Philippe Mongin

Spurious unanimity and the Pareto
principle
Working paper
Original citation:
Mongin, P. (2005) Spurious unanimity and the Pareto principle. CPNSS working paper, vol. 1,
no. 5. The Centre for Philosophy of Natural and Social Science (CPNSS), London School of
Economics, London, UK.
This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/23942/
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SPURIOUS UNANIMITY AND THE PARETO PRINCIPLE
Paper presented at the Conference on Utilitarianism, New Orleans,
March 1997
Philippe MONGIN,
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique

1. Introduction
The present paper is a critique of the Pareto principle, one of the building blocks of
traditional welfare economics as well as an influential principle in recent normative
economics and moral philosophy. The principle states that if the members of society
express the same preference judgment between two options, this judgment iscompelling for the social observer (who may be either a policy-maker or a moral
observer, depending on the interpretation). More technically, the weak version of theprinciple stipulates only that unanimous strict preference judgments should be
respected, and the strong version has two parts: first, unanimous indifference should be
respected (this part is called Pareto-indifference); second, when weak preference isunanimous and at least one individual's preference is strict, then the observer should
entertain that individual's strict preference (this is sometimes called strict Pareto). We
are concerned here with both the weak and strong versions.
To debunk the Pareto principle, we will adopt the following roundabout strategy. First,
we need to distinguish it from other unanimity principles with which it is often - in our
opinion incorrectly - identified. This preliminary groundwork capitalizes on some of therecent work in normative economics (section 2). Second, we argue that for the choseninterpretation of the principle, preference unanimity alone is not sufficient to compel thesocial observer. Unanimity without unanimous reasons - what we call spurious
unanimity - has no normative standing (section 3). Next, we investigate various cases ofspurious and non-spurious unanimity in detail. The major cases involve the Bayesianmodel of rational choice under uncertainty which we show leads to a proliferation of
spuriously unanimous preferences (section 4). There is an impossibility theorem insocial choice theory to the effect that Bayesian preferences not do aggregate
consistently. Because this impossibility theorem leads to a powerful argument against
the Pareto principle, we compare it with the dismissive argument based on spurious
unanimity (section 5). There are examples, again borrowed from the uncertainty
context, where even non-spurious preference unanimity is not compelling. We argue
this point while discussing the (normatively spurious) probabilistic analogue of thePareto principle (section 6). Finally, we discuss spurious preference unanimity in theremaining contexts of risk and certainty, with a view of showing that it can also occur inthese contexts (section 7).
At this point, a hopefully complete argument against the Pareto principle will have been
produced, since the following two conclusions will then be established: spurious
preference unanimity, for one, deprives the principle from its alleged universal force,and for another, can occur in any informational context in which the principle is used.
The extension of the critique beyond the case where the individuals entertain different

2subjective probabilities on the set of states of the world is a delicate, and probably
novel, step in the discussion of the Pareto principle. One already existing position innormative economics is that the principle does not apply to preferences over uncertain
prospects when subjective probabilities differ. The point of the present paper is in partto extend the critique of the Pareto principle beyond this existing position. For anotherpart, it is to comfort the negative conclusion already obtained for the uncertainty
context by using different, possibly more direct arguments.
We would like to emphasize at the outset that nowhere in the paper does our critiquedepend on assuming that all or some of the members of society are irrational. It would
be too easy to deny the principle that preference unanimity is compelling by pointing
out that individuals sometimes have spurious reasons, or have no reasons at all, for theirpreference judgments. We are concerned here with ideally reflective individuals who
can defend their preference judgments in terms of statable reasons. It is not the lack or
the inadequacy of individual reasons, but their distribution across society, which leads
to what we call spurious preference unanimity. To formalize rationality we will employ
the standard models of contemporary decision theory. Our concept of rationality under
uncertainty is the Bayesian one, and more particularly, Savage's (1972). To take theBayesian framework for granted is a self-consented limitation of the present analysis.
2. The Pareto principle versus other unanimity principles
We first need to distinguish between several common interpretations of the Pareto
principle. This preliminary analysis will lead to separate the Pareto principle proper,
which is the topic of this paper, from other related unanimity principles. Following one
common view the former is a particular rendering of the democratic sovereignty
principle : political decisions are legitimate to the extent only that they originate in thepeople. The members of society are the source of the law which applies to them; if they
do not themselves legislate, they should appoint their legislators, who will be
accountable to them. When political scientists and political philosophers discuss thePareto principle, this is often done in connection with democratic sovereignty. Viewed
in this way, the principle seems to be basic and unexceptionable. Disagreements among
the citizens raise difficulties for democratic politics, but agreement does not; what thecitizens decide unanimously should automatically be implemented.
The political reading of the Pareto principle equivocates on the meaning of individual
preferences. Plainly, what one decides for oneself is not necessarily what one prefers.
This simple point had to be made repeatedly by philosophers against those economists
who defend "revealed preference theory" and thus confuse one kind of decision - i.e., achoice between alternatives - with preference.1 The dismissal of "revealed preference
theory" appears to be relevant here, even if the context of discussion is a non-economic
one. In the political realm there is the further complication that the citizens do notdecide for themselves but really propose that something should be decided. This further
enlarges the gulf between preference and decision. The connection between the twodoes not become tighter since a proposal is made unanimously. A candidate X canconceivably be unanimously elected to be President not only by those who prefer X tocompetitors W and Z, but - typically, for some strategic reason - also by those who
1See in particular Sen's critique (1982, ch.2).

