Prepared for
Government of Andhra Pradesh
byCentre for Economic and Social Studies

Price : Rs. 600/-

Copy right © Government of Andhra Pradesh andCentre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad
First Published : May 2008
All rights reserved. This book or parts therof, should
not be produced in any form without permission.

Designed & Printed by : Vidya Graphics
Nallakunta, Hyderabad - 500 044. Cell: 9849151948

Dr.Y.S. RAJASEKHARA REDDY

CHIEF MINISTER
ANDHRA PRADESH

HYDERABADMESSAGEIt gives me immense pleasure in introducing the first ever Human Development Report publishedby the Centre for Economic & Social Studies (CESS), a competent and autonomous research
agency, for Andhra Pradesh.
I am told that CESS, while preparing the report, has made extensive work involving a large
number of stakeholders in order to ensure a realistic approach.
In fact, the Government is also keen to adopt a realistic approach in assessing ground realities
and formulating programs with human face, and achieve sustainable and balanced growth in
all areas. Development should reflect not only in economic growth and higher GSDP, but also
in improvement of quality of life of even weaker sections.
I hope this report will help in reassessing our investment strategies, if necessary, and identifying
areas for further attention, and guide to accelerate the implementation of various developmental
and welfare programs like ‘Jalayagnam’, INDIRAMMA, ‘Aarogyasri’ and IT to all cities.
In other words, I am confident that Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report (APHDR) willserve as an important tool in making a comprehensive planning towards achieving‘Haritandhrapradesh’ wherein every sector will experience even and simultaneous development,
paving way for emergence of Andhra Pradesh as the model state in India.

(Y.S.RAJASEKHARA REDDY)K. ROSAIAHMINISTER FOR FINANCE, PLANNING &LEGISLATIVE AFFAIRSHYDERABAD

GOVERNMENT OF ANDHRA PRADESHMESSAGEI am glad that our State Andhra Pradesh is finally bringing out its maiden Report on Human
Development.
I have noticed that the first ”Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report” is an importantresearch-cum-policy document, prepared by an academically competent and autonomous
research institute, viz., Centre for Economic and Social Studies (CESS). As I understand, economic
development does not mean the growth of income alone but also calls for improvement in thequality of life of our people. Good governance should facilitate realization of these dreams ofpeople.
The report encompasses Human Development Indices, computed both for State and Districts
as well. The Report focuses on the levels of achievement, the areas of concern and the possible
ways of progress with reference to crucial socio-economic indicators. The purpose of the Reportis to provide an independent and objective assessment of the status of human development indifferent districts of Andhra Pradesh and in the State as a whole. With due importance attachedto the outcomes of the report, our endeavour is to give highest priority to the steady improvementof human development conditions in the State.
I am hopeful that the Report would be found useful for all, especially the Policy makers,
academicians and researchers.

(K.ROSAIAH)PLANNING DEPARTMENT

A.K. GOEL, I.A.S
Special Chief Secretary to Government

Government of Andhra Pradesh

Hyderabad.

MESSAGEI am extremely delighted to be associated with the release of first ever Human Development Report for
Andhra Pradesh. This economic exercise got delayed by more than half a decade. Anyway, better latethan never.
Human development is defined by the United Nations Development Programme as enlarging the rangeof people’s choices. The most important amongst these wide ranging choices are enjoying a long andhealthy life, be educated and to have access to resources required for a decent standard of living, andthereby making Human development both as means and ends as well.
Andhra Pradesh has a distinction of being one of the most richly endowed natural resource-based statesin the country. Known for centuries as ‘Annapurna’, the state has a historical record of producing andsupplying rice to different parts of the country. It adopted Green Revolution quite early. The state, of late,also has decent levels of achievement in education and health sectors. However, there remains substantial
scope for improvement.
The gains of development have not benefited all areas and various sections of the people equally. The
Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report highlights these disparities in achievement levels among
various sections of the society. The much touted ‘ Inclusive growth’, in the 11th Plan document by the
Planning Commission, has a similar philosophy in achievement of a decent level of Human development
for all. I am confident that this report would enable the formulation of future strategies for further improving
the human development attainments in Andhra Pradesh.
I would like to thank the Planning Commission, Government of India, and the United Nations Development
Programme for all the assistance and support provided for the preparation of this report and look forward
to future cooperation in following up the messages of this report. I surely thank the Centre for Economic
and Social Studies (CESS), Andhra Pradesh, for bringing out this extremely useful report.

(A.K. GOEL)

United Nations Development Programme

Planning Commission

India

MESSAGEOn behalf of the Planning Commission, Government of India and the United Nations
Development Programme, we congratulate the Government of Andhra Pradesh for preparing
the first Human Development Report for the State.
The HDR comprehensively analyses various aspects that have a bearing on human development,
including governance, inclusion and environment and effectively establishes the linkages
between the facets of human development.
Primarily an agrarian economy, the State has been witnessing exemplary growth in industries,
particularly the IT industry. The Andhra Pradesh HDR analyses the challenges that a society insuch a transition faces. Important lessons have been identified on how to effectively manage
this transition.
We once again felicitate the Government of Andhra Pradesh for the preparation of its Human
Development Report.

Santosh Mehrotra
Senior Consultant (RD), Planning Commission
Government of India

Maxine Olson
UNDP Resident Representative& UN Resident CoordinatorPreface

Prof. S. Mahendra Dev

ndhra Pradesh is unique in several respects. Some of these unique features
are: its history of social movements; it was one of the few states which
adopted the green revolution; development of participatory institutions
including self-help groups; its remarkable progress in technical education; its innovative
poverty alleviation strategies; its distinctive demographic experience; and, the state was at
the forefront in economic reforms. The experience of Andhra Pradesh with these uniquefeatures raises several far-reaching issues on the strategies to be followed in improving
human development.

PrefaceA

The objective of this report is to examine the experience of Andhra Pradesh in humandevelopment at the state and district levels keeping in view these remarkable features
together with the interventions and policies of the state.
There has been a ‘turnaround’ in economic growth and fiscal performance of A.P. in
recent years. The State has to focus also on ‘inclusive growth’ as there is still a considerable
degree of poverty, inadequate human development, problems in agriculture, insufficientquantity and quality of employment , significant regional, social and gender disparities andproblems in delivery systems. There has been considerable progress in A.P. in all thesecomponents of inclusive growth but this has not been sufficient for achieving broad-basedand equitable development. The present government is also making efforts to have higher
and inclusive growth in which human development is an important component.
The macro environment in terms of growth and fiscal situation at both the Centre andthe state level are much better now than before. There is also greater awareness now about
improving delivery services through better governance. Andhra Pradesh should make useof these favourable developments to improve human development in the state.

vii

It was at the invitation of the Planning Department that CESS agreed to prepare thehuman development report of Andhra Pradesh. Similar to other state HDRs, this Report issponsored by the Planning Commission, Government of India and the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP).

Preface

The Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report (APHDR) is probably the first in
India covering the data base up to 2005-06. Thus, the report covers the fifteen year postreform period which is sufficient for examining the impact of economic reforms on humandevelopment.

viiiThis report is the outcome of the collective effort of several people. A participatory
procedure has been followed in preparing the report. In addition to a state level workshop
at Hyderabad, six regional workshops were held to elicit the opinion of people on humandevelopment issues in different locations. The regional workshops were held in Mahabubnagar(South Telangana), Warangal (North Telangana), Visakhapatnam (North Coastal Andhra),
Guntur (South Coastal Andhra) and, Anantapur and Tirupathi (Rayalaseema). The localorganizers Dr. G. Ramachandrudu (Visakhapatnam), Dr. K. C. Suri and Dr. Narasimha Rao(Guntur), Dr. T. Papi Reddy and Dr. MD. Iqbal Ali (Warangal), Dr. Ashok (Mahabubnagar),Dr. Y. V. Malla Reddy (Anantapur) and Shri. Muniratnam and Dr. Rajasekhar (Tirupathi)
helped us in organizing these regional work shops. From CESS, Dr. C. Ramachandraiah,Prof. S. Galab, Dr. E. Revathi and Dr. C. Ravi helped in organizing these workshops. We arethankful to organizers and participants in the state level and regional workshops.
Faculty members (S.Galab, M. Gopinath Reddy, Jeena, G.K. Mitra, K.V. Narayana, R.
Nageswara Rao, C. Niranjan Rao, P. Padmanabha Rao, C. Ramachandraiah, V. Ratna Reddy,
E. Revathi, N. Sreedevi, S. Subrahmanyam) of the Centre for Economic and Social Studies(CESS) prepared the background papers for many of the chapters of the report. We thank all
those involved. In addition, there were also a few commissioned papers from academiciansand NGOs which have been useful for some components of the report. A few parts of thechapter on agriculture were taken from the work of Prof. D. Narasimha Reddy and Prof. V.
Nagi Reddy of ICFAI prepared the background paper on education while Prof. Rama Padma
of IIFH (Indian Institute of Family Health, Hyderabad) prepared the background paper on
demography and health. There were some inputs from Centre for Dalit Stduies (CDS) on
aspects of human development of the Dalits (SCs). We had a survey on the working of
public institutions in rural areas conducted by Development and Research Services (DRS).
For the APHDR, Dr. S. Irudaya Rajan of Centre for Development Studies along with Dr.
Mohanchandran did Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) estimations for the year 2001. We are thankful
to Prof. D. Narasimha Reddy, Prof. V. Nagi Reddy, Shri. G. Laxmaiah (CDS) Shri. Narsimha
Rao (DRS), Dr. Rajan and Dr. Mohanchandran.

The core team consisting of myself, Dr. C. Ravi and Mr. M. Venkatanarayana prepared
the report based on the background papers. We are grateful to Dr. Ravi and Mr.
Venkatanarayana for spending lot of time in preparing the APHDR. We also thank Prof.
Kanakalatha Mukund for editing the manuscript.
The progress of the report was monitored by a Steering Committee (chaired by Prof. C.
H. Hanumantha Rao) and Technical Committee (chaired by Prof. S. Subrahmanyam). We
thank Prof. C.H.Hanumatha Rao, Prof. K. L. Krishna, Prof. S. Subrahmanyam, Principal
Secretaries and Heads of Departments from Government of Andhra Pradesh for their help
and useful comments on the report.

Preface

Also we thank Mr. Vijay Kumar, Librarian (CESS) his colleagues for their help in locating
data and research material necessary for the report.
Shri Rosaiah garu, Hon’ble Minister for Finance and Planning has given full support
for the preparation of the report. Shri A.K. Goel, the Special Chief Secretary, Planning
Department, Government of Andhra Pradesh has been in constant touch with us by giving
useful comments and encouragement in preparing the report. Shri T. Koteswara Rao, former
director, Planning Department (GoAP) has been with the centre (CESS) while preparing the
APHDR and gave useful suggestions on the report. We thank all of them.
The report was prepared with the support of the Planning Commission, Governmentof India. We wish to thank Shri B. N. Yungandhar, Member, Planning Commission, Dr.
Rohini Nayyar (former adviser) and Dr. Santosh Mehrotra (present adviser).
The UNDP, India country office has given full support in the preparation of the report.
The initial involvement of Prof. Seeta Prabhu, head of the Human Development Resource
Centre (HDRC) at UNDP proved to be very useful later in preparing the report. She gave a
lot of encouragement and support throughout the preparation of the report. We wish to
thank the UNDP Resident Representative Ms. Maxine Olson, Prof. Seeta Prabhu and Shri
Suraj Kumar.
This is the first human development report for the state of Andhra Pradesh. The processof preparation of APHDR has been an enriching experience for the core team and others.
We hope the analysis and findings of the Report would be useful for improving humandevelopment of Andhra Pradesh in future.

S. Mahendra Dev
Director, CESS
01-05-2008ix

Contents
Messages
Preface
List of Tables, Figures & Box Items

iii
vii
xiv

1. Introduction
1.1
Uniqueness of Andhra Pradesh
1.2
Background
1.3
Objectives
1.4
Novelty of the Report
1.5
Organisation Scheme of the Report

1-10
1
4
6
7
8

2. Human Development
2.1
Introduction
2.2
Human Development Index
2.3
Human Poverty Index
2.4
Gender Development and Empowerment Index

11-18
11
12
15
16

3. Social Movements and Human Development
3.1
Social Movements, Public Policy and Human Development
3.2
Space created by Social Movements in Andhra Pradesh
3.3
Contribution of Social Movements to Human Development in Andhra Pradesh
3.4
Conclusions and Policy Implications

19-32
20
21
31
32

4. The Economy
4.1
Economic Growth
4.2
Infrastructure
4.3
Poverty and Inequality
4.4
Fiscal Performance
4.5
Social Sector Expenditure

33-47
33
38
42
43
45

5. Employment and Livelihoods
5.1
Employment Situation
Rural Livelihood Patterns
5.2
5.3
Livelihood Initiative: Policy Intervention
5.4
Impact of Initiatives at the Grassroots Level

49-61
49
55
58
59

xi

6. Agrarian Economy
6.1
Changing Structure in Agrarian Economy
Land Reforms
6.2
6.3
Changes in Land and Water Resources
6.4
Performance of Agriculture
6.5
Decline in Public Sector Investment and Failure of Support Services
6.6
Agrarian Distress and Farmers Suicides

63-76
64
65
68
69
70
72

7. Demography, Health and Nutrition
7.1
Size and Composition of Population
7.2
Demographic Transition in AP
7.3
Burden of Disease
7.4
Reproductive and Child Health
7.5
Nutrition
7.6
Health Infrastructure
7.7
Financing Health
7.8
Human Resources
7.9
Reforms in Health Sector

77-94
77
78
80
83
85
86
89
91
91

8. Education: Literacy and Schooling
8.1
Levels and Trends in Literacy
8.2
Levels of Schooling
8.3
Educational Attainment Index
8.4
Growing Demand for Private Schools
8.5
Supply Factors of Education
8.6
Financial Resources

95-112
95
99
102
103
104
109

9. Women Empowerment and Child Well-Being
9.1
Pattern of Women’s empowerment and Child well-being: State Level Analysis
9.2
Patterns of Women’s empowerment and Child well-being: Inter district Analysis
9.3State Intervention, Women’s empowerment and Child Well-being:
Household level Analysis

113-130
114
120

10. Marginalised Sections in AP: Status of Dalits and Tribals
10.1 Size and Growth of Population
10.2 Education
10.3 Health10.4 Employment Structure
10.5 Resource Ownership: Land10.6 Income Poverty
10.7 Deprivation of Basic Amenities
10.8 Atrocities
10.9 Political Participation
10.10 Resource Allocations

131-144
131
132
134
136
137
139
140
141
143
143

xii

122

11. Environment
11.1 Natural Resource Base
11.2 Status of Environmental Health11.3 Environmental Index

145-156
146
153
155

12. Institutions and Governance12.1 Introduction
12.2 Performance of Democratic and Participatory Institutions: An Assessment
12.3 Linkages between Democratic and Participatory institutions
12.4 Urban Governance and Human Resource Development
12.5 Decentralized Governance and Human Development

157-172
157
160
168
171
171

13. Urban Challenges
13.1 The Process of Urbanisation
13.2 Urban Livelihood: Economy, Migration, Poverty and Employment
13.3 Human Development, Civic Amenities and Environment
13.4 Slums: The Underprivileged
13.5 Hyderabad: The Emerging Cyber City

173-186
173
176
179
182
183

14. Conclusions and Policy Implications
14.1 Bridge the Divides
14.2 Economic Growth and Human Development
14.3 Poverty and Employment
14.4 Challenges in Social Sector
14.5 Institutions and Governance14.6 Concluding Observations

187-198
188
191
193
195
196
197

Appendix I : Technical Note

199-204

Appendix II : State Level Tables

205-215

Appendix III : District Level Tables

216-251

References

252-257

xiii

List of Tables
Table
No.

Title

2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5

Human Development Index (HDI) across Major Indian States
Revised Human Development Index (HDI) across Major Indian States
Human Development Index and Ranking of Districts
Human Poverty Index across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Gender Development and Gender Empowerment Index across Districts ofAndhra Pradesh
Trend Rate of Growth in GSDP and Per Capita GSDP: AP and India
Annual Growth of GSDP in AP and India
Decadal Average of Per Capita GSDP in AP and India
Sectoral Trend Growth of GSDP in Andhra Pradesh
Per Capita GSDP per Worker in Agriculture and Non-Agriculture Activities in AP and All-India
Poverty Ratios in AP and India – Official Methodology
Alternative Estimates of Poverty Ratio in AP and India
Region level Estimates of Poverty in Andhra Pradesh
Gini Ratio of Consumption Expenditure in AP and India
Growth of Consumer Price Index of Agriculture Labourers (CPIAL)Per Capita Expenditure (1993-94) on Social Sector in Southern States
Work Participation Rates in Andhra Pradesh and in India
Growth and Elasticity of Employment in Andhra Pradesh and in India
Sectoral Distribution of Workers and Growth of Employment in each Sector in Andhra PradeshChild Labour – Percentage of Children (5-14) involved in the Workforce inAndhra Pradesh and in India
Unemployment Rates in Andhra Pradesh and in India
Percentage Distribution of Workers by Nature of Employment in Andhra Pradesh
Distribution of Households by Livelihood Status in Rural Andhra Pradesh and in India
Distribution and Growth of Workers by Industry Category in Rural Andhra Pradesh
Changing Structure of the Agrarian Economy in Andhra Pradesh: The percentage
Distribution of Operational Holdings by Size Class, 1956-2006

4.1
4.1a
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.5b
4.6
4.7
4.8
4.9
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
6.1

xiv

Page

13
13
14
16
17
34
34
34
35
36
40
41
41
42
43
46
50
50
51
52
53
53
57
57
64

6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
7.1
7.2
7.3
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
8.6
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
9.7
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
10.5
10.6
10.7
10.8
10.9

Changes in Cropped and Irrigated Area in Andhra Pradesh, 1956-2005
Contribution of District to the Total Cropped and Irrigated Area declined in Andhra Pradesh
Growth Rate in Aggregate Value of Crop Output in Andhra Pradesh
Growth of Gross Fixed Capital Formation in Agriculture in Andhra Pradesh
Percentage of Farmers Investing in Borewells in Andhra Pradesh
Percentage of Investment lost due to failure of Borewells across Regions of Andhra Pradesh
Size, Growth and Composition of Population in Andhra Pradesh and India
Crude Birth and Death Rates, Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) and Total Fertility Rate
(TFR) in Andhra Pradesh and India
Nutritional Status of Children and Women in Andhra Pradesh and India, 2005-06
Literacy Rate in Andhra Pradesh and India
Percentage of Households with no Literate Adult (All)/Adult Female in Andhra Pradesh,
Kerala and India
Percentage Distribution of Schools and Enrolment between Public (Govt.) and Private
Management in Andhra Pradesh, 1970-71 to 2004-05
Physical Access to School in Andhra Pradesh – Percentage of Population Living in the
Habitations which are Availing Schooling Facility, 1957-2002
Teacher-Pupil Ratio (TPR) in Public and Private Schools by the Type of the School inAndhra Pradesh, 2006
Number of Schools Without Selected Facility in Andhra Pradesh, 2006
Educational Levels – Percentage of Persons with Level of Education in Andhra Pradesh
and India, 2004-05
Doctors Registered with Andhra Pradesh Medical Council, 2005
Work Participation Rate by Sex and Location in Andhra Pradesh and India
Distribution of Workers by Nature and Activity in Andhra Pradesh
Sex Ratio of Workers by Nature and Activity in Andhra Pradesh
Sex Ratio in Andhra Pradesh and India
Correlation Matrix
Percentage of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) in Total Population inAndhra Pradesh, 1961-2001
Literacy Levels by Caste and Gender in Andhra Pradesh
Percentage of Out-of-School Children (5-14 Age Group) across Social Groups inAndhra Pradesh, 1981-2001
Health Parameters across Social Groups in Andhra Pradesh, 1998-99
Occupational Structure by Social Groups in Andhra PradeshWork Participation Rates across Social Groups in Andhra Pradesh
Distribution of Workforce between Agriculture and Non-Agriculture Activities acrossSocial Groups in Andhra Pradesh
Percentage of Population who Owned or Possessed any land or land cultivated acrossSocial Groups, Rural Andhra Pradesh
Number of Operational Holding and Area Operated across Social Groups in Andhra Pradesh

66
67
69
71
72
72
78
79
86
96
98
104
104
107
109
114
114
115
115
116
117
121
132
132
134
135
136
137
138
138
139

xv

10.10 Access to Basic Infrastructure in Andhra Pradesh: Percentage of Villages Predominantly
Inhabited by SCs and STs, having Selected Facility, 2001
10.11 Percentage of Households without Selected Basic Amenities in Andhra Pradesh, 2001
10.12 Incidence of Crime committed against SCs and STs in Andhra Pradesh and India, 2005
10.13 Share of SCP and TSP in Budget Allocation for Elemetnary Education and Child Welfare in
Andhra Pradesh, 2001-07
13.1 Trends in Urbanisation in Andhra Pradesh, 1961-2001
13.2 Concentration of Population in Urban Agglomeration (UAs) and Isolated Towns inAndhra Pradesh, 1971-2001
13.3 Percent of Cities, Medium and Small Towns in the Total Towns and the Total Urban
Population in Andhra Pradesh, 1961-2001
13.4 Inter-District Urban In-Migrants to Hyderabad-Rangareddy Districts, 2001

140
141
142
144
174
174
175
184

Appendix Tables
A1.1
A1.2
A2.1
A2.2
A2.3
A2.4
A2.5
A2.6
A2.7
A2.8
A2.9
A2.10
A2.11
A2.12
A2.13
A2.14
A2.15
A2.16
A2.17
A2.18

xvi

Goal Posts of HDI at State Level
Goal Posts of HDI at District Level
Human Development Indicators across Major States in India
Growth of GSDP across Major States in India
Growth of Per Capita GSDP across Major States in India
Structural Transformation: Share of Agriculture in Employment and GSDP acrossMajor States in India, 2004-05
State-wise Growth of Employment in India
Percentage of Workforce in Non-Agricultural Activities across Major States in India
Growth Rate of Unemployment and Real Wages across Major States in India
Percentage of Indebted Farming Households By Source of Loan and Distribution of
Outstanding Loan by Source across Major States in India, 2003
Sex Ratio at Birth and of the Children (0-4 age group) across Major States in India
Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) across Major States in India
Six States with High Prevalence of HIV/AIDS in India, 2005
Number of Primary Health Centres, Sub-centres and Community Health Centres
functioning and availability of each facility per 10 lakh population, Rural India 2005
Percent Distribution of Households according to Protein Energy Adequacy Statusacross selected states in India
Anthropometrical measures of women and children across Major States in India
Percentage of Births Attended by Health Professional across Major States in India
Percentage of Birth Delivered in Medical Institutions across Major States in India
State-wise Progress of Mid-Day Meal Scheme in India, 2003-04
Incidence of Cognizable Crimes against SC/STs and Crime Rate across Major States in India

199
200
205
206
206
207
207
208
208
209
209
209
210
210
211
211
212
212
213
213

A2.19
A2.20
A2.21
A2.22
A2.23
A2.24
A2.25
A2.26

A3.1
A3.2
A3.3
A3.4
A3.5
A3.6
A3.7
A3.8
A3.9
A3.10
A3.11
A3.12
A3.13
A3.14
A3.15
A3.16
A3.17
A3.18
A3.19
A3.20

Crude Death Rate in Southern States in India
Crude Birth Rate in Southern States in India
Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) in Southern States in India
Trends in Total Fertility Rate (TFR) in Southern States in India
Maternal Mortality Ratio in Southern States in India
Maternal and Reproductive Health Situation in Southern States in India
Family Planning Practices in Southern States of India
Number per 1000 Households with no Literate Adult /Female Adults acrossSocial Groups in AP, Kerala and India
Income Dimension of Human Development – Per Capita District Domestic
Product (DDP) in Constant (1993-94) Prices across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Health Dimension of Human Development- Infant Mortality and Survival Rates acrossDistricts of Andhra Pradesh
Education Dimension of Human Development- Schooling and Adult Literacy acrossDistricts of Andhra Pradesh
Normalised Indices and Rankings of three Dimensions of Human Development acrossDistricts of Andhra Pradesh
Selected Demographic Indicators across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Growth of Gross District Domestic Product (GDDP) across Districts of A P
Infrastructure Index in Andhra Pradesh at District Level, 2004
Percentage of Irrigated Area by Source across Districts of AP, 2004-05
Share of the value of crop output and livestock in GDDP and their growth across districts of A P
Per Capita Districts Domestic Product and aggregate value of crop output
across districts of Andhra Pradesh, 2004-05
Work Participation Rate (WPR), Share of Agriculture in the Total Workers, and Growth of
Total and Agricultural Workers across districts in Andhra PradeshWork Participation Rate (WPR), the share of agriculture and growth of rural workers andin agriculture across districts in rural Andhra Pradesh
Gender Disparity in work participation rate (WPR) and non-agriculture activity acrossdistricts in Andhra Pradesh
Gender Disparity in wage rate (agriculture: field labour) across districts in Andhra Pradesh
National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in Andhra Pradesh: Report for thefinancial year of 2006-07, as on 8/8/07
Life Expectancy at Birth by Place and Sex in Andhra Pradesh, 1970-2006
District-wise Trends in Total Fertility Rate (TFR) in Andhra Pradesh
Reproductive Health Index (RHI) across districts of Andhra Pradesh
Districti-wise selected Indicators of Reproductive and Child Health (RCH) Survey, 2003-04
District-wise prevalence of HIV/AIDS (in percent) and number of cases reported, 2003-04

214
214
214
214
214
214
215
215

216
217
218
219
220
221
222
223
224
225
226
227
228
229
230
231
231
231
232
233

xvii

A3.21 District-wise Health Facility Availability per ten lakh population, 2004-05
A3.22 Literacy level across districts of Andhra Pradesh
A3.23 District-wise number of rural and partial urban mandals as per the specified levelsof female literacy rate in 2001
A3.24 District-wise percentage distribution of rural and partial urban mandals as per the
specified levels of female literacy rate in 2001
A3.25 District-wise distribution of the index of gender equality in literacy in rural and partial
urban mandals as per the specified levels of female literacy rate in 2001
A3.26 District-wise names of rural and partial urban mandals with female literacy rate less thanor equal to 30 per cent in 2001.
A3.27 Number of Non-literate per 1000 adults across social groups in Indian andAndhra Pradesh, 193-94 to 2004-05
A3.28 District-wise literacy rate for the age group 15 years and above, 2001
A3.29 Percent of Children in the age group 6-14 years attending schools in Andhra Pradesh, 2001
A3.30 Ranking of the districts of Andhra Pradesh according to their Educational Attainment
Indices and Gender Disparity Indices in education, 2001
A3.31 Drop-out rate in Primary and Upper Primary stages in Andhra Pradesh, 1971-2006
A3.32 Drop-out rate in Primary and Upper Primary stage across districts of Andhra Pradesh, 2005
A3.33 Percent share of SC/ST in total population, growth of their population, urbanization(percent of urban) and sex ratio among SC/STs across districts of Andhra Pradesh, 2001
A3.34 Literacy rate among SC/STs across districts of Andhra Pradesh, 2001
A3.35 Environmental Index across districts of Andhra Pradesh, 2001
A3.36 Urbanisation across districts of Andhra Pradesh, 1961-2001
A3.37 Number of Towns and Population by size class of the Towns, 1961-2001
A3.38 Percentage of Households without selected Basic Amenities across Districtsof Andhra Pradesh, 1991-2001
A3.39 Selected Child Development/Well-being and Gender Empowerment related Indicators acrossDistricts of Andhra Pradesh, 2001

xviii

234
235
236
237
237
238-239
239
240
240
241
241
242
243
244
245
246
247
248
249

List of Figures
Fig.
No.

Title

2.1
2.2

Rate of Change during 1991-2001 in HDI

15

HDI in 1991 and change during 1991-2001 across District of AP
Social Movements and Public Policy
Social Movements and Public Policy Cycle
Per Capita GSDP in AP and India and the ratio of AP in All-India
Change in Sectoral Contribution of GSDP in Andhra Pradesh
Per Capita GDDP and its Rate of Growth across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Infrastructure Index across Districts of Andhra Pradesh, 2004

15
20
21
35
35
37
40

Poverty Ratios by Religion and Caste in Andhra Pradesh, 2004-05
Revenue and Capital Expenditure as a percentage of Revenue Receipts of Andhra Pradesh
Tax Revenue, Fiscal Deficit (FD) and Public Debt as a percentage of GSDP in Andhra Pradesh
Trend in the Share of Social Services (incl. Rural Development) in the Total Budget
Expenditure (Rev. A/c) and Per Capita Expenditure in Total (PCTE) and in Social Sector(PCSSE) in Andhra Pradesh
Percentage Distribution of Workforce between Agriculture and Non-Agriculture in
Andhra Pradesh and in Inda
Average Daily Wage Rate (Rs.) in 1993-94 Prices, Andhra Pradesh and India
Average Daily Wage Rate for the Casual Worker (CL) working in Public Works (PW),
other than PW (NPW) and Regular Wage/Salaried Employees (RW/SE) across major states in India
Total Fertility Rate in Districts of Andhra Pradesh

41
43
44

HIV Prevalence Rate (15-49 Age Group) in Andhra Pradesh and India
Reproductive Health Index (RHI) across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Access to Health Facility: Percentage of Villages Having Health Facility in Andhra Pradesh
The share of Health (HE) in Total Expenditure (TE) and Per Capita Health Expenditure in
Andhra Pradesh, Constant (1993-94) Prices
Adult (15+ Age Population) Literacy Rate in Andhra Pradesh

81
85
87

3.1
3.2
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
4.7
4.8

5.1
5.2
5.3
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
8.1

Page

45
50
54
54
80

90
97

xix

8.2
8.3

Growth of Enrolment in Andhra Pradesh
Percentage of Children Attending School by Age in Andhra Pradesh, 2001

99
100

8.4
8.5
8.6
8.7

Percentage of Children (6-14 Age Group) Attending School in Andhra Pradesh, 1991-2001
Educational Attainment Index across Major States in India, 2001
Educational Attainment Index across Districts of Andhra Pradesh, 2001
Percentage Share of Education Expenditure (Rev. A/c) in Total Expenditure (TE) and
GSDP and Per Capita Expenditure (1993-94 Prices) on Education in (PCEE)Andhra Pradesh, 1960-2007
Per Capita Real Expenditure (1993-94 Prices) on Education inSouthern States, 1990-91 to 2004-05
Share of Elementary Education in the Total Expenditure on Education inAndhra Pradesh, 1956-2008
Violence Against Women in Andhra Pradesh : Percentage in Private and Public Space(in the Total) and Violence Rate (No. of Cases per lakh women)
Domestic Violence across Major Indian States: Percentage of Ever-Married Women

101
103
103

who have experienced spousal violence, 2005-06
Percentage of Population by Age Group Living in Below Poverty Line (BPL) Households
in Andhra Pradesh
Gender and Child Development and Gender Empowerment Measure Index
across Districts of Andhra Pradesh, 2001
Percentage of Children (5-14 Age Group) Attending School by Caste, 2004-05
Percentage Distribution of Size Class of Holdings across Social Groups inAndhra Pradesh, 2005-06
Mean Consumption Expenditure across Social Groups in Andhra Pradesh
Head Count Ratio of Poverty across Social Groups in Andhra Pradesh
Environmental Index across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Age Distribution of Migrants in Urban Andhra Pradesh, 2001

118

8.8
8.9
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
11.1
13.1
13.2
13.3
13.4
13.5
13.6
13.7

xx

Percentage Distribution of Migrants in Andhra Pradesh by Reason in eachStream of Migration, 2001
Work Participation Rate in Urban Sector of Andhra Pradesh and India
Percentage Distribution of Urban Workers by Industry Category in Andhra Pradesh and India
Share of Urban to Total Workers in each Industry Category in Andhra Pradesh
Percentage Distribution of Urban Population by Education Levels in Andhra Pradesh
Distribution of Migrants in Hyderabad Urban Agglomeration (HUA) by Reason, 2001

109
110
110
118

120
121
134
139
140
140
155
177
177
178
178
178
180
184

List of Box Items
Box
No.

Title

Page

4.1

Information Technology in Andhra Pradesh

37

4.2

Alternative Poverty Estimates for Andhra Pradesh

41

5.1

Employment in I T Sector of Andhra Pradesh

51

6.1

Recommendations of Farmers’ Welfare Commission of AP Agriculture

75

7.1

Burden of Aging

81

7.2

Future Challenges of HIV/AIDS

82

7.3

Policy Initiatives to Improve Maternal Health

83

7.4

Missing in Action – Health Workers in India

87

7.5

Nexus between the RMPs and the Qualified Doctors

89

7.6

Consequences of Private Health Care – Falling into Poverty

90

8.1

High Drop-out rate due to Fictitious Enrolment

99

8.2

(Schooling) Policy Initiatives in Andhra Pradesh

105

8.3

Teacher’s Absenteeism in India

108

8.4

Financing Child Education in AP

110

9.1

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-being: A Review

115

9.2

Child Trafficking in Andhra Pradesh

119

12.1

Conceptualizing Governance – Some Approaches

158

12.2

Need for Synergy: Strategy/Framework for Synergy

167

xxi

Uniqueness and Background of AP

CHAPTER I

1Introduction

1.1 Uniqueness of Andhra Pradesh

This is the first Human Development
Report of Andhra Pradesh.
The state has several uniquefeatures- development of participatory
institutions, innovative poverty alleviation
programs, spectacular demographictransition, pursuit ofstate level economic reforms, etc.
The report reviews states’ experiences ofhuman development in the past two
decades in the backdrop of these
remarkable features.

Introduction

ndhra Pradesh is unique in several
respects in the country. It was the firststate to be constituted on linguistic basis
in 1956 by combining the Telugu speaking districts of
Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema from the erstwhile Madras
Presidency and the Telugu-speaking region of Telangana
from the Nizam’s Hyderabad state. These regions, in fact,
had widely different natural resources, historical legacies
and institutional arrangements. The challenge ofdevelopment policy subsequent to the formation of theState was to integrate these diverse units into a single
economic entity and to accelerate the growth of its
productive sectors along with the promotion of adequate
opportunities to ensure broad-based participation for all
sections of society.

A

Andhra Pradesh was among the very few states in
the country which adopted the green revolution, especiallyin respect of rice. The focus of government policy in the
1960s and 1970s was on infrastructure like irrigation andpower. The historical advantage that the coastal regions
enjoyed in terms of government investment in canalirrigation was reinforced with the advent of the green
revolution. However, the green revolution benefited only
crops grown under irrigated conditions and rain-fed,
particularly dry land, agriculture was neglected. The present
government has given emphasis to irrigation development
in order to convert some of the dry areas into irrigatedareas.

1

A unique feature of Andhra Pradesh is the developmentof participatory institutions. The state is well-known for
its strong emphasis on rural development, community
empowerment and support for women’s groups. These
include self-help women’s groups, water user associations,watershed committees, school education committees,
mother’s committees, Rytu Mitra Groups (farmers’ clubs),
vana samrakshana samitis (VSS, Joint Forest Management).
For example, Andhra Pradesh was the first state in the
country to enact the Andhra Pradesh Farmers Managementof Irrigation Systems Act, 1997, under which the formationof Water Users Associations (WUAs) became mandatory
for the management of irrigation. This is designed to bringgreater accountability to the irrigation department as well
as a sense of ownership of the management systems among
farmers. Similarly, A.P. has taken bold steps to demonstratethat a convergence of conservation and development
objectives can be achieved through Joint Forest Management(JFM). The JFM committees in Andhra Pradesh havesuccessfully targeted remote and under-served
communities, in particular tribal populations. However,there have been, tensions between these participatory
institutions and Panchayati Raj institutions (PRIs). The
experience of Andhra Pradesh with respect to representative
discussed in development literature.
The state has also made remarkable progress intechnical education like engineering and medicine,probably as a result of the importance given to mathematics
and science in colleges which might have improved theskills of the students in these fields. One can see many
students from A.P. in IITs and medical colleges of thecountry. The success of the IT revolution in the state andthe number of professionally qualified persons from thestate working in other countries (e.g. Silicon Valley in
the USA) testifies to the progress of the state in technicaleducation.
The state is also known for innovative poverty
alleviation strategies. In the 1980s the government
concentrated more on welfare schemes. The scheme tosupply rice at ‘Two Rupees a Kilo’ through the publicdistribution system (PDS) was one of the important schemes
introduced in this period. An important aspect of social

2change taking place in A.P. relates to women’s
empowerment (social and economic) through self-helpgroups. The government of Andhra Pradesh is implementing
a statewide rural poverty eradication programme basedon social mobilization and empowerment of rural poor
women. This programme is popularly known as ‘Velugu’or Indira Kranthi Pathakam(IKP). This project aims atenhancing assets, capabilities and the ability of the poor
to deal with shocks and risks. The programme has
contributed to the improvement in women’s empowerment
at the household and community level. There are alreadyseven lakh self-help groups in the State. The present
government has introduced a programme called
INDIRAMMA (Integrated Novel Development in Rural
Areas and Model Municipal Areas) in 2006 for thedevelopment of model villages and towns on saturationbasis to provide basic infrastructure along with welfare
measures in an integrated and focused manner and to beserviced over a period of three years1 . Pensions, housing
and land distribution are some of the important measures
undertaken by the government to help the poor.
The experience of AP on the demographic front isalso distinctive. The state registered the fastest reductionin population growth in the country in the 1990s. It isinteresting that the experience of fertility reduction in A.P.
is contrary to conventional theories and beliefs which holdthat fertility reduction is possible only with considerable
economic or social development. The experience of Kerala
indicates that female education and improvement in health(e.g. reduction in infant mortality) were responsible forthe decline in fertility levels. In A.P., female illiteracy andinfant mortality are relatively high but fertility decline has
been faster. The success of the state in controlling the
population partly lies in better administration of programmes
related both to family planning and welfare, including
the setting up of women’s self-help groups.
1

According to predetermined saturation criteria, the activities to be covered

are: (1) housing; (2) drinking water supply; (3) sanitation – individual sanitary
latrine and drainage system; (4) link roads; (5) power connections – habitations
and households; (6) health services including awareness and prevention; (7)ICDS (nutrition and pre-primary education for children); (8) primary education;(9) pensions – old age pensions including pensions for weavers, widows anddisabled persons; (10) INDIRAMMA Cheruvu.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

The state has also witnessed the emergence ofnumerous non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs)
dedicated to development activities through social
mobilisation. For example, retaining children in schools
needs social mobilization of the community against childlabour and for education, as well as intensive institutionalarrangements. That such attempts are very successful at
the micro level is demonstrated by NGOs like the MV
Foundation. Similarly, there are NGOs in the state focusing
on areas relating to food and nutrition security, health,
livelihoods and natural resource management.
Andhra Pradesh has been vigorously pursuingeconomic reforms since the mid-1990s. By the end of
the 1990s A.P. had earned a reputation as the state at theforefront of reforms in India as several fiscal, governanceand other reforms were under way to accelerate economic
development and to reduce poverty. The economic reforms
and the other singular features of A.P. mentioned aboveraise several far-reaching issues regarding humandevelopment strategies to be followed in India and otherdeveloping countries.
The objective of this report is to examine theexperience of A.P. in human development at the stateand district levels keeping in view these remarkable features
together with the interventions and policies of the state.
The outcomes on human development depend on
several factors such as the macroeconomic policies of thecentral government, strategies of the state government,
particularly with respect to health and education andhistorical factors.
There have been several social movements in thestate before and after Independence. During colonial rulemost of the movements were connected to the freedom
struggle. But social movements did not die away with theend of colonial rule. They continued in the postindependence period against the actions of the state andpolitical institutions. There have also been a number ofmovements against many social evils which have continued
to plague society. The important social movements havebeen agrarian struggles including the Telangana Armed
Struggle, dalit movements, tribal struggles, women’s

Introduction

movements and regional movements. Among the agrarian
struggles, the major one was connected to land issues andthese struggles continue even today. Agrarian struggles notdirectly involved with land were about vetti, bonded labour,
agricultural wages etc.
While states like Kerala and, to some extent, Tamil
Nadu had social movements focusing on health andeducation, there were no such movements specificallyrelating to human development in Andhra Pradesh. Social
movements in A.P. focused more on land and other
distributional issues. This could be one of the reasons forthe relatively low levels of human development in the state.
In spite of land struggles, the inequalities in agrarian relations
still persisted in the state due to historical reasons (e.g.
Nizam’s rule in Telangana) and policies since its formation.
Macroeconomic policies of the central governmentfiscal, monetary, trade, financial liberalization, privatisationand other sectoral (e.g. agriculture and industry) policies can influence the outcomes at the state level. Since
appropriate macro policies are important for generating
employment and human development the macro policies
in India have to be evaluated as to whether they havepromoted employment and human development in the
post-reform period.
Investments in physical and social infrastructure areimportant for higher growth which favours the poor andwhich can also improve employment and social
development. Compared to the East Asian countries,
investment rates in India till recently have been low ataround 25 per cent of GDP. In the 1980s, the rate of capitalformation in the public sector was 11.1 per cent which
declined to 7.3 per cent in the post-reform period.
Deceleration of public investment and private corporate
investment in the second half of 1990s is a matter of concern.
The low growth in public investment could be one of thereasons for the low growth in employment in the postreform period. Fortunately, in recent years (2004-6),
investment as a proportion of GDP has risen to morethan 30 per cent.
Fiscal reforms are intended to reduce fiscal deficit,
improve social sector expenditures and capital expenditures.

3

The evidence shows that India lost 1 per cent of GDP
due to tax reforms in the post-reform period. Central
transfers to state governments also declined. State
governments were forced to borrow in the market andother (often international) sources at high interest rates.
As a result, the levels of debt and debt servicing increasedin most of the states. In recent years, most state governments
were in fiscal crisis and did not have funds for capital
expenditures. This is especially important since state
governments are responsible for critical areas such as
rural infrastructure, power, water supply, health andeducation. Meanwhile, at the central government level,
capital expenditure declined as a share of national income,and all public expenditure directed towards the rural areas
fell both as a per cent of GDP and in real per capita
terms. The composition of government spending can alter
relative prices and factor income and this in turn willaffect income distribution and employment. In recent years,
there have been signs of increase in tax/GDP ratios due
to better enforcement and tax collection. This could improve
allocations to infrastructure and the social sectors.
Trade liberalization is expected to improve exports
which can generate employment. However, this depends
on whether the impact percolates to unskilled workers or
stays with skilled workers. If only the IT sector benefits,
the overall employment prospects are not bright. The
evidence seems to suggest that employment in the organizedmanufacturing sector has not improved. Employment has
increased only in the unorganized sector which does notpoint to an improvement in the quality of employment.
Financial sector liberalisation in developing countries has
been associated with measures that are designed to makethe Central Bank more independent, relieve financial
constraints by freeing interest rates and allowing financial
innovation, reduce directed and subsidised credit, as well
as allow greater freedom in terms of external flows of capitalin various forms. However, financial liberalization has led
to a decline in credit to the agriculture sector, small andmarginal farmers and weaker sections in the post-reformperiod. Thus, on balance the mix of macro policies havenot promoted employment and human development in
the post-reform period.

4

The outcomes particularly on agriculture, health andeducation are determined more by the policies of the state
government. As will be shown in the subsequent chaptersof the report, economic growth has been taking place inAndhra Pradesh. The growth rate of GSDP in the last four
years has been 7 to 8 per cent per annum. The state has
also been successful in reducing income poverty if we go
by official statistics. However, A.P. has not well done interms of ‘inclusive’ development. There is a need forsignificant improvements in agriculture, employment, social
sector and reduction of regional and other disparities. The
post-reform period has witnessed an increase in disparities
across regions and social groups and between rural andurban areas. The outcomes for A.P. indicate that the efforts
of different governments in the state have not been enoughto improve human development and livelihoods and that
there is a need to promote broad-based and inclusive growth
to benefit all sections of society.

1.2 Background and Comparative Status
Andhra Pradesh is one of the major states in India
and ranks fifth in terms of population. The population of
the state was about 75.7 million in 2001 (Census 2001).
The projected population would be around 83 million in
March 2007 accounting for 7.4 per cent of country’s
population. In terms of population the state is bigger thanmany countries in the world. Its geographical spread of
274.4 lakh hectares accounting for 8.37 per cent of thetotal area of the country makes it the fourth largest state in
the country. The state capital Hyderabad has become an
A1 city in 2007 with 54 lakh population. There are 23
districts and 1128 Mandals in the state. Andhra Pradesh
has three regions which are distinct in terms of socioeconomic characteristics owing to historical reasons andregion specific resource base. Of the 23 districts, nine
are in Coastal Andhra; ten are in Telangana and four in
Rayalaseema.
Viewed against the resource base and economic
activities, the relative performance of Andhra Pradesh among
Indian states in terms of the growth of SDP and per capita
income seems to have improved during the 1980s. A
higher rate of growth of SDP and per capita income began
in the state from the late 1970s, while the 1980s was theAndhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

golden era of high economic growth in the state. The
growth rate of GSDP in A.P. was lower than all-India in
the 1990s but there was a turnaround in GSDP growthduring 2003-07. However, per capita GSDP in A.P. has
been lower than in all-India throughout, though it has
been catching up in recent years with the all-India average.
In fact, the per capita GSDP in 2005-06 (in 1999-2000
prices) in A.P. (Rs.21277) was slightly higher than in allIndia (Rs.20734).
Andhra Pradesh has done reasonably well in terms offiscal performance. Till the mid-1980s A.P. used to have asurplus budget and these surpluses were used for productive
capital expenditure on irrigation and power generation. The
surplus budgets disappeared after the mid-1980s with theintroduction of populist welfare policy initiatives such as
distribution of rice at the rate Rs. 2/kg through the Public
Distribution System (PDS) and prohibition, though alcohol
was one of the major sources of excise duty contributing tostate revenues. Fiscal reforms undertaken since 1995-96
have led to an improvement in some indicators of fiscal
management. At the same time the state also faced fiscal
problems similar to other states of India in the second halfof the 1990s. Debt/GSDP ratio for A.P. increased from 199596 to 2000-01. However, despite rising indebtedness, theoutstanding public debt for A.P. at 25.6 per cent of GSDPin
2000-01 was lower than for all the major states, the allstates average being 30.7 per cent. The ratio of debt-GSDP
ratio in 2005-06 was eighth (in ascending order) among 29
states. In other words, 21 states in India have higher debtGDP ratio than Andhra Pradesh. There seems to have been
an improvement in revenue generation and decline in revenue
deficit in recent years so that the fiscal performance of thestate does not seem bad in a comparative perspective.
Andhra Pradesh has one of the highest work
participation rates in the country, particularly for females.
As with other states, A.P. is going to have ‘demographic
dividend’ in terms of more people in the working age group.
However, the growth of employment in A.P. declined from2.72 per cent in pre-reform (1983 to 1993-94) to 0.95 percent in post-reform (1993-94 to 2004-05) period. Thiswas one of the lowest rates in the country, and much
lower than the all-India rate of 1.9 per cent per annum.
Another worrying factor is that unemployment growth

Introduction

increased and growth of real wages declined during 19992005 as compared to 1993-2000. It may also be notedthat about 94 per cent of workers in Andhra Pradesh
were in the unorganized sector in 2004-05, which also
indicates the challenges of providing social security to
38 million of 40 million workers in Andhra Pradesh.
The state is still largely agricultural in terms of
population and employment. Although the share of
agriculture in GSDP has declined from above 60 per centin the 1950s to around 22 per cent in the recent period, it
continues to be the primary source of livelihood for around
60 per cent of the population in the state. The rank of A.P.
in terms of share in GSDP and employment in ascendingorder was 8 out of 16 states in the year 2004-05. Recognising
the importance of agriculture, government policy in Andhra
Pradesh has been structured around this sector. While giving
priority to agriculture a large part of resources was allocatedto irrigation and power during the 1960s and 1970s. These
were relatively neglected during the 1980s and 1990s. As
a result, there was agrarian distress from the mid-1990s
which led to episodes of suicides by farmers in the state.
The state was at a relative disadvantage in terms of
manufacturing activity in the non-household sector unlike
some states which were ahead of the rest in terms of industrial
development even at the time of Independence. For instance,
A.P. does not have a strong background and tradition ofindustrial development, like the neighbouring state of Tamil
Nadu in terms of entrepreneurship, technical skills andinfrastructure. Industry is predominantly a central subject
in the Indian Constitution. As a result, the relatively
underdeveloped states rarely had a separate industrial policy,
at least in their early stages of development. In A.P., thefirst-ever industrial policy statement was announced onlyin the early 1990s.
Industrial growth in A.P. was propelled by the growthof the public sector. Though industrial estates came up in
and around Hyderabad followed by the establishment of
power generation stations between 1960 and 1970, theindustrial base in the state began to expand during the1970s with the establishment of major public sector units
like BHEL and ECIL in Hyderabad, and the petroleum5refinery and steel plant in Visakhapatnam. The backward
and forward linkages generated by these large-scale units
were expected to attract private investment from thesurpluses of the agricultural sector. While in the 1980s
some entrepreneurship emerged from agricultural surpluses,
private investment is still flowing to the services sector.
At present the government is focusing on key sectors likepharmaceuticals, biotechnology, food processing,chemicals, marine, leather, textiles, IT and communications.
The service sector is the major centre of growth in the
non-agricultural sector in the state. More recently,
information technology (IT), a component of the service
sector, has been the fastest growing sector in Andhra
Pradesh.
The performance of the social sector in A.P. has notbeen satisfactory as compared to many states in India,
particularly the other southern states like Kerala and Tamil
Nadu. The state has, however, done well in terms of income
poverty. Official estimates show that poverty was only around
15 percent in the year 2004-05. This level of poverty is
one of the lowest in the country. The state has also done
remarkably well in reducing population growth. Further,as noted above, the women’s self-help group movementwith seven lakh groups is also a success in the state. On
the other hand, the human development index is low andthe state ranks tenth among 15 states. In spite of better
economic growth, the state is lagging behind in social
development. The performance of the state in education
had been very good in the 1990s. Despite this the literacy
level in the state is one of the lowest in the country. Similarly,
it ranks eleventh among 17 states in infant mortality. The
low poverty ratios and the high incidence of child labour/
educational deprivation of children indicate a paradoxicalsituation specific to the state. It has the highest incidenceof child labour among the Indian states whereas it has thelowest level of poverty and poverty levels have also declined
sharply in the past decade. The infrastructure index showsthat the state is lacking in infrastructure and in fact has thelowest status (CMIE, 2000).
Inter-regional disparities are very high in the state.
Districts like Mahabubnagar and Adilabad in Telangana,Vizianagaram and Srikakulam in North Coastal Andhra

6

and Anantapur in Rayalaseema are among the poorest
districts in the state. In general, South Telangana districts,
some districts of Rayalaseema and north Coastal Andhra
are poorer than South Coastal Andhra and North Telangana.
To conclude, historically, in terms of economic andsocial development, Andhra Pradesh was behind
Travancore and Mysore states, but was ahead of Madhya
Pradesh and other poorer states. The same situation
continues to some extent even today fifty years after theformation of the state. In terms of economic growth andper capita income it is now closer to all-India average.
However, in terms of human development indicators andemployment growth, the state is lagging behind all-India.
In short, the state has to concentrate more on ‘inclusive
growth’ or equitable development.

1.3 Objectives
It is believed that development means the capacityof a society to participate and enable the people to have avision of their future. Therefore, this report should be used
to launch a public debate on the development pattern of
the state in future. It is necessary to keep in mind two
aspects while preparing the HDR: the process and thesubstance. In terms of the process it (the report) should be
more participatory in nature with participation of civil society,public scrutiny, involvement of political leadership, broadbased public dissemination of information required at the
preparation stage. In terms of substance, the goal and purposeof the report are important. The goal must be to facilitate
wide-ranging public debate on what would be the reactionof people to the changing global situation.
The APHDR aims at drawing attention to issues
pertaining to human development by reviewing the progress
made on aspects related to the quality of life. It identifies
strengths, gaps and deficiencies in order to suggest specificpolicy interventions. The APHDR is a programming tool
and a monitoring instrument for interventions and an
advocacy device for raising resources to invest in the people
so that the quality of people’s lives can be enhanced. It
presents the status in different sectors which ultimately
have a bearing upon human development and thereby
facilitates the realization of a vision for the future. APHDRAndhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

brings out issues relating to different aspects of humandevelopment which have to be addressed with intensive
efforts, and identifies the challenges ahead in facilitating
improvement in the quality of life of the people. It is
known that economic growth or development alone cannot
lead to sustained improvement in the lives of people.
The report, therefore, argues that both economic growthand human development are important and that they
reinforce each other, as indicated by the vast literatureon the subject.

1.4 Approach and Novelty of the Report(1) A participatory procedure has been followed in
preparing the report. In addition to a state level work shop
at Hyderabad, six regional workshops were held to elicit
the opinion of people on human development issues indifferent locations. They were held in Mahabubnagar (South
Telangana), Warangal (North Telangana), Visakhapatnam(North Coastal Andhra), Guntur (South Coastal Andhra)
and, Tirupathi and Anantapur (Rayalaseema). Faculty
members of the Centre for Economic and Development
Studies (CESS) prepared background papers for many of
the chapters of the report. In addition, there were also a
few commissioned papers from academicians and NGOs(e.g. some inputs from Centre for Dalit Studies) which havebeen useful for some components of the report. A
representative of the Planning Department, Governmentof Andhra Pradesh has been stationed at CESS in order tohave full time interaction with the coordinators of the report.
(2) This report is a ‘first’ in many respects. This is thefirst human development report for the state of Andhra
Pradesh. The APHDR is probably the first in India covering
the data base up to 2005-06. Thus, the report covers thefifteen year post-reform period which is sufficient for examining
the impact of economic reforms on human development.
APHDR is also the first to use the latest data from NSS 61st
Round on Employment and Unemployment, Consumer
Expenditure (2004-05), recent NSS data on education, healthand status of farmers, NFHS III (National Family Health Survey)
data for the year 2004-05 and, landholdings data for theyear 2005-06. The report also uses many micro studies
done by CESS and others on human development issues.

Introduction(3) The report would be useful in the context ofMillennium Development Goals (MDGs) and India’s goals
given in the 11th Five Year Plan. It is known that the 11th
Five Year Plan has given emphasis to ‘faster and inclusive
growth’. Human development is one of the main
components of inclusive growth. The present report whichcoincides with the first year of the 11th Five Year Plan
would be helpful in framing policies for achieving thegoals of human development in Andhra Pradesh.
(4) Earlier studies on A.P. including the book on ‘Andhra
Pradesh Development: Economic Reforms and Challenges
Ahead’ published by CESS have concentrated more on
the state as a whole. The APHDR provides for the firsttime a comprehensive picture of the status of humandevelopment at the district level to serve as a baseline for
evaluating the trends that will emerge in future. It comparesand contrasts disparities in levels of human development
across sub-population groups identified by their socioeconomic (gender, caste, poverty, occupation etc.,) andgeographical (region, district, location: rural-urban)
characteristics. It identifies problems specific to the state,region and district. Ultimately it points to the way forward
for the progress of human development in the state andrelevant policy measures for addressing the emerging areasof concern.
In the process it brings out and highlights several issues
relating to human development and livelihoods and also
problems specific to the state and its sub-regions. These
are: agrarian structure and social unrest, impact of land
reforms and green revolution, agrarian distress and farmers’suicides, unemployment, stagnant rural non-farm sector,
regional inequalities, lagging social sector, irrigation politics,
environmental degradation, the surge of HIV/AIDS,
persistence of illiteracy, non-schooling and child labour,interventions by and impact of external agencies like NGOs
for the cause of the deprived, as for instance on child labourand child schooling, undertones of institutional changes
in the reform process, the boom of the IT sector in thestate, the realization of the notion of ‘people’s participation’in the progress of marginalized sections like women,children, dalits, tribals, disabled and old people. Importantly,

7

it also highlights the impact of interventions and policychanges initiated during the 1990s on welfare.
(5) The APHDR has made an attempt to take a novel
approach on the issues discussed and problems addressed.
An attempt is made to assess progress in the context of thestate as it was the first Indian state to carry out serious
economic reforms, to take policy initiatives in view ofgood governance and hosting a number of NonGovernmental Organisation (NGOs) involved indevelopmental activities. As noted above, since the late1980s, micro-financing institutions have been promoted
through self-help groups (SHGs) which are expected toresult in empowerment of the poor especially of women.
An assessment of the turnaround in the economy; thepolicy initiatives; participation of people and civil society
and their impact on the welfare of the people are interestingparts of the report.
(6) For the first time, a discussion on social movements
is included as a separate chapter in a human development
report. This is important because social movements help
to improve human development and also lead to greater
sensitization of the rights approach and better governance.
Another novel feature of the report is a detailed analysis
on women’s empowerment and child well-being. It is
known that regional disparities act as barriers in achieving
the goals of human development. Therefore, an attempt
is made in the report to assess and analyse the contributionof women’s empowerment to reducing regional and genderdisparities in human development in A.P. It also constructs
a gender development index and child development index
at the district level. The report for the first time also constructs
an environmental index.
In brief, apart from studying areas like health,education, livelihood issues, social problems and the percapita Gross Domestic Product, the APHDR would be
unique in looking at disparities across districts, the grassroot level institutions and their impact on humandevelopment. The APHDR also focuses on state-specificissues like farmers’ suicides, child labour, HIV/AIDS, selfhelp groups and the evolution of institutions parallel toPanchayat Raj systems.

8

1.5 Organisation of the Report
The Andhra Pradesh Human Development Reoprt
is organized as follows. Chapter 2 presents the humandevelopment indices across districts of Andhra Pradesh.
As a backdrop to the report, Chapter 3 presents the historyof social movements in the state. There have been manysocial movements relating to land issues, tribals, dalits,
women and regional issues. This chapter examines theimportance of these movements in making modern Andhra
Pradesh.
Chapter 4 provides an overview of the economic
and social development experience of the state. The
performance of the state including the problems and theprospects of development at the macro level is analyzed
in this chapter. It focuses on economic growth, infrastructure,poverty, inequality, fiscal performance and social sector
expenditures.
Expanding productive employment and livelihoods
is central for sustained poverty reduction and for enhancing
human development as labour is the main asset for the
majority of the poor. Liberalisation measures are likely tohave significant implications for employment and the labour
market. How these policies have affected the growth andstructure of employment is an issue that has important
implications for future policies. In this context, Chapter 5
looks at trends in employment, wages and rural livelihoods.
It covers issues relating to employment in quantitative andqualitative terms. This chapter also examines the experienceof livelihood promotions at the grass root level.
Higher growth in agriculture is considered an importantelement of inclusive growth as a majority of livelihoods
depend on the performance of this sector. Agriculture playsa pivotal role in the economy of A.P. Chapter 6 examines
the changes in structure, performance of agriculture andthe issues relating to farmers’ suicides. This chapter also
discusses the policy issues relating to agriculture in thepresent context and suggests the strategies needed for higher
growth in agriculture.
There is no difference of opinion that A.P. has
experienced rapid demographic transition. However, healthAndhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

and nutrition are areas of concern in the state. There areproblems with regard to expenditure and quality of healthand privatization of health facilities. Health is one of theimportant aspects of Millennium Development Goals(MDGs) and the 11th Five Year Plan of India. Chapter 7 isdevoted to examining the performance and issues relating
to demographic transition, health and nutritional
deprivations. It also provides an interesting discussion
on health care systems in A.P.

disadvantaged sections like the Scheduled Castes (SCs)and Scheduled Tribes (STs). Chapter 10 is intended to provide
the status of marginalized sections such as SCs and STs in
Andhra Pradesh, their problems and prospects in the humandevelopment perspective. It discusses the status of SCs
and STs as compared to others for certain parameters likeland holdings, poverty, health and educational indicators,
access to basic infrastructure and household amenities likewater supply, sanitation, electricity etc.

Education is one of the important indicators of humandevelopment and one of the important objectives of theMillennium Development Goals (MDGs) is to achieve
universal elementary education among children in theage group 5-14 years. Equality of opportunity in educationis crucial for improvement in the quality of education.
In this context, Chapter 8 assesses the status of educationin Andhra Pradesh focusing on levels and trends in literacy
and schooling, supply factors like schools, teachers, physicalinfrastructure and financial resources.

The importance of environment in enhancing humandevelopment and the quality of life is well recognized.
Keeping in view the importance of environment, Chapter
11 reviews the status of natural resources that affect income
and security as well as the environmental conditions that
impact the health of the households in Andhra Pradesh
at the state, regional and district levels. A composite
environmental index based on the district level indicators
is attempted in the chapter. Further, linkages between
the environmental index and development, particularly
human development, are explored for policy purposes.

Women’s empowerment is considered to be crucial
for economic growth and human development. The
empowerment of women also improves household wellbeing that leads to better outcomes for children. Chapter
9 deals with women’s empowerment and child well-being.
It examines gender development and empowerment indicesand child development index across districts. The
government of Andhra Pradesh has provided a larger spacefor women’s self-help groups in its strategy for poverty
alleviation and women’s empowerment. This chapter
assesses the impact of District Poverty Initiative Project(DPIP), the component of the Indira Kranti Pathakam (IKP),
earlier called Velugu on four dimensions of women’s
empowerment: psychological empowerment, theempowerment to take action, empowerment to takecollective action and empowerment to transform unequalsocial structures.
Even after 60 years of independence, exclusion
problems in Indian society have not been addressed. Oneof the important components of inclusive growth approachis that the benefits of growth should reach socially

Introduction

By now it is known that the concept of governancehas emerged as an essential part of sustainable humandevelopment. Similarly, democratic decentralization is
also considered to be vital for good governance and overall
development. There is also an on-going debate on theconflicts between participatory institutions and PRIs. In
this context, Chapter 12 deals with institutions andgovernance. It discusses the issues related to democratic
vis-à-vis participatory institutions and good governanceinitiatives. Important issues addressed in the chapter are:how do the parallel institutions function and perform inachieving the stated programme objectives? Have these
institutions improved the delivery of pro-poor policies?
What are the linkages between the participatory and thedemocratic institutions? Is there any need for integration
between these two types of institutions?
Urban challenges are delineated in Chapter 13. Finally,
Chapter 14 presents a brief summary of conclusions andprovides suggestions and recommendations for enhancing
human development in Andhra Pradesh.

9

ANDHRA PRADESH

Adilabad

Vizianagaram
Nizamabad

Karimnagar

Warangal

Medak

Visakhapatnam
KhammamRanga Reddy

East
Godavari

Hyderabad
Nalgonda

West
Godavari
Krishna

Mahabubnagar

Guntur

KurnoolAnantapur

Srikakulam

PrakasamCuddapah

NelloreChittoor

10

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

CHAPTER II

2

Human Development in Andhra Pradesh

2.1 Introduction
he accepted notion of what constitutes
economic development has undergone aparadigm shift in recent times. The concept
of development has been extended to be more comprehensive
and go beyond the mere material dimension of increasein per capita income, complemented by the non-material
dimension (like levels of education, status of health andaccess to basic amenities). Thus development, apart fromincome, relates to general well-being and economic
capabilities of the people. Sen (1999) says that besides
income and wealth we have reason to value many things
which ensure real choices and opportunities to lead thekind of life we would value living. It is argued thatdevelopment should facilitate every human being to live,
as she/he likes: expanding the potential capabilities1 ofevery human being2 (HDR, 1990). After consistent debatesand discussions, this development approach has been
converging with the notion of human development3 .

T

There has been a significant
improvement in the humandevelopment in the state. However,its relative ranking among the majorstates has always been in the middle. The
levels of human development
across the districts vary significantly.
A welcome feature of the trends
between the last two decades
is the convergence of humandevelopment across districts.

1
However, the capabilities approach goes far beyond individual attributes toanalyze the role of the social environment on human choice and agency(Ranis, 2004).

Sen (1999) says that development is a process of expanding the real freedoms
that people enjoy. Therefore, development can be seen in terms of expansionof the real freedoms where the expansion of human capability can be seen as
the central feature of the process of development.
2

Consequently, the role of social variables in the fostering of economic
progress received much attention. The human development approach saysthat human beings are both ends in themselves and means of production.
Human development is the enlargement of the range of choice and it is an
end itself (Streeten, 1994).
3

Human Development

11

The single goal of the human development approachis to put people, ignored so far, back at the center of thedevelopment process with their involvement andparticipation in terms of economic debate, policy andadvocacy. The goal is massive but simple; the aim is toassess the level of long-term well-being of the people
and to bring about development of the people, by thepeople and for the people.
The United Nations Development Programme(UNDP) initiated the process and first brought out a Human
Development Report in 1990 in which the status of humandevelopment of a country/region was indicated4 . The
UNDP has also urged individual nation states to bringout human development reports at the national level, acrosssub-regions within the country, for instance states in India,
within the states across districts or sub-regions (i.e. clusterof districts based on specific criteria of homogeneity).
Consequently, there are a number of countries, bothdeveloped and developing, that have prepared HDRs at
the national levels5 .
The Planning Commission of India prepared andpublished the first HDR of India in 2001 in which all the
Indian states are ranked in the order of their achievementin terms of the indicators that reflect human development.
Thereafter the Planning Commission has also beenencouraging state governments to produce their own
Human Development Reports. In fact, Madhya Pradesh
was the first state in India to produce a HDR long before
the Planning Commission. The other Indian states6 havecome out with their state level reports, one by one. As
mentioned before, the Andhra Pradesh Human
Development Report (APHDR) is one of these state level
human development reports.
Against this background, this chapter compares thelevels of human development across districts in Andhra
4It, in fact, indicates the relative status of the country/region in question in theset of countries/regions.
The UNDP supports the HDRs of nation states at many levels: funding,technical assistance, setting the methodology, publication etc. After National
Human Development Report (NHDR) units were set up, it has developed aseries of tools to contribute to excellence in sub-national, national and regional
HDRs.
5

6
So far reports have been prepared by the states of Punjab, Maharashtra,
Tamilnadu, Kerala, West Bengal, Gujarat, Orissa, Karnataka, Rajasthan, Himachal
Pradesh, Assam and Nagaland. Recently Uttar Pradesh and Tripura joined in
the list.

12

Pradesh through simple composite indices such as humandevelopment index (HDI), human poverty index (HPI)
and gender development and empowerment index (GDI
and GEM).

2.2 Human Development Index
The human development index is a simple composite
measure that gauges the overall status of a region in termsof three basic dimensions - long and healthy life, knowledge
and decent standard of living - of human development.
According to UNDP methodology, literacy rate, enrolment
rate, life expectancy and per capita GNP are therepresentative indicators for these basic dimensions.
AP in All-India Context
The Planning Commission of India considered thefollowing indicators for three dimensions of HDI in NHDR:
literacy rate (7+ years of age) and adjusted intensity offormal education for education, life expectancy at age
one and infant mortality rate (IMR) for health, andconsumption expenditure (per capita per month) for
command over resources (NHDR, 2001).
According to NHDR 2001, the performance of Andhra
Pradesh appears to be lagging among the 15 major Indianstates (See Table 2.1). Though the state improved the levelof human development over the period, its relative position
slipped as the other backward states began to performbetter, especially in the 1990s. The HDI value of AP
increased from 0.298 in 1981 to 0.377 in 1991 and further
to 0.416, but the rank of the state was 9 in 1981 and1991 and 10 in 2001. The HDI value in the state has
been consistently lower than the all-India average andthe other south Indian states. When compared to BiMaRU7
states, the state was ahead in the 1980s but in the 1990s
the state was lagging behind Rajasthan, which was one
among the poorer states in India.
Based on the analysis of development radar, thecomment of NHDR on Andhra Pradesh was that “on thewhole, the attainment on the indicators seems reasonably
balanced, though the attainment levels are less than half
the norms for most indicators even in the early 1990s”(NHDR, 2001: 16).
7

The term refers to Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

For APHDR we have estimated another HDI using
the same indicators with slight changes. This revised HDI,
as we term it, considers the following indicators: adult(15 + age) literacy rate and school attendance rate (of 514 age children) for education; life expectancy and infantsurvival rate (ISR) for health; and inequality adjusted per
capita consumption expenditure for the economic
dimension8 (See Technical Notes for details).
Table 2.1: Human Development Index (HDI) acrossMajor Indian States
Sno
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15

1981
Value Rank
2
3
4
Andhra Pradesh
0.298
9
Assam
0.272 10Bihar
0.237 15
Gujarat0.360
4Haryana
0.360
5Karnataka
0.346
6Kerala0.500
1Madhya Pradesh 0.245 14
Maharashtra 0.363
3Orissa0.267 11
Punjab0.411
2
Rajasthan
0.256 12
Tamil Nadu
0.343
7
Uttar Pradesh 0.255 13West Bengal 0.305
8
India
0.302
States/UTs

1991
2001
Value
Rank Value Rank
5
6
7
8
0.377
9
0.416 100.348 100.386 140.308 150.367 150.431
60.479 60.443
50.509 50.412
70.478 70.591
10.638 1
0.328 130.394 120.452
40.523 40.345 120.404 110.475
20.537 2
0.347 110.424 90.466
30.531 30.314 140.388 130.404
80.472 8
0.381
0.472

Note : Rural and Urban Combined.
Source : National Human Development Report 2001, Planning
Commission of India.

The values of revised HDI are higher than those of
the NHDR owing to the fact that there is a difference inmethodology in terms of indicators chosen and the time
points. Thus the revised HDI and the NHDR are strictly
not comparable. But the relative position in terms of ranking
may be considered where both the NHDR and revised
HDI ranking for Andhra Pradesh indicate the same position(See Table 2.2). The HDI value of Andhra Pradesh was
lower than the all-India average. The percentage change
between two points in A.P. is higher than in all-India but
8
The data sources are RGI (life expectancy) NSSO (literacy, school attendanceand consumption expenditure), NFHS (IMR).

Human Development

lower than in the most backward states like Bihar andUttar Pradesh.
District Level HDI in Andhra Pradesh
For this report the indicators used to construct acomposite index at the district level are: per capita district
domestic product (PCDDP) at constant (1993-94) prices
representing the income dimension; adult literacy rate
(15+ age population) and school attendance rate (6 to
14 age group) for the education dimension; and infantmortality rate (IMR) for the health dimension.
Table 2.2: Revised HDI across Major States of India
Index
Ranking
2004-05 Change 1993-94 2004-05

Sno

States

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

1

Andhra Pradesh

0.415

0.503

21.2

10

10

2

Assam

0.429

0.509

18.6

9

10

3

Bihar

0.349

0.441

26.3

16

16

4

Gujarat

0.462

0.535

15.7

6

7

5

Haryana

0.470

0.558

18.9

5

5

6

Karnataka

0.448

0.526

17.5

7

9

7

Kerala

0.621

0.673

8.3

1

1

8

Madhya Pradesh

0.369

0.452

22.5

13

15

9

Maharashtra

0.499

0.570

14.3

3

4

10 Orissa

0.360

0.453

25.6

15

14

11 Punjab

0.518

0.588

13.4

2

2

12 Rajasthan

0.391

0.463

18.4

12

13

13 Tamil Nadu

0.481

0.586

22.0

4

3

14 Uttar Pradesh

0.363

0.476

31.2

14

12

15 West Bengal

0.442

0.533

20.6

8

8

India

0.416

0.544

20.6

1993-94Note: 1. Change is percentage change over the initial point oftime (1993-94); 2. Rural and urban combined; 3. Newly
created states are merged with their former states using
share of population as weight.
Source : Computed, see Technical note for details.

The Human Development Index (HDI) at the districtlevel is constructed for the early 1990s and the early yearsof this decade. The two periods for education and healthindicators relate to 1991 and 2001 respectively, while
per capita income at the district level refers to 1993-94
and 2003-04 respectively (See Technical Note giving themethodology for constructing the human development13

indices). We refer to the early 1990s as period I and earlyyears of this decade as period II.
There are significant inter-district disparities in theindex values. The values across districts vary from 0.717
in Hyderabad to 0.397 in Mahaboobnagar in period II(See Table 2.3). A comparison of levels in the early yearsof this decade (period II) shows that 11 districts had lower
levels of human development as compared to the index
value for the state of 0.537 (Table 2.3). Out of these, five
districts (Warangal, Nizamabad, Adilabad, Nalgonda and

Mahabubnagar) are in Telangana, three (Kadapa, Kurnool,
Anantapur) in Rayalaseema and three (Srikakulam,
Vizianagaram and Prakasam) in North and South Coastal
Andhra.
In most districts of South Coastal Andhra the index
of human development was higher than the state average.
In Telangana, districts like Hyderabad, Rangareddy,
Karimnagar, Khammam and Medak had higher levels ofhuman development than the state average.

Table 2.3: Human Development Index and Ranking of Districts(Period I: Early 1990s and Period II: Early years of this decade)Table 2.3a: Human Development Index and Rank

Table 2.3b: Districts Arranged by Rank

Index Value
Rank
Period I Period II Period I Period II
2
3
4
5
6
Srikakulam
0.269
0.453
21
21
Vizianagaram
0.236
0.402
23
22
Visakhapatnam 0.383
0.553
15
11
East Godavari
0.411
0.586
11
6
West Godavari 0.448
0.607
7
4
Krishna
0.510
0.623
2
2
Guntur
0.490
0.599
3
5
Prakasam
0.409
0.532
12
14
Nellore
0.452
0.565
4
8
Chittoor
0.451
0.558
6
10
Kadapa
0.447
0.536
9
13
Anantapur
0.343
0.458
19
20
Kurnool
0.327
0.473
20
19
Mahabubnagar 0.249
0.397
22
23
Ranga Reddy
0.452
0.610
5
3
Hyderabad
0.591
0.717
1
1
Medak
0.385
0.550
13
12
Nizamabad
0.383
0.504
14
16
Adilabad
0.361
0.488
16
17
Karimnagar
0.448
0.573
8
7
Warangal
0.349
0.514
18
15
Khammam
0.420
0.559
10
9
Nalgonda
0.360
0.481
17
18
Andhra Pradesh 0.402
0.537
CV
20.98
13.89

Period I
District2

Sno Districts
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23

Note

Rank
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23

Hyderabad
KrishnaGuntur
NelloreRanga Reddy
ChittoorWest Godavari
Karimnagar
KadapahKhammam
East Godavari
PrakasamAndhra Pradesh
Medak
Nizamabad
Visakhapatnam
Adilabad
Nalgonda
WarangalAnantapur
Kurnool
Srikakulam
Mahabubnagar
Vizianagaram

Rank
3
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23

Period II
District
4
Hyderabad
KrishnaRanga Reddy
West Godavari
GunturEast Godavari
Karimnagar
NelloreKhammam
Chittoor
Visakhapatnam
Medak
Andhra Pradesh
KadapaPrakasam
WarangalNizamabad
Adilabad
Nalgonda
KurnoolAnantapur
Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Mahabubnagar: CV – Coefficient of Variation.

Source : 1. Computed using Economic Survey of Andhra Pradesh 2005-06 for Per Capita District Income; Census data for Adult Literacy
and School Attendance; and Irudaya Rajan’s Study for Infant Mortality Rates.

14

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

78.0
68.0
58.0
48.0
38.0
28.0
18.0
0.200

0.300

0.400

0.500

0.600

HDI in Period I

education is higher than for per capita income in West
Godavari, Krishna, Nellore, Chittoor, Kadapa andNalgonda. Similarly, the rank for health is higher than
the rank for income in Krishna, Guntur, Kadapa, Nizamabad
and Karimnagar. It is clear that apart from looking at
aggregate HDI the components of the index have to be
examined in order to have more effective policies.

2.3 Human Poverty Index

Figure 2.1: Rate (%) of Change during 1991-2001 in HDIWhile the HDI measures the overall progress inachieving human development, the HPI measures the
distribution of progress through the level of deprivation.
The broad dimension by which this deprivation ismeasured is the same as those of HDI – health, knowledge
and standard of living – but there is a slight variation in
the indicators. Moreover the level of deprivation is theyardstick for measurement while achievement levels are
considered for HDI. Therefore, the indicators taken are
as follows: adult illiteracy rate and percentage of children(6-14 age) not attending school for education; infantmortality rate for health; and percentage of household
not having access to basic amenities like drinking water,
housing, sanitation, cooking fuel and electricity forcommand over resources (see Technical Note for details
in the Appendix).

Vizianagaram
Srikakulam
Mahabubnagar
Warangal
Kurnool
Visakhapatnam
Medak
East GodavariWest Godavari
Adilabad
Ranga Reddy
Nalgonda
AP State
Anantapur
KhammamNizamabad
Prakasam
Karimnagar
NelloreChittoor
GunturKrishna
Hyderabad
Kadapa
0.0

10.0

20.0

30.0

40.0

50.0

60.0

70.0

80.0

The components of human development index showthat there is no correlation between income and health /education for some of the districts. The rank in terms ofper capita income is much higher than the rank foreducation and health for three districts viz, Visakhapatnam,
Medak and Khammam. On the other hand, the rank for

Human Development

Figure 2.2: HDI in 1991 and Change During
1991-2001 across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Change during Period I and IIOver time, the index values of human development
for A.P. increased from 0.402 in period I to 0.537 inperiod II (Table 2.3). The index value has improved for
all the districts but the rate of improvement varies from
district to district. The ranks have improved significantly
for Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari and
Warangal in period II as compared to period I. On theother hand, the ranks of Nellore, Chittoor and Kadapa
have declined. The rate of change in HDI values during
1991-2001 was higher in those districts which had lower
HDI levels in 1991 (see Figure 2.1 & 2.2). This indicatesthat the backward districts improved more than therelatively better developed districts in the state. Therefore,
there is some convergence of districts in terms of HDI.
The co-efficient of variation (i.e., measure of inequality)
shows that it declined from 20 per cent in period I to 14
per cent in period II indicates decline in regional disparities
in human development across districts of Andhra Pradesh.

The human poverty index is constructed for two
points of time - 1991 and 2001 - to trace the decline in
the level of deprivation. It indicates that between 1991
and 2001 the deprivation levels were brought down acrossall the districts. Importantly, the rate of decline during
1991-2001 in the level of deprivation was higher in those
districts where levels of deprivation were relatively higher15

in 1991. But Mahabubnagar was an
exception and this was one backward
Rank
district with the lowest rate of change
2001 Change
during the period.

Table 2.4 : Human Poverty Index (HPI) across Districts of Andhra Pradesh

2

1991
3

HPI
2001
% Change
4
5

1991
6

1

Srikakulam

0.729

0.566

22.4

2

Vizianagaram

0.766

0.597

3

Visakhapatnam

0.620

4

East Godavari

5

SnoDistrict

1

7

8

22

21

5

22.0

23

23

6

0.504

18.7

15

17

18

0.587

0.465

20.8

9

9

12

West Godavari

0.548

0.449

18.2

4

5

19

6

Krishna

0.518

0.399

22.9

3

3

4

7

Guntur

0.561

0.428

23.7

5

4

2

8

Prakasam

0.630

0.494

21.5

17

13

8

9

Nellore

0.592

0.466

22.1

10

10

10

10

Chittoor

0.570

0.461

19.1

6

8

16

11

Kadapa

0.575

0.451

21.6

7

6

7

12

Anantapur

0.636

0.515

19.1

18

20

17

13

Kurnool

0.648

0.494

23.7

19

14

3

14

Mahabubnagar

0.712

0.592

16.9

21

22

22

15

Rangareddy

0.494

0.369

25.3

2

2

1

16

Hyderabad

0.233

0.213

8.3

1

1

23

17

Medak

0.620

0.498

19.7

16

15

15

18

Nizamabad

0.592

0.470

20.6

11

11

13

19

Adilabad

0.650

0.514

20.9

20

19

11

20

Karimnagar

0.575

0.452

21.4

8

7

9

21

Warangal

0.615

0.492

20.0

13

12

14

22

Khammam

0.604

0.500

17.2

12

16

20

23

Nalgonda

0.619

0.513

17.1

14

18

21

Andhra Pradesh 0.583

0.469

19.5

CV

16.5

16.9

17.0

Note
: CV – Coefficient of Variation.
Source : Computed, see Technical note for details.

16

However, the relative position ofmany districts did not change. The threemost backward districts and relatively
the most deprived ones wereVizianagaram, Srikakulam and Mahabubnagar. Hyderabad, Ranga reddy,
Krishna and Guntur were districts thatwere the least deprived. The value ofcoefficient of variation (CV) indicatesthat there was a slight reduction inregional variation across districts interms of deprivation during 1991-2001.

2.4 Gender Development (GDI)
and Empowerment Measure Index(GEMI)The gender-related development
index (GDI) is the third important index
in the series used by the UNDP. It
measures achievements in the same
dimension and uses the same variables
as the HDI does, but takes into accountthe inequality in achievement between
women and men. The greater the genderdisparity in basic human development,
the lower is the GDI of a region whencompared with its HDI.

The UNDP also introduced another indicator i.e.
Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) which indicates
whether women are able to participate actively in economic
and political life. It measures gender inequality in key
areas of economic and political participation and decisionmaking. The GEM, in theory, focuses on women’s
opportunities in economic and political arenas and in
this it differs from the GDI. However, for this report the
GEM index is constructed using three additional indicators
to those of GDI. These three additional indicators are:percentage of women representatives elected in local bodyelections, rate of violence against women and sex ratioof children (CSR).

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

For the APHDR, the
GDI is constructed for two
points of time i.e. 1991 and2001, but the GEMI islimited to one point of time(i.e. 2001) because of data
constraints.

Table 2.5: Gender Development Index (GDI) and Gender Empowerment Measure Index(GEMI), Andhra Pradesh
SnoDistrict1

2

Gender Development Index (GDI)
GEMI
Index Value%
Rank
Index Rank
1991
2001 Change
1991 2001 Change 2001 2001
3

4

5

An analysis of gender1
Srikakulam
0.478 0.526
10.0
related indices, especially
2
Vizianagaram
0.465 0.518
11.4
GDI, shows that gender
3
Visakhapatnam 0.513 0.643
25.3
adjusted human develop4
East Godavari
0.569 0.633
11.2
ment improved across5
West Godavari 0.601 0.675
12.3
6Krishna0.608 0.657
8.1
districts during 1991-2001.
7
Guntur
0.602 0.656
9.0
However, the rate of change
8
Prakasam
0.555
0.623
12.3
in GDI varied across districts
9
Nellore0.595 0.633
6.4
during the period. Though
10
Chittoor
0.577
0.643
11.4
a backward district like11 Kadapa
0.561 0.588
4.8
Mahabubnagar experie12 Anantapur
0.522 0.559
7.1
nced a relatively better rate
13
Kurnool
0.517
0.540
4.4
of change during the period,
14 Mahabubnagar 0.427 0.493
15.5
its relative position
15
Rangareddy
0.615
0.678
10.2
remained as it was. In three
16 Hyderabad
0.606 0.692
14.2
Rayalaseema
districts
17 Medak
0.562 0.648
15.3(Kurnool, Kadapa and18 Nizamabad
0.524 0.594
13.4
Anantapur) the rate of
19 Adilabad
0.526 0.563
7.0change was the lowest and
20 Karimnagar
0.581 0.648
11.5
hence their relative positions
21 Warangal
0.528 0.580
9.8
were worse in 2001 when
22 Khammam
0.548 0.665
21.4
compared to 1991. The
23 Nalgonda
0.523 0.571
9.2experience in GDI acrossAndhra Pradesh 0.553 0.620
12.1
districts is quite different
CV9.015 9.33
41.15
when compared to HDI inwhich the most backward Note : CV – Coefficient of Variation.
Source : Computed, see Technical note for details.
districts showed greater
improvement. More-over, unlike HDI, regional deparities
remained almost same between 1991 and 2001 as shownby the stagnant coefficient variation (see Table 2.4).

6
21
22
20
9
5
2
4
12
6
8
11
18
19
23
1
3
10
16
15
7
14
13
17

7

8

9

10

21
22
10
12
3
5
6
13
11
9
15
19
20
23
2
1
8
14
18
7
16
4
17

14
11
1
12
7
18
17
8
21
10
22
19
23
3
13
5
4
6
20
9
15
2
16

0.608
0.603
0.609
0.655
0.651
0.659
0.646
0.637
0.625
0.648
0.618
0.604
0.590
0.546
0.641
0.606
0.645
0.616
0.597
0.607
0.584
0.631
0.585
0.618

14
18
13
2
3
1
5
8
10
4
11
17
20
23
7
16
6
12
19
15
22
9
21

In terms of gender empowerment measure index9(GEMI), the district with the best record was Krishna,
followed by West and East Godavari Chittoor and Guntur.
Many of these districts are located in South Coastal Andhra
9This index indicates that the relative disadvantage for women is lower whenthe value of index is higher and vice versa. Women, in general, are disadvantaged
when compared to men so that one can compare the relative level of disadvantage
for women across districts.

Human Development

17

region. The GEM index indicates that women living inthese districts are relatively better in terms of empowerment.
Mahabub-nagar followed by Warangal, Nalgonda, Kurnool
and Adilabad were the districts which were relatively

more backward in terms of GEM. Incidentally, many ofthese districts are located in Telangana region.
It is worth noting that Hyderabad district which had
the best values in HDI, HPI and GDI was ranked only
16th among 23 districts in GEMI, indicating that it is oneof the districts where women are at greater disadvantage.
The disadvantage for women in Hyderabad district isinfluenced by the high violence rate against women andlow child sex ratio. This indicates that though the processof urbanization has a positive impact on overall humandevelopment, it has its own disadvantages in terms of
the well-being of women.

2.5. Conclusion
Two major conclusions can be drawn from theanalysis in this chapter. One is that there has been significant
improvement in human development of Andhra Pradesh.
But the relative performance of the state remained stagnant
as shown by its ranking in human development acrossstates. Second, there seems to be some convergence acrossdistricts in human development in Andhra Pradesh,
indicating that the more backward districts are catching
up with the developed districts. On the other hand, regional
disparities have not changed much for human poverty
index and gender development index.

18

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

CHAPTER III

3

Social Movements and Human
Development in Andhra Pradesh

olitical fragmentation and linguistic
regional insulation; hierarchical social
division and institutionalized inequality;
cultural–ethnic diversity and social tolerance and theprimacy of the group over individual were the basic
characteristics of traditional India (Singh, 1973). These
multiple dimensions had given rise to and shaped thenature and type of social movements. The Nationalist
ideology subsumed the divergent social movements
encompassing into Indian National liberation movement.
Nevertheless the Nationalist spirit withered away verysoon continuing with the process, of denial of access to
productive resources, social discrimination, and patriarchal
values into the post-independent India. Social movements
continued, revived, and emerged centering around theissues of caste, class, region and language. Andhra Pradesh
was not an exception to this phenomenon.

P

Social movements force the statepolicy to address the deprived
sections and regions. The state ofAndhra Pradesh has a distinct placein the history of social movements
in India. These movements have
expanded social and political spacesof the women, dalits and tribals inthe state and contributed to theimprovement in human development.

Social Movements and Human Development in A.P

The positive discrimination policy vigorously pursued
by the state in post-Independence India is a clear indicationof the sensitivity of the state towards movements by
Scheduled castes and their co-option into the system.
However the benefits of such affirmative action have been
cornered by a few groups leaving the marginalized
demanding for reservation within reservations. In contrast
to the plains areas, the concentration of resources in tribal
areas has attracted mainstream communities resulting in
the alienation of these resources. Tribal movements havealways been against ‘outside’ forces. The uniformity andcontinuity in the modes of appropriation of resources19across the country by these forces was the basis for tribal
movements. Peasant movements have occurred historicallyin response to the many failures of policy resulting in a
non-egalitarian agrarian structure, ineffectiveness in making
cultivation viable and inadequacy in addressing risks due
to natural calamities. Women’s movements continue tooccur despite the series of positive state policies in legal,
economic and social realms due to the entrenchedpatriarchal value system. Many sub-national movements
too emerged for the fear of exploitation by dominant regions
and linguistic groups within independent India, leading
to the reorganization of states on linguistic basis in 1956
(Oommen, 1990). The linguistic basis for state formation
has not served as a binding factor as visualized becauseof unevenness in resource development, cultural identities
and political power. The struggle for civil, political andeconomic rights within the constitutional framework andnegotiating with the state for the restoration of rights
through the judiciary is another approach of social
movements to address the concerns of the people,
especially of the vulnerable sections.
In this context, this chapter is intended to trace thehistory of social movements in Andhra Pradesh and theirimpact on the human development in the state.

These movements attempt to negotiate with the state, market
and civil society, and the root cause of the denial of due
spaces for marginalized peoples and regions in thedevelopment process. The outcomes of a movement could
be seen in terms of social, political and economic change,sometimes structural and also non-structural. However,the state has the power to formulate new public policies
or to modify the existing public policies within theconstitutional framework in response to the demands ofdifferent social movements. Thus social movements throughthe state and actions initiated by the state on its own,
irrespective of any social movements, can determine public
policy (see Figure 3.1). But, the issue in question is why
some movements continue to recur despite the response
Figure 3.1: Social Movements and Public Policy

STATE

Social Movements

Public Policy

3.1 Social Movements, Public Policy and Human
Development
Notwithstanding the different typologies of movementsin the literature we have classified social movements into
women’s movements, dalit movements, tribal movements,
agrarian and farmers’ movements, regional identity
movements, and human rights movements on the basisof the socio-economic characteristics of the participants
and the issues involved1 . All these movements are aimed
at acquiring due spaces for different sections of populations
and regions, which have been denied the same historicallyin economy, society, and polity in the development process.
1
Social movements are institutionalized collective action and they force thestate to formulate appropriate policies for deprived sections and regions.

Social movements addressed to civil society and state enrich the transformation
process towards more inclusive development. The nature of social movements
has been characterized with respect to two parameters, viz., structure andprocess ( For detailed discussion see Rao 1978; Guha 1983a; 1983b; Chatterjee
1983, 1985; Hardiman 1987).

20

Civil Societyof the state. This may be due to inadequacies and/or
limitations in policy goals and in programmes formulated
to implement the policy goals, lack of legal back-up,
inadequate budget provisions, ineffective institutionalarrangements and inadequate or even negative impact
on the targeted social groups and regions. These result
ultimately in the failure of policies to remove discriminationand to ensure due spaces in the economy, society andpolity to vulnerable groups and regions so that they are
ensured of access to decent earnings, education and health,
the three main components of human development. Hence,the emergence or recurrence of social movements canbe explained in terms of the failure of the state at different
levels of the policy cycle (See Figure 3.2).

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Figure 3.2: Social Movements andPublic Policy Cycle
International
National State
State Policy

Programme

Legal Provisions
BudgetMediating Structures
Impact on the Civil Society
Space in Economy,
Society and Polity
Human Development

Social Movement

3.2 Space created by Social Movements in Andhra
PradeshThe state of Andhra Pradesh has a distinct place inthe history of social movements in India. Andhra Pradesh
was almost a laboratory for international institutions forexperimenting with economic reforms and, according topolitical scientists, one of the objectives was also to capture
the response to such reforms from varied social groups
and those involved in social movements down the line
ranging from the extreme left to autonomous groups. The
state has witnessed many social movements involving
marginalized and disadvantaged groups and regions. The
dalit and tribal movements in the state were the first in
the entire country in demanding reservation within

Social Movements and Human Development in A.P

reservation among the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and
Scheduled Tribes (STs). The violation of civil rights ensured
by the constitution especially in Andhra Pradesh where
the presence of radical left parties resulted in frequent
infringement of civil rights resulted in the civil rights
movement. The recent resurgence of the movement forland indicates the renewed demand for the distributionof land to the landless. The long survival of the movement
for a separate Telangana is an indicator of the many regional
identity movements in the country.
Andhra Pradesh is the only state with a vibrantwomen’s self help group movement. The presence of astrong women’s movement probably provided a base forthis. Besides having these distinct features, the natureand impact of the social movements may vary across thethree regions of Andhra Pradesh. Given the policies of
the Government of India and similar policies of different
governments in Andhra Pradesh to improve the socioeconomic status of women, dalits, tribals and backward
regions, these movements should ideally have made agreater difference to their status in the state as comparedto the rest of India. As a result, human development levels
should be better for these sections of civil society andregional inequalities should be less in the state.
Against this backdrop, this chapter addresses two
issues: one, the evolution of different social movements
over time and to what extent they have expanded thespace for women, dalits, tribals and all regions in theeconomy, society and polity in Andhra Pradesh. Second,
how far the social movements and concomitant expansionof the spaces have resulted in higher level of humandevelopment for different social groups and regions inAndhra Pradesh?
A historical analysis of social movements is presented
by reviewing the relevant literature. Secondary data has
been utilized to trace the impact of these movements on
the spaces relating to economy, society and polity. Humandevelopment dimensions viz., poverty, education and healthhave been analysed with the help of secondary data forvarious social groups (women, dalits, tribals) and also
across different regions.

21

3.2.a Women’s Movements
During the 19th century there was a reform movementin Coastal Andhra against child marriages, and for widow
remarriage. This first wave of the women’s movement
has been seen mostly as a social reform movement led
by Indian men. Later women took the lead and challenged
the gender stereotype by actively participating in the freedom
struggle. The issue of social reform was raised in relation
to upper caste and class, as it was women from this sectionof society who faced the problem of social isolation in
the name of tradition and seclusion.
Later, the women’s question essentially focused on
education and women were allowed to participate in the
Nationalist movement to the extent of production of khadi
and educating the illiterate2 . Women’s associations aimed
at social and legal reforms were formed with no exclusive
demands on the part of women and they merely followed
male leaders. Notwithstanding these shortcomings, scholars
have characterized the social reform movement at thattime as a questioning of patriarchy (Sonalkar, 1983). On
the other hand, while studies on women in the Telangana
Peasant Movement (1948-51) acknowledged women’s
political consciousness, they underlined the point thatthe question of identity of women still had not taken centre
stage (Stree Shakti Sanghatana, 1989).
In British Andhra issues affecting women of thedominant castes came on the reform agenda along withclass issues, but in Hyderabad state the fight against the
Nizam’s rule and Zamindars and Jagirdars overshadowed
the issues of seclusion of women and associated problems.
The transition of the economy in rural areas fromsemi-feudal to capitalist relations from the 1960s has createda need for the poor in general and rural women belonging
to landless agricultural labour and poor peasant households
in particular to participate in movements. During the 1970s
the left parties organized agricultural labour, peasants
and women on class lines. Higher wages for agriculturallabour, access to land, and protection against famines
were the issues focused upon. In all these struggles (fromthe 1960s to 1975) there was no ‘women’s movement’
2

Women’s associations like the Indian Women’s Association (1917), National
Council for Indian Women (1925) and All-India Women’s Conference (1927)
were formed.

22

as such and women took up class issues rather thanaddressing issues of subordination of women.
The 1970s and 1980s witnessed increased violence
on women. It was only in the mid-1970s that the leftparties reactivated their women’s fronts. In the pre-emergency
period (early 1970s) the Progressive Organisation for Women(POW) emerged and brought to the fore problems andissues of middle class women. This attempted massmobilization of women on a broad Marxist framework,
particularly from the socialist feminist perspective. The
debate centered on the rights of women as individuals.
The slogan of ‘personal is political’ emerged, in which
private family life was also exposed. The movement3
organized middle class women on social and culturalissues like dowry, alcoholism, relief from the double burdenof housework and outside work and economic issues
like equal pay and the right to work.
The mid-1970s can be seen as a period of transition
when Marxist ideological underpinning of movements
was lost in social identities. This was also evident in thewomen’s movement which had been led by the left parties
till the beginning of the 1980s, followed by organization
through autonomous women’s groups (AWG). These groups
claimed to focus more sharply on gender and feminist
issues than the groups affiliated with the left parties andchallenged the theory and practice of socialist politics inIndia4 . It was increasingly realized that women’s movements
needed to be organized from a feminist perspective withautonomy of organization, against patriarchy and for politicalaction5 . The strategy changed later to the coordinationof women’s wings of various parties and autonomous
women’s groups to tackle issues of common concern for
all women6 . It worked as an effective pressure group for
The Progressive Organisation for Women (POW) lacked the backing of theworking class and was mostly backed by students, teachers and elite sections.
The POW is led by a non-party organization.
3

The extreme left parties were more sensitive than the Left parties to issues ofcaste and gender oppression although they too worked within the party rather
than in separate women’s organizations in the early 1970s.
4

5

In the case of the rape of Rameeza Bee in 1978 the left parties warned theStree Shakti Sanghatana group not to divide working class women on genderlines.
6
From the mid-1990s the strategy of women’s organizations shifted to a ‘Joint
Action Committee’ as an issue-based expression of solidarity, having theirindividual identities.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

institutionalizing the women’s movement. The contributionof AWG has been immense for the women’s movement
by bringing private concerns into the public sphere.7
The anti-arrack agitation during the early 1990s by
women, a result of the literacy movement ‘Akshara Jyothi’
assisted by the state and CPI (M) exposed the entrenchedevils of a social system permeated with illiteracy, poverty
and alcoholism. The agitation by the newly literate rural
women articulated their determination for survival, fordignity of labour and for education of their children. The
agitation which was also backed by the radical left wasrepressed by the police who formed a nexus with thebureaucracy and arrack contractors. However, as a resultof the deeply rooted problem of alcoholism and its political
dynamics the agitation could not be sustained for long.
It is not enough if women agitate against an immediate
cause – arrack; it is much more important for them tosee that their misery is perpetrated by the social system
which needs to be transformed simultaneously (Reddy
and Patnaik 1993). Issues of such nature need a broadbased movement though sporadic agitations against arrack
by women still continue. The women’s movement in thestate has created a political space for itself, and generated
political consciousness and an understanding of politicalprocesses among women.
By the nineties the state had effectively taken over
the women’s movement by mobilizing them around thrift
issues. In the context of globalisation, the state treats women

7
The questioning of political party workers about sexist attitudes or harassmentof women within the household and the fight for property rights of women
have brought about great change in political parties.

Social Movements and Human Development in A.P

as a homogenous group to address any action or programme
for women. The creation of women’s self-help groups
on a mass scale seems to nurture depoliticized collective
action that is not threatening the power structure andpolitical order (Batliwala, 2007). On the other hand there
is a shift within the women’s movement from the ‘one
women’s movement’ of the late 1970s to ‘several women’s
movements’ from various perspectives of regional, local,
caste, ethnic and minority specific issues.
The status of women in Andhra Pradesh in comparison
to the all-India situation shows higher female workforce
participation rate, less gender disparity in workforce
participation rate, lower female unemployment rate andhigher female share in wage employment in the nonagricultural sector. This reflects the greater extent of female
participation in the economy of Andhra Pradesh, given
the fact that there had been no public policy regarding
entitlement of land to women until recently. The
participation of women in contesting in 14th Lok Sabha
elections, and Panchayat elections in 2005 is higher inAndhra Pradesh compared to all-India. These factors clearly
indicate the relatively larger space in power structure
occupied by women in Andhra Pradesh, compared tothe all-India level.
The higher participation of women in household
decisions and relatively lower incidence of womenexperiencing violence caused by spouses (NFHS III )indicates that women in AP are able to exercise greater
degree of independence in comparison to all-India. The
higher participation of women in wage and self-employment
programmes implemented by the state government highlights
the fact that women in AP are more connected to thestate than at the all-India level (GOI, 2006). However, AP
occupies the first and the second place in regard to theincidence and rate of total cognizable crimes committed
against women among all the states of India. This clearly
indicates that the expanded private and public space forwomen had resulted in questioning patriarchal values,
leading to enhanced crime against women in the statecompared to All-India. Ultimately, it can be concluded
that women’s movements in AP have resulted in more
space for women in the economy, society, polity and also
within the household in the state compared to all-India.

23

3.2.b Dalit Movements
Dalit struggles began in British Andhra andHyderabad8 states from 1906. The dalit liberation movement
got its impetus with the dawn of democratic institutionsin India during British rule. This movement9 had two
objectives: rejection of the Hindu social order and fightto reconstruct self-identity. The dalit movements weremainly anti-Brahmin aiming at a social order based onrationalism and humanism. Dalit movements had a different
ideology and objectives when compared to the other antiBrahmin movements10 . The dalits fought for structuralchange in the caste system unlike the social/caste reformmovements among upper castes which were essentiallynon-combative and meant to effect minimal changes. The
dalit movement sought to challenge the established nonegalitarian social order, the value system and the patternsof dominance within a rigid caste order. By the 1940s
the Congress and the Communist parties attempted toco-opt the dalit movement, the Congress through the Harijan
ideology.
Movements started from the 1900s onwards in the
Telugu speaking areas of Hyderabad state. The Library
Movement11 in 1901 and the Andhra Jana Sangham in1922 strived for the protection of Telugu language.
Untouchability was used as a plank for conversions bothby Islam and Hinduism on the plea of equality which
proved to be a myth. The process of religious conversion
into Islam12 and re-conversion into Hinduism by the Arya
Samaj brought enlightenment among the dalits that the8
Bhagya Reddy Varma (1888-1939) was the key person behind the Dalit
movements in Hyderabad. He was the founder of Jagan Mithra Mandali.

‘Harikatha kalakashepams’ were used in preaching the ideology.
9

To understand the sequencing of events and the magnitude and intensity ofdalit movements at various times is a difficult task because dalit literature islacking historical and written documentation, leaving scope for ambiguity.
Dalits had always been a subject of interest for missionaries, social historians
and social anthropologists (Chinna Rao, 2007).
10

The ‘Manya Sangam’ was founded in 1913 and its members were mainly
Malas. ‘Aadi’ ideology became very popular during this period. Some Malasand Madigas who did not like to be called by their caste names, started callingthemselves ‘Aadi-Andhras’ - the original natives of Andhra.
11

The Krishna Devaraya Grandhalayam was established in 1901 in Hyderabad
and the Raja Raja Narendra Grandhlayam in 1904 in Warangal.
12

The movement for conversion into Islam was known as ‘Tableeg’.

24root of their exploitation, oppression and discrimination
was grounded in the feudal system. The Library movement
which gained momentum between 1920 and 1930 brought
this awareness. The Andhra Jana Sangham later became
the Andhra Maha Sabha in 193013. These sporadic andisolated movements began to take on political overtones
after the 1930s. By the 1940s political parties had become
dominant, subsuming the social issues. The Communists
took the lead in organizing movements in Hyderabad
state by 1944.
The reformist movement in British Andhra was a
result of cross-cultural interaction. On the other hand,in Hyderabad, the struggle started as a social reformmovement against the practice of untouchability and bonded
labour system (vetti) and was extended to fight against
the Jagirdari system and the autocratic rule of the Nizam.
The movements in the first half of the 20th century inHyderabad state had, in fact, articulated two issues, one
for representative government and the second, for socialand economic equality.
By the 1970s, the class movements had turned into
caste struggles in the emerging capitalistic mode of
production in agriculture in coastal areas. Capitalist
agriculture developed in coastal Andhra after the green
revolution. The tenants and small marginal farmers (mostly
dalits) could achieve upward economic mobility but werestill not integrated socially. The general understandingthat class integration would happen with agriculturaldevelopment was realised, but this also led to contradictions
between different social groups which then resulted in
atrocities against the dalits once these castes began toassert their social identity. The Karamchedu carnage (July
1985) is an incident of an extreme form of violence andatrocity on dalits in the history of Andhra Pradesh14 . Whenthe Madigas (the lowest caste among SCs) asserted
themselves and questioned the hegemony of the Kammas,
the Kammas attacked the Madigas brutally15 . This was
13

The Andhra Mahasabha was split in 1941.

14

Karamchedu is a village in Prakasham district. The Kammas with increased
economic power found several means like organizing village courts to subjugate
the dalits and punish them for small mistakes, an indication of their powerfulsocio-economic status.
15

The incident occurred when Kamma landlords were offended by a dalit
woman, and the Kammas organised a rampage and butchered Madigas. This
incident created much anger among the dalits in the state.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

followed by several cold-blooded incidents in Neerukonda,
Chunduru, Timmasamudram, Chalkurthi, and Vempenta.
There is no denial of caste oppression in Telangana
but the dalits had no opportunity to gain economic mobility.
One of the dominant reasons could be non emergenceof capitalist relations in agriculture due to green revolution.
The presence of the radical left movement in Telangana
has made the difference in that there have been no mass
atrocities against dalits. At the same time the weakeningof the Communist party in Coastal Andhra might havebeen a factor that contributed to the attack on dalits.
There is also a long history of conflicts anddiscrimination within the dalit groups (Mahars and Mangs
in Maharashtra, Malas and Madigas in Andhra Pradesh)themselves in one form or the other since times immemorial.
This conflict has intensified in the recent past and has
been manifested in identity movements by the Madigas
and their allies. The Karamchedu incident catalyzed thedalit movement in Andhra Pradesh and the conflict between
the Malas and Madigas subsided for a short period (Ajay,
2007). The Madiga Hakkula Parirakshana Committeeorganized under ‘Madiga Dandora’ demanded further
classification of Scheduled castes and reservation according
to the relative backwardness of each group.
The impact of the space created by the Dalit
movement is mixed. The proportion of SC households
possessing land in AP is less than all-India. Labour force
and work participation rates are higher in AP than allIndia for SC households. The proportion of persons
unemployed is less and the proportion of households
depending on wage labour is higher in AP than all-India.
These facts indicate that the SCs are integrated with theeconomy more through wage employment in the state incomparison to all-India.
AP occupied the 3rd and 4th place among the statesin India with regard to crimes committed against SCs interms of rate of total cognizable crimes and percentage
share in the total crimes in India. The economic and social
assertion of the dalits could be the underlying cause ofincreased violence against them. The representation of
SCs in the three-tier panchayat power structure is very
close to their proportion of population in the state.

