日欧若者文化・ライフスタイル研究（第 3 巻）

﹁日本とドイツに見る異文化の受容と変容﹂

田野大輔・吉田 純（編）日本の若者が持つ農村地域の認識に
ボランティア活動が与える影響についてテレサ クリスティーナ
ジーラント
Theresa Christina Sieland●ハインリッヒハイネ大学
デュッセルドルフ近代日本研究所博士課程ソーシャルメディア（Instagram）
における
日本とドイツの若い女性の自己表現に関する研究
べラ パオラ ショウダ
Vera Paola Shoda●神戸大学経済経営研究所計算社会科学
研究センター助教

ドイツにおける
宝塚受容の変遷
̶「カブキ」から
サブカルチャー・
クィアカルチャーへ ̶
松本 俊樹
Toshiki Matsumoto●大阪音楽大学非常勤講師

日本とドイツの若者のエスニック料理に対する好奇心̶ ベトナム料理を例に ̶ディン ティ トゥック ヴィエン

一般財団法人山岡記念財団

Dinh Thi Thuc Vien
●京都大学大学院農学研究科
生物資源経済学専攻

はじめに
ヤンマー株式会社を母体に2016年12月に設立された山岡記念財団は、ヤンマー創業者・山岡孫吉の日独文化交流への熱い思いを継承し、両国の幅広い文化交流を推進することを目的として、様々な活動を展開している。その一環として、同財団は次世代の日独文化交流に貢献する人材を育成することを目的に、2016年度から毎年1回、日独の若者文化・ラ
イフスタイルをテーマにした若手研究者によるシンポジウムを開催してきた（2018年度からは、財団の研究助成を受けた若手研究者の成果発表の場を兼ねている。また、2022年度
より日独から日欧に範囲を広げ、研究助成の募集を行っている）。
この『日欧若者文化・ライフスタイル研究』第3巻は、山岡記念財団主催の第7回若者文化シンポジウム「日本とドイツに見る異文化の受容と変容」（2023年3月8日）に登壇した4名の研究者による研究報告をまとめたものである。会場はゲーテ・インスティトゥート・
ヴィラ鴨川で、オンラインを兼ねたハイブリッド開催となった。コロナ禍が一段落したこともあって、数年ぶりに多数の参加者が来場し、研究報告と総合討論に耳を傾けた。
第7回シンポジウムでは、まず4名の研究者による研究報告が行われた。日本の地方芸術祭におけるボランティア活動（ジーラント氏）、ドイツにおける宝塚歌劇の受容（松本氏）、ソーシャルメディアにおける日本とドイツの若い女性の視覚的自己表現（ショウダ氏）、日本とドイツの若者のエスニック料理への関心（ヴィエン氏）と、個々の内容は多岐にわたったが、いずれもユニークな着眼と発想、周到な調査にもとづく内容で、異文化研究に新たな視点を提供するものであった。さらに後半の総合討論では、4名全員がパネリストとして登壇し、「異文化にまなざしを向けることの難しさや楽しさ」をテーマに活発な議論を展開した。フロアの参加者からも多くの質問や意見が寄せられ、討論は盛り上がりをみせた。
研究対象も出身国も異なる4名の研究者が率直な意見をぶつけ合う様子は、次世代を担う若手研究者への支援という、研究助成とシンポジウムの趣旨が十分に軌道に乗ったことを実感させ、日独はじめ日欧の文化交流を軸とした、今後のさらなる研究の発展を期待させるものであった。読者諸氏には、ぜひ若手研究者たちの自由な創意に満ちた研究成果を読み取っていただき、日欧若者文化・ライフスタイル研究への理解を深めていただければ幸いである。
山岡記念財団諮問委員
甲南大学文学部教授
田野大輔

目 次

Table of contents

1. 日本の若者が持つ農村地域の認識にボランティア活動が与える影響について・・・・・・3

テレサ クリスティーナ ジーラント
ハインリッヒハイネ大学デュッセルドルフ 近代日本研究所 博士課程
The influence of volunteer activities on the perception of rural regions among young people in Japan
Theresa Sieland
Doctoral student, Heinrich-Heine-University Düsseldorf

2. ドイツにおける宝塚受容の変遷―「カブキ」からサブカルチャー・クィアカルチャーへ―・・・・・・13

松本俊樹
大阪音楽大学 非常勤講師
Changes in the Reception of Takarazuka in Germany : From "Kabuki" to Subculture and Queer Culture
MATSUMOTO Toshiki
Part-time lecturer at Osaka College of Music

3. ソーシャルメディア（Instagram）
における日本とドイツの若い女性の自己表現に関する研究 ・・・・・・24
べラ パオラ ショウダ
神戸大学 経済経営研究所 計算社会科学研究センター 助教
A comparison on young Japanese and German women’s self-presentations on social media
Vera Paola Shoda
Center for Computational Social Science, Kobe University, Japan

4. 日本とドイツの若者のエスニック料理に対する好奇心：ベトナム料理を例に
ディン ティ トゥック ヴィエン
京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻
The openness of Japanese and German young people to ethnic foods: The case of Vietnamese cuisine
DINH, Thi-Thuc Vien
Kyoto University, Graduate School of Agriculture, Division of Natural Resource Economics

・・・・・・31

日本の若者が持つ農村地域の認識に
ボランティア活動が与える影響について
テレサ クリスティーナ ジーラント
ハインリッヒハイネ大学デュッセルドルフ 近代日本研究所 博士課程

The influence of volunteer activities on the perception ofrural regions among young people in Japan
Theresa Sieland
Doctoral student, Heinrich-Heine-University Düsseldorf
Abstract
Due to the popularity of rural revitalization through art festivals, young people from all over theworld are increasingly motivated to visit Japanese rural regions as volunteers. The influence ofvolunteer activities on young people's perceptions of regions considered to be rural has yet to befurther researched. Having talked to volunteers from the Echigo-Tsumari and Setouchi Art Triennale
in 2022, I examine what kind of insights participants gain on site and discuss how volunteer work
influences different perceptions of rural regions in Japan. The results offer important insights into
young people's current thoughts on remote areas, as well as how the relationships between urban andrural spaces could be altered in the future.
1. Introduction
The popularity of art festivals in rural areas of Japan is still a recent phenomenon (Cai et al., 2020),
being considered a new “age of the triennial” (Yoshimoto, 2014) since the 1950s. The focus of thefestivals has since shifted from artist-centered projects in cities to socially engaged art in the
countryside (Kobayashi, 2014), with the aim of involving local populations and revitalizing rural
areas in a sustainable way. Against the backdrop of rapid economic, communal, and demographic
change, the interest in art festivals is moreover considered to reflect central social issues in Japanesesociety today, particularly with younger generations starting to explore different lifestyles beyond
metropolitan cities (Klien, 2009). However, Japan was one of the first countries to pursue the goal ofsocially engaged art that builds new relationships within communities, and has been linked to thegoal of regional revitalization from the very beginning (Kobayashi, 2014).
In my personal experience as a volunteer and visitor of the Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennale in 2014,2015 and 2018, I recognized that many participants were especially interested in the social impact ofthese new art projects. This led me to question the influence of volunteering on young people's
perceptions of rural areas in Japan. To explore this, I conducted qualitative semi-structured
interviews with participants at the Echigo-Tsumari Triennale (hereafter ETAT) and Setouchi Art
Triennale (hereafter SAF) in 2022, asking them about their initial interest, motivation, andexperiences during their volunteer activities.
This article starts by explaining the background of the uprising of art festivals in Japan, theirconnection to rural revitalization and the current state of volunteer work at the ETAT and SAF.
Presenting my research method and its results, I discuss what observations and experiences wereparticularly impactful for my interviewees while reflecting on their perspectives on rural Japan
today. Finally, I will reconsider the study’s implications and lay out possible questions for future
research.

2. Art Festivals and Volunteer Work in Japan
In view of the increasing urbanization in recent decades, problems such as aging, population decline,
and economic stagnation of rural regions have become central topics of politicians and the media inJapan. To address these issues, new concepts and ideas have been developed to make life in the
countryside more attractive and to revitalize the affected regions from the 1980s onward. Local
governments and residents were also increasingly encouraged to actively participate in the planningand shaping of their living space. These new strategies focus not only on economic growth, but also
on environmental protection and the revitalization of rural culture. Hence, regional arts projects andfestivals have been on the rise in rural Japan and are considered a significant aspect of recent
revitalization strategies (e.g., Klien, 2009; ibid., 2010a; ibid., 2010b; Yoshimoto, 2014; Takahashi,2015).
The art events aim to provide a cultural boost, create new forms of social, cultural, and economic
capital, promote rural lifestyles and environmental awareness, attract urban visitors, and provide aplatform for local artists and craftsmen to display their work (Boven et al., 2017; Cai et al., 2020).
One key factor of these festivals is the recruitment and mobilization of volunteers, who play asignificant role in ensuring the events run smoothly, and fostering a sense of belonging,collaboration, and cooperation among the participants (e.g., ibid.; Klien, 2010b; Takahashi, 2015;
Favell, 2015).
Two notable examples of these festivals are the SAF and ETAT, held every three years in the Seto
Inland Sea and Niigata Prefecture respectively. Both festivals were established by art director
Kitagawa Fram and feature a wide variety of contemporary art installations, with performances andworkshops organized by Kitagawa’s Art Front Gallery in Tokyo. Starting in 2000, the ETAT inparticular has become one of the largest art festivals in Japan, attracting over half a million visitors
each year. Both festivals are advertised as new forms of regional revitalization, with the aim of theinstallation of contemporary artworks and the resulting tourism being the development of
infrastructure, restoration of the regions' historical and cultural legacy, and the establishment of arenewed regional “sense of identity” (Klien, 2010b: 519). Both vents also make use of volunteers,with ETAT calling its group kohebi-tai (“little snake squad”) and SAF koebi-tai (“little shrimp
squad”), each representing prominent animals found in their regions. Accordingly, the areas arefamous for their beautiful natural sceneries, with ETAT displaying typical border zones between
mountain foothills and arable flatland known as satoyama and SAF’s islands consisting of equivalent
coastal landscapes called satoumi. The regions themselves have historically been known for theiragriculture-related industries, which include rice farming, sake brewing and fishing, all of whichnotoriously have greatly suffered and lost significance during the last couple of decades (Favell,2015).
Recent case studies on SAF and ETAT show that exchanges between urban visitors and rural
residents can evoke new interest in the regions and help to embark on a path of self-sufficiency andrevitalization. However, most studies so far have focused on the perspectives of residents. Volunteer
work at ETAT and SAF may also have long-lasting effects on the participants themselves, fromgaining knowledge about remote areas in Japan to interacting with residents on site. This will befurther explored in the following.

3. Method
For my research aim, I conducted qualitative semi-structured interviews. The interviewees werechosen based on two criteria: 1) participated in ETAT or SAF activities as a volunteer at the current
time or earlier this year, and 2) younger than 30 years old. The interviews were conducted in four
locations (Takamatsu, Naoshima, Osaka, and Tokyo) in order to maybe also capture differences inmotivations for participating in the festivals. Takamatsu and Naoshima for instance mark the bigger
and more popular destinations of the SAF, with tourist information spots where young volunteers
could be more easily found than at the widespread locations with artworks displayed. I used
snowball sampling and previous contacts to meet with interviewees at the tourist facilities or incafés. The interviews were conducted in English, recorded, and partially transcribed for analysis.
The language and grammar of the quotes were partially cleaned up, with the nuances kept as close to
the original as possible. The length of the interviews varied from 10 to 25 minutes due to the limited
availability of potential interviewees during weekdays.
4. Results
My questions centered on the interviewees’ initial interest and motivations for participating as avolunteer, why they came to the festival, what kind of experiences and impressions they had in the
beginning compared to now, and whether they intended to get involved as volunteers again. Theinterviewees’ key statements and results with regard to the research aim are summarized in tables 1
and 2.