3
prefer Z to X and those who prefer W to X; among X's electors there might even be
people for which X was the worst of all three candidates. Voting theory has made thissort of cases familiar. The choice of X as a president will be legitimized by the
democratic sovereignty principle, but not by the Pareto principle. The latter simply does
not apply to the case, since the electors were not unanimous in their preferences.
Thus, the political interpretation of the Pareto principle relies on an equivocation.
Arrow (1951) uses a formalism of binary relations which he explicitly wants to beinterpretable not only in terms of preferences, but also in terms of votes for candidates
or political motions. Following the latter interpretation his famous impossibility
theorem uncovers a potential dysfunctioning of democracy. This way of looking at
Arrow's work is respectable, and indeed standard in political science. It is justunfortunate that this political interpretation is stated in terms of the Pareto principle,
which, again, typically does not apply to the context of democratic decision-making.
Notice that Arrow's work antidates, and in some sense was superseded by, the work of
those theorists who emphasized the strategic side of the vote. If we ask whether
spurious unanimity of preferences, as in the example of X above, creates a problem forthe democratic sovereignty principle, the answer is probably that it does, but not to thepoint of calling democratic sovereignty into question. The issue should really bephrased in terms of spurious majority - a familiar occurrence in the history of western
democracies. However, these political issues are beyond the scope of a paper concernedwith the Pareto principle proper.
The Pareto principle is often discussed in an interpretation in which preferences refer totastes. For instance, see again Arrow (1951-1963, p.71-72). At least, this is a defensible
interpretation for the word "preference": many of my preference judgments just express
my tastes (when I say that I prefer wine to beer, or vacationing in the mountains tovacationing on the seaside). The taste interpretation of the Pareto principle underlies theill-defined but influential "consumer sovereignty" doctrine, and can probably be traced
back to Pareto himself (although his exposition of Pareto optimality in the Manueld'économie politique (1906) is notoriously obscure). Despite the air of respectability
that the "consumer sovereignty" doctrine enjoys, one wonders whether one can go very
far in normative economics with just a taste interpretation of preference. By themselvesindividual tastes do not carry much normative force. That I prefer reading a book to
doing gymnastics of course does not mean that I should indulge in bookreading at theexpense of doing physical exercises. Clearly also, this taste-based preference does notwarrant a claim on social resources. I cannot just mention my taste for books to claim
more resources for libraries or the publishing business; that would not be the properargument to make. The normative force of individual tastes does not change all thesudden when they happen to be shared unanimously. Thus, the Pareto principle does notseem to have much to recommend itself in a taste interpretation of preferences. Contrary
to the political interpretation, this one does not distort the meaning of preference, but it
does not make unanimous preference compelling for the social observer.
What the writers on consumer sovereignty were groping for is probably that thesatisfaction of one's tastes contributes towards one's welfare even if it is - of course - notthe whole of it. It is one consideration to be balanced against others in determining theindividual (and derivately, the social) welfare or well-being. Contrary to the satisfactionof tastes, the realization of individual welfare carries with it considerable normative
force. Accordingly, the principle recommending to maximize all the members ofsociety's welfare whenever this does not raise any mutual incompatibility deserves to be4taken very seriously. This principle can be stated as follows: whenever option x
conduces to more welfare for all members of society than does option y, then the social
observer take option x rather than y. A weak and a strong version of this principle ofcompatible welfare can be devised, exactly as for the standard Pareto principle. It is far
from being ethically indisputable, as the lively critique of "welfarism" in current
normative economics demonstrates, but it is a principle worth serious consideration.2
It is important to realize that the principle of compatible welfare is not simply a variantof the Pareto principle. The latter is formulated in terms of unanimous preference for x
over y, not in terms of x enhancing everybody's welfare more than y. As Samuelson(1947-1983, p.223) puts it concisely, the Pareto principle stipulates that "individuals'
preferences are to count".3 There is a world of difference between one formulation andthe other. This point would perhaps not deserve emphasis if welfare economists had not
obscured it for a long time. A once respected welfare economist, de Graaff wrote
bluntly that"a person's welfare map is defined to be identical with his preference map" (1957, p.5),
an extraordinary pronouncement if one thinks of it. It seems painfully obvious that what
I prefer is not necessarily what everything considered, will increase my well-being. I
prefer continuing to smoke, even if stopping would on the whole be better for me. ("Onthe whole" indicates that allowance should be made for the fact that my taste forsmoking will be frustrated.) Today's welfare economists are more aware of theconceptual gap between preference and welfare than was de Graaff in his time.
However, they are still busy drawing conclusions about the society's welfare fromreasonings constructed only in terms of preferences. For instance, the claim is often
made that under a wide range of circumstances, the opening of a new market increases
the overall welfare. It would be more accurate to rephrase the conclusion like this: if theindividuals were given the opportunity to compare, all would rather have the economy
with the new market than without. A Pareto improvement does not necessarily amountto a welfare improvement.
Thus, once again, it seems as if the Pareto principle draws its persuasive force fromanother principle to which it is somehow related, but which is distinct from it. Is there agenuine version of the principle that could be normatively defended? To be genuine thisversion should be stated in terms of preferences; to be defensible, it should involve
something besides preferences.4 An exclusively preference-based version of the Pareto
principle will fail to be compelling, exactly as in the particular case in which
preferences were equated with tastes. Suppose that all the members of society prefer a
2Recent reviews of the welfarism debate include Hausman and MacPherson (1996), Roemer (1996), andMongin and d'Aspremont (1997).
3It is worth quoting the whole passage from the Foundations: "A more extreme assumption, which stems
from the individualist philosophy of modern Western Civilization, states that individual preferences areto "count". If any movement leaves an individual on the same indifference curve, then the social functionis unchanged, and similarly for an increase or decrease. Actually, an examination of the principles ofjurisprudence, the folkway and mores, shows that in its extreme form this assumption is rarely proposed.
Even "sane" adults are not permitted to eat and drink what they think best, individuals cannot sellthemselves in order to consume more in the present, ...But economists in the orthodox tradition havetended to consider the above cases as exceptions" (1947-1983, p.223).
We interpret this passage by a prominent economic theorist (who in 1983 revisited his work largely
approvingly) as confirming two things: ( i) for what it is worth, the Pareto principle is stated in terms ofpreferences; (ii) it is undefended within economics.
4Compare this assessment with Broome's (1991, p. 155). He also contrasts a political and a (roughly
speaking) welfarist interpretation of the Pareto principle. But contrary to him, we give a chance - at least
for the sake of the argument - to a unanimity principle stated in terms of preferences.