Social Movements and Human Development in A.P

3.2.c Tribal Movements
Tribal revolts took place in British Andhra againstcolonialism as well as indigenous privileged sections16 .
Tribal movements happened because of the inherent
contradictions between the state and tribes; between tribal
people and moneylenders; and tribal people and nontribal land owning classes. The British introduced laws
in favour of individual rights over land, forest Acts, courtsof law, and revenue, forest and excise machinery fromthe district level to the smallest village. This process dismantled
the collective structures and established individual rights
over resources. The Rampa revolt of 1802-03 was suppressedby the British inhumanely and was projected as anti-social.
The tribal movements were not merely against moneylenders
or migrants to tribal areas as often portrayed by European
scholars but were against alien rule and were a quest for
identity and self-rule (Janardhan Rao, 1997). Legal actscame into existence after every show of resistance bytribals in the country but were implemented inadequately17 .
The movement led by Komaram Bheem during 193841 in the agency area of Hyderabad state was for rights
over land and forest. The European anthropologist
Heimendorff brought forth the problems faced by the adivasisof this region to the attention of Nizam government. As aresult in 1946 the Gonds, Kolam, and Pardhan adivasi
communities gained legal land rights over their lands. In
spite of this, the adivasis could not be at peace becauseof encroachment on their land by non-tribals fromneighbouring districts and states like Maharashtra andMadhya Pradesh. Progressive legislation like the Land
Transfer Regulation Act (LTRA) 1959 could not stop illegal
encroachment on tribal land, which continued with theconnivance of political parties and forest bureaucracy
and taking advantage of the ignorance and illiteracy of
the tribals.
16
A series of revolts took place in the agency areas of colonial Andhra; in
1802-03 the ‘Rampa’ or the Rambhupati revolt; between 1839-1962 in theagency areas of Godavari river or the Rampa region; in 1879-1916 the Tammam
Dora, Bheem Reddy revolt or also called as the ‘Rekapalli revolt’; and, during
1922-24 the Manyam revolt by Alluri Seetarama Raju and Gamu Gantam
Dora. In 1938-41 the ‘Komaram Bheem’ revolt, also called Babejhari- Jodenghat
revolt took place in the Agency area of Hyderabad state.

The British India Act 1867; Scheduled District Act 1874; Agency Region
Guidelines of 1917; Revenue systems between 1923- 32 were some of them.
17

25

The late 1960s was a period of agrarian tensions.
1969-72 witnessed the Srikakulam tribal revolt and the
Naxalite movement. The tribal land issue came to be focusedupon through the Srikakulam Revolt which arose becauseof the oppressive social order in which social relations
were dominated by local and settler landlords, moneylenders,
contractors and corrupt bureaucracy. The movement
succeeded in social liberation and was also economicallyeffective. Women participated in small groups, were active
and politically conscious. The gains secured by the revolt
were four - fold: relief from the power of money lenders;regaining mortgaged lands and waste lands from landlords
and government; relief from bonded labour, with a hikein wages; and elimination of restrictions and extractions
imposed by the forest officials. As a result of this movement
the government brought an amendment to the LTRA in
1970 which is popularly called the ‘One of 1970’ Act.
According to this Act, land in the scheduled area belongs
to the tribals18 . The Srikakulam movement contributed
significantly to the struggles that took place in the subsequent
decade of eighties, in terms of spirit and message.
The Godavari valley tribal struggles like AdilabadIndervelli Gond revolt in North Telangana and also in
the North Coast agency region took place from 1976 onwards
led by the radical left (CPI ML group). The scheduledareas of Telangana region witnessed mobilization of tribes
especially in the districts of Adilabad and Khammam.
The Gonds of Adilabad were exploited by the landlords
and immigrant peasants from the plains. There was militant
mobilization of tribals around the issues of land and moneylending by non-tribal trader-cum-money-lenders19 . At thesame time the tribals of Kondamodulu20 fought a heroic
battle in the Papi hills against non-tribal landlords who
controlled thousands of acres of tribal land. When the
18

Earlier, non-tribals who possessed land in the tribal areas could enter intotransactions with non-tribals but the amendment restricts transactions to beentered into only with tribals or the government. Non-tribals have opposed
this amendment and pressured the government for its repeal.

Girijana Sangham formed by the tribes challenged thepower of non-tribal landlords, the state machinery did
not come to the rescue of tribals but took the side oflandlords21 . Ultimately the Girijana Sangham could forcibly
take possession of 2000 -4000 acres. Land restoration
activity by the state arising out of the 1970 Act wasconsiderable till 1979. However in East Godavari district,land which has been conferred on non-tribals was thehighest and much more than the land restored to tribals
in the other tribal areas of the state. The failure of thestate in land restoration has motivated tribals to organize
themselves under various social movements to get theirlands back.
By the mid-1970s the Srikakulam uprising had moved
up the Godavari valley into the plains of Telangana22 .
Peasant struggles were organized under the leadershipof radical left and ‘Rytu coolie sanghams’ (peasant andagricultural labour organisations) struggled against social
oppression and feudal practices, for a hike in wages andfor land. ‘Social boycott’ against the landlords was the
popular form of struggle (Papi Reddy, 1990).
Land is seen as a livelihood for tribals. The processof transforming land into a commodity and acquiring
economic and political power over it has been the single
agenda of the ruling class which made possible the entry
of non-tribals into tribal areas. Coal mining, paper industries,
trade and commerce were the major ventures in the forest
areas and organs of the state like the revenue, police,
excise, development, and forest departments made inroads
into tribal areas. Thus non-tribal encroachment into tribal
lands and forest has been the root cause for continuing
tribal struggles.
The ‘Tudum Debba23 ’ movement from the mid-1990s
has been agitating for categorization of tribals according
to their relative socio-economic status for the purpose of

In 1981 at Indervelli, the protestors were fired upon, causing the death of21
The movement was repressed violently, two persons were killed by goondas
hired by the landlords.

113 Gonds. Several villages in the mandals of Utnoor, Asifabad, Gudhuthnur,
Khanapur and Adilabad rose in rebellion.

22
Particularly in Karimnagar, Nizamabad, Adilabad, Khammam, Nalgonda
and Warangal districts.

20

Meaning drum beat, Tudum is the traditional drum which is used to alert
tribals in times of emergency.

19

Kondamodulu (with mostly Hill Reddy and Koyas) is the biggest village of
all the 12 gudems (hutments) of Devipatnam mandal in East Godavari district.

26

23

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

reservation within the Scheduled Tribes. The tribals havebeen further marginalised by recent polices of Governmentof India (Guha, 2007). Though legislation empowering
the tribals like the PESA (Panchayat Extension to Scheduled
Areas) and Land Acts (Recognition of Forest Rights) 2006
has been passed, their rights are not conceded. With
economic reforms commercialization has entered throughtrade and industrial activity into tribal areas because of
their rich mineral resources. This process is making themlose their rights over land and resources. Besides, WorldBank projects like the JFM and CFM have not improved
access to resources except for wage benefits. Tribal
development programmes have also created classdifferences among them. All these changes in the livesof tribals in recent times have become issues for struggle(CESS, 2007).
The proportion of landless households among tribals
in the state is double to that of the all-India figure. The
proportion of households with less than one hectare ishigher in the state than all-India. The average landholdingof STs is lower across all categories of landholding classes
in AP compared to all-India. The labour force and work
participation rates in the state are higher than for allIndia. Further, the proportion of unemployed is low among
STs in AP compared to all-India.
Crimes against STs in APare relatively less pronounced
compared to all-India. Andhra Pradesh occupied 10th and4th position among all the states of India on the rate of
total cognizable crimes and percentage share of total crimes
on tribals at all-India. The representation of STs in thethree-tier panchayati institutions in AP is close to their
proportion in population.
3.2.d Peasant Movements
Historically, socio-political mobilization of thepeasantry and agricultural labour shaped agrarian relationsin the colonial and post-colonial period. Land revenue,
the main reason for permanent settlement in land tenures
resulted in land becoming private property. In colonial
Andhra and Rayalaseema, both Zamindari and ryotwari
systems of land tenures came into existence as a resultof British policies. In the ryotwari areas too vast landed
properties were owned by big pattadars who belonged

Social Movements and Human Development in A.P

to non-Brahmin upper castes24 . Unfavorable terms of tenancy
and exorbitant rents were common because of the limited
supply of and high demand for land (Satyanarayana, 2007).
Besides, the credit needs of the peasantry were mostly
met by the upper caste moneylenders. The institutions
meant for the collection of revenue catered to the needsof the zamindars and not of the peasants. Thus the basic
contradictions between landlords and the peasantry provided
the objective conditions for peasant movements.
The Coastal Andhra Rytu Sangham (PeasantsAssociation) formed in 192825 led the peasant movementin the estates of Andhra. In 1931-32 the Sangham
spearheaded the movement against the resettlement rates
fixed by the British government26 . In 1934 attempts weremade to form a union of agricultural labour in Nellore
district around the issue of wages. The union joined theanti-Zamindari struggle during 1942-4927 . Besides, theRytu Sangham actively participated in the nationalist struggle.
Thus the integration of the peasantry into the freedom
struggle not only widened the social base of the Indian
National Congress, but also led to the intensification ofanti-feudal and anti-colonial struggles. The Kisan Sabha
in British Andhra had to wage a two-fold struggle (1946)
against the atrocities of Zamindars and also against Madraspresidency, which would not concede the demand forthe abolition of Zamindari estates28 .
24

Even village offices were controlled by these castes which enabled them tocontrol economic resources and exercise power and domination over the
dependent peasantry. The artisan and service castes became tenants by renting
lands from the landlords belonging to the upper castes and worked as agriculturallabour as well. Malas and Madigas also depended on agriculture for work as
agricultural labour and also had to perform the ‘unclean’ and ‘polluting’services. Thus landlords were the sole suppliers of the basic commodity in therural society, land. (Satyanarayana, 2007).

25
Prior to this Rytu sanghams were formed in 1923 in Guntur, Krishna andWest Godavari.‘
26

The Andhra Peasants’ Association (Rytu Sangham) organized a long marchof the peasants from the eastern tip of Andhra to Madras, highlighting thedemand for abolition of zamindari and reduction of land tax.
27
The two major reasons for a union of agricultural labour were: a) the
peasant movement was dominated by cultivators and failed to attract agriculturallabour; and b) immediately after the transfer of power to tenants, agriculturallabourers went on strike demanding higher wages and end of social repression(Singh, 1980; Alexander, 1982).

The then Chief Minister of Madras state in 1946 had gone back on theelection promise of abolition of Zamindari system.

28

27

The Rytu Sangham played an important role inTelangana which had its roots in the local agrarian structure.
Between 1936 and 1944 there were many sporadic protests
against the Jagirdars and Deshmukhs. The Communist
Party had taken over leadership of the armed struggle
towards the end of the first phase of the Telangana Armed
Struggle by 1946. The Telangana Armed Struggle was a
movement against feudal practices of extra-economic
coercion (vetti) and highly iniquitous agrarian relations
which developed into an armed struggle aiming at state
power, with a mass base. It was during this struggle thatsurplus land distribution first took place in India. The
Communist resistance penetrated the Telangana tribal regions
also. Thus the Telangana Armed Struggle was an expressionof the struggle for land, livelihood and liberation.
The Madras Estates (Abolition and Conversion into
Ryotwari) Act 1948 29 was the first legislation after
Independence that removed intermediaries and brought
all land in the Andhra area under Ryotwari. In the Telangana
region, with the Abolition of Jagirdari Act of 1949, theJagirdari tenure system ended. The Hyderabad Tenancy
and Agricultural Lands Act was passed in 1950 to effecttenancy reform and resulted in the conferment of protection
to nearly 6 lakh tenants who held over 75 lakh acres ofland, constituting 33 per cent of the total cultivated area.
The Andhra Pradesh (Andhra Area) Tenancy Act 1956
was intended to ensure that tenants were not evicted fromtheir holdings except through the courts. The peasant
movements that had come up in British Andhra andTelangana could not establish any organic links between
themselves, as the latter were not much connected to
the nationalist struggle, and lacked strong leadership. Thesevariations were carried into the later periods.
The land reform policy of the Andhra Pradesh
government in the early 1960s, especially the impositionof land ceiling, came about against the backdrop of militantpeasant struggles waged during late 1940s and early 1950s.
The land ceiling legislation in 1961 was a miserable
29

A series of events like state-wide marches, agitations, and a demonstration
outside the state Assembly culminated in the introduction of the Zamindari
Abolition bill in the Madras Assembly in November 1947 (for details see KC
Suri and CV Raghavulu, 1996).

28

failure30 . However the role of peasant movements wasimportant in ensuring effective implementation of the statepolicy towards the viability of small farms (CHH Rao,
1984). The advent of green revolution in the mid-sixties
shifted the focus from structural factors of land holding
to optimizing production through modern technology.
The AP Land Reforms (Ceiling on Agricultural Holdings)
Act passed in 1973 was politically unavoidable for theCongress government (Suri and Raghavulu, 1996)31 . The
land distributed to the scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes till 2004 from the surplus land in the possessionof the government accounts for just about 4 percent of
the net sown area (Govt. of AP, 2006). The first phase of
the green revolution encouraged large farmers and absentee
landlords to undertake self-cultivation by throwing out
their tenants because of technological gains (Parthasarathy,1970). In the second phase of the green revolution,mechanization displaced labour. Hence the economic
conditions of agricultural labour and tenants deteriorated.
At the same time, the Tenancy Act (Andhra Area) in 1956
and its amendment in 1976 could not provide any protection
to the tenants. The sixties and seventies witnessed a rapid
decline in the number of tenants and area under them asa result of dispossession. Class polarization took placein the coastal region where objective conditions werefavourable for the combined struggle of agricultural labour
and tenants. On the other hand such class polarisation
was absent in the Telangana region as green revolution
had largely bypassed it. In the early seventies (1973-74)
agitations for distribution of banjar lands, rights for small
and marginal peasants on temple land and distributionof forest land took place as expressions of dissent against
the tardy implementation of land reforms by the state.
Thus, till the 1970s, the main focus of agrarian
movements was the structure of land ownership, rent,
bonded labour and high interest rates charged by themoneylenders-cum-landlords. In the decade of eighties
The Act allowed a family to retain 180 to 360 acres of wet land or 1080 to2160 acres of dry land. Six categories of land were exempted from the purview
30of the Act. Payment of compensation for surplus land, large scale benami
transactions and very limited surplus land were some results of this Act.
31
The loss of power by the Congress at the centre, dependence on left parties
and need to counter powerful state leaders having rural base led the Congress

government to embark on this Act.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

the agency of agrarian issues had passed from ‘peasants’to ‘farmers’. The central focus of rural agitation had shiftedfrom land to prices and the agitation was on non-party
lines32 . The left parties also organized agitations in 198081 for remunerative prices, abolition of accumulated debt
and for power rates charged according to horsepower33 .
The agrarian movements in the earlier decades and thefarmers’ movements in the later period resulted in legislation
favouring equity in land, the major resource, which has
impacted on the livelihoods of a large number of tenants
and landless labour.

a ‘Land Committee’34 in 2004. The large-scale allotmentof land to the private sector by the government around
Hyderabad and other towns for development projects,
and the sharp rise in the demand for urban land has resulted
in dispossession and insecurity in the suburbs of cities.
Besides, the anomalies in the implementation process of‘assigned land’ distribution have made the establishedleft parties to take on this issue and organize agitations
to implement the Land Committee’s recommendations.
They have started a ‘Movement for Land’ by occupying
the lands.

During the 1990s economic reforms were implemented
in Andhra Pradesh. Social movements led by politicalparties or otherwise have taken a different form, and became
more sporadic, fractured and fragmented. Social movements
also might have contributed to change in the politicalregime in the state in 2004. There were agitations against
the effects of neo-liberal policies (hike in power and water
tariffs) headed by the left parties. The major outcome of
the regime change is that agriculture has become importantin the development agenda.

In the era of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation(LPG), the state is facilitating the movement of private
capital into agriculture and in a way it has also takenover farmers’ movements by organizing them into Rytu
Mitra groups. However the inadequacies in strengthening
these institutions raise doubts about their sustainability.

Class movements for structural change on issues ofland distribution for the poor by the left and radical leftparties have continued, but have not been a sustained
struggle. The state has also been implementing ‘third
generation land reforms’ giving land to the dalits andalso to women under the Indira Kranthi Patham. Farmers
have been protesting on issues of input and output markets.
Non-remunerative prices for agricultural produce,
malfunctioning of markets and absence of government
regulation are the issues which have resulted in sporadic
agitations by farmers. Sometimes these are headed bypolitical parties also. On the other hand, though thenegotiations between the state and the extreme left parties
failed recently, the state co-opted the agenda of the leftparties giving top priority to land distribution and constituted

Land for the tenants and landless to improve theirlivelihoods has been the main agenda of peasant movements.
The government of India declared over 73 lakh acres as
surplus land at the all-India level. But only 87.40 percentof this land was taken possession of. Of this land, only
68.80 percent was distributed (National Commission for
SC and ST, 1993-94). In Andhra Pradesh, 8.18 lakh acres
were declared as surplus, of which 6.46 lakh acres (79percent) has been taken into possession. Of this 6.46
lakh acres 5.82 lakh acres (90 percent) have been distributed.
Much of the land distributed is uncultivable, because
landlords managed to hand over to the government theleast cultivable land, which the law itself permitted; andin many cases even this distribution took place merelyon paper. The SCs got only 22 per cent of the total
government land distributed. Moreover about one lakh
SCs lost ownership during 1961 to 1991 (Governmentof Andhra Pradesh, 2006). In the case of tribals the reality
is that out of the 72,000 cases decided under the LTR till
September 30, 2005, about 50 percent of the cases were32

The non-party formations adhered to a concept of a unified peasantry,
undivided by internal antagonisms, and were thus opposed to differences
based on caste, ethnicity, community, and religion (State of the Indian Farmer,
Volume 23, 2004).
33

Earlier the power charges were according to unit price.

Social Movements and Human Development in A.P

34
The present government constituted a Land Committee in 2004 under thechairmanship of Koneru Ranga Rao, a Minister ‘to assess the overall implementationof land distribution programmes of the government and suggest measures for

its more effective implementation’. This commission was appointed after thegovernment held ‘Peace Talks’ with the radical left parties.

29

decided in favour of non-tribals. Of the 3,21,683 acresof land involved in these cases, 1,62,989 acres (50 percent)were confirmed in favour of non-tribals (Government ofAndhra Pradesh, 2006). This indicates the legal loopholes
as well as the problems in the implementation of laws.
3.2.e Regional Identity Movements
The movement for a separate Andhra state began in
1903, which culminated in the carving out of Andhra
state from Madras Presidency in 1953. The liberation ofHyderabad state took place in 1948. In 1954 the States
Reorganisation Commission was set up as a part of national
policy to consider the formation of linguistic states. The
precursors for the formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh
were three important movements - the Telangana peasantarmed struggle; the agitation for the separation of Telugu
speaking areas from Madras and formation of Vishalandhra
with Coastal Andhra and Raylaseema; and, the Mulki(local resident) agitation (1952) in the then Hyderabad
state.
The Mulki agitation (1952) was for safeguarding Mulki
rules which had been in operation in Hyderabad statesince 191935 . Between 1948 and 1952 Hyderabad state
was under the military and civil administration of theCentral Government which attracted many outsiders
especially from Madras Presidency in search of employment.
The non-local administration facilitated this process whichantagonized the local people, especially students, whobegan to agitate to assert the rights of sons of the soil
(Jayashankar, 2004).
The formation of the state of Andhra Pradesh in itself
contained seeds of hope as well as discontent36 . It was
subject to certain agreements which would take care ofequitable development in social, economic, political andcultural spheres37. Subsequent to state formation provisions
in the agreements were violated time and again about
which Regional Committees and peoples’ organizations
protested at all levels. This had resulted in Telangana
Movement (1968-71) spearheaded by employees andstudents 38. Close on the heels of the Jai Telangana movement
came the ‘Jai Andhra’ movement in the coastal region(1972-73). The agitation demanded the removal of theprotective provisions for the Telangana region which had
to be a part of the state unconditionally or otherwise toconcede the demand for a separate state for Andhra. The
central government resolved the crisis by abolishing all
the safeguards guaranteed through the informal agreement39.
Subsequently the ‘Presidential Order’ was passed in 1975
which faced problems in implementation and thus paved
the way for the Government Order 610 in 1985 to maintainlocal reservation. Discontent continued in Telangana where
reservation for locals in employment was one important
issue which then became an on-going movement for theachievement of statehood for Telangana.
The movement for a separate state of Telangana once
again gained momentum from the mid-1990s. Contrary
to the earlier phase, some scholars have argued that thisphase of movement had a wider social base (CHH Rao,
2007; Kondandaram, 2007). Agrarian distress and irrigation
became the major issues in Telangana more so in thecontext of economic reforms (Galab et al, 2007). The
high incidence of farmers’ suicides is evidence. The demand
for a separate state was being articulated in terms of regional
identity in addition to a demand for a fair share in resources.
The Telangana Rashtra Samiti, a separate political party,
emerged in 2001 to spearhead the movement for a separate
state for Telangana through a democratic political process.

37
35

Even before 1919 the Nizam’s state had attracted people from outside for

employment. The locals agitated against non-locals taking up employment
opportunities and as a result the Nizam devised the Mulki (local resident)
rules. A person is said to be a local only if he is a local resident for 12 years.

The Gentlemen’s Agreement had laid down conditions for the protection of

the interests of the region in terms of employment, education, formation ofregional development board and political power sharing.
38

The movement was repressed in which 370 students and others died.

39

Telangana leaders like Ravi Narayan Reddy, Kaloji Narayan Rao and others
supported the formation of Vishalandhra in the hope that Telangana would

Though there was a Supreme Court ruling that Mulki Rules were constitutional
against the earlier ruling of the state High court, the Mulki rules were done
away with. The central government subsequently issued Orders conferring

also be given equal status thereafter. There were apprehensions too whichwere reflected in the words of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.

rights on the President (central government) to issue orders preventing regional
inequalities in Andhra Pradesh.

3630

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Regional identity movements from other regions like
Rayalaseema have also surfaced40 .
As can be seen in other chapters, regional disparities
in the state still persist in spite of the efforts made forregionally balanced development in the planning era.
There are some favourable trends in the growth of income(DDP-district domestic product) especially in historically
backward districts . There exist at present, significant
disparities across districts in the levels of human develpoment
despite the reduction in the disparities over time41. The
historically backward districts continue to lag behind in
health and education, though they are improving whencompared to the past. Regional disparities are also evident
in the agrarian economy of the state. South Coastal Andhra
continues to occupy the top position in terms of agricultural
output per hectare because of assured sources of irrigation,
followed by North Telangana and North Coastal Andhra.
Rayalaseema and South Telangana are at the bottom because
of insufficient irrigation along with low and erratic rainfall.
Due to the predominance of ground water irrigation, thesustainability and quality of growth is questionable inthese zones.

3.3 Contribution of Social Movements to Human
Development in Andhra Pradesh
Social reform movements questioning patriarchal
values in terms of anti-sati, widow remarriages and againstchild marriages in colonial times continued in Independent
India. The response of the state has been positive withappropriate legislative action. Women’s movements
organized within the broad Marxist framework wererepressed by the state. But the response to autonomously
organized women’s movements was in the form of legislative
provisions to protect the rights of women and institutions
for their development. A series of progressive and liberal
legal reforms were introduced during the 1980s 42 .
Organizations supporting individual women in distress,
40
The ‘Rayalaseema Samakhya’ was formed (1982-83) to spearhead demands
for the due share of the region in Krishna river water and reservation in
employment.
41

CHH Rao (2007) “Statehood for Telangana: New Imperatives”, The Hindu,
January8
The ‘Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (2005)’ for theeffective protection of rights of women within the family is an outcome of
women’s movements across the country.

women in media groups, cultural forums, research centers,
and departments of women’s studies in Universities,
publishing houses in regional and English languages weresome steps in this direction. This also compelled politicalparties to include programmes for women in election
manifestos. At the same time, the sixth and the seventh
five year plans included special programmes for womenfor the first time.
The state of Andhra Pradesh stood ninth among thestates of India - the middle position - in regard to genderdisparity in literacy in 1991 (Govinda, 2007). As comparedto the all-India level, the higher sex ratio, the low total
fertility rate, the higher proportion of institutional deliveries,
the lower infant mortality rate, lower disparities in malefemale infant mortality rates and the lower maternal mortality
ratio in Andhra Pradesh indicate that the social neglectof women and girls is less pronounced in Andhra Pradesh43
and that women in AP are better placed in regard to humandevelopment compared to all-India.
Dalit movements were grounded in social
discrimination; hence the fight is within civil society. The
response of the state was conciliatory for at least two
reasons, fulfilling their constitutional obligations to thepeople and to nurture their political constituency. In fulfillmentof these, the state formulated and implemented humandevelopment and livelihood promotion programmes fromthe Third Five year plan onwards. Reservation in educationand employment, social protection policies, and creationof exclusive institutions were adopted to institutionalize
the process of development among the SCs.
Because of the Srikakulam Tribal revolt, lands in
the Scheduled areas were protected under the 1/1970
legislation. Besides, the state promoted institutions like
ITDA and GCC to arrest exploitation by traders. The
disjunction between the Adivasi acts and the Forest Acts
increased especially in the context of economic reforms
as the tribals could not exercise their right over resources.
Recently ‘The Scheduled tribes and Other Traditional Forest
Dwellers’ (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 has

42

Social Movements and Human Development in A.P

43

See Women and Men in 2006, Central Statistical Organization, New Delhi.

31

provided for title deeds to be given for lands in possessionof tribals which is a direct outcome of tribal struggles.
The forest based tribes or the adivasis face greater
threat of displacement and hence threat to livelihoods
than the plains tribes. Though the level of humandevelopment of STs in AP is better than in all-India, incomparison to the dalits, the adivasis are worse offeverywhere in the country (Guha, 2007).
When it comes to the parameters of health andeducation, the literacy level of rural SCs is a little lower
in AP than the all-India level (Census, 2001). But current
attendance rates of SCs in educational institutions fordifferent age groups (except 15-19 years) are higher inAP than the all-India level44. For rural ST households, literacy
is lower in AP compared to all-India in 2001. The enrolment
rates in 2004-05 for all the age groups (except 15-19
and 20-24 age groups) are higher in the state than the
all-India level.
Both among SCs and STs in Andhra Pradesh, thetotal fertility rate is lower, the proportion of institutionaldeliveries is higher and mortality among children under
5 is lower than the all-India average. All these indicatethat the status of women and girl children among SCs
and STs in AP is better than the situation in all-India. In
contrast to urban areas, the incidence of poverty among
rural SC and ST households is less in AP than the allIndia level.
The response of the state to regional movements
has varied over time, swinging between repression andco-option. The state repressed the 1969 movement whileat the same time it co-opted the leaders of the movement
soon after the assembly elections. The direct outcome of

44

See NSSO Report No.516 on “Employment and unemployment situation
among social groups in India, 2004-05”.

32

this agitation was setting up of educational institutions45
and revoking regional boards. There were also attempts
to co-opt the more recent movement by striking politicalalliances and giving positions in the cabinet to party membersin the central and state governments. The movement forregional identities has always been viewed from thedevelopment perspective and hence the response of thestate at all times was in the form of special packages.
However, regional disparities in levels of humandevelopment especially in literacy, schooling and healthpersist at the district level despite some positive trends
in economic growth.

3.4 Conclusions and Policy Implications
A visible shift could be seen in social movementsfrom class conflicts to social concerns by the eighties.
Organizationally there has been a shift from movements
promoted by political parties to those promoted byautonomous groups. From the nineties the state has played
a dominant role in co-opting these movements. There isalso a shift in the agenda of social movements from thestructural to non-structural issues. The expanded spacein the social as well as political spheres for women, dalits,
and tribals in the state due to social movements has also
resulted in increased violence against these groups. Accessto resources like land is as yet an unfulfilled goal in theagenda to expand economic space for these groups inthe state. Regional inequalities continue to affect the state.
The pattern of spaces is also reflected in the pattern of
human development among the social groups and regionsin the state. The state, civil society and peoples’ movements
need to address these concerns to achieve the MDGs
with respect to human development.

45
Central University in Hyderabad and Regional Engineering College (REC)which is renamed as National Institute of Technology (NIT) at Warangal weresome institutions established in 1970 as an outcome.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Growth, Infrastructure, Poverty and Fiscal Performance

CHAPTER IV

4

The Economy of Andhra Pradesh

sector expenditure. The focus should

acro-economic variables such as
the level of the economy (in terms ofgross domestic product and per capita
income), trends in growth, the impact of growth on thequantity and quality of employment, on inequality andpoverty, state policy and the allocation of (budget) resources,
all play an important role in human development. Though
the causal relationship between economic growth andhuman development is still being debated, it can be argued
that a society with a higher rate of economic growth would
be better able to mobilize additional resources to improve
the sectors which directly influence and enhance humandevelopment. This chapter therefore presents an outlineof the economic performance of Andhra Pradesh focusing
on economic growth, infrastructure, poverty, inequality,
fiscal performance and the budgetary allocations especiallyfor the social sector.

now be to make growth more inclusive

4.1 Economic Growth

M

There is a turn around in the economic
performance of the state in recent years.
For sustaining these trends, the stateneeds to invest in infrastructure andimprove quantity and quality of social

to address the issues of poverty
and regional disparities.

The Economy of A.P

Economic growth is supposed to improve the wellbeing of people by increasing the disposable income andpurchasing power of all the people. The trickle downtheory of economic development assumes that the benefitsof high economic growth in terms of incomes at the macrolevel would automatically percolate down to individuals.
But this ignores the inherent problems of distribution andpoverty, which have raised questions as to whether
economic growth alone is sufficient for ensuring the wellbeing of the population. However, while higher economic
growth is not a sufficient condition, it is a necessary33

condition for improving human development for several
reasons, first because it creates greater opportunities for
employment and rising incomes, and, more important,because higher growth would generate more resources
which may be available for further investments in social
development.

time. Moreover, there seems to have been a turnaroundin the growth of GSDP in A.P. in the last five years. The
average annual growth rate was 7.45 per cent during 200108 and 8.7 percent during 2004-08 (Table 4.1a). The
annual average growth in AP is higher than that of India
in 2007-08.
Table 4.1a: Annual Growth (%) of GSDP

4.1.1 ‘Turn Around’ in Economic Growth
India broke out of the trap of a low rate of economic
growth, the ‘Hindu rate of growth’, by the 1980s. If theperformance of Andhra Pradesh is compared to all-India
and other states, it is seen that GSDP growth rates for A.P.
also rose beyond the earlier low rates during the last two
and half decades. GSDP grew continuously from 2.11 percent in the 1960s to 3.03 percent in the 1970s; to 5.21
per cent in the 1980s and to 5.42 per cent in the 1990s(Table 4.1)1 . It was 5.89 per cent in the first five years of
this decade. However, the growth of GSDP in the last ten
years (1993-94 to 2003-04) was lower at 5.66 per centas compared to 5.93 per cent during the decade 198485 to 1993-94. The growth rate of GSDP was lower in
A.P. than the all-India rate but has been catching up overTable 4.1: Trend Rate of Growth in GSDP and Per
Capita GSDP: AP and All-IndiaYear
1
1960-61 to 1970-71
1970-71 to 1980-81
1980-81 to 1990-91
1990-91 to 2000-01
2000-01 to 2004-05
1983-84 to 1993-94
1993-94 to 2003-04

AP
GSDP Per Capita
2
3
2.11
0.26
3.02
0.94
5.21
3.04
5.42
4.01
5.89
4.83
5.93
3.85
5.66
4.46

India
GDP Per Capita
4
5
3.43
1.23
3.38
1.12
5.37
3.24
5.94
3.98
6.08
4.37
5.23
3.14
5.83
3.98

Note
: At constant (1993-94) prices.
Source : New Series (1993-94) GSDP, Directorate of Economics and Statistics(DES), Hyderabad

1

The GSDP figures used were supplied by the Directorate of Economics andStatistics of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad. Whole series of data from 1960 to
the latest has been transformed into latest single base year: i.e. 1993-94
prices. While bringing GSDP figures at Constant prices with different baseyears into a single one, splicing method is used at the disaggregated level (i.e.
Splicing is done for each individual sector). All this is done by DES, Hyderbad
and supplied the final data.

34

Year
1
2001-02
2002-03
2003-04
2004-05 (R)2005-06 (P)2006-07 (Q)2007-08 (A)Average of 2004-5 to 2007-8
Average of 2001-2 to 2007-8
Note

AP

India

2
4.20
3.26
9.27
6.96
8.72
8.87
10.37
8.73
7.45

3
5.81
3.84
8.52
7.45
9.40
9.62
8.73
8.80
7.22

: 1. Constant (1999-2000) Prices; 2. Annual Growth ispercentage change over previous year; 3. R–Revised;
P-Provisional; Q–Quick; A–Advanced.

Source : Planning Department, GOAP.

Average per capita GSDP has increased from Rs. 4422
(decadal average) in the 1960s to Rs. 8865 in the 1990s.
Recent estimates show that it has further increased to
Rs. 12804 during 2001-06 (Table 4.2). Though per capita
income in the state has always been lower than the allIndia average, the ratio of A.P. to all-India per capita net
SDP rose from 95.7 per cent in the triennium 1993-96 to
99.3 per cent in 2002-05. The level of per capita GSDP
in Andhra Pradesh is now almost equal to the all-India
average (Figure 4.1). Thus, A.P. seems to have caught up
with all-India in per capita income in recent years. The
Table 4.2: Decadal Averages of Per Capita GSDP in AP and India
Period
1
1960s
1970s
1980s
1990s
2001-06
Note:
Source :

AP
2
4422
4904
6160
8865
12804

India
3
4965
5575
6788
9587
13058

Ratio (AP/India)
4
89.1
88.0
90.7
92.5
98.1

Averages of decades in Constant (1993-94) prices.
Computed based on the DES Figures.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

16000

120.0

14000

100.0

12000
80.0

10000

60.0

8000
6000

Ratio (%)

Per Capita (Rs.)

Figure 4.1: Per Capita GSDP in AP and India
and the Ratio of AP in All India

55

Primary (excl. M&Q)
Second (incl. M &Q)
Tertiary

50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15

1980-81
1981-82
1982-83
1983-84
1984-85
1985-86
1986-87
1987-88
1988-89
1989-90
1990-91
1991-92
1992-93
1993-94
1994-95
1995-96
1996-97
1997-98
1999-2000
2000-1
2001-2
2002-3
2003-4
2004-5
2005-6

In comparison with other states, Andhra Pradesh
was one of the top performing states in terms of GSDP
growth in the 1980s. Only three states viz., Rajasthan,Haryana, and Maharashtra showed higher growth thanAndhra Pradesh in the 1980s. However, in the 1990s,
A.P. was ranked eighth in terms of GSDP growth. Apartfrom the above three states, Gujarat, Karnataka, Tamil
Nadu and West Bengal had a higher rate of growth thanFigure 4.2: Change in Sectoral Contribution(in %) of GSDP in AP

Per cent

growth rate of per capita GSDP has also increased
significantly over time from 2.8 percent in the 80s to 3.9
percent in the 90s and to 4.8 per cent during 2000-05(Table 4.1). In the last five years it has grown at about 5
per cent per annum, which was slightly higher than the
all-India rate for the same period. This high growth waspartly due to lower population growth in A.P. than allIndia.

declining continuously (from 45 per cent in 1980-81 to
24 per cent in 2004-05), there has been a corresponding
increase in both the secondary (19 to 25 per cent) andtertiary (35 to 50 per cent) sectors, though the growth ofthe latter is much higher (Figure 4.2).
The growth rate of GSDP across the sectors indicates thatthe primary sector registered the lowest rate of growth inAndhra Pradesh (Table 4.3). However, the primary sector
had its highest ever rate of growth (3.32 per cent) in the
1990s. The tertiary sector registered the highest growthrate during the 1980s and in the recent past but in the
1990s the secondary sector (6.76 per cent) had grown at
Table 4.3: Sectoral Trend Growth (in %) in A P

40.0

1980-81 to
1990-912

1990-91 to
2000-013

2000-01 to
2004-05
4

Primary

2.30(2.13)

3.32(3.01)

2.07(1.41)

Secondary

6.92(6.84)

6.70(6.77)

7.11(7.24)

6.76

7.73
4.87
7.63
5.89

4000
AP

2000

Ratio (AP)

India

20.0

Industry Group0.0

1

1960-61
1962-63
1964-65
1966-67
1968-69
1970-71
1972-73
1974-75
1976-77
1978-79
1980-81
1982-83
1984-85
1986-87
1988-89
1990-91
1992-93
1994-95
1996-97
1998-99
2000-1
2002-3
2004-50India

Andhra Pradesh in the 1990s. Similar trends can be seen
for the growth of per capita income in the1990s acrossstates. The state’s (A.P) rank in per capita GSDP growth
was lower in the 1990s as compared to the1980s.
From 1993-94 to 2004-05, the annual growth of GSDP
in A.P. was 5.74 per cent and 4.7 per cent for per capita
GSDP. During this period A.P. ranked seventh in GSDP
growth and fifth in per capita GSDP growth among eighteen
major states. It shows that A.P. has done relatively wellin terms of growth if we include data from recent years.
The sectoral composition of GSDP in Andhra Pradeshshows that while the primary sector contribution has been

The Economy of A.P

Manufacturing (Reg) 9.87
Manufacturing(Un-Reg)
5.47

Tertiary

7.63

6.98
6.33

GSDP

5.20

5.41

Note

: 1. Usually Primary includes Mining and Quarrying (M&Q),
figures in parenthesis indicates when M&Q is excluded
from Primary sector and included in Secondary; 2. Secondary
sector includes Manufacturing (Reg.&Un-Reg) and others.

Source : DES, Hyderabad.

35

the highest rate. The manufacturing sector, particularly
the organized/registered sector, performed relatively better
than any other sector. In the last four years growth rates
for primary, secondary and tertiary sectors respectively
were 2.6 per cent, 7 to 8 per cent and, 8 to 9 per cent per
annum.
Within the primary sector, agriculture (including crop
production and livestock) registered the lowest growth.
Andhra Pradesh was among the very few states in the
country which experienced for the Green Revolution,
especially in respect of rice, in the 1970s. The growthrate of the agricultural sector increased till the 1980s but
it declined subsequently. In the first five years (2000-05)
of this decade, growth of GSDP in agriculture was lessthan one per cent per annum. Agricultural growth in thefirst four decades (1960s to 1990s) was lower in A.P. as
compared to all-India. Within agriculture, the share of
livestock has been increasing over time and now it
contributes almost 85 per cent of the growth in agriculture.
The contribution of the non-agricultural sector to
total GSDP has been increasing continuously over a period
in the state as well as all-India. It has increased from 50
per cent in the 1960s to 79 percent in 2005-06 in thestate. Moreover, as the growth in agriculture has been ata minimal level, most of the growth in the overall economy
has been due to the growth in non-agriculture. In contrast
to overall growth, the growth in the non-agricultural sectorof the state has always been relatively higher than the
all-India average, except in the 1990s.

Table 4.4: Per Capita GSDP per Worker (in Rs)
in Agriculture and Non-agriculture Activities
All-India
Andhra Pradesh

Year
1
1993
2003
% Change
Note

Agrl
2
7201
9830
36.5

Non-Agrl
3
34077
51924
52.4

Gap
Agrl
4
5
26876 9327
42094 11058
15.9
18.6

Non-Agrl Gap
6
7
41783
32456
62854
51796
50.4
31.9

: 1. Workers in Agrl (agriculture) and Non-Agrl (nonagriculture) considered to calculate the per capita GSDP
per worker, is based on NSSO 50th (1993-94) and 61st
(2004-05) round and New Series (1993-94) GSDP figuresof DES (Hyderabad).

Source : Computed.

Since GSDP has been growing without a corresponding
increase in the level of employment, the gap in per capita
value added per worker between those engaged inagriculture and non-agriculture has increased significantly
over time. For instance, the per capita GSDP value addedin agriculture (including agriculture related activities) per
worker was Rs. 7201 in 1993-94 which increased to Rs.
9830 in 2004-05, an increase of 36.5 per cent (Table
4.4). On the other hand, the per capita GSDP value added
in non-agriculture per worker increased by about 52.4
per cent from Rs. 34077 to Rs. 51924 during the same
period. The gap between agriculture and non-agriculture
in terms of per capita value added per worker has increased
from Rs. 26876 to Rs. 42094. Unless the high growth in
GSDP of non-agriculture results in a corresponding growthin employment by absorbing the surplus labour inagriculture, it may not result in an improvement in theconditions of the poor and thereby human development.
Therefore, it will result in lopsided growth/development.
4.1.2 Regional Disparities in the Levels and Growth of
the Economy
The challenge of development policy in the period
subsequent to the formation of the state was to integratedifferent diverse regions into a single economic entity
and to accelerate the growth of its productive sectors,
along with the promotion of adequate opportunities to36

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Box 4.1: Information Technology in A P
Information Technology (IT) services is the fastest growing component of the service sector in India and Andhra Pradesh. At
present Andhra Pradesh ranks fourth in software exports from India, behind Karnataka, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. Hyderabad isthe major destination for IT companies. The Software Technology Park Hyderabad (STPIH) was started in 1991. Efforts are underway
to take the IT sector to other Tier-II cities viz., Visakhapatnam, Vijayawada, Tirupati, Warangal and Kakinada. Efforts to develop Tier-II
cities were started in 2001-02 but do not seem to have been successful as yet. In 2006-07, Visakhapatnam, Vijayawada and Tirupati
accounted for only 1.55 percent of total exports of IT sector from Andhra Pradesh.
The number of units registered under STPIH was only 7 in the year 1991-92 but rose to 194 in 1998-99. 1999-2000 saw aquantum jump with the number units going up to 977. It continued to rise2 to 1401 in 2002-03. There were 1408 registered units
under STPIH in 2006-07.
Exports of IT sector firms registered with Software Technology Park in Hyderabad (STPIH) started at a very low level of Rs.0.02
crores in 1991-92. They reached Rs.574 crores in 1998-99 and Rs.18582 crores in 2006-07. There has been very rapid growth inoverall IT exports especially in the past four years, but it must be noted that the growth rates in later years are over a larger base. Even
with this performance, the share of AP in total Indian exports of IT reached only 13.10 percent in 2006-07 from 7.96 percent in 200203. As already mentioned AP ranks fourth among the states in IT exports. Most of the increase in later years seems to be the contributionof ITES instead of IT. The share of ITES, which was only 0.34 percent of exports in 1999-00, rose to 39.16 percent in 2002-03(Ramachandriah, 2003: 209), and reached 56.00 percent in 2006-07 (The Economic Times, May 30, 2007).

2
Data on units is not a very reliable indicator of the strength of the IT
sector in AP. At any time the number of units reflects the number of units
registered with STPIH, and not those which are functional. In fact in2003-04 the number of units registered has come down because a number of units have been de-registered since they had not been reporting
any activity for more than three years.
See Rao et al, (1998). For some useful references on the historical factors anddevelopments in A.P. in the earlier decades see Mukund (1990), Radhakrishna
3(1990), Parthasarathy (1995), Vithal (1998).
4

The Directorate of Economics and Statistics provides domestic product foreach district in the state. These are available for the recent period 1993-94 to
2003-04.

The Economy of A.P

Figure 4.3: Per Capita GDDP and its Rate of Growthacross Districts of Andhra Pradesh
1993-94
Growth

2004-05

25000
20000
15000
10000
5000
0

7.0
6.0
5.0
4.0
3.0
2.0
1.0
0.0

Growth (%)

30000

Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGunturPrakasam
NelloreChittoor
kadapaAnanthapur
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar
Ranga Reddy
Hyderabad
Medak
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar
Warangal
KhammamNalgonda
Andhra Pradesh

Even after fifty years, regional disparities in economic
and social development are significant in A.P. A comparisonof growth rates4 of district domestic product (DDP) andper capita DDP shows that seven districts of Telangana(Ranga Reddy, Nizamabad, Khammam, Hyderabad,
Mahabubnagar, Warangal and Medak) and two districtsof North Coastal Andhra (Visakhapatnam and Srikakulam)have had higher growth rates than the state average. On
the other hand, all the districts in South Coastal Andhra
and Rayalaseema and three districts of Telangana andone district of North Coastal Andhra have had a lower
growth than the state average. In terms of per capita income,the distance between the poorest four districts and therichest four districts has declined between 1993-94 and2003-04. The ratio of the four poorest districts (Srikakulam,
Warangal, Mahabubnagar and Vizianagaram) to the fourrichest districts (Ranga Reddy, Medak, Nellore and Krishna)
increased from 57.4 per cent in 1993-94 to 65.5 percent
in 2003-04.

Per Capita DDP (Rs.)

ensure broad-based participation by all sections of society3.
However, the actual performance of the economy indicatesthat the response of the state government to this challenge
has not been very satisfactory.

If one analyses the relationship between the levelsof per capita income in the base year and growth rates of
DDP and per capita DDP, it can be seen that in some
districts the higher growth rates could be due to a lowbase (Figure 4.3). However, in the nine districts which
recorded higher growth rates than the state average inper capita income, only four districts (Mahabubnagar,
Nizamabad, Warangal and Srikakulam) had a low base.
It may be noted that the quality of growth is important.

37

Some of the Telangana districts may be showing higher
growth rates but we are not sure about the quality ofgrowth. We are also not sure whether it is inclusive growthin this region. Further research is needed to understandthe impact of growth in Telangana and some other regions.
Secondly, there are significant disparities in social
development.
Despite some favourable trends in district domestic
product, regional disparities in the levels of development
are still significant in the state5 . For example, South Coastal
Andhra, because of the very high level of assured sourcesof irrigation, continues to occupy the top position in regard
to agricultural output per hectare, followed by North
Telangana and North Coastal Andhra. Rayalaseema andSouth Telangana are at the bottom because of insufficientirrigation coupled with low and erratic rainfall. Moreover,well irrigation is predominant in Telangana and Rayalaseema,
entailing high cost of power for pumping water, besides
exposing the rural areas to the uncertainties of weather
and shortage of drinking water. As shown in subsequent
chapters, disparities in education and health across regions
are quite high.

4.2 Infrastructure
Physical and social infrastructure is important foreconomic growth and higher human development.
Economic infrastructure like transport6 , communicationand power facilitates the growth of economic activities
and contributes to national or state GDP through revenue
mobilization. In Andhra Pradesh the contribution of thetransport and communication sector to total Gross State
Domestic Product at current prices was 6.31 per cent in
1960-61 and increased to 7.94 per cent in 2004-05 (DES,2005).
The total road length in Andhra Pradesh in 195657 was 17086 Kms (consisting of 338 Kms of cement
concrete, 5016 Kms of blacktop, 10939 Kms of metalled
and 793 Kms of unmetalled roads) which was 6.21 Kms
per 100 Sq. Kms in the state and 0.55 Kms per 1000
population. The total road length increased to 179980
See Rao (2007) on the failure of successive governments to address regional
imbalances in the state.

Kms by the year 2002-03, a phenomenal increase of 954
percent over the period, about 65.45 Kms per 100 sq
kms of geographical area and 2.36 kms per 1000
population. In 1956-7 the total length of railway lines inAndhra Pradesh was 4550 Kms which has gradually
increased to 4974 Kms.

Since the inception of the first Five Year Plan,
investment in irrigation has been a priority in the state toincrease agricultural growth. For about three decades fromthe 1950s to the 1970s, irrigation has accounted for amajor share of public expenditure in Andhra Pradesh.
During the pre-plan period, 27.02 lakh hectares of ayacut
was developed. About Rs. 18771.36 crores were spentfrom the First Plan till 2004-05 and irrigation potentialof 27.67 lakh hectares was created. The total area irrigated(gross) was 136.36 lakh acres, or about 40 per cent of
the gross cropped area in the state as on August 2005.
Andhra Pradesh has been one of the major Indian stateswith the highest percentage of area under irrigation. The
rapid growth in area under irrigation in the state till the
1980s was reversed during the 1990s and thereafter. Morerecently, irrigation has again become a priority in statepolicy and a considerable amount of resources has been
earmarked under the policy initiative Jalayagnam. The
amount and percentage of expenditure on Irrigation andFlood Control has been the highest among Indian states.
Given the longer gestation period of major irrigation
projects, the expected results of this policy initiative willtake time to evaluate.

5

The modern transport system consists of surface (Rail and Road), water(Navigation) and air transport.

638

Another important sector that had gained attention
and priority in resource allocation from policy makers
during the 1950s to 70s was the power/electricity sector.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

As a result, the installed capacity of the power sector
increased from 213 MW to 11105 MW between 1959
and 2005. The total number of consumers has grownfrom 2.7 to 165.48 lakhs and the energy handled perannum rose from 686 MU to 51123 MU during the same
period. The annual revenue increased from Rs.5.50 croresto Rs. 10170 crores. Of the total installed capacity about
27 per cent is from thermal and 32 per cent from hydel
units. Power generation during 2004-05 was 51122.82
MKWH. The state had the highest gross generation, next
to Maharashtra and Goa. Of the total power generated
in the state about 40 per cent was from thermal units
and another 10 per cent from the hydel units. The rest
was the contribution of others that include the central
sector projects and purchases from other states and theprivate sector. Though the power sector of the state emerged
as the one of the best performers in India, power generationin the state was insufficient to meet the demand. Per capita
consumption of electricity has increased over the period
to 574 KWh during 2004-05. The state is among the top
ten states in terms of per capita consumption of electricity.
Andhra Pradesh is one of the states in which almost
all the villages are electrified. This has to be read withthe caution that this does not ensure either that each hamlet
in every village is electrified or that each household in
every village/hamlet has electricity. The figures show thatabout 94 per cent of the habitats/hamlets in the state were
electrified and 69 per cent of the rural households had
electricity connection in 2005.
Agriculture, particularly irrigation, in Andhra Pradesh,is the single largest consumer of electricity; per capita
consumption of electricity (utility) was highest in this sector.
The number of agricultural services in the state increased
from about four thousand in the late 1950s to three lakhs
by the end of the Fifth Plan and to 24 crores by the endof 2005. Andhra Pradesh was the second highest among
the Indian states in terms of number of agricultural services.
The number of pump sets energized through electricity
in Andhra Pradesh was around 23 lakhs (as on 31st March
2005), which is the second highest after Maharashtra.
The power shortage is considered to be one of thecontributing factors in the agrarian crisis in the state.
In Andhra Pradesh, there were 16190 post offices
and 32.64 lakh telephone connections as on March 2005,

The Economy of A.P

that is, around 21 post offices and 4121 telephone
connection per lakh population. The number of scheduled
commercial bank branches in the state was 5415 at theend of the year 2005, that is about 7 bank braches per
lakh population or 14 thousand persons per bank branch.
The aggregate deposits in these commercial banks
amounted to Rs. 98600 crores, or Rs. 1420 per capita.
Total bank credit advanced was Rs. 74771 crores, or Rs.
11428 per capita. The state ranks fourteenth among theIndian states in terms of both the population per bankand per capita deposit whereas in terms of per capita
credit it stands seventh.

Despite improvements in infrastructure in the state,
the Infrastructure index7 presented in the report of theTenth and Eleventh Finance Commission for major Indianstates shows that though the index value for Andhra Pradesh
for 1995 was almost close to all-India (i.e. 100) it was
only ranked at 10 among the fifteen major states. In 2000,
the index value and rank of the state had improved
marginally to 103 and 9 respectively. Punjab, Kerala, Tamil
Nadu, Haryana and Gujarat had much higher levels of
infrastructure than Andhra Pradesh in the year 2000.
There are wide disparities in terms of infrastructure
facilities across the districts in the state. With respect toirrigation, the percentage of gross irrigated area varied
from as low as 13 per cent in Adilabad to 87 per cent inWest Godavari in 2001. Across all the districts in thestate almost all the villages are electrified, though as noted
above, this does not mean that all households have electric
connections. Bank branches and telephone connections
7

The index for each state is estimated in relation to all-India

39

are heavily concentrated (16 bank branches and 12617
telephones per lakh population) in Hyderabad which infact is entirely urbanized. The variation across other districts
in terms of bank branches is not very high (from 5 to 8).
Road infrastructure ranges from 497 to 973 km per thousandsquare km (of geographical area) across districts in thestate. Hyderabad (973) followed by Srikakulam, West
Godavari, Krishna and Rangareddy (793) have the highest
road density.
The composite index representing the selected
infrastructure facilities across districts in the state is inrelation to the state average. The index indicates the statusof an individual district in comparison with the state average.
If the index value of any district is above 1 it shows better
infrastructure than the state average and vice versa. For
instance, Hyderabad (10.2) would be the best performing
district in terms of infrastructure and Mahabubnagar (0.73)
would be the most backward. The index values in generalindicate that most of the districts performing below thestate average are located in Telangana, Rayalaseema (seeFigure 4.4).

4.3 Poverty and Inequality
Poverty is multi-dimensional including income andnon-income poverty and indicates not only levels of income
and consumption, but also health and education, vulnerability
and risk, and marginalisation and exclusion of the poor
from the mainstream8 . Although Andhra Pradesh is lagging
behind on many other dimensions of poverty, its performancein terms of income poverty 9 based on consumption
expenditure shows that there has been a remarkablereduction in the level of poverty, particularly rural poverty,
from 48.4 per cent in 1973-74 to 11 percent in 2004-05.
The rural poverty level in the state was less than half ofthat of all-India.
Table 4.5: Poverty Ratios - Official Methodology
Year

Andhra Pradesh
Rural Urban Total

Rural

1
1983
1993-94
2004-05

2
27.31
16.64
11.2

5
6
45.76 42.27
37.26 32.56
28.3 25.70

3437.49 29.75
37.63 22.30
28.0 15.5

All-India
Urban Total
7
44.93
36.02
-

Source : Planning Commission, New Delhi

The paradoxical situation specific to Andhra Pradesh
is that the poverty level is higher in urban areas than inrural areas. The rate of decline in urban poverty was slower
in the state up to 1993-94 but the pace of decline
subsequently increased, especially between 1993-94 and2004-05. While rural poverty declined significantly fromabout 27 percent in 1983 to 11 percent in 2004-05, urban
poverty declined from 37 percent to 28 percent during
the same period which was still high and higher than the
all-India figure (Figure 4.5). The difference in absolute
number of urban (6.1 million) and rural poor (6.4 million)

Figure 4.4 : Infrastructure Index, 2004
AP
HyderabadWest Godavari
NelloreEast Godavari
Chittoor
Warangal
KrishnaGunturVizianagaram
Nizamabad
KadapaVisakapatnam
Srikakulam
Karimnagar
Prakasam
KhammamNalgonda
Rangareddy
MedakKurnoolAnantapur
Adilabad
Mahabubnagar

8

There has been much debate about how exactly poverty should be defined.
In popular understanding, poverty is identified with low income which preventsa family from obtaining and enjoying the basic necessities of life, including aminimum of food, clothing, shelter and water. This concept is defined asincome poverty. For a comprehensive picture of poverty other deprivations inrelation to health, education, sanitation and insurance against mishaps, must
be taken into account. (Chellaiah and Sudarshan, 1999), p.xiii.

0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8
Index

40

The National Sample Survey (NSS) data on consumer expenditure is generally
used for estimating poverty in India. NSS has both annual surveys and quinquennial
surveys. We concentrate on the estimates based on the latter as they provide
reliable estimates at the state level. The estimates based on expert groupmethod and approved by the Planning Commission are presented.
9

1

1.2

1.4

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Box 4.2: Alternative Poverty Estimates for Andhra Pradesh
There is a controversy regarding the poverty ratios of Andhra
Pradesh. The official estimates for rural poverty have been much
lower than alternative estimates made by independent researchers.
The alternative estimates10 show that the poverty ratios in A.P. werecloser to the all-India pattern i.e. 26 per cent for rural areas and 12
per cent for urban areas (see Deaton and Tarozzi, 2000; Deaton,
2001; Deaton and Dreze, 2002). The very low level of official
rural poverty ratios in A.P. was due to the base year poverty line in
1973-74 which was the lowest among all the major states in India.
This in turn was due to the low level of Consumer Price Index for
Agricultural Labour (CPIAL) for A.P. The estimates by Deaton andDreze, on the other hand, are based on a more realistic poverty
line arrived at on the basis of consumer prices computed from the
National Sample Survey data. Their study shows that the rural
poverty line for A.P is more or less similar to all-India. Notwithstanding
these differences regarding the levels of poverty, both the official
estimates and those from Deaton and Dreze show a significant
decline in the incidence of poverty in A.P. between the eighties
and the nineties in line with all-India trends. The alternative estimates
based on Deaton’s method shows that rural poverty was 20.8
percent while urban poverty was 8 percent in A.P in the year 2004-

05. These numbers are closer to those of all-India. In both official
and alternative estimates, the rate of reduction was faster in thesecond period (1999-2005) as compared to our first period (199394 to 1999-00).

in 2004-05 was very small. It indicates that urban areas
contribute about half of the total poor in Andhra Pradesh.

in urban areas, while among Muslims the poverty ratios
stood at 7 percent in rural and 35 percent in urban areas.
The poverty level among OBCs was closer to the general
average in rural areas. It is interesting to note that theincidence of poverty for Muslims was much higher thanfor Hindus in urban areas.

Using NSS consumption data, the Sachar Committee
Report (GOI, 2006) provides poverty ratios across socioreligious categories (Figure 4.5). In their estimates for A.P
one can see the differential levels of poverty for different
groups. The SCs/STs together are the most poor, with apoverty ratio of 16 percent in rural areas and 41 percent

Poverty Ratio

Figure 4.5 : Poverty Ratios by Religion and Caste inAP, 2004-05
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0

Table 4.5A: Alternative Estimates of Poverty Ratio
Andhra Pradesh
All-India
Year
Rural
Urban
Rural
Urban
1987-88
35.0
23.4
39.0
22.5
1993-94
1999-00
2004-05
Note

GeneralHindusMuslims

Other

Non - Hindus

Source : Sachar Committee report (GOI, 2006)

10
Deaton (2000, 2001) estimates unit prices for different states for the years
1987-88, 1993-94 and 1999-00 using the NSS data.

The Economy of A.P

17.8
12.0
10.2

The available estimates at the regional level within
the state indicate that the poverty ratios vary across regions
and that there are also rural-urban differences within eachregion (Table 4.6). Telangana had the lowest incidence
Table 4.6: Region Level Estimates of Poverty:
Official and Adjusted

1
OBCs

33.0
26.3
23.1

Source : Deaton and Dreze (2002) for the period 1987-88 to
1999-00; Poverty ratios for 2004-05 are estimated by
Dev and Ravi (2007).

RegionSCs/STs

17.8
10.8
8.4

: Poverty lines for the year 2004-05 are estimated by updating
the poverty lines of Deaton and Dreze (2002) for theyear 1999-00. CPIAL and CPIIW for the year 2004-05
are used for updating the poverty lines of 1999-00.

Rural Urban

All

29.2
26.2
20.9

CoastalTelangana
Rayalaseema I
Rayalaseema II
Andhra Pradesh

1993-94
Rural
Urban
2
3

1999-2000
Rural
Urban
4
5

31.2
25.9
38.6
21.9
29.2

24.3
20.6
33.1
22.3
23.6

19.1
12.1
20.0
25.2
17.8

16.2
9.7
27.3
12.4
13.6

Note : 1. NSSO Regions.
Source : Lanjouw (2003)41

of poverty in both rural and urban areas across NSS regionsin the state while the level was highest in Rayalaseema I(comprising Anantapur and Kurnool districts) during NSS
55th round (1999-2000). There was a significant differencein poverty between two sub-regions of Rayalaseema.

4.3.1 Inequality
Inequality in consumption represented by the Gini
coefficient seems to have increased significantly for bothrural and urban areas in the post-reform period, and therate of increase was much higher for urban as comparedto rural areas. This is true for both A.P. and all-India.
The adverse impact of the increase in inequality isreflected in the decomposition exercise undertaken forthe post-reform period. We examined the poverty scenario
by decomposing changes in levels of poverty due to growthand distribution11 . It is seen that growth was an importantfactor contributing to the reduction in poverty in the postreform period. However, adverse distribution (higher Gini
coefficient) seems to have halted the reduction in poverty.
If distribution had remained unchanged, the poverty ratio
would have fallen by an additional one percentage point
in rural areas and 5.46 percentage points in urban areasin A.P. in the post-reform period (Table 4.7).
Table 4.7: Gini Ratio of Consumption Expenditure
Year
1
1983
1993-94
2004-05

Andhra Pradesh
Rural
Urban
2
3

All - India
Rural
Urban
4
5

29.66
28.93
29.40

30.79
28.55
30.45

33.25
32.31
37.43

34.06
34.31
37.51

Source : Dev and Ravi (2007)

The literature on determinants of poverty shows thatfactors like agricultural growth represented by per capita
agricultural GDP, land and labour productivities, land
distribution, non-agricultural GDP growth, relative foodprices, inflation rate, food stocks, fiscal deficit, development
expenditure, rural non-farm employment, infrastructure,human development, gender equity, decentralization etc.
explained the temporal and spatial variations in rural and11

See Ravi and Dev (2007) for methodology.

42

urban poverty12 . Almost all the urban population andmore than 50 percent of rural population are net purchasersof food. The increase in terms of trade may not help toincrease agricultural growth. Increase in agricultural prices
would increase wages only after a time lag. There is aneed to protect the poor from an increase in the relative
price of food during the reform period.
Some policies in the post-reform period have hadan adverse impact on poverty reduction. Several policies
such as measures to improve agricultural growth, macro
pro-poor policies, development of the industrial sector
and the rural non-farm sector, planned urban growth,rise in the effectiveness of anti-poverty programmes,
reduction in personal, social and regional disparities,
acceleration in human development and physicalinfrastructure, gender development, decentralization andimprovement in governance are needed for reduction inboth rural and urban poverty and decline in inequality.
Inclusive growth also requires appropriate policies toimprove the conditions of socially disadvantaged sections
like Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
4.3.2 Inflation
Inflation is one of the important factors that adversely
affect the poor. The average annual inflation rate in rural
areas was around 8.0 per cent during 1983-94 and 8.3
per cent during period 1993-00. But, it drastically declined
to 2.2 per cent between 2000 and 2005. Similar trends
can be seen for urban areas. The faster decline in poverty
during 1999-2005 in A.P. as well all-India could be due
to low inflation and relatively low food prices.
The purchasing power of individuals, even with risingincomes, is constrained by inflation. The consumer priceindex for agricultural labour (CPIAL) and Industrial Workers(CPIIW) reveals the burden of inflation13 in rural and urban
areas, particularly on the poor. Both general and foodindices (CPIAL) for Andhra Pradesh were lower than the
all-India average throughout the period and the index
12

See Tendulkar et al (1996), Sen (1996), Ravallion (1998). Also see Radhakrishna

and Ray (2005) for policies needed for poverty alleviation.
13

Inflation at the macro level can be captured with implicit deflators from
National Accounts Statistics. The implicit deflator, however, does not reveal
the rate of inflation for consumers.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

1

AP
General
2

Food
3

India
General4

1971/80
1981/90
1991/01
2001/06

7.6
6.8
9.5
3.4

8.0
6.6
9.8
3.4

8.5
7.3
9.3
3.5

Period

Note

Food
5
8.5
7.3
9.3
3.5

: 1. CPIAL – Consumer Price Index for Agricultural
Labourers; 2. in 1960-61 Prices

Source : Computed using RBI data

The rate of growth of the general price index forAndhra Pradesh declined from about 7.6 per cent in the
1970s to 6.8 percent in the 1980s (Table 4.8). The pricerise during the 1970s could be due to the impact of external
shocks like the oil crisis on prices of consumer goods
and the decline in inflation in the following decade was
the result of better efforts at crisis management and thelower growth of prices in food items. Specific to Andhra
Pradesh, the supply of rice at Rs. 2 per kg introduced in1983 seems to have had a significant impact as the growthof the price index for food items is a little lower than thegeneral index for the state and for all-India. The 1990s
witnessed the highest rate of growth ever recorded in
CPIAL, especially for food items. Subsequently, during
2001-06, a steep decline was observed. The growth rateof the general index for Andhra Pradesh was lower than
the all-India average in all the decades.

4.4 Fiscal Performance
The fiscal situation of central and several state
governments in India has deteriorated, especially since
fiscal reforms were initiated in 1991. Andhra Pradesh is
not an exception to this. The RBI Report on Currency
and Finance 2000/01 has cautioned about the deteriorating
performance. It says “the low and declining buoyancies
in both the tax and non-tax receipts, constraints on internal
resource mobilization due to losses incurred by state PSUs,
electricity boards and decelerating resource transfers fromthe Centre have resulted in the rising fiscal deficits ofState Governments, with an accompanying surge in the

The Economy of A.P

4.4.1 Revenues of the State Government
In the mid-1980s, the state’s (A.P.) own tax revenue
as a per cent of GSDP was more than 9 per cent. Thisdeclined to about 5.2 per cent in 1995-96. Due to fiscal
reforms, the ratio increased to 7 to 8 per cent during theperiod 1997-98 to 2004-05. In the last two years, there
seems to be a turnaround in the ratio of own tax revenue
to GSDP. It was 8.9 and 10.1 per cent of GSDPrespectively
in the years 2006-07 and 2007-08 (RE). The state’s own
revenue (tax and non-tax) has increased from about 9
per cent in the 1990s to about 11.3 and 12.3 per cent of
GSDP in the last two years. Similarly, the total revenue(own revenue and central transfers) which was 12 to 14
per cent of GSDP during 1995-96 to 2004-05 increased
to 16.4 and 18.0 per cent of GSDP respectively in theyears 2006-07 and 2007-08 (RE). Thus, there has been a‘turnaround’ in the tax, non-tax and total revenues ofA.P. in the last two years. There are several reasons forthis improvement. Tax revenues increased because of theintroduction of VAT and better tax collection led by higher
economic growth. Further, central transfers to the state
government have also increased in recent years.
4.4.2 Public Debt and Fiscal Deficit
Both these problems increased significantly for Andhra
Pradesh as in other states in the latter half of the 1990s.
In the 1990s, A.P. was ranked sixth on public debt as a

Figure 4.6: Revenue and Capital Expenditures as
Percentage of Revenue Receipts of AP
180.0
160.

Rev.Expr

Rev & Cap.Expr.

140.0
120.0
100.0
80.0
60.0
1956-57
1958-59
1960-61
1962-63
1964-65
1966-67
1968-69
1970-71
1972-73
1974-75
1976-77
1978-79
1980-81
1982-83
1984-85
1986-87
1988-89
1990-91
1992-93
1994-95
1996-97
1998-99
2000-01
2002-03
2004-05

Table 4.8 : Growth of CPIAL

outstanding stock of debt” (p.34). Most states had highlevels of fiscal deficits, interest payments and a high ratioof public debt to GDP (Dev and Ravi, 2003). However,there seems to have been a turnaround in fiscal management
in recent years.

Percent

for food in Andhra Pradesh was higher than its generalindex.

43

Andhra Pradesh was once characterized as a stateof surplus budgets in India. During the 1960s and 1970s
the state used to mobilize about 60 to 70 percent of its
revenue from its own resources (both tax and non-tax)
and the remainder used to come from the shared taxes
and grants of the central government. The total revenue
that the state could mobilize used to meet all its revenue
expenditure and sometimes even exceeded it, which resulted
in a surplus budget. The revenue surpluses were spent
14
GOAP (2008) Socio-Economic Survey 2007-08, Planning Department,
Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad.

44

The sound fiscal situation on revenue accountcontinued till 1982-83. Thereafter, during the 1980s and1990s, especially since the inception of economic reforms
followed by fiscal consolidation, the state began to haverevenue deficits. Capital receipts mobilized throughborrowing, meant for developmental activities, were used
Figure 4.7: Tax Revenue, Fiscal Deficit (FD) and Public Debt as apercentage of GSDP in AP
35.0
30.0

Debt

Tax

FD

25.0
20.0
15.0
10.0
5.0
0.0
1980-81
1981-82
1982-83
1983-84
1984-85
1985-86
1986-87
1987-88
1988-89
1989-90
1990-91
1991-92
1992-93
1993-94
1994-95
1995-96
1996-97
1997-98
1998-99
1999-2000
2000-01
2001-02
2002-03
2003-04
2004-05
2005-06
2006-07

As compared to the past fiscal performance by A.P.,
there has been a significant deterioration in the 1990s.
The gap between the revenue receipts and total expenditureof the state has been increasing. A.P. was, in fact, one ofthe pioneering states to initiate fiscal reforms earnestly,along with the reforms package, during 1995-96. Before
the reforms were introduced the financial position of thestate was under stress. The fiscal deficit had led to higher
debt financing, which resulted in the burden of interest
payments which amounted to about 15 per cent ofgovernment revenue. Several initiatives were undertaken
as part of the reform package. The earlier policy ofprohibition on liquor was reviewed to safeguard excise
revenue and the rice subsidy scheme and power tariffs,
which put a tremendous stress on the state’s fiscal position,
were moderated. This good beginning, although inadequate,
appears to have been reversed. The reforms process slowed
down after a few years and the state was once again underfinancial stress. A rise in all three deficits - revenue, fiscal,and primary - and the stock of outstanding debt touching
the level of about 30 per cent of the GSDP indicates thesituation of deterioration (Sarma, 2003). But the situation
has improved in the recent past.

on developmental activities through capital expenditure
particularly on irrigation and power projects.

Percentage

percentage of SDP, fifth for fiscal deficit as percentage of
SDP and seventh in interest burden, so that only five tosix states had performed better than A.P. in terms of themain fiscal indicators. The latest data from RBI for 29
states shows that the rank of A.P. in debt-GDP ratio waseighth. In other words, 21 states in India have a higher
debt-GDP ratio than Andhra Pradesh. The debt-GSDP ratio
for AP was 22.5 per cent in 1999-2000, it increased to
31.90 per cent (highest ever for the state) in 2004-05
and thereafter it declined to 26.91 per cent in 2007-0814 .

to fill the gap in the revenue account. All the revenue
receipts of the state could meet about 80 to 90 per centof the total expenditure during 1980s and 1990s. The
increase in the revenue account gap could be attributed
to the decline in revenue receipts due to a reduction inexcise tax collection owing to prohibition and a decline
in land (tax) revenue. On the other hand, there was agreat increase in expenditure owing to populist welfare
policies of the government and the burden of increased
wages and salaries over the years. In particular, theexpenditure on distribution of rice at Rs. 2 per kilo throughthe public distribution system (PDS) and subsidies on
irrigation and electricity increased the burden on the state
government.
The increasing revenue deficit compelled the state
to divert resources meant for capital expenditure andresources mobilized through borrowings to cover the deficit.
The borrowings of the state were spent to fill the revenue
deficit and to repay loans. A massive burden of interest
payments in turn accentuated the revenue deficit. About
20 per cent of the public debt raised was spent on repaymentof loans during the early 1990s. This increased to 60
percent in the late 1990s and rose further to 70 per centin the last few years. As a result, the productivity ofAndhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

The recent improvement in the fiscal scenario of AP
and the other states in India, is joint effort of both thecentral and state government(s)16 .

4.5 Social Sector ExpenditureSocial sector expenditures directly influence humandevelopment. Since its formation, different governmentsin the state claimed that poverty eradication/alleviationand social development generally were their main challenges
and that they were fully committed to address these issues.
The prime objective of most policies is to help the poor
and improve the social sector. Analysing government
budgets is a useful starting point for understanding thegenuineness of the claims of the government.17 In Andhra
Pradesh, total public expenditure as a percentage of GSDP
seems to have increased in the 1980s while there was
no increase in the 1990s, and the share was in fact lower

Social sector expenditure as a per cent of GDP in A.P
ranged around 6 per cent during the last four years (200206). Similarly, social sector expenditure as a per cent of
total expenditure was around 35 per cent in A.P. during
the same period. In both these cases, A.P. is the medianstate in India. The expenditure on education and health
Figure 4.8: Trend in the Share of Social Services(incl. Rural Development) in the Total Budget Expenditure (Rev.
A/c) and Per Capita Expenditure in Total (PCTE) and in Social
Sector (PCSSE) in AP

percent by 2010. The recent fiscal performance of AP seems to be within theselimits.
16

On the receipts front, introduction of VAT and higher fiscal transfers
recommended by the Twelfth Finance Commission (TFC) are two importantfactors. When it comes to expenditure, enactment of FRBM Act and commitment
for fiscal correction process in reaching the set targets of revenue balance andfiscal deficit as prescribed under FRBM rule, Debt Swap Scheme, TFC’s Debt
Consolidation and Waiver Facility, New Pension Policy, and various measurestaken by RBI as the Government’s debt manager.

The Economy of A.P

60.0

2500

50.0

2000

40.0

1500
1000
500

30.0
PCTE
PCSSE
Share of SS

0

15

Fiscal targets set by FRBM Act were reduction of revenue deficit to nil by theyear 2009 and generate surplus thereafter; the fiscal deficit should not be morethan 3 per cent of GSDP; and the debt-GSDP ratio should not exceed 35

3000

20.0

Share (%)

The Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management
Act (FRBM) and the incentives by the Twelfth FinanceCommission have led to a reduction in revenue deficit
in many States. The revenue deficit which was around
2.5 per cent in 2000-01 declined to 1.2 per cent in 200405 and turned to surplus of 1.04 per cent in 2006-07. It
indicates that the state of AP achieved the FRBM Act targetof nil revenue deficit much in advance.
15

We examine here the trends in expenditure on thesocial18 sector, which includes rural development. Social
sector expenditure as a percentage of aggregate budget
expenditure explains whether the above-mentioned
challenges are really taken into account while expenditures
are budgeted or made. Social sector expenditures as a
per cent of GDP and total public expenditures were lower
in the 1990s as compared to the 1980s19 . As a percent
of aggregate expenditure, the state spent between 35 to
50 per cent on the social sector during 1980-81 to 200607.

10.0
0.0

1956-57
1958-59
1960-61
1962-63
1964-65
1966-67
1968-69
1970-71
1972-73
1974-75
1976-77
1978-79
1980-81
1982-83
1984-85
1986-87
1988-89
1990-91
1992-93
1994-95
1996-97
1998-99
2000-01
2002-03
2004-05
2006-07

There has been some improvement in the fiscal deficit,
particularly the revenue deficit of the state in recent years.
Fiscal deficit as a percent of GSDP declined from 5.21
per cent in 2000-01 to 4.04 percent in 2004-05. Only
five states (Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Orissa, Bihar andHaryana) had a lower fiscal deficit than A.P. in 2004-05.

during this decade. This could have been partly due tothe structural adjustment programme in the state. Since
2000-01, however, there was a sign of increase in thisratio.

Per Capita (Rs.)

government expenditure declined, which in turn kept thebase for raising resources at a low level.

Implementation processes are also absolutely crucial. Since government
agents are usually very important in implementation, the commitment of thegovernment can also be studied in the implementation processes. The present
chapter focuses, however, only on budgets and expenditures.

17

18

Social sector expenditure is defined as the total expenditure on ‘Social
Services’ and ‘Rural Development’ as given in Central and State budgets.

A.P. spent around 6 to 11 per cent of its GSDP on the social sector in the lasttwo decades. In 1980-81, the share in GSDP was 7.5 per cent and increased to
11 per cent in 1986-87; thereafter it started declining.
19

45

has been lower in Andhra Pradesh as compared to the
all-state average. For example, the expenditure on education
hovered between 10 to 13 per cent in A.P as comparedto the all-state average of 12 to 17 per cent during 200007. Similarly, the expenditures are lower in A.P. than the
average for all states in the last two years (Dev, 2007).

(1) A.P. has also moved into a higher path of growth,similar to all-India, during the last two and a half decades.
GSDP growth in the 1980s at 5% p.a. was nearly the sameas the GDP growth rate for the country. But whereas
there was a clear step-up in the 1990s in the growth rateof GDP for the country to a little over 6 per cent, there
was no significant improvement in the growth rate of
GSDP in A.P. However, there has been a turnaround in
GSDP growth in A.P. in the last five years. The averageannual growth rate was 7.5 per cent during 2001-08 and
8.7 per cent during 2004-08. Per capita GSDP growth
was around 6 to 7 per cent per annum during this period.

It may however, be noted that the impact on outcomesin the social sector depends on the level of expenditures
as well as on the effective and efficient utilization of these
expenditures.
Per capita real expenditure on the social sector has
increased over time except during the first half of theTable 4.9: Per capita Expenditure (93-94 prices) on Social Sector in Southern States
Total Social Services
State

1990-1

1995-6

1

2

3

4

AP

440

547

Karnataka469

KeralaTamilnadu

Rural Development

2000-1 2004-5

Total Social Sector

1990-1 1995-6 2000-1 2004-5 1990-1 1995-6

2000-1 2004-5

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

705

754

97

67

111

121

537

614

816

874

563

781

777

76

56

56

66

545

619

836

843

612

643

858

968

59

53

162

209

671

696

1020

1177

617

637

867

994

79

46

88

79

696

682

955

1072

Note : The data given in RBI Bulletins is deflated by taking WPI at 93-94 base year and using interpolated Census data of 1991 and 2001.
Source : RBI Bulletins

1990s. It increased from Rs. 318 in 1980-81 to Rs.528
in 1989-90 and was stagnant in the first half of the 1990s.
Thereafter per capita expenditure again began to increase
and crossed Rs. 1000 in 2006-07. The average for the
1980s and 90s respectively was Rs.447.4 and Rs.624.7.
This increase in per capita terms may be partially attributed
to the lower growth rate of population during 1991-2001.
In comparison to the other southern states, theexpenditure on social services as a percentage of GSDP
was lower for Andhra Pradesh in the 90s but the expenditure
on rural development was higher in the state. The same
situation prevails with respect to per capita expenditureon social services and rural development (Table 4.9).

Thus, A.P. has done relatively well in terms of economic
growth in recent years.
(2) Regional disparities across the state in economic
growth are significant although there are signs ofimprovement. The trends in the growth of district domestic
product during 1993-94 to 2004-05 shows that 7 districtsof Telangana (Ranga Reddy, Nizamabad, Khammam,
Hyderabad, Mahabubnagar, Warangal and Medak) and4.6 Conclusions
This chapter has examined the macro economic scene
in terms of economic growth, infrastructure, poverty andfiscal management. The conclusions of the chapter are
the following.

46

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

2 districts of North Coastal (Visakhapatnam and Srikakulam)have recorded higher growth rates than the state average.
One can say that higher growth in Telangana could be
due to a lower base. However, if we study trends in thegrowth of per capita income, out of the 9 districts which
had higher growth rates than the state average, only four
districts (Mahabubnagar, Nizamabad, Warangal and
Srikakulam) had a low base. It should be noted that thequality of growth is also important. Some of the Telangana
districts may be showing higher growth rates but we are
not sure about the quality of growth.
(3) One of the reasons for the lower GSDP growth in
A.P. than all-India in the 1990s was due to lower levels
of infrastructure in A.P. The index of social and economic
infrastructure for Andhra Pradesh was slightly below the
All-India average in 1995, and was a little above the averagein 2000. It is true that there has been an improvement in
the infrastructure of the state over time. However, in orderto sustain the recent higher levels of growth in GSDP it isnecessary to improve infrastructure in the state. The index
of infrastructure at the district level shows that the majorityof districts which are below the state average fall in
Telanagana, Rayalaseema and North Coastal Andhra.
(4) The official poverty ratios, based on the Lakdawala
Committee methodology show very low levels of rural
poverty (11 per cent) and high levels of urban poverty(28 per cent) for A.P. as compared to all-India (28 and 26
per cent respectively) in 2004-05. Thus the official estimateof poverty ratio for urban areas in A.P. is more than double
the rural level. This is quite contrary to what one would
expect on the basis of the rural-urban differences in percapita income and wages. However, alternative estimates
based on Angus Deaton’s methodology show that thepoverty ratios in A.P. were closer to the all-India patterni.e., 21 per cent for rural areas and 8 per cent for urban
areas. However, in both official and alternative estimates,
the rate of reduction was faster in the second period (19992005) as compared to the first period (1993-94 to 199900). Inequality in consumption represented by the Gini
coefficient seems to have increased significantly for bothrural and urban areas in the post-reform period – therate of increase being much higher for urban as comparedto rural areas. If distribution had remained the same, poverty

The Economy of A.P

would have been reduced by an additional one percentage
point in rural areas and 5.46 percentage points in urban
areas in A.P. in the post-reform period. The faster decline
in poverty during 1999-2005 in A.P. could be due to low
inflation and relatively lower food prices.
(5) Fiscal performance shows that the fiscal reforms
initially improved revenue generation. But, later the fiscal
situation deteriorated in A.P. as in other states in the postreform period. State’s own tax revenues, which had fallen
to around 5 per cent of GSDP in 1995-96, rose steadily
to about 8 per cent in 2000-01 – nearly the level obtaining
in the early nineties. In general, the fiscal deficit and debt/
GDP ratios increased in several states in the post-reformperiod. The fiscal performance of A.P. compares favourablywith other states. There seems to have been a turnaroundin the total revenue of the state in recent years. It increased
from 12 to 14 per cent of GSDP in the late 1990s to 16.4
and 18.0 per cent in 2006-07 and 2007-08 (RE) respectively.
The debt-GDP ratio increased from 24 per cent in late
1990s to 37 percent in 2005-06. In spite of this increase,
the rank of A.P. in debt-GDP ratio was only eighth (inascending order) among 29 states. In other words, 21
states in India have higher debt-GDP ratio than Andhra
Pradesh. There has been a slight improvement in fiscal
deficit and in revenue deficit which turned into surplus
in the state in recent years.
(6) Social sector expenditure as a percent of GSDP
in A.P was around 6 per cent and was around 35 per centin total expenditure in A.P. during the last four years (200206). In both these cases, A.P. is the median state in India.
Expenditure on education and health has been lower inAndhra Pradesh as compared to the all-state average.
To conclude, there seems to have been some‘turnaround’ in economic growth of A.P. in recent years.
Similarly, fiscal performance in terms of revenue generation
and reduction in fiscal deficit, particularly revenue deficit,
has improved significantly in the last few years. However,the focus should be on inclusive growth as there is still a
considerable degree of poverty, lower human development
and significant regional disparities in A.P. The state needs
to improve its physical infrastructure for sustaining growthand increase in quantity and quality of social sector
expenditures.

47

Andhra Pradesh
Cultivators - 2001

Andhra Pradesh
Agricultural Labourers - 2001

Percent Cultivators tototal Population

0

50

100

Percent Agricultural Labourers tototal Workers

>35

>50

30-35

40-50

20-30

30-40

<20

<30

150 Kms0

Andhra Pradesh
Other Workers - 2001

50

100

150 Kms

Andhra Pradesh
Total Workers - 2001

Percent Workers tototal Population

Percent Other Workers tototal Workers
>40

>45

30-40

40-45

20-30

30-40

<20
0

48

50

100

150 Kms

<30
0

50

100

150 Kms

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Structure of Employment and Changes in Rural Livelihoods

CHAPTER V

5

Employment and Livelihoods

he objective of economic development
is to provide people with basic necessities,
and opportunities for meaningful employment.
Expanding productive employment is central for sustained
poverty reduction and for improvement in humandevelopment, as labour is the main asset for the majorityof the poor. Labour absorption, in fact, depends more on
the pattern of growth, on whether it is labour intensive
or capital intensive. In India as well as in Andhra Pradesh,in spite of the improvement in the growth (GDP) of theeconomy, the absolute number of unemployed and underemployed has increased and the quality of employment
has not improved. These factors have definitely had abearing on human development in the state. In this context
this chapter presents the situation in Andhra Pradesh withrespect to employment and livelihoods.

T

The work participation rate in thestate is one of the highest in India.
Low labor productivity and slow
shifts/diversification livelihoods
are tow major challenges the state
has to tackle. What is needed is the
skill development and expansion of
non-farm employment opportunities.

5.1 Employment Situation in AP
There are four major issues related to employment.
First is the work participation rate and rate of growth in
employment. The second is the quality of employment
in terms of real wages. The third, related to the second,is diversification in terms of the structure of employment.
Last, an outline of policies are needed for improving quantityand quality of employment. Labour market reform is also
an important issue for policy.
The recent NSS 61st round (2004-05) quinquennial
survey on employment and unemployment estimated thataround half the population in Andhra Pradesh is reportedly
working. In other words, out of an estimated populationof 80 million, 40 million are in the workforce. The work

Employment and Livelihoods

49

participation rate (WPR) was high in rural areas at 54.4
per cent and in urban areas it was 39.2 per cent (seeTable 5.1). The WPR in Andhra Pradesh is much higher
than the all-India average. Moreover, the female work
participation rate (41 per cent) in the state is the highest
among the major Indian states. There was a slight increasein the WPR over the years in Andhra Pradesh, especiallyin urban areas.
One of the paradoxes of the Indian development
experience relates to the slow pace of structural transformationin the economy. Although the share of agriculture in GSDP
has been falling, the decline in the share of employment
has been slow. However, structural transformation has
happened in four states viz., Kerala, Tamil Nadu, West
Bengal and Punjab – as the share of agriculture in
employment is now less than 50 per cent in these states.
But in the case of Andhra Pradesh it is still high at 58.5
per cent with a rank of 8 among the major Indian states.
As a matter of fact, the share of agriculture in employment
and GSDP is slightly higher than the all-India figure. In
the total workforce, the share of the non-agricultural sectorin overall (rural and urban combined) employment has
Figure 5.1: Percentage Distribution of Workforce Between
Agriculture and Non-Agricultural
100%
80%
60%
40%
20%
0%

Non - Agrl
Agrl

AP
India
1993-94AP
India
2004-05

Source : NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey

50Andhra Pradesh

Year
1
1983
1993-94
2004-05

All-India

Rural

Urban Total

Rural

Urban

Total

2
53.5
54.2
54.4

3
34.8
37.5
39.2

5
44.5
44.4
43.9

6
34.0
34.7
36.5

7
42.0
42.0
42.0

4
47.2
52.0
50.2

Note: 1. Figures presented are percentages; 2. Principal and Subsidiary Status.
Source: NSS Employment and Unemployment Surveys.

period to 0.95 percent in the post-reform period, both inrural and urban areas. In the post-reform period, growthin employment in urban areas was almost double therate in rural areas. It is a matter of concern that Andhra
Pradesh recorded the lowest growth in employment (0.95
per cent) among all the states in the country in the postreform period (1993-2005). During this period employment
growth in all-India was almost twice the rate in A.P. Six
states recorded employment growth of more than 2 percent per annum. In the early reform period (i.e. 1993-94
to 1999-2000) the growth of employment in AP was its
lowest ever (0.29 per cent); thereafter, especially during
1999-2000 to 2004-05, it increased to 1.76 per cent but
it was lower than in the pre-reform period. Moreover
the employment elasticity which indicates the
responsiveness of employment growth to growth in GSDP
is lower during the post-reform period when comparedto the pre-reform period and it has been lower than the
all-India average. This situation has implications on theemployment generating capacity of the increasing rateof GSDP growth in Andhra Pradesh.

Table 5.2: Growth and Elasticity of Employment in Andhra Pradesh and in India

increased from 32.9 percent in 199394 to 41.5 percent in 2004-05 (seeFigure 5.1).
The long term total (rural andurban combined) employment growthin A.P. was around 1.75 percent per
annum from 1983 to 2004-05 (Table
5.2). This can be further sub-divided
into the pre-reform (1983-1994) andpost -reform (1993-2005) periods. The
growth of employment in A.P. declined
from 2.59 percent in the pre-reform

Table 5.1: Work Participation Rate

Growth Period

1
2
3
4
5

Andhra Pradesh
Rural Urban All

12
1983 to 2004-05
1.50
1983 to 1993-94
2.32
1993-94 to 2004-05
0.72
1993-94 to 1999-2000 0.29
1999-2000 to 2004-05 1.24

3
2.81
3.82
1.87
0.27
3.82

4
1.75
2.59
0.95
0.29
1.76

India

EE

Rural Urban All

EE

5
0.305
0.437
0.166
0.056
0.289

6
1.73
2.03
1.44
0.62
2.43

9
0.361
0.431
0.314
0.159
0.495

7
3.07
3.03
3.11
2.28
4.12

8
2.04
2.25
1.84
1.02
2.83

Note: 1. Usual Status -Principal and Subsidiary Status;
2. Growth is CAGR and presented in percent;
3. EE – Employment Elasticity.
Source : Computed based various rounds of NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey data.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table 5.3 : Sectoral Distribution of Workers and Growth of
Employment in each Sector in Andhra Pradesh
Sector1
Agriculture
Non-Agriculture
Mining and Quarrying
Manufacturing
Electricity
Construction
Trade, Hotel & Restaurant
Transport, Storage & Commn.
Financial and Business Services
Public Admn. Community Ser.
All

Distribution (%)

1993-94 2004-05

Growth

2
67.1
32.9
0.9
9.2
0.3
2.9
7.5
2.5
0.7
8.9

3
58.5
41.5
1.2
10.9
0.1
4.5
10.5
4.4
1.4
8.4

4
-0.29
3.10
3.62
2.50
-6.85
5.06
4.11
6.39
7.20
0.44

100

100

0.95

Note: 1. Rural and Urban; 2. Principal and Subsidiary; 3. Growth is for
emplyment (i.e. number of workers) and is Compound Annual (CAGR).
Source: Computed based on NSS data.

The growth of employment for different sectors inboth rural and urban areas shows that there was no growthin employment in agriculture in the post-reform period.

As a matter of fact Andhra Pradesh was the only major
Indian state that experienced such a situation. On theother hand, employment in non-agriculture grew morethan 3 per cent during the same period. The manufacturingsector recorded a growth of around 2.5 per cent. Sectors
like construction, finance and transport and communication
registered a high growth of more than 5 per cent per
annum (see Table 5.3).

Box 5.1: Employment in IT Sector
In India, information technology (IT) is seen as a shortcut to rapid economic growth and development. India’s aspiration to be an“IT superpower” and a “knowledge-based society” is now well recognized. Since the mid 1990s IT, a component of the service sector,
has shown remarkable growth in terms of its value added. Andhra Pradesh is one of the few states which are the major contributors to
the growth of the IT sector in India. Andhra Pradesh ranks fourth in software exports from India, next to Karnataka, Maharashtra andTamil Nadu. Hyderabad is one of the major destinations for IT companies. The fast growth of the IT sector is in fact generating
employment opportunities for educated and skilled labour in India and abroad.
Employment in the IT sector has been growing at a rapid pace since 1996-97. According to the information available at Software
Technology Park Hyderabad (STPIH), the IT sector in Andhra Pradesh employed 4500 workers in 1996-97. This reached a figure of
187,450 in 2006-07. A real breakthrough was achieved in 2004-05 when more than 40,000 new jobs were added in this sector. It isobserved that in recent times, information technology enabled services (ITES) became an important component in the growth of the IT
sector in India. It is possible that most of the employment creation has been in ITES in the recent years, but we do not have a break-up
of employment figures for IT and ITES sectors.
As per the NSS 61st (2004-05) round on Employment and Unemployment1 , the IT sectors employ around 0.21 per cent of the total
workforce in Andhra Pradesh whereas the all-India average is 0.17 percent. Among the states, the workforce employed in IT is thehighest in Delhi (1.76), followed by Tamil Nadu (0.47), Karnataka (0.43), Maharashtra (0.37) and West Bengal (0.24). While Andhra
Pradesh contributes 10 per cent of the total workforce in IT sector in India, Maharashtra contributes the highest (21 per cent) followed
by Tamil Nadu (17 per cent), Karnataka (14 per cent) and Delhi (10.8 per cent).
There are expectations that the growth of the IT sector may solve the employment problem in India as well as in Andhra Pradesh.
But its contribution to total employment is quite miniscule. Moreover, information technology is by its very nature an urban activity andemployment opportunities in this sector are limited to the educated, especially those with technical qualifications and skills. Skilledworkers live in cities and telecommunication facilities, which are important for this sector, could be established much more easily in big
cities. It was only during the past few years that a conscious effort has been made to develop Tier-II cities. While extending IT to Tier-II
cities is very difficult, there is a possibility that ITES (with its lower skill levels) may spread to smaller urban centres.
The estimation is based on the unit record data of 61st round (2004-05) NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey. The IT workforce is identified fromthe National Industrial Classification 1998 (NIC-98).
1

Employment and Livelihoods

51Child Labour
One pressing issue that needs immediate attention
is that Andhra Pradesh has a high percentage of childlabour (in the 5-14 age group). Despite several initiatives
to eradicate child labour, the problem still persists, though
Andhra Pradesh has succeeded in reducing the incidenceof child labour from nearly 14.8 per cent in 1993-94 toaround 6.6 per cent in 2004-05 (see Table 5.3). A numberof programmes involving both the state machinery andcivil society were initiated in Andhra Pradesh especiallyto eradicate child labour. These were probably responsible
for the decline in child labour in the state. In spite ofthis, the incidence of child labour in Andhra Pradesh isdouble the all-India average and the state has one of thehighest rates in India.
Table 5.4: Child Labour–Percentage of Children (5-14)
involved in the Workforce
Location
1
Rural
Urban
Rural and Urban

1993-94
AP
India
2
3
17.6
7.2
6.8
3.1
14.8
6.3

2004-05
AP
India
4
5
7.8
3.6
3.1
2.3
6.6
3.3

persons unemployed for a relatively longer period2 andapproximates to an indicator of the chronically unemployed.
The ‘weekly status’3 includes both chronic and intermittent
unemployment of workers categorised as usually employed,caused by seasonal fluctuations in the labour market.
The ‘daily status’ concept gives an average picture ofunemployment on a day during the survey year. Unlike
US and CWS which refer to unemployed persons, CDS
refers to the person days unemployed4 .
The unemployment rate in India as well as in Andhra
Pradesh thus varies with the measure used and was foundto be highest according to current daily status (CDS). Thishigher rate of unemployment in CDS measure indicateshigh prevalence of seasonal unemployment (Table 5.5).
It is important to note that the unemployment rate is increasing
during the last decade or so period (i.e. between 199394 and 2004-05), in India as well as in Andhra Pradesh,in all the three measures (see Table 5.5). The growth ofunemployed persons (US) in Andhra Pradesh has increased

Note: 1. Figures presented are in percentage.
Source: NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey.

The work participation rate was relatively higher forrural children when compared to urban children. Within
the 5-14 age group the participation rate was higher forthe older children in the 10-14 age group. In this age
group about 14.6 per cent of children in rural areas and
5.8 per cent of children in urban areas were working in
2004-05. This was a remarkable improvement as compared
to a corresponding figure 31.2 per cent in 1993-94. In
absolute numbers child workers came down from around
2.5 million 1993-94 to 1 million in 2004-05.
Unemployment
The unemployment rate is measured in three ways
in India: based on usual status (US), current weekly status(CWS) and current daily status (CDS). The unemployment
rate based on usual status indicates the magnitude of the

52

2

The reference period is 365 days.

This gives an average picture of unemployment for 7 days during the survey
period. According to the current weekly status approach, a person wasconsidered as unemployed in a week if he/she did not work even for 1 hour
during the week but sought or was available for work for at least for 1 hour
during the week.
3

4
For measuring unemployment according to the current daily status approach,
7 person-days were assigned for a person for the 7 days preceding the date ofsurvey and activity for each of the person-days was considered. A person who
did not work even for 1 hour in a day was considered unemployed for the day
if he/ she sought or was available for work for 4 hours or more, and wasconsidered unemployed for half-day, if he/she sought or was available forwork only for 1 to 4 hours. The estimate of person days unemployed on a day
during the survey period is obtained by dividing the person-days unemployed
in a week by 7.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

during the same period although it isrelatively lower than the all-India average(Dev, 2007).
Rural-urban differences inunemployment rate are significant. The
unemployment rate is higher in urban
areas when compared to rural areas.
It is noteworthy that the urban
unemployed persons in Andhra Pradesh
contribute more than half of the total
unemployed persons (US) in the state.
However, the recent data (2004-05)
shows that the seasonal unemployment(CDS) is increasingly getting concentrated
in rural areas.

Table 5.5: Unemployment Rates in India and Andhra Pradesh
Activity Status

Andhra Pradesh
All-India
1993-94
2004-05
1993-94
2004-05
Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban

1
2
General
Usual Status
0.8
Current Weekly Status (CWS) 2.7
Current Daily Status (CDS)
7.5
Educated
Usual Status
7.4
Current Weekly Status (CWS) 7.7

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

3.7
5.1
8.6

1.3
3.8
10.9

4.0
5.2
7.9

1.8
3.0
5.6

5.2
4.5
7.4

2.5
3.9
8.2

5.3
6.0
8.3

9.5
9.7

7.0
9.2

7.8
10.4

10.3 8.9
9.3 9.8

8.5
8.5

8.2
8.3

Note: 1. Unemployment Rate is percentage of Unemployed Persons (willing to work but unable to findwork) to the total Labour force (all age groups); 2. For Educated Unemployment the age group consideredis 15 years and above; 3. Education levels considered are Secondary and Above.
Source: NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey, 50th (1993-94) and 61st (2004-05) Round.

Unemployment rate among educated adults are higher
in India as well as in Andhra Pradesh when compared to
the general unemployment rate (see Table 5.5). The
unemployment rate among educated adults, in Andhra
Pradesh, too follow a general unemployment pattern where
it is higher in urban areas when compared rural areas.
The unemployment (in both the US and CWS) among
educated adults declined between 1993-94 and 200405 in India but in Andhra Pradesh seasonal unemployment(CWS) among educated adults has increased in this period
both in rural and urban areas.

In Andhra Pradesh a large segment of the workforce
is informal / unorganized in nature. According to the National
Commission on Employment in Unorganised Sector (NCEUS,
2007), about 94 per cent of the workforce in the state isin the unorganized sector. Andhra Pradesh is one of thestates with the highest incidence of employment in the

Quality of Employment
There are concerns about the number and qualityof employment in Andhra Pradesh. Given the size of its
population and the high work participation rate, AP has
a huge workforce - around 40 million
Table 5.6: Percentage Distribution of Workers by Nature ofworkers in 2004-05. Apart from
Employment in Andhra Pradesh
numbers, the quality of employment
1993-94
2004-05
is a cause of concern. All those who Nature of Employment
Rural
Urban
All
Rural
Urban
are working may not be able to earn
1
2
3
4
5
6
reasonable level of income. Problems
Self-employed
47.2
40.1
45.9
47.9
44.5
such as low wage rate, seasonality, job
Regular Wage/Salaried
5.2
34.1
10.6
7.2
36.2
insecurity, illiteracy, occupational hazards
Casual Labour
47.2
25.3
43.1
44.9
19.3
etc. continue. Moreover, disguised
unemployment may still be prevalent Note: 1. Both Principal and Subsidiary Activity Status.
Source: NSS Employment and Unemployment Surveys.
in Andhra Pradesh5 as in India.
5

All
7
47.2
13.4
39.4

Since workers prefer not to be unemployed they engage in some activity despite the fact that the particular activity may not require additional workers.

Employment and Livelihoods

53

The situation seems to have improved between 199394 and 2004-05. There was a decline in the percentage
of casual labour in the total workforce and a corresponding
increase in the percentage of workers in the regular wage/
salaried category in this period, both in rural and urban
areas.

Wage (In Rs.)

Figure 5.2 : Average Daily Wage Rate (Rs.)
in 1993 - 94 Prices
60.00
50.00
40.00
30.00
20.00
10.00
0.00

AP

India

1993-94

2004-05

Though the average daily wage rates (both the actualand real) increased (Figure 5.2), the decline in the growthrate of real wages is a cause of concern. In five statesviz., Assam, Bihar, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh and Punjab
the growth of real wages are much higher than in Andhra
Pradesh (Dev, 2007). Real wages in Andhra Pradesh
increased in the 1980s, but the growth rate was low in
the 1990s for both men and women. The trend rate of
growth in real wages for males declined from 5.74 percent in the 1980s to 1.53 percent in the 1990s. Similarly
for women, the trend rate of growth in real wages declined
from 4.76 per cent in the 1980s to 1.94 percent in the
1990s. Growing rural wages in real terms was one of the
key determinants of poverty reduction in India in the 1980s.
The trend in Andhra Pradesh is therefore worrying.

54

There has been a lot of debate on the impact of labour
market reforms on employment. An analysis of macro
policies has shown that the mix of policies have not been
pro-employment in the post-reform period (Dev, 2006).
The Indian experience in the post-reform period showsthat Indian industry has been adjusting its workforce more
after liberalization. Fiscal, monetary, trade and financial
liberalization policies should have been more employment
friendly and pro-poor. Insufficient public investment ininfrastructure is one of the biggest failures in the postreform period. This is true for Andhra Pradesh. In thiscontext, it is difficult to eradicate poverty when 60 per
cent of the workers are in agriculture. The need to develop
the rural non-farm sector is evident. Agricultural growthof around 4 per cent and manufacturing growth of morethan 10 per cent are prerequisites for this. Another challenge
is to provide livelihood and security to the vast numberof workers with low productivity and low wages in theinformal/unorganized sector. To improve their productivity
and reduce risk and vulnerability, the cluster approach,training and skill improvement, credit and technology
and social security are needed. The problem of the ‘working
poor’ is the major problem in Andhra Pradesh.
Figure 5.3: Average Daily Wages for the Casual Workers (CL)Working in Public Works (PW), others than PW (NPW) andRegular Wage/Salaried Employes (RW/SE)
250
200

CL.(NPW)
CL (PW)
RW / SE

150
100
50
0

Ap
Assam
Bihar
Chhattisagrarh
GujaratHaryana
Himachal
Jammu
Jharkhand
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamilnadu
Uttaranchal
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
all - India

In the NSS employment and unemployment survey
for 2004-05, about 39.4 per cent of the workforce ischaracterized as casual labour in Andhra Pradesh (seeTable 5.6) and they are vulnerable to the uncertainties ofthe labour market. Also, the percentage of casual labour
is higher in rural areas than in urban areas. 13.4 per centof workers earn a regular wage or salary, and the remaining
47.2 percent are characterized as self-employed.

Moreover, the wage rate for casual workers - engaged
in public works and other than public works - in Andhra
Pradesh seems to be one of the lowest among the major
Indian states (see Figure 5.3).

Wage ( Rs.0.00)

unorganized/informal economy. Employees in these sectors
generally do not enjoy employment security (no protection
against arbitrary dismissal), work security (no protection
against accidents and illness at the work place) and social
security (maternity and health care benefits, pension, etc.).

Source : NSS 61st (2004-05) Employment and Unemployment Survey

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Regional (Inter-district) Variations
Within the state and across districts, work participation
rates range from the lowest of 29 per cent in Hyderabad
to the highest of 52.2 per cent in Vizianagaram according
to the 2001 Census. In most districts the work participation
rate is above 40 per cent. While the work participation
rate declined between 1991 and 2001 in three districtsof Coastal Andhra and three in Telangana (Srikakulam,
Visakhapatnam, Nellore, Rangareddy, Nizamabad, andKarimnagar), it increased in the other districts.
During 1991-2001 growth of employment was thehighest in Rangareddy (3.29 percent) followed byHyderabad (2.67 percent) and this high growth in
employment coincided with the high growth of populationin these districts. The lowest growth in employment wasin Srikakulam (0.63 percent), West Godavari (0.96 percent)and Vizianagaram (1.0 percent). There are regional
differences in the growth of employment also. Most of
the districts with high growth of employment were in
Telangana and districts with low rates of growth of
employment were in Coastal Andhra. However, little is
known about the quality of employment in Telangana
districts.
Agriculture is the main source of employment in all
the districts except in Hyderabad. If districts that experienced
fast growth of urbanization such as Rangareddy and
Visakhapatnam are excluded, in all the other districts theshare of agriculture in the total workforce was 60 per
cent or more. In districts like Mahabubnagar andKhammam, around three-fourths of the workforce isdependent on agriculture.
When the growth of employment in general iscompared to the growth of employment in agriculture, it
was lower in agriculture in all the districts (except
Hyderabad). The growth of employment in agriculture
was negative in four districts during 1991-2001 and threeof them (Srikakulam, Visakhapatnam and Nellore) werein Coastal Andhra and the fourth, Karimnagar, in Telangana.
In all the other districts there was growth indicating that
there was an increase in the number of persons employedin agriculture. Low growth of employment in agriculture
was matched by high growth in non-agricultural

Employment and Livelihoods

employment in all districts, though the quality of
employment in non-agriculture was questionable.

5.2 Rural Livelihood Patterns
Since a majority of the population especially indeveloping countries such as India live in rural areas,
responding to the livelihood and other basic needs ofdeveloping rural communities is a major concern worldwide. The majority of the population depends uponactivities that utilize local natural resources. Increasing
population coupled with continuing degradation of thenatural resource base has further aggravated an alreadydismal situation. These degraded local resources would
otherwise have supported multiple activities which inturn would have created employment opportunities for
local people.
Rural livelihoods imply systems of how rural people
make a living and whether their livelihoods are secure
or vulnerable over time. As a matter of fact a livelihoodcomprises people, their capabilities, and their means ofliving including food, income and assets wherein the
livelihoods are the ways in which people satisfy theirneeds, or gain a living . Thus, a livelihood is a set of flows
of income, from hired employment, self-employment,
remittances or (usually in developing rural areas) from aseasonally and annually variable combination of all these.
A livelihood should be sufficient to avoid poverty, andpreferably, increase well-being for a typical worker anddependants. Livelihood security means ‘secure ownershipof, or access to, resources and income-generating activities,
including reserves and assets to offset risk, ease shocks
and meet contingencies’ . Food security is also one ofthe objectives of livelihood security.