Table 1: Interview Data - General information and background of the interviewees.
Name*(Place)Age,
Sex

OriginCurrent occupation

Participating
as a volunteer

Former experiences

Akane(Osaka)23, F

Osaka,Japan

University Student(Economy), Tokyo

SAF

ETAT, volunteer andtouristCharlotte 22, F(Naoshima)

Hong
Kong

University Student(EventManagement), Hong
Kong

SAF

ETAT, tourist

Hong
Kong

Employee(Art Event
Promotion), HongKong

SAF and ETAT

SAF, Northern Alps
Festival (Omachi) and
ETAT, volunteer andtourist

Mihou

27, F

Edith
(Tokyo)22, F Australia University Exchange ETAT
Student (ArtManagement), Tokyo(Takamatsu)

None*All names have been changed to protect participant’s privacy and identities. Abbreviations: F = Female.

Table 2: Interview Data - Motivations and perceptions of the interviewees.
Name

Initial interest

Initial impressions

Changes in perception

Return?

Akane Interest in art andcommunity; Learned
about ETAT from afriend, got involved withactivities and decided totravel to SAF after
moving to Osaka.

ETAT: Remote,opportunity to talkabout current andfuture problems inJapan.
SAF: Roughly thesame, but not as
remote and isolated
as ETAT.

Never thought of areas asrural, rather as an example
or symptom of Japan’scurrent challenges;
Realized that revitalizationof local communities must
be more concrete for
locals; Good for building
communities but offer
nothing definite.

YesCharlotte

Heard about SAF from a
university program;
Wanted to initially go to
SAF (more popular), but
due to schedulingdifficulties because of
COVID, went to ETAT
as a tourist first.

ETAT: Consideredas the “original” ofJapan’s art festivals;
Very remote andvast, difficult totravel around.
SAF: Easier to travel
around, more
exciting to discoverartworks.

ETAT: Makes reality ofdemographic change etc.
more visible; Experiences
as a volunteer were way
harsher; More variety andbeauty than expected.
SAF: Was surprised by therich history of each island;
Discovered many strange
and special things.

Yes

Mihou First went to SAF with auniversity program;
Does not like to callareas “rural”; Had theinitial image of Japan ingeneral as very neat,tidy etc., but realizedthat no place fit into any
stereotype.

ETAT: Most difficult
place to go around,very vast; People
initially were morereserved than at SAF;
Landscape feels very
real and wild.
SAF: Feels moreaccessible; Local
people eager to meetyoung volunteers.

Always encountered places
through volunteering, does
not want to comment on
local people in general;
Activities very tiring andexhausting; Is always
looking forward to the
opening of the Triennale,
especially with theprospect of getting sleep;
All festivals and places are
special, mostly
characterized by thepeople they met and thememories they now share.

Yes

Edith

ETAT: Felt very
typically rural; Vastlydifferent from big
cities, especiallybecause of thebeautiful landscape,buildings, andoutdoor activities.

ETAT: Experience felt likea magical tour; Heard
about problems like
depopulation, seeing
closed schools etc.; Idea ofcommunity art fascinating,but feels they need moretime to get to know theplace; Learned that
motivation to change mustcome from the community
rather than from outside.

Yes

Went skiing in Yuzawa
and got recommended toattend winter events at
ETAT, hence first
volunteering in 2022;
Read book about ETAT
and wanted to learn
more about the concept.

4.1 Initial impressions and growing connections to the region
As I assumed, the volunteers I talked to were mostly art students and young professionals fromurban areas, who were interested in gaining contacts with artists and organizing a large art festival.
They were already aware of the social issues faced by rural areas in Japan, such as depopulation andeconomic stagnation, before their participation. During their stay, they were able to gain hands-on
experiences that deepened their understanding of the specific challenges faced by each region,
through interactions with local staff and helping with artworks located in abandoned buildings. As aresult, some of the volunteers, such as Edith and Charlotte, felt more connected to the region and had
a sense of accomplishment and belonging, suggesting that longer stays could further enhance thisfeeling:“When we talked to the artists and locals, I learned a lot about the schools and houses thatwere abandoned because people moved away. I learned so much more about these regions
and never before would have thought, ‘Wow, this is a region with a rich history’.” (Edith)“It's an indirect way to learn more about each place, more than ‘Okay, this is a region that's
aging fast.’ Through the artwork and volunteering, you get connected to what's happening. It
becomes more emotional and more real.” (Charlotte)
In summary, while most of the interviewees initially wanted to gain experience in organizing art
festivals, they also gained hands-on experiences that deepened their understanding of the specificchallenges facing rural areas in Japan. As a result, they developed a desire to make positive
contributions to the local communities and considered the ongoing well-being of the regions as animportant factor for their involvement in volunteer activities.
4.2 Revitalization vs. understanding of a region
The interviewees began to consider their role and impact as volunteers and the goal of a successful
revitalization. They believe that revitalization should 1) take its time, 2) measures should not be
imposed, and 3) ideally, the desire to change should come from within the local community:“It has to come from the people wanting change, that's the basic idea. But you must be very
careful, the people who come have to really get to know the residents. Maybe they bring in
an idea, but the locals are the ones who must get the show on the road.” (Edith)Currently, the most common criticism of the ETAT and SAF among scholars is that both festivals
have not yet been able to establish long-term autonomy among local people and prevent population
decline in the areas. However, scholars such as Klien (2010a; ibid., 2010b), Favell (2015) and Jesty(2021) emphasize the importance of considering each festival’s impacts, goals, and the aim ofsocially engaged art in Japan. Contrary to Europe or America, art festivals in Japan, especially thoseinitiated by Kitagawa Fram, reject the notion of making art useful or practical. The festivals
therefore prioritize sustainability and stability over economic success and seek to develop new
relationships on site. Mihou also concludes that the festivals' economic benefits should not be theprimary concern, but rather the development of relationships among people involved:“If you don't take enough time, you're not helping at all, you're actually just turning theplace into a city you imagine [...]. When the volunteers come back every year, the locals

recognize us as a team, even if they don't remember individual faces. It becomes easier, but
it takes time.” (Mihou)
4.3 Changes in perceptions of “rural vs. urban”
Depending on their access and source that caught their interest in participating as a volunteer, threeout of four interviewees had preconceived notions about the rural areas before volunteering.
However, they gradually came to realize that each region had its unique characteristics. One of theinterviewees, Akane, felt that volunteering at the ETAT was like a vacation:“I was born in Osaka and grew up in Tokyo, so I was stressed all the time. Because the big
cities, especially Tokyo, are so crowded, and there are too many people. But when I went to
Echigo-Tsumari, I felt very relaxed, especially because of the satoyama and the people
there. Both Echigo-Tsumari and Setouchi feel like home to me now, I feel relaxed when I go
there.” (Akane)
While Akane happily seizes the opportunity to get away from big city centers by volunteering at theart festivals, all interviewees nevertheless realized that each region did not match the common
images of rural areas in Japan popularized by tourism or media coverage. They found neither aromantically idealized homeland in the countryside nor an isolated ghost town on site. Mihou isespecially aware of the stereotypical rural vs. urban dichotomy and expressed her skepticism
accordingly:“'Rural' or 'inaka' still kind of suggests that something is not that advanced or slow, right?
And urban areas are often considered more developed and so on. There's always thiscomparison between the two. To me, each region has its own history, and so they're justdifferent, right? We tend to measure the value of a place by its economic importance, and it
doesn't make sense to me. I think that kind of thinking is very short-sighted.” (Mihou)
Akane is also critical of the current situation in Japan where the focus is primarily on large
metropolitan areas such as Tokyo and Osaka, and she wishes that more attention could be given tosmaller regions in terms of job opportunities and education. She believes that a more balanced
approach is necessary to ensure a sustainable future for these areas:“The problem is the centralization in Tokyo. For example, we could move more university
campuses to the countryside, while keeping the standard of education the same, which is ahuge problem right now.” (Akane)
Though Charlotte has her reservations about classifying things as “urban or rural” as well, she
nonetheless pointed out differences she made out during her stays at SAF and ETAT:“Okay, I think it's very rural in the sense that you don't have much entertainment here, on
the islands themselves, and around Echigo-Tsumari even less. I mean, of course you canlive here, and there are shopping streets and so on. But compared to the activities you can
do in a city, it's quite different and rural, I would say.” (Charlotte)
The lack of recreational activities for young people in the Setouchi islands and the Echigo-Tsumari
region leads to Charlotte expressing her reservations about living in these places. Additionally, someinterviewees mentioned that the challenging living conditions and lack of free time during volunteer

activities were the biggest barriers to considering longer stays or even permanent residence in thefestivals’ locations.
4.4 The ups and downs of volunteer activities
The festivals’ volunteer groups, koebi-tai and kohebi-tai, consist mostly of students and committed
residents who follow a conventional Japanese corporate style hierarchy with orders coming from thetop. Though volunteers play an important mediating role between locals, artists, and the organization
teams, Art Front Gallery in Tokyo controls artist selection, placement, and dispatch of volunteer
groups, while the NPO communicates with residents and assigns volunteer tasks daily. The festivals'organization with schedules, preparations, and tasks is therefore considered “very strict” (“kibishii”)
among volunteers, but viewed as a necessary evil to get things done:“Well, it's meaningful, there are many chances to communicate with everyone. But also, it'sharsh, I have to say, harsher than I ever thought, incredibly harsh.” (Charlotte)“Yeah, I think it's totally exhausting, but also really nice here. Yeah, it makes you want tocome back. Even though it's exhausting.” (Edith)
When asked what she was looking most forward to each time she participated as a volunteer at thefestivals, Mihou immediately blurted out:
“Sleep! […] Because it is just so exhausting. But honestly, in the past, once the festival
opened, I just went to sleep immediately and couldn't get up until the nextmorning.” (Mihou)
A local organizer I interviewed at ETAT in 2015 accordingly expressed her concerns for young
volunteers, who still tend to do most of the hard physical and mental work in preparation for thefestivals. Her major fear was the risk of exploitation, with young people soon getting sick of coming
to the regions if the strict style of management continued. While the festivals have been hailed asmodels for community revitalization and tourism, there are still remaining questions about whether
top-down initiatives can achieve bottom-up, sustainable development in the long run (Klien, 2010a;
ibid., 2010b; Qu and Funck, 2021). Within the framework of a heavy-handed management, studies
about the realities on site have reported many misunderstandings, a lack of involvement by unhappy
locals, and a generally very strict, almost hierarchical organization of the ETAT (Favell, 2015; Jesty,2021). Despite the criticisms, the participants interviewed in 2022 still expressed excitement about
the tasks and meeting people from different backgrounds:“You can just do so many strange and special things. One day I just cut bamboo all day,another I cleaned up a forest. All of that must be done at some point so that both the locals
and the visitors can enjoy the festival. So, it's okay, it pays off in the end.” (Charlotte)“The most fun for me is when we are on location with the artists and talk to them about theirprojects. That's fantastic. Working with people who come to the rice fields, working with theartists, and talking to them, that’s just awesome.” (Edith)All four interviewees hence expressed their excitement about their volunteer work at the festivals,
despite the harsh conditions. Focusing on the positive impacts of participation, all of them expressedwanting to volunteer again in the future. Due to the sense of purpose and belonging they gained, theyhappily recalled pleasant encounters they had on site:“I remember we were in Echigo-Tsumari, very close to a village, and the residents wanted
to show us that they had the best apples. […] Someone would always come by and bring us
whole boxes of apples. And then I met one of the older ladies again, and we immediately
started talking about apples, for longer than I care to admit. It was delightful!” (Mihou)
The promise of personal fulfillment, skill development, and networking with like-minded individuals
make up for possible risks of high time commitment and exhaustion due to hard physical labor. The
main accomplishment of the art festivals according to Akane is therefore the establishment of newsocial connections, especially between participants from urban and rural areas, that could last for thelong run:“Both triennales promote a new relationship between local and city residents, and also
artists and students, especially foreign students. […] They all come here and experience theculture and the life of the local community, so it's very healthy for the future. […] The mostimportant thing is this new relationship.” (Akane)
5. Conclusion
The article explored the impact of volunteering at art festivals on young participants' knowledge andperceptions of rural areas in Japan. The results of the study show that volunteering can have apositive impact on young people's views of rural areas, helping them to see these areas as unique andnot just as idealized, backward, or hopeless. The most common sentiment expressed by theinterviewees was a new appreciation of each place's uniqueness and a growth in critical thinking
towards urban vs. rural stereotypes. Working together on art projects and interacting with local
residents not only changed their image of rural areas but also gave them a new sense of purpose andsocial connections.
In the context of the current popularity of art festivals in Japan and the country’s forecast to losearound 40% of its population by 2100, Jesty (2021) suggests that revitalization to the extent ofreturning to economic growth may not even be feasible. Since villages and regions nowadays areconstantly dying, and are even encouraged to do so due to their lack of contributions to the market,
revitalization in Japan, as shown in the study, nowadays mainly aims for social and communal
sustainability, with the goal to collectively survive (ibid.). The art festivals can therefore, as Favell
suggests, be seen as an “ongoing experiment in relational and community art” (Favell, 2015: 166),with the potential to create new social relations and public spaces.
In conclusion, volunteer work at the ETAT and SAF can have a positive impact on both individuals
and local communities in the long run. However, the strict organization and physical exertion ofvolunteers can be a potential hindrance to meaningful exchange and connections. To address thisissue, it is important to take the repeated criticisms of researchers and participants seriously and, as I
suggest, focus on strengthening exchange between participants through other platforms that promote
ongoing projects and skill development. This can help minimize burnout risks and improve social
connections, leading to a better understanding of different lifestyles among all participants.

