STUDIES READER Vol. 2
A Multidisciplinary and Multicultural
Research Guide

北京体育大学——中国，北京

RIO DE JANEIRO STATE UNIVERSITYRIO DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL里约热内卢州立大学——巴西，里约热内卢EDITORS Hai Ren，Lamartine DaCosta，Ana Miragaya，Zhao Zhuo编辑

任海拉马丁·达科斯塔

安娜·米拉加娅赵卓

2016

Volume 22016 年

第二卷

综 合 学 科 和 多 元 文 化 研 究 指 南

BEIJING SPORT UNIVERSITY
BEIJING, CHINA

奥林匹克研究读本·第二卷OLYMPIC

Published by

Editorial work by出版编辑This book on Olympic Studies is the result of
the cooperation of Beijing Sport University and Rio

Olympic Studies Reader 奥林匹克研究读本

de Janeiro State University with the support of the

Editors: Hai Ren, Lamartine DaCosta,

International Olympic Committee through its Information
Management Department / Olympic Studies Centre,
located in Lausanne, Switzerland. The distribution of the

Ana Miragaya and Zhao Zhuo
编辑：任海拉马丁·达科斯塔

安娜·米拉加娅赵卓book is free in paper, CD ROM and other media. It will

Beijing: Beijing Sport University Press, 2016(vol 2).

also be available for free download from the website.

北京：北京体育大学出版社，2016（第二卷）Paper copies of the book and of the texts are permitted
as long as there is no commercial purpose. Authors and1. Olympic Studies - Collected works.

the original sources must be acknowledge in eventual

2. Olympic Games - Collected works.

reproductions. All rights reserved. ©CIO / John Huet,

3. Culture - History.

Tsutomu Kishimoto and Hiroki Sugimoto.

4. Culture - Methodology.
5. Culture - Philosophy

这本《奥林匹克研究读本》是在国际奥委会尤

1. 奥林匹克研究——文集

其是其信息管理部和奥林匹克研究中心的大力支持

3. 文化——历史

下，由北京体育大学和里约热内卢州立大学合作完成

5. 文化——哲学的。本书纸质、CD 和其他媒体形式的出版和发行均为免费。同时也提供免费的网络下载。除商业目的外，允许复印该书或其中论文，但请务必注明作者和原始出处。版权所有。

2. 奥运会——文集

4. 文化——方法学Preface

序Chi Jian, Professor, Ph.D.
President of Beijing Sport University

池建 教授，博士
北京体育大学校长

The Olympic Movement is an extraordinary social and奥林匹克运动是人类文明史

cultural phenomenon in world history. It purposely uses

上十分罕见的社会现象。它以体

sports to cultivate youth by blending sport with culture and育为基本手段，与教育、文化融

education, therefore, promoting the sound development of为一体，促进人自身，人与社会，

human beings, harmonious relationships with others and人与自然的和谐发展，从而在经with the natural environment. The Olympic Movement

济、政治、文化和教育等领域产

has far-reaching impact on the fields of economy, politics,

生广泛而深远的影响，成为人类

culture and education and has become a great symbol ofsocial progress, friendship and solidarity.

witnessed various profound changes occurring inside andoutside the world sport system, which have proposed aseries of challenges to the Olympic Movement. Is the
Olympic Movement able to adapt itself to the changed

进 入 新 千 年 以 来， 世 界 体
育发展的内外环境均发生极其深
刻的变化，对奥林匹克运动提出了一系列极具挑战的问题。奥林匹克运动能否适应变化了的社会
条件，继续为人类的福祉发挥其social conditions and continuously plays its extraordinary

不同寻常的作用？奥林匹克运动roles to benefit human beings? How will it develop in the

将如何发展？全世界都在等待回

future? The whole world is waiting for answers. Under the

答。在国际奥委会新任主席托马

leadership of Thomas Bach, the new President of the IOC,斯·巴赫的领导下，《奥林匹克Olympic Agenda 2020 was launched at the end of 2014.
This document is full of innovations and suggestions forreforms as it is regarded as a roadmap to guide the Olympic
Movement. The new developmental trend of the Olympic

议程 2020》于 2014 年底发布，这一极具改革和创新精神的文
件，被视为指引奥运未来发展的路线图。奥林匹克运动发展的新3

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

As the world entered a new millennium, we have社会进步、友谊和团结的象征。

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趋势，引发了世界范围学者们的

Movement has aroused various interests of scholars in the各种兴趣。奥林匹克研究，不仅

world. Olympic Studies let us not only understand deeper

可以使我们深入地认识体育和世

about sports and the world but also know better about

界，也可以更好地认识我们自己。

ourselves.

北京体育大学与巴西里约热内卢州立大学的奥林匹克学者们

Olympic scholars of Beijing Sport University and Rio

多年来精诚合作，六年前就合作

de Janeiro State University (Universidade do Estado do

出版了《奥林匹克读本》卷一。
今天他们已做出新的努力，于是我们有了也关注奥运一些新发展的卷二。对此，我向他们表示祝贺。我不仅要感谢世界各地的作者们分享他们的真知卓见，还要感谢国际奥委会对这一项目的支

Rio de Janeiro - UERJ) had closely cooperated over theyears and worked out Olympic Studies Reader Volume Iin both English and Chinese versions six years ago. Now
they have recently made another great effort on Volume II ,which also focuses on the new development of the Olympic
Movement. I would like to congratulate the co-editors fortheir new achievement and to express my sincere thanks
not only to the authors from various parts of the world for

持。北京体育大学期待与各国学

their thoughtful ideas but also to the International Olympic

者密切合作，以更多的奥林匹克

Committee for its support to the project. Beijing Sport

研究成果迎接 2016 年里约奥运

University is looking forward to working with scholars

会和 2022 年北京冬奥会。

around the world to celebrate the 2016 Rio Summer
Olympic Games and the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympic
Games.

Preface序Rio de Janeiro
Ruy Garcia Marques, M.D., Ph.D.
President of Rio de Janeiro State University

鲁伊·加西亚·马尔克斯
医学博士，哲学博士
里约热内卢州立大学校长

On the launching of this book, I would like to

在 本 书 推 出 之 际， 我 要 祝

congratulate its editors, from both China and Brazil,

贺来自中国和巴西的编辑们，是for having put together authors of various countries

他们将各国奥林匹克研究学者

with the theme of Olympic Studies, which by definition

在多元文化和跨学科的主题统

implies multicultural and interdisciplinary themes. It is领下，汇聚在一起。需要强调的

essential to emphasize the cooperation between Beijing

是北京体育大学和里约热内卢Sport University and Rio de Janeiro State University

州立大学之间的合作，使这项工(Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro - UERJ), which

作成为可能。

In terms of elaboration of contents, it is crucial tomention the use of the English language as the means ofadherence of authors as well as the use of the Chinese
language as a growing means of scientific and technologicalcommunication. I would also like to highlight UERJ's PostGraduation Program in Science of Sport and Exercise,under the coordination of Professor Nadia Lima, for theparticipation as the operational platform for the Brazilian
editors, professors Lamartine DaCosta and Ana Miragaya,
both from the Olympic Studies Research Group of thisuniversity.

特 别 需 要 提 及 的 是， 本 书以英语将不同作者联系在一起，以中文扩展了科技交流手段的应用。我还想指出，里约热内卢州立大学的体育和运动科学研究生
计划，在纳迪亚利马教授的协调下，为巴西编者，也是本校奥林
匹克研究团队的拉马丁·达科斯
塔教授和安娜·米拉加娅教授的
参与，提供了工作平台。
基 于 编 著 此 书 的 目 的， 里约热内卢州立大学认同纳入本书
的研究成果旨在促使奥林匹克体育的创新，以此呼应国际奥委5

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

has made this work possible.

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会 最 近 通 过 的《 奥 林 匹 克 议 程Taking into consideration the objectives that have2020》，同时延续对在过去 120

guided this work, UERJ identifies itself with the studies

年形成的奥运会特性的认同。创

here presented aiming at innovations in the Olympic sport,

新未来，保持传统，正是里约热

replying not only to the call of the International Olympic

内卢州立大学对里约 2016 奥运

Committee by means of its recent Olympic Agenda 2020,

会及其后续时代的建议。

but also to the identity of the Olympic Games constructed

因此，我们确信，这本书为

during the past 120 years. The creation of the future

巴西与中国在科学技术领域的合

keeping the traditions of the past coincides with UERJ’s

作，为推进两国在 2016 年夏季

proposal for 2016–year of the Olympic Games in Rio de奥运会遗产和北京 2022 年冬季

Janeiro – and subsequent years.

奥运会未来遗产之间的对话，提供了又一次宝贵的机会。我们希Accordingly, we are certain that this book represents

望，这一著作使基于两校合作的another privileged opportunity for the ties that unite

体育知识进一步国际化。

Brazil and China in science and technology as well as
an advancement in the dialogue between both countries
dealing with the current legacies of the 2016 Summer

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Olympic Games and the future legacies of the 2022
Winter Olympic Games in Beijing. We hope that this work
promotes a larger internationalization of knowledge about
sport from the cooperation between both universities.

CONTENTS
UPDATES OF OLYMPICAGENDA 2020

1

《奥林匹克议程 2020》跟进研究
FUTURE MEGA-EVENT CITIES WITH OLYMPICLEGACIES

3

未来大型体育赛事承办城市的奥运遗产
Lamartine DaCosta
State University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Ana Miragaya
Universidade Estacio de Sa Petropolis, Brazil

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OLYMPIC AGENDA 2020: SEEKING A NEWBALANCE BETWEEN IDEAL AND REAL
《奥林匹克 2020 议程》：寻求理想与现实之间新的平衡
Hai REN
Center for Olympic Studies in Beijing Sport University
任海
北京体育大学奥林匹克研究中心

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

拉马丁·达科斯塔里约热内卢州立大学
安娜·米拉加亚埃斯塔西奥德萨大学

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TRADITIONAL APPROACHES45NATIONAL AND POST-NATIONAL DYNAMICS
IN THE OLYMPIC DESIGN: THE CASE OF THE
ATHENS 2004 OLYMPIC GAMES

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传统研究

奥林匹克设计中 “国家”和“后国家”的发展动态——以 2004 年雅典奥运会为例
Jilly Traganou
School of Art and Design History and Theory Parsons
The New School for Design
吉利·特拉甘努帕森设计学院艺术设计历史与理论学院

82

SPORTS IN MULTI-CULTURAL MALAYSIA
多元文化背景下的马来西亚体育Selina Khoo
University of Malaya
塞琳娜·邱
马来亚大学

THE UNIVERSITY OF EAST LONDON AND THE
LONDON 2012 OLYMPIC & PARALYMPIC GAMESAND THEIR LEGACY109

东伦敦大学与 2012 年伦敦奥运会 / 残奥会及其遗产的关系研究John Lock
University of East London
约翰·洛克
东伦敦大学

THE LOS ANGELES CHALLENGE IN 1932 AND 1984
1932 年和 1984 年洛杉矶奥运会的挑战

147

Margaret Costa
California State University at Long Beach

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ANCIENT AND MODERN OLYMPIC GAMES: A
HISTORICAL APPROACH
古代奥运会和现代奥运会：历史研究法
Christina Koulouri
Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences
克里斯蒂娜·库卢里
雅典派迪昂政治经济大学181

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

玛格丽特·科斯塔
加利福尼亚州立大学（长滩校区）

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ANTHEM, SYMPHONY AND OLYMPIC GAMESIDEALISM
颂歌、交响曲和奥运会理想Jeffrey O. Segrave
The David H. Porter Endowed Chair Skidmore College
杰佛里·西格雷夫斯基德莫尔学院 ( 萨拉托加泉 )

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OLYMPIC EDUCATION IN THE RIO
2016 PLANNING: THEORETICAL AND
METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS
2016 年里约奥运会计划中的奥林匹克教育：理论和方法论
Otávio Tavares
Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo
Jorge Knijnik
University of Western Sydney
奥塔维奥·塔瓦雷斯圣埃斯皮里图联邦大学
乔治·科尼基尼克
西悉尼大学

4

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HOST CITY ELECTIONS, OLYMPIC CANDIDATE
CITIES, AND THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF
URBAN PLANNING
奥运会举办城市的遴选、候选城市和城市规划的国际化
John Lauermann
Graduate School of Geography, Clark University
约翰·洛尔曼克拉克大学地理学研究生院

UPDATES OF OLYMPICAGENDA 2020
《奥林匹克议程 2020》跟进研究

FUTURE MEGA-EVENT CITIESWITH OLYMPIC LEGACIES
Lamartine DaCosta
State University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Ana Miragaya
Universidade Estacio de Sa Petropolis, Brazil

未来大型体育赛事承办
城市的奥运遗产
拉马丁·达科斯塔里约热内卢州立大学
安娜·米拉加亚埃斯塔西奥德萨大学

本论文旨在综观全球范围内This position paper aims to overview the changing

经历的城市秩序的变迁。这些新

urban order that global cities have been going through变化已经成为影响 2020 年东京

worldwide. These recent changes have extensively become

奥运会之前奥运会——这一大型

the context for the development of Olympic mega-

体育赛事发展的背景。此外，国events until 2020, when the Tokyo Olympiad will be际 奥 委 会 的《2020 议 程》 提 出

3

held. Moreover, the “Agenda 2020” of the International

了选择举办城市的新的奥运会申Olympic Committee (IOC) is bringing new approaches to办程序（国际奥委会，2014），

the Olympic Games bidding process for the selection of这些新举措与遗产和可持续发展Olympic host cities (IOC, 2014) related to themes such as

的主题密切相关。

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

legacy and sustainability.
Those IOC recent innovative claims may be initiallydrawn from the fact that the three finalist candidate cities
to host the 2020 Olympic Games – namely Madrid, Tokyoand Istanbul – have appeared as typical examples of global
cities. However, the previous selection of Rio de Janeiro –another conurbation, when seen jointly with Sao Paulo in

国际奥委会最近提出的创新
主张可能源于最终入围 2020 年
奥运会申办的三个候选城市，即马德里、东京和伊斯坦布尔的状况。它们是典型的全球性城市。
然而，先前 2016 年选择里约热内卢申办时，同一地区的卫星城圣保罗也加入进来，似乎预示着
未来的奥运会会更为宽容地接受

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同一国家两个或两个以上的城市

the same region – for the 2016 Olympics suggests a future

作为奥运会的“区域”举办地（达broad acceptance of two or more cities of the same country

科斯塔，2013 年）。

as “regional” host sites for the Olympic Games (DaCosta,

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言，全球性城市是那些“由多地Such evidence might also be analyzed by means of组成的日趋结合、相互依存的国

conceptual foundations. In this regard, global cities are

际网络状的”城市聚集体（布伦those urban concentrations with “an internationalized纳 和 凯 尔，2006 年）。 该 作 者

network of local places that are now increasingly bound还将全球城市界定为“在大型区

together and interdependent” (Brenner & Keil, 2006). The域经济或城市区居主导地位的

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same authors define a global city as “a dominant local

当地中心”。此外，这些基本理

center within large-scale regional economies or urban

论观点，由于信息技术导向的功

fields” (Ibid p. 11). Furthermore, those fundamental points

能及超越其人口或规模的国际

become more relevant by their Information-Technology-

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事 实 上， 全 球 城 市 是 全 球

这种现象也可作为概念性2013).

原 理 工 具 的 分 析 对 象。 就 此 而

交流，如文化、金融、旅游等，变得更为切题。
范围城市人口不断膨胀的最终产物，目前城市人口占世界人口的80％以上。国际奥委会在其奥运
会申办程序中尚未考虑到这一世界性的趋势。然而，面对《2020议程》所隐含的可持续发展新语境，对照“遗产”含义可能发生的变化，我们在此提出将这一趋势作为标杆学习试验（通过可比较的观察和指标，分享知识）的oriented functions and international exchanges - cultural,
financial, touristic etc. - than their population or size.
Indeed, global cities are end-products of the increasing
expansion of the urban population worldwide, now
reaching more than 80% around the world (Ibid pp. 4-5).
This planetary tendency has not yet been considered by the
IOC in its bidding procedures, but it is here proposed as amain reference for a benchlearning trial (sharing knowledge
through comparative observations and indicators) comparedwith possible changes for the meaning of “legacy”, facing
the new sustainable contexts implied by the Agenda 2020.

Thus far, this study progresses from today’s worldwide

主要参考依据。

megacity trends to the rise of sustainability as a counter-

到目前为止，这项研究讨论

factual component of this identified mainstream, having

的特大城市的发展已成当今世界

Rio de Janeiro and its neighboring cities as background to

的主流，继而论及可持续发展观test these identified oppositions. The final expected result

念的崛起，成为这一主流中违反

of this theoretical exercise is a discussion of the new ap-

现实的组成部分。本研究以里约

proaches to the Olympic Games’ legacy as sustainable de-热内卢及其周边城市为背景，检

velopment (economic, social and environmental in mutual验人们确认的这些对立。希望通

balanced relationships).

过这一理论探讨，最终引发人们
以新的方式，从可持续发展的角

TRENDS OF OLYMPIC MEGACITIES

度来讨论奥运遗产（经济、社会和环境的相互平衡关系）。

To begin this comparative experience, it is important toconsider the initial group of the five 2020 candidate cities,
Janeiro, now preparing to host the 2016 Games. This willserve as a hypothesis for this study.
Actually, having the Global Cities Index developedby A. T. Kearney Consulting (2012) as an indicator forbenchlearning, London stands on the 2nd position among
the 66 leading and emerging global cities, an amountthat reflects all-encompassing tendencies of the intense
urbanization of the five continents. The Index also ranks

奥林匹克超大城市的趋势实施这项比较研究，重要的是考虑 2020 奥运会的５个候选城市，其中伦敦是 2012 奥运会举办城市，里约热内卢正在筹办 2016 年的奥运会。以此为本研究立论的依据。
实际上，将科尔尼咨询公司
发布的 2012 年“全球性城市指数”作为一个标杆学习的指示器，
伦敦在 66 个世界领先和新兴的
全球性城市中排名第二，这些城Rio de Janeiro at the 53rd position, but if it is associated

市反映出了五大洲全面的、日益with Sao Paulo, making up a broadly recognized mega

加强的城市化趋势。里约热内卢5

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

London as the 2012 site of the Olympic Games and Rio de

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在这一指数排名中位列第 53，

region, Rio+Sao Paulo could go up to the 33rd position.

但如果从里约热内卢与圣保罗组In this list, Tokyo takes 4th position and Madrid the 18th

成的一个已被广泛认可的、大的

whilst Istanbul is now 37th after being 41st in 2010. In all,

区域的角度看，“里约 + 圣保罗”

for the benchlearning purposes, the Olympic cities London

的排名可以上升至第 33 位。在and Rio de Janeiro, in addition to the candidate cities to这个排名中，东京位列第 4，马

the 2020 Olympic Games, are hypothetically keeping their德里第 18，伊斯坦布尔从 2010

status or searching a better position among global cities.

年的第 41 升至现在的第 37。总之，为了发现差距、不断超越，Whichever candidate city is selected for the 2020

除了 2020 年奥运会的候选城市

Games, the time span covered by the proposed comparative

外，奥运城市伦敦和里约热内卢elaboration is 15 years, beginning with London selected in都设想它们正在保持或提升在全2005 and reaching the opening of the 2020 Tokyo Games.

球性城市中的位置。
无论哪个候选城市被选定举办 2020 年奥运会，其筹办时间
跨度都覆盖本研究设计的 15 年
比较期，从 2005 年伦敦申办成
功到 2020 年东京奥运会开幕。
从方法论上讲，这一比较略长于
国际奥委会提出的“奥运会影响（OGI）”研究，该研究收集和
分析各主办城市最多长达 12 年
中不同阶段的数据。尽管“奥运会影响（OGI）”研究包括诸多变量（2012 年伦敦奥运会有 120
项指标之多），但其仅局限于一

Methodologically speaking this comparison slightly
surpasses the timeline of the Olympic Games Impact(OGI) study set forth by the IOC to follow up to 12 years(maximum) of different phases of data collection andanalysis from each host city. Although the OGI study iscomposed of a diversity of variables (120 indicators for the2012 London Games), its attainability includes only one
Olympic site while the global city-based benchlearning
may turn to be valid because of its proposed longitudinal
meaning when involving more than one city or several
regional urban aggregations.
A significant remark about the benchlearning approach

个举办城市。而基于全球性城市

is that these five global cities, which have participated in

的标杆学习因其涉及一个以上城

the bidding and selecting process of the IOC since 2005

(London, Rio de Janeiro, Madrid, Tokyo and Istanbul),

市，或几个城市聚集体的长期意

are far from a coincidental aggregation. IOC choices

义，而具有研究有效性。

also reveal a tendency largely seen in the present days:标杆学习研究方法的一个显

typical urban agglomerations seem to be seeking planetary

著特点是，这五个自 2005 年以来

influences. Actually, the 21st century is now being

参与了国际奥委会招标和选择的recognized as the era in which cities prevail over countries.

全过程中的全球性城市（伦敦、里Global cities appear to be in the forefront of this recent and约热内卢、马德里、东京和伊斯坦

unprecedented worldwide changing pattern (Brenner &布尔），远非偶然性机缘巧合的聚

Keil, 2006, pp. 3-14).

落。国际奥委会的选择其实也在
一定程度上显示出其当今的倾向：

The initial benchlearning assessment of Olympic host

以典型的城市聚落寻求行星效应。
事实上，现在人们正在认识到 21

2020 Olympic Games, which took place in 2013, became

世纪是城市优先于国家的时代。

an ad hoc comparison among global cities as the IOC
bidding process kept in its standards two selective phaseswith five candidate cities. At the same time, the nonfinalist cities, Doha (Qatar) and Baku (Azerbaijan), became
outsiders in the A. T. Kearney Index list, but they were
natural candidates for upgrades. After all, the candidate
cities without global status would potentially be able to set
targets for improvements as a consequence of the bidding.
This interpretation is consonant with previous researchby Tolzmann (2014), who used another methodologicalpath. Tolzmann suggests that “position and connectivity
within global networks have ‘political’ ramifications that

全球性城市似乎正处于新近发生

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的，也是前所未有的这一全球格

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

cities suggests that the selection of the host city for the局变化的前沿（Brenner & Keil，
2006 年，p.3-14）。
最初的对奥运会举办城市的标 杆 学 习 评 估 表 明，2013 年 对2020 年奥运会举办城市的选定，是为全球性城市特设的一场较量，国际奥委会在对 5 个候选城
市两轮的评估中都坚持了这一标
准。而未进入申办最后阶段的城市多哈（卡塔尔）和巴库（阿塞拜疆）都在科尔尼的全球性城市
排名榜之外，但它们天然具有进

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榜的潜力。毕竟，不具备全球性

impact host selection” as referred to Olympic Games身份的候选城市很可能以申办为bidding from recent decades. To this author, the logic

契机制定发展和提升的目标。

behind the choice of an Olympic host city is mostly

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是一致的。Tolzmann 认为，“在这 种 解 释 与 Tolzmann 以 另一种方式做过的研究（2014 年）

concerned with “how place and difference remain crucial totoday's ‘global’”.

全球网络中的位置及关联度对举

These evidences imply that the IOC requirements for办城市的选择具有产生影响的the selection of host cities might be overlapping with global‘政治’后果”，这也为近几十

cities’ characteristics simply because most references

年来奥运申办所证实。该作者认and descriptions of either situation are related to urban为奥运举办城市选择背后的逻辑

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development advancement. A specific condition which

主要是“其地点与差异对今天的

can be found in this coincidence is related to climate

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只是因为这两种情况所参考和描‘全球’保持其至关重要性”。
这些证据意味着，国际奥委会对主办城市选择的要求，可能与全球性城市的特点是重合的，
述大多与城市的发展程度有关。
在这一巧合中可发现一个特定的条件就是有关气候变化的影响和风险管理，其在本质上与可持续发展相关，这是当今国际奥委会
在其有关环保意识和保护的评估
中提出的要求。就将举办 2016年奥运会的里约热内卢而言，是非常有针对性的和独特的。环境
管理被视为一个引人瞩目的特change impact and risk management, which are inherently
associated with sustainability, a present day requirement
issued by the IOC in its bidding evaluation related toenvironmental awareness and protection. The case of Rio deJaneiro, which will host the 2016 Olympic Games, is very
peculiar and unique. Environmental management can beconsidered as a distinguishing trait that might be assumed
as leverage support for either global city improvement or
local sustainability concerns.

THE GLOBAL CITY BEHIND THE 2016
OLYMPIC GAMESIn terms of research of possibilities raised by theherewith benchlearning London-Rio-Madrid-TokyoIstanbul, the project SAM RIO, developed by DaCosta andassociates in 2011, may enhance the identification of thelink between global cities and sustainable governance. As质，人们认为其对促进全球性城
市的改善，或当地可持续性发展
具有促进作用。

2016 年奥运会背后的全球
城市依据伦敦 - 里约 - 马德里 -an independent investigation, the SAM RIO study aimed

东京 - 伊斯坦布尔标杆学习的可to ameliorate local decision making for the 2016 Olympics

能性研究，2011 年达科斯塔等提and beyond. The acronym SAM RIO stands for the closeand synergetic relationship between the city of Sao Paulo(SA) – the largest financial and industrial center in Brazil
and in Latin America – and the southern region of theState of Rio de Janeiro (RIO), which together form a stringof urban clusters (mid-sized cities and towns) linked toeach other by existing or planned transportation corridors(highways, railroads, air shuttle, high speed train, etc.) that
include the 2016 Olympic Games site in addition to the2014 FIFA World Cup post-event legacies in SA and in
RIO.
The SAM RIO region has 46.8 million inhabitants andhouses two diversified large industrial and technologicalcorridors linking several towns and cities parallel to threemountain corridors covered with forests, where frequent进一步认识到全球性城市与可持续治理之间的联系。作为一项独立 调 查，SAM RIO 研 究 旨 在 提升当地 2016 年奥运会及其后的决策水平。SAM RIO 这一缩写代
表了巴西以至拉丁美洲最大的金
融和工业中心圣保罗（SA）和邻
州米纳斯吉拉斯的南部地区（M）
及里约热内卢州（RIO）之间的
密切关联与协作的关系，这些城
市共同形成了一个城市集群（中等城市和城镇），它们由已有的或计划建设中的交通走廊（高速公路、铁路、空中航线、高铁等）
相连，包含了 2016 年奥运会赛场以及 2014 年世界杯足球赛在圣保罗和里约留下的遗产。

9奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本neighboring State of Minas Gerais (M) in addition to the

出的 SAM RIO 计划可能让人们

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SAM RIO 地 区 居 住 着 4680

environmental damages (floods and landslides) happen.

万人口，两大风格迴异的工业和A gradual increase in the average temperature in urban

技术走廊将并行于森林覆盖的 3

areas has also been observed. This combination of green

个山间通道的若干几个城镇联接areas, residential communities (poor and rich), industrial

起来。这里环境灾害频发（洪水and services-dominated workplaces implies the challenge

和山体滑坡）。在城市地区，可of having environmental governance combining climate

观察到平均温度在逐渐上升。绿

changes with sustainability requirements besides control of

地、住宅区（穷人的和富人的）、

negative impacts.

以工业和服务业为主的工作场所
的组合，意味着除了要控制社会

For sustainability concerns, the SAM RIO research

的负面影响，还要应付环境治理

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project analyzed alternatives for the adaptation of的挑战，将气候变化与可持续发

Rio de Janeiro to climate constraints in order to meet

展的要求结合起来。

potential 2016 Games socio-environmental legacies10

内满足 2016 年奥运会社会环境

就可持续性而言，SAM RIO
研究项目分析了里约热内卢适应气候制约的多种方案，以在区域
遗产的潜势。这一研究立足于，
地方导向的大型活动的界定，在识别和量化气候变化的极端风险
时具有方法上的困难。于是，提出将更广泛的 SAM RIO 地理区
域作为全球城市，从而使得对环
境风险的监控和管理成为可能。
这一思路形成于将生态平
衡因素（天然林和环保领域）纳
入人口的分布、就业及科技发展

within regional reach. Behind this research perspective
stands the delimitation of local-oriented mega-events
that have methodological difficulties in the identificationand quantification of extreme risks of climate change.
As a result, this wider geographical area, SAM RIO, wasproposed as a global city so that it would be possible tomonitor and manage environmental risks.
This line of thought took shape as ecological balancefactors (natural forests and environmental protection
areas) were being considered together with population
distribution, employment and science & technology
opportunities. Using the Geographic Information System

– GIS (geographical spatial data provided by satellites)的 统 筹 思 考。 应 用 地 理 信 息 系

method, a new information basis for SAM RIO region was统 -GIS（ 卫 星 提 供 的 地 理 空 间developed, including the identification of an extension area

数据）方法，开发出了一个新的

of 700km around this global city, corresponding to the 2016

SAM RIO 地区的信息基础，包Olympic Games area of influence.

括确定这个全球性城市周边 700
公 里 的 延 伸 区 域， 相 当 于 2016

Within this range, sustainable and risk control

年奥运会影响力覆盖的区域。

management would meet SAM RIO’s needs with more在这一范围内的可持续和风efficiency and relevance, and, above all, it would include

险管控，可更为切题而有效地满

today’s delimited areas of the 2016 Olympiad in addition
to the 2014 FIFA World Cup legacies (stadia and urban

足 SAM RIO 地区的需要。尤其是， 它 包 括 了 当 下 界 定 的 2016年奥运会区域及 2014 年足球世

appraised as the main Brazilian nuclear power plants are

界杯的遗产（体育场和城市的变

located 157km away from the 2016 Rio sites, in the cityof Angra dos Reis. This location had been chosen by thefederal government due to its proximity to the three mainloading centers of the Brazilian Electricity System: Riode Janeiro, Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais. It is neverthelessessential to mention that this area is also prone to common
environmental risks, especially floods and landslides.
Furthermore, SAM RIO’s local rivers have been running
dry and this shortage of water, maybe caused by global
warming, has become relevant to the SAM RIO delimited
area. These recent local characteristics just described
would then require the need of a sustainable and anti-riskgovernance of SAM RIO, still a non-official conurbation.

化）。这些观点的重要意义还在

11于，巴西主要的核电站位于安格

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本changes). The importance of these propositions can also be

拉杜斯雷斯市，距 2016 年里约主赛场 157 公里。联邦政府将其定位于此，是由于它靠近巴西电力系统的三个主要负荷中心：里约热内卢、圣保罗和米纳斯吉拉斯。更重要的是，这一区域也容
易面临共同的环境风险，尤其是
易发洪水和山体滑坡。此外，可能因为全球气候变暖导致的水的短 缺，SAM RIO 的 河 流 正 在 干涸，已经成为当地的划界区。上面描述的这些最新的地方特色使

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SAM RIO 这一非官方大都市在

Preliminary conclusions have suggested that the

可持续发展和抗风险的治理具有

aggregation pattern of SAM RIO comprehends the

必要性。

settlement of land by greenfield projects within an

研究的初步结论表明，SAM

occupational process which also includes transportation

RIO 的城市聚落形态包括纳入职

corridors: the ones already being used and the ones already业进程的绿地项目的土地规划，planned to be put into use in the future. The 2016 Olympic

还包括交通走廊：现有的以及即Games project was de facto part of this development

将投入使用的。2016 年奥运会，process despite the fact that it has not so far officially事实上是这一发展过程的组成部

assumed this urban changing process. Likewise local

分，尽管至今尚未正式确定这一governments of Sao Paulo and Rio have never done the

城市的改造过程。同样，圣保罗

same within their urban interventions.

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和里约热内卢的地方政府也从未

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林匹克举办城市间密切联系的观

在自己管理的城市范围内确定这一过程。
最 终，SAM RIO 研 究 项 目
展示了一个关于全球性城市与奥测。其相互影响的主要组织支持，
源于具有可持续性导向的管理。

Ultimately, the SAM RIO research project showcased
the observation of close relationships of global cities with
Olympic cities having sustainable oriented management as
the main organizational support for their mutual influences.

OLYMPIC GLOBAL CITIES AND SUSTAINABLE MANAGEMENT
Another important issue brought into light by the SAM

奥林匹克全球性城市和可持续管理RIO study focuses on today’s model used by the IOC to

SAM RIO 研 究 关 注 到 的 另choose the host city to the Games. The IOC considers

一个重要问题是当今国际奥委会

the “city” and not the “region” for the location of the遴选奥运会举办城市的模式。国Olympic Games. Nevertheless, the global city status of

际奥委会在确定奥运会地点时考

present and future candidate cities would theoreticallychange the tradition of “Olympic Cities” started by Pierre虑的是“城市”而不是“地区”。

de Coubertin in the late 19th century, especially with the然而，现在和将来候选城市的全

approval of the Agenda 2020. Moreover, the OGI study

球性特征会在理论上改变 19 世

already incorporates many variables that need regional纪 末 以 来 顾 拜 旦 提 出 的“ 奥 运measurements. Then the IOC has been indirectly promoting

城市”的传统，尤其是在《奥林a de facto system of evaluation of the Olympic Games匹克 2020 议程》通过之后。此with both local and regional validation, as exemplified

外，“奥运会影响（OGI）”研by the ongoing OGI study for the 2016 Rio Olympics

究已经包含了诸多需要区域性测(Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro – COPPE, 2013).

量的变量。于是，国际奥委会实
际上间接地促使奥运会的评价体

Besides Rio de Janeiro, the other aforementioned fourglobal cities (London, Tokyo, Madrid and Istanbul) havesustainability - mostly locally inserted - with climatechanges, generally typified by regional meanings. The 2012
London Olympics, for example, had its environmental
promises submitted to a post-Games evaluation in 2013
promoted by the World Wide Fund for Nature – WWF,
employing a benchmarking method which included bothsustainability and climate factors (WWF, 2013).
Also the combination Climate Changes – Sustainability
had surged in the proposals from the three finalist citiesof the 2020 bidding process, as seem in the IOC Reportof the 2020 Evaluation Commission (2013). In thisregard, Istanbul representatives have forwarded that “the地 区 的 效 果。 正 在 进 行 的 2016
年里约奥运会的影响研究，就是
反 映 这 种 状 况 的 一 例（ 里 约 热

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内卢联邦大学 - 工程研究生院，

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

surely exhibited their proposals and outcomes combining

系既考虑对当地，也考虑对相关2013）。
除了里约热内卢，上面提到的其他 4 个全球城市（伦敦、东京、马德里和伊斯坦布尔）也确定无疑地显示出它们举办方案及结果也
多从当地的角度，将可持续发展与典型的地区意义的气候变化相结合。 例如，2012 年的伦敦奥运会
将其对环境的承诺，提交给 2013
年由世界自然基金会推行的后奥运会评估，采用标杆评估法，既包括可持续发展，
也包括气候因素
（世

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界自然基金会，2013 年）。

broader sustainability theme would be addressed through a

另外，将气候变化与可持续comprehensive and holistic programme, extending beyond发展结合，已大量出现在 2020

environmental initiatives to cover accessibility, social

年奥运会申办的 3 个入围城市的

inclusion, healthy lifestyles and legacy programmes” (page申办报告和国际奥委会 2020 评

27).

估委员会的报告中（2013）。在这方面，伊斯坦布尔的代表提出

The IOC Report additionally clarifies that “Tokyo“更为广泛的可持续发展主题，2020 aims to place a high priority on environment and

需要通过全面的整体方案加以解

sustainability, to build on the advanced standards of

决，要超越环保的举措，扩展到

environmental quality improvements achieved by the

体育的易用性、社会包容、健康

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Tokyo Metropolitan Government (TMG) in recent years,

的生活方式和遗产计划”（p.27）。

and to promote significant wider legacies in this field” (page国际奥委会报告进一步明57). “Japan is situated in an earthquake zone and robust

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年来在环境质量取得改善的领先确：“东京 2020 奥运会旨在将
环境和可持续发展置于优先位置， 在 东 京 都 政 府（TMG） 近标准基础上，显著拓宽这一领域的遗产”（p.57）。“日本位于地震区，日本当局在建筑标准方面 已 经 采 用 有 力 措 施。2011 年
的大地震和海啸之后，相关专家进 行 了 大 量 研 究 和 仿 真， 对 东
京湾区未来的风险进行评估”（p.59）。

measures have been adopted by the Japanese authorities
in terms of construction standards. Following the 2011
earthquake and tsunami, numerous studies and simulations
have been undertaken by relevant experts to evaluate futurerisks to the Tokyo Bay area” (page 59).

The commitments presented by Madrid equally confirm

马德里做出的承诺，同样确

a theoretical convergence with Istanbul and Tokyo: “In认了与伊斯坦布尔和东京一样的accordance with Spanish and EU legislation each of the

理论共同性：“按照西班牙和欧

new venues would be subject to Environmental Impact

盟法律，每个新建场馆要接受环

Assessments (…) The Village would be developed on a site境影响的评估……奥运村将在马

which forms part of a wider environmental regeneration

德里东部作为一个宏大的环保再

program in the eastern part of Madrid. Planning involves

生计划的组成部分来兴建。规划

the provision of substantial green space with the aim

包括提供可持续的绿地，以创建

of creating an exemplary sustainable landscaping and一个示范性的、可持续的景观和climate mitigation project. The Games would also promote减缓气候变化的项目。奥运会还enhancement of the Madrid greenbelt and biodiversity

将促进马德里绿地带和生物多样

corridors” (page 88).

性走廊的完善。”（p.88）

now the ultimate effect of the changing urban orderworldwide, looking forward to efficient local or regional
achievements at different stages of governance oversightand development. On the other hand, global cities havebeen reflecting the high priority given to sustainability
issues in local and regional governance. In this context,
sport mega-events – Olympic Games included - are likely
to prompt synergetic best practices into cities’ management
whether for global or local concerns.

性城市代表着世界范围城市秩序15

变化的最终结果，期待着在治理

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

In short, on one hand, today’s global cities represent

总之，一方面，今天的全球监督和发展的不同阶段在地方或区域层面取得有效的成果。另一
方面，全球性城市反映了在地方
和区域治理中要优先处理可持续发展各种问题。在此背景下，包括奥运会在内的大型体育赛事，
无论是在全球，还是地方层面上，
可能都是促进城市管理协同的一个最佳实践方式。

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大型城市研究领域的领军人

UNDERSTANDING LEGACY BEYOND ITS
DELIVERY

物 Saskia Sassen 也综合性地研究

The central role of global cities in the present stage

了全球性城市在 21 世纪城市和of the 21st century’s urban and sustainable governance可持续治理变迁中的核心作用。

changes is also synthetically reported by Saskia Sassen, aSassen & Dotan（2011）评论道，

leading researcher of megacities themes. Sassen & Dotan

城市与其环境有多种多样的联(2011) have remarked that cities have multiple articulations

系，其中大部分是消极的，城市with their environments, most of them negative in the

对环境的索取远超过对环境的回

sense that they take more than they can replace. Therefore,馈。因此，为补偿消极干预，使to redress negative interventions, it is important to have a

城市具有可激活城市化设施发展

management function able to activate the development of

的管理功能至关重要。

urbanized settings.

对遗产的理解：不仅仅是交付

Sassen（2012）最近在其解
决问题的主张中提出非常具体的
观点：“城市是实施一系列环境
友好的政策的关键尺度，是为不

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同社会经济阶层争取生活环境质
量的场所。城市可在解决空气、噪音、水质污染方面施以援手，即使相关政策最初只源于国家或地区层面。”
这一论述与本文前述的可持
续发展的主张是一致的，为人们理解通常被认为是大型体育赛事
存在理由的遗产建立了必要的基础。当然，遗产是当今奥运会举

Sassen (2012) more recently has become point-specificin her assertions for solutions: “The city is a key scale for
implementing a broad range of environmentally soundpolicies and a site for struggles over the environmental
quality of life for different socioeconomic classes. Cities
can help address air, noise, and water pollution, evenwhen the policies involved may originate at the national orregional level.”This statement is consistent with previous sustainable
positions described in this paper, establishing the necessary
groundwork for the appreciation of legacy, commonly
considered as the raison d’être of sport mega-events. Surely,legacy is the matter of the fact of today’s Olympic Games办城市面临的实际问题，治理方

host city, a governance direction that would naturally

向自然会体现变化着的城市秩序

embody the changing urban order as well as local and及地方和区域环境的持续改变。

regional environmental ongoing alterations.

当 我 们 着 眼 于 这 些 变 化，并针对对奥运遗产问题做出专门的阐释时，我们可能首先要借鉴

issue of particular understanding of Olympic legacy, we

国际奥委会和国家体育机构有必

may initially draw upon the need of the IOC and national

要证明其对主办城市干预的正当

sport bodies to justify their interventions in host cities. This性。这种治理背景必须被理解为

governance background must be understood as a legitimacy

将管理与政治结合的一种正当行

act, blending management with politics. Although the

为。尽管国际奥委会历来在与地

IOC has historically avoided the expression “politics”

方和国家政府的谈判中避免使用

in its negotiations with local and national governments,“政治”一词，但正当性已经成

legitimacy has become a basic condition for sharing
governance with host cities.
Early contributions for the understanding of legitimacy– like those exposed by Max Weber at the beginning of the20th century – had focused on the popular or governmental
acceptance or recognition toward some proposal or value,
let alone coercion. Of course, legitimacy is distinct fromlegality, a premise that somewhat gave validation to IOC
participation in local interventions during the Olympic
Games’ bid and implementation. In brief, contemporary
processes of consent and mutual understanding as promotedby the IOC have found their embodiment in the logic of为国际奥委会与主办城市分享治17

理的一个基本条件。

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Putting the focus on these changes and opening up the

对正当性解释的早期观点，
正如 Max Weber 在 20 世纪初所揭示的，侧重于社会流行的或政
府对某些建议或价值的接受或承认，并非是强制的。当然，正当性与合法性截然不同，是在一定程度上认可国际奥委会在奥运申办和举办过程中参与对地方的干预的前提。简而言之，国际奥委会时下达成共识和相互了解的过
程，具有正当性的逻辑。这个过
程止于遗产的介入，作为一种手

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段，甚至作为正当性的替代物，

legitimacy. And this process ended up with the insertion of

在实际谈判和承诺中发挥作用。

legacy as a means and even as a substitute for legitimacy in

本文转述这一论点，是基于

practical negotiations and commitments.

这一事实，出现在国际奥委会主要文件，包括《奥林匹克宪章》

This thesis is now here forwarded due to the fact that中的“遗产”一语，在过去的几

the term “legacy’ made appearance in IOC major documents

十年中是基于短期（7 年）基础

– Olympic Charter included - as a delivery procedure on a

上的交付过程，而缺乏有效的理

short-term basis (seven years), without effective theoretical

论 和 法 律 依 据。 一 直 在 要 求 申or legal justifications along the past few decades. Since then办城市明确指出如果其获得举办

bidding cities have been asked to specify what they would

权，在奥运会后将留下什么。双

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leave behind if they were awarded to host the Olympic

方对此并没有一致的科学或技术

Games without a consensual conception in scientific or

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兴， 促 使 国 际 奥 委 会 与 巴 塞 罗

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的概念。
此 外，Cesar Torres（2011）详述了关于遗产的松散概念
观 点 的 背 景：“ 遗 产 讨 论 的 时
那自治大学在 2002 年举办了主题 为‘ 奥 运 会 的 遗 产：1984—
2000’ 的 研 讨 会， 试 图 更 好 地
理 解 这 一 现 象， 并 最 终 更 有 效确 保 奥 运 遗 产 为 人 称 道。 从 那
时 起， 奥 运 遗 产 引 起 越 来 越 多
的 学 者、 体 育 管 理 者 和 国 际 顾问们的关注。”

technical terms.
Again, the context of the thesis of loosely conception of
legacy is detailed by Cesar Torres (2011): “The prevalenceof legacy discourse prompted the IOC and the Autonomous
University of Barcelona to organize a symposium in 2002
entitled ‘The Legacy of the Olympic Games: 1984–2000’
to better understand the phenomenon and ultimately tomore effectively ensure commendable Olympic legacies.
Since then, Olympic legacy has increasingly attracted theattention of scholars, sport administrators, and international
consultants.”

Another version for the creation of the so-called “legacy

关 于“ 遗 产 讨 论 ” 出 现

discourse” had been put into circulation by MacAloon

的另一个广为流传的版本来自(2008), to whom the projection of the Olympic Games as a

MacAloon（2008 年）。他认为，brand failed despite the support of the powerful marketing

尽管有国际奥委会强大的营销部

sector of the IOC. Instead, the legacy justification for the门的支持，奥运会作为一个品牌

IOC accomplishments was widely accepted, and even

的推广是失败的。相反，关于遗

with enthusiastic adherence throughout the entire Olympic

产成为国际奥委会煌煌业绩的理

system, even though this practical success has never

由却已广为人们所接受，甚至为found theoretical coherence and a stable definition, as

整个奥林匹克系统所热情地坚

later emphasized by Chappelet (2012). To this prominent

持，尽管在这种成功的实践中，

Olympic scholar, after finding several typologies in人们没有发现理论的连贯性和稳scientific literature, “legacy is a multi-faceted and far
overlapping of definitions and the contradictory meanings
mostly ascertained in scoping studies focusing on legacy
since the beginning of the 2000s.
However, the rationale of long-term management of alegacy for the governance of a city in terms of sustainability
has come out in a recent contribution of Holger Preuss’s
academic production. To Preuss (2013), sport mega-events
transformation is dependent upon environmental-related
location factors (transport, labor supply, market, power
supply, etc.). This transformation may be systematicallyevaluated with a legacy framework formatted as a cubewith three dimensions: structure, branch and site, which can（2012）所强调指出的。这位著
名的奥林匹克学者，在检视了几19

个类型学的科学文献之后，指出

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本reaching concept”. Such conclusion would explain the

定 的 定 义， 正 如 后 来 Chappelet“遗产是多方面的、深远的概念”。
这一结论可以解释自 21 世纪初
以来，何以聚焦于奥运遗产定义
的研究中充满了定义的重复及含义的冲突。
然而，着眼于城市可持续治理，最近 Holger Preuss 对奥运遗产的长效管理原理做出了新的学
术贡献。Preuss（2013 年）认为，
大型体育赛事的转型取决于环境相关的区位因素（交通、劳动力供给、市场、能源供应等）。这

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种转型可通过结构、分支和场所

同 样， 依 照 Preuss 的 理 论requires its own particular structure and cities differ in

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（2013），结构的维度可界定如

the structures they have available. The environmental

下：“每项赛事都需要自己特定

impact of an event will therefore be different for each host.

的结构，各城市所拥有的结构却

The wording ‘structure’ is used to refer to anything in an

各有不同。因此，环境对赛事的environment that is affected or produced by preparing and影响在各奥运会举办城市也各有

staging an event, whether tangible (e.g. infrastructure) or

不同。‘结构’一词是指在奥运

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intangible (e.g. emotions).” In addition to this explanation

会的筹办和举办中产生的或对其

the same source exemplifies most common components

具有影响的环境中的任何事物，of the legacy’s structure: ‘infrastructure’, ‘knowledge’,它可以是有形的（如基础设施），‘networks’, ‘policy’ and ‘culture’.

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了遗产结构的大部分共同组分：

detect and track the legacy of an event.

三维立体的遗产框架进行系统的评估。它可以探究并跟踪赛事的遗产。

也可以是无形的（如情绪）。”
除了这一解释外，同一文献例举“基础设施”“知识”“网络”“政策”和“文化”。
反 过 来， 维 度 的“ 分 支”
包括多种界定的知识领域，这些领域 可 嵌 入 各 种 遗 产， 如“ 环境”“体育”“健康”“政治”
等。最后，作为第三维的场所，
是变化发生的空间，只关注“赛
事之后，该赛事的某些结构会消失，但大部分结构或长或短会继

Still according with Preuss (2013), the dimensionof structure has a definition as follows: “Each event

In turn, the dimension ‘branch’ encompasses
delimited knowledge areas that legacies can be inserted
as ‘environment’, ‘sport’, ‘health’, ‘politics’ etc. Finally,
the site as the third dimension is the space where changes
take place just considering that “after the event, someof the event structure will vanish, though most of it willcontinue to exist, whether briefly or for a longer period.
These change the ‘location factors’ and transform a city to abetter place for living, tourism or industry. For example thechange of location factors (dimension structure) related toenvironment (dimension branch) may increase the quality

of life (dimension site)” (Preuss, 2013). Therefore, the续存在。它们改变‘区位因素’legacy cube is a framework for identification of patterns

并促进城市向更适宜生活、旅游and process in ex ante and ex post conditions which may

或产业的状态转化。例如，与环appropriately enable researchers and managers to focus on

境（分支维度）相关的区位因素

sustainability for long-term governance of mega-events（结构维度）的变化会提升生活

legacies.

的质量（场所维度）”（Preuss，
2013）。因此，遗产立体结构可

CONCLUSIONS
The delivery-based legacy which legitimates the IOC
management system and which had been identified in this

用于鉴别赛事前后条件下的形态
和过程的框架，从而可有效地使
研究者和管理者聚焦于大型活动遗产长期治理的可持续性上。

study is not coherent with the expectations raised by the
Agenda 2020. In fact, there is a historical limitation for thefull implementation of sustainability projects by the IOC,
This past study exposed that the vicious cycle of overcommercialization which started in the 1990s has been
reinforcing the gigantism of the Olympic Games, creatinga chain of events mostly dependent on the four-year spanreferred to each Olympiad.
Unsurprisingly this option for a four-year cycle cannot
be completely adjusted to sustainability feedback, usuallyconcerned with a longer period of time, on account ofSassen’s macro vision of mega-urban regions or of Preuss’s
micro vision of sport mega-events management. From both论
基于交付的奥运遗产使国

际奥委会管理体系具有正当性，
但本研究表明它并不符合《奥林匹克 2020 议程》提出的未来发
展预期。事实上，就像 DaCosta（2002）先前的研究所述，国际奥委会规划的可持续发展在全面
实施时有其历史局限性。该研究
表明，自 20 世纪 90 年代以来出现的过度商业化的恶性循环使奥运会的“巨人症”愈加严重，一系列体育赛事多以 4 年一届的奥运周期马首是瞻。

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

as it had been previously described by DaCosta (2002).

结

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不 出 所 料， 依 照 Sassen 的

viewpoints, the idea of ‘process’ is inherently connected

巨 型 城 市 区 域 的 宏 观 愿 景， 或

to interventions - legacy included - as opposed to the usual

Preuss 的大型体育赛事管理的微

requirement of delivery.

观视野，这种 4 年一个周期的选择无法完全依照可持续的反馈进

Legacy delivery is here finally proposed as a distinctive

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行调整，因为这种反馈通常基于

occurrence of a sustainable process of development, not

更长的时段。依据他们两人的观a fully carry-out commitment as considered by Sassen’s

点，“过程”观念内在地与包括

and Preuss’s approaches. While Sassen has an overview

遗产在内的各种干预产生联系，

of megacities, selecting and emphasizing positive impacts

这与交付通常所要求的恰恰相from human interventions, Preuss breaks down the

反。

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interventions in components with different dimensions for
本文最终提出，遗产交付作

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better identification, planning and management.

为可持续发展过程的一个特例，
不能完全兑现 Sassen and Preuss

To Sassen the main focus of taking actions is to研究所说的承诺。Sassen 着眼于

account for the overall management of a megacity, while

特大城市的概貌，选择并强调人

Preuss aims to acknowledge interventions and negative为干预的积极影响；Preuss 则将干预解析为不同维度的组件，以便理清晰地识别、规划和管理。
Sassen 主张，采取行动的重点是考虑特大城市的整体管理；
而 Preuss 则旨在认识干预与体育大型赛事的可行性和有效性所产
生的负面影响，最终体现为遗产。
这两种观点是互补的。本研究要说明的是，如果是基于管理的过

impacts on behalf of feasibility and validity of sport megaevents, ultimately represented by legacies. Both views
complement each other. The meaning in this case is thatsport legacy may be shared by future mega-event cities if amanagement-based process and an equal outcome of bothex-ante and ex-post research or planning elaborations areoffered.
These final remarks make evident the need of asustainable-based understanding of Olympic legacy towhich an often-mentioned past definition proposed by

程，而且赛前和赛后的结果都有Holger Preuss (2007, p. 211) may represent a basis for

同等的研究或精心规划，体育遗

updates: “Irrespective of the time of production and space,产是可以为未来大型赛事的城市

legacy is all planned and unplanned, positive and negative,

分享的。

tangible and intangible structures created for and by a sport
event that remain longer than the event itself.”这 些 结 语 表 明， 有 必 要 从可持续发展的角度去认识奥运遗 产。 我 们 经 常 提 到 的 Holger

However, on account of the thesis that emphasizes

Preuss（2007，p.211）的定义可

process instead of delivery, a more sustainable version of能为这种认识的更新提供了基

approaching an Olympic legacy may be here proposed

础：“无论其产生的时空如何，by the following alternative statement: Irrespective to its遗 产 既 是 计 划 的， 又 是 无 计 划tangible delivery or intangible effects in terms of time or

的 ；既是积极的，又是消极的；

space, sport legacy is a planned and long-term process

既是有形的，也是无形的，它们

of interventions aiming to develop a sustainable overall

因体育赛事而被创造出来，其影

23响却远远超越了体育赛事本身。”

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

environment for the host local or regional supportive citiesof the event.
In conclusion, this new definition is suggestively
forwarded in order to follow the decrease of importanceof the legitimacy-driven legacy as sustainable cities spring
up and develop to maturity. Also, conception and factfinding of future legacies may mostly be a result of posthoc interpretations from either research work or planning,meeting the needs proposed by Agenda 2020 towards a
good governance of Olympic mega-events.

然而，由于这一观点强调过程而非交付，我们在此以一种替代说法来表述处理奥运会遗产的更为可持续的愿景：无论时空上
其是有形的交付，还是无形的影响，体育遗产是一个有计划的长期干预过程，旨在为举办城市或区域协办城市构建一个可持续发
展的整体环境。
总之，随着寻求可持续发展
的城市不断涌现并日趋成熟，正当性驱动遗产的重要性在下降，

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于是联想出这个新的定义。此外，
未来的奥运遗产概念和实情调查，可能更多的是通过研究或规划得出的后验结果，检验其是否
契合《奥林匹克 2020 议程》的要求，实现奥林匹克大型赛事的
善治。
（赵卓译）

REFERENCES
Brenner, N. & Keil, R. (2006). The Global Cities
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Chappelet, J.L. (2012). Mega Sport Event Legacy: Thecase of Innsbruck. Paper presented at Innsbruck 2012 SportBusiness Symposium. University of Innsbruck.
DaCosta, L.P. (2002). Searching the Optimum
Dimensions for the Games: Gigantism or Sustainability?
In DaCosta, L.P. (Ed) Olympic Studies, Rio de Janeiro:
Editora Gama Filho, p. 69 - 90. Open access at <http://library.la84.org/SportsLibrary/Books/OlympicStudies.pdf>
DaCosta, L.P., Miragaya, A., Belem, C. & Gavlak, A.A.
(2011). Introducing SAM RIO Global City as a Socioenvironmental Legacy from Rio de Janeiro 2016 Olympic
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DaCosta, L.P. (2013). Future Mega-event Cities. Paper
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London: University of East London.
International Olympic Committee (2013). Report of the2020 Evaluation Commission. Lausanne: IOC.
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McAloon, J.J. (2008). Legacy as Managerial/Magical
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OLYMPIC AGENDA 2020:
SEEKING A NEW BALANCEBETWEEN IDEAL AND REAL
Hai REN
Center for Olympic Studies in Beijing Sport
University《奥林匹克 2020 议程》：
寻求理想与现实之间新
的平衡
任海
北京体育大学奥林匹克研究中心

在 2014 年 12 月， 国 际 奥委会召开了第 127 次非常全会，
一致通过了《奥林匹克 2020 议

In December 2014, the 127th Session of the Interna-

程》提出的全部 40 项改革建议。

tional Olympic Committee (IOC), an extraordinary session,这是巴赫接替罗格担任国际奥

unanimously adopted all of the 40 recommendations of

委会第九任主席后实施的一项

Olympic Agenda 2020. It was the first very significant move

重大改革。

from his predecessor Jacques Rogge.

尽管奥运会至今依然十分成功，尽管奥林匹克运动依然享有稳定的经济基础，国际奥委会面

Although the last editions of the Olympic Games were临的各种挑战已经使它认识到改

successful and the Olympic Movement has been enjoying

革的必要性，需要通过改革来调

financial stability, the need for reforms had been anticipated整奥林匹克运动未来发展方向。

due to the number of challenges the international society

国际奥委会接到诸多社会组织和is facing today in all continents, with a diversity of个人发来的 270 个信件和 43500

individuals, new technologies and environmental issues.

封电子邮件，从中选出的 1200 个

Reforms would then be necessary to adjust the direction of具体建议，专门成立了 14 个工作

the Olympic Movement toward the future. As 1,200 ideas

小组，经过近一年认真研究，最were produced from the 43,500 suggestions received by the

终制定了这一改革的基本方案。

IOC from a broad range of organizations and individuals,

国 际 奥 委 会 将《 奥 林 匹 克2020 议程》视为一个转折点，27

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本of the IOC since Thomas Bach took over the presidency

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托 马 斯· 巴 赫 套 用 莎 士 比 亚 的

the IOC set up 14 working groups to produce a single

句 式 ， 提 出“ 改 变， 还 是 被 改

document with the essential reforms. This process took变？ 这 是 一 个 问 题。” 这 一 具

nearly a year.

有决定意义的举措是对这一问题 的 回 答， 以 确 保 国 际 奥 委 会

T h e I O C r e g a r d s O ly mp ic A g en d a 2 0 2 0 a s a“ 成 为 变 革 的 领 导 者， 而 不 是turning point. According to Thomas Bach, paraphrasing

改革的对象”。

Shakespeare, “To change or to be changed, that is the

一切改革总是出现在旧框架question” can be a decisive move to ensure that the IOC

与旧方式无法对问题进行妥善处should “be the leaders of change, not the object of change”.

理之时，具有明确的问题指向性。
改革的深刻程度取决于问题的严

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All reforms are related to issues which could hardly

重程度。显然，今天奥林匹克运

be dealt with properly within the old approaches and28

克 2020 议程》是萨马兰奇改革的动面对的问题是严重的，因其触及奥运的基础，涉及奥林匹克运动的基本框架。
从某种意义上讲，《奥林匹历史延伸。15 年前，国际奥委会
第七任主席萨马兰奇在盐湖城申办丑闻引发的巨大外部压力下启动了改革。当时，由国际奥委会
2000 改革委员会提出的所有 50
个项措施均为国际奥委会全会迅
速通过，
以应对当时的危机。
当然，今天巴赫改革的背景完全不同于
萨马兰奇改革，《奥林匹克 2020
议程》似乎是在没有外部直接威

framework. Reforms have to be deeper since the depthof the reform depends on the degree of the criticality ofthe problems. Obviously, the issues faced by the Olympic
Movement have already gone down to some bases andreached the fundamental framework of the Olympic
Movement, including the uniqueness of the Olympic
Games.
In a sense, Olympic Agenda 2020 is a historicalextension of the reform started by Juan Antonio Samaranch,
the seventh President of the IOC, 15 years ago, during thesecond half of his administration. Samaranch’s reform wascarried out under great external pressure resulted from theSalt Lake City bid scandal. All of the 50 items proposed by

the IOC 2000 Reform Commission were overwhelmingly胁的条件下提出的，正如巴赫所

and quickly adopted to cope with the urgent crisis. Of言，“我们是成功的，而成功是course, the contexts of Bach’s reform are quite different

变革的最好理由”。这样说可能from Samaranch’s reform, which may be termed as “tactical

是真实的，因为奥林匹克运动的

reform”, for it was mainly on the level of crisis management

确仍然是成功的，财政状况稳定，in order to cope with the urgent situation and mounting依然为世界所欢迎。但是，如果

public pressure at the time. Bach’s reform may be termed as

往深里看，人们会发现巴赫改革“strategic reform”, for it aims at the very core of the issues

和萨马兰奇改革的对象基本相同，that have bothered the Olympic Movement, trying to break

都聚焦于奥运会和国际奥委会。

through some outdated but still used frameworks.

萨马兰奇改革可称为“战术改革”，

It was then clearly proposed that Olympic Agenda 2020
the Olympic Movement. Strategic reform means that Bachdirectly attacked the problems and tried to root them out.
As a matter of fact, “CHANGE” was the most frequently
used word, as many as 32 times, in Bach’s speech during
the Opening Ceremony of the 127th IOC Session. The
challenges are great as the IOC is opening new options
ahead.

付危机局面和公众压力。巴赫改革则可以称之为“战略改革”，
因其直指困扰奥林匹克运动的问29题的核心，试图突破虽已过时，奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

would try to set up a strategic roadmap for the future of

因其主要在危机管理层次，以应

但仍在使用的框架。
显 然，《 奥 林 匹 克 2020 议
程》要制定一个奥林匹克运动未来发展的战略路线图。战略改革，意味着巴赫试图直击问题要害，
从根本上解决问题，而此前国际
奥委会一直是间接地处理这些问题。于是，“改变”成为巴赫在国际奥委会会 127 全会开幕式致
辞中使用最频繁的一个词，多达32 次。 然 而， 国 际 奥 委 会 要 另辟蹊径，面临巨大挑战。

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1.《奥林匹克 2020 议程》应对的关键问题
作为一个操作导向的路线图，《奥林匹克 2020 议程》提出
范围颇广的 40 项建议，有的抽象，
有的具体，
似乎整体面貌欠清晰。
巴赫提示道，它像一块七巧板，
只有将各部分拼在一起，才能看清其整体轮廓和整体意义。
通览全部 40 项建议，我们不难看出，《奥林匹克 2020 议
程》首先聚焦于奥运会。有 5 个
工作小组在研究奥运会及其相关
问题，如奥运会的申办、遗产、
奥运项目、与奥运项目组织的合作及管理等，提出 13 项与奥运

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会有关的改革建议，占全部 40
项建议的 32.5％。如果加上关于运动员的 4 项建议，因为运动员是奥运会的重要组成部分，关于

1. The key issues in Olympic Agenda 2020
As an operation-oriented roadmap, Olympic Agenda

2020 proposed 40 recommendations covering a wide rangeof content. Some of them tend to be general while others
are more specific. This map seems to lack a holistic picture,
just like the jig-saw puzzle Bach referred to. Its entire
profile and overall meaning will only be unravelled when
all the pieces are put together.
Obviously, the Olympic Games are the main focus of

Olympic Agenda 2020 . There were five groups working
on the Games and Games-related issues such as bidding,heritage, Olympic program, collaboration with Olympic
sports organizations and management. Thirteen reformsuggestions were proposed, which is 32.5% of the 40
recommendations. If the four recommendations about
athletes are included, since athletes are the main part of theGames, the recommendations for the Olympic Games reach
42.5% of Agenda 2020. This means that the very core of

奥运会的改革建议占《奥林匹克the Olympic Movement will have their structures changed,

2020 议 程》 的 42.5 ％。 这 意 味

including the Olympic Games.