55

In Andhra Pradesh, about three-fourths of the total
population is in the countryside. For the majority of therural population, land and agriculture used to be the main
source of livelihood. Most of those who possessed orowned cultivable land were engaged in cultivation andwould be characterised as self-employed in agriculture.
The majority of the landless, including those with marginaland smallholdings, engaged in agriculture related activities
were casual labourers. A small segment of the rural
population depended on non-agricultural activities(producing goods and services) and most of them were
under the jajmani system, in a system of inter-locked
customary patron-client relationships in rural society. Thus,
many of the traditional non-agricultural activities like
carpentry, weaving and other rural household industry
were closely associated with agriculture. A closed ruralmarket owing to lack of connectivity (infrastructure likeroads, transportation and other commutation facilities)
offered limited opportunities for locally produced goods
and services. Over the years, both the internal dynamics
and external forces including policy interventions havebrought in changes in the rural livelihood structure. It is
worthwhile to assess who have been the gainers and losers
in the process and the status of the chronic poor.
Public policies for improving rural livelihoods andthe well-being of the people progressed and gathered
momentum. Land reforms had been taken up to distributeland concentrated in the hands of a few people to thelandless. Though the process helped many landless poor,
the expected benefits did not materialise, as the policy
could not ensure the provision of other supplements
required to cultivate crops. Moreover, land reforms havebeen virtually dormant for many decades. Policies havebeen focusing on improvement in infrastructure likeirrigation and implementation of Green revolution
technology to improve the productivity of land and yieldand thereby increase crop output. However, the gains
were undermined by the negative impact on employment.
In the process of commercialisation and increasing land
values, land for grazing and under common use has beengetting reduced. The degradation of common property
resources would have had a negative impact on the
livelihood of many persons.

56

In accordance with development theory and structuraltransformation there have been continuous efforts to transfer
the surplus rural labour, especially labour concentrated
in agriculture into non-agricultural activities in rural areas
or in urban areas in addition to those activities whichwere traditional and hereditary in nature.
Rural industrialisation was planned but never gathered
momentum and traditional industries have been neglected.
The policy initiative of rural industrialisation and theeconomic incentives followed benefited small-scaleindustries which are in fact organised and modern innature. The crisis in activities like handloom weaving
and beedi making is the result of the lack of public support
to such traditional sources of livelihood.
But the changes brought through modernisation andcommercialisation of agriculture along with improved
connectivity through infrastructure have opened new avenues
and thereby increased the opportunities for non-agriculturalactivities, particularly modern ones. Most of the traditional
services are now commercialised and marketed. However,the process of diversification from agriculture to nonagriculture (modern) and from traditional non-agriculture
to modern activities has been slow in the state.
At present, according to the latest NSS 61st (200405) estimates, for about 61 and 39 per cent of the rural
households in Andhra Pradesh, agriculture and nonagriculture respectively were the main sources of livelihood6 .
Of those households which depend upon agriculture about
6

Agriculture includes crop cultivation and livestock in addition to theallied activities i.e. forestry, fishing, and logging.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

was 60 per cent for males and 48 percent for females. The total populationof the State for 2005 has been estimatedat 79.7 million and the rural population
at 57.8 million, an increase of about
two and half million from 2001. The
number of workers in rural areas would
be around 31.4 million. The work
participation rate in the rural sector of
the state is the highest among the Indianstates. Women workers constitute 43 per cent of the total
workforce in rural Andhra Pradesh. This high percentage
of females in the workforce is a special feature of Andhra
Pradesh and nowhere else in India is there such a highratio of working women.

Table 5.7: Distribution of Households by Livelihood Status in
Rural Andhra Pradesh and India
1993-94
2004-05
Nature of Activity
AP
India
AP
India
1
2
3
4
5
Self employed in Agriculture
25.1
35.9
32.4
42.4
Casual Labour in Agriculture
35.8
25.8
39.4
27.5
Self employed in Non-Agriculture
16.0
15.8
14.8
13.1
Casual Labour in Non-Agriculture
9.1
10.9
6.0
7.5
Other Labour
14.0
11.6
8.4
9.5
Note : Figures presented in percentages.
Source : NSS 61st Round.

25 per cent are self-employed and 36 per cent are casuallabourers (see Table 5.6). Among households in nonagriculture, 16 per cent were self-employed, while 9 percent were casual labourers. The situation in Andhra Pradesh
is slightly better when compared to all-India (where about
62 per cent of the households depend on agriculture).
Between 1993-94 and 2004-05 there has been an
improvement in terms of a decline in the percentage ofhouseholds depending on agriculture and a corresponding
increase in that of non-agriculture. The remaining 16 percent were in other activities.
Rural employment: Change in Structure

Rural diversification is important for reducing poverty.
There has been some improvement in the share of rural
non-agricultural employment in Andhra Pradesh from
1993-94 to 2004-05 when it increased from 21 to 28
percent (see Table 5.8). Moreover, the rate of growth of
employment in non-farm activities has been faster. The
negative growth of employment in agriculture indicatesthat there is an absolute decline in the number of workers
in agriculture and that all the growth in employment in
AP is generated in the non-agricultural sector. This is a

According to the 2001 Census the population ofAndhra Pradesh was around 76.2
million. Of these 55.4 million people
Table 5.8: Distribution and Growth of Workers by Industry Category in Rural
Andhra Pradesh(72.7 per cent) were living in rural areas
and the rest in urban areas. About 28.2
Distribution (%)
Growth (%)
Activity
million comprising 51 per cent of the
1993-94
2004-05 (1994-2005)
rural population were reported to be
1
2
3
4
5
workers (including 22 million main and
A Agriculture
79.3
71.8
-0.18
5.2 million marginal workers). Of theB
Non-Agriculture
20.7
28.2
3.59
1
MiningandQuarrying
0.7
1.2
5.78
total workers in rural areas about 21
2
Manufacturing
6.9
8.6
2.76
and 7 million were engaged respecively
3
Electricity
0.1
0.1
0.72
in agriculture and non-agriculture related
4Construction
1.7
3.3
6.98
activities.
The latest NSS quinquennial survey
on Employment and Unemployment,
the 61st (2004-05) round, estimates thework participation rate (WPR) in rural
areas at 54.4 per cent (both principal
and subsidiary status). Gender-wise WPR

Employment and Livelihoods

5
6
7
8

Trade, Hotel & Restaurant
Transport, Storage & Commn.
Financial and Business Services
Public Admn. Community Ser.
All

4.5
1.0
0.2
5.6
100

6.6
2.6
0.4
5.4
100

4.29
9.86
7.27
0.39
0.72

Note: 1. Usual Principal and Subsidiary Activity Status; 2. Growth is for employment (i.e.
number of workers) and is Compound Annual (CAGR).
Source: NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey

57

new phenomenon for Andhra Pradesh. The change interms of increase in the share of non-agriculture has takenplace mostly during the last five years i.e. between 19992000 and 2004-05.
Within the non-farm sector the sub-sectors in which
there has been a remarkable growth in employment during
1993-94 and 2004-05 in Andhra Pradesh are transportand storage (9.86 per cent) followed by banking, financeand real estate activities (7.27 per cent), construction (6.98
per cent) and wholesale trade and other activities (5.78
percent).
However, 72 percent of the workers in rural areas
continue to depend on agriculture for livelihood. Given
this fact, an almost stagnant agrarian economy in which
the growth of agricultural output or its value added has
remained unchanged and a dynamic and a growing nonagricultural economy (value added) would widen economic
inequalities between those engaged in agriculture andnon-agriculture.
Regional Variations
There are regional variations across the state in WPR
and the share of agriculture, and the growth rate of
employment in general and in agriculture. The WPR ishigh in rural Andhra Pradesh. The lowest WPR was 42
per cent in East Godavari and the highest was 56 percent in Vizianagaram district in 2001. In most districts
WPR is around 50 per cent. The WPR had increased slightly
during 1991-2001 in many districts. But eight districts
experienced a slight decline in WPR (Srikakulam,
Visakhapatnam, Krishna, Nellore, Rangareddy, Nizamabad,
Karimnagar and Warangal).
The highest growth of employment in rural areas,of more than two percent was in Kurnool (2.52 per cent)and Khammam (2.02 per cent). And the lowest was in
the two north coastal districts of Srikakulam (0.71 percent) and Vizianagaram (0.85 per cent). A decline in theshare of agriculture in the total workforce in the state is
noticed across districts also.
The diversification index indicates that though there
were disparities in the diversification levels across districts,
in almost all districts workers were concentrated inagriculture. In order to shift people from agriculture this58

has to be reversed and employment should be concentrated
in non-farm activities. The process of diversification, however,has been taking place in the districts and an improvement
can be observed between 1991 and 2001 in all the districts
except Srikakulam, East Godavari and West Godavari. A
detailed analysis of the diversification index indicates that
wherever the share of household industry in the total
workforce is high the value of diversification index isalso high. Across districts, diversification is relatively higher
in Telangana districts particularly in Nizamabad and
Karimnagar where a sizeable proportion of workers, especiallywomen are engaged in household industry, particularly
beedi-making and handloom weaving.

5.3 Livelihood Initiatives: Policy Intervention
There are several government schemes for uplifting
the poor. All the Poverty Alleviation Programmes (PAP)
which were part of the micro initiatives may be grouped
under five categories: a. Income enhancement programmes;
b. Wage employment programmes; c. Programmes which
provide basic minimum services - housing, sanitation,
health, and education; d. Income maintenance programmes
viz., pension schemes, maternity benefit scheme and survival
benefit scheme; and e. Natural resource management andlivelihoods. In recent times Andhra Pradesh became atesting ground for implementing many of these programmes.
There are, in fact, two important models in the country
on poverty alleviation. One is the Kerala Model and theother is the Andhra Pradesh model. The Kudumbashree
programme in Kerala has made significant progress in
reducing absolute poverty among its members. Theinterventions and processes of this programme have resulted
in sustained empowerment of its women members (GOI,2006). Similarly, the government of Andhra Pradesh is
implementing a statewide rural poverty eradication
programme based on social mobilization and empowermentof rural poor women. Particularly during the last two andhalf decades the state government has adopted several
policy initiatives towards achieving livelihood security.
The Andhra Pradesh Rural Poverty Alleviation Programme(APRPRP) also known as Velugu but more recently as
Indira Kranti Pathakam is one of these programmes. This
programme aims at enhancing assets, capabilities andthe ability of the poor to deal with shocks and risks. The

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

programme has contributed to an improvement in women’s
empowerment at the household and community level.
The Andhra Pradesh Rural Livelihood Project (APRLP)
is a joint initiative with the Department for International
Development (DFID). The main objective of APRLP is towork with the on-going watershed programmes to improve
the livelihoods of people in rain-fed areas and to promote
the participation of women in land-based development
interventions and other livelihood initiatives. Two poverty
reduction projects in the state, the Andhra Pradesh Rural
Poverty Reduction Project (APRPRP) and District Poverty
Initiatives Project (DPIP), were designed to enable therural poor to improve their livelihoods and quality of life
and to reduce their vulnerability to shocks like illness, adeath in the family, crop failure, livestock disease etc.
The rationale for these programmes is the sustainable
livelihoods approach (SLR) to ensure poverty reduction.
In Andhra Pradesh, self-employment and wage
employment programmes are the most important direct
employment schemes. Despite problems and inefficiency
in terms of targeting and cost-effectiveness, these programs
have contributed significantly to reducing the severity ofpoverty and prevent an increase in poverty. The self-helpgroup movement in general, has been spreading all overthe country. For example, there are 29 lakh SHGs, under
NABARD’s SHG-bank linkage programme, at the all-Indialevel. Andhra Pradesh accounts for the bulk of the selfhelp groups in the country.
The National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme(NREGS) is an important scheme in wage employment
programmes. With a legislative act in 2005, the Governmentof India made it clear that the provision of employment
for the rural unemployed, especially the poor, was a legal
obligation. The Government of Andhra Pradesh initiatedthe scheme at the state level on 2 February 2006. Initiallythe scheme was limited to 13 districts in the state and atpresent it has spread to almost 19 districts. Initial reportson the working of NREGS in the state have been positive
although there have been problems at the ground level.
NREGS is relatively better implemented in A.P. because
the progress is monitored with IT, social audit, post-office
involvement etc. The success of the scheme in Andhra
Pradesh is now well recognized, especially by the Planning
Commission of India, and the state has become a model

Employment and Livelihoods

for implementing the NREGS. This indicates that if there
is political will, it is possible to implement NREGS effectively
with a new approach. The delivery systems in all the
direct programmes can be improved with the new approachof participatory development, social mobilization, rightto information, involvement of civil society and panchayati
raj institutions.

5.4 Impact of the Initiatives at the Grass roots
Level
Findings from a field study are presented here tohelp understand the dynamics of livelihoods and theirchange through governmental interventions. The study
covers sample households from the first round of alongitudinal study of child poverty in Andhra Pradesh,which is part of the Young Lives project. It focuses only
on diversification and examines the different diversification
strategies and the reliance of households on incomes fromdifferent sources. The observations are as follows.
Agriculture remains the main activity in rural Andhra
Pradesh, whereas in urban areas households are engaged
in a more diverse range of activities. There is also lessemphasis on agriculture in better developed rural regions
and districts, and among non-poor households. It wasobserved that ownership of irrigated land and non-farm
productive assets, access to credit (debt used as proxy),access to transfers and high male education status in developed
areas are probably the factors behind growth-led
diversification, and households choosing non-farm7 overoff-farm8 activities. In contrast, households involved in
off-farm activities were vulnerable to a greater numberof shocks, while those engaged in non-farm activities wereless susceptible to shocks. This indicates that there is nosafety net for natural disasters that affect community-wide
agriculture. Moreover, rather than reduce the risk ofvulnerability, such off-farm diversification may actually
increase vulnerability. The study also found an association
between poor households in backward areas and nonfarm diversification. Although this appears counter-intuitive,
it makes sense when placed within the context of thegovernment’s Employment Guarantee Scheme which aims
7

Non-Farm includes those activities other than agriculture.

8

Off-farm includes those activities other than crop production within
agriculture.

59

to provide minimum wage income-generating opportunities
to all citizens for 100 days per year. Non-farm activities
for the rural poor range from the lucrative to the poorly
paid, including public works programmes involving
construction and rural infrastructure development.
The landless poorest of the poor (ten per cent of thesample) are also more likely to be the most vulnerable.
Sixty five per cent of the landless poorest of the poor (inthe lowest decile) were not diversifying their activities,
which would suggest that households in this group, because
they have fewer options, are only working as casual labour(possibly on more than one farm). Fifty six per cent of
this group were asset poor, compared to just 17 per centamong non-poor households. There was significant
association only in poor households between having irrigatedland and involvement in off-farm and non-farm diversification
strategies. This was true irrespective of location in developedor backward areas. Increasing land size and proportionof land irrigated is associated with off-farm diversificationin both backward and developed areas. This indicates
that, especially for off-farm diversification and backward
areas, this is a form of distress mitigation where irrigationacts as a cushion. However, in developed areas where
households have less land, but where a greater proportionof that land is irrigated, non-farm diversification could
be growth-led.
For both off and non-farm diversification strategies,
it would appear that social networks that facilitate thesharing of farm equipment and labour as well as membershipin community groups are important assets for the poor,
especially in developed areas. Similarly, NGO assistance
was positively associated with non-farm diversification.
In backward areas, poor households were found to be
more involved in non-farm diversification when assisted
by NGOs. It can be inferred that living in a developed
region serves as a substitute for some assets, especiallyas market integration is generally stronger in developed
areas, and such assistance is therefore less important.
However, since NGOs, including those which support
self-help groups, seed development initiatives, skills training
and petty trade development tend to target the poorest of
the poor, they are more likely to provide assistance inbackward areas and help poor households compensate
for underdeveloped market mechanisms.

60

The findings on education levels are difficult to interpret;
especially where a low education level (for both females
and males) is associated with diversification. It is possiblethat diversification activities prevented a higher level of
education for all members of these households. However,
the association between high male education and nonfarm diversification in developed areas shows the positive
impact of education. Household labour supply emerged
as an important factor shaping livelihood diversification
strategies, especially among poor households. On the
one hand, a large body of literature suggests that ashouseholds see others with fewer children investing morein each child and moving into more lucrative occupations,they too seek to limit their family size. On the other hand,in the context of limited income generating opportunities,
having more able-bodied household members facilitates
diversification into multiple activities, thereby dissipating
risk.
Significant variation between males and females wasfound only in terms of education levels and livelihood
patterns. While high levels of male education were linked
to non-farm diversification, low levels of female education
were also associated with non-farm diversification. However,this observation may be capturing two extremes of thespectrum of non-farm occupations (i.e. from the lucrative
to subsistence level). In the case of off-farm occupations,
low levels of education among men and women were
found to be positively associated, suggesting that muchoff-farm work is distress-led. In terms of other genderrelated factors, we believe that data limitations probably
account for the lack of perceived potential gender differences:in the case of the gender of the household head, oursample population was too small, while in the case ofoccupational distribution, our questions were too limited.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

In line with the literature on livelihood diversification inIndia, we found that caste differences were associatedwith variations in household asset bases. Lower caste
groups were found to be asset poor while forward castes
were found to be asset rich.
Ownership of productive farm assets is associatedwith off-farm diversification in developed areas. It is possiblethat poor households with such assets opt for off-farmdiversification because they have farm assets, which canbe utilised for such diversification. Alternatively, it could
reflect the in-migration of poor people who do not haveproductive farm assets and move into an area in order toundertake non-farm work.
However, when looking at the ownership of nonfarm productive assets and non-farm diversification, therelationship appears to be clearer. It is interesting that, inbackward areas, it is poor households that are significantly
associated with non-farm diversification compared to nonpoor households in developed areas. This is probably
due to the fact that it is more difficult for poor households
in developed areas to establish themselves because of
greater demand for non-farm services such as tailoring.
In backward areas, however, this does not appear to be
the case. Disparities in access to non-farm diversification
were also observed across wealth deciles.

5.5 Conclusions
Andhra Pradesh is a state with the highest work
participation rates in the country. The high WPR in thestate is partly due to the high female WPR, which is thehighest in India. In spite of such a large human resource,
especially working population, Andhra Pradesh still lags
behind many other states in terms of growth and development.
Though the state has a high work participation rate, thevalue added per worker is relatively low when comparedwith other states which means that labour productivity
in the state is lower, which would be reflected in thewages. Therefore, many family members including children
need to work to feed the family. The state in fact has ahigh incidence of child labour. Though this seems to havedeclined to a remarkable degree during 1993-94 to 200405, the incidence is still high and it is one of highest in
the country.

Employment and Livelihoods

The low value of labour could be due to the factthat most workers are engaged is unskilled work. Becauseof its low levels of literacy and educational attainment,
the state is lagging behind many other states in India including
those characterized as BiMaRU, which are the mostunderdeveloped states in terms of human capital formation.
For most of the workers, especially in rural areas, agricultureis the main source of employment and livelihood andAndhra Pradesh has the highest rate among Indian states.
The rate of occupational shift/ diversification has beenslow in the State.
Within non-agriculture, those engaged in traditional
household industry especially beedi-industry and handloom
weaving in Andhra Pradesh are facing livelihood insecurity.
The recent crisis in handloom weaving is one example.
Many of the traditional non-farm occupations are hereditary,
without any formal education and training. The contributionof modern non-farm activity is minimal although it has
been increasing over the years. Most modern non-farmactivities require minimum levels of formal educationand training. The percentage of educated (both generaland technical education) persons in the state is low, whichmakes it difficult for improving employment opportunities
in modern non-farm activities.
The government of Andhra Pradesh had initiatedseveral statewide rural poverty eradication programmes
based on social mobilization and empowerment of rural
poor women, aimed at achieving livelihood security. The
Andhra Pradesh Rural Poverty Alleviation Programme(APRPRP) also known as Velugu (now known as Indira
Kranti Pathakam) is one such programme. The recent National
Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) has been
implemented relatively better in A.P. because the progress
is being monitored with IT, social audit, post-office
involvement etc. This indicates that if there is politicalwill, it is possible to implement NREGS effectively witha new approach.
The delivery systems in all the direct programmes
can be improved with the new approach of participatory
development, social mobilization, right to information,
involvement of civil society and panchayati raj institutions.

61

Andhra Pradesh Gross Area Sown - 2004

Percent Gross area sown to total
gross area
>60
45-60
30-45
<30

0

50

100

150 Kms

Andhra Pradesh Gross IrrigatedArea - 2004

Percent Gross Irrigated area tototal gross area sown
>30
20-30
10-20
<10
0

62

50

100

150 Kms

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Changing Structure, Performance in Crop Output and Agrarian Distress

CHAPTER VI

6

Agrarian Economy of Andhra Pradesh

griculture plays a pivotal role in theeconomy of Andhra Pradesh and the better
performance of this sector is vital for
inclusive growth. Although its contribution to gross state
domestic product (GSDP) is around one-fourth, agriculture
provides employment to nearly 60 per cent of the workforce. Also, the forward and backward linkage effects ofagricultural growth increase incomes in the non-agricultural
sector. Raising some commercial crops creates significant
potential for promoting exports of agricultural commodities
and brings about faster development of agro-based industries.
Thus, agriculture not only contributes to the overall growthof the economy but also provides employment and foodsecurity to the majority of the population.

A

The performance of agriculture has
not been satisfactory since the early 1990s.
There is a need to focus on root causes of
farmers’ suicides in the state. Indebtednessof farmers should be reduced by improving
institutional credit and steps should betaken to improve viability of farming.
Farming is unviable without substantial
public investment in infrastructure
supported by several social security
measures.

Agrarian Economy of A.P

Andhra Pradesh was among the very few states in
the country which went in for the Green Revolution inrice cultivation in the 1970s. The share of agriculture in
GSDP and employment are higher in A.P. as compared toall-India. The per capita value of GSDP from agriculture
is relatively higher in the state when compared to allIndia. Average per capita agricultural income in the state
was Rs. 3618 while it was Rs. 3360 in all-India at constant(1993-94) prices in the triennium 2002-05. There havebeen significant changes in the structure and performanceof the agrarian economy in the state. In recent years, thestate has also been facing a crisis in agriculture with ahigh incidence of suicides by farmers. This chapter examines
the changes in structure and performance of agriculture
and the issues relating to farmers’ suicides.

636.1 Changing Structure of the Agrarian Economy

6.1.1 Distribution of Land Holdings

We look at changing structure in terms of employment
and land holdings. The share of agriculture in employment
in the State declined from about 69 per cent in 1961 toabout 59 percent by 2001. The diversification to the nonfarm sector has been slow. Among the agricultural workforce,
about 60 percent are registered as agricultural labour andthe rest as cultivators. Though there are regional differences,
they are not significant. The percentage of cultivators in
the agricultural workforce was relatively much higher innorth coastal Andhra followed by Telanagana andRayalaseema, and was lowest in south coastal Andhra.
There has been a consistent pattern across all the districtsof workers shifting to agricultural labour. Interestingly,
the rate of increase was relatively higher in south coastal
Andhra.

The data on land holding structure from 1955-56 to
2005-06 show that operational holdings have becomemuch less concentrated (Table 6.1). Whereas the absolute
number and area covered by large and medium holdings
has declined since the mid-1950s there has been a significant
increase ‘in the shares of marginal and small farmers in
the number of holdings and area. The share of marginal
farmers in the number of holdings increased from 46 percent in 1970-71 to 61.6 per cent in 2005-06. In fact, theshare of marginal and small farmers in the number ofholdings was more than 80 per cent in 2005-06. Area
under marginal and small farmers rose from less than 20
per cent in 1970-71 to around 50 per cent in 2005-06.
Many of the operational holdings are being held under

It is well recognized that the growth of agriculture
leads to an increase in the non-farm sector and also
employment opportunities. The instance of south coastal
Andhra indicates that this is true as the region has thehighest share of workforce in non-agricultural activities
compared to the other regions. But, between 1971 and2001 employment in non-agriculture had declined in thisregion, while it had increased in the other regions in thesame period.
Table 6.1: Changing Structure of the Agrarian Economy in Andhra Pradesh: The Percentage Distribution of
Operational Holdings by Size Class, 1956-2006
Share in Number of Holding

Year

Marginal Small

Avg

Marginal

Small

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

1955-56
1970-71
1976-77
1980-81
1985-86
1990-91
2000-01
2005-06

38.6
46.0
46.6
49.3
54.2
56.0
60.9
61.6

18.3
18.5
20.3
20.9
20.8
21.2
21.8
21.9

17.7
17.4
17.4
16.0
15.2
14.5
12.4
12.0

16.7
12.7
12.2
9.1
8.0
6.9
4.3
4.0

8.7
4.3
3.4
2.1
1.8
1.3
0.6
0.5

7.9
8.0
9.3
13.1
14.5
16.4
21.6
22.7

9.7
11.3
12.8
16.2
17.3
19.6
24.8
25.8

16.1
19.2
20.8
23.3
24.0
25.2
26.4
26.5

28.1
30.8
32.3
28.7
27.3
26.1
19.8
19.0

38.2
30.7
24.8
18.7
16.3
12.8
7.5
6.1

2.43
2.51
1.94
1.50
1.25
1.20

Note

Semi- Medium Medium Large

Share in Operated Area
Semi- Medium Medium Large

Size: 1. Marginal – 0 to 1 hectare; Small – 1 to 2 hectare; Semi-medium – 2 to 4 hectare; Medium – 4 to 10 hectare; and Large – 10
and above hectare; 2. Avg - Average Size of the Holding is given in hectares.

Source : Directorate of Economics and Statistics (DES), Hyderabad.

64

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

tenancy contracts. The changing structure of the agrarian
economy in terms of size class of landholding when the
average size of holdings declined in A.P. from 2.5 hectaresin the early 1970s to 1.20 hectares in 2005-06 also meantthat the peasantry was increasingly being marginalised.
Within the state, the share of marginal and small
holdings, in fact, is relatively higher in South Coastal Andhra
when compared to the other regions. But because of theirrigation facilities, marginal farmers in South Coastal Andhra
are relatively better off than in other regions.

6.2 Land Reforms in Andhra Pradesh
Agrarian relations and landholding structure play
an important role in the performance of the agricultural
sector. Land reforms1 have been on the national agenda
since Independence to improve the performance of agriculture
as well as for rural re-construction2 . In addition, creating
greater access to land for the landless rural poor is an
important component of poverty alleviation programmes.
Land reforms, in spite of all the limitations in
implementation, did play an important role in changing
the agrarian structure in Andhra Pradesh. The early land
reform measures in the state were a combination of two
administrative histories, of the Andhra region and theTelangana region which had formerly been under the Nizam.
Following the pattern at the all-India level, the land reforms
in Andhra Pradesh had three components: abolition ofintermediaries, tenancy reforms, ceiling legislation andthe other government initiatives.
Legislative measures were also initiated following
Article 46 of the Constitution that made it obligatory for1

Land reforms included abolition of Zamindari system and all intermediaries
since the beginning of the fifties; the introduction of a family ceiling in the
mid-fifties; reduction of the ceiling limit, consolidation of land holdings andmonitoring the progress of the distribution of ceiling surplus land as part ofthe 20- Point Programme of the Central Government. Tenancy reforms wereintended to abolish or regulate tenancy to ensure fixed tenures and a fair rent.
The Constitution of India was amended 13 times for the incorporation of 277
land laws in the Ninth Schedule. The last such amendment was the 78th
Amendment of the Constitution to incorporate 27 land laws in that Schedule.

the states to promote the interests of Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes and to protect them from social
injustice and all forms of exploitation. State governments
have accepted the policy of prohibiting the transfer ofland from tribals to non-tribals and the restoration of alienatedtribal lands to tribals. In 1977, the government of Andhra
Pradesh enacted the Assigned Land Prohibition Act which
ruled that land that had been ‘assigned’ by the government
to the landless and tribals could not be resold and used
for purposes other than agriculture3 . To improve women’s
access to land and landed property Andhra Pradesh alongwith Karnataka and Tamil Nadu amended the Hindu
Succession Act, 1956, to legally protect the right of women
to property including land.
The Madras Estates (Abolition and Conversion into
Ryotwari) Act 1948 was the first legislation after Independence
which removed intermediaries. It brought all land in Andhra
area under ryotwari system. In the Telangana region thejagirdari tenurial system ended with the Abolition of Jagirdari
Act of 1949 (GOI, 2004). With respect to tenancy, theHyderabad Tenancy and Agricultural Lands Act was enacted
in 1950 which gave protection to nearly six lakh tenants
who held over 75 lakh acres of land, constituting 33 percent of the total cultivated area. This was considered oneof the progressive acts of legislation in the state. The AP(Andhra Area) Tenancy Act 1956 was passed to ensurethat a tenant was not evicted from his/her holding except
by going to court. This legislation has given a mixed result
as it often led to concealed tenancy (Reddy, 2006).
Legislation on ceilings on agricultural holdings wasenacted in two phases, 1955-72 and 1972 to the present.
The Andhra Pradesh Land Reforms (Ceiling on Agriculture
Holdings) Acts were passed in 1961 and 1973. As in
most states, the first round of legislation in 1961 was amiserable failure but the second one in 1973 had some
impact. Against an estimated surplus land of 20 lakh acres,
only 7.9 Lakh acres were declared surplus, of which 6.47
Lakh acres were taken possession by the government and5.82 lakh acres were distributed among 4.79 lakh

2

The major objectives of land reforms have been the re-ordering of agrarian
relations in order to achieve an egalitarian social structure, elimination of3
A spate of earlier legislation like the AP Land Reforms (Ceiling on agriculture
holdings) Act of 1973 had not been properly implemented. Big landlords had
not declared their excess land, and where they had, it was fallow land.

exploitation in land relations, realising the goal of land to the tiller, enlarging
the land base of the rural poor, increasing agricultural productivity and infusing
an element of equality in local institutions.

Whatever be the intention of the government of the day, even the Assigned
Land Act has been observed only in the breach. There are numerous instancesof assigned land being purchased from the poor at cheap prices by the rich.

Agrarian Economy of A.P

65

beneficiaries till August 2004 (GOAP, 2004). This amounted
to about 4 per cent of the net sown area. Of the beneficiaries,
42 per cent were SCs who were assigned 39 percent of
the land, while STs constituted 14 per cent of the beneficiaries
and received 20 per cent of the land. A major step inland distribution in the state was the assignment ofgovernment land to the landless poor, which accounted
for 12.5 per cent of the net sown area. By the end of
2002, an area of 43.21 lakh acres of government land
was assigned to 23.98 lakh beneficiaries of whom 24
per cent were SCs and 28 per cent were STs (GOAP, 2004).
Though the ceiling legislation was not effective inthe redistribution of land, it did act as a constraint on theacquisition of more land by the rich. In addition, the politicalmobilization of rural masses inspired by the radical politicalparties and the Naxalite movement arrested the processof acquiring more land by the rich. The rich peasantry
began to sell their land and shift to other vocations in
non-agricultural activities in urban areas. As a result, on
the one hand, the surplus land under land ceiling andgovernment wasteland was distributed to SCs and otherrural poor. On the other, land was acquired for cultivationby communities which had been involved in off-farmactivities earlier. Subsequently the concentration of land
in a few hands and large holdings declined. In the process,the power of the dominant cultivating castes in agrariansociety has declined while backward communities havemore control over land (Reddy, 2006).
While land-reform legislation remained active, land
policies in more recent decades have focused less onland reform and more on land development andadministration. Land policy in India has undergone broadly
four phases since Independence. Land reforms were in
the forefront in the first and longest phase (1950-72)4 .
During the second phase (1972-85) attention shifted tobringing uncultivated land under cultivation. In the third
phase (1985-95) water and soil conservation was given
more importance through Watershed Development, DroughtProne Area Development (DPAP) and Desert-Area
Development Programmes (DADP). A central government
Wasteland Development Agency was established to focus
It included three major efforts: abolition of intermediaries, tenancy reform,
and the redistribution of land taken over under land ceiling. The abolition ofintermediaries was relatively successful, but tenancy reform and land ceilings
met with less success.
466

on wasteland and degraded land. The fourth and current
phase of policy (1995 onwards) centres on debates about
the necessity to continue with land legislation and efforts
to improve land revenue administration and, in particular,
clarity in land records.
Land relations in Andhra Pradesh are extremelycomplicated which have led to serious problems for actual
cultivators. Unregistered cultivators, tenants, and tribal
cultivators all face difficulties in accessing institutional
credit and other facilities available to farmers with land
titles. Among others, the Farmers Welfare Commission(GOI, 2004) made the following three recommendations
on land issues.
(a) There is a need to record and register actual
cultivators including tenants and women cultivators, andprovide passbooks to them, to ensure that they gain accessto institutional credit and other inputs; (b) The land rightsof tribals in the agency areas must be protected; and (c)Considerable scope exists for further land redistribution
particularly when waste and cultivable lands are taken
into account. In order to develop the lands, complementary
inputs for cultivation (initial land development, input minikits,
credit, etc.) should be provided to all assignees. The futureassignments of land should be in the name of women.

6.3 Changes in Land and Water Resources
It is a matter of great concern that land and water
resources available for agriculture in Andhra Pradesh havedeclined over a period especially during the 1990s. Area
under cultivation (net area sown) declined from 110.42
lakh hectares at the beginning of the 1990s to 100.87
Table 6.2: Changes in Cropped and Irrigated Area in Andhra Pradesh
Sno.

Area

1957-58 1980-81 1990-91

1

2

3

4

1

Net Area Sown

112.3

108.7

110.4 100.92Gross Area Sown

122.5

125.6

127.9 121.5

3

Cropping Intensity

1.09

1.16

1.16

1.20

4

Net Area Irrigated

27.8

34.5

43.5

37.1

5

Gross Area Irrigated

33.2

44.3

54.2

47.7

6

Irrigation Intensity

1.19

1.28

1.25

1.29

5

2004-05
6Note : Figures presented are in lakh hectares.
Source : 1. DES, Hyderabad; 2. Subrahmanyam and Aparna (2007)

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

lakh hectares by the triennium ending 2004-05, indicatinga decline of about 10 lakh hectares or 8.65 percent (Table
6.2). In fact, during the triennium ending 1957-58 net
sown area had been about 112.3 lakh hectares. Despite
the improvement in cropping intensity, there has been asignificant fall in the gross cropped area (GCA) which
declined by about 6.4 lakh hectares or 5.3 per cent of
GCA during the same period. The GCA was about 122.5
lakh hectares in 1957-58 and increased to 127.9 by 199091, but declined to 121.5 by the triennium ending 200405. Multiple cropping could not lead to a proportionate
increase in agricultural production because productivity
is lower for crops grown after the first crop. In addition,
there has been an increase in instability in the area undercultivation5 .
The decline in net area sown is observed acrossalmost all the districts in the state except two, Anantapur
and Nellore where, in fact, it has increased (see Table
6.3). Four districts - Mahabunagar, Nalgonda, Chittoor
and Karimnagar - accounted for about 54 per cent of thedecline in net sown area in the state. Another four districts- Nizamabad, Prakasam, Khammam and Rangareddy contributed to almost one-fourth of the decline. Of theseeight districts six are located in Telangana region.
There has also been a decline in irrigated area. The
state had an irrigated area of about 27.8 lakh hectares in
the mid-1950s which increased to 43.5 lakh hectares,
an increase of about 56.5 per cent, by the end of the
1980s. During this period (mid-fifties to eighties), out of
the total increase (15.7 lakh hectares) of irrigated land,
about 6.7 lakh hectares was added in the first 23 years(i.e. late 1950s to late 1970s) and 9.0 lakh hectares in
the next 10 years (in the 1980s). As a matter of fact, theaddition in the 1980s was mostly due to expansion ofarea under groundwater which is highly vulnerable tofluctuations in rainfall.
During the 1990s, the irrigated area declined to 37.1
lakh hectares, which was almost equal to the level in
1980-81. Similarly, the gross irrigated area which had
increased by 10.1 lakh hectares in the 1980s declined

Table 6.3: Contribution of Districts to the Total Cropped and Irrigated Area declined
in Andhra Pradesh
Range
1

Net Sown Area
Districts
2

Contb

Net Irrigated Area
Districts

Contb.

3

4

5

Very HighMahabubnagar (17.5), Nalgonda, (13.4)
Chittoor (12.3) Karimnagar (10.6)

53.8

West Godavari (13.1), Guntur (13.0), Krishna(11.5), Prakasam (10.1)

47.7

High

Nizamabad (7.5), Prakasam (6.4),
Khammam (6.2), Rangareddy (4.8)

24.9

Nalgonda (8.8), Karimnagar (8.4), Anantapur (6.8),
Visakhapatnam (5.8), Nizamabad (5.2)

35.0

Low

East Godavari (4.1), Adilabad (3.9),
Srikakulam (3.5), Krishna (3.2),
Visakhapatnam & Vizianagaram (2.4),
Guntur (1.9), Kurnool (0.8),
Warangal (0.7), West Godavari (0.6),

21.3

Khammam (4.3), Mahabubnagar (4.0),
Nellore (3.5), East Godavari (3.2),
Vizianagaram (3.0), Chittoor (2.9),
Medak (2.5), Srikakulam, (2.3),
Rangareddy (1.3).

27.0

2.6

Adilabad (4.3), Warangal, (4.0),
Kadapa (1.1), Kurnool (0.2)

9.6

Kadapa (0.4), Medak (0.1)
Increase

Note

Anantapur (1.5), Nellore (1.1): 1. Figures presented in parentheses are percentages of each district to the total area declined in the state and col. 3 and 5 are the percentage
contribution of the group of district; 2. Contb. – Contribution of district to the total at the state level.

Source : 1. Subrahmanyam and Aparna (2007); 2. DES, Hyderabad.
5

Instability measured in terms of coefficient of variation was 2.9 per cent during 1955-80 and increased to 4.1 per cent during 1990-2004.

Agrarian Economy of A.P

67

by 6.5 lakh hectares in the 1990s and after. Irrigated area,
which was 33.2 lakh hectares in the late 1950s, increased
to 54.2 lakh hectares in the late 1980s but declined
significantly during and after the 1990s and had comedown to 47.7 lakh hectares in 2004-05. The highest increasein irrigated area happened in the 1980s and the lowest
in the 1990s. While the growth rate of gross irrigatedarea declined from its highest level of 1.81 in the 1980s
to 0.31 percent in the 1990s, it became negative for net
irrigated area from 2.0 to –0.49 per cent during the same
period.

1990s at 586 mm as against 684 in the previous decade.
Variations in rainfall across years also declined in thenineties, indicating that it was uniformly low in all theyears. When compared with earlier periods, the state
suffered most in the 1990s when the monsoon was poor
in nine years. As a result the state experienced continuousand severe drought during this decade. Across regions
within the state, Rayalaseema and South Telangana
experienced the lowest rainfall and these two regions
have a low irrigation ratio of 22 per cent when comparedwith other regions.

New irrigation potential had been created in the preHYV period and as result net irrigated area expanded at
an annual rate of 2 per cent per annum. In the post-HYV
period, gross irrigated area expanded because of theimplementation of modernization schemes without muchaddition to the net irrigated area. In the 1980s, irrigatedarea expanded at a very high rate of 2 per cent but thiswas only due to the exploitation of groundwater. The
1990s and subsequent years were a period of disasterfor the irrigation sector. The net and gross irrigated areas
declined at 0.49 and 0.31 per cent per annum respectively.

6.3.1 Predominance of groundwater in most of the districts

The changes in irrigation from different sources since
the mid-nineties indicate that irrigated area declined bothunder surface and groundwater sources. Under surface
irrigation the area declined by about 4 and 3 lakh hectares
under canal and tank irrigation respectively. There was a
decline also in area under groundwater sources. Though
there is no proper data to show the performance andfunctioning of wells, many micro level studies have shownthat more and more wells were going dry, becoming nonfunctional. This happened both because of the unsustainablegrowth of groundwater exploitation and the failure of themonsoon. Despite the fact that cultivation practices inAndhra Pradesh continue to depend on irrigation, state
governments have not increased public investment andneglected surface irrigation infrastructure. Consequently,
there has been an increase in private investment in exploiting
groundwater resources.

Despite differences in the extent of irrigation, thedata for 2004-05 on the structure of irrigation indicate aclear regional pattern. Tanks and canals are the main sources
in North Coastal Andhra, though canals are dominant in
Srikakulam district. The four districts in the Krishna-Godavarizone are mainly served by canals with wells as asupplementary source. In West Godavari wells are more
predominant, along with canals. In Prakasam and Nellore,
the two districts in the South Coastal zone, wells andcanals are the main sources. However, Nellore is a special
case where all three sources are important. In Rayalaseema
and Telangana, except in the districts of Chittoor,
Mahabubnagar and Nalgonda, wells and canals are themain sources, whereas wells and tanks are predominant
in all the remaining districts of Telangana region and in
Chittoor. Thus, wells play a very important role in the
agricultural economy of Andhra Pradesh and serve as
the main source of irrigation in as many as 15 districts.
Canals come second and are important in five districts
while tanks are the dominant source only in two districts.

The frequent failure of the monsoon and the resulting
deficit in normal rainfall and droughts create crises in
the agrarian economy. There have been many such periodsof drought in Andhra Pradesh. The average annual rainfall
in the monsoon season was at an all time low in the

68

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

However, as a secondary source, tanks are important inten districts, canals in eight and wells only in four districts.
In a state with low rainfall of less than 100 cm per annum,
surface irrigation should have more prominence thangroundwater irrigation to facilitate recharge. The highgrowth of wells had led to the overexploitation of groundwaterand drying up of wells. The extent of area under wells,
canals and tanks is in the ratio of 3:2:1.
This lopsided development of groundwater is seenin all the districts in Rayalaseema and Telangana which
led to high indebtedness because of risky investment inwells. The high and increasing ratio of groundwater tosurface irrigation in these two regions indicates theirdependence on the former. The ratio increased from 0.7
to 3.47 in Rayalaseema and 0.43 to 7.31 in South Telangana
during 1974-75 to 2003-04. In other words, for eachacre of irrigated land under canal or tank, the area irrigatedwith groundwater resources was 3.47 acres in south
Telangana and 7.31 acres in Rayalaseema.
Table 6.4: Growth Rates in Aggregate Value of Crop Output in A P
PeriodGrowtht value1
2
3
1955-56 to 1966-67
1966-67 to 1979-80
1980-81 to 1991-92
1991-92 to 2004-05
1955-56 to 2004-05
Note

3.25
3.87
2.66
0.37
2.54

4.77
5.40
2.34
0.37
17.99

: 1. Figures presented are in Percent; 2. Exponential growth based onsemi-logarithmic trend equations estimated for the Divisia index.

Source : Subrahmanyam and Aparna (2007)

6.4 Performance of Agriculture : Growth in Value of
Output
The growth of GSDP/NSDP from agriculture is oneof the measures of the performance of the sector. In Andhra
Pradesh, the annual growth rate of agriculture increased
from 2.3 per cent during 1980-81 to 1992-93 to 2.7 percent
during 1993-94 to 2005-06, which was due mainly tothe extraordinary performance of the livestock component
during this period. The livestock sector6 achieved a highgrowth rate of 8.4 per cent per annum between 1993-94
and 2005-06 whereas the growth rate of value of output
6

Livestock includes dairying, poultry, small ruminants and piggery.

Agrarian Economy of A.P

in the crop sector was very low at 0.59 per cent. Moreoverthe share of livestock in agriculture increased from 18.1
percent in 1993-94 to 34.7 percent in 2005-06. The shareof agriculture in NSDPin terms of the crop sector, excluding
all allied activities, declined sharply from 26.7 per centin 1983 to 14.12 percent in 2005-06, relegating agriculture
almost to insignificance. Therefore, the growth of agriculture
will not properly reflect the ongoing crisis referred to asagrarian distress in the crop sector.
While examining the performance of the crop sector
with respect to 19 major crops7 , three distinct phases
can be observed. The first phase covering 1955-56 to
1979-80 consisting of both the pre-HYV and the early
HYV period is one of high and accelerated growth. From
3.25 per cent in the pre-HYV period the growth rate
accelerated to 3.87 in the early HYV period (Table 6.4).
The second phase covering the decade of 1980s witnesseda deceleration in agricultural growth from 3.87 to 2.66
per cent. In contrast to the experience of the moderate tohigh growth for a long period of about 35 years, there
has been a steep decline after economic liberalization(since 1990), which is seen as the period of stagnant andunstable agriculture.
To understand in detail the performance of agriculture
during the last fifteen years, it is observed that the decelerationin growth was mild till 2001-02. Between 1990-91 and2001-02 the growth rate was 2.39 per cent per annum.
But in the last three years the growth rate has fallen very
sharply. The year-to-year movement of the value ofagricultural output remained almost constant till the midnineties without much fluctuation and thereafter it grewat a high rate till 2000-01. In the next four years (200102 to 2004-05), or the post-reform period, the performance
was very poor as compared to any pre-reform period.
Among individual crops, the performance of ricewhich accounts for a quarter of the gross cropped area
had been poor during the nineties. The growth rate ofrice production fell to 0.36 per cent in 1990s from ahigh growth rate of 2.7 to 3.9 per cent in the earlier periods.
All the coarse cereals declined at a high rate both in the
1980s and 1990s except for maize which had a highgrowth during both the sub-periods. The growth rate of7

Based on Divisia index

69cereals was 1.94 per cent during the last fifty years but it
declined to 1.08 per cent during the 1990s. The growthrate of pulses picked up after 1980-81 and maintained ahigh growth rate of more than 4 per cent. Groundnut
which is the second major crop (rice being the first) had
a very high growth rate of 7.29 per cent per annum during
the 1980s but it did very badly during the 1990s when
production declined at the rate of 5.64 per cent. The
poor performance of oilseeds is partly responsible forthe deceleration of agricultural (crop sector) growth in
the state during the post-reform period.
Cotton is an important crop accounting for 8 percent of the gross cropped area. Production of cotton grew
very rapidly after the mid-sixties when the growth rate
was as high as 10.33 per cent during the HYV period.
But it slipped to 4.61 percent in the 1980s and further to2.65 percent in the post-reform period. The long run growthrate of cotton production was 6.96 percent which was
the highest among all the crops.
Since the production of a crop may decline becauseof shifts in cropping pattern, the growth rate of yields
would be better indicator of performance for each crop.
It is observed that the growth rate of rice yield in Andhra
Pradesh had decelerated marginally in the nineties overthe eighties. It was negative for groundnut while for cotton
the growth in yield was poor. The growth rate of yields
explains in part why there has been such a steep decelerationin the growth rate of aggregate output.
Major changes in the cropping pattern occurred during
the 1980s. The share of cereals in gross cropped area
declined, mainly because of the steep fall in the area
under coarse cereals. Secondly, the area under oilseeds
increased significantly from 14.7 per cent during thetriennium ending 1982-83 to 24.1 per cent during thetriennium ending 1992-93. In the post-reform period,
the share of oilseeds declined and the share of pulses
increased. It may be noted that these changes were due
to changes in the relative prices of agricultural commodities.
6.4.1 Regional Variations
There are variations within the state in terms of thecontributions of agriculture to the total value added andthe growth of value added in agriculture, across regions/70

districts. The share of agriculture (crop output and livestock)
to total value added has declined across the districts but
at different rates. It would seem that this is primarily due
to the decline in the share of crop output as the share of
livestock has, in fact, increased. In Hyderabad district,the contribution of crop output to the total value wasalmost nil or negligible. The other districts whose contribution
has been minimal in the recent period (2003-04) are
Rangareddy (4.3 percent), Visakhapatnam (5 percent) and
Chittoor (9.5 percent). A few districts like Guntur (25.1
per cent), Kurnool (24.5), West Godavari (22.3), Warangal(21.9) and Adilabad (20.3 percent) showed a relatively
higher contribution (more than 20 per cent) of the crop
sector to the total value added.
In terms of growth during the last decade (from 199394 to 2003-04), the livestock sector shows higher growthwhen compared with the crop sector across districts. In
crop output, while a few districts - Srikakulam, Nellore,
Chittoor and Anantapur - showed negative growth, two
districts, Kadapa (5.6 percent) followed by East Godavari(5.4), recorded the highest growth. All the Telangana districts
had a reasonably high growth. Interestingly, the mostbackward districts like Mahabubnagar and Medak also
showed high growth in crop output.
It was observed that higher agricultural output per
worker ensures higher GDDP, but higher GDDP does not
ensure higher agricultural output per worker. For instance,
Visakhapatnam, Medak and Ranga Reddy have high per
capita GDDP, but they occupy a low position with respect
to agricultural output per worker. On the other hand,West Godavari, East Godavari, Guntur and Krishna havea high agricultural output per worker and their ranking
in per capita GDDP is also high. The correlation between
per capita GDDP and per worker agricultural output isonly 0.26, which is not statistically significant.

6.5 Decline in Public Sector Investment and Failureof Support Services
6.5.1 Decelerated Capital Formation
Capital formation is important for the growth of any
individual sector and the overall economy. The trend rateof growth in Gross Fixed Capital Formation (GFCF) in
agriculture in Andhra Pradesh shows that the growth rate

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

in the state slipped from a high value of 6.9 per centduring the 1980s to 1.1 percent in the 1990s whereas at
the national level it recovered from negative growth during
the 1980s (Table 6.5). In A.P., the growth rates of bothpublic and private investment have declined. The growthrate of public investment declined from 7.6 to 3.9 andthat of private investment declined from 5.2 per cent in
1980s to (–) 1.7 per cent in 1990s.
The available data shows that the state experienced
a decline in capital formation in agriculture in the postreform period, even in absolute terms, basically on accountof a decline in capital formation by the private sector, ata time when there was a significant increase in private
sector capital formation in this sector for the country as
a whole. This aspect needs further investigation.
6.5.2 Prices of Agricultural Commodities
When the prices received by the farmers for theircrops are compared with the prices they pay for the consumer
goods (i.e. Consumer Price Index for Agricultural Labour– CPIAL), it was observed that the farming community isfacing an erosion of their real incomes due to the lower
growth of prices of commodities they produce as comparedto the prices of consumer goods.
Table 6.5: Growth of Gross Fixed Capital Formation in Agriculture
State
1
AP

Source2
Public

AP
AP
India

PrivateOverall
OverallNote

1980-81 to 1989-90 1990-91 to 1999-00
3
4
7.6**
3.9***
5.2*
6.9**-1.0***-1.7***
1.1***
2.0*: 1. Growth is exponential growth rate; 2. *** Significant at 1
percent level, ** significant at 5 percent level *Significant at
10 percent level,

Source : Subrahmanyam and Aparna (2007)

The aggregate price index grew at an annual rate of
4.83 per cent per annum between the periods 1991-92
to 2004-05. The prices of all the coarse cereals have grownat less than 4 per cent per annum. While the price ofmaize, which is an important crop in the drought prone
areas of the state, grew at 3.99 per cent, the shortfall in
the relative price was more than 12 per cent. The growth

Agrarian Economy of A.P

rate in prices of pulses was higher than the average of all
the commodities while the price of rice has grown at a
rate lower than the average of all the commodities. The
growth in prices of cotton, sesame and groundnut wasobserved to be relatively lower than that of other agriculturalcommodities.
The terms of trade have become favourable to agriculture
because the protection given to domestic industry has
been reduced and the minimum support prices (MSP)
for rice and wheat have been increased. As MSP operations
are limited to only a few commodities, the prices are notfavourable to most of the other commodities. For instance,
the high imports of edible oil led to a decline in the priceof oil which affected the drought-prone areas in the state.
Trade liberalization with respect to agriculture has
led to destabilization in some crops in A.P. The two major
crops after rice viz., groundnut and cotton are known tohave suffered in the state because of trade liberalization.
The import duty on cotton has been reduced to almost
zero, thus depressing cotton prices. Similarly, the importof palm oil has affected the profitability of groundnut inAndhra Pradesh
6.5.3 High Indebtedness and Exploitation by Informal
Credit Agencies
Indebtedness is a major problem in the rural economy
in Andhra Pradesh. The amount of loan outstanding per
farmer is about Rs. 24000 which is twice the all-India
figure. The position of the small farmer is the worst among
all classes of farmers, and the outstanding loan per farmer
is Rs. 33000 per farmer in the state as against Rs. 14000
at the national level. Since most of the loans are borrowed
from private moneylenders and traders, the implicit rateof interest is very high.
Inadequate expansion of formal credit facilities andpoor access to these has made the farmers, especiallysmall and marginal ones, to resort to informal credit agencies.
An NSSO survey reveals that about 68.6 per cent of thetotal loans taken by farmers in Andhra Pradesh are fromthe informal credit market. This is much higher than thecorresponding figure at the national level as well as inother south Indian states.

71

6.5.4 Heavy investment in wells and a high proportionof failure

Table 6.7: Percentage of Investment lost due to failure of
Borewells across Regions in Andhra Pradesh

A very high rate of expansion of wells in the recent
period intensified the crisis in the agricultural sector.
According to a survey conducted in seven districts in thestate covering 3861 cultivator households, farmers incurred
heavy losses due to failure of wells. 26.0 per cent of the
farmers have invested in borewells during the last five
years. The proportion is highest in South Telangana, followedby Rayalaseema and South Coastal Andhra (Table 6.6).
As expected, there is a positive association between farm

Region1

Marginal

Small

2

3

4

5

Srikakulam
East Godavari &Nellore

1.7
15.6

2.9
28.1

1.0
38.5

7.0 2.7
52.4 29.4

Kadapa & Anantapur
Nalgonda
Warangal & Adilabad
Overall
Investment (Rs.’000)
Investment Lost (%)

13.4
32.9
11.5
14.1
18.1
55.9

27.6
43.4
15.6
23.6
22.0
53.2

42.6
63.4
24.8
34.5
25.7
55.9

56.4
73.7
33.8
46.7
30.2
58.5

1

Medium Large

All
6

30.2
49.2
18.6
26.0
24.5
56.1

Source: Primary survey conducted by CESS during 2004

size and the proportion of farmers investing in borewells.
While it was 14.1 per cent among marginal farmers, it
was as high as 46.7 per cent among large farmers. The
average investment per household was about Rs. 25000.
A high proportion of this investment (56.1 per cent)
was lost due to failure of wells without much variation
across farm size (Table 6.7). However, the loss increases
with farm size in absolute terms as the amount invested
has positive association with farm size because large
farmers invest in more than one well. It is significant tonote that the loss is highest in South Telangana (66.5 percent) followed by Rayalaseema (54.9 per cent). These
are the areas where rainfall is poor and surface irrigationis also low. Except in North Coastal Andhra, where
investment in borewells is negligible, loss of investment
is more than 45 per cent in all the other regions. A fieldsurvey conducted in four Telangana villages revealed that
one-third of the farmers deepened their wells every five
years, indicating that groundwater levels were falling. In
the case of marginal and small farmers, expenditure on

72

2

All

3

4

5

6

North Coastal Andhra 25.0
South Coastal Andhra 58.0
Rayalaseema
61.9
South Telangana
59.8

49.8
47.8
74.3

15.0
49.1
54.4
63.0

56.8
34.2
59.6
67.4

30.4
45.9
54.9
66.5

North Telangana

32.9

46.1

52.5

59.1

51.6

All Sample districts

55.9

53.2

55.9

58.5

56.1

Source : Primary survey conducted during 2004

Table 6.6: Percentage of Farmers Investing in Borewells
RegionMarginal Small Medium Largewells is sometimes enough to push them into long- term
debt trap (Vamsi, 2004).
6.5.5 Failure of Extension Services
The performance of the state in terms of agriculturalextension services was found to be relatively poor whencompared with other states. For instance, an agriculturalextension officer in Andhra Pradesh has to cover morethan 10 villages or 3700 farm families whereas in states
like Maharashtra and West Bengal it was only 2 or 4
villages.
Agricultural extension services account for only 9
percent of the farmers’ information on agricultural technology
in the State. With the virtual breakdown of the extension
machinery, small and marginal farmers have become
increasingly dependent upon private agents for extension
services. Input dealers (30 percent) and other progressive
farmers (34 percent) constitute the major sources of
information8 . Such agents were subject to less regulation
than before, leading to circumstances in which resourcepoor farmers became victims of exploitation.

6.6 Agrarian Distress and Farmers’ Suicides
The agrarian economy of Andhra Pradesh has beenin distress since the 1990s. The state is one of those stateswith highest number of farmers’ suicides in the country.
The agrarian distress in the state9 coincided with the period
in which reforms were initiated.
8

See (NSSO – Report 499 -2005)

The State of Andhra Pradesh has acquired a special place, in more than one
sense, in implementing the economic reforms in all sectors, including in
agriculture.
9

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

As noted above, there has been a steep decelerationin the growth rate of agricultural output since the 1990s
as compared to the 1980s. The growth rate of investment
in agriculture decelerated from 6 percent in the 1980s tojust 1.5 percent per annum in the 1990s. There has beena systematic decline in the budgetary expenditure on
agriculture and allied activities in the name of fiscal constraint.
Research and extension have been neglected. Government
investment in agricultural research and education in thestate (at 0.26 percent of its agriculture GSDP during 199294) was lower than for the other three southern states
and was just around half the all-India figure (0.49 percent
for center and states together). Public expenditure on
extension, which is borne by the state government, declined
in absolute terms in the nineties. It was only 0.02 percentof the state’s GSDP during 1992-94, as against the allIndia average of 0.15 percent (Reddy, 2006).
The agricultural crisis and farmers’ suicides weremainly due to inadequate agricultural services, including
extension, reliable seed supply, quality pesticides, machinery,
proper soil survey testing, soil conservation, market
information and market intelligence. The failure of extension
services, the mushrooming of spurious seed and pesticidecompanies, and the relegation of the Agricultural University
and the Andhra Pradesh Seeds Corporation to an insignificant
role in the research, development and propagation ofseeds of non-food crops, are all the consequences ofdeliberate policy changes in the state. There was also an
attempt to privatize extension services.
Irrigation, a critical infrastructure for agriculture in
the state, had also suffered. A decline in public surface
irrigation (canal and tanks) resulted in the emergence ofprivate groundwater as the single largest source with all
the attendant ecological problems. Lack of access toinstitutional credit is another problem for farmers, particularly
small and marginal farmers. Farm gate prices of mostagricultural commodities fall steeply at harvest time. It is
known that many poor farmers sell their output at harvest
time because of their poor retention capacity10 . Becauseof these uncertain conditions, about 40 percent of the

farmers across the country have stated that they would
like to quit farming if there was a choice (NSSO Report
496, 2005).
Many public institutions that are critical for farmers
seem to have disappeared during the reform period. Some
important government corporations and cooperative
institutions in the state were closed, allowed to run down,or simply handed over to the private sector. Institutions
such as AP Irrigation Development Corporation, AP AgroIndustries Corporation, AP Seeds Development Corporation,
cooperative sugar factories and co-operative spinning mills
which had played an important role in helping farmers
were closed down (Reddy, 2006). The reforms in agriculture
resulted in an increase in electricity charges, growing
dependence on high cost groundwater resources, increased
irrigation charges and high degree of dependence on credit
at high interest rates provided by the informal credit market.
The recent NSS survey11 shows that about 82 percent offarmer households are in debt, which is the highest incidence
of indebtedness in the country. Further, institutional sourcesin the state account for only 30 percent of the loans,which is the lowest for the country.
In addition, farmers who have been opting for highvalue crops like cotton face serious problems of spurious
and unregulated seed supply, undue reliance on
disproportionate use of pesticides due to lack of proper
extension information, and face high risks of losing theentire crop. The other high cost risk is the investment
made in wells and tube-wells, which often fail becauseof overexploitation of groundwater or lack of recharge ofgroundwater due to prolonged drought conditions.

10This is yet another form of usury that benefits the trader-dealer who rolls in
as a moneylender with a tie-up for buying the commodity at harvest time.
Peasant farming is exposed to perpetuation of multiple modes of exploitation
owing to uncertainty.

Agrarian Economy of A.P

11

See (NSSO 2005, Report 498)

73

Many micro studies have shown indebtedness as
the proximate cause of farmers’ suicides. Increasing
cultivation of commercial crops accompanied by anunregulated input market and private investment in irrigation
has led to a rise in the cost of cultivation. It is true that
agricultural credit has increased in the last few years.
However, this is not sufficient and farmers fall back on
informal credit at high interest rates.
According to a source there were 16,770 farmers’suicides between 1997 and 2005 in the state12. According
to a judicial commission appointed by the State Government,
between May 14, 2004 and November 10, 2005 alone
1068 farmers had committed suicide, and in addition
there were 277 starvation deaths of weavers in the same
period (Nagesh Kumar 2005). The Commission also brought
out the fact which shocked the state that 26 debt-ridden
farmers of Guntur district had sold their kidneys.
Most of the suicides are by male members in theage group of less than 40 years. By and large the incidenceof suicides has been higher among small-marginal farmers
moving from subsistence agriculture to the high value
crops with a strong motivation to improve their socialand economic status. With a few exceptions, the majority
belong to Backward Communities or Scheduled Castes
or Scheduled Tribes. Barring the ST households, mosthave had some schooling.
The agrarian crisis has not only continued but has
spread to different regions and to a number of high value
crops other than cotton13 . Any commercial or high risk
crop can put a farmer under stress and make him vulnerable
to suicide. The trigger in these cases again is the failureof water resources particularly groundwater.
A number of studies in the state have analyzed theproximate causes for the suicides based on sample
investigation of households of the victims. In 1998, a
Peoples Tribunal (RSC, 1998) heard depositions from 60
households of victims drawn from across five districts inthe state. An AWARE (1998) study covered a sample of
92 households of farmers who committed suicide, fromacross 10 districts. A Citizen’s Report (CES, 1998) investigated
50 households of deceased farmers in Warangal district.
12
13

Sainath, P (2007) “ one farmer suicide every 30 minutes”, The Hindu, November 14.
This is evident from yet another field study (Shashi Bhushan and Reddy 2004).

74

The major cause reported by most of the victims’ households
is accumulated debt for digging or deepening of wells
and repeated crop losses or the failure of the bore-wells.
Inadequate credit availability from institutional sources
had forced them to resort to informal credit sources.
According to a case study, in one village in the district,thirty years ago there were only six tube wells and thewater table was at a shallow level of six feet from thesurface. But by 1998 there were 1800 borewells, half ofwhich were dry, and the water table was at 240 feet.
Dependence on groundwater and the related risks areprominent features of the emerging agrarian crisis. But
there may not be any parallel than the worst scenario
which prevails in Musapally village in Nalgonda district.
For a village with 2000 acres under cultivation, there are
more borewells than people, 6000 borewells dug at an
estimated investment of Rs. 6.52 crores. About 85 percent of these wells have failed (Sainath, 2004).
All this shows that state policy and actions whichhave no sensitivity to the regional specificities of agriculture
are likely to put disproportionately high pressure on the
livelihood of farmers in dryland areas where there is no
canal irrigation but the entire burden of developing water
resources through wells or bore-wells is on the shouldersof farmers. In addition, there has been rising pressure on
farmers in terms of meeting their needs for basic social
services like education and health which are increasingly
privatized, and have become a significant component ofhousehold expenditure. A combination of these stressfactors have been at the back of the crisis in the farming
sector which has been manifested into widespread suicides,
particularly since 1997.
Small-marginal farmers constitute almost 80 per centof the farming communities in the country and many ofthem operate in dry and drought prone conditions andare the most vulnerable. It is the apathy of governmentthat has been forcing these farmers to shoulder all thecosts and risks of high investment, including land andwater resource development with borrowed capital atusurious interest rates.

6.7 Conclusions and Policy Implications
This chapter has examined changes in agrarian structure,
issues in land reforms, performance in agriculture andfarmers’ suicides.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

It is well known that the agrarian structure in termsof operational holdings has undergone significant changes
in the last 50 years. More than 80 per cent of the holdings
belong to small and marginal farmers now. Land reforms
through redistribution of land, tenancy reforms and recordingof land titles etc. are relevant and important in A.P.
Significant changes have taken place in the cropping
pattern. The share of rice, millets (other than maize) andgroundnut has declined while the share of maize, pulses
and cotton has increased. Because of the decline in gross
cropped area and shifts in cropping pattern, productionof oilseeds declined drastically. Yield also contributed tothe decline in the production of oilseeds. Rice production
has fluctuated because the decline in area has been
compensated by an increase in yield. Prices have notbeen favourable to farmers since 1991-92. While CPIAL
has grown at 5.4 per cent per annum, crop prices havegrown at 4.83 per cent. Prices of crops like chillies, cotton,
sunflower and gingelly have grown at a very low rate.
Regarding performance, the crop sector has grown
at 2.54 per cent per annum in the state during the last
fifty years. While the sector experienced accelerated growthtill the end of the seventies, the growth rate started
decelerating from the eighties onwards. The situation became
worse after 1990-91 with instability and low growth. The
livestock sector however has been dynamic and achieveda growth rate of about 8.0 per cent and improved its
share in agricultural GDP to 35.0.

the sectors, agriculture experienced the lowest growthof investment during the nineties.
What are the challenges for improving the growthrate in agriculture and equity in A.P.? The supply anddemand side constraints have to be removed to raise overall
growth in agriculture. Support systems and policy changes
have to be tuned in such a way that they improve theproductivity and incomes of the small and marginal farmers
and focus more on dryland areas.
The well known challenges in agriculture are: public
and private investment in agriculture, land issues including
land reforms, research and extension, irrigation and water
management, credit, marketing, domestic and tradeliberalization, diversification while maintaining food security
and institutional reforms. All these issues have to be addressed
for improving agricultural growth and incomes of the farmers.
The Prime Minister of India Dr.Manmohan Singhmentioned four deficits regarding agriculture. These four
deficits are: (a) public investment and credit deficit; (b)the infrastructure deficit; (c) the market economy deficit;(d) the knowledge deficit. The Farmers’ Welfare Commission
headed by Jayati Ghosh appointed by the Governmentof A.P. gave several recommendations to tackle the crisis
in agriculture in the state (see Box 6.1).

The major changes in the nineties relate to a decline
in land and water resources available for agriculture. There
are significant inter-district variations in agricultural
performance. It should be noted that groundwater plays
an important role in the agricultural economy of Andhra
Pradesh and is the main source of irrigation in 15 out of
22 rural districts in the state.

Irrigation development and water management are
crucial. The green revolution in the 1960s and 1970s
had been greatly facilitated by the availability of good
irrigation infrastructure. However, the existing systems
have deteriorated over time and addition to capacity has
been negligible due to the decline in public investment.
According to the Planning Commission, nearly 35 percent of the ultimate potential from major and medium
irrigation projects in the state is yet to be exploited. In
the case of minor irrigation, about 40 per cent of theultimate potential remains unutilised.

Growth of investment in agriculture decelerated in
the nineties in the state, while the nation recovered fromlow growth of investment during this period. There wasa deceleration in public investment during this period
and because public and private investment arecomplementary, private investment also declined. Among

Institutional reform is important, particularly in inputs,
marketing and management of land and water resources
which in fact is even more important than price and trade
policy reforms. On land issues, the priority is to provide
credit to tenants and women farmers. Appropriate institutions
have to be developed for delivery of inputs, credit andAgrarian Economy of A.P

75

Box 6.1 Recommendations of Farmers’ Welfare Commission on A.P. Agriculture
The Commission on Farmers’ Welfare has deliberated on the problem of the agrarian crisis in A.P. and held discussions with a large
number of farmers during its field visits and has also consulted experts in various relevant fields. While the issues are complex and requiredetailed investigation of each area, they generally reflect structural conditions and especially the collapse of public institutions that affectfarmers and farming. The Commission feels that solutions to the current crisis require interventions in six important areas, which would
do the following: Correct spatial inequalities in access to irrigation and work towards sustainable water management; Bring all cultivators, including tenant farmers, into the ambit of institutional credit;
 Shift policies to focus on dryland farming through technology, extension, price and other incentives;
 Encourage cheaper and more sustainable input use, with greater public provision and regulation of private input supply andmore research and extension support;
 Protect farmers from high volatility in output prices; Emphasise rural economic diversification to more value-added activities and non-agricultural activities.
These goals form the basis of the recommendations made by the Commission. All of these issues have to be tackled at different
levels and require intervention by various institutions over the short as well as medium term. The new role envisaged for the state
government will require a substantial increase in public expenditure. Therefore the Commission expects that public expenditure on
agriculture and allied activities should reach 5 per cent of GSDP in the next budget. It is clear that the effectiveness of these recommendations
will depend essentially upon the political will to translate them into government policy and on the ground-level implementation.
Detailed recommendations for each of the above goals are given in the Commission’s report.

extension particularly for small and marginal farmers.
There are different models of marketing: self-help groups,
co-operative model similar to dairy, small producer cooperatives and contract farming. Given the price situation,
farmers can be helped by providing marketing facilities
at production points. Andhra Pradesh introduced a newmodel of marketing for maize based on the principles ofdecentralization and local participation during 2005.
It is known that there is very little scope for further
expansion of net sown area and land scarcity will become
an acute feature of the rural economy. The reasons for
decline in land and water resources and increase in fallow
land have to be identified at the local level and measures
have to be taken to solve the problems. The productivity
levels are low in well irrigation because of low availabilityof water. Water conservation measures are needed by
way of improvement of tanks and rainwater harvesting
to improve the recharge of groundwater. An integrated
development of different sources of irrigation is needed
to rectify the adverse effects of the lopsided developmentof groundwater exploitation. Water is a precious national
asset and there are several concerns regarding water
resources in the country. Therefore, a judicious use ofland and water resources will have to be the central concernof agricultural growth policies.

76

Another important aspect is the high level ofindebtedness. One of the major factors for high indebtedness
is investment in wells and frequent failures. There is no
insurance against this investment and most of this investment
is financed by informal sources. The co-operative sector,
which is active in other states, plays a negligible role inthe state. It is desirable to regulate investment in groundwaterand extend insurance coverage for it. The present government
is rightly giving importance to irrigation but it has to takea holistic view of agriculture rather than concentrating
only on irrigation. Short term and long term measures
are required to come out of the agrarian crisis and prevent
suicides by farmers.
To conclude, small-marginal farmers will be unviablewithout substantial public infrastructure support andcomprehensive social security including health, education,
employment and old age support. They are indeed risktaking small agricultural entrepreneurs. The state may
have to own the responsibility for the social costs ofinvestment in the development of land and water (including
groundwater) resources, provision of adequate economic
support by way of institutional credit, extension services,quality input supply and remunerative prices as well associal sector support of ensuring quality education andhealth facilities.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Demographic Transition, Health and Nutritional Deprivations

CHAPTER VII

7

Demography, Health and Nutrition

he demographic profile of the populationin terms of its size and composition isimportant in determining the level ofdevelopment. With the paradigm shift in development
discourse it is now widely accepted that the health statusof the people is also an important indicator of development.
Parameters like longevity, mortality, fertility and nutritional
levels reflect the status of health in a society. Health isan area which the global community is concerned about,as specially spelt out in the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs). One of the MDGs, specific to health, is
to reduce the mortality rate (infant & maternal) to threequarters by the year 2015 from the 1990 (country specific)
baseline rate. Therefore, various governments want toimprove the health status of the people as well as humandevelopment. The government of Andhra Pradesh is also
moving ahead in this direction. Thus this chapter focuseson the performance of Andhra Pradesh with respect tothe health status of its people.

T

The state has done remarkably wellin terms demographic indicators
among the Indian states. However,its progress in the areas of healthand nutrition needs has not been
impressive. The increasing burden of
diseases, especially of HIV/AIDS
needs greater public policy attention.
The policy of public-private partnership in
health care systemneeds to be reviewed.

Demography, Helth & Nutrition

7.1 Size, Growth and Composition of Population
Andhra Pradesh is the fifth largest state in India, interms of population. The state now accounts for about 7
per cent of the total population in India but this share
had declined from 8.3 per cent in 1961 to 7.2 percent
2001. The population of Andhra Pradesh almost quadrupledin the last century from 19.1 million in 1901 to 76.2
million in 2001. In fact, three-fourths of this increase
took place in the latter half of the 20th century and the77annual growth of population had increased sharply. The
decadal growth of population was, in fact, below 15 percent until 1961; it rose till 1991 and the growth rate (24.2)
during 1981-91 was the highest ever recorded during
the 20th century. Later, a dramatic decline, however, hasbeen observed in the rate of growth of population which
was only about 14 percent during 1991-2001. The annualcompound growth rate for Andhra Pradesh was 1.37 per
cent, which was much lower rate than the all-India averageof 1.93 per cent (Table 7.1).
Within the state, among the districts, Ranga Reddy
recorded the highest growth rate (3.43) during 1991-2001,
followed by Hyderabad (1.99), which was largely due tothe rapid growth of the Hyderabad urban agglomeration.
Adilabad had the third highest growth rate (1.80) due tohigh fertility. The coastal districts had the lowest growth
rates - Vizianagaram with 0.64 percent followed by East
Godavari (0.77), West Godavari (0.78), Guntur (0.84) andSrikakulam (0.90) - all had population growth of less than
1 percent. In another 11 districts the growth rates were
between 1 and 1.5 percent; and in 5 districts between
1.6 and 2 percent.
Table 7.1: Size, Growth and Composition of Population
All-India

Andhra Pradesh

Year

Pop.

Gr

SR % of Pop.
60+

% in Gr SR
India

% of
60+

1

2

3

4

6

7

8

9

10

- 5.6 36.0 M
6.4 44.0 M
6.3 54.0 M
6.7 67.0 M

8.2
8.0
8.0
7.9

2.3
2.2

986
981
977
975
972

6.2
6.0
6.7
6.8

2001 1028.6 M 1.93 933 7.1 76.0 M

7.4

1.4

978

7.6

1951 361.1 M
1961 438.9 M
1971 548.2 M
1981 665.3 M
1991 838.6 M

1.25 946
1.95 941
2.20 930
2.22 934
2.14 927

5

Note: Pop. – Population; M – Millions; Gr - Growth (Compound annual growth rate); SR – Sex Ratio; % of 60+ - Share of 60+ age
population in total.
Source : Computed using Census of India Figures.

However, the phenomenon of ‘missing females’ owing
to the unbalanced sex ratio has been a cause of great
concern. Although the sex ratio in Andhra Pradesh isslightly better than the all-India average, it is still not favourable(Table 7.1). The sex ratio in Andhra Pradesh was estimatedto be 985 in 1901 and it declined to 981 in 1981 and to78

972 in 1991. There was a marginal improvement during
the last decade when it increased to 978 in 2001. However
the child (0 to 6 years) sex ratio has declined from 978(girls per 1000 boys) in 1991 to 965 in 2001 and this isa cause for concern. Within the state, the sex ratios ofgeneral and 0-6 age population vary across districts. In
districts in which the tribal population is higher and in
the more developed districts, the sex ratio is relatively
higher.

7.2 Demographic Transition in A P
The sudden decline in population growth in Andhra
Pradesh during the past decade (1991-2001) is undisputed
and hence has attracted the wide attention. The state isfound to be on the course of rapid demographic transition
following the other south Indian states like Kerala andTamil Nadu. It is known that fertility, mortality and migration
are critical in the process of demographic transition. Although
about 31 per cent of the population living in Andhra Pradesh
is characterized as migrants only about 1 per cent in the
total population and 4.5 per cent of the total migrants
were born outside Andhra Pradesh. The 2001 Census
classifies about 2.3 crore people in Andhra Pradesh as
migrants of whom about 0.23 lakh were reportedly born
abroad and about 10.6 lakh people were born within
India but not in the state. It seems that the role of migration
is insignificant in the overall population dynamics1 inAndhra Pradesh and hence, fertility and mortality are themajor contributing factors.
Both the birth and death rate in the state had fallen
to low levels. In the country as a whole and in Andhra
Pradesh mortality began to decline steadily, much earlier
than the fertility decline. Though both the birth and death
rates began to decline from the 1960s, there was a sharp
decline in mortality rate in the state during 1961-71.
Thereafter the pace of decline slowed down and especiallysince the 1990s the trend in mortality rate has almost
flattened. The faster rate of decline in the mortality rate
without a corresponding decline in the birth rate resulted
in the highest rate of growth of population ever recorded
during the 1980s. The death rate in Andhra Pradesh wasalways in line with the level for the country.
1

See James and Subramanian (2003).

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Infant mortality is an important component of mortality
in general and a crucial factor in indicating health status.
Unlike the crude death rate, IMR in Andhra Pradesh has
always been lower than the all-India rate, but it was highwhen compared to other southern states. There was asteady decline in IMR in Andhra Pradesh particularly since1971. Though the IMR in the state declined from 106 in1971 to 66 in 2001 and further declined to 53 in 2005
(Table 7.2). It is, however, a level that is unacceptably
high. Moreover, the earlier sharp decline in IMR has notcontinued in the recent past. This situation has a bearing
on the overall death rate and life expectancy at birth andis also indicative of the fact that the state has a long way
to go before attaining transition in mortality. A cause ofconcern at this point for the state is how to achieve afurther decline in the death rate when infant mortality
remains high and stagnant.
IMR can be segregated into neonatal and post-neonatal
mortality. It is estimated that two-thirds of IMR occurs in
the former phase. According to the latest SRS (2005) the
proportion of neonatal mortality to infant mortality inIndia is 62.9 percent (63.7 percent in urban; 58.2 percent
in rural). In Andhra Pradesh the proportion of neonatal
mortality is 61.1 percent of IMR (68 percent in rural; and28 percent in urban).
A decline in the mortality rate has, however, increased
the life span of people. It was estimated that life expectancy
at birth for the country as a whole was twenty in 1921
Table 7.2: Crude Birth (CBR) and Death Rates (CDR), Infant Mortality Rate
(IMR) and Total Fertility Rate (TFR) in A P and India
Year

CBR

AP
1
2
1951 1961 39.7
1971 34.8
1981
1991
2001

India
3
39.9
41.7
41.2

CDR
AP India
4
5
27.4
25.2 22.8
14.6 14.9

31.7 37.2 11.1 12.5
26.0 32.5 9.7 9.8
20.8 24.8 8.1 8.4
2005-06 (NFHS 3)

Note

IMR
TFR
AP India AP India678
9
146 5.5 106 129 4.8 5.4
86
73
66
53

110
80
66
55

4.3
3.4
2.3
1.8

4.5
3.6
3.1
2.3

: 1. Birth and Death Rates are per 1000 Population; 2. IMR - Deaths
per 1,000 live Births.
Source : Registrar General of India, NFHS III (2005-06) Fact Sheets.

Demography, Helth & Nutrition

and this has increased to 65.4 years during 2001-06. In
Andhra Pradesh too life expectancy has improved, risingfrom 48.4 years in 1970-75 to 63.9 years during 200106, by almost 15 years. The improvement is noted inboth the rural and urban areas as well as among males
and females. But women are outliving men by 0.9 to 2.2
years in the state. An improvement of ten years in life
expectancy was observed between 1970–75 and 1981–
85. However, the state (AP) is lagging behind other south
Indian states.
The main factor in demographic transition in Andhra
Pradesh is fertility. Historically, the fertility level in south
India has been lower than in the rest of the country. The
variation in fertility in the other three southern states remained
more or less the same, and the birth rate in Andhra Pradeshremained higher than in the other states. The Sample
Registration System (SRS) data indicates that the total fertility
rate (TFR) in Andhra Pradesh remained more or less stable
at around 5.5 per woman from 1961 to 1971. It took
almost three decades for TFR to reach three children per
woman but once this threshold was reached, the further
decline to two children took only about ten years. The
pace of decline in fertility was slower till the first half ofthe 1980s but thereafter there has been a rapid decline
in fertility, faster even as compared to other southern states
particularly between 1987 and 1996. The pace of fertility
decline outstripped the decline in mortality rate in thesecond half of the 1980s and resulted in decline in thenatural growth of population during 1990s. The declining
fertility rate in the state is approaching the replacementlevel. According to NFHS III (2005-06), the Total Fertility
Rate (TFR) for the state is 1.8, which is below the national
average and even that of Kerala. The TFR fell at a fasterrate in rural areas compared to urban areas so that therural and urban difference has virtually disappeared.
According to NFHS-3 data for 2005-06, TFR in urban
areas was estimated to be 1.7 and the rural TFR (1.9)
was higher by only 0.2 points in the state. Moreover,fertility differences have also narrowed considerably among
women with different levels of education or across socialgroups, leading to homogenization in reproductive behaviour.
Within the state regional disparities, however, areto be seen both in fertility and mortality. The districts
located in the coastal region (for instance, Srikakulam,79

West Godavari, Krishna, and Guntur) have experienced
a faster decline than the other regions during 1991-2001.
Some of them had already reached the replacement levelof fertility as early as 1996. The lowest fertility rate isobserved in the coastal region (2.1), followed by Rayalaseema(2.8) and Telangana regions (2.9). According to the reverse
survival estimates2 from the 2001 census data, the highest
level of TFR was observed in Mahbubnagar district (3.1),
and the lowest (1.9) was in Guntur, Hyderabad, and Krishna(Figure 7.1).
Figure 7.1: Total Fertility Rate in Districts of AP
Andhra Pradesh
Nalgonda
Khammam
Warangal
Karimanagar
Adilabad
Nizamabad
Medak
Hyderabad
Rangareddy
Mahabubnagar
KurnoolAnanthapur
KadapaChittor
NellorePrakasamGunturKrishnaWest Godavari
East Godavari
Visakapatnam
Vizayanagaram
Srikakulam

2001
1991
1981

0

1

2

3

4

TFR 5

Source : RGI and Guilmoto&Rajan (2002)

However, the classical theory of fertility transition
fails to explain the experience of Andhra Pradesh. Drastic
decline in fertility level would not be possible withoutchanges in terms of improvement in material conditions
and economic well-being, increase in female literacy,
improvement in child survival, exposure to media andmodern values and so on. A few studies3 based on NFHS
II data show that exposure to mass media and contraceptive
use have had a relatively strong influence on fertility decline.

7.3 The Burden of Disease
The burden of disease may be seen in terms of theloss of human resources due to premature death and2
3

See Guilmoto and Irudaya Rajan (2002).
For instance see James (1999); James and Subramanian (2005); Bhat (2002).

80

loss of healthy life resulting from disability. To capture
the burden of disease for an individual or for a society
the World Health Organisation (WHO) has introduced a
new concept called Disability Adjusted Life Year4 (DALY).
Though mortality rates have come down over the years,
morbidity levels are high owing to a variety of healthproblems. New variants of diseases along with sporadic
resurgence of a few virtually eradicated communicableand non-communicable diseases are challenging the medical
and the health care system. As a consequence, the costof health care particularly at the household level is increasing
which has socio-economic implications at the household
as well as societal level.
According to NSS 60th (2004) round survey on Morbidity
and Health Care, the prevalence of morbidity5 measured
as the number of persons reporting ailments during a
15-day period per 1000 persons in India is 91, 85 formales and 97 for females (9.1, 8.5 and 9.7 percent
respectively). In Andhra Pradesh, the estimated morbidity
rate is around 10 per cent (it is 11.4 and 9 per cent inrural and urban areas respectively) and it is one of thestates with a high morbidity rate. Morbidity increases
with age and is highest among the aged (i.e. 60 + years
persons). Persons who are ill do not always go in for
medical treatment and sometimes resort to self-medication,home remedies or no medical care. However, about 8.5
per cent of sick persons had been treated in India, whereas
in Andhra Pradesh the proportion receiving treatment
was 7.7 and 8.8 per cent in rural and urban areas respectively.
The morbidity rate in the state is higher than the national
average and the other southern states mainly because of
the more frequent occurrence of some diseases, particularly
asthma, tuberculosis, jaundice and malaria.
Disability is another cause of concern. Disability
may refer to any restriction or lack of ability to perform
an activity in the manner or within the range considered
4This is a health gap measure that extends the concept of potential years of life
lost due to premature death (PYLL) to include equivalent years of ‘healthy’ life
lost by virtue of being in a state of poor health or disability (YLD – years lost
due to disability). The DALY combines in one measure the time lived withdisability and the time lost due to premature mortality. One DALY can bethought of as one lost year of ‘healthy’ life and the burden of disease as ameasurement of the gap between current health status and an ideal situation
where everyone lives to old age free of disease and disability. However noestimates have been made of DALY at sub-regional level within India.
5

That is proportion of ailing persons (PAP).

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Box 7.1: Burden of Ageing
The main effect of demographic transition usually is a reduction in population growth rate and the resulting changes in the age structure of the
population. In the process, the demographic concern moved from baby boom to the burden of ageing. The declining trend in mortality rate and increased
life span, accompanied by the steep fall in fertility levels have reduced the size of the younger age group in the population and the increase numbers of aged
people.
In India, according to the Census, there were about 24.7 million people of 60 years and above who comprised 5.6 per cent of the total populationin 1961.This number has increased to 70.5 million (7.1 per cent) in 2001. In Andhra Pradesh, the aged population increased from 2.2 to 5.6 millions (thepercentage to total population increased from 6.2 to 7.6 per cent) from 1961 to 2001. The burden of ageing appears to be higher in Andhra Pradesh than
the all-India average. From a policy perspective, this means that the state has to design a policy to take care of old people and attend to the socio-economic
problems associated with old age7 .

normal for a human being6 . According to Census 2001
there were 1.2 million households, comprising 7 per centof the total households, with at least one disabled member
in Andhra Pradesh. Around 78 per cent of these households
are located in rural areas. One member is disabled in 5
percent (41,600) of the households, while there are two
or more disabled persons in around 10.5 per cent (1.3
lakh) households. This problem needs supportive action
from the state.
7.3.1 HIV/AIDS in Andhra Pradesh
While advances in medicine have greatly reduced
the occurrence of diseases like malaria and leprosy, HIV/AIDS has become a serious challenge for the world, forboth the developing as well as developed countries. HIV/AIDS is more than a health problem as it indirectly affects
many other sectors in the economy and therefore isconsidered to be a serious threat to economic growth.
In terms of magnitude, though the prevalence rateof HIV/AIDS in India seems to be at an insignificant
level, it has been increasing over time ever since the first
infected case was discovered. Estimates by UNAIDS of
HIV/AIDS infected cases in India are higher than the figures
given by National AIDS Control Organisation (NACO).
According to UNAIDS estimates for 2004, of the 42 million
NSS survey on disability shows that in 1981 there were nearly 12 million
persons in India with one kind of physical or mental disability. The number
was 16 million in 1991 and 19 million in 2001, an indication of the increasing
burden of the number of disabled persons over the period. According to thelatest Census estimates, there are 21.9 million disabled persons in India, ofwhom 9.3 million or 42 percent are women. About 75 per cent are located in
the rural areas.

People Living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) in the world, aroundfive million are in India, and of these almost one tenthi.e. around five lakh persons are in Andhra Pradesh. According
to the estimates given by NACO, of the total number of
1,03,857 AIDS cases reported in the country till 31 July
2005, as many as 11,280 cases, accounting for nearly 11
percent are from Andhra Pradesh and so far, the state
has recorded 739 AIDS related deaths. Among the majorstates in India, Andhra Pradesh has a large number ofcases with HIV/AIDS. Moreover, the state is one of thesix Indian states with the highest prevalence rate besides
Karnataka, Maharashtra, Tamilnadu, Manipur and Nagaland.
These six states in India together accounted for nearly
83 percent of the AIDS cases in the country.
According to NFHS 3 (2005-06), while the prevalence
rate of HIV at the national level is 0.35 percent (0.26 and0.46 per cent respectively for female and males) of 1549 age group population, (Figure 7.2) Andhra Pradesh
has the highest prevalence rate 0.97 percent (0.75 and1.22 per cent respectively for females and males), next
to Manipur among Indian states. Based on the prevalence
rate the number of people who tested HIV positive arearound 18 lakh at the all-India level and 4 lakh in Andhra
Pradesh. These numbers may go up if we include otherFigure 7.2: HIV Prevalence Rate (15-49 Age Group)7
The severity of the problem depends upon the endowment of human capital(in terms of health and skills) of the old. Andhra Pradesh as well as India isfacing the problem of ageing without human capital endowment.

Demography, Helth & Nutrition

Prevalance rate

6

AP
India

1.5
1
0.5
0

Persons

Males

Females

Source : NFHS III (2005-06).

81

age groups (0-14 and 50+) for which we do not haveestimations. The state accounts for around 22 per centof the HIV positive persons in India.
The other estimates based on surveillance surveys
shows the infection rate to be 22.8 per cent among thehigh-risk population represented by the STD clinic attendees
and 2 percent among the antenatal clinic attendees, who
represent the low-risk adult population. This indicatesthat the situation is very serious in Andhra Pradesh andthe HIV epidemic in the state is no longer confined tothe high-risk groups like sex workers, truckers and MSM,
but has penetrated into the general public.
The worrying factor is that the epidemic is morethan a public health problem and is affecting a productive
human resources. The age-wise distribution of HIV/AIDS
prevalence in the 97 Voluntary Counselling and Testing
Centres (VCTC) in the state shows that nearly 80 percent
of persons in the infected are in the age group of 15-39
years and another 12 percent are between 40 and 49
years. This means that as many as 92 percent of those
infected are in the age group of 15-49 which are the mostproductive years.
The prevalence of HIV/AIDS varies across districtsof Andhra Pradesh. In 20 districts, at least 1 percent of
the women who are attending antenatal clinics had tested
positive for HIV in 2004. Similarly, more than 100 casesof AIDS were reported in fourteen districts.

While examining modes of transmission of HIV, basedon the sample of 32,243 persons who had tested positive,
Andhra Pradesh State AIDS Control Society (APSACS)
estimates for 2004 show that 88 percent of the infections
are through sexual contact and less than 2 percent arethrough blood transfusion and infected syringes. The parent
to child transmission accounts for another 3 percent of
the infections and other causes account for the remaining
7 percent of the cases.
According to APSACS’s report on HIV and AIDS
Situation and Response, several factors are responsible
for the consistent high-prevalence rate of HIV in the state(APSACS, 2005). There is a high prevalence of sex with
non-regular partners and STI among both men and womenand low condom use with non-regular partners. There isalso a high level of trafficking of girls and women. According
to the estimates of mapping of population groups thatare vulnerable to HIV and AIDS in the state, the numberof female sex workers is likely to be around as many as
24000. The infection is being spread along the vast networkof national highways (4,472 kms) and other roads (1,79,980kms) and by the large number of migrant population likemigrant labourers, truckers, construction workers and street
children in all districts of the state. In addition, there arefishermen in nine Coastal districts, mining and quarrying
workers in 13 districts and tobacco grading women workers
in two districts.

Box 7.2: Future Challenges of HIV/AIDS
The thrust of public action on the spread of HIV/AIDS could be in three areas: prevention, care and support. First of all, it has to develop a mechanism
to prevent the spread of the disease through creating awareness. Though general awareness has increased, there is still little understanding about themechanism through which HIV infection spreads. The trend in the spread of HIV/AIDS appears to be transforming from sporadic to generalized infection.
As a result, the contribution of HIV/AIDS to overall morbidity is continuously increasing. Providing health care for those who are already infected is a majortask. The epidemic is shifting towards rural areas from urban and commercial centers. Given the meager health care facilities in rural areas, the necessary
medical treatment for the HIV infected would be inadequate.
Though men are affected more in the initial stages, over a period there will be more women among the HIV infected. The deaths of men as result of
AIDS leave many women widowed, resulting in an increase in female-headed households. This will increase the burden of women for maintaining thefamily. The erosion of the traditional joint/extended family system which normally would provide support and help would further increase the burden.
Children who are the future citizens are also victims of HIV/AIDS. The spread of HIV/AIDS has two prime consequences on children. One is children
infected through their parents or any other mechanism; another is children who are affected by the disease. Children of infected parents are orphaned when
their parents die. In changing society in which nuclear families are rapidly growing, especially in AP, these children may have nobody to take care of them.
This may lead to child headed households sustained by child labour.
The burden of HIV/AIDS definitely affects the economy. First, due to the loss of man power as the most of the infected are in the most productive agegroup. Second, due to the cost of the treatment for the infected. There will be a financial burden on both the public exchequer and the private purse.

82

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Sentinel Surveillance Surveys report that most married
men who were occupied in employment that necessitatesconsiderable mobility or temporary visits to other cities
or areas such as truck/ auto/taxi drivers, those employedin hotel industry, agricultural and unskilled labourers were
responsible for spreading HIV to the general public throughtheir wives (Sentinel Surveillance Survey, 2004).

III). Moreover, female sterilization is the most favoured
option for family planning. About 62.9 per cent of women
aged 15 to 49 years and currently married have undergone
sterilization. The state has the youngest average age (22.4
years) at sterilization in the country with only 6-8 yearsof reproductive span (Padma, 2006).

Though there is growing awareness in the state about
HIV/AIDS, the awareness levels of women are far belowthat of men. According to NFHS III about 93 per cent ofmen but only 73.6 per cent of women were aware of
AIDS in 2005-06. In 1998-99, 55.3 per cent of women
were aware of AIDS. At the national level the corresponding
figures for the year 2005-06 are 57 and 80 per centrespectively for women and men. Yet preventive knowledgeof regular use of condoms is very low in Andhra Pradesh
at only 34.1 percent among women and 73.4 percent
among men (NFHS-3).

Maternal mortality ratio (MMR; defined as maternal
deaths per 100,000 live births) is one of the indicators ofoverall quality of life and the reduction in MMR is an
important indicator of progress. SRS based estimates showthat there was a decline in maternal mortality ratio (MMR)
in India from 398 in 1997-1998 to 301 in 2001-2003,
and that there was an overall relative decline of nearly
24 per cent during 1997-2001 in the country. In all thesouthern states together the decline was around sevenper cent. In Andhra Pradesh, the decline was around elevenpercent, i.e. from 220 in 1997 to 195 in 2003. Although
the estimated level of MMR for Andhra Pradesh (195 in
2001-3) was well below the national average, the change
observed was nominal during the same period (RGI, 2006).
The main causes of maternal death are hemorrhage, followed
by sepsis, toxemia during pregnancy, abortions and obstructedlabor. In addition, the non-medical causes that are identified
with MMR are illiteracy/ low levels of education, younger
age at marriage, women belonging to unprivileged sections,and poor economic status. In India about one lakh women
die each year of complications from pregnancy, including
bleeding to death because they could not get treatment.
It was observed that poor maternal health and nutritional

7.4 Maternal and Reproductive Child HealthSexual life is interwoven with the practice of early
age at marriage for women, especially in Andhra Pradesh.
Most girls who get married when very young are ignorantof reproductive health. The recent NFHS III (2005-06)
survey results reveal that about 54.7 per cent of womenin the age 20 to 24 years are married before or at the ageof 18 and about 18 per cent of ever married women in
the age 15 to 19 years were already mothers or pregnant
at the time of the survey. The median age at first birth for
women in the age group 25 to 49 years was 18.8 (NFHS,

7.4.1 Maternal HealthBox 7.3: Policy Initiatives to Improve Maternal Health
The Maternal and Child Health (MCH) programme has evolved over a period of time especially since the First Five Year Plan. A focused approach wastaken up during the Fifth Plan (1974-79), when mother and child health care, nutrition and family planning were introduced in an integrated manner. The
beginning of the nineties brought about a change towards improving the health status of individuals, particularly women and children. In 1992-93, the state
government adopted the child-survival and safe-motherhood programme. In 1994, during the ICPD conference at Cairo, much emphasis was laid on social
development beyond family planning. The major goal was to provide health care to the mother and the child through the Reproductive and Child Health
Programme. India being a signatory to this conference also implemented the Cairo Declaration with complete earnestness. In 1996, the Child Survival and
Safe Motherhood Programme was incorporated into the Reproductive and Child Health Programme.
The state level population policy of Andhra Pradesh emphasised an integrated approach with particular attention to provision and improvement ofmaternal and reproductive health services in the state. In 2006 the National Rural Health Mission laid further emphasis on maternal health care. The importantelements in each programme initiated that address maternal and reproductive health care were to provide antenatal care, encourage institutional delivery,
provide post-natal care and to identify reproductive tract and sexually transmitted diseases.

Demography, Helth & Nutrition83

status and inappropriate management of labor during delivery
were responsible for 75 per cent of the peri-natal deaths.
A study in Andhra Pradesh reported that 78 percent of
the maternal deaths that were reported could have been
prevented by specific action taken in time (Bhatia, 1993).
Maternal mortality is just the tip of the iceberg of
the problems women face. Many women may not die ofcauses related to pregnancy but suffer severe morbidity8 .
About one-fourth of deaths of women in reproductiveage (15 to 49 years) are related to pregnancy (WDR, 1993).
About 40 percent of the pregnancies in developing countries
result in complications, illness, or permanent disability
for mother and child (WHO 1992a). It has been observedthat in developing countries for each maternal death, ten
to fifteen women suffer from serious impairments (Mesham
and Rochat, 1987). A study in Andhra Pradesh foundthat life threatening maternal morbidity ranged between
35 and 15 percent (Rama Padma, 2003).
An issue of concern is about women who suffer from
reproductive health problems. Nearly half the women(48.5 percent) in the state are reported to be sufferingfrom a reproductive health problem (NFHS II). Of these
only a few women had sought treatment indicating thatmost have been putting up with the problem silently. A
few micro level studies (for instance, Rama Padma, 2003)
indicated that low utilization of reproductive health care
was due to lack of privacy and poor quality of care. According
to the Reproductive Child Health (RCH) survey 200304, 13.7 percent of women in the reproductive age groupin the state are suffering from reproductive tract infections(RTIs).
Compared to the country on the whole, the situation
with regard to maternal health care is much better inAndhra Pradesh. However when compared with Kerala
and Tamil Nadu, maternal health care practices need to
be improved further. Within the state there has been asteady improvement in the utilization of antenatal careservices between 1992-93 and 2005-06 (NFHS I&III). The
percentage of women who had received the minimum
requirement of three antenatal visits increased from 75
8At least 1, 600 women die every day all over the world, owing tocomplications related to pregnancy and childbirth.

84

to 86 during the same period. According to the NSS 60th
(2004) round survey on Morbidity and Health Care theproportion of pregnant women in Andhra Pradesh availing
antenatal and post-natal care services were respectively
about 90.6 and 71.9 per cent in rural areas and 92.5 and82.0 per cent in urban areas.
The educational status of women, particularly ten
years or more of formal education, showed a significant
association with improvement in antenatal care. Though
the utilization of antenatal care improved significantly,
yet mothers taking IFA tablets for the required 90 days ormore is still very low at 39 percent. The disparity between
urban and rural women is especially pronounced - about
46 percent of urban women took IFA for 90 days or morewhile the figure for rural women was 36 percent. Births
assisted by a health professional increased to 74 percent
from 49 percent, 89 percent for urban women and 67
percent for rural women (NFHS III). Institutional births
increased from 35 percent to 70 percent, but about twofifths of rural women still deliver their children at home.
About 70 per cent of women receive postnatal care within
two days of delivery in Andhra Pradesh.
District wise analysis based on Reproductive Child
Health (RCH) survey (2003-04) indicates that full antenatal care9 is lowest in Mahabubnagar district (14.5 percent)and highest in Medak (65.1 percent). Safe delivery10 islowest in Kurnool (37 percent) and highest in the capital
district, Hyderabad, (93 percent).
A reproductive health index (RHI) has been constructed
for all the districts of Andhra Pradesh in which the higher
value of the index indicates the relatively better performanceof a district (see Figure 7.3). Reproductive health is defined
as a state of complete physical, mental and social wellbeing of a couple in all matters relating to the reproductive
system and its functions and processes. Though the term
covers the health of both partners throughout the life cycle,
it is most relevant to the health of the mother. Thus, female
reproductive experiences are usually taken for assessing
9

Full ANC2 - (At least 3 visits for ANC + at least one TT injection + 100 or
more IFA tablets/syrup).
Safe Delivery means either institutional delivery or home delivery attended
by doctor/nurse)

10

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Figure 7.3: Reproductive Health Index (RHI) across districts
Hyderabad
KrishnaGunturEast Godavari
NelloreKarimnagar
West Godavari
Chittoor
Warangal
Visakhapatnam
KhammamPrakasam
Adilabad
Rangareddy
KadapaMedak
Srikakulam
Anantapur
Nalgonda
Nizamabad
Vizianagaram
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar

0

20

40

60

RHI 80

reproductive health status 11. The RHI comprises six
parameters relevant to maternal health: fertility rate (TFR),
the proportion of higher order births, the proportion ofadequately-spaced births, safe births12 , infant mortality
rate (IMR), and the educational attainment of women (EAW).
As expected the maximum RHI value is seen in the moredeveloped districts of the state.
7.4.2 Child HealthChild health covers a span of time from conception
to childbirth and childhood. During pregnancy when thechild is in the womb the health of the fetus is totally
influenced by the health condition and nutrition levelsof the mother, antenatal care and the place of delivery
and proper medical assistance. According to NFHS III
survey estimates, in Andhra Pradesh about 86 per centof the mothers had at least 3 antenatal care visits during
11

The reproductive health index used in this report is a modified form of that

constructed by K. Srinivasan (UNFPA, 1997) which comprised six parameters
relevant to maternal health: the total fertility rate (TFR), a fertility measure thatmeasures the total burden of fertility in the population; the proportion ofhigher order births, the proportion of adequately-spaced births, the proportionof births receiving skilled attention at the time of delivery (SKAID); infantmortality rate (IMR), and the educational attainment of women (EAW). Equal
weights were assigned for all six components. Due to the non-availability of
district level information on the proportion of adequately-spaced births, the
RHI includes the other five indicators.
The proportion of births receiving skilled attention at the time of delivery(SKAID)

12

Demography, Helth & Nutrition

their last pregnancy, 74 per cent of confinements wereassisted by health personnel and 68.6 per cent of births
were ‘institutional’ births. Immunization coverage of children
between 12 to 23 months in the state is better than in allIndia. Although the percentage of children fully immunized(46 percent) seems to be below 50 percent, the coverage
under individual components like BCG (92.9), polio vaccine(79.2), DPT Vaccine (61.4), measles vaccine (69.4) is higher.
The component that brings down the average is vitamin
A supplement which is received by only 21.4 per cent ofchildren. Regarding treatment of diseases for children
below three, only 36 percent of children with diarrhoea
received ORS and about 61.4 per cent were taken to ahealth facility. Although Andhra Pradesh seems to have
performed relatively better in all these aspects whencompared to either the all-India average or a few northIndian states, the performance is still well below the norms.

7.5 Nutrition: Mal (Under) Nutrition
Freedom from hunger and malnutrition is a basic
human right and a fundamental prerequisite for humanand national development. Better nutrition means stronger
immune systems, less illness and better health. Threetypes of malnutrition occur frequently: i) under-nutrition;ii) micronutrient malnutrition; and iii) over-nutrition. Whereas
developed nations are encountering problems related toover-nutrition, developing countries such as India areexperiencing micronutrient malnutrition and under-nutrition.
The negative externalities of under-nutrition are many,
especially among the younger age group. According to
the World Health Organisation (WHO), poor nutrition
contributes to 1 out of 2 deaths (53 percent) associatedwith infectious diseases among children below five indeveloping countries. Because of the severity of the problem,
efforts have been made at the global, national and regional
levels to cut down the extent of malnutrition. Recently
the global community (as part of MDGs – Millennium
Development Goals) has committed itself to a major
reduction in malnutrition at each and every level of society
by 2015.
The nutritional status of children below three yearsof age is better in Andhra Pradesh when compared tothe all-India average with respect to underweight (i.e.
weight for age), wasting (weight for height) and stunting85

(height for age). According to the estimations of NFHS III(2005-06), in Andhra Pradesh, about 42.7, 12.2 and 32.5
per cent of children below 5 years of age were respectively
characterized as stunted, wasted and underweight while
the all-India averages are 48.0, 19.8 and 42.5 per cent.
And about 9.9 percent of children below five years ofage were severely malnourished in Andhra Pradesh andthis percentage is very much lower than the all-India averageof 15.8 percent (Table 7.3). Though the state is better
than the all-India average in terms of nutritional status,
its status is poor in the case of anaemia among children.
Table 7.3: Nutritional Status of Children and Women, 2005-06
Indicators
AP
India
Children
1
1.1
1.2
2

Weight for age (Underweight)
Below –2SD
Below –3SD
Height for Age (Stunting)

2.1
2.1
3
3.1
3.2
4.1

32.5
9.9

42.5
15.8

Below –2SD
Below –3SD
Weight for Height (Wasting)
Below –2SD
Below –3SD
Anaemia (all)

42.7
18.7

48.0
23.7

12.2
3.5
70.8

19.8
6.4
69.5

4.2 Anaemia (severe)
Women
5
Below 145 cm
6
Mean BMI7
BMI less than 18.5
8Chronic Energy Deficiency (NNMB)

3.6

2.9

12.1
20.9
33.5
14.1

11.4
20.5
35.6
18.5

9

Moderate and Severe Anaemia

23.9

16.8

Note

: 1. For nutrition and anaemia children below five years of age
were considered.

indicate the poor nutritional status of women in the state
as well as in India.
The state was also relatively better than all-India withrespect to anaemia. About 17.3 per cent of women inAndhra Pradesh had iron-deficiency anaemia whereas it
was as high as 53 per cent for all-India (NFHS II). But onother aspects of anaemia the state was not much better
than the country as a whole. About 79 per cent of children
aged 6 to 35 months, and 62 and 56.4 per cent of evermarried and pregnant women in the age of 15 to 49 years
were found to be anaemic whereas for all-India thecorresponding figures were 79.2, 56.2 and 57.9 per cent
(NFHS III).