Still, it is crucial to note that this study is based on a small sample of only female participants, andmore diversity in gender and location is necessary for future research. A deeper analysis of volunteer
work among different ages and resident groups would also be valuable. Assessing the long-term
development and relevance of volunteer work in urban-rural relationships is important, especially as
the borders between the two continue to blur.

Bibliography
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Schools: A Survey of Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennial′s Involvement in Tokamachi, Japan.” Journal of
Asian Architecture and Building Engineering 16 (1): 61–66.
Cai, Gangwei et al. 2020. “The Positive Impacts of Exhibition-Driven Tourism on Sustainable
Tourism, Economics, and Population: The Case of the Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennale in Japan.”International journal of environmental research and public health 17 (5): 1-24.
Favell, Adrian. 2015. “Echigo-Tsumari and the Art of the Possible: The Fram Kitagawa Philosophy
in Theory and Practice”. Pp. 142–173 in Art Place Japan. The Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennale and the
Vision to Reconnect Art and Nature, edited by Fram Kitagawa. New York: Princeton Architectural
Press.
Jesty, Justin. 2021. “Japan’s Rural Art Festivals. The Echigo-Tsumari Paradigm.” Pp. 23–36 in The
Routledge companion to art in the public realm, edited by Cameron Cartiere and Leon Tan. New
York, London: Routledge.
Klien, Susanne. 2010a. “Collaboration or confrontation? Local and non-local actors in the EchigoTsumari Art Triennale.” Contemporary Japan 22: 153–178.
Klien, Susanne. 2010b. “Contemporary art and regional revitalisation. Selected artworks in the
Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennial 2000-6.” Japan Forum 22 (3–4): 513–543.
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217–241.
Kobayashi, Rune. 2014. “The Role of Art Projects for the Aging Society of Japan in the Context ofRural Regeneration: Entering a New Era of Asking Why We Need ‘Art’ Projects?” Pp. 101-124 inJapanisch-Deutsches Zentrum, Berlin. Retrieved February 20, 2023 (https://www.jdzb.de/fileadmin/
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41479_ext_18_0.pdf?site=nli).

ドイツにおける宝塚受容の変遷―「カブキ」からサブカルチャー・クィアカルチャーへ―
松本俊樹
大阪音楽大学 非常勤講師

Changes in the Reception of Takarazuka in Germany: From "Kabuki" to Subculture and Queer Culture
MATSUMOTO Toshiki
Part-time lecturer at Osaka College of Music
Abstract
The Takarazuka Revue (hereinafter called “Takarazuka”) toured Germany twice during its
110-year history.
At the time of the 1938 performance, Takarazuka was recognised as Kabuki in Germany, but
this was not due to any misunderstanding on the German side, but because Takarazuka's founder,
Kobayashi Ichizo, was trying to perfect Takarazuka as an improved Kabuki with Western music, andalso performed Japanese dance and Kabuki with Western music in Germany.
The German interest in Takarazuka's strict system and stoicism during the 2000 performances
was also an image that Takarazuka was spontaneously transmitting in order to differentiate itself incontemporary society.
Nowadays, Takarazuka is also received in Germany from the direction of subculture and queer
culture. For the mass-culture-oriented, heterosexual supremacist Takarazuka, this is a 'deviation', but
Takarazuka's reception as a subculture and queer culture is also taking place in Japan and other
Asian countries, and there is no divergence from them.
Takarazuka reception in Germany has always been strongly influenced by official Takarazuka
transmissions and correlated with the Japanese fandom movement.
1. はじめに1913年の設立、1914年の初公演以来、宝塚歌劇（以下、宝塚と略す）は110年近い歴史を有するが、その歴史は近代日本の様々な文化芸術同様、海外文化、とりわけ欧米の影響を受けながら自己アイデンティティを構築していく歴史であった。一例を述べれば、宝塚は
現在英語名称をTakarazuka Revue Companyとしており、レヴュー劇団を自認しているが、そのレヴューも1927年にパリに留学した座付作家（演出家・振付家）の岸田辰彌が「土産」として持ち帰り、岸田の弟子筋に当たる座付作家で同じくパリに留学した白井鐵造が大成したものである。また、現在の宝塚は実態としてミュージカル劇団としての性格が強くなっているものの、そのミュージカルも1930年代から40年代にかけて形式としてのミュージカルが大成したアメリカを中心とする「欧米諸国」から輸入したものである。

草創期以降、宝塚が参考とし、影響を受けてきたのは前述の通り、多くは欧米からであり、ドイツも例外ではなかった。戦前期に旧制高校や大学を中心とする多くの学生に愛された、ドイツの劇作家マイヤー・フェルスターに書かれた戯曲『アルト・ハイデルベルク』
は日本初演から8年後の1920年には早くも宝塚で上演され1、同作を担当した座付作家堀正旗は1928年から29年にかけてベルリンに留学、マックス・ラインハルトの下で演出を学び、帰国後はドイツの新即物主義の劇構造を用いた作品や同地の先端の演出技法、またドイツ語圏のオペレッタなどの音楽劇を宝塚に持ち込んだ。また、現在宝塚で最も愛されている愛唱歌の一つである「すみれの花咲く頃」は白井鐵造がレヴュー『パリゼット』で披露したものだが、元々はベルリンで上演されたレヴューで用いられた、ドイツ人作曲家フランツ・デーレによって作曲された「Wenn der weiße Flieder wieder blüht」という楽曲である。近年においてはオーストリア・ウィーンで制作されたミュージカルを複数日本に紹介するなど、宝塚とドイツ語圏との関係は今に至るまで浅からぬものである。
このように、ドイツを含めた欧米と宝塚との関係は一方通行的で、宝塚は欧米の文化を貪欲に摂取し続けた。その一方で、宝塚は自身の存在を国際的に発信するために複数回海外公演を行っているが、その最初の公演地はドイツである2 。また、2000年にもベルリンで公演を行うなど、ドイツとの縁は決して浅くない。本論では、二度のドイツでの公演を中
心に、一見一方的に欧米の文化を受容してきたかに見える宝塚とドイツとの関係を、ドイツにおける宝塚受容という観点から双方向の交流を明らかにしたい。
2. 草創期宝塚とドイツとの関係―ドイツにおける新聞報道から
宝塚少女歌劇団は1914年に大阪郊外の兵庫県宝塚で初公演を行った。箕面有馬電気軌道（阪急電鉄の前身）の沿線集客の手段として誕生した当初の知名度は決して高いものではなく、全国的に知られるようになるのも、1917年に東京での初公演を行って以降と言ってよいだろう。当然ながら海外での知名度は皆無と言ってよい状況で、ドイツでも同様であった。本章では、1938年の独伊公演以前のドイツの新聞報道から、わずかに見られる宝塚に関する記事を紹介したい。
宝塚の名前がドイツの新聞に現れるのは、確認できる限り、1927年7月28日のケルンの新聞『Kölnische Zeitung』の記事が初出である3 。同記事は同年に大阪毎日新聞、東京日日新聞主催、鉄道省の後援の下選定された「新日本八景」について紹介するもので、その途中に「巨大都市大阪の市民の為の見世物小屋として作られた、宝塚のルナパークの少女歌劇」と日本の「過度な近代性」の事例として名前が出ている。この記事における宝塚は日本のモダニティの象徴であり、後に出てくるような「歌舞伎」に代表されるような「伝統性」

とは性格の異なるものであった。
同年12月10日の『Berliner Börsen-Zeitung』にも宝塚の名前が現れる4。同記事は最近出版された音楽関連の書籍を紹介したもので、宝塚管弦楽団で活動していたオーストリア人作
曲家・指揮者のヨーゼフ・ラスカの著書『Die Musik Japans』について紹介されている。同
著は「ヨーロッパでは知られていない極東の文化人の音楽活動を紹介している」とあり、宝塚とは直接関係はないものの、ラスカは同時代の日本の近代文化を紹介しており、ラスカが関西における西洋音楽紹介の中心的役割を果たしていたことを考えると、その近代性が彼の活動していた宝塚と結び付けられることは言うまでもないであろう。
最初期におけるドイツでの宝塚に関する報道は、日本における「西洋的」な近代文化として紹介されたものであった。実際、宝塚は鉄道などのテクノロジーや新聞等のメディアとも深く関わっており、更には西洋音楽の流入や演劇改良の流れに位置付けられるもので、
近代日本のモダニティの一つの象徴と言っても良い存在であった。この1927年にはパリより帰国した岸田辰彌が「帰朝土産」として『モン・パリ 〜吾が巴里よ!〜』を上演しており、宝塚は本格的なレヴュー時代を迎える。当時のドイツにおける宝塚に関する報道はそのモダニティを中心に報じられるという、宝塚の本質に適ったものであった。

3. 1938年の宝塚ドイツ公演とその反応
1938年から翌39年にかけ、宝塚少女歌劇は初の海外公演をドイツとイタリア、ポーランドで行った。宝塚はそれ以前から海外公演に関心を示しており、創設者の小林一三も1928
年にアメリカの興行プロデューサー、レイ・カムストックと接触するなど、海外での公演は念願であった。時期と渡航先からわかるように、この海外公演は「日独伊親善芸術使節団」という極めて政治的な意向の強いもので、外務省の外郭団体の国際文化振興会（KBS）の支援を受けたものであった。
まずは同公演の概要を見ていきたい。同公演は団長天津乙女を中心とした総勢30名が出演、日舞の名手であった天津が団長であったことからも推測できるように、すべての演目
が日本舞踊、舞踊劇などから構成された「日本物」であった。1938年10月2日に日本郵船の欧州航路定期船靖国丸で神戸を出港した宝塚一行は、上海、シンガポールを経て、11月2日にナポリに到着している。その後、11月4日にベルリンに到着し、11月20日より公演を開始、独伊各都市とポーランドのワルシャワで公演を行い、翌年1月26日にミュンヘンで千秋
楽を迎え、1月29日に日本郵船の貨客船伏見丸でナポリを出港、往路同様シンガポールと上海を経て3月4日に神戸に帰国している。
では、公演に対するドイツ側の評価を見ていきたい。Deutsches Zeitungsportalでは公演期間