5certain bridge to be built rather than not built; or they prefer itinerary x to be chosenrather than y for the new motorway around the capital. Why should this unanimous
preference be compelling? One reason why in the absence of further information, it
cannot be compelling has already been mentioned: the common preference judgment
might very well be based only on the members of society's tastes, and tastes bythemselves do not normatively compel to anything; they are just one consideration to bebalanced against others. Once built, the bridge will redirect commercial relations inways that the individuals might not have considered when forming their preferences.
The alternative itineraries x and y have distinctive environmental consequences which,again, the individuals might not have considered. All this suggests that preference data
are not by themselves sufficient information to incline the social observer one way or
another. Hence, the Pareto principle, in the preference interpretation, cannot be
defended unless it is modified to take also some non-preference information into
account. This critical point is closely related to Sen's at one stage of his critique of"welfarism", notably in "Utilitarianism and Welfarism" (1979).5
What kind of non-preference information must be added to qualify the Pareto principle
appropriately is not at all easy to say. The "post-welfarist" literature does provide
interesting (though non-unanimous and non-compelling) guidance. However, given thecritical purpose of this paper, we need perhaps not investigate this literature in detail.
We can follow a short-cut here, and just reason on what appears to be a necessary
condition for any defensible version of the Pareto principle proper (i.e., preferencebased): it should imply that not only individual preference data but thereasons for these
preferences are both known to the social observer and used by him to make his
preference judgment. Our notion of "reasons" here include conformity to the formal
principles of decision theory, such as transitivity, the "sure-thing principle" of Bayesian
decision theory, and the like, but it goes far beyond that. We mean substantial reasons
as well - i.e., reasons which matter because of their content. How reasons are to bedelineated depends on the particular context of evaluation. In the next section we
specialize in a context where the reasons for a preference judgment are the utility values
for the consequences of each action, and the probabilities of states of nature. To bringhome the point about substantial reasons, we will not be concerned solely with theformal notion that the individuals base their preferences on some pair of probability
and utility functions, but also with the values taken by these probability and utility
functions.
3. Spurious unanimity defined and excluded
Any defensible version of the Pareto principle will have to satisfy the following
normative claims:(i) the observer should have reasons for ranking the unanimously preferred alternative
above the other;(ii) taken in themselves, individual preference comparisons between social alternatives
do not constitute a reason for the observer to rank one alternative above another;(iii) the observer's reasons are derived from considering no more than the individuals'
preference comparisons between social alternatives and their respective reasons forthese comparisons.
5Sen's (1985) later critique extends beyond this point by suggesting that welfare information might be notso much insufficient as altogether irrelevant.

6
Claims (i) and (ii) essentially formalize the discussion of the previous section, but claim(iii) also involves a novel consideration. In whatever version, the Pareto principle
should include an individualistic assumption. (Sometimes in the past, it was even"defended" on the sole basis of individualism; this was a defective argument, ofcourse.6) In essence, individualism means that the social observer is non-creative. His
reasons for preferring one option to another should be based only on the knowledge of
relevant individual "items". That is all that individualism implies. What is specific toclaim (iii) is that in accordance with the previous discussion, it includes the individuals'
reasons among the relevant "items". The conventional (but inadequate) version of thePareto principle, in the preference-based version, presumably hinges on (i), the negateof (ii), and the following strengthening of (iii):(iii') the observer's reasons are derived from considering no more than individual
preference comparisons.
Unanimity of preference comparisons can prevail either with or without the individuals'
reasons for these comparisons being themselves unanimous. We contrast these twocases as genuine and spurious preference unanimity, respectively, and proceed to argue
that the Pareto principle is not compelling in the case of spurious preference unanimity.
This appears to follow straightforwardly from points (i), (ii) and (iii) above. Since theobserver can take into account no more than the individuals' preference comparisonsand reasons for these, and preference comparisons by themselves are not reasons, only
the individuals' reasons can provide the observer with reasons for his own preference
ranking. But when spurious unanimity prevails, the individuals' reasons conflict witheach other; they simultaneously point in different directions. In the absence of anarbitration principle, which would exceed the content of (iii), there is no way to decide
between these conflicting arguments. Hence, spurious unanimity does not compel thesocial observer to assent to the commonly expressed preference. Of course, it does notcommit him to the opposite preference either; the observer's deliberative process has no
determinate outcome.
Spurious unanimity can be illustrated as follows. The social alternatives to be evaluated
are to construct a bridge (x) across a river which is also the border of the country or not
to construct it (y). The country - call it L - happens to be poor, though not miserable. It
can claim century-old traditions of handicraft and unsophisticated but relatively
environment-friendly agriculture, as well as peaceful social interaction. The
neighbouring country - call it T - happens to be one of these fast-growing, quickly
westernized countries which have conquered access to the amenities of modern life at
the expense of jeopardizing their traditions and damaging the environment. One groupof individuals in L believe that the more likely consequence of bridging the twocountries with each other is that theirs will be swamped with an influx of products,
people and techniques from T, and the old, backward way of life which still plagues L
will hopefully disappear before the next generation. The remaining group in L believethat this country is too small to be a significant stake for T's businessmen, so thatcommercial and technological invasion is excluded; the limited extra flows across thebridge will just bring about a little more convenience to the poor people of beautiful L
without jeopardizing their valuable way of life. We assume that there is a wellintentioned international organization which is eager to build the bridge as soon as thepeople in L agree, so that costs are not an issue between the two camps. We claim that
the L people's unanimous preference for having the bridge built carries no normative
6Hence the label "individualism" in some classic papers of early welfare economics.