7.6 Infrastructure for Health CareAll health related aspects are influenced by the availabilityof and access to health services. Individual households
and the state are the most important stakeholders in healthservices systems. To protect and promote general health,the public health infrastructure must be strong. Publichealth programmes must deliver specific health services
to the population (e.g. immunization); promote healthy
behaviour; and promote healthy environments.
A minimum level of physical infrastructure is needed
to provide public health services, and also to increase
access to health services. In Andhra Pradesh (as on 31st
March, 2005), there were 349 general hospitals with 36168
beds, 262 dispensaries and 7415 doctors (including 743
contract doctors) to serve the 8 crore population of thestate. On an average, there are 4 hospitals and 3 dispensaries
per ten-lakh population, and 45 beds and 10 doctors per
one lakh population. This is inadequate in terms of availability

Source : NFHS III (2005-06) and NNMB (2002).

Even with respect to the nutritional status of adults,
especially of ever-married women and men, Andhra Pradesh
appears to be performing better than the country as awhole. In Andhra Pradesh, by NFHS III estimates, about
30.8 per cent of women and 24.8 per cent of men have abody mass index (BMI) below normal whereas for allIndia it was 33 and 28 percent respectively. The mean
Body Mass Index (BMI) for Andhra Pradesh estimatedby NFHS III survey data was almost the same as the national
average at 20.3 but below the normal level. These figures
86

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

of health facilities and provision of adequate health careto the population.
Figure 7.4: Access to Health Facility: Percentage of Villages
Having Health Facility in AP
Within or Nearby

2 to 5 Km Distance

Above 5 Km Distance

80
60
40
20
0
ICDS

SubCentre

PHC

CHC

Pvt.Hosp. Pvt Clinic

Med Shop

Source : Report On Village Facilities, NSS Report No. 487, 58th Round(July-December 2002)

In Andhra Pradesh, the availability of PHCs, PHSCs
and CHCs is relatively better than the all-India averageand many states in India, except the south Indian statesof Kerala and Tamilnadu. There are 1570, 12522 and
164 PHC, PHSC and CHCs respectively serving around60 million rural population (Census projections 2007)
in Andhra Pradesh13 . Since the inception of mandals, a
sub-administrative division in the district, the State had
made it mandatory that there should be one PHC in eachmandal. The number of PHCs is more than the numberof mandals (i.e.1126). This seems to be inadequate interms of population norm14 (1 PHC per 30000 persons)according to which 60 million rural population should
be served by 2000 PHCs, which means that 430 more
PHCs are required. Similarly, an additional 336 CHCs
are required. But in terms of sub-centres (existing 12522),
AP seems to have 500 more PHSCs than the norm (12000).
However, people located in rural areas continue tobe the most disadvantaged in terms of access to healthcare facilities. There are a number of villages where there
may not be any basic medical facility available. (see figure7.4) Even where facilities are available, their functioning
13

The numbers for Andhra Pradesh are collected from Health Information inIndia, 2005.

14

According to government formula, there must be one sub-centre (PHSC) for
every 5,000 people (3,000 in hilly areas), one primary health center (PHC) for
every 30,000 people (20,000 in hilly areas) and one community health centre(CHC) for every 120,000 people (80,000 in hilly areas). The infrastructure at
the all-India level is far short of the requirement even according to the government
formula. India needs at least 7,415 CHCs, but there are less than half thisnumber of CHCs in the country.

Demography, Helth & Nutrition

is dismal in rural areas. Many villages do not have any
qualified medical practitioners. While the hospitals at
secondary and tertiary level are over-utilized, the primarylevel services, especially PHCs and sub-centres, are underutilized mainly due to non-availability of doctors at these
health centers, especially in rural areas. These primary
health centers account for around 5 per cent of out-patients(OP) and in-patients (IP) in rural Andhra Pradesh. It wasobserved in field studies that while primary health centres
may exist, medical personnel may not be available.

Box 7.4: Missing in Action - Health Workers India
Absenteeism of health care providers especially in the public
sector is rampant in many developing countries. The absence
rate based on direct physical verification (by unannounced visits)of the service provider’s presence in randomly sampled healthcenters indicate that in India it is as high as about 40 per cent. It isobserved that higher-ranking health workers are absent more
often then lower-ranking ones and men absent more than women.
Those who have marketable skills and lucrative outside earning
capabilities (such as doctors) at private clinic are more likely to beabsent. Above 40 percent of total (sample) health workers reported
that they had their own private practice. Many of the healthworkers who are absent from the public health centers areproviding private medical care. Absence rates are high whenhealth centres are not regularly inspected and in remotely locatedcentres than in less remote locations. In primary health subcentres (PHSC) the absence rate is higher than in community
health centers (CHCs). The situation in Andhra Pradesh may be
no better than the country as a whole.
Source : Chaudhury et al (2006)

Absenteeism among the available doctors is also common
in primary health centers.
Private health care services (with qualified doctors)
are also negligible in rural areas. Most medical facilities
in both the private and public sectors are located in urban
areas. A study conducted by the Centre for Economic
and Social Studies during 2003 based on a sample survey
in selected areas found that most of the qualified private
doctors (79 per cent) were in the urban areas. There is
no private doctor in 23 mandals of the total 38 mandals
in the rural areas of Khammam district. Most of the doctors
in rural areas were in government facilities. The actual
availability of doctors in rural areas, though officially posted
in these areas, may be negligible, given the widespread
prevalence of absenteeism (Narayana, 2003).
87

7.6.1 Predominance of Private Sector in Health Care
Inadequacy of facilities and the various problems
involved with public health care have led to the growthof private health care services in India as well as in Andhra
Pradesh. The Indian health care system is among the mostprivatised in the world and less than a quarter of all healthcare related expenses are met by the government. According
to a survey15 of private hospitals in 1993, there were alarge number of private hospitals (3,151) and beds (46,550)16
in Andhra Pradesh. Complete information on the size ofhealth care facilities (hospitals, beds, doctors etc.) in theprivate and voluntary sectors is not available, as compulsory
registration of health care institutions with any public or
professional agency is not legally enforced.
National level surveys such as National Sample Survey(NSS) and the National Family Health Survey (NFHS) on
utilisation of medical care and local surveys on medical
facilities also indicate the predominance of the private
sector and its rapid growth in the state. A survey by thegovernment of Andhra Pradesh (GOAP) in 1994 had shownthat private hospitals accounted for 59 percent of total
hospital beds in the state, 35 percent were in the public
sector and 6 percent in the voluntary sector. Although
the private sector accounted for a higher per cent of medical
facilities in the state, the size of private hospitals was
relatively small17 . A majority of the private hospitals treated
all types of cases and a few were confined to a single
speciality. Among various specialisations, obstetrics incombination with others was the single largest area ofspecialisation in the private sector.
The 42nd (1986-1987), 52nd (1995-96) and 60th (2004)
rounds of NSS provide state-wise estimates on private
and public sources of treatment for both in-patients aswell as out-patients. These survey results indicate that15

Directorate of Health Services, Government of AP (GOAP) in 1992/1993

16

Institute of Health Systems (1996): Andhra Pradesh Health Institutions
Database (APHID), Technical Note, Working Paper No. XI (1-27), IHS, Hyderabad.
17

In all the towns, the average bed strength of hospitals was only about 15.
About 90 per cent of the hospitals had bed strength of less than 30. Together,
the hospitals with less than 30 beds accounted for more than two-thirds of
hospital beds in the private sector. The GOAP survey also showed this patternat the state level. About 66 per cent of beds were located in hospitals with bed
strength of 30 or less.

88

the private sector in Andhra Pradesh has been predominant
in health care, reaching its peak in the 1980s. It has grownmarginally in the recent period. In 1986-87 it accounted
for about 70 percent of in-patient care in rural areas and62 percent in urban areas, which was the highest in the
country. This had marginally increased to 73 and 64 percent respectively by 2004.
Similarly, the estimates of National Family Health
Surveys (NFHS) on the type of medical attendance at thetime of delivery show the growing importance of private
medical facilities in Andhra Pradesh18 . At the national
level, about 26 percent of births took place in healthinstitutions (public and private hospitals) in 1992-93 which
increased to 34 percent in 1998-99. In Andhra Pradesh,
it increased from about 34 to 54 percent during the same
period. The percentage of births in private hospitals inthe state increased rapidly from 58 percent in 1992-93
to 75 percent in 1998-99. The trend was similar at the
all-India level but was less pronounced, and the percentage
of births in private hospitals increased from 43 to 52
percent19 .
However, it may be noted that the utilization patternof public and private hospitals, as indicated by the NSSO
and the NFHS, does not imply any specific preference
for private hospitals in Andhra Pradesh. The proportionof people going to public and private hospitals broadly
corresponds to their bed strength in the state. Private hospitals
accounted for about 72 per cent of beds in the rural areas
and 56 per cent in the urban areas in 1993. The NSS(42nd round) had also shown that private hospitals accounted
for 69 per cent of in-patient care in the rural areas and58 per cent in the urban areas. Similarly, according to
the NFHS (1992-93), 58.5 per cent of total births in hospitals
have taken place in the private sector, which is almost
equal to the share of the private sector (59 per cent) inthe hospital beds in Andhra Pradesh. It is therefore erroneousto cite the NSS and NFHS as an indication of a generalpreference for private hospitals. Rather, the poor are probably
International Institute for Population Studies (1992-93 and 1998-99): National
Family And Health Surveys, IIPS, Bombay

18

19

In sum, the national surveys on utilisation of medical facilities indicate therapid growth of the private sector in the country during the 1990s. The private
sector seems to be very large, particularly in the state.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

going to private hospitals because of lack of facilities andpoor quality of services in public hospitals. It does not
imply their preference for and ability to pay for the services
in the private sector.
The corporate phenomenon in medical care in Andhra
Pradesh began with the establishment of a multi-specialty
diagnostic centre (Medinova) with out-patient consultancy
by a local pharmaceutical company in 1985. In the hospital
sector, it began with the establishment of Apollo Hospitalin the state capital in 1989 by Non-Resident Indian (NRI)
doctors 20 from the USA. The state also played a very
active role in the corporatisation of medical care by extending
financial and other benefits like providing government
land while the central government offered tax concessions
on the import of medical equipment.
7.6.2 Rural Health Care: Predominance of RMPs
The inadequacy of public health care services inrural areas made the people choose alternative service
providers, the unqualified medical practitioners (RMPs).
The urban bias in the availability of health care services
in both the public and private sectors is a pointer to thedisadvantaged position of people living in rural areas.
Box 7.5: The Nexus between the RMPs and the Qualified Doctors
The role of RMPs as vacuum fillers, however, has taken avery negative turn with growing competition and unscrupulous
practices in the private medical sector. RMPs are lured by qualified
doctors with commissions to mobilize patients, particularly forsurgeries and diagnostic tests, as seen from recent news on themobilization of women from villages by RMPs for hysterectomy
by gynecologists. The commissioning of RMPs is not confined tothe small private hospitals in towns. Even super-specialists from
corporate hospitals and well-established diagnostic centers areresorting to such practices. The strong nexus between the RMPs
and qualified doctors is very open. In fact, qualified doctors consider
RMPs as the pillars of the private sector for providing first aid in
medical emergencies, referral and escort services and supervisingfollow-up treatment. The nexus between RMPs and qualified doctors
seems to have an adverse impact on the cost and quality of medicalcare in the private sector.

There is no doctor or trained/qualified paramedic either
in the public or private sector in most villages to provide
even first-aid in medical emergencies and to attend toroutine health problems. However, the increasing demandfor health care services in rural areas is mostly met by
RMPs so that they are filling the vacuum in the organized
medical system. Most RMPs are from a poor socio-economic
background and educated but unemployed sections(Narayana, 2006).
A study conducted by the Centre for Economic andSocial Studies during 2003 reveals the predominance ofRegistered Medical Practictioners (RMPs) in the rural areasof Andhra Pradesh. There are, on an average, 21 RMPs
for one qualified doctor (QD) in the surveyed area and
12 RMPs per ten thousand (10,000) persons. It is evenhigher especially in tribal areas, with 31 RMPs per one
qualified doctor. Wherever, the per capita (number ofdoctors per ten thousand population) availability of qualified
doctors is low, there is higher per capita availability of
RMPs. Most of the out-patient (OP) care in the rural areas
is provided by these RMPs (Narayana, 2006).

7.7 Financing Health Care
The sources of finance for health care are government(central, state and local), employers (private and public
sectors), households, voluntary sector (trusts/NGOs), andSource : Narayana (2006)20

The existing corporate hospitals have been opened by doctors (either NRI or
local) and local business families. All of them are promoted by the local
dominant agricultural castes (Kamma, Raju, Reddy and Velama) and most ofthem are family controlled and managed by family members who are doctors
by profession.

Demography, Helth & Nutrition89

In Andhra Pradesh, according to the NSS 61st (200405) round, on an average nearly 6 per cent of total
household consumption expenditure is spent on medicalcare (both institutional and non-institutional), which isin fact higher than the all-India average. Annual government
expenditure on health sectors has been below 5 per centof total expenditure in Andhra Pradesh, especially in the
recent past. In per capita terms, household expenditureon health care in current prices was around Rs. 39 permonth in rural areas and Rs. 53 per month in urban areas.
The average for a year would be Rs. 463 and Rs. 634 percapita in rural and urban areas, and the average for ruraland urban areas was Rs. 518 per capita in the state, which
was higher than the all-India average. Per capita expenditureby the government of Andhra Pradesh on health (Rs. 188
per capita per annum in 2004, in current prices) is well
below household expenditure. Household expenditureaccounted for 73 per cent of total per capita expenditure(i.e. Rs. 518 and Rs.188 would be Rs. 706) on medicalcare.
The overall decline in the share of the health sector
in the government budget, particularly after the introductionof the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), has further
worsened the scarcity of resources for the health sector.
The share of the health sector in the state budget was
highest (6.5 per cent) in the Fifth Five Year Plan (FYP)
period. Thereafter it declined continuously and fell to
5.2 per cent in the Eighth FYP. Despite the increase in
the share of social services in total expenditure, the shareof health expenditure declined during Sixth and Seventh
FYPs. It was marginally higher (5.4 per cent) in the Ninth
Plan due to added resources of World Bank projects, but
declined to 4.5 per cent by 2005-06 (see Figure 7.5).

90

Figure 7.5: The Share of Health (HE) in Total Expenditure (TE)and Per capita Health Expenditure (PCHE) in Andhra Pradesh
Constant (1993-94) Prices

12.0
10.0
8.0
6.0
4.0

Percent

140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0

2.0
1930-61
1962-63
1964-65
1966-67
1968-69
1970-71
1972-73
1974-75
1976-77
1978-79
1980-81
1982-83
1984-85
1986-87
1988-89
1990-91
1992-93
1994-95
1996-97
1998-99
2000-01
2002-03
2004-05
2006-07

Per Capita (in Rs.)

external aid. However, households and the state government
together contribute more than 90 to 95 percent of theexpenditure on health and are the two major sources ofhealth care finance in India. The contribution of all theother sources amounts only to about 5 per cent. Universal
public health care based on a progressive tax system ismore equitable than financing health care from householdspending. However, inadequate public funding of healthcare and inadequate and poor quality of health care facilities
are forcing people to go to private medical services, paying
for them from their personal resources.

PCHE

0.0

% of HE in TE

At constant (1993-94) prices, per capita public
expenditure on health care was about Rs.58 during theFifth Five Year Plan. It increased by about 45 percent in
the next two five-year plans and reached Rs.85 per capita
during the Seventh Five Year Plan (1985-1990). However,there was a significant reduction in per capita public
expenditure on health care and other services in the 1990s.
It declined from Rs.85 in the Seventh plan to Rs.73 in
the Eighth Plan. When compared to economic services,public expenditure on social services, and especially on
health services, fell sharply.
Box 7.6: Consequence of Private Health Care Falling into Poverty
The public health care system is unable to meet the rapidly
increasing demand for health care services. The private sector,
ranging from clinics to corporate hospitals, is filling this gap withprofit motive and at the expense of out-of-pocket finance. The
pricing of private health care services is very high and without
proper regulation.
One study reveals that expenses incurred on health carehave resulted in some households falling into poverty (See Anirudh
Krishna, 2004)

All this clearly indicates the adverse impact of theStructural Adjustment Programme (SAP) on the provisionof health and other social services. Moreover, though
per capita public health expenditure increased over theperiod, it was not sufficient to meet the increasing demandfor health care services in the state because there was acontinuous increase in the share of salaries in hospitalbudgets from about 52 per cent in 1974 to 80 per cent in1995. This left very little resources for the supply of materials

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

and maintenance of infrastructure. The decline in allocations
for medical supplies and maintenance has contributed
to a faster degeneration in the quality of treatment in public
hospitals.
Prior to the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)
the ratio of public expenditure on the health sector toState Domestic Product (SDP) had increased, in spite ofa decline in its share in the state budget. The share of thehealth sector in SDP increased from 1.09 per cent in theFifth plan to 1.29 per cent in the Seventh Plan. During
the Sixth and Seventh FY Plans the share of social services
was actually higher than the share of economic services.
However, with the beginning of SAPin 1990s there was asudden decline in the share of social sectors including
health. The proportion of public expenditure on the healthsector to SDP declined from 1.29 per cent in the Seventh
FY Plan to 0.94 in the Eighth FY Plan. Thus, after SAP,
there was a decline in the allocations to health services
despite all the talk of a safety net.

7.8 Human Resource: Health Workers
The most recent report of WHO (2006) The World
Health Report 2006 - Working Together for Health contains
an expert assessment of the current crisis in the global
health workforce and ambitious proposals to tackle it
over the next ten years, starting immediately. The reportconcludes that there is an estimated shortage of almost
4.3 million health workers in the world. The shortage ofhealth workers and their inefficiency in functioning, especiallyin the public sector health care system, is not a newphenomenon.
According to one estimate, in India there are about
0.8 million doctors and 2600 dental surgeons (allopathic)
serving a population of one billion, at an average of one
doctor per fourteen thousand people and one dental surgeon
per four lakh people. The situation in Andhra Pradesh is
better than the all-India average, with one doctor per 10
thousand people,21 but it is relatively poor when comparedwith other states, especially in south India.
According to the NSS 61 st (2004-05) round on
Employment and Unemployment survey data, there were
21

There are 7991 doctors and 198 dental surgeons serving a population of 80
million in the state.

Demography, Helth & Nutrition

0.26 million health workers (including both public andprivate health care) comprising 0.65 per cent of the total
workforce in Andhra Pradesh. On an average there wereabout 324 health workers engaged in health services per
lakh population in the state. The share of the public sector
in the total workforce engaged in providing services isalmost same in the state and at the country level, 28 percent. In terms of the availability of health workers (perlakh population) both in general and the public sector inparticular, the situation of Andhra Pradesh (i.e. 324 and95) seems better when compared to the all-India average(304 and 86).
The distribution of health workers by nature of activity
shows that about 38 per cent are engaged in hospital
related activities and another 30 per cent in medical anddental practices. About 5 per cent of the total health workers
are engaged in the practice of traditional (Indian) systemsof medicine. About 18 per cent of workers are engaged
in nursing and other paramedical activities and those engaged
in independent diagnostic centres, pathology labs andblood banks constitute about 5 per cent of the healthworkers in the state. The proportion of health workers
engaged in traditional (Indian) systems of medicine in
the state is well below the national average and it can beconcluded that the demand for such health services isvery low in Andhra Pradesh.
Rural-urban differences are quite high both in Andhra
Pradesh and at the national level. More health workers
are located in urban areas than in rural areas. The availabilityof health workers and therefore health services is muchbetter for the urban population as compared to the rural.
Traditional (Indian) systems of medicine are also mostly
practised in urban areas. In Andhra Pradesh only twenty
per cent of the health workers are in the public sector
which is well below the national average. There is also alarge difference in the per capita availability of healthworkers between rural and urban areas, indicating thedisadvantage of rural people in terms of access to healthservices in general and public health services in particular.

7.9 Reforms in Public Health Sector
With the objective of improving the financial viability
and quality of care in public hospitals the State Government
initiated a series of reforms, with later guidance from the91

World Bank, mainly at the secondary and primary levels.
The Andhra Pradesh Vaidya Vidhana Parishad (APVVP),
an autonomous Commission for the management of
secondary level hospitals, was created in 1986 to grant
financial and administrative autonomy to these hospitals
when government hospitals were facing scarcity of funds
and declining standards. The APVVP seems to have achieved
considerable improvement22 in the functioning of public
hospitals at the secondary level23 in spite of problems.
However the APVVP failed in achieving two of its basic
objectives: recruitment of independent staff on contract24
basis and financial independence. Although a major
objective in establishing the APVVP was to introduce user
charges, this could not be realised and this was the casefor other financial proposals. As a result of the limited
scope for raising revenues for financial self-sufficiency,
the APVVP became unviable.
The Andhra Pradesh First Referral Health System(APFRHS) Project was launched with aid from the World
Bank, to introduce reforms in secondary level hospitals
that were under the management of APVVP25 . The APFRHS
Project is the first reform-based lending by the WorldBank to the health sector in the country and a major policy
initiative in the health sector. A.P was selected mainly
because APVVP, an autonomous organisation, was alreadyfunctioning in the state to manage secondary level hospitals.
Apart from renovating and upgrading secondary level
hospitals through huge investments26 , the project aims
at introducing major changes in health policy and institutional
structures. The major policy changes proposed include
the introduction of user charges at secondary hospitals,
contracting out support services and shift in allocations
from the tertiary to secondary level hospitals. The APFRHS
22

Creation of a single apex agency is intended to eliminate bureaucratic delays
in getting sanctions from the State Secretariat. It is also supposed to improvemedical supplies and maintenance of diagnostic equipment and otherinfrastructure facilities.
Chawla, Mukesh and George, Alex (nd): Hospital Autonomy: The Experienceof APVVP Hospitals, IHS Working Paper XVI, Institute of Health Systems,
Hyderabad.

project stipulates introduction of user charges to recoverat least the non-salary component of incremental recurrent
costs. It is also proposed to decide the extent and levelof user charges depending on the cost of medical
interventions, to impose user charges on services for which
cost-effectiveness was low and subsidise high cost-effective
procedures.
This approach represents two major shifts in the healthpolicy. Firstly, the shift in emphasis from the incidenceof disease to the economic burden of disease in setting
health sector priorities. The cost-effectiveness of healthinterventions was assessed in terms of gains in the Disability
Adjusted Life Years (DALYs). In other words, the economic
value of people is taken into consideration in the provisionof health services. Secondly, the project lays emphasis
on a greater role for market forces in providing healthcare.
The GOAP has initiated reforms at the level of primary
health care also as a part of the World Bank sponsored
A.P. Economic Restructuring Project (APERP) which
encompasses reforms in primary education, nutrition,
irrigation, communications and state administration27 .
The objectives of the project are to improve the quality
and effectiveness of health services at the primary carelevel and accessibility to sections of the population which
are poorly served; and, to integrate the primary healthcare with the first referral hospitals, which are alreadyunder major reforms in the APFRHS project28 . The reforms
at the primary care level are expected to add value toinvestment at the secondary level by strengthening thereferral system and reducing the patient-load at the secondary
hospitals. The primary health care project is intended tostrengthen institutional capacity (at the state, district and
PHC level) and upgrade primary health care facilities (byconstructing/renovating the PHC buildings), by enhancing

23

24
One of the objectives of APVVP was to introduce a flexible manpower
policy based on contract system.
25. World Bank (1994): Andhra Pradesh First Referral Health Project, Report
No.13402-IN.
US $159 million/Rs.6.08 billion, 90 percent of which is funded by the IDA
in civil works, medical equipment, additional staff and medical supplies.

26

92

27
Department of Health, Medical & Family Welfare, GOAP (1998): Project
Implementation Plan for the Primary Health Care Component of AP Economic
Rehabilitation Project, Hyderabad.
28

The total estimated cost of the primary care project is $76.5 million ofwhich $62.2 million would be financed by the World Bank. About 70 per
cent of the project cost is meant for civil works and 30 per cent for capacity
and institution building (22 per cent) and community participation (8 percent).

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

community participation (through IEC and other innovative
schemes including health care delivery through the private
sector).
At present there are about 1335 PHCs in the state.
The project aims at upgrading 500 existing PHCs to provide
an enhanced service package consisting of prenatal anddelivery care, family planning services, management ofsick children etc., which require the presence of a doctor.
The other PHCs will be run with the help of paramedical
personnel. About 100 upgraded PHCs would work roundthe clock to improve access for out-patient care and maternity
services. Indirectly, the project aims at enhancing thespace for the growth of the private sector. It criticizes theexisting population norms in locating PHCs and proposes
to take into account the availability of private services.
The project discourages the upgrading of PHCs where
private facilities are available and wants to gradually reduce
the availability of doctors at PHCs in places where private
doctors are in practice.
Andhra Pradesh
Number of Beds - 2004

Number of Beds per lakh
population>60
50- 6040 - 50
<40
0

50

100

150 Kms

7.9.1 Public Private Partnership: Policy Imperatives
Public subsidies and lack of regulatory mechanisms
to control supplier induced demand have resulted in avery large private sector in medical care in the state. Given
its size, the role of private medical care is the basic public
policy issue in the health sector.

Demography, Helth & Nutrition

The past experience with the private sector has beenvery discouraging. The precondition of providing a certain
percent of out-patient and in-patient medical care to thepoor in return for government subsidies was never honoured
by private hospitals. Reimbursement facilities under theCentral Government Health Scheme (CGHS) and othergovernment programmes were grossly abused by corporate
hospitals. The immediate objective of public policy should
be to formulate institutional arrangements to regulate private
medical care and ensure its geographical distribution sothat it supplements, rather than replaces, the public sector.
Any partnership with the private sector is possible only
after achieving the regulation of the private sector in termsof quality, cost and geographical distribution. In any case,the state should not extend any more subsidies to private
medical services.
The only positive experience has been the collaboration
with not-for-profit hospitals in public health programmes
like TB and blindness control. It was also found that thecost of medical care in the not-for-profit sector was onethird to half the costs in corporate hospitals. Given thelower cost of care and positive experience in theimplementation of public health programmes, it is betterto restrict all subsidies and reimbursement facility to thenot-for-profit hospitals.
However, the main focus should be on the largescale expansion of facilities in the public sector. The main
problem with public hospitals is non-availability of doctors
either because posts are unfilled or doctors do not attend
to their duties. In recent years the government has notbeen able to recruit enough doctors/specialists to thesecondary and tertiary hospitals even in the urban areas.
One of the constraints is the low salary in the public
sector when compared to incomes in the private sector.
It is also partly due to the lack of adequate facilities andovercrowding of patients in public hospitals. It may not
be possible to provide salaries comparable to incomesin the private sector.
In recent times the provision of universal healthinsurance through self-help groups for the poor has been
widely discussed but this is not feasible simply because
the health care facilities are not available in most rural
areas either in the public or the private sector. The bed

93and doctor population ratios are abysmally low even after
taking private facilities into account. The lack of control
on the cost and quality of care is another major problem
in introducing the social insurance.
To conclude, these are the following public policy
options. There is a need for large-scale public investment
in public sector health care services. The Nizam Instituteof Medical Sciences (NIMS) type of hospitals may be
encouraged at the tertiary level to provide free healthcare to the poor with user charges for the rich. This would
control the cost of care in the corporate hospitals andprovide access to tertiary level care for the poor.
Encouragement should also be given to not-for-profit
hospitals. There should be regulation of private medicalcare and no partnership with private hospitals. Moreover,public subsides to these private hospitals must be withdrawn.

7.10 Conclusions
This chapter has focused on the performance of Andhra
Pradesh with respect to indicators related to demography,
health and nutrition. The performance of Andhra Pradesh
has been relatively better in the all-India context in termsof a few demographic indicators particularly with respect
to demographic transition because of a dramatic reduction
in total fertility rate (TFR) and decline in the growth of
population. However, its performance in terms of other
health and nutritional aspects is still poor and it is lagging
behind many states in India. In terms of infant mortality
rate (IMR) and under-nutrition among children below three
3 years of age, the state stands next to the group of themost backward states (referred as BiMaRU states). Moreover,
the achievement of the state on this dimension falls shortof the target, goal or norms set for many indicators, although
its performance is relatively better than the all-India average
as well as a few North Indian states.
It is also observed that there is an increasing burdenof disease especially that of HIV/AIDS in Andhra Pradesh
and that the state is at the top in terms of prevalence rate

94

across states in India. Both the prevention and cure ofdiseases related to HIV/AIDS needs greater attention interms of the policy as well as funds.
The changing structure of population across agegroups indicates that there is likely to be an increasing
burden of old people in the coming years. Attention needs
to be focused on policy to address the attendant problemsof old age. Another aspect is reproductive and child healthwhich is mostly ignored in most health related analysis.
It has been shown that it is not only maternal mortalitythat matters but also the sufferings of women in the
reproductive age and problems related to maternity.
As regards health infrastructure (physical and man
power), though there has been an improvement over thepast, health care facilities are still inadequate, especiallyin rural areas. People living in rural areas are the mostdeprived of health care. However, increasing awareness
related to the importance health is increasing the demandfor health care. Correspondingly, the share of the private
sector in the provision of health care is increasing, especiallyin urban areas. Owing to inadequate public health facilities,
while awareness and demand for health services are
increasing, private health care has developed on a wide
scale. The rising cost of health care at the household
level is a cause of concern and needs public action. The
average share of household budget spent (7 per cent) on
health care is relatively higher than the share of publicbudget spent (5 per cent) on health care in the state.
On the whole though the state seems to be successful
in terms of family planning and the immunization programme,
many other facets of health care have to be improved.
Therefore, it is suggested that the current public policyof encouraging corporate hospitals and public-private
partnership in health care needs to be reviewed given
their far-reaching implications and the public health caresystem needs to be further strengthened and extended.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Literacy and Schooling

CHAPTER VIII

8

Educationn a mature democracy, an informed citizenry,
active citizenship and collective actions are
critical for the functioning of civil society, madepossible through a minimum level of formal education.
Development economics now lays great importance on
the concept of human capital. Education, defined in termsof literacy rate and schooling levels (enrolment ratios in primary and secondary schools - mean years of schooling),
is an important component of human capital. These
proximately represent the level of human capital in society
and hence are important indicators for the humandevelopment index. Education is also one of the important
aspects stressed in the Millennium Development Goals(MDGs), especially universal elementary education forchildren in the age group 5-14 years. But literacy levels
in India are very low even today, despite decades of rhetoric.
Among the Indian states, Andhra Pradesh is one of theleast developed in terms of education/literacy, not muchbetter than the BIMARU (Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan
and Uttar Pradesh) states.

I

The performance of Andhra Pradesh
in terms of improvements in literacy andschooling is one of the best
among the Indian states in the recent
period. Given the trends, the state
can achieve universal enrolment
soon. But it is the large stock ofadult illiterates that makes it
one of laggard states in literacy.

In this context, this chapter deals with educational
development in Andhra Pradesh focussing on levels andtrends in literacy and schooling, supply factors like schools,
teachers, physical infrastructure and financial resources.

8.1 Levels and Trends in Literacy
8.1.1 Crude Literacy
The literacy level/rate is a rather crude measure which
is derived in terms of number of literates divided by the

Education95

total population excluding the population in the age group
0-6 years. The best record in literacy so far at both thenational and state levels was during the nineties. The
literacy rate in India increased from 52.2 to 65.4 per centduring 1991-2001 (see Table 8.1). Whereas the decadal
improvement at the national level had been not morethan 8 percentage points till 1991 and the nineties witnessed
an improvement of 13.8 percentage points. Literacy inAndhra Pradesh increased by 17 percentage points during
the 1990s from 44.1 per cent in 1991 to 61.1 percent in2001. In spite of this faster rate of growth, the literacy
rate in Andhra Pradesh is still lower than the all-India
average. While the literacy rate of Andhra Pradesh was
about three-fourths of the all-India level in 1961, the state
has made substantial progress subsequently, especiallyin the last two decades. In spite of this, the state is still
one of the educationally backward states in India in termsof literacy and Andhra Pradesh is among the three least
literate states in the country.

literacy in Andhra Pradesh was about 30 percent as compared
to about 40 percent in India and the increase in female
literacy was about 66.6 percent in Andhra Pradesh ascompared to about 100 percent in India. The opposite
pattern emerged between 1981 and 2001when male andfemale literacy rates increased by about 80 percent and150 percent respectively in Andhra Pradesh as compared
to about 36 percent and 80 percent respectively in allIndia.
Gender equality in literacy, measured in terms of
the ratio of female literacy rate to male literacy rate, isquite impressive (greater than 75) in districts such as West
Godavari, East Godavari, Krishna, Nellore and Guntur.
It is the lowest for Mahabubnagar (56.4) and hovers around50 for Kurnool, Medak, Adilabad, Anantpur and Nizamabad
districts. In many of these districts the female literacy
rate is less than 30.

While the overall literacy rate has gone up from 44
per cent in 1991 to 61 percent in 2001, the male literacy
rate has increased from 55 to 71 per cent. What is encouraging
is that the female literacy rate has gone up by about 50

Year
1
1961
1971
1981
1991
2001
Note

Table 8.1: Literacy Rate in A P and India
Andhra Pradesh
All-India
Person Male Female Person Male Female
2
3
4
5
6
7
21
30 12
28
40
15
25
33 16
34
46
22
30
39 20
44
56
30
44
55 33
52
64
39
61
71 51
65
76
54
: 1. Literacy is for 5 + age population till 1981 and after that,for 7 + age population; 2. Figures presented are in percent.

Source : Census of India.

percent, i.e. from 33 percent in 1991 to 51 percent in2001. The ratio of male literacy to female literacy hascome down after 1981, indicating a reduction in genderinequality in literacy.

Literacy rates at Mandal level
It is always useful to study the situation at the grassroot level in order to take constructive steps to improve
literacy levels. Using the data from both the 1991 and2001 censuses1 , at the mandal level a considerable increasein female literacy rate (FLR) was observed across mandals
in each district in this decade.
According to the 2001 census in 77.6 per cent of
the mandals in Coastal Andhra and 67.6 per cent of mandals
1

It is also observed that the progress of literacy inAndhra Pradesh lagged substantially behind all-India during
1961 to 1981. During this period, the increase in male96

The rural and partially urban mandals are classified according to the level offemale literacy rate during 1990-91 to 2000-01. The class intervals considered
for the female literacy rate are 0-20, 20-30, 30-40, 40-50 and greater than orequal to 50.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

in Rayalaseema, the FLR was more than or equal to 40,
where it was less than 40 in 60.6 per cent of the mandals
in Telangana. Further, FLR was less than 30 in about 20
per cent of mandals in Telagana and the situation in
Mahabubnagar district is a cause of worry since the FLR
was found to be below 30 in 61 per cent of mandals.
The other districts in which the FLR was less than 30 in
more than 20 per cent of the mandals were Adilabad(32.6 per cent), Medak (26.7 per cent), Nizamabad (22.2
per cent) and Kurnool (20.4 per cent). In Visakhapatnam
FLR was less than 30 in 18.6 per cent of the mandals.
This indicates that special attention should be given tothese mandals to improve the overall level of literacy inthe state.
8.1.2 Adult Literacy
The literacy level among adults (persons of age 15
years and above) is a useful guideline for the quality oflife. Further, a certain level of education at least up to
middle school (class 8) among adults is required tounderstand, appreciate and benefit from government policies.
The government is also insisting on universalisation ofelementary education among the adult population.
According to the 2001 census, the literacy rate among
adults2 in Andhra Pradesh was 54.2 per cent, which wasnearly 16 percentage points higher than 38.3 per cent in1991 (see Figure 8.1). The corresponding figures for adult
Figure 8.1: Adult (15+ Age Population) Literacy Rate in Andhra
PradeshLiteracy Rate (%)

1991
2001

80.0
70.0
60.0
50.0
40.0
30.0
20.0
10.0
0.0

Total

Rural

Urban

Source : Census of Andhra Pradesh

2

According to Census 1961, there were about 72 million literates in the

population aged 15 years and above, which was 27 per cent of the adult (15+)
population (around 259 million) in India. The number of literates in adult
population in India increased to 251 million in 1991 and the percentage ofliterates in adult population increased to 48 percent.

Education

male and female populations were 65.7 and 42.5 respectively
indicating a gender disparity index in literacy of 42.9.
There were considerable variations in literacy rates among
adult males and females between rural and urban areas.
In general, the literacy rates in the rural areas are considerably
lower than in urban areas.
As expected, the literacy rate was the lowest for adultfemales in rural areas. Slightly more than one-third of
the rural adult female population was literate whereas in
the urban areas nearly two-thirds of the women wereliterate. The gender disparity index in literacy was also
higher in rural areas than in urban areas. There are variationsin the educational levels - primary school and above andmiddle school and above - of literate adult males andfemales in rural and urban areas which are worth noting.
In rural Andhra Pradesh, about 73 percent of the adultfemale literates have studied up to primary and above,
but only about 35 percent have had schooling up to middle
school and above. The corresponding figures for adultmale literates are 79 and 49 percent respectively. In theurban areas of Andhra Pradesh, about 89 percent of theadult female literates have had education up to primaryschool and above and about 62.5 percent of the adultfemale literates have studied up to middle school andabove. The corresponding figures for adult male literates
are about 92 and 73 percent respectively.
At the district level, the adult literacy rates are lessthan 50 in 12 districts out of 23, so that more than half
the adults in these districts are illiterates. Mahabubnagar
has the highest illiteracy rate (62.6) followed by Adilabad,
Nizamabad, Medak, Vizianagaram (around 56). In thecase of female adults, the illiteracy level is more than 50
percent in most districts, except in Hyderabad, West
Godavari, East Godavari and Krishna.
These figures suggest that the rate of dropping-out
of school is much higher among rural adults than among
urban adults especially among adult women.
The gender disparity index in literacy increases withthe level of education both in rural and urban areas andis significantly higher in rural areas. Non-literate adultfemales and those with an educational level below primary
together constitute about 75 percent of the adult female
population in rural areas and about 43 percent in urban

97areas. Among adult males the corresponding figures areabout 53 percent and 25 percent respectively. Further,
only about 11.9 percent of the adult females in rural areas
have studied up to and beyond middle school, whereas
in urban areas the corresponding figure is about 40 percent.
For the adult male population, the corresponding figuresare 28.8 and 59.8 percent respectively.
Against this background, it would seem that the Adult
Literacy Campaign should be strengthened, so that both
non-literate adults and adults with low levels of schoolingshould be brought to the level of primary school, if not
to the level of middle school. About 23 per cent of literate
females in the age group of fifteen years plus (23 and56.2 percent in rural and urban areas respectively) have
had schooling up to middle school and above. Among
males of age 15 years and above, the corresponding figuresin rural and urban areas are about 45.7 percent and 69
percent respectively.
Literacy levels among adults in the age group 15 to 29
years
Literacy rates and levels of education for the agegroup 15 to 29 years give a good indication of recent
progress in literacy and level of education. The literacy3
rate for this age group is highly encouraging and indicatesa considerable progress in literacy between 1991 and2001. However, about 59 percent of women and about
28 percent of men in rural areas in this age group are
either non-literate or have an education level below primaryschool.

50.4 to 61.3 per cent. Krishna, West Godavari and Hyderabad
may be classified as high literacy category districts withliteracy varying between 63.9 to 77.0 per cent.
8.1.3 Proximate Literacy
Because of the externality effect of one literate member
on the illiterate members of a household, householdswith at least one literate member have an advantage overthose which had none,4 for the benefits of literacy will
spread to other members. It is also to be noted that theactivity pattern of a household is likely to be related with
their level of literacy. It is more appropriate to consider
literacy at the household level rather than individual level
and identify the households in which all the members
are illiterate so that the literacy programmes can target
such households first. According to the NSSO 61st round(2004-05) survey, the incidence of illiterate households(all the adult member are illiterates) is relatively muchhigher in Andhra Pradesh than all-India.
It is observed that the percentage of households having
no literate adult female member (F) in rural Andhra Pradesh
has decreased from 71.4 in 1999-00 to 57.7 in 2004-05.
In rural all-India, it had decreased from 60.9 in 1999-00
to 50.0 in 2004-05 (see Table 8.2). In Kerala, the mostliterate state, the percentage of households which had
no literate adult female member (F) in rural areas was
5.6 during 2004-05. The percentage of households having
Table 8.2: Percentage of Households with no literate adult (All) /adult female in AP, Kerala and All-India

At the district level, Mahabubnagar, Vizianagaram,
Medak, Adilabad and Nizamabad may be classified as
low literacy districts with literacy rates (of 15 to 29 years
age group) between 37.4 and 44.1 percent. Karimnagar,
Srikakulam, Kurnool, Anantapur, Warangal, Khammam
and Nalgonda may be classified as low medium literacy
districts with literacy rates between 46.2 and 49.3. Prakasam,
Visakhapatnam, Kadapa, Guntur, Nellore, East Godavari,
Chittoor and Rangareddi may be classified as high medium
literacy category districts with literacy rates varying between
3

The literates and the literacy levels with education levels of primary school

and above and middle school and above are computed for each district andseparately for rural and urban areas.

98

State
1
Rural
Andhra Pradesh
KeralaAll-India
Urban
Andhra Pradesh
KeralaAll-India

2004-05
All
Female2
3

1999-2000
All
Female
4
5

36.4
2.8
26.1

57.7
5.6
50.0

44.8
2.9
32.1

71.4
9.2
60.9

12.7
1.1
8.4

28.1
3.1
19.5

17.2
1.6
11.6

38.7
10.7
34.6

Source : NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey.
4

Basu and Foster, 1998; Basu at al, 1999; Subramanian, 2004.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

no literate adult member (A) in rural areas of Andhra
Pradesh, Kerala and all-India in 2004-05 were 36.4, 2.8
and 26.1 respectively. The incidence of households eitherwith all non-literate adults or with all non-literate female
adults is relatively much smaller in urban areas as comparedto rural areas for all the states under consideration bothduring 1999-00 and 2004-05.
The rate of decline in non-literate households during
1999-00 and 2004-05 has been only moderate for allsocial categories and across rural and urban areas. About
two-thirds of the households in the rural areas of Andhra
Pradesh did not have an adult female literate member in
2004-05. In all-India the corresponding figure was 61.9
percent.

8.2 Levels of Schooling
Different data sources are available on levels ofschooling among children, though each has its own
limitations. The Ministry of Human Resource Development(MHRD) is a major source of data relating to schooling.
At the state level (AP) the Department of School Education
provides enrolment figures at different levels of schools.

the late 1990s, there has been a declining trend in enrolment
figures particularly in primary schools.
However, the real concern is whether the state isreaching the goal of universal elementary education. The
true indicator for this is the percentage of children inelementary school-going age actually enrolled/attending
school. The enrolment (gross) ratio especially in primaryschooling, as reported by the Department of School
Education, indicates that it is more than 100 per centwhich would mean that the number of children enrolled
in the primary classes (i.e. I to V) is more than the numberof children in primary school age (6 to 11 years of age).
This, however, is possible given the fact that both underand over age children are enrolled5 in primary schools.
The net enrolment ratio, which excludes these under andoverage children, is also almost 100 per cent particularly
among primary school age children.
Box 8.1: High drop-out rate due to fictitious enrolment
Andhra Pradesh is known for high drop-out rates of school
going children among Indian states. Fictitious enrolment is one of
the factors responsible. The state introduced the non-detention
system in 1971 under which children are promoted to the next
higher class each year irrespective of their progress assessed throughany formal test. Teachers were required to canvass all children ofschool-going age and enrol as many children in school as possible.
There are conditions of minimum enrolment of children required
for the continuance of a school and the teachers in the school.
Because of these conditions the teachers enrol as many names as
possible, without any concern as to whether the enrolled children
would attend school or not.

The state figures indicate that there has been a continuous
increase in the number of children enrolled in both primaryand upper primary schools in Andhra Pradesh since its
formation (see Figure 8.2) from 25 lakh children in 1957
to about 85 lakhs in 2006, indicating an increase of about
3.3 times in enrolment. The trend slowed down during
the 1960s and 1970s but rose sharply again in the 1980s,
except for a sudden dip in 1987. In the early 1990s once
again there was a dip, but enrolment began to rise
immediately. Again in the recent past, especially since

In some instances, children are enrolled not by parents, butby the teacher, and without their knowledge. Sometimes, the namesof children who, in fact, had been enrolled and attended school
but had later dropped out on their own for valid reasons, are notdeleted from the rolls. Once a child is enrolled in the first year of
primary school, his/her name will be carried throughout the primaryschool stage. The automatic promotion system facilitates andnecessitates such practices (see GOI, 1987). In recent years, after
the implementation of mid-day meals scheme, school enrolment
has greatly increased as every child whose name is registered iseligible for benefits from the scheme. But, many children are notregular in attending school, nor do teachers bother to ensure
attendance. There is a quid pro quo in this arrangement. Teachersplease the parents (and thereby the villagers as a whole) by distributing
rice irrespective of their children’s attendance at school; in return,the teachers are left alone and their regular attendance in school is
not insisted upon. This is the background for the exaggeration inenrolment figures and drop-out rates rise in the state.

12000000
11000000
10000000
9000000
8000000
7000000
6000000
5000000
4000000
3000000
2000000
1000000
0Primary (I-V)
Middle (VI-VII)
Elementary (I-VII)

1953-54
1955-56
1957-58
1959-60
1961-62
1963-64
1965-66
1967-68
1969-70
1971-72
1973-74
1975-76
1977-78
1979-80
1981-82
1983-84
1985-86
1987-88
1989-90
1991-92
1993-94
1995-96
1997-98
1999-00
2001-02
2003-04
2005-06

Enrolment (In Nos)

Figure 8.2: Growth of Enrolment in Andhra Pradesh

Education

5

Owing to late or early enrolment or repeaters.

99

The drop-out rate estimations based on Census data
indicate that the drop-out rate is around 10 per cent6 in
2001. Moreover, it shows that non-enrolment rather thandrop-out is the major problem in Andhra Pradesh as wellas in India.
The decline in total enrolment since 1999-2000,
particularly in primary schools, has happened in spite of
the enrolment drive under different programmes like backto school. A possible reason could be the rapid decline
in population growth for the young age groups in the100

state during the 1990s. The Census of India projections
indicate that the growth will be negative especially inthe 5-14 age group during 2001-11. As per the Census
2001 there were about 17.7 million children in the agegroup 5-14 years. Projections show that the child population
would decline to 15.8 million in 2006 and further to14.4 million by 2011. It may be noted that because of
the decline in the child population, universal elementary
education will be achieved in Andhra Pradesh if the same
momentum in enrolment trend were to continue.
8.2.1 Children Attending Schools
It is generally recognized that data available from
the MHRD overestimate the number of school-going children,which may lead to misleading results while measuring
the schooling status of children, especially in 5-14 age
group. The Census of India and NSS may be a better
alternative source of data7 .
In India, usually, 5 to 14 years of age is considered
as suitable age for the elementary school cycle, 8 (I to
VIII grades) years of schooling. But in Andhra Pradesh
the corresponding age group is 6 to 14 and 7 (I to VII
grades) years of schooling, which may be more realistic
since it is not practical to expect children below five yearsof age to attend school. The school attendance rate amongchildren 5 to 14 years indicates that at age five the attendance
rate is minimal (see Figure 8.3) whereas it increases amongolder children and reaches its peak at 9 years. Thereafter
it declines among older children.

Percent

This achievement, however, is vitiated by the highdrop-out rate. All the enrolled children may not be retainedin school, and actual attendance would be less thanenrolment. High drop-out rate reduces the retention rate
and the completion rate. Andhra Pradesh is regarded asa state with high drop-out and low retention rates. However,a different opinion has also been expressed. A more recent
data source, the District Information on School Education(DISE), contradicts the drop-out rate given by the Departmentof School Education (AP). The drop-out rate in the state
has declined steadily over the years. According to thedata of the Department of School Education (AP), at primaryschool level, the drop-out rate was 70.65 per cent in
1971-72 which had gradually declined to 24.73 per centin 2005-06. Though a similar decline is observed in theupper primary stage the drop-out rate is still rather highand has to be reduced. According DISE source, the dropout would be around 10.8 in AP for the year 2005-06.
These differences are due to differences in the way dropout is calculated.

Figure 8.3: Percentage of Children Attending School
by Age in AP, 2001
100.0
90.0
80.0
70.0
Total
60.0
Rural
50.0
Urban
40.0
30.0
5
6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 5-14
Age (in years)

7

Socio-cultural tables of the Indian Census provide data on activity status ofchildren under four categories: a) full time students; b) children who are
working full time; c) children who attend school and work; and d) children
who are not working and are not attending school, referred to as nowherechildren. These Census estimates are based on a 20 percent sample of thehousehold schedules.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

According to the Census 2001 there are 17.7 million
children in the usual age group (5 to 14 years) whereas it
is 15.9 million in the state specific age group (6 to 14
years). The number of children attending school varies
in these two age groups between 13.1 and 12.4 million
and also the attendance rate between 78 and 74 per centrespectively. It indicates that 4.6 and 3.5 million children
in the usual (5 to 14 years) and state specific (6 to 14
years) age group respectively were out of school in 2001
(Census 2001).

took place in Andhra Pradesh9 . There was a sharp increasein the percentage of children attending school. The levelsof enrolment in the state had been below the national
average till the early nineties. But by the late nineties theschool-enrolment rate was higher than the national average,
and the state has also been doing well after the 1990s
among the Indian states. The increase in percentage points
for the state remained the highest among the major Indianstates during 1990s.

Figure 8.4: Percentage of children (6-14 Age)
Attending Schools in AP

According to Census 2001, the percentage of children
in the age group 6-14 years attending schools in Andhra
Pradesh is about 77.9 percent. The corresponding figures
for boys and girls are about 81.24 and 74.30 respectively
indicating a gender disparity index in attendance of about
8.91. It may be noted that there are considerable variations
among districts. The percentage of children attending schools
is more than 80 in districts such as Karimnagar, Chittoor,
Warangal, West Godavari, Kadapa, Nellore, Hyderabad,
Krishna and Srikakulam.

100.0

2001

1991

Change

Urban

Male

80.0
60.0
40.0
20.0
0.0
Total

Rural

Gender Gap

FemaleAndhra Pradesh
Number of Schools - 2004

Source : Census

However, according to the NSS Employment andUnemployment Survey 61st (2004-05) round estimations,the percentage of children (6 to 14 age group) currently
attending schools was around 91.7 per cent (see Figure8.4) which is 6.7 percentage points above the all-India
average (85 per cent). Of the population of 80 million inAndhra Pradesh, the child population in the age group
6-14 years would be around 14.63 million8 (as on 1st
January 2005). It is to be noted that the Census projection
indicates a decline in the number of children, especiallyin Andhra Pradesh. The number of children in the agegroup 6-14 years attending school based on NSS estimation
would be around 13.42 million. That means there arearound 1.21 million or about 12 lakh children found to
be out of school (as on 1st January 2005).
The trend in the percentage of children attending
schools indicates that during the 1990s a dramatic change
8

Derived, based on ratios estimated from the NSS data.

Education

Number of Schools per
lakh population>60
50- 6040 - 50<400

50

100 150

Kms

In Andhra Pradesh, according to the Census, though there was a marginalincrease in the number of non-school-going children (25 per cent), there was
rapid growth (220 per cent) in terms of the number of children (5-14 age
group) going to school between 1961 and 1991. There were around 2.6
million children (5-14) attending schools (i.e. ‘in school’) in 1961 and theremaining 6.6 million were out of school. By 1991, the number of schoolgoing children and out-of-school children increased to 8.1 million and 8.6
million respectively. More than 50 per cent of children in this particular age
group were out of school (i.e. educationally deprived).
9101

In Mahabubnagar and Kurnool districts the percentages
are as low as 63.25 and 67.03 respectively. In all theother districts, the figure varies between 75 and 80. The
pattern is similar for boys and girls attending to schools.
The gender disparity index in attendance is substantiallyhigher in the low school attendance districts of Mahabubnagar
and Kurnool, but is very low in Hyderabad, East Godavari,West Godavari, Krishna, Rangareddi and Nellore. Interdistrict variations in the percentage of girls attending schools
are significantly higher than for boys. It should also be
noted that inter-district variations in gender disparity index
in attendance are also considerable.

districts, the percentage varies between 70 and 80. The
pattern is similar for boys and girls.
In rural schools, the gender disparity index10 inattendance is high in Mahabubnagar and Kurnool, but isvery low in East Godavari, West Godavari and Krishna.
There are noticeable variations across districts in the levelsof school attendance for boys and girls in rural areas
whereas in urban areas there is little variation across districts.
However, inter- district variations in the gender disparity
index in attendance are very high in urban schools as
well. Across the different social categories, the percentage
of children in the age group 6-14 years attending to schools
in ST, SC and Other communities were about 64.13, 76.86
and 79.56 respectively during 2001.

8.3 Educational Attainment Index

Rural-Urban Disparity
The percentage of children in the age group 6-14
years attending school in rural Andhra Pradesh is 76.15
and 82.76 in urban areas. The corresponding figures forboys and girls are about 80.45 and 71.61 respectively inrural Andhra Pradesh and about 83.53 and 81.97 respectively
in urban areas, which show that the gender disparity index
in attendance is much lower in urban areas compared torural areas. The contribution of rural children to the total
children (6-14 age group) attending school is around 72
per cent which is in fact below the share of the ruralchildren (75 percent) in total child population.
There are considerable variations in the percentage
of children in the age group 6-14 years attending schools
across districts in rural areas. The percentage of children
attending schools is more than 80 in districts such as
Karimnagar, Chittoor, Warangal, West Godavari, Kadapa,
Nellore and Krishna. In Mahabubnagar and Kurnool thefigures are as low as 60.85 and 65.42. In all the other102

A composite index has been constructed for 2001
to examine the relative positions of states with respect toeducation attainment11 . The index consists of indicators
relating to levels of literacy and schooling. The index
values and relative position rankings show that while Kerala
was at the top of the list, Bihar was at the bottom. The
index value ranged from as high as 91.55 to 45.19 indicatingwidespread regional disparities across states. The national
average stood at 64.35.
The index shows that Andhra Pradesh, with a rankof 15, was one of the most backward states in terms ofeducational attainment. Rajasthan, J&K, Uttar Pradesh,
Jharkand and Bihar had lower index values. Importantly,
Orissa, a poverty-stricken state and Madhya Pradesh oneof the BiMaRU states, are ahead of Andhra Pradesh (seeFigure 8.5).
A similar composite index has been constructed acrossdistricts within Andhra Pradesh to identify the backward
districts and the level of inter-district disparities. The index
values across the districts, ranging from 78.38 to 46.02
are within the range of values found across major Indianstates. No district of Andhra Pradesh is either as developed
as Kerala or as backward as Bihar.
10

The Gender Disparity Index is ratio of male to female in educational attainment.

11

The index is based on both the adult literacy rate with two-third weight andchildren’s school attendance rate with one-third weight.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Figure 8.5: Educational Attainment Index
across Major States in India, 2001

India
KeralaHimachal Pradesh
Maharashtra
Tamilnadu
Uttaranchal
PunjabGujaratHaryanaWest Bengal
Karnataka
Chhattisgarh
OrissaMadhya Pradesh
AssamAndhra Pradesh
Rajasthan
J&K
Uttar Pradesh
Jharkhand
Bihar
15 Statets Average

100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0

The regional disparities within the state across the
districts are quite revealing. Among the 23 districts inthe state, Hyderabad and Mahabubnagar were the mostand the least developed in terms of educational attainment.
Interestingly both districts are in Telangana. It is not unexpectedthat Hyderabad tops the list, as it is a totally urbanized
district12 . After Hyderabad, almost all the districts fromthe South Coastal Andhra region are at the top of the list.
But the three least developed districts are from the threedifferent regions (see Figure 8.6).
Figure 8.6: Educational Attainment Index across districtsof AP, 2001
Mahabubnagar
KurnoolVizianagaram
MedakAdilabad
Nizamabad
Srikakulam
Anantapur
Karimnagar
KhammamPrakasamNalgonda
Warangal
Visakhapatnam
GunturKadapaEast Godavari
NelloreRangareddi
Chittoor
KrishnaWest Godavari
Hyderabad
0

20

40

60

80

8.4 Growing Demand for Private Schools
The recent performance of the state has been more
promising. Demand for education has been increasing
12

Usually the urban areas are ahead of rural areas in any development parameter as is the case with Hyderabad in educational attainment.

Educationin the recent past and which is reflected in literacy andschooling levels (i.e. percentage of children in the 5-14
years of age attending schools) in the state. It is to be
noted that there has been growing demand13 for private
schools in Andhra Pradesh, especially since the late 1980s,
and more so in the 1990s. The general perception is thatthe quality of public (i.e. government) schools is very
poor. The growing awareness about the value of education
with rising expectations from parents about the qualityof schooling, and the general feeling that public schools
are not offering good quality education has led to an increasing
demand for private schools. The failure of public schools
in maintaining quality is attributed to many factors fromteachers to infrastructure. Because parents are interested
in better quality, they prefer private schools if they canafford it. If they cannot afford a private school some parents
prefer to keep send their children to work rather than toa public school.
In Andhra Pradesh, the number of private schools
and enrolment in these schools has been increasing rapidly,
especially since the 1990s. There were about 62000 primaryand 17000 upper primary schools in the state in 2005.
Of these about 7000 primary and 5000 upper primaryschools are under private management, constituting 11
and 29 percent of the total primary and upper primaryschools respectively. About 30 and 34 per cent of thechildren enrolled were in private primary and upper primaryschools in 2005 (see Table 8.3). Private primary and upperprimary schools together account for about 15 per centof the total schools whereas their share in total enrolment
is around 30 per cent. The intake capacity of the schools
under private management and the area they cater to seems
to be high. The large number of children enrolled per
private school when compared to a public school proves
this. Increasing demand for private educational institutions
is also very prominent in higher education, especially
technical education.
The emergence of private education underlines thedualism in the education system: poor public schools
13

As a matter of fact the increasing number of private schools indicates theincreasing demand for private schools. In Andhra Pradesh between 1987 and1993 the share of private schools in total schools at the upper primary level
increased from 16 per cent to around 33 per cent.

103

Table 8.3: Percentage Distribution of Schools and Enrolment between
Public (Govt.) and Private Management in A P
Enrolment
Stage/
Schools
Magt 1970-71 1980-81 1993-94 2004-05 1970-71 1980-81 1993-94 2004-05
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Primary
Public 94.3 94.2
92.6 88.6 90.9
90.7 86.7 69.5
Private 5.7 5.8
7.4 11.4 9.1
9.3
13.3 30.5
Upper Primary
Public 88.9 86.0
80.0 70.8 83.6
80.0 74.5 65.3
Private 11.1 14.0
20.0 29.2 16.4
20.0 25.5 34.7
Primary & Upper Primary
Public 93.9 93.4
91.2 84.8 89.5
88.0 83.7 68.0
Private 6.1 6.6
8.8 15.2 10.5
12.0 16.3 32.0
Note : Magt – Management
Source : Statistical Abstracts of Andhra Pradesh.

and good quality private schools. The implication of thisis far-reaching. It leads to differentiation in employment
opportunities and earning prospects in the labour market
where the system of education itself perpetuates the classsystem in society by which the instrumental characteristicof education that it facilitates the economic mobility may
lose its rigour.

8.5.1 Access to Primary Education
In fact, Andhra Pradesh is far better than the average
Indian state in respect of physical access to primary schools.
In the state, around 90 per cent of the population areserved by primary schools within their habitations (seeTable 8.4). Also, within the state, the differences in accessto primary schools across districts are not wide, and havein fact been coming down over the past few decades.
However, the availability of primary schools for children
in habitations with very small population (of say below500) is not sufficient. Incidentally, these habitations
predominantly have SC and ST inhabitants. The neglectof these habitations results in the exclusion of children
belonging to depressed communities from opportunities
for primary education. The intensity of neglect is the highest
for ST children. It was reported15 in 1989 that only 35
per cent of the habitations in the state with more than 50
per cent ST population had primary schools within theirhabitations. In 25 per cent of habitations children had towalk up to 2 km and in 40 per cent they had to walk
more than 3 Km to reach schools (GOAP, 1992).
Table 8.4: Physical Access to School in A P - Percentage of Population
living in the Habitations which are Availing Schooling Facility

8.5 Supply Factors of Education
Although the demand for schooling is important,the supply factors have a potential capacity for generating
more demand. The supply factors facilitate the realisationof schooling14 .
14

It is made possible in two ways - first, by meeting the manifest demand forschooling from parents who can not only afford it but who are also aware of
the value of education and are willing to send their children to school;second, by transforming latent demand into manifest demand or by creating
demand. Latent demand indicates parents who are potential consumers ofeducational services but, who, owing either to lack of willingness oraffordability or both, are not sending their children to school. Provision ofeasy access (physical, economic and social) to school may encourage parents
to send their children to school; but it is the quality of schooling that mattersin retaining children (throughout the completion of their schooling cycle) in
school, as either inadequate access or poor quality of schooling or both
together may discourage manifest demand. Turning latent demand into manifest
demand needs pro-active initiatives by educational service providers throughproviding incentives and persuading and motivating parents (of school-age
children). This becomes a classic case of supply creating its own demand forschooling.

104

Survey Year

1
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
VII

2
1957
1965
1973
1978
1986
1993
2002

PrimaryServed within
Habitation
H
P
3
4
44.8
81.1
60.8
90.7
61.1
87.5
64.0
91.8
67.8
93.3
69.7
92.5
78.5
-

Upper PrimaryServed within
Up to 3 Km.
Habitation
H
P
H
P
7
8
9
10
2.2
6.1
25.7 9.3
31.3 47.4 64.6
10.2 36.0 53.4 71.2
13.5 40.7 63.5 79.2
13.8 43.0 65.4 79.4
24.5-

Note : 1.In first two surveys distance was measured in miles forlater surveys it was in kilometres; 2. H – Habitations Served;
P – Population served.
Source : 1. Directorate of School Education, Hyderabad, Andhra
Pradesh; 2. All India Educational Survey.
15
Based on NSSO 44th Round (1988-89) A Report on Tribal Living Conditions
in Andhra Pradesh.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Box 8.2: Policy Initiatives in Andhra Pradesh
The State has developed a number of strategies and interventions to facilitate bringing more number of out-of-school children to school. In the late
1990s the state began special enrolment drives in the name of ‘chaduvulapanduga’ recently ‘badibata’. In this effort, the State carries out awarenesscampaigns among parents and employers through community mobilization, establishment of more EGS (Education Guarantee Scheme) and AIE (Alternativeand Innovative Education) centres, opening of NRBCs/ and RBCs for drop-outs and child labour, provision of bridge courses for migrant children fromneighbouring states and similarly for the migrant children of Andhra Pradesh in other adjoining states. NGOs are also being mobilized for mainstreaming theout-of-school children.
The recent initiative Badi Bata has been started to address dropouts and out of school problem under SSA. As a part of the programme volunteers takeup house to house survey to identify the dropouts. The consolidated list is discussed by the Gram Sabha and the final list is sent to the district SSA office.
Assistant Project Coordinators start the process of bringing back the identified dropouts by admitting them to RBCs. Rallies and processions are also takenout as part of this programme in habitations to create awareness. People having child labour in their houses are identified and targeted activities are also
undertaken to sensitize them. Children freed from these places are sent to RBC (if they had no formal education in the past) or mainstreamed directly (children
with some formal education in the past).
There are initiatives to reach schools to out of reach children. Efforts have been made to develop special intervention for children in very difficult
circumstance which needs awareness, counseling and creating learning opportunities. There is an interesting concept of Boat School in East Godavari district.
Children from the fishing community, who live closer to ponds, lakes or rivers, had no access to formal schools. Schools established on boats with a regularteacher and equipped with black board have been introduced in these areas to reach the community and the children are now getting formal education on
regular basis. The other initiatives were special RBCs for children with special needs and HIV affected children; mobile schools and seasonal hostels for
migrant children; door step schools for urban migrant children especially those of construction and brick kiln labourers.
Radio lessons for formal primary and upper primary children (Vindam Nerchukundam) and out of school children, parents and community (Vindam
Chaduvukundam) are being given on the regular basis.
Though there has been a massive push towards enrolment in schools, the important issue of ensuring quality education goes largely unaddressed.
Hence quality improvement initiatives like Children’s Language Improvement Programme (CLIP) and Children’s Learning Acceleration Programme
for Sustainability (CLAPS) have been introduced recently. The CLIP was initiated during 2005-06 to improve basic skills of literacy and numeracy
among the children at elementary stage. Based on the experience of the CLIP initiative, CLAPS was initiated in 2006-07 to accelerate children’s
learning in various areas focusing on the expected learning outcomes at every level

primary schools. Though efforts had been initially madesince 1990s under DPEP (District Primary Education
Programme) and later under SSA (Sarva Siksha Abhiyan)
to increase the number of upper primary schools by either
establishing new ones or upgrading existing primary schools,
the state has not yet met this norm.

Access to middle (upper primary) schools is restricted
to some children. Middle schools are located within the
habitations only for 43 per cent of the population andchildren in other habitations have to walk some distanceto school. Of these, 37 per cent have a middle school
within a range of 3 km while 20 percent have to walk
more than 3 km. It is worth mentioning that the KothariCommission (1964-66), as early as the 1960s, had suggested
that one middle school should be set up for every three

Education

Moreover the experience of a few NGOs working
in the area of child schooling show that the intricacies
and absurdities of rules and regulations governing theschooling system contribute to non-enrolment and/or
dropping out of children16 .
16First, the prevailing practice allows the enrolment of children for a few
months from the beginning of the school-year, and later, enrolment is denied
for that year. Second, when a child is absent for several days in a row they are
required to produce evidence of the validity of the reason for their absence.
When the teacher refuses to be convinced by the explanations of the parentsof the children concerned they drop-out. When the teacher wants an explanation
for the child’s absence he calls his/her parents instead of approaching themhimself. At the initial stage, it is the child’s inability to join in school thatkeeps him/her away from schooling; at a later age he / she is denied access toprimary school on the ground of being over-age.

105

Rationalisation of Schools
On the one hand the Expert Group on elementary
education recommends the expansion of schools and humanresources, especially teachers. The government of Andhra
Pradesh, on the other, went in for rationalization by reversing
this. It has been closing down some existing schools
especially in the interior hamlets/villages, for the reason
that these schools are not viable because the number ofchildren enrolled in or attending these schools is not enoughto run a school. The Government also sought rationalisationof teachers as some schools had teachers beyond thenumber needed, while those with good student strength
lacked teachers.
Since the inception of District Primary Education
Programme (DPEP) with external aid, there was a significant
increase in the number of new schools, especially primaryschools. These schools started after 1995 number 17000
and account for about 25 per cent of the total number ofprimary schools in Andhra Pradesh. (DISE survey) Manyof these primary schools, under the DPEP, were set up ininterior villages which did not have a school. The idea
was to ensure that children did not have to walk far to go
to school. However, attendance in these schools was notat the desired level. As a part of the rationalisation process,the Education Department conducted a survey of theseschools in 2005 and found that many schools had insufficient
student strength. Consequently, the government consideredthat these schools had to be either merged with nearby
schools or closed down completely. According to thedepartment officials, there are hardly 20 students in eachof these schools and there were schools with only 10
children. According to a recent District Information on
School Education (DISE) Survey there were about 30000
primary schools in Andhra Pradesh with 50 students orless and these schools are spread across all districts otherthan Hyderabad. All these schools, perhaps, will be subject
to the rationalization process going on in the state17 .
8.5.2 Supportive Programmes of the State: Incentives
Programmes to support and complement affirmative
actions of the state in the matter of child schooling are17

One of the reasons behind the poor attendance is migration; many hamlets
had less than 50 families and in most cases the entire families had migrated tourban areas in search of livelihood.

106

also in place. Incentive schemes are intended to be an
approach to motivate parents to send their wards to school
and also to attract children to schools18 . Different typesof incentives like free education, free uniforms, free textbooks,
scholarships, residential schools and mid-day meals areprovided under the incentive schemes.
Though the Indian Constitution has endorsed theview that elementary education should be free andcompulsory, the recent evidence shows that elementary
education, even at the lower primary level, is not provided
free of cost. Also it is observed that primary education
involves considerable cost and accounts for a significant
proportion of household expenditure. In Andhra Pradesh,no (tuition) fee is collected from children attending schools
at the primary or the middle levels, so that at least partiallythe state is complying with the obligation of providing
free elementary education. However, the expenditure incurredon uniforms and textbooks increases each year raising
the cost of schooling which may discourage parents, especiallypoor parents, from sending their children to school. Hence,the distribution of free uniforms and textbooks are essential
to motivate all children to attend school. Though scholarship
schemes were introduced as an incentive especially forthe poor and SC/ST children, in reality, the distributionof these incentives happens to be limited to certain schools
and a few children19 .
The government of India introduced a nation-wide
mid-day meal scheme20 in 1995 following a Supreme
The principal purpose of incentives is to encourage children to participate(enrolment and attendance) in the formal educational process.

18

It was observed that in 1993, the proportion of schools implementing thescheme and the beneficiaries of schemes did not cross single digit figures
among enrolled children in primary or middle schools. In addition, the Residential
School System was introduced during the 1980s especially for children belonging
to backward communities (SC, ST and OBC). In the majority of these schools,
the entry point was the middle level and pupils who crossed the primary level.
Entry was determined on merit.

19

20

There are three arguments for the noon-meal scheme. First, it motivates poor
parents to send their children to school and the children to stay in schools. It
is expected thereby to improve the levels enrolment and retention. Second, it
improves the nutrition level of school children provided the food supplied
has high nutrient value. The resulting improvement in the health of children
enables them to attend school regularly and enhances their learning capacity.
Third, there is the socialisation argument that sitting together and sharing
meals may help in eroding class barriers which are inherent in the Indiansocial structure (see PROBE, 1999).

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Court judgement. Later, for some time, the scheme was
implemented through the distribution of dry grains by
way of ration; currently, it has reverted to cooked meal
supply. The experience varies however across states. The
scheme was first implemented in the erstwhile Travancore
State of Kerala; later some other states followed the model.
It has been observed that there is a difference in the enrolment
rate before and after the implementation of the scheme.
In Andhra Pradesh, the scheme was implemented as early
as 1959-60 on an experimental basis, as a scheme forthe supply of mid-day meals for primary schools in 20
selected areas (i.e. Samiti blocks). In 1960-61 the scheme
was extended to 5 to 10 villages in each of the 254 Samiti
blocks21 . In the early 1980s the scheme was extended to
all primary schools, but was terminated within a few years.
Later, in the 1990s, the distribution of dry rice replaced
cooked meals. The mid-day meal (cooked) scheme wasreintroduced recently (in the late 1990s). It is implemented
throughout the state in every school and covers all thechildren at school.
Though various attempts have been made to provide
mid-day meals in the state during the past 50 years, theprogramme could not match the scheme being implemented
in other south Indian states, particularly Kerala and Tamil
Nadu, where it has been a great success. Moreover, thestate is lagging behind many other states in terms of thepercentage of beneficiaries (of mid-day-meal scheme) among
the school-going children. According to NSS 61st (200405) round on Employment and Unemployment, 35 percent
of children benefited from the scheme in Andhra Pradesh
and the state is ranked tenth among the 18 major Indianstates.
8.5.3 Quality of Education
The access to and the quality of schooling are important
aspects influencing the levels of schooling. Even if accessis ensured, the poor quality of education often makes
parents think that attending school is a waste of time. In
the Indian context, the quality of schooling especiallypublic schooling is a more serious problem than access.
Schools at present are not sufficiently equipped toaccommodate all the children in the elementary school
21

NCERT (1968).

Educationage (i.e. 5-14). Many schools are operating with inadequate
staff and are not ready to welcome additional entrants.
The educational content remains uninteresting and theteachers are indifferent to teaching.
Human resources, especially teachers, are the crucial
elements of an educational system and the teacher-pupil
ratio is an indicator of the quality of education. Teacherpupil ratios (TPR) above the optimum level i.e. 1: 40 makethe effective teaching-learning process difficult and place
an undue burden on teachers. This is especially true incombined classrooms with many grades and different
age group children. The TPR in Andhra Pradesh used to
be above the required norm during the 1990s. Moreover,many of the primary schools, especially in remote hamlets,
were run with a single teacher and there were instances
when schools functioned without an officially appointed
teacher. The Seventh All-India Educational Survey (2002)
reports that 10 per cent of the primary schools had asingle teacher and another 42 per cent had only two teachersin Andhra Pradesh. The latest District Information on School
Education (DISE) data for 2006 indicates that the percentageof ‘single teacher’ schools is in fact higher at around 12
per cent. It was observed that the drop-out rate is high inschools with single teachers. But the situation has improvedin recent times, as there has been large-scale recruitmentof teachers given external aid and central assistance under
different programmes. At present, according to the recent
District Information on School Education (DISE) data forthe year 2006, the state has a teacher-pupil ratio of 1:24
(see Table 8.5) in primary schools which is one of thelowest among Indian states.
Table 8.5: Teacher – Pupil Ratio (TPR) in Public and Private
Schools by the Type of the School in Andhra PradeshType School
1
Primary Only
Primary with Upper primaryPrimary with UPS, Sec/HS
Upper Primary with sec./higher sec.
All

All
2

Public Private
3
4

27
25
20
19
24

25
25
20
20
23

34
24
20
18
24

Note : Public means government schools.
Source : District Information on School Education (DISE), 2006.

107

Box 8.3: Teacher’s Absenteeism in India
Education is one of those areas where public service delivery isundermined especially in many developing countries. Teachers who
are frontline service providers and critical in service (education) delivery,
are often absent from school. Another problem is that the presence ofteachers per se does not ensure that they are working. The absence rate
based on direct physical verification of the teacher’s presence at theirrespective schools (randomly sampled) in India is as high as 25 percent
which one is of the highest rates among the developing countries. In
government-run schools only 45 per cent of teachers are engaged inteaching activity. It is observed that higher-ranking teachers likeheadmasters are more absent than the lower-ranking ones and maleteachers are absent more often than women teachers. The situation inAndhra Pradesh may be no better than in the country as a whole.
Source : Chaudhury et al (2006)

Usually the teacher-pupil ratio in practice is computedfor the enrolled children. The TPR will go up if all thechildren of the elementary school age (i.e. 5-14 age group),irrespective of their enrolment status are taken into account.
Schooling is one of the areas that require assured andadequate supply to accommodate all the potential students
irrespective of their actual demand for schooling. The
supply of schooling should not depend on the manifest
demand22 . When we take into account all the potential
school-going children, more teachers would be required.
In addition, gender composition of the teaching staff
is also an important issue. Lack of women teachers is
one of the reasons given for the non-attendance of many
girl children in schools. In majority of the states, men
outnumber women as teachers in schools, although theshare of women teachers has increased greatly in recent
decades. It is also observed that there are more female
teachers than men only in urban areas and private (aided
and unaided) schools, whereas teachers in rural schools
and public schools on the whole are male. In Andhra
Pradesh, since Independence there have always been more
men than women teachers in primary schools. Although
the proportion of female teachers is increasing, it still
Provision of schooling can be done in two ways - by adjusting supply to
manifest demand, or by ensuring supply irrespective of existing demand, but

22

aimed at increasing demand. The latter approach becomes relevant in the
Indian context, in which the number of non-school going children is large,
and state policy aims at universal elementary education.
23

According to 2006 DISE data, for Andhra Pradesh.

108

falls short of 50 per cent. It increased from 34 per cent in1991 to 38 per cent in 2001 and further to 42 per cent in200623 . The DISE data show that there are about 18000
primary and another 2000 upper primary schools in thestate with at least two teachers but none of them is awoman.
It must be noted that an improvement in TPR assuch may not serve the purpose of attaining the goal ofuniversal elementary education, unless those appointed
as teachers perform their duty. The attitude of teachers
towards pupils, their motivation, functioning and attendancein schools is more important. Frequent absenteeism byteachers, especially in public schools, is well recognised
all over the country and it is reported that it is very highparticularly in Andhra Pradesh.
8.5.4 Physical Infrastructure
Another factor that influences the quality of schoolingis physical infrastructure. Lack of adequate physical facilities
such as pucca buildings, blackboards, drinking water,
playgrounds and urinals has an adverse impact on attracting
children to school as well as on the quality of schooling.
In India, despite achievement of satisfactory access toprimary schools (within each habitation), the shortagesof classrooms and teachers remain widespread. A large
number of schools are running with single rooms; someschools do not have even a pucca room. Many classrooms
are in a poor condition and many schools lack potablewater supply and adequate sanitary facilities.
The Seventh All-India Educational Survey (AIES), for2002 reported that about four thousand primary schools
comprising around 7 per cent of the total primary schools(61,167) were running in the open in Andhra Pradesh.
Further, of the total primary schools about 17 per centand about 10 per cent of the upper primary schools did
not have a pucca building. According to DISE 2006, there
was only one classroom in about 22000 primary schools,
or 33 per cent of the total, (see Table 8.6). The availabilityof drinking water in schools is very poor, and about 28
per cent of primary and 11 per cent of upper primaryschools did not provide drinking water. About 47 percent of primary schools did not have any kind of toilets.
The situation is worse with respect to toilets for girls;

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table 8.6: Number of Schools Without Selected Facility, Andhra Pradesh 2006
Type of School

Schools Without Facility

1
2
3
4

1
Total Schools
Without a Female Teacher
With Single Teachers
Single Class Rooms

Primary Only
2
57769
18579 (32.2)
5947 (10.3)
21558 (37.3)

Primary with U P
315557
2010 (12.9)
42 (0.3)424 (2.7)

U P with Sec./HS
414355
1551 (10.8)
72 (0.5)
108 (0.8)

All
5
87774
22140 (25.2)
6062 (6.9)
22090 (25.2)

5
6
7
8

Without Common Toilets
Without Girls Toilets
Without Drinking Water
Without Black Board

27197 (47.1)
41461 (71.8)
16522 (28.6)
4269 (7.4)

4196 (27.6)
6666 (42.8)
1825 (11.7)
613 (3.9)5524 (38.5)
3965 (27.6)
1351 (9.4)
1059 (7.4)

36950 (42.1)
52094 (59.4)
19699 (22.4)5953 (6.8)

Figures in parenthesis are percentages in total schools.
District Information on School Education (DISE), 2006.

8.6 Financial Resources
It is the obligation of a welfare state to provide free
and universal elementary education, and the progressachieved in expanding school enrolment depends upon
the amount spent and its distribution among the different
types and levels of education. In 1960, the Kotharicommission pointed out the inadequacy of the amountspent on education and highlighted the need to spend at
least 6 per cent of the GDP on education. The Commission
also pointed out that it was school education and especiallyprimary education that had to be given top priority. So
far neither India as a whole nor any particular state, including
Andhra Pradesh, has fulfilled this suggestion, with the
exception of Kerala and Himachal Pradesh.

Education

26
24
22
20
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2

500
450
400
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
0

% in GSDP% in TEPCEEPer capita (Rs.)

With the introduction of the new education policy(1985), programmes like OBB, APPEP and DPEP were initiatedto make elementary education universal. These programmes
had focused on infrastructure, improving the quality ofschooling and involving the local community. However,they do not appear to have been effective in providing
the school infrastructure necessary to create a proper learning
environment. It is to be noted that the ineffective education
system has a discouraging effect in terms of low enrolment
and high drop-out rates.

Figure 8.7: Percentage Share of Education Expenditure (Rev. A/C) in Total Expenditure (TE) and GSDP and Per Capita
Expenditure (1993-94 Prices) on Education (PCEE) in Andhra
Pradesh1960-61
1962-63
1964-65
1966-67
1968-69
1970-71
1972-73
1974-75
1976-77
1978-79
1980-81
1982-83
1984-85
1986-87
1988-89
1990-91
1992-93
1994-95
1996-97
1998-99
2000-01
2002-03
2004-05
2006-07

more than 70 per cent of schools did not have such afacility.

Percentage

Note :
Source :Year

There has been a tremendous increase in expenditure
on education in Andhra Pradesh since its formation in
1956. It increased from Rs. 6.7 crores in 1956-57 to Rs.
7074.6 crores in 2006-07, that is by about 1000 times.
But the impact of such an increase is nullified by inflation24 .
In constant (1993-94) prices, the expenditure increased
from Rs. 119.4 crores to Rs. 3566.3 crores during thesame period, by just about 29 times25 . Though per capita
expenditure on education has increased over the period,
the impact of population growth in addition to the rising
24

The impact of inflation is seen to be significant when we adjust the expenditurein current prices with GDP deflator.
25

The growth in expenditure on education in constant prices is lower than incurrent prices, indicating the rising impact of the level of price on the increasinglevel of expenditure.

109

prices has affected it26 . In current prices the per capita
expenditure on education has increased from Rs. 2/- in
1956-57 to Rs. 844/- in 2006-07, whereas in constant(1993-94) prices it increased from Rs. 36 to Rs. 440 (seeFigure 8.8). The per capita expenditure on education inAndhra Pradesh grew at an increasing rate till the 1980s,
but after that the percentage change over the period
decelerated especially during the 1990s.

Per Capita Exp. on Ed.
(in Rs.)Figure 8.8: Per capita Real Expenditure (1993-94 Prices) on
Education, Sports, Art and Culture in Southern States

700
600
500
400
300
200
100
0

Andhra Pradesh

Karnataka

KeralaTamilnadu

Box 8.4: Financing Child Education
Child education is an essential part of child well-being. For thispurpose, the allocation of budget resources in Andhra Pradesh showsthat the entire expenditure27 on child education (including elementaryand secondary) constituted 2.74 per cent of the GSDP during the last
five years. Of this, 0.73 per cent is towards secondary education andthe remaining 2.01 per cent is on elementary education. The grants ofcentrally sponsored schemes (CSS) such as DPEP, SSA, KGVB and NEPGL,
are not in fact reflected in the budget of the state government but reachthe implementing authorities in the state. When accounted, the expenditurethrough these grants constitutes 0.21 per cent. It indicates that in theabsence of CSS funds, the state government expenditure on elementary
education would be 1.8 per cent of its GSDP
Source : Sreedevi (2007)

1990-91

1995-96

1999-00 2000-01

2004-05

The share of expenditure on education to total
expenditure has fluctuated from period to period andshows a declining trend during and after the 1990s. From
19.2 per cent (decadal average) in the 1960s it increased
to 20.5 per cent in the 1970s. The share of education in
total expenditure was highest in 1975-76 when it was
23 per cent. Thereafter it began to decline and dropped
from 19.8 per cent during the 1980s to around 15.7 percent in the recent past. On the other hand, expenditure
on education as a percentage of state Gross domestic
product (GSDP) showed a gradual increase from the 1960s
till the end of the 1980s and touched its peak at 3.4 percent, but even this was well below the norm of 6 percent set as the minimum essential level by the Education
Figure 8.9: Share of Elementary Education in the Total
Expenditure on Education in Andhra Pradesh
58.0
56.0
54.0
52.0
50.0
48.0
46.0
44.0
42.0
40.0
1956-57
1958-59
1960-61
1962-63
1964-65
1966-67
1968-69
1970-71
1972-73
1974-75
1976-77
1978-79
1980-81
1982-83
1984-85
1986-87
1988-89
1990-91
1992-93
1994-95
1996-97
1999-2000
2001-02
2003-04
2005-06
2007-08

Percent

Commission (1964-68). It declined in the 1990s from its
peak during the 1980s and remained between 2 to 3 percent
till the recent budget (2007-08).

As a matter of fact, expenditure on education as a
per cent of total budget was lower in Andhra Pradesh
than in many other states in India especially the southernstates (Figure 8.8). In fact, the World Bank study observedthat education has not been a priority in the allocation offunds in Andhra Pradesh. Inter-state comparisons indicatethat the expenditure on education in Andhra Pradesh asa share of GSDP is lower than that of fourteen other majorstates in India. Till the end of the 1980s, the state’s allocation
was higher than in Gujarat, Haryana, Karnataka, MP,
Maharashtra, UP and West Bengal. But from 1990 thestate has been spending a little more than the proportion
spent on education by Haryana and Punjab only, but lower
than all the other states mentioned above.
The trend shows that expenditure on education has
increased steadily over the period, but the share of
expenditure on elementary education28 in total expenditure
on education declined during the 1960s from 53 per centin the late 1950s to 43 per cent in the 1960s. It thenremained almost stagnant during the 1970s (44 per cent)and 1980s (46 per cent). During the 1990s the situation
was unfavourable for elementary education and the shareof elementary education in total expenditure on education
27

Including expenditure through grants of Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS).

28
26

Though both the total expenditure and expenditure on education havebeen increasing, the rate of increase has been higher for the former.

110

About 95 per cent of the current expenditure is spent on salaries, and the reston teaching materials, equipment and maintenance. Capital expenditure on
education is negligible (World Bank, 1997b).

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

(Revenue Account) declined to its lowest ever, to 38 percent. In recent years the share of elementary education
has been increasing, especially in the last two budgets of
2006-07 and 2007-08 when it stood at around 53 percent. However, a comparative study of educational attainment
to public expenditure on education points out that theperformance of Rajasthan, one of the most backward states(BiMaRU group) in India, is better than that of Andhra
Pradesh (Tilak, 2006).

8.7 Conclusions
Although considerable progress has been made in
the last two decades in Andhra Pradesh in terms of literacy
and schooling, it continues to remain one of the educationally
laggard states in India. Between 1991 and 2001, theperformance of the state in terms of the rate of improvement
in both literacy and school attendance is one of the best
among Indian states. But the state stands next to BiMaRU
states in India in terms of the overall attainment of education.
This is because though there has been a phenomenal
increase in terms of schooling and thereby literacy especiallyamong the younger age groups, a large number of theadult population remained illiterate. At present it is thelevel of illiteracy especially among adults in the statethat keeps Andhra Pradesh in a low position among Indianstates. For this one may suggest programmes to increaseadult literacy. Unless the state improves the literacy level
among adults it will remain backward in overall educational
attainment even if it achieves the goal of universal primary/elementary education.
Andhra Pradesh is yet to achieve the goal of universal
elementary education but it has an advantage for achieving
such goal. It is a fact that the state is experiencing ademographic transition whereby the growth of population
is declining and total fertility is now below the replacementlevel. Consequently, there was negative growth in theyounger age (0-5 years) population and positive growth
but below one percent for the subsequent younger age
groups. The Census of India projections indicate that thegrowth of population in the age group 5 to 14 years will
be negative during 2001-2011. As a result, the number

Educationof children in the elementary school age i.e. 5 to 14 years
would decline from 17.7 million in 2001 to 15.7 million
in 2006 and further to 14.4 million by the year 2011.
Given this fact, if the state ensures a positive growth inenrolment at elementary stages while accommodating
those children (estimated at 12 lakhs in 2005) who wereout of school, the state would achieve the goal of universal
schooling very soon.
An important feature of educational developmentin the state is the growing demand for education in theprivate sector. Here it is to be noted that the growth ofthe private sector especially in school education in Andhra
Pradesh is unaided, unlike the situation in Kerala where
the share of private management in education especiallyschools is above 60 percent and most of it is contributedby the private aided schools. Though most of the private
schools are concentrated in urban areas, their catchment
area can be extended to interior villages by providing
transportation facility using improved road infrastructure.
The changing preference of parents for private schools
may not be certainly attributed to their better earnings.
Rather, the reason could be that public schools are notable to meet the expectations of parents in terms of thequality of education in the scenario of increasing awarenessof the value of education. Therefore there is a need to
improve the quality of education especially in public schools.
The performance of Andha Pradesh has not been
impressive when it comes to the financial resources available
for education especially elementary education. The
recommendations of the Kothari Commission that
expenditure on education should be at least 6 percent of
GSDP was never implemented in the state. Since the 1990s
there has been a flow of funds for education, especiallyelementary education, in most states in India throughexternal aid and central assistance. These are all consideredadditional resources to the intended allocations by thestate government, so that with these additional resources
the share of elementary education in the total educationbudget must show an increase. But the actual trend does
not indicate any such increase except in the recent budget
estimates.

111

ANDHRA PRADESH
LITERATES - 2001

Percent Literates to total
Population
>50
40-50
30-40
<30
0

50 100 150 Kms

ANDHRA PRADESHFEMALE LITERATES - 2001

Percent Female Literates to total
Female Literate Population
>20
15-20
10-15
<10
0

112
112

50 100 150 Kms

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

CHAPTER IX

9Women’s Empowerment andChild Well-Beinghe fact that five of the eight Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) concern healthand education signals the importance of welfare
in development. When women have more control overresources, household expenditure patterns are geared
relatively more towards human development inputs, suchas food, health and education (Gustav et al, 2000). Hence,
improving women’s access to resources is one route throughwhich the MDGs on human development can be achieved.
The empowerment of women becomes a powerful agency
to improve welfare and human development. It is argued
that empowering women improves the well-being of thehousehold and leads to better outcomes for children (Kabeer,2003). In other words, the inter-generational transmissionof poverty can be arrested, if women are empowered. In
addition to this, women’s empowerment also results in
reduction in gender disparities in human development(Rustagi, 2004). Therefore empowerment of women stands
as a crucial pathway for reducing gender disparities andachieving human development.

T

The women in Andhra Pradesh are better
placed compared to all India situations interms of gender disparity indicators.
There is close association between womenand child development. The participationof women in public sphere has improved
the functioning of the public institutionsdelivering child services and discriminatory
practices against women and children.

This chapter therefore assesses and analyzes thecontribution of women’s empowerment in reducing regionaland gender disparities in human development in the stateof Andhra Pradesh. This calls for a conceptual frameworkon the notion of women’s empowerment and child wellbeing and the transmission mechanisms of the effect ofwomen’s empowerment on children’s well-being.

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

113

9.1 Pattern of Women’s empowerment and childwell-being: State Level Analysis
9.1.a Empowerment to take action
The most fundamental prerequisite for empowering
women in all spheres of society is education1 and women
without education lose the opportunity to improve theirlives. Moreover, the positive externalities of educated women
especially for the household are very well documented.
However women are far behind men in any indicator of
education: literacy, schooling (i.e. enrolment, dropout etc.),
and average years of schooling.
It has already been established that Andhra Pradesh
is one of the laggard states in India with respect to education
status i.e. literacy and schooling levels (see Chapter 8).
Though the progress achieved by the state during the last
10 to 15 years may be commended, it still lags behindmost Indian states. According to the 2001 Census theliteracy rate in Andhra Pradesh was 61 per cent and the
NSS 61st (2004-05) round Employment and Unemployment
Survey estimates it at 62 per cent, which is below the allIndia average.
Table 9.1: Educational Levels – Percentage of Persons with Levelof Education in AP and India, 2004-05
Location and Sex

Illiterate Primary

Middle1AP

2
Rural Male
Rural Female
Urban MaleUrban Female

3
44.2
60.9
23.3
37.5

4
30.0
25.0
28.9
28.6

5
12.5
7.4
13.5
12.1

Secondary& Above
6
13.3
6.6
34.3
21.8

India

Rural Male
Rural Female
Urban MaleUrban Female

36.4
55
19.5
30.7

36.1
29.3
30
29.4

14
8.9
16
14.4

13.4
6.7
34.5
25.5

Note : 7 + Population.
Source : NSSO 61st (2004-05) Round, Report No. 515.

Although the state lags behind in average levels ofliteracy and schooling, the gender difference in educationis relatively lower when compared with the all-India level1

The proxy indicators are: i) average years of schooling, females as a percentage
of males; ii) female to male ratio, gross enrolment at primary, secondary andtertiary level; and iii) adult literacy (female rate as a percentage of male rate).

114(Table 9.1) and also the north Indian states. But it is behindcompared to the other south Indian states. Moreover, inprofessional occupations like medicine, engineering andothers the gender differential is very high. For instance,
less than thirty per cent of doctors in Andhra Pradesh(Table
9.2) registered with the Medical Council are women (29per cent). The number of women enrolled in professionalcourses and their share in the total enrolment is very low
so that the sex ratios in professional courses are at very
low levels across the districts.
Table 9.2: Doctors registered with Andhra Pradesh
Medical Council, 2005
Profession

Male

Female

Total

1

2

3

4

Graduate Doctors

37396 (72.6) 14824 (28.4) 52220

P G Doctors

1363 (88.1)

Total

38759 (72.1) 15009 (28.9) 53768

Note

185 (12.9)

1548: These figures are related to registered Medical Doctors.

Source : Medical Council

Work participation rates, the nature of economic activity
and wages are considered to assess economic empowerment.
Equal access to economic participation and decision-making
power is an important aspect of women’s empowerment.
The participation of women in the workforce in quantitative
terms is important not only for lowering the disproportionate
levels of poverty among women, but also as an important
step towards raising household income and encouraging
economic development2 . The work participation rates
for males and females in Andhra Pradesh as well as at
the all-India level show that female WPRs are below thatof males (Table 9.3). Female WPR in Andhra Pradesh ishigher than the all-India average. The difference between
the WPR of males and females is lower in the state than
the all-India rates. As a matter of fact, Andhra Pradesh
has one of the highest WPR for both the male and females
across Indian states.
2
The Gender Gap Report of WEF used the following indicators for Economic
Participation. They are: i) female unemployment (in female labour force) as apercentage of male unemployment (in male labour force); ii) female youth
unemployment (in female labour force aged 15-24) as a percentage of maleyouth unemployment (in male labour force aged 15-24); iii) ratio of estimatedfemale to male earned income; iv) female economic activity rate as percentage
of male; and v) wage equality between women and men for similar work.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table 9.3: Work Participation Rate by Sex and
Location for India and Andhra Pradesh
Location / Year

Andhra Pradesh

All India

Male

FemaleMale

Female

1

2

3

4

5

6

Rural

2004-05

60.5

48.3

54.6

32.7

1993-94

63.1

52.0

55.3

32.8

Urban 2004-05

56.0

22.4

54.9

16.6

1993-94

54.4

19.8

52.1

15.5

Note

: Principal and Subsidiary status.

Source : NSSO Reports.

However, the concern is with the quality of women’s
work and not just with their numbers3 . The nature ofwork that women do is concentrated in unsecured, unskilledjobs which are poorly paid, and lack any upward mobility
and opportunity. In Andhra Pradesh about half (48.7 percent) the women workers in rural areas are casual labour
and about 47 per cent are self-employed (Table 9.4). About
70 per cent of all women workers and 78.5 per cent inrural areas are engaged in agriculture related activities
Table 9.4: Distribution of Workers by Nature and Activity inAndhra Pradesh

122004-05 Rural Male
Rural Female
Urban MaleUrban Female
1993-94 Rural Male
Rural Female
Urban Male

SE
3
48.4
47.2
42.8
48.7
48.8
45.3
38.0

Nature
RE
4
9.7
4.0
38.6
30
8.1
1.8
40.0

Urban Female

46.2

17.4

Location and Sex

Note

Activity
CL Non-Agrl Agrl
5
6
7
41.9
33.6 66.4
48.7
21.5 78.5
18.6
93.1 6.9
21.2
82.3 17.7
42.8
24.4 75.6
52.5
16.3 83.7
21.4
88.7 11.3
36.4

69.2

in the state. For men, the percentage employed in agricultureis 57 of the total workers and 66 in rural areas. Womenaccount for 64 per cent of the total workforce engaged inagriculture activities in the state. Nevertheless the situation
now appears to be somewhat better, especially whenBox 9.1: Women’s empowerment and child wellbeing: A Review
Power is a relational concept that operates at the personal, intrahousehold and community levels. Feminist theorists have identified four
dimensions of power, viz., ‘power from within’, ‘power to’, ‘power with’and ‘power over’ (Wong, 2003). Power within refers to personal psychologicalpower, and empowerment is the process whereby someone develops a
sense of self-confidence and self-respect that was previously lacking. It is
critical in terms of overcoming internalized oppressions which often underpin
more tangible and structural forms of power. Power to is the capacity tomake decisions and take actions to change one’s circumstances. This is
typically linked to notions of human capital development stemming fromaccess to economic resources, information, education and other services.
Power with focuses on collective action, and the ability to solve problems
and claim citizenship rights through co-operation and networks. Powerover, however, can be viewed as both negative and positive. It can be
negative in the sense that it entails forcing others to do something against
their will, but such power may be necessary to overcome unequal power
structures and bring about more fundamental social, political and economictransformation. Ideally this fourfold framework should be seen as interconnected and dynamic, and about both process and outcomes. Given
the traditional responsibility of women for nurturing and care, it is often
assumed that advances in women’s status will have a positive spillover
impact on child well-being through access to greater power and resourcesin the private and public spaces (Jones et al, 2007).

30.8: SE – Self-employed; RE – Regularly Employed; CL – Casual Labourer;
Agrl – Agriculture.

Source : NSS 61st (2004-05) Round.
3

For this purpose the following indicators are used in the Gender Gap Reportof WEF: i) number of days/weeks paid maternity leave allowed; ii) maternity
leave benefits (percentage of wages paid in covered period); iii) female professional
and technical workers (as a percentage of total); iv) availability of government
provided childcare; v) impact of maternity laws on the hiring of women; andvi) equality between women and men for private sector employment.

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

compared with the situation in the early 1990s. Women
workers gained in terms of regular wage/salaried employment
and self-employment between 1993-94 and 2004-05.

115

A recent concise and comprehensive review on thelinkages between women’s empowerment and child wellbeing brought out clearly that there are four mechanisms
for transmitting the effects of women’s empowerment tochild well-being They include maternal education, economic
empowerment, intra-household decision-making power(‘power to’ dimension) and community level empowerment(power with and power over dimensions). Maternal education,a critical dimension of women’s empowerment – is positively
associated with better child education, health and nutrition
outcomes. Women’s economic empowerment, that is greater
access for women to financial resources not only improves
the status of women within the household but also leads
to more investment in their children. As a result of greater
economic resources, psychological confidence and/or
knowledge, women’s empowerment may translate into
better outcomes for children because mothers are more
likely to advocate the interest of their children in intrahousehold bargaining and to be taken seriously by theirmale partners. Finally, greater individual and household
level empowerment may spill over into the empowermentof women at the community level and a more active rolein demanding or even providing better child-related services(Jones et al, 2007). In view of these propositions, a few
measures have been formulated to assess women’s
empowerment and child well-being.

The NSS 61st (2004-05) round on work participation
estimates that there are about 40 (31.4 and 8.6) million
workers in total and 16.3 (13.9 and 2.4) million female
workers, comprising 40.7 (44.1 and 28.1) percent of theworkforce, during 2004-05.

The discrimination against women engaged in thelabour market with respect to wages is a universal
phenomenon. This discrimination is visible in all kindsof work, whether regular wage/salaried or casual. The
average female wage rate in India as well as in Andhra
Pradesh, in paid ‘public works’ programmes is also lower
than for men. The average wage rate, in any kind of work,in Andhra Pradesh is lower than the all-India average.
However, the difference between male and female workers
is relatively lower than at the all-India level.

This indicates that the sex ratio, which was in fact against
females, was relatively lower for workers than the general
population. Among workers, the sex ratio for those engaged
in non-agricultural activities is more unfavourable to female
workers. Moreover, while the sex ratio in the general
population has increased between 1993-94 and 200405, the sex ratio has declined among workers in generaland in non-agriculture in particular. The sex ratio is higher
among casual labourers than the self-employed. In regular
wage work, the sex ratio is abysmal.

According to the 2001 Census the total populationof the state of Andhra Pradesh was about 76.2 million(55.4 rural and 20.8 urban), and the number of womenwas 37.6 million (27.4 m. rural and 10.2 m. urban) constituting
49.4 per cent. For 2005 the total population is estimatedat 79.7 (57.8 and 21.9) million and the number of womenat 39.5 (28.7 and 10.8) million.

Further, the employment of women in the emerging
and fast growing sector like information technology (IT)is far behind that of men in general. In the IT sector in
Andhra Pradesh, which is one of the few states with asignificant share of IT sector in India, the number of women
employed is much behind the number of men whencompared with the all-India average as well as the other116

The sex ratio of population in AP was 974 (977 and
960 in rural and urban areas) in 1993-94 and it increased
to 983 (988 and 969) in 2005, whereas the sex ratio ofworkers would be around 684, 789 and 388 respectively
in total, rural and urban areas in 2004-05 (Table 9.5).
Table 9.5: Sex Ratio of Workers by Nature and Activity inAndhra Pradesh
Location Population Workers
12004-05
Rural
Urban
All
1993-94
Rural
Urban
All
Note

NonAgriculture SelfRegular Casual
Agriculture
employed
4
5
6
7
8

2

3

988
970
983

789
388
684

505
154
264

933
446
896

769
198
534

325
135
181

917
198
730

977
960
974

807
350
695

519
262
381

859
920
862

721
408
658

175
146
157

953
572
900

: Both Principal and Subsidiary Status.

Source : Calculations based on NSS 61st (2004-05) Round workers
distribution ratios are applied to estimated population

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

southern states. While the share of women working in
the IT sector is 18 per cent at the all-India level, it is 13
per cent for Andhra Pradesh, 19 per cent for Karnataka
and 28.4 per cent for Tamil Nadu.
In general it can be surmised that female work
participation rates are lower than that of males all overthe country as well as in Andhra Pradesh. However, they
are the highest in Andhra Pradesh among all Indian states.
Most of the woman workforce is concentrated in activities
which are unorganized, informal, seasonal, insecure, menialand poorly paid. Besides the work participation levels,
the quality of employment and discriminatory wages, afurther important dimension to economic empowerment
is the control women have over their incomes.
9.1.b Empowerment that transforms unequal structures
Sex ratio, child sex ratio, political participation andviolence in private and public spaces are considered toassess empowerment that transforms unequal social andpolitical structures.
Sex Ratio: Missing Girls
Missing females is a matter of concern in the perspectiveof human development which is a major problem in India.
The child sex ratio has been in favour of males for thelast 50 years (Table 9.6). The low child sex ratio in India
is largely attributed to the strong son preference. A balanced
child sex ratio reflects the fulfillment of strategic genderneeds. It can be seen as one of the outcomes of theempowerment process of women.

regarding the value attached to women in Indian society.
It indicates deliberate interference with natural birth patterns
in order to achieve a desired sex ratio of children.
Political Participation4
This refers to the equitable share of women in thepolitical decision-making structure and their voice in theformulation of policies. Although women constitute nearly
half the population, their representation in political bodies
and decision-making structures is not commensurate with
their numbers. The 73rd and 74th amendments of the IndianConstitution have provided for 33 per cent representation
for women in local bodies which include Zilla Parishad,
Mandal Parishad and village panchayat. Even when womenare elected to local bodies there are instances where they
are not allowed to exercise their official powers. Men
exercise de facto control, in the name of the elected women,
usually their wives. But political representation has certainly
become a first step for women to gain political power.
There are also instances in local elections of 2000-02
when 6.2 percent of women were elected for unreservedseats at the Zilla Paridhad level, 10 percent for the postsof Chairpersons and 5 percent at the ward members level(State Election Commission, 2000-02).

The child sex ratio imbalance has further worsened
with a sharp decline by 2001, which raises serious concerns
Table 9.6: Sex Ratio in India and A P
Year

0-6 Years Age
India
AP

India

AP

1
1961
1971
1981
1991
2001

2
976
964
962
945
927

4
941
930
934
927
933

5
981
977
975
972
978

Note

3
1000*
978*
960

Overall: *0-4 years

Violence against Women
Violence against women and girls is not only a major
health problem but also a human rights concern. Violence
4

The indicators are: i) number of years of a female president or prime minister in the last 50 years;ii) women in government at ministerial level (percentage in total); iii) seats in parliament held by
women (percentage in total); and iv) female legislators, senior officials and managers (percent in total).

Source : Census of India

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

117

100

50

80

40

60

30

Private Space
Public Space
Violence Rate

40
20

20
10

Voilence Rate

Percentage

Figure 9.1: Violence Against Women in Andhra Pradesh
Percentage in Private and Public Space (in the total) andViolence Rate (Number of Cases per lakh Women)

0
2005

2004

2003

2002

2001

2000

1999

1998

1997

1996

1995

0

Year

In India a nationwide survey shows that 52 per centof women suffer at least one incident of physical or
psychological violence in their lifetime5 . A study by theCentre for Women’s Development Studies says that every
hour five women face cruelty at home6. The NFHS (II)reports one in five married women in India experiences
domestic violence from the age of 15. According to theIndian National Crime Records Bureau’s unique ‘crime
clock 2005’ which tracked criminal activities in 2004,
the country reported one molestation every 15 minutes;
one crime against women every 3 minutes; one dowry
death every 77 minutes; one rape every 29 minutes; one
murder every 16 minutes; and one sexual harassment
case every 53 minutes.
According to the recent estimates of NFHS (200506) III, about 35 per cent of ever-married women have5
See International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) (2000), Domestic Violencein India: A Summary Report of a Multi-site Household Survey, New Delhi.

See Crimes Against Women: Bondage and Beyond (2002), Centre for Women’sDevelopment Studies, New Delhi
6118

reported experiences of spousal violence in Andhra Pradesh.
The incidence is higher in rural areas (37 per cent) whencompared to urban areas (31 per cent) and the state ranks
tenth among the twenty major Indian states (see Figure
9.2).
Figure 9.2: Domestic Violence-Percentage of Ever-married women who
have experienced spousal violence, NFHS III (2005-06)
All
Urban
Rural

70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0

Andhra Prdesh
Assam
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Jammu & Kashmir
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamilnadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
Chattisgarh
JharkandUttaranchal
All India

has indirect effects on society and becomes a drain on
the economically productive workforce and generates a
climate of fear and insecurity. Women can experience
physical or mental abuse throughout their lifecycle, in
infancy, childhood and/or adolescence, or during adulthoodor older age. Violence has severe health consequences
for the victims, and is a social problem that warrants animmediate coordinated response from multiple sectors.
Women have been targeted by many kinds of abuse andviolence in public as well private spaces, and are notsafe in any country.