に73件の宝塚関連の記事が見つかった。それらは公演後の劇評よりも宣伝的な事前の公演案内が多く、実際の公演の評価というよりは如何に宣伝されたかがわかる資料と言えよう。
これらの記事の注目すべき点は、宝塚がどのような団体であるか紹介する際に揺らぎがあることである。記事によっては「バレエ」とするものもあれば、「歌舞伎」としているものもあり、また「バレエ」と「歌舞伎」を併記するもの、レヴュー劇団としての性格を紹介するもの等、多岐にわたる。中でも「歌舞伎」と表記した記事は73件中45件含まれており、歌舞伎として認識する者が少なくなかったことを物語っている。なお、この傾向は新聞記事に留まるものではなかった。ベルリン南西部、リヒテンベルクに所在する国立公文書館にはナチ期のドイツの公文書が多く残されており、その中には宝塚のドイツ公演関連資料を含めた日本演劇に関する資料群が存在する。宝塚関連の資料は国民啓蒙・宣伝省への報告やその下部組織である帝国演劇院への報告などがほとんどだが、それらにおいてもやはり宝塚に対しては「歌舞伎」という表記が行われているものが少なくない。ドイツ側の宝塚への認識は国家レベルにおいても「歌舞伎」だったのである。
では、宝塚を「歌舞伎」とする認識はどこから出たのであろうか。宝塚の創設者である
小林一三は宝塚の機関誌『歌劇』に掲載された「独伊芸術使節として渡欧するに際して」という記事で以下のように語る。
宝塚少女歌劇は、女ばかりの団体であり、歌劇として、西洋のオペラに比較する時は、到底問題にならないレベルの低いものであることは今更言う迄もない話であります。
然しながら、世界にほこるべき我国の芝居、即ち、歌舞伎劇のもっている、内容と其精神とを充分に発揮し、而かも洋楽を利用して、外国人の趣味に一致せしむる手段によって、我国固有の演劇舞踊を理解せしめ、賞味せしめ得ることは、日本に於て唯一
つ我が宝塚少女歌劇あるのみと信じて居るのであります。5

小林は宝塚について「レベルの低いもの」とする一方で、洋楽を利用することで歌舞伎を外国向けに上演できるのは宝塚少女歌劇のみと豪語する。先述の通り、独伊公演で選ばれた演目は西洋音楽を用いた「日本物」ばかりであった。
小林が宝塚について語る際に歌舞伎に言及するのはこれが初めてではない。小林は宝塚
少女歌劇を発展させることで「家庭本位」の大衆向けの演劇、「国民劇」を創設しようと目論んでおり、その方法は歌舞伎の近代化であった。近代日本における演劇改良は主として歌舞伎の改良という方向で行われたが、宝塚もその例に漏れず、小林は歌舞伎の音楽劇
としての性格を高く評価しつつも、花柳文化の影響を受けていること、三味線や浄瑠璃といった日本音楽が近代においては馴染みのあるものではなくなりつつあることから、学校

教育や軍隊において用いられ、大衆にとってなじみのあるものとなりつつあった西洋音楽を導入することで歌舞伎の近代化による国民劇の創設を考えていたのである。以下に小林の歌舞伎改良に対する言及を引用する。

一口に日本の芝居と云えば其種類はいろいろありますけれど、国民劇として、自他共に許すものは、日本国民の人情風俗に立脚して表現せられたる劇、民衆の思想に共通するところの劇、即ち俗に言う旧芝居、歌舞伎劇より外にありますまい（中略）西洋音楽を加味した歌舞伎劇の改良されたものは、私の所謂日本の歌劇であります。私は先ず第一に日本の歌劇を創設する階梯として歌舞伎劇を歌劇化することによって調和するや否やを試みました、拙劣なる西洋音楽、幼稚なる技芸、そうして貧弱なる団体
を以て、旧劇の改良即ち歌舞伎劇の歌劇化を断行した結果、既に三四年来数十種旧劇の改作を上演しました、そうして今や『お夏狂乱』の大芝居が、何等の不自然なしに
青年士女の渇仰を得て居るのを実見して、旧劇の改良の不可能でないと言うことを確信する次第であります。6
以上は小林が松竹の経営者、白井松次郎に対して出した公開書簡からの引用である。小林
が歌舞伎こそ国民劇の性格を有しており、宝塚をその歌舞伎に西洋音楽を加味したと捉えていたのは間違いない。なお、1936年に小林は「外国進出の準備」7 と称して自作の歌舞伎レヴュー『恋に破れたるサムライ』を宝塚で上演しており、2年後に実現する独伊公演でも「洋楽を用いた歌舞伎」を上演したことと一貫性があったと言えよう。
1938年に行われた独伊公演に際しては、ドイツ側から宝塚は「歌舞伎」として見られていた。しかし、それは誤解ではなく、西洋音楽を用いることで改良された歌舞伎劇という小林一三が掲げる宝塚の目標に適合したものであった。宝塚側が上演する内容も「歌舞伎」と受け取られ得るものであり、ドイツ側の評価はむしろ宝塚側が打ち出すイメージを素直に受け取った結果と考えられる。

4. 2000年ベルリン公演とその反応
2000年6月、宝塚歌劇はベルリンでの公演を行った。1939年より61年ぶりのドイツでの公演である。同公演でコーディネーターとドイツ語指導を担当した高島勲氏によれば、同公
演は当時理事長であった小林公平 8 の肝いりだったとのことで、戦後フランスやイギリスでは宝塚の公演を行っていたにもかかわらずドイツでは一度も公演を行っていなかったことから企画されたとのことである。また、高島氏によれば同公演の会場は当初から在大阪神戸ドイツ総領事館領事のクラウス・フィーツェ氏よりベルリンのフリードリヒ・シュタット・

パラストを提案されていたようで、その理由も歌舞伎的な間口の広い宝塚のような劇場は
ドイツには存在せず、レヴュー劇団ならレヴュー劇場の方が公演しやすいからというもので、ドイツ側でも宝塚の性格を熟知した上での提案だったと考えられる。9
2000年ベルリン公演は、6月24日より7月7日まで、先述の通りフリードリヒ・シュタット・
パラストで上演された。同劇場はレヴュー劇場で、1938年の独伊公演の際にベルリン公演が行われた国民劇場の後継劇場である。当時トップスターに就任前だった専科所属のスター
紫吹淳を主演として、各組からの選抜メンバーによる〜。総勢51名のうち、後にトップスターに就任したのは紫吹を含め10名、トップ娘役に就任したのは4名と、当時の宝塚にとっての新進スターを多くそろえており、公演への意気込みがうかがえる。上演内容は一部が酒井澄夫作の日本物ショー『宝塚雪・月・花』、二部が岡田敬二作のレヴュー『サンライズ・タカラヅカ』で 10、日本物ショーは西洋音楽で日本舞踊を踊るという、1938年の独伊公演同様の宝塚の伝統的な手法を継承したものであった。
では、このベルリン公演はドイツ側からどのような評価を受けたのか。当時の現地新聞記事から見ていきたい。公演が始まる直前の6月23日に『Tagesspiegel』に掲載された「Takarazuka: Das japanische Revuetheater gastiert im Friedrichstadtpalast - Alle Rollen werdenvon Frauen gespielt」1 1 では舞台稽古の様子を伝えながら、日本物ショー『宝塚

雪・月・花』の「紅葉狩」の場について「ディズニーのような舞台装置やアンドリュー・ロイド・
ウェバーのような日本語楽曲による宝塚式にアレンジされた古典」と紹介しており、日本の古典と欧米の舞台文化の融合という宝塚の日本物の特性を捉えている。また、主演の紫吹についても紹介しており、宝塚のモットーである「清く正しく美しく」のうち、舞台でも「清く」を守っていること、入団する前に学校制度の下で学んでいたこと、未婚であることなどを強調し、また、スターであっても「生徒」と呼ばれることなども紹介している。
加えて、宝塚のファンの多くが女性であること、男役と実際の男性は別物であることもプ
ロデューサーの井潟英司の言葉を引用して明らかにしている。公演初日直後、6月26日に掲載された『Die Welt』の「Geisha-Pop Japans Takarazuka-Revue im Friedrichstadtpalast」12 では、「芸者」という時代錯誤的な表現を用いている一方で、宝塚が日本の能や歌舞伎、文楽等の日本の伝統芸能の系譜を継ぎつつ、パリのレヴューやブロードウェイのミュージカ
ル等の欧米の娯楽文化の強い影響下にあることを指摘しており、やはり宝塚の東西文化の融合という性格については適切な評価をしていると言えよう。また、この記事でも宝塚の制度に関心を向けられており、宝塚の出演者が学校制度の下で歌唱、舞踊、演劇の教育を受けていることを紹介し、また未婚であることが在籍する条件であることもやはり紹介している。ベルリン公演前後は、舞台の内容のみならず、宝塚の制度の特異性やファンダムの性格もドイツ側の関心を惹いていたと言えよう。
宝塚の制度的厳格さや学校制度の特異性、男装した女性が女性ファンを惹きつけることはベルリン公演以前から着目されていた。1986年11月『Zeit』に掲載された「Takarazuka:Hollywood
auf japanisch Wo Kitsch zur Kunst wird und Frauen Männerrollen spielen」13 は客席のほとんどが女性、特に主婦と学生であることを指摘している。また、小林が鉄道の終着点に温泉リゾートを建設し、その集客のために少女歌劇を創設したという歴史的経緯を踏まえながら、学校制度がやはり「修道院」のように厳格であると評し、スターとして現役のうちは結婚できないことを峰の言葉から示唆している。
この時期のドイツにおける宝塚イメージに「未婚」が付きまとうのは、やはり遊女、芸者との関連性はあろう。先述の通り、『Die Welt』の記事では見出しにはっきりと「Geisha」と表記しており、『Tagesspiegel』でも「紅葉狩」の場の姫や侍女を芸者と混同している。
未婚の女性のみによって上演される日本の芸能に芸者のイメージが付きまとい、注目された面もあったのではないだろうか。1957年のマーロン・ブランド主演によるアメリカ映画『サヨナラ』では、宝塚ではなく大阪松竹歌劇団（現OSK日本歌劇団）をモデルにした松林歌劇団のスター・ハナオギと米軍兵士との恋が描かれるが、そこでも未婚女性による歌劇団の存在が結婚の障壁となる。未婚女性による歌劇団の特殊性は欧米においては芸者や遊郭と近似しているものと扱われ、2000年前後のドイツにおいても例外ではなかったと考えられる。
一方、学校制度や劇団組織の厳格性については歌劇団自身が打ち出していたイメージとも関係していると考えられる。宝塚に関する著作も多い川崎賢子は『宝塚 変容を続ける「日本モダニズム」』において、宝塚の制度が厳格化したのは1970年前後であることを指摘した上で以下のように述べている。
大阪万国博覧会の前後の歌劇団の変化は、早朝の掃除をはじめ、規則やしばりをよ
りきびしくする方向、序列化された集団であることをより強調する方向をとっている。
戦後生まれの若者の力が台頭する時代、宝塚の生徒たちは、外の若者たちとはちがう、
より規律正しく礼儀正しくストイックな集団として、差異化されたのである。14
この時期のドイツの新聞記事に見られた厳格な学校宝塚というイメージは、宝塚自身が打
ち出していたイメージとも適ったものであり、その点では1938年の独伊公演における「歌舞伎」イメージとも共通するものであった。しかし、宝塚のシステムの厳しさは現代社会において他とは差別化するための所産であり、遊郭や芸者と同様に見なすのは誤解であったと言えよう。

