingresso de grande parte das pessoas ao grupo
se dá pela “sedução” de pessoas muito próximas,
sendo os integrantes do grupo seus maiores divulgadores, entenderemos ao menos a concentração na
faixa etária em questão.
Como já mencionado na mensagem entre as mulheres capoeiristas, o anúncio do nascimento de novas
crianças é sempre um motivo de muita alegria nointerior deste. Desde a gravidez todos buscam manifestar esta alegria partilhando com mães e pais oseu desejo de ver a criança correndo, brincando epartilhando dos ensinamentos que a própria comunidade seleciona como sendo importantes para a
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Elas gingam!

preservação e fortalecimento da identidade do grupo.
É neste espírito festivo que são realizados “chá debebê”, festinhas de aniversários ou outras atividades
que ajudam a estas jovens mães a refletirem sobre olugar do grupo diante das possíveis (e, muitas vezes,
inevitáveis) dificuldades que enfrentarão para permanecer no grupo, além de simplesmente demonstrar carinho e solidariedade. Talvez aqui esteja o pré-anuncio da interrupção de sua jornada na capoeira,algo que se tenta impedir.
Aqui, o mais importante é podermos dizer que
também se busca resguardar alguns princípios dos
sistemas educativos das tradições afro-brasileirasque, entre outras afinidades apresentam como características o fato de ser um sistema endógeno, global,
ministrada por todos, em todos os lugares e o tempo
todo, e estar integrado à produção (pedagogia daaprendizagem, da participação, da experiência) que
integrar o espírito comunitário, sendo mesmo uma
educação para todos, uma educação permanente.
Todavia, é também aqui que encontramos possíveis
explicações ao fato de que a maioria das mulheres
desempenha papéis de liderança nas estruturasorganizacionais destes grupos. Infelizmente estes
qualificativos ainda não lhes garantem destaques elideranças nas demais esferas destes mesmos grupos. Assim, é ainda muito pequeno o número demulheres promovidas à condição de mestras e contramestras, pois, independentemente das exigências
que pesam sobre estas nas demais atividades de suas
vidas, verificamos que suas trajetórias são dificultadas tanto pela não equidade nas exigências de promoção, ou ainda pela partilha desigual dos cuidados
aos filhos nos espaços de treinos, mesmo quando
também o pai faz parte do mesmo grupo.
Para além das denúncias, passaram a investir na formação e empoderamento destas, ao mesmo tempo
em que passaram a cobrar dos mestres mudanças
nestes comportamentos, sendo a comunicação através da internet um canal privilegiado de organização
e de denúncias.
evidentemente que podemos pensar o peso que tem
este segmento feminino não apenas na organização destas comunidades, mas também compondoum público consumidor cada vez mais exigente.
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Uma prova disto é que já é possível encontrarmos
nos eventos de Capoeira Angola (e não apenas nos
encontros de mulheres), profissionais contratadas/os
para cuidar e desenvolver atividades educativas com
as crianças, já que a comunidade trata as crianças
dentro do seu tempo de aprendizado, não existindo
espaços separados para adultos e crianças. Ao contrário, o cuidado com estas torna-se uma responsabilidade de todos, e cobranças são feitas sobre este
aprendizado. vemos então que temas como gravidez,
paternidade responsável, corpo feminino, papel dogrupo na educação das crianças, tensão pré-menstrual (TPm), violência doméstica, autonomia, dentre
outros, estão presentes nestes encontros, nacionais
e internacionais. É importante destacar que mesmo
com um expressivo número de homens participando
destes encontros femininos, isto não significa que
estejamos lidando com a ausência de conflitos.
É certo que também encontramos entre as capoeiristas a consciência de que o fato de existir algumas
mulheres (muito poucas!) assumindo posições deliderança é tido como algo muito importante, nãoapenas por romper uma condição historicamente
constituída, mas também porque muitas delas sesentem impedidas (e, por isto, nem tentam) deaprender o jogo da capoeira por acreditar (e rejeitar) formas de dominação masculina, geralmente
presentes nas relação entre o mestre a as alunas, ou
ainda entre estas e os demais integrantes, homens.
É importante salientar que estas buscas transcendem a incorporação meramente física e passa a serverbalizada a partir de elementos que interligam
importantes aspectos de satisfações pessoais com as
histórias de vida, espiritualidade, tradição, liderança
feminina, também com aspectos que contemplam
suas buscas na grande roda. Assim, percebemos que
muitas mesclam às condições corporais, aspectos
que constituem os fundamentos da Capoeira Angola
nas definições das suas facilidades e dificuldades.
Aqui, o que pode ser compreendido como facilidade
individual passa a ser considerada um aspecto de
dificuldade quando incorporada ao coletivo, à ética,
aos valores.