But the state has the highest incidence of violenceagainst women in terms of total crimes, both private (within
the household or domestic) and public (see Figure 9.1).
The violence rate (i.e. crime incidents per lakh women)
for 2005 in Andhra Pradesh was about 36, the highest
among the major Indian states, and the contribution of
the state to the total crimes against women in India was
the highest at 13 per cent. Moreover the violence rate
has increased, especially during the last decade (i.e. 1995
to 2005).
9.1.c Child Well-being
Overall development of children includes health andeducation. The global community as well as the national
government has accepted that health and education ofchildren are not merely basic needs but fundamental rights.
Articles 24 and 28 of the Convention on the Rights of
the Child (CRC) refer to health and education. Articles
26, 27 and 18.3 outline provisions for a child’s welfare
such as social security, adequate standard of living andchild-care.
However, there are millions of children who are
deprived of these needs and rights. The World HealthOrganization reported that currently around 11 million

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Box 9.2: Child Trafficking in Andhra Pradesh
Sale and prostitution of girl children has become a major problem in the state especially in Coastal Andhra. About 17 districts havebeen identified as high incidence districts for child trafficking, viz Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna,
Guntur, and Prakasam in Coastal region, Kadapa, Anantapur, and Kurnool, in the Rayalaseema region, Hyderabad, Medak, Nalgonda,
Khammam, Nizamabad and Warangal in the Telangana regions of the state. Coastal Andhra Pradesh particularly has become a highsupply zone for trafficking in children (National Human Rights Report 2001 and USAID Report). Women, girls and boys are supplied forprostitution, begging, and cheap child labour. The state’s share among persons trafficked for sexual exploitation is nearly 40 percent. 26
percent of women or girls enter into the trade between the age of 14 -16 years, 20 percent between 16-18 years and 16 percent before
the age of 14 years.
The GOI report on ‘Sexual Exploitation and Trafficking of Children’ identified poverty as the prime cause of child trafficking.
Besides social and religious factors and traditional prostitution in the communities of Dommara, Vaddera and Erukala, a number offactors at the macro level relating to poor opportunities and access to resources and macro policies like liberalisation and modernisation
have marginalised the poorer sections, especially women and children, pushing them into the sex trade. Fisher folk, tribals, dalits,
migrant labour, domestic servants, traditional handloom weavers and rural artisans are some of the vulnerable social and occupationalgroups prone to women and child trafficking. Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Bihar and Delhi reported the highest percentage of sexual abuse
and sexual assault among both girls and boys, and young adults and children photographed in the nude.
The GOI has formulated a National Plan of Action to combat trafficking and commercial sexual exploitation of children andminors, in 1998. The Government of Andhra Pradesh formed a committee in 2002 and issued GO No 1 in 2003 for rescue andrehabilitation of such children.

children under 5 years and 600,000 women die eachyear, mostly in the developing world. One million newborn
babies never survive beyond 24 hours. These figures arequite shocking. Survival itself is a major problem for achild and many of those who survive are deprived of
disease-free healthy life and appropriate education.
Unfortunately such deprivation is very common in India.
Children in Andhra Pradesh are not an exception to suchdeprivations which is why overall child development ispoor in Andhra Pradesh, as seen in the low value of theChild Development Index.
Well-being means that children have the capabilitiesor the strengths to undertake and perform activities orenter into successful relationships that are appropriate
for their age and level of development. These abilities
and strengths include physical health7 and development,
appropriate social and emotional functioning, and cognitive
growth. Safe motherhood (during pregnancy and after
birth) is one of most important aspects that affect childhealth. Another important aspect is safe childhood that
includes breastfeeding, immunization which prevents
childhood disease and the timely treatment of other illness,
and nutrition level. Though the performance of Andhra
7Good nutrition, preventive health care, physical activity, safety and security,
substance abuse prevention, and reproductive health are the key componentsof physical well-being that children need to survive and thrive.

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

Pradesh has improved over time, child health in the state
is not fully secured.
Child survival is threatened by infant mortality. In
Andhra Pradesh, according to NFHS III (2005-06), theinfant mortality rate at 53 (per 1000 live births) indicatesthat one baby in every 19 live births dies before its firstbirthday. About three-fourths of IMR is contributed byneonatal mortality (i.e. in the first month of the life). In
terms of child survival Andhra Pradesh is lagging behindthe other southern states, especially Kerala and Tamilnadu.
Child schooling is another important aspect of childwell-being. Both pre-school and school education is criticalin the child’s cognitive growth. The performance of thestate in terms of child schooling has already been discussed
in chapter 8 (Education). It indicates that though the state
has been doing well since the 1990s it fell short of thegoal i.e. universal elementary education. There are still
10 to 12 lakh children in the age group 6 to 14 years
who are not in school. Moreover the quality of schoolingis a cause of concern in the state.
Infants and young children are completely dependent
upon parents and caregivers to achieve physical wellbeing. The socio-economic conditions at the household
level definitely influence physical well-being of children.
But children living in rural areas, and belonging to socially119backward castes like SC/STs and economically backward
households are in a vulnerable condition. The genderdimension adds to the vulnerability that threatens thewellbeing of children. The adverse sex ratio and the lower
nutrition level of girls are a few instances of such gendered
deprivation.
The poverty dimension indicates that the percentage
of children living in households which had consumption
levels below poverty line (BPL) in the state has improved
during the last 10 to 15 years period (see Figure 9.3).
About 15 per cent of children in 0 to 5 and 6 to 14 age
groups are living in BPL households in 2004-05. The
unique feature of Andhra Pradesh is that poverty levels
are higher among the urban population when comparedto the rural population. There has been a dramatic decline
in the poverty level especially in these age groups bothin rural and urban areas, as compared to a decade ago(1993-94). One of the reasons for this could be a decline
in Total Fertility Rate (TFR) across all economic classes.
Figure 9.3: Percentage of Population by age group,
Living in BPL Households: A P

0 to 5 Age

6 to 14 Age

Other age
group

Total

Urban

Rural

Total

Urban

Rural

Total

Urban

Rural

Total

Urban

1993-94
2004-05
Change

Rural

50.0
45.0
40.0
35.0
30.0
25.0
20.0
15.0
10.0
5.0
0.0

All Ages

Early childhood care and education (ECE) are very
important. Access to ECE is important not only in preparing
a child to enter school but equally or more important inrelieving older siblings, especially girls, from the responsibilityof taking care of younger children in the family. There isevidence that children who have been through ECE aresocially prepared, active and grasp concepts quickly when
they enter primary school.
In India and Andhra Pradesh, ICDS anganwadi centres
have been the prime source of early childhood care andeducation. The coverage under ICDS8 anganwadi centres

120(AWC) seems to be inadequate in Andhra Pradesh bothin absolute and relative terms. According to NFHS III(2005-06), only 27.5 per cent of children below 6 received
any service from an AWC in the past year. Andhra Pradesh
was one among those states with the lowest ICDS coverage.
There were around 9 million children under 6 in 2001,
and they would number around 8 million in 2006. Of
these only 2 million children are covered. Hence thepresence of ICDS programme in the state could not improve
nutrition levels among children significantly.
The advantage of the state is its demographic dividend.
The number of children who should be covered in ICDS
has been decreasing owing to negative growth rate inyounger age population in the state. This dividend would
help universal coverage soon if there are more efforts at
the policy and implementation levels.

9.2 Patterns of Women’s empowerment and Child
well-being: Inter-district Analysis
We have already discussed two gender related measures(GDI and GEMI) representing women’s empowerment
at the district level in chapter 2. Here regional disparities
are discussed where districts in the state of Andhra Pradesh
are classified in two ways: the traditional classification
into three regions Coastal Andhra, Telangana andRayalaseema based on socio-economic and historicaladministrative conditions9 , and a classification into fiveagro-ecological divisions of North Telangana, South
Telangana, North Coast, South Coast, and Rayalaseema10 .
Since Independence, there were several measures to improve child healthand education while increasing the coverage of related services. In the process,the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) was initiated in 1976 at thenational level and in Andhra Pradesh. Under the ICDS programme, anganwadi
centres (AWC) were established to provide children with health, nutrition andpre-school education services from birth to six years and nutritional andhealth services to pregnant and breastfeeding mothers.
8

9
Coastal Andhra consists of 9 districts of Srikakulam, Vizianagaram,
Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Prakasam
and Nellore. Telangana comprises 10 districts - Adilabad, Karimanagar, Khammam,
Warangal, Nizamabad, Medak, Mahabubnagar, Ranga Reddy, Nalgonda andHyderabad. Rayalaseema comprises Chittoor, Kadapa, Kurnool and Anantapur.

North Coast comprises Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam; South
Coast comprises East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Prakasham
and Nellore; North Telangana comprises Adilabad, Karimanagar, Khammam,
Warangal, Nizamabad; South Telangana comprises Mahbubnagar, Ranga Reddy,
Nalgonda and Hyderabad. Rayalaseema has the same four districts.
10

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Intra-state differences in economic development and culturalcharacteristics are reflected in the regional categorization.

may not always lead to gendered development indicatedby a high GEM.

In addition to GDI and GEM we have Child
Development Index (CDI) which represents child wellbeing, across districts and regions. The dimensions covered
for CDI are: health, education and poverty (see Technical
Note for details).

Consistent economic growth, high literacy and low
work participation rates for women, with high female
and child sex ratios, high sex ratio in enrolment and highpolitical participation are some of the characteristic featuresof the South Coastal which has traditionally been a developed
region. Along with these, the incidence of violence on
women is also high in this region. In contrast, South Telangana
has low female literacy rate, low work participation rate,
lowest sex ratio for both females and girl children andschool enrolment, and also low wage ratio in both agriculture
and non-agriculture. Relatively backward regions like theNorth Coastal and South Telangana have high GEM but
low CDI because of lack of amenities (education andhealth) for child development. Thus one can see a close
correspondence between women’s empowerment andchild well-being across the sub regions of the state. The
extension of this analysis to the district level may throw
some more light on these relationships.

Figure 9.4: Gender (GDI) and Child (CDI) Development andGender Empowerment Measure (GEM) Index for Districts inAndhra Pradesh, 2001
CDI
GEM
GDI

State
Nalgonda
Khammam
Warangal
Karimnagar
Adilabad
Nizambad
Medak
Hyderabad
Ranga Reddy
Mahabubnagar
KurnoolAnatapurKadapaChittoor
NellorePrakasamGunturKrishnaWest Godavari
East Godavari
Visakhapatnam
Vizianagaram
Srikakulam-0.100Indices
1
0.100

0.300

0.500

0.700

0.900

An analysis of gender and child related indices showsthat Coastal Andhra had high Gender Empowerment
Measure (GEM) and Child Development Index (CDI),
followed by Telangana. However Rayalaseema has thelowest gender empowerment and child development indicesamong all the sub-regions. South Coastal from the Coastal
region comprising the districts of East Godavari, West
Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Nellore and Prakasam has
the highest GEM and CDI followed by the North Coastal
in GEM. North Telangana stands next to South Coastal in
CDI but is behind South Telangana in terms of GEM. Thereis a close relationship between GDI and GEM in South
Coastal, North Coastal and South Telangana regions.
However in Rayalaseema the situation is more anomalousin that the GDI is next only to South Coastal but GEM is
the lowest among all sub regions. On the other hand,
while North Telangana has the lowest GDI the GEM isabove that of Rayalaseema. This shows that high GDI

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

Table 9.7: Correlations Matrix
HDI
GDI
GEM
3
4
2

HDI

1

GDI

0.936

1

GEM

0.640

0.740

1

CDI

0.537

0.636

0.662

CDI
5

1

Note : 1. The indices refer to 2001; 2. All the correlation coefficientsare significant at 1 per cent level

A simple correlation matrix (Table 9.7) among four
indices (HDI, GDI, GEM and CDI) across districts of Andhra
Pradesh reveals that child development is highly correlated
to gender development and gender empowerment ascompared to human development. The correlation between
CDI and GDI and GEM is more or less same and hence
it seems to be counter intuitive in the sense that gender
empowerment is expected to contribute to child development
to a greater degree than gender development. This calls
for an assessment of the relationship among different
components of gender empowerment and child development
through unpacking the two indices of GEM and CDI.

121

The same level of association between childdevelopment (CDI) and gender development (GDI) andempowerment (GEM) may be due to two reasons: one,the inclusion of the components relating to power overdimensions of empowerment might not have broughtsynergies among the different components of power to(as reflected by GDI) dimension of empowerment; andtwo, as a consequence, this might not have contributed
to the improvement of child development. The zero ordercorrelation coefficients among the different elements of
empowerment and child development reveal that the elementsof power over dimension are in general not correlated tothe components of power to dimension. The related
insignificant correlation coefficients provide substantial
evidence to this. However it is interesting to note that
there is a significant negative relation between violence
on women and female income. This implies that the districts
with higher female income experienced low levels of violence
on women in both public and private spaces. Apart from
this, a highly significant positive relation is registered between
political participation and sex ratio: adult as well as childsex ratios. This gives an indication that in districts withhigher participation of women in politics, the issues relating
to unequal social structures may be positively addressed.
It can be concluded that the inclusion of power overdimension of empowerment has not led to any significant
improvement in building up synergies among the different
dimensions of empowerment.
The power to dimension of women’s empowerment(income, education and health) is significantly correlated
to different dimensions of child development comparedto the power over components. Further, transmission of
women’s empowerment could be seen strongly (in termsof relationship with number of components of
empowerment) in safe births; infant mortality rate; childschooling; immunization; and children in unstable andpoverty households; in that order. Further it is also evident
that: the districts which experience relatively higher poverty
also experience higher incidence of female child mortality;
the low level of education among women is closely associatedwith instability in income levels; the districts which witnesshigh incidence of violence on women also have low levelsof safe deliveries; districts in which a high proportion of122

children completed the full cycle of immunization also
have a favourable adult sex ratio; the greater access toresources like education, health and income (power todimension of women’s empowerment) for womencontributes more to the survival dimension of childdevelopment. The dimensions of women’s empowerment(especially power with and power over) may not contributeto child survival to the same extent as power to dimensions
but may contribute to other dimensions like right to protection
and right to participation. Thus, the overall developmentof children can be ensured in an environment where womenexperience empowerment in all its dimensions. The
forthcoming analysis throws more light on the relation
between the overall dimensions of women’s empowerment
and overall development of the child.

9.3 State Intervention, Women’s empowerment and Child
Well-being: Household level Analysis11
The government of Andhra Pradesh has provided alarger space for women’s self-help groups in its strategy
for poverty alleviation and women’s empowerment. Thisis seen in the women’s groups promoted under Developmentof Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA)
programme; the adoption of the model of South Asia Poverty
Alleviation Programme (SAPAP) with suitable improvements
to develop and implement Andhra Pradesh District Poverty
Initiatives Project (APDPIP); and, the Andhra Pradesh Rural
Poverty Reduction Project (APRPRP) (Galab andChandrasekhar, 2003).
Our analysis is confined to an assessment of the
Indira Kranthi Patham (IKP), earlier called Velugu, which
is a component of DPIP. IKP is meant to eradicate poverty
in all its forms, including child labour, through establishingstrong and vibrant people’s institutions for the poor in
the form of women’s Self Help Groups (SHGs) and theirfederations and forging alliances between these institutions
and non-poor organizations, the state, the corporate sector
and NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) to tackle
the conditioning factors that are perpetuating poverty,
and supporting demand-driven economic projects to increase
and consolidate economic gains on a sustainable basis.
11

This section is based on the Mid Term and End Term Appraisal Reports of theDistrict Poverty Initiatives Programme.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

It seeks not only to mobilize communities but also provide
support to facilitate linkages with credit institutions tocreate investment opportunities for the poor in economic
activities. The formation of women’s self-help groups andtheir federations at village and mandal levels intended togenerate micro-processes to influence the institutions,formal and informal, and policies for improving the
livelihoods of the poor, is central to IKP. One of the major
expected outcomes of the project is empowerment of
women.
The project adopts the framework of women’s
empowerment as conceptualized earlier in terms of thefour dimensions of power - ‘power from within’, ‘powerto’, ‘power with’ and ‘power over’ that operates at thepersonal, intra-household and community levels.
Considerable emphasis is laid on access to informationand social capital in the project since this is an importantelement of empowerment strategy. The poor usually haveno access to information regarding various programmes
and institutions and, as a result, they are deprived of thebenefits from these initiatives. Simultaneously, improving
the density and quality of social relations among womenleads to an enhancement in individual as well as in community
social capabilities of women. As a result of the increasinglevel of awareness and social capital that is being generated
in the project, it is assumed that women are becoming
more empowered.

The following analysis of the contribution of DPIP
to women’s empowerment and child well-being deals
with all the four dimensions of empowerment, and thedimensions not covered in the earlier sections at the state

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

and the district level (power within and power with) could
be accommodated in this programme.
9.3.a Psychological Empowerment12
An important dimension of empowerment entails
facilitating the disempowered to develop a positive senseof identity, self-value and confidence. This psychologicalcomponent promotes self-belief in women that they can
act at personal and social levels to improve their condition.
It involves an escape from ‘learned helplessness’. This
newfound sense of self-confidence was discussed by anumber of respondents. A group member from Atlur, forexample, poetically noted that before participation in selfhelp groups, “women were like a frog in a well”. Anotherself-help group member from Amrabad in Mahabubnagar
district emphasized how membership had empowered
her and other participants to overcome deep-rooted feelingsof fear and inferiority. It should be noted, however, thatwhile psychological empowerment does not automaticallyresult from group membership it is closely linked to groupleadership and its commitment to capacity-building. In
some sites, women members clearly appreciated theirleaders, the time they invested in the group and the senseof unity that had been created by a shared sense of confidence
in addressing the challenges of life.
There has been less discussion in theoretical literature
about the links between women’s psychologicalempowerment and child well-being than on other dimensionsof empowerment. On the one hand, feminist analysis on
the gendered division of labour would suggest that women’s
psychological empowerment will not necessarily translate
into improved child well-being. It could be argued, forexample, that overcoming internalized gendered oppression
might lead some women to conclude that they should
not have to shoulder the primary responsibility for childcare
and that the burden of care stands in the way of personal
self-fulfillment. Indeed, this attitude was clearly somethingthat a number of male respondents feared. For example,
the husband of a self-help group member from the village
Seethampet of Srikakulam district complained, “because
of self-help groups women have become spoiled. Now
This section has been adapted from the paper ‘Ripple Effects or Deliberate
Intentions? Assessing Linkages Between Women’s Empowerment and Childhood

12

Poverty’, by Nicola Jones, Madhuri Mukherjee and S. Galab, (2007)123they are not taking care of the needs of children and men.
They are even confronting men in some cases.” However,a broad body of empirical evidence suggests that as women
become more confident and develop ‘power within’ they
are most likely to address practical gender needs, including
demanding better child-related services. This came out
convincingly in a majority of our interviews with membersof self-help groups, and it could be seen that a new senseof self-value and self-esteem emerged as a necessary (butinsufficient) condition for women to take action at thehousehold and community levels to improve their children’swell-being13 .

and children. This is possible when women become
independent economic agents, which is basically the mandateof the DPIP project. Decisions need to be taken on a number
of issues related to production, consumption, health andeducation at the household level. Sometimes decisionmaking may become a complicated exercise.

9.3.b Empowered to take action
The access to resources enhances the economic statusof women. The improved economic status coupled withthe participation of women in decision-making at thehousehold level may result in household budget allocations
more in favour of women and children. The access toland has increased for the households whose female members
participated in the DPIP compared to those whose female
members had not participated in the DPIP. This is clearlyseen in the increased proportion of households possessing
land, the relatively larger size of land possessed and theincreased proportion of households possessing clear title
to land from among participant households in DPIP, incontrast to non-participant households. This is also trueof other assets like livestock, agriculture implements andmachinery, and financial resources (credit and savings)
from formal financial institutions and collective savings.
Resources should be utilized to undertake livelihood
activities that generate income to the households. The
annual total income per household for the participantsof DPIP, compared to non-participants, showed a substantial
increase. Women should control this increased income
so that they can invest in children’s education and health.
This calls for participation by women in the household
decision–making process as co-partners than merely ina subordinate position under male domination. This may
result in the allocation of the budget in favour of women
13

Note that this finding is in line with similar research on the positive impact

of women’s greater physical mobility on child mortality rates in Pakistan(Durrant and Sathar, 2000).

124

A first indication that the program has made significant
progress towards greater empowerment of women is thefact that the share of households where both wife andhusband jointly take decisions has gone up significantly
compared to the share of those households where thehusband alone or wife alone takes decisions. This is evident
from the comparison of households participating in SHGs
against those who do not. For instance, the percentage
of households in which a joint decision is taken on themarriage of a daughter has increased by 3 percent; onpurchase of immovable property by 4.3 percent; purchaseof durables by 6 percent. There has also been a significant
increase in joint decisions on food, debt, savings, education,and family planning. The improvement in women’s accessto financial resources, viz., savings and credit throughthe interventions of the programme, has forced men to
involve their wives in decisions relating to savings andcredit issues, expanding the collective space. This hasconsequently resulted in expanding the collective spacefor decision-making on issues relating to livelihoods. The
involvement of men in the preparation of micro-credit
plans for the family in the case of the members of SHGs
promoted by DPIP also might have expanded the collective
space for decisions on issues relating to livelihoods. It isinteresting to note that the evidence available reveals thatthe expansion of collective space in decision-making isAndhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

not confined to economic issues, but has extended into
non-economic issues like children’s education and general
health. This is also happening with regard to life cycle
events like the marriage of a son/daughter. All issues relating
to the family have become the concern of the groups asa whole because the groups have become the fallback
support for a member’s family during times of need.
Further, women, by and large, could bring issues
like the number of children, spacing between births andfamily planning into the collective space and consolidate
the collective space during the period under consideration.
Thus women have succeeded in getting issues like control
over their bodies to the collective space. What is striking
is that domestic management which is not traditionallyin the men’s domain (like decisions on food) has beenbrought into the collective space of decision-making. It
was reported during fieldwork that men take care of children
and cook food when their women go for meetings or
attend some work relating to groups in the village or outside
the villages. This indicates that the stereotypes of the gendereddivision of labour seem to be slowly disappearing.
An analysis of household budget allocations andlivelihoods would indicate the degree to which the expanding
collective space in decision-making has had a positive
impact on the lives of women. Household budget allocations
reflect the priorities of households. It is pertinent to assess
whether these priorities have changed in favour of women
due to their participation in the programme. Expenditureon some items has a direct bearing on women while someother items are indirectly related to them. The budget
share allocated for clothing for women has increased, as
has the share of fuel and lighting. This implicitly indicatesthat the drudgery of women has come down to somedegree. Further, the budget share of food has increased,
which might have a favourable impact on women. Thisis due to the fact that women get the last priority for foodunder conditions of scarcity and the prioritization disappears
when there is improvement in the availability of food. It
is, therefore, clear that the expansion of collective spacein regard to decision-making has enabled women toreallocate the budget in their favour. In other words, gendersensitivities have crept into the budget allocations. The
other issue that merits the attention is whether there is

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

any change in the labour utilisation pattern of women.
The data reveal that the time spent by women on family
chores, which include fetching water, collecting fuel,childcare, cooking, washing, etc., have increased during
the period under consideration. This is very interesting,because despite the reduction in drudgery, which is indicatedby household budget allocations, women are not able toreduce the time they spend on family chores. This may
be due to the fact that the women are spending quality
time with their children, in contrast to the situation at
the mid-term appraisal when they had neglected childcare.
9.3.c Empowered to take collective actions
The effectiveness of government programmes for the
reduction of poverty in all its forms by improving livelihoodsof the poor is mostly determined by the quality of functioningof formal institutions, the mediating structures which
implement those programmes. The quality of services
and the accessibility and proximity of formal institutions
influence the quality of their functioning. Proximity implies
nearness of the institution to the poor. Accessibility could
depend on the sensitivity of the institution to the needsof the poor. Formal institutions include government schools,
hospitals, public distribution system (PDS) shops, anganwadi,
and all other institutions of the line departments of thegovernment, and financial institutions like banks andcooperatives.
The improvement in the education of children might
be attributed to different reasons. Increased awarenessof the importance of education, particularly for girls, andthe problems arising out of child labour might have resulted
in the change of preferences amongst the participants in
DPIP with respect to providing education to their children.
Further, women SHGs have campaigned for better
educational services in their areas. The availability of better
educational services has led to a change in the potential
for educational attainment in their own villages. This may
be also true of health services and other institutions. Further,
improved service delivery might have resulted in theenhancement in levels of income, thus leading to a change
in the consumption basket. This change in the consumption
basket, coupled with awareness and empowerment leads
to lifting more items from Public Distribution System (PDS).

125

The field study indicates that there has been a significant
positive impact on the functioning of the formal institutionsin terms of access to and quality of drinking water, qualityof education, sanitation conditions, quality of internalroads, access to communication, and also utilisation ofvarious benefits from the government, wherever villageorganizations (VOs) and women’s federations have taken
action to address these problems/issues. For instance,
when the problems relating to the access to and qualityof drinking water are brought to the notice of VOs whichthen initiated action to address these issues, the results
show a positive and significant impact. This is also evident
with respect to the quality of education and quality ofinternal roads. VOs have also had a significant impact
on the improvement of sanitation conditions (which indirectly
contributes to health), in accessing better communication
and availing government benefits. Irrespective of whether
the Panchayati raj institutions or other institutions initiate
action on the functioning of these formal institutions, theinvolvement of VOs had a positive and significant effect.
With regard to education, the percentage of participant
households reporting interruptions in schooling of boys/
girls, particularly girls, has come down substantially fromthe Follow up Survey (FUS) -I (mid term appraisal) from6.86 to 3.33 in case of boys and 10.20 to 3.47 for girls.
The percentage of participant households reporting neverattending schools for boys declined from 10.36 to 8.18
in FUS-II (end term appraisal). Moreover, the percentage
of girls who never attended school declined significantly(5 percent level of significance). The decline was greaterin the case of girls who never attended schools (from11.4 percent in FUS-I to 5.6 percent in FUS-II). With regard
to percentage of dropouts among boys, there was a declineof 11.76 for participants as against 4.12 for non-participants.
Interestingly, the percentage decline of dropouts for girls
is 5.10 for participants. 79 percent of the respondent
participant households reported better performance ofprimary schools as against 77 percent during FUS-I. Thus,
there is a clear indication of the improved service deliveryof education institutions due to project interventions which
has also resulted in better educational outcomes, apartfrom the improvements in the demand for better quality
services by the empowered women.

126

There has been considerable improvement in antenatal
check-ups for participant households over FUS-I. There
was a similar increase in the percentage of participant
households seeking deliveries in public and private hospitals
and by trained birth attendants. The percentage of participant
households having immunization cards has also increased(13 percent over FUS-I). The data on breast-feeding showsthat the percentage of breast-fed children in Anantapur
and Adilabad is significant. Receiving medical treatment
for illness by the reporting households has shown highly
significant improvement among the participants (56 percent),
an increase of 24 percent over FUS-I. There was also asignificant improvement in visits by family planning workers.
This indicates that safe motherhood and childhood practices
are being followed by a large proportion of participants
due to the programme which have resulted in improved
health seeking behaviour and health awareness.
9.3.d Empowerment to transform unequal social structures
The question to be addressed is whether the improved
status of women within the household in the programme
areas is also reflected in higher participation in public
spaces. Participation of women in the institutions andcollective actions of the community is taken up for assessing
the empowerment of women within the community whichshould also contribute to change in the community.
The social networks configured have remained thesame during the period under consideration. Simultaneously,
there has been a considerable improvement in the levelof trust expressed by women in government officials,
members of different castes and outsiders during the period
under consideration. Since these are the agents of socialchange, the improved level of trust becomes a fundamental
prerequisite for ushering in social change.
The percentage of women who had information onvillage assemblies of Grama panchayats is higher for theparticipants (62 percent) compared to those who are not(55 percent), during the period under consideration. The
programme has enabled women to widen their social
networks, which is evident from the higher participation
in social networks by women who are members of DPIP
SHGs compared to those who are not.
The participation of women in local politics to ensure
proper governance of local political structures is very

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

essential because local governance has linkages with poverty
reduction and growth. Women’s participation in governancerequires political capability, which refers to the capacity
to represent oneself or others, access information, form
associations and participate in the political life of communities.
In a society of deep inequalities, people belonging tomarginalized communities like the scheduled castes andtribes have been generally excluded from participationin state institutions that make the decisions and administer
the resources that affect their lives. Similarly, in social
relations dominated by patriarchal value systems women
have also been excluded from participation in these
institutions. The quotas for the SCs and STs and the recent
amendments to extend quotas to Other Backward Castes(OBCs) and women through the 73 rd Constitutional
Amendment enable these disadvantaged sections toparticipate in political structures and decision-making.
These reforms in local governance are focused primarilyon the supply side of the formal system and not on
strengthening the demand side actions that enablemarginalized groups effectively to utilize the space createdthrough new rules and regulations. Social inequalities,
cultural norms, lack of a support system and training still
constrain vulnerable social groups and the role of women.
In order to assess political capability, two parameters,viz., participation in local governance structures and thevoice of the marginalized in local governance are considered.
Participation in governance structures is measured in termsof contesting for and getting elected to the positions ofSarpanch, Vice-Sarpanch and Ward Members of Grama
Panchayat. Participation in Grama Sabhas is taken to be
the voice of marginalized.
The percentage of participant households contestingfor seats in Panchayati Raj Institutions (Gram Panchayat,
Mandal, and Zilla Parishad) has increased over FUS-I(from 1.82 percent to 2.33 percent) and is also higher
compared to non-participants (2.33 vs. 1.54). Merely
contesting in the elections may not reflect the influenceof women’s groups; it is the percentage of participant
households which win elections which reflects the influenceof women. The results reveal that the majority of participant
households won the elections as against the non-participants.
Women’s participation in village assemblies (gram sabhas)
and raising issues in these forums indicate the greater
Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

empowerment of women to participate more effectively
in community level decisions.
Apart from the state institutions, a host of informalsocial institutions/socio-cultural practices condition theability of different social groups to respond to theopportunities afforded by the programmes. Some of these
institutions affect livelihood choices and the capacity to
pursue new opportunities. These institutions can be grouped
into three types, viz., institutions promoting caste-based
discrimination, institutions promoting gender based
discrimination and institutions promoting violation of childrights.
Caste-based discrimination leads to the social alienationof SCs which constrains their participation in the networks
that generate bridging social capital to tackle the conditioning
factors that affect their livelihoods. Social capital formation
and, consequently, livelihoods are affected negatively due
to discriminatory practices. Further, social alienation has
contributed negatively to the self-esteem and dignity of
SCs which in turn, has constrained the formation of humancapital. Thus, the formation of social and human capital,
and the conversion of these capitals into economic
opportunities are severely constrained among SCs. Such
practices obstruct the vertical socio-economic mobilityof these groups and limit their livelihood options.
Jogini system, barriers to widow remarriage, polygamy
and dowry are the institutions promoting gender
discrimination. Jogin / Basvini / Mathamma / Devadasi
is the traditional and religious practice of dedicating girls
from SCs at a young age to the local deity in temples andthereby institutionalizing prostitution. The practice ofdedicating girls to Hindu gods and goddesses at placesof worship is prevalent in certain parts of the state, particularly
among the Madiga community (Scheduled Caste). These
girls are forced to serve the sexual demands of the local
landlords. Thus, this system has been producing traditionalsex workers. Children of Jogins / Basvin / Mathamma /Devadasi are raised by their mothers in single-parent families
and are often subject to sexual abuse. Child poverty is
another manifestation of this system. The self-esteem anddignity of these families are undermined by this system.
This system coupled with untouchability has been
perpetuating poverty and social marginalistion constraining
the formation of social and human capital and ultimately
affects livelihoods negatively.

127

Polygamy and dowry are the manifestation of patriarchalsocial values, which seriously erode the self-esteem anddignity of women. The rising cost of marriages among
other unproductive expenditure, often financed by borrowing
at high rates of interest, has resulted in a high level ofindebtedness and eventual dispossession of assets. Despite
the increase in the school enrolment rates of girls, themarginalized groups continue to prefer to educate boys
than girls. Excessive consumption of alcohol is anotherimportant reason attributed by the groups for the growing
debt burden. Incidence of child marriage is higher, by
and large, among SCs and STs compared to othercommunities, and among the poor over the non-poor in
the entire project areas. Child marriage constrains theformation of human capital and affects the livelihoods ofthe poor negatively. Child labour is another institution
indicative of child poverty. This is very common among
the poor although a significant proportion of children
among the non-poor are also involved in child labour.
The ramifications of child labour thus go beyond poverty
also.
The increased participation of women in community
initiatives has had an impact on informal institutions too.
The action of the Village Organisations against child marriages

had a positive and highly significant contribution in arresting
them. Another important institution that has been influenced
by the VO is atrocities against women. Wherever thevillage organization has initiated action, atrocities against
women have declined significantly. Thus, the power overdimension of women’s empowerment has resulted in taking
action in making unequal social structures more equal.

128

Thus the overall empowerment of women leads to childwell-being.

9.4 Conclusions
The traditional responsibility of women for nurturing
and care implies that advances in women’s status viz.,empowerment would have a positive spillover impact
on child well-being. The four transmission mechanismsof transferring the effects of women’s empowerment onchild well-being include maternal education, economic
empowerment and intra-household decision-making power(power to dimension); and community level empowerment(power with and power over dimensions).
The status of women in the state by different
empowerment dimensions shows that the gender differencesin terms of education (literacy, schooling and higher
education) is relatively lower when compared with theall-India levels, but not in comparison with South Indianstates. In terms of political participation of women thestate is better placed than all-India. On the other hand,the state has high violence rate against women. This may
be due to increased assertion of women in public andprivate spaces in the state. The female work participation
rate is lower than of male but the state has the highest
rate among all the states in India. It may indicate as if thewomen in AP are economically better placed when comparedto their counterpart at all-India level. However, most of
the female workforce in the state is concentrated in activities
which are unorganized, informal, seasonal, insecure, menialand poorly paid. This again indicates they are disadvantaged.
Thus, women in Andhra Pradesh are better placed inregard to social empowerment but they are less advantaged
in respect of economic empowerment.
Inter-regional analysis indicates that Coastal Andhra
has high values of Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM)
and Child Development Index (CDI), followed by Telangana
and Rayalaseema. It is interesting to find that a close
relationship exists between GDI and GEM in the South
Coastal, North Coastal and South Telangana. This showsthat high GDI may not always lead to high GEM.
In South Costal region high economic growth, alongwith high value of power to dimensions of empowerment
and indicators on women’s strategic needs also coincides
with high levels of violence. The high value of some

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

dimensions of empowerment that reflects assertion (byway of entering into decision-making at both household
and community levels) of women is leading to an increasein violence on women in public and private spaces. Hence,
women’s empowerment policies need to be inclusive ofmen to liberate them from entrenched patriarchal values.
On the contrary, relatively backward regions like the North
Coastal and South Telangana have a low value of GEM
as compared to the South Coastal but higher than North
Telangana and Rayalaseema. Historically Telangana wasa princely state which might be the cause for continued
subordination of women in all aspects reflected in low
GEM. Rayalaseema has the lowest GEM which may be
because of the factions in the region. The development
process can nullify the historic factors which put down
women’s status but the same development can also increase
violence when it leads to their increased decision-making
in public and private domains.
Correlation among four indices, HDI, GDI, GEM
and CDI across the districts reveals that there is a highdegree of correlation between child development andgender development rather than with human development.
Interestingly, child development has almost equal association
with both the gender development and gender empowerment.
The pattern of relations can be seen to greater effect acrossthe five agro-climatic regions which are at different levelsof development. The correlation between GEM and CDI
is relatively low in the less developed regions of the North
Coast and South Telangana. This may be so either because
the empowerment levels of women are not sufficiently
strong to negotiate with the policy makers for theenhancement of inadequate social sector infrastructureor the participation may not be strong enough for improving
the functioning of institutions delivering child services.
Secondly the empowerment of women may not havematerialized into decision-making at the household level
to invest in child development. The non-inclusion ofindicators reflecting decision-making at household andcommunity levels due to lack of data in the calculationof GEM has precluded any conclusion relating to the low
correlation between GEM and CDI. However, the highcorrelation between GEM and CDI in the more developed
South Coastal Andhra may be due to a high level of

Women’s Empowerment and Child Well-Being

participation by women at the household and community
levels. The inference about the high participation by womenis indirectly supported by the high level of violence on
women due to their assertiveness in the household andthe community. The unpacking of the indices of GEM
and CDI may further provide insights to explain thesevariations.
Zero order correlation coefficients among the different
elements of empowerment and child development indicatethat the elements of power over dimension are not correlated
to the components of power to dimension, by and large.
The inclusion of power over dimension of empowerment
has not led to any significant improvement in building
up synergies among the dimensions of empowerment.
The power to dimension of women’s empowerment(income, education and health) is significantly correlated
to different dimensions of child development comparedto the power over components. This implies that greater
access to resources like education, health, and income(power to dimension of women’s empowerment) for womencontributes more to child survival and development. The
dimensions of power with and power over of women’s
empowerment may not contribute to child survival as in
the case of the power to dimension but may contributeto the protection and participation of children in decisionmaking which affects them. Thus the overall developmentof children can be ensured in an environment in which
women experience empowerment in all its dimensions.
The IKP (DPIP) intervention of the GOAP has resulted
in increased access for women to household resources
which in turn resulted in a larger share of the family budget
in favor of women and children. The field study indicatesa significant positive impact on the functioning of theformal institutions wherever village organizations (VOs)and women’s federations have taken actions to address
problems/issues faced by the community. The increased
participation of women in community initiatives has had
an impact on informal institutions too. There has been adecline in child marriages and atrocities against women.
The participation of women in the public sphere has improved
the functioning of institutions delivering child services
and in reducing discriminatory practices against womenand children.

129

ANDHRA PRADESH SCHEDULE TRIBE POPULATION(Mandal Wise) 2001

Percent ST Population tototal population>80.0
60.0-80.0
40.1-60.0
25.1-40.0
10.1-25.0
5.1-10.0<5.0

ANDHRA PRADESH SCHEDULE CASTE POPULATION(Mandal Wise) 2001

Percent SC Population tototal population
>30
20-30
10-20
5-10
<5

130

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

The Status of Scheduled Castes and Tribes

CHAPTER X

10

Marginalised Sections in Andhra Pradesh

ne important dimension of the notion ofinclusive growth is that the benefits of growth
should reach socially disadvantaged sections
like the Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST).
Even before Independence, the National Planning Committee(NPC, 1937) under the chairmanship of Jawaharlal Nehru
had made detailed recommendations on a whole rangeof social and economic issues relating not only to agriculture
and industry but also to wider issues of distribution, social
justice and social welfare. Dr. Ambedkar also had a vision
for socially and economically disadvantaged sections.
There have been several programmes, progressive legislations
and constitutional safeguards to help SC and ST. But, thevisions of Nehru and Ambedkar have not been realizedeven after 60 years of Independence. This is also true ofAndhra Pradesh.

O

There is considerable progress of SC and ST
communities in terms of many humandevelopment indicators. However, thesecommunities still lag behind the rest ofsociety. Social exclusion, poverty,
landlessness, health and, education areserious concerns for these marginalized
sections. More focused interventions areneeded to enhance the pace ofdevelopment of these communities.

In this context, this chapter gives an outline of thestatus of SC and ST in Andhra Pradesh, their problems
and prospects in the human development perspective. It
presents the prevailing situation in respect of SC/ST andtheir level of backwardness with respect to parameterssuch as income, land ownership, health indicators,
educational attainments, access to basic infrastructure
and basic amenities like water supply, sanitation, electricity
etc.

10.1 The Size and Growth of Population
Andhra Pradesh has a sizeable Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe population. The Scheduled Caste populationin 1991 (Census) was 10.6 million constituting 15.9 percent

Marginalised Sections in Andhra Pradesh131

of the total population of the state. The Scheduled Tribe
population was 4.2 million constituting 6.3 percent of
the total population (Table 10.1). While the Scheduled
Castes are distributed throughout the state, the Scheduled
Tribes are concentrated in the hilly and forest areas ofSrikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari,West Godavari, Khammam, Warangal and Adilabad districts
and the Nallamala forest.
The latest census (2001) figures indicate an increase
both in number and percentage of SC and ST in Andhra
Pradesh (Table 10.1). In 2001, there were about 12.3
and 5 million SC and ST comprising 16.2 and 6.6 percentof the total population in Andhra Pradesh. The percentage
of SC in the population was marginally lower while ST
population was nearly 2 percentage points lower in A.P.
as compared to all-India. The SC/ST population and their
proportion in the total population have increased overtime in the state as well all-India.
Table 10.1: Percentage of Scheduled Castes (SC) and ScheduledYear

Tribes (ST) in Total Population in A P
Andhra Pradesh
India (%)
Population (in M)
Percent in T P

1
1961

SC
2
4.9

ST
3
1.3

All
4
35.9

SC
5
13.8

ST
6
3.7

SC
7
14.7

ST
8
6.9

1971
1981
1991
2001

5.8
7.9
10.6
12.3

1.6
3.1
4.2
5.0

43.5
53.5
66.5
76.2

13.3
14.9
15.9
16.2

3.8
5.9
6.3
6.6

14.6
15.8
16.5
16.2

6.9
7.8
8.1
8.2

Note

called Lambada/sugali, which mostly lives in the plains.
When lambadas in Andhra Pradesh were notified as ST,
many lambadas from the neighbouring states of Maharashtra
and Karnataka migrated to Andhra Pradesh to claim ST
status. The lambadas are, in fact, the single largest tribalgroup and constitute about 40 per cent of the ST populationin Andhra Pradesh.
Within the state, there is a wide variation in the percentage
of SC and ST in total population across districts. The
percentage of SC in the total population was highest in
Nellore (22.5) followed by Prakasam (21 per cent) and
Chittoor (18.7 per cent) districts in the state. Kadapa isthe district with the lowest percentage of ST, (2.4 percent) and Khammam (26.5 per cent) has the highest in
the state. Of the total ST population in the state, themajor proportion (about 55 percent) is located in Telangana.

10.2 Education: Literacy and Schooling
It is claimed that education is a universal right andnot a privilege meant for some classes of society1 . The
Indian Constitution and many later policy resolutions havestressed universal access to education and enrolment ofchildren in school-going age irrespective of class andcaste. Nevertheless, there is no equal access to education
across social groups. In the state as well as in India, theSC and ST are the most backward in terms of education.
The literacy rate for STs2 in the state was below one–
third of the state average till 1991 (Table 10.2). Further
Table 10.2: Literacy Levels by Caste and Gender in A P: 1. Figures in percentages; 2. TP– Total Population

SC
ST
All
Year Person Male Female Person Male Female Person Male Female
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10

Source : Census of India, Andhra Pradesh.

SC and ST categories are not homogeneous and there
are a number of sub-castes/groups within each category.
There are about 59 Scheduled Castes in Andhra Pradeshof which the important ones are Mala, Madiga, Relli, adi
Andhra and others. Within the Mala and Madiga castes
there are about 25 and 18 sub-caste groups. Similarly,
there are about 33 Scheduled Tribes in Andhra Pradesh,and the important among them are Gonds, Koyas, Konda
Reddies, Savaras and others. As a matter of fact, the surge
in the size of ST population in the state during the 1970s
is attributed to the inclusion into ST in 1977 of a community

132

1961 8.5

13.4

3.4

4.4

7.3

1971 10.7
1981 17.7
1991 25.9
2001 53.5

15.9
24.8
34.4
63.5

5.3
10.3
17.1
43.4

5.4 8.5
7.8 12.0
13.6 20.1
37.1 47.7

1.5

21.2 30.2 12.0

2.1 24.6
3.5 29.9
6.9 44.1
34.8 60.5

33.2 15.8
39.3 20.4
55.1 32.7
70.3 50.4

Notes : 1. Figures are in percentage; 2. Literacy is for 5 + population for theyears 1961 and 1971 thereafter it has been for 7 + age population.
Source: Census of India, Andhra Pradesh.
1
2

S. Radhakrishnan, University Education Commission Report. (Quoted from Karlekar, 1983).
The ST community is not homogeneous and there are variations among different ST groups.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

disaggregated by gender and caste, it is seen that ST women
are the most backward and the literacy rate of ST women
was one-fourth of the state average.

to 2004-05) in rural Andhra Pradesh were far fromsatisfactory as compared to the improvement among OTH
female adults in rural Andhra Pradesh.

There was a sign of improvement between 1991 and2001. The gap between the literacy levels of SC/ST andthe average increased till 1991 and thereafter it narrowed
down to some extent. Also the rate of achievement interms of literacy levels is observed to be high for STs andSCs when compared to the state average during 199101.

Though the level of literacy among male adults inrural Andhra Pradesh was better when compared to female
adults, illiteracy was very high, particularly among ST
and SC male adults, even in 2004-05. The progress inliteracy among ST and SC male adults from 1993-94 to
2004-05 (OBC between 1999-00 and 2004-05) in rural
Andhra Pradesh was also much less than the progress
among OTH male adults in rural Andhra Pradesh. The
literacy levels among urban adults are uniformly higher
than in rural Andhra Pradesh among all the social categories.
The all-India level of adult literacy was uniformly higher
than in Andhra Pradesh across all social categories inboth rural and urban areas. The increase in literacy for
all-India had also been uniformly higher than in Andhra
Pradesh between 1993-94 and 2004-05 across all thesocial groups in both rural and urban areas except for ST
in the urban areas.

An analysis of 1991 and 2001 Census data withrespect to the prevalence of non-literacy (rather than literacy)
is very interesting. It is observed that the non-literacy
rate among ST female adults was the highest in rural areas
in 1991 as well as in 2001. The non-literacy rate among
rural ST female adults was as high as 96.5 in 1991 and it
declined to 86.5 by 2001. In the case of rural SC female
adults, the non-literacy rates were 89.6 and 71.5 in 1991
and 2001 indicating a substantial improvement in one
decade. In the case of rural female adults the non-literacy
rates during 1991 and 2001 were 82.4 and 65.8.

The analysis based on NSS data with respect to theilliteracy among adults across different social groups (ST,SC and OBC) presents more recent trends. The level ofilliteracy is very high among female adults belonging to
ST, SC and OBC in rural Andhra Pradesh. In rural areas
the illiteracy rate ranged from 86.3 per cent for ST to
71.6 per cent for OBC in 2004-05. For ‘other’ (OTH)
category female adults, the illiteracy rate in 2004-05 wasabout 40.6 percent. The decline in illiteracy and theimprovement in literacy among ST and SC female adults
between 1993-94 and 2004-05 (OBC during 1999-00

Marginalised Sections in Andhra Pradesh

Moreover, the percentage of households without any
literate adult member (A) or without any literate adultfemale member (F) was much higher among the ST and
SC as compared to the OBC or Other categories both inrural and urban A.P. in 2004-05. Between the two scheduled
categories, the percentage of such households was muchhigher among the STs.
These findings suggest that ST female adults could
not avail of the desired benefit from literacy campaigns
and/or from formal schooling facilities as compared to
SC female adults in rural Andhra Pradesh. We find that
SC male adults could benefit from literacy campaigns
and/or formal schooling facilities to improve their literacy
position between 1991 and 2001. Even though the literacy
level among adults is much better in urban areas than inrural areas, about 64.7 percent of the ST female adults
and about 47.6 percent of the SC female adults in urban
areas are non-literate.
Schooling and Educational Deprivation of Children
As in the case of literacy, there is also a significant
disparity across social groups in respect of children atschool. The percentage of children in the 5-14 age group133attending school was relatively lower among SC/ST thanthe ‘other’ communities (Table 10.3). Many children belonging
to these marginalized communities especially ST, are outof school and some are even engaged in economic activities.
According to NSSO estimates, the percentage of children
in the age group 5-14 years attending schools during 200405 in ST, SC, OBC and Others communities were 80.4,
86.6, 86.3 and 89.9 respectively in rural areas and 94.3,
90.0, 89.5 and 92.7 respectively in the urban areas of
A.P. Gender disparities (i.e., difference between male andfemale) in school attendance rate across these communities
were 22.6, 11.1 and 7.5 respectively for ST, SC and othercommunities.
The incidence of educational deprivation (i.e. percentage
of children who remained out of school) is higher amongchildren belonging to ST and SC communities when comparedto ‘others’(Table 10.3). Between the SC and ST, the ST
children are the most deprived. This is corroborated evenby enrolment figures provided by the Education Department(usually suspected of being inflated) and poor enrolment
and high drop-out rates were highest among ST children
followed by SC and ‘others’.
Table 10.3: Percentage of Out-of-School Children Across Social
Groups: A P
Location
1
Total

Rural

Urban

Note

Year
2
1981
1991
2001
1981

SC
3
63.8
59.8
23.1
68.1

ST
4
80.6
73.9
35.9
82.2

Others
5
57.3
46.9
20.4
63.8

1991
2001
1981
1991
2001

64.4
24.2
41.1
39.0
17.8

76.0
36.8
56.3
51.7
25.3

53.0
21.9
38.2
32.5
16.9

: 1. Figures presented in percentage. 2. Children of 5-14 years of age.

Source : 1. Census 1981, 1991 and 2001.

A recent estimate3 based on NSS 61st (2004-05) round,indicates that the performance of the state among major
3

As per the estimations using unit level record data of NSS Employment andUnemployment Survey 61st round (2004-05). It is based on usual activity(both principal and subsidiary) status.

134

Indian state in terms of the school attendance rate seems
to be better. Its performance is better not only in terms of
the average for all social groups but also across socialgroups. The percentage of children (5-14 age group) attending
school is relatively higher in Andhra Pradesh across all
social groups when compared to the all- India average(Figure 10.1).
Figure 10.1: Percentage of Children (5-14 Age Group) Attending
School
100.0

AP

India

SC

OBC

80.0
60.0
40.0
20.0
0.0
ST

Others

Total

Source: NSS 61st Round (2004-05) Employment and Unemployment Survey

Inter-district variations in attendance are much higher
for girls than for boys among ST and SC communities. In
the case of ST, the low attendance districts are Mahabubnagar,
Medak, Guntur and Rangareddi. The gender disparity inattendance is also relatively higher in these districts except
for Guntur. For SC and Others, the low attendance districts
are Mahabubnagar and Kurnool, where gender disparity
in attendance is also higher.
Rural-urban differentials in the school attendanceof children are higher for ST compared to other social
categories. Further, the attendance of ST girls is pathetically
low in the rural areas of Mahabubnagar, Medak, Nizamabad,
Rangareddi, Guntur and Nalgonda. For ST children, thelow attendance (less than 20) districts are Nellore,
Mahabubnagar and Prakasam. The inter-district variationsin attendance are much higher for ST (also SC and Others)
girls in the rural areas than for boys. We do not find any
such difference in urban areas. For children of SC andOthers communities, the low attendance districts in therural areas are Mahabubnagar and Kurnool.

10.3 Health
Health status is measured by indictors such as mortality,
morbidity, immunization of children and pregnant womenand their nutrition levels. The estimates for all these indicators

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

indicate that ST and the SC lag behind other communities.
Mortality as measured by the crude death rate is marginallyhigher among the SC and ST. Infant mortality rate (IMR),
which is an important indicator in the human development
perspective, is highest among the ST (104) followed by
SC (97). The great difference between ST/SC and the others
in terms of IMR indicates the difference in development
across these communities (Table 10.4).

1

Table 10.4: Health Parameters across Social Groups inAndhra Pradesh
1998-99
Indicators
ST
SC OBC Others Total
2
3
4
5
6
7

1
2
3
4
5
6

TFR
IMR
Family Planning
Vitamin A
No ANC Checkup
Delivery at home

2.75
104
48.5
9.6
25.9
62.4

2.51 2.26
95 70
52.2 61.3
23.6 24.0
8.1 7.2
32.7 24.5

2.00
47
63.6
29.6
2.9
13.1

2.25
71
59.6
24.8
7.3
25.4

7 HW Visit
26.4
Nutritional Status of Women
8 Mean Height (cm)151.3
9 % < 145 cm
9.4
10 Mean BMI
19.1
11 % BMI < 18.5
44.2

22.8 17.8

12.1

17.4

149.9 150.9
16.7 14.0
19.4 19.9
44.8 40.6

152.3
9.1
21.7
26.9

151.2
12.7
20.3
37.4

56.0 48.5

47.9

49.8

14.2 12.5
43.4 39.1

4.8
29.7

10.3
37.7

20.7 15.1

10.1

14.2

44.6 39.8
79.6 71.4

32.3
69.7

38.6
72.3

12 % with Anaemia
48.6
Nutritional Status of Children
Weight for age
13 % below –3SD
7.5
14 % below –2SD
45.9
Height for age
15 % below –3SD
18.5
16 % below –2SD
17 % with Anaemia
Note

49.4
68.2

: 1. TFR – Total Fertility Rate; IMR – Infant Mortality Rate; ANC –Antinatal Care; BMI – Body Mass Index; HW – Health Worker.

Source: NFHS I (1992-93) and II (1998-99).

The nutritional status of women is critical for theirown health as well as the health of children. There aredifferent indicators to measure the nutritional status of
women. For instance, the height of an adult woman also
reflects the level of nutrition during childhood andMarginalised Sections in Andhra Pradesh

adolescence. And the height of a woman often indicatesthe level of risk of difficulty in childbirth and delivering ababy with low birth weight. Current diet also influences
nutritional status. Women from scheduled tribes/castes
have a relatively poor diet that is deficient in fruits andgreen, leafy vegetables. Although there is no significant
difference in terms of the mean height of the women, thepercentage of women below 145 cm is highest among
women belonging to scheduled castes. The body massindex (BMI) which is a measure of weight to height isused to assess thinness or obesity. A BMI less than 18.5
indicates chronic energy deficiency in a woman. The mean
BMI for SC/ST women is the lowest and the percentageof women whose BMI is below 18.5 is the highest among
SC and ST (Table 10.4).
Anaemia is another indicator of nutritional status
and it usually results from a deficiency of iron, vitamin Bor other nutrients. Iron deficiency is the most widespread
form of malnutrition in the world and in India and inAndhra Pradesh it affects about 50 per cent of the population.
Across social groups in the state, anaemia was highest
among SC women (56 percent). The severe form of anaemia
was highest among ST women (3.2 per cent) and SC women(2.6) in the state.
The nutrition status of children, an important aspectof their health and well-being, is expressed in standard
deviation units (z-scores) from the median. Children who
are under 3 years of age and below 2SD are considered
to be undernourished and those below 3SD are considered
to be severely undernourished. While weight for age is acomposite measure of both chronic and acute undernutrition, height for age measures linear growth retardation.
Across social groups in Andhra Pradesh, the percentage
of children characterized as undernourished was higher
among the ST community followed by SC when comparedwith the ‘other’ children. Severity of under-nutrition was
higher among SC children.
Chronic under-nutrition generally results from a failure
to receive adequate nutrition over a long period of timeor from chronic or recurrent diarrhea. Moreover, undernutrition among children is strongly associated with theirmothers’ nutritional status and is more common in children
whose mothers’ height is less than 145 cm and body135

mass index (BMI) is below 18.5. Ultimately it is strongly
related to the living standards at the household level andchildren of households with a low standard of living are
more likely to be undernourished than children ofhouseholds with a high standard of living.
The other indicator of the health status of the populationis access/utilisation of health care services; for this theindicators used are: immunization of children and pregnant
women and attention received at the time of delivery.
For nearly 62 per cent of ST women and 33 per cent of
SC women, child delivery took place at home.
The National Health Policy (1983) gives top priority
to providing health services to people residing in tribal,
hilly and backward areas as well as to the population
affected by endemic diseases and vulnerable sections ofsociety. Therefore, in order to provide better health careto Scheduled Castes and Tribes, the norms for population
coverage were relaxed. This is further supported by
implementation of programmes like the control ofcommunicable and other diseases and especially undertaking
research on diseases to which Scheduled Tribes/ Scheduled

Castes are generally prone. Mobile dispensaries and camps
organised wherever feasible are catering to their needs
at their doorsteps4 .
Information on health care facilities is available by
SC village, ST village and all villages, but not on whether
these facilities are located in their settlements. This isimportant for most SC and ST typically live in separate
settlements adjacent to the main villages dominantly inhabitedby non-ST/SC population. The information available,
however, indicates that the SC and ST are at a disadvantageous
position in terms of health care facilities.

10.4 Employment Structure
Economic condition in general is an outcome of theoccupational structure. Most SC and ST continue in theirtraditional hereditary occupations, mostly agriculture, whichis the principal source of livelihood for these communities.
In rural Andhra Pradesh, for ST, the predominantoccupation is agriculture. About 90 per cent of ST and
80 percent of ST are located in rural areas. For morethan 80 and 70 per cent of the ST and SC population

Table 10.5: Occupational Structure (Principal Source of Livelihood) by Social Groups in A P
Sector
1
Rural

Urban

Note

HH Type
2
SENA
AL
OL
SEA
Others
Total
SE
RW/SE
CL
Others
Total

ST
3
7.5
43.7
4.0
35.4
9.3
100
62.9
21.5
10.9
4.7
100

2004-05
OBC
Others56
21.1
20.0 (20.7)
32.5
20.0 (28.1)
10.2
8.8 (9.7)
27.6
40.8 (32.2)
8.6
10.5 (9.3)
100
100
44.0
45.7 (44.8)
31.4
41.5 (36.2)
19.1
6.3 (13.0)
5.5
6.5 (6.0)
100
100

SC
4
8.7
60.7
11.5
11.6
7.5
100
24.5
40.1
28.9
6.5
100

Total
7
17.4
35.7
9.6
28.4
8.9
100
42.8
36.2
15.0
6.0
100

ST
8
9.7
37.0
5.0
45.0
3.3
100
26.1
41.9
25.8
6.1
100

1993-94
SC
Others
9
10
5.9
17.8
69.1
31.8
9.2
8.6
11.8
35.0
4.0
6.8
100
100
20.0
37.6
48.6
41.3
26.8
16.0
4.7
5.1
100
100

Total
11
14.8
39.4
8.4
31.4
6.0
100
35.8
41.9
17.2
5.1
100

: 1. Figures represent per cent of the population; 2. Figure in parenthesis includes both OBC and the ‘Other’ community for theyear 2004-05 and it is comparable with those of the ‘other’ in 1993-94; 3. SENA – Self-employed in Non-Agriculture; AL –Agriculture Labour; OL – Other Labour; SEA – Self-employed in Agriculture; SE – Self-Employed; RW/SE – Regular Wage or
Salaried; CL – Casual Labour.
thSource : Estimations based on NSS 61st and 50 round Employment and Unemployment survey raw data.
4

Under the Minimum Needs Programme, at the national level, 14,723 Sub-Centres, 4,301 Primary Health Centres and 292 Community Health Centres havebeen established in Scheduled Caste Bastis/Villages with 20 per cent or more Scheduled Castes population, besides 558 Allopathic Hospitals/Dispensaries.

136

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

agriculture is the principal source of livelihood (either ascultivators or as agricultural labour). About 35 per centof the STs are cultivators, while for a majority of SC
households the principal source of livelihood was agriculturallabour. It seems that STs are better placed when compared
to SC in terms of ownership of land (Table 10.5). However,the position of the ST has deteriorated over the last decade(1994-2005). The decline in the percentage of ST households
who are cultivators (45 to 35.4 percent) indicates loss ofland resources and increasing dependency on agriculturallabour (37 to 43.7 per cent). It is to be noted that thepercentage of population depending on agricultural labour
increased only in the case of ST, whereas it has declined
for SC.
Among cultivators, across all social groups including
ST, the majority are marginal and small cultivator households.
However these groups, especially ST, are unaware of modern
methods of cultivation and use outmoded techniques.
Besides, they get a low price for their output due to inadequate
basic infrastructure coupled with limited access to market.
Work participation rates were nearly the same for
OBC, SC and ST, in that order in 2004-05. Child labour(WPR of the 5 to 14 age group) was the highest among
STs. There was a sharp decline in work participation during
the last decade especially for the ST, which was primarily
due to a great decline in child labour. WPR among ST
children declined from 32.6 per cent in 1993-94 to 10
per cent in 2004-05 (see Table 10.6).
As mentioned above, agriculture is the main sourceof employment opportunity for SC and ST households.
About 88 and 80 percent of the workforce belonging to
ST and SC are engaged in agriculture related activities.
Occupational diversification appeared to be negligible,
especially among the ST community (see Table 10.7).

10.5 Resource Ownership: Land
Access to land is one of the important indicators ofbetter livelihoods in rural areas. In rural Andhra Pradesh,in terms of land owned5 and possessed6 , there is little
difference across social groups and the SC are, in fact,

Table 10.6: Work Participation Rates across Social Groups in A P
2004-05
1993-94
SectorST SC OBC Others
Total ST SC Others Total
1
2
3
4
5
6
7 8
9
10
All Ages
Rural 55.0 55.7 55.5 51.2 (54.0) 54.4 65.9 59.6 56.0 57.5
Urban 32.8 37.6 43.7 35.2 (39.7) 39.2 44.7 39.0 37.2 37.6
Total 52.0 52.3 52.6 45.6 (49.9) 50.5 63.8 56.9 50.3 52.3
5-14 Age
Rural 11.0 6.9
Urban 2.9 0.8
Total 10.0 5.9
Note

8.2 6.2 (7.6)
4.0 2.7 (3.4)
7.2 4.8 (6.4)

7.8 34.3 17.9 15.4
3.1 17.1 5.4 6.6
6.6 32.6 16.2 12.7

17.6
6.8
14.8

: 1. Workers included both the Usual Principal and Subsidiary status;
2. Figure in parenthesis includes both OBC and Other and that iscomparable with those of the ‘other’ in 1993-94.

Source : Estimations using NSS 61st and 50th Round Employment andUnemployment survey raw data.

better placed in terms of land owned (Table 10.8).
Landlessness (in terms of land possessed) became negligible
between 1993-94 and 2004-05. However, land available
for cultivation is more important in an agrarian economy.
All the land owned or possessed may not be cultivated7
owing to various reasons. As a matter of fact, the land
owned by about 45 per cent of population in the state
was used only for housing.
In terms of cultivated land the SC and ST appear tobe the most and the least disadvantaged when comparedwith the state average or the ‘other’ social group. The
percentage of population in households with cultivatedland is 33 and 54.5 per cent for SC and ST during 20045, and the state average is 46.2 per cent. Between 199394 and 2004-05 the percentage of population in householdswith cultivated land declined to a considerable extent
across all social groups, but the decline was highest for
ST followed by SC (Table 10.8). In other words, landlessness,that is lack of cultivated land, is increasing more among
these socially disadvantaged groups. The question is whether
increasing landlessness is due to land sales because of
economic distress or due to better opportunities available
in non-farm activities or for any other cause. As observedwith respect to employment, the percentage of population

5

Land owned – includes land that is leased-out.
Land possessed - includes Land owned and leased-in and excludes landleased-out.

6

Marginalised Sections in Andhra Pradesh

7Land cultivated is actual land under cultivation which is either owned orleased-in.

137

Table 10.7: Distribution (in %) of Workforce between Agriculture and Non-Agriculture Activities across Social Groups in A P

2Agriculture
Non-Agriculture
Agriculture

ST
3
88.5
11.5
36.5

2004-05
SC
OBC
4
5
80.0
67.7
20.0
32.3
11.1
10.7

Others6
67.6 (67.7)
32.4 (32.3)
6.3 (8.8)

Total
7
71.8
28.2
9.9

Non-Agriculture
Agriculture
Non-Agriculture

63.5
84.0
16.0

88.9
70.7
29.3

93.7 (92.2)
50.8 (54.3)
49.2 (45.7)

90.1
59.4
40.6

SectorActivity

1
Rural
Urban
Total

89.3
56.1
43.9

ST
8
89.1
10.9
21.7

1993-94
SC
Others
9
10
89.7
75.0
10.3
25.0
30.7
14.7

Total
11
79.3
20.7
16.3

78.3
84.5
15.5

69.3
84.3
15.7

83.7
67.5
32.5

85.3
61.5
38.5

Note

: 1. Usual Principal and Subsidiary Status; 2. Figure in parenthesis includes both OBC and Other and that is comparable withthose of the ‘other’ in 1993-94.
Source : Estimations using NSS 61st and 50th Round Employment and Unemployment survey raw data.

especially ST depending on agricultural labour increased,
which indicates the worsening situation for ST in Andhra
Pradesh.
Since Independence, the Indian state has consideredthat problems of land are of pressing urgency. The objectiveof poverty eradication envisaged progress on two fronts
simultaneously, high productivity and equitable distribution.
Accordingly, land reforms were introduced to mitigate
land-related problems like concentration, tenancy rights,
and land for the landless. Because of the severe disadvantage
suffered by the SC and ST, these communities were targeted
while distributing surplus land in India and Andhra Pradesh
so that they gained access to land. But land reform has
to be more than the mere redistribution of land to thelandless. It is equally important to ensure the availability
Table 10.8: Percentage of Population who Owned or Possessed
any land or Land Cultivated: Rural A P
Land
2004-05
1993-94
Ownership ST SC OBC Others Total ST SC Others Total
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 10
Owned
89.5 93.0 91.6 90.48 91.4 84.5 96.1 92.6 92.5
(91.2)
Possessed 97.3 97.8 98.9 99.08 98.6 93.2 88.8 91.4 91.1
(99.0)
Cultivated 54.5 33.0 47.1 51.92 46.2 70.4 45.4 58.1 56.7
(48.7)
Irrigated 21.7 13.5 23.1 30.6 22.9 Note

: 1. Figure in parenthesis includes both OBC and Other and that iscomparable with those of the ‘other’ in 1993-94.

Source : NSSO, 50th (1993-94) and 61st (2004-05) Round.

138

of other inputs for cultivation to improve the productivityof land. But to what extent have these disadvantaged groups
gained access to these agricultural inputs? For instance,
the access to irrigation, which is considered a leading
input for cultivation, is inadequate for SC and ST. The
percentage of population in households with irrigatedland is the lowest among SC (13.5 per cent) followed by
ST (21.7 per cent) when compared to the ‘other’ community(30.6) and the state average (22.9 per cent). Availabilityof other necessary inputs would also be inadequate for
SC and ST.
We now turn to a further analysis of the data relating
to the number of holdings and operated areas across socialgroups based on the Agricultural Census. It indicates that
there has been an increase in the number of holdings
and area operated by the SC and ST during the last decade(between 1995-96 and 2005-06) (Table 10.9). But thisincrease in the number of holdings and area operated
for the ST and SC may not be due to land distribution asa part of land reforms. In the changing dynamics of therural economy in Andhra Pradesh, land transfers havebeen taking place, horizontally (within a socio-economic
class) and vertically (across social and economic classes).
It is observed that land owned by the dominant cultivating
castes has declined because they are moving out of rural
areas and agricultural activities to urban areas and nonagricultural activities. There is a corresponding increasein the control of land by backward communities (Reddy,

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table 10.9: Number of Holding and Area Operated acrossSocial Groups in A P
SocialHoldings
Area
Average SizeGroup 1995-96 2005-06 1995-96 2005-06 1995-96 2005-06
1
SC

2
12.85
(12.1)
ST
7.54
(7.1)
Others 85.64

3
14.22(11.8)
9.27
(7.7)
96.95

4
10.66
(7.4)
10.87
(7.6)
122.20

5
11.36
(7.8)
12.12
(8.4)
121.41(80.8)
106.03(100)(80.5)
120.44(100)(85.0)
143.73(100)(83.8)
144.89
(100)

All
Note

6
0.83

7
0.80

1.44

1.31

1.43

1.25

1.36

1.20

: 1. Holdings are in lakhs and Area in lakh hectares;
2. Figures in parenthesis are percentages of respective
social group in the total.

Number of Holdings

Large

OthersMediumMargianalST

Semimaed

SC

Small

All

Large

MediumSemimed

80.0
70.0
60.0
50.0
40.0
30.0
20.0
10.0
0.0

Small

However, the share of these marginalized communities,
especially SC, in the total number of holdings or operated
area is well below their share in total population (around
16 per cent). The share of SC in the total area operated isless than half their share in total population, and the average
size of their land holding is much smaller than for any
other social group. The situation seems relatively betterfor the ST as their share in operated area is the same astheir share in total population (around 8 per cent) (Table
10.9).

Figure 10.2: Percentage Distribution of Size Class of Holding across Social
Groups in Andhra Pradesh, 2005-06

Marginal

2007). The ST and SC therefore might have acquired landthrough purchase.

Area Operated

On the whole, it may be mentioned that access toland is still denied to many SCs. As a result, a majorityof them continue to be landless agricultural labourers.
Further, since most families who own land, especiallySCs, are small and marginal farmers, their capacity toinvest in agriculture is very inadequate and their accessto credit is negligible. Although STs are relatively better
placed in terms of access to land, factors such as traditional
cultivation techniques and lack of access to modern
technology and inputs including credit, undermines theireconomic progress.

10.6 Income Poverty
Income poverty is only one of the multiple deprivations
that the SC and ST have continuously suffered, even after
nearly six decades of development planning. Across social

Source : Agricultural Census, DES, Hyderabad.

The pattern of land distribution across social groups
shows that the number of holdings and area operated
has been increasing in the marginal and small size classes
while declining in the medium and large holdings classes.
For the SC, marginal and small holdings comprised 92
per cent of the total number of holdings but the area
under these holdings formed around 66 per cent of thetotal area owned by them (Table 10.9 and Figure 10.2).
The share of the ST in marginal and small holdings
is nearly 80 per cent of total holdings and 50 per cent of
the area operated. Though the marginalisation (increasing
share of small and marginal farmers) of the peasantry
has been taking place across all social groups, it is morein the case of SC.

Marginalised Sections in Andhra Pradesh139groups, the percentage of population living below thepoverty line is the highest among the ST and SC
communities.
The estimates of mean consumption expenditure using
NSS Consumption Expenditure Survey data clearly indicate
differences in the level of consumption expenditure acrosssocial groups, and how far behind the SC/STs are as comparedto the ‘other’ group (Figure 10.3). Moreover the gap interms of consumption expenditure between these SC/STs
and the ‘other’ communities has been increasing over a
period of time, which indicates increasing economic
inequalities across social groups.

Mean Consp. Expr. (in Rs.)

Figure 10.3: Mean Consumption Expenditure Across Social
Groups in Andhra Pradesh
1200

ST

SC

1000

Others

All

800
600
400
200
0
1983

1993-94 2004-05
Rural

1983 1993-94 2004-05
Urban

The head count ratio of poverty measured using NSS
Consumption Expenditure Survey data also shows thatthe percentage of poor is much higher among the SC/STs
community indicating wide disparities across social groups
in the state (Figure 10.4). Moreover, the disparity, especiallybetween STs and ‘others’, has been increasing. Although,the overall poverty ratio and the ratio among SCs and

HCR

Figure 10.4: Head Count Ratio of Poverty Across Social Groups in AP

140

60
50
40
30
20
10
0

ST

SC

Others All

1983

1993 2004-05
Rural

1983

1993
Urban

2004-05

the other social groups shows a declining trend, the headcount ratio of poverty among STs increased from 26 to
28.3 per cent between 1993-94 and 2004-05. Most of
the increase in the poverty ratio among STs was due toan increase in agricultural laborers among STs. It indicatesthe failure of state policy in targeting initiatives andprogrammes to marginalized sections like STs and SCs.

10.7 Deprivation of Basic Amenities
Access to basic infrastructure such as education andhealth services available at the village level and household amenities such as drinking water, sanitation, andelectricity is quite poor for STs and SCs.
Of the total twenty six thousand villages in Andhra
Pradesh, in 9 percent the entire population was STs. About
20 percent of the villages were predominantly (i.e. 50
per cent or more) inhabited by STs and another 3 percent by the SCs. Together, these 23 percent villages accountfor about 7.2 percent of the total rural population in thestate. About 5 percent of the total SCs and about 45 percent of STs population in rural Andhra Pradesh were locatedin villages which were predominantly inhabited by SCs
and STs.
In these villages the availability of basic infrastructure
and access to facilities is relatively poor when comparedto the ‘other’ villages (Table 10.10) and the people living
Table 10.10: Access to Basic Infrastructure in A P: Percentage of
Villages Predominantly Inhabited by SC and ST, having
Facility - 2001
1
1
2
3

Facility2
Education
MedicalTap Water

SC
3
93.3
34.3
44.4

ST
4
80.5
51.9
8.4

Others
5
98.0
63.9
60.1

All
6
94.4
60.6
49.4

4
5
6
7
8

Post Office
Phone Connection
Transportation
Road Connection
Electricity

28.4
39.0
68.7
72.0
100

14.5
8.5
26.3
33.0
100

62.4
59.0
84.0
81.5
100

51.9
48.4
72.2
71.6
100

Note : Villages Predominantly in habited by SC/ST means that above 50
percent of the population is characterized SC or ST.
Source : Computed using Census 2001 Village Directory for Andhra Pradesh.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

in these villages, mostly SCs and STs, are more deprivedof basic infrastructure. Among SCs and STs, the latter are
the worst affected. In ST villages the situation is very bad.
About 90 per cent do not have tap water, while 67 percent do not have road connection and 73 per cent do
not have any transportation facility. People living in theseSTs villages are not connected with the outside world, as
there are no proper roads or transportation. Medical services
are not available for about 50 per cent of ST villages in
A.P.
STs and SCs are also disadvantaged in terms ofhousehold amenities (Table 10.11). Though every village
and town in the state is electrified, about 32.6 percent offacilities was equally bad. On the whole, deprivation interms of not having access to basic household amenities
is in general higher and more severe for ST and SC.

10.8 Atrocities
The Parliamentary Committee on the Welfare of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (2004-2005)
mentioned that “even after more than five decades ofIndependence, the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribepeople representing over one-fourth of India’s population,
endure social ostracization”. Atrocity is an expressioncommonly used to refer to crimes against the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes in India. The roots of atrocity
can be found in the caste system. Though untouchability

Table 10.11: Percentage of Households without selected Basic Amenities in A P, 2001
Facility
1

Total
2

ST
Rural
3

Urban
4

Total
5

SC
Rural
6

Urban
7

Total
8

All
Rural
9

Urban
10

1
2
3
4
5
6

No Electricity
No Toilet
No Tap Water
One or No RoomNo Drainage
No Bathroom

64.6
87.4
75.9
65.6
70.2
14.3

69.5
93.9
80.8
67.4
75.2
8.4

26.1
37.4
37.7
51.9
31.4
60.3

50.5
80.9
53.8
62.1
56.5
22.5

56.6
89.8
58.9
64.8
62.8
14.2

20.6
37.2
29.2
49.3
25.8
63.2

32.8
67.0
51.9
50.9
48.4
39.8

40.3
81.9
59.7
55.5
58.6
27.1

10.0
21.9
28.1
36.9
17.7
78.5

7
8

Traditional Fuel
None of the Specified Assets

91.5
66.0

96.8
69.6

50.4
37.5

86.1
59.9

93.6
64.8

49.3
35.9

73.5
45.9

87.3
53.2

31.4
24.0

Note

: 1. Assets specified in Census 2001 are Banking Services, Radio, Transistor, Television, Telephone, Bicycle, Scooter, Motor Cycle,
Car, Jeep, Van; 2. Traditional Fuel includes firewood, crop residue, cow dung cake, and charcoal.

Source : Census 2001.

households did not have electricity connection in 2001.
The percentage of households without electricity is highest
among STs (64.6 per cent) followed by SCs (50.5 per cent),
and is higher in rural areas than in urban areas acrosssocial groups.
More than 60 per cent of the STs and SCs households
live in a single room and about 3 to 4 per cent do nothave even that single room. Access to safe drinking wateris extremely important for better health and higher humandevelopment. But, 52 per cent of the households in generaland about 76 and 54 per cent of STs and SCs households
do not have tap water (which is considered safe drinking
water). The situation with regard to access to other basic

Marginalised Sections in Andhra Pradesh

was abolished and forbidden in any form under Article
17 of the Constitution of India, the practice of “untouchability”– the imposition of social disabilities on persons by reasonof birth into a particular caste – has continued in one
form or the other. A Parliamentary Standing Committee8
noted that “generally SC/ST people avoided to report crimes
and fight cases just to escape police harassment and fearof cases languishing in courts for long.” This Committee,
since its inception in 1968, has presented to Parliament
as many as 176 Original Reports and 169 Action Taken
Reports till 2004. In addition, 191 Reports on the Study
8

Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (20042005) Fourth Report.

141

Tours undertaken by different Study Groups of the Committee
have also been laid on the table of both houses of Parliament.
Among major Indian states, Andhra Pradesh is fourthin terms of crimes against SC and ST. In 2005, 31177
and 515 (total) incidents of crime against SC and ST wererecorded in the state (Table 10.12). The crime rate (i.e.
number of crime incidents per lakh population) was 23.7
and 9.5 for SC and ST in Andhra Pradesh. The corresponding
figure at all-India level was 14.5 and 6.2. The crime rate
against SC/ST in the state is thus higher than the all-India
average. While states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan,and Gujarat had a higher crime rate against SC than Andhra
Pradesh, Kerala, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh werethe leading states in case of crime rate against ST.
Scheduled Caste women suffer from many forms of
discrimination and deprivation9 . Scheduled Caste womenare victimized by upper castes because they lack the social
position to stand up for their rights individually and because
assaulting or raping them reinforces the subordinationof the whole SC community to upper castes. Scheduled
Caste women do not know their rights and are too powerless
individually to hold the judiciary and the executive
accountable for enforcing protective laws. The governmentof Andhra Pradesh has identified the following districts
as sensitive from the point of view of crimes against Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes: Chittoor, East Godavari,
Mahabubnagar, Nellore, Khammam and Warangal (6districts).
A study10 conducted by the National Commission
for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in 1990 pointed
out that various factors were responsible for atrocities.
These include economic causes such as land disputes,
land alienation, bonded labour, indebtedness, non- paymentof minimum wages as well as non-economic causes suchas caste prejudice and practice of untouchability, deeprooted social resentment, political factions on caste lines
and refusal to perform (formerly traditional) services likedigging burial pits, arranging cremations, removal of the

carcasses of dead animals and beating of drum, etc. While
the growing number of cases is attributed to growing
awareness among the victims about legal recourse, it cannot
be denied that, even after so many years of planneddevelopment, atrocities continue and are probably
increasing11 .
Table 10.12: Incidence of Crimes Committed Against SC
and ST in A P and India, 2005
SC
ST
CrimesAP
India AP
India
1
2
3
4
5
Murder
37
669
12
164
Rape
74
1172
34
640
Kidnapping & Abduction
21
258
2
72
Dacoity026
027
Robbery
0
80
1
49

10

Atrocities on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes – Causes and Remedies.

142

9

210

1

38

Hurt
Prot. of Civil Rights Act
SC/ST Prev. of Atrocities Act
Other Offences
Total Crimes

459
61
1244
1212
3117

3847
291
8497
11077
26127

70
0
196
199
515

767
162
1283
2511
5713

Population (in lakhs)
Crime rate

132
23.7

1806
14.5

54
9.5

926
6.2

Note

: 1. Crime Rate is incidence for lakh of respective category (SC/ST)
population; 2. Population figures are extrapolated for the year 2005
based on annual growth rate during 1991-2001.

Source : www.indiastat.com; Ministry of Home Affairs.

A primary survey in Andhra Pradesh revealed thatthese crimes take numerous forms. They include murder,
rape, parading of a Dalit woman in the nude, social boycott,grievous hurt, beating, attacking Dalit bastis, destructionof property, causing serious injuries, death in police custody,
encroachment on Dalit lands, bonded labour, forcefuleviction from house sites, harassment due to love relationshipwith caste Hindu, suicide due to humiliation and excessive
beating by the police; being beaten: for riding a cycle,
11

Sharon Barnhardt, Joshua Chang, Caroline Nguyen, Report on Scheduled
Caste Women and Atrocities in Andhra Pradesh, Woodrow Wilson School of
Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, Princeton, New Jersey
USA, January 2003.

9

Arson

Three states (Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh) accounted for

an abnormally high number of cases of atrocities committed on Scheduled
Castes /Scheduled Tribes, 63.5 per cent of the total atrocity cases in the
country in 2000. Other states (Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat,
Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Orissa and Tamil Nadu) accounted for 35.5
percent.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

wearing nice clothes, for sitting in the bus; harassmentof Dalits Sarpanches and Panchayat members, andresentment and insult when a Dalit wins an election.
Attempts by the Dalits to assert their self-respect and to
break the taboos imposed by the high castes are viewed
with hostility and suspicion and met with violence ofvarious types. Whenever Dalits have tried to organize
themselves or assert their rights, there has been a backlashfrom the high caste feudal lords resulting in mass killings,
gang rapes and arson12 .

10.9 Political Participation
Scheduled Caste and Tribes constitute a significant
portion of India’s total population. Yet, they play aninsignificant role in politics. A very few are members ofelected bodies like Gram Panchayat despite a policy ofreservation. Their participation is often controlled and ismarked by lack of knowledge and resources.

caste members, are not actively participating in the meetingsof the panchayats (Babu, 1998; CESS, forthcoming).

10.10 Resource Allocations
Since the 1980s there has been a steady decline in
the allocation of government funds for SC and ST development
and welfare projects. There has in general been an inherent
lack of interest and seriousness on the part of the planningand implementing machinery to achieve the objectivesof the Constitution the benefits secured by the SCs and
STs do not appear commensurate with the funds spentso far.

In terms of statutory representation of SCs and STs
in PRI bodies in A.P. there is no deviation from the official
quota which means SCs and STs are represented as per
the constitutional quota of 15 and 8 per cent in all thetiers of the PRIs in A.P. At gram panchayat level the numbersof elected representatives of SCs are 31243 (15 per cent)and that of STs are 16662 (8 per cent). At mandal parishadlevel SCs representation is more than the statutory reservation(2586) constituting 17.7 per cent) and that of STs 7.5 percent (1093). At zilla parishad level the representation of
SCs and STs is again higher than the stipulated positioni.e., 17.9 and 7.9 percent respectively (Mid Term Review
and Appraisal, 2006).

The strategy of a Special Component Plan (SCP) for
the development of Scheduled Castes was adopted during
the Sixth Five Year Plan. The scheme of Special Central
Assistance to SCP was initiated in 1980 and envisaged
that the states would prepare Special Component Plans
every financial year so as to ensure that a percentage ofbudgetary funds equal to the percentage of Scheduled
Castes in the state would be set aside for their economic
development and uplift. This strategy was adopted to ensure
adequate flow of financial outlays from the state and central
government plans in proportion to the Scheduled Castepopulation to the schemes and programmes for thedevelopment of the Scheduled Castes. Efforts of the state
governments were supplemented by Special Central
Assistance for SCP by the government of India. Andhra
Pradesh was one of the states which formulated Special
Component Plans for the development of its Scheduled
Caste population. Similarly is the case of Tribal Sub-Plan(TSP).

Although the statutory position of SCs and STs inlocal bodies is satisfactory, they are unable to work effectively
in these bodies due to the social hierarchy and inequalities
that exist in rural society. Studies have clearly brought
out how proxy leadership (upper castes in the villages)
controls the panchayats and their decision-making process
on behalf of SCs and STs. One such study supported by
Ford Foundation in Kurnool district mentions that a large
number of elected members, especially SC/ST and backward

The allocation and expenditure13 of Special Component
Plan (SCP) funds between 1992-93 and 2003-04 in Andhra
Pradesh justify the remarks of Committee of Governorsthat these welfare concepts which were evolved 20 years
ago, have not been satisfactory and there are numerous
instances of lesser allocations, transfer of funds and shortfalls
in expenditure. The SCP allocations have never exceeded
12 per cent as against the recommended allocation of
15 per cent and over a ten year period, the shortfall in
13

Sukhadeo Thorat and S. Venkatesan, Caste Conflict, Poverty and Human
Development in India, Indian Institute of Dalit Studies. New Delhi, 2004.
12

Marginalised Sections in Andhra Pradesh

In 1995-96 Social Welfare Budget allocation was 8.4 per cent of the total
plan outlay and this declined to 2.4 per cent in 2002-03. In 1999-00 and
2000-01 the percentage allocations were 0.7 and 1.5 per cent respectively.

143

allocation of SCP funds works out to Rs 4097.01 crores.
On the same lines, in five years the shortfall in allocationsof TSP funds works out to Rs.567.98 crores. Against an
allocation of Rs.1082.75 crore for Social Welfare in 200304, the allocation in 2004-05 was only Rs.1197.64 crores.
The allocation for the welfare of Backward Classes has
in fact been reduced. The share in the budget for the 15
per cent SC population works out to only 1.5 per cent. A
study by the Centre for Dalit Studies has also concluded
on similar lines that the results of the Special Component
Plan (SCP) have not been fully satisfactory and that there
are numerous instances of lower allocations, transfer offunds and shortfalls in expenditure.
Table 10.13: Share of SCP and TSP in Budget Allocation
for Elementary Education and Child Welfare in AP
Year

Elementary Education
Child Welfare
Total Expr. % SCP % TSP Total Expr. % SCP %TSP

1
2000-01
2001-02
2002-032
15691.916578.917260.0

3
0.020
0.000
0.765

4
5
0.011 1340.6
0.005 1530.7
0.340 2222.7

6
2.223
3.391
3.050

7
7.019
7.526
6.092

2003-04
2004-05
2005-06
2006-0720103.2
21036.530945.1
35763.2

0.395
0.523
0.099
1.344

0.946
2.570
1.642
1.934

2.385
2.648
1.896
1.902

6.613
6.252
5.970
6.192

2502.82541.73613.33601.6Note : Total Expr – Total Expenditure (Rs. in Millions)
Source : Sreedevi (2007)

Also, when the budget allocation in the state, especially
under the heads of elementary education and child welfare,are examined, it shows that the allocations under SCP
and TSP were negligible (Table 10.13). At no point oftime during the last seven years were the shares of SCP
and TSP at the mandatory level i.e. in proportion to theshare of SCs and STs in the total population.

144

10.11 Conclusions
It is a fact that given the sizeable population belonging
to SC and ST communities - together comprising onefifth of the total - in Andhra Pradesh, the level of humandevelopment in these communities definitely influences
the average level of human development of all social groups.
It is not just that the backwardness of these communities
is pulling down the overall development, but that there
is a violation of the right of these communities to development
equally on par with other communities.
The positive discrimination policy of the Indian
government as well as of the state government in favourof these communities and subsequent special programmes
for their development could have improved their levelsof living. Though there has been progress in terms ofmany development indicators across the SC and ST
communities in the state, they still lag behind the ‘other’social groups. In the case of education, the gaps betweensocial groups are becoming narrower. However, the paceof progress among these communities has been below
expectations. Health conditions among these communities
have been improving at a very slow pace. The situationis alarming with respect to economic well-being as thepoverty level among the STs has, in fact, increased during
the last decade or so. Moreover, landlessness among thesecommunities especially STs, is increasing. These two facts
may be causes for concern at the policy level. Land alienationand displacement are the serious problems for STs in thestate.
The policy initiative of special assistance through
SCP/TSP in terms of budget allocations for the welfare
and development of these (SC/ST) communities is still
not being fulfilled in implementation.
Given the factual situation of these communities withrespect to their human development levels, more focusedintervention is needed to enhance the pace of development
among these communities.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Natural Resources Base and Environmental Health

CHAPTER XI

11

Environment

he physical environment or natural
resource base is critical for any kind ofdevelopment. The quantity, quality anddistribution of these resources determine the nature andsustainability of development at the national / regional /sub-regional levels. Further, the relationship between thephysical environment and the well-being of individuals
and societies, which have both quantitative andqualitative dimensions are multifold and multi-faceted.
They are distinctively different in urban and rural settings.
While in urban areas the concern is more on ambientenvironment and its impact on health and overall wellbeing, in rural areas the poor depend heavily on natural
resources for their livelihoods and are most vulnerable
to the effects of environmental degradation and otherdisasters. Therefore, the environmental conditions that
impact the health of the poor and the natural resource
conditions that affect the income and security of the poor
households have been identified as the two mostimportant aspects of the environment that have serious
implications for poverty and the overall quality of life indeveloping countries (Shyamsundar, 2002).

T

There are considerable inter-district
differences in endowments, quality as well
as distribution of importantnatural resources. The increasing pressure
on these resources poses a serious
environmental threat. The low access tosanitation, tap water anduse of solid fuel in rural areas haveadverse consequences on healthand well being of the people.

Adverse health outcomes which are due to either
traditional hazards related to poverty and lack ofdevelopment or which are due to modern hazards suchas urban air pollution caused by industrial developmentthat lack environmental safeguards are major hindrances

Environment145

to achieving the goals of human development1 . In fact,
one of the Millennium Development Goals set by theUnited Nations is ensuring environmental sustainability.
The objectives of this goal are to integrate the principles
of sustainable development into country policies andprograms and reverse the loss of environmental
resources, reduce the proportion of people without
sustainable access to safe drinking water and sanitationby half by 2015 and achieve significant improvement in
the life of slum dwellers (HDR, 2005).
Keeping in view the importance of environmental
factors in enhancing the quality of life the broad objectiveof this chapter is to review the status of natural resourcesthat affect income and security as well as the environmental
conditions that affect the health of households in Andhra
Pradesh at the state, regional or district levels. Further, acomposite environmental index based on district levelindicators is constructed for the purpose of ranking the
districts on the basis of natural resource base andenvironmental health/quality.

to about 37 percent during the triennium ending 200405. The decline in net area sown has been accompanied
by a marginal increase in cultivable waste, fallow land
and land put to non-agricultural uses. During this period,
not only has the pressure on land resources increased as
is evident from the declining per capita availability ofland from 0.235 to 0.205 ha, but the area of under-utilized
land has also increased. The increase in under-utilized
land2 (the difference between the total cultivable area,and net area sown), from 28 per cent of the total cultivablearea to about 33 per cent during this period is a cause ofserious concern in the state.

11.1 Natural Resources Base
11.1.a Land and Soil Resources
The state of Andhra Pradesh has a geographical areaof 27.44 million hectares and three climatic zones classified
as arid, semi-arid and sub-humid. The state has sevenagro-climatic zones based on the range of rainfall received,
type and topography of soils. The average annual rainfall
received in the state ranges from 500-750 mm in the
Scarce Rain fall Zone to about 900-1500 mm in the North
Telangana region.
There have been marginal changes in the land use
pattern in Andhra Pradesh over the last few years. The
total cultivable area, which includes net area sown, current
fallow, fallow other than current fallow and cultivablewaste is around 15.60 million hectares or 57 per cent of
the total geographical area. While this area has remained
unchanged over the years, the net area sown has declined
from 41 per cent during the triennium ending 1990-91
1

According to the World Bank (1992) the most immediate and life-threatening
environmental problems facing developing countries which adversely affect
the quality of life are unhealthy water, inadequate sanitation, soil depletionand land degradation, indoor smoke from cooking fires and urban air pollution.

146

Along with quantitative aspects, qualitative aspects
are also important in assessing the natural resource base.
The NRSA estimates that almost 19221.93 sq.km of landin the state, which is about 7 per cent of the total geographicalarea and 12.31 per cent of the cultivable area, is categorized
as degraded3 and that 45627.15 sq.kms are total wastelands4(NRSA, 2005). The total wasteland, which is roughly 29
per cent of the total cultivable area, has in fact increased
when compared to the 1995 figures of 22 per cent. When
we take a closer look at the quantitative and qualitative2
Although underutilized land includes Current Fallow, Other Fallow, Cultivable
Waste and Grazing Land and Pastures, following Reddy, et al. (2005), only the
first three categories have been considered as under-utilized land in this paper.
3This includes salt affected, marshy/swampy, gullied/ravine, land with/without

scrub, mining/ industrial waste, shifting cultivation, degraded pastures andgrazing as well as degraded land under plantation crops.
4

Wastelands here include degraded land plus other major categories such as
under-utilized or degraded notified forest land, barren or rocky land, coastal
sands etc.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

aspects of land resources, we can observe that the percentagesof underutilized land and wastelands to total cultivablearea are almost the same indicating their close relationshipin determining the land use pattern. The economic costof land degradation is substantial when we consider thetreatment cost which, as estimated in an earlier study, isabout 1.20 per cent of the state gross domestic product(SGDP) and 3.63 per cent of the state gross domestic
product from agriculture (Reddy, 2003).
Considerable inter-district differences are observedin both quantitative and qualitative aspects of land resourcesin Andhra Pradesh. The total cultivable area as a percentageof the total geographical area (excluding Hyderabad) ranges
from 34 per cent in Vishakapatanam in Coastal Andhra
to over 70 per cent in Mahabubnagar, Medak and Nalgonda
districts of Telangana. In per capita terms, land availability
is lowest in the districts in Coastal Andhra indicating ahigher pressure on land resources in this region. For example,
the per capita availability of cultivable land is less than
0.20 ha in most districts in Coastal Andhra whereas it isas high as 0.39 ha in Mahabubnagar, 0.35 ha in Anantapurand 0.34 ha in Kurnool. However, in some districts in
Telangana like Nalgonda, Medak, Ranga Reddy and
Mahabubnagar which have reported a higher percentage
of cultivable area, more than 40 per cent of the cultivablearea remains underutilized. Moreover, the increasing trend
in underutilized land across districts during the triennium
ending 1990-91 to 2004-05 is worrisome. There was a
decline in underutilized land only in Anantapur from 27
to 21 percent. A recent study stresses the role of economic
and technological factors in determining the extent ofunderutilization of land rather than climatic factors (Reddy
et al. 2005). In qualitative terms, the percentage of degraded
land to total cultivable area is as high as 40 per cent in
Kadapa district followed by Visakhapatnam and Chittoor
where it is more than 30 per cent. Degraded land in Kadapa
district accounts for 13 per cent of the total degraded
land in the state (the highest), followed by Chittoor (10.35
per cent) and Prakasam (9.5 per cent). The lowest levelof land degradation was observed in West Godavari district.
Water and wind erosion are the major causes of landdegradation in the state. Over 90 per cent of the degraded

Environment

land falls in this category. Another important fact to be
noted is that although the percentage of wastelands tototal cultivable area has increased between 1995 and2005, degraded land as a percentage to cultivable landhas declined in the state during this period. There has
been considerable decline in Mahabubnagar, Nellore,
Khammam, Visakhapatnam, and Anantapur districts.
Distribution of agricultural land
The distributional aspects of agricultural land havebeen assessed from the number and area of operational
holdings in the state. The recent Agricultural Census 200506 shows that the total number of operational holdings
recorded in the state is 12.04 million covering an area of
1.49 million ha as against 11.53 million operational holdings
operating an area of about 14.4 million ha during 200001 (Government of AP). About 62 per cent of the holdings
are marginal holdings of less than 1 ha, and they accountfor about 22 per cent of the total area operated. The small
and marginal holdings together comprise 84 per cent of
the holdings with only 49 per cent of the operated area.
On the other hand, semi-medium and medium holdings
constitute about 16 per cent of the holdings and 56 percent of the total operated area.
According to the district-wise information given by
the 2000-01 agricultural census, the average size of an
operational holding in the state is 1.25 ha. This ranges
from 0.78 ha in Srikakulam to 2.07 ha in Kurnool and 2
ha in Anantapur. The percentage of small and marginal
holdings to total number of holdings is higher in Coastal
Andhra region (87 per cent) than Telangana (78 per cent)and Rayalseema (72 per cent). In Srikakulam almost 93
per cent of the holdings are small or marginal covering
68 per cent of the total operated area. In most districts,
with the exception of Kurnool and Anantapur, more than70 per cent of the total operational holdings are either
small or marginal in nature. In several other districts like
Prakasam, Ranga Reddy, Adilabad, Khammam, Nalgonda,
Anantapur and Kurnool while the total number of semimedium and medium holdings is less than the small andmarginal holdings, they account for a significantly higher
proportion of the operational area5 .
5In some of these districts while the larger land size class constitutes less than
15 per cent of the total number of holdings, the operational area is 40 per centand above.

147

Common Property Resources
Common property resources (CPRs) play an importantrole in the life and economy of the rural population6 .
The NSSO7 estimates that almost 15 per cent of the total
geographical area in India comes under the category ofcommon property land resources, at .06 ha per capita
and 0.31 ha per household. In Andhra Pradesh, however,
only 9 per cent of the geographical area is categorized
as common property land resources and the availability
per household is about 0.17 ha which is lower than thenational average. However the dependence on CPRs,
especially for fuel wood, is high in Andhra Pradesh.
A classification of land utilization pattern shows thatthe percentage of CPRs8 to total geographical area acrossdistricts ranges from 21 per cent in Nellore to one percent in Srikakulam whereas for the state as a whole it is10.54 per cent. The districts with a relatively larger area
under CPRs are Nalgonda (19 per cent), Ranga Reddy(17 per cent), Warangal (16 per cent) and Prakasam (15per cent). The proportion of CPRs in the districts of Coastal
Andhra is relatively low. In per capita terms, the availabilityof CPRs ranges from 0.002 ha in Srikakulam to about
0.10 ha in Nellore. For the state as a whole, the per capita
availability of CPRs is 0.04 ha.
Linkage between private property, common property andunderutilized land in AP
The system of utilization of common and private
property has evolved over centuries. A correlation analysisof the relationship between private property resources(which include operational holdings and current fallows)
and common property resources (which include cultivablewaste, pastures and grazing land, and other fallow lands)
6

Common property resources (CPRs) have been defined in a number ofalternative ways in the literature.
7
The National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) 54th round surveyed thecommon property resources in India. According to the NSSO the CPRs include
village pastures and grazing grounds, village forests and wood lots, protected
and unclassed government forests, wastelands, common threshing grounds,
watershed drainage, ponds and tanks, rivers, rivulets, water reservoirs, canals
and irrigation channels (NSSO 2000).
8
Since we do not have information on CPRs from NSSO at the district level,
we have tried to estimate the extent of CPRs from land use statistics given in
the Statistical Abstract of Andhra Pradesh. In this alternative definition, CPRs
include cultivable waste, other fallows, and pastures and grazing land (Kadekodi,
2001).

148

across various districts in Andhra Pradesh points to someinteresting conclusions. It is seen that there is acomplementarity between private property and common
property land resources for which the estimated correlation
coefficient9 is found to be 0.6 and significant at 1 percent level. The correlation coefficient between under-utilized
land and common property land is 0.7 and that between
under-utilized land and private property land is 0.910.
The positive correlation coefficients with high values indicatethat if the objective is to bring down the area of underutilized land then attention has to be given to both common
property and private property land resources instead of
focusing on only one.
11.1.b Water Resources
The Water Conservation Mission of Andhra Pradesh
has estimated the water resources (surface and groundwater)
to be 108.15 BCM (3820 TMC), of which 62.29 BCM(2200 TMC) are currently being utilized for drinking,agriculture and power generation. According to the Mission,
the per capita annual water resources are about 1400
CM, and utilization is about 800 CM. The current percentage
of withdrawal of water in Andhra Pradesh is 58 per centand it is identified as a water scarce region11 (EPTRI, 2003).
Irrigation alone consumes more than 70 per cent of thewater utilized but this still falls short of the needs.
Irrigation development as well as management is ofutmost importance in Andhra Pradesh. The percentageof net irrigated area to net sown area was 36 percent
during the triennium ending 2004-05 and had declined
by one percentage point since the triennium ending 199192. More importantly, almost six districts in the Coastal
Andhra region registered a decline in the percentage ofnet irrigated area. Kadapa and Chittooor in the Rayalseema
region however recorded a slight increase in the area
9

Although the correlation coefficient is marginally lower than the all India

figure of 0.8 estimated by Kadekodi (2001).
10

The partial correlation coefficients, in the first case controlling for private

property land and in the second case controlling for common property land
resources have been compared with the original bivariate correlation and theinference is that the control variables have no effect, thereby ruling out thepossibility of a spurious correlation.
11

As per the UN indicator if the percentage of withdrawal is more than 40 per
cent the country or region is considered as water scarce.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

irrigated. Nizamabad, Warangal and Khammam in the
Telangana region also showed a more than marginal increasein the area irrigated.
The under-utilization of capacity in large and medium
projects and the degeneration of age old-water harvestingand storage systems such as tanks and ponds are very
high in the state. The gap between capacity created andactual utilization increased from 23.5 per cent in 195051 to 46.2 percent in 1991-92 and to 56.4 per cent in
1995-96 for major and medium irrigation projects12 . The
declining trend in canal and tank irrigation is accompaniedby exploitation of groundwater which has become adominant source of irrigation in the state. The percentage
of well irrigation, which was only 33 per cent in the state
during the triennium ending 1992, rose to 51 per centby the end of the triennium ending 2004-05. The increase
in well irrigation in Nizamabad and Adilabad was as highas 40 percentage points. In several other districts in the
Telangana and Rayalaseema regions the increase in wellirrigation was considerable during this period. The increasing
dependence on groundwater for irrigation has resulted
in declining groundwater tables. In some regions the trend
is alarming and has resulted in wide spread desertification(Reddy and Behra, 2003).
The groundwater assessment in 2004-05 indicatesthat out of the 1229 groundwater micro basins, only 757
or (62 per cent) are safe. The rest are either overexploited(187 micro basins), or critical (82 micro basins) or semicritical (203 micro basins). In Rayalaseema and Telangana,only about 43 and 54 per cent of the groundwater basinsare safe whereas in Coastal Andhra, 86 per cent are safe.
A cause for worry is that the number of safe groundwaterbasins is very low in Medak, Anantapur, Kadapa, Ranga
Reddy and Nizamabad districts (Government of AP)13 .
12

See Reddy (1998) quoted in Reddy and Behera (2003).

13

The National Water Policy enunciates periodic assessment of groundwater

resources. The state is divided into 40 drainage basins and 81 sub-basins ofmajor and minor rivers. Based on local drainage, geomorphology and hydrogeology
these 81 sub-basins are further divided into 1229 groundwater micro-basinsof 100 to 300 square kilometers. (http://www.aponline.gov.in/apportal/
departments/departments.asp?dep=20&org=148)

Environment

The state government adopted the watersheddevelopment programme as a part of concerted efforts
to improve dryland agriculture through various land andwater management initiatives. Over 9637 watershed projects
were undertaken across 22 districts in Andhra Pradesh(as on February 2005) covering an area of 42 lakh ha.
More than 30 per cent of the total number of watersheds
is in the dry regions of the state, in Anantapur (1204),
Mahabubnagar (1077) and Kurnool (981) districts, covering
an area of 5.0, 4.4 and 4.3 lakh ha respectively. These
three districts together constitute more than 32 per centof the total area brought under the watershed development
programme. Nearly 40 per cent of the rain-fed area has
been brought under watershed programmes in the state
and across districts it ranges from over 70 per cent in
Ranga Reddy, Nalgonda and Chittoor districts to 2 percent in West Godavari district. In Anantapur district however,despite low irrigation coverage, the rainfed area brought
under watershed programme is distressingly low at lessthan 50 per cent.
Although the quality of surface water is generally
good, rivers like Godavari, Krishna, Musi and Pennar
are polluted in different stretches mainly due to industrial,
domestic and agricultural pollution. The state is also facing
a serious concern over the increasing deterioration in
the quality of water in the state. Andhra Pradesh has bothcoastal and semi-arid hard rock regions, therefore problemsof coastal salinity and fluoride are the most common
problems of groundwater quality in the state. The groundwaterin about 0.5 M ha is of poor quality mostly due to geologicalsalts, and on the coast due to marine influence (EPTRI,
2003). East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur
and Prakasam districts are affected by salinity problems
whereas Nellore, Anantapur, Nalgonda, Ranga Reddy,
Adilabad and also Prakasam are affected by fluoride
problems. In 36 mandals (East Godavari (6), West Godavari(17) and Krishna (13) of the state the groundwater quality
is found to be unsuitable even for irrigation purposes.
Water quality in lakes like Kolleru and Pulicat and also
in several tanks is deteriorating because of industrial anddomestic wastewater discharges.
11.1.c Forest Resources and Biodiversity
Forests, which perform multiple functions and provide
multiple benefits, constitute the second largest land use

149

category in the state. Although the contribution of forestry
to GDP is meager at one per cent (in 2001), this ignoresthe contribution of non-marketed benefits such as subsistence
fuel wood, fodder and many other non-timber forest products.
In Andhra Pradesh, the recorded forest area is about 63814
sq kms or 23 per cent of the total geographical area. Although
this is close to the national average in percentage terms,
it is still far below the required minimum (33 per cent)for maintaining the ecological balance. The reserved andprotected forests are 50479 (79 per cent) and 12365 sq.
kms (19 per cent) respectively and the remaining are
unclassified forests. One-fourth of the actual forest coverin the state is in Khammam and Adilabad districts, which
incidentally have the highest percentage of area underlegally designated forests in the state. In Khammam about
53 per cent of the geographical area is under forest, andin Adilabad, 44.84 per cent. These districts contributerespectively 13 and 11 per cent to the total area under
forests in the state. The per capita availability of forest
area is also very high in Khammam (0.38 ha) and Adilabad(0.35 ha) districts, which is well above the state average(0.1 ha).
However, forests were depleted both in extent andquality in the state during the eighties and nineties whencompared to the 1970s. According to some estimates
about 41 per cent of the forest cover in India has been
degraded to some degree. It is claimed that 78 per centof the forest is subject to heavy grazing and the domestic
demand for timber and fuel wood is very high. About 50
per cent of the forest is said to be at risk from forest fires(World Bank, 2001). The assessment of forests by the
Forest Survey of India in 2003 based on satellite imageriesshows that open and dense forest comprises only 16.15
per cent of the total geographical area of the state. The
forest area in the state recorded a marginal increase (from43290 to 44637 sq.km) during 1997-2001 but has declined
since 2001, and was 44419 sq.kms in 2003 (a marginal
decline of 218 sq.kms). During this period (1997-2001)
the districts in which forest area increased to a considerable
extent were Chittoor (209 sq.km), Guntur (114 sq.kms)
and Vizianagaram (110 sq.kms). Between 2001 and 2003,
in almost 11 districts forest area declined, including some
districts like Guntur and Chitoor which had showed
improvements in the previous assessment. While in Warangal
and Guntur districts forest area declined by 126 sq.kms,
districts like Prakasam (100 sq. km) have recorded a marginalincrease in forest area during this period (2001-2003).
Qualitative changes are also very important. The NRSA
(2005) has reported that the degradation of forests is very
high in some districts in the state. The percentage of degraded
forest, which was around 38 per cent during 1995 inAndhra Pradesh, had declined to about 31.5 per cent by
2005. However, the decline during 1995-2000 was morethan the decline during 2000-2005. In districts like East
Godavari, West Godavari, Mahabubnagar, Kadapa,
Anantapur and Kurnool, the percentage of degraded forests
actually increased between 1995 and 2005. In some districts,
although the percentage of degraded forest area initiallyshowed a decline until 2000, a reversal of the trend was
visible in 200514 .
Participatory forest management15 has been under
implementation in the state since 1992. It began as Joint
14
For example, in Nellore about 18 per cent of its geographical area isdesignated as forest; the percentage of degraded forest in the district, which
was 71 per cent in 1995 declined sharply to 33 per cent by 2000 before
increasing to 60 per cent.
15

It is being implemented through village level organizations called Vana
Samrakshana Samithis (VSS) and Eco Development Committees (EDC). Joint
forest management combining a strategy of production, improvement anddevelopment of forests with the involvement of local communities organized
into VSS was more of a partnership between the forest dependent communities
and the government. On the other hand, CFM is intended to be a democratic
process through delegation of decision-making and aims at decentralizing theentire process of planning and implementation, with the state forest department/
government acting as facilitator and provider of technical and infrastructure
support. The primary concern of CFM is poverty alleviation through forest
development.