着以奥运会为核心的奥林匹克运动将发生结构性的变化。

As the second focal point is the IOC itself, eight groups

第二个关注点是国际奥委会

worked on the IOC’s roles, structure and organization and自身，设立了８个小组对国际奥offered 14 recommendations, about 35% of the total.

委会的职能、结构和组织进行研
究，提出了 14 条建议，约占总As a result, 77.5% of the recommendations focus on the

数的 35％。

Olympic Games and on the IOC itself. It is understandable《奥林匹克 2020 议程》将

because the Olympic Movement will continue prosperously

奥运会和国际奥委会置于如此重

as long as the Olympic Games maintain great attraction

要的地位，以至于 77.5％的改革

to countries around the world and the IOC maintains its

建议集中于此，是完全可以理解

effective management.

的。因为只要奥运会对世界各国
保持其巨大的吸引力，只要国际

Conversely, if the public, especially the young people,
are not longer interested in the Olympics; if the Gamesare longer to think the IOC has the ability to handle
Olympic affairs, the Olympic Movement would be doomed
to failure. Unfortunately, however, these seem to behappening.
Therefore, Olympic Agenda 2020 mainly focus on two
crucial issues: (i) to keep the uniqueness of the Olympic
Games while adapting them to the changing social contexts,and (ii) to keep the IOC’s autonomy while letting it adapt
to good governance so that control can be more transparent
and closer to reality.

就长盛不衰。
相反，如果公众，尤其是青
少年对奥运会失去兴趣，如果人们视奥运为举办城市的负担，如果人们不再认为国际奥委会有能力处理奥林匹克事务，奥林匹克
运动便不会有前途。然而，不幸的是，这些似乎正在发生。
于是，《奥林匹克 2020 议程》
主要聚焦于两个关键问题：①保
持奥运会的独特性，同时让其适
应变化了的社会环境；②保持国
际奥委会的自治，同时让它适应
善治的要求。

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

are regarded as a big burden by host cities and if people

奥委会管理有效，奥林匹克运动

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2. 奥运会改革：寻求奥运会的影响与主办城市“可持续发展”的新平衡2. Olympic Games reform: seeking newbalance for the Games’ impacts and host city’ssustainability

奥运会是奥林匹克运动的枢The Olympic Games are the hub of the Olympic

纽，它不仅为整个奥林匹克运动

Movement as they not only provide huge resources for

提供着巨大的资源，而且对奥林

the entire Olympic Movement, but also have direct impact

匹克组织的教育和诸多社会功能

on the educational and social role played by Olympic

具有直接影响。

organizations.

是什么使得奥运会不同于
世界杯、世界锦标赛这样的世界

What makes the Olympic Games different from单项比赛？答案是明显的，奥运

any single sport tournament like world cups or world

会是多项运动的综合性比赛。然而，世界上多项运动的综合性比赛也有很多，如亚运会、泛美运动会、英联邦运动会、大运会等等，为什么奥运会能超凡脱俗，

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鹤立鸡群？原因同样明确，奥运
会是世界众多体育明星参加的顶级赛事。于是，“综合赛事 + 顶级水平”，使得奥运会如此独特，在众多体育赛事中脱颖而出，具有唯一性。其“综合赛事 + 顶级水平”的性质，不仅吸引了巨量
的观众，而且让财大气粗的赞助商，尤其是跨国公司趋之若鹜，从而确保了奥运源源不断的经济来源。

championships? The answer is clear: they are multisport
games. But there are many multisport games in theworld such as the Asian Games, Pan-American Games,
Commonwealth Games, Universiade and so on. Why are
the Olympics so eye-catching? The reason is clear too:they are at the top level games in which sport celebrities
and famous athletes participate. The “multisport + top
level” characteristics make Olympic Games so uniquethat they stand out in the sport world. As a top-level
multisport event, the Games attract not only a wide range
of international audiences but also a select group of wealthysponsors, especially those transnational and multinational
corporations, which secured the economic blood poured
into.

此外，奥运会不是各项运动

of various sports in quantitative terms, but an integration

在数量意义上的简单堆砌，而是

of those sports in the same Olympic framework, which

在同一个奥运框架将这些运动整resulted in a collective effect called Olympic atmosphere.

合在一起，从而产生凝聚效果，Each sport contributes to and benefits from the Olympic

即“奥运氛围”。每一项运动既

atmosphere and looks, or tries to look different.

为营造“奥运氛围”做出贡献，

Suggestively, spectators and athletes all have different

又获益于“奥运氛围”，使之不expectations from the same sport within the Olympic

同于寻常的体育比赛。在奥运框

framework. Since the Olympic atmosphere is built up by

架内，观众和运动员对同样的运

multisport to generate holistic impacts, the Games have动项目也有着不同的期望。由于

ideally to be concentrated in terms of time and space. For“奥运氛围”是基于综合性赛事

this reason, the IOC has always adhered to the principle

产生的，是多种运动项目整合才of “One Olympics One City” in order to fully display the

能产生的整体影响，因此，奥运

uniqueness of Olympics.
Nevertheless, the very nature of the Olympic Games
brings two consequences. The first one is that the top
multisport Games tend to demand a large amount of
resources due to its very nature in order to keep their large
scale and high level performances. That includes not only
the organization of the Games but also the construction ofsports facilities and related infrastructures to live up to theworld’s expectations and to keep up with their ideal. Before
the middle of the 1970s, the municipal government of thehost cities had to take the main responsibility to supply
the necessary resources. However, the Games’ demands

会需要浓缩于一定的时空范围。

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为此，国际奥委会始终坚持“一奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

In addition, The Games are not a simple aggregation

届奥运一个城市”的原则，以充
分展示奥运会顶级综合赛事的唯一性。
然而，奥运会的这一本质特点，即高度集中的顶级综合赛事，导致两个后果。其一，天然地需
要大量资源。奥运会各项目比赛，
需要依托一定数量和质量的体育场馆及相关基础设施，才能保证
其既有规模，又有水平，即确保奥运会顶级综合赛事独特性。20世纪 70 年代中期以前，主办城

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市是奥运会资源的主要提供者。

for resources had rapidly increased along the years and

随着奥运会对资源需求的迅速增

could no longer be met by the old model of cities being a加，这种资源提供方式难以为继，main provider. The huge debt of the 1976 Montreal Games

1976 年奥运会给蒙特利尔市留

marked the end of the old model of resource supply.

下巨额债务，标志着这种资源供
给旧模式的终结。

The IOC started then a new fund raising model and

在 20 世纪 80 年代中期，国initiated a marketing program in the mid-1980s. The

际奥委会启动了奥林匹克营销的

Olympic marketing programs went so well that the Games筹资模式。奥运营销计划大获成

expanded at an unprecedented pace. There were 198 events

功，致使奥运会的规模以前所未and 6,084 athletes at the 1976 Montreal Games. The

有 的 速 度 膨 胀。1976 年 蒙 特 利
尔奥运会共设 198 个小项，运动员 6084 名。到 2012 年伦敦奥运会，小项增至 302，运动员人数
猛增至 10500 名。今天，因奥运营销计划的成功实施，国际奥委会得以对奥运会组委会给以慷慨的财政支撑，举办这一庞大的奥运会似乎并无太大问题。难题在
于，奥运会的膨胀推动了对相关设施支撑和服务需求的膨胀，如一流的体育场馆、良好的公路、机场、交通和通信、安全服务等

numbers soared to 302 events and 10,500 athletes at the 2012
London Games. Today, to run the gigantic Games seems no
big problem due to the success of the Olympic Marketing
Program, which enabled the IOC to make generous financial
contribution to the Organizing Committees for the Olympic
Games (OCOGs). However, the more problematic issue
is that the expansion of the Games also propels expansionof all supporting infrastructures and services related, suchas first-class stadiums, fabulous swimming pools, roads,
airports, transportation and communication, security service
and so on.

一系列配套的基础设施和服务。

Nowadays, the main concern of the host cities is with这就使得今天奥运会主办城the preparation for the Games: the supporting items rather

市筹办的主要注意力集中于奥运than the Games themselves are very well thought of so that

会的支撑平台，而不是奥运会本

they leverage their cities' development and fulfil diverse

expectations from IFs, media, sponsors and audiences

身。对绝大多数举办城市来说，around the world. When the Games are over, happening

奥运会是一次性的，这一大型赛

only once for most host cities, the facilities are often left事结束后，这些设施，难以避免

behind like big white elephants, which will become a huge成为累赘，留给主办城市巨大的burden to host cities. These municipalities will have to face负担。这使得诸多城市望而却步，

real life in order to pay bills, administer debts and manage

最近的证据就是 2022 年冬季奥运tangible legacies. In order to avoid this situation, which

会的申办，6 个申办城市有 4 个

has lately become more common, four of the six applicant

最终放弃了申办，包括很有竞争

cities for the 2022 Winter Olympics, including winter sport

力的冰雪运动强市，如瑞典的斯powers and very competitive candidates such as Stockholm

德哥尔摩和挪威的奥斯陆。

(Sweden) and Oslo (Norway), dropped their bids, some of为保持奥运会的独特性和

them after consulting the local population and receiving a

国 际 社 会 的 利 益，《 奥 林 匹 克

To keep the uniqueness of the Games and the interestsof the international community, Olympic Agenda 2020 has
initiated a new approach to handle the Games’ bidding
problems. Some of the recommendations change thebidding procedure turning it into an invitation for potential
bidders, paying more attention to long-term legacies to thehost cities and to sustainability. It even goes as far as tobreak the principle of “One City One Games”, allowing
joint bids (either from several cities in one country or fromseveral cities in two or more countries). All these initiatives
would certainly relieve burdens of host cities, but at thesame time they may raise some new questions such as what2020 议程》启动了新的方式来处理申办问题，改变了申办程序，35

对潜在的申办城市发出邀请，更奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本“no” as the answer.

多地关注奥运会对举办城市的长期遗产，甚至打破“一个城市一届奥运”的原则，允许联合申办（可以同一国家的几个城市，也可以是两个以上国家的几个城市）。这些措施无疑会减轻主办
城市的负担，但同时可能会引发
新的问题，如什么样的城市应当
邀请？如何避免可能带来的不平等？ 如 何 对 待 那 些 虽 有 一 定 差
距，但试图利用奥运会来促进自身发展的城市？更为重要的是，

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这种分散化的方式，有可能对奥kind of cities would be invited and how to avoid potential

运会独特性产生负面影响。这种

inequality to cities with a little gap to the criteria, but trying

担心，早在 2003 年奥运会研究

to use the Games to leverage their development. More委员会提交给国际奥委会 115 次

important, however, are the possible negative effects on the

全会的报告中就有明确的陈述：

uniqueness of the Games with this decentralization. The“尽管不少公众提出延长举

worry had already been expressed in the Report of the 115th办时间并在几个相邻的城市同时IOC Session by the Olympic Games Study Commission in

举办，委员会认为，时空统一的2003:

原则，或‘一个城市一届奥运’，应该维护，以确保奥运会是世界“Although many members of the public mentioned the extension

上最伟大的体育赛事，并确保运

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of the Games duration and staging the Games in several neighbouring动员有同样的体验。”

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统一。《奥林匹克 2020 议程》

随着越来越多的城市和国
家参与举办奥运会，出现了多元化的新格局。国际奥委会应当寻
求新的平衡，从而实现多样性的
以其提出的多项建议，发挥了十分重要的作用。其结果是，人们有可能看到奥林匹克运动在从理想向真实的语境挺进，尤其是在
21 世纪初着眼于可持续发展。
显然，对可持续发展的选择会成
为最终依据，为“一个城市一届
奥运”的考虑带来灵活性。

of unity in space and time, or "One Games - One City", should bemaintained in order to ensure that the Games remain the world’s greatest
sporting event and to guarantee that the athletes’ experience remains
intact”.

With the participation of more cities and morecountries in hosting the Games, leading to more diversity,
a new balance should be sought by the IOC so that unity
in diversity should be aimed at. Olympic Agenda 2020
then plays a crucial role as various recommendations
are offered. As a result, it is possible to observe that the
Olympic Movement seems to be moving from the ideal
to the real context of the changes, especially focusing onsustainability, at the beginning of the 21st century. Surely,sustained options will stand as final arguments in order tobring flexibility to the "One Games - One City" concerns.

第二个后果是导致国际奥
委会与其他体育组织，尤其是那
些市场前景良好的组织的冲突。

The second consequence is the conflict that the IOC

随着全球竞技运动市场的形成，

can get into with other sports organizations, especially

越来越多的运动项目组织进入市

those with marketing appeal. With the formation of the场，并开始具有盈利能力。精英global sports market, more and more sports have entered运动员参加其项目联合会之外的

the market and become profitable. There is an enormous

赛事，如奥运会，会导致奥林匹

diversity of sports events in all continents and as elite克组织与项目协会在商业利益方

athletes participate in championships and events beyond

面的冲突。国际奥委会要确保奥

their sports federations, conflicts with sports associations in运赛事的顶级精英性质，不可避

terms of commercial interests could come up. As the IOC

免地会与国际足联等这些国际单tries to ensure that the Olympic events keep at the top levelIFs such as FIFA and professional leagues.
Again Olympic Agenda 2020 offers recommendations
in order to avoid conflicts with other sports entities by
establishing dialogue and close cooperation with othersports events organizers and by forging relationships withprofessional leagues. As there is diversity, so there will be
dialogue and unity in diversity.

生冲突。
《奥林匹克 2020 议程》对此也提出一些建议，试图通过其
他体育赛事的组织者建立对话
和合作机制，通过与职业联盟建立 伙 伴 关 系， 来 避 免 与 其 他 体育组织的冲突。既然差异是存在的，那么就会有对话，有多样性
的统一。

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本with the very elite, it would inevitably get into conflict with项体育联合会和职业体育联盟产

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3. 国际奥委会的改革：寻求
独立和依靠之间新的平衡

3. IOC reform: to seek a new balance between
its independence and dependence.

国际奥委会以独立的自治组

The IOC is best known as an independent autonomy

织著称于世。它的组织模式是基

organization. Its organizational model is based on于顾拜旦的奥林匹克理念和“亨Coubertin’s Olympic concept and organizational structure

利帆船赛”的组织结构构建的。

of the "Henry regatta" . The essence of model is the self-

这种模式的核心是逆向代表，自selection of reverse delegation. Autonomy is very important我选择。自治对国际奥委会极为

to the IOC and enabling it to cope with various external

重要，使其能够应对种种外部压

pressures and to survive through various crises.

力，在各种危机中生存下来。
需要指出的是，国际奥委会
的自主是以业余体育运动为基础
的。第二次世界大战结束后，随着奥林匹克运动的快速发展，奥运会的迅速扩张与资源稀缺的矛
盾日益尖锐，导致国际奥委会在38

20 世纪 70 年代陷入严重的经济
危机。其结果是，国际奥委会在20 世纪 80 年代推出奥运营销方案，并取得巨大的成功，从而为
奥林匹克大家庭提供了巨大的资
源，使国际奥委会有了雄厚的经济基础，并形成了国际奥委会与单项体育联合会和国家奥委会等

It is worth noting that the IOC’s autonomy was set upon the basis of amateur sport. After World War II, with therapid development of the Olympic Movement, the contrast
between the expansion of the Olympics and the scarce
resources available for them has become increasingly
acute, leading the IOC to a serious crisis in the 1970s. As aresult, the IOC launched efficiently its Olympic marketing
program in the 1980s and made a great success, which
provided enormous resources to the Olympic Family andset a solid economic foundation for the IOC, formingstrong links between the IOC and its partners such as theInternational Sports Federations, the National Olympic
Committees and others.

组织的紧密的合作伙伴关系。
However, Olympic marketing has inevitably led the
IOC into the economic field and facing with a series of然而，国际奥委会由于奥运

not familiar and can not solve them independently. Some

营销，进入其此前不曾涉足的经of the problems were emerged in sport practice such as济领域，遇到一系列业余体育组

doping, match-fixing, illegal betting, and others related to织所不熟悉，也无法独立解决的

the IOC itself for its inherent organizational defects such

新问题。有的问题来自体育实践，

as corruption resulted from the blur of distinctions between如兴奋剂、假球、非法赌博；有management and supervision. The IOC has tried very hard的问题源于国际奥委会本身固有

to take control of the situation by conducting a series of的组织缺陷，如由于对管理者监

adjustments in order to adapt to some new environment

督不足导致的腐败。国际奥委会

both inside and outside their organizations, as for instance,竭尽全力，试图控制局面，做出

to establish the Court of Arbitration for Sport, the World

一系列的调整，以适应内外环境

Anti-Doping Agency and most importantly the IOC’s

的变化，如建立体育仲裁法庭，

Ethics Commission with especial focus on anti-corruption

世界反兴奋剂局，更为重要的是

procedures. But the IOC’s own efforts do not seem enoughto deal with the problems, and the same is true to otherinternational sports organizations like FIFA. It requires aclose cooperation among all parties involved, including
public authorities since some solutions depend on them.
Since 1990s the concept of good governance has
become popular in various social sectors all over the world.
The so-called good governance is a social management
process to maximize the benefits to all parties involved
through positive interactions among them. This concept is
particularly important to the IOC and other international
sports organizations in term to improve the organizational

成立了旨在反腐的国际奥委会道39

德委员会。但事实证明，仅国际

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

new problems with which amateur sports organizations are

奥委会自身的这些努力并不足以解决问题，其他国际体育组织，如国际足联也是如此。这些问题的解决要求包括政府部门在内的
有关各方的密切合作。
20 世纪 90 年代以来，善治的理念在世界各地的社会部门逐
渐流行开来。所谓善治是相关各
方良性互动，从而使公共利益最大化的社会管理过程。这一理念对国际奥委会和其他国际体育组织具有重要意义，有助于它们改

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善组织状态。近年来，越来越多

mode. In recent years, a growing number of international

的国际体育组织开始以善治为目

sports organizations have begun to turn to good governance标的改革。然而，什么是善治的

to reform their organization operations. However, what

理想状态？国际奥委会如何在获is the ideal status of good governance? How is the IOC

得政府部门的协助以解决上述问to maintain its independence while depending on public

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题的同时，保持其独立性？这些

authorities’ assistance to solve the problems that cannot be问题尚无答案，而且可能会引发

solved by itself? All such questions have insufficient answer冲 突。 例 如，2007 年 7 月， 欧

for the moment and may raise some conflicts. For example,

盟委员会制定了其有史以来的首

in July 2007, the European Commission worked out its first

个关于其体育政策的“体育白皮ever document on sport policies, White Paper on Sport,

书”，全面阐述其对体育运动的

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to deliver its comprehensive views on sport, but the IOC

观点。但是，国际奥委会对此颇

was disappointed at the document because it mentioned

为失望，认为该文件“忽视了国“ignoring in particular the regulatory competences of the际体育组织的管理能力。”International Federations”.

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克和体育运动善治的基本通则

于 是， 国 际 奥 委 会 与 其 他
体育组织合作，推出了《奥林匹（2008）》。但如何落实这些原则，国际奥委会和有关各方还有
很长的路要走。 在《奥林匹克2020 议程》中，国际奥委会为
自己的设定的目标是实现多元中的统一。在达此目标，关键在于
要有一个制度化的机制，以一种适当的方式保持其独立性和依赖
性。做到这点并非易事。《奥林匹克 2020 议程》的这 40 项建议

Contrariwise, the IOC cooperated with other sportorganizations and worked out the "Basic Universal
Principles of Good Governance of the Olympic and Sports
Movement" (2008), but the IOC and all parties involved
will have a long way to go to implement these principles. In
Agenda 2020, the IOC set its own role trying to achieve thepresupposed Unity in Diversity. The key to achieve that aim
is to find the structural mechanism to keep its independence
and dependence in a proper way. Moreover, the 40
recommendations of Olympic Agenda 2020 indicate somenew roads for the IOC to reach its objectives, which mayalso be subject to change as the diversity of the international

为国际奥委会实现其目标提供新society tends to increase and dialogue tends to prevail.

的途径，同时，由于国际社会的多样元化，平等对话日趋重要，Conclusion
It must be confirmed that it is not easy to seek a newbalance between the ideal world pursued by the Olympic

这些建议措施自身会有所变化。

结语
在奥林匹克运动和国际奥

it is hoped that the new equilibrium can actually be reached

委会寻求的理想世界与正在变

and maintained as the 40 recommendations of Olympic

化的真实世界之间保持一种新的

Agenda 2020 are being implemented worldwide. The

平衡，是不容易的。《奥林匹克key is to maintain the uniqueness of the Olympic Games

2020 议程》40 项建议在全球的

based on the balance of the Games’ impacts and host city’s

实施，使人们看到实现和保持这

sustainability; to maintain the IOC’s autonomous status

种新平衡的希望。关键在于，以

based the balance of its independence and dependence.

奥运会的影响与主办城市“可持续发展”的平衡为基础，保持奥REFERENCES
The IOC Factsheet, the Games of the Olympiad, update– Oct. 2013.
Olympic Games Study Commission, Report to the115th IOC Session, Prague, July 2003.
European Commission, White Paper on Sport, Brussels,
11.7.2007.

运会的独特性；以国际奥委会的独立性和依赖性平衡为基础，保
持其自治。

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本Movement and the IOC, and the real changing world. Now

TRADITIONAL APPROACHES
传统研究

NATIONAL AND POSTNATIONAL DYNAMICS IN THE
OLYMPIC DESIGN: THE CASE
OF THE ATHENS 2004 OLYMPICGAMESJilly Traganou
School of Art and Design History and Theory
Parsons
The New School for DesignUSA

奥林匹克设计中“国家”
和“后国家”的发展动态——以 2004 年雅典奥运会为例
吉利·特拉甘努帕森设计学院艺术设计历史与理论学院美国

我们应跳出国家的界限来反思我们自己。这就意味着，知识（和设计）实践的作用在于识别
国家现存的危机，并在识别危机... is to suggest that the role of intellectual [and design]practices is to identify the current crisis of the nation and in
identifying it to provide part of the apparatus of recognition

过程中，为“后国家”社会形态

45

的认识提供一定的方法。

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

We need to think ourselves beyond the nation. This——阿尔让·阿帕杜拉，《消散的现代化》1

for post-national social forms.
–Arjun Appardurai, Modernity at Large1

本 文 在 阿 尔 让· 阿 帕 杜 拉的启发下，试图一针见血地指出

Following Arjun Appadurai’s call, this paper will

2004 年 雅 典 奥 运 会 呈 现 的“ 新attempt to pinpoint the “crisis of the nation” as revealed

希腊”所反映出的“国家危机”。

in the representation of a “new Greece” at the 2004以圣地亚哥·卡拉特拉瓦设计的

Athens Olympic Games. Taking as a case study Santiago

雅典奥林匹克体育场及其在开闭

Calatrava’s design of the Athens Olympic Stadium and

幕式中的使用情况为个案，我将

its use during the opening and closing ceremonies of the审视当代希腊的自我、他者和国

Games, I will examine questions of selfhood, otherness,

家认同问题，据此提出我们应当

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面对的另一类忠诚观。就像大多and national identity in contemporary Greece as a

数 现 代 奥 运 会 一 样，2004 年 雅means of proposing that alternative types of allegiances

典奥运会更多地被认为是国家事

must be envisaged. As has been the case with most件而非公民事件。重塑国家认同modern Olympic Games, Athens 2004 was conceived

是雅典奥运会组织者追求的目标

as a national rather than a civic event. The redesign of之一，他们把奥运会看作是打造

national identity was a conscious goal of the Athens 2004

“新希腊”形象的绝佳机会。组

Olympic Games organizers, who saw the Olympics as an织者的目标是彻底改变这个国家

opportunity to brand the look of a “New Greece.” The aim

陷入的古代文明辉煌但现代技术
落后的过时的形象，并使国际社会相信希腊在文化和经济领域的

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现代化和欧洲化。“新希腊”形

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难以预料或控制的社会意义和意象被认为能够刺激国内外的投资
需求，并提升希腊的国际声望。
然 而， 奥 运 会 的 庞 大 规 模
和复杂多元必然导致形成举办方识形态。国家认同并不总是清晰的：当它出现分层、遭到争论或
者被否定时将会发生什么呢？借鉴萨斯基亚·扎森论文中关于国际化城市中个人主观意识会松散of the organizers was to overhaul the country’s outdated
image as a nation caught between a glorious antiquity
and technological backwardness, as well as convince
the international community of Greece’s modernity andEuropeanization in both cultural and economic terms. The
image of a “new Greece,” it was thought, would stimulate
new foreign and domestic investments and increase thecountry’s prestige.
The very size and complexity of the Olympics,
however, necessarily led to meanings and ideologies thatthe organizers could hardly predict or control. National
identities are not always clear-cut: What happens when

的观点，我认为奥运会也潜藏着

they are layered, disputed, or negated? Drawing upon

相似的身份认同的瓦解和再造，

Saskia Sassen’s thesis on the unbinding of subjectivities尽管这一过程发生在一个有限的in the global city, I will claim that a similar unbinding and

基础之上且没有一定之规。扎森

reworking of identities is latent in the Olympic Games,

写道：even though such operations occur on a limited basis and ina non-prescriptive manner. Sassen writes:“全球化城市一定程度上能重构非国有化的空间 , 部分地重“The global city is reconfigured as a partly塑公民身份。这种重塑的机制能

denationalized space that enables a partial reinvention of

消除固有狭隘的、民族性的诸多

citizenship. This reinvention takes the institution away

问题，并使一系列特定利益得以

from questions of nationality narrowly defined, and towards

展现……我认为这是公民权利实

the enactment of a large array of particular interests.… I践的一种进步，因为这些实践都interpret this as a move towards citizenship practices that

是围绕着向城市争取权力而展开

revolve around claiming rights to the city.… In global

的……在全球化城市中，这些实

cities, these practices also contain the possibility of directly

践还包括公民获得直接参与各种

engaging strategic forms of power, a fact I interpret战略性权力的可能性，我认为，as significant in a context where power is increasingly

这种可能性对当今权力日益私有

privatized, globalized, and elusive.”3化、国际化和模糊化的现状，具有重要意义。”

in ethnic “branding” and the insurgence of nationalism
witnessed increasingly in recent years, I will claim thatboth intellectuals and designers should strive for a serious
and committed engagement with what constitutes thecategory of the “other,” as a means of questioning the mythof the nation-state and developing post-national forms ofallegiance. Despite the fact that they are awarded to cities
rather than nations, the Olympics function as arenas thatcelebrate national character, subsuming under it individualor other achievements. Competition usually is inseparablefrom such celebrations. Indeed, nations see the Olympics

最终，解决民族“品牌”设
计和日益增多的民族主义暴乱，我认为，一剂良方是知识分子和设计师应当尽力搞清楚到底“他者”由什么构成，以此来质疑单
一民族的神话和“后国家”形式的忠诚。尽管奥运会的主办权授
予的是城市而不是国家，奥林匹克作为赞美民族主义的舞台，将自己和他人的成就收归囊下。竞
争常与庆典密不可分。的确，奥运会往往被一个国家看作是在国
际舞台的聚光灯下展示自 身 实

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Finally, as an antidote both to the employment of design

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力、与他国较量的机会。这种奥

as opportunities to exhibit their achievements in the

运会和国家主义之间的密切关international spotlight, often in contest with one another.

系是经过历史检验得到充分证

This strong relation between the Olympics and nationalism

明 的。 现 代 奥 林 匹 克 运 动 组 织

is historically grounded. The very institution of the modern（ 还 有 其 他 国 际 性 的 活 动， 如

Olympics (together with other international gatherings,

世界博览会）在 19 世纪得到复such as world expositions) was reinvented in the nineteenth兴， 这 一 时 期 恰 恰 是 民 族 国 家

century, a period coinciding with the dawn of the nation-

的形成时期。根据奥林匹克运动

state. According to the constitution of the Olympic

创始人顾拜旦男爵制定的章程，

Games as defined by their founder, Pierre Frédy, Baron对国家的忠诚和热爱是奥运会de Coubertin, national attachment is at the heart of the的核心理念。除了传递人类友好

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concept of the Games. Besides expressing human kindness

和平的国际主义外，大部分奥运

and peaceful internationalism, most Olympic Games are

会都特别将注意力锁定在举办anchored quite specifically to the nation that hosts them.

国国家本身。奥林匹克领域的理

Theorists of Olympic studies, such as Jackie Hogan,48

键点”和“构建国家认同话语”

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论研究者，如杰基·霍根，把奥运会看作是“国家话语建构的关4

的重要表现 ； 斯图亚特·霍尔称其为“国家叙事”，那是“一组故事、图像、风光、场景、历
史事件、国家象征和传统仪式，
国家之所以成为国家的共同的经 历、 哀 伤、 胜 利 与 灾 难 正 由
此呈现出来。”
当今大规模的人口迁移和全球化进程使单一民族国家占统治
地位的政治模式受到挑战，从而

see the Olympic Games as “key sites in the discursive
construction of nation” and as major representations that“constitute discourses of national identity”4—or what Stuart
Hall has called the “narrative of nation”; that is, “a set ofstories, images, landscapes, scenarios, historical events,
national symbols, and rituals which represent the sharedexperiences, sorrows, and triumphs and disasters whichgive meaning to the nation.”
In recent times, massive demographic changes andglobalization have challenged the relevance of the nationstate as a dominant political model, leading to the search

for new political forms that can better respond to such导致世界在寻求更好地应对这一

conditions. If national identity derives from belonging to

形势的新的政治模式。如果国家

a “people,” then according to Dierdre Curtin, a professor认同源于对“国家公民群体”的of European and international law at the University of归属意识，那么，乌得勒支大学

Utrecht, the “post-national idea is premised precisely on

欧洲与国家法教授迪尔德丽·科

the separation of politics and culture, of nationality and廷认为，“后国家概念的前提恰

citizenship,” and presupposes that national (cultural)恰是政治和文化的分离，国籍和plurality can coexist alongside political unity. The post-

公民身份的分离”，并假设民族

national obtains even greater urgency in Europe today

的（文化的）多元性可以与政治

with the process of European integration and the overall

的统一性共存。随着欧洲一体化

crisis of identity occasioned by large numbers of non-

以及由大量的非欧洲移民和居民

European immigrants and residents, especially those who
is experiencing a crisis of identity in light of its numerous
newcomers. This situation has led to various forms ofconflict ranging from cultural tension to incidents ofhostility and violence between “insiders”—citizens—and“outsiders” or “newcomers.”5 As an alternative to denying
the processes of cultural heterogeneity and allowing
ethnicity-based antagonisms to grow, geographer Ash
Amin suggests that one option would be to “recognize thecoming Europe of plural and hybrid cultures … and seek
to develop an imaginary of becoming European throughengagement with the stranger in ways that imply nothreat to tradition and cultural autonomy.”6 The Olympic
Games clearly are capable of illuminating these entangled

起的认同危机，使欧洲目前更迫
切地需求“后国家”的概念。现今，49

几乎每一个欧洲国家都正在经历

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

are non-Christian. Today, almost every country in Europe

尤其是非基督教徒涌入欧洲而引

由于大量外来人口引起的认同危
机。认同危机已经导致了原有公
民和外来人口之间的各种各样的冲突，从文化冲突到敌对和暴力事件。5 除了抵制文化差异进程
和放任种族主义间敌对情绪增长外，还有一种选择是，地理学家
阿什·阿敏认为，认清正在来临
的欧洲众多的和复杂的文化……
试图探寻和构建一种外来人成为
欧洲人的设想，通过某种方式承诺外来人不会威胁到他们的传统

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和文化自治。6 奥运会显然能解networks that expand far beyond the politics of a given释这些错综复杂的关系网，因为

place, whether that place is the host nation or a specific它超越了某一个地区的政治，无

participant country. As cultural artifacts embedded in the

论这个地区是主办国还是某一特

societies that produce them as well as in those distant

定的参赛国。因为文化产品既植

societies that become their consumers or, potentially, their根于它们产生的社会中，也存在

judges, the Games are open to the diverse interpretations距离较远的社会中，体验并加以of their audiences and constituents. Citizens’ involvement

评判，奥运会则能够接受其观众in the Olympic preparations, through volunteerism and和成员对文化产品的多元理解。

public debates, often extends beyond the control of the

公民参与奥运筹备工作，通过志

officials and strengthens the premises of civil society,愿精神和公开讨论，经常超出官

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leading to criticism of or even resistance to the plans of

方控制，强化了公民社会存在的

the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Thus, the50

尔·达扬称为文化“劫持”的竞

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前提，所以导致对国际奥委会计
划的批判甚至抵抗。因此，恰恰由于奥运会强大的公众吸引力，它便成为了被媒体理论家丹尼
技场。7 奥林匹克正不断或迫于
被大范围的“特工”所“劫持”，这些特工来自本国和国际市场、
政 府、 名 流、 活 动 家 和 恐 怖 分子。 结果是，奥运会在民族主义
和去民族主义之间摇摆。
必须指出的一点是希腊人对公民身份信奉的是“民族的”而不是“公民的”模式，倾向于认为国家意识的核心是相信过去Olympic Games, precisely because of the major publicattention they attract, become arenas open to what media
theorist Daniel Dayan calls “hijacking.”7 The Olympics
are constantly being, or threatening to become, “hijacked”
by a wide range of agents: local and global markets,
governments, celebrities, activists, terrorists. As a result,the Games fluctuate between becoming nationalistic and, atthe same time, denationalized.
It is important to point out that Greece follows the“ethnic” rather than the “civic” model of citizenship;
privileging ideas of nationhood that are centered on the
belief in an archaic past uninterruptedly embodied in thepresent. Within this view of nationhood as pure, continuous,and insular, “otherness” is reluctantly accepted, since的历史持续地体现在当代社会之“ideal” citizens are primarily those who partake in the中。 这 种 纯 粹 的、 连 续 的、 孤national culture through continuous blood relationships.

立的国家意识使“他者”很难被This deeply imbued idea of modern Greece’s descent from

接受，因为“理想”公民主要是

antiquity has prevailed throughout the country’s recent

指那些通过连续的血缘关系参与

history, and is a major hindrance to the function of a

民族文化传承和创新的人。这种

constitutional regime based on citizens’ equality. Minority

被不断灌输的现代希腊承袭古代

identities, such as those of non-ethnic Greek and non–希腊的认识，近年在希腊颇为盛

Greek Orthodox populations, continue to be marginalized

行，严重阻碍了以公民平等为基

and excluded from the national narrative. The following

础的宪政体制的运行。少数族群，

sections critically analyze two specific examples ofdesign in the Athens 2004 Olympics. In the first case, byunder the rubric of Europeanization, I question Greece’s
desire for “alterity” as a means of achieving “newness.” In
the second, I discuss the use of the Calatrava stadium forthe opening and closing ceremonies of the Athens Games,and question the nature of inclusion: Who constitutes thenation, and what alliances and constellations emerge out of
this mental territory in both its historical and geographicaldefinition?

续被从国家叙事中边缘化甚至是
排除在外。下面会从批判性的角度分析在 2004 年雅典奥运会的51

设计中出现的两个具体案例。在奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

examining Calatrava’s design for the new Olympic Center

如非希腊人、非希腊正教徒，继

第一个案例中，通过分析卡拉特拉瓦设计的欧洲化的新的奥林匹克中心，我质疑希腊是否把追求“差异性”作为实现“新希腊”
的一种手段。在第二个案例中，
我对将卡拉特拉瓦体育场用作雅典奥运会开闭幕式主会场这一行
为进行了探讨，并对包容的本质
提出了置疑：谁组成了国家，同时从历史和地理的角度而言，从这一精神领地中涌现出来什么样的“联盟”和“群体”呢？

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从希腊主义到欧洲主义：卡
拉特拉瓦重新设计的奥林匹克中心所体现的自我与他者
的分层From Hellenism to Europeanism: Layers of
Selfhood and Otherness Reflected by Santiago
Calatrava’s Redesign of the Olympic Center

奥林匹克中心的设计十分重Center, the major landmark of the Athens 2004 Olympic

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要，因为它是雅典 2004 奥运会Games, was awarded to the Spanish architect Santiago

的重要地标，设计权授予了西班

Calatrava, who was educated in Switzerland and has

牙设计师卡拉特拉瓦，他求学于

furnished major European cities with his work. Inviting

瑞士，他的设计遍布欧洲著名的

an internationally renowned architect to design a national

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城市。邀请国际知名设计师设计
国家标志性建筑，已经成为现今时代的一种国际惯例。在希腊的
案例中，也许有人要问，由一位
非希腊籍的设计师设计如此重要的建筑，是否暗示了希腊已经改变民族中心主义？卡拉特拉瓦的52

设计意于将现有的奥林匹克场馆群通过一系列的改造和新建达到“融合之美”。8 最重要的是顶
棚建设，后被称为“卡拉特拉瓦顶棚”，是现有场馆外的附加品，
是奥林匹克公园的一大景观。9该设计从构思和形态上看，主要
呈弓形，卡拉特拉瓦意于喻指运It is significant that the design of the Olympic Athletic

landmark has become a norm in contemporary times. In
the case of Greece, one might ask, does the engagementof a non-Greek architect to design a building of nationalsignificance indicate that Greece has moved away froman ethnocentric conception of selfhood? Calatrava’s
project was intended to “unite aesthetically”8 the existing
Olympic Athletic Complex through a series of building
renovations and new constructions. The most important
was the construction of a roof that became known as the“Calatrava roof,” which was an addition to the existingstadium, and the landscaping of the surrounding Olympic
park. 9 The project, both in its plan and morphology, isdominated by the shape of an arch, which Calatrava
explained as an athletic metaphor: “like the way an athlete

动员：“像运动员投掷标枪或者

throws the javelin, or a long jumper jumps.”10 Following跳远”。10 但希腊本地的批评者

local criticism that the work was inappropriate within
the landscape of Attica, however, Calatrava changedhis rhetoric, describing the work in terms of Greece’s

认为，这项工程与阿提卡的景色architectural legacy. He referenced the Acropolis of

不相和谐，而后，卡拉特拉瓦改Athens and the Byzantine church Aghia Sophia to变了他的解释，说作品源于希腊

convince the public that his project was continuous with

的建筑遗产。他参考了雅典卫城

the Greek tradition. The way in which the choice of color

和拜占庭式教堂埃格西亚·索菲

for Calatrava’s roof was explained to the public also is亚两处建筑，向观众力证他的设indicative of such intentions. Calatrava initially announced计是对希腊传统的传承。卡拉特

that the roof glass would be tinted blue in homage to the拉瓦顶棚颜色的选择也向公众解color of the Greek sky and sea. In subsequent interviews,

释是出于此意。卡拉特拉瓦声称

Calatrava pushed his argument even further, interpreting玻璃顶棚应着蓝色，寓意向希腊

his choice of colors as a direct reference to the Greek flag,

的蓝天和大海致敬。在随后的采thus providing his work with strong nationalistic nuances.11

访中，卡拉特拉瓦把他的意图描

Yet despite these explanations, Calatrava’s architectural
approach that he applies worldwide, regardless of regionalarchitectural languages. Calatrava’s attempts to relate
his architecture to Greek heritage and grand nationalist
ideals are not uncommon. The need to feed the public suchreferences is typical of nations based on romantic mythsof purity and uniqueness. For example, Kenzo Tange’s
National Gymnasium for Tokyo’s 1964 Olympics has beencharacterized as “a national shrine … a modern equivalentof Ise,”12 Japan’s sacred shrine, whose status is analogous
to that of the Parthenon in Greece. Despite Calatrava’s
explanations, the Greek public did not unanimously accept
the building as its own. Many critics believed the scale腊国旗，表明了他的作品带有强11

烈的民族色彩。 尽管他这样说
明，但卡拉特拉瓦的建筑风格总是基于弓形，一种他用于全世界
建筑的风格，而忽视区域建筑风格。卡拉特拉瓦将他的设计与希腊遗产和伟大的民族理念相连的意图并不是十分罕见。那些对民族纯正性和唯一性充满浪漫神话的国家，向观众传达这样的参考
信息是国家一贯的风格。例如，
丹下健三为 1964 年东京奥运会
设计的国家体育场被喻为“国家神殿……现代的伊势”，12 神殿

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language has almost always been based on arched forms, an绘得更深刻，颜色的选择源于希

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在日本的地位可与希腊的帕台农

of the Olympic stadium roof was inappropriate and out

神殿比肩。尽管卡拉特拉瓦一再of proportion to the Attica landscape. The well-known

解释，希腊并不是全民一致接受

film director Nikos Koundouros, for instance, described这个建筑。许多批评家认为奥林

Calatrava’s roof as completely extraneous to Athens:

匹克体育场顶棚的规模过大，与阿提卡的景观不成比例。比如，Whatever happens around us is not ours. The forged

著名的电影导演尼克斯·孔杜洛

Olympic Games are not ours either. Calatrava and the斯认为卡拉特拉瓦的顶棚与雅典

monster he planted in Attica land are alien. And the other

完全格格不入：monster [a surveillance zeppelin (author’s explanation)]我们身边发生的一切不再属that wanders in our sky is also alien.13

于我们。仿制的奥运会也不是我

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们的。卡拉特拉瓦和他植入阿提54还 有， 这 项 设 计 的 规 模 和

卡的庞然大物不是我们的。横跨我们天空中的另一个巨物［一艘监视飞艇（作者的解释）］也不是我们的。13
成本反映出希腊对全球化规则
的遵从：
如今，所有公共工程……遵循巨大化的趋势，在高科技和后
现代美学的助力下，建设了多样
的“金字形神塔”。这是全球化的产物，意在为金钱无与伦比的力量立碑。14
这些声音是大家因惧怕全球
化将削弱希腊的独立性而进行广For others, the scale and expenditure of the work
reflected Greece’s obedience to the rules of globalization:
Nowadays, all public works … obey the rule ofgigantization, constructing various ziggurats, with the helpof high-technology and postmodern aesthetics. This is thebuilding of globalization that aims at … monumentalizing
the unmatched magnitude of money.14
These voices were part of a broader discourse focusedon fears that globalization would weaken Greek identity;
and they were symptomatic of an increasing xenophobiathat may be attributed to the growing influx of immigrants
to the country since the early 1990s. But to what degree
was Calatrava a foreigner to Greece? Is it true that hisbuilding carried a Spanish stamp, as was declared by a local
15泛的讨论的一部分；他们是仇外journalist , or that his project was the result of an “alien”

症候群体，可能源于 1990 年代

invasion in Athens? It is no coincidence that Calatrava was

开始大量移民涌入希腊。但是对presented to the Greek public not as a stranger, but rather

于希腊人来说，卡拉特拉瓦到底

as a fellow Mediterranean; a strategy that established a

在多大程度上是一个外来人呢？

secondary level of discourse that emphasized affiliations

是不是像一名当地记者报道的那with the broader geographic region. Modern Greek citizens,样 15，他的设计带有西班牙的印

despite their competition with Spain for tourism, have记？或者他的设计是外国文化入been indoctrinated with ideas of geocultural determinism

侵希腊的产物？当卡拉特拉瓦出

for more than a century, and the belief that Greeks share a现在希腊民众的面前时，不是以

common Mediterranean temperament with Spain is quite

陌生人的身份，而是以来自地中

well established. As Calatrava himself declared after the

海的朋友的身份，这当然不是巧

There was a prejudice that the Greeks couldn’t get thisdone.... My attitude was that they’re fellow-Mediterraneansso there wouldn’t be a real problem.... So I told everyone
we’d finish in time.16

合；这是一种策略，制造次级舆论层，强调他们是在更广阔的地

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理区域中的同盟。现代希腊公民，奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

work was completed:

尽管与西班牙争夺旅游业，但由于一个多世纪以来一直被灌输着
地理文化决定论的思想，因此希腊人易于建立与西班牙同属地中
海同盟的观念。正如卡拉特拉瓦本人在设计完成后所声明的：认为希腊人不能完成此项设
计的观点是带有偏见的……我认为他们是地中海居民，所以并不
存在实质性的问题……所以我想
告诉大家我们能够按时完成。16

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考虑到 1992 年奥运会在巴The invitation to a Spaniard was not surprising given

萨罗那的成功举办，对西班牙人

Barcelona’s success in hosting the 1992 Olympics. Greek

的邀请就不足为奇了。希腊奥运organizers mentioned several times that Barcelona served as

会的组织者曾多次提及，西班牙

the model for Athens 2004 because of the City’s symbolic

成为 2004 年雅典奥运会的榜样，and physical rejuvenation after the 1992 Olympic Games.

归因于 1992 年奥运会后巴塞罗Presented as a modest student of “Greekness,” linked to

那市所具有的象征性和活力。以the Greeks though his Mediterranean affiliation but also as

地中海同盟靠近希腊人，卡拉特

a connoisseur of European culture, Calatrava appeared as

拉瓦既以一名“希腊”的模范生

an architect whose work manifested both symbolic values

出场，又以欧洲文化的行家的身and technical excellence. If the references to Greekness in份出现，他的设计既彰显了符号

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the design of the roof confirmed New Greece’s continuity

价值，又体现了技术的先进性。

with its past, the design of the surrounding Olympic park如果顶棚设计的想法证实了新希

embodied Europeanization, hinting to the ideal future56

理想的希腊的未来。奥林匹克公

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腊是对过去的传承，那么奥林匹克公园的设计则体现出欧洲化的特征，暗示了希腊公民渴盼的、园被视为雅典居民和游客共同的公园——一个开放的、只有步行者能够进入的 100 公顷的空间，这里面有 2500 棵大树，8500 棵
小 树，160000 棵 树 丛。 公 园 的特色与雅典传统公共场所风格不同，传统的风格缺乏绿植，这遭到了许多希腊人认为是退化与不文明的批评。最重要的是，除了
栽培绿植，卡拉特拉瓦还希望在

to which many Greek citizens aspire. The Olympic parkwas envisioned as a place for both Athens residents andvisitors—an open, 100-hectare space accessible only topedestrians, which included 2,500 new large trees, 8,500
smaller trees, and 160,000 bushes. The park is markedly
different from the conventional public spaces of Athens,
which typically lack greenery and are criticized by many
Athenians as degrading and uncivil. Most important,beyond cultivating greenery, Calatrava also wished tonurture new public attitudes in the city:
In my opinion the Olympic Athletic Complex is atool in Athens, a space for education and creation. And at

the same time it is a constant forum. It brings to the city

城市中培育新的公民意识：a space of dialogue, which is very important not only for

我认为奥林匹克场馆群对于the Maroussi district [where the park is located] and the

雅典来说是一个工具，一个教育northern suburbs.17

与创造的空间。同时，它还是一个永恒的辩论场。它带给城市一

For Calatrava, the park was symbolic of “universalism,”个能够对话的空间，无论对马罗an ideal that he wished to see take root in the City of斯地区（公园所在地）还是北部

Athens beyond the end of the Olympics: Athens chose

郊区都非常重要。17to show a work that is almost experimental, avant-garde对于卡拉特拉瓦，公园是“普and modern … and through this choice … the element of

世主义”的象征，在奥林匹克结multiculturalism and universalism emerged, which is one

束以后，他希望能看到普世主义

of the most attractive elements of architecture. What I like

生根于雅典：雅典选择向人们展

Italians, Spanish, Chinese people, Poles.18
To no surprise, Calatrava’s commission within thecontext of an overall political scheme was intended tofoster Greece’s Europeanization process. Calatrava’s origin
and identity as a European was instrumental. “Intended
19

Europeanization” (in other words, modernization) wasan obvious priority for the Simitis (Pasok) administration,
which was responsible for the major portion of the Olympic preparations and oversaw the successful inclusion of
Greece in the European Monetary Union, or Eurozone,
in 2001. In architectural and urban terms, this Greek
idea of Europeanization combines rationalism and示它的作品，集体验性、前卫性和现代化于一体……并且通过这57

个选择……多元文化主义和普世

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本very much is that this work has been made by Greeks,主义的要素得以融合，这是建筑
中最具魅力的要素。我非常欣赏
的是，这个设计由希腊人、意大利人、西班牙人、中国人和波兰
人共同完成。18并 不 惊 奇 的 是， 在 整 体 政治体制背景下，卡拉特拉瓦的任务是要推进希腊欧洲一体化进
程。卡拉特拉瓦作为一名土生土
长的欧洲人起到了作用。“欧洲一体化意向”（换句话说，现代
化）19 显而易见是西米蒂斯（泛

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希腊社会主义运动党）政权首要

beautification in an attempt to counterbalance the disorder任务，这届政府负责大部分奥林

of the typical Greek city. The Olympics introduced to匹克筹备工作，而且在 2001 年，

Athens the aesthetic unification of a disordered site, the

使希腊成功进入欧洲货币联盟，

advanced technology used in its buildings, and the very

或成为欧元区。从建筑与城市的idea of a park—all marks of Europeanization. On the关系看，这种希腊欧洲一体化的other hand, the choice of indigenous vegetation and the

理念，使理性主义和唯美主义相referential framework of Greek architectural heritage

结合，以消除一些具有典型希腊

represented a renewed, branded version of particularism,

特点的城市中的混乱。奥林匹克

embedded within the overall framework of modernization.

为雅典混乱的区域带来了审美的Here, the old idea of European supremacy and political统一，建筑物中使用的先进技术，

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fragmentation peacefully coincides with the ideology

以及公园设计的理念——都标志

of a new (in market terms only), economically unified58

框架中。这里，陈旧的欧洲霸权

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着欧洲一体化。另一方面，本土
植被的选择和以希腊建筑遗产为
参考的建筑构架，体现了全新的希腊主义，融合在现代化的整体
理念和政治分歧友好地结合在新的欧洲经济联合体中（仅指市场角度），希腊在此体系中却没有为它的种族纯化做出让步。在旧的欧洲理念中，卡拉特拉瓦提及多元文化主义，如果不是欺骗，
至少是存在矛盾的。如果多元文
化主义是基于各文化平等的原则，那么卡拉特拉瓦对于普世主
义的理解似乎是基于欧洲中心主

Europe to which Greece belongs without compromising
its ethnic purity. Calatrava’s mention of multiculturalism
is at the very least contradictory, if not misleading, within
the old idea of Europe. If multiculturalism is basedon the principle of equality among different cultures,
Calatrava’s interpretation of universalism seems to be
based on a Euro-centered notion of universalism; tied to
the Enlightenment notions of civilization and progress,
and a belief in Europe’s superiority over the rest of theworld. Calatrava, in his various statements, seemed tobe content with the involvement of individuals of manydifferent nationalities in the construction of the Olympic
works, yet participation among them was not equitable.
The unique 10-cm-thick steel used for the Olympic stadiumroof was made in Germany; its large tubular members (3.6

义的普世主义；与启蒙运动时期

meters in diameter), prior to final welding in Athens, were的文明和进步的观念相连，认为

manufactured by the Italian company Cimolai; supervision

欧洲与其他世界各地相比具有优

of the overall construction was undertaken by various

越性。在卡拉特拉瓦多次的陈述

Greek contractors; and the actual laborers were immigrants

中，似乎对于多民族参与奥林匹

of various ethnicities, mainly from the Middle East and

克工程感到满足，然而参与其中

the Balkans. This “multiculturalism,” then, implies certain的人们却不平等。用来搭建奥林

geopolitical hierarchies and remains an unresolved issue in匹克体育场的顶棚的 10 厘米厚

contemporary identity politics in both Greece and Europe.

的特种钢由德国制造；巨大的管The Olympic project, in terms of both its symbolic value

状构件（直径 3.6 米）由意大利

and its construction process, reconfirms majority tendencies

奇莫莱公司制造，后在希腊完工

in contemporary Europe that tend to be highly exclusive焊缝；对总体建设的监管则由多

region as a result of the intense cultural and demographic
flows of the last twenty years.20
Although architectural historiography usually ends
at the point that a building is offered to its clients, it isimportant to counter a building’s ambitions with the way
in which it is actually used in its “afterlife,” both as asymbolic and a material artifact. The following section
discusses the identity politics that emerged during the
opening and closing ceremonies of the Athens 2004 Games
at the Olympic Athletic Center.

家希腊承包商负责；劳动力主要是来自中东和巴尔干地区的移民

59者。这种“多元文化主义”，暗奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本of the many non–European cultures that now exist in the

示了某种地理政治的等级，但希腊和欧洲的身份认同问题依然尚未解决。奥林匹克工程，依据其
符号价值和建设过程，再次证明
了当下欧洲大多人的倾向，对过
去 20 年来由于人口迁移而流入
欧洲的多种非欧洲文化的高度排斥。20虽然建筑历史学通常认为一
座建筑是为它的客户提供服务，
但作为一件具有象征性和实物性的艺术品，实现其在后续使用中

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的价值却也是重要的。下面讨论
了 2004 雅典奥运会在奥林匹克中心举办的开闭幕式中所呈现出
的政治认同。

季米特里·帕派约安努导演的 2004 雅典奥运会仪式中的
民族起源与政治融合

As history has shown, a stadium, with its mammoth
size and rhetoric of grandeur, is an ideal setting for national
propaganda. According to Rubén Gallo, since the earlytwentieth century, stadiums have become the perfect
constructs for enacting what Walter Benjamin described正 像 历 史 呈 现 的， 体 育 场as the “aestheticization of politics.”21 Borrowing a term

宏伟壮丽，是国家用于宣传的理

from Gallo, we can argue that the “stadiogenic”22 effect of

想建筑。据鲁本·加洛所说，早Calatrava’s design for the Olympic stadium—reinforced by

在 20 世纪早期，体育场就已经成为理想的建筑物，扮演着被瓦尔特·本杰明称为“美化政治”
的角色。21 借用加洛的词汇，我们继以探讨卡拉特拉瓦奥林匹

60Ethnic Origins and the Politics of Inclusion in
Dimitris Papaioannou’s Athens 2004 Olympic
Ceremonies

克体育场设计的“场馆性”22 效应——此效应在电视转播画面改
进的混合机制下得以强化——并
于 2014 年 8 月 13 日达到了顶峰。
在 2004 雅典奥运会开幕式中，
不仅是世界，所有的希腊公民一起见证了“新希腊”的理念在眼前实现。根据奥林匹克研究学者
约翰·麦克隆的观点，开幕式是“脱离日常生活的仪式，开启了一段

incorporated mechanisms for improving televised images—
reached its zenith on August 13, 2004, during the opening
ceremony of the Athens 2004 Games when not only theworld, but also Greek citizens, witnessed the very idea of“new Greekness” materialize before their eyes.
According to Olympic Studies scholar John McAloon,
opening ceremonies are “rites of separation from ‘ordinary
life,’ initiating a period of public liminality.”23
For the Athens 2004 opening ceremony, following
the directions of the Greek avant-garde choreographer
Dimitris Papaioannou,24 architect Lili Pezanou’s design
converted the stadium’s arena into an artificial lake (a major
construction work that required 2,162 cubic meters of

water) around which the spectacle unfolded. The opening

时期的公众阈限。”23

ceremony marked a significant point of departure from the对于雅典 2004 开幕式，在parochial spectacles of Greek folklore and military pageants

前卫的希腊导演季米特·帕派约to which modern Greeks are accustomed. 25 Despite

安努的指导下，24 建筑师莉莉·派

Papaioannou and his team’s26 background in the alternative

札努将体育场转变为一座人工湖

scene, the ceremonies, particularly the one that opened（主要建设工作需要 2162 立方

the Games, elaborated on themes reminiscent of the work米水），在湖的四周展现各种场

of established— but at the same time slightly deviant—景。 开 幕 式 标 志 着 的 重 要 一 点

figures of postwar Greek art: composer Manos Hadjidakis

是，走出希腊民间传说的狭隘观and painter Yannis Tsarouhis. Papaioannou combined their

和军事盛宴，走向现代希腊人所

work with cultural elements characteristic of the younger
generation born in the 1960s. The director used an aesthetic
sensuality (the last being in line with the mannerism of theold masters, Hadjidakis and Tsarouhis), at times celebrating
Greek history and at others the bodily freedom one
experiences in the water, which was the central motif of theshow. Two key segments of the choreography were titledAllegory and Clepsydra. 27 Allegory began with a kinetic
sculpture shaped as a female kentauros throwing a javelin,which triggered a 17-meter figure, styled after the head ofa Cycladic idol, to emerge slowly from the lake. The head
opened up in Russian-doll fashion to reveal a figure shaped
after a sixth-century Kouros, and a fifth century one nested
inside it. Each of these figures broke up into numerous
abstract forms, which then became platforms for a series

的团队 26 所采用的变换的背景，
尽管使开幕式展示了引人联想的
希腊的成就，尤其是揭开奥运序61

幕的场景——但同时有些偏离主奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

language that fluctuated between minimalist austerity and习惯的生活。25 帕派约安努和他

题——即展现战后时期的希腊艺术大师们：作曲家马诺斯·哈达吉达克斯和画家亚尼斯·查罗奇
斯。帕派约安努将大师们的作品
与 20 世纪 60 年代出生的年轻一
代的文化元素相结合。导演通过时而展现抽象派的质朴，时而展现抽象派的性感（符合哈达吉达克斯和查罗奇斯两位老艺术家的风格）的艺术风格，时而赞美希
腊历史，时而用水中表演赞美身体 自 由， 表 达 出 整 个 表 演 的 主

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题。“预言和历史年轮”是表演
27

of projections on a universalist theme. Subsequently, the编排中两个重要的篇章。 “预fragments fell into the water, transformed into entities

言”开始于女子肯塔洛斯投掷标reminiscent of islands or vessels.

枪的雕塑，投出的标枪激起了一
个 17 米高的面部头像，斯克拉A more detailed view of Greek art unfolded in the

米克的头像慢慢从水中升起。接section entitled Clepsydra. A series of floats appeared

着头像以俄罗斯套娃形式被层层on stage, loaded with tableaux-vivant representations of剥开，相继出现了 6 世纪库罗斯

significant moments in Greek art. The sequence began

的裸体像和一个 5 世纪的雕像。

with enactments of prehistoric art and continued with

每个雕像又分解为数目众多的抽

archaic, classical, Byzantine, Ottoman, and eventually

象的碎片，然后以碎片为舞台表

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modern art. Papaioannou created a spectacle that removed

达宣扬普世主义的主题。最后，

the emphasis from the political to the realm of aesthetics;

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章节中。一艘艘船只相继出现在

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碎片掉落水中，变成了引人联想的群岛或船舶。
一个展现希腊艺术的更具细
节的场景出现在“历史年轮”的
舞台上，船上承载的是希腊艺术所经历的重要时期。展示的顺序
是史前艺术、古代的、古典的、
拜占庭的、土耳其的和最后出现的现代艺术。帕派约安努设计的场景，把表达的重点从政治转到美学领域；激发了广泛的赞美之情，从民族主义的骄傲到人类的
普世主义。政治家们对奥林匹克体育场的公开评论，表达了对体

evoking a wide range of emotions ranging from nationalist
pride to universalist celebrations of humanity. The pride intechnology and progress that was articulated by politiciansin the discourse surrounding the Olympic stadium was,on August 13, transformed into a collective experience of
awe. Papaioannou did not adopt a language that could belabeled as Greek: Greekness provided the content, not theform. But his use of technology and contemporary artistic
strategies functioned synergistically with the content,
and the ceremony indeed had the effect of “aestheticizing
politics”; satisfying both those who looked for (achieved orintended) Europeanness, and those who sought (inherent)
Greek uniqueness. This refreshed but otherwise textbook
version of Greekness provided by Papaioannou, with

its consciously apolitical language, could not but rely育场中体现的科技进步的骄傲之on established perceptions of Greekness that he and his

情，但在 8 月 13 日这天，却转

domestic viewers have inherited and shown little interest in变成大家的惊叹。帕派约安努没

disputing.

有采用标志性的希腊风格：希腊人呈现的是内容，而不是形式。

The transformation of the stadium’s stage into a

但他对科技和当代艺术策略的使

nocturnal waterscape recalled, in my interpretation, a

用，能够协助内容的呈现。开幕

double birth: that of cosmos and nation. The evocation

式的确起到了“美学政治”的作

of a universal, cosmic space was identified with Greece’s

用；既满足了人们找寻欧洲特性

prehistory and the birth of Greek civilization. This implied

的需求，也满足了寻求希腊独特a double-sided union: a cultural continuity from prehistory

性的需求。帕派约安努呈现的恢to the present in the specific geographical area of Greece

复活力的希腊人，不同于书中的belief that the birth of Greek civilization coincides withthe birth of the world’s civilization (a national myth). The
pluralism suggested by the portraits of people of all racial
backgrounds projected onto the statues’ fragments opened
up the subject of universalism, although soon afterwards,
the symbolism returned to Greekness, thus collapsing theopen, universal cosmos with the specific topos of Greece.
This identification of the cosmic landscape with the specifictopography of the Greek archipelagos continues a tradition
that emphasizes the Aegean as the Greek landscape par
excellence, and Greece as the navel of earth.