7
weight; the international organization should not base a case for funding the bridge
works on these people's spurious unanimity.7
4. How spurious unanimity proliferates in the uncertainty context
More formally, let us introduce some basic notions of subjective expected utility (SEU)
theory. (The latter is also commonly referred to as Bayesianism; indeed, Bayes' rule forrevision will also be used at some point in the argument below.) In SEU theory theobjects of preference are acts. The latter are defined to be functions from states of theworld s∈S to consequences c∈C; let us denote them by a∈A. This formalization neatly
captures the notion that the individual is uncertain about the consequences of his
actions. Which consequence c occurs is determined by the joint data of his act a and thestate s, which he does not know beforehand. Preferences over consequences are aparticular case of preferences ≤ over acts, since a consequence c can be identified withthe act having constant value c. Axiomatic versions of SEU theory - Savage's (19541972) being the most elaborate among them - imply the theorem that there exists a
representation of ≤ in terms of an expected utility functional ∑U(a(s))P(s) or∫U(a(s))dP(s), where U(.) is a function on C and P(.) a probability measure on S. The
function U(.) is to be referred to as the individual's utility function (implicitly: overconsequences), and P(.) as the individual's subjective probability. Both items are wellidentified because - this also follows as a theorem from any standard axiomatization of
SEU- U(.) is unique up to positive affine transformations and P(.) is absolutely unique.8
Take a two-person society in which the preference of each member i=1, 2 over acts canbe represented by a SEU functional with utility function Ui and probability Pi. We
make the technical assumption - let us denote it by (A) - that P1≠P2 and that there are
two consequences c, c' such that U1(c)>U1(c') and U2(c)<U2(c'). We make the further
technical assumption - call it (B) - that for some event E, the two individuals strongly
disagree in their relative probability assignments of E and Ec (this denotes thecomplementary event of E), that is:
P1(E)>P1(Ec) and P2(E)<P2(Ec).
Now, consider acts a and b defined as follows:a(s)=c if s∈E and a(s)=c' if s∈Ec;b(s)=c' if s∈E and b(s)=c if s∈Ec.
A straightforward expected utility calculation shows that the two individuals will agree
in preferring a to b:
Pi(E) Ui(c) + Pi(Ec) Ui(c') > Pi(E) Ui(c') + Pi(Ec) Ui(c), for i=1, 2.
Remarkably, they have opposite reasons to conclude that a is preferable to b. Individual
1 thinks that E is strictly more likely than Ec, and c strictly preferable to c'; individual 2
thinks that Ec is strictly more likely than E, and c' strictly preferable to c. By the magicof the expected utility calculation, the final evaluations turn out to be concordant. Thisis the paradigmatic case of spurious unanimity: unanimity prevails in terms of
7The acute reader will find out which Asian countries these initials refer to. Kadaré's (1981) beautiful
novel contains a different, but not totally unrelated illustration of the ambiguous effects of bridging two
countries with each other.
8We exclude the famous complication of state-dependent utilities (i.e., when the utility evaluation ofconsequences depends on the state in which these consequences occur, and when each consequence isperhaps not available in each state).

8
preferences over acts, but not in terms of the reasons justifying this common preference.
This is the bridge example in algebraic language.
The diagnostic that unanimity is spurious depends on how one delineates theindividuals' reasons for preferring an act over another. Some alternative rationales forboth 1 and 2 preferring a to b would perhaps imply that the individuals also agree at thelevel of their underlying reasons. We do not deny this possibility. But since we assume
throughout a SEU model of rationality, this sets the standard for what counts as a reason
and what does not. Following the SEU logic there are only two considerations that canbe called upon to justify or dispute one individual's ranking of acts - i.e., his probability
assignments to events and his utility assignments to consequences. The distinction
between probability and utility assignments is a particular rendering of thecommonsensical distinction between beliefs and desires. Nonbayesian theories either
imply that beliefs and desires are mapped onto technical concepts other than probability
and utility, or involve agregation rules more complex than the additive procedure
followed in SEU theory, or both. We suspect that spurious unanimity cases will occur inevery theory which takes desires and beliefs to be the reasons for acting, treats them as
being independent variables, and is intended to cover a sufficiently rich domain of acts.
(The last two conditions essentially mean that every conceivable configuration ofdesires and beliefs is made available). In other words, we suspect that spurious
unanimity examples could be constructed for each of the existing nonbayesianmodellings of preference under uncertainty, but we do not investigate this claim here.
Since SEU theory covers, among others, the configurations of utilities and probabilities
implied by spurious preference unanimity, the diagnostic is well-established. We canstrengthen our case by saying something about the "frequency" of the paradoxicalconfigurations. As it turns out, spurious unanimity cases literally proliferate in Savage's
framework of Bayesianism. This can be checked at the same time as one shows that
Savage's axioms make assumption (B) redundant with (A). Savage's (P6) (1954-1972,p.39) imposes constraints on the state space and the individual's preference relation
which are eventually reflected in the property that the derived subjective probability is
nonatomic . Nonatomicity says that any event with positive probability can bepartitioned into two complementary subevents having themselves positive probability.
Formally, if P(E)>0, there exist two disjoint events E' and E'' such that E'∪E''=E andP(E')>0 and P(E'')>0. It is actually permissible to take P(E') =αP(E) for any α strictly
between 0 and 1. Applying the nonatomicity property, it is not difficult to show that (A)alone will lead to cases of spurious unanimity. This is worth emphasizing since theprobabilistic assumption in (A) is much weaker than in (B). The former condition
simply requires that P1 and P2 be distinct. The beauty of Savage's axioms is that they
automatically imply that distinct subjective probability measures lead to strong
probabilistic disagreements as in (B). Also, the construction shows that for no
individual does spurious unanimity have zero measure; in particular, there are infinitely
many cases of spurious unanimity.
5. Spurious unanimity and the impossibility of consistent Bayesian aggregation
We have gone far enough to be able to compare the present argument against the Pareto
principle and the much discussed impossibility theorem that Bayesian preferences
cannot be aggregated consistently. Here is an informal statement of the theorem relative