150

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Forest Management (JFM) and has been termed Community
Forest Management (CFM) since 2002.
Biodiversity is defined as the variety of living organisms
and the ecological complexes of which they are part,
including diversity within and between species andecosystems. Biodiversity manifests at species, genetic andecosystem levels. Andhra Pradesh, with its varied topography
from the hilly regions of the Eastern Ghats to the shoresof the Bay of Bengal, supports a variety of flora and fauna.
In terms of floral diversity the state reports 2531 angiosperms
belonging to 1835 genera and 700 families. There areabout 1800 species of medicinal plants alone in the state.
Rare and endemic species such as cycas beddomei,
perrocarpus sanatalinus, terminalia pallida, syszyium
alternifolium, shorea talura, S.tumbaggaia, psilotum nudum
etc. are found in the state. A variety of mammals like thetiger, panther, wolf, wild dog, hyena, sloth bear, gaur,
black buck, chinkara, chowsingha, nilgai, cheetal, sambar
etc. are also found in the state (EPTRI, 2003).
Other than forest resources, Andhra Pradesh also
has considerable area under mangroves along the coastin East Godavari, Guntur, Krishna and Prakasam districts.
These are part of the coastal ecological zone and are not
only productive but also act as a buffer between fresh
inland water and saline seawater. Apart from yielding a

Forest Area Distribution inAndhra Pradesh - 2004

number of important products like fuel wood, fodder,honey etc, the mangroves protect the coastal belt from
erosion and storms. According to the Forest Survey ofIndia (2001), the area under mangroves decreased from495000 ha in 1987 to 333000 ha in 2001. The expansionof area under aquaculture farms was an important reason
for this reduction.
11.1.dLivestock

Livestock is an integral part of the rural economy
and has the potential to improve the livelihoods of thelandless, and small and marginal farmers who comprisethe majority of the poor. According to the 17th Livestock
Census, Andhra Pradesh had 5 per cent of the cattle,
10.9 per cent of the buffaloes, 34.8 per cent of the sheep,
5 per cent of the goats and 4.2 per cent of the pigs in the
country. Over a period there has been a marginal decline
in the number of total bovines in the state whereas thenumber of small ruminants has increased considerably.
Between 1997 and 2003 there has been a great increasein cross-bred cattle in the state while the indigenous cattle
population has declined.
There have been considerable changes in thecomposition of livestock across districts although there
are differences in the magnitude. It is seen that the composition

Andhra Pradesh
Milch Animals - 2004

Number of Milch Animals per lakh
population

High>15,000
12,000-15,000

Medium

10,000 - 12,000< 10,000

Low
Very Low

Environment

0

50

100

150 Kms151

of livestock is moving in favor of small ruminants (sheep
and goat). Between 1987 and 1999 small ruminants increasedin number across most districts in the state, although theincrease was more in some districts in Telangana andRayalseema. In a few districts like Mahabubnagar, Anantapur
and Kadapa, the small ruminants outnumbered the total
bovines16 .
11.1.e Fisheries and Coastal Resources
Andhra Pradesh is an important maritime state. It
has a coastline of 974 km, and a continental shelf of
3.30 million hectares and has more than 500 landing
centres. Despite the long coastline, the share of seawater
fish in total fish production is lower than of freshwater
fish. Although seawater fish production increased from
1.5 lakh tonnes in 1994-95 to 2.6 lakh tonnes in 200304, the catch per unit of effort in respect of several
commercially important species like elasmobranches, ribbon
fish, catfish, carangids and penaeid shrimps is very low
in the state. The fishery potential of North Coastal Andhra
in the depth zone of 50-100 M appeared to be greaterand the maximum catch is from this zone. The traditional
fishing grounds (15-25 M) have been showing a declining
trend (EPTRI 2003). Between 1993-94 and 2003-04
freshwater fish production increased from 1.95 lakh tonnes
to 6.5 lakh. In districts like Krishna, Nellore, Kurnool
and Khammam, freshwater fish production has increased
greatly but there has been a sharp decline in districts
like Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam and Chittoor. The
expansion of aquaculture in a state, where the monthly
per capita consumption of fish is only 0.11 kgs in ruraland 0.08 kgs in urban areas, was initially to cater to thedemand from North Eastern states and later for exports.
The spread of aquaculture has had adverse environmental
and social implications. In several areas the conversionof farmlands for aquaculture has seriously affected thegroundwater resources. The effluents from the fishponds
let into the sea without any treatment is also adversely
affecting the coastal ecosystem (EPTRI, 2003).

11.1.f Mines and Minerals
Mineral resources are among the core inputs forindustrial development. Andhra Pradesh is the second
largest storehouse of mineral resources17 in India. The
state stands second in the production of mica mainly
found in Nellore and Visakhapatnam districts. The single
largest deposit of barytes (with an estimate reserve of 70
million tonnes of grey barytes) in the world is in Kadapa
district 18 . Beach sands are found all along the coastal
stretch from Srikakulam to Prakasam districts and also
along the Godavari, Krishna, Nagavalli and Vamsadara
river channels. Andhra Pradesh has the second richest
bauxite deposit in the country with reserves of 750 million
tonnes (30 per cent of all India reserves) of metal gradebauxite in Visakhapatnam and East Godavari districts.
Coal reserves of 14021.50 million tonnes are found overlarge tracts of Adilabad, Karimnagar, Khammam andWarangal districts. Dolomite is found in Khammam, Kurnool,
Anantapur, Warangal and Kadapa districts. Manganese
ore with an estimated reserve of 7.5 million tonnes of
low-grade manganese is found in Vizianagaram, Srikakulam,
Adilabad and Prakasam districts.
Over 16 per cent of the diamond reserves in the
country are in Andhra Pradesh. Tungsten, which is usefulin alloys and electronics, is mostly found in East andWest Godavari districts with nearly 30 per cent of thetungsten reserves in India. Rich reserves of natural gas
have been also discovered in the state recently. With
continuous surveys and offshore exploration for gas in
KG Basin, the discovery of 9 trillion cubic feet (tcft) ofgas reserves, the biggest gas find in India in three decades,
was made by the Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) in October,2002 in deep waters, 150 Kms off the Andhra Pradesh
coast near Kakinada. The wide variety of minerals producedin the state is being traded or utilised in several industries
like power, metals, alloys, cement, chemicals, paint,
cosmetics, glass, ceramics, refractory, refinery etc.

17
16

It is often argued that the presence of small ruminants is one of the causesof pastureland degradation. However, based on micro evidence it has beenargued that the shift to small ruminants is a result of degraded commons, as
they can survive in such environments (Reddy, 1999).

152

A total of 48 minerals were located with vast resources of coal, limestone,slabs, etc. and good resources of oil and natural gas, manganese, asbestos,iron ore, ball clay, gold, diamonds, graphite, dolomite, quartz, tungsten,
stetatic, feldspar, sand etc. which could be exploited.
18

See (www.apind.gov.in)

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

11.2 Status of Environmental Health
Diseases caused by poor water supply and sanitation
are the source of most of the illnesses attributed to poor
environment. According to a study by the World Bank
(2001)19 , environmental factors account for about 20 per
cent of all the diseases in Andhra Pradesh. More than 90
per cent of this is associated with traditional environmental
problems such as lack of access to protected water supply
and sanitation, and indoor air pollution resulting fromthe use of biomass fuels. Environmental factors accountfor 22-23 per cent of diseases in rural areas, and for 1819 per cent of diseases in urban areas (World Bank, 2001).
Children are most vulnerable to illnesses due to poor
household environment and deaths of children under fiveaccount for nearly two-thirds of such cases. The next
vulnerable group is rural women who are particularly
affected by exposure to smoke from dirty cooking fuels,in addition to the impact of unsafe water and poor sanitation.
Bacterial contamination presents the highest and mostimmediate health risk affecting 65 per cent of those depending
on dangerously contaminated water. It accounts for 11.3
per cent of the total diseases in the state and 60 per centof the environmental health burden (EPTRI 2003).
11.2.a Access to safe drinking water
Access to safe drinking water and sanitation is importantfor health and the overall quality of life. Lack of access tosafe water increases the vulnerability of the poor20. According
to the 2001 Census, only 48 per cent of the total households
in the state have access to tap water which is considered
to be a relatively safe source of drinking water. Among
the rest, 26 percent have access to hand pump, 16.5 percent to open wells and 7 per cent to tube wells. It indicatesthat a vast majority of the households depend upon various
groundwater sources for drinking water.
Within the state, there are wide variations in accessto tap water across districts. In a few districts like Hyderabad,This study is based on National Family Health Survey of 1992-93 and asample of almost 90,000 households, including 60,000 children born in thefive years preceding the study.
19

20

The distribution of households having specific principal sources of drinking

water within dwelling or within premises in Andhra Pradesh is much below
the all-India figures.

Environment

West Godavari, Chittoor, Anantapur and Ranga Reddy
more than 60 per cent of the total households have accessto tap water. Overall, access to tap water is poorer in the
districts of Coastal Andhra region than in districts in both
Telangana and Rayalseema. In Srikakulam and Vizianagaram
only 10 and 18 per cent of the total households respectively
have access to tap water. Hand pump is the second mostimportant source of drinking water in almost all districtsin Andhra Pradesh.
There is a rural-urban gap in the coverage of householdswith access to tap water and the coverage in rural areas
is much lower than the urban levels. While nearly 70
per cent of urban households (3.0 m households) haveaccess to tap water, only 40 per cent in rural (5.1 mhouseholds) areas are covered. Only in West Godavari
and Chittoor districts do more than 60 per cent of therural households have access to tap water followed by
Nizamabad, Ranga Reddy, Medak, Nalgonda and Anantapurwith more than 50 per cent of the total households.
The National Habitation Survey of drinking water
status in rural habitations21 reports that only 43 per centof the habitations are fully provided22 with drinking water.
Except Chittoor, in almost all other districts the majorityof habitations are only partially covered. In Visakhapatnam,
a considerable number of habitations do not have proper
supply of drinking water. The National Habitation Survey
2003 also points out that the water quality in over 70 per
cent of the total habitations in Nalgonda is affected byfluoride. The percentage of fluoride-affected habitations
is also very high in Anantapur (23 per cent), Karimnagar(20 per cent), Prakasam (17 per cent) and Guntur (14 percent) districts.
21

The Department of Drinking Water Supply, Ministry of Rural Development,
carries out the National Habitation Survey. The first nation-wide rural habitation
survey to assess the status of rural drinking water supply coverage was conducted
through the state governments in 1991. The results were revalidated during
1993-94, verified in 1996-97 and updated in 1999-2000 (ddws.nic.in). At
the time of preparation of this report, the 2003 data was not validated.
Full coverage means that the entire population in all the habitations including
the main habitation is provided with drinking water, as per the existing norms
and guidelines of the Mission. Partially Covered means that supply of drinking
water is less than 40 litres per capita per day. Habitations which have a safe
drinking water source/ point (either public/ private) within 1.6 k.m. in plainsand 100 meters in hilly areas but the capacity of the system ranges between 10
lpcd to 40 lpcd, should be categorized as Partially Covered (PC) (ddws.nic.in).

22

153

11.2.b Sanitation facilities
Access to sanitation facilities, which is an importantintermediate environmental health indicator, is distressingly
low in Andhra Pradesh. Data from the 2001 Census
show that nearly 67 per cent of the households in thestate do not have latrines within the house. Of the households
which have sanitation facilities, only 18 per cent havewater closet facilities while 8.5 per cent of the households
use pit latrines and 6.32 per cent use other types of latrines.
The rural-urban differences in sanitation facilities are
considerable. While among the urban households only
about 22 per cent do not have latrines in their houses, it
is as high as 82 per cent among rural households23 .
The situation is slightly better in the rural areas of afew of the coastal districts like Krishna, East Godavariand West Godavari despite the fact that even in these
districts, about 70 per cent of the households do not havelatrines. However, inter-district variations for rural areas
are low in terms of non-availability of sanitation facilities.
In urban areas, as expected, Hyderabad is an exception
where more than 90 per cent of households have sanitation
facilities. Among other districts, the coverage is better in
Ranga Reddy and Krishna districts where only 12 and14 per cent of the households do not have sanitation
facilities. But in districts like Vizianagaram, Adilabad and
Srikakulam, the percentage of households without any
sanitation facility is as high as 40 per cent. Across regions,
Rayalseema has the maximum number of households
without latrines in both urban and rural areas.
About 40 per cent (6.7 m households) in the state
have bathrooms within the house. The coverage is as
low as 12.63 per cent in Srikakulam and 18.60 per centin Vizianagaram. In rural areas, there is a bathroom inthe house in about 27 per cent of the households whereas
this is so in about 78 per cent of households in urban
areas. In rural areas the coverage ranges from 8.35 percent in Srikakulam to 42 per cent in Kurnool. In urban

23

Differences are also observed in the types of latrines available across regions
and across urban and rural areas. While the water closet is the important typeof latrine reported in urban areas, it is pit latrines in rural areas, with the
exception of the Coastal Andhra region where water closets are used even inrural areas.

154

areas, in Hyderabad it is about 94 per cent followed by
Karimnagar (86 per cent) whereas Srikakulam has thelowest.
The provision of drainage facilities in the state isalso very inadequate. Nearly half the households in thestate do not have any drainage facilities. In Hyderabad
over 90 per cent of the households are connected to closed
drains, but in other parts, around 38 per cent of thehouseholds with drainage are connected only to open
drains.
11.2.c Indoor Pollution
Solid biomass fuels which are used mostly in traditional
stoves in households, which also rarely have adequate
ventilation, emit smoke containing quantities of harmful
pollutants in the immediate proximity of people leading
to serious health consequences (World Bank, 2002). It isobserved that the concentration of suspended particulatematter (SPM) during a cooking session is 3-6 mg/m3 andCO is 5-50 PPM (parts per million). The exposure of humanbeings to total suspended particulate (TSP) in India is
well above the prescribed limits. Women and children
are the worst affected from indoor pollution24 . According
to the NSSO 55th round almost 76 per cent of rural households
in India and 87 per cent of rural households in Andhra
Pradesh rely on firewood and chips for fuel.
Nearly 50 per cent of the total households in Andhra
Pradesh do not have a separate kitchen within the house(2001 Census). The rural-urban differences (41 per centfor rural and 75 per cent for urban areas) are more striking
than variations across districts. Households without aseparate kitchen inside the house and households who
cook in the open are as many as 30 per cent each inrural areas. The corresponding figures in urban areas are
only 16 and 9 per cent. In addition to not having a separate
kitchen, more than 70 per cent of the households in therural areas of the majority of districts use solid fuels forcooking resulting in indoor pollution. The adverse effects
of indoor pollution include respiratory infections in young
children; complications for women exposed during
24
Indoor pollution is an important traditional environmental hazard related
to poverty and lack of development.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

pregnancy; chronic lung diseases; associated heart diseases
in adults and cancer. It is estimated that in India, up to
0.5 m deaths of children under 5 years, 0.34 lakh casesof chronic respiratory disease in women under 45 years
and 800 cases of lung cancer are attributable to indoor
air pollution due to the use of solid fuels by households(World Bank, 2002).
11.2.d Urbanisation and Environment
The rapid growth of urbanization together with lackof proper environmental safeguards has been a cause ofserious concern. The deteriorating urban environment is
the cause of many health hazards such as cancer, heartdiseases, stress, etc. Andhra Pradesh is one state in India
which has been experiencing rapid urbanization. Theseset of issues are discussed in the chapter on ‘Urban
Challenges’ (see Chapter 13).

11.3 Environmental Index
A variety of intermediate and impact indicators canbe used to assess and monitor changes in natural resourcesand environmental health conditions especially for assessing
poverty-environment interactions25 . For example, assessing
an environment related illness like diarrhea, the incidenceof diarrhea can be taken as an impact indicator whereas
access to safe drinking water, sanitation, waste disposal
practices are all intermediate indicators. On similar lines
we have attempted to construct a composite environmental
index incorporating various dimensions of natural resourcesand environmental health26 . In this chapter, however, as
the focus has been to present the status of environmental
health and natural resources conditions we confine ouranalysis to those intermediate indicators for which data
have been available across districts. The natural resources
considered for this purpose are land, water and forest
resources; for environmental health the proportion ofhouseholds without access to tap water and sanitation
facilities and clean fuel are considered. We had serious
data limitations in including more indicators in the analysis,
especially to incorporate the qualitative dimensions of

25

For a review of the indicators that can be used to assess poverty – environment
interactions, see Shyamsundar (2002).

26

For Data and Methodology, see Technical Note in Appendix I in this report.

Environment

various resources. To give an example, we were unable
to include biodiversity which undoubtedly is an important
indicator while constructing a dimension index for forests.
Similar difficulties were faced with regard to other resources
as well. While constructing the index we have given moreweights to rural areas.
Figure 11.1: Environmental Index across Districts of AP
Ranga Reddy
Visakhapatnam
Nalgonda
KadapaSrikakulam
Anantapur
Medak
Chittoor
Vizianagaram
Prakasam
East Godavari
Mahabubnagar
Adilabad
Nizamabad
Kurnool
Karimnagar
NelloreWarangal
West Godavari
GunturKhammamKrishna0

0.1 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.6

Index

Despite these limitations, the analysis carried out
here throws important insights on the status of natural
resources and environmental health across Andhra Pradesh.
The higher the value of the index, the worse is the statusof the district. Krishna (0.347), Khammam (0.355) and
Guntur (0.358) districts have the lowest values for theenvironmental index and thus are the best three districts
in terms of natural resources and environmental health(Figure 11.1). Fifteen out of the 22 districts (excluding
Hyderabad) have an index between 0.400 and 0.500.
Ranga Reddy (510) and Visakhapatnam (0.503) districts
occupy the bottom positions in the ranking.

11.4 Conclusion
The quality, quantity and distributional aspects ofthe physical environment or natural resource base are
critical for any kind of development. The environmental
conditions that impact the health of the poor and natural
resource conditions that affect the income and securityof the poor households are important in sustaining
development at all levels - national/ regional or sub-regional.
A review of the status of the natural resources and otherenvironmental conditions in Andhra Pradesh at the state,155

regional or district levels and the environmental index at
district level leads to interesting conclusions. There areinter-district differences in endowment, quality as well
as distribution of important natural resources like land,
water and forests. The declining per capita availability ofland accompanied by an increase in under-utilized anddegraded land exerts increasing pressure on land resources,
which needs to be reversed. The declining trend in canaland tank irrigation and the increased dependence on wells
also has an impact, seen in declining groundwater levels
which is very serious in some regions. Some districts,

156

which are relatively richer in natural resources endowment,
are still marginalized for lack of adequate infrastructure
facilities like irrigation. Although efforts have been madeto improve the natural resources conditions in the state,more attention needs to be given to the districts which
are lagging behind. This is also true with regard toenvironmental health conditions. There is a wide gap
between urban and rural areas with regard to access to
tap water, sanitation facilities and use of solid fuels forcooking, which has serious consequences on the healthand well-being of people.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Democratic vis-à-vis Participatory Institutions and Good Governance Initiatives

CHAPTER XII

12Institutions and Governance12.1 Introduction

The performance of the state in termsof functional devolution to PRIs is poor.
The development of the new parallel
institutions for service delivery havesidelined the constitutional bodies
like PRIs in rural areas. The assessment ofthese institutions reveal that they have
performed some services well. However,there is a need to integrate these new
institutions with the PRIs toensure greater involvement of poor.

Institutions and Governancehe concept of (good) governance has
emerged as the essential part of sustainablehuman development. Experience from different
countries has shown that while good governance canhelp secure human well-being and sustained development,
it is equally important to recognize that poor governancecould erode individual capabilities as well as institutions
and community capabilities to meet even the basic needsof sustenance for large segments of the population,
particularly the poor, the disadvantaged and themarginalized sections. It is a well-established fact thathuman deprivation and inequalities are not merely the
result of economic factors; rather they go hand in handwith social and political factors rooted in poor governance(UNHDR, 2001).

T

Democratic decentralisation is considered vital for
overall development. It is argued that decentralisation
leads to improved governance and better delivery, hence
improving livelihoods and alleviating poverty. The
relationship between decentralisation and governance ismanifold. Decentralisation leads to transparency in policies,
responsiveness of the policy makers, accountability of
implementers, openness and enhanced flow of information,and hence reduces corruption. All these aspects are indicatorsof good governance. Decentralisation is often argued to
be a more effective and efficient framework for delivering157

pro-poor programmes1 . Though there is diversity on thedefinition and paradigms of governance (see Box 12.1),
there is consensus that equity and justice in public decisionmaking are the objectives of good governance. All men
and women deserve equal opportunities to improve or
maintain their well-being; and efficiency and effectivenessof public actions. These objectives are promoted through:a) Rule of law; b) Transparency; c) Responsiveness; d)Public Accountability; and e) Participation2 .
In fact, decentralised governance relies on local
institutional structures especially for the delivery of propoor programmes. Decentralisation is often understood,
especially in the Indian context, as devolution of powers
to the locally (at district, block and village level) elected
constitutional bodies i.e., the panchayti raj institutions3(PRIs). These democratic institutions played an effectiverole in the early decades after independence; but overtime their powers have been eroded4 probably becauseof the absence of constitutional mandate, which left thefate of these institutions to the whims and fancies of thestate governments. Over the years state governments
curtailed their powers in order to centralise governancestructures. The 73rd amendment of the Indian Constitution
in 1993 made an attempt to resurrect these institutions.
While the amendment helped in strengthening andsystematising these institutions in terms of conducting
regular elections, constituting state finance commissions,etc., the option of devolution of powers, crucial for theirvibrancy, is still in the hands of the state governments.
Moreover the 73rd amendment requires devolution of1
The perceived benefits of decentralisation range from stimulation of economic
growth, alleviation of rural poverty, strengthening civil society and reducing
the responsibilities of the centre (Manor, 1999) for, political accountability isoften greater at the local level (Seabright, 1996). While decentralised systems
are found to be superior in terms of intra-regional targeting efficiency, theirdelivery systems target better in low poverty regions and worse in high poverty
regions (Bardhan and Mookherjee, 2000).
2

See Balakrishnan and Sadashiva (2004).

3

The approach of direct democracy has been adopted in Madhya Pradesh bymaking the Grama Sabha central to planning and implementation (Manor,
2001a).
4
These institutions have gone through three different phases - of ascendancy(1956-1966), stagnation (1966-1976) and decadence (1976 till early 1990s).

A few states like West Bengal, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh tried to revivethese institutions during the 1980s.

158

functions (29 in total), functionaries and funds, as per
the 11th schedule, in all states. But most of the state
governments in India have not implemented this5 .
Box 12.1: Conceptualizing Governance –Some Approaches
The World Bank
Governance is defined as the manner is which power is
exercised in the management of a country’s economic and social
resources. The World Bank has identified three distinct aspectsof governance (1) the form of political regime; (2) the process bywhich authority is exercised in the management of a country’s
economic and social resources for development; and (3) the
capacity of governments to design, formulate and implement
policies and discharge functions.
United Nations Development Programme
Governance is viewed as the exercise of political, economic
and administrative authority in the management of a country’s
affairs at all levels. It comprises mechanisms, processes andinstitutions through which citizens and groups articulate theirinterests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations, andmediate their differences.
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
The concept of governance denotes the use of politicalauthority and exercise of control in a society in relation to the
management of its resources for social and economic development.
This broad definition encompasses the role of public authorities
in establishing the environment in which economic operators
function and in determining the distribution of benefits, as wellas the nature of the relationship between the ruler and the ruled.
Commission on Global Governance
Governance is the sum of the many ways individuals andinstitutions, public and private, manage their common affairs. It
is a continuing process through which conflicting or diverse
interests may be accommodated and cooperative action may betaken. It includes formal institutions and regimes empowered to
enforce compliance, as well as informal arrangements that people
and institutions either have agreed to or perceive to be in theirinterest.
Source : Adapted from Human Development in South Asia,
1999 — The Crisis of Governance, Oxford, p. 29.
5
The centre is now contemplating further amendment to the Constitution
making devolution mandatory, as the states are not yielding to pressure. The
progress of Activity Mapping was reviewed in detail in the second meeting of

the Committee of Chief Secretaries of States, held in June 2005 and the firstmeeting of the Council of State Ministers of Panchayati Raj, held in Kochi on
5-6 August 2005, where it was resolved that Activity Mapping ought to becompleted within a specified time frame.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

12.1.1 Decentralization of Institutional Setup: Andhra
PradeshThe state of Andhra Pradesh stood second in
introducing the Panchayati Raj system in India in orderto establish democratic institutions at the grass root level.
In the recent past, however, Andhra Pradesh had adopted
different institutional arrangements in the name ofparticipatory institutions as decentralised delivery systems.
These emerging institutions effectively by-passed thedemocratic institutions and are also known as parallel
institutions or community based organisations (CBOs)
or user committees. Financially these institutions are muchstronger than the PRIs.
The rationale for promoting these institutions include:a) user groups understand the day-to-day problems better
than the elected and political representatives, b) PRIs havefailed to deliver benefits over the last five decades6 , andc) PRIs are known for being controlled by the local elite(‘elite capture’) and political patronage. However,contradictory views are held on the role of these institutions

regarding their effectiveness and their linkages with the
PRIs (see GoI, 1998; Sastry, 2000; Manor, 2001 and Sitaram,
2002). It is argued that these institutions have not only
weakened the PRI bodies but are also potentially damaging
to development. Hence, the convergence of PRIs and CBOs
is needed as it a) improves accountability; b) addresses
the inadequacy of powers and funds of PRIs; and c) improves
the sustainability of programmes. It may be noted that
6This is a misconceived notion, as the PRIs were never given a chance interms of rights and responsibilities. Financial devolution has hardly takenplace in most states. This amounts to devolution of responsibilities without

any adequate finances.

Institutions and Governance

PRIs are permanent constitutional bodies unlike the CBOs.
Moreover, a comparative study of Andhra Pradesh andMadhya Pradesh7 observed that DWCRA (Developmentof Women and Children in Rural Areas), a participatory
institution, has delivered pro-poor benefits in a better
manner.
It is often argued that CBOs insulate developmentfrom politics. Manor (2001) counters: “This notion is amyth - and a dangerous myth at that. ‘Politics’ - that is,
the interplay of interests and forces in pursuit of power,
resources, status, etc. - is pervasive.” Elite capture wasfound to be a serious problem even the case of communitydriven development in West Africa (Platteau, 2004). To
what extent these participatory institutions function above
political and class interests (elite capture) and deliver propoor benefits is a moot point. This chapter attempts tounderstand the coverage and nature of impact of some
important programmes implemented under participatory
institutions in AP during the last decade.
Important issues in this regard include: how do theparallel institutions function and perform in achieving
the stated programme objectives? Have these institutions
improved the delivery of pro-poor policies? What are
the linkages between participatory and democratic
institutions? Is there a need for integration between these
two types of institutions? These aspects would be examinedin the context of some of the important CBOs in the state.
These include: watershed committees and associations,water user associations, joint forest management
committees, education committees, mothers and healthcommittees, thrift committees, etc. During the mid nineties
these initiatives were part of a generic programme
Janmabhoomi, introduced by the then CM. Though theJanmabhoomi programme has been discontinued by thepresent government, most of the programmes and projects
are still in place. A few initiatives like village educationcommittees have been discontinued while others haveacquired new names (DPIPor Velugu is now amalgamatedwith other programmes and rechristened as Indiramma)
Indira Kranti Pathakam.
7
While decentralization in AP strengthened the participatory institutions, MPemphasized the strengthening of democratic institutions and the Grama Sabha.

159

Though socially disadvantaged people were elected
to offices in PRIs owing to reservation8 , there is still an
invisible wall between the village elite and othercommunities particularly in the backward regions. The
elite filled the ‘opportunity vacuum’ created by thereservation policy, by parallel bodies where there is noreservation for any group. This contradicts the popularargument that participatory institutions serve the interestsof the users and the poor. Moreover, these parallel
institutions are not apolitical. These bodies often form anexus with the political functionaries in PRIs or at higher
levels of the political system.

resources to meet local needs and aspirations; and e)
Disseminating technology to increase farm and related
production; expanding services like health, veterinary andsanitation services in their jurisdiction. Mandal Parishads
co-ordinate rural development activities within theirjurisdiction and consolidate panchayat plans into a Mandal
Parishad plan. The Zilla Parishad9 organizes data collection
and consolidation of Mandal Parishad plans, allocationof funds and approval of Mandal Parishad budgets.

12.2 Performance of Democratic and Participatory
Institutions: An Assessment
12.2.a Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs)
The Gram Panchayats (GP) stand at the base of thethree-tier structure of local governance with the Mandal
Parishad at the intermediate level and the Zilla Parishadat the district level. Along with 22 Zilla Parishads and1095 Mandal Parishads, there are 21943 Gram Panchayats
in AP covering a population of more than 55 million people.
It is necessary to highlight the lack of a clear definition ofwhat a GP is in Andhra Pradesh. The population of a GP
varies from 300 to more than 3,000. This does, in fact,raise a question on the economic viability of smaller GPs.
The responsibilities of GP include: a) Implementing
land reform measures, including consolidation of landholdings and cooperative management of community
lands; b) Implementing programmes related to agriculture,animal husbandry, cottage industry, pre-primary andprimary education, health and sanitation, women, children,
destitute people and people with disabilities; c) Resource
planning by preparing an inventory of human and natural
resources and other assets at the village level; d) Preparing
and prioritizing plans/programmes to harness these

The present status of functional devolution in AP
shows that its position is lowest among a few importantstates. Out of 29 items specified in the 11th schedule, ittransferred functions in respect of sixteen (16) subjectsof which five (05) subjects are with funds (agriculture,drinking water supply, minor irrigation tanks, social forestry,
primary and secondary education and khadi and village
industries) and only two subjects are with functionaries(drinking water supply and minor irrigation tanks). Thirteen(13) functions still remain to be transferred; twenty-four(24) subjects with funds; and twenty-seven (27) subjects
with functionaries. By contrast, in Karnataka all the 29
subjects/departments have been transferred to panchayats
with funds, functions and functionaries. Kerala comes9

According to the Panchayati Raj Act, the ZP will have seven standing committees,

As per the reservation policy, seats in PR bodies and their president posts arewhich have since been formed. The chairman of ZP will be the chairman offour committees, the vice-chairman of ZP of one committee and two women
members of two committees. In the present mandal system there is no provision

reserved on the following quota system. Scheduled castes: 15 percent; Scheduled
Tribes: 7.5 percent; Backward castes: 33 percent and Women: 33 percent. The
remaining 11.5 percent of seats are left for other caste (forward castes) males.

for formation of standing committees whereas under earlier Panchayati Samitis(PS) there was provision for 7 standing committees. The Act, at the grampanchayat level, provides for the constitution of ‘beneficiary committees’ forWithin the category of women the same reservation policy is followed i.e.,
55.5 percent of the 33 percent are reserved for SCs, STs and BCs. This leaves
less than 30 percent of the seats (including women) for the forward (elite)

the execution of works of the GP and ‘functional committees’ for agriculture,public health, water supply, sanitation, family planning, education andcommunication. However, in practice there is no evidence of such committees

classes.

having been formed by the GPs. (Reddy, 2003).

8

160

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

next, followed by West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh (Reportof the Tenth Five Year Plan Working Group 2001).
Status of Activity Mapping in States and UTs
The key objective of Article 243G is to ensure thatpanchayats at all levels function as institutions of selfgovernment. To this end, an essential step is to undertake
activity mapping relating to developed functions with aview to attributing each activity to the appropriate levelof Panchayat, keeping in mind the principle of subsidiarity.
It was agreed during the first Round Table in Kolkata thatall states and UTs would undertake activity mapping by
the end of 2004-05, using the activity mapping model
evolved by the Union Ministry of Rural Development. It
was also recommended that a measure of irrevocability
could bear on devolution through legislative measure or,alternatively, by providing a strong legislative frameworkfor devolution through executive orders. The progress ofactivity mapping, as on March 2006, indicates that AP isat the lower end of the spectrum as for as devolution andactivity mapping are concerned. AP is also among the 11
states that signed a MoU with the centre for completing
activity mapping within a specified time frame.

more groups now than ever before. Each village now has
7 to 10 groups on an average and each group has 10 to
15 members. As a result, at least 150 people would havetheir own identity as a group member: in PRIs it is limited
to 7 to 15 people (ward members). Regular meetings ofthese groups facilitate opportunities for people to interact
and discuss various issues11 .
Based on their activity profile the groups are organizedunder three categories viz., a) Natural resource based(Water Users’ Association -WUA; Watershed Development
Committees - WDC; and Vana Samrakshana Samithis VSS); b) Employment generation (Development of Womenand Children in Rural Areas - DWCRA; Development of
Women and Children in Urban Areas - DWCUA and
Chief Minister’s Empowerment of Youth -CMEY), and c)
Human resources development (Mothers’ Committee andSchool Education Committees).

12.2.b Participatory Institutions
Andhra Pradesh has had a long history of informal
financial services purely as a local initiative. Women’ssavings and credit movement gathered momentum in 1993,
in Nellore district. Social mobilization enables the poor
to build their organizations at the grass roots level, in
which they participate fully and directly, and take decisions
on all developmental issues. These emerging participatorygroups known as community based organizations (CBOs),
user groups (UGs) or parallel institutions (PIs) are sometimes also referred to by the generic term Self Help Groups(SHGs). The development of these groups or institutions
has been phenomenal in Andhra Pradesh accounting for
60 per cent of the groups in India. These groups havebecome almost an integral part in the program designfor the entire spectrum of development efforts in the statesince the late nineties. While the PRIs provide only limited
scope for creating user or functional groups10 , there are10

While there could be functional committees under the PRIs in the villages

this is hardly ever followed in the absence of proper devolution of powers.

Institutions and Governance

The general impact or performance of some of theimportant CBOs is examined below with specific focus
on human resource development. Aspects like conductof meetings, attendance in the meetings, issues discussed,
etc., are also considered as part of human resource
development along with education, training, skills andhealth aspects.
Watershed Development Programme (WDP)
The 1994 watershed guidelines have spelled out thatthe responsibility of watershed management should beshifted to village panchayats once the 73rd amendment
11

Officials visit these groups and discuss issues, when members can voice
their views. Group leaders (presidents) as well as members get opportunities totravel outside their village in order to meet officials, attend training programmes,
demonstration sites, etc.

161

comes into force. However, only a very few states havedelegated the authority and a few other states have madeconsiderable progress but the state of Andhra Pradesh
has done little on this. On the other hand, it is spearheading
the spread of watershed through the framework which
ensures that the control and command mechanisms
remains in the hands of the state (for a review, see Reddy,
et al. 2001).
The potentials of Watershed Development Programme(WDP) appear to be quite high in attaining financial capital(as a result of better wages and employment) that has adirect bearing on poverty. The benefits of watersheddevelopment in rain-fed regions come from in situ moistureavailability, which indicates that the impact is expected
to be moderate in fragile resource regions. WDP seems
to be improving the status of education, health and gender,
although these are not directly intended in the programme.
There is, however, a clear bias against the poor when it
comes to access to livelihood capital.
In the case of social capital (measured in terms ofmembership in SHGs) poor households are better off as
SHGs are meant for the poor. Social capital, in fact, has aweak relationship with all other capitals except humancapital, especially for poor households. This indicatesthat higher social capital can lead to better human resource
development viz., education and health and may also
lead to empowerment of vulnerable sections like womenand the poor. Strengthening the social capital base andensuring community participation is a difficult job
demanding a lot of time and effort from the implementing
agencies. Only the best projects are found to have devoted
substantial time towards social mobilisation whencompared to two to three months spent on social
mobilisation in others. More importantly, preparing thevillages for enhanced potential, especially social
mobilisation, to receive and absorb technology is aprerequisite for the sustainability of watershed programme.
The new guidelines or approach should provide for atleast 12 months for this preparatory phase. Recognitionof the importance of the total involvement of local
communities in the implementation and also ensuring
their cooperation is critical to the success and sustainabilityof the programme.

162

In general watersheds implementation requires callingfor grama sabha (GS) meetings and watershed committee(WC) meetings. Though the number of GS meetings varies
across watersheds, WC meetings are more regular in mostcases (Reddy, et al. 2005). Participation is quite good inboth meetings. As far as the implementation phase isconcerned, there are variations across watersheds
depending on the programme implementation agency.
For instance, the focus of the Rural Development Trust(Anantapur NGO) was more on the WSA (Watershed
Association)/ WSC (Watershed Committee), while theKrishi Vignana Kendra (Medak NGO) focused more on
the WDT (Watershed Development Team) and the GO
PIAs (Project Implementing Agency) on the GS. WSA and
WSC are the main implementing arms at the village level,
and WDT is largely a technical advisory body to the WSC
and the PIA while the GS is more of an opinion / consensus
builder. This indicates that the approach of the RDT is
directed towards greater participation of the local
community in the implementation process than the othertwo. On the other hand, KVK seems to have followed
the conventional approach of emphasizing technicalities.
The other NGO, PIA in Prakasam, has followed neither,
due to conflicts in the village. In fact, the local contractors
did not allow the PIA to carry out any work in the village,as they were not given the works. Therefore, the impact
of WDP on human development is dependent on the PIA
on the one hand and the existing socio-political conditions
at the village level on the other.
A recent study conducted in nine districts of A.P.
(Vizianagaram, East Godavari, Prakasam, Chittoor,
Anantapur, Karimnagar, Khammam, Medak and
Mahabubnagar) on the functioning of watershedcommittees said: In Telangana districts the functionalityof the WCs is poor both in terms of investments made in
the processes and the impact of the programme. On thecontrary, in Coastal Andhra, the overall performance of
WCs is better in the sense that stakeholders are more
knowledgeable about the functioning of WCs and actively
participate in the programme. In Rayalaseema districts
the programme is implemented in an intensive way largely
through the support of local NGOs which helped in better

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

functioning of committees in these areas (DRS Survey,2006).
Water User Associations (WUA)
The objective of WUAs which were introduced during
the late 1990s is to improve production, efficiency andequity. WUAs are expected to have a direct bearing onwater availability and crop production. If there is a positive
impact, there is a possibility of secondary effects like
employment, income, and human resource development.
Water users refer to any individual or society using water
for domestic, non-domestic, agriculture, power or any
other industrial purpose. Each water user area is further
divided into 6-12 territorial constituencies (TC). There
are 10292 WUAs, of which 9797 are working. Second
term elections were held for WUAs in 17 districts in 2003
and in the remaining districts in 2004 and 2005.
The impact of WUA shows that there has been an
increase in the average area irrigated of the sample
households in the canal systems. The increase in area
irrigated is more in the case of middle and tail reaches
which were suffering from water shortages prior to the
WUAs. But the qualitative impact observed in terms ofimproved productivity of paddy, appears to be more in
the middle and head reaches12 . A sharp decline is observedin tank irrigation WUAs and the secular decline in tankirrigation could not be checked.
The democratic process is measured in terms of
conducting and attending meetings and the decisionmaking process (collective / majority). Though GB meetings
should be held once a year and Executive Committee
meetings twice a year, they are not conducted regularly.
While GB meeting was conducted only at the beginningof the formation of WUA, on an average only one EC
meeting was conducted in a year. The EC meets whenever
the need arises. Participation in the meetings is very poor.
The issues discussed mainly pertain to crop or systemdevelopment. Democratic decision-making is more orless absent in the canal systems. Important issues like
12
Canal systems in all the locations have experienced increased productivityof paddy, while tank WUAs have experienced negative growth. Within thecanal systems the rate of change is higher in the middle reaches followed byhead and tail reaches. Middle reaches appear to have benefited most inquantitative and qualitative terms.

Institutions and Governancefund collection and allocation are rarely discussed. Evenon simple issues, in a majority of cases decisions weremade either by the irrigation department or the Presidents
themselves. In tank systems also the Presidents mainly
took decisions, though the democratic process was adopted
occasionally. Further, the role of the irrigation department
is marginal in the tank systems when compared to canalsystems. Nevertheless, in most cases farmers stated thatthe decisions taken in the meetings were implemented.
A recent study (DRS Survey, 2006) noted in its
assessment of the performance of WUAs that there is
wide variation across regions not only in terms of thetype of source of irrigation, but also in terms of institutional
capacities and processes in place. It is generally observedthat WUAs under canal irrigation system are functioning
better as compared to tank irrigation systems. Across theregions, it is observed that statutory General Body
Meetings are held as per the norms and the water cess isalso collected annually in both canal and tank areas.
Penalty for defaulters of payment of cess is not foundacross all the regions.
Vana Samarakshana Samithis (VSS)
In compliance with National Forest Policy of 1988,
Vana Samrakshana Samithis (VSS) were introduced under
Joint Forest Management (JFM) Programme for the
management and protection of forest resources13 . There
are 8343 VSS (2005-06) in the state managing 23.18 lakh
hectares of forest area. About 7.85 lakh hectares ofdegraded forests have been treated through these VSS14 .
13

Each household living in the hamlets / villages / cluster of villages, anddepending on the forest for its daily needs, has an option of a membership in
VSS. All SC / ST become members in VSS automatically. Of the two adultmembers from each household one must be a woman. All the members of
VSS shall elect a 15 member Managing Committee of which at least 5 members
shall be women.

14

Members of VSS, individually and collectively, shall be responsible for: a)ensuring protection of forest against encroachment, grazing, fires and thefts offorest produce, b) carrying out development of forests in accordance with theapproved plan, c) awareness building regarding the importance of forests.
Members of VSS shall have the power to apprehend forest offenders and handthem over to the authorities concerned to take action under the provisions of
the relevant forest acts and rules. Members are entitled to 25 percent of the“Compounding fees” collected from such offenders.

163Around 15 lakh people, including 7.5 lakh women and7.87 lakh SCs/STs, are benefiting from the programme15 .
The JFM programme in its present form, in fact, falls
short of expectations in ensuring better livelihood
opportunities to the poor dependent on forests. Primarily
the focus of JFM is not livelihoods, but forest regeneration.
Income gains from forest related activities are notsubstantial,16 irrespective of the status of the forests. Thereis a gain in wage employment but it may not be sustainable
in the long run. A distinct improvement has been observedin the educational and health status of the households.
But the improvements are not only through JFM but also
owing to government intervention programmes like ‘backto school’ and improved chullas, etc. Capacity buildingof VSS members in terms of skill development was not
up to the expected levels. In the absence of any systematic
approach in this direction, the improvements and impact
appear to be marginal. On the other hand, social cohesion
and cooperation are generally strong in the forest areas
and becoming stronger with intervention. However, social
cohesion between the villages has declined due toboundary conflicts arising over demarcation of VSS land.
Social status and self-esteem of women are found to beon the rise17 . JFM has had a positive impact on migration
All the identified forest fringe villages have been covered under JFM stream.
The funds from various sources like World Bank aided Andhra Pradesh Forestry
Project, Employment Assurance Scheme and other schemes including Centrally
Sponsored Schemes are being utilized for implementation of JFM.

15

16

In the nine sample villages of the three districts (Adilabad, Vizianagaram andKadapa).
17

Women are found more pro-active in their interactions with FD officials.

164

and there is a decline in migration across land-owninghouseholds of all size classes. The improved social capitalconditions have a potential to enhance human capital.
Chief Minister’s Empowerment of Youth (CMEY)
The Chief Minister’s Empowerment of Youth
Programme 18 (CMEY) was launched during 1996-97
primarily with the objective of generating employment
opportunities for unemployed youth. The programme isbased on “Group Strategy”. A group of 15 or more young
people between the age of 18 and 35 years may form a“Youth Association” to take up economic activities suited
to their educational background, skills, aptitude, local
resources and needs. Under the scheme the unemployedyouth are extended financial assistance for taking up selfemployment. The objective of the movement19 is to empower
youth to participate effectively in the development of rural
youth, by providing opportunities for employment andcreating in them a sense of accomplishment. This ultimately
should result in the improvement of their quality of life.
The programme covers the entire state to cover all habitations
including urban areas.
Some of activities include: a) Imparting of six modules
of Training Programmes on Health Awareness and AIDS
Control, Environmental Awareness on Clean and Green,
Education for all, Functioning of Schools, Social
Reconstruction, Leadership, Personality Development andskill Development; b) Generation of thrift - A total minimum
thrift amount of Rs.5000/- accumulated over 6 months
in regular intervals collected from all the group members
during the weekly meetings and deposited in the groupsavings bank account. The common monthly minimum
effective thrift (COMMET) of the Youth Association is
calculated by taking the least amount saved and rotatedin a month in the given six-month period20 ; c) Group18
The entire movement is based on the principles of diligence, self-help,
cooperation and a sense of patriotism. This programme emphasizes thepromotion of sound morals, self-sacrifice and the establishment of firm social
order through healthy discipline. There was a total target of 53,296 CMEY
units to be grounded during the period 1996-2003 as proposed under the
program. But till date only 38615 CMEY units were set up.
19

The eligibility criterion is that the family income of the youth association
members shall not exceed Rs.11, 000 per annum.
This amount shall be taken into consideration only if it is rotated by Youth
Association members among themselves.

20

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

behaviour - spread over a period of six months to beevaluated on a marks system; d) Release of financial
assistance for taking up self- employment21 .
Mothers Committee (MC)The Mothers Committee (MC) was started in 1998
in the Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS), which
was introduced in India in 1975. Mothers Committees22
are formed with mothers of ICDS beneficiaries. There
are about 54000 MCs in the state. The prime objectiveof ICDS and MC is to achieve reduction in infant andchild mortality rates and the achievement of optimal
physical, mental and psychosocial development ofchildren. As part of the community mobilization exercise,MCs have been formed in villages with mothers of children
enrolled in Anganwadis / Early Childhood Care and
Education (ECCE) centres as members. These committees
actively participate in the developmental activities of theschool. They conduct periodic meetings to discuss theactivities of ECCE Centres and take necessary steps forthe enrolment and retention of girls in primary school.
One recent study commissioned by UNICEF23 on theworking of Mothers Committees observes that low prestige,
limited political influence and the labor intensive natureof MCs did not create a sufficiently attractive incentive
structure to ensure active participation. (Jones et al. 2007).
School/Village Educational Committees and Parent
Teachers Associations
The commitment to universal elementary education
recognized the need for decentralized planning and21
with the following pattern: Revolving fund - 100 times the COMMET or
Rs.1.00 lakh, whichever is less; Government of A.P. Grant - Margin Money 50 times the COMMET or Rs.0.50 lakh.
22

The Committee is formed in a meeting with representatives of local NGOs,
all the members of DWCRA, other Self Help Groups, elected women memberof Panchayat, Sarpanch and Upa Sarpanch of the village. The Committee will
have eight members of whom one will be elected as President of the group.
23

The study was carried out in four mandals selected across the three main
agro-climate regions of Andhra Pradesh on the basis of a) community poverty
status and human development indicators; and b) caste composition. The
four selected mandals were Amrabad (Mahabubnagar district in south Telagana);
Kataram (Karimnagar district in north Telagana); Atlur mandal (Kadapa districtin Rayalaseema) and Seethampet (Srikakulam district in Coastal Andhra).

Institutions and Governancemanagement of school education and for active community
participation in the management of education at the village
level. In pursuance of community participation, The Andhra
Pradesh School Education (Community Participation) Act,
1998 was passed and School Committees (at present
72,919) constituted in every government and governmentaided school in the state. The School Committee consistsof five members of whom four should be parents (fromdifferent socio-economic backgrounds) of the children
enrolled in the school and the Headmaster as the Member
Convener24 . A parent shall cease to be a member of thecommittee when he has no child enrolled in the school.
Village Education Committees (VEC) were visualized
as part of the decentralized management structures underDistrict Primary Education Programme (DPEP) to establish
a link between the school and the community. The VEC
is expected to take up the task of management for ensuringcommunity participation25 . The role of Village Education
Committees has been predominantly in areas related toaccessibility and participation of children, particularly
girls. It is found that in all the surveyed districts that the
VECs: a) do not hold meetings regularly; b) that members,
particularly the dalit members, are not aware of thedecisions of VEC; c) record maintenance of minutes ispoor and that there is no follow-up action; d) Chairman/
Panchayat President often takes up contract works forschool buildings; e) where a woman is chairman of VEC,
the HM and Sarpanch take a lead role; f) minutes ofmeetings are never circulated. Instead, the Head Masterobtains signatures of the members before the decision isarrived at; g) There is no control over teachers who wereabsent from duty unofficially. Unfortunately VECs were
Where there is no Headmaster, the most senior teacher shall be the Convener.
Of the four parents, there shall be at least two women and one person elected
24from among SC, ST, BC or minorities. The Chairman of the Committee iselected from the parent members. The Committee Members are elected bypublic voting, and they elect the Chairman of the committee. The headmasterwill act as the Coordinator of the Committee. Elections are held once in two
years.
25

Village Education Committees are formed to facilitate and ensure participationand involvement of local community in the educational process at village
level.

165

given up in 2005 and now efforts are being made to revive
them 26.
A recent survey in nine districts of AP observed thatpeople in hamlets were unaware of the existence of such(SEC) committees (DRS, 2006). The PTAs are practically
non-functional in all the surveyed districts. The HM of
the school takes care of maintaining the records of suchminutes/agenda as chairman of PTAs in all the places.
The common points of agenda that were separately
discussed in the PTA meeting across these nine districts(PTA mandated meet two times usually) are: a) The
enrolment of children who have dropped out; b) Regularattendance of children; c) School uniform andstrengthening mid-day meals; d) To conduct health camps
for students and the responsibility of parents for keeping
their children clean when sending them to the school;and e) Parents are requested to give preference to theeducation of girl children. Though it is recorded that suchmeetings have taken place three to four times in a year,
in reality nothing has happened. Parents do not show
any interest, nor do they receive information about PTA
meetings. However, they remain on paper and occasionallya rally would be taken out for enrolment of drop-outs.
Self-Help Groups and Development of Women andChildren in Rural Areas (DWCRA) 27
Because of the problem of distribution of the benefitsof macro-economic growth at the household level, microlevel strategies like micro-finance have been initiated at
the grass root level. It has generally been observed thatorganizing women around thrift and credit services iseffective in alleviating poverty and empowering women.
The government of Andhra Pradesh responded to the need26
The recent amendment to the Andhra Pradesh Education (Community
Participation) Rules 1998 brought out an ordinance (No. 9 dated 2-11-2006)
that revived the once abandoned village education committees (VECs). As per
the latest amendment, School Education Committees will be renamed as
School Education Management Committees (SEMCs). Earlier, elections were
held to the executive committees (ECs) and now the members are to be
nominated by the minister-in-charge. Another feature of the new amendment
is that nomination of the members to the ECs is by the minister in rural areas
and by the Municipal Commissioner in urban areas.
27

This section draws from Galab and Rao, 2004.

166

and provided a space for women’s self-help groups28(SHGs) under the programme Development of Womenand Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA). SHGs arefunctioning not only in DWCRA but also in othergovernment programmes and NGO initiatives.
There are about 6.35 lakh women SHGs in Andhra
Pradesh with a membership of 80.21 lakh rural poor womenand 2,01,732 SHG’s that were formed under the
Department of Women Empowerment and SelfEmployment. Several schemes under DRDA have helped
women earn an additional income of up to Rs.2000/per month depending on the economic activities theytake up. For taking up various income-generating activities,
DWCRA women are given special training on skill upgradation. The SHG groups are assisted under DWCRA /SGSY scheme in the form of revolving funds to each group.
Between 1998-99 and 2003-04 about Rs. 170 crores were
provided as assistance to 1.93 lakh groups. NABARD,
commercial banks and Regional Rural Banks are also
providing credit at a concessional rate of interest to thegroups under “SHG-Bank linkage” program for taking up
income generating activities. The assistance per group
ranges from Rs.20000 to Rs. 1,00,000. Between 199899 and 2003-04 about Rs.1500 crores was mobilized as
credit, covering 1,65,093 groups. The groups are liable
for repaying the credit amount within the repayment period.
SHGs of DWCRA have helped in reducing
dependence on money-lenders in rural areas though there
are variations across the districts. SHGs seem to have
performed better in developed districts like East Godavari
when compared to a backward district like Mahabubnagar.
Credit has enabled women to undertake production
oriented economic activities related to agriculture, animalhusbandry, and Industry Service and Business (ISB) sectors.
One reason for this could be that a large proportion of
women from traditional artisan families have become
The SHG is the primary unit and the building block of the SHG Federation
model. The SHGs, 15-25 in number, are federated at the village/cluster level asa Village Organisation (VO). These VOs are then federated at the mandal levelas a Mandal Samakhya (MS). Almost all the groups across the State beganmonthly individual savings of Rs. 30 with each DWCRA group consisting of
15 women. In AP, a three-tier structure is emerging as the SHG Federation
model.
28

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

members of the groups to further strengthen and expand
their on-going economic activities. In fact, such groups
are observed to be more successful (BASIX, 1999). The
net result is that some members who were working forwages or were unemployed have become self-employedwith the help of SHGs. An additional income to the tuneof Rs. 10-30 per day on an average has contributed to aconsiderable improvement in the incomes of the poorestof the poor and enabled the near poor to cross the poverty
line. But targeting of poor households is quite low at 56
percent (Reddy and Prakash, 2003). A large proportionof beneficiary adult female family members have full
employment under the DWCRA scheme and in addition
are providing employment to some male members. Manyof the beneficiaries canvassed have taken up kitchen garden
activities near their homes. This has brought changes in
the quality of consumption that would improve thenutritional status of children, pregnant and lactating
mothers among the DWCRA families (YFA, 1996).
Similarly, part of the additional income is also spent on
the health of the family (Kanchanya, 1998). Most of theeligible DWCRA members have undergone family planning.
In fact, the dramatic decline in the decadal growth rateof population has also been attributed to the phenomenal
growth of SHGs in the state (James, 2002). A majority of

the children of the beneficiaries are going to school as
the women have become aware of the need for basic
education. Thus, women are able to improve their accessto health care and education to some extent. However,
the groups in more remote villages and Scheduled Tribes
have not benefited as much as villages in more accessible
areas and other caste beneficiary households (YFA, 1996;
Kanchanya, 1998).
SHGs have helped women to take up tasks likemarketing and non-traditional enterprises. Women are
now in better control over their labour, resources (saving,credit and income), freedom to move and interact, andreproductive choices. They are also able to handle someof the issues relating to their lives independently. This
indicates that the ‘power within’ dimension of
empowerment has been strengthened to some extent due
to participation in SHGs. However, the absence of collective
initiatives by women members to negotiate their gender,
caste, class and other interests vis-à-vis institutions of
the market, the state, the community and family reveals
that empowerment is still limited when dealing with theexternal world.
How widespread and sustainable this process is, isa moot point. Though attendance in meetings is quiteBox 12.2: Need for Synergy: Strategy / Framework for Synergy
The argument has always centred on how to bring the parallel institutions under the purview of PRIs. These linkages are expected to increase theaccountability of participatory institutions. According to one study which looked into legal aspects of the involvement of PRIs in NRM in three Indian States- Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, - the existing legal framework provides the requisite basis for the interrelationship between the panchayats anduser groups. The advantages of user groups as smaller and specialized entities can be explored within the Panchayati Raj framework by the mechanism ofcommittees. However, the efficacy of Panchayati Raj institutions and associated user-groups can be assessed in relation to their conduciveness in realizationof rights at the local level. This is particularly important when widespread emphasis is being attached to the rights of the local people in the discourse ofparticipatory natural resource management (Upadhya, 2005).
Decentralization is being actively considered by the GOAP by interfacing between the PRIs and CBOs. The various CBOs that the government hascreated have resulted in many parallel structures, thereby weakening the panchayats. The multiplicity of organizations has created confusion and has also
resulted in conflict/s. Interface has become an important part of the agenda of the government in order to help make the numerous CBOs more effective andsustainable and to strengthen the PRIs. It must however be recognized that the inter-linkages would have a limited role and effect on the process ofdecentralization and good governance unless definitive measures are taken up by the government to devolve functions, funds and functionaries to the PRIs,
ensuring decentralized planning and convergence. Empowering the PRIs would necessitate the higher authorities to disempower themselves. Devolution of
power and authority from the state government to the three-tier PRIs would create space and opportunity to ensure better accountability.
Interface between the PRIs and the CBOs would usher in better mechanisms of accountability. Linkages are necessary to sustain and strengthen the
CBOs and make them accountable to all the stakeholders in the Gram Sabha. The linkages already created and established by the various Acts and othermechanisms have helped in creating only a token representation to PRI members. The non-voting powers bestowed on the ward members and the
Sarpanches has diluted their presence and participation. Also, the Gram Sabhas are used, if at all, for beneficiary selection. The Gram Sabha should become
an important forum for micro-planning where the different stakeholders meet to plan for the resources that are available to achieve convergence. Convergencecannot take place through a government order (Sitaram, 2002).

Institutions and Governance167

high (76 percent) (Reddy and Prakash, 2003), about 39
percent of groups do not hold meetings while 23 percentof the groups are not maintaining accounts. Though theilliteracy of members is the main reason, groups do not
see the need for maintaining accounts because external
grants and funds are equally distributed. While 78 percent
of SHGs save regularly, some groups discontinue savings,
once the revolving fund is availed by the group. The
selection of leaders is democratic in 87 percent of thegroups. Leaders were imposed when the members did
not show the initiative to become leaders. Leadership
rotation was absent and hence development of leadershipamong members is lacking. The leader manages all
activities regarding accounts, loans and attendance andthe involvement of members is marginal. The grading of
DWCRA groups according to their functioning by theGovernment of Andhra Pradesh has brought out that 18,
63 and 19 percent of the groups are found to be in A, B
and C categories respectively. Thus, only 18 percent of
the groups are functioning very well. Only the extensive
and intensive participation of women in the process cansustain the movement. The cost of such participation needs
to be compensated in one form or other. Besides, initiatives
such as piped water supply and LPG would reduce timeand drudgery in fetching water and fuel wood.
Another interesting study on the politics of policies
in Andhra Pradesh has analysed DWCRA and made thefollowing observation: “DWCRA can probably be calleda successful scheme as it has helped to empower womenin the sense of making them more self-confident andfinancially stronger and more independent”. However,it pointed out that “the weakness of the programme isthat it has proved to be very difficult to generate sustainable
and profitable self-employment for women”. Moreover,
the age-old tradition of patriarchy is not questioned in
the programme. Important issues such as literacy andfamily planning are taken up – and quite successfully insome districts but other strategic gender needs such as
child marriages and dowry are not addressed at all (Mooij,
2002).

Project (APRPRP) in the most backward mandals of all
the districts in the state cover the former South Asia Poverty
Alleviation Programme (SAPAP) groups and also DWCRA
groups in these mandals. The Mid Term Appraisal (MTA)
to assess the impact of District Poverty Initiatives Programme(DPIP) interventions on the different dimensions of poverty
for the target communities has focused on the contributionof DPIP interventions in key areas of which women
empowerment is one. While assessing the impact of the
project29 on empowerment of women, the MTA reportobserves: “The logic of the project to use improved accessto resources to empower women and overcome social
barriers is corroborated by the fact that the change in theshare of women who receive high respect in their family
and who were not subject to domestic violence was indeed
significantly lower in control than in intervention areas
where women also have significantly higher participationin family matters relating to income generating activities,
debt and savings, as well as family planning. In fact, theimprovements in women’s participation seem to transcend
the realm of the family and extend to the community
level: the change in the share of women who always knowor participate in village assemblies, who are aware ofother types of community institutions, and who are able
to freely interact with government officials and villagersof other caste or religion is significantly higher inintervention than in control villages.” (Dev et al. 2003).

12.3 Linkages between Democratic andParticipatory institutions
At present, the linkages between democratic andparticipatory institutions are rather formal in nature. PRI
representation is mandatory in all the participatory
institutions though there are no functional linkages between
them. In villages that are politically active, however, a
lot of groundwork was necessary for formulating themutually agreeable participatory institutional structures
such as WCs, WUAs, etc. Relationships between
democratic (PR bodies) and participatory institutions canDistrict Poverty Initiatives Programme (DPIP)

29
The study covered a sample of 2641 households spread across 256 main
villages and 306 habitations both in project and control villages in three

Andhra Pradesh District Poverty Initiatives Project(APDPIP) and Andhra Pradesh Rural Poverty Reduction

districts of A P. namely Srikakulam, Adilabad and Anantapur. Women’s
empowerment is measured in terms of their bargaining power within thehousehold and their participation at community level decision-making.

168

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

be broadly described as, a) conflict ridden, b) competitive
checking, c) political nexus and, d) passive observation.
Conflict-ridden villages are always torn between two partyaffiliated political groups or factions. Development
programmes are rarely introduced in these villages. Even
if they are, they will be forced to be withdrawn due topersistent conflict. Initial compromises brokered by theofficials often fail to hold firm as factions are deep-rooted.
In some villages political groups work in a competitive
situation (competitive politics). The competition is for
gaining maximum credit for their developmental activities.
In such situations, panchayats seek involvement in the
day-to-day activities of the participatory institutions,especially when the leaders of the panchayats and thesebodies belong to different parties. The purpose is to check
whether the benefits favour the party followers. Our broadfinding, based on the information from across a range ofcases is that this takes place more often in the villages
where a shift in power has taken place. In some cases
there is a nexus between PR bodies and participatory
institutions irrespective of the control over positions bydifferent groups. There are many variations on this theme,
but it takes two main forms. One is the division of spoils(contracts) between the groups i.e., works were sharedin 50:50 ratios between the two groups. This type ofarrangement tends to occur more frequently in ‘reserved’(for social groups or women) PR constituencies. Allocationof posts between groups depends on their relative(bargaining) power and information. Another form of nexus
or compromise is the sharing of positions in PR and parallel
institutions between two groups. Sharing of spoils andcompromise between groups is possible when the groups
are equally strong. In the absence of a strong opposition
the more powerful group takes over, especially when theirparty is in power at higher levels of the political system.
The lines between inter-group conflicts based on
economic divisions and those based on political differences
are blurred. This is due to a significant trend: the tendency
either for politicians to turn into contractors or forcontractors to turn into politicians. This, in turn, is mainly
the result of the financial incentives in programmes likewatershed development and water user associations. Not
only are the financial flows to these programmes muchhigher than the funds available to PRIs, but the institutionalarrangements have also facilitated the access of the village

Institutions and Governancepeople to funds. While this is a good indicator ofdecentralisation, its misuse appears to be more widespreadin the absence of transparency and accountability. As aresult, even the powerful and dominant groups at thevillage level prefer positions on participatory institutions
to positions on PRIs. This narrowing of the gulf between
money and politics at the village level is a reflection of
the trend at higher levels of the political system. In effect,
the means by which the programmes have been permitted
to operate have assisted the percolation of money politics
down to the base of the political pyramid.
The most common scenario is that of passive
observation. Key reasons for the situation of passive
observation include non-existence of competing economic
interests (contractors) and political equations at the village
level. Passivity can also be viewed in terms of indifference.
People are indifferent to the programme due to the nonparticipatory approach in this generally docile community.
In many cases, the office bearers of participatory institutions
are nominated and composed of all the castes. Villagers
generally attend the meeting only once, i.e., at the timeof formation of committees. Though officials often visit
the villages, no meetings are conducted. There is no
participation in taking up or prioritizing the issues.
Members of PR bodies often feel that these parallel
institutions are created to deliver specific programmes
and hence are temporary. Consequently they feel that
there is no need to interfere or create conflict in the workingof these institutions. At the same time the associations of
PRIs demand that these programmes should be brought
under their purview. In the case of participatory institutions,only water user associations were formed as a federationand due to the demand for total de-linking from the PRIs.
12.3.a Institutional and Functional Linkages
The Standing Committees at the Mandal level can
perform the role of monitoring and arbitration. Monitoring
can not only be regulatory but also be an incentive,
encouraging the CBOs to perform better by arranging
for monetary incentives. The Committees at the MP (Mandal
Parishad) arbitrate when there is a dispute between different
GPs due to overlapping of functions and jurisdiction(watershed area). The functional Committee of the GP
should be involved in planning and implementation for
those activities at the MP that also involve implementation.

169

Funds may be released in the manner already described
for GP.
APPR Act, 1994, provides for six functional standing
committees at the gram panchayat (GP) level. The selfhelp groups, numbering seven to ten, operating at thevillage level also represent more or less the same or similartypes of activities. The gram sabhas shall co-opt one ormore representatives of the SHGs into the respective standing
committees of the gram panchayat. For instance, membersof the village education committee will be co-opted as
members of the standing committee on education at thegram panchayat level. In a mandal, the mandal panchayat
will co-opt in an open meeting of the mandal panchayatsamiti, a member/members from amongst the co-opted
members on the standing committees on education in
all the gram panchayats, to the standing committee on
education of the mandal panchayat. The Zilla Parishadin turn will co-opt, in an open meeting, from amongst
the co-opted members of standing committees on educationof all the mandal panchayats in the district. The mechanism
for selecting members in the other standing committees
from the SHGs will be similar, starting from the grampanchayat level to the Zilla Parishad level.
The success of the benefits flowing from attaining
the symbiosis between SHGs and PRIs will depend to alarge extent on three things: i) Strengthening of the PR
institutions themselves, ii) bringing convergence ofdevelopment programmes and institutions being
implemented in the state by different agencies and line
departments and iii) building the capacity of the SelfHelp groups (Report of the Task Force 2002).
Here we propose a model that rationalises the existing
functions in the light of the prevailing situation at the
ground level. The functions/items enshrined in the 11th
Schedule of the Constitution can be broadly divided into
three major areas/activities namely, Core/Basic Functions,Welfare Functions and National Resource Management(NRM) Functions. Here our approach is ‘bottom-up’, asmost of these activities are currently being carried out atthe village level mainly by CBOs (in AP). Besides, we
assume that, given the capacity of PRIs, their involvementin activities would be different from one function to another.
This not only addresses the issue of over-burdening PRIs
but also negates the arguments regarding lack of capacityof PRIs.

170

The core/basic functions such as drinking water supply,
health and sanitation including primary health centres
and dispensaries, education including primary andsecondary schools, roads, bridges and other amenities,
etc, are the functions delegated to PRIs since their inception.
The CBOs handling such activities such as Education
Committees and Health Committees which are going to
be integrated into the standing committees of PRIs arelate entries in this area of operation. In this scenario PRIs,
given their long experience in handling these schemes,
would be the dominant bodies in terms of planning,
implementation and monitoring of these functions (strong
linkage). Members of the CBOs representing Standing
Committees will act as pressure groups for efficient
implementation and equitable distribution of the benefits.
The second area of discharging welfare functions
such as poverty alleviation programmes, women and childdevelopment, social welfare of weaker sections such as
SC/ST and physically challenged persons and otherfunctions (rural housing and managing Public Distribution
System) require that PRIs take a greater responsibility, ofcourse working in tandem with CBOs looking after someof these functions (moderate linkage). Mention may bemade of DPIP (Velugu) SHGs, Mothers Committees andDisabled Groups etc. In this scenario, an interface between
PRIs and CBOs is desirable.
In the third area, Natural Resource Management(NRM) activities such as water, watersheds, forests,
agriculture, etc, the interface of PRIs with CBOs is expected
to be weak, which means that CBOs which manage water
resource such as Watershed Committees (WCs), Water
Users Associations (WUAs) and Forest resources (VSS/
FPCS) need to be given a larger role as they are found tobe very effective in managing such resources. Most of
the functions require technical skills and deep knowledgeof the management of the resource. These CBOs formed
around such resources are found to have high stakes and
PRIs which are governance institutions are found wanting
in handling such resources and their capacities inadequate.
At the most, PRIs can be monitoring institutions and the
CBOs can be made accountable to the constitutionallyelected bodies. In NRM activities low interface is envisaged
between PRIs and CBOs. In NRM, PRIs can function mainly
as a watchdog. The picture which is visualized at village

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

level may be replicated at mandal and district levels30 .
Thus the bottom-up approach of the planning processsynergising PRIs and CBOs is complete.

12.4 Urban Governance and Human
Development
The government of Andhra Pradesh has introduced
various initiatives in order to improve overall governancein a number of fields. During the last decade fourteensuch initiatives were put in place. These include: Bestpractices in school education, Neeru-meeru, Power andPublic Sector Reforms, Property Tax Reforms, Services
Outsourcing, Single Window System (SWS), e-GovernanceInitiatives (e-Seva, e-Procurement, Online performancetracking), Citizen Charters, Rythu Bazars, e-Panchayats,etc. Some of the initiatives (including e-seva centers, rythubazars, e-procurement and electricity reforms) have gained
instant popularity and appreciation. The success of eseva centres is reflected in their adoption across the country.
The rythu bazar is rated as one of ten best practices in
the country (UNDP, 2002) and they are immensely popularamong all sections of the population31 . The performanceof AP electricity department has been rated as the best in
country for two years in a row after the reforms. Similarly,
the continuation of e-procurement approach by the present
government is an indication of its effectiveness.
The few systematic studies undertaken to assess theimpact of the initiatives32 on service delivery have pointed
out the merits and shortcomings of the initiatives. A studyof the three customer focused service delivery reforms
that were undertaken by the Metro Water Board (Hyderabad
Metropolitan Water Supply and Sewerage Board) in thelate 1990s, namely Metro Customer Care (MCC), The
Single Window Cell (SWC) and Metro Water’s Citizen
Charter shows clearly that, prior to reforms in the 90s,
active and strong accountability relationships between
elite politicians, professional networks and senior managers
30

At district level apex agencies such as District Water Management Agencies(DWMA) looking after watersheds and District Rural Development Agencies(DRDA), District Forest Agency and Drinking Water and Sanitation bodies(looking after Swajaladhara Programme that is in the offing) need to be synergisedwith varying degrees of responsibilities with Zilla Parishads.
31This is reflected in overcrowded bazars in most places and throughout the day.
In fact, people complain about the paucity of parking space during peak hours.

The salient features of these major initiatives and some account of theirperformance are available from official accounts.

32

Institutions and Governancewere insufficient to sustain organizational changes at thesection level and achieve measurable improvements inservice delivery performance. Post-reform analysis showsthat sustained improvements in service delivery were
contingent upon the establishment of multiple formal
accountability mechanisms that enabled strong
accountability relationships to operate between external
actors and Metro Water staff (senior managers and frontline workers). The most critical of these relationships,
which deepened organizational change and sustained
service delivery performance over the long term, were
those that triangulated between citizens, front-line workers,
and senior mangers. This accountability dynamic has been
the key to Metro Water’s overall success, which
encompasses measurable improvements in service delivery,
as well as strengthened viability as a semi-autonomous,
financially independent organization (Caseley, 2003).
A study on smart governance with reference to Andhra
Pradesh reflected upon the various strengths andweaknesses of the policies anchored for a decade, from1994 to 2004. Numerous factors, from party cadre (ofthe political party in power), influence of regional
authorities, priorities of groups. etc., have cornered the
direction of implementation and it has been pointed outthat it was wedded with contradictions at various levels
that led to corruption, favouritism, influence of party cadre
etc. This, in turn, damaged the image of the government
despite its commitment to good governance and modern
management (Mooij, 2003).

12.5 Decentralized Governance and Human
Development
Andhra Pradesh has spearheaded a new approachof creating a number of parallel institutions for service

171

delivery at the local level, for decentralized governance.
In the process it has earned the dubious distinction of
bypassing or sidelining the constitutional bodies like PRIs
in rural areas. Though this approach, in a larger framework,
reflects the ‘politics of development’, it need not be brushedaside as a purely politically manipulated tool. The
assessment of initiatives revealed that the parallel
institutions have, in fact, performed some of the services
well. They were instrumental in keeping the developmental
programmes continuing at the local level, rather thanbecoming passive observers of administrative methods.
Line departments take charge of implementing
developmental programmes in most states where thedevolution of powers to PRIs has not taken place. Similarly,
the good governance initiatives, especially in the urban
areas, have helped in curtailing red tape and rent seeking
in some cases. Though the attempt to eliminate
intermediaries has brought the citizens in contact withthe line departments, some of these initiatives suffer fromproper implementation rather than improper design.
The impact of these parallel initiatives on livelihoods
is limited. While the impact is clear in the case of institutions
that deal with natural resource management (NRM) likewater, watersheds and forests, it is less clear in otherareas. The reason could be that NRM initiatives are oriented
towards resource development through pumping of
substantial financial resources. The others are more focusedon capacity building or human capital development. The
sustainability of positive impacts through initiatives in
NRM is questioned, as they have not addressed or
improved social capital33 at the community level. On
the other hand, the parallel institutions have helped tocreate awareness among communities on a large scale
so that the communities have gained clarity on their rights
and the role of officials.
Though they have not gained immediate tangible
benefits, the new awareness would have converted into
empowerment that in turn could have resolved the delivery
dilemmas in the long run. The intangible gains throughparticipation could be converted into tangible human33

development like improved literacy, health, etc., provided
these initiatives are sustained and are inclusive of thepoorest of the poor and other vulnerable groups. Awarenessand empowerment is clearly visible, especially among
women, at the village level in recent years. More womenare contesting in elections over and above their prescribed
quota of 33 percent. In the recently held elections to urban
bodies (municipalities and corporations) women members
won nearly forty percent of the posts, seven percent morethan the quota.
While the impact of parallel institutions on humandevelopment is unequivocal, the impact is very limited.
The main reason is that ‘elite capture’ is widespread among
these parallel institutions (See Reddy and Prakash, 2003;
Reddy and Jenkins, 2004; Reddy and Reddy, 2005; Reddy,
et. al., 2005). In fact, it is argued that parallel institutions
are used to accommodate the elite who lost their positionsin PRIs due to reservations (Reddy and Jenkins, 2004).
This is more so in the case of NRM institutions, whichhave greater allocation of funds. Even in the case of selfhelp groups which are mainly meant for the poor, thecoverage of the poor is only 56 percent (Reddy andPrakash, 2003).
One way of dealing with this is to integrate these
institutions with the PRIs. Given their constitutional standing
and reservation, PRIs are likely to ensure greater
involvement of the poor in these institutions. Besides,
bringing the CBOs under the PRI umbrella ensures
accountability as the PRI act as a monitoring agency/watch
dog. The model suggested in this chapter advocates threelevels of linkages between PRIs and the parallel institutions.
At present PRIs lack the skills and capacities to implement
the NRM initiatives, where PRIs can act as a monitoring
agent. On the other hand, PRI should be handed the full
responsibility (implementing, monitoring, etc.) of corefunctions like drinking water, education, health, etc. In
welfare activities they should be given the intermediary
responsibilities with partial involvement in implementation.
Such a division of responsibilities between PRIs and CBOs,
while avoiding the overburdening of PRIs, would ensure
proper accountability and monitoring of the CBOs

Here social capital is defined in terms of the involvement of the community

in the important activities and functions of the programmes. Devolution of
powers, which would empower the communities and make them autonomousand self-sufficient, has not taken place.

172

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Urban Demography, Poverty, Employment, Migration and Infrastructure

CHAPTER XIII

13

Urban Challenges

rowing urban population is contributing tomuch of the increase in population every
year in the world. It is observed that almost
80 per cent of the population growth world-wide in 19902010 will be in urban areas. Population projections indicatethat about 60 per cent of the world’s population will livein cities in the next 10 to 15 years and that most of thegrowth in the urban population will take place in developing
countries.

G

More than one fourths of Andhra Pradesh
population is living in urban areas. During
the last two decades the states’ share in
India’s urban population is declining.
The urbanization process inAndhra Pradesh is leaning towards
metropolitan cities by-passing
small and medium towns.

As cities are considered to be the centers oftechnological transformations they have a critical role toplay as purveyors of technical information, ideas and tools
which are central to increasing productivity, incomes,
and ultimately the overall quality of life. However, thegrowing trend of urbanization is worsening a number ofproblems, such as inadequate housing and urban services(water, sanitation, transport and so on), spiraling land
prices and construction costs, proliferation of slums, pollution
and deterioration of the urban environment where thechallenges of air and water pollution, solid waste management
and water conservation grow more critical every day.
In this context this chapter examines the urban
challenges with respect to the process of urbanisation,
economy, poverty, employment, migration, infrastructure
and civic amenities in Andhra Pradesh.

13.1 The Process of Urbanisation
India is one of the developing countries which arecontributing most to the growth in urban population. India’s
urban population is the second largest in the world. According

Urban Challenges

173

to UN Population Fund (UNFPA), urbanisation in India
is increasing at a faster rate than in the rest of the world
and, by 2030, 40.7 per cent of the country’s population
will be living in urban areas. It is observed that about 61
per cent of the urban population growth in India is dueto the natural increase in urban areas, 22 per cent due torural-urban migration and 17 per cent due to reclassificationof rural areas as urban (UNFFPA, 2007).
Metropolitanisation
The nature of urbanization in India has been describedas top-heavy. In other words, the urban process in India
is becoming a process of creating metropolitan cities.
More than one-third of the total urban population (285million in 2001) of India was concentrated in 35 ‘million
plus’ cities. The small and medium towns accounted for
only about 22 per cent of the urban population. Andhra
Pradesh is one of the states in India which have experienced
rapid urbanization and the process of urbanization in
the state is similar to the overall pattern in India.
Table 13.1: Trends in Urbanisation in Andhra Pradesh
Year Towns Pop (U) Pop (T) % Urban Growth(U) Growth(R) URGD
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1961
1971
1981
1991
2001
2006

212
207
234
213
173
-

6.28
8.41
12.49
17.81
20.80
22.20

35.98
43.50
53.55
66.36
76.20
80.71

17.4
19.3
23.3
26.9
27.3
27.5

15.75
33.92
48.62
42.64
16.33
-

15.62
18.15
16.99
18.22
13.95
-

0.13
15.77
31.63
24.42
2.39
-

Note : 1. Pop – Population in millions; 2. U–Urban; T–Total; R–Rural; 3.
URGD – Urban-Rural Growth Difference.
Source : 1. Census of India, Andhra Pradesh, Town Directory; 2. Sudhakar
Reddy (2007).

According to Census 2001, more than one-fourthof the population in India (27.8 per cent) as well as inAndhra Pradesh (27.3 per cent) lived in urban areas. Of
the total population of 76.2 million in Andhra Pradesh,
about 20.8 million people were living in urban areas (Census
2001). As per the Census projections, the size of the urban
population in Andhra Pradesh would have been 22.2
million in 2006. The level of urbanization in the state
has been a little less than the national average since 1901
(except in 1951 and 1991). Urban growth gathered
momentum in the state only after the 1940s. The rate of

growth in urban population in the state was higher than
the national average since the 1980s.
In Andhra Pradesh, while the number of cities andmedium towns has been increasing, the number of small
towns has declined during the last four decades, and theurban population is concentrated in the big cities. The
number of cities (i.e. class I towns) increased from 11 to
39 during 1961-2001 and their percentage in the total
number of towns increased from 5 to 23 in this period.
Importantly, the share of the cities in total urban population
increased from 43 to 76 per cent (See Table 13.2). Moreover,the process of urban agglomeration (UAs) is growing fastin the urban topography of Andhra Pradesh. While thenumber of UAs increased from 4 to 37, their share in the
total number of towns (2 to 21 per cent) and urban population(32 to 69 per cent) increased during 1971-2001 (see Table
13.3). It is noteworthy that Hyderabad Urban Agglomeration(HUA) alone accounts for one-fourth, and together with
Visakhapatnam and Vijayawada, for about 35 per centof the urban population in the state (Ramachandraiah,2003).
The number of medium towns (including Class II
and III towns) increased from 58 to 89 as did their sharein the total number of towns (from 28 to 51 percent)during 1961-2001 but their share in the total urban population
Table 13.2: Concentration of Population in UAs and Isolated
Towns in Anddhra Pradesh
CitiesMedium Towns
Small Towns
Year No Population No Population No Population
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
1961 5
43
28
32
67
25
1971 6
48
37
35
56
17
1981 9
54
50
37
41
9
1991 15
67
59
29
26
4
2001 23
76
51
22
26
2

Primacy
@
8
20
21
20
24
28

#
9
5.3
4.9
4.2
4.1
4.3

Notes : 1. No - Number; @ is the ratio of population of the largest urban
unit to the urban population of the state; # is the ratio of population of the largest urban unit to the second largest urban unit in thestate; * The percentage of one city out of total 212 towns was 0.5.
When we rounded of the figure to zero decimal it had come tozero.
2. Cities are places having population of one lakh and above;
Medium Towns include the towns with population ranging from
20,000 to 99,999 and Small Towns include towns with population below 20,000.
Source : 1. Census Town Directory; 2. Sudhakar Reddy (2007).

174

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

declined from 32 to 22 per cent during the same period(see Table 13.2).
However, there was an overall decline in the numberof small towns (from 142 to 45), their share in the total
number of towns (from 67 to 26 per cent) and in urban
population (from 25 to 2 per cent) during 1961-2001.
This indicates that small towns may disappear from theurban topography of Andhra Pradesh in the coming years.
Table 13.3: Concentration of Population in UAs and Isolated Towns inAndhra Pradesh
Urban Agglomerations
Year

Towns (A)
No
%
2
3
4
1.9
4
1.7
15
7.1
37
21.4

1
1971
1981
1991
2001
Note

Populationin lakhs %
4
5
26.9
32.1
39.6
31.7
87.9
49.4
144.2
69.3

Isolated Towns
Towns
Population
No % in lakhs %67
8
9
203 98.5 57.1 67.9
230 98.3 85.3 68.3
198 92.9 85.4 50.6
136 86.4 63.9 30.7

: No - Nuber; A - Number of Towns characterized as Urban
Agglomerations; % - per cent of Towns and Population to total
number of Towns and total urban population.

Source :1. Census; 2. Sudhakar Reddy (2007)

The magnitude of urban population and its concentrationin big cities has its own repercussions in terms of regional
disparities and the quality of life of the people living inurban areas.
The level of urbanization varies across districts.
Hyderabad is 100 per cent urbanized followed by Ranga
Reddy1 (53.3 per cent) Visakhapatnam and Krishna (each30 per cent). In some districts like Srikakulam, Vizianagaram,
Prakasam, Mahabubnagar and Medak the share of urban
population is below 20 per cent. The decadal growth ofurban population in the state during 1991-2001 was 15
per cent. A few districts viz., Ranga Reddy, Adilabad,
Nalgonda and Chittoor have recorded a growth rate ofmore than 20 per cent. The increasing employment
opportunities in and around Hyderabad probably resulted
in the high growth rate in Ranga Reddy district(Ramachandriah, 2003). However, many districts haveshown a fall in the share of urban population during 19912001.
1

If ten municipalities which are a part of Hyderabad Urban Agglomeration

but located in Ranga Reddy district are excluded the level of urbanization inthis district would be very low.

Urban Challenges

Deurbanisation
The growth of urban population in a particular region
depends upon natural growth, net migration, emerging
new towns as well as dying / declassified old towns inthat region. It is observed that the natural growth of population(63 per cent) is the dominant source for growth of urban
population in Andhra Pradesh during 1981-91 followedby net migration (20 per cent) and the newly emerged
towns (18 per cent)2 .
It may be noted that there has been an increase inurban population over the last century. The total numberof towns increased till 1951 and started declining thereafter.
Small towns in the state are disappearing and contributing
to this kind of de-urbanisation (i.e. declining number oftowns).
When one examines the phenomenon of
deurbanisation at the town level for the period 19912001 in AP, it is observed that 82 individual towns3 witha population of around 15.6 lakh that existed in 1991
were declassified as they did not qualify under the urban
criterion4 in 2001. Many of them are small towns.
At the same time, around 100 new individual towns
with a population of 8.95 lakh were added in 2001. As amatter of fact many of these new towns became part ofgrowing urban agglomerations. Urban growth would havebeen much higher if the number of towns that were
declassified so far in each census could have continued
to be listed.
Very few towns (among those that existed both in1991 and 2001) have shown negative growth of population
but this does not indicate a process of deurbanisation
because many of these individual towns were part of cities
so that the movement of people from one (crowded) area
to another area within the city increases the populationof one individual town and while it declines in another.
2

The impact of declassification of towns is significant and negative where it

contributed to negative growth of one percent of urban growth.
3
In most of these towns there has not been a decline in population anddensity but there is a change in the structure of employment where the shareof primary sector increased.
4
Since 1961 there has been an objective criterion to classify a rural area asurban: when a village has more than 5000 population; the density of population
is more than 400 persons per sq km; and more than 75 per cent of maleworkers are engaged in non-agricultural activity.

175

13.2 Urban livelihood: Economy, Migration,
Employment and Poverty
It is said that urbanisation is a socio-economic outcomeof the process of economic development and industrial
growth5 . In fact urbanisation has been associated withindustrialization but manufacturing activity in urban premises
is a later trend6 . Towns evolved originally as market or
trading centres and have traditionally been known more
for their service sector activities than for industry. But
the industrial revolution changed the urban landscapewhere manufacturing activity became prominent. In
developing countries the service sector has tended to expand
as fast as industry. The process of urbanization is one ofmodernization, growth of industry, and promoting technology
and services. Therefore, cities are seen as engines of economic
growth, and social and human development.
13.2.a Urban Economy
Historically, in Andhra Pradesh, there were towns
with specialization in manufacturing, crafts, and thoseserving administrative purposes. During the colonial period,
the commercialization of agriculture and the increasing
trade in agricultural commodities led to the emergenceof some new towns especially in coastal Andhra Pradesh.
Also there was a process of deurbanisation because ofcolonial rule and the consequent deindustrialization, as
many towns with specialization in manufacturing activity
such as handlooms had disappeared from the urban
landscape of Andhra7 .
Urbanization in Andhra Pradesh was rapid especiallyduring the 1970s and 80s. The commercialization ofagriculture after the green revolution speeded the urbanization
process in the state. This took place on the one hand, aspart of the agricultural surplus moved to urban areas andmanufacturing activity; on the other, through trade in
agricultural commodities and inputs. The capital mobilised5

Trade, commerce and industry grew with the emergence of the mercantile

community. Numerous towns came up to serve non-agricultural activities.
Urban areas are basically trade/business centres, industrial towns and administrative
headquarters. Therefore, urban growth both in terms of population and economy

through agricultural surplus moved into agro-processing
and other industrial activities. The industrial structure of
the state in the 1960s and 70s was dominated by agrobased industries and the share of non-agro-based industries
increased later8.
Industrially backward Andhra Pradesh madeconsiderable progress in the 1970s and 80s through massive
central public sector investment in heavy and capital intensive
industries. The private sector also contributed. However,most of this industrial progress was concentrated in a
few pockets of Andhra Pradesh and more specifically inand around the cities. The growth of industry during the
1960s and early 1970s was more dispersed and thereby
led to an increase in the number of industrial towns. The
concentration of industrial activities in a few pockets fromthe late 1970s increased the process of urban agglomerationin 1980s.
Along with industrial activity, the service sector,
especially related to information and communication
technology is booming in urban Andhra Pradesh. However,most towns have become service oriented in the recent
past. According to the 2001 Census, of the total 173 towns
in Andhra Pradesh about 168 towns are predominantly
service towns as more than 40 per cent of their workforce
is engaged in the service/tertiary sector. Very few townsof Andhra Pradesh are predominantly industrial/
manufacturing towns.
The urban economy in the state is growing fast as
well as in India and contributing significantly to the state
as well as national income. According to an estimate, inAndhra Pradesh the contribution of the urban economy
is 41.8 per cent of the total net income of the state (DES,2006). By sectors, the contribution of the urban economy
in the state was about 4 per cent of the net income inagriculture, 40 per cent of industry / secondary and 61
per cent of service / tertiary sectors. Per capita income inthe urban economy in 2004-05 was Rs. 36,252 (in current
prices) which was 1.5 times higher than the state average(rural urban combined) of Rs. 23,807.

depends upon the growth of industry, trade and other services. Some urban
centres were known for their specializations in trade/business, industry andother services.

The urban scene of Andhra Pradesh was dominated by primary towns followed by industrial and service towns. Over time the per cent of industrial
towns increased indicating the shift in the economic base of towns. The

6

i. e. since Industrial Revolution.

7

Telugu-speaking region of the former Madras Presidency.

predominance of industry especially in cities indicates the concentration of
economic activities.

176

8

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

13.2.b Migration
Migration is an important factor contributing to urban
population growth and it has a bearing on the urban economy.
Both push factors like rural and agrarian distress, andpull factors like better employment opportunities encouragerural-urban migration. The class of migrants ranges fromthe severely poor to the large-scale industrialist and businessclass with plenty of capital. Accommodating these classesof migrants and providing basic amenities and infrastructure
for them is a serious challenge for urban local governments.
As per the 2001 Census, of the total population of
76.2 million in AP, 30 percent (i.e. 22.8 million) were
migrants. Around 7.26 million, or 30 per cent of the total
migrants in the state, are located in urban centres. The

Percent

Figure 13.1: Age Distribution (%) of Migrants in Urban AP, 2001
40

Migrants

30

Population

20
10
0

0-4

5-9

10-14 15-24

25-34 35-59

60+

Age Group

share of migrants in urban population (20.8 million) isaround 34.9 per cent. Of the total migrants in urban
Andhra Pradesh, 55.5 per cent came from within therespective districts and 36.9 per cent from other districtsof the state, and around 7 per cent from outside the state
but within India. It was observed that the proportion of
migrants to the total population in the urban sector varies
between cities and non-city urban areas where it was
higher for non-cities as compared to cities. It is also to
Figure 13.2: Percentage Distribution of Migrants in AP by
Reason for Migration in each Stream, 2001
80.0
60.0
40.0
20.0
0.0

Rural to Rural

Rural to Urban

Work
Education
Moved after Birth
OthersUrban Challenges

Urban to Rural
Business
Marriage
Moved with family

Urban to Urban

be noted that non-city urban areas attract migrants mostly
from within their respective districts whereas cities attract
migrants from other districts within the state and outsidestate.
The age distribution of migrants in comparison withthat of population indicates that the percentage of younger
age group was lower among migrants than in the populationand for older age groups it was vice versa. The per centof 35 to 59 year olds which is the most productive agegroup, was relatively higher among migrants as comparedto their share in total population (see Figure 13.1)
The streams of migration in Andhra Pradesh showthat about 53 per cent of the total migrants moved fromrural to rural, 5 per cent moved from urban to rural, 14
per cent from rural to urban and 10 per cent from urban
to urban, as per the 2001 Census (see Figure 13.2). The
net migration to urban areas from rural areas is 9 percent of the migrants. Marriage was the most common
reason for migration, and it was very high in rural torural migration, especially among women. Another significant
reason was ‘moved with family’ as the dependants (younger
and old age) in the family would follow the working memberof the family.
The work participation rate among migrants in Andhra
Pradesh was higher in total (52 per cent) and in urban
areas (39 per cent) than in the general population in 2001.
For 19 per cent of the urban migrants in the state work/
employment and business was the reason for migration.
13.2.c Employment
The structure of employment in urban areas shows
considerable heterogeneity. In rural areas, agriculture is
the major activity and many of the non-agricultural activities
are related to agriculture. Whereas, in the urban sector,
though non-agriculture is main source of livelihood, it
has multiple sub-activities. The organized workforce inurban areas is higher than in rural areas.
In Andhra Pradesh, of the total workforce of 40 million
in 2004-05, 8.6 million comprising 21.5 per cent werelocated in urban areas and the share of urban in total
workers had increased by two percentage points from
19.4 per cent in 1993-94 (see Figure 13.3). It may be
noticed that in AP the share of urban in the workforce islower than that of the population. The work participation

177

Figure 13.5: Share of Urban to Total Workers in each Industry
Category
1993-94
2004-05
90.0
80.0
70.0
60.0
50.0
40.0
30.0
20.0
10.0
0.0

Agrl
M&Q
Manf
Elect
Constrn
Trade
Transport
Finance
Com.Ser
Non - Agrl
All
Agrl
M&Q
Manf
Elect
Constrn
Trade
Transport
FinanceCom.ser
Non - Agrl
All

rate in urban AP increased from 37.5 per cent in 199394 to 39.2 per cent in 2004-05 which is higher than the
all-India average. The growth of the urban workforce between
1993-94 and 2004-05 in Andhra Pradesh was 1.87 percent which is lower than the growth of 3.82 per centbetween 1983 and 1993-94. In this respect the performanceof the urban sector in the state when compared to the
all-India average was better in the 1980s, but in the 1990s
the state lost its advantage. The growth of employment
at all-India level was 3.11 and 3.3 per cent respectively
for the two periods.

Andhra Pradesh

India

Figure 13.3: Work Participation Rate in Urban Sector
1993-94
2004-05

40
38
36
34
32

Andhra Pradesh

India

Of the total workforce in the urban sector in AP in
2004-05, about 90 per cent was concentrated in nonagricultural activities (84.6 per cent in 1993-94). Among
non-agricultural activities, trade (24.7 per cent), community
services (19.5 per cent), manufacturing (19.3 per cent),
transport (11.2 per cent), construction (8.9 per cent), andfinance (4.9 per cent) activities accounted for a significant
share of the urban workforce in the state in 2004-05 (seeFigure 13.4). When compared to the situation in 199394, while the share of the workforce in agriculture,community service and electricity sectors declined in 200405, this decline was compensated by an increase in theshare of all the other sectors. The urban workers in nonFigure 13.4: Percentage Distribution of Urban Workers by
Industry Category
1993-94
2004-05

Agrl
M&Q
Manf
Elect
Constrn
Trade
Transport
Finance
Com.Ser
Agrl
M&Q
Manf
Elect
Constrn
Trade
Transport
FinanceCom.ser

30.0
25.0
20.0
15.0
10.0
5.0
0.0

Andhra Pradesh

178

India

agricultural activities constituted about 46.6 per cent of
the total non-agricultural workers in the state in 200405, which had, in fact, declined from 49.3 in 1993-94.
Urban workers account for about 77 per cent of the total
workers engaged in financial activities in the state (200405). The share of urban workers is higher than their sharein total population in all industry categories except agriculture
and mining & quarrying (see Figure 13.5).
The employment structure in urban Andhra Pradesh
indicates that the share of the primary/agriculture sector
is shrinking and is being replaced by an increase in theshare of secondary and tertiary/service sectors (see Figure13.4). For instance, between 1993-94 and 2004-05 theshare of agriculture in total urban workforce in the state
declined from 16 to 10 per cent, whereas the share of
the secondary sector increased from 28.8 to 29.8 andthe tertiary sector has shown a 5.4 percentage point increase
from 54.8 to 60.2 per cent during this period. Within
non-agriculture, the growth of the workforce is higher inthe service sector (2.8 percentage points) than the secondary
sector (2.2 per cent) during the same period. The shareof manufacturing alone increased from 19 to 19.5 percent and the workforce in this sector grew at a rate of 2.1
per cent. These facts indicate that the dominance of theservice sector has been increasing in the urban economy.
Within the service sector, employment in informationand communication technology (ICT) related activities
has been growing fast in Andhra Pradesh. More than 90
per cent of the employment generated in this sector (ICT)is located in urban areas especially in big cities like Hyderabad
and Visakhapatnam.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

The quality of employment appears to be improving
in urban areas. In urban Andhra Pradesh, between 199394 and 2004-05, while the percentage of the self-employed
and regular salaried workers in the total workforce increased
from 40.1 to 44.5 per cent and 34.1 to 36.2 per centrespectively, there was a concomitant decline in thepercentage of casual labour from 25.3 to 19.3 per cent.
It must be noted that increasing self-employment may
not indicate an improvement in quality of employment
as it includes a whole gamut of activities from street vendors
and hawkers to well- established businessmen andshopkeepers. In fact the National Commission on Enterprises
in Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) has pointed out the adverse
conditions of the self-employed in the urban sector.
One of the pressing issues in the urban economy isunemployment, especially among the young and educated.
The unemployment rate of the urban labour force in Andhra
Pradesh was 4 per cent by usual status, 5.2 per cent incurrent weekly status (CWS) and 7.9 per cent in current
daily status (CDS) in 2004-05. A relatively higher rate of
employment in CWS and CDS when compared with usual
status indicates higher level of seasonal unemployment
in the state. The unemployment rate is even higher among
educated adults (See Table 5.4 in Chapter 5).
13.2.d Poverty and Inequality
As already pointed out, Andhra Pradesh is distinctive
among Indian states because the urban poverty ratio in
the state is higher than the rural ratio (see Chapter 4).
While the rural poverty ratio in the state is much lower
than the all-India average, urban poverty is much higher,
because the rate of decline in rural poverty was higher
than in urban poverty. While the rural poverty has declinedby 16 percentage points during the last two and half decades
from 27.31 per cent in 1983 to 11.20 per cent in 200405, urban poverty has declined by just 9.5 percentage
points from 37.49 to 28 per cent during the same period.
In comparison, urban poverty in India declined by 16.97
percentage points from 42.27 to 25.7 per cent in thisperiod. One of the many reasons for high urban povertyin AP could be the migration of the rural poor to the urban
areas.

Urban Challenges

In addition, the urban economy of Andhra Pradesh
also experienced growing economic inequalities. As
mentioned in an earlier chapter, the gini coefficient of
per capita consumption expenditure, especially in urban
areas, has been increasing during the last two and half
decades, which indicates adverse distribution (see Chapter4). It can be inferred that the increasing wealth in theurban economy is concentrated in certain sections andthat policy measures are not in place to correct thisaccumulation and promote trickle down benefits ofeconomic growth. It is also observed that due to the increase
in inequality, the decline in poverty levels had slowed
down, which otherwise would have been higher.

13.3. Human Development, Civic Amenities andEnvironment
One of the factors contributing to rapid urbanisationis the availability of better basic infrastructure in urban
areas when compared to rural areas. Because of thisadvantage, urbanisation is also seen as better economic
and human development. However, the rapid growth ofurbanization but without proper environmental safeguards
has been a cause of serious concern. The deterioratingurban environment is the cause of many health hazards
such as cancer, heart diseases, stress, etc. This deteriorationin environmental safeguards may reverse the process ofhuman development.
13.3.a Education and Health
The levels of education are higher in urban areas ingeneral and in Andhra Pradesh in particular, given theurban advantage in education infrastructure when comparedwith rural areas.
According to the 2001 Census, the urban literacy
rate in Andhra Pradesh was 76.4 per cent which waswell above the rural average in the state (55.5 per cent)but below the all-India urban average (80.1 per cent).
About 28.1 percent of the urban population in AP had
completed secondary education and above in 2004-05(NSS 61st round), whereas it was below 5 per cent in therural population. However, urban AP is lagging behind
the all-India average for urban population which was 30.2
per cent (see Figure 13.6).

179

Figure 13.6: Percentage Distribution of Urban Population by
Education Levels
1993-94

40.0
35.0
30.0
25.0
20.0
15.0
10.0
5.0
0.0

Andhra Pradesh

Post Secondary

Secondary

MiddlePrimary

BelowPrimary

Literate w/o Fs

Illiterate

Post Secondary

MiddleSecondaryPrimary

BelowPrimary

Illiterate

Literate w/o Fs

2004-05

India

It is observed that though the performance of urban
Andhra Pradesh in terms of education is relatively better
than rural areas in the state, it has been relatively poor
when compared with many other Indian states especiallyin south India, as well as the all-India average. In fact theperformance of AP is only just better than the most backward
states in India like Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan.
The positive aspect of urban educational infrastructureis that physical access to schools is easier as schools arewithin the neighbourhood and have a number of students
from their vicinity. School infrastructure may be optimallyutilized as they have enough students. But there are negative
aspects also in many urban schools. These are: overcrowding,high teacher-pupil ratio, bad condition of school buildings,
absenteeism of teachers etc. especially in government
schools. In addition, there is increasing privatization ofschools. The consequence is the increasing cost of schooling.
According to District Information on School Education(DISE) more than 50 per cent of schools and 60 per centof the enrolment at the elementary level are in the private
sector in urban Andhra Pradesh.
When it comes to health, the performance of Andhra
Pradesh in general is lagging behind although it is doing
well in terms of a few demographic indicators such as
fertility decline and therefore decline in population growth.
According to NFHS III (2005-06), the total fertility rate
(TFR) of urban Andhra Pradesh is 1.73 which is less thanthat of India (2.07).
The state is better than the all-India average in termsof infant mortality rate, antenatal care and institutionaldeliveries. The IMR of urban Andhra Pradesh in 200506 was 33, well below that of rural Andhra Pradesh (64)180

and urban India (42). Around 98 per cent of pregnant
women had antenatal care in the urban areas of AP whereas
it was 91 per cent in urban India. While the percentage
of institutional deliveries was 85 per cent in urban AP, it
was 69 per cent in urban India. In terms of the nutritional
status of children, about 29.1 per cent of children below
3 years were found to be underweight in urban AP; forurban India it was higher at 36.4 per cent. About 72.0
per cent of urban children in AP are anaemic whereas it
was a little higher in India (72.7 per cent). Nevertheless,the performance of urban AP in these indicators is relatively
poor when compared to the south Indian states.
Though the urban population has an advantage inhealth care because of higher awareness, greater accessto health facilities and advanced medical technology, thedisease profile of urban areas and prevalence rate is ashigh as in rural areas. Some of the more common tropicaldiseases are more prevalent in urban areas. Further, thechanging nature of urban lifestyle itself leads to a new
set of illnesses among the urban population. The spreadof new variants of diseases like chickungunya and epidemics
such as HIV/AIDS are mostly concentrated in urban areasof Andhra Pradesh.
The access to health care facilities is relatively betterin urban areas when compared to rural areas in generaland in Andhra Pradesh in particular. Though urban areas
have more health care facilities in both the public andprivate sectors, most are secondary and tertiary level healthcare facilities. In urban Andhra Pradesh corporate hospitals
and privatization of health care are increasing rapidly
which in turn are increasing the cost of health care. Thishas far-reaching implications on household budgets,
especially of the poor, in the state. Moreover, urban areas
do not have primary level health facilities like rural primary
health centre (PHCs).
13.3.b Housing
Shelter is the most important basic human need alongwith food and clothing. Housing has become very expensive
for the urban poor in particular and middle classes ingeneral. The soaring price of land with the effect of thereal estate boom recently has severely affected the capabilityof urban residents to obtain shelter. Housing is a nightmare

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

for the urban poor, and soaring rents reduce the affordabilityof decent housing. Many therefore live in over- crowded
housing.
According to the Census 2001, 1.64 lakh people
are houseless in Andhra Pradesh. About 0.67 lakh, or
40.7 per cent, are located in urban areas. Clearly, theincidence of people without shelter in urban areas is morethan their share in the total population of the state.
Of 16.8 million households in the state, 4.2 million
are located in urban areas. About 68 thousand, comprising
2 per cent of the total urban households did not haveeven one room and about 1.47 million comprising 35
per cent of the total urban households were living in asingle room house. Most of these households had morethan three members. About 90 thousand households lived
in dilapidated houses (Census, 2001). It is observed that
only 8 per cent of the total beneficiaries of different housing
schemes of the Government of Andhra Pradesh were fromurban areas, a pointer to the neglect of housing for theurban poor.
Moreover, safety and security concerns of urban life
are important. Three major threats to the safety and securityof urban areas, especially cities, are crime and violence;
insecurity of tenure and forced evictions; and natural andhuman-made disasters.
13.3.c Urban Water Supply
One of the basic amenities urban people are deprivedof is access to water, especially drinking water. The present
condition of water supply in almost all the municipalities
in the state is below the national standard. Water shortageis as high as 75-100 per cent in 9 municipalities, between
50-75 per cent in 24 municipalities, between 25-50 per
cent in 26 municipalities and below 25 per cent in 32
municipalities. There is no deficit only in 12 municipalities
although the distribution systems need immediate upgradation(Reddy and Behra, 2003). According to CPCB (2000),out of the 32 class I cities, 25 have less than 100 lpcd
(litres per capita per day), 6 between 100-200 lpcd andone between 200-300 lpcd in Andhra Pradesh. The pictureof per capita water supply is similar in class II towns. In
the 30 of 34 towns, the water supplied is less than 100

Urban Challenges

lpcd and between 100-200 lpcd in 4. Moreover treatment
of sewerage is totally inadequate, as most of the towns
do not have proper underground sewerage systems. Again
most of the sewerage flows into open drains causing
groundwater pollution. In Hyderabad city where the watersupply is 670 MLD and the estimated sewage is 536 MLD
only 25 per cent is treated.
13.3.d Industrial Pollution
The increasing number of extremely polluted industrial
areas like Patancheru, Bolaram, Katedan, Azambad etc.
in and around Hyderabad and some in Vishakapatnam
and Vijayawada are a negative offshoot of industrial growthin the state especially during the last few decades. Amongthe different industries fertilizers, pharmaceuticals, bulk
drugs, pesticides, dye and dye intermediaries, textiles,
paper and pulp and sugar are highly polluting, and cause
air and water pollution.
About 173
units were identified as polluting
industries in thestate (as on 31-122002). Of these 29
were closed and
144 have thefacilities to comply
with the standards.
A large number ofhighly polluting
industries discharge
their effluents intorivers and lakes andcoastal waters.
Some studies havenoted that anthrop-ogenic matter such as industrial effluentsand domestic sewage has resulted in a deteriora-tion ofwater quality, causing mass mortality of fish. Of the sixty
such industries in Andhra Pradesh, 18 units were closed
and the others now have the requisite facilities for treatment
or disposal (MoEF, 2002-03). About 60 per cent of theindustries are classified as red (having effluent treatment
facilities) but the percentage is lower in both green andorange industries in the state.