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Rosângela COSTA ARAÚJOREFERÊNCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS:
ArAúJo, rosângela C. – Iê, viva meu mestre. A capoeira
Angola da escola pastiniana como práxis educativa. Tese de doutorado. Fe-USP. São Paulo,
2004.
BArBoSA, m. J. S. A mulher na capoeira. In: Arizona
Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies. vol. 9,
2005. pp 09-28.
BUrNhAm, T. F. espaços multirrefenciais de
Aprendizagem. In: BUrNhAm, T.F. e Coletivode Autores. Análise Cognitiva e Espaços
Multirreferenciais de Aprendizagem – Currículo,
Educação e Gestão/Difusão do Conhecimento.
edufba, Salvador, 2012
CASCUDo, luis Câmara. Made in África, São Paulo:
global, 2001
gAleFFI, Dante Augusto. epistemologia do educar: um
caminhar construtivo comum-pertencente. In:
gAleFFI, D., moDeSTo, m.A. da S. e Souza,
C. r. B. (orgs), e BUrNhAm, T.F. (Coord)Epistemologia, construção e difusão do conhecimento – Perspectivas em ação. eDUNeB,
Salvador, 2011.
lANDeS, ruth – A cidade das mulheres. Tradução demaria lucia do eirado Silva. editora UerJ, riode Janeiro, 2002
mUKUNA, Kazadi wa. Contribuição Bantu na música
popular brasileira. São Paulo: Terceira margem/
Centro de estudos Africanos da USP, 2000.
258p.
olIveIrA, eduardo David de. Filosofia da ancestralidade: corpo e mito na filosofia da educação brasileira. Curitiba: Editora Gráfica Popular, 2007a.
olIveIrA, Josivaldo Pires de, leAl, luiz Augusto
P. (2009). Capoeira, Identidade e Gênero –Ensaios sobre a história social da capoeira no
Brasil. eDUFBA, Salvador, 2009.
SAFFIoTI, heleieth I. B. (1987). O poder do macho.
São Paulo, moderna, 1987.p. 41-60
vAZ, Alexandre Fernandes. A construção dos corpos noesporte. In Revista de Estudos Feministas. CFh/
CCe/UFSC, v.7, n.1-2. Florianópoles: UFSC,
2011, págs. 849-874

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A Postcolonial Point of View of Afro-Brazilian Culture and Its Relation to Contemporary African Popular Culture

A Postcolonial Point of View ofAfro-Brazilian Culture and Its Relation toContemporary African Popular Culture
oussouby SACKo

Professor at the Faculty of humanities, Kyoto Seika University

1. Introduction
There have always been discussions about theorigins of Afro-latino culture or Afro-Brazilian
culture from both the African perspective and thelatin American or Brazilian perspective. one of
the most exclusive examples of that experience isAfro-Cuban music. Afro-Cuban music was and stillis popular among Africans and African cultures.
In Africa we have the following expressions to
describe it: “a son who returned home after being
embellished,” “the essence of African culture
transformed by latin flavor” and so on. For many
African countries, with independence also camea discovery of Cuban music, which itself benefits
from a hybrid of African and Spanish culture. For
African musicians, Cuban music was a source ofinspiration for contemporary and popular music
accompanied with modern instruments. Cuban
music is considered to have an African rhythm,
which is not based on what they call “metropole”
or colonizers’ culture. In the early 60s, during thepostcolonial era several African countries adapted
national culture politics and with their socialist
orientation, close and direct cultural exchange with
Cuban music was made possible. Furthermore,
Cuban music came to add a new taste to Africanmusic and gave the opportunity for Africanmusicians to experience a much more sophisticatedrhythm and dance.
But for many culture analysts, the tendencies
were always to look at the African origins within
Cuban music, either in the rhythm, the sound or
the style. But African musicians recognize thatwhile the instruments in Cuban music were atotally new discovery for them, the rhythm fit
to their traditional way of playing. Considering
the relations and cultural exchange that existed
between Cuba and Africa from a very early stage,