版本，他用远离政治的风格，而依赖于他和希腊观众固有的无需63争论的观念。

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本(an historical inaccuracy); 28 and a restatement of the体育场的舞台转变成夜间水景，我认为其寓意是指宇宙和民
族的诞生。世界和宇宙的唤醒，
代表着希腊的史前史和希腊文明的诞生。这暗示了双层含义：从
古至今，在希腊某个特定的区域
里，文化具有连续性（一个历史的偏差）；28 希腊文明的产生伴
随着世界文明产生的信念的重述（一个国家的神话）。多元论认为，尽管雕像碎片背景中出现的所有
种族的肖像开启了普世主义的主

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题，但不久之后，符号重新转回Thus the segment Allegory, as a rite of passage from到希腊人，随着希腊地形的出现，

cosmos to topos, acritically reaffirmed what was already宇宙倒塌。用希腊群岛的形态来

known, at least for the Greek audience: that modern Greece辨识宇宙，继续表达了传统的观is the natural descendant of the ancient Greek civilization

点，强调了爱琴海是希腊最美的which, according to the perception prevalent in Greece

景致，希腊是地球的中心。

today, represents the beginning of European civilization.

因此，“寓言”的章节中从

The sequential representation of Greek art in the Clepsydra

宇宙到地形变换的仪式，再次重series restated the belief in Greece’s continuity from申了众所周知的，至少是希腊观prehistory to the present. In the opening ceremony we also众所知晓的：现代希腊是古代希

witness the idea of Hellenism shrinking into a landscape腊文明的后裔，根据希腊当下普that has been privileged since the 1930s: the Aegean Sea,

遍的看法，希腊文明是欧洲文明

which most audiences are familiar with through tourist的开端。“历史年轮”章节中相

iconography. By emphasizing the seafaring character of继出现的希腊艺术的展示重申了希腊文化从史前到现在的连续性。在开幕式中，我们看到了希腊文明浓缩为一片，自 20 世纪
30 年代以来一直享有特殊的地
位：即爱琴海，大多数观众早已从旅游图片熟知。强调希腊的航
海文化，把陆地尤其是山区的希腊居民轻描淡写为旁观者，即使
山区才是希腊近代爱国主义的大
本营。如此强调希腊的地中海文
化，使希腊从巴尔干半岛分离的神话在脑海中重现，并认为西欧
是希腊最终的纽带。正像历史学Greece, the mainland and particularly the mountainous areasof Greece are downplayed as the beholders of Greekness,even though in the pre-modern past it was precisely themountain, with its associated notion of pastoralism, which
was considered the stronghold of patriotism. Such anemphasis on the Mediterranean character of Greece also
reproduces the mythology of Greece’s separateness fromits Balkan neighbors and assumes Western Europe as
Greece’s ultimate bond. As historian Christina Koulouri has
described:

While we would expect that the national identity (of家克里斯蒂娜·考劳瑞所描写的：

Greece), the Balkan identity and the European identity are

我们预期国家认同（希腊）、

organized in a scheme of concentric circles, … this is not巴尔干半岛的认同和欧洲的认

happening. The reason is that the cultural content and the

同，以同心圆的方式推进……但cultural capital of Europe and the Balkans are defined in这并不会发生。理由是欧洲和巴

antithetical terms; therefore it is difficult for them to coexist尔干半岛的文化内涵和文化资本

as supplementary parts of the same sum. Greece therefore

被界定在对立的关系中；因此，

accepts its Balkan identity only within the framework of两者之间很难作为对等的双方互

anti-Western positions.… Thus … even though the relevant补而共存。因此，希腊只有在反

position of Greece within the Balkans has changed from the

西方立场的框架中才能接受其巴

1990s, Balkan identity keeps representing a weak identity尔干身份，……因此，即使希腊that is not a subject of negotiation.29

appropriated the vocabulary of the Euro-American
vanguard (Papaioannou has stated numerous times that
Robert Wilson is his model), the ceremony’s content
reproduced an insular view of Greece in which bothinternal and external otherness were concealed, obscuring
the influences of numerous cultural encounters and crosspollinations in ancient and recent Greek history. HistorianAngelos Alefantis criticized the ahistorical and hyperaestheticized emphasis on the water as one that concealed
the cultural pluralism integral to Greece’s history:

世纪 90 年代已经开始改变，巴尔干认同仍是弱势认同，构不成
29协商的主体。

尽管在艺术的层面，开幕式
借用了欧美先锋派的语汇（帕派约安努已多次表达罗伯特·威尔逊是他的偶像），开幕式的内容
让人脑中浮现希腊与世隔绝的景象，内部和外部的他者隐藏其中，
模糊了古代和现代希腊历史中多种文化碰撞的影响。历史学家安吉洛斯·阿莱凡蒂斯批评了与历
史无关却被赋予极大意义的水，认为这掩盖了希腊历史中的多元文化。

65

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Although, on an aesthetic level, the ceremony

在巴尔干地区的相对立场从 20

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在仪式的众多象征中……却In the multiple symbolism of the ceremony … there

没有展现人们赖以生存的地球，

was no interest in showing even a bit of earth where people

在世界的这个角落中存在着多种

lived and the dead were buried. And there were many types

类型的生者和死者：米斯诺人、of living and dead in this corner of the world: Minoans,佩拉斯吉人、莱勒格斯人、希腊Mycenaeans, Pelasgians, Lelegs, Greeks, Galatians, Goths,

人、加拉太书人、哥特人、罗马Romans, Bulgarians, Turks, Saracenes, Arbanites, Slavs,

人、保加利亚人、土耳其人、萨

Latins, Frankish, Venetians, Catalans, Vlachs, Cumans,

拉塞尼斯人、阿尔巴尼特斯人、Jews, Armenians.… If you want in half an hour to talk

斯拉夫人、拉丁人、法兰克人、

about 3–4,000 years, it is necessary that you will do a

威尼斯人、加泰隆人、库曼人、

selective reading, there is no other way.30

犹太人、美国人……如果用半个

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小时讲述 3000~4000 年，只能选

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以平衡。如果开幕式赞美了神话择性阅读，没有更好的方法。30
从 古 至 今， 希 腊 民 族 不 断传承发展，这种压倒性的国家认
同感在雅典奥运会的闭幕式中得
诸神，闭幕式则展示了最具特色
的当代希腊的文化。表演开始于
一段模拟的希腊婚礼，而后成为
了展示希腊各地区人们欢庆的舞台。庆祝活动伴随着“出埃及记”
的音乐，呈现了一场最具代表性的希腊民间音乐的表演秀。
然而，在闭幕式中虽然展示
了文化多样性，但为保险起见，强调的是次国家层面，因为这样This overarching identity of the Greek nation as acontinuous entity that unfolds from prehistory to the present
was counterbalanced by the closing ceremony of the Athens
Games. If the opening ceremony celebrated archetypal or
mythical figures, the closing ceremony presented distinct
and recognizable cultures of contemporary Greece. The
production began with a mock Greek wedding, which thenbecame a platform for incorporating local celebrations fromall regions of Greece. These festivities were followed by
the Exodus concert, a live show by representatives of thecontemporary folk music scene in Greece.
Nevertheless, the diversity displayed at the closing
ceremony, with its emphasis on the sub-national, was arather safe one, because it simply corresponded to theregional divisions of Greece without revealing the country’s

既展示了希腊的各个行政区域，

true ethnic and religious diversity, especially considering

又不需要揭示国家真正的民族与

the recent influx of immigrants. Here, the aesthetic language

宗教多样性，尤其是考虑到近期of the event was largely based on the ethnic, world-music

移民涌入的现状。这里，闭幕式genre, capitalizing on its contemporary popularity as an

的艺术风格主要基于民族和世界

exotic commodity within the global market.

音乐，利用了音乐这种异国产品
在全球市场中的流行性。

On a musical and performative level, it might be

在音乐和表演层面，闭幕式

argued that the closing ceremony nullified the opening也许会被质疑没有与开幕式遥相

ceremony’s claim that Greece belongs to the West, as most呼应，开幕式中表达了希腊属于

of the closing ceremony references in fact tied Greece to

西方，但闭幕式则暗示了希腊与

the Balkans and the East rather than to the Mediterranean

巴尔干半岛和东方相连，而不是

was a “safe” way of presenting internal diversity, theclosing ceremony did take one unconventional step in the
direction of answering the question of who is included in
the Greek national body. Toward the end of the wedding
section, in which recognizable segments of contemporary
Greeks paraded and celebrated, a group of gypsies (Rom)joined the party. This provocative statement on the part of
Papaioannou was met, however, with sharp disapprovalby the majority of Greek citizens. As one journalist wrote,
expressing such criticisms:
My admiration for Papaioannou did not blind me. I
saw that the closing ceremony … was atrocious. Tons

地中海或是西方国家。即使行政
区域的展示是一种很“安全”的67

方式来表达内部多样性，但闭幕奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本or Western Europe. Even though the regional approach

式却用了非常规方法回答了希腊
民族包含谁的问题。模拟婚礼结
束的章节，有这样一个片段，希腊人游行和欢庆，一群吉普赛人（罗姆人）加入了队伍中。然而，帕派约安努这种挑拨性构思，却引起了大多数希腊公民的强烈不满，如一位记者的批判评论：我对帕派约安努的敬意并没有使我变得盲目。我观看了闭幕
式……简直糟透了。成千上万的人们无序奔跑在塑胶跑道上，而

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迷人的吉普赛人却在售卖诱人的31

of people were running disorderly on a plastic floor, andglamorous, ethnic gypsies were selling glamorous, ethnic

西瓜。

从这些评论可以看出，人们watermelons.31

对希腊的高雅艺术沦为低俗文化的显而易见的失望，此外，评论

Beyond the obvious disappointment over what was还隐藏了对希腊在全世界观众面

perceived as a fall from high art to low culture, these

前展示它“不可告人的秘密”的comments hide a degree of shame for Greece having32羞耻感。 像罗马和现代民乐这

exposed its “dirty laundry” in front of an international

些要素，暗指希腊是属于东方而

audience.32 Elements, such as the Roma and the overall

不是西方的情感；这与其他章节

endorsement of contemporary folk scene, allude to

所展示的现代化（一体化）的理

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Greece possessing an “Eastern” rather than a “European”

念是不一致的。尽管罗马人的出

sensibility; a fact seen as incompatible with the ideals of

68回避此问题：如今希腊体育，与现暗指了内部他者，闭幕式并未直接涉及现今希腊人口迁移盛行
引起的复杂问题。然而，闭幕式
作为奥运会的一部分，理不应当
世界各地一样，跨越国界招募和培养外国运动员；体育成为了世界范围内出现的新的、复杂的种族图景的“晴雨表”。例如，希腊奥运代表团的旗手，是阿尔巴尼亚出生的举重运动员和奖牌获
得者迪马斯，他于 1991 年移民
至希腊（他原名皮诺·达哈马，直到 1990 年，一直代表阿尔巴尼亚竞赛）。根据人类学家詹姆modernization on which the other Olympic displays werebased. Despite the appearance of the Rom as indicatorsof internal “otherness,” the ceremonies did not engage
directly with the complex issue of demographic flow thatprevails in Greece today. Yet, as part of an athletic event,neither could the ceremonies remain unaffected by thisissue: sports in Greece today, as everywhere else in theworld, bypasses all borders when it comes to recruiting andnaturalizing foreign athletes; and has become a barometerof the new, complex ethnoscapes emerging worldwide.
The flag-bearer of the Greek Olympic team, for example,
was the Albanian-born weight- lifter and medalist Pyros
Dimas, who immigrated to Greece in 1991 (he was known
as Pirro Dhima until 1990, when he was competing forAlbania). According to anthropologist James Verinis, the斯·沃尼斯的观点，迪马斯的案

case of Dimas demonstrates that the “irregular, anomalous

例表明了“反常规的反英雄主义

anti-hero may be well included and sanctioned through能够通过奥林匹克的仪式得到包

the ritual of the Olympics.”33 Verinis’s commentary and容和制裁。”33 沃尼斯的评论和

Alefantis’s criticism on the lack of cultural pluralism in the

阿莱凡蒂斯对开幕式中缺少文化

opening ceremony suggest the need to expand the Greek

多元性的批判，表明了希腊需要national narrative from an emphasis on roots and essence

跳出民族主义狭隘，从强调起源to the question of encounters. Despite a long history of

和文化精华上到面临遭遇的问题

crosscultural encounters, Greece has valorized endurance

上。虽然跨文化碰撞在希腊由来and continuity in its national narrative rather than change.

已久，希腊却一直维护民族主义An unconventional view of Greece’s cultural history—one

的持久性和连续性而不求改变。

that searches for “contaminations” rather than “purities”—

对希腊文化史认识的一个非传统with others, both neighbors and conquerors, such as Italians,
Turks, and various Balkan populations. The idealized
notion of Europeanization is clearly not the only issue atstake in contemporary Greece. Rather, the “apparatus ofrecognition for post-national social forms” suggests that
Greece must also look toward the East—to the Balkans,southeastern Europe, the Black Sea, and the Middle East—
following the trajectories of Greek immigration patterns
in the past as well as the present in order to come toterms with its internal and external otherness. If, at least
idealistically, Europeanization has been Greece’s ultimate
goal, the closing ceremony of the Athens 2004 Olympics
clearly revealed Greece’s much more complex ties. From观点——寻找“文化侵袭物”，
而不是“净化文化”——而取代

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揭露文化碰撞的影响，不管是来

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

would instead reveal the influences of cultural encounters

自比邻的文化还是统治者的文化，如意大利人、土耳其人和多种族的巴尔干半岛。对欧洲一体化的理解绝非只使希腊一国遭遇
危机。“后国家社会形态认同的方法”指出，按照过去和现在希腊移民模式的轨迹路线，希腊必须也要把目光投向东方——巴尔
干半岛、欧洲东南部、黑海和中
东地区——这样能够易于包容内部和外部的他者。至少在理想层
面，如果欧洲一体化是希腊的终

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a post-national perspective, the ceremony becomes an

幕式清楚地透露出希腊非常复杂

indication of the fragility of the normative at the very

的国家联结。从后国家角度看，

moment when what is repressed comes to the surface,

闭幕式是一种暗示，当被打压和

undermining the grand national narrative and bringing the

抑制的文化冲破束缚，国家规范

conventional national idiom into crisis. Similarities can就会变得毫无效力，不但会破坏be drawn between “new Greece” and the “new” Europe

伟大的国家主义，也会将国家传that is emerging today as a site of transnational and trans-统的习俗带进危机之中。“新”European attachments. As Ash Amin writes: Slowly,

希腊和“新”欧洲有着相似之处，[Greece as the whole] Europe is becoming Chinese, Indian,

就是跨国和跨欧洲开始的同时带Romany, Albanian, French and Italian, Christian, Islamic,

来了区域附属物。阿什·阿敏文

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Buddhist or New Age, American, Disneyfied, one-earth

中写到 ：慢慢地，（整个希腊）

conscious, ascetic, or locally communitarian. It is becoming70

兰教、 佛教或新时代思潮的融

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欧洲将出现多文化融合，中国人
的、印度人的、吉普赛人的、阿尔巴尼亚人的、法国人的和意大利人的文化融合，基督教、伊斯合，美国人的、迪斯尼化的、同a place of plural and strange belongings, drawing on varied
geographies of cultural formation. And thus it is constantly
on the move in cultural terms.34

Hijacking International Events

一种思维、审美的融合，或者欧It is questionable whether sports alone may be truly

洲将成为公有社会。欧洲正充斥

effective in initiating processes of inclusion and acceptance.

着各种新奇的事物，并渐渐理解

Nevertheless, the public realm, as it unfolds from sport

不同地区文化的形成。正因如此，

arenas to media spaces and street culture, requires assertive

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文化才不停地向前推进。

gestures that enact a shift from a nation-bound paradigm to
one that is open to plurality and multiple belonging. If the劫持国际赛事
体育自身是否可能真正有效地促进包容和接纳是值得质疑

discourse that surrounded Calatrava’s design revealed thepolitics of selfhood and otherness that define Greece’s views

of Europe, the Olympic ceremonies exposed the politics

的。然而，公共领域——随着其of inclusion and exclusion within the national body itself.

从体育场向媒体空间和街头文化Despite the message of multiculturalism that Calatrava

的延展——需要以一种自信的姿

attempted to send, the Olympic complex in Athens is not a态实现从拘泥于国家的模式向多space that signifies an open city with porous borders that,

元化开放的模式的转变。如果说

unlike the closed nationstate, welcomes “otherness.” On围绕卡拉特拉瓦的设计所产生的

the contrary, within this overall scheme the otherness that

各种言论显现出自我和他者的政

seems to be welcomed is solely that of the European—治观点，并从中体现了希腊人对still an “other,” the alter ego of the contemporary Greek

欧洲的认识，那么奥运会开闭幕

citizen as personified by Calatrava, the European architect

式则把希腊国家内部包容和排斥

par excellence. As this discussion has illustrated, Olympic

的政治角力暴露无遗。尽管卡拉design has the capacity to mobilize identity politics and特拉瓦试图传递出多元文化主义

citizens and others. Ben Carrington, among other critics,
has argued that the nationalist/internationalist constellation
within which Olympism operates is problematic in termsof achieving a global civil society based on the principleof cosmopolitanism. While internationalism is a doctrinethat operates within the logic and affiliation of the nationstate, cosmopolitanism in its neo-Kantian form, claims a
global civil society within which individuals see themselves
as world citizens united by a common sense of species
connection. 35 I propose that the national basis of the
Olympics—as well as of major international cultural events
such as the Venice Biennale that have been, until recently,
acritically received—must be questioned. The constituents

的信息，但雅典奥林匹克场馆设
施群并没有意味着这是一座与封71

闭的民族国家不同的渗透性很强奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

reveal the “crisis of the nation” as it is experienced by both的欢迎“他者”的开放城市。相反，在总体设计中，看似被希腊欢迎的“他者”只是欧洲的“他者”，实际仍是“他者”，是欧洲最出色的建筑师卡拉特拉瓦展
现出的当代希腊公民的“另一个自我”。正如这一讨论所阐明的那样，奥林匹克设计能够调动起身份认同政治，暴露出无论是公民还是其他群体所经历的“国家危机”。本·卡林顿和其他一些
批评者指出，推动奥林匹克主义

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发展的是一群国家主义者 / 国际of these events should interrogate rather than sustain the

主义者，他们对在基于世界大同

myth of the nation and perform a cultural “hijacking” of主义原则基础上实现全球公民社

international events as a means of disputing established会仍持怀疑的态度。国际主义奉

categories of nationhood and otherness, thereby promoting

行的是在民族国家关系的逻辑中

alternative types of allegiances across national borders. At

去推动社会运转，而世界大同主

the moment that, using again Sassen’s words, “power is义在新康德主义的框架下主张建

increasingly privatized, globalized, and elusive” what is

立一个全球公民社会。在这样的needed is directly engaging forms of power and reinvention

社会中，每个个体把自己看作是of citizenship which designers as cultural agents could

世界公民，经由最本源的物种之

help express and cultivate. Instead of resorting to ethnic

间的联系团结在一起。35 我认为

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奥林匹克运动，还有其他一些大

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成元素应质疑而不是维系国家神型国际性文化活动的国家基础，
如威尼斯双年展，到目前暂时没有遇到危机而倍受欢迎的活动，
必须要受到置疑。这些活动的构话，应把对国际性活动的文化“劫持”作为争论已经建立的国家和or parochial glorifications of the nation and its myths,
or conforming to the market’s demands for ethnically
identified design, designers should use their practice asa means of revealing the “crisis of the nation”—as it isexperienced by both citizens and “others”—and mobilizing
identity politics in order to articulate new allegiances.

References

他者分类的一种手段，从而促进

1.Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural

跨越国家界限的另一种类型的国

Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of

家忠诚。再次借用扎森的观点“权

Minnesota Press, 1996), 158. Words in brackets added.

力越来越私有化、全球化且难以

2.The head of the Athens 2004 organizing committee,

捉摸”，现在需要直接参与式的Gianna Daskalaki-Angelopoulou, presented the Athens

权力和公民身份的重塑，这是设

2004 Games as a celebration of the idea of “new Greece” in计师作为文化使者可以去帮助表

her speech at the opening ceremony on August 13, 2004.

达和培养的。设计师不应诉诸于

3.Saskia Sassen, “The Repositioning of Citizenship:

对国家及其神话的民族的或狭隘

Emergent Subjects and Spaces for Politics,” The New

的辉煌的依赖，也不应妥协于市

Centennial Review 3:2 (Summer 2003): 43–44.

场对设计的民族认同的要求，而

4.Jackie Hogan, “Staging the Nation: Gendered and应把他们的设计作为揭示公民和

Ethnicized Discourses of National Identity in Olympic“他者”都在经历的“国家危机”

Opening Ceremonies,” Journal of Sports and Social Issues

的一种手段，调动起身份认同政

27:2 (May 2003): 101.

治，从而形成新的国家忠诚观。

5.Examples are the controversy that followed the（陈文倩、赵卓译）publication of editorial cartoons depicting the Islamic
prophet Muhammad in the Danish newspaper JyllandsPosten in 2005, or the murder of the Dutch film director
Theo Van Gogh by the second-generation Dutch-Moroccan
citizen Mohammed Bouyeri in 2004.
multicultural Europe, a failure to give open publicity tothe principle of empathy with the stranger, and all that it
represents in shaping identities as well as ensuring culturalchange, will play into the hands of ethno-nationalists andxenophobes—abundant in number in both majority andminority communities— interested in perpetuating thefiction of homeland cultural identities in Europe.” AshAmin, “Multi-Ethnicity and the Idea of Europe,” Theory,
Culture & Society 21:2 (April 2004): 4.

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6.Accor ding to Amin, “in a mul t i -et h n i c an d

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7.Daniel Dayan, “Narrative, Counter- Narrative andthe Beijing Olympics: Hearts, Minds and the Projectionof Modern China” lecture at the Annenberg School for
Communication, University of Pennsylvania, November
28, 2007. Also see Daniel Dayan, “Beyond Media Events”
in Monroe Price and Daniel Dayan, Owning the Olympics:
Narratives of the New China (Ann Arbor: University ofMichigan Press, 2008), 399. Monroe Price in his essay“On Seizing the Olympic Platform” in the same book(page 86) uses the term “hijacking” in order to describe
the “hunger by a multitude of groups,” in this case civilsociety advocacy groups, “to gain the extraordinary benefitof huge investments in platforms established by others and,in so doing, take advantage of elaborately created for and toadvance political and commercial messages. Media events
become marked by efforts by free riders or interlopers

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to seize the opportunity to perform in a global theater ofrepresentation.”
8.The commissioners asked for the “aesthetic
unification” of the Olympic Athletic Complex, which wasbuilt in a hodgepodge manner since the early 1980s.
9.The total cost of construction of the Olympic complex
was 220,000,000 Euros ($320,000,000), out of which thecost of the Olympic stadium roof alone was 130,000,000
Euros ($190,000,000).

10.Special Focus-Athens Olympic Sports Center 2004
(information kit) (Athens: Athens 2004, 2002).
11.Yannis Foskolos, “Olympiaka Erga, ‘Empneustika
apo tin arxaia kai byzantini paradosi sas.’” (Olympic
Works: “I was inspired by your ancient and Byzantine
tradition.”) Interview with Yannis Foskolos, Ethnos 1 (June
2004). (www. ethnos.gr [home page], accessed June 1,2004).
12.Philip Drew, Tensile Architecture (Boulder, CO:
Westview Press, 1979), 172.
13.Nikos Koundouros, “Mia gigantiaia kompina” (“Agigantic scum”), Eleftherotypia (August 7, 2004). (www.
enet.gr [home page], accessed August 7, 2004).
Aristera” (“The Olympic Games and the Left”), I Avgi
(August 2004). (www. avgi.gr [home page], accessed
August 1, 2004)
15.Filippos Syrigos, “Kampriole Calatrava” (“Cabriole
Calatrava”), Eleftherotypia (February 22, 2004). (www.
enet.gr [home page], accessed February 22, 2004)
16.Kerin Hope, “Classic Cool Santiago Calatrava,
Architect of Athens’ Ambitious and Stylish Olympic
Complex, Refuses to be Drawn on the Question of Money,”
Financial Times, Weekend Magazine (August 14, 2004): 8.
17.Maria Daliani, “Santiago Calatrava: ‘I Ellada
Axizei ton Sebasmo olon’” (“Santiago Calatrava: ‘Greece75

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14.Angelos Elefantis, “Oi Olympiakoi Agones kai h

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Deserves the Respect of All’”), Ta Nea (June 23, 2004).

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Europeanization, “there is a strong intention and thus a

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(http://ta-nea.dolnet.gr [home page], accessed July 23,
2004)
18.Ibid.
19.According to P. C. Loakimidis, in intended
purposefully framed scheme by the political actors totransfer into their political systems the logic, dynamics,
organizational traits, behavioural and regulatory patterns
associated with European integration (governancepatterns).” As a result, there is a purposeful action on thepart of the political elites to copy the European model. P. C.
Loakimidis, “The Europeanization of Greece: An Overall
Assessment,” South European Society & Politics 5:2 (2000):
73–94.
20.Gerard Delanty and Paul R. Jones, “European

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Identity and Architecture,” European Journal of Social
Theory 5:4 (November 2002): 455.
21.Walter Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of
Mechanical Reproduction” in Illumination (New York:
Schocken Books, 1969), 241–242.
22.Rubén Gallo, Mexican Modernity: The Avant-Gardeand the Technological Revolution, (Cambridge, MA: MIT
Press, 2005), 201.
23.John MacAloon, “Olympic Games and the Theoryof the Spectacle in Modern Societies” in Rite, Drama,Festival, Spectacle: Rehearsals Toward a Theory of
Cultural Performance, John MacAloon, ed. (Philadelphia:
Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1984), 252–53.
24.Papaioannou founded the fringe dance company
Ground Squad in the 1980s. After studies at the Athens
School of Fine Arts, he received training at the La Mama
Experimental Theater Company in New York, and inalternative theatrical forms such as Japanese Butoh dance.
25.Such were those of the Greek expatriate musician
Vangelis Papathanasiou, whose “Olympian” music for thefilm Chariots of Fire was awarded an Oscar in 1981 forbest musical score. Papathanasiou, however, was widely
criticized by the Greek public for the extremely highto $4,700,000) of his 2001 performance Mythodeia. His
opening ceremony for the International Field and Track
Championship in 1997, produced soon after Greece
won the bid for the 2004 Olympic Games, likewise
engendered embarrassment for displaying a new Greek
kitsch. See Pavlos Agiannidis, “Vangelis Papathanasiou, ‘I
Mousiki einai h aylos Ylopoihsh tou Theiou’” (“Vangelis
Papathanasiou: ‘Music Is the Immaterial Materialization of
the Divine’”), Ta Nea (June 23, 2001). (http://ta-nea.dolnet.
gr [home page], accessed June 23, 2001).

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budget (1.100.670.000 drahmas, approximately equal

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26.The team was composed of Yorgos Koumentakis(Co-Creation and Music Concept Creator), Lili Pezanou(Production Design), Angeliki Stellatou (Choreographer),
Eleftheria Deko (Lighting Designer and Director), Robert
Dickinson (Co-Lighting Designer and Director), Sophia
Kokossalaki (Costume Designer), Athina Tsangari (Video
Director), Lina Nikolakopoulou (Ceremony Texts),
Christophe Berthonneau (Pyrotechnic Design), RoulaPateraki (Narration Workshop Director), Alexandros
Balabanis (Hair Design), and Petros Petrohilos (Make-up
Design).
27.Every Olympic opening ceremony is required tofollow a protocol specified by the Olympic Charter, as wellas an artistic program open to its creative team, to present
the culture of the host city/nation. The protocol includes
the athletes’ parade, three speeches (by the president of the78

organizing committee, the president of the International
Olympic Committee, and the head of state declaring theGames open), the playing of both the Olympic and the hostnation’s anthem, the entry and raising of the Olympic flag,
the last stage of the Olympic torch relay culminating in
the lighting of the Olympic cauldron, the symbolic releaseof the dove as a tribute to peace, and the oath-taking by acompetitor and a judge.

28.According to Dimitris Plantzos, since the 1930s,
prehistoric Cycladic art has become emblematic of Hellenic
culture and its roots. From a historical perspective, thisis inaccurate, since the Cycladic, being a prehistoric
civilization, predates the conception of Hellenism andthe appearance of Hellenic culture. Members of the
Greek 1930s Generation (writers, poets, visual artists,
and intellectuals such as Yorgos Seferis, Odysseas Elytis,
Yannis Tsarouchis, Yannis Moralis, Nikos ChatzikyriakosGkikas, and others) were the early proponents of ellinikotita(Greekness) as an aesthetic native to the Greek land,but considered through modern aesthetics. This grouprehabilitated the Cycladic “as a bona fide Hellenic form
Classical period would become the glory that was Greece.”
Dimitris Plantzos, “From Here to Modernity: Cycladic
Art as a Twentieth-Century Phenomenon,” Alexander
Papamarkou lecture at Columbia University, Program inHellenic Studies, February 26, 2007.
29.Christina Koulouri, “Elliniki Balkanikotita hBalkaniki ellinikotita” (“Greek Balkanness or Balkan
Greekness”), To Vima (October 10, 2004). (http://digital.
tovima.gr [home page], accessed October 10, 2004)
30.Angelos Elefantis, “Simvola kai Theamata”(“Symbols and Spectacles”), I Avgi (August 29, 2004).
(www.avgi.gr [home page], accessed August 29, 2004)79

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31.Lina Thivani, “Parti enilikiosis, As megalosoue pia,
As…psihraimisoume” (“Graduation Party: Let’s Grow up,
Let’s… Cool down”) Ta Nea (July 9, 2004). (http://ta-nea.
dolnet.gr [home page], accessed July 9, 2004).
32.In recent years (and during the pre-Olympic
period in particular) Roma dwellings in Greece have been
dismantled to make room for the construction of culturalor athletic venues. Such was the case in Athens, with the2004 Olympic Games; in Patras, the Cultural Capital of
Europe in 2006; and the Votanikos area, the site of a newsoccer stadium in Athens. Despite efforts at improvement,
the living, health, and sanitary conditions of the Romain improvised settlements still remain a major socialand humanitarian emergency. Migration, Citizenship,
Education. (www. migrationeducation.org/23.0.html,
accessed June 15, 2004)

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33.According to Verinis, “the Albanian and Vlach/Aroumanian identification of his [Dimas’s] name, rather
than bearing connotations of the ‘dirty’ and ‘barbaric,’
embodies pure ethic qualities that set him apart from thecorrupt, sedentary life of the ordinary modern citizen.”James Verinis, “The ‘Aftóchthonous’ ‘Pallikária’ of theHellenic Peninsula: Historical/ Cultural Continuity, theOlympic Games, and the Immigrant Heroes of Greece,”presentation at “Reconfiguring Identities in Greece andAbroad through the Athens 2004 Olympic Games” panel

chaired by Jilly Traganou, conference of the Modern Greek
Studies Association, Chicago, November 2005.
34.Ash Amin, “Multi-Ethnicity and the Idea of Europe”:
2. Words in brackets added.
35.Ben Carrington, “Cosmopolitan Olympics,
Humanism and the Spectacle of Race” in Post-Olympism:
Questioning Sport in the Twenty-first Century, J. Bale and C.
Krogh, eds. (Oxford: Berg, 2004), 86–88

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多元文化背景下的马来
西亚体育
塞琳娜·邱
马来亚大学
马来西亚吉隆坡

Selina Khoo
University of Malaya
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia马来西亚是东南亚地区的一个发展中国家，是由不同文化、民族、宗教的人群融合而成的多元化社会。马来西亚主要有三大族群——马来人、华人和印度人，据 2010 年最新的人口和住房普查数据，在马来西亚 2600 万人
口中，马来人占 54.6%，华人占
24.6%， 印 度 人 占 7.3%， 还 有
12.8% 的 土 著 居 民 和 0.7% 的 其82

SPORTS IN MULTI-CULTURAL
MALAYSIA

他人群。马来西亚的官方宗教是伊斯兰教，但是也有人信仰其他宗教。宗教信仰与民族密切相关，马来人信仰伊斯兰教，华人主要
信仰佛教或基督教，印度人则信
仰印度教或基督教。伊斯兰教众占到马来西亚总人口的 61.3%，
佛教为 19.8%，基督教为 9.2%，
印度教为 6.3%。
马来西亚是一个热爱体育

Malaysia, a developing country in South East Asia,
has a heterogeneous society which is multi-cultural, multiethnic and multi-religious. The three main ethnic groups
are Malays, Chinese and Indians. According to the mostrecent Population and Housing Census conducted in 2010,
out of 26.0 million Malaysians, 54.6% were Malays, 24.6%
Chinese, 7.3% Indians, 12.8% other indigenous ethnic
groups and 0.7% others. Although Islam is the official
religion of Malaysia, other religions are practised. In
Malaysia, ethnicity and religion are closely related. Malays
practice Islam, Chinese mainly practice Buddhism or
Christianity and Indians practice Hinduism or Christianity.
Islam is practiced by 61.3% of the population, Buddhism
by 19.8%, Christianity by 9.2% and Hinduism by 6.3%.
Malaysia is a sport-loving nation. Malaysians are known
to be good sports hosts, participants and spectators. The
country has hosted world class sporting events, including
the badminton Thomas-Uber Cup (1970, 1984,1988, 1992,

2000, 2010), World Cup Hockey Tournament (1975 and运动的国家，马来西亚人被认为2002), Women’s World Open Squash Championships (1996,

是优秀的体育赛事组织者、积极

2004), the Commonwealth Games (1998), World Cup Golf

的参与者和热情的观众。一些大

tournament (1999), World Tenpin Bowling Championship型的世界级体育赛事都曾在这里(2003), 9th FESPIC Games (2006), the biggest cycling

举办，如羽毛球汤姆斯杯和尤伯

event in Asia le Tour de Langkawi (since 1996), the杯（1970、1984、1988、1992、

Petronas Malaysia Formula One Grand Prix (since 1999)

2000 和 2010 年）、曲棍球世界and an international sailing event the Monsoon Cup (since杯赛（1975 和 2002 年）、 世 界

2005).

女 子 壁 球 公 开 赛（1996 和 2004年）、英联邦运动会（1998 年）、Malaysians have been taking part in international

高尔夫球世界杯赛（1999 年）、sports since the late 19th century (albeit unofficially before

世界保龄球锦标赛（2003 年）、

before independence (1957). As Malaya (name given to afederation of 11 states which included nine Malay states andtwo of the British Straits Settlements, Penang and Malacca,
which existed from 31 January 1948 until 16 September1963), the country emerged champion in the 1949, 1952,
1955 Thomas Cup badminton championships. Malaysia
regained the Thomas Cup twice after independence, in 1967
and 1992.

第 9 届远南运动会（2006 年）、
亚洲规模最大的自行车赛——环

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兰 卡 威 自 行 车 赛（1996 年 举 办

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本World War I) and have been winning competitions even至今）、马来西亚一级方程式赛车 大 奖 赛（1999 年 举 办 至 今）和 季 风 杯 国 际 帆 船 赛（2005 年
举办至今）等。
马来西亚从 19 世纪末就开
始参与国际赛事（尽管在第一次
世界大战之前并非官方性质），
在 1957 年独立之前就曾多次在比赛中夺得优胜。在马来亚时期（ 即 马 来 亚 联 邦， 成 立 于 1948
年 1 月 31 日， 由 11 个 州 ——9 个马来州、英属海峡殖民地的

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槟 城 和 马 六 甲 组 成，1963 年 9Comparatively newer sports in Malaysia, such as

月 16 日解散重组），它获得了squash, tenpin bowling and lawn bowls have gained

1949、1952、1955 年 三 届 羽 毛

popularity among Malaysians. These are also sports that球汤姆斯杯冠军，在独立之后的are bringing national glory; for example, Nicol David is1967 和 1992 年，马来西亚又续the current women’s world squash champion. In tenpin

写了曾经的辉煌。

bowling, Malaysia was the World Tenpin Team Cup

壁球、保龄球和草地滚球是

Champions in 2003 and Esther Cheah won the singles gold马来西亚新兴的体育项目，日益

medal at the World Championship in 2005. The national

受到大众的喜爱，这些项目也为

lawn bowls team won the bronze medal in the men’s and国家带来了荣誉：如妮科尔·戴

women’s World Bowls Championship in 2008.

维是当今世界女子壁球冠军；马

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来西亚曾获得 2003 年世界保龄84球团体杯赛冠军；艾斯特·谢是Sports organisations in Malaysia

2005 年保龄球世锦赛女子单打In order to appreciate the impact of sport in Malaysia,

金牌获得者；马来西亚草地滚球

it is important to examine the sports organisation in the队在 2008 年草地滚球世锦赛中country. The Malaysian sports system involves both收获男、女两枚铜牌。

government and non-governmental organisations andinstitutions working together at various levels. The main马来西亚的体育组织
要分析体育对马来西亚的影响，深入了解马来西亚的体育组织机构非常重要。马来西亚体育系统包括政府机构和非政府组

governmental organisations are the Ministry of Youth andSports, the National Sports Council and the Ministry of
Education, while the non-governmental organisations are
the Olympic Council of Malaysia and its affiliated sports
associations.

织，这两类机构在不同层面展开
工作。马来西亚管理体育的主要

Today’s Ministry of Youth and Sports began as the

政府机构有青年与体育部、国家

Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports on 3 May 1964.

When the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports was first体育运动委员会和教育部，而非

established, its aims were to develop and raise the standard

政府机构包括马来西亚奥林匹克of culture and sport in the country. The Ministry was

理事会和其下属的项目协会。

refocused to be the Ministry of Youth and Sports on 20 May

青年与体育部的前身为文

1987. Its objective was to build a united, disciplined youth

化、青年与体育部，成立于 1964

population with high morals, who would take an active role

年 5 月 3 日，其成立之初旨在提in the social and economic progress of the country. Sport升国家的文化和体育运动水平。

was seen to play a vital role in this government purpose.

1987 年 5 月 20 日，随着职能调整，

One of the functions of the Ministry was to promote a

文化、青年与体育部改组为青年

healthy lifestyle among the population by encouraging

与体育部，其目标是培养道德高Sport for All activities. Its ultimate goal was to increase

尚、团结合作、遵纪守法的青年

productivity and strengthen social and inter-racial relations.

群体，以使他们能为国家的经济
和社会进步贡献积极的力量。而

the National Sports Council Malaysia Act, 1971, and theamended National Sports Council Malaysia Act, 1979. The
main objective of the National Sports Council is to achieve
excellence in competitive sports. The National Sports
Council works with the Olympic Council of Malaysia,
state Sports Councils and National Sports Associations toimprove the standard of high performance sport at national
and international levels. In addition to funding athletes for
the South East Asian Games, Asian Games, CommonwealthGames and the Olympic Games, the National Sports
Council also provides incentives and rewards to athletes
who excel.

体育在实现这一政府工作目标的

85过程中被认为是起着至关重要的奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

The National Sports Council was set up in 1972 under作用。青年与体育部的职能之一是通过鼓励大众体育活动培养一种健康的生活方式。其终极目标是提高生产率、巩固社会阶层和种族间的关系。
国家体育运动委员会是根据1971 年 颁 布 的《 马 来 西 亚 国 家体育运动委员会法案》于 1972
年建立的，该法案在 1979 年进
行过修订。国家体育运动委员会的主要目标是促进竞技体育取得优异成绩。它与马来西亚奥林匹

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克理事会、各州体育运动委员会、

The National Olympic Committee of Malaysia is called

国家各单项运动协会通力合作，

the Olympic Council of Malaysia. The Council (previously

以提高马来西亚在国家和国际赛

the Federation of Malaya Olympic Council) was registered

事中的竞技水平。它不仅为运动in 1953 and officially affiliated to the International Olympic

员参与东南亚运动会、亚运会、

Committee a year later. The Council is funded through英联邦运动会和奥运会提供资金

government grants, donations, the International Olympic

支持，还对获得优异成绩的运动Committee (through Olympic Solidarity) and sponsorships.

员予以奖励。
马来西亚的国家奥委会被称

The Olympic Council of Malaysia is the umbrella body为马来西亚奥林匹克理事会。该

for all National Sports Associations. Currently there are

机构（前身为马来亚联邦奥林匹

55 associations under the Council including both Olympic

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克理事会）于 1953 年挂牌成立，

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助商的资助。

并于一年后在国际奥委会获得正
式席位。理事会的资金来自政府
拨款、社会捐款以及国际奥委会（通过奥林匹克团结基金）和赞马来西亚奥林匹克理事会是由各国家单项运动协会组成的伞状机构。目前，其下共有 55 个单项运动协会，既包括奥运会项目，也包括非奥项目。理事会隶
属于国家奥协、亚奥理事会、东
南亚运动会联合会和英联邦运动会联合会。它与国家体育运动委员会紧密合作，选拔和培养运动员参与国际奥委会认可的国际体and non-Olympic sports. The Council is affiliated to the
Association of National Olympic Committees, the Olympic
Council of Asia, the Southeast Asian Games Federationand the Commonwealth Games Federation. It works
closely with the National Sports Council to select and train
sportspersons for international competitions recognised by
the International Olympic Committee such as the South
East Asian Games, the Commonwealth Games, the AsianGames and the Olympic Games. The Olympic Council of
Malaysia also contributes towards the development andtraining of sports administrators and coaches.

The National Sports Association is responsible for

育赛事，如东南亚运动会、英联

developing its specific sport under guidance from its

邦运动会、亚运会和奥运会。此International Sports Federation. The specific role of the外，它还参与体育管理人员和教National Sports Association is to promote, develop and练员培训等事宜。

provide opportunities for participation and competition for

各国家单项运动协会的职责a particular sport, both at national and international levels.

是在各国际单项运动协会的指导These associations work closely with the National Sports下促进所辖特定项目的发展。它

Council and other relevant government agencies. The

们的具体任务是为各自项目参与associations train and coach the athletes while the National

国家级或国际级比赛提供机会并

Sports Council provides the funding. The associations are促进该项目竞技水平的提高。这

usually headed by those who contribute to the association or些协会与国家体育运动委员会及are politically influential enough to safeguard and advance其他相关政府机构密切合作，在the association's interests. Some association presidents are

国家体委的资金支持下负责运动

members of the Malay aristocracy.

员的训练和培养。协会主要领导87

人通常是为该项目做出过杰出贡Historical background of sport in Malaysia

献的人物或是具有相当政治影响

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本Before the introduction of Western sports, Malays
took part in sports such as cock-fighting, kite flying, top

力、能够维护协会利益并促其发
展的人物，一些协会的主席还是
马来西亚上层社会的成员。

spinning, sepak raga (a game where a group of four orfive players keep a rattan ball in the air for as long as
possible using all parts of the body except the hands), silat(a martial art), boat-racing and congkak (a game for two
players using a board which has several holes).

马来西亚体育发展的历史背景
在 西 方 体 育 传 入 之 前， 马
来人参与的体育活动主要包括斗鸡、放风筝、抽陀螺、藤球（4或 5 名运动员用除手之外的身体

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其他部位保持藤球尽可能长的时

During the period of colonial rule, 1786–1957

间不着地）、马来武术、划船赛

(December 1941 until August 1945 Japanese interregnum),和马来播棋（两人对弈的一种游the British introduced Western sports. Among the first戏，以挖有洞的木板作棋盘）。

sports to be introduced were horse riding and racing, chess

在 1786—1957 年 殖 民 统 治

and billiards. More sports were gradually introduced. In

时 期（1941 年 12 月 —1945 年 8

the beginning, sports were introduced through groups of月为日本占领），英国殖民者将

men and clubs. The British found that they could build

西方体育项目推介到马来西亚。

good relations with the locals through playing sports in

最初传入的一些体育项目包括骑

the community. They believed that regular exercise was

马、赛跑、国际象棋和台球等，

important in maintaining public control. During the last

随后，很多其他项目逐渐被人们

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two decades of the 19th century, British officials in Malaya

所认识。这些项目最初的推广者

encouraged the local population to participate in sports and88

社会管制非常重要。在 19 世纪

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是一些男性群体和俱乐部。英国人发现通过在社区开展体育活动
可以与当地居民建立良好的关系， 并 认 为 定 期 的 体 育 活 动 对
最后 20 年，英国在马来亚的殖民政府鼓励当地居民参与体育活动，于是到 20 世纪初，体育爱
好者日众，西方体育运动在当地
如火如荼地开展起来。
从 19 世纪末到第二次世界大战这一时期，马来西亚社会中
逐渐开展并普及了一些新的项目，如板球、步枪射击、高尔夫
球、曲棍球、田径、足球、橄榄球、

by the early 20th century, sports had a large following in
the country.

From the end of the 19th century till World War II,

草地网球、自行车、游泳、赛车、

cricket, rifle shooting, golf, hockey, athletics, soccer,

拳击和羽毛球等。人们对体育的rugby, lawn tennis, cycling, swimming, motor racing,

认识也有了很大提升，体育设施boxing and badminton became more socially visible. Due

建设方兴未艾，足球场、高尔夫

to a better perception of sports, more facilities were built.

球场、网球和羽毛球场、游泳池

Soccer fields, golf courses, tennis and badminton courts

等如雨后春笋般建立起来，在城

and swimming pools were built in towns, villages and even镇，在乡村，甚至在橡胶园都可rubber estates. Badminton proved to be very popular among

以看到。在第一次世界大战后，

the Malaysians after World War I and it soon rivalled

羽毛球在马来西亚人中变得十分

soccer in popularity. Today, Malaysians of all ethnic groups

普及，但是它很快就受到了来自still enjoy these two sports and in its own way each is the

足球的挑战。如今，羽毛球和足national sport.

was linked to the spread of English-language education
where sport was part of the curriculum. By the end of WorldWar I, soccer had become the most popular sport among
the masses as it required only a ball and some open space.
Fields were made available in all towns and government
schools. The sport was even popular in remote Malay
kampongs (villages) and the game's popularity among the
Malays remains till today.

非常喜爱的体育项目，并以其自己的方式成为国球。
随着体育进入学校课程体
系，现代体育项目在马来西亚本
土社会中的传播与英语教育的推广联系在了一起。到第一次世界大战结束时，足球，由于其所需设施简单，仅需要一个球和一块空地，成为了最受欢迎的大众体
育运动项目。所有城镇和公立学
校都建有足球场地。而足球在偏远的马来乡村更是流行。直到今天，这个项目在马来人中依旧热
度不减、人气颇高。

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The spread of modern sports in the local community球仍然是马来西亚各族群人民都

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女性也参与体育运动，学校

Women also participated in sport, which was also

也为女学生开设强制性的体育课

compulsory in the curriculum for girls. Among the sports

程。女性参加的体育活动主要有that women took part in were badminton, swimming,

羽毛球、游泳、自行车、篮球和

cycling, basketball and volleyball.

排球。
从 18 世纪末期起，一些华The Chinese came to Malaysia mainly to work in人开始来到马来西亚，在殖民经

the colonial economy starting from the late 18th century.

济中寻找商机。由于大多数学校

Basketball, table tennis and volleyball were promoted in缺乏运动场地，篮球、乒乓球和

Chinese vernacular schools because most of the schools

排球等项目仅在华语学校得到推

did not have fields for practice. These sports are still very

广。如今，这些项目在马来西亚

popular among the Chinese in Malaysia today.

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球运动的繁荣体现为国际比赛中

在日占时期（1941 年 12 月—
1945 年 8 月）， 体 育 运 动 也 得到了进一步发展，至少在是感觉
上或以间接的方式。例如，羽毛的优异成绩。第二次世界大战后，马来人在这一项目上多次获得国际级赛事冠军。马来亚在首届汤
姆斯杯羽毛球赛上一举夺魁，并
于 1952 和 1955 年两度卫冕。据称，这支由华人和马来人运动员组成的羽毛球队极大地鼓舞了当
地居民的自豪感，掀起了一股爱
国主义热潮，这是政治运动都可能无法达到的效果。

During the Japanese occupation (December 1941 until
August 1945), sports continued to develop at least by
perceived and indirect occurrences. For instance, one sport
which thrived was badminton as perceived by its results
in international competitions. After the war, Malayans
achieved international sporting success in this sport. Malaya
emerged as the champion of the inaugural Thomas Cup
badminton championship and defended the title in 1952 and1955. The badminton team of Chinese and Malay players
was said to stir up local pride and nationalism that was notpossible through a political movement.

Government involvement in sport

政府对体育的介入

In pre-1957 Malaya/Malaysia, the colonial government

1957 年前的马来亚 / 马来西was rarely involved in the public promotion of sport.

亚，殖民政府很少采取措施促进

However, this changed after independence as the first Prime

社会体育的发展。但这一切在马

Minister of Malaya/Malaysia, Tunku Abdul Rahman, was a

来西亚独立后有了明显改观，因sport enthusiast, popularly known as the “sporting prince”.

为马来亚/马来西亚首任总理阿He felt that sport was important to the nation. Both Tunku

卜杜勒·拉赫曼王子恰是一位体

Abdul Rahman and his successor, Tun Abdul Razak,

育爱好者，以“体育王子”之称

established sport as a means of unity and solidarity in the
country.
Since independence the Malaysian government has been
increasingly involved in the organisation and promotion ofsport is its conviction that international sport is important inpromoting an international image. At the international level,
sporting success was a measure of national prowess. Thus,in order to gain national glory, high performance sport wasemphasised.
In the early 1980s, the government decided that it was
unwise to concentrate solely on high performance sport
as national objectives could not be achieved exclusively

个国家的发展具有重要价值。他
和他的继任者阿卜杜勒·拉扎克
都把体育作为促进国家团结的一种手段。
自独立以来，马来西亚政府
越来越多地介入到体育运动的组织和推广中。政府缘何对体育如此青睐，原因之一是政府坚信参
与国际体育对提升国家的国际形
象具有重要意义。在国际层面，竞技场上的胜利是衡量国家实力
的一个标尺，因此，为了国家荣
誉，高水平竞技体育得到了政府
的高度重视。
20 世纪 80 年代初，政府最through high performance sport. It was felt that the

终承认之前只重视提高竞技体育

masses should also be involved in sport. In the late

水平的发展方式并非明智之举，

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sport. One reason for the government's increased interest in闻名于世。他深深感到体育对一

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因为仅通过高水平竞技体育难以

1980s, Malaysians were unhappy with the performance of实现国家发展目标。他们认识到

Malaysian athletes. Members of the public had expressed大 众 也 需 要 参 与 到 体 育 中 来。

their disappointment with the national athletes in the mass

在 20 世纪 80 年代末，马来西亚

media, especially after the 1986 Asian Games in Seoul.

运动员的表现并不令人满意，一In order to remedy the situation and develop sport, the些公众人士向大众媒体表达出对government promulgated the National Sports Policy in

本国运动员的失望，这种声音在1988. The policy provides direction to sport in the country.

1986 年汉城亚运会之后尤其强With the policy in place, there would be more commitment烈。为走出这一体育发展的困局，

given to sport.

1988 年， 政 府 颁 布 了《 国 家 体育方针》，这一方针确立了整个

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国家未来体育的发展方向，随着

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做出了重要指示，它表明政府已

政策到位，体育也将承担更多的责任。
《国家体育方针》（1988）
对竞技体育和大众体育两方面都将体育摆在国家议事日程的重要位置。这种重视从政府对体育的强调中就可见一斑。马来西亚政
府在竞技体育方面采取的措施有：为国家队聘请外籍教练、为在训运动员提供津贴补助、建立体育运动学校和建设顶尖的体育场馆设施；在大众体育方面，政府推出了多种宣传、规划和活动，促进居民体育参与，如“马来西亚All, is evidence that the government placed sport high on
the national agenda. This stress can be inferred from theemphasis the government has put on sport. The Malaysian
government efforts in promoting high performance sport
include hiring foreign coaches for national teams, playing
allowances to athletes during training, building sports
schools and constructing state-of-the-art facilities. In termsof Sports for All, the government has numerous campaigns,
programmes and activities to get Malaysians involved inphysical activity. They include the Malaysia Cergas (Fitness
Malaysia) campaign, Fitness Month and Healthy Lifestyle
campaign. There are also community sports complexes
across the country.

Reasons for government involvement in sport
There are various reasons for the government’s
involvement in sport, including international, nationaland community considerations. At the international level,
sport is seen as a means of enhancing national image.

健身运动”“健身月”和“健康生活方式运动”等，社区体育活动中心也在全国各地建立起来。

政府介入体育的原因

Excelling in international sporting events is a source of

政府介入体育的原因是多方

national pride. One of the objectives of the National Sports

面的，包括国际、国家和社区层

Policy (1988) is to achieve sporting excellence at national

面的考量。在国际层面，体育被and international levels and enhance national image andgoodwill.
Enhancing national image is not only achieved with
Malaysians excel at the world stage, but also wheninternational sports events also promotes the country to theworld. Although Malaysia has hosted international eventsin the past, the largest one was the 1998 CommonwealthGames. The 16th Commonwealth Games gave Malaysia
international publicity and celebrated the country’s multicultural uniqueness. The Opening and Closing Ceremoniesof the Games highlighted the country’s diverse cultures.
No effort was spared to host the Games, which was

国际赛场上的优异成绩能够激发
民族自豪感。《国家体育方针》（1988 年）的目标之一就是在国
家和国际级赛事中力争取得辉煌
成绩，以提升国家形象和促进友
好交往。
马来西亚不仅通过在国际大赛中的优异表现提升国家形
象，也利用承办国际体育赛事之
机实现这一目标。承办国际体育赛事正是让世界了解马来西亚的窗口。马来西亚过去曾承办过一些国际赛事，最大规模的一次是1998 年的第 16 届英联邦运动会。

declared a major success by the chief of the Commonwealth通过这届运动会，马来西亚的国Games Federation, Michael Fennell and the Australian际知名度迅速提升，其独特的多Sport Commission executive director, Jim Ferguson. There

元文化得到了淋漓尽致的展现，93

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the country hosts international competitions. Hosting视为提升国家形象的一种方式，

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尤其是开闭幕式正是这一多元文

was 100% participation by all 70 member nations, which

化的精彩写照。

was unprecedented in the history of the Games. It was马来西亚在赛事的筹办过程

the first time that Cameroon, Mozambique and Kiribati

中不遗余力，这得到了英联邦运

took part in the Commonwealth Games. Everyone was

动会联合会主席迈克尔·芬内尔

committed to the Games, from the government to the和澳大利亚体育运动委员会执行

man in the street. The Malaysian government gave its full

官吉姆·弗格森的高度肯定，他

backing to the Games and companies offered sponsorship.

们公开表示本届运动会取得了重The Games attracted support from Malaysians from all

大 成功。70 个英联邦成员国史

walks of life, ages and ethnic groups. A total of 50,000

无前例地全数与会，喀麦隆、莫people signed up as volunteers although only 16,800 were

桑比克和基里巴斯都是首次参加

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chosen for training. World-class facilities were built for the

英联邦运动会。无论政府还是普

Games.

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会的举办，多达 5 万人申请成为

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通居民都为运动会的成功举办不
懈努力。马来西亚政府全力支持，企业也纷纷赞助。社会各界，无
论年龄、民族，都积极支持运动赛会志愿者，最终 16800 人入选并接受培训。此外，马来西亚还
为运动会兴建了一些世界级的体
育场馆设施。
在国家层面，体育能够逾越
国籍、性别、年龄、社会地位、
地理位置和意识形态的隔阂，它
所具有的人群聚合的潜在力量经常备受重视。而这一点对马来西亚来说尤为重要，因为族群关系At national level, sport transcends nationality, sex,age, social status, geography and political ideology. The
potential of sport to unite wider sections of the population
has often been emphasised. This is important to Malaysia,
where ethnic relations are of major significance. Nationbuilding is important in a heterogeneous society such
as Malaysia. The government sees this as an important
objective and uses sport related activities to create national
pride, for example, hosting the Formula One motor racing,
Malaysians planting the Malaysian flag on Mount Everest
and a Malaysian sailing solo round the world using a newroute.

It is hoped that by the year 2020, Malaysia would be

对这个国家的发展意义重大。国a cohesive Malaysian nation (Bangsa Malaysia). Sport

家意识的构建在马来西亚这个多

has been a tool to integrate Asian and African countries

元化的社会具有特殊重要的意义。

which have various ethnic, religious and linguistic groups.

马来西亚政府将此作为重要的发This might also be true for Malaysia. Sport serves as a

展目标，并通过与体育相关的活link between ethnic groups. It is also a tool for national

动树立国民的自豪感，如承办一

unity and social integration. This point is illustrated by级方程式赛车大奖赛；把马来西what happened in a significant soccer match between亚国旗插在世界最高峰珠穆朗玛

the Malaysian state of Selangor and Singapore. When a

峰；一名马来西亚人只身驾船开Selangor Chinese player fouled a Singapore Malay player,

辟新的航线、环游地球。

the Singaporean’s Chinese team mate went to his aid. On

到 2020 年， 人 们 希 望 马 来seeing that, one of the Malaysian’s Malay team mates西亚会成为一个具有高度凝聚力

together various ethnic groups without provoking ethnic
antagonism.

的马来西亚民族国家。亚洲和非洲的一些多民族、多宗教和多语95

种的国家曾借助体育这一方式实

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joined in the fray against the Singaporeans. Soccer brings

现了社会融合，那么这种方式也应同样适用于马来西亚。体育能够成为不同族群联结的纽带，它
也是国家团结和社会整合的一种
手段。这一论点在一场关键的足球比赛中得到了很好的证明，对阵双方是马来西亚雪兰莪州队和新加坡队。在比赛中，雪兰莪队
的一名华人球员对新加坡队一名
马来人球员造成了犯规，双方争
执不休，这时新加坡队的华人球员也前来支援队友。而看到这一

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幕后，雪兰莪队的其中一名马来

This spontaneous reaction is an example that team人球员也加入了对付新加坡队的

spirit and national pride are valued while ethnicity is of队伍中。足球没有激起族群间的

little consequence. The supporters for the national sports

对立，来自不同族群的人们因足

teams are made up of various ethnic groups. Malaysians

球而走到了一起。

are united to support the country. In the 1975 World Cup这一本能反应恰恰生动地说

hockey tournament in Kuala Lumpur, the semi-final match

明：在体育运动中，团队精神和

between Malaysia and India saw a record 40,000 spectators

国家自豪感被认为是至关重要的，

flood the stadium to give boisterous united support to the而来自于哪个族群却显得无关紧

Malaysian team.

要。国家队的支持者也是由很多
不同族群的人们组成的。马来西

Unity is seen to be so important that it is one of the亚人团结在一起，支持自己的祖

objectives of sports programmes by the Ministry of Youth国。在 1975 年于吉隆坡举办的曲
棍球世界杯赛马来西亚队与印度
队进行的半决赛中，创纪录的 4万名观众涌进体育场，他们团结
一心，为马来西亚队呐喊助阵。
团结被认为是如此重要以至于青年与体育部把它作为开展体育活动的目标之一。例如，“体育周”最基本的目标之一就是维护国家各族群之间的团结统一。
青年与体育部组织的“大众体育联赛”要求，每支队伍必须由来
自不同族群的成员组成以促进民
族和谐和国家统一。教育部也认
识到体育在促进学生团结方面的and Sports. For example, one of the original objectivesof the Sports Week was to foster national unity among
the different ethnic groups in the country. In one of the
Ministry’s programmes, the Sport for All League, eachteam must consist of members from different ethnic groups.
This is to promote ethnic harmony and national unity.
The Ministry of Education also realises the role of sport
in uniting students. Sport is a means of instilling the spiritof sportsmanship and fostering understanding and unity
among the pupils. It is important for the physical, spiritualand mental development of pupils.

At the community level, sport is also supposed to

作用。体育运动潜移默化地向学

improve community health, promote social interaction in

生们传播着运动员精神，并让他

addition to preventing crime and juvenile delinquency.

们相互间增进理解、加强团结。
这些对学生们身体、心灵和智力Sport is shown to improve physical and psychological

的发展都非常重要。

well-being. With the growing incidence of lifestyle related

在社区层面，体育也能够提diseases in Malaysia, sport is being promoted to play a vital

高人群的健康水平，促进社会交

role in physical health promotion. Research has shown that往，并能预防犯罪及青少年的违

physical activity is able to prevent the onset of diseases

法犯罪活动。

as well as to treat these conditions. Sport has a positive

体育被证明对身体和心理健

relationship with health. In the workplace, improved health

康均具有积极作用。在马来西亚，promotes efficiency as well as lowers rates of absenteeism

与生活方式有关的疾病发病率不creation and expansion of industries involving physicalactivity and sport. The government realises the importanceof the sport industry and declared 2011-2012 as Sports
Industry Year. The objective was to develop a strong andvibrant sports industry. In 2009, the Malaysian sports
industry was estimated at nearly US$10 billion or 5% of thetotal gross domestic product.