18113.3.e Solid and Hazardous Wastes
Disposal of solid and hazardous waste is becoming
an environmental problem. In Andhra Pradesh 32 ClassI cities generate solid wastes of about 3943 MT/day (Metricton per day) of which only 285 MT/Day are treated. The
per capita solid waste generated in Class I Cities is 0.364
kg/day (CPCB, 2000). The physical composition of solid
waste shows that 61 per cent is ash and fines, 34 can becomposted and the remainder is paper, plastic, glass, textiles
etc. More than fifty percent of the solid waste generated
in the state is accounted for by Hyderabad. About eighty
per cent of the waste is lifted on a regular basis but only
40 per cent is sent for composting or manure pits (APPCB,
2000).
The major hazardous waste generating industries
include petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals, cement, paintand dye, pesticides, petroleum, fertilizers, asbestos, inorganic
chemicals and general engineering industries. According
to one estimate, about 6878 metric tonnes of hazardous
wastes are generated in the state, of which only 51 percent is recyclable. More than 60 per cent of the hazardous
waste is generated in Medak and Ranga Reddy districts.
There are no illegal9 dumpsites in twelve states and four
union territories in India whereas Andhra Pradesh is at
the top with 42 illegal hazardous waste dumpsites followedby Karnataka with 18 illegal sites (MoEF, 2006).
13.3.f Air Pollution
Air pollution generated by human activities has beena cause of concern in urban and industrial areas in thestate. The common pollutants are sulphur dioxide (SO2),
nitrogen oxides (NOx), suspended particulate matter (SPM),
hydrocarbons (HCs), carbon monoxide (CO), lead (Pb)etc. Vehicular pollution is the major source of air pollution
in the state. The number of registered vehicles increased
from 3.3 million to 5.4 million between 1998 and 2004.
About 82 per cent of the total vehicles registered in thestate in 1998-99 were two wheelers which had marginallydeclined to 79 per cent by 2003-04. But the number offour wheelers increased slightly during the same period.
As per the directives of the Supreme Court all the State Pollution Control
Boards are required to carry out an inventory of hazardous waste dumpsites
9and are required to make an assessment with regard to the extent of soil andground water contamination in and around such dumpsites.

182

In Hyderabad city the annual average values of major
pollutants like SO2, NOx and RSPM all show an upward
trend especially since 2001. Noise pollution, which is asevere health hazard, is often neglected. The main sourcesof noise pollution are heavy traffic and commercial areasin the city. The levels of noise pollution assessed in different
parts of the city are found to be 15 to 20 decibels above
the normal limit. In commercial areas the noise level ranges
from 64.8 to 78.9 decibels, whereas in residential areas
it ranges from 61.5 to 83.8 decibels. In industrial areas,
the noise level ranges from 59.2 to 67.2 decibels (Reddy
and Behra, 2003).

13.4 Slums: The Underprivileged
Slums are an integral part of urban India. Poor
households, poor quality shelter, inadequate water supply,
unsanitary conditions and high incidence of sickness arecharacteristics of slums. Andhra Pradesh has the maximum
number of cities/towns (77) reporting slums among all
the states in India. The NSS report on Conditions of Urban
Slums 2002 notes that Andhra Pradesh accounted for14.9 per cent of the slums in India and the state is ranked
third after Maharashtra (32.2 per cent) and West Bengal(15.7 per cent). As per the 2001 Census there are about
5.2 million people (25 per cent of the urban population)living in slums in Andhra Pradesh. The percentage ofslum population to total population ranges from less than
2 per cent in Mahabubnagar and Srikakulam to 16.85
per cent in Hyderabad and 15.66 per cent in Ranga Reddy.
The percentage of slum population to total urban populationis very high in most districts in Telangana and Rayalseema
and in a few districts in Coastal Andhra. In some districts,
though the level of urbanization is relatively low, aconsiderable proportion of the urban population is living
in slums.
Urban localities which are notified as slums by
respective municipalities, corporation or local bodies are
termed as notified slums whereas a not-notified slum is
a compact area with a collection of poorly built tenements,
mostly of temporary nature, crowded together withinadequate sanitary and drinking water facilities, in unhygienic
conditions, if at least 20 households live in that area (NSSO,
2002). About 85 per cent of the slum households areliving in notified slums in the state. The density in notified

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

slums is higher than in slums that are not notified. On an
average 205 households live in notified slums as against
112 households in not-notified slums.
In Andhra Pradesh, 82.7 per cent are notified slums
as compared to 50.6 per cent at the all-India level. The
majority of slum households live on public lands (about
60 and 71 per cent of the notified and not- notified slums
respectively). Deprivation of basic amenities is very highespecially in the slums that are not notified. For example,
while 87 per cent of the notified slums have access to
tap water only 46 percent of the non-notified slums havethis facility. Water logging is a major problem in slums
when it rains (37 and 69 per cent of the notified and notnotified slums are affected in the state). The sanitary conditions
are very poor in slums, especially those which are notnotified. While as many as 68 per cent of the not-notified
slums do not have any latrine facilities, the corresponding
figure is 10 per cent for notified slums. Similarly morethan 60 per cent of the slums do not have any drainage
facilities (NSSO, 2002).

to be the capital of Andhra Pradesh since its formationin 1956 12 . As a capital it was not only a centre ofadministration but also for trade and business activities.
Though located in a landlocked region of the sub-continent,
the city was well connected with the world outside throughthe port of Machilipatnam which was developed as amaritime gateway to the Deccan and Golconda. The roadconnecting Hyderabad with Machilipatnam linked thecity to the coast and thereby the global market throughmaritime trade. This link and trade activity contributed
to the prosperity of the region and the city for several
centuries (Baru, 2007).

13.5 Hyderabad: The Emerging Cyber City
With a population of 7 million, Hyderabad is thecapital city of the state of Andhra Pradesh and home to anumber of prestigious institutions, such as the Indian Schoolof Business (ISB), and key Indian public sector and defense
enterprises. The city is also home to many major Indian
pharmaceutical and biotechnology companies10 . A numberof multinational companies (MNCs) have set up key
operations in Hyderabad11. There are good employment
opportunities especially for the educated in and around
Hyderabad in a broad range of fields, including IT, ITES,
biotechnology, pharmaceuticals, textiles, food processing,safety and security, and defense. Hyderabad is well connectednationally and internationally with an international airport.
The city of Hyderabad was founded on the banks of
the river Musi in 1591 by Sultan Mohammed Quli Qutub
Shah with an area of 1.2 sq Km. The city of Hyderabad
has the rare distinction of having been the capital of anumber of ruling monarchs since its foundation and continues
10

including Dr. Reddy Labs, Shanta Biotech, Aurobindo Biotech, and Bharat Biotech.

11

such as Microsoft’s India Development Center and Google’s India Center etc.

12

It was the capital of the Nizam’s state of Hyderabad and its predecessor kingdom of Golconda.

Urban Challenges

The city of Hyderabad had thus been a global tradecentre for a long time and continued its global statusespecially in the era of information and communication
technology revolution in the recent past. Hyderabad is
one of the most favoured destinations for IT companies,
both Indian and foreign. With the establishment of the
Hi-tech city, Hyderabad has also got the tag of Cyberabad.
As per the 2001 Census the city of Hyderabad has apopulation of around 5.7 million which increased by 32.2
per cent during the last decade from 4.5 million in 1991.
The city comprises an urban agglomeration (UA) which
consists of the Municipal Corporation of Hyderabad (MCH),
ten surrounding municipal towns, Secunderabad
Cantonment, Osmania University, four census towns andsome outgrowth, which include rural settlements with a
total area of 778 sq. Kms. Much of the spatial expansion
in the last two decades in the Hyderabad Urban Agglomeration(HUA) has occurred in the surrounding municipalities.
These towns recorded a high growth rate of 71 per cent183

Table 13.3: Inter-district Urban in-migrants to HyderabadRangareddy Districts, 2001
Sno
Region/Zone
Percent
3
1
2
1
North Telangana
12.8
2South Telangana
38.4
3
North Coastal Andhra
3.5
4
5
6
7

Note

Godavari-Krishna Delta
South Coastal Andhra
Rayalaseema
Unclassified
Total

25.1
5.5
6.4
8.4
100

: 1. South Coast – Nellore and Prakasam; GK Delta – East&West
Godavari, Krishna and Guntur.

Source : Census of India.

13

The MCH and its surrounding municipalities have now been constituted
into a single entity, Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC) witheffect from April 2007.

184

OthersMovedwith family

Moved after
Birth

40.0
35.0
30.0
25.0
20.0
15.0
10.0
5.0
0.0

Marriage

Given its advantages of being a global trade/businesscentre Hyderabad attracts a wide variety of migrants (frompoor casual labourer to well established capitalists,industrialists and businessmen) not only from other partsof the state but also other states of India and abroad.
About 1.4 million persons comprising 25 per cent of thetotal population of the Hyderabad UA in 2001, are migrants
to the city.

Education

Figure 13.7: Distribution (%) of Migrants in
HUA by Reason, 2001

13.5.1 Migration

Business

Hyderabad, has recorded a high growth rate of
population after becoming the capital of the integrated
state of Andhra Pradesh in 1956, and especially since1971. Since the erstwhile MCH area was already crowded
much of the growth since 1981 has occurred in the suburban
municipalities.

Although it is not possible to derive directly regionwise details of migration to Hyderabad city from any sourceof data, an attempt is made through an indirect method(see Table 13.3). According to the Census 2001 five south
Telangana (38.4 per cent) and four Godavari-Krishna Delta(25.1) districts are major contributors to inter-district urban
in-migrants to Hydrabad and Rangareddy districts (thatis, Hyderabad city). Of the total migrants, about 27.6 percent stated that the reason for migration was work/
employment or business. Another major reason was ‘moved
with family’ and ‘moved after birth’. The dependent membersof the migrant families may have to move along with thefamily. Marriage was yet another major reason for migration(see Figure 13.7).

Work emp

in the nineties as compared to only 18.7 in the core city(i.e. MCH). Several of these towns have been growing athigh rates from the eighties onwards. Together, their shareof population in the HUA has increased from about 23
to 30 per cent while there has been a corresponding decline
in that of MCH. The core city (MCH) has a very highpopulation density. The only other high density zone is
Gaddiannaram which is the smallest municipal town inAndhra Pradesh13 (Ramachandraiah, 2003).

13.5.2 Education in Hyderabad
The city of Hyderabad is not only a place of work
but also a place of learning and a centre for many educational
institutions ranging from lower to higher levels, offering
a wide variety of courses in general, technical and vocational
streams both in the public and private sectors. Many ofthe educational institutions in the city are serving not
only the students from the city but also students comingfrom other parts of the state as well as from the rest ofIndia.
Nevertheless, elementary education is the mostimportant and a fundamental right of every child whether
living in urban or rural areas. It is observed that the school
attendance rate among 5 or 6 to 14 years age group children
is relatively higher in urban areas when compared withrural children. But the attendance rate in Hyderabad city
was relatively lower than many other urban centres inthe state. Though there is no data at the city level to support

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

this statement, we can compare attendance rate of urban
children of Hyderabad and Rangareddy districts with thatof the other districts in the state. Based on the 2001 Census
data, the attendance rate in Hyderabad district was 79.2
per cent and for Rangareddy district urban area was 78.5
per cent. These are lower than the attendance rate among
the urban children (81.6 per cent) of the most backward
district in the state, Mahabubnagar.
Conditions of Government Schools
There are 820 government schools in the city. Of
these 267 schools have their own buildings and 211 arefunctioning in rented buildings. A large number (342)
are operating in the community hall, most of them aresingle room structures built in slum areas. They haveneither proper lighting nor ventilation, and no drinking
water and toilet facilities. It is common in these localities
for students of all the elementary classes to sit in a singleroom hall in cramped conditions. These schools get
undeclared holidays whenever there is any cultural activity
in the locality. Parents in these localities who have some
capacity to pay school fees send their children to nearby
private schools14 .
A survey conducted in 2004 by a non-governmentalorganization of 391 schools serving around 68 thousand
students in the Old City15 , found that about 69 per centof students dropped out in 2002-03; 410 teacher posts
were remaining vacant; 259 schools had no drinking water
facility; 270 schools did not have electricity; 121 had no
toilets; 174 were functioning in rented buildings; 137
buildings were not in good condition; and most of thoseschools had only two rooms.
13.5.3 Health Care in Hyderabadof health care facilities particularly in the private sector
is a cause for concern because of the increasing burdenof health care expenditure on individual households,
especially the poor. Another disadvantage is the inadequacyof primary health centres in the city.
Disease Profile in Hyderabad
A study16 based on the information17 collected for
34 diseases from the Fever Hospital which is a major
referral hospital for infectious diseases for the poor andlow-income families in the city shows that the numberof in-patients has been more than 11,000 every year, with
the number going up to 15,703 in 2005. A positive featureis the lower number of deaths over the last five years,
though the number has not fallen below 100.
Of the 34 diseases, 14 diseases are the major causesof morbidity and mortality. Some of these are diarrhea,
malaria, enteric fever and viral pyrexia/fever, which accountfor more than 90 per cent of the morbidity cases and an
even higher share of deaths. Diarrhea and viral pyrexia/
fever are the two major causes of hospitalization of thepoor in the city. It may be noted that both these diseases
are related to lack of clean drinking water, poor sanitationand low resistance. Though the number of cases of rabies
and tetanus are fewer, the diseases are fatal, accounting
for over half of all deaths. 2005 seems to have been avery bad year with a very high number of hospitalization
cases. Diphtheria is known to have been controlled throughimmunization but has resurfaced and the number of cases
is increasing each year, and had crossed 800 (the highest
in five years) in the first nine months of 2006. After tetanus
and rabies, diphtheria is the third important cause of mortality
followed by diarrhea.

Hyderabad as the capital city has an advantage inhealth and medical care facilities. Health care facilities
in the city, particularly the large number of secondary
and tertiary level hospitals, serve not only the people
living in and around the city but also people from more
remote parts Andhra Pradesh. But the rapid expansion

To get an overview of the types of diseases prevailing in Hyderabad,
information was collected for 34 diseases from the Ronald Ross Institute ofTropical Diseases, popularly known as the Fever Hospital, in the city. It is a“Government Schools these?”, Andhrajyothy, Telugu Daily, Hyderabad, 24

major referral hospital for infectious diseases for the poor and low-income
people. The patients thus hail from areas beyond the MCH also. The information
has been collected for five years from 2001 to September 2006 in addition to

14

May 2006.
15

PUCAR – Peoples Union for Civic Action and Rights, Hyderabad.

Urban Challenges

16

Sheela Prasad and C. Ramachandraiah (2007) “Health Services and Disease

Profile of Hyderabad City: A Pilot Study” a report submitted to the Federal
Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF), Germany.
17

monthly data for 2005 and 2006. The data pertains to the number of inpatients (cases) and morbidity.

185

The number of out-patients visiting the hospital has
also been continuously increasing with 2005 recording
the highest number. What is disturbing is that even while
the number of new patients is rising, the number of visitsby the old patients (repeated visits) is also increasing.
This indicates that even if the patients are not admitted
to the hospital, they are not becoming free from healthproblems and are thus forced to visit the hospital frequently.
The disease pattern thus indicates the inadequate provisionof clean drinking water and environmental sanitation in
the slums of the Hyderabad city.
13.5.4 Basic Amenities in Hyderabad
One of the pull factors in urban migration is better
infrastructure and other civic amenities. Similarly, Hyderabad
as the capital city has an advantage in infrastructure andcivic amenities. However, the kind of urbanization in thestate that is regionally unbalanced and disproportionately
tilted to large metropolis has over-strained the resourcebase in cities, especially in Hyderabad.
With the effect of the real estate boom and consequentsoaring prices of land, housing and house rents, theaffordability of housing has been affected for the middle
class and lower income households. The increasing influxof migrants and floating population along with inadequate
road infrastructure and (public) transport system in addition
to the increasing number of private vehicles has worsened
traffic problems.
With respect to water supply, the situation has improved
now with the availability of water from the river Krishna,
as compared to 10-15 years ago. Nevertheless per capita
water consumption in Hyderabad is lower than in manyother cities in India. This could be attributed to inadequate

186

water supply. Though there has been an improvement indrainage and garbage clearance and solid waste management,
it is inadequate given the ever-increasing population in
the city.

13.6 Conclusions
Urbanisation is a natural consequence of the processof industrialization and rapid population growth. While
population growth acts as a push factor for sending people
out of rural areas to ease pressure on land, the industrialization
process pulls them by providing employment opportunities
and better infrastructure and service facilities in the urban
centres. Although urbanization is considered an inevitablepart of development, it has its own challenges too. The
uneven distribution of urban population which isconcentrated more in cities by-passing small and medium
towns overstrains the resource base of the cities. The
small and medium towns are neglected. This is affecting
the quality of urban life.
Andhra Pradesh is one of the major Indian states inwhich more than one-fourth of the population lives inurban areas. However, the contribution of the state tototal urban population in the country has shown a declining
trend. The urban process in Andhra Pradesh is leaning
towards metropolitan centres leading to unbalanced regional
urbanization.
Though the performance of the urban sector is relatively better than the rural sector in the state, its performance is relatively poor when compared with the urban
sector of many other states and the all-India average. Poverty
and inequality levels in the urban sector in the state are
relatively higher when compared with the rural sector,
as well as in comparison to all-India levels.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Conclusions and Policy Implications

CHAPTER XIV

14

The Way Forward

his chapter recapitulates the main findings
and discusses policy implications for
improving human development inAndhra Pradesh. As mentioned in the introductory chapter,
A.P. is unique in several respects. Some of these uniquefeatures are: its history of social movements; it was oneof the few states which adopted the green revolution;
development of participatory institutions including selfhelp groups; its remarkable progress in technical education;
its innovative poverty alleviation strategies; its distinctive
demographic experience, and the state was at the forefrontin economic reforms. The experience of Andhra Pradeshwith these unique features raises several far-reaching issues
on the strategies to be followed in improving humandevelopment.

T

The progress of the state in humandevelopment is impressive. But there
are significant divides in the progressregional, Rural-Urban, Social, Genderand Child. In some areas there is signsof improvements while in some,the divides are sharp and continue persist.
There are strong social, economic,
and political reasons for raising humandevelopment following inclusive
growth approach.

One of the conclusions of the report is that there
has been a ‘turnaround’ in economic growth and fiscal
performance of A.P. in recent years. However, growth
has to be broad-based and benefit all sections of society.
In other words, the focus should be on ‘inclusive growth’
as there is still a considerable degree of poverty, inadequate
human development, problems in agriculture, insufficientquantity and quality of employment , significant regional,social and gender disparities and problems in delivery
systems. There has been considerable progress in A.P. in
all these components of inclusive growth but this has
not been sufficient for achieving broad-based and equitabledevelopment.
The outcomes on human development in a state
depend on historical factors, macro policies of the Central

The Way forward

187

Government, policies of the State Government including
budget allocations and effective governance.
There have been several social movements in A.P.
such as women’s movements, dalit movements, tribal
movements, agrarian and farmers’ movements, regional
identity movements and human rights movements. All
these movements are aimed at acquiring due spaces fordifferent sections of the population and regions whichhave been denied their due spaces historically in theeconomy, society and polity in the development process.
As shown in Chapter 3, these movements have had apositive impact on women and marginalized sections.
However, there were no important social movements toimprove health and education in A.P. In this respect, Kerala
and Tamil Nadu score over A.P. This could be partly
responsible for the lower levels of human development
in A.P. as compared to the other southern states.

have improved in recent years. In the 1990s, the fiscal
situation has deteriorated in the Central and State
governments. Andhra Pradesh was not an exception tothis. The Report on Currency and Finance 2000/01 of
RBI had warned about the deteriorating performance. It
said, “the low and declining buoyancies in both the tax
and non-tax receipts, constraints on internal resource
mobilization due to losses incurred by state PSUs, electricity
boards and decelerating resource transfers from the Centre
have resulted in the rising fiscal deficits of State
Governments, with an accompanying surge in theoutstanding stock of debt” (p.34). Fortunately, the fiscal
situation has improved in recent years in the states. Thereseems to have been a turnaround in the total revenue ofA.P. in recent years. It increased from 12 to 14 per centof GSDP in the late 1990s to 15 and 17.3 per cent in
2005-06 and 2006-07 respectively. This gives anopportunity to spend more on infrastructure and the social
sector.

The introductory chapter has pointed out some of
the adverse impacts of the macro policies of the Central
Government on employment and human developmentin the 1990s. There was an increasing feeling that only
few sections of the population such as the rich and the
middle class, particularly in urban areas, the corporate
sector, foreign institutional investors and the IT sector
have benefited from economic reforms. Fortunately, theseissues of social exclusion are being discussed bypoliticians, bureaucracy, policy makers and civil society.
The Common Minimum Programme of the UPA
government at the Centre also stressed, among other things,
the need to focus on agriculture, rural development,
employment and social sector. There is some degree ofconsensus now that the benefits of growth should be sharedby all sections of society rather than being limited to afew categories of the population. The 11th Five Year Planalso lays stress on faster and more inclusive growth tobridge the divide. Financial allocations to education havebeen doubled in the 11th Five Year Plan as compared to
the 10th Five Year Plan. These are positive developments
and should improve human development in several states.

14.1. Bridging the Divides

Similarly, there have been positive developments in
A.P. in the first half of this decade as compared to the1990s. Economic growth and the fiscal situation in A.P.

One of the conclusions of this report is that divides
in the economy and society in A.P. are significant. In
some areas there are signs of improvement while in some

188

It is, however, known that allocation of funds is notenough and we have to examine how efficiently the funds
are being utilized and what proportion of these funds
are reaching the intended beneficiaries particularly thepoor. In this context, decentralized governance andinstitutions become important for efficient delivery systems
to improve human development. As elaborated below,
there is a need for synergy between parallel institutions
and Panchayati Raj Institutions for better governance.
To conclude, the macro environment in terms ofgrowth and fiscal situation at both the Centre and thestate level are much better now than before. There isalso greater awareness now about improving delivery
services through better governance. Andhra Pradesh shouldmake use of these favourable developments to improve
human development in the state.
Based on the analysis in this report, conclusions
and policy implications for enhancing human development
in A.P. are given below.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

other areas the divides are widening. Bridging these divides
should be one of the priority areas for A.P. Government.
14.1.1. Regional Disparities
Regional disparities in economic and social
development are the most glaring among the divides.
Some districts and mandals have benefited from the ongoing growth process while some are untouched by change
and have seen little improvement in economic and social
conditions. It may be noted, however, that each region
in the State has its own problems. Telangana (more in
South), North Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema are more
backward. South Coastal Andhra has its own problems.
A comparison of levels of human development index
in the early years of this decade shows that 11 districts
recorded lower levels of human development as comparedto the index value of the state. Of these 11 districts, five
(Warangal, Nizamabad, Adilabad, Nalgonda and
Mahabubnagar) are from Telangana, three (Kadapa,
Kurnool, Anantapur) are from Rayalaseema and three(Srikakulam, Vizianagaram and Prakasam) are from Northand South Coastal Andhra Pradesh. Most of the South
Coastal A.P. districts showed above average humandevelopment in the state. In Telangana, districts like
Hyderabad, Rangareddy, Karimnagar, Khammam andMedak reorded higher levels of human development ascompared to the state average.
Analysis at the mandal level shows that in 60 per
cent of the mandals in Telangana female literacy was lessthan 40 per cent while this was so only in 23 per cent of
mandals in Coastal Andhra and 33 per cent of mandals
in Rayalaseema. In the case of women and childdevelopment, Coastal Andhra had high Gender
Empowerment Measure and Child Development Index,
followed by Telangana. However, Rayalaseema has thelowest gender empowerment and child development
indices among all the regions.
The disparities seem to be declining in economic
growth and education but the divide between backward
districts and developed districts is considerable. We havehighlighted the regional disparities in the chapters of thereport. With regard to the index of infrastructure at the
district level the majority of the districts which are below

The Way forward

the state average fall in Telangana, Rayalaseema and North
Coastal Andhra. The government has been making efforts
to reduce regional disparities.
There is a need to invest in infrastructure and social
sector and develop institutions for better delivery systems
in backward regions.
First, investment should be increased in less developed
regions for higher growth and human development. Public
investment is crucial for raising physical (irrigation, power,roads etc.) and human (health and education) infrastructure.
Resources have to be devoted for infrastructure from central
assistance including externally aided projects and own
state resources. The role of the state government isimportant in allocating more resources for less developed
states. The approach should be more pro-poor in the
allocation of resources for different areas in the state.
Since private investment is becoming more important in
the post-reform period, the government should also act
as a facilitator for raising private investment. Private
investment will improve if physical infrastructure andskilled labour are available.
Second, problems of the agricultural sector have to
be solved in backward areas. There is also the challenge
of involving small and marginal farmers in diversification.
Investment in irrigation and watershed development areimportant particularly for dryland areas. Similarly, credit,
research and extension have to be improved in backward
regions. Agro-processing activities have to be initiatedin less developed regions. In order to reduce regional
disparities in agriculture, a regionally diversified strategy
has to be followed.
Third, technology plays an important role in reducing
disparities in both agriculture and industry. The green
revolution technology benefited small farmers also.
Similarly, bio-technology, information technology and othernew technologies can reduce regional disparities. With
the spread of education and decentralisation of governance,
IT can become a powerful tool in the hands of the people
at large for their socio-economic betterment and overall
empowerment.
Fourth, more effort is needed to generate productive
employment in low income regions. Development of189

agriculture and the rural non-farm sector will improve
employment and wages in rural areas. Direct employment
programmes such as wage and self-employment schemes
have to be effectively implemented in less developed areas.
There is a need to focus on youth employment also.
Fifth, social sector performance and social inclusion
should be improved. In social sectors like health andeducation, insufficient allocations, especially in the postreform period, poor quality of services, inadequate accessfor the poorer sections and lack of accountability of thesystems to the community have emerged as major problem
areas. Improvement in health and education in backward
regions would improve economic growth and humandevelopment.
Sixth, to improve accountability and development,
there is a need to devolve more finances, functions andpowers to panchayats in order to make these institutions
self-sustaining. Governance has to be improved in lessdeveloped regions.
14.1.2. Rural-urban divide
The other important disparity is the rural-urban
disparity. Of course inter-regional disparities are related
to these divides. Development and the quality of life are
improving more rapidly in urban areas than in rural areas.
This is partly due to the poor performance of agriculturein the state. On the one hand, the growth of GSDPin A.P.
is more than 7 per cent. On the other hand, the share of
agriculture in GSDP has dropped below 20 per cent without
any appreciable shift in the proportion of population still
dependent on agriculture for livelihood. This has resulted
in a large disparity in output per worker between ruraland urban areas and the relative impoverishment of rural
areas. The government has to take necessary steps to bridge
the rural-urban divide. Basically, agriculture and the rural
non-farm sector have to be developed further. The former
President of India Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam has advocatedimplementation of the scheme ‘PURA’ –Providing Urban
Amenities in Rural Areas. ‘PURA’ is a scheme to enhancephysical, economic, knowledge, societal and electronic
connectivity in rural areas. This scheme should be taken
up seriously in A.P. Generally, the performance of many
basic services like drinking water, health, education,
sanitation, electricity, transport are weak in rural areas.

190

14.1.3. Gender Divide
There are significant disparities in socio-economic
development between men and women in the state.
However, as compared to all-India, the higher sex ratio,
the total fertility rate, the higher proportion of institutionaldeliveries, lower infant mortality, lower disparities in malefemale infant mortality rates and the lower maternalmortality ratio in A.P. indicate that the social neglect ofwomen and girls is less pronounced in A.P. Social
movements relating to women’s empowerment could havebeen partly responsible for the relatively better situationin A.P. But the situation in A.P. is poorer than in theother South Indian states. Though female work
participation rates are lower than for males, the state has
the highest rate among all the states in India. Most of thewomen workers are concentrated in activities which are
unorganized, informal, seasonal, insecure, menial andpoorly paid. Further, the status of women with regard tosocial empowerment reflected through politicalparticipation and violence is lower than in other states.
It is true that the self-help group movement in A.P. has
improved social empowerment of women. There is a need,however, to improve economic, political and social
empowerment and education and health indicators of
women in the state.
14.1.4. Problems Relating to Children
Apart from the education and health related problems(to be discussed below), the state faces two problems
relating to children. One pressing problem relates to childlabour. A number of programmes involving both the statemachinery and civil society were initiated in A.P. to eradicate
child labour. These were probably responsible for the
decline in child labour from nearly 14.8 per cent in 199394 to around 6.6 per cent in 2004-05. In spite of this, theincidence of child labour in A.P. is double the all-India
average and the state has one of the highest rates in India.
Measures to reduce poverty and to improve the quantityand quality of schooling are needed to reduce child labour.
Efforts of the government, NGOs like MV Foundationand civil society are important in this context. Anotherproblem relates to child trafficking in A.P. Sale andprostitution of girl children has become a major problem
in the state. About 17 districts have been identified as

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

high incidence districts for child trafficking. Nearly 40
per cent of persons trafficked for sexual exploitation arefrom A.P. Poverty is considered the prime cause of childtrafficking. Besides social and religious factors andtraditional prostitution in some communities, a numberof factors at the macro level relating to poor opportunities
and access to resources have marginalized the poorer
sections, especially women and children, pushing theminto the sex trade. There have been efforts by thegovernment to rescue and rehabilitate such children. Efforts
should be made to reduce poverty among these families
apart from rescue and rehabilitation.

especially STs. The policy initiative of special assistancethrough SCP/TSP in terms of budget allocations for thewelfare and development of these (SC/ST) communities
is still not being implemented. It may be noted that without
effective steps to enhance access to productive assets
including land and, most importantly, employment
opportunities through ‘affirmative policy action’, their lot
cannot be improved in a sustainable manner.

14.1.5. Marginalized Sections

14.2. Economic growth and Human Development

Another divide is the disparities in socio-economic
development between marginalized sections (SCs & STs)
and other groups. There have been various programmes
and legal provisions for improving accessibility of thesegroups to cultivable land, education, health care and basic
amenities in the context of ‘inclusive development
strategies’. Though there has been progress in many
development indicators across the SC and ST communities
in the state, they still lag behind the ‘other’ social groups.
The gaps between social groups are becoming narrowerin education. Health conditions among these communities
have been improving at a very slow pace. Atrocities on
SCs and STs are also high in the state. Among the major
Indian states, A.P. is fourth in terms of crimes against SC
and ST. The situation is alarming with respect to economic
well-being as the poverty level among the STs has, infact, increased during the last decade or so. Moreover,landlessness is increasing among these communities,

Many studies have highlighted the complementarity
between economic growth and human development.
Economic growth is important for sustaining humandevelopment. Similarly, human development is importantfor sustaining growth and extending the benefits of growth
to wider sections of the population. Inclusive growth does
not mean that we take economic growth for granted. A.P.
has moved into a higher path of growth, similar to allIndia, during the last two and half decades. In the 1990s,
however, the GSDP growth in A.P. was lower than allIndia. One of the reasons could be lower levels of
infrastructure in the state. It is true that that there has
been an improvement in infrastructure in the state overtime. However, in order to sustain the recent higher levelsof growth in GSDP, it is necessary to improve infrastructurein A.P.

The Way forward

Apart from a general approach for the
disadvantaged, specific measures have to be taken for
the upliftment of tribals. Macro level data substantiate
the fact that tribals in the state constitute the poorest
category not merely in economic terms but in all aspectsof human development. They are deprived of access toquality education and health care; they are resource-poorand their traditional sources of livelihood are dwindling;labour market discriminations and lower skill levels onlyoffer them low productivity work and diversification ofoccupations is also limited for these reasons. Land
alienation, displacement due to big development projects
including irrigation are some of the other problems.
Therefore, the slow pace of development among the tribals
in the state needs to be contextualised in the vicious circleof deprivation and poverty.

The components of the human development index
show that there is correlation between per capita GSDP

191

and health/education for many districts. However, we do
not find this correlation in some other districts. For
example, the rank in terms of per capita income is muchhigher than of education and health for three districts
viz, Visakhapatnam, Medak and Khammam. On the other
hand, the ranks for education are higher than for per capita
income in West Godavari, Krishna, Nellore, Chittoor,
Kadapa and Nalgonda. Similarly, health ranks are higher
than for income in the case of Krishna, Guntur, Kadapa,
Nizamabad and Karimnagar. It can therefore be inferredthat policies have to be framed in such a way that they
improve both economic growth and human development.
Policies that improve growth can sometimes leadto problems in environment which in turn may affect humandevelopment. For example, intensification of agriculture
may adversely affect natural resources like land, waterand forests. Similarly, rapid urbanization may lead to anincrease in pollution levels and other problems. Sometimes
growth policies which may increase wealth for the betteroff sections of society can damage the environment andhuman development of the poor (e.g. big irrigation projects).
Although efforts have been made to improve the conditionof natural resources in A.P., more attention needs to begiven to districts which are lagging behind. There is alsoa wide gap between rural and urban areas with regard toaccess to tap water, sanitation facilities and use of solid
fuels for cooking. This may have serious consequenceson the health and well-being of people.
At the sectoral level, two areas which are important
for livelihoods and human development are agriculture
and urbanization.
14.2.1 Agriculture
The performance of agriculture has not been satisfactoryin the last one and half decades. The state has also witnesseda large number of suicides among farmers. As shown in
Chapter 6, long term and short term factors are responsible
for this crisis.
The main problems of farmers at present are: (a)supply of spurious inputs -seeds, fertilizers and pesticides;(b) inadequate credit from institutional sources anddependence on moneylenders for credit; (c) lack of waterand drying up of ground water (d) farmers spend a lot of192

money in sinking borewells (e)lack of extension services
particularly for commercial crops (f) lack of remunerative
prices for many commodities (g) exploitation in marketing(h) lack of non-farm activities in rural areas (i) higher healthexpenditures of the farmers1 . NSS Survey shows that 82
per cent of farmer households are in debt, which is thehighest incidence of indebtedness in the country.
What are the challenges for achieving higher growthin agriculture and increase in incomes of farmers in A.P.?
The supply and demand side constraints have to be
removed to increase overall growth in agriculture. The
support systems and policy changes have to be tuned insuch a way that they improve the productivity and incomesof the small and marginal farmers and focus more on
dryland areas.
The well-known challenges in agriculture are: public
and private investment in agriculture, land issues including
land reforms, research and extension, irrigation and water
management, credit, marketing, domestic and external
trade liberalization, diversification while maintaining foodsecurity and institutional reforms. All these issues haveto be addressed for improving agricultural growth andincomes of farmers in Andhra Pradesh.
Irrigation development and water management are
crucial. The green revolution in the 1960s and 1970s
had been greatly facilitated by the availability of good
irrigation infrastructure. However, the existing systems
have deteriorated over time and addition to capacity has
been negligible due to the decline in public investment.
According to the Planning Commission, nearly 35 percent of the ultimate potential from major and medium
irrigation projects in the state is yet to be exploited. In
the case of minor irrigation, about 40 per cent of theultimate potential remains unutilised.
In Telangana and Rayalaseema regions, wellirrigation has become the dominant source replacingtanks. Tanks, which used to be traditionally managed by
the village communities, are now managed by theirrigation department. With the neglect of maintenanceand encroachment of tank beds by richer farmers, most1

For more details on the reasons for agrarian crisis in A.P. see report of theFarmers’ Welfare Commission (headed by Jayati Ghosh)Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

of them have become dysfunctional. In the absence ofground water replenishment, mainly through tanks, thefailure of wells has become common. Recent farmer
suicides in the state are attributed, among other factors,
to the failure of wells.
Issues of institutional reform are important, particularly
in inputs, marketing and land and water management.
They are more important than price and trade policy
reforms. On land issues, one priority is to provide credit
to tenants and women farmers. Appropriate institutions
have to be developed for delivery of inputs, credit andextension particularly for small and marginal farmers.
There are different models of marketing: self help group2 ,co-operative model similar to dairy, small producer cooperatives and contract farming. It is known that there isvery little scope for further expansion of net sown areaand land scarcity will become an acute feature of therural economy. Water is a precious national asset andthere are several concerns regarding water resources in
the country. Therefore, a judicious use of land and water
resources will have to be the central concern of agricultural
growth policies. The group approach can be used in getting
appropriate inputs and marketing output.
The present government is rightly giving importanceto irrigation but a holistic view of agriculture sector isneeded.
14.2.2. Urbanisation
Like in other states of India, urbanization is going to
be an important challenge for policy makers in the future.
Growing urbanization has worsened the problems of
inadequate housing, urban services (water, sanitation,
drainage, transport etc.), spiraling land prices, construction
costs, migration and proliferation of slums, air and waterpollution and solid waste management. One peculiar thing
about Andhra Pradesh is that according to official
estimates, urban poverty (28 per cent) was two and halftimes the level of rural poverty (11 per cent) in 2004-05.
Inequality is also higher in urban areas. Although theperformance of the urban sector is relatively better than
the rural sector in many other indicators, its performance2

Maize procurement by self help groups under Indira Kranti Padhakam is one

example of successful marketing.

The Way forward

is relatively poor when compared with the urban sectorsof many other states and the all-India average. The stateof A.P. is witnessing a ‘top-heavy’ growth of urbanization
with a few large urban centres comprising much of theurban population. The Class I towns are able to provide
higher level of water supply which supports the hypothesisthat large urban centres will have the financial capability
to provide higher level of civic amenities. In view of theimportance of urban centres in promoting livelihoods
and human development, the situation in A.P. calls fordevelopment of water supply, public health, sanitationand transportation infrastructure especially in small andmedium towns for promoting a more sustainable andbalanced urbanization.

14.3. Poverty and Employment
Poverty alleviation and employment generation are
the biggest challenges for the state.
The official poverty ratios show very low levels ofrural poverty (11 per cent) and high levels of urban poverty(28 per cent) for A.P. as compared to all-India (28 and 26
per cent respectively) in 2004-05. This is quite contrary
to what one would expect in view of the rural-urban
differences in per capita income and wages. However,alternative estimates based on Angus Deaton’s
methodology show that the poverty ratios in A.P. werecloser to the all-India pattern i.e., 21 per cent for rural
areas and 8 per cent for urban areas. Inequality inconsumption represented by the Gini coefficient has
increased significantly for both rural and urban areas in
the post-reform period – the rate of increase being muchhigher for urban as compared to rural areas. Higher
inclusive growth that increases agricultural growth, therural non-farm sector, reduction in regional, rural-urban
and social disparities is important for faster reduction inpoverty. The faster decline in poverty during 1999-2005
in A.P. could be due to low inflation and low relative
food prices. Low relative food prices seem to be an
important variable that reduces income poverty. In thiscontext, the recent increase in food prices is a concern
for the poor.
14.3.1. Poverty Alleviation Programmes
Apart from general economic policies, direct targetedpoverty alleviation programmes can help in reducing poverty

193

in the state. As mentioned in Ch.1, A.P. is known for
introducing innovative poverty alleviation programmes
in the last two and half decades. Innovative Public
Distribution System (PDS), ‘Velugu’ or Indira Kranti
Padhakam (IKP) for women’s empowerment, INDIRAMMA
programme for providing housing and other infrastructure
to the poor, pensions, land distribution, health insurance(Arogyasri) are some of the important poverty alleviation
programmes introduced in the state apart from centrally
sponsored self-employment and wage employment
programmes.
Despite problems and inefficiency in terms of targetingand effectiveness, these programmes have contributed
significantly to reduce the severity of poverty and prevent
an increase in poverty. A.P. accounts for the bulk of theself-help groups in the country. This has improved women’s
empowerment in the state. The National Rural Employment
Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) is an important scheme inwage employment programmes. Initial reports of the working
of NREGS in the state have been positive although there
have been problems at the ground level. NREGS is relatively
better implemented in A.P. as the progress is monitoredwith IT, social audit and post-office involvement. This
indicates that if there is political will, it is possible toimplement NREGS effectively with a new approach. Apartfrom raising allocations, the state has to concentrate on
monitoring and improving delivery systems in poverty
alleviation programmes as the scope for improvement isvery high.
14.3.2. Quantity and Quality of Employment
The state has the highest work participation rates in
the country. After a sharp decline during 1993-94 to 199900, work participation rates and employment growth picked
up between 1999-00 and 2004-05. As compared to allIndia, the growth rate of employment in A.P. has been
lower in the post-reform period. Rural unemployment
rate is much higher in A.P. than all-India. Apart from thequantity of employment, quality is a concern in the state.
Problems such as low wage rate, seasonality, job insecurity,
illiteracy, occupational hazards etc. continue in the state.
Around 94 per cent of the workers in A.P. are in theunorganized sector. A.P. is a state with a high incidenceof employment in the unorganized/informal economy.

194

Employees in these activities generally do not enjoy
employment security (no protection against arbitrary
dismissal), work security (no protection against accidents
and illness at the work place) and social security (maternity
and health care benefits, pensions etc.).
Rural diversification is another important indicatorof the quality of employment and this is important for
reducing poverty. There has been an improvement in theshare of rural non-agricultural employment in A.P. The
share increased from 21 per cent in 1993-94 to 28 percent in 2004-05. Within the rural non-farm sector, there
was remarkable growth in transport, storage andcommunication followed by banking and finance activities.
Within agriculture and allied activities, there seems to besome diversification to non-cereal crops. However, risk
and uncertainty are associated with diversification.
Technology, infrastructure and the market have to be
improved in order to shift the farmers to non-foodgrain
crops. By any standard, the unutilised potential of foodprocessing is enormous. An expansion of this sector isan ideal way of bringing industry to rural areas, expanding
the value chain of agricultural production, providing
assured markets for farmers enabling them to diversify
into higher value horticultural crops and expanding
employment by creating high quality non-agricultural work
opportunities in rural areas. There cannot be one policy
package for the entire rural non-farm sector. Sub-sectoral
policies in different regions are needed.
14.3.3. ‘Demographic Dividend’: Window of Opportunity
Increase in the share of youth population due todemographic ‘dividend’ or the ‘youth bulge’ seems to be
one of the sources of future economic growth in Andhra
Pradesh. The proportion of people in the age-group 1524 years has increased over time. Although the proportionof youth in the labor force has been declining because of
the increase in school and college enrolment rates, theirhigh proportion in the labor force indicates that the problemof youth unemployment and underemployment would
remain a serious policy issue for many years to come.
Youth unemployment also leads to many social problems.
The demographic dividend or youth ‘bulge’ is expected
to increase the working age group and reduce thedependency ratio. In other words, the bulge in the working

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

population will lead to acceleration in growth. However,the poor employability of the workforce due to deficiencies
in educational attainment and training may hamper theadvantages due to demographic dividend. The‘demographic dividend’ argument ignores the fact thatavailable workers are not automatically absorbed to deliver
high growth. Savings and investment may increase becauseof reduction in dependency ratio. However, ‘deficit’ ineducation and ‘employability’ of the workforce may hamper
the advantages of this dividend. The problems of theworking poor, unemployment and joblessness among
youth are other related problems. These need to be
remedied in order to take advantage of the opportunityof growth that the demographic dividend is supposed togive in Andhra Pradesh.

14.4 Challenges in Social Sector
A look at the performance of the social sector in
A.P. shows that there are basically six issues which need
to be addressed. These are: (i) low levels of humandevelopment; (ii) slow progress in some of the indicatorsof human development; (iii) significant regional and social
disparities; (iv) low levels of social sector expenditures;(v) low quantity and quality of education and health and(vi) privatization of education and health.
14.4.1 Revenue Deficit and Social Sector Expenditures
Social sector expenditure as a percentage of GSDP
in A.P was between 6 to 7 per cent in the last four years(2002-06). The expenditure on education and health has
been lower in Andhra Pradesh as compared to the allstates average. The Fiscal Responsibility and Budget
Management Act (FRBM) and the incentives by the Twelfth
Finance Commission for reducing revenue deficit have
led to a reduction in revenue deficit in many States. The
revenue deficit which was around 2.5 per cent in 200001 declined to 1.6 per cent in 2004-05 and to 0.02 percent in 2006-07. It may be noted that most of theexpenditure on education and health at the state level isspent on revenue account. Therefore, if there is an attempt
to reduce revenue deficit, the expenditures on educationand health may suffer. Therefore, the government of A.P.
should not reduce expenditure on the social sector inorder to reduce its revenue deficit. Otherwise, the

The Way forward

governments would have to consider shifting most of theexpenditures on health and education to the capital orplan account. In fact, Andhra Pradesh should increase
expenditures on education and health considerably inorder to raise human development.
14.4.2 Education
There are three aspects that the Government has toaddress for improving literacy and primary education inrural areas. First, more resources have to be allocated toeducation, particularly to primary education, from thebudget. As mentioned earlier, the Central Government
increased allocations to education in the 11th Plan. The
performance of A.P. has not been impressive when it comesto the financial resources available for education. Andhra
Pradesh should increase budget allocation to education.
Although considerable progress has been made in termsof literacy and schooling in the last one and half decades,
A.P. continues to remain one of the average states in termsof education. The performance in school attendance isbetter than literacy because adult literacy is low.
Infrastructure is poor in rural areas. There is a need tospend more on rural areas. Second, the quality of educationin terms of curriculum, better infrastructure and teachinghas to be improved. There is a demand for private educationin the state. Quality in public schools should be improved.
Third, retaining children in schools is more difficult
than enrolling them. While the demand factors are important
in influencing the extent of literacy and drop-out rates,
access or supply or quality factors influence enrolment
rates. Poverty in backward regions and rising demand
for labour in developed regions are the most importantreasons for drop-outs. The indirect cost of education(uniform, transportation etc.) is substantial and hence
dampens the demand for education. From the demandside, generation of productive employment and minimum
wages would go a long way towards reducing family
dependence on children.
Specific policies are required to address gender andsocial disparities. The mid-day meal scheme can help
increase attendance, improve nutrition and reduce dropout rates. Similarly, there is also a need to focus on preschool education in ICDS. Retaining of children in schools
needs social mobilization of the community against child195

labour and for education and intensive institutionalarrangements. Such attempts are very successful at the
micro level as demonstrated by NGOs like the MV
Foundation. Also, there is a need to involve PRIs in primaryeducation at the local level. We have not looked at issues
on higher education in the report. Continuation andimprovements in achievements of higher and technicaleducation in the state is important to keep its place inthe country.
14.4.3 HealthIn the case of the health sector, four aspects have tobe addressed to improve performance. First, public
expenditure on health is lower than in many other states
and there is a need to allocate more resources to this
sector. However, along with this the efficiency of public
spending has to be improved. Primary health care services
should be accountable to the local governments and ensure
better services for the money spent. Due to lack of adequate
resources, there was stagnation in the size and degenerationin the quality of care at the public hospitals. There isovercrowding and more than full capacity utilization of
public hospitals, particularly at the secondary and thetertiary levels. There is still widespread unmet demand
for medical care among the poor and the government
should expand facilities in the public sector to meet thisdemand. The recent investments in the secondary level
hospitals and perceptible improvement in the quality ofcare attracted more and more patients particularly fromthe poorer sections. Thus public hospitals at present are
self-targeted, i.e., used mostly by the poor. The major
weakness in the public health care system is the poor
performance of the primary health centres, mainly due
to staff absenteeism. In rural areas Registered Medical
Practitioners (RMPs) dominate as compared to qualified
doctors. Health infrastructure is also poor in rural areas.
There is a need to involve Panchayati Raj Institutions(PRIs) in the health sector at the local level. The government
should encourage community participation to improve
the functioning of the public health care system.
The second issue is how to make the private sector
accountable. The share of the private sector in the total
health care sector is high and has increased over time.
One cannot ignore, therefore, the role of private sector

196

in the state. The private sector in medical care has outgrown
the size of the public sector through the direct and indirect
incentives given by the state. Public policy should focus
on mechanisms to enforce the stipulation that private
hospitals which have utilized the financial incentives,
land grants, etc. should provide free care to the poor.
Otherwise the role of the state should be confined toregulation of quality and pricing of medical care. Insteadof direct regulation, the state should create independent
regulatory institutions with representation of all
stakeholders like consumer societies, NGOs, government
officials, private medical establishments, etc. to ensure
basic standards in the quality and pricing of medical care.
The government should promote institutions to regulate
the private sector.
Third, there is a need to promote community healthinsurance schemes (e.g. SEWA’s scheme) in order toprovide health services at low cost to the poor in rural
areas. A.P. has introduced Arogyasri programme. The
effectiveness of this scheme can be judged only in the
future. Fourth, health sector development has to be
integrated with the overall process of development. For
example, there is no synergy between the processes
directed at improving drinking water facilities, sanitationand public hygiene, access to elementary education,
nutrition and poverty alleviation and the processes that
improve access to public health and medical services.
An integrated approach is important to improve theperformance of the health sector.

14.5. Institutions and GovernanceThis report has examined the issue of institutions
and governance by addressing the following issues: how
do the parallel institutions function and perform in achieving
stated programme objectives? Have these institutions
improved the delivery of pro-poor policies? What are
the linkages between participatory and democratic
institutions? Is there a need for integration between these
two types of institutions? These aspects are examined in
the context of some of the important community basedorganisations (watershed committees and associations,water user associations, joint forest management
committees, education committees, mothers and healthcommittees, thrift committees, etc.) in the state.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

The parallel institutions were instrumental in keeping
the developmental programmes continuing at the local
level, rather than becoming passive observers. Linedepartments take charge of implementing developmental
programmes in most states where the devolution of powers
to PRIs has not taken place. Similarly, the good governanceinitiatives, especially in the urban areas, have helped incurtailing red tape and rent seeking in some cases. Though
the attempt to eliminate intermediaries has brought citizens
in contact with the line departments, some of these initiatives
suffer from improper implementation rather than improper
design. The impact of parallel initiatives on livelihoods
is limited. While the impact is clear in the case of institutions
that deal with natural resource management (NRM) likewater, watersheds and forests, it is less clear in otherareas. The reason could be that NRM initiatives are oriented
towards resource development through the pumping of
substantial financial resources. Others are more focusedon capacity building or human capital development.
Though the parallel institutions have not resulted in
immediate tangible benefits, the new awareness would
be converted into empowerment that in turn can resolve
the delivery dilemmas in the long run. The intangible
gains through participation can be converted into tangible
human development like improved literacy, health, etc.,
provided these initiatives are sustained and are inclusiveof the poorest of the poor and other vulnerable groups.
Awareness and empowerment is clearly visible, especiallyamong women, at the village level in recent years. Morewomen are contesting in elections over and above theprescribed quota of 33 percent. In the recently held elections
to urban bodies (municipalities and corporations) women
members won nearly forty percent of the posts, sevenpercent more than the quota.
While the impact of parallel institutions on humandevelopment is unequivocal, the impact is very limited.
The main reason is that ‘elite capture’ is widespread inthese parallel institutions. In fact, it is argued that parallel
institutions are used to accommodate the elite who losttheir positions in PRIs due to reservations. This is more
so in the case of NRM institutions, which have greater
allocation of funds.

The Way forward

One way of dealing with this is to integrate these
institutions with the PRIs. Given their constitutional standing
and reservation, PRIs are likely to ensure greater
involvement of the poor in these institutions. Besides,
bringing the CBOs under the PRI umbrella ensures
accountability as the PRI act as a monitoring agency/watch
dog. The model suggested in chapter 12 advocates threelevels of linkages between PRIs and the parallel institutions.
The PRI should be handed the full responsibility(implementing, monitoring, etc) of core functions likedrinking water, education, health, etc. In welfare activities
they should be given intermediary responsibilities withpartial involvement in implementation. Such a divisionof responsibilities between PRIs and CBOs, while avoiding
the overburdening of PRIs, would ensure properaccountability and monitoring of the CBOs.
In general, some institutions have collapsed and theperformance of the existing public institutions has notbeen satisfactory. There is a need to revive some of the
public institutions and improve the performance of existing
institutions. The delivery systems can be improved with
the new approach of participatory development, social
mobilization, right to information, involvement of civilsociety and PRIs.

1.4.6 Concluding Observations
Andhra Pradesh has improved its economic growth.
The growth rate of GSDP in the last four years has been 7
to 8 per cent per annum. However, the post-reform period
has witnessed an increase in disparities across regions
and social groups and between rural and urban areas.
There is a need to have faster, broad-based and inclusive
growth by bridging the divides to improve livelihoods
and human development which benefit all sections of
the society.
This report has discussed challenges for improving
human development and livelihoods which can beachieved with faster and equitable growth. The mostimportant elements of inclusive growth are: agricultural
growth, poverty alleviation and employment generation,social sector development and reduction in regional, genderand social disparities. Improving decentralisation andgovernance are also part of inclusive growth. It is more197

challenging for the state to achieve inclusive growth by
improving livelihoods and human development thangetting 8 to 9 per cent growth in GSDP.
There are strong social, economic and political reasons
for raising human development and livelihoods byfollowing the inclusive growth approach. Socially, lackof livelihoods and human development leads to unrest
among many people. There is also the economic argument.
The measures which raise equity also promote economic
growth. In other words, there is no trade-off between
equity and growth. Lastly, the political argument is thatno government in a democracy can afford to ignore large
sections of the working and non-working population. It
is increasingly clear that the process of development in

198

A.P. must become more socially and economically inclusive.
This is important for reducing exclusion, social tensions,inequality and improve overall human development.
Therefore, focused government interventions and an
enlightened civil society including NGOs are important
for the success of macro policies, sectoral interventions
and targeted poverty alleviation programmes of thegovernment and to go beyond Millennium Development
Goals.
The state has to learn lessons from the failures ofthe last 50 years and focus on the above priority areas in
the next decade or so in order to become one of the top
performing states in human development.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007equal weight or a weighted index by giving different weights
to different indicators depending on their importance.
The latter is complicated in the sense that there could bevaried principles behind determining the weight of eachindividual indicator. On the one hand, one can follow
one’s own (subjective) value judgement on the importanceof a particular indicator in deciding its weight. On theother hand, weights can be determined by the statisticalsignificance of the indicators following different statisticalmethods.
With respect to the information related to infrastructure
facilities at the state and district level, the Directorate of
Economics and Statistics (DES) provides data on the number

204of educational and health institutions, telephone connections
and post offices, banking facility, villages with electricity
connection, length of roads (different types and under
different management) and rail route and area irrigated.
It covers both rural and urban areas. It is reported in the
CMIE district profile documents/reports. On the other
hand, the Census of India enumerates village level
infrastructure in Village Directory documents/reports. It
covers all the aspects mentioned above but is limited torural areas. The present analysis takes into consideration
both (DES and Census) sources of data and analyses theinfrastructure situation in Andhra Pradesh at sub-regionaland district level.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

APPENDIX -II

State Level Tables

Table: A2.1 Human Development Indicators across Major States in India
Sno

State

MPCE
1993-94 2004-05

IMR
1993-94 2004-05

Life Expectancy
1993-94 2004-05

Adult Literacy
1993-94 2004-05

Schooling
1993-94
2004-05

1
1
2
3
4

2
Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
Gujarat

3
224
226
179
263

4
261
277
201
322

5
70
88.7
89.2
69

6
53
66
62
50

7
61.8
55.7
59.3
61.0

8
63.9
59.9
65.2
63.6

9
41.5
66.3
37.7
59.1

10
50.9
74.8
48.4
68.2

11
65.9
75.5
53.3
74.7

12
87.6
87.1
65.2
85.6

5

Haryana
Himachal Pradesh
JK
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh

275
270
316
218
279
221

344
343
354
255
420
202

73
56
45
65
24
85

42
36
45
43
15
70

63.4
63.0
62.0
62.5
72.9
54.7

67.0
65.0
63.0
64.4
73.3
58.6

53.4
60.4
56.3
51.0
90.2
43.1

64.9
74.1
59.8
61.8
90.6
54.4

77.2
87.0
81.2
73.3
93.4
61.1

87.2
95.0
88.1
88.3
97.6
78.4

Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar Pradesh

210
201
316
252
218
216

304
176
374
254
294
278

51
112
54
73
68
100

38
65
42
65
31
73

64.8
56.5
67.2
59.1
63.3
56.8

68.3
59.9
70.9
62.5
68.4
63.8

63.0
46.7
56.7
38.5
61.3
42.8

72.9
58.8
68.5
47.6
70.7
52.2

82.4
64.0
80.2
58.5
82.4
60.6

89.1
80.2
89.0
78.0
96.1
77.5

17

West Bengal
All-India

235
201

274
416

75
79

48
57

62.1
61.8

67.7
65.4

60.7
52.1

67.5
61.8

67.9
68.5

82.9
82.1

Note

: 1. Rural and urban combined; 2. Life Expectancy is in Years

6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16

Source : 1. NSSO 50th and 61st Round EUS; 2. NFHS I & III

Appendix - II205

Table A2.2 : Growth of GSDP across Major States in India
Sno
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18

States2Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Jammu&Kashmir
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharastra
OrissaPunjabRajastan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
Delhi

2001-2/04-5
3
6.42
5.24
4.58
9.30
7.20
6.72
5.12
6.07
9.01
5.61
7.86
8.44
4.73
7.28
4.80
5.31
6.96
8.44

1990-91/2000-1
4
6.11
2.58
4.71
8.11
6.06
7.72
6.11
7.92
7.15
6.41
6.58
4.41
4.35
7.82
7.54
4.80
7.41
7.40

1980-1/1990-1
5
5.50
3.51
4.55
4.96
6.24
4.91
2.94
5.16
3.51
4.46
5.85
4.20
5.18
6.39
5.24
4.83
4.60
7.32

1980-1/1992-3
6
5.54
3.57
3.78
4.94
6.00
4.94
3.16
5.39
3.91
4.40
6.09
3.83
5.04
6.35
5.27
4.65
4.73
7.59

1993-4/2004-5
7
5.74
3.22
4.54
6.01
5.97
6.36
4.58
6.73
5.58
3.92
5.15
4.36
4.27
5.55
4.84
4.00
6.81
8.10

Note: Growth rate is derived from exponential trend equation.
Source: Computed using CSO data

Table A2.3: Growth of Per Capita GSDP across Major States in India
Sno
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18

States2Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Jammu&Kashmir
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharastra
OrissaPunjabRajastan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
Delhi

2001-2/04-5
3
5.10
3.46
2.80
7.68
5.50
5.02
2.51
4.83
7.88
3.54
6.41
7.17
2.90
5.32
3.76
3.29
5.57
5.44

1990-91/2000-1
4
4.77
0.90
2.41
6.15
3.58
6.08
3.17
6.29
6.33
4.34
4.51
2.94
2.46
5.32
6.44
2.49
5.72
3.48

1980-1/1990-1
5
3.33
1.37
2.43
3.00
3.81
3.08
0.40
3.20
2.13
2.10
3.56
2.39
3.30
3.84
3.80
2.54
2.41
3.14

1980-1/1992-3
6
3.39
1.39
1.66
3.03
3.60
3.07
0.63
3.51
2.55
2.04
3.81
2.00
3.14
3.87
3.90
2.41
2.55
3.48

1993-4/2004-5
7
4.69
1.71
2.18
3.94
3.50
4.73
1.69
5.18
4.88
1.86
3.21
3.10
2.58
2.96
3.76
1.54
5.27
4.36

Note : Growth rate is derived from exponential trend equation.
Source : Computed using CSO data.

206

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A2.4 Structural Transformation Across States: Share of Agriculture in Employment and GSDP: 2004-05
States1
KeralaTamil Nadu
West Bengal
PunjabHaryana
Maharashtra
GujaratAndhra Pradesh
Karnataka
Uttar Pradesh
RajasthanOrissaHimachal Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
Madhya Pradesh
All India
Note

Share of Agriculture in Total
Rural + Urban) Employment (%)
2
35.5
41.3
45.7
47.6
50.3
53.2
54.9
58.5
60.7
60.9
61.7
62.4
64.1
66.0
68.8
69.2
56.7

Rank based on
employment share
3
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
—

Share of Agriculture
in GSDP (%)
4
16.5
12.5
23.5
38.6
29.3
9.6
20.1
24.7
19.2
33.3
27.6
28.2
20.5
32.0
32.7
28.3
21.7

Ranks based onshare in GSDP
5
3
2
7
16
12
1
5
8
4
15
9
10
6
13
14
11

: Employment includes principle and subsidiary.

Source : 61st Round of NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey for employment data and CSO for GSDP data.

Table : A2.5 State-wise Growth of Employment in India
Sno
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
Note

States

1993-00
2
3
Andhra Pradesh
0.29
Assam
1.30
Bihar & Jharkand
1.87
Gujarat2.02
Haryana
0.76
Himachal Pradesh -0.12
Karnataka
0.13
Kerala
1.27
MP & Chattisgarh
0.68
Maharashtra
0.39
Orissa0.59
Punjab
1.96
Rajasthan
0.50
Tamil Nadu
-1.36
UP & Uttaranchal
0.61West Bengal
0.37
India
0.71

Rural
1999-05 1993-05
4
5
1.24
0.72
3.65
2.36
2.06
1.96
1.85
1.94
5.68
2.97
2.26
0.96
3.06
1.45
1.62
1.43
2.15
1.35
2.54
1.36
2.37
1.39
2.22
2.08
2.64
1.46
-0.35
-0.90
3.64
1.98
2.96
1.54
2.45
1.50

1993-00
6
0.27
3.55
-0.56
7.17
1.94
1.59
3.31
1.20
2.87
2.05
-0.20
5.13
1.11
6.84
0.65
0.53
2.36

Urban
1999-05
7
3.82
3.32
3.79
4.40
5.33
9.94
3.39
0.62
4.57
4.78
3.44
3.54
3.94
4.58
4.40
3.43
4.14

1993-05
8
1.87
3.45
1.39
5.90
3.47
5.30
3.35
0.93
3.64
3.28
1.44
4.40
2.38
5.81
2.34
1.84
3.16

Rural and Urban
1993-00 1999-05 1993-05
9
10
11
0.29
1.76
0.95
1.56
3.61
2.48
1.59
2.26
1.89
3.34
2.61
3.01
1.06
5.59
3.09
-0.01
2.82
1.27
0.94
3.15
1.94
1.25
1.37
1.31
1.06
2.62
1.76
0.93
3.32
2.01
0.49
2.49
1.40
2.85
2.62
2.74
0.61
2.88
1.63
1.12
1.56
1.32
0.62
3.79
2.05
0.42
3.10
1.63
1.09
2.86
1.89

: 1. Employment includes both the Principal and Subsidiary status workers; 2. Compound Annual Growth Rate (CAGR); 3. For theyear 2004-05 Bihar, MP and UP refer to pre-reorganized status..

Source : Various Report of NSS Employment and Unemployment survey

Appendix - II207

Table : A2.6 Percentage of Workforce in Non-Agricultural Activities across major states in India
Sno
1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16

State

1993-942
3Andhra Pradesh
20.70
Assam
20.80
Bihar
15.70
Gujarat21.30
Haryana28.10
Himachal Pradesh 19.70
Karnataka
18.80
Kerala
43.60
Madhya Pradesh
10.20
Maharashtra
17.40
Orissa19.10
Punjab25.30
Rajasthan
20.10
Tamil Nadu
29.50
Uttar Pradesh
20.00
West Bengal
36.70
All India
21.60

Rural
All
1999-00 2004-05 1993-94 1999-00 2004-05
4
5
6
7
8
21.2
28.2
32.9
34.6
41.5
32.3
25.7
29.0
39.8
34.0
19.4
24.3
24.9
26.9
31.2
20.2
22.7
37.7
40.5
45.1
31.5
35.9
43.4
47.2
49.7
26.4
30.4
23.4
30.4
35.9
17.9
19.0
34.3
37.5
39.3
51.7
58.0
51.5
61.5
64.5
12.9
16.4
22.3
26.1
30.8
17.4
20.0
40.8
43.7
46.8
21.8
31.0
26.9
29.3
37.6
27.4
33.1
42.6
46.7
52.4
22.3
27.1
31.3
34.0
38.3
32.1
34.6
44.8
53.6
58.7
23.8
26.9
32.2
36.5
39.1
36.4
37.3
52.8
53.3
54.3
23.7
27.3
36.0
39.6
43.3

Note : 1. Principal and Subsidiary Workers
Source : Various Reports of NSS Employment and Unemployment Survey.

Table : A2.7 Growth Rate of Unemployment and Real Wages

across major states in India
State
1
Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal

Unemployment

Real Wages

1993-2000 1999-2005 1993-2000 1999-2005
2
3
4
5
4.9
8.2
4.3
1.5
0.4
0.8
2.4
3.5
4.6
1.5
5.1
3.4
-0.8
-1.4
3.4
1.1
-5.2
12.2
2.8
0.8
-0.3
13.3
3.8
0.8
9.6
6.2
5.5
3.6
7.5
13.7
0.9
3.4
8.0
10.9
3.1
-0.5
1.1
10.9
1.7
5.9
7.6
25.7
0.2
0.0
17.8
12.8
3.4
0.6
0.6
2.3
6.5
0.0
3.2
4.3
2.9
1.5
13.0
-6.5
2.8
0.2

Note : Real Wages considered are for male casual workers
Source : Himanshu (2007).

208

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A2.8 Percentage of Indebted Farming Households (HH) by Source of loan and distribution ofoutstanding loan, 2003
States1Andhra Pradesh
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar Pradesh
Uttaranchal
West Bengal
All India
Note :
Source :Percentage of indebted farming
hhs in the total rural hhs.
(all sources)
2
82
33
52
53
62
64
51
55
48
65
52
75
40
7
50
49

Percentage of Indebted farmer
hhs. by source of loan

Percentage distribution of out
standing loan by sources

Formal
3
54
23
63
76
57
96
64
92
68
58
38
59
47
65
51
56

Formal
5
31.4
41.7
69.5
67.6
68.9
82.3
56.9
83.8
74.8
47.9
34.2
53.4
60.3
76.1
58.0
57.7

Informal
4
77
84
49
50
55
40
66
30
46
70
81
67
70
44
73
64

Informal
6
68.5
58.5
30.5
32.5
31.2
17.6
43.0
16.2
25.1
52.1
65.8
46.5
39.7
23.9
42.1
42.4

Formal and Informal is more than 100% because farmers borrow from multiple sources.
Calculated from NSS Report no.498 (NSSO, 2005)

Table : A2.9 Sex Ratio at Birth and of the Child (AgeGroup 0-4 across Major States in India, 2001-2003
States1Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
India

At Birth

Total Rural Urban Total Rural
2
3
4
5
6
932 923 963 955 959
904 903 917 939 937
861 861 860 906 908
862 876 827 853 870
807 816 765 787 791
803 799 865 867 869
943 939 956 967 972
892 880 932 941 935
922 929 882 909 910
887 908 852 894 904
934 940 880 941 946
776 780 761 785 788
855 849 893 884 885
953 972 909 943 954
853 853 856 882 882
937 948 886 950 956
883 888 866 905 909

Source: Registrar General of India

Appendix - II

Children of 0-4 age
Urban
7
943
967
889
812
766
830
953
959
903
874
894
775
882
918
882
921
888

Table :A2.10 Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) across Major States in India
States1Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Chattisgarh
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
J&K
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
All India

1992-93 1998-99
2
70
89
69
73
56
65
24
51
112
54
73
68
75
77

3
66
70
81
63
57
34
65
52
16
88
44
81
57
80
48
89
49
67

Rank
2005-06 (2005-06)
4
53
66
71
50
42
36
45
43
15
70
38
65
42
65
31
73
48
55

5
11
14
16
10
6
3
8
7
1
15
4
13
5
12
2
17
9
-

Source: Compiled from Fact Sheets of NFHS-3 at State Level, Ministryof Health and Family Welfare, Government of India

209

Table : A2.11 Six High HIV/AIDS Prevalence States of India, 2005
States1

STD clinics*
2

Andhra Pradesh
Karnataka
Maharashtra
Tamilnadu
Manipur
Nagaland

22.8
13.6
10.4
9.2
12.2
3.5

ANC clinics*
3
2.00
1.25
1.25
0.50
1.25
1.63

Note : *Percent of high risk group attendees in clinics
Source : NACO 2005;

Table : A2.12 Number of Primary Health Centres (PHCs), Sub-Centres andCommunity Health Centres (CHCs) Functioning and availability of eachfacility per 10 lakh population, Rural India, 2005
State
1
Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
Chhattisgarh
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Jammu & Kashmir
Jharkhand
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttaranchal
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
Delhi
India
Note

Sub Centre
2

in Number
PHCs
3

CHCs
4

12522
5109
10337
3818
7274
2433
2068
1879
4462
8143
5094
8874
10453
5927
2858
10512
8682
1576
20521
10356
41
146026

1570
610
1648
517
1070
408
439
334
561
1681
911
1192
1780
1282
484
1713
1380
225
3660
1173
8
23236

164
100
101
116
272
72
66
70
47
254
106
229
382
231
116
326
35
44
386
95
0
3346

Per 10 lakh population
Sub Centre PHCs CHCs
5
6
7
216
209
129
218
219
154
361
234
200
226
208
186
181
183
173
225
259
237
145
171
45
187

27
25
21
30
32
26
77
42
25
47
37
25
31
40
29
37
41
34
26
19
9
30

3
4
1
7
8
5
12
9
2
7
4
5
7
7
7
7
1
7
3
2
0
4

: 1. The number of health facilities are as on September, 2005

Source : Statistical Abstract, India

210

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A2.13 Percent Distribution of Households According to Protein Energy Adequacy Status
S
No.
1

State

1975-79
Protein Calorie
34

1988-90
ProteinCalorie56

1996-97
Protein Calorie
7
8

1
2
3
4
5
6

KeralaTamilnadu
Karnataka
Andhra Pradesh
Maharastra
Gurajarat

55.7
84.4
93.3
76.0
84.1
84.0

36.0
72.4
80.7
60.9
53.7
53.8

71.5
62.1
91.4
82.6
88.0
92.8

39.7
32.1
62.1
58.5
49.5
52.7

83.5
65.5
82.8
74.5
80.8
89.1

49.3
33.7
45.0
51.0
44.0
48.8

7
8

Madhya Pradesh
OrissaAverage

78.5
77.9

46.5
57.8

96.0
51.2
83.5

78.4
23.9
53.3

76.1
79.5

53.7
47.6

2

Note

: Figures represent percentage of households which are having protein and energy
adequately according RDA (Recommended Dietary Allowance).

Source : NIN (1999)

Sno

Table A2.14: Anthropometrical Measures of Women and Children across Major states in Indian
Percentage of Women with
Percentage of Children
States
BMI <18.5 kg/m
(below - 2 SD) Underweight

1

2

1998-993

2005-064

1992-935

1998-99
6

2005-06
7

Andhra Pradesh

37.4

33.5

49.1

37.7

32.5

2 Assam
3 Bihar
4 Gujarat
5 Haryana
6 Himachal Pradesh
7 Jammu & Kashmir
8 Karnataka
9 Kerala
10 Madhya Pradesh
11 Maharashtra
12 Orissa
13 Punjab
14 Rajasthan
15 Tamil Nadu
16 Uttar Pradesh
17 West Bengal
All India

27.1
39.3
37
25.9
29.7
26.4
38.8
18.7
38.2
39.7
48
16.9
36.1
29
35.8
43.7
35.8

36.5
44.6
36.3
31.3
29.9
24.6
35.5
18.0
42.1
36.2
41.4
18.9
36.7
28.4
35.7
39.1
35.6

50.4
62.6
50.1
37.9
47
44.5
54.3
28.5
57.4
54.2
53.3
45.9
41.6
48.2
59
56.8
53.4

36
54.4
45.1
34.6
43.6
34.5
43.9
26.9
55.1
49.6
54.4
28.7
50.6
36.7
51.7
48.7
47

36.4
56.0
44.6
39.6
36.5
25.6
37.6
22.9
56.7
37.0
40.7
24.9
39.9
29.8
42.2
38.7
42.5

1

Note

: 1. The Body Mass Index (BMI) is the ratio of the weight in kilograms to the square of theheight in meters (kg/m). The BMI data presented is percentage of ever-married women with
BMI below 18.5 kg./m ;2. For Underweight the figures are for children born 1-47 months prior to survey.

Source : 1. National Human Development Report 2001, 2. National Family Health Surveys

Appendix - II211

Table : A2.15 Percentage of Births Attended by Health Professionals, Major States of India
Sno

States

1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17

2
Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Jammu & Kashmir
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
All India

Note:

Source :

Rural
3
39.7
14.1
14
32
24.1
22.2
25.4
40.3
87.6
22.1
37.6
15.6
44.7
17.4
59.7
11.6
23.1
25

1992-93
Urban
4
78.3
56.8
52
65.7
52.5
67.4
67.2
77.2
95.7
61.1
77.8
48.7
60.1
45.2
91.8
44.2
66.5
65.3

All
5
49.3
17.8
18.9
42.6
30.3
25.6
31.2
50.9
89.7
30
53.1
20.5
48.4
21.8
71.2
17.2
33
34.2

Rural
6
58.5
18.9
20.8
41.8
34.8
37.2
36
47
92.8
21.2
43.8
30.5
58.1
29.3
78.4
17.5
36.2
33.5

1998-99
Urban
7
85
64.6
52.3
74.2
66.1
78.4
81.2
86.4
99.4
62.3
84.1
61.4
78.2
63
95.1
52.3
81.7
73.3

All
8
65.1
21.5
23.5
53.5
42
40.4
43.1
59.2
94.1
30.1
59.7
33.7
62.7
36.2
84.1
23
44.5
42.3

2005-06
All
9
74.9
31.0
28.9
63.0
48.9
47.8
56.5
69.7
99.4
35.0
68.7
44.0
68.2
41.0
90.6
27.7
47.6
46.6

1. Doctors, Auxiliary Nurse Midwife, Lady Health Visitor and other Health Professionals notincluding traditional birth attendants and others.
1. National Human Development Report 2001, 2. National Family Health Surveys

Table : A2.16 Percentage of Births Delivered in Medical Institutions, Major States of India
Sno

States

1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17

2
Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Jammu & Kashmir
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
All India

1992-93
Rural
3
20.7
7.4
7.7
23.7
11
12.6
17.8
25.8
85.4
7.4
25.3
9.7
21.3
7.2
48.7
6.5
21.4
16

Urban
4
69.6
50.1
41.4
62.1
36.8
22.2
47
66.6
94.7
49.7
73.3
39.8
36.2
35
89.8
34.1
66
57.6

1998-99
All
5
32.9
11.1
12.1
35.6
16.7
16
21.9
37.5
87.8
15.9
43.9
14.1
24.8
11.6
63.5
11.2
31.5
25.5

Rural
6
40.4
15
12.4
33.2
14.9
25.5
28.6
38.7
91.5
12.3
34.6
19.3
32
15
73.1
11.7
31.5
24.6

Urban
7
78.6
59.9
39.9
69.4
47.1
72.2
74.8
78.8
99.4
49.8
80.9
54.7
56
47.9
92.6
37.3
80.1
65.1

2005-06
All
8
50.0
17.6
14.7
46.4
22.3
29.0
35.9
51.1
93.0
20.4
52.8
22.9
37.5
21.7
79.8
15.7
40.4
33.6

All
9
64.4
22.4
19.5
52.7
35.7
43.0
50.2
64.7
99.3
23.2
64.6
35.6
51.3
29.6
87.8
20.6
42.0
38.7

Note : 1. Public or private health facility/institution including non-governmental organisation (NGO)/Trust.
Source:212

1. National Human Development Report 2001, 2. National Family Health Surveys

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table A2.17: State-wise Progress of Mid-day Meal Scheme in 2003-04
Sno

States

1

2

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20

Number of children Quantity of Food grains Percentage of off-take of Extent of coverage ofcovered (in Lakhs)
allocated (in MTs)
Food grains
cooked-Meal Programme

Andhra Pradesh
Bihar
Chhattisgarh
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Jammu & Kashmir
Jharkhand
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtara
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
SikkimTamil Nadu
Uttar Pradesh
Uttaranchal
West Bengal
All India

3

4

77.2
88.7
28.3
30.0
15.8
6.2
7.4
22.5
53.5
21.7
77.3
97.2
46.3
15.6
76.8
0.8
55.3
163.8
7.9
102.7
1056.7178278245300
56572
60090
45871
18445
22163
51796
14585343330
16583522358712342545490
1689191537
11059949124715744
3059882684067

5
0.9
0.7
1.1
0.7
0.9
1.0
Nil
0.4
0.6
1.0
0.9
0.8
0.9
0.5
0.8
0.8
0.7
0.8
1.3
0.8
0.8

6
Full
PartialFull
Full
PartialPartial
Not implementing
PartialFull
Full
PartialFull
PartialPartial
Full
Full
Full
Foodgrains
Full
Partial

Source: MHRD

Table: A2.18 Incidence of Cognizable Crime Committed Against SC/STs and Crime Rate across major states in India
States1Andhra Pradesh
Assam
Bihar
GujaratHaryana
Himachal Pradesh
Karnataka
KeralaMadhya Pradesh
Maharashtra
OrissaPunjabRajasthan
Tamil Nadu
Uttar PradeshWest Bengal
Delhi
India
Note :
Source :Appendix - II

Incidence
SC
ST
2
3
3117
515
282
216
2101
565
1307
237
288
0
55
10
1780
161
345
82
4810
2112
865
224
1439
602
140
0
3795
863
1206
13
4496
7
12
12
21
1
26127
5713

Population
SC
ST
4
5
132
54
19
35
181
84
38
81
45
16
3
91
45
32
4
125
206
104
92
65
87
77
108
79
124
7
404
4
196
47
26
1806
926

Crime Rate
SC
ST
6
7
23.7
9.5
14.8
6.1
11.6
6.7
34.0
2.9
6.4
3.5
3.9
19.5
3.6
10.7
21.3
38.4
10.3
8.3
2.4
22.0
6.9
1.8
35.3
10.9
9.7
1.9
11.1
1.7
0.1
0.3
0.8
14.5
6.2

1. Population is in lakhs; 2. Crime Rate is incidence for lakh of respective category (SC/ST) population;
Population figures are extrapolated based on the growth (CAGR) during 1991-2001.
www.indiastat.com; Ministry of Home Affairs.

3.

213

Table : A2.20 Crude Birth Rates in Southern States

Table : A2.19 Crude Death Rates in Southern States
Year
1
1971
1981
1991
2002

AP
2
14.6
11.1
9.7
8.1

Karnataka Kerala Tamil Nadu All India
3
4
5
6
12.1
9.0
14.4
14.9
9.1
6.6
11.8
12.5
9.0
6.0
8.8
9.8
7.2
6.4
7.7
8.1

Table : A2.21 Infant Mortality Rates in Southern States
Year

AP

Karnataka Kerala Tamil Nadu All India

1
1971

2
106

3
95

4
58

5
113

6
129

1981
1991
2002
2005

86
73
62
57

69
77
55
50

37
16
10
14

91
57
44
37

110
80
63
58

Source : Sample Registration System

Table : A2.23 Maternal Mortality Ratio in Southern States
StatesMMR(1997) 95 percent CI MMR (2003) 95 percent CI
1
2
3
4
5
AP
220
(155-286)
195(132-257)
266
149
167
327

(202-331)(91-207)(111-224)(311-343)

AP
2
34.8
31.7
26.0
20.7

Karnataka Kerala Tamil Nadu All India
3
4
5
6
31.7
31.1
31.4
36.9
28.3
28.0
28.0
33.9
26.9
20.8
20.8
29.5
22.1
18.5
18.5
25.0

Source : Sample Registration System

Source : Sample Registration System

Karnataka
KeralaTamil Nadu
India Total

Year
1
1971
1981
1991
2002

228
110
134
301

(169-287)(59-161)(83-185)(285-317)

Table : A2.22 Trends in Total Fertility Rate in Southern States
Year
AP
1
2
1971–73
4.5
1976–78
4.3
1981–83
3.9
1986–88
3.6
1991–93
2.8
1996–98
2.5
2001–03
2.2
NFHS-1, (1992–93)
2.29
NFHS- 2, (1998–99)
2.25
NFHS- 3, (2005–06)
1.79

Kerala Tamil Nadu All India
3
4
5
4.0
3.8
5.1
3.1
3.7
4.6
2.8
3.3
4.5
2.2
2.6
4.1
1.7
2.2
3.6
1.8
2.1
3.3
1.8
2.0
3.0
2.00
2.48
3.39
1.96
2.19
2.85
1.93
1.80
2.68

Source : 1 Sample Registration System
2. NHFS-3 Fact sheets

Source : Sample Registration System, 2006

Table : A2.24 Maternal and Reproductive Health Situation in Southern States, India
States1Andhra Pradesh
Karnataka
KeralaTamil Nadu
India Total

At least three
ANC*
2

Consumed IFA
for 90 days*
3

Institutional
Delivery*4

Postnatal care*
5

Reproductive tract
Infections**
6

86.0
79.3
93.9
96.5
50.7

39.3
40.0
77.3
43.2
22.3

68.6
66.9
99.5
90.4
40.7

69.8
61.0
87.7
89.6
36.4

13.7
19.2
41.3
17.1
32.3

Source : National Family Health Survey (1989-99)

214

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A2.25 Family planning particulars in Southern States, India
StatesCurrent use of any
Modern method

12Andhra Pradesh
Karnataka
KeralaTamil Nadu
India Total

67.0
62.5
57.9
60.0
48.5

Femalesterilization

Male
participation

3
62.9
57.4
48.7
55.0
37.3

Unmet need

4

5

3.5
2.3
6.8
2.7
4.1

5.0
10.2
9.0
8.9
12.8

Source : National Family Health Survey (1998-99)

Table : A2.26 Number per 1000 Households with no Literate Adult (A)/ Female (F) Adults across Social Groups
State

ST

SC

1

A
2

F
3

AP
Keralaall-India

693
155
476

877
286
745

AP

499

649

KeralaAll-India

202
381

286
619

AP
Keralaall-India

343
24
231

AP
KeralaAll-India

220
143

A
F
A
4
5
6
Rural: 1999-2000
522
772
477
53
183
25
413
724
320
Rural 2004-05
392
654
397

OBC
F
7

Others
A
F
8
9

765
85
630

240
20
198

502
65
449

619

233

416

48
514

10
159

25
341

662
108
484

83
117
17
327
605
257
Urban: 1999-2000
268
565
218
27
99
14
237
540
140

444
110
380

86
17
65

261
108
249

447
300

Urban 2004-05
167
330
152
15
49
14
148
338
103

344
32
242

78
6
45

180
25
108

Note : A - No Adult literate; F - No Adult Female literate.
Source : NSS Employment and Unemployment Surveys.

Appendix - II215

APPENDIX - III

District Level Tables
Table : A3.1 Income Dimension of Human Development Per Capita District Domestic Product (DDP) in Constant (1993-94) Prices acrossDistricts of Andhra Pradesh
SnoDistrict

1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23

2
Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGunturPrakasam
NelloreChittoor
KadapaAnantapur
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar
Rangareddy
Hyderabad
Medak
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar
Warangal
KhammamNalgonda
Andhra Pradesh
CV
Min
Max
Range

Note

Per Capita GDDP
1993-94
3
4975
5664
8265
7840
8161
8395
8501
7554
8511
7778
7488
7601
7346
4766
9360
7686
8838
6193
7179
7126
5452
7766
6260
7416
17.9
5382
11095
5712

2004-05
4
8845
8316
17504
12883
12975
12249
12137
11175
11588
10774
9642
9578
9877
8996
14948
15743
14366
10082
10067
11426
9598
13653
9301
11756
22.6
9037
20260
11223

: 1. DDP – District Domestic Product; 2. C V – Coefficient of Variation.

Source : DES, Hyderabad.

216

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.2 Health Dimension of Human Development - Infant Mortality and Survival Rates
Sno

Infant Mortality Rate (IMR)
1991
2001

District

Infant Survival Rate (ISR)
1991
2001

Rural

Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total

1
1
2
3
4
5

2
Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari

3
74
88
69
53
48

4
54
50
42
44
40

5
71
81
58
51
46

6
55
72
60
39
41

7
36
46
36
31
29

8
53
68
50
37
38

9
926
912
931
947
952

10
946
950
958
956
960

11
929
919
942
949
954

12
945
928
940
961
959

13
964
954
964
969
971

14
947
932
950
963
962

6
7
8
9
10

KrishnaGunturPrakasam
NelloreChittoor

34
37
47
44
44

28
26
34
33
40

31
31
45
42
43

32
34
41
42
43

26
23
32
30
29

28
29
40
39
40

966
963
953
956
956

972
974
966
967
960

969
969
955
958
957

968
966
959
958
957

974
977
968
970
971

972
971
960
961
960

11

Kadapa

44

28

41

43

26

39

956

972

959

957

974

961

12
13
14
15
16
17

Anantapur
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar
Rangareddy
Hyderabad
Medak

70
70
72
56
23
52

37
47
38
26
23
24

63
64
69
46

34
38
35
25
22
23

54
47
58
38

963
953
962
974
977
976

952

944
951
939
954
978
957

966
962
965
975
978
977

946
953
942
962

40

930
930
928
944
977
948

937
936
931
954

48

56
49
61
46
22
43

960

18
19
20
21
22
23

Nizamabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar
Warangal
KhammamNalgonda
Andhra Pradesh

43
55
37
56
47
53
54

36
35
24
39
30
38
31

42
50
31
53
43
52
49

37
51
33
45
43
51
47

30
28
22
27
28
30
29

40
44
29
41
40
48
43

957
945
963
944
953
947
946

964
965
976
961
970
962
969

958
950
969
947
957
948
951

963
949
967
955
957
949
953

970
972
978
973
972
970
971

960
956
971
959
960
952
957

CV
Min
Max
Range

26.0
34
88
54

24.2
23
54
31

28.8
23
81
58

21.5
32
72
40

19.4
22
46
24

24.7
22
68
46

1.49
912
966
54

0.89
946
977
31

1.48
919
977
58

1.04
928
968
40

0.60
954
978
24

1.08
932
978
46

Note : 1. ISR is derived from IMR (i.e. ISR = 1000-IMR); 2. C V – Coefficient of Variation.
Source: Irudaya Rajan and Mohanchandran (2007)

Appendix - III

217

Table : A3.3 Education Dimension of Human Development Schooling and Adult Literacy Levels across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
SnoDistrict

Schooling
1991
2001
Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural
4
5
6
7
8
9

Adult Literacy
1991
2001
Urban Total Rural Urban Total
10
11
12
13
14

1

2

Rural
3

1

Srikakulam

43.5

64.8

46.1

76.3

79.5

76.6

25.2

57.1

29.3

43.7

70.4

46.8

2

Vizianagaram

40.1

64.5

44.4

70.5

80.6

72.3

21.9

56.8

28.0

36.8

68.8

53.7

3

Visakhapatnam

39.0

68.4

50.5

71.0

81.3

74.8

21.5

65.9

39.6

38.4

75.2

42.9

4

East Godavari

44.5

60.7

48.2

75.2

76.5

75.5

37.7

62.0

43.7

55.3

72.8

59.6

5

West Godavari

51.2

64.8

54.0

77.5

78.3

77.6

43.5

63.7

47.8

66.8

78.0

69.0

6

Krishna

50.6

67.1

56.5

76.2

77.3

76.6

38.7

64.6

48.1

58.7

75.0

63.9

7

Guntur

46.9

61.9

51.2

71.2

75.9

72.5

34.5

57.3

41.1

52.0

70.6

57.4

8

Prakasam

45.1

66.6

48.5

71.6

78.1

72.5

29.7

56.8

34.3

46.7

69.9

50.4

9

Nellore

48.2

68.6

52.8

76.5

78.0

76.8

34.5

63.8

41.6

54.5

75.1

59.3

10 Chittoor

58.1

70.6

60.5

78.2

81.4

78.9

36.7

67.3

42.8

56.4

77.6

61.1

11

Kadapa

53.0

66.2

56.1

77.0

77.4

77.1

35.3

59.6

41.2

52.9

68.6

56.4

12 Anantapur

42.0

59.2

45.9

71.5

75.1

72.4

29.3

56.1

35.8

42.8

65.4

48.7

13 Kurnool

32.0

55.7

38.2

61.6

69.0

63.2

28.7

54.0

35.3

41.6

63.8

47.0

14 Mahabubnagar 28.7

65.6

33.0

57.6

81.6

59.9

20.4

57.6

24.5

33.2

71.2

37.4

15 Rangareddy

67.1

51.8

73.3

78.5

75.9

25.9

63.7

44.4

43.6

75.0

61.3

69.6

69.6

79.2

79.2

68.3

68.3

77.1

77.0

39.2

16 Hyderabad
17 Medak

33.0

66.2

37.8

68.1

81.9

70.0

21.9

59.2

27.2

38.5

72.5

43.5

18 Nizamabad

36.7

61.0

41.8

70.0

77.7

71.4

21.9

53.3

28.0

39.0

67.3

44.1

19 Adilabad

36.2

63.6

42.8

67.7

82.8

71.7

19.0

49.3

25.9

36.1

63.2

43.5

20 Karimnagar

45.4

72.5

51.6

77.0

86.1

78.8

22.9

54.3

29.0

40.7

68.7

46.2

21 Warangal

41.7

69.9

47.1

77.2

84.6

78.5

24.6

63.6

32.3

42.3

75.9

49.1

22 Khammam

42.5

72.6

48.6

71.5

83.8

73.7

27.3

62.1

34.5

42.8

73.9

49.2

23 Nalgonda

44.2

75.7

48.1

73.9

86.4

75.5

26.4

64.6

30.9

45.0

76.4

49.3

AP

43.0

66.3

49.2

72.0

79.1

73.8

29.4

61.9

38.3

46.8

73.1

54.2

CV

16.6

7.0

16.0

7.2

4.9

6.4

24.3

8.3

26.6

18.7

6.1

18.0

Min

28.7

55.7

33.0

57.6

69.0

59.9

19.01 49.31 24.52 33.18 63.18 37.4

Max

58.1

75.7

69.6

78.2

86.4

79.2

43.47 68.26 68.26 66.75 77.96 76.96

Range

29.4

20.0

36.6

20.6

17.4

19.3

24.46 18.95 43.74 33.57 14.78 39.56

Note: 1. Schooling is percentage of Children 5-14 Age group Attending School and adult literacy is for the agegroup 15 years and above; 2. C V – Coefficient of Variation.

Source : Census of India, Andhra Pradesh.

218

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.4 Normalised Indices and Rankings of three Dimension of Human Development across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Dimension Indices
IncomeEducationSnoDistrict1

2

1993-943

2003-04
4

1991
5

1

Srikakulam

0.137

0.271

0.349 0.567

2Vizianagaram

0.161

0.252

3

Visakhapatnam

0.251

0.569

4

East Godavari

0.236

5

West Godavari

6

2001
6

Dimension Ranking
IncomeEducation
HealthHealth
1991
7

2001
8

93-94 2003-04
9101991 2001
11
12

1991
13

2001
14

0.322 0.522

22

22

18

16

22

20

0.335 0.599

0.211 0.356

20

23

19

10

23

23

0.432 0.535

0.467 0.556

6

1

10

18

18

19

0.410

0.452 0.649

0.544 0.700

8

7

8

7

15

5

0.247

0.413

0.498 0.719

0.600 0.689

7

6

3

2

11

6

Krishna

0.255

0.388

0.509 0.681

0.767 0.800

5

8

2

3

2

2

7

Guntur

0.259

0.384

0.445 0.624

0.767 0.789

4

9

9

9

3

3

8

Prakasam

0.226

0.351

0.390 0.578

0.611 0.667

13

12

13

13

10

13

9

Nellore

0.259

0.365

0.453 0.651

0.644 0.678

3

10

7

6

6

9

10 Chittoor

0.234

0.337

0.487 0.670

0.633 0.667

9

13

4

4

8

11

11

Kadapa

0.224

0.298

0.462 0.633

0.656 0.678

14

17

6

8

5

8

12 Anantapur

0.228

0.296

0.392 0.566

0.411 0.511

12

19

12

17

19

21

13 Kurnool

0.219

0.306

0.363 0.524

0.400 0.589

15

16

17

21

20

17

14 Mahabubnagar

0.130

0.276

0.273 0.449

0.344 0.467

23

21

23

23

21

22

15 Ranga Reddy

0.288

0.481

0.468 0.661

0.600 0.689

1

3

5

5

12

7

16 Hyderabad

0.231

0.508

0.687 0.777

0.856 0.867

11

2

1

1

1

1

17 Medak

0.270

0.461

0.308 0.523

0.578 0.667

2

4

22

22

13

14

18 Nizamabad

0.179

0.313

0.326 0.532

0.644 0.667

19

14

20

19

7

10

19 Adilabad

0.213

0.313

0.315 0.529

0.556 0.622

16

15

21

20

14

16

20 Karimnagar

0.211

0.360

0.365 0.570

0.767 0.789

17

11

16

15

4

4

21 Warangal

0.154

0.296

0.373 0.589

0.522 0.656

21

18

14

11

17

15

22 Khammam

0.233

0.436

0.392 0.574

0.633 0.667

10

5

11

14

9

12

23 Nalgonda

0.181

0.286

0.367 0.580

0.533 0.578

18

20

15

12

16

18

0.221

0.371

0.419 0.607 0.567 0.633

-

-

-

-

-

-

Andhra PradeshNote: 1. See Technical note for the computation of normalized indices; 2. C V – Coefficient of Variation.

Source : 1. Computed using Economic Survey of Andhra Pradesh 2005-06 for Per Capita District Income, Census data for Adult
Literacy and School Attendance, Irudaya Rajan’s Study for Infant Mortality Rates.

Appendix - III219

Table A3.5: Selected Demographic Indicators across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
SnoDistrict

Area

Population

Density

Urbanisation

Sex Ratio

CSR% of 60+

2001 Growth(M) 1991-01

2001

1991

2001

1991

2001

1991 2001 1991

2001 1991

2001 1991

11

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

1
2
3
4
5
6

Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
Krishna

5.8
6.5
11.2
10.8
7.7
8.7

2.5
2.2
3.8
4.9
3.8
4.2

0.90
0.64
1.55
0.77
0.78
1.25

438
346
342
454
494
481

400
325
293
420
457
425

11.0
18.3
39.9
23.5
19.7
32.1

12.5
17.2
39.8
23.8
20.7
35.8

7
8
9
10
11
12

GunturPrakasam
NelloreChittoor
CuddapahAnantapur

11.4
17.6
13.1
15.2
15.4
19.1

4.5
3.1
2.7
3.7
2.6
3.6

0.84
1.04
1.10
1.40
1.38
1.35

392
174
204
246
169
191

360
157
183
215
147
167

28.8
15.3
22.4
21.7
22.6
25.3

13
14
15
16
17
18

Kurnool
Mahbubnagar
Rangareddi
Hyderabad
Medak
Nizamabad

17.7
18.4
7.5
0.2
9.7
8.0

3.5
3.5
3.6
3.8
2.7
2.3

1.73
1.34
3.43
1.99
1.64
1.42

19
20
21
22
23

Adilabad
Karimnagar
Warangal
KhammamNalgondaAPCV

16.1 2.5
11.8 3.5
12.9 3.2
16.0 2.6
14.2 3.2
275.0 76.2
39.8 21.5

1.80
1.40
1.42
1.53
1.31
1.37
40.6

Note

% of 0-4

12

13

14

15

16 17

1014 1012
1009 1000
985 975
993 998
991 994
978 969

8.9
8.8
8.5
8.4
8.2
8.0

11.4
10.4
10.1
10.9
10.6
10.1

972
981
974
982
973
970

976
981
1013
996
977
961

7.8 6.9
7.3 6.3
6.2 5.4
7.1 6.4
7.9 6.8
7.8 7.0

28.9
16.5
23.8
19.8
24.0
23.5

984
971
984
982
974
958

970
970
980
966
955
946

8.0
8.5
8.4
8.9
8.7
8.6

9.8
10.3
10.0
10.0
10.1
11.1

956
962
956
955
950
965

970
967
937
971
976
973

8.7 7.9
8.9 8.1
8.1 7.1
8.7 7.1
7.9 6.5
7.5 6.7

199
168 23.2
191
167 10.6477
340 54.2
19149 15730 100
275
234 14.4
293
255 18.1

25.8
11.1
47.2
100.0
14.5
20.3

965 953972 973944 941933 933
974 9701017 1017

9.7
9.8
9.1
8.3
9.6
9.2

12.4
12.4
11.9
10.5
11.9
11.2

964
962
970
947
973
965

960
996
958
957
991
996

6.5 6.0
7.3 6.9
6.2 5.95.9 5.2
7.8 7.6
7.5 7.2

155
296
252
161
229
277
39.6

23.1
20.6
19.4
20.2
11.9
26.9
70.1

989
998
973
975
966
978
2.0

9.8
8.7
8.9
9.0
9.1
8.8
6.2

12.2
10.3
10.9
11.2
11.6
10.9
7.5

959
962
963
975
954
965
1.0

992
991
980
990
995
978
1.8

6.6 5.9
8.9 7.9
8.5 7.4
7.4 6.3
8.3 7.4
7.6 6.8
0.89 0.79

129
257
219
138
201
242
40.5

26.5
19.4
19.2
19.8
13.3
27.3
71.9

980
986
962
961
962
972
2.2

: 1. Area in (‘000’) Sq. Km; 2. M - Population figures for 2001is in Millions (Col. 4); 3. Urbanisation is the percentage of
Urban population to the total population; 4. CSR is Child Sex Ratio of 0 to 4 age group; 5. Growth is compound annual
rate of growth (CAGR); 6. % of 0-4 - is percentage of 0-4 age group population to the total; 7. % of 60 + is percentage
of 60 + years age group population to the total; 8. Density is number of persons per square kilometers; 9. C V – Coefficientof Variation.

Source : Census of India, Andhra Pradesh.

220

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.6 Growth of Gross District Domestic Product (GDDP) and per capita
DDP across districts of Andhra Pradesh, 1993-94 to 2003-04
Sno

District

1
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23

Note

2
Hyderabad
Visakhapatnam
Ranga Reddy
Mahabubnagar
Warangal
Medak
KhammamNizamabad
Srikakulam
East GodavariWest Godavari
Prakasam
Karimnagar
Adilabad
Chittoor
Krishna
NelloreNalgonda
KadapaKurnool
GunturVizianagaram
Anantapur
Andhra Pradesh:

Source :Appendix - III

Gr. of DDP
1993-2004
1993-2004
3
8.4
7.9
7.4
7.2
6.6
6.0
6.0
6.0
6.0
5.4
5.4
5.4
5.3
5.3
5.0
4.9
4.8
4.6
4.4
4.4
4.1
3.9
3.8
5.7

Per capita DDP (in Rs.)
1993-94

2003-04

5
906
962
1109
538
611
1068
909
707
550
887
883
836
816
821
872
944
947
714
838
811
936
635
847
840

6
1758
2026
1667
976
1045
1636
1505
1137
969
1422
1427
1220
1248
1094
1179
1360
1280
1028
1050
1057
1317
904
1047
1300

4
6.4
6.3
4.0
5.9
5.2
4.4
4.5
4.6
5.1
4.6
4.6
4.4
3.9
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.7
3.3
3.0
2.7
3.3
3.3
2.4
4.3

1. Per capita DDP is in 1993-94 prices; 2. Districts are in arranged according their ranking in termsof growth in the GDDP.
Directorate of Economics and Statistics, GOAP, Hyderabad.

221

Table : A3.7 Infrastructure Index in Andhra Pradesh at District Level, 2004
Sno

Districts

PD

RD

GIA

Power

Bank

TP

PO

CI7

CI9

1
1

2
Srikakulam

3
435

4
973

5
47.6

6
99.9

7
5.39

8
1735

9
20

10
1.05

11
0.984

2
3
4
5
6
7

Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGuntur

343
344
454
491
480
392

685
704
745
948
840
748

34.5
37.6
62.6
87.1
51.3
46.6

100
99.7
100
100
100
100

7.86
5.78
6.96
7.50
8.57
7.58

4055
1948
7741
8888
5199
4328

18
34
18
20
20
19

1.01
1.02
1.29
1.50
1.24
1.10

1.022
0.990
1.158
1.272
1.034
1.026

8
9
10
11
12
13
14

Prakasam
NelloreChittoor
KadapaAnantapur
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar

174
204
247
169
190
200
191

616
596
772
523
538
497
645

25.5
70.1
37.0
32.9
12.5
21.3
21.7

99.9
99.5
99.6
99.9
99.8
100
100

7.58
7.72
6.93
6.50
6.15
6.06
5.44

3157
3985
3922
3637
2731
2743
2259

29
29
24
32
26
22
24

0.92
1.12
1.01
0.93
0.79
0.79
0.81

0.960
1.173
1.100
1.012
0.848
0.875
0.837

15
17
18
19
20
21

Rangareddy
Medak
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar
Warangal

477
275
295
154
295
253

795
747
696
519
755
648

25.9
29.3
59.2
13.3
55.8
59.6

99.8
100
99.9
100
100
99.9

6.03
6.07
6.98
5.74
5.39
5.82

6937
2749
3696
2789
3811
3233

12
22
20
21
21
23

1.09
0.92
1.06
0.73
1.04
1.01

0.921
0.916
1.021
0.844
0.972
1.037

22
23
16

KhammamNalgonda
Hyderabad
Andhra Pradesh
CV

161
564
228
772
17649 959
277
666
3.5
0.2

43.0
42.1
39.8
0.5

100
99.9
100
100
0.001

6.28
5.72
15.5
7.08
0.3

3340
3121
12617
4121
0.6

23
23
4
21
0.3

0.90
0.95
10.2
1
0.2

0.945
0.939
1.398
1
0.1

Note : 1. PD – Population Density; RD – Road Density; GIA – Percentage of Gross Irrigated Area to the Gross
Cropped Area; Power – Percentage of Villages connected with Electricity; Bank – Number of (Commercial)
Bank Branches available per lakh Population; TP – Number of Telephone connection per lakh Population;
PO – Number of Post Offices per lakh Population; CI7 – Composite Index (unweighted) of seven indicators
mentioned above (col. 4 to 10) and CI9 includes above seven plus two more indicators representing educationand health infrastructure.
Source: Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) and Directorate of Ecnomics and Statistics (DES) Hyderabad.

222

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.8 Percentage of Irrigated Area by Source across Districts of Andhra Pradesh: 2004-05% in Net Sown Area
Sno

District

1

2% of Wells

Other Wells

in NIAin Total Wells (%)

Canal

Tanks &
Others

Wells

Total

3

4

5

6

7

8

33.2
12.0
11.2
42.2
40.4
42.4
42.0
7.2
20.2
7.3
2.2
5.1
0.0
0.3
0.4
2.5
10.2
1.4
6.6
0.1
1.5
0.9
12.9

22.1
26.6
16.4
8.2
5.8
7.4
2.8
5.0
21.4
2.1
0.2
0.6
4.2
1.1
1.8
0.8
2.6
9.7
16.2
2.3
3.8
1.8
6.1

4.0
5.5
4.6
12.3
30.3
11.3
8.8
13.6
27.5
10.3
8.1
23.8
27.2
20.7
23.0
15.3
23.3
52.7
16.8
48.5
50.3
10.3
18.2

59.3
44.1
32.1
62.8
76.5
61.1
53.6
25.9
69.0
19.7
10.5
29.6
31.3
22.1
25.2
18.7
36.2
63.7
39.6
50.9
55.6
13.1
37.2

6.7
12.5
14.3
19.6
39.6
18.5
16.4
52.5
39.9
52.3
77.1
80.4
86.9
93.7
91.3
81.8
64.4
82.7
42.4
95.3
90.5
78.6
49.1

55.0
56.4
41.3
0.8
7.6
28.3
11.4
16.2
34.2
35.9
13.6
6.3
34.6
20.3
12.6
11.1
33.5
78.7
61.3
85.8
2.4
27.2
34.1

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22

Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGunturPrakasam
NelloreKurnoolAnantapur
KadapaChittoor
Ranga Reddy
Medak
Mahabubnagar
Nalgonda
Warangal
Khammam
Karimnagar
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Andhra PradeshNote: 1. % of Wells to NIA indicates the percentage of area irrigated under the source of well irrigation to the
net irrigated area (NIA); 2. Others Wells in Total Wells indicates the percentage of area irrigated under
the source of the ‘other wells’ which excludes the tube wells, to the area irrigated under the source ofwell irrigation (including both tube wells and other wells).