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from an African perspective, the answer to thequestion of whether Cuban music has some African
origins and the tendency to look for these origins
in Africa seem quite different in comparison to art
forms from other Caribbean, latino or Brazilian
cultures.
In this comment paper, I will try to discuss fromdifferent levels the complex relationship of AfroBrazilian culture with Africa and its perception
from an African perspective. Although Brazilians,
especially those with African roots, seem toconsider their cultural expressions as an identityand a tool of affiliation to their African origin,
Africans see them as new imported culture, apopular culture from western countries. That is
because most contemporary Brazilian, Afro-latinor American cultures come to Africa througheurope (the metropoles). The matter of concern
for them is why does rhythm of latin or Brazilian
music fit to Africa?
Firstly, I will point out how the Brazilian ritual art
Capoeira, the form of which involves movement,
music and philosophy, and which was granted
a special protected status as “intangible cultural
heritage” by UNeSCo in November 2014, can be
defined and perceived from an African perspective.
Secondly, I will discuss the influence of colonialism
on cultural development among slaves brought todifferent regions from Africa. Understanding thedefinition and structure of capoeira in comparison
with similar cultural expressions in Africa is very
important to analyze the postcolonial perspectiveof this cultural expression. Capoeira can beconsidered a postcolonial cultural expression or aculture of resistance against the colonizers by thecolonialized. lastly, I will point out the meaning ofcapoeira and other Afro-latino cultural expression
to Africans.

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Oussouby SACKO

2. Understanding of Capoeira from an
African perspective(1) Historical background of Capoeira
Some scholars have conducted historical andcultural research about the origin of Capoeira.
Among them, maya Talmon-Chvaicer, in her book
The Hidden History of Capoeira: A Collision ofCultures in the Brazilian Battle Dance, analyzes
the outlooks on life, symbols, and rituals of thethree major cultures that inspired capoeira—the Congolese (the historic area known today as
Congo-Angola), the Yoruban, and the CatholicPortuguese cultures. As she traces the evolutionof capoeira through successive historical eras,
Talmon-Chvaicer maintains a dual perspective,
depicting capoeira as it was experienced, observed,
and understood by both europeans and Africans, aswell as by their descendants. This dual perspective
uncovers many covert aspects of capoeira thathave been repressed by the dominant Brazilian
culture. This study reclaims the African origins andmeanings of capoeira, while also acknowledging
the many ways in which Catholic-Christian culture
has contributed to it.
Brazil received most of the slaves broughtfrom Africa with the transatlantic slave trade.
According to some references, between 1500 and
1888, almost four million slaves were brought
to Brazil coming mainly from west Africa. Thislarge number of slaves was an important factor in
shaping the culture and the people of the country,
and led to the birth of capoeira. many historicalresearches pointed out that capoeira resulted fromslave trading, but exactly how it developed isstill under discussion. Closely related arguments
center around where the word capoeira comesfrom and how much the fighting movements were“disguised” as dance to allow them to be carriedout under the watch of slave masters.
It is also said in many documents and researches
that the Brazilian martial art and dance capoeira
was born mainly among west African descendants
but with native Brazilian influences, probably
beginning in the 16th century. Some papers
point out that capoeira’s history begins with the

beginning of African slavery in Brazil. The early
history of capoeira is still controversial, especiallythe period between the 16th century and the
beginning of the 19th century, since historical
documents were very scarce in Brazil at that time.
But oral tradition, language and evidence leave
little doubt about its Brazilian roots. Capoeira
was born as a simple hope of survival. It was atool with which an escaped slave, completely
unequipped, could survive in the hostile, unknown
land and face the hunt of the armed and mounted
colonial agents who were charged with finding andcapturing escapees.
Among capoeira styles, the Angola style refers
to every capoeira that keeps the traditions
held before the creation of the regional style.
The name Angola goes back as early as the
beginning of slavery in Brazil, when Africans,taken to luanda to be shipped to the Americas,
were called in Brazil “black people from
Angola,” regardless of their nationality. The idealof Capoeira Angola is to maintain capoeira as close
to its roots as possible. Capoeira is related to the
Kikongo word of kipula or kipura, which referredto sweeping ground movements used in martial
arts. The connection of this etymology to capoeirais through movements, since the art of capoeira
uses many ground movements and sweeps.
(2) African Wrestling Culture
The African continent has many types of traditional
folk wrestling, which varies between regions andethnic groups. In the western part of Africa for
instance, there is laamb in Senegal, Boreh ingambia, evala in Togo, Koksowa in the hausa
areas of Nigeria and Niger and Dambe in Niger.
In the South there is Nguni stick-fighting (donga,or dlala ‘nduku) in South Africa, in the North
Tahtib in egypt, and in the east there is Donga inethiopia and so on. The similarity between thesekinds of African traditional folk wrestling is thatthey are seasonal, in most of the cases held after
harvest. It is always accompanied with music andrituals and held in a public space. Some of themserve as initiation rituals for boys.
The common point between these traditional
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A Postcolonial Point of View of Afro-Brazilian Culture and Its Relation to Contemporary African Popular Culture