9
to a multi-agent Savage framework; for technical details the reader is referred to
Mongin (1995).9 Suppose that a group of individuals i= 1,...,n obey Savage's axioms ofpreference under uncertainty, and accordingly, that their preferences can be represented
in terms of a SEU functional with a utility function Ui and a nonatomic probability Pi.
Suppose also that there is an observer, to be referred to by index i=0, who registers theindividuals' preference judgments and attempts to aggregate them. By assumption, thisobserver's preferences are consistent with the individuals', which means two things:(C1) they satisfy the same decision-theoretic axioms (here: Savage's) as those satisfied
by individual preferences; (C2) they satisfy the Pareto principle in either the weak orstrong version. The theorem states that if some "technical" conditions - akin to (A)above - are also satisfied, then the weak Pareto version leads to some form ofdictatorship, and the strong Pareto version to sheer logical impossibility. (Two forms of
dictatorship are considered: probability dictatorship, when the observer's probability P0
coincides with one of the individuals' probability, and utility dictatorship, when theobserver utility U0 is identical to one of the individuals' utility up to a relevanttransformation.) The theorem can be interpreted as saying that the two consistency
conditions overdetermine the observer's aggregation rule. It is typically discussed interms of which of the conditions should be dropped. The majority's view seems to bethat (C1) has a higher normative standing than (C2); these writers recommend toresolve the conflict by keeping the former and dropping the latter.
The usual argument for reaching this conclusion is that (C1) is a rationality requirementon the observer's preferences, and thus indispensable in any normative context ofapplication. The problem with this way of arguing is that it makes the conclusion
against (C2) contingent on an argument for (C1). Strong as it seems, condition (C1) has
to be defended. Even if Bayesian rationality is taken to be the standard for theindividuals' rational preference, it remains to show that the social observer too should
be subjected to it. This is why the consistency principle (C1) is introduced - a
uniformity principle which is independent of which rationality standard is selected forthe individuals.
One advantage of the present critique is perhaps that it is quicker in reaching the samenegative conclusion against the Pareto principle. It does not depend on arguing for theobserver's Bayesianism, but only on making the points that the observer should havereasons for his preference judgment and that these reasons must be inferred fromconsidering the individuals' own reasons. On the other hand, the present argument is not
as sharp as the existing one, which is structured by a mathematical statement and has
the simple form of a dilemma. That (C1) and (C2) logically conflict with each other
under relevant circumstances is an important result of collective choice theory. Somereaders will be inclined to see the present argument as comforting rather than replacing
the existing one. It is good to have further reasons for dropping (C2) if they turn out tobe independent from those adduced for adhering to (C1). This is the case with the
spurious unanimity argument.
There is a further lesson to be drawn from the discussion of spurious unanimity: it
tentatively suggests a partial remedy to the failure of the Pareto principle in theuncertainty context. Instead of dropping (C2) altogether, why not first try to restrict it to
9There are alternative formulations of this impossibility theorem. Seidenfeld, Kadane, and Schervish(1989) provide a two-person illustration within a more accessible axiomatic framework than Savage's.
See the further references, as well as the extensive discussion, in Mongin and d'Aspremont (1997, section
5).