Source : 1. Directorate of Ecnomics and Statistics (DES), Hyderabad; 2. Subramanyam and Aparna (2007).

Appendix - III

223

Table : A3.9 Share of the Value of Crop Output and Livestock in the GDDP and theirGrowth across Districts of Andhra PradeshSno1District2

Crop Output
1993-94 2003-04
3
4

Livestock
Agriculture
Growth (1993-2004)
1993-94 2003-04 1993-94 2003-04 Crop Livestk Agrl.
5
6
7
8
9
10
11

1

Srikakulam

30.7

17.8

2.6

4.9

33.3

22.7

-1.3 8.7

0.06

2

Vizianagaram

23.9

18.4

4.4

7.3

28.3

25.7

1.2

5.7

0.60

3

Visakhapatnam

10.9

5.0

3.3

3.6

14.2

8.7

0.8

4.3

0.22

4

East Godavari

27.1

18.5

4.9

8.1

32.0

26.5

5.4

9.1

1.80

5

West Godavari

33.6

22.3

8.8

11.9

42.4

34.1

1.1

6.3

1.01

6

Krishna

27.1

11.2

8.1

9.4

35.2

20.6

1.0

2.9

0.44

7

Guntur

37.5

25.1

6.4

10.1

43.9

35.2

0.9

4.9

0.67

8

Prakasam

29.7

18.9

5.6

6.4

35.3

25.3

2.8

2.7

0.82

9

Nellore

27.1

13.3

6.4

5.8

33.5

19.1

-0.3 3.5

0.14

10

Chittoor

26.6

9.5

9.2

14.9

35.7

24.4

-0.6 6.6

0.63

11

Kadapa

32.7

19.1

4.9

5.3

37.7

24.3

5.6

2.4

1.47

12

Anantapur

34.3

14.2

4.6

7.8

38.8

21.9

-1.8 8.3

0.06

13

Kurnool

38.7

24.5

3.8

6.6

42.5

31.1

0.5

5.7

0.42

14

Mahabubnagar

21.4

15.7

5.1

10.6

26.4

26.3

4.0

10.6

1.51

15

Ranga Reddy

7.4

4.3

10.1

9.9

17.5

14.2

2.9

6.1

0.76

16

Medak

14.5

12.3

4.7

6.8

19.2

19.1

4.6

4.3

0.78

17

Nizamabad

27.3

13.1

3.8

4.3

31.1

17.4

2.9

3.8

0.80

18

Adilabad

21.6

20.3

1.9

3.5

23.5

23.8

2.5

12.2

0.75

19

Karimnagar

22.1

17.0

4.3

6.1

26.4

23.1

3.3

5.5

0.93

20

Warangal

27.8

21.9

4.0

5.1

31.7

27.0

4.8

5.9

1.47

21

Khammam

23.4

15.2

3.2

6.0

26.5

21.2

2.3

8.2

0.80

22

Nalgonda

25.3

14.2

5.1

7.9

30.4

22.1

1.5

7.0

0.73

Andhra Pradesh

24.6

14.2

5.5

7.4

30.1

21.6

1.3

5.8

0.61

Note

: 1. The data considered here is components of Gross District Domestic Product (GDDP); 2. Cropoutput includes value of output from all the agriculture and allied activities excluding livestock; 3.
Figures presented from col. 3 to 8 are percentages; 4. Growth is exponential growth rate.

Source : 1. Computed using Directorate of Ecnomics and Statistics (DES), Hyderabad data.

224

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.10 Per Capita Gross District Domestic Product and Per Worker Agricultural (Aggregate Value of Crop) Output across Districts of AP
SnoDistrict

Per Worker Agril. Output Per Hectare Agril. Output
Rs.
Rank
Rs.
Rank

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

1

Srikakulam

12914

21

8032

16

22274

12

2

Vizianagaram

12844

22

8133

15

20729

14

3

Visakhapatnam

24858

1

8212

14

23594

10

4

East Godavari

20328

6

17826

2

50923

2

5

West Godavari

20159

7

21916

1

55042

1

6

Krishna

20696

5

15310

4

34417

4

7

Guntur

18540

8

17063

3

40661

3

8

Prakasam

16282

12

11371

8

21301

13

9

Nellore

18416

9

12464

6

28122

6

10

Chittoor

16405

11

7379

18

23464

11

11

Kadapa

15194

14

6812

20

12922

19

12

Anantapur

14492

17

7932

17

9129

22

13

Kurnool

14675

16

11851

7

15844

17

14

Mahabubnagar

13342

20

6063

22

11038

21

15

Rangareddy

20724

3

6629

21

14622

18

16

Medak

21870

2

9437

11

19470

15

17

Nizamabad

13636

19

9311

12

29043

5

18

Adilabad

15637

13

10160

10

12702

20

19

Karimnagar

17543

10

9220

13

26818

8

20

Warangal

14161

18

10585

9

25325

9

21

Khammam

20698

4

12493

5

27167

7

22

Nalgonda

15036

15

7014

19

15938

16

Note

:

Source :Appendix - III

Per Capita GDDP
Rs.
Rank

1. Triennium (TE) 2001-04; 2. Growth Rate of Agricultural Output 1991-92 to 2004-05 (%); 3. The
per capita GDDP is at 1999-2000 prices.
Subrahmanyam and Aparna (2007)225

Table : A3.11 Work Participation Rate (WPR), Share of Agriculture in the Total Workers,
and Growth of Total and Agriculture Workers across districts of Andhra Pradesh
WPR% of Agrl
Growth (91-01)
Sno
District
1991
2001 1991 2001
TW
AW
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1

Srikakulam

48.6

47.4

75.3

68.5

0.63

-0.32

2

Vizianagaram

50.3

52.2

74.3

68.4

1.00

0.18

3

Visakhapatnam

43.1

41.8

61.9

53.4

1.25

-0.25

4

East Godavari

38.5

39.6

65.8

62.1

1.05

0.48

5

West Godavari

43.3

44.1

70.1

69.2

0.96

0.83

6

Krishna

43.3

44.0

65.1

59.0

1.41

0.42

7

Guntur

47.9

49.1

72.7

66.8

1.09

0.23

8

Prakasam

48.6

50.3

78.0

68.4

1.37

0.05

9

Nellore

45.6

45.4

69.9

62.3

1.05

-0.10

10

Chittoor

45.9

46.8

73.8

66.1

1.59

0.47

11

Kadapa

43.9

44.8

71.6

63.3

1.58

0.34

12

Anantapur

46.2

48.8

75.2

67.5

1.91

0.82

13

Kurnool

46.5

49.4

74.7

68.2

2.35

1.42

14

Mahabubnagar

50.2

51.9

81.9

73.2

1.67

0.54

15

Rangareddy

40.8

40.2

54.6

40.5

3.29

0.25

16

Hyderabad

27.4

29.2

0.5

1.7

2.67

15.36

17

Medak

47.8

48.4

77.0

67.7

1.78

0.48

18

Nizamabad

49.6

49.4

64.9

57.0

1.37

0.06

19

Adilabad

44.4

45.1

69.5

61.0

1.97

0.64

20

Karimnagar

50.3

49.0

67.2

58.7

1.14

-0.23

21

Warangal

47.8

48.3

75.4

68.1

1.52

0.49

22

Khammam

45.9

48.3

76.3

72.1

2.04

1.46

23

Nalgonda

48.3

49.1

75.9

67.6

1.47

0.30

Andhra Pradesh 45.1

45.8

69.4

62.2

1.53

0.42

Note : 1. Figures presented in percentages; 2. Growth is CAGR and between 1991
and 2001 for number of Workers; TW – Total Workers; AW – Workers inAgriculture; Agrl – Agriculture; 3. Workers include both the main and themarginal; 4. Agriculture includes Cultivators and Agricultural Labourers;
and excludes allied activities such as Animal husbandry, fishing, forestry
and logging.
Source : Census of India, Andhra Pradesh.

226

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.12 District-wise Work Participation Rate (WPR), the Share of Agriculture, and Growthof Rural Workers and in Agriculture - Rural Andhra Pradesh% of Agrl
Growth (91-01)
Diversification Index
WPR
Sno
District
1991 2001 1991
2001 TW
AW
1991 2001 Change
1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

1

Srikakulam

50.8

49.0

79.7

73.2

0.71

-0.15

0.648

2

Vizianagaram

54.2

56.1

81.0

76.2

0.85

0.22

0.645

0.660 0.014

3

Visakhapatnam

52.1

49.4

81.8

74.1

1.00

0.01

0.628

0.674 0.046

4

East Godavari

40.9

41.9

77.1

73.6

1.07

0.59

0.573

0.570 -0.003

5West Godavari

46.0

46.6

78.2

77.6

1.05

0.97

0.557

0.540 -0.017

6

Krishna

49.5

49.2

81.8

74.9

1.77

0.87

0.551

0.563 0.013

7

Guntur

53.4

54.3

84.5

80.6

1.03

0.55

0.560

0.578 0.018

8Prakasam

51.4

52.7

84.2

75.1

1.43

0.28

0.591

0.646 0.055

9Nellore

49.5

48.9

80.2

72.8

1.15

0.18

0.602

0.629 0.027

10Chittoor

49.6

50.8

82.7

76.6

1.4

0.63

0.634

0.663 0.029

11

Kadapa

47.7

48.1

82.6

74.2

1.65

0.56

0.629

0.662 0.033

12

Anantapur

50.7

53.6

85.6

80.0

1.67

0.98

0.618

0.649 0.032

13

Kurnool

51.6

53.8

85.6

79.2

2.52

1.73

0.581

0.617 0.036

14

Mahabubnagar

52.6

54.2

85.6

77.5

1.71

0.70

0.617

0.655 0.038

15Rangareddy

49.5

49.1

79.2

69.3

1.88

0.53

0.648

0.679 0.032

17

Medak

50.8

51.2

82.4

73.8

1.73

0.62

0.638

0.675 0.037

18

Nizamabad

53.8

52.9

71.8

63.7

1.52

0.31

0.702

0.729 0.027

19

Adilabad

49.3

50.9

78.6

72.4

1.66

0.82

0.662

0.695 0.034

20

Karimnagar

54.9

52.9

75.2

66.6

1.17

-0.05

0.679

0.714 0.035

21

Warangal

52.2

52.1

83.9

77.3

1.43

0.59

0.622

0.660 0.038

22

Khammam

50.2

52.5

84.8

81.3

2.02

1.60

0.594

0.599 0.004

23

Nalgonda

50.7

51.8

80.2

73.1

1.35

0.40

0.647

0.665 0.018

Andhra Pradesh

50.3

50.9

81.4

75.0

1.43

0.61

0.633

0.654

Note

:

Source :Appendix - III

10110.646 -0.002

0.021

1. Figures presented are in percentages; 2. Growth is CAGR and between 1991 and 2001 for number ofWorkers; TW – Total Workers; AW – Workers in Agriculture; Agrl – Agriculture; 3. Workers include both themain and the marginal; 4. Diversification Index (1-H) is nothing but a reverse of Herfindahl index which is
to indicate the concentration levels.
Census of India

227

Table : A3.13 Gender Disparity in Work Participation Rate (WPR) and Non-Farm Activity across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
WPR
Sno

District% of Worker in NF
1991
2001
FemaleDI
Male Female

Female1991 2001

Male
1991
2001

Disparity Index
1991

2001

Male

8

9

10

11

DI

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

12

13

14

1

Srikakulam

40.9

38.4

56.5

56.6

0.724

0.678

32.2

15.0

0.466 39.6

19.8

0.500

2

Vizianagaram

41.7

44.6

59.0

60.0

0.707

0.743

35.2

12.1

0.344 41.3

18.5

0.448

3

Visakhapatnam

29.6

27.8

56.3

55.6

0.526

0.500

48.1

14.9

0.310 56.1

26.9

0.480

4

East Godavari

20.2

20.4

56.8

58.7

0.356

0.348

38.5

22.6

0.587 41.2

27.9

0.677

5

West Godavari

28.6

28.0

58.0

60.2

0.493

0.465

34.9

18.4

0.527 35.1

20.9

0.595

6

Krishna

29.1

29.5

57.0

58.4

0.511

0.505

44.1

17.8

0.404 49.8

22.8

0.458

7

Guntur

38.1

38.7

57.3

59.2

0.665

0.654

37.0

14.0

0.378 42.2

18.4

0.436

8

Prakasam

41.4

42.5

55.7

57.9

0.743

0.734

30.2

11.6

0.384 39.4

20.5

0.520

9

Nellore

33.9

32.2

57.1

58.6

0.594

0.549

37.9

18.0

0.475 45.2

23.1

0.511

10

Chittoor

33.8

35.3

57.7

58.3

0.586

0.605

33.2

14.6

0.440 41.0

21.3

0.520

11

Kadapa

31.7

32.6

55.7

56.8

0.569

0.574

35.8

16.7

0.466 44.4

22.4

0.505

12

Anantapur

36

39.5

55.8

57.9

0.645

0.682

43.3

12.2

0.282 40.5

19.8

0.489

13

Kurnool

37.9

42.2

54.7

56.4

0.693

0.748

33.6

13.9

0.414 30.8

18.7

0.607

14

Mahabubnagar

44.9

47.2

55.3

56.3

0.812

0.838

25.6

10.5

0.410 35.1

16.2

0.462

15

Rangareddy

28.4

25.6

52.4

53.4

0.542

0.479

57.1

24.3

0.426 70.5

35.7

0.506

16

Hyderabad

7.4

8.8

46.0

48.2

0.161

0.183

99.1

98.2

0.991 99.8

99.7

0.999

17

Medak

40.3

41.4

55.0

55.5

0.733

0.746

29.9

14.5

0.485 38.6

23.7

0.614

18

Nizamabad

45.2

44.2

54.2

54.3

0.834

0.814

35.4

34.9

0.986 42.1

43.8

1.040

19

Adilabad

35.6

37.0

53.0

52.9

0.672

0.699

37.2

20.6

0.554 44.5

30.1

0.676

20

Karimnagar

44.3

43.5

56.2

55.5

0.788

0.784

39.2

25.7

0.656 46.0

34.1

0.741

21

Warangal

41.0

41.8

54.3

54.5

0.755

0.767

33.7

13.2

0.392 41.8

18.0

0.431

22

Khammam

35.8

39.5

55.5

57.0

0.645

0.693

32.4

10.8

0.333 37.4

13.9

0.372

23

Nalgonda

41.6

43.1

54.8

54.9

0.759

0.785

32.4

13.3

0.410 42.6

18.4

0.432

Andhra Pradesh

34.3

34.9

55.5

56.4

0.618

0.619

38.7

17.9

0.463

23.9

0518

Note

46.1

: 1. The disparity index is calculated as follows DI = female / male where in disparity index approaches 1 indicates the least
disparity and vice versa; 2. FL – Field Labour.

Source : 1. Census of India, Andhra Pradesh; DES, Hyderabad.

228

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.14 Gender Disparity in Wage Rate (Agriculture Field Labour)
across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
Male
Disparity Index
FemaleSnoDistrict
1993-94 2004-05 1993-94 2004-05 1993-94 2004-05
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
1

Srikakulam

20.72

35.8

31.24

64.6

0.663

0.555

2

Vizianagaram

15.28

46.3

25.42

56.7

0.601

0.816

3

Visakhapatnam

10.56

32.0

16.50

49.8

0.640

0.643

4

East Godavari

21.11

47.5

24.70

55.3

0.855

0.859

5

West Godavari

18.75

52.4

24.83

65.0

0.755

0.806

6

Krishna

23.19

39.3

39.45

66.9

0.588

0.587

7

Guntur

20.78

42.6

32.70

66.0

0.635

0.646

8

Prakasam

19.00

48.8

26.19

54.9

0.725

0.890

9

Nellore

19.41

39.0

25.35

54.2

0.766

0.721

10

Chittoor

16.00

45.8

24.72

49.8

0.647

0.918

11

Kadapa

19.42

41.7

25.53

57.8

0.761

0.721

12

Anantapur

22.36

40.7

29.31

48.5

0.763

0.839

13

Kurnool

16.03

28.5

20.28

50.7

0.790

0.562

14

Mahabubnagar

15.17

35.4

20.13

52.8

0.754

0.671

15

Rangareddy

17.61

34.2

24.47

48.3

0.720

0.707

16

Hyderabad

13.89

35.3

22.16

54.7

0.627

0.645

17

Medak

14.28

41.1

21.78

56.7

0.656

0.725

18

Nizamabad

21.25

36.9

26.78

53.0

0.794

0.695

19

Adilabad

22.00

51.5

27.30

65.7

0.806

0.784

20

Karimnagar

23.89

32.4

27.78

54.6

0.860

0.593

21

Warangal

15.45

41.7

26.67

48.3

0.579

0.862

22

Khammam

21.28

40.2

25.70

52.4

0.828

0.767

23

Nalgonda

20.72

35.8

31.24

64.6

0.663

0.555

Andhra Pradesh

18.55

40.4

26.18

55.8

0.709

0.725

Note

: 1. The disparity index is calculated as follows DI = female / male where in disparity
index approaches 1 indicates the least disparity and vice versa; 2. FL – Field
Labour.

Source : 1. DES, Hyderabad.

Appendix - III229

Table : A3.15 National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme in Andhra Pradesh
Report for the Financial Year of 2006-2007 as on Date 08. 08. 2007
Total No of Districts under NREGS
Total No of Mandals

19
964

Total No of Gram panchayats
Total No of Habitations
Total No of Job cards Issued
Total No of Adult members enrolled in Job Cards Issued
Details

19321
64006
62,49,309
1,41,53,589
Financial Year of
2006-2007

Cumulative Since
Inception

Wage Employment Demanded

Household (Nos)
Individual (Nos)23,24,404
34,05,360

31,06,897
47,57,860

Works administratively Sanctioned

NumberValue (Rs in Lakhs)
NumberValue (Rs in Lakhs)
NumberValue (Rs in Lakhs)

4,82,929
44,59,18.75
1,95,427
22,13,56.78
93,103
5,42,05.12

6,08,905
55,50,98.03
2,46,075
26,49,44.62
1,12,432
6,49,15.43

Wages (Rs in Lakhs)
Material and Skilled Wages(Rs in Lakhs)
Contingency (Rs in Lakhs)
Total (Rs in Lakhs)
Household (Nos)

5,88,56.16

10,22,97.96

11,03.20
51,98.93
6,51,58.29
23,24,404

76,47.98
84,20.48
11,83,66.41
31,06,897

Total No of Person days generated
Average Wage rate per day per person (Rs.)

34,05,360
15,97,721
18,07,639
25,510
7,29,77,250
80.65

47,57,860
22,04,424
25,53,436
34,147
12,55,43,922
81.48

Average No of days employment provided per Household
Total No of Households completed 100 Days of Wage Employment
Labour Vs Material (%)

31.4
80,15998.21 : 1.79

1,17,903
93.11 : 6.89

Works in-progress
Total No of Works Completed
Total Expenditure

Wage Employment Provided

Individual (Nos)Men (Nos)
Women (Nos)Disabled (Nos)

Source : Department of Rural Development, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad: www.rd.gov.ap.in/nregs/

230

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.16 Life expectancy at Birth by Place and Sex
in Andhra Pradesh
Period1970–75
1976–80
1981–85
1986–90

Rural
47.3
51.7
57.1
58.3

Urban
57.2
60.6
63.8
62.1

Total
48.8
53.1
58.4
59.1

Male
48.4
52.2
57.2
59.1

Female
49.3
54.2
59.8
62.2

1991–95
1992–96
2001–06

60.7
61.0
NA

65.1
65.5
NA

61.8
62.0
63.9

60.3
61.4
62.8

62.8
64.5
65.0

Source : Sample Registration System (Various Issues); NA- Notavailable

Table : A3.17 District - wise Trends in Total Fertility Ratein Andhra Pradesh
1991
2001
Districts
1981
Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGunturPrakasam
NelloreChittoor
CuddapahAnanthapur
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar
Rangareddy
Hyderabad
Medak
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar
Warangal
KhammamNalgonda
Andhra Pradesh

4.1
4.0
4.0
3.8
3.9
4.3
4.1
4.6
3.9
4.0
4.5
4.9
5.0
4.9
4.8
4.2
4.6
4.1
4.6
4.1
4.6
4.7
4.5
4.3

3.4
3.4
3.4
3.4
3.0
3.3
3.2
3.5
3.1
3.1
3.4
3.9
4.3
4.5
3.9
4.1
4.2
3.3
3.8
3.4
4.1
3.7
4.3
3.4

2.4
2.5
2.2
2.1
2.0
1.9
1.9
2.3
2.0
2.2
2.3
2.4
3.0
3.1
2.6
1.9
2.9
2.5
2.7
2.2
2.5
2.3
2.6
2.3

Source : 1.Data for 1981&1991, RGI, Occassional Paper No.1 of
1997, Table 2.0, p.88; 2.Data for 2001, Christophe Z
Guilmoto, S.Irudaya Rajan: ‘District Levels Estimates of
Fertility from India’s 2001 Census,EPW, Feb 16,2002

Appendix - III

Table : A3.18 Reproductive Health Index, Districts of A P
Districts
RHI*
Districts
RHI**
Mahabubnagar 49.4
Mahabubnagar
45.17
Kurnool
52.5
Vizianagaram
47.98
Vizianagaram
55.1
Kurnool
49.17
Nizamabad
58.0
Nizamabad
50.32
Nalgonda
Anantapur
Srikakulam
Medak
KadapaRangareddy

58.3
58.7
59.4
59.7
62.2
62.7

Srikakulam
Medak
Visakhapatnam
Anantapur
AdilabadPrakasam

51.24
53.11
54.83
55.92
56.27
57.66

AdilabadPrakasam
Khammam
Visakhapatnam
Warangal
Chittoor

62.7
63.6
64.6
65.8
67.6
68.6

KhammamRangareddy
KadapaKarimnagar
East Godavari
Warangal

57.93
58.07
59.12
60.11
62.50
63.74

West Godavari
Karimnagar
NelloreEast Godavari
GunturKrishna

69.5
69.8
70.7
70.7
71.1
72.9

Nalgonda
GunturWest Godavari
Chittoor
Hyderabad
Nellore

65.15
65.97
66.39
68.08
68.12
69.02

Hyderabad

74.2

Krishna

70.36

Note : 1. * Index based on 5 Indices, i.e. TFR, Birth order 4+,
Skilled attention at the time of birth, IMR, and Educational
attainment of women
2. ** Index based on 6 Indices, TFR, Birth order 4+, Skilledattention at the time of birth, IMR, Educational attainmentof women , and % Married<18 years

231Table : A3.19 District-wise Selected Indicators of Reproductive and Child Health (RCH) Survey, 2003-04
Sno

District

AMB

AMG

CUFP FSt

NANC

FANC

SD

FI

SEFSt VHW

BO3

1
1
2
3

2
Adilabad
Nizamabad
Karimnagar

3
26.6
20.1
22.9

4
45.4
27.7
33.7

5
56.2
50.8
62.3

6
51.7
49.0
45.8

7
8.6
3.8
0.8

8
39.8
50.8
46.7

9
63.0
69.4
78.6

10
64.8
76.8
81.5

11
17.3
16.0
20.9

12
11.8
24.3
8.4

13
26.1
25.7
21.6

4
5
6
7
8
9
10

Medak
Hyderabad
Rangareddy
Mahabubnagar
Nalgonda
Warangal
Khammam

25.6
7.7
13.5
33.8
32.4
29.4
31.3

34.2
4.1
32.4
42.6
52.2
38.3
40.9

57.5
56.8
55.4
53.7
66.1
63.7
67.3

56.2
53.0
52.3
52.7
64.4
51.0
65.2

1.9
1.4
7.9
18.3
5.7
1.5
3.1

65.1
60.6
53.6
14.9
40.3
51.7
63.5

73.1
93.3
68.9
57.9
70.0
76.7
71.1

62.7
70.8
51.8
28.2
74.8
58.9
78.5

10.7
2.8
10.4
7.7
14.3
5.7
11.5

15.9
1.1
3.6
3.6
9.9
4.9
17.6

25.9
25.6
33.0
34.0
21.5
20.0
16.7

11
12
13
14
15
16

Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
Krishna

31.8
29.2
26.8
38.0
35.3
25.7

59.6
32.1
25.9
42.8
54.1
34.7

64.3
66.2
65.9
70.0
71.9
73.7

60.3
62.2
52.5
66.6
66.0
68.6

4.3
2.9
16.1
4.9
3.2
1.0

57.9
43.0
28.2
55.0
42.5
57.1

52.7
55.9
58.9
87.4
76.7
82.1

62.7
66.3
50.1
67.1
55.9
67.6

17.0
14.4
23.4
8.4
8.1
12.0

20.7
16.4
12.6
13.9
11.2
16.5

17.9
14.0
22.4
12.1
15.8
14.8

17
18
19
20
21
22

GunturPrakasam
NelloreKadapaKurnoolAnantapur

36.5
31.9
36.3
18.3
30.0
21.5

38.6
55.2
38.0
31.7
49.9
38.8

70.5
66.2
57.0
51.6
57.2
59.8

68.0
64.4
55.0
48.0
56.0
55.7

4.2
3.0
1.2
1.1
10.7
3.3

29.8
49.5
31.9
45.3
15.2
47.2

74.4
62.1
77.5
69.3
37.6
58.0

61.8
66.5
48.4
62.5
66.0
67.7

14.9
7.9
5.9
13.5
3.2
16.4

12.5
17.3
21.6
19.1
10.6
17.4

16.1
26.5
14.9
22.2
35.3
21.7

23

Chittoor
Andhra Pradesh

24.0
-

30.7
-

65.1
62.8

61.3
58.1

2.2
5.3

33.8
43.9

63.1
69.0

67.5
62.9

7.6
11.4

20.9
13.2

27.4
22.5

Note

: AMB/G – Percentage Married Below the Legal Age 21 for Boys and 18 for Girls; CUFP – Percentage of women currently
using Family Planning Methods; FSt – Percentage of Female Sterilisation; NANC – Percentage of Women with No Antenatal Checkup; FANC – Percentage Undergone Full Antenatal Care (i.e. at least 3 visits for ANC + at least one TT injection+ 100 or more IFA tablets/syrup); SD – Percentage of Safe Delivery (Either institutional delivery or home delivery attended
by Doctor/Nurse); FI - Percentage of children age 12-35 months received Full Immunization; SEFSt – Percentage of
Women had side effects due to female sterilization; VHW – Percentage of Women visited by ANM/Health worker; BO3–Percentage of Birth Order 3 and above.

Source : IIPS, Bombay

232

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.20 District-wise prevalence of HIV/AIDS (in percent)and number of cases reported in Andhra Pradesh, 2003–04
Districts

Nizamabad
East Godavari
Krishna
Karimnagar
West Godavari
NelloreGunturPrakasam
Khammam
KadapaNalgonda
Nizamabad
Srikakulam
Warangal
Visakhapatnam
Chittoor
Medak
Vizianagaram
Hyderabad
KurnoolAnantapur
Mahabubnagar
Rangareddy
Adilabad
Total

Percent of
HIV positive(2003–2004)
ANC Cases

VCTC

1.56
4.04
3.67
3.38
3.22
2.99
2.82
2.75
2.37
2.12
2.04
1.56
1.42
1.38
1.32
1.27
1.23
1.09
1.07
1.07
1.03
0.75
0.74
0.45
1.75

7.26
27.14
22.91
14.54
22.91
16.01
26.26
16.65
13.97
9.87
10.04
7.26
13.95
18.70
17.29
15.86
10.72
13.32
8.88
16.08
0.74
6.13
4.82
6.34
14.44

No. of
AIDS cases reported
during Jan-Dec 2004
AIDS cases AIDS Deaths
3
423
452
36
116
572
946
47
180
84
4
3
281
241
174
580
0
36
621
651
205
168
0
3
5,855

1
11
10
8
9
22
38
4
8
1
0
1
0
29
21
26
0
0
68
24
15
3
0
1
298

Source : NACO, NCAER, UNDP, 2006

Appendix - III233

Table : A3.21 Health Facility Available per ten lakh population, 2004-05
Sno
1

District2

Beds
5

Dispensaries
6

Doctor
7

Contract Doctors All Doctors
8
9

1
2
3
4
5
6

Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
Krishna

6
4
5
4
3
4

28
26
20
17
17
16

376
295
669
443
228
359

3
4
3
7
3
3

69
73
150
102
44
96

10
6
5
9
9
9

78
78
155
111
53
105

7
8
9
10
11
12

GunturPrakasam
NelloreChittoor
KadapaAnantapur

3
3
4
4
3
5

16
25
23
23
25
20

490
268
465
486
330
320

2
3
5
3
1
2

109
45
60
130
56
82

11
19
0
8
19
8

120
64
60
138
75
90

13
14
15
16
17
18

Kurnool
Mahabubnagar
Rangareddi
Hyderabad
Medak
Nizamabad

5
4
3
7
5
5

20
23
10
0
23
18

559
289
347
1567
334
409

5
1
0
14
3
1

130
52
42
335
59
40

5
9
3
5
12
27

135
62
44
340
71
67

19
20
21
22
23

Adilabad
Karimnagar
Warangal
KhammamNalgonda
Andhra Pradesh

6
4
6
5
4
4

28
20
20
28
21
20

368
288
479
299
296
449

2
1
1
0
1
3

60
46
123
47
46
92

10
13
6
4
13
9

70
59
129
51
59
101

Note

:

Source :234

Hospitals PHCs
3
4

PHC – Primary Health Centres
Computed using Statistical Abstract, Andhra Pradesh

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.22 Literacy Levels across Districts of Andhra Pradesh
SnoDistricts

1981

Males
1991 2001

Females
1981 1991

2001

Persons
1981 1991

2001

1

Srikakulam

32.7

49.1

67.2

13.0

23.5

43.7

22.7

36.2

55.3

2

Vizianagaram

31.0

45.9

66.0

12.6

22.5

39.9

21.7

31.2

51.1

3

Visakhapatnam

36.5

56.1

69.7

19.0

34.6

50.2

27.8

45.5

60.0

4

East Godavari

41.7

55.3

70.0

28.9

42.3

60.9

35.3

48.8

65.5

5

West Godavari

43.6

59.8

78.0

31.6

47.0

69.0

37.6

53.4

73.5

6

Krishna

48.6

60.6

74.4

34.6

45.5

63.2

41.7

53.2

68.8

7

Guntur

45.3

56.5

71.2

26.6

35.9

53.7

36.1

46.4

62.5

8

Prakasam

40.5

53.1

69.4

18.0

27.1

45.1

29.4

40.3

57.4

9

Nellore

41.0

58.0

73.7

23.1

37.0

56.4

32.2

47.6

65.1

10

Chittoor

43.1

62.6

77.6

20.2

36.4

55.8

31.9

49.8

66.8

11

Kadapa

43.9

63.1

75.8

17.8

32.4

49.5

31.2

48.1

62.8

12

Anatapur

40.8

55.9

68.4

16.2

27.6

43.3

29.0

42.2

56.1

13

Kurnool

40.0

53.2

66.0

17.1

26.0

40.0

28.7

40.0

53.2

14

Mahabubnagar

28.1

40.8

56.6

10.6

18.0

31.9

19.4

29.6

44.4

15

Ranga Reddy

39.1

60.4

75.3

19.3

36.9

56.5

29.4

49.1

66.2

16

Hyderabad

66.7

78.9

83.7

49.2

63.6

73.5

58.3

71.5

78.8

17

Medak

32.0

45.2

64.3

10.9

19.3

38.7

21.5

32.4

51.6

18

Nizamabad

31.9

47.3

64.9

11.7

21.4

39.5

21.7

34.2

52.0

19

Adilabad

27.8

45.1

65.0

9.6

20.6

40.3

18.8

33.0

52.7

20

Karimnagar

31.9

50.8

67.1

11.1

23.4

42.7

21.5

37.2

54.9

21

Warangal

33.1

52.0

68.9

13.6

26.1

54.1

23.6

39.3

57.1

22

Khammam

33.2

50.0

66.1

17.7

30.5

47.4

25.6

40.5

56.9

23

Nalgonda

31.6

50.5

69.2

13.0

24.9

44.7

22.4

38.0

57.2

Andhra Pradesh 39.3

55.1

70.3

20.4

32.7

50.4

29.9

44.0

60.5

Note

: 1. Literacy rate is for 7+ age Population.

Source : Census of India, Andhra Pradesh.

Appendix - III

235

Table : A3.23 District-wise Number of Rural and Partial Urban Mandals in Andhra
Pradesh as per the specified levels of Female Literacy Rates in 2001
Sno

Female Literacy Rate

District

1
2

Srikakulam
Vizianagaram

3
4
5
6
7
8

Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGunturPrakasam

9
10
11
12
13
14

NelloreChittoor
KadapaAnantapur
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar

15
16
17
18
19

Ranga Reddy
Medak
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar

20
21

Warangal
Khammam

22

Nalgonda
Andhra Pradesh

<20

20-30
1
4

30-40
11
20

40-50
22
9

>50
4
1

All
38
34

4

4

15
4

14
9

1
6
17

4
18
20

6
46
46
45
30
13

43
59
46
50
57
56

3
9
36

3
8
31
20
16

20
25
28
24
17
9

26
38
15
5
6

46
66
51
63
54
64

2
12
8
15
4

14
21
19
19
31

8
7
6
10
15

12
5
3
6
6

37
45
36
52
56

1

21
19

26
15

4
11

51
46

3
111

22
318

20
326

13
341

59
1109

3
6

2
3
1

2

1
13

Source: Census of India, Andhra Pradesh, 2001.

236

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.24 District-wise percentage distribution of Rural and Partial Urban Mandals in Andhra Pradesh as per
the specified levels of Female Literacy Rates in 2001
Sno
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22

District
Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavaiWest Godavari
KrishnaGunturPrakasam
NelloreChittoor
KadapaAnantapur
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar
Ranga Reddy
Medak
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar
Warangal
KhammamNalgonda
Andhra Pradesh

<20

9.3

20-30
2.6
11.8
9.3

5.3
10.7

3.7
4.7
2.7
3.8

1.7
1.2

4.8
16.7
56.3
5.4
26.7
22.2
28.8
7.1
2.2
5.1
10.0

30-40
28.9
58.8
34.9
6.8

40-50
57.9
26.5
32.6
15.3

2.0
10.5
30.4

8.0
31.6
35.7
43.5
37.9
54.9
38.1
31.5
14.1
21.6
15.6
16.7
19.2
26.8
51.0
32.6
33.9
29.4

4.5
15.7
49.2
37.0
25.0
37.8
46.7
52.8
36.5
55.4
41.2
41.3
37.3
28.7

>50
10.5
2.9
14.0
78.0
100.0
90.0
52.6
23.2
56.5
57.6
29.4
7.9
11.1
32.4
11.1
8.3
11.5
10.7
7.8
23.9
22.0
30.7

All
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0

Table : A3.25 District-wise distribution of the Index of Gender Equality in Literacy in Rural & Partial Urban
Mandals of Andhra Pradesh as per the specified levels of Female Literacy Rates, 2001
Sno District
<20
20-30
30-40
40-50
>50
All
1
Srikakulam
56.7
59.8
64.8
72.9
65.2
2
Vizianagaram
55.0
60.0
67.1
80.4
64.9
3
Visakhapatnam
42.0
46.1
59.0
69.7
79.8
71.3
4
East Godavari
73.2
85.9
87.7
87.2
5
West Godavari
88.9
88.9
6
Krishna
66.9
70.4
85.7
84.9
7
Guntur
51.5
60.5
67.8
80.8
75.8
8
Prakasam
48.1
57.5
63.6
74.0
65.1
9
Nellore
67.3
79.6
76.5
10
Chittoor
56.8
63.5
75.1
71.6
11
Kadapa
53.9
60.6
71.7
65.6
12
Anantapur
52.6
57.0
62.9
72.2
63.0
13
Kurnool
40.9
47.5
55.4
60.9
70.6
60.4
14
Mahabubnagar
40.5
50.4
56.5
67.5
56.4
15
Ranga Reddy
57.8
52.4
55.6
69.0
75.9
71.6
16
Medak
49.8
55.4
63.9
76.1
61.5
17
Nizamabad
49.3
56.3
62.5
71.0
60.9
18
Adilabad
59.4
50.0
56.3
63.3
68.8
62.8
19
Karimnagar
58.1
57.6
64.7
75.4
64.8
20
Warangal
58.2
64.7
75.4
66.1
21
Khammam
54.7
63.8
69.8
76.7
71.5
22
Nalgonda
6.4
49.0
58.1
63.0
71.5
63.7
Coastal Andhra
42.0
50.3
59.8
67.7
84.0
77.6
Rayalaseema
40.9
48.7
56.0
62.0
73.2
65.6
Telangana
35.0
50.6
57.5
65.4
74.0
64.7
Andhra Pradesh
38.2
50.3
57.7
65.3
79.7
70.6
Source: Census

Appendix - III237

Table : A3.26 District-wise names of Rural and Partial
Urban Mandals with Female Literacy Rate less than orequal to 30 percent in 2001
Female Literacy Rate
1991
2001

District Name

Mandal Name

Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Vizianagaram
Vizianagaram
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
Visakhapatnam
Visakhapatnam
Visakhapatnam
Visakhapatnam
Visakhapatnam
Visakhapatnam
Visakhapatnam
GunturGunturGunturPrakasamPrakasamPrakasamPrakasamPrakasamPrakasamAnantapur
Anantapur
Anantapur
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Kurnool
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar

SEETHAMPETA
12.2
PACHIPENTA
12.6
GURLA
9.2
MENTADA
10.9
DATTIRAJERU
11.1
GUDEM KOTHA V 8.2
DUMBRIGUDA
6.6
G.MADUGULA
6.0
ANANTHAGIRI
8.2
MUNCHINGI PUT 6.7
PEDA BAYALU
5.6
HUKUMPETA
8.8
CHINTAPALLE
11.0
BOLLAPALLE
9.5
VELDURTHY
11.3
NUZENDLA
12.2
PULLALACHERUV 8.2
TRIPURANTHAKA 10.6
YERRAGONDAPAL 15.5
PEDA ARAVEEDU 9.6
KURICHEDU
13.4
DONAKONDA
17.0
D.HIREHAL
14.9
BOMMANAHAL
16.8
GUMMAGATA
12.8
KOSIGI
9.3
PEDDA KADALUR 6.2
C.BELAGAL
9.6
NANDAVARAM
10.3
KRISHNAGIRI
9.2
KOWTHALAM
11.0
ASPARI
11.7
DEVANAKONDA 11.3
HOLAGUNDA
12.7
MANTRALAYAM
14.6
GONEGANDLA
12.4
GHATTU
6.1
DHARUR
6.5

27.0
26.5
26.8
26.9
29.0
13.5
17.5
17.6
19.6
21.4
21.7
22.2
24.4
24.4
25.1
28.2
20.0
24.7
26.3
28.8
28.9
29.4
29.0
29.3
29.5
16.2
16.8
20.7
22.2
24.3
24.9
25.6
26.5
27.0
28.0
29.1
12.8
15.1

Mahabubnagar

MALDAKAL

16.3

238

8.9

District Name

Mandal Name

Female Literacy Rate
1991
2001

Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Mahabubnagar
Rangareddy
Rangareddy
Rangareddy
Medak
Medak
Medak
Medak
Medak

DAMARAGIDDA
MADDURAIZAKODAIRNARVA
PEDDAKOTHAPAL
BOMRASPETA
LINGALMAGANOORGOPALPETA
KOILKONDA
PANGALHANWADADOULATABADUTKOORDHANWADAITIKYALNAWABPETVELDANDA
CHINNACHITAKUMAKTHAL
WADDEPALLE
BIJINAPALLE
MADGULUPPUNUNTHALAVANGOORADDAKALGHANPURTADOOR
BHOOTHPUR
BALANAGARTALAKONDAPALLTELKAPALLEBALMOORPEBBAIRKONDURGSHABAD
KULKACHARLADOMATEKMALMANOORREGODEKALHERPAPANNAPET

8.7
8.0
11.0
11.2
10.5
11.4
8.7
8.0
11.0
13.6
11.9
12.9
8.7
12.9
12.1
11.9
11.5
13.3
13.1
13.4
14.3
14.4
12.3
12.3
13.3
16.4
14.5
13.6
12.1
14.4
12.5
15.8
15.5
13.3
16.5
11.8
16.8
10.1
9.8
10.7
5.5
8.0
8.1
13.5

20.4
21.4
22.0
22.2
22.4
22.9
23.1
23.8
24.0
24.0
25.0
25.2
25.5
25.5
25.6
26.0
26.3
26.6
26.9
27.4
27.7
27.9
28.2
28.5
28.8
28.9
28.9
29.1
29.2
29.3
29.3
29.3
29.3
29.4
29.6
29.7
17.0
25.0
29.9
22.4
23.6
23.9
24.2
25.1

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

District Name

Mandal Name

Female Literacy Rate
1991
2001

District Name

Mandal Name

Female Literacy Rate
1991
2001

Medak
Medak
Medak
Medak
Medak
Medak
Medak
Nizamabad
Nizamabad
Nizamabad
Nizamabad
Nizamabad
Nizamabad
Nizamabad
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad

SHANKARAMPET
KOWDIPALLIKANGTIDOULTABAD
ALLADURG
NARAYANKHEDYELDURTHYGANDHARI
LINGAMPET
MACHAREDDYNAGAREDDIPETBIRKOORTADWAIPITLAMSADASIVANAGARNENNALINDERAVELLYBEJJUR
KOUTHALADAHEGAON

13.4
7.1
7.9
10.3
11.4
13.4
11.3
7.0
9.3
11.4
13.6
15.0
11.4
12.6
12.5
6.8
15.1
7.4
5.6
7.0

Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar
Karimnagar
Karimnagar
KhammamNalgonda
Nalgonda
Nalgonda
Nalgonda

KOTAPALLE
KERAMERIWANKDI
VEMANPALLE
LAXMANCHANDANARNOORSARANGAPURSIRPURMAMDA
BHEEMINI
DILAWARPURLAHESRAMUTTHARAM MA
MALLAPUR
VEMULAWADATEKULAPALLEGARIDE PALLE
CHANDAMPETPEDDA ADISERLGUNDLAPALLE

7.4
6.6
8.3
7.4
11.0
11.2
9.6
7.0
9.1
7.5
12.6
10.8
12.1
8.7
21.5
12.3
18.1
7.9
12.9
16.1

25.4
25.5
25.9
26.2
28.4
29.6
29.8
23.2
24.3
26.6
26.9
28.2
28.3
29.1
29.9
13.5
19.9
20.1
22.1
22.8

23.0
25.0
25.2
25.6
26.9
27.5
28.0
28.1
28.8
29.1
29.3
29.5
24.2
29.8
29.9
28.2
4.2
25.0
28.6
29.6

Table : A3.27 Number Non-literate per 1000 Adults among Social Groups in Andhra
Pradesh during 1993-94, 1999-2000 and 2004-05
Sno

Category

RURAL
1ST Males2
ST Females
3
SC Males4
SC Females
5
OBC Males
6
OBC Females
7
OTH Males
8
OTH Females
URBAN
9ST Males10
ST Females
11
SC Males12
SC Females
13
OBC Males
14
OBC Females
15
OTH Males
16
OTH Females

Andhra Pradesh
1993-94 1999- 00
774
922
639
875

492
772
487
702
357
627

200
440

2004-05

All India
1993-94 1999- 00

763
889
585
801
528
790
324
542

697
863
505
754
475
716
313
406

588
843
542
824

397
618
299
538
255
488
115
267

218
303
237
480
219
456
130
273

250
505
319
620

349
655

137
322

2004-05

523
771
475
755
374
675
240
506

458
715
407
685
312
601
215
434

233
455
263
521
179
383
89
216

176
399
193
450
148
339
75
175

Source : NSSOAppendix - III

239

Sno
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23

Table : A3.28 District-wise Literacy Rates for the Age Group 15 years and above, 2001
LRP+
LMD+
Non - Literate
Districts
P
M
F
P
M
F
P
M
F
Andhra Pradesh
Adilabad
Nizamabad
Karimnagar
Medak
Hyderabad
Rangareddy
Mahabubnagar
Nalgonda
Warangal
Khammam
Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGunturPrakasam
NelloreKadapaKurnoolAnantapur
Chittoor

45.8
56.5
55.9
53.8
56.5
23.0
38.7
62.6
50.7
50.9
50.8
53.2
57.1
46.3
40.5
31.0
36.1
42.6
49.6
40.7
43.6
53.0
51.3
38.9

34.3
41.7
40.6
39.2
41.5
16.9
27.9
49.3
36.6
37.1
40.0
39.4
44.2
35.2
34.8
25.4
29.5
32.6
35.8
30.5
28.2
38.4
36.7
26.0

57.5
71.2
70.4
68.3
71.7
29.7
50.4
76.0
65.2
65.0
61.7
66.3
69.6
57.4
46.1
36.6
42.7
52.6
63.6
50.9
59.2
67.9
66.5
51.7

44.4
34.2
35.3
37.4
34.2
70.6
53.4
29.9
37.6
39.6
39.6
36.9
35.1
46.2
48.0
51.6
52.2
46.7
41.6
46.8
46.9
39.3
42.1
50.4

54.9
45.9
47.9
49.5
46.2
76.8
63.2
40.8
49.3
51.5
49.0
49.0
46.4
56.5
53.9
57.5
59.4
56.5
54.3
56.6
61.6
52.2
55.2
62.8

33.9
22.5
23.3
25.6
22.0
63.8
43.1
18.9
25.7
27.6
30.0
25.4
24.1
35.9
42.2
45.6
44.9
36.8
28.7
36.9
31.9
26.1
28.4
37.9

28.7
23.4
23.6
25.7
23.6
57.8
41.3
21.1
25.7
28.5
25.7
22.4
20.6
32.2
26.0
27.5
33.0
28.4
25.0
27.5
28.4
24.3
24.4
29.6

37.7
33.2
33.9
36.2
33.5
64.7
50.5
30.0
35.5
39.2
33.7
32.0
29.1
41.7
32.8
34.1
40.3
36.5
34.5
35.5
39.6
33.8
33.1
38.8

19.7
13.7
13.8
15.2
13.6
50.2
31.5
12.2
15.6
17.7
17.5
13.2
12.4
22.8
19.2
20.9
25.4
20.3
15.2
19.6
17.1
14.6
15.4
20.4

Notes : 1. Rural and Urban Combined; 2. LRP+: Literate person with education level primary and above;
LMD+: Literate person with education level middle and above; P - Person, M - Male, F - Female.
Source: Census of India, Andhra Pradesh, 2001.

Table : A3.29 Percent Children in the age group 6 to 14 years Attending Schools inAndhra Pradesh, census 2001
Social Category
1
Total
CV
ST
CV
SC
CV
Others
CV

All
2
77.86
0.06
64.13
0.11
76.86
0.08
79.56
0.06

All
Boys
3
81.24
0.05
70.97
0.08
81.01
0.06
82.43
0.05

Girls
4
74.30
0.08
56.50
0.18
72.46
0.11
76.57
0.08

All
5
76.15
0.07
63.24
0.12
75.80
0.08
78.07
0.07

Rural
Boys
6
80.45
0.05
70.38
0.08
80.51
0.06
81.90
0.05

Girls
7
71.61
0.10
55.27
0.19
70.74
0.12
74.07
0.09

All
8
82.76
0.05
74.73
0.13
82.20
0.05
83.06
0.04

Urban
Boys
Girls
9
10
83.53 81.97
0.04
0.05
77.91 71.13
0.13
0.14
83.57 80.83
0.05
0.06
83.68 82.41
0.04
0.05

Notes : CV: Coefficient of variation in percent attendance across districts.
Source : Computed using Census 2001.

240

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.30 Ranking of Districts in AP with respect to Educational Attainment
Indices and Gender Disparity Index in Education, 2001
District
EI_P
Rank-P
Rank-M
Rank-F
Rank- GDI-E
1
2
3
4
5
6
Hyderabad
78.38
1
1
1
23
West Godavari 73.30
2
3
2
22
Krishna
69.50
3
6
3
20
Chittoor
68.47
4
2
6
16
Rangareddy
67.33
5
5
7
18
Nellore
66.62
6
7
5
19
East Godavari
66.33
7
12
4
21
Kadapa
64.88
8
4
10
13
Guntur
63.78
9
8
8
17
Visakhapatnam 62.12
10
9
9
15
Warangal
60.20
11
10
12
12
Nalgonda
59.40
12
11
14
9
Prakasam
59.30
13
13
13
11
Khammam
58.75
14
17
11
14
Karimnagar
58.64
15
14
15
6
Anantapur
58.05
16
15
17
7
Srikakulam
57.94
17
16
16
10
Nizamabad
54.55
18
18
19
5
Adilabad
54.25
19
21
20
3
Medak
54.08
20
20
21
2
Vizianagaram
53.95
21
22
18
8
Kurnool
53.67
22
19
22
4
Mahabubnagar 46.02
23
23
23
1
Note

: EI_P – Educational Attainment Index of Persons (i.e. male and females combined); P –persons; M – Males; F – Females; GDI-E – Gender Disparity Index of Educational
Attainment.
Source : Computed from census 2001

Table : A3.31 Drop-out Rate in Andhra Pradesh

11971-72Class I-V
Boys
Girls
2
3
69.34 72.53

Total
4
70.65

Class I-VII
Boys Girls
Total
5
6
7
77.8 86.91 81.59

1981-82
1991-92

58.48
52.15

62.87
57.04

60.31
54.28

64.4 73.19
61.17 69.17

67.98
64.65

2001-02
2003-04
2004-05
2005-06

35.36
42.42
31.77
24.61

33.64
42.8
32.14
24.85

34.54
42.61
31.95
24.73

51.98
52.71
51.96
50.26

53.78
54.27
53.17
51.3

Year

55.77
55.92
54.46
52.37

Note : Figures are in percentages.
Source : School Education Department.

Appendix - III241

Table : A3.32 Drop-out Rate in Primary and Upper Primary Stages across District ofAndhra Pradesh, 2005
Sno

District

Class I to V
Boys
Girls
Total

Class I to VII
Boys
Girls
Total

1

Srikakulam

10.43

10.76

10.59

32.55

37

34.76

2
3
4
5
6
7

Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGuntur

22.49
25.26
14.01
19.86
6.16
28.2

22.54
28.62
9.19
15.41
5.96
30.22

22.52
26.95
11.63
17.66
6.06
29.21

39.5
38.11
40.32
37.18
30.45
45.4

44.96
41.61
37.69
33.84
32.34
50.78

42.25
39.87
39.01
35.52
31.39
48.13

8
9

Prakasam
Nellore

27.00
21.39

28.94
21.64

27.97
21.51

54.84
36.03

60.7
37.22

57.77
36.62

10
11
12
13

Chittoor
KadapaAnantapur
Kurnool

9.08
19.5
16.81
27.42

7.7
17.09
17.03
33.86

8.41
18.33
16.92
30.63

18.33
29.67
32.51
48.95

23.58
34.13
34.73
58.37

20.94
31.88
33.61
53.6

14
15
16
17
18
19
20

Mahabubnagar
Rangareddy
Hyderabad
Medak
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Karimnagar

44.18
25.94
27.72
46.71
34.91
27.77
26.44

48.95
25.03
24.07
47.87
34.17
27.75
25.8

46.56
25.5
25.92
47.29
34.55
27.76
26.12

60
32.46
13.52
58.65
54.64
47.87
36.41

64.44
35.18
6.98
61.43
53.91
51.16
31.44

62.11
33.77
10.26
60.01
54.29
49.5
34.01

21
22
23

Warangal
KhammamNalagonda
Andhra Pradesh

41.00
19.71
33.76
26.76

41.67
21.63
36.48
27.32

41.33
20.67
35.12
27.04

55.26
28.11
46.88
42.14

57.22
30.95
50.23
44.32

56.23
29.53
48.52
43.22

Source :242

Sarva Siksha Abhiyan, Department School Education

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.33 Percent in Total Population, Growth of Population, percent of Urban
and Sex Ratio among SC/STs, 2001
% of Population
ST
SC
SC/ST
3
4
5
6.0 9.0 15.0
9.6 10.6 20.1

Growth (1991-2001)
ST
SC
All ST
6
7
8
9
1.23 1.99 0.92 1.6
1.26 3.62 0.67 2.9% of Urban
Sex Ratio
SC
All ST
SC
All
10
11
12
13
14
10.5 11.0 1009 1019 1014
20.5 18.3 1025 998 1009

22.1
21.9
21.7
20.4
23.0
25.2
31.1

1.77
0.84
1.32
1.62
1.39
1.84
1.25

1.66
1.17
1.60
1.94
1.32
1.95
1.03

1.58
0.76
0.78
1.26
0.85
1.06
1.11

3.4
5.2
8.1
17.6
18.1
16.2
12.8

43.5
15.4
11.8
15.7
17.3
8.2
12.3

39.9
23.5
19.7
32.1
28.8
15.3
22.4

1003 984
1011 993
1018 985
949 974962 972949 971961 986

985
993
991
978
984
971
984

18.7
15.7
14.1
17.8
17.1
14.5

22.2
18.1
17.6
19.8
25.0
18.6

2.02
2.63
1.37
2.13
2.06
2.98

1.70
0.98
1.47
1.23
1.80
1.43

1.41
1.40
1.36
1.75
1.35
3.49

12.7
13.3
12.3
16.4
1.8
18.0

11.8
12.4
15.3
18.6
4.9
35.2

21.7
22.6
25.3
23.2
10.6
54.2

969
939
935
929
947
946

987
975
956
961
973
973

982
974
958
965
972
944

8.0
17.6
14.8
18.5
18.6

8.9
22.6
21.9
35.3
21.2

1.97
3.57
3.24
1.63
0.92

1.30
1.71
1.34
1.99
3.62

2.16
1.68
1.43
1.81
1.43

100
3.3
2.5
4.8
10.0

100
8.0
9.3
23.5
12.9

100
14.4
18.1
26.5
19.4

935
951
994
987
979

985 933
992 9741046 1017
990 989996 998

Sno

Districts

1
1
2

2
Srikakulam
Vizianagaram

3
4
5
6
7
8
9

Visakhapatnam 14.5
East Godavari 3.9West Godavari 2.5
Krishna
2.6
Guntur
4.7
Prakasam
3.9
Nellore
9.1

7.6
18.0
19.2
17.8
18.3
21.3
22.0

10 Chittoor
3.4
11 Kadapa
2.4
12 Anantapur
3.5
13 Kurnool
2.0
14 Mahabubnagar 7.9
15 Rangareddy
4.1
16 Hyderabad
17 Medak
18 Nizamabad
19 Adilabad
20 Karimnagar

0.9
5.0
7.1
16.7
2.6

21 Warangal

14.1 17.0 31.1

1.75 1.66 1.44 2.9

14.6 19.2 944

970

973

22 Khammam
26.5 16.5 43.0
23 Nalgonda
10.6 17.7 28.3
Andhra Pradesh 6.6 16.2 22.8

2.02 1.17 1.53 6.0
2.22 1.60 1.33 4.6
1.84 1.54 1.39 7.5

17.0 19.8 984
8.6 13.3 921
17.2 27.3 972

969
972
981

975
966
978

Note : 1. Growth is for Population and it is compound annual rate of growth (CAGR) and presented inpercentage form.
Source : Census of India, Andhra Pradesh.

Appendix - III

243

Table : A3.34 Literacy Rate among SCs and STs, 2001
Sno

Districts

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11

Literacy All

Female Literacy

ST

SC

All

ST

SC

All

Srikakulam
Vizianagaram
Visakhapatnam
East GodavariWest Godavari
KrishnaGuntur

41.9
35.3
34.3
44.6
50.9
43.7
37.3

52.9
49.3
62.0
61.1
68.7
63.9
58.3

55.3
51.1
60.0
65.5
73.5
68.8
62.5

50.4
40.3
39.5
42.7
38.7
73.5
56.5

26.1
26.9
16.5
22.1
14.3
45.7
22.1

43.3
35.2
28.7
35.3
28.2
61.5
40.8

Prakasam
NelloreChittoor
Kadapa

38.2
37.4
44.4
41.2

52.9
59.3
60.0
54.2

57.4
65.1
66.8
62.8

31.9
44.7
45.1
47.4

13.3
20.1
22.4
27.6

20.1
37.4
39.0
43.3

12 Anantapur
13 Kurnool

44.5
42.7

44.5 56.1
45.8 53.2

43.7
39.9

30.6
26.2

42.1
38.6

14
15
16
17
18
19

Mahabubnagar
Rangareddy
Hyderabad
Medak
Nizamabad
Adilabad

25.8
34.5
55.4
28.1
30.7
39.7

32.6
51.9
69.4
39.8
40.6
47.6

44.4
66.2
78.8
51.6
52.0
52.7

50.1
60.9
69.0
63.2
53.7
45.1

22.7
38.9
46.0
35.8
27.6
29.0

53.0
56.3
64.2
57.8
49.1
40.3

20
21
22
23

Karimnagar
Warangal
KhammamNalgonda
Andhra Pradesh

34.2
34.4
37.9
35.2
37.0

46.5
50.8
53.4
50.7
53.5

54.9
57.1
56.9
57.2
60.5

56.4
49.5
40.0
43.3
55.8

32.8
30.1
28.7
30.9
35.8

50.2
40.4
32.0
32.5
49.0

Note

: 1. Literacy rate is for 7 + population; 2. Schooling is for 5-14 age
group population.

Source : Census of India, Andhra Pradesh.

244

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.35 Environmental Index

1
KrishnaNatural Resource (NR) Conditions
Environmental Health
EI
Rank
Land Forest Water DI
Rank SDW Sanitn Fuel
DI
Rank
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
0.411 0.164 0.216 0.283 5 0.474 0.489 0.565 0.495 6
0.347 1

Khammam
GunturWest Godavari
Warangal
NelloreKarimnagar

0.247
0.333
0.411
0.247
0.305
0.326

0.051
0.111
0.214
0.094
0.303
0.170

0.311
0.223
0.316
0.401
0.274
0.375

0.233
0.245
0.334
0.278
0.292
0.314

1
2
11
4
7
9

0.630
0.627
0.304
0.486
0.548
0.545

0.623
0.578
0.538
0.629
0.647
0.637

0.683
0.657
0.647
0.709
0.742
0.674

0.639
0.623
0.420
0.559
0.607
0.589

17
16
1
12
15
14

0.355
0.358
0.359
0.362
0.386
0.397

2
3
4
5
6
7

Kurnool
Nizamabad
Adilabad
Mahabubnagar
East Godavari
PrakasamVizianagaram

0.126
0.334
0.149
0.129
0.591
0.198
0.345

0.446
0.213
0.130
0.176
0.119
0.132
0.146

0.525
0.478
0.480
0.689
0.196
0.484
0.297

0.350
0.367
0.277
0.362
0.339
0.299
0.286

13 0.389
15 0.388
3 0.699
14 0.385
12 0.552
8 0.662
6 0.742

0.685
0.618
0.723
0.666
0.588
0.681
0.758

0.807
0.676
0.708
0.748
0.654
0.752
0.751

0.532
0.492
0.705
0.514
0.580
0.684
0.747

10
5
20
9
13
18
21

0.404
0.405
0.406
0.408
0.411
0.414
0.424

8
9
10
11
12
13
14

Chittoor
MedakAnatapur
Srikakulam
Kadapa

0.374
0.215
0.089
0.480
0.281

0.244
0.112
0.290
0.251
0.190

0.526
0.756
0.815
0.210
0.701

0.409
0.411
0.420
0.326
0.431

16 0.320
17 0.374
18 0.323
10 0.841
20 0.433

0.654
0.625
0.707
0.738
0.652

0.709
0.704
0.807
0.676
0.787

0.465
0.490
0.497
0.788
0.548

3
4
7
22
11

0.425
0.434
0.443
0.465
0.466

15
16
17
18
19

Nalgonda

0.206 0.850

0.594 0.490

21 0.408

0.634

0.707

0.513

8

0.497

20

Visakhapatnam 0.664 0.084
Ranga Reddy
0.480 0.197

0.358 0.425
0.745 0.529

19 0.695 0.674 0.665 0.685 19
22 0.3976 0.5335 0.5924 0.4637 2

0.503
0.510

21
22

District

Note: SDW – Safe Drinking Water; Santn. – Sanitation; Fuel – Solid Fuel; D I – Dimension Index; EI = Environmental Index

Source : Computed, using different sources of data.

Appendix - III

245

District
1

Table : A3.36 Urbanization in the Districts, 1961-2001
Degree of Urbanisation
Urban Growth (decadal)
1961 1971 1981
1991 2001
1961-71 1971-81 1981-91 1991-01
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10

Srikakulam

8.7

10.6 10.9

12.5 11.0

34.73-22.62

36.04

-3.99

Vizianagaram

—

—

15.9

17.2 18.3

—

—

26.44

13.45

Visakhapatanam

18

22.3 31.3

39.8 39.9

51.44

28.85

62.36

16.99

East Godavari

18.5

19.2 22.2

23.8 23.5

22.78

38.51

31.46

6.58

West Godavari

15.9

17.7 20.8

20.7 19.7

33.89

41.98

22.06

3.07

Krishna

23.5

27.3 32.5

35.8 32.1

39.19

45.99

33.56

1.40

Guntur20.8

25

28.9 28.8

13.35

33.08

25.48

8.35

Prakasam—

11.1 15

16.5 15.3

—

64.27

29.95

2.97

Nellore11

15.8 20.8

23.8 22.4

13.47

64.85

36.01

5.27

Chittoor

11.5

13.5 16.9

19.8 21.7

40.01

50.31

39.75

25.58

Kadapa13.2

14.2 19.4

24

22.6

26.27

67.46

45.52

7.85

Anantapur

17.4

17.8 20.8

23.5 25.3

22.16

41.28

40.9

22.93

Kurnool

19.2

20.3 24.5

25.8 23.2

9.67

46.5

30.27

6.43

Mahabubnagar

10

9

10.9

11.1 10.6

8.54

54.18

28.06

8.52

Ranga Reddy

—

—

23.8

47.2 54.2——

219.68 60.79

Hyderabad

62.2

65.9 100

100

100

43.38

22.93

39.16

21.74

Medak

7.7

8.5

14.5 14.4

31.73

73.14

51.79

16.75

Nizamabad

14.5

15.9 19.2

20.3 18.1

41.19

54.1

27.98

2.86

Adilabad

15.5

15.9 19.3

23.1 26.5

31.16

54.56

51.92

37.05

Karimnagar

7.1

10.7 15.8

20.6 19.4

83.79

82.8

62.27

8.73

Warangal

14.1

13.4 17.2

19.4 19.2

15.33

57.8

37.87

14.01

Khammam

12.1

13.6 1720.2 19.8

44.98

59.79

50.7

13.99

Nalgonda

9.3

6.7

11.4

11.9 13.3-16.98113.26 30.42

27.84

Andhra Pradesh

17.4

19.3 23.3

26.9 27.3

33.92

48.62

16.33

Note

27.5

12

43.24

: Degree of Urbanisation is percentage of urban population to the total.

Source : 1. Census of India; Ramachandraiah (2003)

246

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3. 37 Number of Towns and Population Size Class of Towns in Andhra Pradesh
Year

Class IClass IIClass IIIClass IVClass VClass VI

Total

Growth

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

Number of Towns
1901

1

-

11

44

60

-

116

1911

1

1

12

45

68

3

130

12.1

1921

1

2

13

45

74

14

149

14.6

1931

1

8

11

57

78

20

175

17.4

1941

1

10

21

55

122

2

211

20.6

1951

6

10

34

81

114

31

276

30.8

1961

11

8

50

71

70

1

211

-23.6

1971

13

17

60

75

37

4

206

-2.4

1981

20

30

87

65

28

4

234

13.6

1991

32

34

61

39

14

3

213

-9.0

2001

39

43

46

23

20

2

173

-18.8

Population
1901

448466042240055129341759101839750-1911

50210411287443214559331751069213962

2165094

17.68

1921

40563017104245492957183352633357550

2187317

1.03

1931

466894509484357.347

73410454765878663

2694150

23.17

1941

7391597393595678117261658837139721

3665919

36.07

1951

18078237433998693031054760

8210211240195308707

47.86

1961

2763601

593514

1423825

9490115424072150

6274508

15.76

1971

40634411121533

1780263111249230949315305

8402527

33.92

1981

67131882016775259754492930321607914687

12487516

48.62

1991

11912868

2245198

2945128

5872261137438530

17812693

43.24

2001

15495000

2859452

1711686

3460081387107445

20503597

14.63

Note : Growth is decadal one.
Source : Census of India, Series 29 Andhra Pradesh – Population Totals, Paper 2 of 2001.

Appendix - III247

Table : A3.38 Percentage of Households without selected Basic Amenities across Districts of Andhra Pradesh, 1991-2001
SnoDistrict

Dwelling

Tap Water

Electricity

ToiletTraditional Fuel

1991

2001

1991

2001

1991

2001

1991

2001

1991

2001

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

1

Srikakulam

67.3

48.2

92.7

73.1

70.9

44.6

94.8

76.2

90.3

75.1

2

Vijayanagaram

72.6

36.4

88.2

40.0

70.0

25.9

92.5

73.5

90.0

77.1

3

Visakhapatanam

68.4

41.5

81.3

58.7

57.5

14.6

79.4

73.4

75.7

77.1

4

East Godavari

49.3

39.2

76.7

42.1

60.9

36.7

79.9

74.8

84.9

82.1

5

West Godavari

41.0

30.0

69.2

8.4

61.4

3.0

79.8

4.7

84.9

4.9

6

Krishna

55.5

35.4

71.7

37.1

54.8

20.0

71.2

40.1

76.0

44.6

7

Guntur

50.6

44.7

77.0

46.5

60.5

53.0

80.7

81.5

82.1

88.6

8

Prakasam

59.6

36.6

83.3

43.5

61.0

35.6

90.7

76.2

92.5

81.6

9

Nellore

67.2

42.5

75.6

51.5

54.2

31.1

85.7

73.4

89.5

80.5

10

Chittoor

60.8

46.0

77.5

68.4

44.9

38.2

85.5

71.0

90.6

76.0

11

Cuddapah

61.1

63.2

78.5

89.8

40.1

55.4

86.4

85.8

94.2

84.6

12

Anantapur

50.8

67.2

71.1

82.4

46.0

51.9

89.2

83.5

93.0

82.8

13

Kurnool

52.3

59.9

63.3

67.6

54.6

38.0

86.8

64.7

92.8

63.6

14

Mahbubnagar

39.9

47.1

78.8

60.2

69.2

37.8

90.9

64.4

95.4

73.7

15

Ranga Reddy

33.9

44.8

65.1

32.5

40.2

34.3

64.2

60.9

60.8

73.7

16

Hyderabad

29.1

56.1

18.1

49.2

9.6

25.9

12.3

51.9

10.4

61.6

17

Medak

34.9

59.7

73.8

65.6

53.9

33.2

85.5

61.3

89.8

69.6

18

Nizamabad

35.9

65.5

72.0

69.7

41.9

38.6

85.4

77.4

88.8

82.3

19

Adilabad

47.4

66.7

82.7

56.8

60.1

32.6

88.6

71.5

93.7

80.1

20

Karimnagar

37.5

62.8

85.4

46.9

36.1

23.7

85.2

72.0

91.7

83.6

21

Warangal

42.1

58.0

81.5

43.2

51.7

32.0

84.8

74.0

89.2

84.9

22

Khammam

44.8

55.0

83.1

35.2

61.3

27.6

86.1

75.7

88.8

84.5

23

Nalgonda

32.6

59.8

84.0

33.4

55.7

29.7

89.7

73.4

92.8

78.2

Andhra Pradesh

49.9

50.9

75.6

51.9

53.7

32.8

81.6

67.0

84.5

73.1

Note : Dwelling – Percentage of households with one or none dwelling rooms; Tap Water – Percentage of households without tap water
for drinking; Electricity – Percentage of households without electricity connection; Toilet – Percentage of households without
toilet facility; Traditional Fuel – Percentage of households using traditional fuel for cooking including fire wood, charcoal, etc.,
Source: Census of India, Andhra Pradesh

248

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Table : A3.39 Selected Child Development/Well-being and Gender Empowerment related Indicators acrossDistricts of Andhra Pradesh, 2001
Sno

Districts

1

2

Gender Empowerment

Child Development/Well-Being
BPL

SB

USI

IMR

Immn. PCIS

3

4

5

6

7

CDI

WRLB VR

CSR

8

9

10

11

12

1

Srikakulam

0.385

57.6

0.772

53

76.8

76.6

0.570

52.1

15.6

972

2

Vijayanagaram

0.408

52.0

0.797

68

73.7

72.3

0.516

48.7

18.2

981

3

Visakhapatanam

0.300

65.8

0.776

50

75.1

74.8

0.597

46.7

67.0

974

4

East Godavari

0.188

73.8

0.777

37

75.0

75.5

0.651

38.1

19.9

982

5

West Godavari

0.211

69.5

0.804

38

78.6

77.6

0.644

45.1

43.7

973

6

Krishna

0.246

78.6

0.772

28

80.8

76.6

0.677

49.1

28.4

970

7

Guntur

0.369

82.0

0.825

29

75.9

72.5

0.637

38.3

32.1

956

8

Prakasam

0.242

66.5

0.775

40

68.3

72.5

0.609

33.3

21.9

962

9

Nellore

0.228

71.6

0.766

39

76.5

76.8

0.644

45.1

45.0

956

10 Chittoor

0.231

67.3

0.800

40

75.8

78.9

0.631

37.9

24.0

955

11

Cuddapah

0.162

65.8

0.782

39

68.5

77.1

0.630

33.3

21.3

950

12 Anantapur

0.391

57.0

0.840

54

73.9

72.4

0.543

38.1

28.0

965

13 Kurnool

0.353

47.4

0.819

47

64.1

63.2

0.517

33.3

27.4

964

14 Mahbubnagar

0.397

60.6

0.813

58

58.9

59.9

0.501

37.9

49.5

962

15 Ranga Reddy

0.246

62.1

0.718

38

58.8

75.9

0.604

33.3

44.3

970

16 Hyderabad

-

92.8

-

22

67.6

79.2

0.529

33.3

77.3

947

17 Medak

0.222

67.2

0.782

40

69.2

70.0

0.610

45.1

36.6

973

18 Nizamabad

0.162

63.6

0.784

40

73.8

71.4

0.624

41.0

34.9

965

19 Adilabad

0.325

60.9

0.815

44

66.1

71.7

0.568

43.3

37.9

959

20 Karimnagar

0.135

76.4

0.786

29

76.0

78.8

0.683

38.9

65.8

962

21 Warangal

0.314

76.1

0.815

41

79.4

78.5

0.633

33.3

51.5

963

22 Khammam

0.238

70.9

0.833

40

79.0

73.7

0.627

33.3

49.1

975

23 Nalgonda

0.289

74.8

0.775

48

58.9

75.5

0.591

33.3

43.4

954

0.275

67.8

0.792

42

71.8

74.0

0.608

33.3

38.9

965

Andhra Pradesh

Note : BPL – Percentage of children (below 14 years of age) living in those households which are below poverty line (rural
areas); SB indicates Safe Birth – Percentage of institutional deliveries in the total births; USI – Percentage of ruralchildren (below 14 years of age) living in households with unstable income (i.e. casual labour households); IMR –Infant mortality rate; Immn. – Percentage of children with Immunization cards; PCIS – Percentage of children (5-14
age group) attending school; CDI – Child Development Index; WRLB – Percentage of women representatives in
Local Bodies in the recent elections; VR – Violence Rate (number of cases per lakh women); CSR – Child Sex Ratio.
Source: Different Sources.

Appendix - III249

Reference
Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report

Ajay, G (2007) “Negotiating Transformative Dilemmas- Dalit Assertionin Andhra Pradesh”, Paper presented at a seminar on Movements,
Social transformation and making of Modern Andhra Pradesh,
CESS, Hyderabad, 17-18 March, 2007.
Alexander K C (1982) ‘Emergence of Peasant Organisations in South
India’ in S.A.Shah (ed) India: Degradation and Development,
MV Foundation, Hyderabad.
Anirudh Krishna (2003) “Falling into Poverty: Other Side of Poverty
Reduction”, Economic and Political Weekly, February 8.
Anirudh Krishna, Mahesh Kapila, Sharad Pathak, Mahendra Porwal,
Kiranpal Singh, Virpal Singh (2004) “Falling into Poverty in
Villages of Andhra Pradesh: Why Poverty Avoidance Policies
are Needed”, Economic and Political Weekly, July 17.
APPCB (2000) State of Environment in Andhra Pradesh, Andhra
Pradesh Pollution Control Board, Hyderabad."
APSACS (2005) HIV/AIDS in Andhra Pradesh Situation and Response:
A Report 2005, APSACS, Hyderabad.
AWARE (1998) Farmers’ Suicides in Andhra Pradesh, AWARE,
Hyderabad.
Balakrishnan, Suresh and Manjunath Sadashiva, (2004) “Civic
Engagement for Better Public Governance: A Guide to Good
Practices from India”, Public Affairs Centre, Bangalore, August.
Balaopal, K. (2007), “Land Unrest in Andhra Pradesh – I, II & III”,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLII (38, 39 & 40).

250

Bardhan, Pranab (1996) “Decentralized Development”, Indian
Economic Review, Vol. XXXI (2), pp.139-156.
Bardhan, Pranab and Dilip Mookherjee (2000) “Capture andGovernance at Local and National Levels.”, American Economic
Review, Vol. 90 (2), pp.135-139.
Bardhan, Pranab, (2002), “Decentralization of Government andDevelopment”, Journal of Economic Perspectives 16(4), 185205.
Baru, Sanjay (2007) “The Local and the Global in Hyderabad’s
Development”, Dr. Waheeduddin Khan Twelfth Memorial
Lecture, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad.
BASIX, CARE-A Pand Vikasdharshini (1999), “Women’s Savings
and Credit Movement in AP and A Proposal for a New Institutions
AP MAT”, Report prepared for DFID (UK) India Office andCommissionarate of Rural Development, Bhartya Samurudhi
Investments consultancy, Government of A.P, July.
Basu, K; James E. Foster and S. Subramanyam (1999) “Isolated andProximate Illiteracy or Literacy: Why these Concepts Matters in
Measuring Literacy and Designing Educational Programmes”,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.36 (1 & 2).
Batliwala, S (2007) ‘Taking the Power out of Empowerment - An
Experiential Account’, Development in Practice, Vol.17, Issues
4 &5, Aug, pp.557-565.
Bhat, Mari P N (2002) "Counters of fertility decline in India: A districtlevel study based on the 1991 census", in K.Srinivasan ed.),Population Policy and Reproductive Health, New Delhi,
Hindustan Publishers, 96-727

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Bhatia, J C (1993): "Levels and causes of maternal mortality in southern
India", Studies in Family Planning, 24, 5:310-318. 3

Deaton, Angus and A. Tarozzi (2000) “Prices and Poverty in India”,
Princeton, N J, Research Progremme in Development Studies.

Census of India. (2005) 17th Indian Livestock Census: All India
Summary Report, New Delhi, Department of Animal Husbandry
and Dairying: 217.

Deaton, Angus and Jean Dreze (2002) “Poverty and Inequality inIndia: A Re-examination”, Economic and Political Weekly,
September, 7.

CESS (2007) Report on Seminar Proceedings on ‘Movements, Social
Transformation and making Modern Andhra Pradesh’, submitted
to ICSSR, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, March 2007.

Deshpande RS, D. Rajasekhar, Pradeep Apte and Dhanmanjari
Sathe (2004) NGOs and Farmers’ Movements, State of Indian
Farmer: A Millennium Study, Vol. 23, Ministry of Agriculture,
Government of India.

Chambers, R (1982) “Health, Agriculture and Rural Poverty: Why
Seasons Matter”, Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 18(2).
Chatterjee, Partha (1983) “Peasants, Politics and Historiography: A
Response”, Social Scientist, Vol. 11 (5), May, pp.58-65.
Chatterjee, Partha (1985) “Modes of Power: Some Reflections” Social
Scientist, February.

Dev, S. Mahendra (2007) “Inclusive Growth in Andhra Pradesh:
Challenges in Agriculture, Poverty, Social Sector and Regional
Disparities”, Working Paper No. 71, Centre for Economic andSocial Studies, Hyderabad.
Dev, S. Mahendra (2008) Inclusive Growth in India: Agriculture,
Poverty and Human Development, O U P, New Delhi.

Chaudhury, Nazmul; Jeffrey Hammer; Michael Kremer; Karthik
Muralidharan and F. Halsey Rogers (2006) “Missing in Action:
Teachers and Health Worker Absence in Developing Countries”,
Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 20 (1), winter.

Dev, S. Mahendra and C. Ravi (2007) “Poverty and Inequality: All
India and States, 1983-2005”, Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol. 42 (6).

Chellaiah, R J and Sudarshan (1999) Income Poverty and Beyond:
Human Development in India, Social Science Press, Nare notavailableew Delhi.

Dev. S. Mahendra and N. Sreedevi (2006) “Social Sector Expenditurein Andhra Pradesh”, Manuscript, Centre for Economic and Social
Studies, Hyderabad.

Chinna Rao, Y (2007) Andhra Pradesh Dalita Udhyama Charitra(1990-1950), Hyderabad Book Trust, Hyderabad.

Dev, S. Mahendra; K.S. James and Binayak Sen, (2002), “Causes of
Fertility Decline in India and Bangladesh: The Role ofCommunity”, Working Paper No.45, Centre for Economic andSocial Studies, Hyderabad.

CPCB (2000) National Ambient Air Quality Status 2000, Central
Pollution Control Board: New Delhi.
CPCB (2000) Status of Municipal Solid Waste Generation Collection
Treatment and Disposal in Class-I Cities, Central Pollution Control
Board: New Delhi.
CSO (2004) Compendium of Environment Statistics of India 2002,
Central Statistical Organisation. New Delhi.
Dasgupta, Partha and K G Maler (1997) “The Resource-Basis of
Production and Consumption: An Economic Analysis”, in Partha
Dasgupta and K G Maler (eds) The Environment and Emerging
Development Issues, Volume 1, Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Dasgupta, Partha and Weale, M (1992) “On Measuring the Qualityof Life”, World Development, Vol. 20 (1), pp. 119-131.
Deaton, Angus (2001) “Computing Prices and Poverty Rates in India,
1999-2000”, Princeton, N J, Research Programme in
Development Studies.

Appendix - III

Dhangare, D. N (1991) Peasant Movements in India 1920-1950,
Oxford University Press, New Delhi.
Dixon, Pauline and James Tooley (2005) “The Regulation of Private
Schooling Serving Low-Income Families in Andhra Pradesh,
India”, The Review of Austrian Economics, Vol 18 (1).
Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (1995) India: Social Opportunity andEconomic Development, OUP, Oxford.
Dreze, Jean and Amartya Sen (eds.) (1997) India Development:
Regional Perspective, OUP, New Delhi.
Durrant, Valerie L and Zeba A Sathar (2000) ‘Greater Investments inChildren through Women’s Empowerment: A Key to
Demographic Change in Pakistan’ Paper presented at the Annual
Meeting of the Population Association of America, Los Angles,
CA, March 23-25.

251

EPTRI (2003) State of Environment of Andhra Pradesh - 2003, EPTRI,
Hyderabad.
Forest Survey of India (Various Years) State of Forest Report.

Government of Andhra Pradesh (Various Issues) Statistical Abstractof Andhra Pradesh, Directorate of Economics and Statistics,
Hyderabad.

Galab, S; E. Revathi and P Prudhvikar Reddy (2007) “Farmers’
Suicides and unfolding Agrarian Crisis in Andhra Pradesh”, inD Narsimha Reddy and Srijith Misra (Ed.) Agrarian Crisis in
India, OUP, New Delhi (Fourthcoming).

Government of India (2001) Report of the Working Group on

Galab, S; Prudvikar Reddy, Sree Rama Raju, K.S. Reddy, C. Ravi,
Gopinath Reddy, K. Suri Babu and G.K. Mitra (2006) “TheMid-Term Appraisal of Andhra Pradesh District Poverty Initiatives

Government of India (2002) National Human Development Report

Project”, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad

Government of India (2003) Women and Men in 2002, Ministry of
Statistics and Programme Implementation, Central Statistical
Organisation, Government of India.

(project Report submitted to the Society for Elimination of Rural
Poverty, Hyderabad).
Galab, S and N. Chandrasekhara Rao (2003), “Women and Self
Help Groups: Poverty Alleviation and Empowerment”, in C.H.
Hanumatha Rao and S. Mahendra Dev (eds) Andhra Pradesh
Development: Economic Reforms and Challenges Ahead, Centre
for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad.
George, Alex (2002) “Quality of Reproductive Care in Private Hospitals
in Andhra Pradesh: Womens’ Perception”, Economic and Political
Weekly, April 27.
Ghosh, Madhusudan (2006) “Economic Growth and Human
Development in Indian States” Economic and Political Weekly,
July 19.
Government of Andhra Pradesh, (2000). Water Conservation Mission:
The Information and Guidelines.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (2002), “Report of the Task Force
Committee on Convergence of Programmes”, by Empowering
Self Help Groups (SHGs) and Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Hyderabad.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (2004) Report of the Commission
on Farmers’ Welfare, GOAP, Hyderabad.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (2004) Facts and Figures, Hyderabad,
A.P. Forest Department.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (2005) Report of the Commission
on Farmers’ Welfare, Commission of Agriculture, Departmentof Agriculture, Government of AP, Hyderabad.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (2006) Land Committee report,“Decentralized Planning and Panchayati Raj Institutions”, for
the Tenth Five-year Plan, Ministry of Rural Development,
Government of India, New Delhi.

2001, Planning Commission, Government of India, Delhi: Oxford
University Press.

Government of India (2006) From Haryali to Neeranchal: Report of
the Technical committee on Watershed Programmes in India,
Department of Land Resources, Ministry of Rural Development,
Government of India, January.
Government of India (2006) Women and Men in 2006, Ministry of
Statistics and Programme Implementation, Central Statistical
Organisation, Government of India.
Government of India (2007) Patterns of Development in India: A
Study of Andhra Pradesh, SER Division, Planning Commission,
New Delhi.
Govinda R and Biswal K (2005) ‘ Mapping Literacy in India: Who
are illiterates and where do we find them?’ Background paper
for the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2006, Literacy for Life,
UNESCO Document.
Govinda Rao, M, MRT Shand and K P Kalirajan (1999) “Convergenceof Incomes across Indian States: A Divergent View”, Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol. 34 (13), March 28.
Guha, Ramachandra (2007) “Adivasis, Naxalites and Indian
Democracy” Economic and Political Weekly, Aug 11.
Guha, Ranajit (1983a) Elementary aspects of Peasant Insurgency inIndia, Oxford University Press, Delhi.
Guha, Ranjit (1983b) “The Prose of Counter – Insurgency” in Ranjit
Guha (ed) Subaltern Studies – II, Oxford University Press, Delhi.
Guilmoto, Christophe Z and S. I. Rajan (2002) “District Levels Estimatesof Fertility from India’s 2001 Census”, Economic and Political
Weekly, Feb 16, 2002.

GOAP, Andhra Pradesh.

252

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Haimandorf, Van-Furore (1982) Tribes of India: The Struggle for
Survival, O U P, Delhi.
Hanumantha Rao, V, V.K.Acharya and M. C. Swaminathan (eds.)(1998) Andhra Pradesh at 50: A Data Based Analysis, A Data
News Features Publication, Hyderabad.
Hardiman, David (1987) The Coming of the Devi: Adivasi Assertionin Western India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.
Hicks, D. A. (1997) The inequality-Adjusted Human Development
Index: A Constructive Proposal, World Development, Vol. 7.
Himanshu (2007) “Recent Trends in Poverty and Inequality: Some
Preliminary Results”, Economic and Political Weekly, February 10.
IAMR (2001) “Educational Development Parameters and Preparationof Educational Development Index”, Institute of Applied
Manpower Research, New Delhi.
IIPS (2000) National Family Health Survey (NFHS-2) India 199899, IIPS (International Institute of Population Sciences) and ORS
Macro, Mumbai.

Janardhan Rao, B. (1987) Land Alienation in Tribal Areas: A case
Study in Andhra Pradesh, Kakatiya School of Public
Administration, Warangal.
Jayaraj, D and S. Subramanian (2002) “Child Labour in Tamil Nadu
in the 1980’s: A Preliminary Account of its Nature, Extent andDistribution”, Economic and Political Weekly, March 9.
Jayashankar K (2004) Telangana Rastram Oka Demand, Mallepalli
Rajam Memorial Trust, Godavarikhani.
Jones, Nicola, Madhuri Mukherjee and S.Galab (2007) ‘Ripple
Effects or deliberate Intentions? Assessing Linkages between
Women’s Empowerment and Childhood Poverty”, UNICEF/
Young Lives Social Policy Paper 002, May.
Johnson, C, P. Deshingkar and D. Start (2003), “Grounding the State:
Poverty, Equality and the Politics of Governance in India”,
Panchayats, ODI, Working Paper. 226, Overseas Development
Institute, London.

IIPS (2000) National Family Health Survey (NFHS-2) Andhra Pradesh
1998-99, IIPS (International Institute of Population Sciences)and ORS Macro, Mumbai.

Kabeer, N (2003) Gender Mainstreaming in Poverty Eradicationand Millennium Development Goals: A Handbook for Policymakers and other Stakeholders, London: Commonwealth
Secretariat/IDRC/CIDA. Accessed from: www.idrc.ca/en/ev28774-201-1-Do-TOPIC.html.

IIPS (2007) Fact Sheet: Andhra Pradesh, National Family Health
Survey (NFHS III, 2005-06), International Institute of Population
Studies, Bombay.

Kadekodi, G K (2001) “Environment and Development”, inEnvironmental Economics: An Indian Perspective by R. N.
Bhattacharya, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

IIPS (2007) National Family Health Survey (NFHS) III (2005-06):
India Report, IIPS, Bombay.

Kanchanya, K. (1998) “Women and Development: A Case Study of
DWCRA Programme in West Godavari District”, Unpublished
Thesis submitted to Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Open University,
Hyderabad.

IIPS (2007) National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3) 2005-06 National
Fact Sheets (provisional Data), Accessed fromwww.nfhsindia.org. 12 -01-2008.
James, K S (1999) "Fertility Decline in Andhra Pradesh: A search for
Alternative Hypothesis", Economic and Political Weekly, Vol
34, No 8, Feb 20-26, pp 491-499.
James K.S. and S.V. Subramanian (2003) “Towards a Demographic
Transition”, Economic and Political Weekly, March 22-29; andin C. H. Hanumantha Rao and S. Mahendra Dev (eds.) Andhra
Pradesh Development: Economic Reforms and Challenges
Ahead, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad.
James, K S and S V Subramanian (2005) "Decline in fertility in Andhra
Pradesh: A re-examination of conflicting arguments", in Gulmoto,
C.Z. and Irudaya Rajan (eds.) Fertility Transition in South India,
New Delhi, Sage Publications, pp.357-84.

Appendix - III

Kodanda Ram (2007) “Movement for Telangana State: A Struggle
for Autonomy” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.42, No. 2
Jan 12-19.
Krishna Rao Y.V. and S. Subrahmanyam (eds) (2002) Developmentof Andhra Pradesh 1956-2001: A Study on Regional Disparities,
N.R.R. Research Centre, Hyderabad.
Krishna Rao, Y.V. (2002) “Development Experience of India and Andhra
Pradesh in the Context of Global Trends” in Krishna Rao andSubramanyam (eds.) Development of Andhra Pradesh (1956-2001):
A Study of Regional Disparities, NRR Research Centre, Hyderabad.
Lanjouw, P (2002) Andhra Pradesh Poverty Note: A Preliminary
Profile and Emerging Issues, Mimeo, The World Bank,
Washington D C.

253

Mahadeva, M (2004) “Housing and Amenities in India: An
Explanation towards Development and Deprivation”, Man &Development, Vol. XXVI (2), June.
Majumdar, Manabi and S. Subramanian (2001) “Capability Failureand Group Disparities: Some Evidence from India for the 1980’s”
The Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 37 (5), June.
Manor, J (1999) The Political Economy of Democratic Decentralization,
Directions in Development Series, World Bank Washington
DC.
Manor, J (2000) Democratic Decentralization in Two Indian States:
Past and Present, Unpublished mimeo. Livelihood Options
Project, Overseas Development Institute.
Manor, J (2001) “Madhya Pradesh Experiments with Direct
Democracy”, Economic and Political Weekly. 3 March.
Mesham, AR and Rochat, RW (1988) "Slowing the stork: better
health for women through family planning" Policy ResearchWorking Paper Series 66, The World Bank.

Nagesh Kumar (2005) “Focus on the Farm Sector: The Ramachanna
Reddy Panel Report highlights the dangers of Neglecting the
agricultural sector in Andhra Pradesh” The Hindu, December
22, 2005.
Narasimha Reddy D. and Arun K. Patnaik (1997) “Anti Arrack agitation
by Andhra Pradesh women: A Retrospective Perspective in
Anti arrack movement of women” in B. Sarveshwar Rao and
G. Parthasarathy (eds) Andhra Pradesh and Prohibition Policy,
Har Anand Publications Ltd.
Narayana, K. V. (2003) “Size and Nature of Health Care (in Andhra
Pradesh)”, in C. H. Hanumantha Rao and S. Mahendra Dev(eds) Andhra Pradesh Development: Economic Reforms andChallenges Ahead, Centre for Economic and Social Studies,
Hyderabad.
Narayana, K. V. (2006) “The Unqualified Medical Practitioners: Methodsof Practice and Nexus with the Qualified Doctors”, Working
Paper No. 70, Centre for Economic and Social Studies.

Mishra U. S. and T. Dilip (2002) “Does Better Reproductive Health
Status Mean Low Fertility Levels? Evidence from Asian Countries”,
Health and Population Perspective and Issues, 25 (2), 65-73.

NCEUS (2008) Report on Conditions of Work and Promotion ofLivelihoods in the Unorganised Sector, National Commission
for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector, Government of India,
New Delhi.

MoEF (2003) Annual Report 2002-03, Ministry of Environment andForest, New Delhi.

NRSA (2005) Wastelands Atlas of India, National Remote Sensing
Area, Hyderabad.

MoEF (2006) Annual Report 2005-06, Ministry of Environment andForest, New Delhi.

NSSO (2000). “Sarvekshana” XXIV, No.1 84th Issue July-September.

Mooij, Jos (2002), “Welfare Policies and Politics: A Study of Three
Government Interventions in Andhra Pradesh, India”, ODI
Working Paper 181, London: Overseas Development Institute,London.
Mooij, Jos (2003), “Smart Governance? Politics in the Policy Processin Andhra Pradesh, India”, Working Paper, Overseas
Development Institute, U.K.
Mukund, K (ed.) (1990) Andhra Pradesh Economy in Transition,
Centre for Economic and Social Studies and Book Links,
Hyderabad.
NACO (2005) Epidemiological Surveillance and Estimation Reportfor the year 2005, NACO, New Delhi.
NACO (2006) Annual HIV Sentinel Surveillance Country Report
2006,NACO, New Delhi. (http://www.nacoonline.org/upload/
NACO%20PDFHIV%20Sentinel%20Surveillance%202006_India%
20Country%20Report.pdf)

254

NSSO (2003) Condition of Slums 2002: Salient Features, NSS 58th
Round (July 2002-December 2002).
NSSO (2005a) Situation Assessment Survey of Farmers: Some Aspectsof Farming, Report 496, National Sample Survey Organisation(NSSO), Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation,
GOI, New Delhi.
NSSO (2005b) Situation Assessment Survey of Farmers: Indebetednessof Farmer Households, Report 498, National Sample Survey
Organisation (NSSO), Ministry of Statistics and Programme
Implementation, GOI, New Delhi.
NSSO (2005c) Situation Assessment Survey of Farmers: Access toModern Technology, Report 499, National Sample Survey
Organisation (NSSO), Ministry of Statistics and Programme
Implementation, GOI, New Delhi.
NSSO (2006) ‘Employment and Unemployment Situation among
Social groups in India, Report No.516, National Sample Survey
Organisation 61st round (2004-05), Ministry of Statistics andProgramme Implementation, GOI.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

NSSO (2006) Morbidity, Health Care and the Condition of the Aged:NSSO 60th (January to June 2004) Round, Ministry of Statistics
and Programme Implementation, New Delhi.
Oommen, T.K. (1990) Protest and Change : Studies in Social
Movements, Sage, New Delhi.
Papi Reddy, T (1990) Agrarian Unrest in Andhra Pradesh, Sony
Publishing House, Warangal.
Parthasarathy, G (1970) Green Revolution and Weaker Sections,Thacker and Co, Bombay
Parthasarathy, G (1995) “Public Intervention and Rural Poverty:
Case of Non-sustainable Reduction in Andhra Pradesh”,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 30 (15).
Planning Commission (2001) National Human Development Report
2001, Planning Commission, Government of India, New Delhi.

Ramachandraiah, C (2003) “Urbanisation and Urban Services” in
C. H. Hanumantha Rao and S. Mahendra Dev (eds) Andhra
Pradesh Development: Economic Reforms and Challenges
Ahead, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad.
Ranis, Gustav (2004) “Human Development and Economic Growth”
Discussion Paper No. 887, Economic Growth Centre, Yale
University, New Haven, May, 2004.
Ranis, Gustav, Frances Stewart and Alejandro Ramirez (2000)“Economic Growth and Human Development”, World
Development, Vol. 28, Issue 2, pp. 197-219.
Rao, C. H. Hanumantha (1984) “Steps to Strengthen Growing Peasant
Sector” in Y. V. Krishna Rao, G. Parthasarathy; Ch. Rajeswar
Rao, M. Yada Reddy and Waheeuddin Khan (eds) PeasantFarming and Growth of Capitalism in Indian Agriculture,
Vishalandhra Publishing House, Vijayawada.

Radhakrishna, R (1990) “Poverty in Andhra Pradesh: Underpinningand Policy Intervention” in K Mukund (ed.) Andhra Pradesh
Economy in Transition, Centre for Economic and Social Studies
and Book Links, Hyderabad.

Rao, C. H. Hanumantha (2005) Agriculture, Food Security, Poverty
and Environment: Essays on Post-Reform India, Oxford University
Press, New Delhi.

Radhakrishna, S and Ray (2005) Handbook of Poverty in India:
Perspectives, Policies and Programmes, O U P, New Delhi.

Rao, C. H. Hanumantha (2007) Statehood for Telangana: New
Imperatives”, The Hindu, January 8.

Raithu Sahaya Committee (RSC) 1998, Farmers’ Suicides in Andhra
Pradesh: Report of the Peoples Tribunal, Raithu SahayaCommittee, Hyderabad, July 1998.

Rao, C. H. Hanumantha and S. Mahendra Dev (eds) (2003) Andhra
Pradesh Development: Economic Reforms and Challenges
Ahead, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad.

Rajan, S. I. and P. Mohanachandran (1998) “Infant and Child Mortality
Estimates, Part I”, Economic and Political Weekly, May 9, Vol.
39 (19).

Rao, M.S.A. (1978), Social Movements and Social Transformation:
A study of Backward Classes Movement, Macmillan, New Delhi.

Rajan, S. I. and P. Mohanachandran (2007) District Level InfantMortality Rate Estimates for Andhra Pradesh in 2001, Background
paper, Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report, CESS,
Hyderabad.
Rama Padma, G (2005) “Perceptions on Safe Motherhood: An
Analysis of Results from Rural Andhra Pradesh”, Economic
and Political Weekly, January 29.
Rama Padma, G (2003) "Reproductive and Health Situation in Andhra
Pradesh" Mimeo, Centre for Population and Development
Studies, Hyderabad.
Ramachandraiah, C (2003) “Information Technology and Social
Development”, in C. H. Hanumantha Rao and S. Mahendra
Dev (eds) Andhra Pradesh Development: Economic Reforms
and Challenges Ahead, Centre for Economic and Social Studies,
Hyderabad.
Appendix - III

Rao, R. S; V. Hanumantha Rao and N. Venugopal (eds.) (2006) Fifty
Years of Andhra Pradesh, 1956-2006, Centre for Documentation,
Research and Communication, Hyderabad.
Ravallion, M (1998) Do Price Increases for Staple Foods Help or
Hurt the Rural Poor, The World Bank, Washington D C.
Reddy, D. Narasimha (2006) “Economic Reforms, Agrarian Crisis andRural Distress” paper present at Prof. B. Janardhan Rao Memorial
Lecture (4th Annual), Prof. B J R Memorial Foundation, Warangal.
Reddy, D. Narasimha (2006) “Half a Century of Travails of Agriculture
in Andhra Pradesh” in R. S. Rao; V. Hanumantha Rao and N.
Venugopal (eds.) Fifty Years of Andhra Pradesh, Centre forDocumentation, Research and Communication, Hyderabad.
Reddy, M. Gopinath (2003) “Status of Decentralized Local Bodies:
Post 73rd Amendment Scenario”, Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol. XXXVIII No. 12 and 13 March 22-29.

255Agricultural Development: Need for an Institutional Approach”,

Sen, A. K (1985) Commodities and Capabilities, North Holland,
Amsterdam.

Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXXV, No. 38, September.

Sen, A. K (1999) Development as Freedom, O U P, New Delhi.

Reddy, V. Ratna (2000), “Watershed Management for Sustainable

Reddy, V. Ratna (2007) “Land Alienation and Local Communities:
Case Studies in Hyderabad-Secunderabad”, Economic andPolitical Weekly, Vol. XLII (31), August 4.
Reddy V. Ratna, M. Gopinath Reddy, S. Galab, O. Springate-Baginski
and J. Soussan (2001) “Watershed Development and Livelihood
Security: An Assessment of Linkages and Impact in Andhra
Pradesh”, Project report submitted, Centre for Economic andSocial Studies, Hyderabad.
Reddy, V. Ratna and P. Prudhvikar Reddy (2002) “Water Institutions:
Is Formalisation the Answer? (A study of Water Users Association’sin A.P.)”, Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. 57(3),July-September.
Reddy, V. Ratna, P. Prudhvikar Reddy and Hemanth Kumar (2004)“Ecological and Economic Aspects of Shrimp Farming in A.P.”,
Indian Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. 59(3), JulySeptember.
Reddy, V. Ratna, P. Prudhvikar Reddy; and Sree Rama Raju (2005)“Underutilization of Land in the Context of Technological andPolicy Changes: An Analysis of Andhra Pradesh.” The ICFAI
Journal of Agricultural Economics, Vol. II (2): 7-19.
RGI (2006) Maternal Mortality In India: 1997-2003 Trends, Causes
And Risk Factors, Sample Registration System, Registrar Generalof India, New Delhi.
Rustagi, P(2004) “Significance of Gender- related Development
Indicators: An analysis of Indian States”, Indian Journal of GenderStudies, Vol.11, No.3 pp. 391-343.
Sainath, P (2004) “Sinking Borewells and Rising Debt”,
ww.indiatogether.org/2004/Jun/psa-sinkingbore.
Sastry, K. R., C. P. Vithal and G. Ramachandraiah (1995), “Panchayati
Raj in Andhra Pradesh”, in National Institute of Rural
Development, Panchayati Raj Institutions in Select States – An
Analytical Study. Hyderabad: NIRD.
Satyanarayana, A (2007) ‘Agrarian Movements and Social
Transformation in Andhra Pradesh’ Paper presented at a seminaron ‘Movements, Social transformation and making of Modern
Andhra Pradesh’, CESS, Hyderabad 17-18 March, 2007.

256

Sen, Abhijit (1996) “Economic Reforms, Employment and Poverty:
Trends and Options”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31(35, 36 and 37).
Shashi Bhushan and T. Prabhakar Reddy (2004) ‘A Moving into
Poverty Syndrome: Debt and Differentiation in Small Farm
Economies: A Casual Study of Farmers’ Suicides in A.P.’, Poverty
and Social Analysis Monitoring Unit (PSAMU-SERP), Hyderabad,
November, Draft Mimeo.
Shyamsunder, P. (2002) Poverty-Environment Indicators, The WorldBank Environment Department.
Singh , Master Hari (1980) Agricultural Workers’ Struggle and its
Lessons, National Book Agency, Calcutta.
Singh, Y (1973) Modernization of Indian Tradition, Thompson Press,
Delhi
Sitaram, Shashikala (2002), “Interface of PRIs and Community Based
Organisations in Andhra Pradesh”, Rural Poverty Reduction
Project, Report Submitted to Society for Elimination of Rural
Poverty (SERP), Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, April.
Sivanna, N and M. Gopinath Reddy (2005) “Panchayats andWatershed Development: An Assessment of Institutional Capacity”,(Collaborative Research under Sri Ratan Tata Endowment Grant,
Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore and Centre
for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad.
Sonalkar, Vandana (1984) ‘An Interpretation of History of the Women’s’
Movement in India from 1830 to the present’ in K.Murali Manohar(ed) Women’s Status and development in India, Society for
Women’s Studies and Development.
Soussan, John and V. Ratna Reddy (2003) “Andhra Pradesh Evolving
Appropriate Watershed Policy”, Economic and Political Weekly,
Vol. XXXVIII (1), January 4-10.
Sreedevi, N (2007) Public Spending on Child Development: A Caseof Andhra Pradesh, Manuscript, Centre for Economic and Social
Studies, Hyderabad.
Sreedevi, N (2006) “State Finance of Andhra Pradesh: An Overview”,
in R. S. Rao; V. Hanumantha Rao and N. Venugopal (eds.) Fifty
Years of Andhra Pradesh 1956-2006, Centre for Documentation,
Research and Communication, Hyderabad.

Andhra Pradesh Human Development Report 2007

Stree Shakthi Sanghatana (1989) We were making History: Womenin the Telengana Uprising, Kali for Women, New Delhi.

Vamsi, Vakulabharanam (2004) ‘Immiserizing Growth: Globalization

Subrahmanyam, S and Aparna (2007) “Development of Agriculture
in Andhra Pradesh”, Background paper, Andhra Pradesh
Human Development Report, CESS, Hyderabad.

and 2000’ Doctoral Dissertation, Amherst: University ofSudhakara Reddy, L (1994) “Patterns of Urbanisation in Andhra
Pradesh 1961-91”, Unpublished M.Phil Thesis submitted to
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi at Centre forDevelopment Studies, Trivandru.

and Agrarian Change in Telangana, South India between 1985
Massachusetts, Economics Department.
Vamsi, Vakulabharanam (2005) “Growth and Distress in a South
Indian Peasant Economy During the Era of Economic
Liberalisation” The Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 41,
No. 6, August, pp. 971-997.
Vithal, B. P. R (1998) “An Overview” in V. Hanumantha Rao, V. K.

Sudhakara Reddy, L (2007) “Urban Process in Andhra Pradesh”,
Mimeo, Hyderabad.

Acharya and M. C. Swaminathan (eds.) (1998) Andhra Pradesh

Sunder, N, Roger Jeffery and Neil Thin (2001), Branching Out –Joint Forest Management, Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

Hyderabad.

Suri, K. C. and C. V. Raghavulu (1996) ‘Agrarian Movements andLand Reforms’, in Land Reforms in India, Vol 3.
Tendulkar, S. D, K. Sundaram and L. R. Jain (1996) “Macro-economic
Policies and Poverty in India: 1966-67 to 1993-94” Paper
prepared for ILO, New Delhi.
UNDP(1990) Human Development Report, OUP, New York.
UNDP(1997) Human Development Report 1997, OUP, Oxford.

at 50: A Data Based Analysis, A Data News Features Publication,

WHO (1992) Antenatal Care and Maternal Health: How effective isit?, World Health Organization, Geneva.
Wong, K. F (2003) “Empowerment as a Panacea for Poverty- Old
Wine in New Bottles? Reflections on the World Bank’s Conceptionof Power”, Progress in Development Studies, 3, 4, pp.307-22.
World Bank (1995) Economic Development in India: Achievement
and Challenges, The World Bank’s Country Study, Washington
DC.

UNDP(2004) Human Development Report 2004, OUP, Oxford.

World Bank (2001) Environmental Health in India: Priorities in Andhra

UNDP(2005) Human Development Report 2005, OUP, Oxford.

Pradesh, Environment and Social Development Unit: SouthUNFPA (2007) State of World Population 2007: Unleashing the
Potential of Urban Growth, United Nations Population Fund.
UNH (2007) Global Report on Human Settlement 2007: Enhancing
Urban Security and Peoples’ Safety, United Nation Habitat report.
Upadhya, Videh (2005) “Panchayats, Water User Groups and Law
in India: with specific studies on participatory irrigation

Asia Region.
WDR - World Development Report (1993) Investing in Health, The
World Bank, Washington DC.
Youth for Action (1996) “Evaluation Report on DWCRA in
Mahaboobnagar District of Andhra Pradesh”, Report of a Study
submitted to UNICEF, Hyderabad.

management, rural water supply, and watershed development”,
CSLG Working Paper Series (CSLG/WP/05-06), Centre for the
Study of Law & Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New
Delhi.

Appendix - III

257