5. サブカルチャー・クィアカルチャーとしての宝塚受容
最後に、2000年ベルリン公演以降のドイツでの宝塚受容について検討する。ベルリン公
演以降、宝塚はヨーロッパでの公演を行っておらず、2002年の中国公演、2005年の韓国公演、2013年、15年、18年の三度にわたる台湾公演と海外公演の軸足をアジアに移しており、ヨーロッパにおいては遠い存在になっていることは否定できない。一方で、21世紀に入ってからのインターネットの発展は動画サイトやSNSなどで海外の舞台芸術を身近に観られる環境を生み出している。InstagramやTwitterなどのSNSにはドイツ語話者の宝塚ファンも少数ではあるが存在することが確認できている。公演が行われている環境よりは正確な情報が入りづらい中で、宝塚がどのように受容されているか見ていきたい。
まず、前提として現在の宝塚が「ハイカルチャー」でも「サブカルチャー」でも「マスカルチャー」を目指したものであることを述べたい。先述の通り、宝塚は小林一三が家族本位の大衆劇たる「国民劇」を目指したものであったため、万人受けする「マスカルチャー」指向であることは間違いない。しかし、その一方で「マスカルチャー」であるがゆえに流行のコンテンツを上演内容に加えることもある。宝塚では2.5次元ミュージカルが台頭する以前から漫画作品の舞台化を行っており、1924年には樺島勝一の『正ちゃんの冒険』を舞台化15 、池田理代子の『ベルサイユのばら』を含め、直近2023年の灰原薬『応天の門』に至るまで、様々な漫画・アニメ作品を原作として舞台化している。その為、コスプレ等のサブカルチャーの文脈からの宝塚へのアプローチも国内外問わず存在する。例えば、近隣の中国の動画サイト「bilibili」では「宝冢cos」をキーワードとして検索すると、中国人ファンによるコスプレ動画が複数見受けられ、海外においても宝塚コスプレが存在していることがわかっている。
宝塚コスプレの文化は近隣国だけではなく、ドイツにも存在した。その事例の一つが2005年から2010年頃までドイツで活動していた「ロマンス革命」である。2010年4月3日の『朝日新聞』「タカラヅカに夢中」16によれば、マンハイム近郊のフランケンタールを中心に活動を行っていたようで、武内直子の『美少女戦士セーラームーン』のファンだった韓国系ドイツ人女性が宝塚のDVDを視聴し、男役の声に魅せられて創設したとのことである。ロマンス革命のYoutubeチャンネル17は現在でも視聴可能で、多くの公演動画が残されて い る 。 同 チ ャ ン ネ ル に 残 さ れて い る 動 画 に よ れ ば 、 ロ マ ン ス 革 命 の 公 演 活 動 はAnimagiC、AniMaCoなどのドイツにおける日本アニメ関連イベントを中心に行われており、サブカルチャーの文脈での受容が行われていることがわかる。ただし、上演内容は
ウィーン・ミュージカル『エリザベート』の宝塚版を日本語上演したり、宝塚のショーの一部を抜粋しての上演であったりと、漫画・アニメ原作作品のコスプレとは一線を画していると言ってよい。

宝塚が一種のサブカルチャーとして受容されるのはマスカルチャー指向の宝塚にとっては自身の発信しようとするイメージからの「逸脱」といってもよい。サブカルチャー的受容と並んで「逸脱」と言えるのが、クィアカルチャー方面からの受容である。宝塚は異性装演劇で演者は全員女性であるが、舞台で上演される内容は異性愛至上主義的で、また女性が男役として男性を演じるがゆえにステレオタイプのジェンダー表象に忠実になりがちで、既存のジェンダー規範を固定化する。その点では非常に保守的な性格を有するものであるが、異性装、女性同士によって演じられるラヴ・ロマンス、男役同士の「友情」の誇
張、過剰な装飾の衣装などの特性から、ジェンダー規範を揺るがすものとして「逸脱」した形で受容されることがあり、そのことは東園子が『宝塚・やおい，愛の読み替え』において論じている。国外においてもクィアカルチャーの方面から受容されることもあり、ドイ ツ に お いて も 2 0 0 0 年 の ベ ル リ ン 公 演 に 際 し 、 ドイ ツ の レズ ビ ア ン 女 性 向 け 雑 誌『Lespress – das andere Frauenmagazin』が「Frauen sind doch die besseren Männer」18と題して宝塚を紹介する記事を掲載している。記事の中では男役の男装について、そしてそれを受容するファン層について言及しており、男役は実際の男性とは全く別個の性質を有するものであることを指摘した上で、男役は日本のジェンダーヒエラルキーの厳格さの下抑圧された異性愛者の主婦たちによって消費されると結論付けられる。この記事はクィアカル
チャー側から関心を向けられた事例であるが、宝塚の異性愛的性格については的確な評価を下していると言えよう。
また、先にも述べたSNS等での宝塚コスプレでもクィアカルチャーとの近さが見受けられる。ドイツ限定ではないものの、欧米の宝塚ファンのInstagramのアカウントにはボーイ
ズラブ・ガールズラブ的な表象をコスプレに持ち込む写真も見られ、また欧米の宝塚ファンのTwitterアカウントの中には中国のBLロマンス時代劇の『陳情令』のファンを標榜するアカウントも見られる。クィアカルチャー的な文脈やフェミニズム的な文脈を通して宝塚に既存のジェンダー規範の「逸脱」を見る者は国内外を問わずファンダムに見られるのである。
これまでのドイツ側の受容事例、つまり1938年の「歌舞伎」としての受容や、2000年前後に見られた軍隊式のストイックな学校制度といったイメージは、宝塚側が発信する自身のイメージに則ったものであったが、サブカルチャー方面からの受容やクィアカルチャー方面からの受容は、宝塚が本来打ち出そうとする自身のイメージからは逸脱するものである。とりわけ異性愛至上主義的な宝塚においては、クィアカルチャー方面からの受容は本来の性質とは異なるものである。宝塚に対するクィアカルチャー的認識は誤解を伴うものでもあるが、日本のファンダム、そして比較的文化的近さのある中華圏では舞台上、そして舞台以外での男役同士の関係性の深読み等から、宝塚の異性愛的なイメージからの逸脱も行われており、それらと似たものと認識することもできよう。

6. 結論ドイツにおける宝塚受容の、草創期から現代に至るまでの変遷を辿った。最初期は日本
における先端の近代文化として捉えられていたが、1938年のドイツ公演に際しては「歌舞伎」に転じる。更に2000年のベルリン公演前後には厳格な学校制度や性的な規制などの宝塚のイメージが浮上する。これらの宝塚受容は、細かい点では芸者と混同するなどの誤解もあったものの、大きな流れで見るなら日本側、そして宝塚側が打ち出そうとするイメー
ジと大きく乖離するものではなかったのである。例えば、1938年のドイツ公演時の「歌舞伎」イメージは歌舞伎と西洋音楽を組み合わせることで国民劇として大成させたい小林一
三の思惑など、宝塚側の意向を反映したものであったし、2000年のベルリン公演前後に見られる厳格な宝塚のイメージも、宝塚が現代社会と差異化するために自ら打ち出していたイメージであった。また、宝塚の本来の姿とは逸脱したサブカルチャーとして、そしてクィ
アカルチャーとしての受容も、日本やアジア圏のファンダムでも広く行われており、やはりそれらと大きく乖離するものではなかった。ドイツにおける宝塚受容は、言語を筆頭とする様々な障壁があるにもかかわらず、草創期から現代に至るまで、そしてメディアなどの公式的なものからファンダムの私的なものに至るまで、日本側の動きと連動したものだったのである。

1 宝塚歌劇団『宝塚歌劇100年史

虹の橋

渡りつづけて舞台編』、阪急コミュニケー

ションズ、2014年、p.42
2 1938年の日独伊親善公演では往路の経由地の上海やシンガポールでも公演を行っており、そちらを最初と見ることもできる。
3 “Die acht Gesichter des neuen Japans”, Kölnische Zeitung, 1927.7.28
4 “Was ist „neue"” , Berliner Börsen-Zeitung, 1927.12.10
5 小林一三「独伊芸術使節として渡欧するに際して」『歌劇』223号、歌劇発行所、1938年10月、p.44
6 小林一三「大劇場概論」『日本歌劇概論』、宝塚少女歌劇団出版部、1923年、pp.41-45
7 東京宝塚劇場月組公演広告、『読売新聞』、1937年1月23日
8 小林一三の三男、米三の養子。なお、米三は1938年独伊公演に際し、使節団に随行して渡独している。
9 高島氏には2023年3月13日にZOOMでインタビューを行った。
10 https://archive.kageki.hankyu.co.jp/revue/berlin/index.html（2023年3月31日最終閲覧）

11 Sebastian Schneller, “Takarazuka: Das japanische Revuetheater gastiert im Friedrichstadtpalast -Alle Rollen werden von Frauen gespielt”, Tagesspiegel, 2000.6.23（https://www.tagesspiegel.de/berlin/takarazuka-das-japanische-revuetheater-gastiert-im-friedrichstadtpalast-alle-rollen-werdenvon-frauen-gespielt-689275.html、2023年3月31日最終閲覧）
12 Reinhard Wengierek, “Geisha-Pop

Japans Takarazuka-Revue im Friedrichstadtpalast”, Die Welt,
2000.6.26（https://www.welt.de/print-welt/article519943/Geisha-Pop.html、2023年3月31日最終閲覧）
13 Hermann Vinke, “Hollywood auf japanisch Wo Kitsch zur Kunst wird und Frauen Männerrollen

spielen”, Zeit, 1986.4.11 (https://www.zeit.de/1986/16/hollywood-auf-japanisch、2023年3月31日
最終閲覧)
14 川崎賢子『宝塚 変容を続ける「日本モダニズム」』、岩波書店、2022年、p.365
15 宝塚歌劇団『宝塚歌劇100年史

虹の橋

渡りつづけて舞台編』、阪急コミュニケー

ションズ、2014年、p.51
16 「ちきゅう遊山

タカラヅカに夢中」『朝日新聞』、2010年4月3日

17 https://www.youtube.com/@romancekakumei（2023年3月31日最終閲覧）
18 Anne-K. Jung, Frauen sind doch die besseren Männer, Lespress – das andere Frauenmagazin,

2000.7（http://www.lespress.de/072000/texte072000/takarazuka072000.html、2023年3月31日最
終閲覧）

参考文献
宝塚歌劇団『宝塚歌劇100年史

虹の橋

渡りつづけて舞台編』、阪急コミュニケー

ションズ、2014年
川崎賢子『宝塚 消費社会のスペクタクル』、講談社、1999年
川崎賢子『宝塚 変容を続ける「日本モダニズム」』、岩波書店、2022年
朴祥美『帝国と戦後の文化政策: 舞台の上の日本像』、岩波書店、2017年
岩淵達治『水晶の夜、タカラヅカ』、青土社、2004年
東園子『宝塚・やおい，愛の読み替え 女性とポピュラーカルチャーの社会学』、新曜社、2015年
小林一三『日本歌劇概論』、宝塚少女歌劇団出版部、1923年

ソーシャルメディア（Instagram）における日本とドイツの若い女性の自己表現に関する研究
べラ パオラ ショウダ
神戸大学 経済経営研究所 計算社会科学研究センター 助教

A comparison on young Japanese and German women’s
self-presentations on social media
Vera Paola Shoda
Center for Computational Social Science, Kobe University, Japan
Abstract
Social media behavior is affected by cultural factors. In this research, we studied the selfpresentation of young Japanese and German female tennis players using content analysis. We
analyzed 1680 Instagram photos from 113 Japanese and 55 German tennis players. We found that
cultural factors such as collectivism and individualism affect German and Japanese tennis players'
self-presentation in social media. Japanese young women are less likely to introduce personal posts,
feel more need to show their athletic competence and exhibit more feminine behavior. On the other
hand, young German women highlight their uniqueness, pose alone more, and share more relaxed
content on their social media accounts. These findings contribute to a better understanding of how
women present themselves on social media.

1. Introduction and research questions
Women are represented sexually and stereotyped in traditional media. However, with the emergenceof new media, such as social media, women are given the opportunity to choose how they are
represented, which resulted in scholarly research on self-presentation in social media. While there
are abundant studies in the research field, research is needed to compare the self-presentation tactics
of young Japanese and German female tennis players. Likewise, most previous research focuses only
on analyzing celebrities but not "ordinary" women. Therefore, in this study, we analyze the selfpresentation of professional tennis players (celebrities) and non-professional tennis players (ordinary
women). To reveal and reimagine young Japanese and German women's uses of social media such as
Instagram, we formulate the following research questions:
RQ1: What are the complexities of everyday self-presentation practices of young Japaneseand German women on Instagram?
RQ2: How different are the self-presentations of young Japanese and German women, andwhat is considered photographable and Instagrammable aesthetic?