10
cases of non-spurious unanimity? Suppose that this can be done meaningfully; suppose
also that somehow, the restricted principle eschews the impossibility-of-consistentBayesian conclusion; then, all objections would vanish, and at least some form of
Paretianism could be salvaged. Accordingly, we should explore the following tentative
principle:(*) In the uncertainty context, unanimous preference comparisons are compelling forthe observer if and only if the individuals agree on both the probability and utility
rankings underlying these preference comparisons.
6. The uncertainty context continued, and the difficulty aggravatedPrinciple (*) is tailor-made to address the spurious unanimity objection. Remarkably, it
is also appropriate to circumvent the impossibility of consistent Bayesian aggregation.
The latter theorem says that (C1) and (C2) clash with each otherunder relevant
technical assumptions. These assumptions might go unnoticed but turn out to be crucial
to the proof. Roughly speaking, they amount to saying that the Pareto principle will
apply to at least one case of genuine and at least one case of spurious unanimity. That
the aggregative rule is degenerate, or cannot exist, then follows from applying theprinciple to the genuine and the spurious cases in succession, and drawing theconsequences. This proof is blocked once the spurious unanimity case is excluded.
Two-person examples neatly illustrate this logic.10
More than that is true. When spurious unanimity is excluded by assumption from thecollective Savage framework, consistency in the double sense does not overdetermine
the observer's preference anymore. It can be checked that an aggregative rule exists, andthat it is non-dictatorial. This sketch of resolution will be of interest to those writers11
who have suggested that in the uncertainty context, the Pareto principle should besuitably restricted rather than abandonned altogether. Principle (*) provides a restrictionthat is both precise and technically effective. However, it will soon turn out that a
resolution in terms of (*) is unconvincing. Spurious unanimity and the impossibility ofconsistent Bayesian aggregation are not the only objections that can be raised against
the Pareto principle in the uncertainty context. We are now to raise an altogether
different problem. It will be shown to hit principle (*).
To introduce this further objection we need to make a detour. We will first discuss thefollowing, purely probabilistic unanimity principle:(**) If the individuals all agree that event A has greater probabiility than event B, soshould the social observer.
This unanimity principle can be made precise in a weak and a strong versions, exactly
like the Pareto principle. It has an interest of its own, as witnesses the abundant
literature on probability aggregation in statistics and management science. For instance,a widely circulated survey by Genest and Zidek (1986) discusses axiomatizations of the
10The technical argument for this paragraph is explained in Mongin (1995, Example 3, p.331) who use

the weak version of the Pareto principle. Compare with Broome's (1991, p.152) two-person example,
which relates to the strong version.
11Among them is Levi (1990) in his comment of Seidenfeld, Kadane and Schervish (1989).

11"linear pooling rule": for any set of individual probability measures P1, ..., Pn, theobserver's probability measure is some convex combination of P1,..., Pn. The "linear
pooling rule" can be axiomatized variously, but it should be clear that it satisfies at least
the weak version of principle (**). When every coefficient in the convex combination ispositive, the strong version is satisfied too. The "linear pooling rule" is but theprobabilistic counterpart of generalized utilitarianism (i.e., utilitarianism with possibly
different nonnegative weights for the individuals).
We claim that principle (**) cannot be normatively compelling. This is shown by meansof the following urn example.12 Suppose there is an urn which has many black balls
and only a few white balls. There are two individuals and an observer; they all know the
proportions of white and black balls. Each individual will be asked to draw a ball (withreplacement). He will just observe the result of his own drawing; the observer does notobserve the result of either drawing. After each individual has drawn a ball, they are
asked by the observer to compare the probabilities of a given event E and its
complementary Ec. Having obtained the two individuals' answers, the observer makes
his own probability assessment of E. The design of this experiment is common
knowledge to the three participants. Each individual's probabilistic comparison is justreported to the observer, not to the other individual.
We take event A1 (A2) to mean that individual 1 (resp. 2) has drawn a white ball.
Remember that A1 and A2 have very low prior probability. The event E of interest to
the observer is that the total number of white balls drawn by the two individuals is even(hence, either 0 or 2). Now, suppose the two individuals are unanimous to say that E isless probable than Ec:
Pi(E) < Pi(Ec), i=1,2.
Should the observer endorse this unanimous judgment? On the contrary, he should
conclude that:
P0(E) > P0(Ec).
The argument is as follows: given the informational assumptions, the observer should
conclude that each individual will state that E is less probable than Ec if and only if thisindividual has drawn a white ball. (If the individual draws a white ball, he reasons that
his ball is likely to be the only white ball drawn, which makes E less probable than Ec.
If he does not draw a white ball, he thinks it likely that no white ball at all has beendrawn, which makes E more probable than Ec.) In view of the unanimous judgment that
E is less probable than Ec, the observer should conclude that each individual has
observed a white ball, and thus that E is more probable than Ec. This counterexample
defeats the probabilistic variant (**) of the Pareto principle. As a by-product, it leads toquestioning the rationality of the popular "linear pooling rule".
The counterexample relies on a Bayesian updating argument which is potentially very
general. Difficulties for principle (**) are likely to arise any time that: (a) the
individuals have different private information and update their prior probabilities byconditioning them on this information; (b) the observer has no direct access to theindividuals' private information but has some indirect access to it by observing their
updated probabilities; and (c) the individuals do not communicate their updated

12 This example, or a closely related variant, was suggested to us by Ed Green. We are grateful to him, as

well as David Schmeidler, for illuminating conversations on the principle of probabilistic unanimity.