断攀升，因此，体育被推上历史舞台，在促进身体健康方面扮演着97

至关重要的角色。研究表明，身体奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

and accidents. At the macro level, sport influences the活动能够预防疾病发生和治疗疾
病。体育对身体健康具有正向的影响作用。在工作场所，人们健康水平的提升可以提高工作效率、降低缺勤率和意外事故发生率。在宏观层面，体育会激发诸如健身产业和赛事产业的创造力，促使其规模不断扩张。政府认识到体
育产业的重要性，并宣布 2011—2012 年为“体育产业年”，其目
标是打造具有竞争力并充满活力
的体育产业。2009 年，马来西亚
体育产业总产值据估计约为 100

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亿美元，占国内生产总值的 5%。

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理想。2006 年马来西亚第 3 次国

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体育参与情况

Despite various efforts to promote participation in
sports and physical activity, the results have not been

尽管政府在促进体育参与方encouraging. The Third National Health and Morbidity

面下了很大功夫，但效果却不甚

Survey (2006) found that a total of 43.7% of Malaysian

民健康和发病率调查结果显示：
43.7% 的 马 来 西 亚 18 岁 以 上 成
年人没有参与体育活动，其中女
性的比例（50.5%）要高于男性（35.3%），
城市居民的比例更高，
达到 59.4%。随着年龄增长，体育活动水平也在下降，18~19 岁
年龄组没有参与体育活动的人群
比例为 40.2%，而在 80 岁及以上年龄段这个比例攀升至 80.3%。

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Participation in sports and physical activity调查还统计分析了不同族群、不同教育水平、不同职业和不同地
域体育参与水平的异同。在族群
维度，华人中没有参与体育活动
的人群比例最高（47.1%），其后
依次为印度人（44.5%）、其他马
来西亚土著人（44.1%）和马来人（42.4%）；在受教育水平维度，
最少参与体育活动的是未接受过正规教育的群体（57.4%）；在职业维度，是失业者（60.8%）和家
庭主妇（54.4%）。

adults aged 18 years were inactive. More females (50.5%)
were inactive compared to males (35.3%). There is ahigher level of physical inactivity among urban Malaysians(59.4%). Physical inactivity also increased with age.
Physical inactivity in the 18-19 year old group was 40.2%
and it increased to reach 80.3% in those aged 80 years old
and above. The survey included similarities and differences
between ethnic groups, education level, occupation andstate. The highest prevalence of physical inactivity wasseen among the Chinese (47.1%), followed by Indians(44.5%), other Bumiputras (44.1%) and Malays (42.4%).
When compared by education level, those with no formal
education had the highest level of physical inactivity(57.4%). When compared by occupation, those who were
unemployed (60.8%) and housewives (54.4%) were themost inactive groups.

The Malaysian Adult Nutrition Survey (2003) found

在 2003 年的马来西亚成年that only about one third of adults had exercised at least人营养调查中发现：仅有约 1/3

once in the two weeks prior to being interviewed for the

的成年人在接受调查前的两周内

survey. The number of men who had exercised at least

至少锻炼过一次，其中男性的比

once (40%) was nearly double that of women (22%). The

例（40%）约为女性的二倍（22%），

number of urban Malaysians (35.7%) who had exercised

城市的比例（35.7%）高于乡村

was higher than the number of rural Malaysians (24.9%).

（24.9%）。
可见，男性参与体育活动的It is found that the participation rate of males in比例高于女性。女性不参与的原

physical activity is higher than females. Some of the

因主要有：没有时间、缺乏兴趣

reasons given by females for not participating are lack of

和家务。女性面临性别上的束缚，time, lack of interest and family commitments. Gender-

如（特定的）角色期待、需要承

expectations and care-giving responsibilities. Family
responsibilities are very important to Malaysian women andthis takes precedence over participating in physical activity.
In Malaysia traditional Eastern values are strongly held. A
woman’s role is to take care of her family. Once a woman
marries, her family and home take priority. Less importanceis given to exercising and keeping fit.
Islam does not discourage women from participating insport. However, excessively free interaction between men
and women is not encouraged. In addition to that, womenshould not expose their aurat (body). One of the reasons
many Muslim parents are reluctant to allow their daughters

担照顾家人的责任。家庭责任对马来西亚女性非常重要，远重于

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参与体育活动。在马来西亚传统

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

specific constraints faced by women included role

的东方价值观的强烈影响下，女
性的角色就是照顾家庭。女性一旦成家，家庭事务重于一切，锻
炼和保持健康较少得到重视。
伊斯兰教并不阻止女性参与体育活动，但是反对男女间过
度的自由接触。此外，女性还被
禁止暴露她们的身体。很多穆斯林父母不愿让他们的女儿参与
体育活动，其中一个原因是体育活动管理被认为与伊斯兰教教
义相违。

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近年来，人们，尤其是非马来人，对体育的兴趣不断衰减。

to take part in sports is because the management of sports
activities are thought to be contrary to Islamic teachings.

在现代马来西亚社会，教育（受教育水平）受到重视，而马来西In recent years, interest in sports especially among non-亚教育体系注重的是获得优秀的

Malays has declined. In modern Malaysian society, the学业成绩。家长和学生都生活在emphasis is on education. The Malaysian education system这样的假设中：如果一个人不能emphasises academic excellence. Parents and students are

在学校取得优异成绩并进入大of the assumption that if one does well in school and goes

学，他将找不到好工作、拿不到

on to the university, one would be able to get a good job

很高的薪水。因为经济的保障如

and earn a good salary. Financial security is important.

此重要，所以体育等未列入考试

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As a result of this, non-examination subjects like Physical的课程遭到忽视。据称，体育课

Education are neglected. It has been said that Physical100也就无关紧要了。一些教师将体

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在马来西亚正在经历一场危机。
民众，包括家长们，都对体育课漠不关心，因它不在考试科目之列，那么它在孩子的教育过程中
育课课时挪作他用，来教授其他理论科目。此外，学校有时还安
排没有资格或毫无经验的教师来
教授体育课程。
学校体育状况也令人堪忧，体育场地设施和活动项目不足，难以培养学生参与体育活动所必
需的基本技能。例如，一些学校无年度学校运动会，还有一些学
校没有体育场。教育部的一项研

Education in Malaysia is going through a crisis. The public,
including parents, is indifferent towards Physical Education
as it is a non-examination subject and, therefore, is of little
importance in the education of children. Some teachers
use the time allocated to Physical Education to teachacademic subjects. In addition to that, Physical Education
is sometimes taught by unqualified and inexperienced
teachers.
The state of sport in schools has also been a source ofconcern as there are inadequate facilities and programmes
to develop the basic skills essential for sports participation.
There are examples of schools which do not hold annual
sports days. Some schools do not have school fields. Astudy conducted by the Ministry of Education found that

究显示：吉隆坡的 67 所中学仅only 10 out of the 67 secondary schools in Kuala Lumpur

有 10 所有可容纳 400 米跑道的

had fields large enough to accommodate a 400-metre

场地，12 所学校根本没有体育场。

track. Furthermore 12 schools had no fields. There have一些报告曾指出学校体育场是为been reports of school fields that have been sacrificed for

教学楼做出了牺牲。有两所学校

classrooms. Two schools were built on former playing

是在运动场上建立起来的，让近

fields leaving nearly 9,000 pupils without a proper sports

9000 名学生失去了合适的锻炼field. The second largest primary school in the town of场所。鹅麦城规模第二大的小学

Gombak does not have a field because of the new blocks

仅有一块体育场，也被占用，盖

of classrooms had been built on it. When a choice has to

了新教学楼。每当要在体育场地

be made between classrooms and playing fields, priority is

和教学楼之间做出选择时，天平

given to classrooms.

总是倾向于后者。
随着参与体育的学生越来越

of athletes is small. This could be one of the reasons why
the standard of high performance sport has been declining.
To combat this, the Ministry of Education launched the
One-Student, One-Sport policy in 2011. This policy statesthat it is compulsory for every student (10-18 years old)to participate in at least one sport activity in school. The
aim of this policy is to encourage a sporting culture among
schoolchildren in order to maintain a healthy lifestyle.
This policy encourages year round programmes like sports
training, cross country runs, sports clubs and school sports
competitions.

少，运动员选材的基数也越来越小。这也是导致高水平竞技体育
实力下滑的原因之一。为打破这种局面，教育部在 2011 年启动
了“一个学生，一项运动”计划。
这一计划要求每名学生（10~18
岁）必须在学校参与至少一项体
育活动。其目标旨在在学生中培
育一种体育的文化，让他们保持
健康的生活方式。该计划鼓励在全年举办多种多样的活动，如体
育训练、越野赛跑、体育俱乐部
和学校体育比赛等。

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本With fewer schoolchildren taking part in sports, the pool

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其实，马来西亚人一向很喜

Malaysians are usually interested in sports. They爱体育运动。他们会追捧各大国

follow international sports events, especially in athletics,

际体育赛事，尤其是田径、篮球、

basketball, soccer, tennis, hockey, golf, badminton and

足球、网球、曲棍球、高尔夫球、

squash. Popular events are broadcast and covered in the

羽毛球和壁球。地方报纸和电视

local newspapers. There are live and delayed broadcasts

台等会对热门赛事进行报道或转of popular competitions including the English Premier播。电视台直播或者录播的一些

League soccer, Thomas Cup, Wimbledon and Formula One.

热门比赛包括英超联赛、汤姆斯

It has become a tradition for Malaysians to gather at local

杯羽毛球赛、温布尔顿网球公开

restaurants to watch live soccer matches with friends. Some

赛、一级方程式赛车大奖赛等。

come in soccer jerseys to cheer for their favourite players

在当地餐馆约上三五好友，观看

and teams.

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兴趣却没有转化成参与体育的热

西亚的一种传统。一些球迷还穿上他们所喜爱的球员或球队的队服，为那些绿茵健儿加油助威。
不 幸 的 是， 对 体 育 的 浓 厚
情。尽管政府在体育上投入高达
数百万，但就像公众时常抱怨的，回报与投入不成比例。从 1956
年首次参加奥运会以来仅在 1992
年的羽毛球项目上获得过 1 枚奖牌（在该届奥运会羽毛球成为正式比赛项目）。截至 2012 年，
马来西亚人一共获得了 6 枚奥运会奖牌（5 枚奖牌源于羽毛球项目）。在 2012 年伦敦奥运会上，

Unfortunately, this interest in sport does not translate
into playing sport. Although the government invests
millions in sports, the returns do not justify the cost as theusual public lament. Although Malaysia has been taking
part in the Olympic Games since 1956, we only won a
medal in 1992 when badminton was included. Malaysia
has won 6 Olympic medals in total (5 of the medals arefrom badminton). At the 2012 Olympic Games in London,
Pandelela Rinong won a bronze medal in the women's 10m
platform diving. In August 2012, the national men’s soccer
team was ranked 156 out of 206 countries in the FIFA/
Coca-Cola World Ranking. Incidentally the highest ranking
was 75th of the 167 in August 1993. Malaysians could not
accept this as soccer gets substantial funding and it is one

of the richest sports associations in the country. Malaysia潘德利拉·丽农在女子 10 米跳

also has a semi-professional soccer league.

台跳水比赛中夺得一枚铜牌。在2012 年 8 月 发 布 的 世 界 足 球 排

Soccer leagues have declined. Non-Malay soccer

名中，马来西亚男足在 206 个国

clubs are now defunct, for example, the Perak Chinese家 中 排 在 第 156 位， 而 在 1993

Recreation Club, Ramblers Sports Club and the Cheng Wah

年 8 月发布的这一榜单中是排在Sports Club. Chinese are not as interested in soccer. There167 个 国 家 的 第 75 位。 这 一 结were no Chinese players in the national men’s soccer team果让马来西亚人难以坦然接受，

to the 2010 Asian Games. The team included 16 Malays

因为足球项目得到了大量资金支

and 4 Indians. This is surprising considering the fact that持，足球协会也是马来西亚最有

Malaysia has produced Chinese soccer players in the past.

钱的协会之一，此外，马来西亚

They include national names such as Soh Chin Aun, Yip还有一个半职业的足球联赛。

Chee Keong, Wong Hung Nung, Khan Hun Meng, James
Lam. In the soccer team that qualified for the 1972 Olympic
Games, there were 11 Malays, 3 Indians and 7 Chinese.

落。非马来人的足球俱乐部现都已退出联盟，如霹雳州华人娱乐俱乐部、漫步者体育俱乐部和郑华体育俱乐部等。华人也对足球
失去了兴趣。在参加 2010 年亚
运 会 的 男 足 国 家 队 队 员 中， 有
16 名马来人球员、4 名印度人，
但是没有一名华人。这不禁让人大惊失色，想当年马来西亚可是华人球员的摇篮，苏进安、叶志
强、王康能、江汉明、黄才富、
王耀添、黄金富和周贵林（部分人名译音）等华人球员都是鼎鼎
大名。1972 年奥运会预选赛时，103

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Wong, Ong Yu Tiang, Wong Kam Fook and Chow Kwai马来西亚足球联赛日益衰

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参赛球员有 11 名马来人球员、3
名印度人和 7 名华人。

Certain ethnic groups are identified with certain sports.
For example, Malays are identified with sepak takraw,

马来西亚每个族群都有自己

Chinese with basketball and table tennis, and Indians

的品牌项目，如马来人的藤球、

with hockey. The sepak takraw team to the 2010 Asian华人的篮球和乒乓球、印度人的Games included only Malays. Although the Chinese were曲棍球。参加 2010 年亚运会的historically more interested in volleyball, basketball and马来西亚藤球队全部由马来球员table tennis, they are now interested in badminton and组成。尽管在历史上，排球、篮

tenpin bowling. For the 2010 Asian Games, there were 16

球和乒乓球等项目颇受喜爱，但

Chinese, 1 Malay and 1 Indian in the badminton team and 6

是华人现在更热衷于羽毛球和保

Chinese and 6 Malays in the tenpin bowling team.

龄球。在 2010 年亚运会上，马

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来西亚羽毛球队有 16 名华人球104结

员、1 名马来人和一名印度人；
而保龄球队由 6 名华人球员和 6
名马来人球员组成。

Conclusion
After more than 50 years of independence, national
unity is still important to the country. The Malaysian
government is still looking for ways to build a united语
自独立以来 50 多年，国家统一对这个国家依然十分重要。
马来西亚政府在寻求各种方式以建立一个团结的国家。体育根植于传统文化，又广受欢迎，正是

Malaysian nation. By its tradition and popular reception
in the country, sport is one way to do this. It has provensuccessful in the past when all Malaysians came out in fullforce to support the national sports team irrespective of theethnic groups of the athletes. Malaysians are proud of M
Jegathesan, who was once the fastest man in Asia; Mokhtar

其中的一种方式。当所有马来西

Dahari, one of the best footballers in Asia in the 1970s;

亚人竭力为国家队喝彩，而不论Nurul Huda Abdullah, who won 7 gold and 1 silver medal球员来自哪个族群时，历史证明at the 1985 South East Asian Games and in the process

了这一方式是有效的。马来西亚

broke 6 Games records; Shalin Zulkifli was candidate forWorld Bowler of the Year 1994 by the World Bowling

人不会忘记那些令他们无比自豪

Writers Association and Nicol David, current world squash

的名字：叶加森，曾是亚洲速度

champion. Malaysians are proud when Malaysians win

最快的运动员；莫达·达哈里，

medals in international competitions. The media highlights

20 世纪 70 年代亚洲最好的足球

world-class Malaysian athletes and the public applauds运 动 员 之 一； 庄 淑 玲，1985 年

them. The government also supports all sports irrespective东 南 亚 运 动 会 7 金 1 银 得 主，

of the ethnic composition of the team.

打破 6 项赛会纪录；莎琳·朱纪菲，1994 年 世 界 保 龄 球 作 家 协Sports programmes by the government list ethnic

会推选的最佳投手候选人；妮科

unity as one of its objectives. For example, the teams in

尔·戴维，当今世界女子壁球冠

the Sports for All League must consist of members from军。运动健儿在国际赛场上摘金

the various ethnic groups. The Ministry of Education also夺银成为马来西亚人的骄傲。世uses sports to instil unity among students. There are also
game usually associated with Malays and non-Chinese toparticipate in table tennis, volleyball and basketball, sports
which are linked to the Chinese. The national table tennis
team has recently appeared with non-Chinese players.
The Malaysian Basketball Association organises a nonChinese basketball tournament and has a sub-committee
for non-Chinese development. K. Saravanan was the first
non-Malay national sepak takraw player. All of these are
seemingly positive steps.

注和公众的交口称赞。政府也不论队伍的民族构成，对所有的体
育运动队一视同仁、给予支持。
政府将促进种族团结作为开
展体育活动的目的之一。例如，
要求参与“大众体育联赛”的每支队伍须有不同族群的队员。教育部也通过体育增强学生间的团结。此外，鼓励非马来人群体参与马来人传统体育如藤球运动，
非华人群体参与华人传统体育如
乒乓球、排球和篮球运动。马来
西亚乒乓球国家队已有非华人选手。马来西亚篮球协会还专门组105

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

efforts to encourage non-Malays to take up sepak takraw, a界级的运动员得到媒体的高度关

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织非华人篮球锦标赛并设有专门

However, with declining interest in sport participation,

委员会在非华人群体中推广篮球

future research can look at the impact of sport on Malaysia

运动。国家藤球队也有了首位非as well as how to attract more Malaysians to be active马来人的选手萨拉瓦南。所有这

in sport. After all the sports organisations have a role to些举措似乎都颇具正面效果。

play in continuing to promote sports in the country on a

但 是， 需 要 重 视 的 是， 马multicultural basis.

来西亚人体育参与热情在不断下降，今后的研究更应着眼于体育对马来西亚的影响，以及如何吸

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Abu Bakar Mohd Said. (1987, January). Welcoming
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Andaya, B.W., & Andaya, L.Y. (1982). A history of
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Douglas, S. A. (1989) Sport in Malaysia. In E. A.
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THE UNIVERSITY OF EASTLONDON AND THE LONDON
2012 OLYMPIC & PARALYMPICGAMES AND THEIR LEGACYJohn Lock
University of East London
The University of East London in 2003 had no prior

东伦敦大学与 2012 年
伦敦奥运会 / 残奥会及其遗产的关系研究
约翰·洛克
东伦敦大学

直 到 2003 年， 东 伦 敦 大 学还从未有过参与奥运会 / 残奥会
或其他任何大型赛事的工作经验。但十年后，情况已截然不同。

experience of or engagement with the Olympic and本文总结了东伦敦大学由于参与

Paralympic Games or any other mega-event. A decade later,2012 年伦敦奥运会筹办，在体育、

that picture looks rather different. This paper summarises

科研、志愿服务、房地产、国际
合作和声誉及一些正在开展的工

London 2012 in terms of sport, research, volunteering,

作等多个方面获得的多种收益。

estate, international partnership and reputation and ongoing这些收益源于当初的决策，

work.

即采取所有切实可行的办法借奥运会之力“营建我们的事业”。

Those benefits resulted from a decision to use the

在某些领域，奥运会早就被视为Games in whatever practical ways we could to ‘build our一个“聚宝盆”，而对东伦敦大

business’. In some quarters there was early expectation

学而言，我们则需要根据现实情that the Games would be a funding bonanza; by contrast,

况先期投入，以图回报。对此，we determined that we might have to invest according to我们有意识要避免两个结果：到

circumstance in order to get returns. We were conscious of2013 年后悔道“当时我们为什么wanting to avoid two outcomes: reaching 2013 and then

不那么做？”或“我们都瞎忙些

thinking to ourselves ‘why didn’t we do that?’ or ‘what was

什么？”

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benefits that UEL captured from its engagement with

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以已有的对外开发机构为

all the fuss about?’基础，东伦敦大学建立了“2012办公室”，其后又设置了一个奥

Based on existing external development structures,

运 会 期 间 的 管 理 机 构。 它 们 在

we established a 2012 Office and then a Games-time

2007—2012 年期间运作，之后解management structure. These operated 2007-12 and were

散。最初我们并无正式的发展战

then disbanded. We did not set out a formal strategy at

略，因掌握的知识和经验极为有the beginning as we had only very limited knowledge and限，且无成例可循。当时处于这experience to go on – and no role model. UEL was far

种状态的绝非东伦敦大学一家。

from alone in this. Our process was therefore exploratory

一切都在摸索中渐渐前行，而不

and evolutionary rather than extensively planned. That

是按计划做。我们认为探索和渐

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said, exploration and evolution were considered processes

进，就是前进的过程，并最终会

and led to planned actions and interventions in the areas110并获得丰厚回报。

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导致在本文确定的各领域有计划的行动及干预。这表明，即便“从零开始”，一届夏季奥运会的时间跨度也足以进行实质性的参与
对东伦敦大学而言，奥运遗产有两种含义：①奥运会后，如何管理从奥运会 / 残奥会获得的
永久性遗产。②如何参与到伦敦东区重建的大局中去，奥运遗产是其组成部分。第一种含义遗产的应对之策是通过社会主流机构开展志愿活动、体育活动或承办赛事方式实现；第二种含义遗产可通过大学的对外联络和发展机

identified in this paper. This indicates that the timescaleof a summer Games is long enough for substantive
engagement and robust outcomes to be developed evenfrom a nil starting point.
Legacy has two senses for UEL: how we subsequently
manage what we got out of the Olympics and Paralympics
that is permanent; and how we engage with the wider
pattern of east London regeneration of which Olympic
and Paralympic Legacy is an embedded element. The
answer to the first is throughmainstream structures, whether
volunteering, sport or hosting future events. The second isthrough the University’s mechanisms for external liaisonand development.

Note: the UEL figures cited are taken from internal
records.

制来应对。
注：列举的一些东伦敦大学
的数据取自内部记录。

Research and scholarship
UEL is a successful modern university in researchterms. In the 2008 UK Research Assessment Exercise,

科研与学术
东伦敦大学是科研水平出色

the University was the top modern university in London.

的现代大学，在 2008 年的“英国However, in 2005, UEL had no research reputation in the

研究评估考核”中，是伦敦顶尖area of Olympics, Paralympics, mega-events or Legacies.
Over the period 2005-12, UEL staff undertook c.20 pieces
of funded work related to the Games and Legacy with avalue of c. £900,000 and produced a further 50 articles,
books, theses and conference presentations1. One key theme(Newham Council, the local authority in whose area muchof the Olympic Park is located) to the national (Departmentof Communities and Local Government) and international(OECD) on issues like Legacy and governance.
It is inevitably a challenge for any city and nation tothink about how to manage the impacts of their Olympic
and Paralympic Games. A base of policy and strategy has tobe created, sometimes drawing on previous smaller events,
often starting from scratch. The UEL work provided
London and the British Government with important inputs

东伦敦大学在奥运会、残奥会、
大型赛事及其遗产等领域的研究还籍籍无名。2005 至 2012 期间，该大学的教职工进行了约 20 项有
关奥运会及其遗产的资助项目，资助经费约 90 万英镑，发表了
50 多项学术成果，包括文章、书
籍、论文和会议报告等。1 这些研究项目的一个核心主题是关于从
地方层面（纽汉姆市政府，奥林匹克公园大部分区域所在的地方
政府）到国家层面（英国社区与地方政府部）和国际层面（世界经合组织）奥运遗产和治理问题
的政策。
对任何一个奥运会 / 残奥会
举办城市及国家而言，如何管理111

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本of that work was engaging with policy from the local level

的现代大学。然而，直至 2005 年，

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奥运会带来的影响是不容回避挑

to the London 2012 process:战。需要构建制定政策和战略的基础，这有时是总结举办过的小

The work of the London East Research Institute (LERI)

型赛事的经验，更多的是从零开

at UEL “provided both an important source of evidence,

始。东伦敦大学的研究为伦敦和context and analysis, and an informal, accessible and

英国政府提供了重要的有关 2012

stimulating source of debate and discussion. This was伦敦奥运会的信息：

particularly valuable in the context of developing a credible

东伦敦大学“伦敦东区研究

Olympic legacy.”所”（LERI）的研究不仅是重要的事实、
背景和分析的资料来源，“LERI’s critical contribution was to prompt the

也是非正式的、易于获取的，激

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formation of a more informed and rounded Olympic

发争辩和讨论的资料来源。这在

legacy programme for the regeneration of east London.

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敦东区为目的的奥运遗产项目，“开发可靠的奥运遗产”的语境
中格外有价值。
“伦敦东区研究所做出的关键性的贡献是，促成了以改造伦
并使该项目更有根据、更加全面。
需要指出的，是在申办时，政府
包括我的部门，除了提交给国际
奥委会的申奥材料中的一般性承
诺外，此前没有一种政策机制，
对“2012 伦敦奥运遗产” 进行全
面分析，明确表述，给出有计划的回应”。
“东伦敦大学早期提交给大
伦敦议会的报告，以及包括评论

It is important to understand that at the time of the bid
government including my Department had no prior policy
mechanism in place for contextualising and articulating a
structured response to London 2012 Legacy, beyond thegeneral promises in the candidature file submitted to theIOC.”“UEL's early report for the Greater London Assembly,
and the body of work which followed, including the'Thinkpiece', provided a framework to enable policymakers
at London and national levels to find ways to get a grip on
how to think about Legacy. In that sense, it had a criticalsense-making and way-finding impact.”“Secondly, these specifically contributed to three

文章在内的研究，提供了一个框

directions policy then took (these specifically contributed

架，使伦敦和国家层面的政策制

to a three-direction policy):that Legacy should be seen as

定者得以找到把握如何认识‘遗

framed by London as a city and its development, not as a产’问题的方法。从这个意义上，

national project run by a Government department out of the

其研究具有发掘意义和寻求方法city context; that East London legacy should be understood

的关键作用”。

as part of a much broader and longer term regeneration“ 其 次， 这 些 研 究 尤 其 对

ambition and programme, by and for London; and that its

三个方向的政策产生重要影响：governance was a long-term challenge requiring a structural①‘遗产’应当被看做是伦敦基

response. These understandings led directly to the creation

于其城市发展而架构的，而不是

of novel pre-games political and administrative institutions,

由伦敦市以外的国家部门运作的the Olympic Park Regeneration Steering Group, which

国家层面的项目；②‘东伦敦遗产’drew together national regional and local politicians into
similarly drew together public agencies, to structure andoversee a broad based regeneration programme for theregion. Downstream its ultimate outcome is the creationof a new statutory structural entity, the London Legacy
Development Corporation, as the focus to secure key legacy
outcomes for the city. There is therefore now a London
governance mechanism which 'owns' east London legacy.”

服务的一项大范围、长时期的更新改造计划的一部分；③‘遗产’
的管理是一个长期性的挑战，需要 有 计 划 的 回 应。 这 些 认 识 直
接导致了新的赛前行政和管理机
构——‘奥林匹克公园改造督导
小组’（该组织汇聚了国家、地区和地方上的多位政要）和‘东伦敦遗产董事会’（该组织同样
吸引了大批公共机构的加入）的成立，以便对基础广泛的地区改
造项目进行组织和监管。对下游
而言，这种影响体现在‘伦敦遗
产开发公司’的组建，通过一个113

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a single body, and the East London Legacy Board, which应被理解为由伦敦提出，为伦敦

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新的法定结构实体对重要的遗产

Ralph Ward, Planning and Regeneration Advisor

成果进行保护。
于是，
现在有了
‘拥

firstly to the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister and有’东伦敦遗产的治理机制”。

subsequently to the Department for Communities and Local

拉尔夫·沃德，2002 至 2010

Government in respect of the Thames Gateway project and

年间先后在副总理办公室和社区

the Olympics & Paralympics, 2002 – 2010. [Note - Mr

与地方政府事务部担任泰晤士河

Ward is now a visiting professor at the University of East

口计划以及奥运会和残奥会的规

London.]划与改造顾问。（注：沃德先生现为东伦敦大学客座教授）

Professor Allan Brimicombe, a special adviser in艾伦·布里密科姆教授（20132013 to the UK House of Lords Committee on Olympic

年英国上议院奥运会和残奥会遗

and Paralympic Legacy 2, will have coordinated UEL

2产的特别顾问 ）将会把东伦敦大

contributions to four stages of official evaluation of the

学的贡献纳入伦敦奥运会四个阶

London Games 3. The evaluations, the Olympic Games3

段的官方评估。 奥运会评估（奥运会的影响研究）是国际奥委会
向主办城市 / 国家提出的一项合
同要求。2012 伦敦奥运会的评估
工作由英国经济和社会研究理事
会（ESRC）资助，其出版物及其他成果可使东伦敦大学的跨学科
研究能力得到国内外同行的认可，还能让公共政策制定者直接了解
2012 伦敦奥运会对遗产的贡献。
东伦敦大学已经与多所大学
和研究机构建立了稳固的工作伙伴关系，包括里约热内卢和巴塞
罗那多所大学的奥林匹克研究中

Impact studies, are a contractual requirement placed by the
IOC on host cities/nations. They were funded by the UK
Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and their
publication alongside other work enhanced the internationaland domestic recognition of UEL's capacity for researchthat crossed disciplines and directly informed public policyon the legacies to be achieved by London 2012.
Academics have developed robust working
relationships, for example, with Centres for Olympic
Studies at universities in Rio de Janeiro and Barcelona andwith the architecture nucleus (NUTAU) at the Universityof Sao Paolo (São Paulo). Professor Gavin Poynter was theOlympic Visiting Professor at the Autonomous University

心（加文·波因特教授就是巴塞

of Barcelona, 2011-12.

罗那自治大学 2011—2012 年度奥林匹克方向的客座教授），以及In addition, we have developed good links with巴西圣保罗大学的建筑和城市设

academics across the world. Through the Brazilian

计技术研究中心（NUTAU）等。

Government’s Science Without Borders programme, we

此外，东伦敦大学与世界上

have attracted a significant number of students. The latteris

多名学者建立了良好的联系。例

obviously not wholly attributable to 2012-related activity,如，依托巴西政府的“科学无国

but the UEL interest in Brazil and the Brazilian interest界”项目，东伦敦大学吸引了大in London did undoubtedly play a role in achieving that

批巴西学生。这虽然不能完全归

substantive outcome.

功于伦敦奥运会的影响，但是东伦敦大学对巴西的关注及巴西人

In September 2013, we ran an international conference
attracted 112 papers, 174 registrations and 189 participants
including 61 overseas delegates - the majority being
academic researchers and post graduate and post-doctoral
students from all parts of the world:

性的成果发挥了作用。
2013 年 9 月，我们组织了一
次国际会议，4 研讨大型赛会对城
市的影响，有 174 人注册，发表
论 文 112 篇，189 人 参 会， 其 中
61 人来自海外。大部分与会者都是各国相关领域的专家、研究生
和博士后，具体信息见下表：115

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on the impacts of mega-events on cities4. The Conference对伦敦的兴趣，无疑对这一实质

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Continent
North America
South/Latin America
Middle East
Asia/Australia

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Number Participants
6
11
4
9

Comment
4 USA, 2 Canada
9 from Brazil
3 Iraq, 1 Saudi Arabia
3 Japan, 3 China, 2 Australia, 1 S. Korea

Europe (excl UK and
Russian Federation)

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Denmark 2; Switzerland 2, Norway 1,
France 1, Ireland 1, Netherlands 1, Spain
5, Greece 2, Turkey 4, Cyprus 1, Italy 2,
Germany 4

Russian Federation
Sub-Sahara Africa
Overseas Total
UK

2
3
61
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2 Sochi
3 S. Africa

所在地区 / 洲
北美洲
南美 / 拉丁美洲
中东

参与者人数
6
11
4

亚洲 / 澳大利亚9

说明
美国 4 人，加拿大 2 人
巴西 9 人伊拉克 3 人，沙特阿拉伯 1 人
日本 3 人，中国 3 人，澳大利亚 2 人，
韩国 1 人

欧洲（不包括英国及俄罗斯联邦）
俄罗斯联邦
撒哈拉以南非洲海外地区总计
英国

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2
3
61
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UEL 15

丹麦 2 人，瑞士 2 人，挪威 1 人，法国
1 人，爱尔兰 1 人，荷兰 1 人，西班牙
5 人，希腊 2 人，土耳其 4 人，塞浦路
斯 1 人，意大利 2 人，德国 4 人
索契 2 人南非 3 人—东伦敦大学 15 人

This conference was a direct result of the partnership这次研讨会是东伦敦大学与with Brazilian and Barcelona universities and of a巴西和巴塞罗那大学建立伙伴关

reciprocal process of international conference and seminar

系后的直接产物，也是东伦敦大attendance since 2006. A further aspect of this work is a

学自 2006 年以来出席国际会议交

series of academic/policy seminars on themes related to互效应的结果。接下来，东伦敦regeneration and legacy organised jointly with the London

大学将和伦敦遗产开发公司合作

Legacy Development Corporation. These are ongoing.

组织一系列有关改造和遗产的学
术 / 政策研讨会，相关工作正在

We hosted ASICS, the Japanese sportswear company,on our Stratford Campus during Games-time; the company
has sponsored PhD students and supports student sport.

进行中。
在伦敦奥运会期间，东伦敦
大学在其斯特拉特福德校区款待了日本亚瑟士（ASICS）运动装
备公司。该公司资助了多名博士

its Institute of Health & Human Development in 2006.

研究生，并大力支持在校学生的That decision was unconnected to the Games. IHHD has
become our main point of research partnership with UCL
Partners, one of London’s three Academic Health Sciences
Partnerships, which we joined in 2012. UCLP is involved
directly in the Sir Ludwig Guttmann Health & Wellbeing
Centre on the Olympic Park, in effect seeing the former
Olympic Polyclinic as a joint centre for innovation between
academic, primary care, local government and community
partners. We are engaged in this long term ambition with aparticular focus on community-led health improvement.

体育活动。
下一个重点关注的领域是健康。东伦敦大学在 2006 年成立了“健康与人类发展学院”（IHHD）。
虽然成立该学院的初衷与伦敦奥
运会无关，但是现在却成为我们与“伦敦大学学院伙伴”（伦敦三大健康科学学术伙伴关系之一，
东伦敦大学在 2012 年加入该组织）建立科研合作的关键。“伦
敦大学学院伙伴”与奥林匹克公
园的古特曼爵士健康与福利中心
有密切关系，将这个前奥运综合117

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A further specific area of focus is health. UEL set up

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医院视为学术界、初级保健、地This is an illustration of how the pulling power of

方政府和社会伙伴之间的联合创Legacy potential, in this instance combined with east

新中心。当前，东伦敦大学已经

London’s health challenges, is harnessing large scale

参与到这项长期的宏伟计划，重collaborative actions whichwould otherwise not have

点关注以社区主导的健康改善。

happened. On that theme, the London Legacy Development

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这一实例表明，奥运遗产蕴

Corporation has pulled together the ‘E20’ group of

含着巨大的牵引力，在这一案例中

universities – Birkbeck, City, Loughborough, Queen Mary,

与伦敦东区面临的健康挑战相结

UCL, UEL – to explore the potential to work jointly in合，从而形成原来不可能发生的、

other areas such as economic development.

大规模的协同行动。
针对这一主题，伦敦遗产开发公司将伯克利大学、

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The original London candidate file submitted to the

城市大学、拉夫堡大学、玛丽女王

IOC promised an Olympic Institute on the Park. This

大学、伦敦大学学院、东伦敦大学

ambition has not come to fruition, at least not so far. It is

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在伦敦提交给国际奥委的申等在内的“E20”高校集团组织
起 来， 探 索 在 其 他 领 域， 如 经济开发，合作的可能性。
奥材料中，承诺要成立一所奥林
匹克公园研究所。这一承诺尚未

though arguable that the new higher education activity on
the Park, of which UEL is a part, is a form of fulfilment ofthat promise.

Volunteering and placements

兑现，但是在一定意义上，包括UEL had a volunteering programme run by its student

东伦敦大学参与的在奥林匹克公

union up to five years ago. This operated patchily according

园开展的新的高等教育活动也视

to the availability of limited external funding. UEL made为履行承诺的一种方式。

no significant contribution. We invested in staff in our
Employability and Enterprise Team in order to be able

志愿服务与人员安置东伦敦大学有一项由学生会

to organise support for volunteering and employment
opportunities including LOCOG (ceremonies), G4S

(security: Bridging The Gap programme), Olympic

运营的志愿者项目，迄今已有 5

Broadcast Service, Retail People, Olympic contractors,

年。由于依赖有限的外部资金，Team USA, Team Ireland, SERCO, Pictureworks, Capture该项目的运营时断时续。东伦敦

the Event, ASICS and UEL itself.

大学也未给予太多的扶持，我们的投入针对“就业能力与企业小• 2329 students completed an application with an
expressed interest to take part in the Games• 1945 students were successful in progressing to thenext stage of a shortlisted application

组”的工作人员，以便能够组织支持志愿服务和就业的机会，这
包括伦敦奥组委（开 / 闭幕式）、
G4S（安保工作 ：弥合距离项目）、• 448 students were confirmed by organisations to

奥运会广播服务、奥运会承包商、

have successfully contributed their time and efforts to the

美国队、爱尔兰队、信佳、迪彩、

delivery of the Games in an Olympic/Paralympic role

捕捉事件、亚瑟士等公司和组织以及东伦敦大学自身。

undercounts the numbers who were LOCOG Gamesmakers and London Ambassadors who were recruited byother processes.

• 2329 名有意向 / 兴趣参与体育赛会（包括奥运会）的学生
递交申请• 1945 名学生经过筛选，成功进入下一环节
• 448 名学生最终由组委会
选定，在奥运会 / 残奥会举办期间提供志愿服务
由于学生还可以通过其他渠道，以伦敦奥组委志愿者和城市
志愿者的身份参与进来，所以，实际参与奥运会 / 残奥会志愿服务的学生人数要高于我们统计的448 人。

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我们参与组织了奥林匹克公

We organised the Olympic Park Legacy Company’s

园遗产公司的实习项目，并与该internship programme and have taken this relationship公司的继任者——伦敦遗产开发

forward with its successor body, the London Legacy

公司建立了联系。目前，东伦敦

Development Corporation.We are currently in discussions

大学正在与伦敦遗产开发公司洽with LLDC about collaboration on the long-term

谈针对奥林匹克公园建立长期志

volunteering scheme it is putting in place for the Olympic

愿服务的计划。总体而言，东伦

Park.In general, UEL’s ability to organise student

敦大学组织学生志愿者和人员安

volunteering and placements was transformed by the

置方面的能力因奥运会而转型，Games and continues to operate as a professional service

奥运会后继续作为专业服务机supporting 300 students post-Games in 2012/13 with a构 在 2012—2013 年 度 支 撑 300

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与就业中心、体育协会和学生会

2014 年 度 的 目 标 扩 充 至 400 人（以上数字不包括由东伦敦大学
学生会和体育协会支持的志愿者数量）。这种由东伦敦大学企业
等组织围绕志愿服务而建立的内部合作关系蕴含着巨大的能量，与那些给我们的学生提供类似机
会的雇主和组织相比，这种内部
合作机制能够为学生提供更好的服务。
我们的员工也在不断做出自
己的贡献。例如，我们一位负责带领学生为伦敦马拉松之类的体
育赛会提供志愿服务的资深理疗

target of 400 for 2013/14.These figures exclude both UEL
student union- and UELSports-supported volunteering.
As a result of the collaboration built around volunteeringinternally, internal working relationships between
Enterprise & Employability, UELSports and UELSU are
far stronger across the University and students received amuch better service as do employers and others offering theopportunities for our students.
Staff have contributed and continue to do so. For
example, one senior member of our Physiotherapy staff,
who runs a student-based volunteer service for events likethe London Marathon, ran one of LOCOG’s clinical areas.
She will also work for the Glasgow 2014 CommonwealthGames, building reputation in this area.

Sport
It is something of an understatement to say that ten
years ago UEL had no reputation for sport. From theDocklands Campus opening in 1999, we had always
planned to have a sports centre of some kind on theCampus. However, a proposed development was postponed
around 2006/7 in order to prioritise investment in additional
student residences.
A team of senior colleagues went out to the BeijingGames in 2008 where we made a connection with the US
Olympic Committee regarding the possibility of the US
Olympic and Paralympic Teams using our estate during
sport completely. We committed to the centre that became
SportsDock and appointed our first Director of Sport as afull-time member of staff. The outcome was a far more
ambitious plan for facilities and organisation, very muchsituated in the context of the Olympic and Paralympic
opportunity and the wider array of local responses in termsof sport.

一项临床应用。同时，她也将为格拉斯哥 2014 年英联邦运动会
提供服务，在这一领域颇有声誉。

体育运动
十 年 前， 东 伦 敦 大 学 在 体
育运动方面几乎没有任何值得
称道的地方。自从 1999 年多克兰 兹 校 区 启 用 以 来， 东 伦 敦 大学一直计划建造一个校园运动中心。 然 而， 这 一 拟 定 的 计 划 在
2006/2007 年由于要优先投资建设学生宿舍而搁浅。
2008 年，东伦敦大学的资深员工组成的团队前往正举办奥运
会的北京，并在这期间与美国奥委会建立联系，商讨了美国奥运/ 残奥代表团在伦敦奥运会期间
使用东伦敦大学场地设施的可能性。2009 年，我们决定全面修缮
学校的体育场馆设施，建设校园
体育中心（现更名为“多克体育”中心），任命了首任全职的中心主任。随之实施了一个更大规模的计划，改善体育设施和组织，121

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本Games-time. In 2009, we took the decision to revamp UEL

人员，就曾负责伦敦奥组委的某

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使之更加切合奥运会和残奥会的环境及本地的多种体育需求。

In 2012, we opened SportsDock, the largest covered
university sports facility in London. The fitness suite and多克体育中心在 2012 年对

strength & conditioning areas were equipped to Team USA

外 开 放， 成 为 伦 敦 最 大 的 高 校

standard through a deal struck with them. Through USOC,

室 内 体 育 场 馆。 其 中， 健 身 房

24-Fitness donated £200k worth of high-end equipment.

及力量和身体训练区根据与美国

England Basketball invested £0.5m in the facility which is队的协议，按照其标准和要求进

now home to Newham All-Stars Sports Academy (in under

行 装 配。 体 育 用 品 网 站“24 健(less than) ten years NASSA has become one of England’s身”通过美国奥委会捐赠了价值

most successful youth basketball and volleyball clubs).

20 万英镑的高端体育设施；英格兰篮球协会注资 50 万英镑，

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使其成为纽汉姆全明星运动学校

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使用多克体育中心。残奥会时，（NASSA） 的 大 本 营（ 该 校 不
到十年就成为英格兰最成功的一个青少年篮球和排球俱乐部）。
其他一些东伦敦大学俱乐部也在英国和美国轮椅篮球比赛在此进行。比赛举办得非常成功，该中
心因此被指定为地区篮球中心。
多克体育中心备有运动轮椅，以方便个人、团队及联赛等多层次
残疾人体育活动的开展，这是十分罕见的。中心现对公众全年开放，并迅速成为社区的一个成员。

Other non-UEL clubs also use SportsDock. The GB and
US Paralympic wheelchair basketball teams played a match
during Games-time, an event so successful that SportsDock
has been designated as a regional centre for basketball.
SportsDock is equipped with sports wheelchairs to facilitate
disability sport at individual, team and league level which
is highly unusual. The centre is open to the public all year
round and has quickly grown a community membership.

UELSports in 2009 had some 300 students active out

2009 年 东 伦 敦 大 学 在 校 生

of 18,000 on campus. Today that number has risen tenfold.

为 18000 名， 校 体 育 协 会 约 有

We have over 25 active clubs. We run high performance

300 名积极参与者。今天，这一

programmes for 40 young sports people (14+) in Newham

数字翻了十倍，有 25 个活跃的and Waltham Forest, delivered in partnership with local

俱乐部。我们在纽汉姆和沃尔瑟clubs like Newham & Essex Beagles and Newham Swords

姆福雷斯特为 40 名 14 岁以上的(themselves with live associations with current and former

青少年提供高水平运动计划，与Olympians).

当地俱乐部，如“纽汉姆与埃塞克斯猎犬”田径俱乐部及“纽汉UEL this year (2014) has 61 sports scholarship student

姆之剑”剑术俱乐部（这些俱乐(for students), all athletes competing at national and部与现役及退役的奥运选手关系international levels. Including the local high performance密切）合作培养。

programmes, that amounts to c100 elite athletes based at
Within four years, the UEL squad was winning gold, silver
and bronze medals at the British Universities and CollegesSports championships. The same story of growing successis occurring across a range of sports – tennis, judo, football,
netball, basketball and so on. What capped 2012 was aformer UEL student, Gemma Gibbons, winning a silver
medal for judo.

获得体育奖学金的学生，他们都
参加国家和国际比赛。今年还有参与本地高水平运动训练的大约
100 名精英运动员，在这里训练。
2009 年东伦敦大学还没有赛艇队，经过短短 4 年，其代表队就
在“全英高校体育锦标赛”中斩获金、银、铜牌。诸多运动项目
都有这种相同的成功经历，如网
球、柔道、足球、篮网球、篮球
等。2012 年 最 为 辉 煌 的 是 校 友
嘉玛 ·吉本斯在伦敦奥运会中获
女子柔道 78 公斤级银牌。

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

UEL this year. We didn’t have a rowing team in 2009.

东伦敦大学 2014 年有 61 名

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现 在， 多 克 体 育 中 心 几 乎SportsDock now hosts regional and national events on

每周都要承办一次地区或全国体

a near-weekly basis, in significant part directly attributable

育比赛，这在很大程度上要归功

to the profile generated by being part of London 2012. It于我们在参与伦敦奥运会时的表is planned that the UEL Newham Swimming Club will现。根据计划，奥林匹克公园水

be part of a Beacon Programme in the Aquatics Centre on

上运动中心明年重新开放后，东

the Park when it reopens next year. Similarly, UELSports

伦敦大学的纽汉姆游泳俱乐部在

has working links with the London Lions basketball team将会加入其“灯塔计划”。同样，

playing out of the Copper Box (Olympic Park multi-use

东伦敦大学体育协会也与“伦敦

arena) in the Sky League. We are also a board member雄狮”篮球俱乐部建立了联系，of the Motivate East Paralympic Legacy project set up by

该俱乐部的活动场地是天空联盟

LLDC and partners.

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的“铜盒”（奥林匹克公园的一1242011 年， 东 伦 敦 大 学 因 一

个多用途体育馆）。我们还是由伦敦遗产开发公司及其合伙人推
出的“残奥会遗产——东区激励”
计划的董事会成员。
年内在“英国大学体育联合会”（英国大学体育的管理机构，简称 BUCS） 的 排 名 跃 升 40 位 而获“进步最快奖”，这样的跃进
大概是其他高校不曾有过的。4年中，东伦敦大学的排名上升了
67 个位次。经过数年的努力，
现已跻身“英国大学体育联合会”
的高层梯队。这无疑表明，我们
可以激励学生，在一系列的运动In 2011, we won the Most Improved University
award going up over 40 places in the British Universities& Colleges Sport (BUCS) rankings in one year – webelieve the biggest leap any university has ever made. We
have gone up 67 places in four years. It takes years ofprogression through leagues to reach the upper echelons of
BUCS. UEL has undoubtedly demonstrated that we canmobilise student capability to aspire to this across a rangeof sports.

We are part of the Mayor of Newham’s Every Child A项目中发挥其潜能。

Sports Person programme, which gives every 11-year-old

东伦敦大学还参与了纽汉姆child in Newham schools the chance to visit SportsDock

市市长的“让每个孩子都成为体and try new sports. That programme was a direct outcome

育人”计划，使该市所有 11 岁of Newham’s aspirations prompted by the Games.

年的孩子有机会参观多克体育中
心并尝试新的体育项目。该计划

Estate development
The development of SportsDock is described above.
This year we have opened University Square Stratford(USS), a joint development in the middle of Stratford with
Birkbeck, University of London. USS houses our Law
School and Institute for Performing Arts; it is situated next
to the Theatre Royal Stratford East and Stratford Circus
origins in the Games, but it undoubtedly contributes toan emerging pattern of around Stratford, whereby higher
education is clearly an important part of the asset base of
Legacy.
For example, Loughborough University is opening a
research, business and postgraduate campus with up to 1,000
post-graduate students as part of the iCity development

房产开发
多克体育中心的开发上文已述及。今年，我们与伦敦大学
伯克贝克学院共同开发的斯特拉特福德大学广场校区（USS）
投入使用。法学院和表演艺术学院就位于该校区。该校区坐落在
斯特拉特福德的中心，毗邻皇家东斯特拉特福德剧院和斯特拉特福德马戏团表演艺术中心。开
发这一校区的初衷与伦敦奥运会无关，但却给斯特拉特福德的发展带来了一种新模式，因为高
等教育无疑是伦敦奥运遗产的重要组成部分。

in the former International Broadcast Centre/Main Press

以拉夫堡大学为例，该校正

Centre. This opens in 2015. This will be co-located with

着手在以前的国际广播中心 / 主the new BT Sport TV service.University College London

新闻中心打造集研究、商业和研125

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

performing arts centre. USS is not a development with its

直接源自伦敦奥运会的影响力。

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究生教育为一体的校区，计划招

confirmed in December 2013 that it will be undertaking

收 1000 名 研 究 生。 这 也 是“i-a major development on the Park as will the Victoria &城市开发”计划的一部分，将在Albert Museum. The Mayor of London, Boris Johnson, has2015 年投入使用，与全新的“BT

termed the UCL-V&A developments ‘Olympicopolis’, a

体育电视服务”在同一地点。伦

reference to Albertopolis or the array of developments at

敦大学学院在 2013 年 12 月确认，Kensington which followed London’s Great Exhibition of

将与维多利亚与阿尔伯特博物馆

1851. He stated: “The idea behind Olympicopolis is simple（V&A）一样，在奥林匹克公园

and draws on the extraordinary foresight of our Victorian

的开发上承担重要角色。伦敦市

ancestors. We want to use Queen Elizabeth Olympic Park长鲍里斯·约翰逊将伦敦大学学

as a catalyst for the industries and technologies in which

院和 V&A 的这个开发项目称为“奥林匹克城邦”，此语是参照
了“阿尔伯特城邦”的说法，那是 1851 年伦敦大展览会后在肯
辛顿进行的一系列建设。他说 ：“奥林匹克城邦” 项目背后的想法很简单，就是借鉴我们维多利亚时代祖先的非凡远见。我们希望通过伊丽莎白女王奥运公园的
改造来带动伦敦居于世界领先地
位的工业和技术的发展，从而创
造出数以千 计的就 业 机 会”。5
约翰逊市长在其他地方也明确表示，高等教育是这一愿景的核心。
东伦敦大学斯特拉特福德精美绝伦的新图书馆在 2013 年年中开放，由负责建造伦敦奥运会

London now leads the world in order to create thousandsof new jobs”5. The Mayor has elsewhere made it clear thathigher education is central to this vision.
UEL’s beautifully-crafted new library in Stratford,
opened in mid-2013, was designed by Hopkins Architects,
who were responsible for the Olympic Velodrome. Make,
designers of USS, did the Copper Box on the Olympic Park.
The designers of the new reception building at Docklands,
Surface Architects, designed the major signage installations
across the Park. So there is a real sense in which UEL isparticipating actively in terms of creating buildings of highquality for an area which has had an historic dearth of good
design. This is a substantive contribution to the sense of
aspiration for place which the Games have accelerated.

In 2004, when the London bid for 2012 was submitted,

自行车馆的霍普金斯建筑事务所

UEL’s then Vice-Chancellor proposed that UEL would

设计；斯特拉特福德校区是伦敦

take over, own and operate the Aquatics Centre in Legacy

奥运会手球赛场“铜盒”的设计

as a University and public facility. By 2008, it was clear

者——马克的作品；多克兰兹校that this ambition could not be pursued. Anticipated local

区新接待大楼的设计者瑟菲斯建

authority investment in expanding the Aquatics Centre

筑事务所还设计了伦敦奥运公园

post-Games was by then clearly not going to happen while

的主要标牌设备。由此可见，东

the Olympic Delivery Authority had substantially value-

伦敦大学的校园建设为长期缺乏engineered ZahaHadid’s original design almost completely,优秀设计的地区带来了高质量的removing space which might have been used for academic

建筑作品。对于渴望通过奥运会

purposes. The University turned its attention to possible

实现发展和改变的地区而言，这

occupation of an area of the undercroft of the Olympic

种贡献是具有实质意义的。

Stadium, prospectively to house its Sports & Exercise
proceed with this option – not least the tortuous decisionmaking process caused by various legal challenges overawarding the Stadium to Legacy occupiers had an impact.
The potential here, for the University and for the Park, wasreal. It is perhaps a lesson for future Games to organise
Legacy occupation of facilities and venues post-Games as
early and as cleanly as possible.

奥运会申请材料后，时任东伦敦
大学的副校长就提出，希望该大
学能够接管奥运遗产中的水上运
动中心，将其作为大学的公共体
育设施。直到 2008 年，这个颇
具野心的愿望仍是不现实的。人们期望中的地方政府对奥运会后
扩建水上运动中心的投资落空。
而奥林匹克筹建局也几乎完全认
可设计师扎哈·哈迪德的原始方案，在赛后拆除可用于学术活动的临时建筑。因此，大学将目光转向奥林匹克体育场，希望能够
接管体育场的地下室，将其变为127

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Science programmes. In the event, it was decided not to2004 年，伦敦递交 2012 年

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“体育与运动科学”场地。最终，还是放弃了这一选择，因为决定遗产的归属是一个曲折的决策过
程，在将体育场赠与遗产占有者
后还要面临各种法律挑战。体育场有可能划归学校，也有可能归
奥林匹克公园。这对以后的奥运

UEL’s reputation has benefited from active participationin opportunities thrown up by the Games. All of what is
described above either would not have happened or would
have happened at a smaller scale with less impact. The
Games gave UEL both institutionally and academically会举办方来说是一个教训，即决

outstanding international media coverage. The deal signed

定赛后场地设施的遗产占有应当with the US Olympic Committee got us more media

越早越好，而且要干净利落。

coverage in the USA than we have probably had since ourfounding in 1898.

声誉和未来发展机会
伦敦奥运会带来了很多机会，东伦敦大学抓住时机、积极
参与，因此声名鹊起。否则，上述的一切将不会发生，或只在小128

Reputation and future opportunity

范围产生微弱影响。奥运会让东
伦敦大学在制度和学术两个层面
得到了国际媒体的关注。与美国
奥委会签订的合同更让东伦敦大学在美国得到大量媒体关注，这
是我校自 1898 年建校以来从未
有过的。
2012 年， 东 伦 敦 大 学 的 市场营销与对外联络团队开展了两
项 相 互 关 联 的 活 动， 目 的 是 在UEL’s marketing and communications team ran
two linked campaigns in 2012 targeting the launch ofSportsDock in March 2012 and then Games-time, both with
an emphasis on UEL’s commitment to follow-through andto student recruitment. The key elements of these were to:• Generate widespread media coverage about UEL and
its involvement in the London 2012 Games• Publicise UEL elite athletes’ participation in the
London 2012 Games2012 年 3 月 和 奥 运 会 期 间 推 出
多克体育中心，强调东伦敦大学
对后续活动和招生工作的一些承诺，主要包括：• 邀请媒体广泛报道东伦敦• Showcase UEL as a world-class Olympic venue for
future major sporting events• Recruit elite athletes to UEL’s student population

大学及其参与 2012 年伦敦奥运会的情况• 宣传参加 2012 年伦敦奥运• Win UEL and community SportsDock membershipdespite closing for the Games soon after opening.
A specialist media agency was commissioned to

会的东伦敦大学运动员
• 展示东伦敦大学可以承接
大型体育赛事的世界级奥运场馆• 招收优秀运动员前来就读

research a sample of 28 pieces of coverage during a two
week period in Games-time and analyse value and reach.

• Total PR value - £105,170• Opportunity to See (OTS) – 15,336,000

克体育中心的成员资格，尽管体
育中心在开放后不久就因奥运会暂时关闭。
东伦敦大学委托专业的媒体
机构选取伦敦奥运两周内发布的
28 篇新闻报道，并对其新闻价
值和传播范围进行独立分析，结
果如下：• 公关价值总额：105,170 英镑• 广告能见几率：15,336,000
人次129

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本This independent analysis concluded that we achieved:• 获得东伦敦大学和社区多

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东伦敦大学在英国和国际奥Given that UEL generated more than 1,000 UK and林匹克相关媒体上的点击率超过International Olympic-related media hits, and assuming the1000 次，假如其他的报道也产生remainder of the coverage was at the same total PR value,同样的公关价值总额，那么所有the total value of coverage was estimated at £3,756,000 – a报道产生的价值将达到 3,756,000

sum vastly in excess of what UEL spent and an exemplar of

英镑，远高于东伦敦大学的支出

how it is possible to leverage an institutional role within the

总额。这也将成为在不违反国际Games for publicity without breaching IOC rules.

奥委会相关规则的前提下，如何
利用参与奥运会的组织机构进行
宣传的典范。
东伦敦大学通过一些联合

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伦 敦 奥 运 会 期 间， 接 待 美动 员。 在 英 国 9 月 份 招 生 中，100% 完成了我们全日制本科入学的招生目标，与全国平均数据
下降 6% 的趋势形成鲜明对比。
国奥运代表团、日本亚瑟士运动装 备 公 司、 爱 尔 兰 残 奥 会 代 表团、 新 加 坡 代 表 团 和 伦 敦 奥 组
委的 800 名中文广播员，证明东伦敦大学具备在国际体育赛会中
接待运动队和多种组织的能力，
可为之提供训练、食宿、行政办
公等服务。我们与大伦敦市政府（GLA）合作，帮助伦敦赢得了2017 年“世界残疾人田径锦标赛”

The combined campaigns recruited 28 elite athletes as
students. We hit 100% of our full-time undergraduate UK
September recruitment target for that year against a trend of
a 6% drop nationally.
Hosting Team USA – not to mention ASICS, the Irish
Paralympic team, the Singapore team and 800 Chinese
broadcasters for LOCOG – proved that we could play hostto teams and organisations for global events, in terms ofsport and training, accommodation and administration.
We worked with the Greater London Authority (GLA) andpartners to bring the International Paralympic Committee
World Games to London in 2017 – our Docklands Campus
is planned to be the village for those Games as a result;colleagues visited the 2013 Lyons Games as part of theplanning for this. We were an active backer of London’s
bid for the 2018 Gay Games – we would have provided thevolleyball venue and other facilities. Although this wasunsuccessful, we were again seen as a natural partner for的举办权。届时，我们的多克兰

such projects as a consequence of our role in London 2012.

兹校区将作为运动员村。为了更
好地提供服务，东伦敦大学派人

The combination of London’s Olympic Park, the O2

赴法国，从里昂举办的 2013 年

and ExCel – all Olympic and Paralympic venues - has“世界残疾人田径锦标赛”中吸

unique, worldwide brand recognition; these venues will

取经验教训。东伦敦大学还积极

attract major sports events for decades to come. UEL is

支持伦敦申办 2018 年同性恋运

prospectively positioned as an asset for the organisation of动会，拟提供排球馆和其他场地

some of those events in terms of accommodation, sports设施。虽然申办失利，但是东伦

facilities, volunteers, etc.

敦大学又一次被视为这类赛事的天然合作伙伴，这些都源于其在Some observations about the Games andLegacy in the London and east London context

伦敦奥运会和残奥会的场
馆（如 O2 体育场和 ExCel 体育馆）与伦敦奥林匹克公园捆绑在that the Games would ‘kick-start the regeneration of east

一起，具有独特的全球品牌识别

London’ – or words to this effect. This view misstates the度，在未来几十年，对大型体育

position, obscuring some important aspects of how east

赛会都具有吸引力。而东伦敦大

London has redeveloped following economic collapse 30

学能对这些赛事的组织发挥重要

years ago and might now continue to develop. The Games

作用，尤其是在提供住宿接待、and their Legacy are not a starting point with no prior

场地设施、志愿服务等方面。

activity, but rather comprise new, critical milestones inthe east London urban development process which, at aminimum, is likely to run through two generations or more从伦敦和伦敦东区发展的角
度看奥运会及其遗产than half a century. This is important – it situates the impact

从 2005 年到 2012 年，奥运of the Games within city development, city policy and city
strategy rather than giving legitimacy to a misleading claim

会将“带动伦敦东区重建”的说

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It was regularly asserted over the period 2005-12

伦敦奥运会中所发挥的作用。

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法就不绝于耳。然而，这一说法

that the Games were the beginning of regeneration a much并不正确，忽略了一些重要事实：bigger area. There are strong parallels with Barcelona here.

伦敦东区经历了 30 年前的经济

The industrial and port base of Barcelona also endured great崩溃后，已经在重建，并且还会

damage in the 1970s and 1980s. On a far smaller scale, it

继续重建下去。伦敦奥运会及其also situates individual institutions such as the University

遗产并不是“从零开始”重建伦

of East London.One of the reasons that London was able

敦东区的起点，而是伦敦东区城

to grasp the idea of doing Legacy well was that it had a

市发展进程中新出现的一个重要

plethora of institutions, including the University, which

里程碑，这一进程需要两代人或understood Legacy because they understood regeneration

半个多世纪的努力才能完成。认

as developers, practitioners and deliverers. For many, the识这一点是重要的，因为它框定

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learning curve was in the 1980s and 1990s, not 2005 when

了奥运会对城市发展、城市政策

the IOC awarded the Games to London.

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的工业和港口基础设施在 1970

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和城市战略的影响，避免奥运会
是一大片城区重建的开始这种错误说法合法化。这一方面，伦敦
与巴塞罗那十分相似。巴塞罗那
和 1980 年代受损严重。就一个
更小的范围而言，这一观点也同样适用于像东伦敦大学这样一些个别的机构。伦敦之所以能够把握“充分利用奥运遗产”的理念，
原因之一是其拥有包括大学在内的大量机构，它们理解遗产，因为它们是开发者、践行者和交付者。对许多人来说，他们的学习曲 线 早 在 20 世 纪 80 年 代 和 90

Defining the beginning of east London’s regeneration

年代就已经形成，而不是在 2005

in terms of a specific date is problematic, but in terms

年伦敦获得奥运会举办权之际。

of strategic intent at London then national levels, the要指出伦敦东区具体是从哪

formation of the Docklands Joint Committee in the 1970s

一天开始重建的非常困难，但是and then the London Docklands Development Corporation

就伦敦市和国家层面的战略规划at the beginning of the 1980s represent plausible starting

而言，20 世纪 70 年代码头区联

points.