2. Theoretical framework
According to the self-presentation theory (Goffman 1959), people act as actors on a stage to present
their "ideal" selves to others. Behaviors are classified as either "frontstage" or "backstage." In social
media research, frontstage behavior is active or direct activities such as promotion, information on
upcoming events or matches, showing winning shots, and fan interaction through comments. On theother hand, backstage behavior is more passive and relaxed such as showing interactions with fellow
athletes, friends, and family and posting behind-the-scenes content (Frederick, Pegoraro, and Burch2017). Furthermore, social media behavior is also influenced by cultural factors such as collectivism
and individualism. Japan is considered a collectivist culture, while Germany is an individualistic
culture. Previous research showed that in a collectivist culture, people tend to self-efface or bemodest as default behavior, less likely to introduce personal preferences and expectations andengage in a higher level of protective self-presentation (Sandal et al. 2014). In contrast, in an
individualistic culture, people tend to self-enhance, display their individualistic nature, highlighttheir self-uniqueness, and have more significant public self-consciousness (Yamagishi et al. 2012).
Using the self-presentation theory and cultural factors such as individualism and collectivism, we
compare the self-presentation of young Japanese and German women.

3. Materials and Methods
We searched for Japanese and German tennis players' Instagram accounts using a name search forprofessional tennis players and a keyword search for non-professional tennis players. Accounts ofprofessional tennis players were identified using a name search on Instagram. We used the list of
professional tennis players on www.tennisexplorer.com to conduct the name search. After searching,checking, and verifying each account, we collected 63 accounts of Japanese and 40 accounts ofGerman professional tennis players. For non-professional accounts, we used the keywords #テニス
女子 (tennis girl) and #Liebe Tennis to search accounts. This process resulted in 50 Japanese and 15
German non-professional tennis players' accounts.
[Table 1. Summary of variables used in coding]
To analyze the self-presentation of young women on Instagram, we used a content analytic methodand developed a codebook drawing on Goffman’s self-presentation theory (1959) and previous
literature (Bodaghi and Oliveira 2022; Emmons and Mocarski 2014; Geurin-Eagleman and Burch
2016; Santarossa et al. 2019). A total of 13 variables were coded for each of the Instagram photos: 1the date the photo was taken, 2-photo type, 3-prop, 4-focus, and 5-brand visibility. Additional eightvariables were coded in photos where the athlete appeared: 6-number of people in the photo, 7-gaze,
8-clothing, 9-proximity, 10-facial expression, 11-motion, 12-touch, and 13-type of shot. The
summary of the variables and options is described in Table 1.

Two coders coded 25% of the sample (n=420). Intercoder reliability using Cohen’s Kappa (Landis
and Koch 1977; Riff 2014) resulted in a range of “moderate” (0.41-0.60) to "almost
perfect" (0.81-1.00) on all 13 variables. Afterward, we divided the photos evenly, and each coder
coded independently.
4. Results and Discussions
Japanese and German tennis players had a similar average number of followers, following, and posts(see Table 2). The findings reveal several interesting points that we will discuss in this section. The
summary of the content analysis findings on variables can also be found in Appendix 1.
Content analysis reveals that female tennis players appear in most of their photos (83.21%). Props(61.67%) and brand or logos (61.43%) were not commonly used or found in the photos. In addition,
female tennis players showed feminine behavior, as 71.46% of the photos showed them touching
objects or other people.
We found that Japanese women exhibit more frontstage behavior while German women exhibit morebackstage behavior. Japanese women are less likely to introduce personal posts and have more posts
categorized as sports photos. In contrast, German women are the opposite as they share more
personal and relaxed content.
[Table 2. Descriptive statistics]
Japanese women share more posts to show their athletic competence, evidenced by more photos
showing their tennis uniform (58.26%) compared to German women (35.92%). German women
have more relaxed content and often have passive non-sport motion (57.96%). Regarding cultural
factors, we found that individualism and collectivism affected self-presentation. For instance, results
show that German women post more photos where they are alone (75.71%), showing theirindividualism. In contrast, Japanese women have more photos where they are with other people(22.47%), exhibiting their collectivist nature.

5. Conclusions
This research is an essential first step to understanding the self-presentation behavior of young
Japanese and German women and the control and opportunities that social media allows them tobreak away from stereotypical media representations. The results show that although somestereotypical expectations remain, young women have improved their self-presentation tactics
online, showing more control and empowerment over how they want to be seen. Cultural factors
such as individualism and collectivism also affect how young women present themselves on social
media. These findings contribute to the research literature on understanding women's selfpresentation on social media.

Declaration of interest
The authors report that there are no competing interests to declare.
Data availability
The data underlying this article will be shared on reasonable request to the corresponding author.
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Table 1. Summary of variables used in coding
Category

Analysis options

Cohen’s Kappa

Photo type

Personal / Sports / Sponsored, others

0.72

Focus

Athlete/ Family or friend(s)/ Scenery / others

0.52

Prop

Yes / No

0.71

Is the brand or logo visible?

Yes / No

0.63

Is the athlete in the photo?

Yes / No

0.89

Number of people

Solo/ Pair / Group

0.95

Is the athlete looking at theYes / No

0.83

Clothing

Uniform / Casual, others

0.84

Proximity

Tight / Medium / Wide

0.73

Type of shot

Headshot/ Half-body / Full-body/ Selfie

0.81

Facial expression

Happy/ Intense/ Others

0.83

MotionActive sport / Active non-sport/ Passive sport /0.76

camera?

Passive non-sport
Touch

Yes/ No

0.74

Table 2. Descriptive statistics
Mean number

Japan

GermanyAll

Followers

28,65625,727

27,697

Following

456

746

550

Number of posts

344

254

315

of

Appendix 1. Results of the content analysis
Variable

ALL ALL

Germany Germany Japan

Japan

(n)

(%)

(n)

(%)

(n)

(%)

Sports

754

47.44

192

34.91

562

49.73

Personal

797

44.88

328

59.64

469

41.5

Sponsored, Others

129

7.68

30

5.45

99

8.76

Yes

1398 83.21

490

89.09

908

80.35

No

282

16.79

60

10.91

222

19.65

Uniform

705

50.43

176

35.92

529

58.26

Casual

639

45.71

277

56.53

362

39.87

Others

54

3.86

37

7.55

17

1.87

Passive non-sport 630

45.06

284

57.96

346

38.11

Passive sport

428

30.62

95

19.39

333

36.67

Active sport

311

22.25

99

20.20

212

23.35

Active non-sport

29

2.07

12

2.45

17

1.87

No

1036 61.67

379

68.91

657

58.14

Yes

664

38.33

171

31.09

473

41.86

No

1032 61.43

395

71.82

637

56.37

Yes

648

38.57

155

28.18

493

43.63

Solo

948

67.81

371

75.71

577

63.55

Pair

283

20.24

79

16.12

204

22.47

Group

167

11.95

40

8.16

127

13.99

Yes

999

71.46

320

65.31

679

74.78

No

399

28.54

170

34.69

229

25.22

Athlete1124 66.90

401

72.91

723

63.98

Family / Friends

230

62

11.27

170

15.04

X2

p value

Photo type49.02 < 0.001

Athlete in photo20.22 < 0.001

Clothing
77.4

<
0.001

Motion
60.82

<
0.001

Prop
18.14 < 0.001

Brand visibility
37.25 < 0.001

Number of people
22.31 < 0.001

Touch
14.00

<
0.001

Focus
13.69

13.90 p =0.003

0.003
Other

179

10.65

60

4.91

152

13.45

Scenery

147

8.75

27

11.27

85

7.52

Happy

951

68.03

315

64.29

636

70.04

Others

212

15.16

78

15.92

134

14.76

Intense

235

16.81

97

19.80

138

15.20

Wide

645

46.14

240

48.98

405

44.60

Medium

462

33.05

136

27.76

326

35.90

Tight

291

20.82

114

23.27

177

19.49

Full body

899

64.31

323

65.92

576

63.44

Half-body

338

24.18

96

19.59

242

26.65

Selfie

117

8.37

49

10.00

68

7.49

Headshot

44

3.15

22

4.49

22

2.42

Facial expression
5.84

p=
0.054

Proximity
9.89

p=
0.007

Type of shot
13.58 p =0.003

Looking at camera
Yes

811

58.01

260

53.06

551

60.68

No

587

41.99

230

46.94

357

39.32

7.59

p=
0.006

日本とドイツの若者のエスニック料理に対する好奇心:
ベトナム料理を例に
ディン

ティ

トゥック

ヴィエン

京都大学大学院農学研究科生物資源経済学専攻

The openness of Japanese and German young people to ethnic foods:
The case of Vietnamese cuisine
DINH, Thi-Thuc Vien
Kyoto University, Graduate School of Agriculture, Division of Natural Resource Economics

Abstract
The introduction of distinctive foods by immigrants and other minority communities can enrich
national gastronomy in various ways and contribute to the social interaction and inclusion in thehost. Using Vietnamese ethnic food as a medium for multiculturalism, the research explores thedeterminants of acceptance by the host-country young generation for Vietnamese cuisine, and how
this may facilitate not only culinary multiculturalism but also deepen social interaction between
migrants and host societies. Empirical data was derived from public surveys conducted between
2021-2022 on the perception of young individuals from Japan and Germany with the participation of
340 participants (257 Japanese and 83 German) aged between 18-40 years. Moreover, two artifactfocused group discussions were conducted in June and October 2022, which were centered on the
youth interaction with fresh spring rolls. The preliminary findings highlight specific distinguishing
characteristics of Vietnamese cuisine such as healthiness, as perceived by young people. The results
suggest that individual attributes and exposure to foreign cultures play a role in shaping attitudes
towards ethnic food and the principles guiding the preparation of Vietnamese cuisine in international
kitchens.
1. Introduction
Heritage food or ethnic cuisine can be defined as the culinary traditions linked to a particular culturalor ethnic group, as opposed to the dominant culture. This type of food often incorporates uniqueingredients with unusual flavors and aromas, or employs distinct cooking methods to prepare
familiar ingredients (Choe & Cho, 2011; Guzek et al., 2021; Olabi et al., 2009). There is a focus on
the preservation of culinary heritage among different ethnic groups, including indigenous
populations, ethnic minorities, and transnational immigrants. Furthermore, research has explored
how the dominant society responds to such preservation efforts in diverse ways. In some cases,
customers from the dominant society may incorporate these foods into mainstream culinary culture,
either in authentic or hybrid forms, which can contribute to the success of cosmopolitan societies.

