AJISS-Commentary
The Association of Japanese Institutes of Strategic Studies
IIPSRIPSInstitute for International

The Japan Institute ofResearch Institute for

Policy Studies

International Affairs

Peace and Security

Editorial Advisory Board:

No. 216

Akio Watanabe (Chair)
Masashi Nishihara
Yoshiji Nogami
Taizo Yakushiji

09 July 2015

Editorial Committee:
Taizo Yakushiji
Hisayoshi Ina
Tsutomu Kikuchi
Shujiro Urata andToshiro Iijima

JAPAN AND THE ROK: IN SEARCH OF A
RENEWED RELATIONSHIP

Masao Okonogi

Editor & Online Publisher:
Yoshji Nogami
President, JIIA・ The recent deterioration in Japan-ROKrelations may have been unavoidable in light ofthe different courses taken by the two countries
in responding to the rise of China.
・ South Korea regarded China’s economic rise as
a business opportunity, while Japan focused on
China’s pursuit of blue-water ambitions as amilitary threat in view of the Senkaku Islands
dispute and anti-Japanese riots in China.
・ The “comfort women” issue cannot be resolved
without determination on the part of bothleaders, and any improvement to Japan-ROK
relations will only be partial unless and until
such a resolution is reached.
The views expressed in this piece are the author’s own and should
not be attributed to The Association of Japanese Institutes ofStrategic Studies.

AJISS-Commentary
The Association of Japanese Institutes of Strategic Studies

The recent deterioration in Japan-ROK relations may have been
unavoidable in light of the different courses taken by the two countries in
responding to two key changes in the international system that surfaced in
2009-2010: China’s emergence as a major economic power and its pursuit ofblue-water ambitions. South Korea regarded the former as a business
opportunity, while Japan focused on the latter as a military threat in view of theSenkaku Islands dispute and anti-Japanese riots in China.
In fact, after Park Geun-hye assumed office as president, South Korea
not only re-ranked its foreign policy priorities from “the US, Japan, China” to “theUS, China, Japan” but also pursued its own style of G2 diplomacy characterized
by economic dependence on China. Also shocking to Japan were President
Park’s criticisms of Japan’s historical perspective during her visits to Washington
and Beijing.
At the same time, Prime Minister Abe supported the US rebalance toward
the Asia-Pacific region and set out to reinforce the Japan-US alliance. He
submitted a bill to the Diet that would allow Japan limited exercise of the right tocollective self-defense, and he made an address before the US Congress. He
also reviewed the process by which the Kono Statement had been prepared.
And Abe will offer his own “70th Anniversary Statement” in August.
This was not all. The historical controversy over “comfort women” hadalready begun in 2011 between President Lee Myung-bak and Prime Minister
Noda Yoshihiko. Inheriting this dispute, Park Geun-hye in a speech on theanniversary of the March 1st Movement shortly after becoming president urged
the Japanese government to “make positive changes and take responsible
action.”Altogether, differences over China policies and the “comfort women” issue
have not only become more clearly exposed during the Abe Shinzo/Park
Geun-hye era but have become mutually coupled and developed into aleadership clash. It hardly need be said that Prime Minister Abe’s responses toquestions in the Diet on the definition of “invasion” and his visit to Yasukuni
Shrine intensified distrust on the South Korean side.

http://www.jiia.or.jp/en/commentary2

AJISS-Commentary
The Association of Japanese Institutes of Strategic Studies

Growing mutual distrust at the leadership level has a restraining effect on
the bureaucracy and gives impetus to greater nationalism in the media. Frictions
between Japan and South Korea at the top of the pyramid have rapidly slipped
down all the way to the popular base.
These tensions have been heightened primarily by disputes arising from
historical memory, cultural traditions, and nationalism - that is, a clash ofidentities - and not by structural friction or a clash of values. Systemic changes
produced a leadership clash, which in turn made the identity clash more serious.
Consequently, the most important task now is to ascertain thecharacteristics of the newly emerging international system - above all thedevelopment of US-China relations - and then rebuild Japan-ROK relations inconformity with this system. There is no going back to earlier relations, so Japanand South Korea should reaffirm their common interests and aims and make anew start.
Japan and South Korea share many key elements in common.
Geopolitically, they both sit in a valley between the US and China, and it thusmight be expected that they would be bound together by a fundamental policy ofmaintaining solid alliance relations with the US and, over the long term,encouraging the emergence of China as a responsible major power. Strategic
dialogues between Japan and South Korea on this issue are essential.
As highly developed industrial and trading nations, both Japan and South
Korea are seeking their futures in broad-based economic integration. A
sophisticated international division of labor, i.e., a sharing of manufacturing
processes for high-tech goods, is developing, especially in the parts andmaterials industries. Joint development of resources and infrastructure
construction in third countries are expanding.
With a small measure of forward progress having been made ahead of
the 50th anniversary of the Japan-ROK Normalization Treaty, it appears that aJapan-China-South Korea summit meeting will be held in Seoul this autumn thatwill include President Xi Jinping of China; a concomitant Japan-ROK summit
meeting will likely also be arranged. Nevertheless, the “comfort women” issue
cannot be resolved without determination on the part of both leaders, and any

http://www.jiia.or.jp/en/commentary3

AJISS-Commentary
The Association of Japanese Institutes of Strategic Studies

improvement to Japan-ROK relations will only be partial unless and until such aresolution is reached.

Masao Okonogi is Professor Emeritus of Keio University. He was Dean of theFaculty of Law and Politics (2005-07) and Director of the Center for Area Studies(1995-99) at Keio University.

http://www.jiia.or.jp/en/commentary4