合委员会的组建和 20 世纪 80 年
代初伦敦码头区开发公司的成立

This is important because the Games were made似可视为起点。

possible by what might be described as a ‘regeneration

这 一 点 很 重 要， 因 为 只 有

ratchet’ – a sequence of developments where each makes

当一项项的发展，前后相接，滚

the next possible. Without the first phase of the Docklands

动向前，形成“重建棘轮”，才Light Railway (DLR), there would have been no Canaryof Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher by Olympia & Yorkdeveloper Paul Reichman, the Jubilee Line Extension (JLE)
and A13 road improvements announced in 1988 as part of
the UK Government’s Action for Cities programme would
not have occurred when they did, if at all. JLE and DLR
made possible the redevelopment of Greenwich Peninsula(a long-unused, toxically-polluted site formerly used forthe manufacture of town gas), strategically sited between
Canary Wharf and the Royal Docks. The Millennium
celebrations drove this, resulting in the Dome, now the O2,
which is claimed to be the world’s most successful musicvenue by ticket sales. This was followed by the opening

无码头区轻便铁路的一期工程，
就不会有金丝雀码头的开发；而
没有金丝雀码头，奥林匹亚与约克公司的保罗·瑞克曼（金丝雀码头的开发商）就不会对时任的
英国首相撒切尔进行游说，那么伦敦地铁银禧延长线建设和 A13
公路改善——这两项纳入英国政
府 1988 年发布的“城市行动”
纲领的工程就不可能实现；而这两项工程又促成了格林威治半岛
的二次开发，格林威治半岛位于金丝雀码头和皇家码头之间，以前 有 个 煤 气 厂， 环 境 污 染 很 严133

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Wharf. Without Canary Wharf, and the personal lobbying

会有 2012 年的伦敦奥运会：若

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重，导致这块地早已被废弃。在of ExCel, the event and exhibition centre, now the UK’s

重建过程中，为“千禧庆典”而

largest and increasingly one of the world’s most successful.

建的格林威治体育馆（又称“千The O2 and ExCel were both key Olympic and Paralympic

年穹顶”），现更名为 O2 体育

venues albeit neither was planned with this aim as a馆，已经成为世界上门票销售最priority.

多的音乐表演场地。随后兴建的
ExCel 展览中心不光成为英国最Arguably, without JLE and further DLR extensions,

大的会展场所，还跻身世界前列。

Stratford would not have been well connected enough现 如 今，O2 体 育 馆 和 ExCel 展

to justify the final decision to proceed with routing the览中心是伦敦奥运会和残奥会的international rail line through Stratford and building an

主要场馆，而这一用途在最初并

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international station there. Without those developments,

没有纳入规划。

the Olympic Games could not have occurred in Stratford

134线和国际车站。而没有上述这一由此可见，如果没有银禧延长线和码头区轻便铁路的建设，斯特拉特福德的交通就不会如此便捷，也就不会有途经那里的国际铁路
切，斯特拉特福德就会因交通运
输能力不足而与伦敦奥运会无缘。
政府就不会承担如此大规模的投资，体育场馆也就不会有这么大的容量。从微观角度来看，东伦敦
大学也不会作为举办伦敦奥运会的参与者。因为如果没有码头区轻便铁路，我们就无法将多克兰兹校区开发成美国队和其他组织的训练营。

because the carrying capacity of the transport system would
not have been sufficient. Nor would the venue capacity
have been present without very large scale investment
which Government would not have undertaken. And,in a smaller way, UEL would not have been there as an
asset for Games delivery – we would not have developed
our Docklands campus as used by Team USA and others
without the DLR.

Without the Games, and the opportunity to share

如果没有伦敦奥运会及由此

infrastructure costs, the Westfield shopping centre

带来的基建费用共摊的机会，韦

development would not have proceeded when it did and斯特菲尔德购物中心的营建就不opened in 2011 (in 2008, Westfield mothballed every

会进行，并在 2011 年开业（2008development in the world except for a scheme in Sydney

年韦斯特菲尔德集团停止了其在and the one in Stratford).

Without Westfield, the huge

全世界的开发计划，除悉尼和斯

number of visitors coming to the Olympic Park would not

特拉特福的一家以外），来奥林

have arrived amid what feels like a new and growing part

匹克公园的大批游客也就感受不of London. The opening of Westfield also enabled Games到古老伦敦日新月异的一面。该

organisers to test transport resilience in terms of a sudden

购物中心的开业也使得奥运会组

and large rise in transport use at the Games main location, a织者可在此测试交通运输的适应

research project in which UEL was involved.

力，了解主要站点能否应对奥运are completely connected to the preceding 25 years ofregeneration work. It is also worth noting that this historyof a sequence of developments, one by one in series, issegueing into developments occurring at the same time.
Prospectively, developments on the Park, at Canary Wharf,in the Royal Docks, and elsewhere are now happening
not in sequence but in parallel with no loss of scale.This
suggests that some kind of tipping point has been reachedwhich is not least to do with the extent to which the market
internationally now has a sense of the size of potential– thisis London development, not just east London development.
It is doubtful that this can solely be attributed to the Games;

参与了这项测试计划。
可 见，2012 年 伦 敦 奥 运 会及其遗产与近 25 年来的重建工
作一脉相承。值得注意的是，这是一个系列发展史，环环相接，同时又与其他工作同时展开。可以预期的是，奥林匹克公园、金丝雀码头、皇家码头和其他地方的发展不会依次进行，而是齐头并进。这表明，某种临界点已经出现，这不仅与规模有关，使国际市场觉察到了其潜力的大小，
更因为这是整个伦敦的开发，而不仅仅是伦敦东区的开发。

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

The London 2012 Games and their Legacy therefore

会客流量的激增。东伦敦大学也

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奥运会与上述结果之间并

there is no sole causal link. But the Games certainly

不是唯一的因果联系，因此，将intensified the focus on development opportunities, for所有这一切都归功于伦敦奥运会

example, in the lead-up to 2012 extensively promoted难 以 让 人 信 服。 奥 运 会 的 确 增

by Newham Council, the GLA and commercial and强了对一些发展机遇的关注。例

other partners (including UEL) at MIPIM (Le marché

如，2012 奥 运 会 筹 备 阶 段， 纽international des professionnels de l’immobilier), the world汉姆市议会、大伦敦政府、商业

property development fair in Cannes, and elsewhere.

及其他合作伙伴（包括东伦敦大学）对国际商业地产投资交易会

A related point is the role of the public sector, in（MIPIM）、戛纳世界房地产开

relation to private investment. From the 1970s onwards,

发交易会和其他场合的大力推广。

the public sector has done three things: aggregated公共部门的职能使之与私人

and cleaned up land, invested heavily in infrastructure投资关联，从 20 世纪 70 年代起，
公共部门一直在做三件事：征用
和清理土地、大量投资基础设施（尤其是交通）、将场地出售给
私人投资者。此外，公共部门逐
渐停止保护前工业区的新产业，实际上也从未倒退，最终使新型
发展更加容易。这一举措无论好坏，实际上也未经计划和部署，
但却产生了巨大的影响，使伦敦东区能够在世界范围吸引投资，其规模之大使英国公共部门的资
助望尘莫及。下表所示的投资模
式已经持续了 30 多年。

particularly transport, and sold sites to private investors. It
has also steadily stopped protecting former industrial sites
for new industry that, in reality, was never returning thus
eventually making new forms of development far easier.
For better or worse, this approach - which in practice was
and remains relatively unstrategised and unplanned - has
had a large scale impact, bringing investment from all over
the world into east London on a scale which the UK public
sector could never have funded. The pattern illustrated inthis indicative table is consistent over 30+ years.

Development
News International (until recently)
London City Airport
Canary Wharf
ExCel
O2
Westfield
Canning Town
The Crystal
Strand East
East Village (athlete's village)
Arcelor Mittal Orbit
The International Quarter
Westfield
Emirates Cable Car
Business Park, Royal Docks (planned)
Silvertown Quays (planned)

Main developer origin
Australia, then UK, then North America
UK, then Ireland, now North America
North America, then North America/China
Malaysia, then Abu Dhabi
North America
Australia
UK/France
Germany
SwedenAustralia, then Qatar
India
Australia/UK
Australia
Emirates
China
UK
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主要开发人员的背景
先是澳大利亚，然后是英国，再是北美
先是英国，然后是爱尔兰，现在是北美
先是北美，然后是北美 / 中国
先是马来西亚，然后是阿布扎比酋长国北美澳大利亚
英国 / 法国德国
瑞典
先是澳大利亚，然后是卡塔尔
印度澳大利亚澳大利亚 / 英国
阿联酋航空公司中国
英国

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本开发项目国际新闻中心伦敦城市机场
金丝雀码头
ExCel 体育馆O2 体育场
韦斯特菲尔德购物中心
景宁镇站
水晶大厦
Strand East 社区
东村（运动员村）阿赛洛米塔尔轨道（哈伯泡泡塔）
西田集团
中央国际商业区
阿联酋航空公司空中缆车商业园，皇家码头（规划中）锡尔弗敦码头（规划中）

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如 上 表 所 示， 参 与 投 资 开

Obviously capital to fund development will have been发的资本除了私人财富和主权财

widely-sourced, beyond what has come from private or

富外，显然还有广泛的来源。但sovereign wealth, but this pattern is already entering the

是这种资本模式早在建设奥林匹Olympic Park with Lakshmi Mittal’s investment in the

克公园时就已经在拉克希米·米

Orbit, Qatari DiarDelancey taking on the former athletes’

塔尔投资建造阿塞洛米塔尔轨
道，卡塔尔主权财富基金旗下的地亚尔房地产公司与开发商德兰
西两家公司接管奥运村、联盛集团 / 伦敦和大陆铁路有限公司投资中央国际商业区等项目中使用过了。除此之外，建造邻近的西田购物中心时，采用的也是这种资本模式。另一个深受私人和公
共财产青睐的开发重点毫无疑问
是房地产，采用的同样也是几十
年前的资金模式。伦敦奥运会及其预期遗产的有型影响符合既有的、连续的模式。
以中介 / 代理机构为纽带，
在政府（包括地方政府、区域政
府和中央政府）和市场之间建立
联系的机制也具有继承性和连续
性。从 1980 年起，曾经发挥过
重要作用的组织和机构包括：village and Lend-Lease/London & Continental at The
International Quarter – all in addition to neighbouring
Westfield. The other main UK development focus, byprivate and public money, is arguably housing, again apattern going back decades. The physical impacts of theGames and prospective Legacy fit an existing, continuing
pattern.
There is continuity too in the use of agencies as adelivery mechanism, sitting between local, regional andcentral government and the market. Since 1980, thefollowing have operated:• London Docklands Development Corporation• 伦敦码头区开发公司• London Development Agency (now merged into• 伦敦发展署（现已并入大Greater London Authority)伦敦政府）• London Thames Gateway Development Corporation• 伦敦泰晤士河口开发公司• Olympic Delivery Authority• 奥运交付管理局• London Legacy Development Corporation (LLDC• 伦敦遗产开发公司（前身

started up pre-Games as Olympic Park Legacy Company)

为奥运会开幕前的奥林匹克公园
遗产公司）

LLDC is operational now. It is therefore appropriate伦敦遗产开发公司现已投

to see the Games and Legacy as a form of continuation

入运营。因此，将伦敦奥运会及

of the regeneration process: institutionally, structurally,其遗产作为东区重建过程中在制

methodologically and in outcome terms.

度、机构、方法、成果上的延续

replace lost industry. These include:• finance, business services• events/entertainment, exhibitions, conventions• sport• tourism and hospitality• transport• health• data hosting• retail• creative media.

在过去的 30 年里，新旧产业一直在有序更替。其中，新兴产业主要包括：• 金融和商业服务• 赛会 / 娱乐、展览、会议• 体育• 旅游与接待• 交通运输
• 健康• 资料代管• 零售• 创意传媒139

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本Over the last 30 years, new sectors have emerged to

更为恰当。

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在上述产业中，有一些是全Some of these are completely new, for example,

新的，如资料代管；有一些经历data hosting. Some represent major shifts into an area

了前所未有的行业 / 领域转换，in which they were not previously present, for example,

如金融服务；还有一些在规模和

financial services. Some are new in terms of scale and转变上出现了新气象，如健康、

transformation, for instance, health or transport. Arguably

交通运输。下一个大转变的部门

the next major ‘sector shifting’ development could be

可能是高等教育。东伦敦大学 /higher education with the UEL/Birkbeck, Loughborough伦敦大学伯贝克学院、拉夫堡大and UCL developments referred to above in addition to

学、伦敦大学学院等上文提到的other nearby institutions such as Queen Mary, University

高校，还有周边一些对重建伦敦of London, and City University, both with significant东区心怀抱负的高校，如伦敦大

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development ambitions focussed on London’s east.

学玛丽女王学院和伦敦城市大Certainly, higher education is central to the vision of the

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景的核心。

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学，都将牵涉其中。现任伦敦市
长将科学、技术、数字、创意等领域的发展视为伦敦经济增长的关键，而高等教育是实现这一愿
20 世纪 90 年代，东伦敦大
学提出了“以知识为基础进行城
市重建”的观点（参见《东伦敦
大学在伦敦东区 1992 至 2013 年
经济和社会重建过程中的作用及展望》一文，该文并未发表，在2013 年于荷兰鹿特丹举办的“第35 届欧洲院校研究协会论坛”
上进行交流），这在当时曲高和寡。受这一观点的鼓舞和支撑，

current Mayor of London to see science, technology, digitaland creative as key growth areas for London’s economy.
In the 1990s in east London, UEL was largely a lonevoice articulating the potential for ‘knowledge-based
urban regeneration’ (the subject of an unpublished paper
given to the 35th Forum of the European Association for
Institutional Research in Rotterdam in 2013: The Universityof East London’s role in east London’s economic andsocial regeneration 1992-2013 and beyond). This concept
underpinned the establishment of UEL’s Docklands
Campus, which opened as a pioneering development in theRoyal Docks in 1999 and has subsequently expanded infour further main phases, most latterly SportsDock. Further

expansion is planned. The core idea was that regeneration

东伦敦大学开始建设其多克兰兹

did not mean the recreation of a former industrial economy;

校区，并在 1999 年投入使用，

rather it meant the wholesale reformation of place and成为皇家码头首批开发的项目。

economy and therefore of how people and communities

多克兰兹校区的扩建分为四个阶

fitted into new landscapes. Higher education, in terms of

段， 最 近 交 付 的 是 多 克 体 育 中teaching, research and enterprise, could and should play a

心，还将进一步扩建。所谓重建，

central and engaged enabling role.

并非要恢复以前的产业经济，而
是要对城市和经济进行大规模整That role would also fit the rebranding of the east of改，进而考虑如何让民众和社区

London as a mainstream part of a world city, not a socially-适应新环境。高等教育可以也应

excluded, dirty area outside of the core ‘London’. In that当积极参与其中，在教育、研究、

light, post-Games, Stratford is on course to become the规划等方面发挥重要作用。

eastern edge of central London, i.e. part of the zone that
effect in London whereby the centre is expanding outwards
at all points of the compass from the central district ashistorically defined, i.e. the area within London’s Victorian
railway termini.
Stratford is as close to the City of London as
fashionable Knightsbridge and Kensington, some of
London’s wealthiest areas. Stratford Station is now busier
than many of London’s main railway termini. The 5.46
square kilometre Olympic zone is about 0.35% of theGreater London area and 13.5 times larger than the Canary
Wharf estate. Prior to the bid for the Games, it had about

区由社会排斥、 脏乱的伦敦中心“边缘区域”向世界城市“主流区域”的转化。从这个角度来看，
奥运会结束后，斯特拉特福德正
在成为伦敦中心的东翼区，或世界
城市品牌的一部分。伦敦发展呈现出集聚效应，即从历史上界定的中心区（伦敦维多利亚火车站周边区域）向各个方向发展扩散。
斯特拉特福德到伦敦中心的距离与伦敦桥、肯辛顿这些最富有、最时尚的区域差不多。现如
今，斯特拉特福德车站比伦敦很
多大火车站都要繁忙。占地 5.46

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本brands the world city. It is evidence of the agglomeration

发展高等教育还适于伦敦东

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平方公里的奥运区约为整个大伦

600 residents and 200 businesses with 5000 jobs. If, as

敦地区面积的 0.35%，是金丝雀a thought experiment, the area now developed at London

码头的 13.5 倍。在伦敦申奥前，

residential or Canary Wharf job densities, that would

斯特拉特福德约有 600 位居民，translate into either 25,000 residents or 1.25m jobs. This

200 家企业，5000 个工作机会。我will not happen, but it illustrates both the scale of under-

们可以在头脑里估算一下，参照伦

development arising from the industrial collapse and the

敦住宅区或金丝雀码头的人口和

potential in east London for new world city districts to

工作密度，开发斯特拉特福德地emerge.

区将会迁入居民 25000 人，增加125 万个就业机会。当然这只是假Stratford will develop more diversely and less

想，但却表明了工业崩溃的不发

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densely than that. However, it is clearly a part of达地区在扶摇直上后可以达到的London’s intensification and densification as a city and is142

肯定还是会与伦敦城市发展密集程度，同时也展示了伦敦东区一跃成为世界城市新区的潜力。
斯特拉特福德的发展会更加多样化、人口密度会更小。但是化、稠密化的趋势一致，并且通过吸引大量的资本，实现城市、
商业、社会（包括高等教育）改造工作的推进。伦敦奥运会后，
斯特拉特福德显然会被世人认为
是 伦 敦 的 一 个 主 流 区 域， 因 为
O2 体育场、ExCel 体育馆和金丝
雀码头的影响力而成为游人“游览”而不是“路过”的目的地。
与其他大学一样，东伦敦大学致

attracting assets to make the renewal of place, businessand community work – including higher education.
Post-Olympics it clearly is a place seen worldwide as amainstream part of London and a destination (an effectincreased by the impacts of the O2 and ExCel centres
and Canary Wharf), a ‘go to’ not a ‘go through’ place.
UEL aims to be an intrinsic part of that new identity as increasingly do other universities – not least in termsof recruitment and of increased numbers of jobs in east
London for our graduates to aspire to. Key attributes ofdevelopment now include:• good connectivity for people, goods, data and services

力于成为斯特拉特福德新发展的• social places and social life

重要组成部分，在伦敦东区的招• managed business environments (e.g. Canary Wharf,

生和就业上实现重大突破。开发

Westfield)

的重点包括：• 民众、商品、数据、服务• engaged presence of higher education.

的汇聚之地• 社交场所与社会生活

As definers of place, these are distinctive features• 受管理的商业环境（金丝which mark out new directions for London’s east which
break with the characteristics of the area in the preceding

雀码头、西田购物中心）

century and before. The Games have contributed positively• 高等教育的参与

to this potential in terms of infrastructure, amenity and the上述这些重点是伦敦东区抹presence of higher education.

去 20 世纪留下来的特征，朝新Some conclusions

奥运会在基础设施建设、宜居和方向发展将会具有的属性。伦敦

This is a case study of UEL as a small element of等几个方面为伦敦东区的发展提

the Games and of London’s expansion as a world city

供了可能，做出了积极的贡献。

encompassing the renewal of one of the capital’s mostdisadvantaged areas over a half century of more. It suggeststhat if the impacts of a mega-event like the Olympic &Paralympic Games are aligned with trajectories of city
development, then value can be captured at the city-scale
and the institutional scale, both large and small. It is also结论
本 文 是 个 案 研 究， 将 东 伦

敦大学作为伦敦奥运会微小的一员 进 行 分 析， 同 时 描 述 了 伦 敦在作为世界城市的扩张中，对东

true at the individual level, and evidence exists for that

区——半个世纪以来伦敦最落后

related for example to employment impacts in London, but

的地区之一——进行的改造。研that is outside the scope of this paper.

究表明，如果奥运会和残奥会这

It is clear, in institutional terms, that UEL was able

样的大型体育赛事产生的影响与

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本舒适性、高等教育的发展与建设

143

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城市发展的轨迹相吻合，在城市

actively both to contribute and to gain from its engagement层面和机构层面就会有大大小小with London 2012, a style of operation it had developed

的多种价值可供利用。在个体层at the end of the last century to engage with east London

面亦是如此，如奥运对伦敦地区

regeneration. Several factors are suggested as important to就业的影响就是一例，只是这超

this.

出了本文的研究范围。
显然，在机构层面，东伦敦

1. UEL, like many bodies, understood regeneration

大学在参与 2012 年伦敦奥运会from a practice perspective, not just theoretically, and的过程中，贡献很多，收获也很

therefore could consider realistically what the impacts of多。它在 20 世纪末参与伦敦东

London 2012 might be, how they could be harnessed, and区的重建过程中，提出了一种运

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how to engage in Legacy thinking and planning– even作模式。下列因素对这一模式十though the University lacked any prior knowledge of mega-144

此，尽管它以前缺少参与大型赛分重要：
1. 与很多组织一样，东伦敦
大学也是从实践中，而不仅仅是从理论上去理解地区重建的。因事的相关知识，却能够现实地思
考 2012 年伦敦奥运会可能带来什么影响，如何利用这些影响，及如何参与奥运遗产的思考与规划。
2. 乐于对可能获得回报的领域投资。东伦敦大学关注使校园
生活和办学宗旨得到真正发展的
某一方面，可以是体育、志愿服
务，也可以是科研。
3. 清醒地认识哪些领域将会

events per se.
2. Willingness to invest where a return was likely was a
key factor. We focussed on areas where we could genuinely
develop one or other aspect of University life and purpose,
whether sport, volunteering or research.

3. This clarity of thinking about areas of benefit meant获益，意味着不将过多的精力浪

we did not expend much effort where little outcome费在收效预期甚微的地方。一个could be expected. A minimal central holding structure

小型的中枢控制机构——2012 办– 2012 Office – was able to act as a sensing and guiding

公室，就足以对此感知和引导。

mechanism.

4. 东伦敦大学临近奥林匹克
公 园、O2 体 育 馆 和 伦 敦 ExCel

4. The University’s proximity to the Olympic Park,

会展中心（这些地方到多克兰兹

the O2 and ExCel (all reachable directly by rail from the

校区可乘地铁直达），具有突出

Docklands campus for example) was a very important

的地理优势。

advantage.

5. 东伦敦大学通过向伦敦奥
组委提供住宿服务，以及为美国

5. Having acquired a direct role in Games delivery, asa residential host for LOCOG and a training/operationalthat to promote UEL legitimately and effectively withlasting effects.
6. Lastly, persistence played a key role. From firstthoughts about the Games in 2004, we are now almosta decade on and the focus on Legacy/regeneration
continues. The University’s engagement with east London
regeneration goes back more than a decade prior to 2004
and can be expected to continue well into the future. In thissense, this wasn’t a ‘project’, but an embedded behaviour.

运营场馆等方式直接参与奥运
会，从而以此为契机合法、有效地促进学校保持持久影响。
6. 最后，持之以恒也非常关键。从 2004 年东伦敦大学萌生
参与伦敦奥运会的想法，迄今已
过去了十年。我们始终关注奥运
遗产和城市重建。东伦敦大学参与伦敦东区重建可以追溯到 2004
年之前的十年，而且这种参与还
会延续到未来。从这个意义上说，它不是一个“项目”，而是一种
内化了的行为。
（唐胜英、赵卓译）145

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

venue for Team USA and others, we were able to leverage

奥运代表团和其他机构提供训练 /

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REFERENCES
1. http://www.parliament.uk/business/committees/committees-a-z/lords-select/olympic-paralympic-legacy/
2. Some documents may be found here: http://www.uel.
ac.uk/geo-information/London_OGI/index.htm
3. www.uel.ac.uk/legacyconference
4. http://www.standard.co.uk/news/london/olympicopolis-multimillion-pound-cultural-hub-planned-for-olympic-park-8982657.html

THE LOS ANGELESCHALLENGE IN 1932 AND 1984

1932 年和 1984 年洛杉矶
奥运会的挑战

Margaret Costa
California State University at Long Beach
Los Angeles, California, USA玛格丽特·科斯塔
加利福尼亚州立大学（长滩校区）
美国加利福尼亚州洛杉矶

政 治 介 入、 经 济 巨 人 症、
极端民族主义、兴奋剂滥用、恐nationalism, misuse of drugs, and assassinations are just a

怖暗杀……这些只是困扰现代夏

few of the problems which have plagued the staging of the季奥林匹克运动会诸多问题中很Modern Summer Olympic Games. Little did the promoters

小 的 一 部 分。1932 年 洛 杉 矶 奥of the 1932 Olympic Games realize that fifty-two years运会的发起者估计没有想到，52

later, Los Angeles would be faced once more with the

年后，洛杉矶将会再次面对寻找

challenge of providing creative financing and innovative

新的资金来源、场馆充分利用等

use of facilities as well as the responsibility for world挑战，并面对全世界对奥运会赞

political opinions in sponsoring the Games.

助的不同政见。
本 研 究 旨 在 分 析 确 保 1932

The purpose of this study is to examine the innovative
methods used to ensure the success of the 1932 and 1984
Summer Olympic Games.

年和 1984 年夏季奥运会成功举
办所采取的一些创新性举措。
尽管 1932 年洛杉矶夏季奥运会被认为是“浮夸的加州产品

Although the 1932 Los Angeles Summer Olympic
Games were described as a “typical flamboyant California
production,” it was the 1936 Summer Olympics that
set the pattern for the vastly expensive and extravagant
facilities which were to follow. The thirty million dollars

的典型”，但是，投入大量资金大规模兴建场馆设施的模式是在1936 年夏季奥运会才得以确立，并 被 之 后 历 届 奥 运 会 所 沿 用：1936 年柏林奥运会斥资 3000 万
美 元，1964 年 东 京 奥 运 会 花 费147

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Political intrusions, economic gigantism, excessive

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30 亿美元，1972 年慕尼黑奥运

spent for the Berlin Olympic Games in 1936, three billion

会花费 10 亿美元，1976 年蒙特dollars spent for the Tokyo Games in 1964, one billion

利尔奥运会是 15 亿美元，1980

dollars for the 1972 Munich Games, 1.5 billion dollars

年莫斯科奥运会的支出也达到

for the 1976 Montreal Games, and 3 billion dollars for the

30 亿 美元。但是，无论是美国

Moscow Games were precedents which neither the United

政府、洛杉矶市议会还是美国的States Government, the Los Angeles City Council, nor纳税人都无意于在 1984 年奥运the American taxpayers were prepared to follow for the会上延续这样的模式。但有趣的1984 Olympic Games. But, interestingly, the financing

是，1932 年和 1984 年奥运会的

and promotional methods used for both the 1932 and 1984

融资和推广方式都极富创造性，Games were similarly creative and provided an excellent

并极好地展示了在全球经济衰退showcase for the organizational skills and innovative

时期，美国资本主义极强的组织business acumen associated with American Capitalism

能力和创新的商业智慧。
洛杉矶申办 1932 年奥运会始于 1919 年，当时的美国奥运冠军弗雷德·凯利最早将他的申办想法告诉了加利福尼亚州嘉
年华协会会长马克斯·伊默森。
这个协会不久就更名为“社区发展协会”，它是五大出版商——《时代周刊》的哈利·钱德勒、《晚间新闻》的爱德华·迪克森、《先驱报》的格雷格·巴勒姆、《观察家报》的马克斯·伊默森
和《 先 驱 报》 的 H.B.R. 布 里 格
斯 1918 年会面后逐步建立起来的，旨在共同致力于“建设和发

during a world recession.
The Los Angeles bid for the 1932 Games began in 1919
when Fred Kelly, a local Olympic medal winner, gave theidea to Max Ihmeson, a director of the California Fiestas
Association. This particular California Fiestas Association,
which quickly became the Community Development
Association, had evolved after five major publishers, Harry
Chandler of The Times, Edward Dickson of The Evening
Press, Greg Barham of The Herald, Max Ihmeson of The
Examiner, and H.B.R. Briggs of The Herald had met in1918 and agreed to work together in “the upbuilding andadvancing of Los Angeles.”1

Mayor Meredith Snyder named one hundred leading

展洛杉矶”1。

citizens to the California Fiestas Associations to “plan

洛杉矶市长梅瑞迪思·斯奈

an intelligent development of one of our most productive

德向加州嘉年华协会提名了 100

national resources,” by “bolstering travel to Southern

名市民领袖，“通过扶持南加州

California, establishing new homes, and attracting new

旅游业，在当地建造新房屋并吸

capital development.”2

引新的资金”，“为我们最具活力的国家资源设计智能化的发展

The Los Angeles’s bid for the l932 Games would beincomplete without the story of Exposition Park and thefarsightedness of Zack Farmer and Harry Chandler, bothnewspapermen who as early as 1910 decided that a sports
stadium was a civic necessity. Originally the tract of land,
later to be known as Exposition Park, had a race track,outside the grounds, there were a total of three licensed
saloons which catered to people of all ages. The only
opposition for the cleaning up of the park came because thewhorehouse was extremely profitable.3
Judge William M. Bower and his friends, Dr. Bovard,
President of the USC Board of Trustees, were anxious to

如果没有博览会公园，如果
没有两位媒体人扎克·法莫和哈
利·钱德勒的远见卓识，他们早
在 1910 年就视体育馆为公民社会的必需品，洛杉矶 1932 年奥运会的申办愿望大概难以实现。博览会公园所在的大片土地上原先建
有跑道、饭店、花园和名声狼藉的住宅区。场地内外总共有三家政府许可经营的酒吧，可以为各个年龄的人群服务。公园里的妓
院生意兴隆、利润不菲，这是人们反对整顿该地区的唯一原因。3
法官威廉·鲍尔和他的朋友

see the park cleaned up. Bovard promised Bower that if a

南加州大学董事会主席波瓦德博

coliseum was completed, the USC football team would play士非常希望整顿公园地区。波瓦their home games there. Because of this initial guarantee of德向鲍尔许诺，如果建设一座大

some income, the newly formed Community Development

体育场，南加州大学橄榄球队可

Association was able to secure the private backing they

以将其作为主场。正是这样一些149

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

hotel, garden, and house of ill repute. Both inside and

道路。”2

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最初的经济保证确保了新成立的

received for the construction of the Coliseum.

社区发展协会在大体育场建设中获得私人资本的支持。

By 1920, William May Garland, a prominent civic

1920 年， 一 位 洛 杉 矶 杰 出leader of Los Angeles, and later an IOC member, was的市民领袖威廉·梅·加兰，也selected to go to Antwerp to extol the virtue of Los Angeles

是不久之后的国际奥委会委员，as a future Olympic site.

被选派赴安特卫普，向国际奥委
会表达洛杉矶申办未来奥运会的美好愿景。
考虑到洛杉矶是美国相对比较小的一个城市（美国第十大城市）且距欧洲大陆 6000 英里（这会导致交通成本很高），国际奥
委会的美国委员试图阻止加兰的申办活动。尽管如此，在顾拜旦
的鼓励下，加兰没有放弃，经过坚持不懈地努力，最终在 1923年国际奥委会罗马会议上，洛杉矶获得了第 10 届奥运会的举办权。大体育场的建造对加兰申奥
成功起到了决定性的作用，这个拥有 7.5 万个坐席的体育场，是“为举办工业博览会、农业展览会、街头巡游、运动博览会和其他表演活动”4 而建立的。

Because Los Angeles was a relatively small Americancity (tenth largest in the country) and was 6,000 miles fromthe European continent (which would make travel costshigh), the American members of the IOC tried to dissuade
Garland from his mission. However, with Coubertin’s
encouragement, Garland persisted, and the IOC, at theirconference in Rome in 1923, awarded the Games to Los
Angeles. Crucial to Garland’s success was the coliseum
project—a 75,000 seat stadium, constructed “for the
purpose of holding and maintaining industrial exhibitions,agricultural fairs, street pageants, athletic exhibitions, andother performances.”4
According to John Jewett Garland, William May
Garland’s son, the oral bid “was done with salesmanshipand personality. He was a man of great persuasive
abilities.” Garland himself explained, “In 1922, I had the

威 廉· 梅· 加 兰 的 儿 子 约

distinction of being elected a member of the International

翰·朱伊特·加兰这样评价他的

Olympic Committee and met with them in Rome in1923. At that meeting, the United States was selected

父亲 ：“他具有极强的说服力，

as the nation to which would be given the Games of the

申奥的陈述正显示出他非凡的推

Tenth Olympiad. Therefore, I suggested that a city of the销艺术和个人魅力”。加兰自己shores of the Pacific be selected, as never in the history of也 曾 表 示：“1922 年， 我 非 常Olympiads had this great international event been held here荣幸地当选国际奥委会委员并于

near these waters. I moved that Los Angeles be selected

1923 年参加了罗马会议。在会上，5and that recommendation was unanimously approved.”

美国获得了第 10 届奥运会的举办权。因此，我建议可以选择一

The intriguing financing of the Coliseum is well座太平洋沿岸的城市举办此次盛

documented elsewhere by Steven Reiss.6 It is sufficient会，在此之前那里还从来没有留

to mention here that the Community Development

下过奥运会的足迹。继而，我提Association, a private organization of 22 influential business议洛杉矶为举办城市，这一提议and civic leaders, built and maintained the Coliseum andOnce awarded, the major issue of financial responsibility for the Games became paramount. In 1926, after astatement of financial assistance was prepared by the Community Development Association, Clare Woolwine, Assemblyman of Los Angeles, officially introduced a financial request to the California Legislature declaring that “When the
Games come to California, the eyes of the sporting world
would be centered on the State. Moreover, the State would
profit by the advertising that would be done in as much as
two years in advance of the Games.”斯蒂芬·瑞斯也曾在他的文章中阐述过洛杉矶体育场耐人寻
味的融资问题。6 在这里我们只想指出，社区发展协会，这个由
22 位影响力极强的商业精英和市民领袖组成的私人团体，建造
了这座洛杉矶体育场、负责其运营，并将其租给洛杉矶市、县使
用，租期 5 年。7获得举办权后，谁来承担举
办奥运会的经济责任成为至关重要 的 问 题。1926 年， 在 社 区 发
展协会发表声明、表示愿意提供
经济资助后， 洛杉矶市议员克莱151

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

rented it out to the city and county over a five-year period.7

得到委员们的一致同意。”5

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尔·伍尔瓦恩向加利福尼亚州立A constitutional amendment was adopted by the

法议会正式提出财政申请，其中California Legislature on April 25, 1927, authorizing the

指出，“奥运会在加利福尼亚州

holding of the Games.8

举办将会使全世界体育迷的目光
聚焦于此；而提前两年左右的宣Also, the California Bond Act, which put on the ballot

传推广会令整个加州获益颇丰。”

a bind issue for one million dollars, was passed. Through1927 年 4 月 25 日， 加 利 福

this Act, the California Olympiad Commission of five

尼亚州立法议会通过了宪法修正

members was created to administer the fund to the “Olympic

8案，批准举办第 10 届奥运会 。

Corporation” mentioned in the Act. This Corporation later

另外，加利福尼亚州议会将

became the Olympiad Committee of the Games of Los

就是否绑定发行 100 万美元债券

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的问题进行公投，并由此通过了152

资金投入。在与当时国际奥委会《债券法案》。根据这一法案规
定将建立由 5 名委员组成的加利福尼亚奥组委，负责管理向法案
中提到的“奥林匹克公司”进行
主席巴耶·拉图尔伯爵通信后，
这家公司定名为 1932 年美国洛杉
9

矶奥运会组委会股份有限公司 。
1928 年 11 月 8 日，加利福尼亚州公民也投票通过法案。根据本法案规定可发行 100 万美元的债券，这些融资将被用于支持
在加利福尼亚州举办的 1932 年
奥运会 10。

Angeles U.S.A. 1932 LTD., a title which evolved throughcorrespondence with Count de Baillet-Latour, President of
the International Olympic Committee.9
Californians voted approval on November 8, 1928. Thisact provides for the issuance of bonds to the amount of$1,000,000 for the purpose of providing a fund to be usedand disbursed for the purpose of an Olympiad to be held in
California in 1932.10

The City of Los Angeles also voted a Bond Act of

洛杉矶市也投票通过了一项

$1,250,000, so it seemed that there was plenty of money发行 125 万美元债券的法案，如11available for Olympic preparations.

此看来筹备奥运会的资金已经相
当充足。11

In contrast, Los Angeles’s quest for another set of

与申办 1932 年奥运会的水Games began in 1939 with the formation of the Southern

到渠成相比，洛杉矶再一次申办

California Committee for the Olympic Games. However,奥运会始于 1939 年奥运会南加

it was not until October 24, 1976, that Los Angeles, finally

州委员会的成立，但是直到 1976

chosen by the United States Olympic Committee as the

年 10 月 24 日，它才被美国奥委U.S. designee, was able to bid for the 1976, 1980, and会 选 中， 代 表 美 国 申 办 1976、

1984 Games. The Los Angeles bids for the 1980 and 1984

1980 和 1984 年 奥 运 会。 申 办Games were a joint effort between the City of Los Angeles,

1980 年和 1984 年奥运会的工作

led by Mayor Tom Bradley, and the Southern California

主要由市长汤姆·布莱德利领导Argue.
Again, a major factor in the bid was the existence of the
92,604 seat Coliseum and other sporting facilities.
The privately funded bid effort received the support of
the United States Congress in October of 1977. However,
several tense months of political and financial controversy,
indecision, inconsistency, and compromise were to follow.
The City of Los Angeles was not in agreement with Rule
4 of the International Olympic Committee, which required
the City, to which the Games were awarded, to completely

下的洛杉矶市政府和约翰·C. 阿格主席领导下的奥运会南加州委员会协同进行。
拥 有 92604 个 坐 席 的 洛 杉矶体育场及其他体育场馆再一次成为影响洛杉矶申奥成功的关键因素。
1977 年 10 月，私人筹资的
申奥之举得到了美国国会的支持，但是这却引来连续数月的政
治和财政方面的激烈争论、犹疑、摇摆和妥协。根据国际奥委会申办规则的第 4 条，候选城市必须能够完全保证奥运会所需的资金153

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本Committee for the Olympic Games, led by President John C.

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投入，而洛杉矶市并不具备这样guarantee the financing of the Games. An alternative的能力。因此，洛杉矶市提出一

suggestion that the private organizing committee and the个替代方案：由私人组委会和美

United States Olympic Committee accept joint financial

国奥委会共同承担 1984 年奥运liability for the 1984 Games was proposed and finally会的财务责任。这一方案最终于

approved at the IOC Executive Board Meeting in Lausanne,

1978 年 8 月 30—31 日在瑞士洛Switzerland on August 30-31, 1978. The agreement was

桑召开的国际奥委会执委会上获ratified on October 12 by the Los Angeles City Council,

得通过，并在 10 月 12 日得到洛

and finally Mayor Bradley and Lord Killanin signed the

杉矶市议会的批准。 1978 年 10

Olympic contract in the Roosevelt Room of the White

月 20 日，洛杉矶市市长布莱德House on October 20, 1978.

利和基拉宁勋爵在美国白宫的罗斯福办公室签署了《奥运会主办
城市合同》。
1978 年 12 月 10 日， 在 科
罗拉多州科泉市召开的美国奥委会执委会会议上通过了一项协
议，同意将 1984 年奥运会的主要控制权交给洛杉矶奥组委这一
私人机构，而美国奥委会也将承
担奥运会的财政责任。12
在融资方面，协议约定：洛杉矶奥组委应在固定的财政预算外筹集 5000 万美元的资金以避免可能出现的亏损，而 5000 万
美元以上的投资项目须获得组委会执行委员会 75% 的赞成票才能通过（这包括来自组委会之外

On December 10, 1978, the United States Olympic
Committee Executive Board, meeting in Colorado Springs,
agreed that major control of the 1984 Olympics would be in
the hands of the private Los Angeles Olympic Organizing
Committee, and the USOC would agree to have financial
liability for the Games.12
The main financial aspects of the agreement were that
the Organizing Committee would set up a $50 million fundoutside of the regular budget to guarantee against possible
losses, and there had to be a 75% affirmative vote of theOrganizing Committee’s Executive Board for approvalof capital investments over $50 million. (This included
federal or private funding sources from outside of thecommittee). Any profits would be shared on the basis of40% to USOC and 20% to amateur sports in the U.S.13

的联邦或私人的资金）。所有收
益的 40% 归美国奥委会所有，

The organization of both 1932 and 1984 Games had
many similarities (e.g., the Boards of Directors of the另有 20% 将用于发展美国业余
体育。13

Organizing Committees of the 1932 and 1984 Games each1932 年奥运会和 1984 年奥

had a membership of what could be considered the local运会的组织机构存在着很多共同power elite, and previous successful business experience

点（如这两届奥运会组委会的董and excellent public relations skills were part of the

事会成员都是当地的权力精英，credentials of both sets of organizers).

过去成功的商业运作经验和卓越的公共关系能力使他们成为组织In the face of a world recession, it was important inboth cases, to sell Los Angeles and the Olympics Games tothe local public and the International Olympic Committee.

Chandler of The Times, H.B.R. Briggs of The Record, Harry
McKie, a businessman, Russell Ballard, a utilities magnate,
and Andrew Chaffey, President of California Bank of Los
Angeles.14
The Board of Directors of the 1984 Games included
prominent local businessman, Peter Ueberroth as President,
Harry Usher and Paul Ziffren, prominent local attorneys
as Executive Vice President and Chairman, respectively,
and such luminaries as Bob Hope, J. Robert Fluor, Leonard
Firestone, David Wolper, Richard Zanuck, Peter O’Malley,

在世界经济衰退的大背景
下，对于两届奥运会来说，向当地民众和国际奥委会推销洛杉矶
和奥运会都至关重要。
1932 年洛杉矶奥运会组委会 的 董 事 会 成 员 包 括《 时 代 周
刊》 的 哈 利· 钱 德 勒、《 记 录报》的 H.B.R. 布里格斯、 商人
哈利·麦基、大资本家罗素·巴拉德和洛杉矶加州银行行长安德鲁·查菲。14
1984 年 奥 运 会 组 委 会 的 董事会成员也是云集了各路精英：
当 地 杰 出 的 商 人 彼 得·尤 伯 罗
斯 出 任 主 席， 当 地 知 名 律 师 哈利·亚瑟和保罗·齐弗伦分别出155

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

In 1932, the Board of Directors included Harry

者的绝佳人选）。

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任执行副主席和主任，此外还有Justin Dart, and Yvonne Braithwaite Burke.15

鲍勃·霍普、J·罗伯特·福陆、莱昂纳德·费尔斯通、大卫·沃

A survey of literature would lead one to believe that尔普、理查德·扎努克、彼得·奥

the recession/depression, which was part of the economic

麦利、贾斯汀·达特和伊冯·布climate during both the 10th and 23rd Olympiads, had

15

莱斯怀特·伯克等精英人士。

little noticeable effect on the fortunes of the members of通过查阅文献我们很容易

either committee, the associated commercial sponsors,

相信，尽管第 10 届和第 23 届奥and the smooth preparations for the respective Olympic

运会举办期间，整个社会的经济Games. However, a closer look will reveal that it was the形势都十分严峻，但是经济的衰determination of the organizers which made the Olympic

退和萧条却几乎没有影响到组委Games a success in 1932 and perhaps in 1984.

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功举办。

运，也没有影响奥运会的顺利筹备。然而，进一步深入分析我们会发现，组织者的英明决策才使
1932 年和 1984 年奥运会得以成两届奥运会组委会的董事会
都认真研究了以往奥运会在管理
和运营方面的经验。1932 年奥组
委研究的样本是刚刚过去的 1928
年安特卫普奥运会；1984 年奥组委则对 1976 年奥运会和 1932 年
同样在洛杉矶举办的奥运会的总结报告进行了分析。161932 年奥组委还不遗余力地向全世界推广
第 10 届奥运会，它早在 1929 年

Both Boards of Directors had made studies of the
management and finances of previous Olympic Games.
The 1932 Committee closely studied the management of
the Antwerp Games of 1928, and the 1984 Committeestudied the reports of the 1976 Games and a report of the1932 Games which they had commissioned.16 The 1932
Organizing Committee went to great lengths to promote
the Games of the Xth Olympiad throughout the world. The
Press Department was organized in September of 1929, andOlympic bulletins were published in five languages and sent
throughout the world. The Organizing Committed recruited
Los Angeles residents who were natives of competing
countries to be in touch with the latest Olympic news.
Much advertising began and commercial businesses andleading hotels were urging people to travel to California for

9 月就组建了宣传部门，并以 5

their vacations in 1932.

种语言编写“奥运简报”向世界
各地发行。此外，组委会还招募

By July of 1930, the 1932 Committee had committed

了一些居住在洛杉矶的参赛国国

itself to aiding the financing of the travel of foreign民，让他们了解最新的奥运动态。

athletes to the Games, by building an Olympic Village

一时间广告铺天盖地，商业机构and guaranteeing that the housing, meals, and autobus

和高级酒店也同时竭力向消费者transportation of each athlete for thirty days in Los Angeles推销 1932 年加利福尼亚州的度

and return to Europe would be approximately $400.00.

假产品。

“The extremely low cost was made possible by a low

到 1930 年 7 月 为 止，1932

Trans-Atlantic base rate, a 40% reduction below normal

年奥组委已承诺对外国运动员前

rates granted by the American railroads, and a special rate

来洛杉矶参赛的旅费给予资助，

of $2.00 per day per athlete for housing, meals and local
countries and countries bordering the Pacific Ocean wasmuch lower.17
Even with such help, the Brazilian athletes, whose
government had no money to sponsor their trip, wereforced to pay their way by selling coffee at points along theway from a naval ship. They were unsuccessful salesmen
and unable to disembark in Los Angeles.18 The Los Angeles
Organizing Committee finally came to the rescue and they
were able to compete.

村，二是保证为每一位运动员承担约 400 美元的费用，这包括在洛杉矶市 30 天的食宿和公共交
通以及返回欧洲的费用。“费用
之所以如此低廉，其一是因为横
跨大西洋的基本价格较低，其二
是美国铁路部门给予了 40% 的运费优惠，其三是每个运动员每
天在洛杉矶市的食宿和市内交通
也享受优惠价——仅 2 美元。”对于泛美国家和环太平洋国家来说，费用还会更低。17
但即使有组委会的大力资
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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本transport while in Los Angeles.” The cost to Pan American

具体的举措一是建立一座奥运

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们的路费发愁，由于没有政府的In contrast, a Spanish team did not come to Los

资金支持，他们没钱支付前往洛Angeles, “because they are not prepared, even though funds

杉矶的旅费，于是不得不乘坐军

were available for their training.”19

舰并在沿途港口兜售咖啡来凑盘缠。结果，咖啡卖得不好，到洛杉
18

When the Los Angeles leaders proposed sending a矶时他们被扣住、无法登岸。 幸charter liner to Europe to pick up their athletes for the 1932

亏后来洛杉矶奥组委前来营救，Games, the IOC turned this offer down as being against the他们才得以顺利参赛。

principles of amateurism.20

与巴西队相比，西班牙队的情况则正相反，“他们有充足的资

Even though the Depression was not over by the

金用于训练，但是却疏于备赛”19，

beginning of 1932, those associated most with the Olympic

所以没有来洛杉矶参赛。

Games had decided that, to quote Avery Brundage, the

洛杉矶奥委会的高层还计划
派出客轮、专赴欧洲搭载参赛运动员，但是这一提议被国际奥委会以有悖业余原则为由拒绝。20
尽管到 1932 年初全球经济
大萧条仍未结束，但是那些与奥运会紧密联系在一起的人们却下定了决心，正如艾弗里·布伦戴
奇所说，我们的确遇到了困难，
但是我们也勇敢地战胜了困难，
我们对本届奥运会的成功充满信
心……现在社会上流言漫天，说经济衰退会影响运动员前来参
赛，但是事实上，全世界几乎所
有一流的知名运动员都将云集洛杉矶。21

discouragements had been met and conquered and nothing
but complete success is assured for the Games of thisyear...Virtually every star of the first magnitude in the world
will compete in Los Angeles, despite rumors that businessconditions would keep them home.21

His words were echoed by Grantland Rice:
The tides of sport swing back and forth, now toward

他的这番言论得到了格兰特
兰德·赖斯的响应：

grandiose schemes of international combat, and then to

体 育 的 发 展 如 潮 涨 潮 落，sharp reactions of economy. Thoughtful folks, numbed by

如今它展开了国际竞争的宏图，reading depression written all over the front pages, should这将会刺激经济的复苏。报纸头

take heart when they run across the Olympic doings in the版充斥着悲观的报道，有思想的

sports sections...The world can’t be in such desperate straits人们已经对此麻木，但是当他们

if sports has such support.22

不经意间翻到体育版的奥运新闻时，他们应该会振作起精神……

Their sentiments seemed to be part of the publishing

如果体育能够得到人们这样的支

policy of the Los Angeles Times and other newspapers that

持，世界便不会陷入如此绝望的

only “good news” in relation to the Olympic Games be
printed. It must also be remembered that Harry Chandler
members of the Organizing Committee.
The Sports Section of The Times in the months prior
to the 1932 Olympic Games was replete with descriptionsof the lavish preparations of the various facilities for the
Games, especially the Olympic Village.
The Olympic Village was described as “A total of
331 acres of land commanding a superb view of Los
Angeles and Hollywood and cooled by ocean breezes to atemperature of 10 degrees less than the city proper.”23

他们的这种情绪似乎从一个侧面反映出《洛杉矶时报》和其他一些报纸的报道口径——报
纸上只能出现关于洛杉矶奥运会
的“正面新闻”。当然我们也不
能忽略一点，哈利·钱德勒和其他出版商实际上是既得利益获得
者，因为他们是奥组委的成员。
在 1932 年奥运会开幕前的几个月，《时代周刊》体育版连
篇累牍地报道了各大奥运场馆为
大会所做的慷慨而充分的准备，尤其是奥运村的建设。
奥运村被这样描述道：“在这片 331 英亩的土地上，洛杉矶

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

and other publishers had a vested interest. They were

境地。22

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市和好莱坞的美景可尽收眼底，

The public’s attention was also drawn to the fact that受海风影响，这里比城区凉爽，one of the Olympic Village houses had been placed on23气温要低 10 度。”

display at Dyas Company Store in downtown Los Angeles24

社会的关注点还被吸引到其and there was to be an official Olympic Air Cruise,

他一些地方。洛杉矶市中心的一throughout the Western States with Olympians on board,家迪亚斯公司商店展示了奥运村

and the governors of Oregon, Washington, and Nevada

24

的其中一幢住宅。 官方推出了

would greet the cruisers in their respective states.25“奥林匹克空中巡航”，载着奥运选手穿梭西部各州，而俄勒冈

That the 1932 Organizing Committee was committed to

州、华盛顿州和内华达州州长则making the international athletes as comfortable as possible

在各自的州迎接飞机。25
1932 年 奥 组 委 尽 最 大 努 力为国外参赛运动员在洛杉矶期间
提供便捷舒适的环境，正如 1932
年 2 月《时代周刊》上的一篇文章提供了最好的例证：“7 月 30 日 —8 月 14 日 举办的这届奥运会能否成功，在芬兰运动员看来，将取决于柔软的
白桦树枝能否及时地从阿拉斯加运到洛杉矶。”芬兰奥运代表团
的专员、知名体育人士萨莫·奥斯这样说 ， “在芬兰奥委会的授意下，奥斯昨天向洛杉矶奥组委
提出强烈要求，让他们为芬兰运动员准备白桦树枝。对于芬兰人来说，生活中如果缺少了芬兰浴during their stay in Los Angeles was exemplified in a piecethat appeared in The Times in February 1932:
Insofar as the Finnish athletes are concerned, thesuccess or failure of the Games of the Olympiad to becelebrated July 30-August 14, inclusive, will depend upontimely arrival in Los Angles of tender birch twigs from
Alaska, according to Summer Ohls, Finnish Olympic
attaché and noted sports authority! Ohls, at the behest of
Finland’s NOC, yesterday importuned the Los Angeles
Organizing Committee to have a supply on hand. To theFinns, life without a Finnish bath is like an egg withoutsalt, it has no flavor. And a Finnish bath without a bouquetof birch twigs is like a honeymoon without a kiss, it has no
kick. In order that the Finnish team may return to Finland
singing praises of the Games of the 10th Olympiad, theOrganizing Committee will build a bath and equipment

就如同煎蛋没有放盐，无滋无味；with all the comforts of home sweet home. In fact, the plans而芬兰浴如果缺少了白桦树枝那

for it are already drawn. The one thing lacking is a supply

就好像蜜月中的情人少了浪漫一of birch twigs and the nearest place they grow, a survey

吻，精华尽失。”为了能让第 10shows, is Alaska.

届奥运会得到芬兰队的肯定和好评，组委会决定为他们打造专门

Other such items as “Feeding Athletes in Forty

的浴室并提供各种设施，让他们Languages: The Olympic Gastronomical Problem Has

在这里能感受到家一般的舒适。

Been Neatly Solved,” which referred to the fact that each事实上，组委会已经对此问题早nation was to have its own chef in the Village, with his own

有准备，唯一没做到的，就是无kitchen, to prepare each country’s national dish, were also

法提供白桦树枝，据组委会调查，headlined.26

白桦树最近的生长区域远在阿拉It was not clear, however, if the companies associated withthe produced using the Olympics Games in their advertising
had any official financial agreement with the Organizing
Committee.27

还有的报纸头版头条这样写
道：“为 40 种不同语言的运动员
提供餐饮服务：巧解奥运会烹饪难题”，文章中提到，每个国家的参赛队伍在奥运村中将会有自己的厨师和其专用的厨房，可以烹饪适合本国运动员口味的菜肴。26
商业化与 1932 年奥运会如影随形。但是，那些利用奥运会进行广告营销的供货公司是否与奥组委签订了正式的商业协议，我们却不得而知。27161

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本Commercialism was not absent from the 1932 Games.

斯加。

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赫尔姆斯面包房因掌握了国

Helm Bakery supplied bread to the Olympic Village

外面包配方，成为了奥运村指定

after Helms acquired the recipes of foreign breads. The

面包供应商。它的产品而后更名

produce became Helms Olympic Bread and used the为“赫尔姆斯奥运面包”并在外

Olympic rings on its wrapper and its building until Avery

包装上使用了奥林匹克五环标志，Brundage became President of the IOC in 1952. Brundage

这一行为直到 1952 年艾弗里·布threatened to take Helms to court if he did not refrain from伦戴奇当选为国际奥委会主席才using the Olympic rings.28

被制止。布伦戴奇扬言，如果赫尔姆斯不停止使用奥林匹克五环28标志，他将向法院提起诉讼。

韦尔奇葡萄汁在《洛杉矶观

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2. 韦 尔 奇 葡 萄 汁 可 以 替 代运参赛运动员推销他们产品的神奇效果：
1. 为提高能量供给水平，果糖的最佳来源就是韦尔奇葡萄汁。
水 分， 从 而 保 持 血 液 中 适 当 的
粘稠度。
3. 韦尔奇葡萄汁有助于血红
蛋白再生。29
圣达非雪茄烟的一则广告
选择了一位十项全能运动员作代
言 人， 广 告 题 为“ 看 他 播 土 扬尘”——“在奥运赛场”。

Welch’s Grape Juice’s advertisement in the Los Angeles
Examiner suggested that Olympic athletes train on Welch’s
Grape Juice as follows:
1. For increased supply of energy the best source offruit sugar is Welch’s Grape Juice.
2. To replace moisture and keep blood properlyliquefied with Welch’s Grape Juice.
3. Hemoglobin regeneration properties come from
Welch’s Grape Juice.29
Santa Fe Cigars had an advertisement featuring adecathlete with the caption “Watch his Smoke” –“At the
Olympic Stadium.”A gasoline company suggested that readers should“Select your gasoline by the Olympic Motto:”
Citrus Altius Fortius
For Hill Strength of30

Climbing Power

一家汽油公司的广告这样写
道：“以奥林匹克格言为标准选择你的汽油”
更快、更高、更强
登山更高动力更强 30箭头牌纯净水成为奥运村饮

Arrowhead-Puritas provided the drinking water for the
Village.

用水供应商。
到 1932 年 5 月， 世 界 经 济形势仍未见好转，这导致其他一

The financial condition of the world had not improved些国家无法派遣运动员前来参

by May, 1932, and it appeared that foreign nations would

赛。正如运动员基金会总经理比not be able to send their athletes to the Games. As Bill尔·施罗德所说：

Schroeder, Managing Director of the Athletic Foundation,

The people were dead broke and the promoters thoughtthat the Olympics would have to be called off. We were ina terrible financial situation. There were hardly any tickets
sold in advance of the Games.31
The Organizing Committee did not slow down and just
two weeks prior to the opening ceremonies of the Games,
the Central ticket office which had reduced ticket prices
was flooded with ticket requests. The sum of $1,140,888.25
in ticket sales was realized within days.32

奥运会的发起者们也认为比赛可
能会被取消。当前的经济形势糟
糕透顶，比赛开始前门票几乎完
全卖不出去。31
但 是， 组 委 会 并 没 有 停 下脚步。在距开幕式仅有两周时，
随着票务中心降低票价，购票者
如雪片般涌来，几天时间奥运会门票销售收入就达到 1140888.25
美元。32

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本stated:人们倾家荡产、身无分文，

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第 10 届奥运会成功的原因

It seems that the reasons for the success of the 10th似乎可以归结为以下两点：①在

Olympiad were: (1) the continuous upbeat publicity of当地报纸上不断对奥运会进行积

the coming events in the local newspapers; and, (2) the

极、乐观的宣传报道；②国外运

early arrival of the foreign athletes at the centrally located动员提早抵达位于市中心的奥运

Olympic Village, which was heralded in the newspapers

村的消息见诸报端后提高了其他and helped increase the intensity of anticipation.

国家的关注度与参与热情。
不同于 1932 年奥运会依赖

In contrast to the government supported 1932 Olympic

政 府 资 助，1984 年 洛 杉 矶 奥 组

Games, the 1984 LAOOC set a goal of running a Spartan

委确立的目标是要办成一届斯巴Olympics without government support which would realize达式的奥运会，在不需政府资助

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a surplus of revenues at the time of final accounting. The

的情况下最终实现盈利。四项主four major targeted sources of revenue were: (1) television164

由于筹集资金的基础是企业

要的目标收入来源为：①广播电视转播权；②从私人公司获取的赞助费用；③门票销售；④纪念币销售。
赞助——依据赞助协议，企业将为奥运会提供定额的资金或物质支持“以换取使用奥运会这一品
牌进行广告和市场营销的权利”。
因 此，1984 年 洛 杉 矶 奥 组 委 决
定将赞助企业的数量限定在 50
33

家以下。

and radio rights; (2) private corporations through thesale of sponsorships; (3) ticket sales; and, (4) souvenircommemorative coins.
Because the cornerstone of the financing was in thesponsorship agreement whereby a corporation agrees tosupport the Games in specified amounts of money andmaterials “for the right to use the Games in their advertisingand marketing,” the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Organizing
Committee decided to limit the sponsors to no more than
50.33

On November 3, 1979, the American Broadcasting

1979 年 11 月 3 日，美国广Company (ABC) paid the first of two installments of a $225

播公司（ABC）以分两期支付 2.25

million contract giving ABC all United States television亿美元的价格获得了 1984 年奥rights to the 1984 Games. The agreement included the运会在美国境内的电视转播权，following:并在当时按照合同支付了首付。

1. $33.5 million to go to the IOC;2. 19 Olympic sports to be covered;
3. The finals of the most popular event to be held late in
the afternoon for prime time viewing;
4. The LAOOC may sell for a single showing to a赞助合同约定：1. 其中 3350 万美元的赞助费归国际奥委会所有；
2. 电视转播覆盖 19 个比赛项目；cable television company the entire Games eight months

3. 最受欢迎的比赛项目的决

after they are over, and after one year the committee can赛应安排在下午晚些时候举行，

syndicate and sell free television, non-network educational,
5. ABC and LAOOC will share equally the profits fromthe sale of Olympic video tapes;
6. No advertising discount will be given to a company
that has been signed as official sponsor of the Games;
7. ABC will provide services to foreign broadcasters at
its own expense; and,8. ABC is formally obligated to 50 hours of coverage.34

4. 奥运会结束 8 个月后，洛杉矶奥组委可以将所有比赛的一
次性放映权出售给任何一家有线电视公司，1 年后组委会可以垄断出售免费的电视节目，非网络的教育、戏剧及其他涉及奥运会版权的节目产品。
5. 奥运会录像带的销售收入由美国广播公司和洛杉矶奥组委均分；
6. 不得为奥运会的官方赞助
商提供广告折扣；
7. 美国广播公司为外国广播公司提供服务所需费用由其自身

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theatrical, and other rights involved in the Games;以保证黄金时段的收视率；

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承担；

Many similar contracts were to follow.

8. 美国广播公司须负责至少50 小时的报道量。34
随后，奥组委还与其他一些
公司签署了类似的协议。

IOC President, Juan Samaranch, refused to permit
competitive bidding for the Western Europe and North
African television rights, and the final agreement was $19.8

对于西欧和北非的电视转播

million. This was extremely low when one considers that权，国际奥委会主席萨马兰奇禁

there were 135 million sets in the United States and 120

止其以竞标的方式出售，最终的million in the Europe-South African area. Also, Australia’s协议价格为 1980 万美元。相对Network 10 paid half as much (10.6 million) as the European

于美国 1.35 亿电视用户、欧洲 南非地区 1.2 亿电视用户来说，

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这一转播价格非常之低。此外，166电视观众仅为 300 万。35澳大利亚 10 号电视台为转播权
支付了 1060 万美元，相当于由31 个国家组成的欧洲广播联盟
所付费用的一半，而它所面向的1980 年 8 月 7 日， 洛 杉 矶
奥组委获得麦当劳公司一项具有
约 束 力 的 承 诺， 该 公 司 将 斥 资
400 万美元在南加州大学校园内
建设一座露天游泳和跳水池。人们认为这是奥运历史上第一次完
全由一家私人公司出资修建体育场馆。36
麦当劳公司是奥组委选定的赞助商之一，这些赞助商享有灵

Broadcasting Union of 31 countries, yet represented only 3
million television sets.35
On August 7, 1980, the Los Angeles Olympic
Organizing Committee obtained a binding commitment
from McDonald’s Corporation to build a $4 million open
air swimming and diving stadium on the University ofSouthern California campus. It is believed that this is thefirst time in Olympic history that an athletic facility has
been fully funded by a private firm.36
McDonald’s was one of a select group of sponsors who
committed themselves to flexible royalty-type payments.
Some others were Coca-Cola for $15 million, AnheuserBusch for $10 million, Canon USA, Southland Corporation,
United Airlines, and First Interstate Bank, each for $6
million. Arrowhead-Puritas Water, which also sponsoredthe 1932 Games, and Dentsu, Inc. made similar financial
37

commitments.