For instance, American Chinese food caters to not only Chinese immigrants overseas but also local
residents and global tourists with an Oriental curiosity; and later contributes to the transformation ofAmerica into a nation of multinational diners (Barbas, 2003; Frost & Laing, 2016). Nonetheless,ethnic foods might be used as a means of radical and class discrimination showing a hostile attitude
against “Others” - those with low social status and creating a cultural boundary between people andculture (Barbas, 2003; Sutherland, 2007). In other words, the perception of public customers toward
immigrant food can be an important marker of social interaction and inclusion between the minority
and mainstream society.
Various external and internal factors could influence individual openness to ethnic foods. Previous
studies highlighted external determinants like the country’s place and cultural conservation canaffect the acceptance of other food cultures (Choe & Cho, 2011; Guzek et al., 2021; Szakály et al.,2021). Based on the popular Food Neophobia Scale by Pliner and Hobden (1992), a similar pattern
has been reported that Asian people, Chinese, and Korean, are more neophobic to non-traditional
food than Western customers (Choe & Cho, 2011; Olabi et al., 2009). The papers contended thatculinary unfamiliarity in terms of ingredients, flavors, and principles of cooking and eating between
the dominant and minority cultures is the main challenge. For instance, Western customers often
show their reluctance in trying raw fish (sushi), fermented soybeans (natto), and non-traditional
shiitake and azuki bean dishes (Farrer, 2015; Guzek et al., 2021). At the same time, the personalityof the customers plays a leading role in accelerating their acceptance and willingness to try novel
food. Adventurous and open-minded individuals can be more willing to try and explore novel foods,
flavors, and aromas than neophobic people (Skrbis & Woodward, 2007; Szakály et al., 2021).
Furthermore, socio-demographic factors, especially gender, age, and generational gap are reported as
significant antecedents of a person’s acceptance to trying new food (Guzek et al., 2021; Okumus etal., 2021; Szakály et al., 2021).
Comparing Vietnamese food in Japan and Germany offers a promising approach to understand theopenness to ethnic food in different contexts. While Germany is often viewed as an immigrantcountry that actively welcomes people from different backgrounds and cultures to live and work
there permanently, Japan is seen as a more ethnically homogenous country (Liu-Farrer, 2020;
Sutherland, 2007). Also, Japan is closer to Vietnam country and food culture, such as eating rice withchopsticks and using fish in multiple ways. In terms of migration, Vietnamese people have come tothe two countries in different stages and schemes. Closely tied to Germany’s political and social
progression, including the East-West German dichotomy, Vietnamese immigrants migrated toGermany in various forms of boat people after the 1975 Vietnam War, contracted guest workers
under the socialist agreement in the late 1980s, and even a more diverse group following German
reunification. Over time, these Vietnamese immigrants became well-integrated into German society,leading to a "Vietnamese miracle" phenomenon among subsequent generations (Hillmann, 2005;
Sutherland, 2007). Vietnamese restaurants were established as a vital way for migrants’ financial
sources and resettlement in Germany, and are positioned within a vague pan-Asian group dominatedby Chinese and Japanese key players (Farrer, 2015; Stock & Schmiz, 2019). In contrast, Vietnamese
people in Japan have become a topic in only the last decade debate when the number of temporarymigrants, coming as technical trainees and international students, rose (Liu-Farrer, 2020).
Meanwhile, a recent “Vietnam boom” or heightened interest among Japanese tourists outbound toVietnam (The Japan National Tourism Organization), was cut short due to the Covid-19 pandemic,
but ultimately led to a sharp growth of the Vietnamese population and food providers in Japan as
Japanese customers gradually started seek out local outlets for Vietnamese cuisine.
Using Vietnamese ethnic food as a medium for food multiculturalism, the study aims to explore how
the Japanese and German young generations perceive, accept and domesticate Vietnamese food intheir daily eating. Also, it attempts to identify the factors and agencies influencing the acceptanceand modification of ethnic food in the two different reception settings. The young generation is
selected as targeted subjects because of their acknowledge and active engagement in social
movements like Slow food, vegetarianism, and sustainable eating lifestyle (Rossi & Rivetti, 2023).
The study attempts to answer three main questions:(1) What is the contemporary openness to Vietnamese food among Japanese and German
young people?
(2) Which key factors influence the youth’s openness to Vietnamese ethnic food?
(3) How does the younger generation modify and reproduce Vietnamese food in their kitchens?
2. Method
The study draws on two main data sources, consisting of questionnaire surveys on youth perception
and two focus group discussions (FGD). For the quantitative surveys, the targeted respondents of thestudy are current residents of the host society Japan and Germany at the survey time, aged between
18-40 years old, and interested in food and/or cultural exchange. The recruitment was based on aconvenient sampling selection for both in-person and online surveys with a pre-survey consent
statement for all participants. The surveys were distributed through several university lectures andevents on Vietnamese culture and international cultural exchange at two main hosts: Kyoto
University in 2021-2022 and Göttingen University between July-September 2022. To gain deeper
insight into the survey results, particularly concerning the dynamics of younger generation’s foodacceptance and modification, two artifact-FGDs on fresh spring rolls were carried out in June andOctober 2022 in Kyoto.
The questionnaire utilized a variety of question formats, including open-ended inquiries about thenames of foods and preconceived notions about Vietnamese cuisine. Additionally, it included 5-point
Likert scale questions regarding participants' receptiveness to trying and familiarity with foreign and
Vietnamese foods and cultures. The study also incorporated multiple-choice questions to determine
how participants became acquainted with Vietnamese cuisine and the challenges they faced whenattempting to prepare ethnic dishes at home. In parallel with the questionnaire, the analysis consistedof three stages. Firstly, a text analysis was conducted on the responses to the open-ended questions
in English, German, and Japanese. Secondly, multiple Exploratory Factor Analyses (EFA) were
performed to create variables related to exposure to foreign cultures, Vietnamese culture, andreceptiveness to Vietnamese cuisine. Finally, regression tests were carried out to examine therelationship between openness to trying Vietnamese food and the aforementioned variables. Aftercleaning the database on the participant’s age and survey completion, 340 responses are qualified forfollow-up analysis, including 257 Japanese and 83 German participants (Table 1). The sample size
was comprised of 60% female and a significant percentage being students. Notably, German
participants reported a higher incidence of travel and residency outside their home regions comparedto Japanese participants, with experiences primarily in Europe and Japan, respectively. As a result,the sample can be a good representation of young people in Japan and Germany.
<Table 1. Questionnaire respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics>
The FGDs centered on fresh spring rolls (生春巻き) and consisted of 6-8 Japanese participants foreach session recruited via the Kyoto University network. The program started with a virtual gamewhere participants could select preferred roll ingredients and dipping sauce for creating their ideal
fresh spring rolls. After that, the participants engaged in a practical exercise of making Vietnamesestyle fresh spring rolls and participated in a following group discussion on the similarity anddifferences between Vietnamese and Japanese fresh rolls or other similar foods. Upon the event’s
conclusion, each participant received ¥1000 to make their homemade fresh spring rolls either
individually or in teams, and were requested to submit photos of the creations, along with reflection
on their decision-making and rolling processes. A language interpreter was recruited to aid infacilitating the discussion in Japanese and translate the events’ materials and discussion transcripts
into English. Regarding the participants’ demographic, the first event held in June gathered moreexperienced participants with an average age of 26.8, comprising of graduate students and the
University alumni who currently work as company employees, non-profit organization staff andfreelancers (Table 2). At the same time, the October event was aimed at a more domestic group,
consisting of undergraduate students or those who have never traveled abroad. Out of the total 14
participants, 10 of them have sent back their reflection on homemade fresh spring: four participants
collaborated with either another participant or friends/housemates to make the rolls.
<Table 2. Participants in FGDs>
3. Key results
3.1. Questionnaire surveys
As shown in Figure 1, Pho and spring rolls are the most popular dishes recognized by the
respondents. German young customers tend to generalize the dishes into broader food categories
such as noodle or rice dishes. Many German participants provided very general descriptions ofVietnamese food, such as “a bowl of rice noodles, vegetables, and meat” or one-plate dishes featured
by a portion of rice and stir-fried vegetable with meat on the same plate. Also, some respondents
conflate Vietnamese food with Thai and other Southeast Asian foods like Mi-Goren and Tomyum
among Japanese youth, while German young people spuriously included other Asian dishes into
Vietnamese cuisine, such as Japanese sushi, udon, and ramen or Chinese bao bun and roasted duck.

<Figure 1. Names of Vietnamese food>Figure 2 displays the outcomes of text analysis demonstrating various impressions of Vietnamese
food. Overall, the respondents seem to regard Vietnamese food as flavorful, healthy and filled withfresh vegetables and herbs. Japanese young people can describe more complex sweet-spicy and sour
flavors, and identify stereotyped exotic ingredients such as fish sauce and coriander. In contrast, theGerman participants used more general terms to describe the food as flavorful, diverse, and fresh.
Nonetheless, German respondents displayed a strong interest in the health aspects of the food andvalued the availability of vegetable-based and vegetarian options.
<Figure 2. Impression on Vietnamese food>
Additionally, Figure 3 presents a summary of EFA results within the analytical framework regarding
the second research question. For instance, the variable of exposure to foreign cultures is generated
from five distinct variables, including contact with individuals with a migrant background,international travel or residency, and a willingness to try new ethnic food. The model is aimed to
explore the impact of socio-demographic variables, exposure to Vietnamese individuals, andexposure to foreign culture on the respondents’ openness to Vietnamese cuisine. The framework
distinguished between contact with foreign cultures and Vietnamese culture to detect whether theacceptance of ethnic food is a result of interacting with people of the specific country where the foodcomes from or stems from a culinary cosmopolitan perspective. The EFA outcomes are used as
inputs in subsequent analyses, such as OLS regression.
<Figure 3. Analytical framework with the EFA factor loading>
Table 3 displays the findings of OLS regression tests of Openness to Vietnamese food. Column (1)examines the impact of interacting with Vietnamese people, in addition to socio-demographic
factors, while Column (2) incorporates exposure to foreign culture in the regression analysis.
Notably, the nationality factor is controlled in all the tests. The results reveal that contact with ethnic
people significantly affects the openness to ethnic food in both cases. However, when exposure toforeign culture is considered, its influence becomes the most critical factor in food acceptance, while
the impact of the country of origin becomes insignificant. This implies that an individual’s
personality and life experiences are more powerful determinants of their openness to ethnic foodthan the mainstream society.
<Table 3. OLS Regression of Openness to Vietnamese food on Vietnamese and foreign exposure>
3.2. Focus group discussions
In addition to the quantitative results, the paper provides some insights into the perception andadjustment of ethnic food among young people through FGDs. Table 4 illustrates the top ingredientschosen by participants in the virtual game section of the two exhibitions, which are categorized into
vegetables, meat, and noodles for the fresh spring rolls, as well as the corresponding dipping sauce.
According to the findings, Japanese young participants consider that the ideal fresh spring rolls
contain 1-2 types of salad vegetables, 1-2 pieces of sliced meat or fish with optional noodles,

wrapped in rice paper and dipped with generic commercial sauces like sweet-chili sauce or peanutsauce. Compared to the variations commonly found in Vietnam, the participants reproduced theirstylized image of spring rolls by replacing freshly boiled pork and shrimp with various processedseafood and meat ingredients that are seasoned with strong flavors while tropical aromatic herbs
other than the well-known coriander were absent. Additionally, among the two events, the firstgroup participants were more concerned about achieving a good balance between meat andvegetables, while the younger group placed more emphasis on meat, fish, and animal-derived
products.
<Table 4. Top ingredients of virtual fresh spring rolls, by components>
Following the virtual game and practical activity of making Vietnamese-style fresh spring rolls, thegroup discussion commenced by eliciting the participants’ impressions of fresh spring rolls before
and after the hands-on exhibition. The Japanese participants initially conveyed their preconceived
imagination of Vietnamese or ethnic cuisines as having unpleasant flavors and strong smells that do
not align with Japanese palates, hindering Japanese people from trying such ethnic foods. However,after trying the Vietnamese fresh spring rolls, the participants were surprised to discover that therolls were not as pungent or difficult to eat as they had previously heard and thought. In fact, a few
participants found the flavorful dipping sauce made from fish sauce, lemon juice, garlic, and chili
pepper to be stimulating.
“The fish sauce and coriander are not hard to eat as I thought before. Many people told that.
But it is even stimulating.” (Female, 20, 2022/10/20)“Such a great combination of tastes: The light taste of the fresh roll matches well with theflavorful dipping sauce made of aromatic fish sauce and refreshing lemon juice.” (Male, 2x,2022/10/20)

Furthermore, the participants engaged in a discussion regarding the similarities and differences
between Vietnamese fresh spring rolls with Japanese hand-rolled sushi, known as temaki-zushi inJapan (手巻き寿司). The participants noted that both Vietnamese spring rolls and Japanese sushi are
hand-rolled and freshly consumed right after rolling, but Japanese sushi uses seaweed as wrapping
material, is filled with vinegared rice and raw fish, and rolled in a triangle shape that all the insides
are visible and dipped with soy sauce. On the other hand, Vietnamese fresh spring rolls use
moisturized rice paper and are filled with more diverse range of aromatic herbs, vegetables, andboiled shrimp or pork and are dipped in a flavorful fish sauce. Despite the differences, both dishes
share the same characteristics of being light, freshly made and eaten at the dining table, and often
eaten socially with family or friends.
“It was my first time to get together and eat with other people in the shared house through thisfresh spring roll party. I also want to remake it with my family members when I come back to myparent’s house.” (Female, 28, participated in June 2022 event, Feedback on homemade practice)