forms of wrestling and capoeira is that they exist
primarily as a form of dancing not for actual
fighting. The techniques and performers are
selected and initiated by the people.
In Africa, a few wrestling styles more similar tocapoeira also exist as well. The most popular ismoraingy. It is a weaponless, bare-fisted striking
style of traditional martial arts that originatedin madagascar. It has since become popularizedthroughout madagascar, but particularly in coastal
regions, and has spread to neighboring Indian
ocean islands, including réunion, mayotte,
Comoros, Seychelles and mauritius. Participationin this form of combat was originally limited toyoung men, allowing elders to judge their physicalfitness and strength while providing an opportunity
for the youth to gain prestige and test their abilities.
Today, while the average age of participants is still
between 10 and 35, young people of both genders
may practice the sport.
(3) Controversial African roots of Capoeira
while capoeira is largely considered to have beenborn in Brazil by African slaves, the possibility
also exists that capoeira history is older than thearrival of the slaves in Brazil and was alreadydeveloped by the time they got there. It could bethat it was already a part of the culture from oneof a number of possible African regions and wasbrought over with the slaves that began arriving inaround 1500 AD.
According to Portuguese scholar Albano de
Neves e Souza: “Among the mucupe in Southern
Angola, there is a zebra dance, the n’golo....Then’golo is capoeira.” Brazil as the birthplace forcapoeira history is also brought into question by
African scholar Dr K. Kia Bunseki Fu-Kia, who
believes it has its origins in the Congo. he statedin 1993 “Kipura, in the Congo cultural context,
is....[enacted by] an individual whose techniquesof fight or struggle are based or developed on the
ground of rooster’s fighting techniques”.
on the other hand, Professor of Journalism
Augusto Ferreira believes capoeira moves werefirst developed as fighting techniques by runaway
96

slaves in Brazil in order to defend themselves. Tensof thousands of them escaped forming thousands ofhidden societies known as quilombos (settlements)
and this, according to Ferreira, is were capoeira
was developed.
what can be determined is that it is heavily
influenced by African cultures. What is more, it has
adapted to the needs of the people who have used it
throughout the centuries and continues to do so. As
the great mestre Pastinha once said, “Capoeira iscapoeira...is capoeira...is capoeira.”
Although capoeira developed in Brazil, it has
unmistakably African roots. Nowaday, Somegroups are currently performing the brincadeira
de angola in morocco, Zimbabwe, Uganda,
mozambique, South Africa, guinea, and Senegal.

3. Capoeira as a postcolonial expression related to African origin(1) Review of postcolonial theories
historically, capoeira can be understood as aphysical and spiritual expression of slaves, a selfdefense martial art against the colonizers. To
discuss about the African perspective of capoeira,
it is important to understand it in the postcolonial
context. here I will refer to the postcolonial
theories of Franz Fanon and also orientalism byedward Said who criticized eurocentrist theories of
how others were designated.
Frantz Fanon was born in the French colonyof martinique on July 20, 1925. Fanon learned
France’s history as his own, until his high school
years when he first encountered the philosophyof negritude, taught to him by Aimé Césaire,martinique’s other renowned critic of european
colonization. Fanon fought with the Free French
forces in the waning days of world war II. Afterthe war, he stayed in France to study psychiatry
and medicine at university in lyons. After his
studies, he accepted a position as chef de service(chief of staff) for the psychiatric ward of theBlida-Joinville hospital in Algeria. Fanon wasconstantly confronted with his identity as alienated