活的特许经营权。其他一些赞助
商包括：可口可乐公司（赞助费1500 万 美 元）、 安 海 斯 布 希 公

Coincidentally, a few weeks after the signing of司（赞助费 1000 万美元）、佳the Anheuser-Busch contract, the State Department of

能美国、南方公司、美国联合航Alcoholic Beverage Control changed its long standing rule

空公司和第一洲际银行（赞助费prohibiting an alcoholic beverage from being designated分别为 600 万美元）。曾经赞助

as the official product of a sporting event. This led the过 1932 年奥运会的箭头牌纯净

way for Budweiser to become the official beer of the 1984

水公司，以及日本的电通公司也

Olympic Games.38

采取类似的赞助方式。37
巧合的是，在奥组委与安海

Atlantic Richfield signed an agreement to financeseven international class tracks in the Los Angeles area
Cola’s investment in the Games was brought to $25 million
when Minute Maid became the official fruit juice of theGames for $25 million.39 Twentieth Century Fox received
exclusive movie-film sponsorship rights. This meant thatno one other than Fox films may be advertised on Olympic
telecasts. In addition, in February, 1982, ABC successfully
vied for the radio rights for $500,000.40

几周后，全国酒精性饮料管理局
取消了早前设立的一条禁令，从
而允许酒精性饮料成为体育赛事
的官方指定产品。于是，百威公
司成为了 1984 年奥运会官方啤酒赞助商。38
大西洋富田公司也与奥组委签订了赞助合同，将在洛杉矶地区修建 7 条国际级赛道并帮
助整修洛杉矶体育场。而随着美
汁源公司以 2500 美元的赞助费成为奥运会官方果汁赞助商，可口可乐公司的赞助额也提高到了
2500 万 美 元。39 20 世 纪 福 克 斯公司在电影行业中获得了独家赞

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and to help with the refurbishment of the Coliseum. Coca-

斯布希公司签订赞助合同仅过了

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助权，这就意味着奥运电视节目After much political discussion and threat that a

中只会出现福克斯公司出品的影Japanese or German manufacturer would get the bid, the片的广告。此外，美国广播公司

LAOOC finally signed Buick as the official automobile

于 1982 年 2 月以 50 万美元成功of the 1984 Games. The GMC agreement of more than40竞得无线电广播权。

$4 million provided 500 Buick cars for the Committee

在汽车品牌竞争中，经过一members and a number of GMC trucks.41

番政治争论并考虑到日本和德国汽车制造商中标后可能引发的威Numerous other sponsors signed similar agreements.

胁，洛杉矶奥组委最终确定美国
通用汽车公司旗下品牌别克汽车The Committee’s goal of raising $116 million

作为奥运会官方指定用车。通用sponsorships came close to becoming a reality when

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随着奥组委与以下一些公司

同，为组委会委员提供 500 辆别克轿车和一定数量的卡车。

41

许多其他赞助商也都与组委会签署了类似的合作协议。
达成了协议，曾经看似遥不可及的 1.16 亿美元的赞助融资目标几近实现：• 美国运通公司：官方指定
信用卡；官方指定旅行支票• 佳能美国：官方指定 35mm
照相机
• 匡威橡胶及联合集团：官方指定运动鞋
• 日本富士胶片公司：官方looking at the rest of the other signed sponsors:• American Express Company: Official Charge Card;
Official Traveler’s Checks• Canon USA: Official 35mm camera• Converse Rubber Company/Allied Corporation:
Official Athletic Shoe
• Fuji Photo Film Co., Ltd.: Official Photographic
Products• Levi Strauss, Inc.: Official Outfitter• Sanyo Corporation: Official Video Products• Sports Illustrated: Official Magazine; Official
Olympic Program• Westinghouse Electric Corporation:○

Westinghouse: Official Office Furniture○Longines-Wittnauer: Official Clocks andWatches

指定摄影器材○Swiss Timing: Official Timekeeper• 里维斯公司：官方指定套装

○Perrier: Official Mineral Water• 日本三洋电气公司：官方• Xerox Corporation: Official Copiers

指定摄像器材•《体育画报》：官方杂志 ;In addition, the Committee licensed fourteen licensees
42

of high-quality products.

官方的奥运会日程• 西屋电气公司：西屋：官方指定办公家

○As can be seen, the financial picture through the firstquarter of 1982 appeared excellent; the only shadows on
the horizon were the souvenir commemorative coins andthe financing of security arrangements.

具浪琴 - 威那欧：官方指○定钟表瑞士计时：官方指定计○时器毕雷：官方指定矿泉水

○此外，14 家厂商还被组委会
授予高质量产品特许经营权。42
由此我们可以看到，1982 年
一季度过后，奥运会的财务状况
表现良好、前景光明，但美中不足的是纪念币销售和安全保障部
署方面出现困难。

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本• 施乐公司：官方指定复印机

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1980 年 3 月， 洛 杉 矶 奥 组

The LAOOC advanced $667,000 to the Raiders in order委预付 66.7 万美元（约合 102.05

to bring them back to Los Angeles in March of 1980. It was

万人民币）邀请突袭者橄榄球队

not until 14 months and two trials later that the Raiders won（从奥克兰）
将主场移回洛杉矶，

their anti-trust suit against the NFL and, then made plans to

但直到突袭者队在 14 个月内经

move to the Coliseum, presuming that the NFL would be过两次庭审最终赢得对美国橄榄

unsuccessful in their declared appeal of the decision all the球联盟（NFL）的反垄断诉讼，

way to the Supreme Court. The amount that the Committee

并推测即使 NFL 大肆宣扬将一

paid was for the refurbishing of the Coliseum both for the

路上诉至最高法院也难以翻案的

Raiders and the 1984 Games. Written in the contract was

情况下，该队才得以着手计划移the agreement that nothing would be done to the stadium to师回洛杉矶体育场。洛杉矶奥组

repair the 400 meter track needed for the Olympic Games.43

委支付的这笔资金是用于翻修洛杉矶体育场，这里不仅将是突袭者队的主场，也将是 1984 年洛杉矶奥运会的主体育场。然而在
合同中双方约定，奥运会比赛的
400 米跑道不在修缮范围之内。43
尽管洛杉矶奥组委决心不用政府的任何钱，但铸造和发行纪念币却成为其绕不开的一个政治难 题。1981 年 4 月， 奥 运 会 纪念币计划浮出水面，该计划称将
通过销售特制的美元硬币来获取2 亿美元以上的资金，该收入将资助 1984 年奥运会的举办，以及永久捐赠给美国奥委会（洛杉矶奥组委将参与分成）。各国家

One of the biggest political issues facing the LAOOC’s
determination not use any government money was theminting and distribution of souvenir commemorative coins.
A Plan to raise $200 million or more to help finance the1984 Olympic Games and permanently endow the USOC
(who would split the revenue with the LAOOC) throughthe sale of special U.S. coins was revealed in April of
1981. The coin program would also aid athletes from othercountries as NOCs would receive a small percentage ofthe revenues generated through sales in their respective
countries. Under the proposal, a $1 allow coin, a $10 silver
coin, and $50 and $100 gold coins would be marketed tocoin collectors throughout the world by the private firms of
Lazard Treves and Occidental Petroleum.44

Bills proposing issue of U.S. commemorative coins,

奥委会还可从这一计划中获得

which had the support of White House officials, were纪念币在本国销售的一小部分

introduced in the U.S. Senate on May 20, 1981, and the

分成，这有助于资助其他国家的House of Representatives on June 18, of the same year.

运动员前来参赛。根据此提案，

The Senate Bill finally passed in October, 1981.

一套四枚纪念币，包括一枚 1 美
元的硬币、一枚 10 美元的银币Passage of the Coin Bill in the House was delayed for

和面值分别为 50 美元和 100 美

12 months by key House member Frank Annunzio who

元的两枚金币，将由两家私人公

stated “A world scandal might result from such a plan.”45

司——拉扎德特里尔公司和美国

Although two amendments were adopted in October of

西方石油公司向全世界的收藏

1981 to audit the sale of the coins, Annunzio still refused tocall a hearing on the Bill because “reports had reached himthat the Olympic Committee had shown favoritism in the发行美元纪念币的这一议
案得到了白宫官员的支持，并于
1981 年 5 月 20 日 和 6 月 18 日
分别提交参议院和众议院审议。
1981 年 10 月，参议院通过了此项法案。
“纪念币法案”在众议院却
没那么顺利，由于众议院关键人物弗兰克·阿农齐奥认为“这一计划将导致世界性的丑闻” ， 45
该议案被搁置了 12 个月未能通过。尽管 1981 年 10 月议案经过两次修正增加了对纪念币销售的审计条款， 但是阿农齐奥仍然拒绝召开听证会， 因为 “据他了解， 奥组委在招标之初就有不公
问题” 。46171

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

initial letting of the bids.”46

爱好者出售。44

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1982 年 3 月，阿农齐奥终于In March, 1982 Annunzio further informed the LAOOC

决定于 4 月 6 日召开听证会，但是that they and other proponents of the coin program would

他却严令禁止洛杉矶奥组委和其not be permitted to testify for the legislation at the hearing

他的纪念币项目推广者到庭作证。

he had finally called for April 6th. As the delay in the“纪念币法案”迟迟得不到通过，

passage of the Coin Bill continued, both the Organizing

这对寄希望于纪念币销售收益的Committee and the U.S. Olympic Committee, who were

洛杉矶奥组委和美国奥委会来说counting on the revenue from the coin program, expressed无疑是一场危机，他们担心私人销

fear that the private marketers would cancel the $30 million

售商会撤出已投入该计划的 3000

guarantee they had entered into for the program. The U.S.

万美元保证金。由于预期的纪念

Olympic Committee had been forced to borrow money to币担保资金化为泡影，美国奥委

pay for its organizational efforts for the 1984 team because

会不得不举债为 1984 年美国奥运代表队的组织工作筹集经费。47
1982 年 4 月 14 日，美国奥委会主席唐·米勒提出，如果国
会不批准铸造美元纪念币，其他国家很有可能捷足先登，“假若洛杉矶奥运会的纪念币是加拿大币或者西德马克，那岂不成为后
人的笑柄！”米勒还暗示出，如果 1984 年奥运会遭到联合抵制，
那么美国广播公司可能不会全额
支 付 之 前 向 奥 组 委 承 诺 的 2.25
亿美元赞助费，而如果这一缺口
没有纪念币销售收入来弥补，那么洛杉矶奥运会将陷入严重的财政危机。48it had not received the coin guarantee funds that it had
expected.47
On April 14, 1982, the President of the U.S. Olympic
Committee, Don Miller, suggested that another country
might offer an Olympic coin if Congress refused toauthorize the U.S. minting. “Wouldn’t that be quite acommentary to have Canadian dollars or West Germanmarks to commemorate the Los Angeles Games!” Miller
also suggested that if a boycott of the 1984 Gamesdeveloped, ABC television would not be liable for theentire $225 million pledged to the Organizing Committee,
and would, therefore, place the Los Angeles Games infinancial jeopardy if the revenue from the coin program was
not forthcoming.48

The Reagan Administration ultimately threw its support
49

behind the private marketing of the coins.

里根政府最终还是支持了这
一计划，允许非官方销售奥运纪念币。49

In April, 1982 Annunzio, still vehemently opposed to1982 年 4 月， 依 旧 强 烈 抵

the private marketing plan, introduced his own legislation

制私人营销计划的阿农齐奥提出

pro-silver dollar to be handled domestically by the U.S.

自己的立法案，建议由美国财政

Treasury, and finally, on May 13, 1982 it was thought that部负责在国内销售纪念银币。50

the deadlock over the U.S. coins legislation was broken

1982 年 5 月 13 日，众议院银行

when the House Banking Committee beat back a series

委员会驳回阿农齐奥提出的 14

50

of 14 Annunzio amendments and voted 32 to 7 for a plan项修正案，以 32 比 7 的投票表

allowing private companies to market the coins.51 However,决结果允许私人公司销售纪念

the Los Angeles Times’s headlines on May 21, 1982 read币， 人 们 一 度 以 为 美 元 纪 念 币“House Defeats Private Sale of Olympic Coins.” By aprivate marketing of government Olympic coins giving
Representative Frank Annunzio a surprising victory for hiscountermeasure which calls for government marketing ofcoins.52
Comparatively few coins were sold, and the issue wasfar from settled. The House of Representatives and Senate
passed markedly different bills; it was unclear how longit would take to iron out the differences. As much as two
hundred million dollars rested on the outcome.

1982 年 5 月 21 日，形势又急转直下，《洛杉矶时报》头条新闻标题为“众议院挫败私人销售奥运纪念币”，众议院在周四的投票中以 302 票对 84 票的压倒性优势驳回了私人销售奥运官方纪念 币 的 提 案， 这 使 得 众 议 员 弗兰 克· 阿 农 齐 奥 提 出 的 相 反 方案——由政府销售纪念币取得了
意想不到的胜利。52纪念币的销售十分惨淡，问题还远没有解决。众议院和参议
院通过的法案明显相悖，但何时
才能消除分歧却不得而知。多达173

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

lopsided 302 to 84 vote, the House on Thursday rejected

法案的僵局就此打破。51 但是，

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2 亿美元的收入取决于这一问题的解决与否。

The final source of revenue for the 1984 Games, thesale of tickets, had not yet been fully formalized by the

1984 年 洛 杉 矶 奥 运 会 的 最

LAOOC. In July of 1981, the Committee announced that it

后一项收入是门票收入。对此奥

was developing a ticket plan to begin 18 months in advance组委一直未能完全规范化。1981

of the events, “distributing the first five million tickets at

年 7 月，奥组委宣布，它正在起

home and abroad in ways to hold scalping to a minimum.

草 门 票 销 售 计 划， 在 奥 运 会 前

Distribution to residents might take place through18 个月发售门票，“首轮将向department store outlets and the First Interstate Bank, an

国内和海外发售 500 万张门票，

official sponsor of the Games.”53

以防止黄牛倒票的方式进行。国内门票将由各百货商店和奥运会Such things as fire protection and ambulance costs,

官方赞助商第一洲际银行来向各

which were expected to reach $7 million for the Games地居民销售。”53
用于奥运会消防安全和医疗救护的费用预计为 700 万美元，
由洛杉矶市政府负担，而奥组委则支付工作人员加班的各项费用。54人们预期，洛杉矶市议会将
用该市累积约 1400 万美元的信托基金来支付奥运会安保费用。
该 基 金 首 先 来 自 旅 馆 税，1978
年政府决定对酒店床位增加半美分销售税。其次来自征收 6% 的奥运门票销售税。这两项税收政策均于 1978 年在市议会获准通
过，1982 年 5 月 加 州 最 高 法 院

were to be borne by the City of Los Angeles with the
LAOOC paying any extra costs for increased man-hours.54
It was anticipated that the Los Angeles City
Council would use the City’s accumulated trust fund of
approximately $14 million to pay for security expenses
during the Games. These funds were to come first, from ahalf-cent increase in the hotel bed tax which was approvedby the City Council in 1978 and judged legal by the
California Supreme Court in May, 1982, and second from
a 6% Olympic ticket distribution tax approved at the sametime.55

Some of the other expenditures for the LAOOC

也确认其合法有效。55

included $3 million in guaranteed rents toward construction

洛杉矶奥组委还须支付 300

of a $4 million administration building at UCLA, which

万美元的租用保证金，以用于加

would be used as headquarters for the 1984 Games.56

州大学洛杉矶分校新建一座 400
万美元的行政楼，该建筑将作为

In 1981, the LAOOC, realizing that it must engender1984 年奥运会的指挥中心。56

public support, began the direct selling of its concept of a1981 年， 洛 杉 矶 奥 组 委 意

privately operated and financed 1984 Games with its first识到有必要激发公众对奥运会的newsletter mailed worldwide to 2,000 Olympic officials

支持，于是向全世界 2000 多位

and journalists. The mailing was in response to the IOC’s

奥委会官员和新闻记者邮寄了第suggestion that the Committee take steps to convince the一期“奥运简报”，宣传其私人

World Olympic Community that the Games in Los Angeles筹资兴办奥运会的新理念。国际would be thoughtfully organized.57

Angeles Olympic officials had refused to comply with arequest by leaders of the IOC that they reveal the roomand board fees that they intended to charge the athletes
in 1984.58 They would only guarantee that the price set in
January of 1984 would remain constant until July of 1984.
The athletes would be housed by the Nation in the UCLA
and USC dormitories with branch housing at University ofCalifornia, Santa Barbara for the Lake Casitas competitions.

施向奥林匹克大家庭表明洛杉矶
奥运会是精心组织的。此举也是对国际奥委会的回应。57至于运动员的住宿，奥组委官员拒绝按照国际奥委会领导的
要求透露计划向运动员收取的食
宿 费 用，58 只 承 诺 将 1984 年 1
月开始执行的收费标准保持到 7月。运动员依其国籍被安排在加
州大学洛杉矶分校和南加州大学
的学生宿舍。在卡西塔斯湖参赛的运动员住在加州大学圣塔芭芭
拉分校。

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As far as athletes’ housing was concerned, the Los

奥委会此前建议组委会，采取措

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一位奥组委委员在私下访谈In a private, off-the-record interview with one of the

中表示，奥组委曾考虑过为第三members of the Organizing Committee, it was revealed

世界国家运动员参赛提供资金支that the Committee would consider aiding athletes from持。可预料的是，即便确有其事，

Third World Nations by providing financial assistance for

也不会公之于众。

travel to Los Angeles in 1984. It was anticipated that if the对于 1932 年洛杉矶奥运会
来说，积极的宣传和集中修建的

financial assistance occurred, it would most likely not bemade public.

奥运村是其成功的关键因素，但是 1984 年奥运会要想再创辉煌Neither of the characteristics of upbeat publicity nor a却远没有这么简单，组织者将期

centrally located Olympic Village, which were important

望寄托在全国和世界范围的电to the success of the 1932 Games, were a prospect for the视转播以及对运动员个性化的关

1984 Games, but it was hoped that television publicity on

怀，并希望藉此燃起人们对 1984年奥运会的热情。
( 赵卓译 )

the national and international scene and the individualization of attention to the athletes would supply the necessary
enthusiasm in 1984.

REFERENCES
1. William May Garland Papers, Los Angeles Times,
Archives.
2. M. J. Schesel. “Policies in Disguise: The Changing
Role of Public Administrators in Los Angeles, 1900-1920.”
In The Age of Urban Reform: New Perspectives in the
Progressive Era, Michael H. Ebner and Eugene Tobin (PortWashington, N.Y.), p. 103.
3. Dahlen, J.S. The Incredible Era of Exposition Park,

A Brief History to 1923, p. 2.
4. “Great Los Angeles Coliseum St. Exposition
Park Without Peer In The World.” Los Angeles Realtor,
November, 1922.
5. Erlick, H. “Los Angeles Prepares for the 1932
Olympics.” Unpublished Manuscript, 1968.
6. Reiss, S.A. “Power Without Authority: Los Angeles
Elites and the Construction of the Coliseum.” Journal ofSport History, 8(1), p. 50.
7. “Great Los Angeles Coliseum St. Exposition
Park Without Peer in the World.” Los Angeles Realtor,
November, 1922.
8. “The 1932 Olympiad: Its Development andFoundation, p. 3.
9. Xth Olympiad, Los Angeles 1932 Official Report.
Wolfer Printing, Los Angeles, 1933.
10. “The 1932 Los Angeles Olympiad: Its Development
and Impact on the Community.” Pamphlet from The
Athletic Foundation, p. 3.
11. Olympic News V, 1931, 32, p. 5.
12. Ibid., December 10, 1978.
13. Ibid., December 11, 1978.
14. Xth Olympiad, Los Angeles 1932 Official Report.
Wolfer Printing, Los Angeles, 1933.
15. Olympic Countdown: 819 Days to Go (May 1, 1982177

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Impact on the Community.” Pamphlet from The Athletic

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Edition) The Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee,

S
T
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E
S

Games. New York: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1961, p. 133.

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E
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R

Los Angeles, 1982, pp. 7-10.
16. Private Interview: Jack Tobin, May 17, 1982.
17. Olympic News, Vol. IV, July 1930, #7, p. 1.
18. Kieran, J. and Daly A. The Story of the Olympic
19. Los Angeles Times, April 21, 1932.
20. Olympic News V, February, 1931, #2, p. 6.
21. Los Angeles Times, January 7, 1932.
22. Ibid., February 23, 1932
23. Ibid., April 3, 1932.
24. Ibid, April 10, 1932.
25. Ibid., May 20, 1932.
26. Ibid., July 24, 1932.
27. Interview: Jack Tobin, May 17, 1982.
28. Interview: Braven Dyer, Jr., May 17, 1982.

178

29. Los Angeles Examiner, August 3, 1932.
30. Los Angeles Examiner, August 2, 1932.
31. Interview: Bill Schroeder, September 20, 1981.
32.Kjorvestad, F.D. Xth Olympiad—Los Angeles 1932
Official Report, p. 23.
33. Olympic Countdown: 819 Days To Go (May 1,
1982 Edition). The Los Angeles Olympic Organizing
Committee, Los Angeles, 1982, p. 19.
34. Los Angeles Times, November 13, 1979.
35. Ibid., February 2, 1980.

36. Ibid., August 8, 1980.
37. Olympic Countdown: 819 Days To Go (May 1,
1982 Edition). The Los Angeles Olympic Organizing
Committee, Los Angeles, 1982, pp. 1921.
38. Los Angeles Times. August 27, 1980.
39. Ibid., March 8, 1981.
40. Ibid., June 5, 1981.
41. Ibid., August 19, 1981.
42. Olympic Countdown: 819 Days To Go. (May 1,
1982 Edition). The Los Angeles Olympic Organizing
Committee, Los Angeles, 1982, p. 21.
43. Los Angeles Times. May 12, 1982.
44. Ibid., May 31, 1981.
46. Ibid., December 6, 1981.
47. Ibid., March 31, 1981.
48. Ibid., April 4, 1982.
49. Ibid., 21, 1982.
50. Ibid., May 12, 1982.
51. Ibid., May 14, 1982.
52. Ibid., May 21, 1982.
53. Ibid., August 26, 1981.
54. Los Angeles Times, August 21, 1981.
55. Ibid., Dec. 20, 1981; April 20, 1982.
56. Ibid., April 8, 1981.
57. Olympic Countdown: 819 Days to Go. ( May 1,

179

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45. Ibid., September 23, 1981.

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1982 Edition). The Los Angeles Organizing Committee,
Los Angeles, 1982, p. 74.
58. Los Angeles Times, April 8, 1981.

ANCIENT AND MODERNOLYMPIC GAMES: A
HISTORICAL APPROACH
Christina Koulouri
Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences
Athens, Greece
Nothing is comprehensible or explicable without
history
Pierre de Coubertin, 1930. 1

古代奥运会和现代奥运
会：历史研究法克里斯蒂娜·库卢里
雅典派迪昂政治经济大学，希腊离开了历史，一切都是无法
理解或解释的。
皮埃尔·德·顾拜旦，1930年

1

奥运会和体育是当今世界
The Olympic Games and sports are today a basic
constituent of world mass, international and everyday
sports in printed and electronic media, the importance ofsports and gymnastics in the educational process within
and outside school, the extremely rapid spread of special
premises for exercise and training, the football fans, sport
advertising and the economic weight possessed by sport个基本组成部分。无论是在印刷
和电子媒介中体育信息占据的位
置，在校园内外的教育活动中体
育和体操运动的重要性，专业健
身教室的快速传播和发展，球迷、体育广告和体育企业的经济比重，还是现代奥运会越来越复杂
精美的壮观场景，或许都能够印enterprises, as well as the increasingly sophisticated and证这一点。无论如何，毋庸置疑，

elaborated spectacle of the modern Olympic Games. No现代奥运会是 20 世纪最重要的

one disputes, in any event, that the modern Olympic Gamesare one of the most important institutions of the twentiethcentury in which worldwide developments have beenreflected.

体系之一，是全世界发展的一个
缩影。
根据这些观察结果，实际上我们有理由认为体育是一项“全181

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

culture. This may be confirmed by the place occupied by

大型、国际性、日常性文化的一

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球性的”或者“整体性”的现象，In the light of these observations, we can in fact

它是社会发展的“产物”，同时

argue that sport is a 'global' or 'holistic' phenomenon, an

也是社会的缩影。因此，在研究

epitome of the society which ‘produces’ it. Consequently,

体育运动时将其与当时独特的历

it is meaningful for the study of sport to be integrated into

史背景相结合是十分有意义的，

its historical context in each instance, or, conversely, the

或者反言之，对体育的研究能引

study of sport can lead us, inductively, to knowledge of the导我们归纳推理出每项特定体育

society to which each particular sport activity belongs. To活动发生时社会状况。简言之，put it briefly, in spite of the fact that sport, like play, is an

尽管体育活动，与游戏类似，是enduring and universal human activity, an understanding

一项经久不衰的、普遍的人类活

and interpretation of them require their historicization.

动，需要从历史的视角来看待和理解它。
接下来，我将尝试比较古代
奥运会和现代奥运会，我将 19世纪的欧洲作为现代奥运会的一个起点，在那一时期奥林匹克运动 实 现 了 复 兴。 事 实 上， 奥 运会在历史上经历了三个不同的时
点：① 古代奥运会（在欧洲中世纪前的历史进程中它也经历了很
多变化，所以不应将其看成是一成不变的）；② 19 世纪末复兴时的奥运会；③ 当今经历了 20世纪转型发展的奥运会。本研究将比较限于古代奥运会和 19 世
纪实现复兴的奥运会两者之间，
并批判性地参考了相关文献（不I shall attempt, then, below to compare the ancientand the modern Olympic Games, taking as a starting-point
the European nineteenth century – the century, that is, inwhich the Olympic revival took place. In reality, it is a casehere of three different moments in history: (a) the ancientGames (which also underwent many changes in the courseof antiquity, so that it would be incorrect to treat them asuniform and unaltered); (b) the Olympic Games as they
were revived in the late nineteenth century; (c) the presentday Olympic Games, as they have been transformed
during the twentieth century. The comparison, then, will
be limited to that between the ancient Olympic Gamesand their revived version in the nineteenth century andwill be critically informed by the concepts of continuity
and discontinuity which have been used by the relevant

– and not only the scholarly – bibliography. The relation仅是学术性的）使用的延续性与

between the ancient and the modern Olympic Games will

非延续性的概念。研究将从两个

be examined at two levels:层面来详细分析古代奥运会与现
代奥运会的关系：(a) at the level of imitation and legitimization.

①在效仿和继承的层面：18

Admiration for ancient Greek civilization and the imitation世纪后复兴的观念和实践出现之of ancient institutions and arts are to be found at the

初，我们就能发现其对古希腊文starting-point of the idea and the praxis of revival from the明的赞赏和对当时制度和艺术的eighteenth century onwards. The invocation of the ancient模仿。进一步看，重新提起古代Games was, furthermore, a legitimizing reference for their奥运会作为现代奥运会正当化的

modern counterparts, linking them with the authority of一个参考，将现代奥运会与古代

antiquity.
(b) at that of the affinity between the ancient and thewhich they have in common and what are the differences
between them, both from the point of view of content(contests, rules, etc.) and from that of culture and ideology(the ideals which they represent, their function in society,etc.)?

1. Imitation and legitimization②古代奥运会和现代奥运会的关系：它们从内容（竞赛活动、规则等）和文化观念（表达的理念、社会功能等）的角度看相同点和不同点是什么？

1．效仿和继承
1.1 西欧与古希腊对一个光辉典范的效仿，无论是现在的还是过去的，总是渗
透在历史长河的各个角落，但是

1.1 Western Europe and ancient Greece我们不能仅通过简单记录它们去The imitation of a glorious example, whether of the解释这些现象。许多早期社会从

present or from the past, permeates history in general,

古希腊文明中寻找灵感和思维模

but we cannot explain this phenomenon simply by

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modern Olympic Games: that is, what are the features

的权威联系在一起。

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目的。从罗马和拜占庭到意大利

recording it. Many earlier ages have sought inspiration and文 艺 复 兴 和 启 蒙 运 动， 视 觉 艺models for thought in ancient Greek civilization, but for

术、哲学和文学的很多特点都源

differing reasons and with different aims. From Rome and

于被欧洲文明称为“黄金时代”

Byzantium to Renaissance Italy and the Enlightenment, the的那一时期。然而，据我们已知

visual arts, philosophy, and literature derived a variety of的情况，直到 19 世纪，复兴古

features from the period which European civilization has

代奥运会的想法还十分鲜见，当described as a 'golden age'. And yet, up to the nineteenth

然在此之前更没有付诸实践。

2

century, as far as we are in a position to know, the idea

因此，与奥运会复兴相关的最基of the revival of the ancient Games made its appearance

本的问题就是为什么这一想法

very rarely and certainly was not put into practice before

非常有说服力地出现在 19 世纪

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谋而合、不约而同地萌生了复兴

在 19 世纪，复兴古代奥运
会的想法实际上在希腊和其他
欧洲国家广泛流行。当时，许多
教育家、政治家或知识分子都不奥运会的想法，有的还付诸了实
践。3 这里仅提及两个互不相干
的例子：① 1860 年 至 1895 年 由 威
廉·彭尼·布鲁克斯医生在英国
举办的奥林匹亚竞技会。

then. 2Consequently, the basic question which arises inconnection with the revival of the Olympic Games is why
this idea presented itself so persuasively in the nineteenth
century and not before.
In the nineteenth century the idea of the revival of theancient Games was actually widely current, both in Greece
and in the rest of the countries of Europe. In parallel, then,and without one necessarily copying the other, various
pedagogues, politicians or intellectuals conceived, andsometimes put into practice, the idea of the revival of the
Olympic Games. 3Let us here mention two instances, farremoved from one another:(a) The Olympian Games which were held in Englandfrom 1860 to 1895 by the physician William Penny
Brookes.

(b) The proposal made in 1835 by the Greek Minister of② 1835 年希腊内政部长向

the Interior to King Othon that annual Panhellenic Games国王奥托提议，应仿效古代奥林

should be instituted in imitation of the ancient Olympic,

匹克、伊斯玛斯、尼米亚和皮西Isthmian, Nemean, and Pythian Games to celebrate the安运动会，每年举办泛希腊运动anniversary of the Greek War of Independence in 1821

会，以庆 祝 1821 年 反 对奥斯曼

against the Ottoman Empire which led to the creation of the帝国，使希腊立国的独立战争。4

Greek state.4

恢复奥运会想法的各种版本
既与现代欧洲和希腊间的关系有关，又与古代有关，在启蒙运动

be linked with the relation between modern Europe and的精神氛围初具形态。在 18 世

Greece on the one hand and antiquity on the other, as that纪下半叶，西方对古希腊的兴趣took shape in the intellectual climate of the Enlightenment.

重新被激发。在那个乐观和自信

In the second half of the eighteenth century, West's interest

的时代，西欧认为自己是古典文

in ancient Greece was renewed. In an age of optimism and明的正统后裔和继承人。

self-confidence, Western Europe recognised itself as thegenuine descendant and heir of classical civilisation.
Joachim Winckelmann’s work on ancient Greek art,
the teaching of Ancient Greek in secondary education inWestern Europe, the fashion for travel and the Grand Tourto classical lands, the archaeological missions to Greece
and the resultant publications of Greek antiquities, and,last but not least, the movement of Philhellenism, aremanifestations of precisely this ‘discovery’ of Greece by theWest in the Age of Enlightenment. Since the Renaissance,
the publications of works by Pausanias, Description of约 阿 希 姆· 温 克 尔 曼 的 古希 腊 艺 术 著 述、 西 欧 中 学 古 希腊 的 课 程， 旅 游 的 时 尚 及 古 典
地 区 巡 旅， 去 希 腊 的 考 古 团 体
及 希 腊 文 物 的 各 种 出 版 物， 最后但同样重要的因素——泛希腊
主 义 的 运 动， 都 明 确 表 示， 希腊是在启蒙时代被西方“发现”的。 自 文 艺 复 兴 以 来， 保 萨 尼
亚斯的“记希腊”，品达的“胜
利 颂 歌” 等 出 版 的 著 述， 已 经将古代奥运会及其举办地的知识 四 处 传 播。 外 国 游 客 怀 揣 着

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The various versions of the idea of revival should

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鲍 萨 尼 亚 的 书， 在 这 片 古 老 的Greece, and Pindar, Victory Odes, had disseminated widely

土 地 上 游 荡， 许 多 人 也 曾 造 访knowledge of the ancient Games and the place in which

了 奥 林 匹 亚。 但 其 时， 这 片 废

they were held. With Pausanias in their luggage, foreign墟 仍 然 深 藏 地 下， 等 待 着 考 古

travellers were to journey to the classical land. Many of

学 家 的 铁 锹。 最 后， 由 德 国 考

them were to visit Olympia. But its ruins were still hidden

古团队进行的奥林匹亚挖掘在and awaiting the archaeologist’s spade. Excavations at

1874 年至 1881 完成，那些重见Olympia were in the end carried out from 1874 to 1881

天 日 的 艺 术 品， 证 实 古 希 腊 的

by the German archaeological mission. These brought to辉煌。

light examples of art which confirmed the glory of classical现代奥运会的创始人顾拜旦Greece.

也是如此。启发他恢复奥运会的

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林匹亚的权威，使恢复奥运会的知识及古希腊文明对他的吸引力（他的灵感第二个来源是当代英格兰）。与此同时，他利用了古希腊的权威及由此延伸而来的奥主张在那些不懂体育和竞技的群
体中有了权威。5 此外，通过援
用西方文明共同的遗产，他防止
了自己的设想在民族主义崛起的时代仅为法国所认同，而是在全球引起了共鸣。

It was also the case with Coubertin, the founder of themodern Olympic Games, that the first source of inspiration
for their revival can be sought in the common pool ofclassical learning and in the attraction exerted upon him byancient Greek civilisation (his second source of inspiration
came from contemporary England). At the same time, he
used the authority of ancient Greece – and, by extension, of
Olympia – in order to lend authority to an idea which wasviewed with distrust by circles which were alien to sports
and athletic activity. 5Moreover, by invoking the sharedclassical heritage of Western civilisation, he prevented
his plan from being identified exclusively with France,
in an age of rival nationalisms, and so gave it worldwide
resonance.

1.2 Modern Greece and its ancient ancestor

1.2 现代希腊与其古代先祖

While Europe defined itself as the lawful spiritual

欧洲自认为是古希腊文明精heir of ancient Greek civilization, modern Greeks defined

神的合法继承人，而现代希腊人themselves as genuine descendants of ancient Greeks.

则认为他们才是真正的古希腊人During the nineteenth century, admiration for ancient的后裔。在 19 世纪，对古希腊

Greece and the pre-eminence of its example permeated

及其卓越文明成果的敬仰渗透到

every aspect of modern Greek intellectual life. In the现代希腊精神生活的方方面面。

homeland of the Olympic Games, imitation of the ancient在奥运会的故乡，对远古祖先的ancestors was regarded as a necessary condition for the仿效被认为是现代希腊后裔发展

progress of their modern Greek descendants. Imitation was进步的必要条件。这种仿效，并

not confined to art or, more generally, intellectual creativity,

不局限于艺术领域，或更普遍的

but included, par excellence, formalistic features such as

知识的创新，还包括最卓越的形

the language (imitation of Ancient Greek by the official,
Greeks.

言（官方书面语言模仿古希腊）
或礼仪和习俗。
古代奥运会作为古典文明的The ancient Games, one of the basic elements ofclassical civilisation, could not but inspire, sooner or later,
their prompt imitators in Europe and Greece. At the sametime, physical education gradually became valued not least
for its connection with antiquity. Athleticism was related
to antiquity on two levels: first, through the revival of
the ancient Games and second, through the advancementof the ancient educational ideal of καλός καγαθός, i.e.,the balanced development of body and mind through6

education. On both levels, but particularly on the first,

一个基本要素，或早或晚总会激发欧洲和希腊进行模仿。与此同
时因其与古代的关联，体育价值逐渐为人们所认识。竞技运动在两个层面与古代相联系。首先，通过古代奥运会的复兴；其次通
过古代教育“美与善”的理想状态的促进，即，通过教育使身体和心灵均衡发展。6 在这两个层面，尤其是第一个层面，符号极为重要，包括语言和庆祝仪式。7187

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written language) or manners and customs of the ancient式主义的特征，如古希腊人的语

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这些外部特征几乎完全出自
古代。最典型的例子是 1859 年

symbols are very important, including the language andrituals of the festivities.7

至 1889 年在雅典举办的扎巴斯
奥林匹克运动会。以古奥运会为

These external features were drawn almost exclusively

模板，运动项目照搬古代比赛，from antiquity. The most typical example is that of the

与当代的现实并无任何关系。这

Zappas Olympiads, which were held in Athens from 1859

些运动会的公共符号叙事，几乎

to 1889 on the model of the ancient Games. The events in

完全源于古代的启示。

the athletic programme copied ancient contests and had no这样似乎是，尽管体育运动

connection with contemporary reality. The public symbolic

在现代社会的社会功能和文化内

discourse which was formulated in these Games was also涵与古代的完全不同，但是它的almost exclusively inspired by antiquity.

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育活动。19 世纪最后二十五年同的。因此可以说，其相似在一
定程度上是表层的，因其只基于
外部特征。
类似的根据也见之于其他体间期间成立的许多希腊体育协会的名称、印章及标志受到古希腊的启迪。最常见的代表是古典世
界英雄主义的典范赫拉克勒斯和掷铁饼者，而名称则多取自与身
体力量有关的本地英雄。同时，
大多数协会将身体和智力的发It seems, then, that whereas the social function and thecultural content of sport in the modern world is completely
different from that of antiquity, it has the shell – the external
symbols – in common. It could, therefore, be argued thatthe similarity is somewhat superficial, since it is based on
external features.
Similar references are also to be found in other sport
activities. Both the names and the seals and emblems of
Greek sport associations which were set up in the lastquarter of the nineteenth century are of ancient Greek

展，奉为它们的基本目标。这一

inspiration. The most frequent representations are of事实也与古代希腊“美与善”的Heracles, who was the model of heroism in the ancient理想状态有关。8world, and of the discobolus, while the names are taken

from local heroes whose name was associated with

奥运会举行的方式、运动项

physical strength. At the same time, bodily and intellectual目协会的标识、教育中强调身体

development was stated to be the basic aim of most of the练习的叙事，及更为普遍存在的

associations – a fact which is also a reference to the ancient现代主义与身体的关系，都可追Greek ideal of the 'καλός καγαθός'.

8

溯到古代，或因广泛接受的对模仿效力的信赖，或因现代性合法

The way in which the Games were held, the symbols化的需要。每一项创新都设法与

of the sport associations, the discourse which propagated过去产生联系，以降低阻力，使physical exercise in education and, more generally, the

其易于为人们所接受。

modernist relation with the body refer back to antiquity,

1896 年 的 奥 运 会 毫 无 疑 问either because of the widely accepted belief in the

是古代与现代希腊相接的巅峰之

effectiveness of imitation, or because of the need for作。两者的相似处比比皆是，见

legitimization of modernity. Every innovation seeks to be
to be more easily accepted.
The 1896 Olympics were undoubtedly the culminationof the linking of ancient with modern Greece. The likenesswas sought everywhere: in the words, in the images, inthe bodies and the beauty of the athletes. The Olympic
Hymn of the poet Kostis Palamas invited the "ancient
immortal spirit" to descend and illuminate the modern
Games, succinctly condensing the self-evident connection.
Following the ancient tradition, torch processions andperformances of dramas accompanied the Games; thewinners were awarded olive branches from Olympia.

员的健美。诗人科斯蒂斯·帕拉马斯的《奥林匹克颂》邀请“古代不朽之神”下凡并照亮现代奥运会，简洁地浓缩这种不言而喻的联系。因仿效古老的传统，有了火炬传递、伴随奥运会的戏剧
表演以及将奥林匹亚的橄榄奖励优胜者。
因 此，19 世 纪 复 兴 奥 运 会的先行者们在古代寻求其榜样，他们所仿效的是其外部特征。此外，他们援引古代的权威以使自己的创新合法化，因为学界和政
治当局对其创新缺乏信任。然而，189

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connected with a past in order to minimize opposition and

之于其语言、图像，身体及运动

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这种外部的相似及口头宣称的联

Thus the inspirers of the revival of the Olympic Games系，是否意味着古代和现代奥运in the nineteenth century looked for models in antiquity,

会之间具有历史延续性？

which they imitated as regards the external features.
Furthermore, they invoked the authority of antiquity to

2．延续性与非延续性

legitimize an innovation which was looked upon with

2.1 18 世纪的转型

distrust by learned circles and the political authorities.

对于许多人来说，现代希腊

However, did an external resemblance and rhetorical

的声望源于其经典的过去，古希linkage of the ancient and modern Games entail historical腊在价值观念方面的优越性是无

continuity between them?

可争议的。对另一些人来说，现代和古代奥运会的关系存在认识
上的混乱，所以他们认为，1896
年奥运会在某种程度上不是古代
奥运会的复兴，而是古代奥运会
的延续——在具有完整的、历史延续性的希腊文化框架下。然而，

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2. Continuity and discontinuity
2.1 The transition of the eighteenth century
For many, the prestige of modern Greece is due to its
classical past, and the superiority of antiquity on the scaleof values is beyond dispute. For others, there is some

在体育史上这两个时点之间的距

confusion as to the relation between the modern and the离不仅仅是时间上的，也关乎文

ancient Games, so that it is considered that, in some way,

化和思想观念层面的内容。

the Games of 1896 were not a revival but a continuation

对于古希腊人，竞技运动和of the ancient Olympic Games – within the framework of

奥运会是一种生活方式，是其日

the unbroken historical continuity of Hellenism. However,

常生活中不可或缺的特征，是其the distance between these two points in the history of

文明的一个基本理念。实际上若

sport was not only chronological but also a matter of their

不理解竞技运动和奥运会的文化

cultural and ideological content.

涵义，我们就无法理解希腊古风时期和古典时期的精神。在其古For the ancient Greeks, athleticism and the Olympic

代史的各个时期，竞技运动表示

Games were a way of life, an integral feature of theireveryday life and one of the basic ideals of their

社会分层和社会主导意识形态。

civilisation. In real terms, we cannot understand the spirit

在古风时期（公元前 7 世纪 ~ 公

of Archaic and Classical Greece without understanding

元前 6 世纪），贵族是统治阶级，the cultural content of athleticism and the Games. In each

城邦之间激烈的政治竞争是当时

period of ancient history, athleticism gave expression to的常态，竞技运动彰显崇尚强者the stratification and the dominant ideology of society.

的理念。通过竞争，最优秀者胜In Archaic times (seventh – sixth century BC), when出，凌驾于其他所有人之上。在the aristocrats were the ruling class and fierce political

古典时期（公元前 5 世纪 ~ 公元

competition between the city-states was the order of the

前 4 世纪），民主理念盛行，提day, athleticism expressed the ideal of superiority. Through出精神和身体平衡发展，体现于

competition, the best, the aristos emerged victorious and“美与善”的理想。在这一追求

was superior to all the rest. In the Classical period (fifth –卓越的时代，竞技运动成为教育

fourth century BC), democratic ideals prevailed, and these
expressed by the ideal of 'καλοκαγαθία'. In that period par
excellence, athleticism became the basis of the educational
process, with a view to the training of able soldiers andworthy citizens. Gymnasiums were not places simply
for exercise, but places of education, both physical andintellectual. It is no accident that the term 'gymnasium' waschosen in modern times for a type of secondary school inGermany and later in Greece.9
The whole of this world, the way of life and of
thinking, and, of course, athleticism disappeared aroundthe fifth century AD with the final triumph of Christianity

和有价值的公民。健身房并不仅仅是锻炼的场所，而是对身体和智力进行教育的地方。在现代社会，“健身房”一词在德国，后来在希腊，用作一类中学的名称，
并非偶然。9这 个 世 界， 连 同 它 的 生 活
与思维方式及竞技运动，随着基
督教在罗马帝国地理空间的最后
胜利，在公元 5 世纪左右统统消失了。早在公元 393 年，狄奥多
西一世就废除了奥运会。10 不仅
因为这个正式的法令，基督教世界观本身就不能容忍任何竞技活191

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

proposed the balanced development of spirit and body, as

的基础，以期培训出优秀的士兵

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动，将其视同犯罪。与古希腊相

in the geographical space covered by the Roman Empire.

反，基督教认为肉体是灵魂的卑As early as 393 AD, the Emperor Theodosius I abolished

微容器。除了给灵魂做仆人，肉the Olympic Games.10 This was not just a formal act. The

体本身没有价值。于是，不用奇Christian worldview had no room for any athletic activity,

怪，竞技运动在它曾经存在的各

which it associated with sin. In opposition to antiquity,种活动中，在政教合一的中世纪

Christianity regarded the body as the lowly vessel of

及在近代早期的各种活动中，统

the soul. The body had no value in itself except as the

统消失了。当然，其时也有一些

servant of the soul. It is, then, no surprise that athleticism

流行的或贵族的游戏，但与古希

disappeared in what were, in any event, the theocratic

腊的体育比赛毫无关系。

Middle Ages, as well as in the early modern period. There

在 18 世纪，通过有时几乎

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近乎无神论的宗教批评，引进新

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预，强力推行现实整体合理化的的价值观和新的态度，启蒙运动为 道 德 剧 变 创 造 了 前 提 条 件，
这也包括对待体育的态度。科学的胜利，颠覆了一切形而上的干理念。作为哲学和科学思维主题的人的知识得到强化：人的精神、
人的身体和人类（作为一类生物，
是 自 然 历 史 的 一 部 分） 是 启 蒙思想的基本支柱。将对人性的研究置于自然主义的、经验的和分析的基础上。于是，人类学学科
首次出现，作为研究人的一般科
学—— “人的自然历史”，它包含体质人类学、民族学和语言学。

were, of course, popular or aristocratic games, but nothing
connected these with the ancient athletic contests.
In the eighteenth century, through the criticism
of religion, which sometimes verged on atheism, andthe introduction of new values and new attitudes, theEnlightenment created the preconditions for a significant
change in morality, which included also the attitude to thebody. The triumph of science ousted every involvementwith the metaphysical and imposed the idea of total
rationalization of reality. Knowledge of man was enhanced
as the principal subject of philosophical and scientificthinking: the human spirit, the human body and the humanspecies (as part of natural history, as just another living
creature) were the basic poles of Enlightenment thinking.
The study of human nature was placed on naturalistic,

empirical and analytical foundations. It was then that the从 17 世纪早期开始，关于

discipline of Anthropology first appeared, as a general

身体的科学，主要是解剖学，已

science of man – a ‘natural history of man’ – which

初具形态。同一时期，有关人口subsumes Physical Anthropology as well as Ethnology and（人口与财富，人口和劳动力或Linguistics.

潜在劳动潜力的关系等）的经济
和政治问题也出现。自 18 世纪

From as early as the seventeenth century the sciences

中叶以来，我们逐渐从依据启蒙of the body – primarily anatomy – had begun to take运动的规则的“启蒙状态”，从

shape, and concurrently population (relationship between

人体的理性知识，走向对公众健

population and wealth, population and the labour force or

康 的 关 怀。 随 着 旧 制 度 在 1789

labour potential, etc.) appeared as an economic and political

年的结束，在平等的意识形态的

problem. From the mid-eighteenth century we passed

框架内，关注身体卫生被视为社

slowly from the ‘enlightened’, which is in accordance withof the human body to solicitude for public health. With thefall of the ancien régime in 1789, and within the frameworkof the ideology of equality, hygienist care of the body wasconsidered a social boon to which everyone had a right,
even the lowest classes.
The Industrial Revolution and the growth of thecapitalist system attributed an entirely new function to
the body: the human body, like a machine, should beincorporated efficiently into the production process; its
power was to be harnessed and utilized rationally in the
new economic system. This new economic function of the

的所有人都拥有的权利。
工业革命和资本主义制度的发展归功身体的一个全新功能：
身体就像一台机器，可有效地纳入生产流程；身体的力量被驾驭并有效地用于新的经济体制。身体的这种新经济功能、国家在人
口管理问题上的关注点、人口的
各种变量（出生率、死亡率、健康、疾病，饮食、住房等），国家军队的组织和公民战士新角色，以及将身体运动纳入儿童培
养的新教育观念等这一系列的新因素决定了身体观念的变化，走193

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the precepts of the Enlightenment, rationalist knowledge

会的福音，是包容社会低层在内

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出传统的基督教世界观。在任何human body, the state’s interest in issues of population

情况下，到 19 世纪末，教会本

management and its diverse variables (birth rate, death rate,

身，主要是新教徒，已经完全接

health and diseases, diet and housing, etc.), the organization

受了身体锻炼并已形成了强身派

of national armies and the new role of the citizen-soldier,

基督徒的观念：强壮的身体意味

as well as the new pedagogical interest in the upbringing

着强壮的灵魂。因此，从传统到of children, which incorporates bodily exercise, are some现代社会的转变，标识为一系列of the parameters that define the change in conceptions

经济、社会和文化的变化。在这about the body and the disengagement from the traditional

一时期，体操和田径重新出现在

Christian worldview. In any case, by the late nineteenth

历史舞台。

century, the Church itself, mainly Protestants, was to have

根据上述分析，我们可以坚

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个词非常得当的。
②身体锻炼在古代社会和现
和社会功能。

accepted bodily exercise completely and to have modelled
the ideal of the muscular Christian: the strong body thenmeant a strong soul. Consequently, the transition fromtraditional to modern society, as signified by a series of
economic, social and cultural changes, is the period when
gymnastics and athletics reappeared on the stage of history.
In the light of the above, we are able to maintain that:(a) there was no continuity from antiquity down to thenineteenth century, and so the term 'revival' is very properlyused;(b) bodily exercise had an entirely different ideologicaland social function in antiquity, on the one hand, and in themodern world, on the other.

2.2. Differences between the ancient and modernGames

2.2 古代奥运会和现代奥运会的差异

The differences between the ancient and modern

古代奥运会和现代奥运会

Olympic Games (meaning the Games in the form in which（即 1896 年以其形式复兴的奥they were revived in 1896) could be summed up in the运会）之间的差异可以概括为：

religious character of the Games, amateurism, performance

奥运会的宗教特征、业余原则、(records), the position of women, and the events. A further竞技表现（纪录）、女性的地位

difference, moreover, is the international character of the

和比赛项目。此外，进一步的差

modern Games, in contrast with the national character of异还表现在与古代奥运会的民族

their ancient counterpart.

性特征相比，现代奥运会具有国
际化的特征。

2.2.1 Religion
In antiquity, the Games were integrated into an entirety
is to say, an autonomous form of recreation and activity
but a feature incorporated into religious observancesin honour of the dead and the gods. Religious feelingwas the ideological underpinning of ancient sport, as isdemonstrated by the sacrifices and processions which were
held during the course of Games, by the worship which
was rendered to some Olympic victors, and by the sitting of
the venues of the Games next to sanctuaries. We also knowthat it was the custom for dead heroes to be honoured with
games.

在古代，奥运会被纳入崇拜习俗而没有自治性。也就是说，奥运会不是自治形态的娱乐和活动，而是纪念死者和神的宗教仪
式的组成部分。宗教感情是古代体育运动的思想基础，这体现于
在奥运会期间举行的牺牲和游行，渲染的对奥运优胜者的崇拜
以及奥运会场地紧邻神域等。我们也知道，以竞技活动纪念死去
的英雄，是一种传统。

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2.2.1 宗教

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现代社会则与此相反，体育In the modern world, on the contrary, sports have been

运动与其他任何庆典完全脱离，

completely dissociated from any other celebration and have

有着自己的活动时间安排。它们

acquired their own calendar; they have also become an end

自身已经成为目的。体育运动时in themselves. The sports calendar is based on periodicity,

间安排是周期性的，是独立于宗but it is independent of religious and political events.

教和政治事件的。当然，现代体Modern sport contests adopt, of course, a ritual and a

育比赛也有仪式，也纳入了从古

symbolic language which incorporate selected features from代奥运会选择出来的符号语言。

the ancient Olympic Games. These are modern secularised

但均以现代世俗化的功能取代了

functions which have replaced the religious functions of

传统社会的宗教功能。

traditional society.

同时，顾拜旦设想的奥林匹

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克主义，是参照宗教建构的。正196而，这里讲的并不是宗教的，而

如诺伯特·穆勒所说：“顾拜旦将古代奥运会的宗教目标重新引
入奥运会的现代版，基本上没有改变奥运会的精神意义”。11 然
是哲学和道德体系的“宗教化的运动员”。
2.2.2 业余主义
奥运会复兴的一个要素是业余运动的意识形态，它表达了崛
起的中产阶级的价值体系。业余
主义是现代社会的特征，在古代
是不存在的。其事实依据是体育锻炼是为了获得在体育运动过程At the same time, Olympism, as conceived by
Coubertin, is structured with religious references. As
Norbert Müller writes: “Coubertin reintroduced thereligious goals of the ancient Olympic Games into themodern version, essentially without changing the spiritual
sense of the Games”.11 This is not, however, a religion but aphilosophical and moral system – the 'religio athletae'.
2.2.2 Amateurism
A constituent element of the revival of the Olympic
Games was the ideology of amateurism, which gave
expression to the system of values of the rising middle
classes. That amateurism is a feature of modern society
which did not exist in antiquity is proved by the factthat physical exercise takes place for 'recreation' and thepleasure it gives lies in the actual carrying out of the sport中产生的“娱乐”和“快感”。

activity. For the amateur athlete, the aim is not only victory对于业余运动员，其首要目的不but – above all – taking part. On the contrary, in ancient

是获胜，而是参加。与此相反，

Greece, the concept of ‘amateur athlete’ did not exist at all,

在古希腊，“业余运动员”的概12

since ‘athlete’ means a competitor for a prize.

念根本不存在，因为“运动员”
意为奖金的争夺者。12

Amateurism condenses in an optimal way the values业余主义以最佳的方式浓

which dominated in Western Europe at the time of the缩了奥运会复兴时期西欧国家

revival of the Olympic Games. It was a feature of the

占主导地位的价值观，具有血统

ideology of British elite of birth and wealth. A basic

和财富的英国精英意识形态的characteristic of it was that sport activity was dissociated特征。其基本特点是，体育活动from any practical usefulness – in essence, that is, the与实用性分离。体育运动在本质

contrasting of sport with the very concept of work. Sports
in themselves. They made reference to 'conspicuous
leisure' – the non-productive consumption of time – which,as Thorstein Veblen has shown, ensured the symbolic
superiority of the 'leisure class'.13
The second feature of amateurism was the so-called'fair play', that is, 'civilized' competition, governed by rules
voluntarily accepted by those taking part. The rules ofathletic competition were determined by modern, bourgeois
values: meritocracy, equality, solidarity, individualism. The
contest on the track or the pitch was based on 'democratic'competition between 'equals', and the 'best athlete' won not

与体育运动，是为了“娱乐”，活动以其自身为目的。他们参考
了“炫耀性休闲”——非生产性的时间消费， 这就是凡勃伦所
说的，确保“有闲阶级”的象征性优势。13
业 余 主 义 的 第 二个 特点 是
“公平竞争”，即由参加者自愿接受的规则支配的“文明”竞赛。体育比赛的规则是由现代资产阶级的价值观决定的，这包括精英治
理、平等、团结、个人主义。运动
场地上的较量基于“平等”的“民主”竞争。
“最优秀的运动员”胜

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were, then, engaged in for 'amusement' and were an end

上与工作的概念相对立。人们参

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出不是因其社会地位或继承权，because of social status or inherited right, but because of而是靠其个人的价值和个人的努

his individual worth and his individual effort. As in the case力。正如 在普选 情况下，所有选

of universal suffrage, all voters are 'equal', so in athletic

民都是“平等”的，在竞技比赛中

competition, opponents are 'equal', and any previously对手也都是“平等”的，此前存在existing social differences are not taken into account.

的任何社会差别都不予考虑。
平等是业余主义的固有概念

Equality was a component concept of amateurism, but

要素，但是我们须对此做出一个

we must make a basic distinction in order to understand

基本的区分，以理解隐蔽于业余the covert social exclusion which amateurism cultivated:

主义中的社会排斥：① 平等是(a) equality as to the terms of competition, and (b)就比赛而言的；② 平等是指参

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确社会限制的界线，于是职业运循对所有竞赛者都平等的规则。
在体育场或在球场上，一切都是平等的。但是参与赛事却没有平等。 业 余 主 义 强 化 这 一 具 有 明
动员因其参加体育运动不是为了“愉悦”而是为获得经济报酬，
因此被排除在外。
2.2.3 运动表现
古代奥运会对记录成绩没有兴趣，只看是否取胜。因此，完全没有关于获胜者铁饼投掷距离，或赛跑成绩的记录。其比赛
当 然 定 规 则， 也 有 受 过 专 门 训those competing. In the stadium or on the pitch all wereequal. But there was no equality of access to the contest.
Amateurism imposed this limit, a clearly social limit, since
the professional sportsman who did not take exercise for'pleasure' but for financial remuneration was excluded.
2.2.3 Performance
In the ancient Games there was no interest in therecording of performance. Only victory counted. For thisreason, there is no record anywhere of the distances of thevictor's throw in discus-throwing or of the time achieved byrunners. The rules of the contests were, of course, codified
and there were specially trained judges, the hellanodikai,
who decided, at a time when there were no chronometers

or photo-finishes, who was the winner. By way of contrast,

练 的 裁 判， 称 为 hellanodikai。

since the revival of the Olympic Games down to the present

在没有计时器或终点摄影设施的a detailed record of achievements has been kept at a world

时代，由他们确定谁是优胜者。

level, to such a point that the pursuit of the record has

与之形成对照的是，自现代奥运

become an end in itself and has led to the phenomena of会复兴以来，直到今日，一直保

doping.14

持着世界水平运动成绩的详细记录。追求纪录，成为目的本身，

As Jean-Pierre Vernant points out, in antiquity "victory并导致了兴奋剂现象。14

was self-sufficient. There was no need for it to be measured

正 如 让· 皮 埃 尔· 凡 尔 农by anything else except itself. It is absolute". In ancient所说，在古代“胜利是自我满足

sport, the idea of ‘accomplishment’ dominated, whereas

的，除了胜利本身，没有必要用

modern sports are defined by the idea of ‘surpassing’.15 For

其它尺度进行丈量。胜利是绝对

this reason, the victor in antiquity was an 'Olympionikes'
achieved a provisional record. The victor's body in fact
encapsulated the essential difference between the ancientand the modern Games: in antiquity, the body of the victor
was like the body of a deity, it had a religious identity andmade reference to the heroes of epic poetry; in the modern
world, it is a body which is controllable, measurable, andmédicalisé.16

就”的观念占主导地位。而现代
体育则将其代之以“超越”。

15

因此，古代的优胜者是奥运获胜者（Olympionikes）， 而 不 是 创造一个临时纪录的冠军。实际上，优胜者的身体就体现了古今奥运
会之间的本质区别：在古代，优胜者的身体类似神的身体，具有
宗教身份，并以史诗中的英雄为
参照；而在现代社会，优胜者是一个可控、可测，并可医学化的
身体。16

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奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本– an Olympic victor – and not a champion who had的”。在古代体育运动中，“成

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2.2.4 妇女2.2.4 Women

与古代的一个重要区别可

An important difference from antiquity, moreover,从妇女地位看出。妇女被排除在is to be seen in the position of women. Women were

古奥运会之外，不仅不能参赛，

excluded from the Games, not only from the track, but

而且不能观看。在古代社会，妇

also as spectators. In ancient society, the role of women

女的角色仅限于家庭和家务。在was confined to the home and its care. In the nineteenth

19 世纪，尽管事实上，妇女在century, in spite of the fact that the position of women was

体育领域处于被边缘化的位置，

marginal in terms of physical exercise, their attendance at

但并不禁止她们观看比赛。与古sport spectacles was not banned. In contrast with antiquity,

代相比，女性迅速获得现代体育women rapidly won a place on the pitches of modern sports

运动场上的位置及在传统的田径

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and on the classic track as athletes. Moreover, from the项目中运动员的角色。此外，也

early nineteenth century – again in contrast with antiquity –2001906 年在雅典举办的届间奥

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运会，尽管人们认为是“健美和
17

男性活力的盛会” ，但是也有女运动员公开亮相。丹麦女子体操队向世人展示了瑞典体操，在网球比赛中，希腊获得女子奥运冠军。萨维季斯在 1906 年奥运会的专辑——“发展与文明”中写道，“沉重的长矛为灵巧的球
拍所替代，标枪换成轻盈的橡胶
球，这就给了现代女性按照现代

gymnastics were considered essential for the education not
only of boys but of girls as well.
The Intermediate Olympics held in Athens in 1906,
though considered "a great celebration of beauty and malevigour"17, involved the public presence of sportswomenin the form of the Danish women gymnasts' team, whichgave a display of Swedish gymnastics and in that of thetennis contests, in which Greece produced a woman
Olympic champion. "Development and civilisation", wrote
P.S. Savvidis in the Album of the Games of 1906, "haveexchanged the heavy spear for the neat racket, the javelin
for the light rubber ball, and have given to modern woman
the means of forming her body in accordance with theconditions and requirements of the modern era, while the

社会的条件和要求塑造自己身体

Olympic Games, held in the country which gave birth to的手段。在孕育了古代竞技运动ancient athleticism, have not forgotten the modern woman,

的国家举办的奥运会，没有忘记as the elegant game of tennis has been appointed the field

现代女性，优雅的网球比赛用做18

for the display of female performance".