The Japanese young participants encountered various difficulties during their on-site and at-homepractice of making fresh spring rolls. These challenges included missing essential ingredients likerice paper, fish sauce, and coriander when shopping at conventional Japanese supermarkets,difficulties in portioning the ingredients, and in rolling the ingredients in a long shape in the moist
stretchy rice paper. However, with a few rounds of practice, they were able to overcome thesechallenges and derive immense satisfaction from making beautifully crafted rolls. For homemade
practice, they even went on to create innovative fresh rolls: sashimi rolls filled with raw fish ordessert rolls filled with a few kinds of fruits such as persimmon and grapefruit and dipped in honey.
4. Discussions
At the time of writing, the author is still in the process of analyzing and interpreting the results, so a
few initial discussions are presented in this paper. The results regarding the determinants of foodopenness reveal that young people from multicultural societies tend to be more open to trying nontraditional food compared to those from more homogeneous cultures, as found in German andJapanese perception surveys. Another contextual factor is culinary familiarity with the ethnic
cuisine, and unlike previous studies, this study finds that similarity does not necessarily guarantee awillingness for young customers to accept ethnic food. Despite having a closer proximity to thecountry and Vietnamese food culture, Japanese respondents are even more skeptical about
experiencing less-familiar Asian cuisine. Furthermore, personality, particularly exposure to foreigncultures and people is overall more important than experience with a specific country in shaping theopenness to new food. The survey country is only significant when exclusively considering contact
with ethnic people, but insignificant when the individual’s foreign exposure is included.
Furthermore, FGDs and follow-up reflection can draw out some key rules of Vietnamese food andhighlight modifications in the Japanese context based on personal preference. The essential
principles of fresh spring rolls include using rice paper, combining ingredients with contrastingtextures and flavors, (e.g., crunchy carrots, cucumber, soft-boiled shrimp and rice noodles),maintaining a well-balanced ratio of vegetables to meat and creating an environment for socializing
and collaboration. Through food reflections, young people can accommodate Vietnamese food rules
by complying or breaking and sometimes surpassing them. Deliberately, they prioritize aesthetics bycreating neatly rolled rolls and flavor/mouthfeel contrasting of less aromatic vegetables withstrongly seasoned ingredients. Participants also work within resource limits and substitute withaffordable and readily available ingredients such as using perilla instead of coriander, cabbage tolettuce, or pre-made, processed rather than fresh ingredients.
5. Conclusion
To summarize, the young generations of Japan and Germany perceive Vietnamese cuisine as healthy,
vegetable-rich, and flavorful; it can be tailored to individual palates, such as being vegetarian orusing local ingredients. In terms of determinants of their willingness to try new ethnic food, German
youth tend to categorize food using more general food groups and expressions due to thedissimilarities of food culture, but are generally more receptive to non-traditional foods compared totheir Japanese counterparts. Nevertheless, personality traits, particularly exposure to foreign culturesand people, are significant determinants of openness to ethnic food when controlling for nationality
and country of origin. Finally, young people can modify and recreate ethnic dishes within theconstraints of their local food circumstances, while maintaining essential elements of Vietnamese
cuisine, as evidenced by the case of Vietnamese fresh spring rolls.
Acknowledgment
The author would like to express my sincere gratitude to several individuals and organizations that
contributed to this study, including the Kyoto University Research Administration Center (KURA),
Professors Akitsu, Feuer, and other members of the Philosophy of Agricultural Science Laboratoryof Kyoto University, Professor Neu from Göttingen University, and numerous participants andsupporters. The fieldwork is supported by the DAAD-Kyoto University Partnership Programmee
towards SDGs and Yamaoka Memorial Foundation.
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Olabi, A., Najm, N. E. O., Baghdadi, O. K., & Morton, J. M. (2009). Food neophobia levels of Lebaneseand American college students. Food Quality and Preference, 20(5), 353–362. https://doi.org/
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Rossi, C., & Rivetti, F. (2023). Young consumers’ purchase behaviour of sustainably-labelled foodproducts. What is the role of scepticism? Food Quality and Preference, 105, 104772. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.foodqual.2022.104772
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Tables and Figures
Table 1. Questionnaire respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics
Germany (n=83)

Japan (n=257)

Combined (n=340)

24.51 ±4.38

22.49 ±5.43

22.98 ±5.26

Male

32.5%

42.4%

39.5%

Female

69.9%

57.6%

85.5%

Formal/Salary employment

12.0%

16.7%

15.4%

Student

88.0%

82.1%

82.6%

Retired and housewife

0.8%

0.6%

Self-employed worker

0.4%

0.3%

n=203

n=286

96.6%

68.9%

Age (Mean ± Std.)
Gender

Occupation

Nationality
Japanese

1.2%

German

83.1%

Other

18.1%

3.4%

7.7%

40%

3%

12%

n=115

n=201

Rate of abroad living
Abroad travel

24.1%

Never

21.7%

30.4%

26.4%

1 time

13.3%

21.7%

17.9%

2-3 times

18.1%

20.0%

18.9%

More than 3 times

47.0%

27.8%

36.8%

Source: Youth perception survey, 2021-2022

Table 2. Participants in FGDs
Pseudonym Gender Age

Occupation

Major

Event TimeA

Female26 Doctoral student

Education

23/6/2022

B

Female30 Doctoral student

Letter

23/6/2022

C

Female28 NGO employee

Global Environmental Studies

23/6/2022

D

Female27 Graduate student

Asia-Africa Area Studies

23/6/2022

EMale

2x Having a gap year

Letter

23/6/2022

F

Female25 Master student

Agriculture

23/6/2022

G

Male

25 Company employee

Letter

23/6/2022

H

Male

28 Doctoral student

Agriculture/History

23/6/2022

I

Male

19 Undergraduate student Medicine

20/10/2022

K

Female19 Undergraduate student Medicine

20/10/2022

L

Male

2x Master student

20/10/2022

M

Male

19 Undergraduate student Integrated Human Studies

20/10/2022

N

Female20 Undergraduate student Economics

20/10/2022

O

Female21 Undergraduate student Economics

20/10/2022

Agriculture

Table 3. OLS Regressions of Openness to Vietnamese food on Vietnamese and foreign exposure
Openness to Vietnamese foodExposure to Vietnamese people

(1)

(2)

0.429*** (0.056)

0.305*** (0.071)

Exposure to foreign culture

0.346*** (0.074)

Age

0.023* (0.012)-0.004 (0.019)

Female0.282*** (0.103)

0.269** (0.103)

Occupation

0.088 (0.164)

0.002 (0.210)

Country

0.996*** (0.310)

0.047 (0.109)

Nationality dummies

YES

YES

R squared

0.45

0.59

N

187

150

Notes: Robust standard errors are in parentheses. ***p < .01, **p < .05, *p < .1.

Table 4. Top ingredients of virtual spring rolls, by components
1st event (28 rolls)

2nd event (27 rolls)
Lettuce (11), Avocado (4),Cucumber (3), Coriander (3)Lettuce (8), Mizuna (6),Vegetables Coriander (5), Carrot (5),Tomato (4), Onion (4)Smoked salmon (7),Meat

Noodles
Dippingsauce

Boiled pork (4)Rice noodles (4),Glass noodles (3)

4%

20%
6%
4%
39%

Bun

23%
4%
7%

29%
19%

Pho

$

53%

7%

Banh miNoodles (mixed or soup)

Sweet chili sauce (25),
Peanut sauce (25),Oyster sauce (25)11%

Spring rolls
Banh xeo

Glass noodles (6),
Rice noodles (5)Sweet chili sauce (10),Peanut sauce (10),Oyster sauce (10)One-plate dishes

DrinksSmoked salmon (13), Boiled
shrimp (9), Boiled pork (7),Beef (6), Salmon caviar (5),Cheese (5), Bacon (4)Glass noodles (3)Sweet chili sauce (15),Peanut sauce (15),Oyster sauce (15)Veget erian

Lettuce (19), Carrot (9),Coriander (8), Onion (7),Mizuna (6), Cucumber (6)Smoked salmon (6), Beef (6),
Salmon caviar (5), Cheese (3),
Boiled pork (3), Boiled shrimp (3),
Sashimi (3)Boiled shrimp (6),Ignorance

Combined (55 rolls)

47%Japan (n=257)

Germany (n=53)

Figure 1. Names of Vietnamese food

72%

45%
40%
35%
30%
25%
20%
15%
10%
5%

Taste

Ingredients$

Germany (n=83)

TypeFeelings

origindiversedecoration

aroma

delicious

fresheasy to eat

healthy

vegeteriansoups

noodles

fish

rice

vegetables

herbs

fish saucecoriander

spicesflavorfulsour

sweet-spicy

spicy

0%

OthersJapan (n=245)

Figure 2. Impression on Vietnamese foodSocio-demographic factors
Age
Occupation
GenderNationality/Country
Exposure to Vietnamese
Friend/family recommendation (.55)
Foreign experience (.32)
Vietnamese people contact (.84)

Openness to Vietnamese food
Food familiarity (.65)
Dishes’ number (.55)
Food impression (.37)
Cooking experience (.71)

Exposure to foreign culture
Foreign experience (.61)
Foreigner contact (.53)
Abroad travel frequency (.61)
Abroad residency (.47)
Willingness to try ethnic food (.42)
Notes: Maximum likelihood, Retained factor=1. Factors with a loading score smaller than 0.3 are excluded.

Figure 3. Analytical framework with the EFA factor loading編集後記
本論文集は、山岡記念財団主催の「第7回若者文化シンポジウム

日本とドイツに見る異文化の受容と変容」（2023年3月8日開催）に基づくものである。論文集としては第3巻となり、本巻からタイトルを『日欧若者文化・ライフスタイル研究』に変更し、日独に留まらず、日本と欧州に範囲を広げた。
このシンポジウムは、財団による「日本と欧州（ドイツ語圏）の若者文化・ライフスタ
イルの研究」への研究助成を受けた若手研究者たちの成果発表の場として、毎年1回年度末に開催されている。その趣旨が示すとおり、日本とドイツ語圏との若者文化・ライフスタ
イルにおける文化交流ということがシンポジウム全体の中心的な軸であるが、個々の研究
報告の具体的な内容は、年々多様性と広がりを増しているように感じる。2017年にこのシンポジウムがスタートした当初は、マンガ・アニメ・ゲームに代表されるサブカルチャーをテーマとした研究が比較的多くみられたが、近年では必ずしもそれらにとどまらず、今号に収録された論文に見られるように、日本の地方芸術祭におけるボランティア活動、ドイツにおける宝塚歌劇の受容、ソーシャルメディアにおける日本とドイツの若い女性の視覚的自己表現、日本とドイツの若者のエスニック料理への関心といった、多様な文化領域・文化現象をテーマとした自由な創意に満ちた研究が展開されている。
シンポジウムでは、各研究者の報告（一人あたり30分）の後、全員がパネリストとして登壇する全体ディスカッション（45分）をおこなうが、これだけ研究テーマが多様化してくると、（それ自体はもちろん喜ばしいことなのだが）モデレーターとしてはそこでの共通テーマの設定には少々苦心することも事実である。が、今回は「研究者として、異文化にまなざしを向けることの難しさや楽しさ」をテーマとすることで、研究領域の相違を超えて、研究者としての苦心や喜びについて自由に語り合っていただくことができた。今回の登壇者の方々は、日本とドイツに留まらない多様な文化的バックグラウンドを持つ方々であったが、そのようなバックグラウンドの多様性が、研究者として異文化にまなざしを向けるときのインスピレーションや発想の豊かさをもたらしていることが確認できたようにも思われた。そうした意味で、異文化交流をテーマとする研究発表の場であることに加えて、研究者たち自身の異文化交流の場としてもこのシンポジウムが機能しうるということは、新たな発見であった。
この研究助成・シンポジウムが今後ますます継続・発展していくことを期待しつつ、今回の4名をはじめとして、シンポジウムに参画された多くの若手研究者の方々、そして常務理事の雪野弘泰さんをはじめ、研究活動を着実にサポートしていただいている山岡記念財団の皆様に謝意を表し、本報告書を閉じることとしたい。
山岡記念財団諮問委員
京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科教授
吉田純

日欧若者文化・ライフスタイル研究（第3巻） ISSN 2759-0593
2023年12月25日発行
編者

田野大輔・吉田 純

発行

一般財団法人 山岡記念財団

印

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