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Oussouby SACKO

black and also as colonized. his written works
have become central texts in Africana thought, inlarge part because of their attention to the roles
hybridity can play in forming humanist, anticolonial cultures. Fanon’s first work Peau Noire,
Masques Blancs (Black Skin, White Masks) was
his first effort to articulate a radical anti-racist
humanism that adhered neither to assimilation to awhite-supremacist mainstream nor to reactionary
philosophies of black superiority. while theattention to oppression of colonized peoples thatwas to dominate his later works was present inthis first book, its call for a new understanding of
humanity was undertaken from the subject-positionof a relatively privileged martinican citizen ofFrance, in search of his own place in the world asa black man from the French Caribbean, living inFrance. his later works, notably L’An Cinq, dela Révolution Algérienne (A Dying Colonialism)
and the much more well-known Les Damnés dela Terre (The Wretched of the Earth), go beyond a
preoccupation with europe’s pretensions to beinga universal standard of culture and civilization,in order to take on the struggles and take up theconsciousness of the colonized “natives” as theyrise up and reclaim simultaneously their lands
and their human dignity. It is Fanon’s expansive
conception of humanity and his decision to craft
the moral core of decolonization theory as acommitment to the individual human dignity ofeach member of populations typically dismissed as“the masses” that stands as his enduring legacy.

the mask of imperialism, colonized people havebeen stripped of their own languages and, without
their own culture, they lived with an inferiority
complex. The colonized individual is faced withthe “superior” culture that dominates her and is“elevated” above “jungle status” only to the extent
that she adopts the mother country’s standards,
from language to learning. Fanon explained “Iascribe a basic importance to the phenomenonof language. To speak means to be in a position
to use a certain syntax, to grasp the morphologyof this or that language, but it means above all
to assume a culture, to support the weight of acivilization.” he was quoted as saying “The black
man who approaches the white world and attempts
to fit in–to learn French, to be educated in France,
to live in France–becomes ‘white’ only to his blackfriends but remains irredeemably ‘black’ amongwhite people.” Fanon writes of a state called “twodimensions” or “self-division.” This self-division
is the result of colonialism and subjugation by thecolonizer. Fanon insists, however, that the category“white” depends for its stability on its negation,“black.” Neither exists without the other, andboth come into being at the moment of imperial
conquest.

Fanon, when asked “what does the Black man
want?” relied on georg hegel for his answer: theBlack man wants to be recognized by the whiteman. The problem is that the white man and
the Black man are caught up in the master/slave
relationship that is not mere theory but is an actual
psychosis. “The Negro enslaved by his inferiority,
the white man enslaved by his superiority alikebehave in accordance with a neurotic orientation.”
Fanon wrote freely and expressively in his firstbook.

Thinkers around the globe have been profoundly
influenced by Fanon’s work on anti-black racismand decolonization theory. Kenyan author anddecolonization activist Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o also
draws on ideas Fanon presents in Les Damnés.
Inspired mainly by Fanon’s meditations on the needto decolonize national consciousness, Ngũgĩ has
written of the need to get beyond the “colonizationof the mind” that occurs in using the languageof imposed powers. like Fanon, he recognizes
that language has a dual character. It colonizes
in the sense that power congeals in the history of
how language is used (that is, its role in carrying
culture). But it can also be adapted to our real-life
communication and our “image-forming” projects,
which means it also always carries the potential tobe the means by which we liberate ourselves.

The conqueror has no interest in the culture of
the conquered who are considered in need ofcivilizing. As a result of the civilizing mission,

edward Said (edward william Said) was bornin Jerusalem on November 1, 1935 as Arab
Palestinian. Said was educated in english-language
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97

A Postcolonial Point of View of Afro-Brazilian Culture and Its Relation to Contemporary African Popular Culture