展示女性竞技风貌的场地 18。”

2.2.5 Events

2.2.5 竞赛项目

Finally, the modern world has created events which did

最后，现代社会创造出古代

not exist in antiquity, chiefly team events of British origin,

没有的诸多运动项目。团体项目

such as football, or events which are associated with new主要源于英国，如足球。还有与

technologies, such as the bicycle or motor car. In the case

新技术相关的项目，如自行车或

of the Olympic Games in particular, events were added摩托车。尤其是奥运会，古代已from the very start which though they existed in antiquity,
lifting), as well as others which were entirely new, such as
tennis. Besides, the Marathon race, although inspired by
antiquity, was also an invention - very successful, indeed for the 1896 Games in Athens.
2.2.6. International Olympic GamesThe revived Olympic Games were, unlike theirancient prototype and their forerunners up to 1892,
international. The international character of the Olympic
Games, underscored by the rituals and symbols whichhave been selected and gradually established, defines themas a 'modern' phenomenon. Internationalism is part of增设为奥运项目（如游泳、划船
和举重），还有一些是全新的项目，如网球。此外，虽然马拉松比赛的灵感来自古代，它也是一项发明，在 1896 年的雅典奥运会大获成功。
2.2.6 国际性的奥运会复兴的奥运会，与它们的古
代原型及 1892 年之前的先驱不
同，具有国际性。被人们选定并逐步建立起来的仪式和象征符号强调了奥运会的国际性特征，恰恰将其定义为一种“现代的”现

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were not Olympic (such as swimming, rowing, and weight-

有的非奥运会项目从一开始就被

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象。国际性是现代性的一部分。

modernity. The modern Olympic Games related to other现代奥运会与当时其他国际性活

internationalist projects of that period: the international

动——世界博览会相互关联，一exhibitions, on the one hand, which gave expression to the

方面反映出竞技活动日益国际

increasing internationalization of competition and 'idealistic

化，另一方面反映出“理想主义internationalisms', on the other.

的国际主义”。

结论：复兴而不是残存体育运动在 19 世纪出现，它并不是身体锻炼或游戏从古代
到当代的延续。体育是一个现代现象，体现在当时欧洲一系列广
泛的社会、人口和文化变革中。
城市化和工业化将大量人口集中
到城市，改变了人们对时间的认
知方式，时间被清晰地划分为工202

作时间和余暇时间，新的社会交往和娱乐方式应运而生。
因 此， 现 代 奥 运 会 不 是 其
古代原型的一种延续。它创造了
现代世界的价值观念，也正因如
此，也成为了解现代世界的一个Conclusion: Revival but not Survival
Sports made their appearance in the nineteenth century
and do not belong within a continuity of physical exercise
or play from antiquity to the present time. They are amodern phenomenon embodied in a series of broadersocial, demographic and cultural changes which occurredin Europe at that period. Urbanization and industrialization
concentrated the population in the cities, changing the way
in which time was perceived by clearly dividing working
from free time, and by nurturing new forms of social
contact and recreation.
The modern Olympic Games are not, therefore, acontinuation of their ancient prototypes. They are a creationof the values of the modern world and, for that reason, a

因子。在欧洲就是如此，尤其是

factor in an understanding of it. This is true of Europe,希腊。所以，为了理解一个古老and especially of Greece. Thus, in order to understand

制度体系的复兴，我们必须描述

the revival of an ancient institution, we must describe and并解释现代欧洲和 18、19 世纪

interpret the particular relation between modern Europeand antiquity in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries

的古代欧洲之间独特的关系，并

and throw light upon the specific social and ideological阐明使其得以复兴的特定社会和

conditions which permitted it.

意识形态环境。

REFERENCES
1. Coubertin, ‘Notre France’, Editions du Centenaire,
Lausanne 1930, p.206; quoted by N.Müller, ' Coubertin’s
Olympism’, in Pierre de Coubertin 1863-1937 Olympism
Selected Writings, ed. N.Müller, Lausanne, IOC, 2000, p.36.
2. From the seventeenth century, in many European
countries but primarily England, athletics festivals were
held that were called ‘Olympic Games’. In all these cases
these were national games that included contemporary
be found in the existing bibliography, of three instances ofrevival: in England, the Olympic Games of Robert Dover(from 1612), in France at the time of the Revolution – theproposal for 'French Olympiads' (1792), and the athleticcompetitions in the Champ de Mars in Paris on the Ancientmodel (1799), and in the Ionian Islands under French rule– the proposal for a revival of the Olympic Games and thecustoms of the Ancient religion (1797).
3. There have been recorded the following 'Olympic
Games': at Much Wenlock (from 1850), Shropshire (18601862, 1864), Liverpool (1862-1867), the Olympic Gamesat Morpeth in Northumberland, with participation of203

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sports. Before the nineteenth century, there are records, to

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professionals (1870-1958) and the National Olympian

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Games are also recorded in France (in the Catholic school

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Games (1866-1868, 1874, 1877, 1883) of the National
Olympian Association. In Germany, Olympic Games were
held in Drehberg (1776-1799, 1840-1842) near Dessau,
which was the centre of physical education. Olympic
at Rondeau, 1832-1954), Sweden (Ramlösa 1834, 1836),
Canada (Montreal 1844), the USA (New York 1853) and
Hungary (Palić 1880-1914). Finally, the Zappas Olympic
Games in Greece (1859-1889). See J.K. Rühl, 'The
Olympian Games at Athens in the year 1877', Journal of
Olympic History, Fall 1997, 28-31; ‘Olympische Spiele
ausserhalb Griechenlands’ in W. Decker – G. Dolianitis– K. Lennartz (eds), 100 Jahre Olympische Spiele. Der
Neugriechische Ursprung, Ergon, Würtzburg 1996, 6079; K. Georgiadis, Olympic Revival: The Revival of the204

Olympic Games in Modern Times, Athens: Ekdotike
Athenon S.A., 2003.
4. See Wolfgang Decker, Praeludium Olympicum. Das
Memorandum des Jahres 1835 von Innerminister Ioannis
Kolettis an König Otto I. von Griechenland über ein
Nationalfest mit öffentlichen Spielen nach dem Muster derantiken panhellenischen Agone, Nikephoros Beihefte Band13, 2006.
5. N. Müller (ed.), Pierre de Coubertin. Textes choisis,
vol. 2: Olympisme, Comité International Olympique,Weidmann, Zurich/Hildesheim/New York 1986, 7.
6. David Young argues that the development of mind
was not part of Ancient Greek athletics and that the motto ‘asound mind in a sound body’ is a modern one. D. C. Young,
A Brief History of the Olympic Games, London: Blackwell,2004, 80-91.
7. See Ch. Koulouri, 'Athleticism and Antiquity:
Symbols and Revivals in nineteenth-century Greece', The
International Journal of the History of Sport 15 / 3 (Dec.
1998), 142-149.
8. On Greek sports clubs, see Ch. Koulouri, 'Voluntary
associations and new forms of sociability: Greek sports
clubs at the turn of the 19th century', in Ph. Carabott
Symbols and Visions, London: Variorum, 1997, 145-160.
9. See Panos Valavanis, Games and Sanctuaries inAncient Greece: Olympia, Delphi, Isthmia, Nemea, Los
Angeles: Getty Trust Publications, 2004; cf. Wolfgang
Decker, Sport in der griechischen Antike. Vom minoischen
Wettkampf bis zu den Olympischen Spielen, Munich, Beck,
1995; The Olympic Games in Ancient Greece, Athens,
Ekdotike Athenon, 2003.
10. However, the memory of the Games had beenpreserved until their revival. See Karl Lennartz, Kenntnisse
und Vorstellungen von Olympia und den OlympischenSpielen in der Zeit von 393 bis 1896, Schorndorf, Hofmann,

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1974.

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the Leisure Class, New York, August M. Kelley, 1991 (1st

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11. Pierre de Coubertin 1863-1937, op.cit., 44.
12. See D.C. Young, The Olympic Myth of Greek
Amateur Athletics, Chicago: Ares, 1984.
13. See Thorstein Veblen's famous book The Theory ofed. 1899).
14. See the seminal work of A. Guttmann, From Ritual
to Record. The Nature of Modern Sports, New York:
Columbia University Press, 1978.
15. Isabelle Queval, S’accomplir ou se dépasser. Essai
sur le sport contemporain, Paris : Gallimard, 2004.
16. Jean-Pierre Vernant, Jeux anciens-Sport moderne,
Imeros 5.1, 2005, 19-28.
17. P.S. Savvidis, Album of the 2nd International
Olympic Games at Athens 1906, Athens 1907, 125 (in206

Greek).
18. Ibid., 118-119.

ANTHEM, SYMPHONY AND
OLYMPIC GAMES IDEALISM

颂歌、交响曲和奥运会理想

Jeffrey O. Segrave
The David H. Porter Endowed Chair Skidmore
College杰佛里·西格雷夫博士
斯基德莫尔学院 ( 萨拉托加泉 )“All Men Will Become Brothers” (“Alle Menschen
werden Brüder”):

四海之内皆兄弟

萨马拉斯的“奥林匹克颂”
1896 年 4 月 5 日 复 活 节 下

SAMARAS’S OLYMPIC ANTHEM

午，约 10 万多观众聚集在重建
的雅典帕那辛纳体育场，见证第
一届现代奥运会的盛大开幕。尽

an estimated 100,000 or more spectators assembled in and

管天气不好，阴云笼罩着天空，

around the reconstructed Panathenean Stadium in Athens“兴高采烈，服饰斑驳”的人们

to bear witness to the opening of the first Olympic Games（顾拜旦，1896 年，p.42）亲眼

of the modern era. Despite dark and overcast skies, “the看到奥运非凡的场景徐徐展开，joyous and motley” (Coubertin, 1896 42) crowd thrilled

激动万分。“体育场的装修实在

at the extraordinary sight that was unfolding before their

精 彩。 入 口 处， 高 耸 的 旗 杆 上eyes. “The decoration of the Stadium was really splendid.

彩旗招展，并饰有铭牌。体育场At the entrance, were elevated masts topped by flags

正面的每一边都有仿古的三脚台

and ornamented with escutcheons; on each side of the座；体育场四周是饰有盾形纹章

facade were tripods copied from ancient art; all around的旗杆。在 sphendrome 的每一端，

the circumstance of the Stadium were flagstaffs decorated

放置着从废墟挖出的赫尔墨斯塑with coats-of-arms; at each end of the sphendrome, the像。看台座席上铺有垫子”（LES

Hermes discovered in the ruins were placed. The tiers

JEUX Olympiques, p.53）。快到

were covered with little cushions on which the spectators

下午三点时，运动场外的广场上

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On the afternoon of Easter Sunday, April 5th, 1896,

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喧声四起，越来越强烈，随之王

sat” (Les Jeux Olympiques 53). Just before 3:00, the

室一行抵达。陪同国王乔治一世

murmur in the square outside the stadium crescendoed

和王后奥尔加的有公主玛丽和她into a roar as the royal party arrived. Accompanying King

的未婚夫俄罗斯乔治大公，索菲George I and Queen Olga were Princess Marie and her

公主，塞尔维亚国王和奥地利王

fiancé Grand Duke George of Russia, Princess Sophie,储鲁道夫的遗孀和女儿。当他们

the King of Serbia, and the widows and daughters of走进运动场，迎接他们的是王储

Crown Prince Rudolph of Austria. As they entered the

康斯坦丁和他的兄弟西奥多·德stadium, they were met by Crown Prince Constantine and里安尼斯和内阁成员、希腊组委

his brothers, Theodore Delyannis and the Cabinet, the会和包括奥运会的创始人顾拜旦Greek Organizing Committee, and the IOC, including the

在内的国际奥委会委员。王室一

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founder of the Olympic Games, Pierre de Coubertin. The

行落座后，康斯坦丁致开幕辞，party processed to their seats, and following Constantine’s

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匹克运动会”，“我宣布第 1 届

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然 后 国 王 起 立， 以 其“ 洪 亮 的声音” （LES JEUX Olympiques,p.53）（顾拜旦，1931 年 36）“正式核准了以神圣方式恢复的奥林
国际奥运会在雅典开幕“（LESJEUX Olympiques, p.55）。
当会场“重归寂静”（奥林匹克运动会，p.56），一个由陆军、海军、市和州多个乐队组成的大型管弦乐团集结在体育场中
心，伴着其他弦乐器和 150 人的
和声，在作曲家斯皮罗斯·萨马
拉斯的指挥下，献上了一首“奥林匹克运动会大合唱”——《奥inaugural address, the King rose and “in a sonorous voice”(Les Jeux Olympiques 53) “sealed the restoration of the
Olympic Games by pronouncing the sacramental formula”(Coubertin, 1931 36),” “I proclaim the opening of thefirst international Olympic Games at Athens” (Les Jeux
Olympiques 55).
Once “silence had been reestablished” (Les Jeux
Olympiques 56), a huge massed orchestra composedof the army, navy, municipal, and provincial bands,
assembled in the center of the stadium, and accompanied
by supplementary strings and a chorus of 150 voices, andunder the baton of the composer Spyros Samaras, delivered
the “Cantata for the Olympic Games,” the Olympic

Anthem: “these words sung in the open air under streaming

林匹克颂歌》：“在流动的阳光sunlight... had a marvelous effect. The harmonious

和空气中流淌的歌词……具有神

strains of the music floated on the air and kindled a fire of

奇的效果。和谐的旋律在空中飘

enthusiasm... everyone was profoundly touched” (Les Jeux

浮，点燃了激情的火花……所有

Olympiques 56), Samaras’s music set to the lyrics of the

人都被深深感动了”（奥林匹克

influential poet, Costis Palamis, drew thunderous applause;

运动会，p.56）。这首萨马拉斯

audience and monarch alike demanded and received an

作曲，著名诗人科斯蒂斯·帕拉

encore.

马斯作词的歌曲引来雷鸣般的掌声，在观众们和希腊国王的要求

Performed again at the 1906 Intercalated Games,

下又重新演唱了一遍。

Samaras’s work was subsequently replaced by anthems

1906 年 的 届 间 奥 运 会 再 次

specifically commissioned for official Olympic occasions,

演奏了萨马拉斯的作品，此后这

including compositions by Walter Bradley Keeler, Richard
Spisiak. Although Richard Strauss’ Olympic hymn, written
for the 1936 Berlin Olympics, was temporarily adopted
by the IOC as the official Olympic hymn, it was not until
its 55th Session in Tokyo, that the IOC, at the proposalof IOC member Prince Axel of Denmark, unanimously
adopted Samaras’s hymn as the official Olympic hymn
(Barker). Replying to the overtures of the Greek IOC
member, Ioannis Ketseas, Samaras’s widow, Anna, wrote,“I declare that I make no claim to the author’s rights due
to me through inheritance and I would be very happy if
this anthem were adopted as the international Olympichymn”(“The Olympic Hymn throughout the Games” 141).

场合创作的一些曲子所取代，这
些曲作者包括沃尔特·布拉德利
基勒、理查·施特劳斯、罗杰·奎尔 特、Jaako Linjama 和 Michael
Spisiak。虽然理查·施特劳斯为
1936 年 柏 林 奥 运 会 创 作 的“ 奥林匹克圣歌”一度为国际奥委会
确定为正式奥运赞歌，但在国际奥委会在东京召开的第 55 届全会根据丹麦委员阿克塞尔王子建议，一致通过将萨马拉斯的颂歌为正式奥林匹克颂歌（Barker）。
在回应国际奥委会希腊委员
Ioannis Ketseas 的 好 意 时， 萨 马

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Strauss, Roger Quilter, Jaako Linjama, and Michael

首歌曲便为专门为正式奥林匹克

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拉 斯 的 遗 孀 安 娜 写 道：“ 我 声Under the showbiz eye of Pageantry Committee chairman,

明，我不会要求通过遗产继承给

Walt Disney, 2,000 voices, “the largest choral group in

我的著作权。只要这首歌曲用作

Olympic history” joined “a 1,000 piece band . . . to present

国际奥林匹克圣歌（“整个运动

the Olympic anthem” at the opening ceremonies of the

会的奥林匹克颂歌”，p.141），

1960 Squaw Valley Winter Games (Squaw Valley Olympic

我就十分高兴了”。在 1960 年

Newsletter 3). The Anthem was also played in the same斯阔谷冬奥会的开幕式上，庆典

year at the Summer Games in Rome.

委员会主任沃尔特·迪斯尼以其演艺圈的视角，组织了 2000 人

Since then an indelible feature of the opening的“奥运史上最大的合唱团”与ceremonial, the Olympic Anthem is, as mandated by the1000 人的乐团，来演奏奥林匹

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克颂歌（斯阔谷奥运快讯，p.3）。

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大特色，根据《国际奥委会礼仪

在同一年的罗马夏季奥运会上也
演奏了这一颂歌。
此后，《奥林匹克颂歌》成为奥运会开幕仪式经久不衰的一
指南》规定，当奥林匹克会旗水IOC Protocol Guide, played as the Olympic flag, unfurledhorizontally, is brought into the stadium and hoisted atop
the flagpole. It remains to this day one of the most solemn
and dignified moments in the opening ceremonies, andperhaps in all of sport.

BEETHOVEN’S NINTH SYMPHONY

平展开、进入体育场并升上旗杆

At precisely 12:45 p.m. on February 7th, 1998, against

顶点时，需要演奏《奥林匹克颂

the backdrop of the majestic Japan Alps, 50,000 spectators歌》。时至今日，这仍然是奥运

assembled under a milky midday sky in Minami Stadium to会开幕式上，或许也是整个赛事

watch Boston Symphony Orchestra conductor Seiji Ozawa

中，最为庄严肃穆的时刻之一。

raise his baton in the Nagano Prefecture Cultural Hall tolead a worldwide rendition of Beethoven’s famed Ode to贝多芬第九交响曲
1998 年 2 月 7 日中午 12:45，
以雄伟的日本的“阿尔卑斯山”

Joy as part of the opening ceremonies of the Nagano WinterOlympic Games. Ninety Tokyo Opera Singers, including
eight soloists, were accompanied by 2,000 singers inthe Olympic Stadium as well as 200-member choruses

为背景，5 万名观众集聚在南体

in Berlin, New York, Cape Town, Beijing, and Sydney.

育场在正午乳白色的天幕下，准Shivering in the cold in front of the Brandenburg Gate, the时看到波士顿交响乐团指挥家小Ernst Senff Choir joined the globally synchronized chorus泽征尔在长野文化大厅挥动指挥at exactly 4:45 a.m. At 10:45 p.m. the Boston Symphony棒，领导一场全球参与演唱的贝

Orchestra’s Tanglewood Festival Chorus began singing in多芬名曲《欢乐颂》，这是长野

the United Nations Assembly Hall in New York while on

冬季奥运会开幕式的一个部分。

the other side of the world in Beijing the China National

包括８名独唱家在内的 90 名来Symphony Orchestra Chorus chimed in at 11:45 a.m. The

自东京的歌剧演唱家，与奥林匹

Sydney Philharmonic Choir linked in at 1:45 p.m. and three

克体育场的 2000 名歌手，以及

choruses sounded off at dawn from a sun drenched beach in

在柏林、纽约、开普敦、北京和Cape Town, South Africa.

悉尼的 200 人组成的合唱团，同一时间放声歌唱。凌晨勃兰登堡

in satellite transmission, time lag adjuster technology
developed by NHK Engineering Services, a branch ofJapan’s national television company, allowed audio andvisual signals to be captured and held, making possible
for the first time images and sounds from around theglobe to be perfectly coordinated in a simultaneous live
performance. As the New York Times quipped, musical andtechnological virtuosity combined to bring to a worldwide
viewing audience the latest Olympic sport of “synchronizedsinging” (Strom C3).

门前寒气逼人，厄恩斯特塞夫合唱团在 4:45 准时加入全球大合
唱，10:45 波士顿交响乐团坦格尔伍德音乐节合唱团纽约联合国大会堂开始歌唱。同一时间在世
界的另一边，中国国家交响乐团
合唱团在北京时间 11:45，悉尼爱 乐 合 唱 团 在 下 午 1:45 加 入，而在南非开普敦的 3 个合唱团则在黎明时分，在阳光普照的海滩
上放歌。
此前这种演出由于卫星传播瞬间滞后是不可能的，由日本国
家电视公司的分公司 NHK 工程211

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本Previously rendered impossible by momentary lags

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服务公司开发出来的瞬间滞后First performed in an Olympic context as part of the调节技术可捕获并保持音频和

opening ceremonies of the 1936 Berlin Olympics, the finale视频信号，这就首次使来自全球

of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony has become a popular

各地的图像和声音得以完美协

mainstay of modern Olympic protocol. The Ninth has

调，同时实况表演成为可能。正also been featured on other occasions within the Olympic

如纽约时报打趣所说，音乐和科

ceremonial; as the temporary national anthem of the

技精湛结合，给全世界观众带来unified German teams of the 1950s and 1960s, the Unified

了“同步歌唱” 的最新奥运项Team of the post-USSR era in 1992, and for several years,

目（Strom C3）。

Rhodesia until it became Zimbabwe in 1980, and as the贝多芬第九交响曲终曲在奥运语境中演奏，首见于 1936

part of the closing ceremonies, most memorably at the endof the 1980 Moscow Games, when as the flame was slowly

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年柏林奥运会开幕式已成为现

extinguished from the urn in the stadium, the Ode to Joy

代奥运会仪式中极受欢迎的主

burst out and fireworks “that boomed and whooshed like212德国联队的临时国歌，1992 年

流内容。它也出现在奥运庆典
的 其 他 场 合。 在 20 世 纪 50 年
代和 60 年代，它一度作为两个
作为苏联解体后独联体代表队的队歌。在若干年里为罗得西亚
所用，直到 1980 年为津巴布韦所 用。它也多次在闭幕式上演
出，最难忘的一次是 1980 年莫斯科奥运会闭幕式，当烈焰慢
慢地在体育场圣火坛熄灭，欢乐颂伴随着烟火乍然而起，“旋律 激 昂， 盘 旋 而 上， 如 火 箭 直冲云霄。”（Austin C1）。

rocket guns exploded in the skies”(Austin C1).

But it is as part of the opening ceremonies that the Ninth

但由于它常作为奥运会开

is most readily identified as a dimension of the Olympic

幕式组成部分，第九交响曲似乎

ritual. As part of the opening ceremonies in the 1936

最容易确定为奥林匹克仪式的内Berlin Games, for example, Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony容。例如，贝多芬的《第九交响was accompanied by the choreographed movements of曲》，在 1936 年柏林奥运会开

thousands of young gymnasts; during the 1984 Los Angeles

幕式上曾为上千名年轻的体操运

Games by 2,000 residents from various ethnic groups, all动员精心设计的舞蹈表演伴奏；

in native dress; in the 1992 Barcelona Olympics it was

在 1984 年 洛 杉 矶 奥 运 会 上 为interpreted by opera singers Eleazor Colomer, Montserrat

2000 名不同民族居民身着各自

Caballé, Teresa Berganza, Joan Pons, Giacomo Aragail,民族服装的表演伴奏；在 1992

José Carreras, and Plácido Domingo; and in 1998, at

年巴塞罗那奥运会上由歌剧歌手Nagano, delivered in the form of Osawa’s digitally埃 莉 诺· 科 洛 莫 尔、 蒙 特 赛 拉synchronized, trans-continental choral extravaganza.
Beethoven’s famed Symphony has risen to the level of an
Olympic hymn.

OLYMPIC IDEALISM
From the very beginning, Coubertin saw the Olympic
Games as “something else” (2000 543); as “more than just琼·庞斯、贾科莫·阿拉盖尔、
何塞·卡雷拉斯和普拉西多·多明戈演绎；在 1998 年长野冬奥会上又以数字化同步的跨大洲合唱表演的形式展现出来。庄严宏大、令人惊叹，贝多芬著名交响
曲的最后一个乐章被提升到奥林匹克颂歌的高度。

games,” to use Guttmann’s phrase (1). “It is,” Coubertin
wrote, “just this “something else” that matters, as it is not

奥林匹克理想主义

to be found in any other variety of athletic competition”

从一开始顾拜旦就看到了奥(2000 543). The “something else” was an ideology, a运 会 的“ 不 同 寻 常”（2000 ，complex admixture of ethics, world-view, metaphysics, andp.543），用古特曼的话来说（p.1）

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Majestic and awe-inspiring, vast and sublime, the finale of特·卡芭叶、泰蕾莎·贝尔冈萨、

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其“ 不 仅 仅 是 运 动 会。”。 顾mythology that Coubertin derived from ancient Hellenism,

拜旦写道“正是这种不同寻常”

medieval chivalric codes, English Muscular Christianity,

是极为重要的，因为它是任何其and 19th Century Internationalism. Coubertin called his

他体育比赛所不具备的（2000 ,philosophy Olympism, which, he wrote, is a “school of

p.543）。“ 这 不 同 寻 常 的” 是nobility and of moral purity as well as of endurance and指一种意识形态，一种多种元素

physical energy” (2000 511). He also called it “a religion

的混和物，包括伦理、世界观、of energy, the cultivation of intense will developed through

形而上学及顾拜旦从古代泛希腊

the practice of manly sports, based on proper hygiene and主义、中世纪的骑士精神、英国

public-spiritedness, surrounded with art and thought” (2000强身派基督教和 19 世纪的国际44). His ultimate goal was to rediscover all the elements of

主义概括出来的神话。顾拜旦称

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scattered moral force in the world, to endow his refurbished其理念为奥林匹克主义。对此，Olympic Games with the means to help bring about214

的卫生和公共精神，通过男性运他写道，是“道德纯洁的贵族的学校，也是耐力和体力的学校”（2000，p.511）。 他 也 称 其 为“围绕着艺术和思想，基于适宜
动实践所形成的能量宗教和强化训 练。”（2000，p.44）。 他 的
最终目标是重新发现散落于世界
的道德力量的各种元素，使复兴的奥运会成为实现现代社会转型
的手段。“先生们”，他写道，这是一个观念秩序，我试图从中引伸出指导和保护竞技运动复兴的精神力量。健全的民主、
智慧及和平的国际主义会以它们

nothing less than the transformation of modern society.
“Gentleman,” he wrote,
this is the order of ideas from which I intend to draw the elements
of moral strength that must guide and protect the renaissance of athletics.
Healthy democracy and wise and peaceful internationalism will maketheir way into the new stadium. There they will glorify the honorand selflessness that will enable athletics to carry out its task of moral
betterment and social peace, as well as physical development. (2000 537)

An idiosyncratic philosophy, Olympism has remained

的方式进入新的体育场。在那里，

to this day the wellspring of the Olympic Movement. The

它们会崇尚使竞技运动能够实现current Olympic Charter defines Olympism as:

其道德提升、社会安定及身体发
育 的 任 务 所 需 的 荣 誉 和 无 私。

a philosophy of life, exalting and combining in a balanced whole（2000，p.537）

the qualities of body, will, and mind. Blending sport with culture and作为一种特殊的思想，奥林

education, Olympism seeks to create a way of life based on the joy found匹克主义直到今天依然是奥林匹

in effort, the educational value of good example and respect for universal

克运动的源泉。目前的《奥林匹fundamental ethical principles. (International Olympic Committee 10)

克宪章》将奥林匹克主义定义为：“ 将 身、 心 和 精 神 方 面 的And the goal of Olympism, according to the Charter,

各种品质均衡地结合起来，并使

“is to place sport at the service of the harmonious

之得到提高的一种人生哲学。它

development of man, with a view to promoting a peacefuldignity” (International Olympic Committee 10). As past
IOC President, Juan Antonio Samaranch, once put it, thedifference between ordinary sport and Olympic sport is thatthe latter has “a culture and a mission” (Olympic Review
311).

体。奥林匹克主义所要建立的生
活方式是以奋斗中所体验到的乐趣、优秀榜样的教育价值和对一般伦理基本原则的推崇为基础
的。”（国际奥委会，p.10）
依其章程，奥林匹克主义的目标“是体育运动服务于人的和谐发展，以促进一个维护人的尊严的和平社会”（国际奥委会，
p.10）。正如国际奥委会前主席
萨马兰奇曾说过的，寻常的体育
运动和奥林匹克体育运动之间的区别在于，后者具有“文化和使命”（奥林匹克评论，p.311）。

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society concerned with the preservation of human

将体育运动与文化和教育融为一

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Overall, the Olympic Games have been distinguished之处是它有一套精心设计和振奋by an elaborate and provocative system of ceremonies,

人心的典礼、仪式和符号体系。

rituals and symbols. It is “primarily through the顾拜旦具有预见性地指出，“奥ceremonies,” Coubertin presciently noted, “that the运会必须主要通过仪式来把自己

Olympiad must distinguish itself from a mere series of

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和一系列单纯的世界锦标赛区分

world championships” (2000 596). The opening ceremonies

开 来。”（2000，p.596） 尤 其in particular mediate the meaning of Olympism: the是开幕式传递了奥林匹克主义的

release of doves symbolizes the quest for peace; the意义：放飞和平鸽象征着追求和

Olympic flag embodies the spirit of international amity

平 ；升奥林匹克会旗体现了国际and brotherhood; the Olympic torch relay stands for peace

友好和兄弟情谊；奥运圣火传递

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and the international scope of the Games; and the Olympic

代表着和平和奥运会的国际性；oath instantiates the hope for justice and fairness. As two

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最后一个乐章也展现了奥林匹克义的期望。作为开幕式的其中两个 内 容， 官 方 的《 奥 林 匹 克 颂歌》和贝多芬《第九交响曲》的理念。本文旨在解构这些用音乐
形式对奥林匹克主义的表达，并
展现这两首乐曲如何强有力地诠释奥林匹克主义的深刻内涵。我将以库克提出的“ 宗教、和平和美”这奥林匹克主义的三大支柱
来组织本篇论文。

official Olympic Anthem and the finale of Beethoven’s Ninthalso encode and present the Olympic ideology. The purposeof this paper is to deconstruct these tonal expressions of
Olympism and show how both serve as powerful andcompelling representations of Olympism. In order tostructure my paper I will use the three underpinnings ofOlympism as articulated by Cook: “religion first, thenpeace, and finally beauty” (11).

Religion

宗

教

From the very beginning, Coubertin endowed the从一开始顾拜旦就赋予现代modern Olympic Movement with a philosophico-religious

奥林匹克运动以哲学－宗教的涵

doctrine; “Like the athletics of antiquity,” he once declared,

义。他曾明确表示，“与古代体“modern athletics is a religion, a belief, a passionate育运动一样 ”，“现代体育运动

movement of the spirit that can range from “games to是一种宗教，一种理念，一种充heroism” (2000 576). Grounded in a secularized amalgam

满激情的精神运动，其范围包括of muscular Christianity and Hellenic pagan theology,“从运动会到英雄主义”（2000，

Coubertin coined the phrase religio athlete to describe thereligious asceticism of Olympic sport:
The primary, fundamental characteristic of ancient
Olympism, and of modern Olympism as well, is that it
a sculptor does a statue, the ancient athlete ‘honored
the gods.’ In doing likewise, the modern athlete honors
his country, his race, and his flag. Therefore, I believethat I was right to restore, from the very beginning ofmodern Olympism, a religious sentiment transformed
and expanded by the internationalism and democracy thatare distinguished features of our day. Yet this is the samereligious sentiment that led the young Hellenes, eager for

和希腊异教神学的世俗混合物，
顾拜旦创造了短语“宗教化运动员”一词来形容奥林匹克体育运动的宗教禁欲主义。
古代奥林匹克精神与现代奥
林匹克主义最重要的基本特征，
是其宗教性。通过锻炼塑造自己的身体，如同雕塑家做雕像，古代运动员用于“礼神”。同样，现代运动员则用于崇敬他的国家、种族和国旗。因此，我确信，在现代奥林匹克运动之初，恢复
由我们这个时代显著特征的国际
主义和民主转化而来且得到扩展

the victory of their muscles, to the foot of the altars of Zeus.

的宗教情怀是正确的。也正是这(2000 580)

种相同宗教情怀，引导年轻的希腊人，渴望将自己肌肉的胜利，217

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

is religious. By chiseling his body through exercise as

p.576）。 立 足 于 强 身 派 基 督 教

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供奉于宙斯的祭坛脚下。（2000，
p.580）

Throughout the history of the modern Games, inritual and rhetoric, ceremony and rite, dress and song, the纵观现代奥运会在仪式和言

Olympics have reified a transcendent conception of sport.

辞，仪式和礼仪，着装和歌曲方

Religious themes, motifs and language infuse both the面的历史，显然，奥运会已将体

ideology and design of the Games and are presented overtly

育运动的超然意境物化为现实。

in both Samaras’s Anthem as well as Beethoven’s Ode to

宗教的主题、动机和语言注入奥Joy.

运会的意识形态和设计，并在萨马拉斯的颂歌和贝多芬的欢乐颂
中表露无遗。

Sung in keeping with protocol during the opening
ceremonies, the Olympic anthem captures the exalted

伴随开幕式礼仪过程中的歌

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religious sentiments associated with the Olympic ideology,

唱，奥林匹克颂歌紧紧扣住与奥

linking the current Olympic festival with the ancient218

奥林匹克思想。正如诗人品达曾

林匹意识形态相关的、崇高的宗教情感，将该届奥林匹克庆典与
古奥林匹亚的庆典联系在一起，通过这种联系固化和圣化了现代经写道的：
但是，我的心啊，倘若你想歌颂比赛的辉煌，那就凝视太阳吧，荒凉的天际，再无另一颗星，
能在白昼比它更为明亮
我们也不会为胜过奥林匹亚
的比赛而歌唱繁复的颂歌从那里传出通过诗人的描述，歌颂克罗

celebrations at Olympia and anchoring and sanctifying themodern Olympic ideology by association. Just as the poet
Pindar once wrote:
But, my heart, would you chant the glory of the games
look no further than the sun
by day for any star shining brighter through the desert air,nor shall we sing games greater than the Olympian.
From there the manifold song is spreadby the skill of the poets, to celebrate
the son of Kronos, visiting
the magnificent hearth of Heron; (1)So now the Olympic Anthem intones, “Immortal Spiritof antiquity, father of the true, the good, and the beautiful,descend, appear, shed over us thy light upon this groundand under this sky first witnesses to thy glory” (MacAloon
215).

诺斯之子，
到达快乐富有的希耶罗家的壁炉旁。
因此，今天的《奥林匹克会歌》这样唱道：“古代不朽之神，
美丽、伟大而正直的圣洁之父。

The religious sentiments of Olympism are equally

祈求降临尘世以彰显自己，让数

well reflected in the Ninth which, as Solomon puts it, is人瞩目的英雄，在这大地穹苍中，an “extended metaphor of a quest for Elysium” (14). The

作为你荣耀的见证”。
（MacAloon,

language of Schiller’s text clearly serves as a self-conscious
affirmation of a spiritual intent:

p.215）
奥林匹克主义的宗教情怀同
样也见之于第九交响曲，正如所Be embraced, millions!

Brothers, above the starry canopy
Must a loving father dwell (Levy 12).

世界的扩展隐喻”（p.14）。词
作者席勒诗句清楚表明对精神意
向的自我意识的肯定：
拥抱吧，万民！

Akin to Olympism, the purpose of the Ode to Joy, as
Rolland avers, is to preach “the kingdom of God on earth,established by the brotherhood of man, in reason and injoy” (977).
But the grand and profound appeal of Beethoven’s
historic work which most theologically suits Olympism is
not only that it assumes ecclesiastical overtones but that it
does so in a non-denominational sense; it appeals to a deity

这一吻送给全世界！
兄弟们，星空的高处，
定住着慈爱的天父。
与奥林匹克主义相同，欢乐颂的目的，如罗兰所断言的，就是要宣扬“尘世间的上帝之国，
通过人们之间的兄弟情谊，在理性和欢乐中建立”（p.977）。
但是贝多芬这部历史性作
品在神学上十分符合奥林匹克主219

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本This kiss for the whole world!

罗门所说，它是一个“追求极乐

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义，其伟大和深远的感染力不仅

who transcends particularities of religious creed and dogma;

在于它呈现的宗教色彩，而且在

it offers a fusion of Christian and pagan beliefs, “a marriage

于它非宗教控制的方式 ; 它趋向of Faust and Helen” to use Solomon’s phrase (22). Not

一个超越各种宗教教义和教条的surprisingly, even Coubertin acknowledged the religious

神，融合了基督徒和异教徒的信

allure of Beethoven’s work noting that the “harmony of the

仰。用所罗门的话来说，是“浮piece seemed to communicate with the Divine” (2000 583).

士德与海伦联姻”（p.22）。毫

It remains to this day a catechism of the soul that serves as

不奇怪，即使顾拜旦也承认贝多a universal chorus of humanity well-suited to the secular

芬的作品具有宗教魅力，“和谐ambitions of Olympism.

的乐曲似乎在与神沟通”（2000，
p.583）。 直 到 今 天 它 仍 保 持 勾

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In short, both Samaras’s anthem and Beethoven’s

人魂魄的教理，极为适合奥林匹

famed symphonic work present the religious leit motif

克主义世俗雄心的人类大合唱。

that informs the idealism of Olympism and instantiate

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宗教主旋律，顾拜旦力图让他所

总 之， 无 论 萨 马 拉 斯 的 颂
歌，还是贝多芬的著名交响曲，都具有传递奥林匹克主义理想的
理解的现代奥运会的崇敬和活力
到达到他所景仰的古代奥运会
的水平，这使之成为现实。这两
部作品反映了古希腊文化巨大的
号召力，以令人回味的神话理想诉说着我们正进行的令人着迷的事业。创作了几届奥运会主题曲的作曲家约翰·威廉姆斯正确指
出：“灵感对我来说……来自大家似乎都能感觉到神话想法。那Coubertin’s intent to bring to the modern Olympiad thesame level of reverence and vitality that he construed as
ennobling the Games of antiquity. Both pieces reflect theauthoritative appeal of ancient Hellenism and speak to ourongoing fascination with an evocative mythological ideal.
As composer of several Olympic pieces, John Williams
appropriately notes: “the inspiration for me . . . comes fromthe mythological idea that we all seem to feel. It’s all about
deities and heroes that lived up in the mountain somewherethat could do something we couldn’t do” (Guegold xiv).

PeaceThe sentiments of peace and universal brotherhood
were written into the Olympic ideology, encoded into the
Olympic ritual and celebrated in the Olympic liturgy fromthe very beginning. “Wars break out,” Coubertin wrote,

是生活在某处山顶上神和英雄，
他们有能力做我们无法做的一些
事情。”（Guegold, p.xiv）。

和平

because nations misunderstand each other. We shall not

和平与博爱的情感在奥林匹

have peace until the prejudices which now separate the克意识形态里有所表述，从一开

different races shall have been outlived. To attain that end,

始就编制进了奥林匹克礼制，在what better means than to bring the youth of all countries
periodically together for amicable trials of muscularstrength and ability. (2000 360)
The claim of peace and reconciliation through Olympic“We Germans,” German Foreign Minister Baron Neurathproclaimed during the 1936 opening ceremonies, “accept
with pride and joy the Olympic idea . . . Strengthening
the body and steeling the will in peaceful and comradely
competition for the laurel of victory, cooperation, mutual
assistance and friendship” (Birchall 6). Past International
Olympic Committee President Juan Antonio Samaranch
expressed the perspective of many an Olympic leader when

道：“战争爆发”，是因为国家
的相互误解。我们将不会有和平，直至造成当前种族分离的偏见得到克服。为实现这一目标，有什么让各国的年轻人定期在一起进
行肌肉力量和能力的友好比赛更
好的方法吗。 （2000，p.360）
通过奥林匹克体育运动实
现 和 平 与 和 解， 经 历 了 时 间，
甚至最凶险时期的考验。德国外
交部长诺伊拉特男爵在 1936 年
开幕仪式宣称“我们德国人”，“以自豪和喜悦心情接受奥林匹克 理 念 …… 增 强 体 质， 强 化 意

he told the world that “our philosophy proceeds from the志，在为争夺胜利桂冠的和平的belief that sport is an inalienable part of the educational

同志式的比赛中，合作、互助，

process and a factor for promoting peace, friendship,友 爱。”（ 伯 查 尔，p.6）。 国际 奥 委 会 前 主 席 胡 安· 安 东 尼

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sport has endured, even during the most inauspicious times.

奥运仪式上加以庆祝。顾拜旦写

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奥·萨马兰奇表达了诸多奥运领cooperation and understanding among peoples” (12). Most

导者的看法，他告诉世人，“我recently, the United Nations Assembly adopted a resolution

们 的 信 念， 即 体 育 是 教 育 过 程urging the world to observe the Olympic Truce during

中不可分割的组成部分，是促进

the Games of the 30th Olympiad in London. “Sport will

各 国 人 民 之 间 和 平、 友 谊、 合

not impose peace,” the Director of the International Truce

作及相互理解的一个要因素。”

Center recently stated, “but it might inspire it, encouraging（p.12）。前不久，联合国大会

humanity to imagine peace” (International Olympic Truce

通过一项决议，敦促全世界在伦Center).

敦举办的第 30 届奥运会期间，遵守奥林匹克休战。 国际休战The message of peace and enlightened humanity is

中心主任最近指出“体育运动不

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conveyed less by the lyrics of the Olympic Anthem than会强制实现和平”，“但它可激

it is by the ceremonial circumstance in which the Anthem

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明的信息要少于颂歌演奏的仪式发 和 平， 鼓 励 人 类 向 往 和 平”
（国际奥林匹克休战中心）。
相 比 而 言，《 奥 林 匹 克 颂歌》歌词中传递的和平与人类文场景。当颂歌提及“古代不朽的神”（MacAloon, p.215），蕴含
了古代奥林匹克休战的愿望以及
古代奥运会传播希腊人之间的文
化 共 同 性 的 含 义。1960 年 斯 阔谷冬季奥运会开幕式演出的颂歌歌词中包括“和平中的人类，将永远站立享受你那金色的光芒”（组委会，p.35）。现在使用正式奥林匹克颂歌不直接涉及和平

is performed. While the Anthem makes reference to the“Immortal Spirit of antiquity” (MacAloon 215), a phrasethat connotes the aspirations of the ancient Olympic truce
as well as the use of the ancient Games to promulgate
a sense of cultural commonality among the Hellenes,
and while the text for the Anthem played at the opening
ceremonies of the 1960 Olympic Winter Games at Squaw
Valley included the line “Mankind in peace shall ever standto take thy golden light” (Organizing Committee 35), thecurrent official version of the Anthem does not reference
peace and international cooperation per se.

But in the case of the Olympic Anthem, text is less与国际合作。

important than context, and performed most notably during

然而，就《奥林匹克颂歌》

the opening ceremonies, the coupling of the Anthem with

而言，其文本远没有演出的语境

the flag ceremonial locates the Anthem in the wheelhouse那样重要，颂歌在开幕式中伴随of the ritualized presentation of the universalist aspirations

着会旗仪式，引人瞩目地演出，of Olympism. Nowhere was the Olympic message of peace这就将颂歌置于奥林匹克主义

and brotherhood better expressed in powerful orchestrated

普世愿望的仪式展示的中心位

ceremony than during the opening ceremony of the 1988

置。1988 年 汉 城 奥 运 会 开 幕 式

Seoul Olympic Games during which the Olympic flag

中，精心策划的仪式将奥林匹克

arrived in the stadium to the accompaniment of a band

和平与友爱的信息传递，表演得

playing traditional Korean instruments Chitadae. After淋 漓 尽 致。 奥 林 匹 克 会 旗 伴 随

white doves of peace were released, the familiar fanfare of

着传统乐器的国家交响乐团的the Olympic Anthem was performed by a mass Korean choirpole. An iconic symbol, the multicolored flag with its fiveinterlaced rings remains a widely recognized “international
emblem” (Coubertin, 2000 594) that represents theunion of nations and the Olympic goals of peace, mutual
understanding and cooperation.
While the themes of peace and brotherhood are
inherently covert in the Olympic Anthem, expressedprimarily in the ritual context in which the Anthem ispresented rather than language, they are most distinctly
overt in Beethoven’s Choral Symphony. In fact, deeply
symbolic of the quest for universal brotherhood and鸽 腾 空 而 起， 身 着 白 色 服 装 的韩国大众合唱团高唱人们熟悉的奥林匹克颂歌，此时奥林匹克会旗缓缓升到旗杆顶部。这就是
那个著名的象征性符号 ：五环交错相接的彩色旗帜，全球广泛认可的“国际象征”（顾拜旦，
2000，p.594）， 表 示 着 世 界 各
国的团结及和平、相互理解与合
作的奥林匹克目标。
如果说隐含于《奥林匹克颂
歌》的和平和友好主题，主要是
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演奏抵达运动场，象征和平的白

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的《合唱交响曲》中则得到更为

powerfully evocative of a global yearning for peace,明确的表达。事实上，贝多芬的Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony has graced the stage of《第九交响曲》深刻象征着对全

several epochal moments in modern history that speak to

世界友好的追求，有力地呼唤全

our highest pacifist and internationalist ideals: on December

世界对于和平的渴望，在现代历31, 1918, two months after the armistice, Arthur Nikisch史进程的几个划时代节点上，它

conducted a performance of the Ninth in a concert in Berlin

都曾经登上历史舞台，诉说我们

dedicated to ‘Peace and Freedom’; during Christmas 1989,

最崇高的和平主义和国际主义理

it was performed under the baton of Leonard Bernstein to

想：1918 年 12 月 31 日， 在 第celebrate the dismantling of the Berlin Wall.

一次世界大战结束后两个月，阿瑟·尼基什在柏林一场“和平与In the Ninth, Beethoven specifically employs Schiller’s

自由”主题的音乐会上指挥演奏text to portray “Joy, beautiful spark of divinity” (“Freude,

了《 第 九 交 响 曲》；1989 年 圣诞节期间，为庆祝柏林墙的拆除，
伦纳德·伯恩斯坦也指挥演奏了
这一乐曲。
在第九交响乐中，贝多芬有
意借助席勒的文字来描绘“神性的欢乐、美丽的火花”，“极乐世界的女儿”。这一定会使我们大家团结，让我们大家感动。
“一切善”与“一切恶”， “兄弟们沿着你的道路奔跑” “像获胜的英雄享受快乐”（列维，p.9-12）。
它是人类社会经久不衰的音乐符
号，20 世纪初期泛欧组织创始
人 Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi，schooner Götterfunken”), Daughter of Elysium (“Tochter
aus Elysium”), which must unite and touch us all, “Allgood” (“Alle Guten”) and “all bad” (“alle Bösen”); “Run,brothers, your path” (“Laufet, Brüder, eure Bahn”), “Joyful,
as a hero to victory” (“Freudig, wie ein Held zum Siegen”)(Levy 9-12). An enduring sonic symbol of a communityof mankind, Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi, the founderof the early twentieth century Pan Europa organization,
announced in 1929 in reference to Beethoven’s Ninththat “Ludwig van Beethoven composed the melody thatsupremely expresses the will and desire of the masses
for joy, union, and brotherhood” (Buch 203). Coubertin
shared the sentiment welcoming its inaugural Olympic
performance on the evening of August 1st, 1936, at theBerlin Games, by invoking Schiller’s lines in honoring the在 1929 年提及贝多芬的第九交“physical harmony stronger than death itself that was being

响乐时，认为“路德维希·冯·贝

fashioned under the auspices of the five-ringed Olympic

多芬创作的这一乐曲无与伦比地

flag” (Brohm 141). In short, both Samaras’s Anthem and表达了广大民众向往欢乐、团结

Beethoven’s Ninth encode a lofty indeed transcendent

和兄弟情谊的意志和愿望。”（巴mythological religiosity that speaks to a classical ideal of an赫，p.203）。顾拜旦在 1936 年

enlightened humanity with its eternally optimistic promise

8 月 1 日晚柏林奥运会上的首次

of peace, joy and reconciliation.

奥林匹克演出致辞时表达了同样的情怀，他借用席勒诗句，崇尚

Beauty“身体和谐比死亡本身强大，这
正是奥林匹克五环旗倡导的时尚。”（布罗姆，p.141）。总之，Coubertin was inspired by the beauty of ancient Olympia

无论萨马拉斯的颂歌还是贝多芬in all its geographical, ceremonial, architectural, religious,

第九交响曲都蕴含着高尚的神话

artistic and athletic dimensions. “Anyone who studies the宗教，诉说着文明人类的古典理

ancient Games,” he wrote in 1908, “ will perceive that

想，对和平、欢乐与和解的永恒

their deep significance was due to two principal elements:

而乐观的希望。

beauty and reverence. If the modern Games are to exercise
the influence I desire for them they must in turn show
beauty and reverence – a beauty and a reverence infinitely
surpassing anything hitherto realized in the most important
athletic contests of our day. The grandeur and dignityof processions and attitudes, the impressive splendor of
ceremonies, the concurrence of all the arts, popular emotion
and generous sentiment, must all in some sort collaborate
together. ”(2000 545)

美丽顾拜旦在其奥林匹克之旅启程之时，就为古代奥运会在地理、仪式、建筑、宗教、艺术和竞技运动等各个方面的美所深深地激动。他在 1908 年写道：“任何研究古奥运会的人，都会感知
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From the very beginning of his Olympic sojourn,

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素：美和崇敬。如果要让现代奥运会产生我所希冀的影响，它也To beautify the Games, to honor, dignify and distinguish同样必须显示出美和崇敬，它的

them, Coubertin advocated for what he called “eurythmy”

美和崇敬要无限超越我们时代迄(2000 202),” a term that encoded his notions of poise,

今最重要的各种体育比赛所表现balance and harmony; he established the Arts Competitions,出的一切。壮观的游行、庄重的

the Pentathlon of the Muses, which in conjunction with the态度，壮丽而感人的庆典，各种Games created what Coubertin called a marriage of “Muscle

艺术交相映辉，大众情感及慷慨and Mind” (2000 611), a way of “promoting harmony by

情怀，所有这些以某种方式整合

reconciling opposites” (2000 620), and in keeping with the

在一起。”（2000，p.545）

aesthetics of John Ruskin paid close attention to the role of

为了美化奥运会，使其成为

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rituals and ceremonies, decorations and architecture, even

光荣、崇高、不同凡响的盛会，

such seemingly mundane topics as garlands, emblems,

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即“缪斯五项”，艺术比赛与奥顾 拜 旦 提 出 他 称 之 为“ 和 谐”（eurythmy）一词，用这一术语
来蕴含他所指的姿势、平衡、和谐。他开启了奥林匹克艺术比赛，
运会体育比赛相结合，以实现顾拜旦主张的“肌肉和头脑”的联姻（2000，p.611）、成为“通过调和矛盾，促进和谐”的一种方
式（2000，p.620）。这与约翰·拉
斯金的美学思想一脉相承，注重发挥仪式和典礼、装饰与建筑的作用，即便只是些如花环、会徽、旗帜、奖杯、证书、招贴画和奖
牌等似乎平常的主题。装饰艺术flags, trophies, diplomas, poster design, and medals. The
decorative arts in particular were vital to Coubertin’s
agenda of beautification and in the ultimate expression of
his Ruskian vision, he argued that the Games should exhibit
unity between athlete, spectator, environment, decoration,
landscape, and ceremony.
Music, not surprisingly, has remained a central andpowerful ingredient in the celebration and beautificationof the Games. During the opening and closing ceremonies,
the medal presentation, the media production of the Games,
the arts festivals, and as accompaniment to some of the
sports themselves, audiences are regaled with an infinite
variety of music – from national anthems to popular music,

from opera to rap, from classical to gospel. But the music对顾拜旦美化奥运会计划至关重

officially and traditionally linked to the Games, the music

要，为充分展现其对拉斯金美学

that defines and connotes the modern Games, that ennobles

思想的憧憬，他认为奥运会应该and distinguishes them, remains to this day the classical表现出运动员、观众、环境、装hymns, marches, fanfares, and processionals that stir the饰、景观和仪式的和谐一致。

imagination, speak to the sacred, historical heritage of

不出所料，音乐在奥运会的

the Games and instantiate the Olympic ideology. Both庆典和美化中一直是一个强有力

Samaras’s Anthem as well as Beethoven’s Ninth serve as

的核心要素。在开幕式和闭幕式、

hallmark works that most clearly capture the idealism of the颁奖仪式、奥运会的媒体制作、Games and ennoble the opening ceremonial by instantiating

艺术节以及一些体育项目的伴奏the beauty, solemnity and reverence that Coubertin sought

中，观众在各类音乐中尽情享受，

to bring to his modern sporting edifice. In reference to the从各国国歌到流行音乐，从歌剧Olympic Anthem, former IOC President, Lord Killanin,到说唱音乐，从古典到赞美诗，

spite of efforts to this end over the years. It is very moving,
especially when performed as it usually is, by a goodorchestra and choir” (141). And BBC TV’s Barry Davies
commented that for him “The Olympic hymn continues
to evoke a feeling of warmth of man’s humanity to man”
(Olympic Grandstand).

无所不包。但是正式的并在传统
上与奥运会相关的音乐，确定和蕴含现代奥运会意义的音乐，使奥运会升华并将其突显出来的音乐，直到今天依然是古典颂歌、
进行曲、仪式短曲及游行曲，以激发人们的想象，讲述奥运会神圣的历史遗产和奥林匹克思想的典 范。 萨 马 拉 斯 的 颂 歌 和 贝 多芬的第九交响曲都作为标志性作品，都极为清晰地捕捉到了奥运
会的理想主义，将顾拜旦为构建其“现代体育大厦”所寻求的美、庄严和崇敬具体化，从而升华了227

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wrote: “I am pleased this hymn has not been changed in

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开幕式。国际奥委会前主席基拉Beethoven’s Ninth elicits similar responses. Anticipat-

宁勋爵在提及奥林匹克颂歌时，ing the inclusion of the Ninth in the Berlin opening ceremo-

写道：“我很高兴这首颂歌没有nies, Coubertin once declared that “Nothing could make me

被换掉，尽管多年来一直有人试

happier, because during my childhood this particular move-图这样做。这首歌曲非常感人，

ment stirred and moved me deeply” (2000 583). He further

尤其是当由一个良好的乐团和合

wrote, tying the presence of Beethoven’s work not only to唱团表演时，通常都是这样。”

the Games but to the force of history:（p.141）。BBC 电视的巴里·戴维斯评论也评论道，“奥林匹克I hope that in the future choral music, which is so well-suited to颂歌在持续不断地激发人们对他translating the power of the hopes and joys of youth will accompany

人的温暖之情”（奥运看台）。

their Olympic feats more and more. Similarly, I hope that history will

贝多芬第九交响曲也激发

hold a major place alongside poetry in intellectual exhibitions held

了人们类似的反应。顾拜旦预感

alongside the Games. This is only natural, since Olympism is a part of

到第九交响曲会出现在柏林开幕
式时，曾公开说过“没有什么可以让我更快乐了，因为在我童年
时，这一乐章就打动了我，让我
感 动 不 已 ”（2000，p.583）。
他还写道，贝多芬作品不仅对奥运会有意义，而且显示了历史的力量：
我 希 望 在 未 来， 这 种 非 常适合传递青年们希望和欢乐的力
量的合唱音乐，会越来越多地伴随他们的奥运壮举。同样，我也
希望与奥运会同时举办的知识展览中，历史获得与诗歌一样重要

history. To celebrate the Olympic Games is to lay claim to history (2000583).

Or as Seiji Osawa remarked on the eve of the Nagano

的位置。这是十分自然的，因为

production of the Ninth; “People all over the world singing

奥林匹克就是历史的一部分。庆

about joy – that’s the purpose” (Strom C3).

祝奥运会就是重申历史（2000，
p.583）。

In other words, Samaras’s Hymn and Beethoven’s Ninth

或者就象小泽征尔于长野指

are components of a complex organizational matrix and in挥第九交响曲前夕所说： “全communion with a wide variety of other well established

世界的人们齐唱欢乐 —— 这就rituals, especially during the opening ceremonies, constitute是目的”（斯特罗姆，C3）。

the beauty and beautification of the Olympic Games换言之，萨马拉斯的《奥林Movement, in particular as art forms that instantiate the匹克颂歌》和贝多芬的《第九交harmony and balance that Olympism propounds.

响曲》都是复杂的组织化“矩阵”
的组成部分，尤其是在开幕式中，

CONCLUSION

它们与其他业已成熟的诸多仪式
交相辉映，将奥林匹克主义倡导的和谐与平衡的理念具象为特有Movement captured more fully or more movingly, and for

的艺术形式，构建了奥林匹克运many more inspirationally, than in the Olympic Anthem

动之美。

and the final movement of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony,each in their own way expressing the three fundamental
characteristics of Olympism – religion, peace and beauty.
Whether performed by military bands, official Olympic
orchestras, children or adult, secular or church choirs,
during the opening or closing ceremonies, and in the case结论
大概没有其他什么能像《奥林匹克颂歌》和贝多芬《第九交响曲》的最后一个乐章将奥林匹克运动的理想主义把握地如此充of the anthem, in Greek, Korean, English, or Norwegian,分、如此动人，而且给人如此多solo soprano or mass choral, both remain popular and的启迪。它们以各自的方式表达

expressive mainstays of the modern Olympic pageant

奥林匹克精神的三大基本特征：229

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Nowhere perhaps is the idealism of the Olympic

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宗教、和平和美。不论其演奏者

and powerful expressions of the Olympic ideology. Both是军乐队，正式的奥运乐团，儿

pieces have their detractors of course. Lekarska writes of

童或成人，世俗的或教会的合唱

the Anthem that “What the Olympic ceremonies still need团，是在开幕式还是在闭幕式上is a popular tune capable of inspiring the sportsmen of the

表演，《奥林匹克颂歌》是希腊

world, a tune that lives up to the five circles, the burning语唱，还是韩语、英语或是挪威flame and the flight of doves” (157) and Ned Gorem once

语唱，是女高音独唱或是群体合

described Beethoven’s Ninth as “the first piece of junk唱，这两者一直是现代奥林匹克in the grand style” (Taruskin 244). But supporters and盛会最受欢迎且最具表现力的支

detractors alike, both compositions serve as powerful sonic

柱，也是奥林匹克思想有力表达

components of the Olympic protocol and in conjunction方式。这两者当然都有其批评者。

with a wide array of other impressive and well recognized

Lekarska 谈颂歌时，评论道，“奥林匹克仪式仍然需要一首能够鼓
舞全世界运动员的流行乐曲，以不 辜 负 五 环， 燃 烧 的 圣 火 和 放飞 的 鸽 子 ”（p.157）。 而 Ned
Gorem 曾经将贝多芬《第九交响曲》说成“风格豪华的头号垃圾”（Taruskin, p.244）。
但 是， 支 持 也 好， 反 对 也
好，这两个作品都为奥林匹克礼
仪提供了强有力的音响元素并与
其他一系列令人印象深刻且广泛认可的仪式相结合，如纳入开幕式、闭幕式和颁奖礼仪的礼仪，构建了一个庄严肃穆、壮观永存的框架，使奥运会超凡拔俗，不rituals – rituals embedded in the opening, closing and medal
ceremonies – provide the solemn and invariably spectacular
framework that distinguishes the Olympics from all othersport competitions, precisely what Coubertin envisioned
for the Olympics from the very beginning and precisely
what contributes to their worldwide spectatorial appeal andsuccess to this day.

Of course, the ceremonies too, especially the opening

同于其他任何体育比赛。这正是

ceremonies, have their critics. The acclaimed British顾拜旦从一开始所设想的奥运会

athletics coach, Geoffrey Dyson, an otherwise avid

愿景，这也对奥运会今日的成功

supporter of the Games, once remarked that the opening

和享有全球瞩目的吸引力，多有ceremonies were “fawning, fake, pseudo pomp-and-贡献。

circumstance” (Lucas 186). Nor are the Games themselves

当然，奥林匹克仪式，尤其

without their censors. Many like Rose have argued that the

是开幕式，也有其批评者。备受

Games should be eliminated because they are simply “too赞誉的英国田径教练杰弗里·戴

big, too commercial, too professional, and too political”

森，是奥运会的热情支持者，但(394). And indeed, throughout the course of the 20th and对开幕式却另有看法，他曾批评

21st centuries, the Games have teetered on implosion,

道， 开 幕 式 “ 媚 俗、 虚 假、 装

mired in a wide variety of trenchant issues that have not腔 作 势”（ 卢 卡 斯，p.186）。

only tarnished their idealism but threatened their very

对奥运会本身也并非没有批评

a bold cosmopolitan social experiment and Olympism
a prodigious ideal of human life that seeks, as Lekarska
writes, “to bring into harmony physical and mental effort,
the strife for perfection and moral stamina, the endeavour
for friendship and the conditions for its manifestation, thelink between personal glory, national pride and international
understanding;” in addition, the Olympic Games were not
only to “encourage peace. They were to embody it” (157).

者。许多人像罗斯一样认为，奥运会应当淘汰，仅需提及其“太大，太商业化，太政治化”就够
了（p.394）。 事 实 上， 在 整 个
20 世纪和 21 世纪中，奥运会已濒临崩溃，为各种问题所困扰，这不仅玷污了它所倡导的理想主
义，而且威胁它自身的生存。但是，当奥运会处于最佳状态时，它依然是一个极具胆识的世界性
社会实验，奥林匹克主义则是关于人类生命令人称奇的理想，正如 Lekarska 所写道的，它“使身心和谐，追求完美和道德耐力，231

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existence. But at their best, the Olympic Games remain

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促进友谊及其实现的条件，建立

In short, the Olympic Games were intended to make个人荣誉，民族自豪感和国际理

explicit what Osterhoudt calls “the harmonious, balanced

解之间的联系；“此外，奥运会and unified connections between sport and other integral

不仅“促进和平，它就是和平的

aspects of human experience” (354). That Olympism may

体现。”（p.157）

have aimed so high in this regard is not, as Osterhoudt综上所述，奥运会试图清晰notes, “the root of its greatest weakness, as conventionally

地表明 Osterhoudt 所说的“体育supposed, but the contrary...the source of its greatest运动与人类经验中不可分割的其

strength and its most enduring insight, for it is just this aim

他方面的和谐、平衡和统一的联that shows what is ultimately possible in sport” (358). In系”（p.354）。奥林匹克主义在

this sense, both Samaras’s Anthem and Beethoven’s Ode to这一方面所设的目标也许过高，

Joy embody the idealistic inclinations of Olympism and call

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终所能做出的贡献”（p.358）。

“其最大弱点的根源，与传统观点相反……在于其最伟大的力量
和最持久的见解的来源，因为它
只将目标限定于显示体育运动最
在这个意义上，无论是萨马拉斯

upon us every time we hear them to consider the highest
possibilities not only in sport but also in life.