12
probabilities to each other. To see the role of condition (c), suppose that the updated
comparisons:Pi(E) < Pi(Ec), i= 1,2,
are public knowledge between the individuals. Then, each should reason in the way theobserver did in the previous paragraph, and conclude that the other has drawn a whiteball. Each should conclude that two white balls have been drawn. Accordingly, theindividuals will make a second updated comparison opposite to the first:
Pi(E) > Pi(Ec), i= 1,2.
A moment's thought shows that if these inequalities are in turn made public between theindividuals, they will remain unchanged, and that the social observer should now
endorse them. Hence, the probabilistic Pareto principle is not defeated anymore. Thisillustrates the role of (c), and more generally, of a careful phrasing of the informational
assumptions.
More complicated examples would perhaps involve a sequence of changes in the two
individuals' posterior probabilities, the first updated comparisons bringing about asecond updating once they are made public, the second updated comparisons a third
updating, and so on. In similar examples, to make the first updated comparisons public
between the individuals is probably not enough to remove the objection against
principle (**). We conjecture that for any given n, if successive updatings are crosscommunicated only to the order n, a relevant probabilistic space can be devised todefeat (**). Only when one assumes the infinite sequence of updated probabilities to be
cross-communicated can principle (**) be in safety. This conjecture is closely related to
Aumann's (1976) famous proof that if two agents share the same prior probability
distribution and their posterior probabilities are common knowledge, then theseprobabilities must be equal.
We needed the negative argument just made about probabilistic unanimity in order todiscuss preference unanimity. The conclusion that in the uncertainty context, the Pareto
principle is inadequate will now follow from the lemma that under certain conditions,the Pareto principle implies (**), which has just been said to be inadequate. Actually,
since we are particularly interested in assessing the restricted version (*) of the Pareto
principle, we will prove the lemma in a slightly stronger form: we will show that the
restricted version (*) implies (**). The conditions for this implication to hold are, forone, that principle (*) is non-vacuous and, for another, and crucially, that not only theindividuals but also the observer satisfy SEU theory. The lemma is very easy to check.
It revolves around the familiar fact that given a well-chosen normalization of the utility
function, the value of the subjective probability is equal to the expected utility value ofa suitably selected act. This fact was put to use in Ramsey's early work on SEU, whereacts are interpreted as bets; it does not depend on adopting a particular axiom system,
Savage's or any other. For the sake of completeness we footnote a little proof for a twoperson society and the weak version of the Pareto principle.13
13Principle (*) implies that if there are a partition E, Ec and a pair of consequences c, c' such that: Pi(E)

Ui(c) + Pi(Ec) Ui(c') > Pi(E) Ui(c') + Pi(Ec) Ui(c), for i=1, 2,
with Pi(E) > Pi(Ec) and Ui(c) > Ui(c') for i=1, 2,
so that the two individuals agree on their reasons as well as on their preference,then the social observer endorses the common preference, i.e.: P0(E) U0(c) + P0(Ec) U0(c') > P0(E)U0(c') + P0(Ec) U0(c).
The last inequality depends on assuming that the observer himself satisfies subjective expected utility
theory. Now, principle (*) holds nonvacuously. This implies in particular that there exist consequences d,

13

7. Risk and certainty
The difficulties surrounding the Pareto principle in the uncertainty context have long
been recognized by some writers in welfare economics. The so-called ex post school(e.g., Hammond, 1982) rejects the Pareto principle at the stage where uncertainty
prevails (the "ex ante" stage) but accepts it at the stage where uncertainty is resolved(the "ex post" stage). The school maps this temporal distinction onto two versions of thePareto principle; it rejects the ex ante principle while upholding the ex post principle.
(Notice in passing that the ex post school authors are explicitly concerned with thePareto principle proper, not with the principles of democratic sovereignty or compatible
welfare. If needed, their writings would further testify to the relevance of analyzing
preference-based interpretations of the principle, like those selected in this paper.)
Although they are not always very precise about this, the crucial dividing line for themappears to be between differing and identical subjective probabilities rather thanbetween two temporal stages of analysis. The case in which probability values are given
by a commonly perceived chance mechanism (as in the economic theory of risk) would
be absolutely unproblematic to ex post writers. More generally, the Pareto principle atthe ex ante stage becomes acceptable to them if subjective probabilities have somehow
been already agreed upon between all agents in the model, including the observer.14
Despite its label, the ex post Pareto principle is intended to serve at the ex ante stage.
The school adheres to Bayesianism firmly. It claims that the social observer's ex ante
preferences should, like the individuals', satisfy the Bayesian axioms. The ex post
principle is intended to determine the observer's utility function U0 in terms of theindividuals' U1, ..., Un.15 The derived function U0 will have to be combined with P0, theobserver's subjective probability, in the way prescribed by SEU theory. This is all thatthe school has to contribute. Importantly, it does not say how P0 is to be determined. At
best, it mentions the reasonable but rather vague principle that the observer should takeall relevant information into account in forming his subjective probability; this may or
may not include taking into account the individuals' subjective probabilities as
manifested by their own ex ante preferences. That ex post school writers do not
determine the observer's probability in any way is the major difference between theirposition and the tentative reformulation (*) of the ex ante Pareto principle. Rememberthat (*) implies the principle of probabilistic unanimity (**), a stringent constraint on
d' such that Ui(d) > Ui(d') for i=1, 2. Applying principle (*) to the acts having constant values d and d'respectively, we also have that U0(d) > U0(d'), and the following joint normalization of utility functions
becomes available:
Ui(d) = 1 and Ui(d') = 0 for i= 0, 1, 2.
To see that the weak version of (**) holds, assume that for some event E:
Pi(E) > Pi(Ec), for i=1, 2.
By the chosen normalization, this is a particular case of a unanimous expected utility statement with
unanimous reasons, and the observer's expected utility statement implied by (*) can be reexpressed as:
P0(A) > P0(Ac).
14Evidence for this claim is provided by the ex post writers' occasional use of Harsanyi's framework of
expected utility, in which probabilities are always taken to be identical between agents, including thesocial observer. See Mongin and d'Aspremont (1997, section 5) for details and references.
15The ex post principle will typically imply that U0 can be expressed as an increasing function of U1, ...,
Un. This requires mild regularity assumptions on the Ui.