schools before transferring to the exclusive
Northfield Mount Hermon School in Massachusettsin the United States in 1951. he attended Princeton
University and harvard University where hespecialized in english literature. he joined thefaculty of Columbia University as a lecturer inenglish in 1963 and in 1967 was promoted toassistant professor of english and comparative
literature. Said was promoted to full professor in
1969, received his first of several endowed chairs
in 1977, and in 1978 published orientalism, his
best-known work and one of the most influential
scholarly books of the 20th century. In it Said
examined western scholarship of the “orient,”
specifically of the Arab Islamic world (though
he was an Arab Christian), and argued that early
scholarship by westerners in that region was biased
and projected a false and stereotyped vision of“otherness” on the Islamic world that facilitatedand supported western colonial policy.
Both theories influenced and gave chance tothink about not only postcolonialism, but also
decolonization.
(2) Postcolonial critics of Black culture outsideof Africa
Frantz Fanon, in his book The Wretched of the
Earth wrote the following: “The claim to a national
culture in the past does not only rehabilitate thatnation but also serves as a justification for thehope of a future national culture. In the sphere of
psycho-affective equilibrium it is responsible for
an important change in the native. Perhaps wehaven’t sufficiently demonstrated that colonialism
is not satisfied merely with holding a people inits grip and emptying the native’s brain of all
form and content. By a kind of perverted logic,
it turns to the past of the oppressed people, anddistorts, disfigures, and destroys it. This work ofdevaluing pre-colonial history takes on a dialecticalsignificance today.”This was related to acculturation or deculturation
theory of colonized black people under the
influence of colonization. Acculturation meanscultural modification of an individual, group, or

98

people by adapting to or borrowing traits fromanother culture; or a merging of cultures as aresult of prolonged contact. Acculturation also
is the process by which a human being acquires
the culture of a particular society from infancy.
Acculturation explains the process of culturalchange and psychological change that results
following the meeting of cultures. The effects ofacculturation can be seen at multiple levels in bothinteracting cultures.
Frantz Fanon in A Dying Colonialism wrote that
“The passion with which native intellectuals
defend the existence of their national culture may
be a source of amazement, but those who condemn
this exaggerated passion are strangely apt to forgetthat their own psyche and their own selves areconveniently sheltered behind a French or german
culture which has given full proof of its existence
and which is uncontested.” In The Wretched of
the Earth, Fanon argues, that “the white masterrecognized without a struggle the black slave. But
the former slave wants to have himself recognized.
There is at the basis of hegelian dialectic anabsolute reciprocity that must be highlighted.”
Said directly challenged what euro-American
scholars traditionally referred to as “orientalism.”orientalism is an entrenched structure of thought, apattern of making certain generalizations about thepart of the world known as the “east.” As Said puts
it: “orientalism was ultimately a political visionof reality whose structure promoted the difference
between the familiar (europe, west, ‘us’) and thestrange (the orient, the east, ‘them’).”orientalism was a book about a particular patternin western thought. It was not, in and of itself, anevaluation of the importance of that thought. It was
written before the peak of the academic “culture
wars,” when key words like relativism, pluralism,
and multiculturalism would be the order of the day.
Said has often been lumped in with relativists andpluralists, but in fact he doesn’t belong there.
In his later literary and cultural work, especiallyin Culture and Imperialism, Said generally avoided
the language of confrontation. The conquest of
the earth, which mostly means the taking away of

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界

Oussouby SACKO

it from those who have a different complexion orslightly flatter noses than ourselves, is not a pretty
thing when you look into it too much. A native
could never aspire to the condition of the whiteman, the experiences of ruler and ruled were not soeasily disentangled.

4. Conclusion
The discussion here is not how do Africans
perceive capoeira, rather it is the perceptionof what Africa is and how it is supposed to be
culturally. In the Afro-Brazilian way of thinking,Capoeira as an identity icon, which helps themto identify themselves as having African roots,by maintaining the traditional form, techniques,making them feel close to Africa. Africans always
recognize themselves through an outside vision,a vision coming from somewhere else. Capoeira
is a perception of African culture, but Africans
perceived it as an outside culture. The other point
is how Africans see Afro-American, Afro-latin or
Afro-Brazilias cultural expressions, which can be
defined as a cultural alienation. The question here
is about the relationship between dominator (whitecolonizers) and dominated (black slaves). As Franz
Fanon mentioned in his critiques, the more you areclose to white people and their culture, even if you
conscientiously deny them, the more you somehow
unconsciously include their manner to your way of
thinking or habitus. This means that black people
who lived and were raised among white people arealienated from an African point of view. The sameproblems occur even within the ranking of black
people being manipulated by white people. As an
oppressed person you want to see yourself on topof someone as your so-called master did to you.
So by expressing superiority, Africans perceived
those cultures, even people with African roots, asa new culture or sub-culture. especially because
they have been introduced to Africa in most casesby european people. Said wrote “Afrocentrism
is as flawed as eurocentrism” meaning thatnativism cannot be an effective answer to western
hegemony. he said there is no simple way toachieve decolonization. But it also means that,in many respects, colonialism is still with us. It
was through the colonial system that most of thenational borders in Africa and Asia were drawn up,
in many cases arbitrarily. But more than that are
the effects of colonial language, the colonial statebureaucracy, and especially colonial attitudes tothings like economic development.
Capoeira, like latin-American music, is for
Africans, even with its African roots, somethingoutside people taught them. As Burkina Faso
historian Joseph Ki Zerbo was noting, African
history stops moving at the 16th century. The
continent suffered from all kinds of humiliation
human beings never before experienced. on the
one hand, exported slaves conserve those kindsof culture as identity, while on the other hand,
exploitation and colonization make Africa ashamedof its own descendents and own culture. Joseph Ki
Zerbo was also saying that, after all we were being
modeled to receive and consume western productswith their culture, while our products were goingto western countries without culture or message.
we are just afraid to receive Afro-Brazilian, Afrolatino, and even Afro-American cultures as
African culture, because they were remodelingwithin a context of cultural alienation.