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2016 年里约奥运会计划
中的奥林匹克教育：理论和方法论奥塔维奥·塔瓦雷斯圣埃斯皮里图联邦大学
乔治·科尼基尼克西悉尼大学

一 些 研 究 指 出， 体 育 运 动

OLYMPIC EDUCATION IN
THE RIO 2016 PLANNING:
THEORETICAL AND
METHODOLOGICAL ASPECTS
Otávio Tavares1
Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo
Jorge Knijnik2
University of Western Sydney

能对其参与者的社会行为产生积极影响（基德，1997；马丁内克

Several studies point out that sport can bring a better

等，2006；桑福德等，2006；卢

social behavior among its participants (KIDD, 1997;

比奥，2009）。然而，仅参与体

MARTINEK et al, 2006; SANDFORD et al, 2006;

育 运 动 并 不 足 以 达 此 效 果， 体

RUBIO, 2009). However, it is not enough to merely育运动训练方法对体育活动拟

practice sports. The sport training methods also have an培养的价值观具有重要影响（桑important impact over the values that are developed in

福 德 等，2006；2008； 宾 得，

sports programs (SANDFORD et al, 2006; 2008; BINDER,

2002；2005）。 因 此， 各 体 育

2002; 2005). Hence, sports programs should consider their项目计划应仔细考量其教学方

pedagogical approach in order to guide and systematize

法， 以 在 日 常 体 育 实 践 中 引 导values education within their daily practice (BINDER,价 值 观 教 育 并 使 之 系 统 化（ 宾2002; 2005; HASSANDRA et al., 2007; SANDFORD et

得，2002；2005；卡珊德拉等，

al., 2006; 2008; LEVORATTI, 2010; FRASER-THOMAS

2007；桑德福等，2006；2008；

et al, 2005; JANSSENS; STEGEMAN,2004). However,莱沃拉蒂，2010；弗雷泽 - 托马there is "little robust research evidence” (SANDFORD et

斯等，2005；让森斯；斯特格曼，al, 2008, 424) to support “illusion that physical education

2004）。然而，却有“少量而有or sports programs can provide miracle cures for whatare deep-rooted and multidimensional social problems”

力 的 研 究 证 据”（ 桑 福 德 等，

(SANDFORD et al 2006, 259).

2008，424）支持“体育或体育项目可为解决那些根深蒂固、复The purpose of this paper is to produce a reflection

杂多样的社会问题提供‘特效药’

about Olympic Education (OE) programs that aim to的 幻 想”（ 桑 福 德 等，2006，

promote values education. The empirical stimulus for our259）

considerations comes from the foundation concepts of the

本文旨在对以促进价值观教

Second Half Program (SHP, Programa Segundo Tempo),

育为目标的奥林匹克教育（OE）

an OE program that has been featured as one of the most计划进行深入思考。研究的实证

important OE initiatives in the Rio 2016 Olympic bid

动因源于 “下半场计划”（SHP）(COMITÊ OLÍMPICO BRASILEIRO, 2009).

基本理念。
“下半场计划”（SHP）

There are three axes underpinning our reflections:a literature review about the pedagogical procedures onvalues education through sport; and the Brazilian sportnational public policies and its effects in the educational
sport.
The analysis of the pedagogical propositions of theSecond Half Program (SHP) is grounded on its two official
books (OLIVEIRA; PERIM, 2008; 2009). These books
provide the rationale for the pedagogical work of the SHP
instructors across the country. We have scrutinized thesepedagogical tools having the OE literature as backgroundto raise questions about the efficacy of the SHP in

重要的奥林匹克教育倡议之一（巴西奥委会，2009）。
本研究基于以下三方面支
撑：奥林匹克教育是以体育为手段的价值观教育；以体育为手段的价值观教育在教学过程方面的文献综述；涉及体育教育价值
的巴西国家公共体育政策及其影响。
对“下半场计划”（SHP）
的教育学观点的分析基于它的两
本官方手册（奥利维拉；佩瑞姆，
2008；2009）。这两本书为全国
各地从事“下半场计划”（SHP）
教学工作的教师提供依据。我们237

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Olympic Education as values education throughout sport;

是里约申办 2016 年奥运会时最

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详读了这两本教学工具书，以奥promoting meaningful values education. In doing so, we

林匹克教育文献为背景，对“下ask: does the SHP have reliable pedagogical guidelines as

半场计划”（SHP）促进价值观an OE program? Does it show clear evidence of a precise

教育的功效提出质疑。对此，提pedagogy to help its instructors to broad promote values

出以下问题：作为一项奥林匹克

education using sport as a tool?

教育计划，“下半场计划”（SHP）
是否有可靠的教学指导方针？它
是否有明确的教学论依据帮助该计划的教师以体育运动为工具来广泛促进价值观教育？

通过体育运动和奥林匹克教
育实施的价值观教育有关儿童伦理和道德培养的国际研究表明，价值观教育是
一个多方面的社会化过程（阿尔238

梅 达，2011； 桑 福 德 等，2006；
圣马丁，1995）。因此，每个价值观教育计划都应当成为“多部门合作”的一部分（桑福德等，
2008，p.422）。这意味着体育教
育项目也要采用体育以外的其他
活动来增加其学生价值观教育的

Values education through sport and Olympic
Education
International research about children’s ethical andmoral development demonstrates that values education
is a multifaceted socialization process (ALMEIDA,
2011; SANDFORD et al, 2006; SANMARTIN, 1995).
Consequently, every values education program should bepart of -a multi-agency approach-(SANDFORD et al 2008,422). That means that sports educational projects have also
employed other activities beyond sports to increase values
education learning experiences for their students. The
narrow view that sport, per se, would teach values has beenbroadly denied for all and every international research;
unlike, researchers have acknowledged that the mere
“participation in sport and physical activity does not lead toa more positive self-image, less deviant behavior or closer

学习体验。体育运动本身即可传

social contacts per se’” (STEGEMAN, 2004, 28). As stated授价值的狭义观点已被所有国际

by Binder (2012, 279), “There still seems to be a great deal

性研究全面否定，所不同的是，

of discussion in the field of sport about ‘what’ needs to betaught to help students develop good characters throughsport participation, and very little about ‘how’ to teach it”.

研究者已认可仅仅“参与体育运

Additionally, researchers on moral development and动和身体活动本身并不能引致更values education have suggested that practical experiences积极的自我认知、更少的异常行

rather than rules, commands or lectures are a more为或更密切的社会交往”（斯特effective means of instilling values in young people.

格 曼，2004，p.28）。 正 如 宾 德Practical experiences in the form of games, role plays and（2012，p.279）所说：“在体育simulations can be used to provide situations of moral

运动领域，人们大量讨论的是应

conflict and thus opportunities for children to develop their

当教‘什么’才能促进学生通过

abilities in moral reasoning from various points of view体育参与培养良好品格，而很少

(BINDER, 2005; CARVALHO, 2002; PIAGET, 1996;讨论‘如何’教”。

PUIG, 1998; ZABALZA, 2000). As Collinson (2012, 326)
states “values appear to be learned through relationships
and in communities. They also appear to be learned andand through experiences and practice”. The practicalexperiences offered by sport and physical activity which
contribute to a child’s moral, psychological and social
development are the rationale that justifies their presence ineducational settings (STEGEMAN, 2004).

教育的研究者建议，向年轻人灌输价值观，实际体验比规章、指令或说教更有效果。以游戏、角色扮演和模仿方式进行的实践体验， 可 用 来 给 孩 子 们 提 供 道 德冲突的情景，进而给他们提供在各种观点中培养自己道德思维的机 会（ 宾 德，2005； 卡 瓦 略，
2002；皮亚杰，1996；普伊格，1998； 扎 巴 拉，2000）。 正 如
柯林斯（2012，p.326）指出的，“价值观可通过人际关系在社区
中习得。价值观也是在时间过程中学习和完善的：在孩提时代，通过模仿他人、体验和实践”。
体育运动和身体活动提供的实践239

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

refined over time: in childhood, by emulation of others

此 外， 道 德 培 养 和 价 值 观

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体验有助于孩子在道德、心理和A reference document for teachers and educators which

社会维度的发展，这就是其在教

complies with these research findings about sports and育环境中存在的理由。

values education, and which is aimed at promoting the《传授价值观：奥林匹克教

values of Olympism through sports is Teaching Values:

育工具包》（IOC 2007）是教师an Olympic Education Toolkit (IOC 2007). It presents

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和教育工作者的参考书，它以体four methodological guidelines: [1] Using discussion

育和价值观教育的有关研究成果(“discussion or conversation is a key learning strategy for

为参照，以通过体育运动推广奥values development”); [2] Using dilemmas (“Dilemmas

林匹克主义价值观为目标。该书

introduce learners to the complex challenge of making

用讨论（“讨论或交谈是价值观

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playing offers the opportunity to step “into the shoes”

使用困境（当竞争性目标存在，of someone else, and make the experiences described in240

演提供设身处地进入他人角色的

提出了 4 种教学方法准则：①使

每项决定都很重要时，困境使学习者面对做出道德决策的复杂挑战）；③使用角色扮演（角色扮机会，使书本描述的经验通过戏剧化，变得鲜活）；④使用小团
体（使用小团体有助于学习者分
享创意，提升技能，专注于团队协作）。

ethical decisions when there are competing goals, and every

writing come alive through dramatization”); [4] Usingsmall groups (“Using small groups helps learners to shareideas, develop skills and focus on teamwork”).

The Second Half Program as Olympic
Education
The SHP is one of the main programs within the
sports policies of the federal government in Brazil. It
reaches one million children and adolescents across 1,300

作为奥林匹克教育的“下半场计划”（SHP）

cities (SOUZA et al., 2010). The SHP aims to be a tool
for social inclusion and values education (MINISTÉRIO“下半场计划”（SHP）是DO ESPORTE, 2007). Despite being a federal policy, the巴西联邦政府体育政策的主要项

SHP is managed and implemented by different actors,

such as state and local governments, nongovernmental

目计划之一，它将惠及遍布 1300

organizations (NGOs) and not-for-profit institutions.

个城镇的 100 万青少年儿童（索Usually, each SHP nucleus has a coordinator, two萨等 , 2010），其目标是成为一

instructors and 100 children or adolescents. They are to种促进社会融合和价值观教育的follow a few guidelines like: (a) offer activities before or

手段（体育部，2007）。尽管是

after school (as a rule in Brazil, students go to school in

一项联邦政策，“下半场计划”

the morning and finish before lunch, or go in the afternoon,（SHP）的管理和运行由诸如州after having lunch); (b) deliver at least two team sports

政府、地方政府、非政府组织、

and an individual sport discipline no less than three times

非营利机构等不同执行人实施。

per week, from two to four hours each day and (c) deliver

通常情况下，每个“下半场计划”

supplementary activities such as support in literacy or
numeracy, or even cultural classes – for instance drama or
dance classes. SHP nucleuses are to give sports uniforms

The SHP has a clear proposal for training anddeveloping its human resources. Within this structure,
there are two books (OLIVEIRA; PERIM, 2008, 2009)
which give to the program its philosophical and educationalparameters. Inside these books, the chapters that cover the‘attitudinal dimension’ of the learning experience (GAYA,
2008; INSTITUTO AYRTON SENNA,2008; OLIVEIRA;MOREIRA, 2008) come up with a traditional set of theso-called values of sport: the value of efforts, respect theother, fair play, cooperation, team work, discipline, respect
for the rules and friendship. According Oliveira & Moreira

名老师和 100 名青少年儿童组成。
他们会遵循一些指导原则，如①提供课前或课后的活动（巴西规定，学生上午上学，午餐前放学，
或午餐后的下午上学）；②提供
至少 2 个团体项目，1 个个人项目的体育活动，每周不少于 3 次，
每天 2~4 小时；③提供补充活动，
如文学或算术，再或者是文化课，比如戏剧或舞蹈课。
“下半场计划”（SHP）小组将为组内的孩子提供运动服和日常甜点。
“下半场计划”（SHP）对
人力资源培训与发展提出了明确
建议。在此方面，有 2 本书（奥利 维 拉 ; 派 瑞 , 2008, 2009） 为241

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

and a daily snack to their students.

（SHP）小组会有 1 名协调人，2

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“下半场计划”（SHP）提供哲(2008, 148), for instance, sport develops “self-control,

学 和 教 育 学 的 依 据。 书 中 有 关

self-confidence, discipline, will, fraternity, responsibility,

学习体验的“态度维度”章节中

respect, solidarity, cooperation, among others”. However,

提出一套所谓传统体育运动价值the underpinning approach that pervades the books -观：努力拼搏、尊重他人、公平

therefore, the whole SHP – is grounded on the assumption

竞赛、合作共赢、团队精神、遵that the sport practice per se will provide values education.

守 纪 律、 尊 重 规 则、 友 谊 第 一（加雅，2008；埃尔顿 - 塞纳基

The reference books analyzed neither advance nor offer

金会，2008；奥利维拉；莫雷拉，

any didactic or methodological procedures to sport teaching.

2008）。例如，奥利维拉和莫雷

Neither the adoption of Coll’s teaching dimensions nor

拉 就 认 为（2008，p.148） 体 育

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the philosophical and political justifications of values in运动发展“克己，自信，守纪，

the SHP publications appear to contribute in a practical

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却是以体育运动本身即可提供价意志力，友爱，责任感、尊重，
团结，合作，融入”。然而，遍布这两本书并由此贯穿整个“下半场计划”（SHP）的基本观点值观教育这一假设为前提的。
这些工具书既没有对体育教学的最新进展加以分析，也没有
提供任何有关教学建议或方法的指导。在“下半场计划”（SHP）
的相关出版物中既没有采用科勒
的教学维度，也没有对其价值观
给出哲学和政治的理由，就认为其在价值观教育的教学方面提供
了切实可行的方法。这些书仅包

way to the pedagogical aspects of values education. The
books contain only eight practical suggestions for activities
that support the social skills and the development of theattitudinal dimension of sports education. A feature ofthese pedagogical approaches is the lack of a systematic
methodology of questioning and reflection towards an
education of values. An extract of one of the pedagogicalsuggestions shows the typical pedagogy represented there:

The teacher, while developing a sports activity, notices that some

含 8 条实践建议，用于教授为社

students are cheating on the rules to their own team benefit. Once s/he

交技能和培养运动教育态度提供tries to restrain this cheating, the teacher is disrespected by the group.

支撑的活动。这些教学方法的特This is the right moment for the teacher to stop the activity and to bring

点是缺乏系统的方法对价值观教

all the students to reflect on what is going on (Darido and Oliveira 2009,

育进行质疑与思考。将这种教育226).

代表性观点的一条教学建议摘录
如下：

After posing this potential problem-solving situation,

在 体 育 活 动 过 程 中， 教 师

the authors show seven key-questions that could be useful

注意到有学生为了自己团队的利in order to help the students’ reflections and discussions

益而作弊。一旦试图阻止这种作

about rules and respect. For instance: “don’t you want弊行为，老师就会失去这个小团

this type of rules; are they not suitable for what your队的尊重。对于这位老师来说，

expectations on this game?” Yet, the reader cannot find any
a single teaching principle explaining how s/he is supposed
to address and plan the attitudinal dimension teaching.

让全体学生反思到底是怎么回事
的好时机 （达里奥＆奥利维亚
2009，226）。
在摆出解决这一问题可能的
情境后，作者称有 7 个关键问题，会有助于学生对规则与尊重进行讨论和思考。例如，“你不想要此类规则吗，它们不适用于你对这一比赛的预期吗？”然而，读
者得不到任何系统的、观念的或方法论的指导，或者哪怕是一条
简单的教学原则，来告诉他 / 她应当如何处理，并对态度方面的教育做出计划。

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systematic, conceptual or methodological direction or even这个时刻正是叫停这个活动并

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由于“下半场计划”（SHP）

As the SHP reference books do not present any type

的工具书没有对如何开展价值观of suggestion on how to address values education; as

教育提出任何类型的建议；由于

there is no mention about how or when the sport teacher

其没有提及体育教师应当如何，should include values education in the planning process;

或在何时将价值观教育纳入计划

as we could not find whichever recommendation or a

过程；由于我们从中无法找到任

slightly pedagogical guideline on how to deal with values

何建议或一点点教学指导来处理

education, we can only conclude that the procedures价值观教育，我们只能这样结论

alluded above are what we call incidental pedagogy. There

道：上述方法，只可称之为“偶is no systematic planning to tackle the attitudinal dimension

然教学法”。没有系统的计划来in the sport experience; everything that might or not happen

应对体育体验中态度方面的问

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within this dimension is clearly conditioned by chance; the题；在这方面会或不会发生的一

teacher may deal with these topics if the context allows

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切，显然都是偶然的；如果环境允许，教师可以处理这些问题。
我们不能说它是“错”的，但对一个试图做到高度计划，完善准“下半场计划”（SHP）有关出版物提出各种建议的另一特点是说教。这种说教式教学法的例证可见之于达里奥和奥利维亚
的 著 述（2009，p.215）。 作 者
建议道，与学生做伸展练习时，教师应强调尊重自己的局限性，及尊重其它学生与练习伙伴的空间和局限性。“这样做，教师肯
定会达到态度方面的目标”。

it. We cannot say that this is “wrong”, but it is a clear
limitation of a proposal that intends to be highly plannedand prepared.
Exhortation is another feature of the proposals found in
the SHP publications. One illustration of this exhortative
pedagogy can be seen in Darido and Oliveira (2009,215). The authors suggest that, while doing stretching
exercises with their students, the teachers should highlightthe importance of respect one’s own limits, as well theboundaries and limits of other students and exercise
partners. “Doing this, the teacher will certainly reach theattitudinal dimension”.

Olympic Education literature has already provided

奥林匹克教育的文献已有足

enough evidence that, to achieve values education, students够例证证明，为实现价值观教育，

should be involved in situations that are similar to reality;应将学生置于和现实相类似的情

the OE pedagogical literature has made clear that strategies

境之中。奥林匹克教育教学法文

such as role plays, where students are actively involved in献也已清楚表明角色扮演之类的the scenarios provided by the teachers – or even constructed

策略，是实现价值观教育的最佳

by the students themselves - are the best way to reach

途径。学生按照教师提供的，或values education (BINDER, 2005). As stated a long time

者甚至是学生自己编写的剧本，

ago by Pierre de Coubertin himself, to teach and to learn

积极参与活动（宾德，2005）。正values “is not enough talking about them; one must practice如顾拜旦本人早就说过的，价值

and live them” (cited in BINDER, 2005, 15).

观的教与学，“仅空谈那些价值是不够的，人必须践行并拥有些Another example of this ‘exhortative teaching’ can besave themselves from the one who is chasing when they
touch another colleague, first on some specific body parts(the teacher is to state those) and finally by hugging acolleague. The authors claim that:in the activity, the children realize the value of the otherin order to save themselves, and so they try to cooperatewith the other, trying to catch him or her to save themselvesfrom the one who is ‘in’, who is chasing them (Instituto
Ayrton Senna, 2008, 46-47).

这种“说教式教学”的另一
例子是标签游戏。这个游戏中，
逃跑的被逐者可通过自救来摆脱追逐者。他要做的是先触碰另一个伙伴身体的某些部位（由老师指定这些部位），然后抱住伙伴。
作者声称：
在 这 一 活 动 中， 孩 子 们 会
意 识 到 他 人 对 自 救 的 价 值， 由
此 他 们 便 会 尝 试 与 他 人 合 作，通过抓住他或她，将自己从“中招” 者， 即 追 赶 者 的 追 逐 中 解
脱出来（埃尔顿 - 塞纳基金会，
2008，p.46-47）。

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found in a tag game activity. Those who are running can价值”（引自宾德，2005， 15）

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然而，在这些游戏中我们注

However, what draws our attention in these games is

意到的是，直接而清晰的价值观the lack of a direct and clear pedagogy to teach values.

教学方法的缺失。尽管作者强调，Although the authors stress the importance of a coherent

相互连贯的教育氛围对“下半场

educational atmosphere connected to the values that the计划”（SHP）致力推广和传授

SHP intends to promote and to teach, most of the activities

的价值观具有重要意义，这些活

may be defined as incidental pedagogy. In other words,动多数仍应界定为偶然教学法。

it seems to be believed that if the teacher guarantees an换言之，它看起来似有道理，只adequate atmosphere, the learning of values (attitudinal

要教师能确保适宜的氛围，价值

dimension) will occur intuitively. While this may be true,观学习（态度维度）便会自然发it seems inadequate. In the same way, the comments on the生。虽然这可能是真的，但却似

teacher’s interventions are not followed by pedagogical乎不够。同样，对教师干预的评

orientations or methodological suggestions that would go论之后，也没有指出教学方向，
或提出超越说教特征的教学方法
建议，从而让教师掌握通过体育运动进行价值观教育的有效手段。

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观点：SHP 能否促进巴西的奥林匹克教育？
就“下半场计划”（SHP）
的运行和管理的指导方针以及它的理念、方法论和教学法而言，它是高度集中的项目；但另一方面，它的实施却是高度分散的，

beyond the exhortative character of the teacher’s talk togive teachers efficient tools to teach educational values
through sports.

Perspectives: can the SHP contribute to
Olympic Education in Brazil?
The SHP is, on the one hand, a centralized program
in regards to its operational and managerial guidelines, aswell as its concepts, methodologies and pedagogies. On
the other hand, its implementation is highly decentralized,with thousands of nuclei operating across the country. The

依靠遍布全国数以千计的小组来differences that exist between the SHP nuclei, and also the实施。各小组间存在的差异、政gap between the policies and what happens on the groundcan be considered acceptable. Considering the enormous

task of implementing any educational project in such a

策与实际执行之间差距是应当接huge and diverse country as Brazil, any evaluation of the

受的事实。鉴于在巴西这个幅员

SHP must be tentative and should take into account the

辽阔，地区差异显著的国家实施

multiplicity of institutions that run the program and the这种教育计划的任务艰巨性，对

diversity of local conditions and social actors that adds a“下半场计划”（SHP）进行的

tremendous complexity to the system.

任何评估都应当是尝试性的，并应充分考虑实施机构的多样性、However, there are many reasons to question the SHP

各地条件的多样性以及使系统复

as an OE program. As the OE literature attests, OE is not杂性大为增加的社会行动者们。

defined solely by an increasing democratization of access to然而，可以诸多理由对作为

sports education programs or by the social objectives of the

奥林匹克教育计划的“下半场计

programs. These characteristics by themselves do not define划”（SHP）提出质疑。奥林匹an Olympic education program, which should also include
and symbols, and most importantly Olympic values, playa central role. Without this, there can be no particularity of
Olympic Education. Our analysis demonstrates, however,an absence of OE features in SHP policies, pedagogies,
teaching practices and methodologies. This absence
indicates that it would be at least controversial to showcase
the SHP as an Olympic education program.

不能仅仅界定为提高参与体育运动教育项目的民主化程度，或这些项目的社会目标。这些特性本
身不能用来界定奥林匹克教育项
目，它还应包括发挥着核心作用
的一组特性内容，如奥运历史、
奥林匹克的传统与标识，最重要的是奥林匹克价值。没有这组内
容，就没有奥林匹克教育的特性。
然而，我们分析表明，“下半场计划”（SHP）在政策、教学方法、
教育实践和方法论等方面，均缺
乏奥林匹克教育的特性。这种缺
失表明将其作为奥林匹克教育的247

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

a group of features in which Olympic history, its traditions

克教育文献表明，奥林匹克教育

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示范至少是存在争议的。

The pedagogical guidelines that are found in the

在诸多政策和“下半场计划”

policies and publications of the SHP reveal definitions（SHP）出版物中发现的一些教of the educational dimensions of sports that incorporate

学原则显示，其对体育运动教育values as specific content to be planned and taught in维度的界定纳入了规划的价值观the SHP nuclei. However, these same guidelines offer

具体内容，并将在“下半场计划”

no methodology to help teachers work with values. Our（SHP）小组实施教学。然而，analysis demonstrates that the guidelines and the practical这些雷同的教学原则却未提供帮

activities are characterized by an incidental pedagogy

助老师们传授价值观的方法。我which does not provide a background for teachers’ work们的分析表明，这些教学原则和

with values.

实践活动具有“偶然教学法”的

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训，未能有效地使他们认识到该

作提供依据。
科尼基尼克和塔瓦雷斯的研究（2012）表明，对“下半场计划”（SHP）协调员和教师的培计划广泛的社会目标，尤其是价值观教育的目标。奥林匹克主义知识似乎是不存在的，就像价值观教育的系统方法似乎是不存在
一样。于是，足够的证据表明，
提供体育活动，是“下半场计划”（SHP）教育实践的唯一策略，
并试图以此实现该计划政策和出
版物中提出全部目标。

A research conducted by Knijnik and Tavares (2012)indicated that the training of the SHP coordinators andteachers does not efficiently prepare them to put in place
the broad social aims of the program, in particular theeducation on values. Knowledge of Olympism seems to
be non-existent just as a systematic approach to teachingvalues is non-existent. Thus, there is enough evidence
to be able to state that the teaching practices in the SHP
offer sports practice as the sole strategy to achieve thewhole range of objectives stated in the SHP policies andpublications.

SHP sport practice is based on the belief that the“下半场计划”（SHP）的‘natural’ outcome of sports participation is the learning

体育实践是建立在这样的认识基of positive values, and that teachers do not need to础上的：学习积极的价值观是体

undertake any pedagogical interventions to achieve this.

育参与的“自然”结果，教师不

However, from Pierre de Coubertin’s legacy to the most

必采用任何教学干预就可实现这

recent research on sport and education, the evidence

一目标。然而，从顾拜旦“遗产”

has demonstrated that participation in sport may or may

到体育和教育的最新研究都表not enhance educational goals; thus, to achieve values

明，参与体育可提升或不提升教

education, sports education must include clear pedagogical

育的目标。因此，为实现价值观

guidance. Sports policies in Brazil are still constructed

教育的目标，体育运动教育必须around the idea of the ‘miraculous powers’ of sport to纳入明确的教学指导。巴西体育

educate young people, but without a clear pedagogical

政策的制定仍然基于体育运动具

methodology. It will be difficult to implement an OE
de Janeiro 2016 Olympics.

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HOST CITY ELECTIONS,OLYMPIC CANDIDATE
CITIES, AND THE
INTERNATIONALIZATION OF
URBAN PLANNING
John Lauermann
Graduate School of Geography, Clark University

奥运会举办城市的遴
选、候选城市和城市规
划的国际化
约翰·洛尔曼
美国克拉克大学地理学研究生院

自 20 世纪 90 年代初以来，申办奥运会在全球范围内已经成为城市规划政策的重要推动力。
虽然每届奥运会只能有一个主办
城市，但已有 56 个城市曾准备

has become a significant driver of urban planning policy,

申办 2000 年至 2020 年的夏季和

on a global scale. While each Olympiad can only have one

冬季奥运会（申办角逐的时间自host city, 56 cities have prepared bids to host Summer and1993 年至 2013 年）。而且，有Winter Olympic Games between 2000 and 2020 (the bid

14 个城市多次申办过奥运会，

competitions date from 1993 to 2013). Likewise, 14 cities

在这一过程中将奥运规划纳入其

have bid to host the Games multiple times, incorporating

长远的城市战略规划中（见图 1）。

Olympic planning into their long term urban planning这突显出奥运规划对城市规划

strategies in the process (Figure 1). This highlights that

起到了更为广泛的重要影响：申Olympic planning has a major impact on urban planning办一项“大型赛事”如一届奥运

more broadly: bids to host a ‘mega-event’ like an edition

会，需要大量资本；城市景观基

of Olympic Games require large amounts of capital; the础性重建的设计计划和实施；城design and implementation of strategies for fundamentally

市、国家和国际组织间广泛联盟redeveloping a city’s landscape; and extensive coalition-

的建立。尽管在申办城市中只有building across urban, national, and international

少数最终申办成功，但申办方案institutions. Even though only a handful of these cities have

的设计本身就是一个复杂的、大255

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Since the early 1990s, bidding to host Olympic Games

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规模的城市规划项目。而且，许

been ultimately successful in hosting an edition of Olympic

多申办奥运会的城市同时在寻求Games, designing a bid to host is a complex, large-scale

其他一些举办机会。申办某一类urban planning project in itself. Likewise, many cities

活动往往与申办另外一些活动依

bidding to host Olympics simultaneously pursue other赖于相同的规划。因此，即便申

hosting opportunities. The bids for one type of event rely

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often on the same plans as those proposed in other event

得青年奥林匹克运动会、英联邦

bids, and thus even unsuccessful bids to host the Olympics

运动会、国际足联世界杯的重要

may help with a successful bid to host a Youth Olympic

赛事或许多区域性体育赛事的主Games, Commonwealth Games, significant components of

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的城市规划）越来越国际化。申1

办权。

a FIFA World CupTM, or various regional sport events.1

本文阐述了候选城市间竞争
委会 (IOC) 所谓的“主办城市遴选”的过程。文中提出的文献和证据突显出自 20 世纪 90 年代初以来奥运规划（和其他大型赛事
奥候选城市的城市规划者和赛事组织者越来越多地利用奥运会举办城市和其他候选城市的政策模型、规划模板和最佳实践。本文
认为，国际奥委会在建立城市规划知识和专门技术的国际网络方This chapter explains the process during which
candidate cities compete with each other to host upcoming
Oly mpic Games – what the Inter national Oly mpic
Committee (IOC) terms ‘host city elections’. The literatureand evidence presented here highlights the increasing
internationalization of Olympic planning (and urban
planning for other sport mega-events) since the early 1990s.
Urban planners and event organizers in Olympic candidate
cities increasingly draw on policy models, planningtemplates, and best practices used in Olympic host cities
and in other candidate cities. It is argued that the IOC has[1] Some examples of these institutional connections between bids include links between: the Manchester 1996 & 2000
Olympic bids and the Manchester 2002 Commonwealth Games; the Cape Town 2004 Olympic bid and the South Africa
2010 World Cup; the Doha 2016 & 2020 Olympic bids and the Qatar 2022 World Cup; the Rio de Janeiro 2004 & 2012
Olympic bids and the 2007 Pan-American Games, Brazil 2014 World Cup, and Rio 2016 Olympics.

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图 1：1993—2013 年奥运会申办和候选城市一览图

Host city elections for Olympic Games 2000-2020 (80

2000—2020 年 奥 运 会 举 办bids from 56 cities)
Constructed from IOC bidding records, cartography by
the author

城市遴选数量（56 个城市 80 次申办）
材料来源 : 国际奥委会申办记录 , 作者绘图。

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Figure 1: Olympic Games applicant and candidate
cities, 1991-2013

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面扮演了重要角色，不仅涵盖申

played a significant role in building international networks

办成功的奥运会主办城市，也包

of urban planning knowledge and expertise, not just in

括更广泛的奥运会申办城市。

successful Olympic host cities, but in the much wider groupof cities bidding to host an edition of the Olympic Games.

本文对奥林匹克研究的贡献还在于文章论证了拟定奥运遗产This chapter contributes to Olympic Studies by计划不仅局限在正式的赛事活动

demonstrating that Olympic legacy can be planned for规划中，也不仅局限在申办成功

not only during the formal event planning, and not only

的主办城市。申办本身影响着没in successful host cities. Bidding itself has impacts on

有申办成功的候选城市，尤其是

cities’ planning strategies, in unsuccessful candidate

多次申办奥运会城市的城市规划

cities and especially in those cities which have bid for the

策略。而且，本文强调，主办城Games multiple times. Likewise, the chapter highlights

市的规划者和组织者只是设计和传播关于发展的知识的一分子；
国际奥委会、各种跨国私人和非政府组织也是重要的中介机构。

258

举办城市遴选
规划奥运会需要大约 10 年
的筹备期，即从历时 2 年多主办
城市遴选开始，到奥运会正式举办大约 8~10 年的时间（故 2020年夏奥会的遴选过程是在 2011年 到 2013 年 间）。2 在 申 办 过that planners and organizers in host cities are only one
part of the international networks that design and transfer
knowledge about development; the IOC and varioustransnational private and non-governmental organizations
are also important intermediaries.

Host city elections
Planning an Olympic Games requires almost a decadeof preparation, starting with host city elections which takeplace over a two-year period, approximately 8-10 years
before the actual event (thus the elections process for the2020 Summer Games occurred from 2011 to 2013).2 Before[2] For an overview of this process in general, or for individual host city elections, please consult the IOC’s host city
election ‘Working Group’ and ‘Evaluation Commission’ reports for each election. These are available on the IOC’s
institutional document repository <http://www.olympic.org/host-city-elections/documents-reports-studies-publications>the bidding process formally commences, public and private

程正式开始前，对组织奥运会感

stakeholders interested in organizing a Games will form a兴趣的公共和私人利益相关者会

temporary corporation or non-governmental organization,

建立临时的公司或非政府组织，usually called a ‘bid committee’. This committee petitions

通常被称为“奥申委”。该委员

the National Olympic Committee (NOC) in its country

会首先会向其所在国的国家奥委

for sponsorship, and then gathers financial and legal

会提出正式申请，然后汇集当地

support from local public and private stakeholders.

公共和私人利益者，得到其经济

Approximately nine years before the event, the IOC will

和法律支持。在奥运会正式举办release ‘Candidature Acceptance Procedure’ documents, a

约 9 年 前， 国 际 奥 委 会 将 发 布compilation of contracts, technical manuals, and a survey“候选接纳程序”文件，文件内

to guide bid committees on technical requirements and容包含合同、技术手册、指导各

bid document standards. The IOC started developing these

奥申委技术要求的调查以及申办

procedures in the early 1990s, with a questionnaire for bid
Games.3 Any NOC may nominate a candidate city, and thebid committee pays an application fee (USD 150,000 in thehost city elections for the 2020 Summer Games) to accessthe IOC’s proprietary knowledge management systems
and planning manuals. Knowledge sharing programs werefirst developed through Olympic Knowledge Services– a joint partnership between the IOC, the Sydney 2000
Organising Committee, and a local university. This venture
went through several mergers and splits, and eventually
was used to develop the IOC’s Olympic Games Knowledge

初，国际奥委会就开始制定这些
程序，并对 1996 年夏奥会筹备
期的各个申办委员会进行问卷调查。3 任何国家奥委会都可以提名申办城市，奥申委通常要向国际 奥 委 会 支 付 申 办 费（ 如 2020年夏奥会主办城市遴选费为 15万美元）以获得国际奥委会专有
知识管理系统和规划手册。知识共享计划源发于奥林匹克知识服
务系统——是由国际奥委会、悉

[3] IOC 1996 Report of the Study and Evaluation Commission for the Preparation of the Games of the XXVIth Olympiad.
Lausanne: IOC.

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committees used in the preparations for the 1996 Summer

文件标准。早在 20 世纪 90 年代

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尼奥组委和一所地方大学共同建Management System, a database of technical documents,

立的合作项目。该项目经历了数

studies, and planning materials available for reference by

次合分，最终发展成为了国际奥bid committees.4

委会奥运会知识管理系统，成为
各类技术文件、研究以及规划素4

材数据库，供各奥申委参考。

There are two phases in a host city election: the‘applicant’ phase is open to all bid committees nominated奥运会主办城市遴选分为两by a NOC. Applicant committees attend an IOC seminar

个阶段：“申办”阶段向所有国

and prepare a short (75-100 page) ‘applicant’ file, which is

家奥委会提名的奥申委开放。各

evaluated by a commission of experts appointed by the IOC

奥申委参加国际奥委会专题研讨

Executive Board. Approximately 10-12 months after the会，还要准备简短（75-100 页）

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少数几个， 进入主办城市遴选的

奥委会执行委员会任命的专家委员会进行评估。申办阶段大约持续 10~12 个月，此后国际奥委会执行委员会将从各奥申委中选出
“候选”阶段。这些“候选城市”
通常会应邀参加奥林匹克观察家计划，即知识共享计划，该计划
的成员由即将举办奥运会的奥组
委员工和各候选委员会的人员组

to the ‘candidature’ phase of the elections. These ‘candidate cities’ are invited to attend the Olympic Observer Programme, a knowledge sharing program in which staff fromupcoming Games and candidature committees are invited
to a series of seminars and debriefings during the current
Games. For instance, during London 2012 observers
from Rio de Janeiro 2016 and the 2020 bid committees(Istanbul, Madrid, and Tokyo) participated in the program.5
The candidate committees eventually submit a formal‘candidature file’ to the IOC, a 300-500 page technical[4] Huet, John (22 July 2012) “The knowledge Games.” Olympic News <http://www.olympic.org/news/the-knowledgegames/168760>[5] IOC press release (5 August 2012). “2020 learns from 2012.” < http://www.olympic.org/news/2020-learnsfrom-2012/170857>

document detailing the committees’ plans for designing,成， 应邀参加在当前奥运会期间financing, and implementing infrastructure, the event, and举办的一系列专题研讨会和任务

event legacy. During the subsequent months the IOC’s

报告会。例如，在 2012 伦敦奥运

commission of experts visits each candidate city, and each

会期间，由 2016 里约热内卢奥运

city has an opportunity to present its proposal to sessions会和 2020 各申办委员会（伊斯坦of the IOC and other international sporting federations

布尔、马德里和东京）组成的观(events like the annual SportAccord Convention and the察团参与了该项目的活动。5 奥运

annual meeting of the Association of National Olympic

会各候选委员会最终将向国际奥

Committees).

委会呈交正式的“候选报告”，
该报告是一份 300~500 页的技术The evaluation commission assesses each candidature

文件，具体内容包括各奥申委的

file using ‘OlympicLogic’, an analytical hierarchy process设计规划、财政规划、预实施的

for comparing each bid based on a set of criteria chosen byduring the elections for the 2008 Summer Games, and isused to establish consistent comparisons of each candidate
city on each evaluation category (11-15 categories are used,corresponding to the sections of the candidature file in eachhost city election cycle). Each member of the evaluationcommission ranks a candidate on each category, and thena proprietary algorithm is used to weigh the categories andstabilize scores across evaluators, categories, and cities.
The end result is a set of rankings on which the evaluationcommission bases its recommendations. 6 Using this

以及奥运会遗产规划。在接下来的几个月内，国际奥委会专家委员会会对每个候选城市进行考察，每个候选城市都有机会向国际奥
委会执行委员会和其他国际单项联合会提出建议（如体育联盟年
度大会和国家奥委会协会年会）。
评估委员会采用“奥林匹克逻辑”框架（即层次分析法，基于国际奥委会执委会选择的一套标准对每个申办城市进行比较）[6] IOC (18 August 2000) Candidature Acceptance Procedure for the Games of the XXIX Olympiad 2008, Lausanne
Switzerland261

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

the IOC Executive Board. OlympicLogic was introduced

基础设施规划、奥运会赛事规划

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对所有的候选报告进行评估。
“奥information, the final step of the voting for a host city takes

林匹克逻辑”框架在遴选 2008

place during the annual IOC Congress 6-7 years before the

夏季奥运会主办城市中首次引

Olympiad.

用，现用来对所有候选城市的每项评估指标进行一致的比较（现采用 11~15 个指标，与每个奥运会主办城市遴选期间候选文件的组成部分一一对应）。评估委员会每位成员要对候选报告的每项
指标进行排序，然后采用专门的

Host city elections and the internationalizationof urban planning
Urban Planning and Urban Studies scholars have noted
an increasing tendency for cities to draw on examples
from other Olympic cities to pursue their own planning

算法计算每项指标的权重，统筹

projects. Olympic planning has long been viewed by各评估者、类别及候选城市的得

stakeholders as a means to pursue various urban planning

分。最终的结果是一系列排名，objectives (Andranovich, Burbank, & Heying, 2001; Liao以及评估委员会的相关建议。6& Pitts, 2006); for instance, Olympic planning was part

依据这些信息，最后一步是在所

of Istanbul’s master plan as early as 1937 (Bilsel & Zelef,

要申办的奥运会前 6~7 年的国际2011). Olympic planning – from early stages of the bid to

奥委会年度大会上进行投票。

post-Games legacy implementation – has been viewed as anopportunity to use urban planning and investment to pursue

举办城市遴选和城市规划的
国际化
城市规划与城市研究的学
者注意到一种趋势，越来越多的
城市倾向于利用其他奥运城市a variety of legacy objectives: urban 'competitiveness' (Hall,2006), ‘brand value’ or ‘image’ (Black & Peacock, 2011;
Gold & Gold, 2008), ‘sustainability’ (Davidson, 2010; Mol,
2010), ‘social inclusion’ (Edelson, 2011; van Wynsberghe,
Surborg, & Wyly, 2012), or ‘pro-poor development’ (Hiller,

的 范 例 开 展 自 身 的 规 划 项 目。

2000; Pillay & Bass, 2008). In fact, it is quite common

奥运规划一直被利益相关者认为for city stakeholders to use bids on Olympics and other是一种实现多方面城市规划目标

sport events to facilitate planning strategies, regardless ofactual success in hosting events (Figure 2). What is uniqueabout recent trends in Olympic planning is a tendency

的 方 式（ 安 德 拉 诺 维 奇、 伯 班

for planners in one candidate city to draw on planning

克和 heying，2001；廖、皮茨，

templates, policy models, and best practices used in other2006）。 例 如， 早 在 1937 年 奥host and candidate cities. International networks between

运规划就是伊斯坦布尔主要规划

cities form as planners participate in Olympic and other的一部分（比尔赛尔、泽勒夫，

event observer programs (Cook & Ward, 2011) and travel2011）。奥运规划——从早期的

to cities perceived as Olympic planning success stories,

申 办 到 赛 后 遗 产 的 实 现 ——被

especially Barcelona (González, 2011).

视为通过城市规划和投资追求多种遗产目标的一个契机：这些目标包括城市“竞争力”（霍尔，2006）、“品牌价值”或“形象”（布
莱克、皮科克，2011；高德、高德，2008）、“可持续发展力”（戴维森，
2010；摩尔，2010）、“社会包容”西博格和威利，2012）或“扶贫发展（希勒，2000；皮莱、巴斯，
2000）。事实上，城市管理者利
用奥运会和其他体育赛事的申办
促进城市规划策略完善的情况是十分常见的，无论其是否实际申办成功（见图 2）。奥运规划近年发展趋势的独特之处在于某一候选城市的规划者可以参照使用
其他主办城市和候选城市的规划
模板、政策模型和最佳实践。随着规划者参加奥运会和其他赛事

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本（埃德尔森，2011；范维斯贝尔福、

263

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的观察者计划，城市间建立起了
国际网络（库克、沃德，2011），
访问其他城市被视为奥运规划的成功事例，特别是巴塞罗那（冈萨雷斯，2011）

Figure 2 Case study – leveraging one plan for multiple events
Planning for and bidding to host mega-events have emerged as major planning strategies forsome city governments (and/or their respective national governments), as local stakeholders bid
successfully and unsuccessfully on many events ranging from regional football championships toOlympic Games. However, these frequent entrants in global bidding competitions are certainly notdeveloping new plans for each event. Rather, cities that bid frequently for multiple sporting events
tend to either (a) develop a city master plan in tandem with event planning, building on past event
plans to formulate new ones, or (b) base the various bids on a pre-existing infrastructure plan.
Istanbul represents the first strategy: developing a city master plan gradually around various event
bids. Stakeholders in the city have bid five times to host the Summer Olympics since 1992, thoughplans for Olympics and international exhibitions were part of the city master plan as early as 1937
(Bilsel & Zelef, 2011). Doha (Qatar) represents the second strategy: city planning takes placearound Qatar’s National Vision 2030 master plan (Scharfenort, 2012), which seeks to establish
economic alternatives to circumvent dependence on petroleum extraction. A short list of successful
bids includes bids for the 2001 World Trade Organization Summit, 2006 Asian Games, 2011 PanArab Games, 2012 United Nations Conference on Climate Change, and the 2022 FIFA World Cup(also unsuccessful bids for the 2016 and 2020 Summer Olympics). These various bids are allplanned around the same National Vision strategy, and rely on the same infrastructure investment
plans: for instance, 20 of the 23 venues (and all of the transportation infrastructure investment)
cited in the 2020 Olympic applicant file were slated for construction regardless of a successful
Olympics bid outcome.

不论当地的利益相关者们是否成功申办像区域性足球锦标赛或是奥运会，规划申办大型赛事已
经成为一些市政府的重要规划战略（也是 / 或者其所在的国家政府）。然而，这些经常申办国际赛事的城市，一定不会为每个赛事制定新的规划。实际上，经常申办多种体育赛事的城市，要么将赛事规划和城市总体规划相连，在原有赛事规划的基础上起草新的规划，要么基于已有的基础设施规划来规划赛事申办。伊斯坦布尔属于第一种战略，围绕多样的赛事申办制定城市主体规划。1992 年
以来，城市中的利益相关者们 5 次申办夏季奥运会，但早在 1937 年，奥运会和国际博览会规划就是
城市主体规划的一部分（比尔赛尔 & 杰尔夫，2011）。多哈（卡塔尔）则属于第二种战略，城市规划产生于 2030 卡塔尔国家愿景规划，此愿景规划意于探寻除石油开采外国家的其他经济选择。申办
成功的活动包括：2001 世界贸易组织峰会，2006 亚运会，2011 泛阿拉伯运动会，2012 联合国气候变化会议和 2022 世界杯（也包含为申办成功的 2016 和 2020 夏季奥运会）。这些多样活动的申办规划全部围绕同一个国家愿景战略，依据于同一个基础设施投资规划：比如，2020 奥运会申办材料中提及的 23 个场馆中，有 20 个场馆（所有的交通基础设施投资）出自基础设施规划，无论奥运会是否申办成功。

个案研究——采用一套规划，申办多项赛事

Indeed, the perceived success of Barcelona’s (1992事 实 上， 巴 塞 罗 那 奥 运 会

Summer) Olympic urban planning experience provided（1992 年夏季）城市规划被认为a major impetus for the internationalization of Olympic

是成功的经验，为奥运规划实践planning practices. Definitions of the ‘Barcelona model’的国际化提供了重要推动力。
“巴vary, but in general it refers to a successful integration

塞罗那模式”有很多不同的定义，of the 1992 Olympic plans into the city’s long-term

但总的来说，它是指将 1992 年

planning strategies (Smith, 2012, chapter 5). Many bid

奥运会规划融入城市长远规划策

committees reference the Barcelona model explicitly in

略 的 成 功 实 践（ 史 密 斯，2012

their candidature files, and often send planning staff to年，第 5 章）。许多城市的申办Barcelona to learn how to replicate its success (González,委员会在其申办报告中明确参考
了巴塞罗那模式，并经常派遣工265

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图2

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作人员赴巴塞罗那学习借鉴其成2011). Sebastian Coe, chairman of the London 2012 bid

功经验（冈萨雷斯，2011）。伦

and organizing committee, put it succinctly:

敦 2012 奥申委和奥组委主席塞巴斯蒂安·科简述如下：When we decided to present the candidacy, the first thing I did

当 我 们 决 定 申 办 的 时 候，

was come to Barcelona and speak with [the former mayor] and the

我最先做的事就是去了巴塞罗Secretary of State for Sports to get to know their experience in more

那，与管理体育的国务大臣（前detail. The Olympic Barcelona is an example for all of us. I have heard

任 市 长） 交 谈 以 便 更 详 细 地 了

many mayors say that they would like to experience a transformation

解 他 们 的 经 验。 巴 萨 罗 那 奥 运like that of Barcelona during the Games. London also wants to be

会对我们所有人来说都是一个

like Barcelona and we are not ashamed of this.

7

好 范 例。 我 听 到 好 多 市 长 们 说

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是进行国际化共享的唯一的城市

巴 塞 罗 那 奥 运 会 期 间 的 转 变。
伦 敦 也 要 向 巴 萨 罗 那 学 习， 我们并不为此感到羞愧。7然 而， 巴 塞 罗 那 模 式 并 不规划策略。另外两个奥运规划创
新也推动了城市规划策略的国际
化。 首 先， 许 多 学 者 指 出 1984年洛杉矶奥运会是奥运规划的一个关键时点（安德拉诺维奇、伯班克，2011；舒瓦尔，2002）。

The Barcelona model, however, is not the only city
planning strategy to generate international knowledge
sharing. Two other Olympic planning innovations
internationalized urban planning strategies. First, a numberof scholars point to Los Angeles 1984 as a key momentin Olympic planning (Andranovich & Burbank, 2011;
Shoval, 2002). It was the first Games planned around
privatized funding, and encouraged the IOC and hostcities to more actively pursue marketing and privatesector partnerships (Horne & Whannel, 2012, chapter
3; Payne, 2006, chapter 2). Second, recent initiatives todesign Olympic sustainability planning protocols highlight[7] Sebastian Coe (9 March 2012) Global Sports Forum press conference; also published in IOC press release (3 July2012), “London 2012 organisers inspired by Barcelona legacies.” <http://www.olympic.org/news/london-2012-organisersinspired-by-barcelona-legacies/167851>

this internationalization in action. The IOC adopted a它是利用私有化资金运作的第一sustainability policy in 1999 (IOC & UNEP 2012), and届奥运会，促进了国际奥委会和sustainability in urban design emerged as a major goal

主办城市更积极地寻求与市场和

of the Olympic Movement in the following years. Bid

私营部门建立伙伴关系（霍恩、committees were required to discuss local environmental

惠内尔，2012，第 3 章；佩恩，

issues as early as 1994, 8 but bid committees began

2006，第 2 章）。第二，最近提

addressing sustainability concerns in earnest in response to

出的设计奥运可持续发展规划协the IOC initiative during the 2008 Summer Games host city

议的方案表明这种国际化开始付

elections (which occurred in 1999-2000). A number of the诸行动。国际奥委会在 1999 年

bid committees that year incorporated sustainability plans,通过了一项可持续发展政策（国and the Beijing bid was planned to ISO 14001 standards

际 奥 委 会 和 联 合 国 环 境 规 划，(a generic environmental management system standard).9
Event sustainability was formalized during the preparations
ISO 20121, a policy standard specifically developed forevents planning.10 This policy standard is also increasingly
cited in new bidding competitions: the 2016 and 2020
Tokyo bid committees promised a ‘carbon-minus games’
book, and promised to adhere directly to ISO 20121.11
These trends are significant for Olympic Studies – andfor questions of internationalism in the Olympic Movement发展成为未来几年奥林匹克运动
的一个主要目标。早在 1994 年
申办委员会就被要求谈及当地环
境 问 题，8 但 直 到 2008 年 夏 季
奥 运 会 主 办 城 市 遴 选 时（ 发 生
在 1999 年至 2000 年），申办委员会才开始回应国际奥委会的倡议，认真解决可持续发展问题。
当年的部分申办委员会在申办中[8] IOC (February 1994), Manual for Cities Bidding to Host the XIX Olympic Winter Games – 2002, Lausanne[9] Beijing Olympic Games Bid Committee (2000). Beijing 2008 Candidature File, vol. 1, p. 53, vol. 2, pp. 3-5[10] International Organization for Standardization (2012) ISO 20121:2012 Event sustainability management systems –requirements with guidance for use. Geneva: ISO.
[11] Tokyo 2016 Bid Committee (2009). Tokyo 2016 Candidature File, vol. 1, p. 26; Tokyo 2020 Bid Committee (2013).
Tokyo 2020 Candidature File, vol. 1, p. 8267

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

for London 2012; the organizing committee helped write2012），城市规划设计的可持续

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纳入可持续发展计划，北京的申– because they highlight the role the IOC has played in办是参照 ISO 14001 标准（一个building international knowledge sharing networks for9

通用的环境管理体系标准）。

urban planning. Within the IOC itself, programs like the赛事可持续性上升到官方正式的Olympic Games Knowledge Management System and the

要求始自 2012 年伦敦奥运会筹Olympic Observer Programme directly transfer knowledge备期间，伦敦奥组委协助编写了

internationally. More broadly, these IOC initiatives have

ISO 20121——一个为奥运赛事规

helped launch a small industry of international mega-event10

划制定的具体政策标准。 这一planning consultants. In some cases – like that of Lausanne-

政策标准也越来越多地运用在新

based Event Knowledge Services – these firms emerged

的 申 办 竞 争 中：2016 年 和 2020年 东 京 奥 申 委 编 制“ 减 碳 奥 运会”手册，并承诺直接遵守 ISO
20121 标准。11这些趋势对奥林匹克研究、
对质疑奥林匹克运动国际化的声
音来说十分值得注意，因为他们
突出体现了国际奥委会在为城市规划建立国际知识共享网络方面
所起的作用。在国际奥委会内部，奥运会知识管理体系和奥林匹克观察员计划等直接进行知识的国

as offshoots of IOC private ventures. In other cases –like that of Atlanta-based Helios Partners – IOC staff
left the organization to found or take senior management
positions in the firms. These private-sector consultants
play an important role in internationalizing Olympic urban
planning policies and models, since many bid committees
rely on them for technical expertise while preparing
Games master plans (Helios Partners, for instance, has
consulted for Beijing 2008, Vancouver 2010, Sochi 2014,
and Pyeongchang 2018, as well as for numerous other nonOlympic event bids).12际化转移。更广泛地说，国际奥
委会的这些创举已经助推了大型
赛事规划顾问这一小型产业的发[12] Helios Partners corporate materials (www.heliospartners.com); Interview with Terrance Burns, CEO of
Helios Partners (16 February 2012), published in iSportConnect trade journal <http://www.isportconnect.com/index.
php?option=com_content&view=article&id=10544&Itemid=327>

In 1995, IOC contracts with host cities began to展。在某些情况下——例如总部

require the future organizing committee to implement

设 在 洛 桑 的“ 赛 事 知 识 服 务 公“computerised solutions which can improve the efficiency司”——这些公司作为国际奥委

and productivity of the Olympic Games Organising会私营企业的分支出现。在其他13Committee as an enterprise”. This was a first attempt

一些情况下——例如总部设在亚

at transferring planning knowledge between Olympic

特兰大的赫利奥斯公司——国际

cities: this and subsequent contracts required organizing

奥委会前工作人员创立或者在公

committees to (i) send technology staff to the preceding

司担任高管。这些私营部门顾问

Olympics to learn from previous management systems,

在奥运城市规划政策和模型国际

and (ii) to sign over all copyrights on systems, source

化方面扮演着重要角色，因为许

codes, documentation, and data developed during a Games多申办委员会在设计总体规划时planning to the IOC, for use in subsequent host cities

依赖他们的技术专长（例如，赫(Figure 3). By 2002 the IOC formalized these contractual
initially a research partnership with Monash University andthe Sydney 2000 Organising Committee, but was absorbedby the IOC after the 2000 Summer Games, and eventually
spun off (in 2005) as a private consulting firm, Event
Knowledge Services.14 Sydney 2000 was the first organizing
committee required to produce mechanisms for knowledgetransfer, and developed a series of videos, guides, manuals,
and workshops to disseminate best practices learned

会、温哥华 2010 年冬奥会、索契 2014 年冬奥会、平昌 2018 年
冬奥会和许多其他非奥运赛事提供了咨询）。12
自 1995 年开始，国际奥委会与主办城市签订的合同要求未来的奥运会组委会实施“计算机
化的解决方案以提高奥组委作为
一个企业的效率和生产率”。13
这是在奥运城市间进行规划知识[13] IOC (1995) 2004 Host City Contract for the XXVIII Olympic Summer Games, Lausanne, Switzerland. p 89
[14] IOC press release (12 August 2004). Olympic Games knowledge services becomes IOC fully owned company.
<http://www.olympic.org/content/news/media-resources/manual-news/1999-2009/2004/08/12/olympic-games-knowledgeservices-becomes-ioc--fully-owned-company/>269

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

obligations through Olympic Knowledge Services. This was

利奥斯公司为北京 2008 年奥运

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270

转移的首次尝试：这和后续合同

during the Games.15 Today the Olympic Games Knowledge

要求组委会①派遣技术人员去前Management Programme performs the same function: the

奥运城市学习管理体系；②向国

online database contains technical documents and manuals,

际奥委会签署转让所有在奥运会

and a real-time checklist for the IOC to monitor ongoing规划期间开发的系统、源代码、Games preparation. The program also includes a series of

文档和数据的版权，交由后续的

workshops for applicant and candidate cities conducted in

举办城市使用。2002 年，国际奥

parallel with observer programs in current Olympic cities委会将这些合同规定的义务通过(see figure 3).16“奥运知识服务”正式固化。这
最初是莫纳什大学和 2000 年悉
尼奥组委合作的一个研究项目，
但在 2000 年夏季奥运会后被国
际奥委会采纳，并最终（在 2005年） 衍生出私人咨询公司 “赛
事知识服务公司”。1 4 2 0 0 0 年悉尼奥组委是第一个被要求建立
知识转移机制的奥组委，它开发
出一系列视频、指南、手册，并组织研讨会传播在奥运会期间摸
索出的最佳实践。15 如今，奥运
会知识管理计划实现着同样的功
能：在线数据库包含技术文件、
工作手册和一个实时清单，为国际奥委会监控正在进行的奥运会
[15] IOC (28 November 2000). Transfer of Knowledge programme Sydney 2000: ATHOC briefing. Athens & Lausanne:
IOC (Olympic Studies Centre archives, document CIO MA 16962 327(04))[16] Huet, op cit note 4

Barcelon
a 1992: first
digital Games
management
system integrates
Games planningwith urban
master plan

Sydney 2000:
develops materials
for first' transfer
of knowledge
programme briefing
for Sydney 2000
and Athens 2004
staff

1995:
IOC requires
current hostcities to transfer
management
systems to future
host cities

2003:
IOC hosts first
applicant cityseminar (for the2012 Summer
applicant cities)

2002:
IOC founds
Olympic
Knowledge
Services (OKS)
venture2006:
IOC/OKSlaunches the
Olympie Games
Knowledge
Management
extranet

2005:
IOC assumes control
over Olympic-specificcomponents ofOlympic Knowledge
Services, otherdepartments spun off
as Event Knowledge
Services巴 萨 罗 那 1992:
首次使用数字奥运 管 理 系 统， 将
奥运规划与城市
主体规划相结合

悉 尼 2000： 形 成 了

2003： 国 际 奥 委

2006: 国际奥委第一份知识转移计

会主办了第一届会 / 奥运知识服划 的 材 料， 为 悉 尼申办城市论坛（服务开启使用奥2000 和雅典 2004 的务 2012 夏季奥运运知识管理外工作人员提供支持

会的申办城市）部网络

1995：国际奥委会

2002： 国 际 奥

2005: 国 家 奥 委 会

要求奥运主办城市

委会成立奥运

计划接管奥运知识

向后续主办城市移知识服务公司服务中奥运知识服

交管理系统

（OKS）

务，其他部门管理
赛事知识服务

图3

奥林匹克知识管理计划实施时间轴271

奥 林 匹 克 研 究 读 本

Figure 3: An institutional timeline of Olympic knowledge management programs
Assembled from the Olympic Review, IOC media releases, and IOC special publications (TOP
Bulletin and OGKM Bulletin)

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筹备工作。这个计划还包括在实
施对当前奥运城市的“观察员计划”的同时为申办和候选城市组
织一系列研讨会（见图 3）。16结论This chapter has examined how host city elections
act as a mechanism for internationalizing the Olympic
Movement. Specifically, bidding to host an edition of theSummer or of the Winter Games facilitates international,
inter-city transfers of urban planning policy models,

本文仔细审视了主办城市遴

templates, and best practices. Olympic planning practices

选作为奥林匹克运动国际化的一

are constantly evolving through international networks for种机制是如何发生作用的。具体来说，申请举办一届夏季或冬季
奥运会促进了国际间、城市间城
市规划政策模型、范例和最佳实践的转移。通过分享知识和专业
技能的国际化网络，奥运规划实践得以不断发展，这些网络其中一些由国际奥委会管理，另外一

272

Conclusion

些由公共或私营部门的利益相关
者管理。这些网络不仅对申办成功奥运会的举办城市的城市规划项目起到重要作用，也往往影响
着没有申办成功的候选城市。
奥 林 匹 克 研 究 揭 示 出， 奥sharing knowledge and expertise, some managed by the
IOC and others by public or private sector stakeholders.
These networks make impacts on urban planning projects
not only in successful Olympic host cities, but often in
unsuccessful candidate cities as well.
The implication for Olympic Studies is that Olympic
legacy can be planned for not only during the formal event
planning, and not only in successful host cities. Bidding
itself has impacts on cities’ planning strategies, especiallyin those cities which have bid for the Games multiple
times. Likewise, planners and organizers in host cities are
only one part of the international networks that design and运遗产规划不仅局限于正式赛

transfer knowledge about development. There is a need to事活动期间的规划，也不仅局限

better understand the networks that design and implement于申办成功的主办城市。申办奥Olympic planning models, templates, and best practices.

运会本身影响着城市规划策略，This paper has contributed by analyzing the role of the IOC

in building these international urban planning networks.

特别是对那些多次提出申办奥

Future research might also consider:运会的城市。同样，奥运会主办
城市的规划者和组织者只是构

1. The mechanisms by which urban-level planningstakeholders are able to build international connections.
2. The role of national governments and international
relations in facilitating urban planning for Olympics.

建发展知识并实现知识转移的国际化网络的一部分。我们需要更好地理解设计和实现奥运规
划模型、范例和最佳实践的这些

3. The ways in which international knowledge and网络。本文做出的贡献在于分析

expertise networks can be positive (e.g. transferring best

了国际奥委会在这些国际化城

practices and empowering city stakeholders) and negative

市规划网络建设中的作用。未来(transferring worst practices or exploiting cities).

的研究也可以考虑：REFERENCES

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