14
P0.16 The ex post school avoids the pitfalls of probabilistic unanimity but at the cost of
being very little informative. It can also foster a misunderstanding that we would like todispel. To adopt the ex post Pareto principle does not imply that all ex ante preference
information becomes irrelevant. Think again of the urn example: in this case, it is usefulfor the observer to know the individuals' preferences between some acts, since he caninfer from these preferences what the individuals' subjective probabilities of the eventof interest E are, and the example demonstrates that he can know for certain whether E
occurs or not just from knowing these two probabilities! This shatters a point sometimes
made in favour of the ex post school resolution - that it is informationally economical.
Recently, the ex post resolution has been criticized as being shallow.17 A common
theme to these criticisms is that it would be inconsistent to stop the case against thePareto principle just when the ex post stage is reached. In the Bayesian decisiontheoretic model consequences are taken to be ultimate consequences but this is just a
definition or a conventional device. Consequences are not final in any real sense. They
should rather be seen as aggregates of further uncertain consequences, each of which
could be analyzed in turn, and so on ad infinitum. In effect, consequences partake in thenature of uncertain prospects, or acts, to which the ex post school does not want toapply the Pareto principle; hence an inconsistency. This critique strikes us as powerful.
It would be instructive to formalize it within the context of Savage's theory in order toconnect it with some of the formal raised above. However, we do not pursue it because
the emphasis of this paper is put differently. The critical argument of section 3 wasintended to be perfectly general. Nothing in the way in which it is stated suggests that
uncertainty should be its only case of application. Spurious unanimity can also occur inthe remaining contexts of risk and certainty. Since the ex post school preserves thePareto principle for these two contexts, it should fall prey to the spurious unanimity
argument.
The following variant of the bridge example illustrates how the argument may work in
the certainty context. There are two consequences of bridging countries L and T witheach other, and there is no uncertainty whatever about these consequences. One is thatthe traditional way of life will disappear from L; the other is that more convenience will
be brought to the poor people in L. If it were possible, group 1 ("the cynicals") would
like to bring about consequence 1 without consequence 2 (say, because the poor will
make heavier demands on political participation once better off and this is considered tobe disruptive). If it were possible, group 2 ("the sentimentalists") would like to bringabout consequence 2 without consequence 1. So the two groups have conflicting
preferences in a very precise sense. However, they will both support the bridge projectif group 1 weighs the benefit of consequence 1 more heavily than the cost ofconsequence 2, and group 2 weighs the cost of consequence 1 less heavily than thebenefit of consequence 2. Should the social observer endorse the common preference
for the bridge project? We think not. The abstract argument of section 3 applies here:
since the observer should base his own reasons on the individuals' reasons, and thelatter are opposite, he would need an arbitration principle to decide, but that is excluded
by Paretian logic. The observer should decide whether consequences 1 and 2 are mostly
beneficial or detrimental, and nothing in the Pareto principle determines how thisdecision should be made. Exactly as in the uncertainty case, we cannot exclude that the
16In this connection we note the following consequence of Savage's framework: (**) is not only anecessary, but also a sufficient condition for the "linear pooling rule" (Mongin, 1995, Propositions 1 and2).
17See in particular Broome (1990, 1991) and Hilde, Jeffrey and Risse (1996).

15
observer will after all agree with the spuriously unanimous preference judgment. If this,rather than the opposite issue, turns out to be the case, it must be justifiably because theobserver has endorsed one of the two systems of reasons - i.e., either the cynics' or thesentimentalists'. The two systems of reasons cannot be both endorsed by the observer;
although he outwardly agrees with the common preference, his own judgment notdepend on applying any unanimity rule at all.
It is an interesting problem why leaving aside the delicate issue of preference
externalities18, economists have generally not been willing to admit that the Pareto
principle met objections in other contexts than uncertainty. One possible explanation isthat uncertainty is the only context where they are prepared to analyze the agent's
preferences in terms of more primitive factors. But elsewhere, preferences are just what
they are provided that they satisfy certain formal requirements. Economics, it is said,
does not have to inquire about the individuals' tastes or values or whatever underlies thepeople's preferences. Not only is this methodological principle dubious in itself but
there are hints that it has been violated even in conventional economics. For instance,
the micro-theorist Lancaster has suggested that the consumer's actual objects ofpreferences are not commodities as empirically described, but rather vectors ofunderlying "characteristics". The analysis of the bridge example can be rephrased in
Lancasterian language. Neither the cynicals nor the sentimentalists are interested in thebridge as such; rather, they are concerned with a vector of relevant features (we initiallycall these features consequences) which they weigh very differently. To analyze
preferences in terms of characteristics is to go one step towards what we think would be
the most appropriate analysis - the analysis in terms of the reasons underlying
individual preferences.
8. Summing-up
We have mentioned three arguments against the Pareto principle in the preferencebased interpretation which we argued is the relevant one to investigate the economists'
claims:(1) Bayesian preferences do not aggregate consistently;(2) Probabilistic unanimity is not compelling for the social observer; still, the principlethat it is follows from the Pareto principle;(3) Spurious preference unanimity (i.e., when the common preference results from
opposite reasons), is not compelling for the social observer; but the Pareto principle
does not distinguish between spurious and non-spurious preference unanimity.
Argument (1) has been reviewed extensively elsewhere, and was here mostly for thesake of comparison. At least explicitly, (2) and (3) appear to be novel arguments in thediscussion of the Pareto principle. Argument (2) leads to a clear-cut dismissal, but
exactly like (1), it is limited to the uncertainty context, and it needs the assumption that
not only the individuals but also the social observer are Bayesian. As to (3), it is not as
sharp as the other two arguments, which rely on mathematical facts, but it is applicableoutside the uncertainty context and it does not make heavily specific demands on theobserver's rationality. This argument is closely related to one of the critiques of"welfarism" in the recent literature.

18We refer here to Sen's "liberal paradox" and the wide literature stemming from it.

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