References
Talmon-Chvaicer, maya. “hidden history of Capoeira:
A Collision of Cultures in the Brazilian Battle
Dance.” Austin: University of Texas Press,
2008.
Nicholls, Tracey. “Frantz Fanon (1925-1961).” Accessed
January 11, 2016. http://www.iep.utm.edu/
fanon.
Said, edward w. “Always on Top.” review of Civilising
Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English
Imagination 1830-67, by Catherine hall.
London Review of Books, march 30, 2002.
Accessed January 11, 2016. http://www.lrb.
co.uk/v25/n06/said01_.html.
F a n o n , F r a n t z . “ l’ A n C i n q : d e l a r é v o l u t i o n
Algérienne.” Paris: François maspero, 1959.
Published in english as Chevalier, haakon,trans. A Dying Colonialism. New York: grove
Press, 1965.

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A Postcolonial Point of View of Afro-Brazilian Culture and Its Relation to Contemporary African Popular Culture

Fanon, Frantz. “les Damnés de la Terre.” Paris:
François maspero, 1961. Published in english
as Farrington, Constance, trans. The Wretchedof the Earth. New York: grove Press, 1965.
Fanon, Frantz. “Peau Noire, masques Blancs.” Paris:
editions du Seuil, 1952. Published in english
as markmann, Charles lam, trans. Black Skin,
White Masks. New York: grove Press, 1967.
Fanon, Frantz. “Pour la révolution Africaine.” Paris:
François maspero, 1964. Published in english
as Chevalier, haakon, trans. Toward the African
Revolution. New York: grove Press, 1967.
Said, edward w. “orientalism.” vintage, october 1979.

100 CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界あとがきにかえて異文化はやっぱり身体で感じてこそ！
王 柳蘭

京都大学地域研究統合情報センター／京都大学白眉センター特定准教授

東南アジア・東アジアで移民研究をしてきた私がア
フロ・ブラジルの伝統芸能・カポエィラのイベントのちな議論を展開していたが、「異文化はやっぱり身体で感じてこそ！」と痛感した瞬間であった。

企画・運営になぜ関わったのか。カポエィラのワーク

実際、９月14日の最終日には二人の子どもを連れショップが開催されてから1年半がすぎた。2014年9て、京都で行われた実演講習会にも参加し、マンツー

月に東京と京都で実技・実演も含めたワークショップ

マンで基本的なステップを教えてもらったり、演奏にを開催し、その記録をまとめ、編集しながら、われなが使われる打楽器の解説をしてもらったりした。その後

ら驚いてしまうのである。ブラジルには一度も行った

引き続き夕暮れの鴨川べりで行われたカポエィラにことがないうえに、カポエィラについてはまったく知

参加し、ビデオをまわした。わずかだが、貴重な異文化らなかったからである。好奇心のみで企画に関わり、体験であった。

動いてしまう自分をあらためて発見している。

しかし、カポエィラが伝えるメッセージは深かっ

この企画は編著者であるアンドレア・ユリ・フロレ

た。東京・京都で開催されたワークショップでは、学術

ス・ウルシマさんと荒川幸祐さんならびに多くの協力的に広がる多様かつ相互に関連するテーマについて者によって実現可能となった。その詳細については、議論された。黒人奴隷と抵抗する身体、アフロ・ブラジ

本報告書のなかで執筆者がさまざまな形で企画とのル文化とディアスポラ、人種と国民文化におけるアイ

関わりやそこで得られた体験について記述されていデンティティの位相、女性の権利と社会運動、ポストるので、そちらをぜひ読んでいただきたい。

コロニアル状況下における身体・音楽文化と異文化混

私は、その前年にたちあげた 地域研究コンソーシ

淆、ノンバーバル・コミュニケーションが持ちうる可アム（ JCAS ）の次世代ワークショップ枠の一つであ

能性、宗教・音楽・儀礼・舞闘の交差、身体論とマイノる「異文化・環境教育枠」の運営にコミットしていた。

リティ哲学等。カポエィラをめぐる歴史的な流れを踏

異文化を子どもたちに伝えていくツールは、机上の学

まえつつ、ブラジルやアフリカという地域に限定した問だけではあるまい。アカデミアを越えてNPOやさまトピックに収束させていくのではなく、むしろ多角的

ざまな人と交わり、コミュニケーションしていくなか

かつ現代的な課題と展望について普遍的なテーマをで、肌身で異文化を体験し経験できるプロジェクトを

シェアしつつ活発な議論が行われたのである。
あらためて振り返ると、こうした問題群は移民研究支援するのが目的であった。
結果はどうであっただろうか。当初の予想をはるかとも底辺では繋がっていたのである。地域の壁を越えに上回り、子どもに異文化を伝えるという僭越な自己て発見できる未知なる世界がある。ホザンジェラ・ア

意識はまたたくまに消え去り、自分がカポエィラに惹

ラウージョ師範による「文化は壁を伝って流れ落ちる

きつけられたのであった。

水のように、その水は境界線をすべてなぎ倒して、な2014年９月12日、平日の昼休み、京都大学稲盛財団

きものにしてしまいます」という一言が印象的であっ記念館の中庭にて、ブラジルから招聘した３人の師範た。ぜひ、将来はブラジルにも行ってみたい。好奇心の方、ならびに日本各地から集まったカポエィラの実がまた膨らんできた。

践者とともにオープニングが行われた。ライブで生の企画の裏方で頼りない部分もあったと思うが、多く声が身体に響き渡っていく快感と同時に、カラダを絶のことを学ばせていただき、こうした機会を与えてく

妙かつリズミカルに動かしながら対になって踊る光ださった京大関係者の先生ならびに事務の方がたと景を目の当たりにした。その場には京大の研究者や事

カポエィラの仲間のみなさんにお礼申し上げたい。

務職員、学生の方も立ち観されていた。企画準備の段
階では、申請書に「抵抗と身体」をテーマに、頭でっか

あとがきにかえて── 異文化はやっぱり身体で感じてこそ！ 王柳蘭

101

付属のDVD「アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界」は、荒川幸祐氏（グルーポ・インズィンガ・委員、
ブラジル映像作家）が映像編集・ナレーション等を担当して制作しました。カポエィラの概要や歴史、東京と京都で開催した一連のイベントのようすに加えて、３人の師範のインタビューも収録しています。カポ
エィラ・アンゴーラの雰囲気を、目と耳で感じられる内容となっています。
ぜひご覧ください。DVDは家庭用のプレイヤー等で再生可能です。下記のサイトでもご覧いただけます。

http://www.cias.kyoto-u.ac.jp/video/capoeira/上のコードが平面になるように置いて、真上から携帯電話のカメラで撮影してください（スマー
トフォンの場合はリーダーを起動してから読み取ってください）。コードが無事に読みとれると自動的にデータが画面に表示されます。URLをクリックすると動画掲載ページにアクセスします。

CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64

アンドレア・ユリ・フロレス・ウルシマ、荒川幸祐、王 柳蘭 編著

アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ
対話する身体がつなぐ世界
発 行
発行者

2016年3月
京都大学地域研究統合情報センター
京都市左京区吉田下阿達町46 〒 6 0 6 -8 5 0 1
電話: 0 75-75 3 -9603 FAX : 075 -753 -9602
E-mail: ciasjimu@cias.kyoto-u.ac.jp
http://www.cias.kyoto-u.ac.jp/

102 CIAS Discussion Paper No. 64 アフロ・ブラジル文化のカポエィラ・アンゴーラ ── 対話する身体がつなぐ世界